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Ex-Presidents Relationship With
Odebrecht Scrutinized in Brazil
The Betrayal of Brazil
"Rede de Escndalos"
"Romeu Tuma JR revela 'Fbrica de
Dossis' e corrupo no governo Lula"
In a speech in Sao Paulo on Friday to mark International Workers Day, Lula compared
some of Brazils news media to trash, specifically mentioning Epoca and Veja,
magazines which frequently criticize the former leader.
I want to say here, in front of the children: if you put together 10 journalists from Veja,
from Epoca, they wont have even 10 percent of my honesty, Lula said.
BNDES said on its Facebook page that Lula didnt interfere in the banks decisions and
that its loans were approved by an independent process involving the banks experts.
The bank said that, like credit export agencies in other countries, it finances exports to
create jobs at home and and help Brazilian companies compete abroad.
in the investigation by police and prosecutors, hears the evidence, and then decides
whether the defendant is guilty or innocent.) They were accused in Moros court of
participating in a bid-rigging scheme of astounding proportions. For years, prosecutors
have alleged in Moros court, a cartel of Brazils biggest and richest builders fixed a
vast swath of the worlds seventh-biggest economy, subverting competition in the oil
industry and, possibly, the huge public works programs that drive growth and
employment.
Brazilians are riveted by the scandal, nicknamed Operation Carwash because some
funds were laundered through a service station. Moro has ordered more than a dozen
dragnets so far, and the arrests of executives, bankers, politicians, and bagmen,
marching some to jail past a phalanx of television cameras. One suspect took his
private jet to Curitiba to turn himself in. Another spent his last hours of freedom in a
hotel suite on Rio de Janeiros fabled Ipanema beach to avoid being taken from his
home handcuffed. The arrested shared four holding cells in Curitiba police
headquarters with unenclosed communal toilets. Some slept on mattresses strewn on
the bare floor. A dozen have confessed to making or accepting payoffs and rigging
contracts, some in videotaped testimony that is posted online.
One former Petrobras manager, Pedro Barusco, described taking almost $100 million
in bribes; hes since returned most of the money in a bid for leniency.
Since March 2014, prosecutors have accused more than 110 people of corruption,
money laundering, and other financial crimes. Six construction and engineering firms
have been accused of illegal enrichment in what is known as a noncriminal misconduct
action. On April 22, Moro delivered the first convictions. He found Costa and Youssef
guilty of money laundering, including the Land Rover purchase. Moro gave both men
reduced sentencestwo years house arrest for Costa and three years in prison for
Yousseffor cooperating with prosecutors.
All of that is something of a preview of the big show: Prosecutors say they may accuse
some of Brazils largest builders with running an illegal cartel. Its been clearly proven
in this case that there was a criminal scheme inside Petrobras that involved a cartel,
bid rigging, bribes to government officials and politicians, and money laundering, Moro
wrote in sentencing Costa and Youssef. There will be a cartel indictment, says Carlos
Lima, a lead prosecutor in the case. I dont like to get ahead of myself and say this will
happen, but it will. Its just a matter of time.
In filings in Judge Moros court, prosecutors have named 16 companies that allegedly
formed a cartel to fix Petrobras contracts between 2006 and 2014. The list includes
some of Brazils largest construction and engineering firms, including Camargo Correa,
OAS, UTC Engenharia, and the biggest of them all, Construtora Norberto Odebrecht.
All of these companies deny being part of a cartel, except Camargo Correa, which
declined to comment.Petrobras says it knew nothing about the bid rigging and is
collaborating with authorities in the investigation. As to whether it was the victim of a
cartel, the company is certain, Mario Jorge Silva, Petrobrass executive manager for
performance, said at an April 22 news conference. In financial filings, Petrobras says
199.6 billion reais worth of contracts were rigged by the alleged cartel. For years, a co-
owner of the engineering firm UTC called members to meetings at his offices in So
Paulo via text messages, according to testimony and documents submitted in Moros
court. The participants were greeted by an assistant, who handed out name tags. At
the meetings, executives took copious notes detailing how the alleged cartel would
divvy up Petrobras contracts, at inflated prices. One builder put together a 2-page
encoded guide for group members that describes contract bidding as a soccer
tournament, with leagues and teams. Another document drawn up by a group member
lists the chosen winners of upcoming bidding for 14 contracts for a refinery, with the
title Fluminense Final Bingo Proposal, using a nickname for the state of Rio de Janeiro.
Prosecutors say the builders got away with it by paying kickbacks, usually 3 percent,
on every contract. Petrobras estimates that the graft added up to at least 6.2 billion
reais, much of which, prosecutors say, was funneled into the war chests of the parties
that backed Luiz Incio Lula da Silva, president of the country from 2003 to 2010, and
his handpicked successor, Dilma Rousseff. Lula and Rousseff havent been charged
with wrongdoing, but special prosecutors have opened criminal investigations into more
than 50 members of congress and other politicians implicated in the corruption
scheme.Its not just the drama of the snowballing scandal that holds Brazilians
attention. There is a growing resignationand angerthat Brazil, a country that
seemed so close to joining the ranks of the worlds developed nations, isnt going to
pull it off. Lula inspired the country with promises of a new Brazil that would
leave behind five centuries of poverty and corruption. Brazilians now understand
that behind Lulas message was a rigged, corrupt game that enriched a few and
hobbled the countrys ability to compete.
