Maskhadov's Cease-Fire Declaration and Peace Overtures, Feb 2005

RMSMCBlog Media Coverage
Maskhadov's Cease-Fire Declaration and Peace Overtures, Feb 2005
Ralph Davis RMSMCBlog Written: 14 August 2012
CONTENTS 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. Chechen Rebel Leader Vows To Defeat Russia If Peace Talks Rejected CHECHEN PRESIDENT ORDERS A CEASEFIRE AS AN INVITATION TO RUSSIA TO START PEACE TALKS Web Site: Chechen Rebels Seek Cease-Fire Chechen rebel leader orders ceasefire Web site Chechen Separatist Leader Orders Basayev To Suspend Military Operations Chechen Separatist Leader Reported To Order Ceasefire Chechen Official Says Guerilla Armistice Offer a 'Bluff' Talks with Chechen rebels impossible after Beslan, says Russian general Maskhadov almost ideally outplayed Moscow Shamil Basayev Can Have a Rest in February Chechen Separatist Leader Maskhadov Orders Ceasefire Chechen ceasefire call dismissed Chechnya: Maskhadov Reportedly Orders Cease-Fire REGIONAL OPERATIONAL HQ REFUTES CHECHEN SEPARATIST LEADERS' STATEMENTS Chechen Rebel Commander Order To Halt Military Actions Until 22 Feb Chechen separatist leader said ready for talks with Russia Umar Hanbiyev: This is a demonstration of good will The Application of the General Representative of the President of the CRI U. Hanbiev Chechen Rebel Spokesman Expected Negative Reaction to Cease-Fire Leader's Envoy Says Talks With Moscow Not Ruled Out Russian Official Thinks Maskhadov Will Surrender if Basayev Dead Chechens interested in ending war - rebel president's envoy Extremist websites post mutually excluding orders of Maskhadov Russian Expert Says Websites Confirm Serious Discord Among Chechen Rebels Maskhadov announces a cease-fire as Basaev threatens more Beslans Chechen site rejects Russian claims about "information war" Chechen Ceasefire 'Respite' Before New Wave of Terror Chechens Seen Planning Terrorism Despite Maskhadov Cease-Fire Order US TV Companies Eager To Cooperate With Chechen Rebel Agencies Russian officer: no fighting since Chechen rebel cease-fire call publicized
31. Chechen rebel leader appoints negotiator for peace talks with Moscow 32. Chechen rebel leader praises truce 33. Radio Commentary Criticizes Kremlin's Refusal To Talk to Chechen Rebels 34. Ramzan Kadyrov invites Maskhadov to lay down arms 35. Surrender is only solution for rebel leader Maskhadov - Chechen deputy PM 36. Chechen President Says Rebel Leader Maskhadov Has No Real Power 37. Chechnya: Cease-Fire Holding, But Little Chance Of Negotiations Seen 38. BASAYEV KILLED, MASKHADOV PEACEFUL - TOO GOOD TO BE TRUE 39. Dagestani Mujahideen waiting for President Maskhadov's order 40. Chechen Rebel Leader Calls On West To Help End War 41. Chechen rebels in peace plea to Kremlin 42. Chechen President Suggests Subordinating Security Structures to Local Command 43. Chechen rebel leader calls for peace talks 44. Chechen President Calls on Maskhadov To Acknowledge Guilt 45. Russian Politicians Against Talks With Chechen Leader Maskhadov 46. State Duma Deputy Says Maskhadov Depends on International Terrorism 47. Sides Differ on Sincerity of Chechen Rebel Leader's Peace Offer 48. Russia Faces Chechen Cease-Fire Bid 49. Maskhadov Raises Stakes in Chechnya 50. Russian government paper dismisses Chechen rebels' truce offer 51. Chechen rebel in call for peace talks as ceasefire holds 52. Chechen rebels offer to hold talks with Moscow 53. Chechen militants ignore Maskhadov order 54. Chechen separatist leader unable to control rebels - Russian federal source 55. CHECHEN REBELS HAND THE ANTIWAR MOVEMENT AN OLIVE BRANCH AS THE KREMLIN TIGHTENS THE SCREWS 56. Dagestan poised to become major guerilla battlefield this summer 57. Russian pundit says Chechen truce call masks plans for further violence 58. The Application of the President of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria Aslan Mashadov to the Management of Russia and the World Community 59. Russian human rights activists urge Putin to talk to Chechen "moderates" 60. CAN WE BELIEVE MASKHADOV'S INITIATIVES? 61. Calm before the Chechen storm? 62. Activists want Chechen peace talks while Putin wants "objectivity"
~2~
63. IS IT TOO LATE FOR PEACE TALKS IN CHECHNYA? 64. FUROR OVER CHECHEN PEACE OVERTURES DESIGNED TO FIZZLE 65. Plan to oust Putin by February 2006 over Chechnya, says Russian analyst 66. Aslan Maskhadov Not Believed 67. Basayev and Maskhadov Occupy Television Screens 68. MASKHADOVS CEASE-FIRE AND THE SITUATION IN CHECHNYA 69. Moscow Continues To Reject Chechen Rebels' Overture 70. Cease-Fire in Chechnya and Talks with Maskhadov are Necessary 71. Maskhadov Unilateral Cease-Fire Order Said Initiated From Abroad 72. The Lubyanka's voluntary helpers 73. Appeal for Peace in Chechnya 74. Application of Ahmed Zakaev 75. Chechen Rebel Envoy Denies Reports of Planned Attack 76. Russian Official Says Pointless To Hold Talks With Chechen Leader Maskhadov 77. AUSHEV CALLS ON MOSCOW TO SIT DOWN FOR TALKS 78. REBELS AND FEDS BATTLE OVER CEASEFIRE 79. There is no alternative to the Chechen peace initiative 80. About Reputation 81. Chechen Separatist Leader Outlines Peace Terms in RFE/RL Interview 82. Aslan Maskhadov: 'The Chechen mojahedin will fight to the end in this war' 83. Kavkaz-Center: Maskhadov orders the resistance to suspend attacks 84. Maskhadov almost ideally outplayed Moscow 85. Moscow denounces Maskhadov's ceasefire order 86. Ruslan Aushev: The War Is Leaving Us Behind 87. Former Groznyy Commandant Says Guerrillas' Truce Hoax 88. Chechen Rebels Threaten To Resume Actions as Ceasefire Ends 89. WHO ARE THE FIGHTERS FOR INDEPENDENCE OF CHECHNYA 90. Chechen Cease-Fire Expires on Anniversary 91. Maskhadov in control in Chechnya, rebel tells Russian radio 92. Russia: North Caucasus Republics Enter Circle Of Violence 93. Truce as Encore 94. Russian Duma Deputy Says Maskhadov's Statements Calculated for West 95. Ceasefire Order Could Be Extended 96. Umar Khanbiyev: 'The Chechen side is always open for a dialogue with the Kremlin' 97. Do the Russians want war
98. Analysis: Is It Too Late For Peace Talks In Chechnya?
Appendix A. Maskhadov's Kommersant Interview, Feb 2005 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Aslan Maskhadov: An Appeal to the Russian President MASKHADOV FOLLOWS UP CEASEFIRE WITH AN INTERVIEW Hot-Shot Authorities issue warning to newspaper over Chechnya interview Kommersant will be presented with official warning - media supervision service Warning to Kommersant Over Maskhadov Interview Deemed Counterproductive Russian Media Behavior Viewed With New Twist Paper Hopes 'Warning' Over Interview With Terrorist Will Be Dropped Russian media warned against reporting on Chechen rebels Russian Paper Cautioned for Publishing Interview With Chechen Separatist Paper To Be Warned Over Rebel Interview Warning Letter Chief Editor Rejects Charges Cited in Warning Over 7 Feb Maskhadov Interview
~3~
Chechen Rebel Leader Vows To Defeat Russia If Peace Talks Rejected (Internet) Kavkaz-Tsentr News Agency WWWText in Russian 0607 GMT 27 Jan 05 [Excerpt] 27 January: For the second time in the history of the Chechen state, the nationwide direct elections to the highest governing bodies were held on the territory of the sovereign Chechen Republic of Ichkeria on 27 January 1997. As a result, the country's president and parliament were elected. Representatives of influential international organizations and independent experts from 30 countries, including those from Russia, monitored the preparations and the election campaign in the republic. They witnessed that the elections passed off peacefully, fairly and democratically. They also noticed the intense activity of voters. [Passage omitted: background of the RussianChechen war] The chairman of the State Defence Committee of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Army Gen Aslan Maskhadov The ongoing second Russian-Chechen war, which will turn up six years soon, has exposed the real fascist face of the Kremlin leadership of "democratic" Russia led by the president and KGB agent, [Vladimir] Putin. The latter has set himself a savage task in the style of a notorious executioner of mountain peoples, [19th century general famous for subduing Chechnya] Gen Yermolov, i.e. to finally solve "the Chechen issue" through ...[ellipses as published] the genocide of this ethnic group who are one of indigenous inhabitants in the Caucasus. But the new executioner of the Chechen people and his bloody team must have known that the ancient Chechen land faced not only "the tsarYermolov option" of the Chechens' genocide in 19th century, but also the so-called "Soviet-Stalin option" on 23 February 1944 when it was decided on personal orders from the communist tyrant leader to completely resettle all the Chechens in Central Asia and Kazakhstan to die of hunger and cold. This time Putin and his colleagues from Lubyanka in the person of [Federal Security Service Director Nikolay] Patrushev, [Russian Security Council secretary Igor] Ivanov, [Interior Minister Rashid] Nurgaliyev and others will fail to repeat dreadful experiments of bloodthirsty killers Yermolov and Stalin since the Chechen Armed Forces are combat-capable as never before. Meanwhile, the senior military and political leadership of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is
ready for the peace talks with the Russian leadership in order to avoid the future pointless victims of extending bloody conflict called "the Russian-Chechen war". If Russia denies a peaceful solution to bilateral relations, the Chechen state intends to end in victory this aggressive and invasive war unleashed against the Chechen people by the Kremlin. CHECHEN PRESIDENT ORDERS A CEASEFIRE AS AN INVITATION TO RUSSIA TO START PEACE TALKS Chechen Republic of Ichkeria Ministry of Foreign Affairs Official Statement 02/02/2005 The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is proud to announce that President Aslan Maskhadov, in demonstration of the good will of the Chechen side, has ordered to all Chechen Armed Forces to introduce a ceasefire from the 1st February 2005. President Maskhadovs order prohibits all offensive military operations for one month. The use of force is permitted only in defense against imminent military attacks from the Russian side. The decision to introduce the ceasefire is intended to demonstrate to the Russian side and the international community the will of the Chechen leadership to resolve the RussianChechen conflict by peaceful means. President Maskhadovs order is an invitation to Russia to open genuine peace talks. It is also an invitation to the international community to help Russia and Chechnya to come to the negotiating table. Press Office Web Site: Chechen Rebels Seek CeaseFire Chechen Rebel-Linked Web Site Says Top Insurgent Leaders Call for Unilateral Cease-Fire By JIM HEINTZ The Associated Press Feb. 2, 2005 - A Web site linked to Chechnya's separatist rebels has reported that top leaders of the insurgency have called for a unilateral ceasefire to be observed in February. The Kavkaz Tstentr site said Wednesday that Aslan Maskhadov, who was president of Chechnya in its period of de-facto independence in the late 1990s, signed on order on Jan. 14 for all offensive actions to be halted in February in Chechnya and bordering areas "as a sign of a display of good will." It cited an unnamed aide to Shamil Basayev, another Chechen warlord, as the source.