A corruption scandal is the last thing Brazils economy needs: Its already mired in the
worst four-year slump in a quarter century. Finance Minister Joaquim Levy is trying to
close deficits to avert a catastrophic downgrade of Brazils credit rating to junk. He
proposes to cut social programs that serve millions of people.Perhaps more serious,
the scandal has corroded Brazils democracy, weakening Rousseffs government so
much it doesnt have the clout to get major legislation through congress. Rousseffs
approval ratings slid to 9 percent in April, the worst for a Brazilian president ever. On
March 15 and again on April 12, throngs of people poured onto the streets of Brazils
large cities, demanding an end to corruption and the impeachment of Rousseff. The
spoiled fortunes have revived, with a new bitterness, an old, popular refrain: Brazil is
the country of the future and always will be.
One muggy February morning, Antnio Delfim Netto sits in his office in an old stone
house in So Paulo, incredulous over the reach of the Petrobras scandal. But perhaps
the 87-year-old economist shouldnt be surprised. In a way, Netto laid the foundation
for Brazils intertwined world of politics, business, and finance.
In 1969, at the height of the military dictatorship that took power after a coup in 1964
and ruled Brazil until March 1985, Netto, as finance minister, designed a policy called
market reserve. It gave Brazilian builders a lock on government contracts by shutting
out most foreign competitors. Tax breaks and subsidized credit followed. The military
commanders had plans for huge public works to tie together the vast, uninhabited
expanses of Brazil, and a few family-owned builders got the big contracts. We needed
the builders to be strong and completely loyal to Brazil, says Netto, his broad torso
dwarfed by his big wooden desk. Two-dozen framed caricatures of Netto by Brazils
most famous cartoonists cover the walls, and some of his tens of thousands of
economics books fill a shelf.
As Netto engineered protectionist policies, the builders cultivated ties to the dictators,
according to the National Truth Commission, which issued a report in December about
abuses during the military dictatorship. Camargo Correa, implicated in the current
scandal, was among the companies that won favor by helping fund Operation
Bandeirantes, a campaign to hunt down and torture suspected insurgents in the 1970s,
the commission concluded. One of the operations victims was Rousseff, who was then
a young member of an armed leftist opposition group. She was arrested and tortured.
(Netto said in a Truth Commission hearing last year that he had no knowledge of any
torture.)
Construtora Norberto Odebrecht, the largest builder in Latin America by revenue, is
perhaps the most adept of all Brazils builders at intertwining business with politics.
That has been the case since 1944, when Norberto Odebrecht, then a soft-spoken 24year-old engineer, convinced a state bank to bail out his fathers bankrupt construction
company, Emlio Odebrecht & Cia., in the city of Salvador in northeastern Brazil.
Norberto then created the company that bears his name, which absorbed the
operations of his fathers business. The construction company is now part of Odebrecht
SA, a conglomerate with 15 divisions spread across 21 countries.
Petrobras was critical to Odebrechts growth in the 1950s and 1960s. The company
won a slew of Petrobras contracts to build pipelines, canals, power plants, and oil wells
across Brazils northeast. One of Odebrechts first big jobs outside the northeast was
Petrobrass 27-story headquarters in Rio de Janeiro, completed in 1971. The imposing
concrete monolith is across the street from the sloping dark-glass headquarters of the
state development bank, BNDES, which Odebrecht also built.
The military dictatorship continued to steer contracts to Odebrecht, including those for
Rios international airport and the Angra Nuclear Power Plant. Odebrecht also worked
political ties to win business outside Brazil, starting with contracts to build a
hydroelectric plant in Peru and reroute a river in dictator Augusto Pinochets Chile. In
1981, four Odebrecht executives flew to Moscow on a trade mission with Netto, who
was planning minister at the time. Odebrecht wanted the governments help swaying
the Soviets to persuade allies to give it business, Netto says. The trip helped produce
major contracts in Brazil and Peru and Odebrechts first project in Angola. Theres
nothing strange about any of that; its what governments do for their companies all the
time, says Netto.
Norbertos son, Emlio, became CEO of the company in 1991. Shortly after that, So
Paulos state governor, Mrio Covas, introduced Emlio to a leader whod been jailed
90 days by the military regime: Luiz Incio Lula da Silva.
Marcelo Odebrecht, who succeeded his father, Emlio, in 2008, tells the story in an
interview at Odebrechts So Paulo headquarters. He said, Emlio, this is one of the
politicians with the brightest future in Brazil. Its worth knowing him, Marcelo says.
Since then, we have always had interaction with Lula.Odebrecht poured money into
political campaigns, including Lulas, mirroring a practice by all the major
builders. The builders being investigated in the Petrobras scandal legally
contributed 344 million reais to political parties in 2014, an election year. About
half went to the three parties implicated in the scandal, according to Brazilian
election records. The share of Odebrecht and its subsidiaries was 88 million reais,
most to the three parties. Marcelo Odebrecht says his company has contributed to
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about 150 members of congress. If you believe in a guy whos going to be important
and can support you in congress, you have to support him, he says. If you are
someone who contributes to someone, at the least hes going to give you a meeting
and listen.After Lula won the presidency in 2002, in the biggest landslide ever in
Brazil, Odebrecht grew rapidly. Lula and his Workers Party promised a
revolution that would take Brazil to the next level, with bold public works
projects at the center of his plans. Odebrecht was awarded some of the biggest
contracts. Early on, Lula introduced Marcelo to Rousseff, who was then energy
minister. We interacted with her a lot, Marcelo says. Weve always had a relationship
of trust.Lula had foreign policy goals as well; he talked of transforming Brazil into a
sort of superpower for the developing world. That meant new business for Brazilian
construction companies in places such as Cuba and Ecuador, funded with subsidized
financing from BNDES. Under Lula and then Rousseff, Odebrecht projects outside
Brazil were showered with 5.5 billion reais of BNDES financing from 2009 to
2014, more than any other Brazilian company except for the aircraft maker
Embraer.
Odebrecht has not been charged in connection with Operation Carwash; neither has
any individual employed by the company. Odebrecht never participated in cartels,
whether in contracts with Petrobras or any other government or private client, the
company said in a statement to Bloomberg. Nevertheless, the company is being
investigated, with other builders, in at least three criminal and regulatory probes. In
November, Moro ordered federal agents to search the homes and offices of two
Odebrecht executives. The searches did not result in charges being filed.One of those
executives was Mrcio Faria. According to sworn testimony in Moros court by Youssef,
the convicted money launderer, Faria negotiated with Costa a 20-million-real payoff for
4.5 billion reais in Petrobras refinery contracts the company won in December 2009.
Youssef said the bribe was funneled to politicians. Faria, now a director of an
Odebrecht industrial engineering division, referred questions to Odebrecht. Faria didnt
do anything illegal in business dealings with Petrobras, Odebrecht said in a written
statement. Odebrecht denies making any payments or deposits into supposed
accounts of any executive or ex-executive, the company said, referring to Petrobras.
Since Lula left office, on Jan. 1, 2011, Odebrecht has flown the former president
outside Brazil as a paid speaker at events for clients and business groups. We are
trying to strengthen the countrys image, Marcelo says. I see that everywhere in the
world. Federal prosecutors have opened a preliminary influence-peddling inquiry
into whether Lula used his connections to persuade BNDES to provide
subsidized financing for Odebrecht projects. Lula, Odebrecht, and BNDES each
denied any wrongdoing. Netto, the economist, has advised every president save one in
the past three decades. He understands how power is wielded in Brazil. Still, he says,
hes astounded by the cartel that is alleged to have penetrated Petrobras. Whats
shocking is how a cartel colluded with the state in Brazils most important company,
says Netto, shaking his head in disbelief. But I dont have any regrets for what I did.
Those companies built modern Brazil.
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In early September 2007, Lula trudged through a driving rain at the construction site at
Petrobrass Abreu e Lima refinery in northeastern Brazils Pernambuco state. Wearing
white work gloves and a Petrobras hard hat, he climbed onto a backhoe and helped
steer the machines steel bucket into the red earth, breaking ground on the project.
Petrobras would build Abreu e Lima with financing from thenVenezuelan President
Hugo Chvez, a socialist like Lula, to turn that countrys tarlike crude into fuel for
Brazilians. (Venezuela later backed out of the agreement.) Every real would be spent
wisely by Petrobras, Lula said, and Rousseff, then Lulas chief of staff and chairman of
Petrobras, would make sure of it. They used to say that Petrobras didnt have to justify
spending to anyone, Lula said. But today I will put Dilma Rousseff on top of it.
In the months after Lulas visit, prosecutors say, the cartel made plans for Abreu e
Lima. In April or May 2008, Rogerio Arajo, then a director of Odebrechts industrial
engineering division, handed Barusco, executive manager of Petrobrass engineering
division, a list of cartel members to invite to bid on the refinery contracts, Barusco said
in testimony in the criminal case in Moros court. Arajo, now an executive in
Odebrechts industrial engineering division, denied through a company-issued
statement being part of a cartel or committing any wrongdoing. Odebrecht vehemently
denies allegations made by a confessed criminal, the company said.
Within two months, Barusco signed a plan to seek bids on 12 packages of contracts,
which were later awarded to the companies in the alleged cartel. Central to the scheme
were the alleged cartels partners inside Petrobras. They charged builders kickbacks of
up to 3 percent for the right to fix a contract, Costa and other witnesses testified. The
graft, they said, was divided among three political parties and the executives
themselves, via payments funneled through Alberto Youssef and other intermediaries.
Soon, government auditors began warning that contractors were vastly overcharging
for Abreu e Lima. That brought the matter to Homero de Souzas tiny cubicle in the
Consultancy, congresss in-house auditing arm in the labyrinthine legislative annex in
Braslia. Souza, a senior Consultancy auditor, recommended that congress block
funding for the project. It was so obvious, this pattern of theft, says Souza. Id never
seen anything on the scale of Abreu e Lima. Congresss Irregular Works Committee
recommended excising the refinery from the 2010 federal budget, effectively halting
work, and congress voted to approve. Lula vetoed the recommendation, assuring
Petrobras the funding it needed to pay the builders to forge ahead.
The refinery rose at a time when Brazil seemed to have no limits. Record prices for oil,
iron ore, soy, and other commodities exports; a roaring currency that made consumer
goods more affordable for the growing middle class; and plummeting interest rates
were fueling a boom that almost tripled the size of the economy during the Lula years.
A wildly successful welfare program pulled 40 million people out of poverty.
By the time Lula turned over power to Rousseff, Brazils giddy boom had fizzled,
revealing a foundation built on good fortune (those high commodities prices), corruption
(including a vote-buying scandal that reached up to Lulas top political lieutenants), and
a near-doubling of the national debt, to $1.2 trillion. When Rousseff traveled north to
inaugurate Abreu e Lima, in December 2013, there was little to celebrate. The refinery
had cost Petrobras $18.5 billion, eight times the original budget. Instead of policing the
project, Rousseff failed to disrupt what might be one of Brazils biggest single cases of
corruption ever.