~4~
The report also said that Basayev had issued an order that all rebels under his command halt offensive actions in Chechnya and all of Russia until Feb. 22. It was not immediately clear why the two rebel leaders would issue similar-but-different instructions, but Maskhadov is believed to command a relatively small portion of Chechen separatist fighters. Basayev, who leads a group called the Riyadus Salikhin Martyrs' Brigade, has claimed responsibility for some of Russia's most shocking terrorist acts, including last year's seizure of more than 1,000 hostages at a school in the town of Beslan, which ended with the deaths of more than 330 people, and for well-coordinated attacks on police facilities in June in the republic of Ingushetia, which borders Chechnya. The Web site published what it said was a text of his order, which included a ban on "all forms of diversionary actions," but it was not clear if that included terrorist-type attacks. There was no way to immediately confirm the authenticity of the statements. Telephone calls to the North Caucasus Military District, which oversees Russian forces' activities in Chechnya, were not answered early Thursday. Chechnya has been shattered by two separatist conflicts over the past decade. The first 20month war ended in 1996 with the withdrawal of Russian troops after rebels fought them to a standstill. That was followed by a period of defacto independence, during which Maskhadov was elected Chechen president, in which law an order and economic conditions deteriorated precipitously. In 1999, after Chechnya-based rebels made an incursion into neighboring Dagestan, Russian forces returned to Chechnya, taking firm control of the northern part of the republic. The Kremlin has firmly rejected international calls for Russia to negotiate with the Chechen rebels. Chechen rebel leader orders ceasefire Web site By Tom Miles MOSCOW, Feb 2, 2005 (Reuters) - Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov has ordered all Chechen fighters to observe a ceasefire in their separatist war against Russian troops in February, a rebel Web site reported on Wednesday.
Site www.kavkazcenter.com published a statement from Shamil Basayev, Russia's most wanted man and the organiser of last year's Beslan hostage-taking, which ordered all fighters to refrain from any offensive operations until Feb. 22. But Basayev was quoted by The Times newspaper in London as saying he still considered Russian citizens fair targets for future fighting. The newspaper also quoted him as saying in a Channel 4 television interview to be broadcast later on Thursday that there were plans for more operations of the kind that killed more than 330 people at the hostage-taking at the school in Belsan. Basayev's statement on the Web site said Maskhadov had ordered his followers not to carry out diversionary attacks in Chechnya or in the rest of Russia, attacks on Russian bases, Russian convoys or vehicles, or on "traitors or unbelievers". Kremlin officials were not immediately available to comment on the report of the ceasefire. The statement said fighters should "continue mining approaches to their bases and to continue operations to destroy people or machinery of the enemy forces who are spying or attacking mountainous forested areas". The Web site said Maskhadov gave the order on Jan. 14 as a gesture of goodwill but did not elaborate. Several of his relatives have been kidnapped in the last two months, but it was unclear if their disappearances were linked to the ceasefire. NO REACTION "We do not react to Kavkazcenter. This is not an official organ," said a spokesman for Dmitry Kozak, Russian President Vladimir Putin's representative in the North Caucasus region. Putin sent troops to Chechnya as prime minister in a popular move which helped propel him to the presidency in 2000. Although the ceasefire was addressed to all units of the "Armed Forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria", Maskhadov and Basayev are not thought to control all militants in the region, which includes restive provinces neighbouring Chechnya. "We are planning more Beslan-type operations in the future because we are forced to do so," The
~5~
Times quoted Basayev as telling Channel 4. Wearing a black T-shirt with "Anti-Terror" written in white Cyrillic lettering, Basayev said the Russian people were targets because of their support for Putin. "People who approve of Putin's policies, people who pay their taxes for this war, people who send their soldiers to this war, priests who sprinkle holy water on them ... How can they be innocent?" The rebel leadership has fragmented many times during a decade of war in Chechnya. Maskhadov and Basayev have themselves clashed in the past, including over the Beslan hostage crisis, for which Maskhadov promised to put Basayev on trial. Maskhadov has denied any link with the Beslan attack in September, when more than 330 people died during an attempt to free hostages held at a school by Chechen rebels. But Russia has put a $10 million bounty on both him and Basayev and say the two worked hand-in-glove to mastermind the bloody operation. Maskhadov was elected president of a de facto independent Chechnya in 1997 and has, like Basayev, been on the run since Russian forces swept back into the region two years later. Putin calls Maskhadov a terrorist, but the Chechen leader is seen as a relative moderate among separatists and many commentators see him as Moscow's only possible negotiating partner if it decided to return to negotiations. (Additional reporting by Oliver Bullough) Chechen Separatist Leader Orders Basayev To Suspend Military Operations (Internet) Kavkaz-Tsentr News Agency WWWText in Russian 1745 GMT 02 Feb 05 [Text] 2 February: Kavkaz-Tsentr has learnt from the assistant to Chechen [rebel] commander Shamil Basayev that the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and amir of the State Defence Committee - Majlis-ul-Shura, Aslan Maskhadov, has ordered that all units of the Armed Forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria unilaterally suspend their offensive operations on the entire territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and outside it in February. The order was signed on 14 January 2005. The order says that the move is being taken as a manifestation of goodwill. Shamil Basayev's assistant also said that in order to implement the order, Abdullah Shamil AbuIdris [Shamil Basayev] ordered the units
subordinated to him to stop offensive operations on the entire territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and on the entire territory of Russia until 22 February. Kavkaz-Tsentr will publish more detailed information about this in the coming hours. Chechen Separatist Leader Reported To Order Ceasefire By Eric Helque MOSCOW, Feb 3, 2005 (AFP) -- Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov has ordered all rebel fighters to observe a ceasefire in their fight against Russian forces, on the breakaway republic's territory as well as beyond its borders, a separatist web site reported early Thursday. The ceasefire is valid for the month of February and was ordered as a sign of good will, the kavakazcenter.com web site said, quoting an aide to radical Chechen warlord Shamil Basayev. Basayev, Russia's most wanted man who last year claimed responsibility for the deadly Beslan school hostage taking, has said he will obey Maskhadov and has ordered units under his command to stop all offensive operations, the web site reported. "I order all Modzhahedins on the whole territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (the separatists' name for Chechnya) and Russia to end all offensive military actions for the month of February," Basayev wrote in a statement quoted by kavkazcenter.com. However, that order was only valid until February 22, Basayev added. While kavkazcenter.com reported Maskhadov's order early Thursday, it said the separatist leader had signed it on January 14. Kavkaz center.com's report could not immediately be confirmed and no comments were immediately available. The International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights last month sent an open letter to Russian President Vladimir Putin condemning the reported kidnapping of several of Maskhadov's relatives. At least eight members of Mashkadov's family were abducted by security agents of Chechnya's pro-Russian administration in a bid to make him give up the armed separatist struggle against Moscow, the rights group said. The list of Maskhadov's abducted relatives
~6~
included the Chechen leader's sister and two brothers, a niece and nephew and his son-in-law as well two other relatives, one of whom is handicapped, the Helsinki Federation said. Maskhadov, elected Chechen president in 1997, originally with the Kremlin's blessing, has since then had a 10 million dollar (7.7 million euro) bounty placed on his head by the Russian authorities, along with Basayev. Russian troops poured into breakaway Chechnya in October 1999, more than five years ago, in what was presented as a "lightning anti-terrorist operation." But a festering guerrilla conflict has continued to claim daily lives. The Russian offensive reignited a conflict that had ravaged Chechnya from late 1994 to 1996. The official Russian death toll for the second conflict was reported late last year at around 4,500 troops. However, a committee of soldiers' mothers estimates the true toll may be three times higher because the Moscow figure does not include people who died of their wounds in hospitals outside Chechnya. The rebel and civilian tolls remain unreported. The war has spilled well beyond Chechnya's borders, threatening to destabilize the whole North Caucasus region. It has also reached as far as Moscow, where radical Chechen separatists have carried out a string of deadly attacks, including suicide bombings and a massive hostage taking in one of the Russian capital's theaters. Chechen Official Says Guerilla Armistice Offer a 'Bluff' MOSCOW. Feb 3, 2005 (Interfax-AVN) - The Chechen leadership has rejected reports alleging that guerilla leaders have issued an order to suspend attacks in February. "This is nothing but a bluff, a provocation and a desire to remind everybody about themselves. It is also a desire to claim the guerillas have a single command center controlled by Maskhadov and Basayev," Chechen State Council Chairman Taus Dzhabrailov told Interfax from Grozny on Thursday. A number of media outlets reported on Thursday, citing a Chechen separatist website, that guerilla leaders had issued an order to suspending combat activities in February. They
said that Aslan Maskhadov had given an order to suspend hostilities throughout February, while an similar order by Shamil Basayev said fighting should be suspended until February 22. "Did they explain what these orders are related to? The upcoming Defenders of the Fatherland Day on February 23, or the tragic anniversary of the deportation of the Chechen people? Or is it related to the disappearance of Maskhadov's relatives, and so he decided to send information that he is a peacemaker and wants to suspend armed actions?" Dzhabrailov said. He suggested that Basayev is in fact not controlled by Maskhadov. "Basayev or other guerillas remember about Maskhadov when they need to and they use him for their own ends. Maskhadov has never had any influence on Basayev. No orders or instructions by Maskhadov have had any weight or significance for Basayev," he said. Intelligence information indicates that the core of the illegal armed groups settled in the Chechen mountains are foreign mercenaries, Dzhabrailov said. "There are from 300 to 400 of them, and all these riff-raff come from Arab and some European countries. The mercenaries are financed through foreign sponsors," he said. "Therefore, Maskhadov can issue an order only to himself and Basayev to his retinue and bodyguards - the small group he leads," Dzhabrailov said. "Maskhadov and his retinue are the first to blame for the crisis in which the Chechen republic has found itself," he said. Most Chechens reject the guerillas and hope the republic and its economy stabilizes soon, Dzhabrailov said. Talks with Chechen rebels impossible after Beslan, says Russian general BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 03, 2005 Text of report in English by Russian news agency Interfax-AVN web site Moscow, 3 February: Any truce negotiations with Chechen warlords Shamil Basayev and Aslan Maskhadov are impossible following the Beslan tragedy, Col-Gen Vladimir Bulgakov, Russian Ground Forces deputy commander-in-chief, told Interfax-Military News Agency on Thursday [3 February]. "The so-called truce in Chechnya announced by
~7~
Maskhadov and Basayev is nothing but a bluff and another attempt to present themselves to the international public as advocates of a peace settlement in Chechnya," he said. "I have just come back from Chechnya and I can assure you that our motorcades [convoys] and checkpoints daily come under fire and terrorist acts go on. True, the militants are not as active as before, but that is an achievement of our troopers and Chechen policemen," he said. Bulgakov thinks the truce statement may be related to the abduction of Maskhadov family members in December 2004. "I do not rule out that this statement of the separatists is directly linked to the abduction of family members of Maskhadov. Anyway, it has nothing to do with an intention to stop the bloodshed," the general said. "We cannot believe Maskhadov and Basayev at all," he said. Truce negotiations with Maskhadov and Basayev are possible only if they unconditionally terminate terrorist activities and surrender to the police, he said. [The Russian version of this item, which came at 0858 gmt, added: "I know from the first Chechen war that Maskhadov is a wolf in sheep's clothing. When he is pinned to the wall, he makes protestations about his love of peace and his readiness to talk, whilst at the same time trying to use the breathing space for a regrouping of his forces," the general stressed.] Source: Interfax-AVN military news agency web site, Moscow, in English 0934 gmt 3 Feb 05 Maskhadov almost ideally outplayed Moscow Chechen Times - 3.02.2005 President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria Aslan Maskhadov ordered to unilaterally stop all forms of military activity of an offensive character. In accordance with the order, the armed forces of the Chechen Resistance halt all forms of military activity both on the territory of Chechnya and Russia. The corresponding document was signed on January 14, 2005, but has not been published until recently. However, there are no grounds to doubts its existence, since Umar Khanbiyev, General Envoy to the President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria to Foreign Countries, almost immediately commented on it. He described this step from the Chechen side a demonstration of good will and an invitation to the Russian side to end the war at the table of political negotiations.
Besides, according to Khanbiyev, such order unambiguously shows that the armed units of the Resistance arent fragmented groups, but wellguided armed formations, subordinated to the commander-in-chief and controlled by him. The unilateral truce is valid until February 22, 2005, and gives Russian military a serious matter for reflection. February 23 is another anniversary of the Stalin deportation of Chechens. As a rule, Russian military analysts have always linked this date to a possible increase in military activity of the Resistance, but their prognoses have never come up to expectations. Now everything says that the date when the truce offered by the Chechen side ends was chosen not accidentally and in fact the demonstration of good will contains an unambiguous hint to the Russian side. Moscows reaction can easily be foreseen: it is likely to ignore the offer, because it is ready neither to discuss peace speaking the language of good will nor the language of latent threats. Most probably, the Kremlin will increase the intensity of military actions and reppressions in Chechnya with a maniacal stubbornness it still considers any idea of negotiations only a trick of rebel fighters searching a possible respite. Today Moscow is not interested in a possible deterioration of the situation in Chechnya, and first of all because of the scheduled PACEs round table on the Chechen problem which is to help Moscow stop any mentioning of related military activities, genocide and instability. The same goal is pursued by The agreement on delimitation of powers between Russia and Chechnya, which in fact admits that the Chechen Republic is in the conditions of a special economic, social and ecological plight. And in this respect we can say that Maskhadov almost ideally outplayed Moscow, demonstrating his aspirations for peace. Almost is because he has repeatedly said that in the Chechen Resistance there are groups which he cannot control, which act on their own, the methods of which he does not like and are even forbidden for the Ichkerian armed forces and prosecuted. Clearly, this situation will enable Moscow to press standard charges against Maskhadov saying either he personally gives orders to terrorists, or has no influence on rebel fighters. The first is possible only if the Chechen side observes the truce. The second if military actions will continue. Nonetheless, repeatedly voicing its aspirations for a dialog, the Chechen side looks much more convincing and Maskhadovs latest order is a bright evidence of that.