Rousseff says she knew nothing about the alleged cartel scheme. This isnt an issue
of management, pure and simple. The Petrobras board was comprised of very qualified
businesspeople, Rousseff told Bloomberg in April in a one-hour interview at Planalto,
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the presidential palace in Braslia. None of us even saw a sign. Everything points to a
cartel and the corruption of some employees.
Maria das Gracas Foster, an old friend of Rousseffs who became CEO of Petrobras in
2012, has also said she didnt know what was going on. Late last year, Foster launched
a massive investigation. She also temporarily banned more than 20 companies being
probed in the scandal from doing business with the company; that led directly to three
big builders--Galvo Engenharia, Grupo Schahin, and OASfiling for bankruptcy. In
February, Rousseff forced out Foster, along with all of her top management.
Under its new CEO, Aldemir Bendine, Petrobras is seeking reimbursement for
damages from the companies in the alleged cartel. It is also, it says, establishing a new
compliance, governance, and risk division. We are embarrassed, Bendine said on
April 23. We are cleaning up mistakes.
The scandal has all but crippled the company. In February, Moodys Investors Service
chopped its credit rating to junk. In April, Petrobras took charges of 44.6 billion reais,
most for overpriced and unfinished refineries that were the target of the alleged
builders cartel. The writedown caused a 21.6-billion-real loss for 2014. Bendine is
trying to sell $13.7 billion of assets to raise cash. Its a stunning change of fortune from
the Lula heyday, in 2010, when Petrobras raised a whopping $70 billion by selling
stock to investors.
Everyone in Brazil knows the Portuguese term for the inefficiencies that hold back the
economy: custo Brasil, or Brazil cost. When it comes to the ease of starting a business,
Brazil fell seven spots this year to 167th in the world, behind Uganda, according to the
World Bank. Corruption will cost the economy as much as 120 billion reais this year,
says Jos Ricardo Roriz Coelho, competitiveness director at Fiesp, the countrys
biggest industrial association.
An increasingly independent judicial branch may finally stop the alleged Petrobras
cartel from driving up costs and siphoning funds from the investments the country
sorely needs to compete, but the damage it caused wont be undone quickly. And the
problem goes beyond Petrobras. Last year, the Brazilian antitrust regulator fined
cement makers 3.1 billion reais for operating a cartel for years. Recently, the regulator
launched investigations into cartels that may have rigged the market for school
supplies and medicine. The custo Brasil is growing harder and harder to bear.
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O ento presidente Lula e seu colega argentino Nestor Kirchner fizeram "uma
interveno decidida" para ajudar a empreiteira Odebrecht a se associar a uma firma
argentina com vistas construo de uma hidreltrica no Equador.
A informao consta em telegramas de embaixadas brasileiras e do Itamaraty entre
2003 e 2010, material que expe a ao do governo brasileiro em benefcio de
empresas brasileiras como forma de ampliar a influncia poltica e econmica do pas.
Diplomatas atuaram para ajudar algumas das principais empresas hoje investigadas
na Operao Lava Jato.
So 2.136 pginas de telegramas produzidos com grau de sigilo reservado, mas que
tiveram a classificao cancelada e foram divulgados pelo Ministrio das Relaes
Exteriores nesta tera (16), a partir de um requerimento da revista "poca" por meio
da Lei de Acesso Informao.
Em 2005, o embaixador brasileiro em Quito (Equador), Sergio Augusto de Abreu e
Lima Florncio Sobrinho, comemorou a ao direta de Lula e Kirchner em prol de uma
demanda da Odebrecht, que procurava se associar empresa argentina IMPSA.
Ele escreveu ao ento chanceler Celso Amorim: "Estou seguro de que a flexibilizao
na postura da IMPSA e a aceitao, por parte da empresa argentina, da proposta de
texto elaborado pela Odebrecht no teriam sido possveis sem a interveno decidida
de Vossa Excelncia e dos presidentes Lula e Kirchner".
Sem a concordncia da IMPSA, que o embaixador chamou de "intransigente", a
Odebrecht no conseguiria assinar um memorando que lhe permitiria participar de
uma concorrncia para construir a hidreltrica de Toachi-Pilatn. Segundo os
telegramas, a obra estava orada em "US$ 366 milhes, mas o custo total do projeto
estimado em US$ 452 milhes".
Em outubro de 2007, mostram telegramas, a Odebrecht conquistou o contrato para
construo da hidreltrica, que seria financiada com recursos de um fundo
governamental. Em 2008, depois de divergir com o governo local, a empresa deixou o
pas.
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Transparncia ameaada
http://infograficos.oglobo.globo.com/brasil/transparencia-ameacada.html
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Odebrecht SAs projects in other countries including Cuba, where BNDES rates were
as low as 4.4 percent. Lula, BNDES and Odebrecht have denied wrongdoing.
The 25 billion reais that taxpayers contribute annually to pay for loan subsidies at
BNDES is about the same cost of the countrys Bolsa Familia welfare program,
according to Inspers Lazzarini. BNDES also has faced scrutiny for giving loans to
companies that are building infrastructure abroad rather than at home.
Below-Market Rates
Founded in 1952 to develop Brazils industry and infrastructure and buffer against
crises, BNDESs role has evolved to include support for exports, according to its
website. Under BNDES President Luciano Coutinho, Rousseffs former professor, the
62-year-old bank countered slowing growth with a credit boom largely funded by
taxpayers. The Treasury has lent more than 400 billion reais since 2008 to BNDES,
according to Fabio Klein, analyst for Tendencias Consultoria in Sao Paulo.