~8~
President Alkhanov has also commented on this order, saying as usual he is not going to conduct talks with Maskhadov, traditionally forgetting that the Chechen Resistance has never considered him or his predecessor as a negotiating side. Besides, it seems Alkhanov has certain doubts about his own legitimacy. We see it from the following statement: We do not deny that Maskhadov was publicly elected, but he was the President of Ichkeria, while Kadyrov was the President of the Chechen Republic. Maskhadov can call himself the president neither morally, nor legally. And only this phrase absolutely clearly shows that in Chechnya Russia is struggling not against international terrorism but the Chechens legitimate aspirations for Independence. Shamil Basayev Can Have a Rest in February KOMMERSANT Daily, FEBRUARY 03, 2005 Chechen rebels web-site Kavkaz-Center announced yesterday Aslan Maskhadov ordered militants to temporarily cease operations, in a move of good will. Maskhadovs order was announced around 10:00 p.m., Wednesday. The document, issued on January 14, 2005, directs to unilaterally suspend offensive military operations in Chechnya and outside its borders for the whole February. Though Kavkaz-Center couldnt provide the exact wording, as no document was actually available, it posted similar ruling of another topranked militant Shamil Basayev, which commands ceasefire till February 22. Umar Khambiev, general representative of Ichkeria, told Kommersant that unilateral suspension of military operations has been long discussed with the European policy makers. By this action, Chechnya manifests its hope for peaceful settlement of the conflict. Aslan Maskhadov made similar order in April of 2000. At that time, the militants refrained from large-scale operations, though the acts of terror continued. Then Maskhadov attributed such acts to the gangs out of his control. Now the gangs also appear to go on with military operations. At least 6 offices were killed and 17 people wounded in Chechnya over the last two days. Who will believe Basayev is subordinate to Maskhadov? Taus Jabrailov, chairman of the State Council of Chechnya, told Kommersant. The sole aim of the order is to trigger interest to his person, said Jabrailov.
If the order expires on February 22, large-scale acts of terror are expected from February 23, said Ruslan Kasaev, senior official of Chechnyas Ministry of Internal Affairs. But most likely, Maskhadov and Basayev are only bluffing, Kasaev said. Chechen Separatist Leader Maskhadov Orders Ceasefire MosNews Created: 03.02.2005 Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov has ordered all Chechen fighters to observe a ceasefire in their separatist war against Russian troops in February, a rebel Web site reports. www.kavkazcenter.com published a statement from Shamil Basayev, Russias most wanted man and the organiser of last years Beslan hostagetaking, which ordered all fighters to refrain from any offensive operations until Feb. 22. But Basayev was quoted by The Times in London as saying he still considered Russian citizens fair targets for future fighting. The newspaper also quoted him as saying in a Channel 4 television interview to be broadcast later in the UK on Thursday that there were plans for more operations of the kind that killed more than 330 people at the hostage-taking at the school in Belsan. Basayevs statement on the Web site said Maskhadov had ordered his followers not to carry out diversionary attacks in Chechnya or in the rest of Russia, attacks on Russian bases, Russian convoys or vehicles, or on traitors or unbelievers. Kremlin officials were not immediately available to comment on the report of the ceasefire. The statement said fighters should continue mining approaches to their bases and to continue operations to destroy people or machinery of the enemy forces who are spying or attacking mountainous forested areas. The Web site said Maskhadov gave the order on Jan. 14 as a gesture of goodwill but did not elaborate. Several of his relatives have been kidnapped in the last two months, but it was unclear if their disappearances were linked to the ceasefire. We do not react to Kavkazcenter. This is not an official organ, said a spokesman for Dmitry Kozak, Russian President Vladimir Putins representative in the North Caucasus region. Moscow has put millions of dollars on the heads
~9~
of both Maskhadov and Basayev. Although the ceasefire was addressed to all units of the Armed Forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Maskhadov and Basayev are not thought to control all militants in the region, which includes restive provinces neighbouring Chechnya. We are planning more Beslan-type operations in the future because we are forced to do so, The Times quoted Basayev as telling Channel 4. Wearing a black T-shirt with Anti-Terror written in white Cyrillic lettering, Basayev said the Russian people were targets because of their support for Putin. People who approve of Putins policies, people who pay their taxes for this war, people who send their soldiers to this war, priests who sprinkle holy water on them ... How can they be innocent? The rebel leadership has fragmented many times during a decade of war in Chechnya. Maskhadov and Basayev have themselves clashed in the past, including over the Beslan hostage crisis, for which Maskhadov promised to put Basayev on trial, Reuters reports. Maskhadov has denied any link with the Beslan attack in September, when more than 330 people died during an attempt to free hostages held at a school by Chechen rebels. But Russia has put a $10 million bounty on both him and Basayev and say the two worked hand-in-glove to mastermind the bloody operation. Maskhadov was elected president of a de facto independent Chechnya in 1997 and has, like Basayev, been on the run since Russian forces swept back into the region two years later. Putin calls Maskhadov a terrorist, but the Chechen leader is seen as a relative moderate among separatists and many commentators see him as Moscows only possible negotiating partner if it decided to return to negotiations. Chechen ceasefire call dismissed By Oliver Bullough Thu Feb 3, 2005 MOSCOW (Reuters) - Chechnya's Russianbacked government has dismissed a rebel ceasefire declaration, saying it was a publicity stunt that could not be trusted. But analysts said the offer from rebel leaders Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev suggested they were responding to an increasingly strong
desire in faraway Moscow to end a war that has started to infect much of the North Caucasus. "The Chechen government is open to any attempt to bring peace to our people," a spokesman quoted pro-Moscow Chechen President Alu Alkhanov as saying on Thursday. "But as regards Maskhadov and Basayev, they have never fulfilled the responsibilities they have adopted. This is just another attempt to draw attention to themselves." Kremlin officials did not comment. Russian President Vladimir Putin has consistently rejected suggestions of holding peace talks with people he calls terrorists. But analysts said he might be more open to peace overtures after fierce battles in three regions outside Chechnya in the last month. These have graphically shown how brittle Russian control has become in the 10 years since the start of a war that has killed 20,000 Russian troops and tens of thousands of civilians. "There are people around Putin who are suggesting it is time to end the Chechen war," said Alexei Malashenko, a security analyst from the Carnegie Centre. "Maskhadov and Basayev could see this is a favourable time for such an approach." He also said he expected Chechen's pro-Moscow officials to try to undermine any talks that threatened their power. PUBLIC ENEMY NUMBER ONE Maskhadov, who led Chechnya during a threeyear truce period until 1999, has frequently appealed for talks, but Moscow has insisted he has little control over rebel forces. The latest offer appeared more significant as it also carried the name of Basayev, Russia's mostwanted man. Basayev ordered most of the bloodiest rebel attacks, including the hostage-taking in Beslan in which more than 330 civilians, half of them children, died. "This is a demonstration of good will and an invitation to the Russian side to end this war at the negotiating table," said a statement on Maskhadov's Web site, www.chechenpress.info. "By this step the president has shown the world that the Chechen Republic's armed forces are
~ 10 ~
not dispersed groups, as Moscow wants to depict us, but following the orders of a Supreme Commander ... Only a strong force could take such a step." But Ilya Shabalkin, spokesman for the Russian forces in the North Caucasus, said he had noticed no change in the level of rebel attacks since the ceasefire was ordered. "They are continuing their crimes every day, this is just an attempt to fool people in the West," he said. Some analysts suggested Maskhadov's declaration could be a response to the disappearance of eight members of his close family, who rights groups say have been kidnapped by pro-Moscow Chechen groups to put pressure on him. A separate statement from Basayev said the ceasefire would last until February 22, the eve of the anniversary of the Soviet-era deportation of the Chechen people to Central Asia in 1944, traditionally a day of mourning and anger in Chechnya. Chechnya: Maskhadov Reportedly Orders Cease-Fire By Valentinas Mite Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov has allegedly ordered Chechen fighters to temporarily halt all offensive operations in the republic. A statement by Maskhadov published on a Chechen website says the cease-fire, due to last through 22 February, is a gesture of goodwill. Chechnya's Russian-backed government has dismissed the report, calling it a publicity stunt that cannot be trusted. Prague, 3 February 2005 (RFE/RL) -- A proseparatist website has posted a statement saying Aslan Maskhadov signed the cease-fire order on 14 January. The statement also cited the separatist leader as calling on the Kremlin to open negotiations for a peaceful settlement to the war in Chechnya. The site -- kavkazcenter.com -- published the statement on the night of 2 February. It is accompanied by an order from warlord Shamil Basayev for pro-Chechen fighters to "end all offensive military actions" until 22 February. Sahman Akbulatov represents Russia's Memorial human rights center in Ingushetia, the autonomous republic bordering Chechnya. Akbulatov said he travels often to Chechnya and that people there are desperate for the war to end and will welcome the cease-fire call.
"Everybody is tired of this war -- Maskhadov and his people, and Chechens on the whole," Akbulatov said today. "Probably Russians don't need this war either -- at least, the ordinary people." He said frustration with the nearly 6-year-old war may be one reason behind Maskhadov's alleged cease-fire. But he admits the recent kidnapping of a number of the separatist leader's family members might have something to do with it, as well. "I don't know. Maybe it is, in a way, related to the abduction of Maskhadov's relatives," Akbulatov said. "In the beginning of December, eight of Maskhadov's relatives were kidnapped, and maybe it somehow influenced the cease-fire. We don't know. We can only guess." The Chechen prosecutor-general this week announced that an investigation has been opened into the abductions. Memorial has speculated a Chechen police force led by Ramzan Kadyrov -the son of the former pro-Moscow President Akhmad Kadyrov, who was slain last May -- may have been behind the kidnappings. Russia's NTV television station on Monday (Jan 31) cited Chechen Prosecutor Vladimir Kravchenko as saying members of the federal forces are also responsible for 10 percent of all abductions in Chechnya. It is unclear what kind of impact the cease-fire order will have, or whether the recent kidnappings forced Maskhadov to make a conciliatory gesture toward the Russians. But Akbulatov said the cease-fire offer does n-o-t reflect badly on Maskhadov, and that the apparent collusion between the moderate separatist and the far more radical Basayev may show the Chechen resistance is more unified than previously believed. Basayev has claimed responsibility for many terrorist attacks carried out in Russia in recent years, including last September's Beslan hostage siege, in which more than 320 people were killed after rebels stormed a school and took children, teachers and parents hostage. Maskhadov condemned the Beslan siege and has said Basayev should face trial for his role in the hostage taking. But the kavkazcenter.com website has published a series of recent photographs showing the two men sitting together and appearing to discuss military strategy against federal troops.