Most of the billionaires whose companies took BNDES loans in Brazil received a
below-market rate on at least part of the financing, according to data compiled by
Bloomberg from the bank information released June 2. While BNDES didnt specify
which loans are subsidized, below-market rates can imply subsidies.
Local Bonds
Votorantim Cimentos SA secured a four-year multi-tranche loan with rates as low as 3
percent in 2013 -- one-third the borrowing cost of similar-maturity local bonds the
company issued that year. Owned by the billionaire Ermirio de Moraes family,
Votorantims steel and metals units also received rates as low as 3 percent for loans
totaling 560 million reais.
Separately, BNDES lent 1.2 billion reais to the groups paper company and owns a 30
percent stake. Family members Ermirio Pereira de Moreas and Maria Helena Moraes
Scripilliti each have fortunes worth $4.9 billion. A Votorantim spokesman declined to
comment.
Brazils richest man, Jorge Paulo Lemann, has an interest in retailer Lojas Americanas
SA, which received a 1.2 billion reais loan in March 2014. He shares control of Lojas
with partners Carlos Sicupira and Marcel Telles, Brazils third- and fourth-wealthiest
people, according to the Bloomberg index.
Billionaire Abilio Diniz has a $635 million stake in food retailer BRF SA. It received a
three-year loan for 812 million reais in 2012 at a rate of 2.5 percent. Diniz, the
chairman, invested in BRF in 2013. The company in April approved plans to take more
BNDES debt. A spokesman said BRFs BNDES loans are only 3 percent of its total
debt.
Innovation, Research
Globo, the media empire controlled by three billionaire sons of founder Roberto
Marinho, received a capital injection for its cable unit from the bank when it was in
financial trouble in 2002. It hasnt received any support since then.
Other billionaire-held companies that received BNDES lending include the Camargo
familys Camargo Correa SA, Jorge Molls Rede DOr Sao Luiz, Jose Luis Cutrales
Sucocitrico Cutrale, Carlos Sanchezs EMS, Miguel Krigsners Grupo Boticario,
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Nevaldo Rochas Lojas Riachuelo SA, and Antonio Luiz Seabras Natura Cosmeticos
SA, according to the banks website.
Spokesmen for EMS and Natura said the loans support their innovation and research.
A Boticario spokeswoman said the loans supported small entrepreneurs by financing
its franchising expansion. A Rede DOr spokeswoman said the loans are 3 percent of
its debt. The other companies declined to comment.
While most of the billionaires companies received loans below the market rate, the
loans for Lojas Americanas and Rede DOr were at a spread above the benchmark
Selic rate.
No Secrets
Rousseff, whose second four-year term began in January, appointed cost-cutting
Finance Minister Joaquim Levy in December to avoid further downgrades after a state
bank lending binge contributed to ratings cuts. BNDES disbursements peaked at 190
billion reais in 2013 before dropping to 188 billion last year.
Supreme Court Judge Luiz Fux said in his decision on May 25 that there are no
secrets for those who contract BNDES loans. BNDESs Coutinho told reporters on
June 2 in Brasilia he is working on ways to open up without violating rules on banking
secrecy or hurting competitiveness of clients.
We are determining how to improve transparency of the information without hurting
commercial strategies of companies involved, he said.
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No me lembro dessa reunio, afirmou. Duvido que tenha acontecido isso, disse,
alegando que Costa no tinha nada a ver com Pasadena.
Investigao. O documento da Petrobrs foi produzido para subsidiar as
investigaes da comisso interna que apurou irregularidades na compra de
Pasadena. Alm da viagem de Costa a Braslia, constam outros 209 deslocamentos
de profissionais da estatal, ligados aquisio e gesto da refinaria americana, entre
maro de 2005 e fevereiro de 2009.
No h meno agenda do ex-diretor de Abastecimento com Lula no relatrio final
da comisso, que responsabiliza, alm do prprio Costa, o ex-diretor de Internacional
Nestor Cerver, Gabrielli e outros dirigentes da poca. O ex-diretor no foi
questionado sobre o encontro quando, em agosto do ano passado, a comisso enviou
a ele um questionrio sobre sua participao na compra de Pasadena. Costa
respondeu quando cumpria priso preventiva em Curitiba.
Acusado e j condenado por envolvimento no esquema de corrupo da Petrobrs,
Costa ficou preso de maro a maio e de junho a setembro do ano passado na
carceragem da Polcia Federal na capital paranaense. Em setembro, aps firmar um
acordo de delao premiada na Operao Lava Jato, ele foi encaminhado para priso
domiciliar, no Rio de Janeiro.
Propina. Aos investigadores, o ex-diretor confessou, entre outras irregularidades, ter
recebido propina de US$ 1,5 milho para no atrapalhar a polmica compra de
Pasadena, feita em duas etapas, entre 2006 e 2012, ao custo de US$ 1,2 bilho. O
prejuzo apontado pelo TCU de quase 70% do valor pago.
Dilma alega que s aprovou a compra dos primeiros 50% da refinaria, em 2006,
porque desconhecia aspectos prejudiciais do negcio. Em nota ao Estado, em maro
do ano passado, ela justificou que, ao tomar a deciso, se embasou num relatrio
tcnico e juridicamente falho, apresentado por Cerver ao Conselho de Administrao,
que no citava duas clusulas.