~ 11 ~
The British daily "The Times" on 2 February quoted Basaev as saying he still considers attacks on Russian civilian targets, such as the Beslan hostage crisis, as a justifiable response to Russia's military actions in Chechnya, and that he plans to stage further such attacks. The Kremlin, which has firmly rejected calls to open negotiations with Chechen rebels, has dismissed the kavkazcenter.com statement, saying it is not an "official" source of information. A spokesman for Chechnya's Russian-backed government today quoted President Alu Alkanov as saying the statement is little more than a publicity stunt. Kirill Koktysh of the Moscow Institute of International Relations said the Kremlin will probably continue to be silent. Opening negotiations would be seen as a sign of weakness on Russia's part and would contradict Russian President Vladimir Putin's unyielding stance on the breakaway republic. "For the military component of the decisionmaking system, this would be a loss of face -- it is too late, so to speak, to turn back," Koktysh said. "And Putin has too often said that Maskhadov doesn't represent anyone. And, to be honest, for the last two years, or even three, that has been absolutely true. Maskhadov really only represents himself and a small group of close supporters and not Chechens as a whole." Koktysh said there is no reason to expect Putin will respond to the cease-fire. The deadlock in Chechnya, he said, is likely to continue. REGIONAL OPERATIONAL HQ REFUTES CHECHEN SEPARATIST LEADERS' STATEMENTS GROZNY, February 3, 2005 (RIA Novosti) - The Regional Operational HQ for the Anti-Terror Operation in the North Caucasus have refuted allegations by Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev posted on the internet sites of Chechen separatists. "All references to the leaders of Chechen terrorist groups are false, the statements were written by Movladi Udugov, chief ideologist of Chechen separatists and their accessories," the HQ's message reads. The Kavkaz-Center and Chechenpress internet sites carried allegations earlier that Maskhadov and Basayev had ordered cease-fire in Chechnya and the rest of Russia's territory until February 22 as an act of good will.
Officials at the Regional Operational HQ are sure that "such internet resources are used to wage informational war against Russia". "Any kind of information about Basayev and Maskhadov is placed on these sites to popularize them and induce other mass media to circulate false ideas about extremist leaders' activity," the HQ's statement points out. In this connection the Regional Operational HQ refuses to comment on materials periodically placed on the separatists' sites. In its statement the HQ refers to the law On Combat against Terrorism and calls on mass media "not to believe ideologists of international terrorist organizations, who seek to spread the propaganda of terrorism and extremism". Chechen Rebel Commander Order To Halt Military Actions Until 22 Feb (Internet) Kavkaz-Tsentr News Agency WWWText in Russian 0300 GMT 03 Feb 05 [Excerpt] Chechen rebel commander Shamil Basayev has ordered units under his command to suspend military operations in Chechnya and elsewhere in Russia until 22 February, the rebel web site Kavkaz-Tsentr reported on 3 February. The order came after a Kavkaz-Tsentr report on 2 February saying that Chechen rebel President Aslan Maskhadov had signed an order on 14 January calling for the suspension of all military operations in Chechnya and Russia in February. Kavkaz-Tsentr said that it had not yet received a copy of Maskhadov's order. The following is an excerpt from a report by Kavkaz-Tsentr news agency web site; subheadings have been inserted editorially: 3 February: Kavkaz-Tsentr has learnt from the assistant to Chechen [rebel] commander Shamil Basayev that the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and amir of the State Defense Committee - Majlis-ul-Shura, Aslan Maskhadov, has ordered all units of the armed forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria [CRI] to unilaterally suspend offensive operations across the territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and beyond in February. The order was signed on 14 January 2005. The order says that the move is being made as a gesture of good will. Basayev's assistant reported that under orders from President Maskhadov, amir of the Islamic Brigade of Shakhids [martyrs] Riyad us-Saliheen [Gardens of the Righteous], Abdallah Shamil AbuIdris [Shamil Basayev] has ordered units subordinate to him to stop offensive operations on the entire territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and on the entire territory of Russia
~ 12 ~
until 22 February. Kavkaz-Tsentr still does not have the text of the order of the commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Aslan Maskhadov. But Kavkaz-Tsentr has managed to obtain the text of Basayev's order to units under his command both on the territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and on the territory of Russia. The text of the document follows: Peace be upon Allah, the God of Worlds who created us Muslims and did a great favor of jihad on His straight way! Peace and blessings to the Prophet Muhammad, his family, followers and all those who follow the straight path to the Day of Judgment! And thereafter. [Passage omitted: passages from the Koran and hadith] Order Executing the order of the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, Aslan Maskhadov, on 14 January 2005 on the unilateral suspension by the mojahedin, as a sign of good will, of all types of offensive military operations in February, I order all the units subordinate to me: All the mojahedin on the territory of the CRI and Rusnya [Russia] to suspend all types of offensive military operations in February, including: All types of sabotage acts on the territory of CRI and Rusnya; Attacks and firing on the sites of the deployment of the Russian occupation troops and their puppet structures; Blowing up and attacking enemy convoys and individual vehicles moving along main roads between the sites of their deployment; Blowing up and attacking infidels and munafiqs [hypocrites] in their places of residence and during their movement in villages and on main roads; Shooting at enemy aircraft outside mountains and forests and while in the mountains - those flying over main roads; All mojahedin to continue mining entries to their own bases and to continue military operations to
destroy the personnel and equipment of the enemy troops conducting reconnaissance or other military operations in mountains and forests. The order is valid until 22 February 2005. [Passage omitted: Koranic verses] The amir of the Islamic brigade of martyrs Riyad us-Saliheen [Gardens of the Righteous], Abdallakh Shamil Abu-Idris. Maskhadov's envoy plea This is how the general representative of the CRI president in foreign countries, Umar Khanbiyev, has commented on the suspension of the military operations by the Chechen armed forces. "The Chechen side has temporarily and unilaterally stopped the war. The Chechen side has long been discussing the idea of a unilateral suspension of the offensive military operations. The order by the CRI president, C-in-C of the CRI armed forces and head of the CRI State Defense Committee, Aslan Maskhadov, on 14 January 2005 on the unilateral suspension, as a sign of good will, of all types of offensive military operations is a sign of good will and an invitation to Russia to end the war at the negotiating table. "By taking this step, the CRI president announced to the world that the CRI armed forces are not uncoordinated groupings, as Moscow would like to portray us, but are the CRI armed forces subordinate to the commander-in-chief and controlled by him. "The Chechen side is capable of demonstrating goodwill and therefore temporarily and unilaterally suspends all active offensive military operations. Undoubtedly, only a strong side is capable of taking such a step. "We hope for a similar measure on the part of Russia and hope that Russia will show political will to put an end to this protracted and bloody war." The operational information department of Kavkaz-Tsentr Chechen separatist leader said ready for talks with Russia BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 03, 2005 Excerpt from report by Russian Ekho Moskvy radio on 3 February [Chechen separatist leader] Aslan Maskhadov's
~ 13 ~
envoy in the Nordic countries, Usman Ferzauli, has confirmed to our radio station that Chechen separatist leaders have given an order to suspend subversive and military operations in and outside Chechnya as a whole. [Usman Ferzauli] In fact, there was an order from the commander-in-chief, following which [Shamil] Basayev also ordered that subunits of his battalion should suspend combat operations, as he says, not only in Chechnya, but also in Russia. The legitimate president of the Chechen republic of Ichkeria is ready for negotiations with a side in the military conflict, the Russian Federation. He is more than confident that peaceful initiatives, if they are started with the legitimate authorities of the Chechen republic of Ichkeria, will have the desired consequences for both sides, which are a compromise, peace and so on. [Presenter] At the same time Ferzauli has denied that the order for a cease-fire is somehow related to the abduction of Aslan Maskhadov's relatives in December. [Passage omitted] Source: Ekho Moskvy radio, Moscow, in Russian 1000 gmt 3 Feb 05 Umar Hanbiyev: This is a demonstration of good will Kavkaz Center 2005-02-03 17:14:48 General Envoy of the President of the ChRI to Foreign Countries Umar Hanbiyev commented the news about the stop of offensive military operations by the Chechen Armed Forces as follows: "The Chechen side has halted the war unilaterally for a period. The idea of a unilateral stop of offensive military operations was discussed by the Chechen side a long time ago. The order of 14 January by the President of the ChRI, Supreme Commander-in-chief of the ChRI Armed Forces, chairman of the ChRI State Defense Committee A. Maskhadov about a stop (of operations) by the Armed Forces of the ChRI, is to show a manifestation of good will; the unilateral order to halt all forms of military activity of an offensive character is a demonstration of good will and an invitation to the Russian side to end the war at the table of political negotiations. By this step, the President of the ChRI declared to the world that the Armed Forces of the ChRI aren't fragmented groups, like they want to describe us in Moscow, but the Armed Forces of the ChRI, subordinated to the Commander-inchief and controlled by him. The Chechen side is capable of a step of good
will and therefore it unilaterally halts active offensive military operations for a period. Without a doubt, only a strong side is capable of such a step. We hope for the presence of political will and for an adequate step by the Russian side in order to put an end to this long and bloody war." **** The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is proud to announce that President Aslan Maskhadov, in demonstration of the good will of the Chechen side, has ordered to all Chechen Armed Forces to introduce a ceasefire from the 1st February 2005. President Maskhadovs order prohibits all offensive military operations for one month. The use of force is permitted only in defense against imminent military attacks from the Russian side. The decision to introduce the ceasefire is intended to demonstrate to the Russian side and the international community the will of the Chechen leadership to resolve the RussianChechen conflict by peaceful means. President Maskhadovs order is an invitation to Russia to open genuine peace talks. It is also an invitation to the international community to help Russia and Chechnya to come to the negotiating table. The Application of the General Representative of the President of the CRI U. Hanbiev The department of the governmental information Chechenpress, 04.02.05 The Chechen party unilaterally has stopped the war for a while. The idea about the unilateral suspension of military operations has been discussed by the Chechen party for a long time. The order of the President of the CRI, the Commander-in-chief of the Military Forces of the CRI, the head of the State Defense Committee A. Mashadov of January, 14, 2005 about stopping unilaterally by the Armed forces of the CRI all kinds of operations of military character, is a demonstration of good will and the invitation to the Russian party to finish the war at the table of political negotiation. The President of the CRI has declared to the world with this step, that the Armed Forces of the CRI are not isolated groupings, as they want to present us in Moscow, but the Armed Forces of the CRI under the Commander-in-chief and controlled by him. The Chechen party is capable of a step of good will and consequently stops for a while active offensive operations unilaterally. The strength, unconditionally, is capable of such step only.
~ 14 ~
We hope for presence of political will and for the adequate step of the Russian party to put an end to this long and bloody war. Umar Hanbiev, the General Representative of the President of the CRI in foreign countries Chechen Rebel Spokesman Expected Negative Reaction to Cease-Fire Moscow Kommersant in Russian 04 Feb 05 p 3 [Report by Musa Muradov: "Aslan Maskhadov Accused of Kindling Peace"] [Text] Throughout yesterday representatives of the federal and Chechen authorities rejected the statements by the gunmen's leaders regarding the unilateral suspension of combat operations posted the previous day by the Kavkaz-Tsentr website. And the Russian General Prosecutor's Office, as though responding to the "peace initiatives" from Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev, announced that they are facing new charges -- organizing a series of terrorist acts, including the one in Beslan. Ichkeria's representatives assessed this reaction as "reluctance to restore peace in Chechnya." Let me remind you that on 2 February KavkazTsentr, the Chechen separatists' website, reported that Aslan Maskhadov has ordered the gunmen to suspend combat operations until the end of the month "as a sign of goodwill" (the edict was signed 14 January). The site also posted orders from Shamil Basayev to his subordinates to halt all sabotage actions in Chechnya and Russia. Admittedly, terrorist Basayev's order, unlike Maskhadov's, operates only until 22 February. As expected, the reaction of representatives of the Russian and Chechen authorities was extremely negative. "Maskhadov simply wants to attract the attention of the world community to himself, Basayev, and company," Chechen Government Chairman Sergey Abramov told Kommersant's correspondent yesterday. According to the Chechen premier, the Ichkeria leader's statement is no more than a political trick designed for foreign politicians, who in assessing events in Chechnya "are guided by the concept of double standards." Chechen President Alu Alkhanov believes that the so-called president of Ichkeria is basically incapable of ensuring that this order is obeyed. "Maskhadov did not keep a single promise even when he was leader of Ichkeria," Mr Alkhanov noted. In the Chechen leader's opinion, the statement by the gunmen's ringleaders is a reaction to the active operations by the republic's security structures "to ensure public order and counter terrorism."
The Regional Operations Headquarters for command and control of the counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus simply does not believe that the statements published by KavkazTsentr are genuine. "Law enforcement agencies know that the information posted by the bandit formations' ideologists on extremist websites has nothing to do with statements allegedly made by Maskhadov and Basayev," Regional Operations Headquarters spokesman Ilya Shabalkin told Kommersant yesterday. "All references to the leaders of the bandit underground are fabricated, and the texts of the statements themselves are the product of the imagination of Movladi Udugov and his accomplices." Mr Shabalkin stressed that in the time the socalled Maskhadov moratorium has been in force (since 14 January) there have been around 10 terrorist acts in Chechnya, with 18 officers of law enforcement agencies and civilians killed and wounded. The Russian General Prosecutor's Office also responded to the "peace initiatives" from Maskhadov and Basayev. Yesterday it officially announced that they face further charges in absentia of organizing a series of terrorist acts, including the hostage-taking in Beslan and the armed attack on Nazran and Groznyy last summer. "To be honest, we did not expect any other reaction," Umar Khambiyev, general spokesman for the president of Ichkeria, stated, reconfirming to Kommersant yesterday that Aslan Maskhadov's order is genuine. Asked what in that case is the point of these initiatives, Mr Khambiyev replied as follows: "Irrespective of the Russian authorities' reaction, we will achieve our aim -- showing the world community our readiness for peaceful dialogue." The Ichkeria president's spokesman stressed that the announcement of the unilateral moratorium is totally unconnected with the abduction of Aslan Maskhadov's relatives in Chechnya: "Maskhadov has already spoken out about this: He draws no distinction between his own relatives and the other residents of the republic who are subjected to violence by the security agencies." Also yesterday news agencies circulated reports that Shamil Basayev may have been killed in Chechnya. They cited sources in Abkhazia's security structures who had received information from Basayev's wife and son, who live in the republic. Sokhumi's official authorities denied the rumors concerning the death of the number one terrorist. The Federal Security Service refused to comment. "If this had happened, we would not conceal it.
~ 15 ~
Somebody is simply indulging in wishful thinking," Mr Khambiyev said. Leader's Envoy Says Talks With Moscow Not Ruled Out (Internet) Daymohk WWW-Text in Russian 1520 GMT 04 Feb 05 [Text] 4 February: The general representative of the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria [CRI], Umar Khanbiyev, has given a brief interview to Daymohk news agency. [Daymohk correspondent] Hello, Umar! Our agency is receiving letters from our readers who ask questions concerning the latest order of the CRI president [Aslan Maskhadov to suspend hostilities till the end of February]. Among them, our editorial office picked the three most frequently asked questions. Could you answer them briefly? [Umar Khanbiyev] Hello! Yes, I will. [Correspondent] Is the CRI president's order linked to the capture of his relatives by Russian occupiers and their accomplices? [Khanbiyev] No, it is not. It has nothing to do with that. Commenting on the capture of his relatives, the president said that they were part of the Chechen people, which has been eliminated and kidnapped by Russian occupiers for six years in a row. [Correspondent] Is the Chechen side in secret talks with Russia? [Khanbiyev] It is possible that the Chechen side has some contacts with the Kremlin and there is hope for talks. But only the CRI president can say at what level and with whom. [Correspondent] Why is [Chechen commander] Shamil Basayev speaking about suspending combat operations till 22 February while Aslan Maskhadov says in his order that the war should be suspended until the end of February? [Khanbiyev] I do not see any disagreement here. On the contrary, progress in consolidating the Chechen Resistance forces is obvious, especially as Shamil Basayev's units are not officially part of the CRI army. [Correspondent] Thank you. Russian Official Thinks Maskhadov Will Surrender if Basayev Dead MOSCOW. Feb 4, 2005 (Interfax-AVN) Rumors about the death of separatist leader
Shamil Basayev are being circulated in Chechnya, but this information will be confirmed only after law enforcement agencies produce evidence proving his death, the republic's State Council Chairman Taus Dzhabrailov told Interfax by phone on Friday. "Rumors about Basayev's death are being spread in Chechnya. But only law enforcement agencies can confirm his death by showing this man's body or some video tapes to the public," Dzhabrailov said. Basayev's death would deliver a blow to all remaining guerrilla groups in Chechnya, he said. "He is such a major figure that in the event of his death, any vigorous terrorist activities on the territory of the republic or outside it will be out of the question. If Basayev's death is confirmed, Aslan Maskhadov (a separatist leader - Interfax) will take rapid steps to search for various opportunities to surrender to law enforcement agencies," the official said. "A report has received been recently that Maskhadov is hiding in the republic of Chechnya. Unfortunately, information about Maskhadov's whereabouts arrives one or two days later. Otherwise, he would have been detained long ago," he said. Dzhabrailov dismissed reports posted on a Chechen separatist website that Maskhadov had ordered his militants to halt all combat operations in February. "This is nothing more than an attempt to remind people about himself," he said. "Information about Maskhadov's statement ordering a halt to hostilities most likely has indirect links to reports about the disappearance of his relatives. None of Maskhadov's relatives, except for his wife, have ever had any influence on his decisions," he said. Chechens interested in ending war - rebel president's envoy BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 04, 2005 Text of report by The Caucasus Times web site on 4 February Prague, 3 February, Caucasus Times correspondent Islam Tekushev: "All the forces of the Chechen Resistance are interested in ending the war," Akhmed Zakayev, representative of [Chechen rebel president] Aslan Maskhadov, said while commenting on the order of the Chechen separatist leader, Aslan Maskhadov, to unilaterally suspend offensive operations on the
~ 16 ~
entire territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and outside it in February. "All the forces of the Chechen Resistance are interested in ending the war. This has been demonstrated by all the Resistance forces, including their extremist wing - Basayev", Akhmed Zakayev pointed out. Akhmed Zakayev said that the order of the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria [CRI] has shown the whole world that the Chechen Resistance forces are not uncoordinated groups, as Russia is trying to present them, but are subordinate to the commander-in-chief of the CRI armed forces. Akhmed Zakayev recalled once again that political dialogue is the only way to end the war. Commenting on the statement of the [Russian] Prosecutor's Office that new charges of organizing a series of terrorist acts, including the hostage-taking in Beslan, have been brought against the leaders of the Chechen separatists, Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev, Zakayev said that Maskhadov had earlier stated that he had nothing to do with the horrific tragedy in Beslan. "I state once again on behalf of Aslan Maskhadov that neither Aslan Maskhadov, nor the forces under his command have anything to do with the terrorist act in Beslan. The tragedy that occurred there and the following investigation are aimed at discrediting Aslan Maskhadov." Source: Caucasus Times, Prague, in Russian 4 Feb 05 Extremist websites post mutually excluding orders of Maskhadov GROZNY, February 4, 2005 (Itar-Tass) -Internet websites of Chechen extremists, Kavkaz-Center and Daymohk, have posted two mutually excluding ordinances by Aslan Maskhadov. The confusion results from a major reshuffle in the command of illegal armed units and the mounting fight for power and funding, Russian law enforcement agencies think. The Kavkaz Center notorious website controlled by radical militants of Shamil Basayev and Movladi Udugov announced on Thursday that Maskhadov had ordered unilateral ceasefire inside and outside Chechnya. Grozny experts told Itar-Tass that the website did not post an ordinance by the former leader of Ichkeria but referred to a certain aide to Shamil Basayev, who had allegedly learned about
that ordinance. Kavkaz Center introduced the ordinance as a goodwill gesture and an appeal for ending the war at negotiations. "Declaring on behalf of the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria unilateral truce till the end of February 2005. Any truce is out of the question after what has happened to the fearless fighters for freedom Shamil Basayev and Doku Umarov, and any reports of the kind are organized and distributed by forces hostile to the Chechen people, the ordinance runs. The day after Kavkaz Center claimed an attack of hackers on Daymohk and alleged posting of a fake ordinance on that website. However, Kavkaz Center did not post a genuine ordinance by the former leader of Ichkeria, experts said. A representative of a Russian law enforcement agency explains the information confusion with either serious differences between Maskhadov and Basayev or a radial reshuffle in the extremist command and the escalating fight for power and funding. This is an indirect evidence that information about deaths of Shamil Basayev and Doku Umarov may have serious grounds, the source told Itar-Tass. Russian Expert Says Websites Confirm Serious Discord Among Chechen Rebels Moscow ITAR-TASS in Russian 1434 GMT 04 Feb 05 [Text] Groznyy, 4 February: The websites of Chechen extremists titled Kavkaz-Tsentr and Daymohk have published two mutually exclusive orders of [Chechen separatist leader Aslan] Maskhadov. "Such confusion is due to radical changes at the top level of the bandit detachments and increasing struggle over power and financial flows," people in the Russian lawenforcement and security structures believe. The odious site Kavkaz-Tsentr, which is controlled by a radical part of the rebels led by Shamil Basayev and Movladi Udugov, yesterday announced an order by Maskhadov about a unilateral cease-fire "on the territory of Chechnya and outside it". However, as experts in the Chechen capital pointed out to ITAR-TASS, the website does not actually publish the decree of the former leader of Ichkeria [Chechnya] itself, and simply refers to "one aide of Shamil Basayev who has become aware of the decree". Kavkaz-Tsentr interprets this information as "a sign of goodwill" and "a call to end the war at the negotiating table".