Uma delas, a Marlim, garantia rentabilidade mnima de 6,9% ao ano ao Grupo Astra
Oil, scio da Petrobrs no empreendimento, mesmo que a refinaria fosse deficitria. A
outra (Put Option) assegurava parceira o direito de vender sua parte estatal em
caso de desacordo.
Em nota enviada na quarta-feira, o Palcio do Planalto reiterou que Dilma s foi
informada da omisso sobre a clusula Marlim no parecer em junho de 2008, em outra
reunio do colegiado. E que no tratou de Pasadena, quando ministra, com Lula. A
ministra-chefe da Casa Civil no tratou da compra da refinaria com o presidente Luiz
Incio Lula da Silva, afirmou.
Procurado pela reportagem desde a semana passada, o advogado de Costa, Joo
Mestieri, no se pronunciou.
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VERA MAGALHES
ENVIADA ESPECIAL A NOVA YORK
GIULIANA VALLONE
DE NOVA YORK
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Um pouco.
Quando o assunto do mensalo veio tona numa reunio feita em Braslia nos primeiros
meses de 2010, Lula disse textualmente a Mujica, segundo ele prprio:
Neste mundo tive que lidar com muitas coisas imorais, chantagens. Essa era a nica
forma de governar o Brasil.
Os jornalistas ainda relatam que a proximidade de Mujica e Lula era to grande que o
uruguaio soube que Dilma seria a candidata ( Presidncia) muito antes que isso se
tornasse pblico e tambm que, depois, Lula apoiaria sua reeleio.
(Mujica) Entendeu perfeitamente essa jogada, escreveram Danza e Tulbovitz. Lula
preferia ser o poder nas sombras e, depois do mensalo, no ficar exposto demais.
Em outras palavras: Lula era o chefe.
*****
Felipe Moura Brasil http://www.veja.com/felipemourabrasil
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Inquiry would examine whether Silva peddled influence by allegedly swaying foreign
leaders to award inflated contracts to building firm Odebrecht
Former Brazilian president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva participates in the May Day
celebrations in Sao Paulo on Friday.
Former Brazilian president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva participates in the May Day
celebrations in Sao Paulo on Friday. Photograph: Nelson Almeida/AFP/Getty Images
Associated Press in Rio de Janeiro
Tuesday 5 May 2015 15.29 BST Last modified on Tuesday 5 May 2015 16.02 BST
Federal prosecutors in Brazil have confirmed that they are weighing whether to open a
full investigation into former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silvas alleged overseas
lobbying efforts for the scandal-plagued construction firm Odebrecht, the nations
biggest builder.
In an emailed statement, the federal prosecutors office said it has 90 days to decide
whether to begin a full inquiry into whether Silva engaged in influence peddling by
allegedly swaying foreign leaders to award inflated billion-dollar contracts to Odebrecht,
and by pushing Brazils state development bank to give the company well over $1bn in
low-interest loans since 2011, after he left office.
Such a crime could carry a sentence of up to five years in jail.
The prosecutors look into Silva was first published by news magazine Epoca over the
weekend. The magazine reported that Silvas efforts focused on projects in Cuba, the
Dominican Republic, Ghana and Venezuela, where Odebrecht has won big contracts
for a variety of work, such as the Mariel port revitalization in Cuba.
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Analysis Brazil in crisis mode as ruling party sees public trust rapidly dissolving
Dilma Rousseff facing uphill battle as Petrobras scandal widens, economy falters and
opposition looks to seize an opportunity amid widespread discontent
Read more
The news comes at a delicate moment for the Workers Party Silva helped found and
for his hand-chosen successor, President Dilma Rousseff, who is facing political and
economic turbulence over what prosecutors have labeled the biggest corruption
scheme yet uncovered in Brazil, a sprawling system of kickbacks at state-run oil
company Petrobras.
Neither Silva nor Rousseff have been implicated in the Petrobras scandal, which
allegedly saw Odebrecht and several other major construction and engineering firms
paying bribes to politically appointed executives at the oil company in exchange for
winning inflated contracts.
Prosecutors allege that some of the money was funneled back to the campaign coffers
of the Workers Party and its allies. Over 50 political figures, including 33 members of
Congress, are being investigated in the Petrobras case.
Odebrecht strongly denied any wrongdoing in statements and emails.
The company said it has an institutional relationship with Silva as hes a former
president, and acknowledges it invited Silva to travel abroad with company executives
to speak at events meant to promote Brazilian firms.
The company also rejected the accusation that there were any ties between its
relationship with the former president and any low-interest loans it has obtained from
Brazils state-run development bank, known by its Portuguese acronym BNDES, saying
that just 7% of its revenues come from projects that used any of the banks loans.
Paulo Okamotto, head of the So Paulo-based Lula Institute, said the former leader
also rejects any wrongdoing, writing in a statement that Silva never acted in any
consulting or lobbying role for Odebrecht or any other firm. Silva, while not directly
responding to the accusations, blasted Epoca and other Brazilian media as trash in
recent days.
The Eurasia Group political risk consulting firm wrote in a research note that we see
the investigation against Lula as meaningful and that it could translate into even more
serious trouble for the Rousseff government if corruption probes expand into other
sectors of the economy or entangle BNDES.
However, Eurasia wrote that we have a hard time viewing this recent twist as a real
game-changer. The notion of influence peddling is vague, particularly since Lula was
a private citizen during the period in question.
Still, it said the allegation he played a role in securing BNDES loans, which may not
have followed due process, could prove more problematic for Lula and for the Rousseff
administration.
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Youssef afirmou que Lula soube da ameaa, na poca, e teria determinado a Gabrielli
que usasse o dinheiro das empreiteiras denunciadas na Justia Federal por causa
das obras da refinaria Abreu e Lima para resolver a pendncia. O ex-presidente da
Petrobrs teria procurado por Costa, que determinou a Youssef o pagamento.
Segundo o doleiro, que aceitou dizer o que sabe em troca de reduo de pena, foi ele
quem pagou R$ 1,7 milho Muranno entre dezembro de 2010 e janeiro de 2011, a
pedido de Costa.
No radar - A Muranno era alvo da Lava Jato desde agosto quando foi aberto um
inqurito especfico para apurar qual o envolvimento da agncia no esquema de caixa2 nas obras da Refinaria Abreu e Lima, em Pernambuco. A agncia de propaganda
aparecia nos pagamentosregistrados na contabilidade pessoal das empresas de
fachada de Youssef e na quebra de sigilo bancrio das empresas investigadas nas
obras da Abreu e Lima.
No dia 9 de setembro Villani foi ouvido pela PF e confirmou que prestou servios sem
contrato entre 2006 e 2009 para a Petrobrs. Ele disse que em 2004 Oliva Filho o
aconselhou a abrir uma empresa para fazer o marketing da Petrobrs em provas de
corrida de automvel nos Estados Unidos. Segundo ele, a Muranno foi criada
especificamente para esses servios, divulgao do etanol nas provas da Frmula
Indy.
Villani afirmou que tinha R$ 7 milhes a receber. Segundo ele, depois de se reunir
pessoalmente com Paulo Roberto Costa ainda diretor de Abastecimento da
Petrobrs , foi procurado por Youssef, que se identificou como Primo e providenciou
os pagamentos de parte da dvida. Disse que procurou Costa depois que ele deixou a
estatal, em 2012.
Villani, que est sob suspeita da PF, afirmou ter recebido s uma parte do montante e
que no procurou a Justia para cobrar a Petrobrs porque nunca fez um contrato
formal. Em 29 de outubro, confirmou ao Estado ter valores a receber, mas negou que
era referente propina. Disse que eram atrasados dos servios prestados. (Estado)
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Um inqurito foi instaurado pela Polcia Federal (PF) na noite da ltima quinta-feira
para investigar o ex-presidente Luiz Incio Lula da Silva sobre uma possvel
participao no esquema do mensalo. A Delegacia de Crimes Financeiros far a
investigao para apurar se Lula intermediou o esquema do pagamento de propina em
troca de apoio poltico. Na ltima semana, a Procuradoria da Repblica no Distrito
Federal j havia determinado a abertura de uma investigao, com base no
depoimento do publicitrio Marcos Valrio, operador do esquema mensalo.
A documentao da Procuradoria foi analisada pela PF, que ter um prazo inicial de
30 dias para investigar, sendo prorrogvel com autorizao da Justia. Lula ser
investigado criminalmente pela primeira vez desde que o escndalo se tornou
conhecido. Entre outras acusaes, Valrio disse que Lula, o ex-ministro Antonio
Palocci e Miguel Horta, que era presidente da Portugal Telecom, negociaram um
repasse de US$ 7 milhes para o PT. O dinheiro seria usado em campanhas do
partido e para comprar parlamentares.
Nesta semana, o procurador-geral da Repblica, Roberto Gurgel, afirmou que as
investigaes sobre a eventual participao do ex-presidente no escndalo sero
feitas com iseno. "Isso est no primeiro grau e ser feito com a iseno de sempre.
O que importante que asseguramos mais uma vez a efetividade desse
julgamento", salientou.
O mensalo do PT
Em 2007, o STF aceitou denncia contra os 40 suspeitos de envolvimento no suposto
esquema denunciado em 2005 pelo ento deputado federal Roberto Jefferson (PTB) e
que ficou conhecido como mensalo. Segundo ele, parlamentares da base aliada
recebiam pagamentos peridicos para votar de acordo com os interesses do governo
Luiz Incio Lula da Silva. Aps o escndalo, o deputado federal Jos Dirceu deixou o
cargo de chefe da Casa Civil e retornou Cmara. Acabou sendo cassado pelos
colegas e perdeu o direito de concorrer a cargos pblicos at 2015.
No relatrio da denncia, a Procuradoria-Geral da Repblica apontou como
operadores do ncleo central do esquema Jos Dirceu, o ex-deputado e ex-presidente
do PT Jos Genoino, o ex-tesoureiro do partido Delbio Soares e o ex- secretriogeral Silvio Pereira. Todos foram denunciados por formao de quadrilha. Dirceu,
Genoino e Delbio respondem ainda por corrupo ativa.
Em 2008, Slvio Pereira assinou acordo com a Procuradoria-Geral da Repblica para
no ser mais processado no inqurito sobre o caso. Com isso, ele teria que fazer 750
horas de servio comunitrio em at trs anos e deixou de ser um dos 40 rus. Jos
Janene, ex-deputado do PP, morreu em 2010 e tambm deixou de figurar na
denncia.
O relator apontou tambm que o ncleo publicitrio-financeiro do suposto esquema
era composto pelo empresrio Marcos Valrio e seus scios (Ramon Cardoso,
Cristiano Paz e Rogrio Tolentino), alm das funcionrias da agncia SMP&B Simone
Vasconcelos e Geiza Dias. Eles respondem por pelo menos trs crimes: formao de
quadrilha, corrupo ativa e lavagem de dinheiro.