~ 17 ~
On 3 February the Daymohk website, which is considered to be a pro-Maskhadov website, publishes Decree Ch834 of February 2, 2005, by the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and amir of the State Defence Committee, Aslan Maskhadov, which is signed by Maskhadov. The decree is entitled "On measures to stop the circulation of fake statements of representatives of the leadership of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria" and it orders "the continued resistance and armed struggle against occupants". The decree in particular speaks of reports in the media "of certain countries about a fake decree on behalf of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria president about him allegedly announcing a unilateral cease-fire until the end of February 2005". "There can be no cease-fire following what has happened to the brave freedom fighters Shamil Basayev and Doku Umarov, and all reports of the kind are initiated and circulated by forces hostile to the Chechen people," says Maskhadov's decree. One day later, Kavkaz-Tsentr spoke of an attack by hackers against the Daymohk site and the publication of a fake decree on it. But, as independent experts in Groznyy stressed, "Kavkaz-Tsentr never publishes a real decree by the former leader of the Ichkeria regime". "Such information confusion is evidence of either serious disagreements between Maskhadov and Basayev, or of radical changes in the leadership of the extremists and increasing struggle over power and financial flows," a representative of the Russian power-wielding agencies said. "All this is indirect evidence that there may be some serious grounds to the information about the killing of Shamil Basayev and Doku Umarov," the source told ITAR-TASS. Maskhadov announces a cease-fire as Basaev threatens more Beslans Jamestown Foundation Eurasia Daily Monitor Friday, February 4, 2005 -- Volume 2, Issue 25 CHECHEN REBELS START A TEMPORARY CEASEFIRE On February 3, the Kavkazcenter website reported that Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov had ordered rebel fighters to lay down their weapons for one month. It also published a statement from warlord Shamil Basaev ordering fighters to obey Maskhadov's decree and halt all offensive military actions until February 22. Later that day, however, Britain's Channel 4 television aired an earlier-recorded interview with Basaev, in which he warned that
he and his forces "are planning Beslan-type operations in the future." Kavkazcenter quoted an aide to Basaev as saying that Maskhadov had called the unilateral ceasefire order, which he signed on January 14, an "expression of goodwill." The website said it did not have the text of Maskhadov's decree, but it published the text of Basaev's order to rebel units to obey Maskhadov's ceasefire. Along with various Koranic citations, Basaev ordered all "mujahideen" on Chechen and Russian territory to halt all forms of military actions, including "assaults on and shelling of posts of occupation forces and their puppet structures," "blowing up and attacking enemy columns" and vehicles, and attacks on "kafirs and hypocrites" in population centers or on roads. The order stated that rebel fighter were permitted to mine approaches to their bases and to attack enemy forces or hardware involved in reconnaissance or military operations in the wooded mountainous areas of Chechnya. Kavkazcenter also quoted Umar Khanbiev, the main overseas representative for the separatist Chechen Republic of Ichkeria (ChRI), as saying that Maskhadov's January 14 ceasefire order was "a demonstration of goodwill and an invitation to the Russian side to end the war at the political negotiating table." Khanbiev added: "With this step, the ChRI president told the world that the ChRI's armed forces are not uncoordinated groups, as they want to portray us in Moscow, but are subordinated to the Commander-in-Chief and controlled by him . . . Only the strong side is able to take such a step. We are hoping that the Russian side will have the political will to take an appropriate step, in order to put an end to this long and bloody war" (Kavkazcenter.com, February 3). Akhmed Zakaev, Maskhadov's London-based representative, also commented on the cease-fire order. "All the forces of the Chechen resistance are interested in an end to the war," he said. "This has been demonstrated by all the resistance forces, including its radical wing -- Basaev." Like Khanbiev, Zakaev said Maskhadov's order showed that the resistance forces are not uncoordinated groups, but are subordinated to Maskhadov. Zakaev also called for "dialogue" to end the war (Kavkazcenter.com, February 3). Not surprisingly, pro-Moscow Chechen and Russian officials have dismissed Maskhadov's initiative out of hand. Chechen President Alu Alkhanov called it a "propaganda trick" (Itar-Tass, February 3). Likewise, Chechen State Council Chairman Taus Dzhabrailov said it was nothing more than a bluff, a provocation, and a desire to attract attention. Dzhabrailov added that it was
~ 18 ~
possible the rebels were trying to give the impression that they have a unified command, when, in his view, "Maskhadov can only give orders to himself personally; Basaev -- to his entourage, guards, and the small group he heads" (Interfax, February 3). Dmitry Kozak, President Putin's envoy to the Southern Federal District, seemed to be following the same talking points, calling Maskhadov's unilateral ceasefire order "nothing other than an attempt by the separatists to attract publicity." The separatists "have taken these steps many times before," he said, adding: "Aslan Maskhadov has never been really in control of the situation, even when he was in Grozny" (Itar-Tass, February 3). Meanwhile, Britain's Channel 4 ran an interview with Shamil Basaev on the evening of February 3. According to the channel's website, four months ago it sent Basaev a list of questions through an intermediary in an unnamed European capital. Within the past week, three video CDs containing Basaev's answers to the questions were delivered to an unnamed Middle Eastern city (chanel4.com). In the interview, the Chechen rebel warlord reiterated what he said in an e-mail interview with Mark MacKinnon, Moscow bureau chief for the Globe and Mail newspaper, last November -that he was in a state of "shock" over the outcome of the September 2004 Beslan school massacre, but that the Russians were responsible for the siege's bloody denouement. Basaev told Channel 4 that he originally planned to seize one or possibly two schools simultaneously in either Moscow or St. Petersburg, but that limited funds forced him to target North Ossetia, a "Russian garrison in the North Caucasus" that contributed to Chechnya's misery with the "silent consent of [the North Ossetian] population." Basaev said his aim had been to offer the Russian leadership no chance of achieving a "bloodless resolution" to the hostage-taking and thus force it to stop the "genocide of the Chechen people," but that he had been "cruelly mistaken" in thinking Moscow would never be willing to preside over the death of children. Basaev said Maskhadov had accused him of going too far with the Beslan raid, and that he had told Maskhadov he was "ready to stand before a sharia court and answer to it in all its severity if it judges [that] I should be punished." Basaev added, however, that such a trial is only possible after the war ends. Basaev also said he is willing to call a ceasefire and open negotiations with the Russians, but only after the complete withdrawal of Russian forces from Chechnya. At the same time, Basaev declared: "We are planning Beslan-type operations in the future
because we are forced to do so. Today our citizens are disappearing. Our girls disappear without a trace. They can take anyone. In order to stop this chaos we have to respond in the same way. Cynical though it may seem, we are planning these operations, and we will conduct them, if only to show the world again and again the true face of the Russian regime, the true face of Putin with his Satanic horns, so that the world sees his true face. In order to stop the genocide we will stop at nothing." Justifying attacks on civilians, Basaev argued that people who "who approve of Putin's policies," who "pay their taxes for this war," who "send their soldiers to this war, priests who sprinkle holy water on them," cannot be seen as innocent. Basaev ended the interview with comments reminiscent of those made by some of the more extreme Islamic fundamentalist preachers. "This is a war between the descendants of monkeys, about whom your Darwin wrote, and the descendants of Adam, glory be to Allah," he said. "This is the war of the descendants of Adam and Eve to put the animals in their place. I commit this to the great God and those who have taken the path to jihad, the direct path to God. Allahhu akbar." Before the interview with Basaev was broadcast, Russia's Foreign Ministry expressed outrage and condemned Channel 4's decision, calling Basaev a "notorious terrorist and murderer" and noting that Russia's embassy in London had demanded the British authorities not air it. The channel, for its part, said it recognized that Basaev's views "will be regarded worldwide as repugnant" but "utterly rejected" any notion it was acting irresponsibly. "It is simply not the case that the running of such material can be equated with condoning it," Channel 4 said in a statement. "This has also been the case for many other instances where the views of those who advocate terrorism, including Osama bin Laden, have been carried by broadcast media. The piece on Channel 4 News tonight will make very clear what kind of man is Shamil Basaev and will set in very clear context his attempted rationale for the killing of children" (Channel4.com, The Times [UK], February 3). --Charles Gurin Chechen site rejects Russian claims about "information war" BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 07, 2005 A Chechen rebel site has reacted sharply to a statement by the Russian headquarters controlling the counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus which questions the authenticity
~ 19 ~
of statements by Chechen rebel leaders calling for an end to the war. It says there is no question of a Chechen "information war" and Russia in truth has no intention of ending the conflict. The following is the text of the report entitled "The ROH rejects the authenticity of statements by Maskhadov and Basayev", carried by the Kavkazskiy Vestnik web site on 4 February; subheading has been given as published: The regional operational headquarters for the conduct of the counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus [ROHCOP] refutes the authenticity of statements by [rebel-backed Chechen President] Aslan Maskhadov and [rebel commander] Shamil Basayev published on Chechen separatist web sites. This is stated in a report from the headquarters which reached the RIA news agency. "The law-enforcement bodies know for certain that the information distributed by ideologists of illegal armed formations on extremist sites has nothing to do with the statements allegedly made by Maskhadov and Basayev. All the illusions to the leaders of the bandit underground are imaginary and the texts of the statements the product of the fantasies of [Chechen separatist spokesman] Movladi Udugov and his accomplices," the document says. Earlier on the Kavkaz-Tsentr and Chechenpress sites, reports appeared about alleged instructions having been given by Maskhadov and Basayev about the ending of combat operations in Chechnya and other Russian territory before 22 February "as a sign of good will". The ROH is certain that "the activity of these Internet sources pursues but one objective - to wage an information war against Russia". "Any information about Maskhadov and Basayev carried on these sites has been invented merely to give them publicity and to provoke other media into circulating false impressions about the activities of extremist leaders," the HQ's statement points out. In this connection the ROH refuses to comment on reports which from time to time are published on separatist sites. The statement contains a reminder to representatives of the media about the demands of the Law of the Russian Federation "On the fight against terrorism" and its appeal "not to be led by the ideologists of international terrorist organizations who are trying by deceit to provoke the distribution of information which serves the propaganda of terrorism and extremism". Groznyy, 3 February 2005 - RIA Novosti. Commentary Let us ask ourselves why [spokesman of the counterterrorist operation in the North
Caucasus Maj-Gen Ilya] Shabalkin and his ROH reacted in this way to CRI President Maskhadov's decree on the unilateral cessation of combat operations by detachments of the Chechen Resistance, which was distributed by Chechen web sites. There is a simple explanation for this oversensitive reaction - the Russian military and political leadership does not want to stop the war and begin talks with the opposing side. This shows up the false nature of the Kremlin's measures, such as a "round table meeting" and the recent "treaty on the delimitation of powers between Moscow and Groznyy". That was the first blunder. The second blunder is this: if Shabalkin relates Maskhadov's decree on the ending of combat operations to elements of the information war, then what should one understand by elements of the information war? Clearly, only he - Shabalkin, a Russian information general - knows about this. Quite clearly, RIA is in a hurry to publish everything that is circulated by Shabalkin's spin-doctors, without bothering to think about what it contains. That's when you get clangers, or should one say cock-ups from ROHCOP. Source: Kavkazskiy Vestnik web site, in Russian 4 Feb 05 Chechen Ceasefire 'Respite' Before New Wave of Terror Moscow Moskovskiy Komsomolets in Russian 04 Feb 05 p 4 [Report by Oleg Fochkin under "Terrorism" rubric: "Maskhadov Wants Peace. Or Is Basayev Preparing for a New War?" -- taken from HTML version of source provided by ISP] [Text] A Chechen separatist website has posted statements by Maskhadov and Basayev in which they declare "a unilateral cessation" of offensive combat actions on the territory of Chechnya and beyond. Maskhadov has announced a moratorium for the whole of February, whereas Basayev's extends only through 22 February (23 February 1944 was the date when Chechen deportations began, and it is regarded as the day of ethnic genocide). Basayev is ordering his comrades in arms to cease all sabotage, attacks, and firing on Russian troops, any blowing up of or attacks on convoys and solitary vehicles of the "federals," and also any shooting at "enemy aircraft" outside the mountain-forest zone. The corresponding order was signed 14 January 2005. But the ceasefire is, for some reason, not in evidence. In these opening days of February our soldiers have been dying just as they have on other days. The website also carries a commentary by "the
~ 20 ~
general representative of the Republic of Ichkeria in foreign countries," Umar Khanbiyev, who refers to the suspension of combat actions as "a demonstration of goodwill and an invitation to the Russian side to end the war around the political negotiating table." Chechen President Alu Alkhanov has already made his statement in response to Maskhadov's order: "Maskhadov has never honored the commitments he has made, even during his period as President of Ichkeria. If Maskhadov and Basayev are prepared to end the terror campaign, they should not set conditions, but must contact the law enforcement agencies and surrender to the authorities." Dmitriy Kozak, presidential plenipotentiary for the Southern Federal District, was no less adamant: "The Russian authorities do not react to messages posted on the extremists' website. This is because that facility is not an official information medium." That is, Russia's official representatives have in fact said "No" to Maskhadov. Alkhanov claims that Maskhadov's statements are directly linked to the intensification of the Chechen law enforcement agencies' counterterrorism activities. This year alone the gunmen have suffered significant losses, including within their leading echelon (for example, the command of the Yarmuk jamaat [community] in Nalchik has been crushed). The federals' mobile detachments are catching up with gunmen wherever they are able. This is even more like revenge for the deaths of comrades from the Alfa and Vympel [special units] in Beslan and Makhachkala. And the separatists understand perfectly well that personal blood-revenge is far more terrible than an order issued from HQ. There are also other explanations for that most unexpected statement from Maskhadov and Basayev. First, reports have recently been appearing of the severe wounding of both Basayev and Doku Umarov -- the third man in the gunmen's hierarchy. And they need to show that they are still a united force, capable not simply of resistance, but of presenting a united front. Second, the separatists' relationship with the Arabs has become strained. Most of all with Abu-Hafs, who distributes financial aid from abroad. He is in no hurry to share it with the Chechens, and that arouses their open indignation. According to intelligence information, there have recently even been open armed skirmishes between Arabs and Chechens. Third, it should not be forgotten that it is still not known what has happened to Maskhadov's abducted relatives. It is not impossible that the "truce" is most directly connected with these
abductions. And, finally, this is not the first announcement of a truce from the gunmen. We may say, from the experience of past years, that this "petition" means only one thing: That the gunmen are preparing new acts of bloody terrorism, and they simply need a respite in order to prepare everything meticulously and weaken the siloviki's vigilance. Chechens Seen Planning Terrorism Despite Maskhadov Cease-Fire Order Moscow Nezavisimaya Gazeta in Russian 04 Feb 05 p 4 [Report by Andrey Riskin: "Maskhadov 'Declares' Peace. Not for Long. Chechen Gunmen's Leaders Are Planning New Large-Scale Terrorist Acts"] [Text] Ichkeria President Aslan Maskhadov has issued orders to suspend combat operations "on the republic's territory and beyond its borders for the month of February." One of the separatists' websites reports that this has been done "as a sign of goodwill." And Shamil Basayev is reportedly prepared to obey this order, but only until 22 February. In response, his statement emphasizes, the separatists hope for "the existence of political will and appropriate action by the Russian side to end this long and bloody war." All the indications are that the Chechen leadership does not believe in the "goodwill" of Maskhadov and Basayev. Republic President Alu Alkhanov declared that Maskhadov's latest actions are "directly linked to the intensification of the activities of Chechen law enforcement agencies and federal security structures to combat terrorism and banditry." Chechen State Council head Taus Dzhabrailov did not rule out the possibility that Maskhadov's latest order is connected with the disappearance of his relatives: "Maybe he has decided somehow to plant information to the effect that he is a peacemaker and is prepared to suspend combat operations?" "The relatives are nothing to do with it, of course," Abdul-Khakim Sultygov, the Russian Federation president's former special representative for human rights in Chechnya, told Nezavisimaya Gazeta. "I believe we have entered a new period of terrorist threats, and the gunmen's leaders are simply stating that they are in full control of their armed formations and at the same time are demonstrating the unity of their ranks. Essentially they are indicating the timing of new terrorist acts. As I see it, they will begin 23 February -- the day the Chechen and Ingush peoples were deported. Dates are always important, they are PR. So the actions of