A ento presidente do Banco Rural, Ktia Rabello, e os diretores Jos Roberto
Salgado, Vincius Samarane e Ayanna Tenrio foram denunciados por formao de
quadrilha, gesto fraudulenta e lavagem de dinheiro. O publicitrio Duda Mendona e
sua scia, Zilmar Fernandes, respondem a aes penais por lavagem de dinheiro e
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REDE DE ESCNDALOS
17.04.2013
Link: http://veja.abril.com.br/infograficos/rede-escandalos/perfil/luiz-inacio-lula-dasilva.shtml
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O 'Barba'
Em seu livro, Tuma Jnior revela que Lula, quando sindicalista, foi informante do Dops
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Lula: com o caso Rosemary e novas acusaes vindas de Marcos Valrio, expresidente venceu o trofu Algemas de Ouro este ano.
Marco Prates, de EXAME.com
So Paulo O ex-presidente Lula comea a semana com um prmio nada honroso:
ficou em primeiro lugar noTrofu Algemas de Ouro 2012, cuja votao foi organizada
pelo Facebook. Lula ficou com mais de 9 mil dos 14,1 mil votos vlidos, seguido pelo
senador cassado Demstenes Torres e pelo governador do Rio, Srgio Cabral (veja
tabela completa abaixo).
A festa de premiao ocorreu ontem no bairro do Leblon, no Rio de Janeiro.
O Movimento 31 de julho, que organiza a premiao desde 2011, entregou
simbolicamente uma algema e um cheque fictcio de 153 milhes de reais ao expresidente.
O valor se refere ao montante de dinheiro que circulou no mensalo, de acordo com o
Supremo Tribunal Federal.
Mas, segundo os organizadores, todos os dez candidatos ao trofu merecem as
algemas.
Lula passou por diversas denncias em 2012. A mais sria delas veio do operador do
mensalo, Marcos Valrio, que acusou o ex-presidente de pagar contas pessoais com
dinheiro do esquema.
Alm disso, Lula sofreu desgaste com o caso Rosemary Noronha, mantida no cargo
de chefe do Gabinete da Presidncia em So Paulo a pedido do ex-mandatrio.
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Votos vlidos
Lula
9.557
Demstenes Torres
3.175
Srgio Cabral
662
Eduardo Azeredo
362
Paulo Maluf
357
177
Erenice Guerra
83
Jader Barbalho
70
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Fernando Cavendish
63
10
Fernando Pimentel
40
TOTAL
14.547
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Blog
Reinaldo Azevedo
Anlises polticas em um dos blogs mais acessados do Brasil
Lula [pensa um pouco]- H algumas figuras que eu admiro muito, sem contar o nosso
Tiradentes e outros que fizeram muito pela independncia do Brasil (). Um cara que
me emociona muito o Gandhi (). Outro que eu admiro muito o Che Guevara, que
se dedicou inteiramente sua causa. Essa dedicao que me faz admirar um
homem.
Playboy A ao e a ideologia?
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Lula No est em jogo a ideologia, o que ele pensava, mas a atitude, a dedicao.
Se todo mundo desse um pouco de si como eles, as coisas no andariam como
andam no mundo. ()
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Lula Khomeini. Eu no conheo muito a coisa sobre o Ir, mas a fora que o
Khomeini mostrou, a determinao de acabar com aquele regime do X foi um
negcio srio.
Playboy As pessoas que voc disse que admira derrubaram ou ajudaram a derrubar
governos. Mera coincidncia?
Lula [rpido] No, no mera coincidncia, no. que todos eles estavam ao lado
dos menos favorecidos.
()
Playboy No novo Ir, j foram mortas centenas de pessoas. Isso no abala a sua
admirao pelo Khomeini?
Lula um grande erro () Ningum pode ter a pretenso de governar sem
oposio. E ningum tem o direito de matar ningum. Ns precisamos aprender a
conviver com quem contra a gene, com quem quer derrubar a gente. () preciso
fazer alguma coisa para ganhar mais adeptos, no se preocupar com a minoria
descontente, mas se importar com a maioria dos contentes.
Voltei
Que coisa, no? O nico do grupo que no um facnora, um assassino contumaz,
um homicida frio, Gandhi. Mas Gandhi, convenham, a Portuguesa de Desportos
das figuras ilustres da humanidade. Se a Portuguesa est em campo, e o adversrio
no o nosso time, a gente torce pra quem?
Os outros A referncia a Hitler se presta a uma ironia sinistra: O Hitler, mesmo
errado, tinha aquilo que eu admiro num homem, o fogo de se propor a fazer alguma
coisa e tentar fazer. Sem dvida, o homem era o senhor do fogo
Lula mudou? Digamos que alguns facnoras foram acrescentados sua galeria:
Ahmadinejad, Khadafi, Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir (o genocida do Sudo) Fidel,
bem, a mmia, rejeitada at pelo diabo, continua objeto de culto
De todas as admiraes, esta que diz pouco se importar com ideologia , sem dvida,
a mais perigosa. Afinal, 30 anos depois daquela entrevista, indagado se no se
incomodava em receber Ahmadinejad, que nega o holocausto dos judeus, promovido
por Hitler aquele que tinha o fogo de se propor a fazer alguma coisa, Lula
respondeu:
Muito pelo contrrio. No estou preocupado com judeus nem com rabes. Estou
preocupado com a relao do estado brasileiro com o estado iraniano. Temos uma
relao comercial, queremos ter uma relao poltica.
O sindicalista, como se v, era mesmo o pai do presidente.
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