~ 21 ~
Maskhadov and Basayev are part of the media war that generally precedes real, large-scale terrorist sabotage actions." Indeed, Chechen President Akhmad Kadyrov was blown up in Groznyy stadium 9 May. The terrorist act in Kaspiysk two years earlier was carried out on Victory Day. The gunmen's bloody raid on Nazran, in which the death toll was around 100, was staged 22 June, the Day of Remembrance of Victims of War. In March Chechnya is planning to widely celebrate the second anniversary of the adoption of the republic's constitution. In May the country will celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Great Victory.... "It looks as though the statement by Basayev and Maskhadov is a reaction to the not entirely articulated processes regarding Chechnya that are under way in the Kremlin. There is the sense that Moscow is beginning to rethink its Caucasus policy," Aleksey Malashenko, member of the academic council of the Moscow Carnegie Center, told Nezavisimaya Gazeta. "First, the situation in the North Caucasus in general is very serious. The unsolved Chechnya problem is a disaster against the backdrop of a possible explosion in the North Caucasus. Second, since the end of last year there has begun to be talk of the possibility of the presence of an external humanitarian force in Chechnya. This was mentioned, in particular, in Putin's conversation with the FRG chancellor. In other words, Russia seems to be admitting that it cannot cope itself and needs a 'third force.' That is the most important point. Finally, we must note the Chechen authorities' fierce reaction to this 'truce.' A statement by Taus Dzhabrailov that this whole thing is a provocation and so forth was immediately issued. This is a very interesting aspect against the backdrop of the way he recently described an amazing treaty between Moscow and Groznyy, but it subsequently emerged that there is not going to be any treaty." Let us note that yesterday Basayev unexpectedly was given a platform in the British mass media. An interview with him was shown on one TV channel, and London's The Times published a number of statements by the "number one terrorist" in which he announced that the Chechen gunmen are planning new terrorist acts on the scale of Beslan. Moreover, the separatist leaders are already stating that they "intend to seek independence for all the North Caucasus republics, not only for Ichkeria," since Moscow can no longer cope with the "role of so-called controller" in the region. Meanwhile yesterday Interfax's sources within
Abkhazia's security structures told the agency that Shamil Basayev was fatally wounded in the latter half of January in a "spat" with foreign mercenaries and was buried in Chechnya's Gudermesskiy Rayon. Also yesterday the General Prosecutor's Office Administration in the North Caucasus charged Maskhadov and Basayev with organizing several terrorist acts, including the hostage-taking in Beslan. US TV Companies Eager To Cooperate With Chechen Rebel Agencies (Internet) Kavkaz-Tsentr News Agency WWWText in Russian 1520 GMT 04 Feb 05 [Text] 4 February: The US press has widely covered the order of the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria [CRI], Aslan Maskhadov, on the unilateral truce, a representative of the assembly to defend the independence of the CRI in the USA has said. The interest in the struggle of the Chechen people has sharply increased in the USA over the past couple of days, the representative said. Specifically, different American TV companies are ready to cooperate with CRI news agencies. The representative of the assembly said that "contacts are being established and they will be of great significance in creating an impartial view of the Russo-Chechen war and in destroying the stereotypes foisted on the West by the Kremlin's propaganda". Russian officer: no fighting since Chechen rebel cease-fire call publicized SERGEI VENYAVSKY AP Worldstream - Feb 06, 2005 There has been no fighting between Chechen rebels and Russian forces since a pro-rebel Web site reported last week that top separatist leaders had called for a unilateral cease-fire, an officer at the Russian military headquarters in the region that includes Chechnya said Sunday. The officer at the North Caucasus Military District, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said no clashes with militants have been reported in Chechnya since the purported cease-fire calls by former Chechen President Aslan Maskhadov and warlord Shamil Basayev were publicized. A spokeswoman for Chechnya's Interior Ministry, Diana Delmikhanova, also said there had been no rebel attacks or land-mine blasts for the past three days, although she said she did not believe that was the result of the cease-fire announcement. A Web site linked to the rebels,
~ 22 ~
www.kavkazcenter.com, reported Wednesday that Maskhadov, president of Chechnya during its de-facto independence in the late 1990s, had signed an order last month for all offensive actions to be halted in February in Chechnya and bordering areas as "a display of good will." The site said Basayev ordered all rebels under his command to halt attacks until Feb. 22 _ the day before the anniversary of Stalin-era mass deportation of Chechens to Central Asia. Feb. 23 is also the day Russians honor the nation's armed forces. Russian officials and authorities in Chechnya's Moscow-backed government dismissed the calls as a bluff or a publicity stunt. On Thursday, the Interfax news agency quoted the deputy commander in chief of the Russian Land Forces as saying that he had just returned from Chechnya and that rebel attacks were continuing. But daily reports issued by Russia's headquarters for the campaign against militants in Chechnya and nearby regions, which it calls the counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus, also appeared to indicate that no rebel attacks have taken place in recent days. The last three reports, issued to media Friday, Saturday and Sunday, mention no attacks on Russian servicemen in Chechnya. "Over the past day, the situation on the territory of the Chechen republic remained calm on the whole," Sunday's news release said. The headquarters has claimed the statements attributed to Maskhadov and Basayev were fake. The Kremlin sent troops into Chechnya in 1994 in a bid to crush its separatist leadership, but they withdrew after a devastating 20-month war that left the southern Russian region with de facto independence. Russian troops returned in 1999, and fighting has persisted almost daily despite the establishment of the Moscow-backed government. Officials in Chechnya's government and Russian President Vladimir Putin's Kremlin have said there can be no negotiations with rebel leaders over anything but their unconditional surrender, rejecting overtures from Maskhadov and calls from critics in Russia and abroad who have urged peace talks. Russian officials accuse Maskhadov of involvement in organizing or inspiring most of the terrorist attacks that have plagued the country in the past few years, but they also say he has little power over most of the militants in Chechnya.
Basayev has claimed responsibility for numerous terrorist attacks. Chechen rebel leader appoints negotiator for peace talks with Moscow AFP - 07 February 2005 MOSCOW: Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov said he has named a top aide to conduct peace negotiations with Moscow, but the Kremlin dismissed the move, saying it refused to deal with "terrorists." Maskhadov, believed to be hiding out in Chechnya's rugged southern mountains, confirmed that he had ordered a temporary truce in the war-torn breakaway republic until February 22 as a "goodwill gesture" aimed at Russian President Vladimir Putin. "I hope for an adequate response. Because following my order for a temporary halt to all offensive operations I ordered the formation of a delegation to hold contacts with the Russian side," Maskhadov told Russian daily Kommersant. The guerrilla leader said he had chosen Umar Khambiyev, a former health minister in Maskhadov's separatist administration who is now living in exile, to lead the peace effort in a bid to end the more than five-year conflict. "If reason triumphs among our Kremlin opponents, we can end this war at the negotiating table. If not, then most likely blood will be spilled for a long time to come but we will not be morally responsible for the continuation of this madness," said Maskhadov. However, a senior presidential official said that the Kremlin had not changed its policy of refusing to negotiate with Maskhadov. "These are not people with whom we can hold talks. Maskhadov does not control the situation and more importantly, he's a terrorist. No country in the world is willing to deal with terrorists," Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told AFP. Maskhadov was elected as president of Chechnya in 1997 in elections recognized by Moscow after it sued for peace to end a disastrous 1994-96 war, although Russia has since branded him a terrorist. Once seen as a moderate figure, the former Soviet artillery officer's influence has waned as radicals led by warlord Shamil Basayev and linked to al-Qaeda have staged a series of deadly attacks on Russians civilians.
~ 23 ~
More than five years after pouring in troops in October 1999 to restore control in Chechnya, Russia remains bogged down in a bloody guerrilla war despite setting up a pro-Moscow local administration. After a spate of major clashes in three neighboring republics in the past month, analysts suggested the Chechen rebels appeared to be responding to a secret peace initiative from the Kremlin, anxious about the conflict enflaming the Caucasus. Pro-Moscow Chechen leaders, who control lucrative reconstruction funds allocated for the war-shattered republic, also dismissed the talks offer. "Our stand is unwavering, there will be no political contacts with Maskhadov and his circle," the Chechen state council chief, Taus Dzhabrailov, told the Interfax news agency. The official Russian death toll from the war stands at over 4,700 soldiers though independent observers claim the true toll may be three times higher. The rebels are believed to have suffered large losses as well and now operate in small gangs through tough terrain they know well while reverting primarily to mine warfare and hit-andrun strikes. Their single biggest recent attack came in the southern Russian town of Beslan where more than 340 people -- half of them children -- died in a September school hostage raid masterminded by Basayev. In a chilling British television interview broadcast last week sparking angry Russian protests, Basayev warned of future attacks on Russian targets like Beslan. Chechen rebel leader praises truce By SERGEI VENYAVSKY 2/7/2005 ROSTOV-ON-DON, Russia (AP) A Chechen rebel leader told a Russian newspaper that a unilateral cease-fire he announced should help lead to peace talks with the Kremlin, and an official said Monday the truce had been holding since the start of February. Last week, a rebel Web site carried statements by former Chechen President Aslan Maskhadov and warlord Shamil Basayev ordering a halt to all offensive actions in February in Chechnya and bordering areas as "a display of good will."
Maskhadov, who was president of Chechnya during its de-facto independence in the late 1990s, said in an interview published Monday that he hoped for an "adequate reaction" from the Russian authorities. He added that he had named a spokesman abroad, Umar Khambiyev, to head a delegation for talks with Moscow. "If our Kremlin opponents display sober reason, the war will end at the negotiating table," Maskhadov told the business daily Kommersant. "If not, bloodshed will likely continue for a long time, but we will surrender moral responsibility for continuing this madness." Liliya Tengiyeva, a spokeswoman for Chechnya's Interior Ministry, said rebels appeared to be observing the cease-fire. "During the last week, there have been no serious attacks, raids or terror attacks on the territory of the republic," Tengiyeva said in a telephone interview. "I wouldn't categorically say that these are the consequences of the moratorium, because such a lull is typical for the winter. Maybe it's just a coincidence but maybe not." Federal officials have dismissed the calls as a bluff or publicity stunt, but daily reports issued by Russia's headquarters for the campaign against militants in Chechnya and nearby regions also appeared to indicate no rebel attacks had taken place in recent days. In the newspaper interview, Maskhadov again sought to distance himself from Basayev, who has claimed responsibility for numerous attacks, including the September school hostage-taking in which more than 330 people were killed. He said he would try to prevent Basayev from carrying out new attacks against civilians, and he repeated his position that Basayev should face an international tribunal. "If Basayev obeyed my cease-fire order, I should think that I have succeeded in averting many terror attacks," he told Kommersant. The rebel Web site had said Basayev ordered all rebels under his command to halt attacks until Feb. 22 the day before the anniversary of Stalin-era mass deportation of Chechens to Central Asia. Feb. 23 is also the day Russians honor the nation's armed forces. Some Russian media speculated that Maskhadov's cease-fire call was tied to the alleged abduction of his relatives by the Chechen presidential security service. Representatives of the Memorial human rights center said Monday that one relative who was abducted, Movladi Aguyev, was
~ 24 ~
found in the custody of federal forces in Chechnya. Memorial also said some 1,000 civilians had disappeared in Chechnya in the past five years during the second war after being detained. It registered 396 abductions in Chechnya in 2004, including those of 24 people who were later found dead with signs of torture and a violent death, and 495 abductions including 52 whose bodies were found the previous year. Abductions are a major problem in Chechnya, with civilians and rights groups blaming rebels and pro-Russian Chechen law enforcement as well as Russian forces who detain men in daily security sweeps. President Vladimir Putin has rejected calls from abroad for peace talks, saying the rebels are international terrorists who must be eliminated. Alu Alkhanov, Chechnya's Moscow-backed president also ruled out any talks with Maskhadov. The Kremlin sent troops into Chechnya in 1994 in a bid to crush its separatist leadership, but they withdrew after a devastating 20-month war that left the southern Russian region de facto independent. Russian forces returned in 1999 following a rebel incursion into a neighboring province and apartment building explosions blamed on rebels. Radio Commentary Criticizes Kremlin's Refusal To Talk to Chechen Rebels Moscow Informatsionnoye Agentstvo Ekho Moskvy in Russian 1511 GMT 07 Feb 05 [Commentary by radio observer Sergey Buntman] [Text] [No dateline, as received] What is the Russian leadership afraid of? Why is it ignoring [Chechen separatist leader] Aslan Maskhadov's explicit statement on a unilateral ceasefire and the creation of a contact group [for talks with the federal center]? It is clear why United Russia is hiding its head in the sand and keeps repeating that it will not discuss anything with "a child murderer"... [Ellipsis as received] This party - if you could call it that - will not say a word without having been instructed to do so. It is also clear why [presidential envoy to the Southern Federal District Dmitriy] Kozak refuses to comment even on the fact of Maskhadov's appeal. A segment of the vertical structure of power cannot have opinions of its own. It is also clear why the [pro-Moscow] Chechen
leadership, [President Alu] Alkhanov and [Deputy Prime Minister Ramzan] Kadyrov, have offered their reaction, albeit a standard one: Maskhadov, surrender! They, although being part of the vertical structure of power too, are authorized to do that within the framework of the process of "Chechenization" of the smouldering war. All that is clear. What is not clear is what those who are supposed to hold all the strings to the North Caucasus settlement in their hands, and to look strong and independent, are afraid of. However, leaving out the "child murderer" formula - Maskhadov's involvement with horrendous terrorist attacks has been declared by Moscow but has not been verified and he himself, unlike Basayev, categorically denies his involvement - so, leaving out any formulas, the Kremlin and the president [Vladimir Putin] do have something to be afraid of. Moscow has painted itself into a corner by choosing a single model for a peace settlement for Chechnya through its appointed man and the Kadyrov clan. Moscow has robbed itself of an opportunity to reach the open ground of alternative solutions. Were they to try and take Maskhadov at his word, try to check whether his proposals and offer of a ceasefire are empty words or not, the Kremlin's shaky North Caucasus construction would collapse. The president, and he must be perfectly aware of this, has neither the strength nor the opportunity to escape from under the debris of the juggernaut he has created with his own hands. We have seen in Ukraine what driving oneself into a corner can lead to. As it turned out, it is not Moscow that decides things there. It also turned out that one can back off, smile and accept the new situation. The price of this obstinacy is a loss of face and scratches on one's prestige. Moscow's obstinacy as regards Chechnya has a far higher price - yes, the price is our children's lives. Ramzan Kadyrov invites Maskhadov to lay down arms MOSCOW, February 7, 2005 (Itar-Tass) -Chechnyas first deputy prime minister, Ramzan Kadyrov has formally invited separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov to lay down arms and give himself up to the authorities. In the current situation this is the sole possible gesture of goodwill Maskhadov has talked about so much, Kadyrov told Tass in the wake of media reports the former leader of the Ichkerian regime has declared unilateral truce till the end of February.
~ 25 ~
What goodwill can one talk about after so many civilians, including children and women, have died as a result of terrorist attacks and acts of sabotage in Grozny, Beslan and Moscow? On the other hand, if what Maskhadov is saying is true and he does not control those who commit terrorist attacks, what negotiations can be conducted with a person who does not decide anything? Kadyrov said. The question arises who will obey his orders. Maskhadov himself recognizes that the most notorious field commanders, including Basayev, are not subordinate to him. Kadyrov believes that Maskhadovs sudden confessions he does not control Basayev and other bandits testify to his intention to shirk responsibility for committed crimes, including those in Beslan and Ingushetia. The sole act of goodwill Maskhadov should take now is to lay down arms and to set an example for others. Only by doing so he will be able to prove that peace for the long-suffering land of Chechnya is not empty talk for him. In the meantime his current truce rhetoric benefits the separatist leaders who seek to draw the worlds attention again, and to use the pause to plan more terrorist attacks and murders, Kadyrov said. In his opinion Chechnyas law enforcement agencies have been doing a good job and their grip on Maskhadov and Basayev is ever tighter. Surrender is only solution for rebel leader Maskhadov - Chechen deputy PM BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 07, 2005 Text of report by Russian news agency ITARTASS Moscow, 7 February: First Deputy Chechen Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov today officially called for the former leader of Ichkeria, Aslan Maskhadov, to lay down his weapons and hand himself in. "Recently Maskhadov has so often talked about acts of good faith and in his situation this is the only possible act of this kind," Kadyrov said when asked by ITAR-TASS to comment on the statement of the former leader of Ichkeria published in the press announcing "a unilateral cease-fire until the end of February". "How can one speak of good faith when children, women and civilians have died in terrorist attacks and acts of sabotage in Groznyy, Beslan and Moscow? On the other hand, if Maskhadov says that he does not control the people who carry out terrorist attacks, then there can be no question of holding talks with a man who has no real influence," Kadyrov said. "The question arises of who will carry out this [cease-fire]
order, if Maskhadov himself admits that the most odious field commanders, including [Shamil] Basayev, are not under his command and are not part of the so-called armed forces of Ichkeria." "The fact that Maskhadov has suddenly started to admit that he does not control Basayev and the other bandits shows his desire to avoid personal responsibility for the crimes that have been committed, including those in Beslan and Ingushetia," Kadyrov continued. "The only act of good faith that Maskhadov must perform now is to lay down his arms himself and act as an example for others. This is the only way he can prove that the words peace for the long-suffering territory of Chechnya have any meaning for him." "All the current talk about cease-fires is actually only for the benefit of the leaders of the fighters, who, first, are trying to get the world's attention and second, using this as a breathing-space to prepare for new terrorist attacks and murders," Kadyrov noted. According to him "the effective work of Chechnya's law-enforcement structures is yielding results and the net is tightening around Maskhadov and Basayev". Source: ITAR-TASS news agency, Moscow, in Russian 0956 gmt 7 Feb 05 Chechen President Says Rebel Leader Maskhadov Has No Real Power Moscow NTV Mir in Russian 1300 GMT 07 Feb 05 [From "Segodnya"] [Excerpt] [Aleksey Sukhanov, announcer] In response to [Chechen rebel leader Aslan] Maskhadov's interview to the Kommersant newspaper, in which Maskhadov spoke about a unilateral suspension of hostilities until the end of February and the intention to hand Basayev over to an international tribunal, the Chechen leadership called on Aslan Maskhadov to turn himself in. [Passage omitted: Chechen president Alkhanov doesn't believe Maskhadov] [Ramzan Kadyrov, first deputy chairman of the Chechen government] They all have been pushed into a corner, therefore he has no scope for this. That's why all the actions have stopped. But there is not a single commander who would carry out his [Maskhadov's] orders. Why did he not say something in Beslan? If he is president and commander-in-chief, why did he allow Beslan to happen? Why are there explosions, why are children being killed everywhere?
~ 26 ~
[Announcer] Moscow's reaction is similar. The Kremlin, though, has not commented on Maskhadov's statement but the Federation Council touched upon this topic. At a meeting with foreign military attaches, head of defense committee Viktor Ozerov said that Maskhadov's words about a cease-fire is but a part of information war. Chechnya: Cease-Fire Holding, But Little Chance Of Negotiations Seen By Valentinas Mite A unilateral cease-fire called by Chechen separatist leaders appears to be holding -- giving some the impression there may be an opening in the Chechen crisis. The cease-fire was called by Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov and warlord Shamil Basaev as a goodwill gesture to encourage the Russians to engage in talks over the feature of the republic. Chechnya's Russianbacked government has dismissed the move as a publicity stunt, and observers say that with memories of September's tragic Beslan school siege still fresh, the Russians are not likely to rush to the negotiating table. Prague, 7 February 2005 (RFE/RL) -- Chechen rebels seem to be observing a cease-fire in the republic that was announced on 2 February to last until 22 February. The pro-Russian Chechen administration and Russian military say there has been no major fighting between Chechen rebels and Russian forces since last week. The Kremlin has issued no public response, but pro-Russian Chechen President Alu Alkhanov said on 5 February that if Maskhadov and Basaev really want to stop terror they should turn themselves in to police and surrender. In an interview published by the Russian newspaper "Kommersant-Daily" today, Maskhadov said he is hoping for a response from the Russian government. The separatist leader has named a spokesman, Umar Khambiev, to head the delegation for talks with the Kremlin. Khambiev told RFE/RL he believes it's in the Kremlin's best interest to start negotiations. "We have showed and we continue to show that we are ready for negotiations. We are different from the people they portray us to be. We are ready for negotiations even today and solving all contentious questions. Otherwise this war will not end in the way Russia wants and it is dangerous for Russia itself," Khambiev said.
Khambiev said if the bid to start talks fails, Chechen militants are ready to continue fighting. He said his group is not fixated on establishing an "independent" Chechnya, but that the main aim of the resistance is to get guarantees for the existence of the Chechen nation. "It is up to negotiators to find these guarantees. If the [negotiators] don't want to call it 'independence,' we fill find a different formula for that. All these questions might be resolved through negotiations. Our president says and not without reason that 30 minutes would be enough to talk with the president of the Russian Federation and end this war," Khambiev said. Khambiev said persistent rumors about Basaev's death are not true and are part of what he called a "Russian disinformation campaign." "In his interview [with 'Kommersant-Daily'], President Aslan Maskhadov said that it is the sixth time when Basaev was reportedly killed. It means Maskhadov denied the rumors and chose not to answer the question," Khambiev said. Basaev has claimed responsibility for many terrorist attacks carried out in Russia in recent years, including last September's Beslan hostage siege in which more than 320 people were killed. Maskhadov condemned the Beslan siege, and has said Basaev should face trial for his role in the hostage taking. Khambiev downplayed any disagreement between Maskhadov and Basaev. "There are no special disagreements except pointed out by the president [Maskhadov] himself [in his interview]. He said he could not accept the means used by Basaev, and first of all he is concerned about actions against the peaceful Russian civilians," Khambiev said. Khambiev said for this reason Maskhadov is the best partner for the Kremlin. He said the ceasefire indicates Maskhadov is in complete control of the Chechen resistance. Kirill Koktysh of the Moscow Institute of International Relations, however, said that in his opinion it is impossible to imagine that Maskhadov controls all of the militant groups in Chechnya. "He might control some militants, but the problem is that he is one of many [commanders]," Koktysh said. "On the whole, Chechnya is now in [an impossible situation] where everyone is fighting everyone else. Very big numbers of groups, clans, and [families] are fighting one another." Koktysh claimed the amount of military activity in Chechnya depends more on money coming in
~ 27 ~
from abroad to support the militants than on what Maskhadov says. (RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service contributed to this report) BASAYEV KILLED, MASKHADOV PEACEFUL - TOO GOOD TO BE TRUE MOSCOW, February 7, 2005 (RIA Novosti's writer Pyotr Romanov). On Monday, Kommersant, a Moscow business daily, published an interview with former Chechen leader Aslan Maskhadov. In this interview, Maskhadov is quoted as saying that on February 1 he had ordered his men to suspend fighting. This is really good news, because, even if Maskhadov controls a dozen men, there is a chance these few will stop killing for some time. Another piece of good news had come from Chechnya several days before, suggesting that Shamil Basayev, the terrorist, was killed. What killed him - his old wounds or new ones, Russians in an ambush or his own cronies by accident - is of little importance. Off with him, anyway. The only thing worries me is that all this is too good to be true. No matter how hard we try to believe it, the whole thing seems yet another publicity project Movladi Udugov, the insurgent spin-doctor, is so good at. Unfortunately, Mr. Maskhadov had declared a ceasefire as many times before as there had been rumors about Basayev's death or about a split-up between the two warlords. Some time later a videotape would turn up in a cache, showing the two cheerfully planning another attack on a Russian site. According to Kommersant, Maskhadov pledged to have all men accused of crimes against humanity, including Mr. Basayev suspected of the Moscow theater siege in 2002 and Beslan attack in 2004, before the International Tribunal after the war. This is also good news, though it is yet unclear whether the same applies to Mr. Maskhadov's own case recently filed by the Russian General Prosecutor's Office. Of course Maskhadov is no match to Basayev in terms of criminal records, but he also has skeletons in the cupboard. The list of accusations starts from Ichkerian (Ichkeria is the self-made name for independent Chechnya - Ed.) prosecutors, not even Russian ones. The federal forces once seized the Maskhadov file, and this author was one of those who scrutinized it page by page. These pages tell interesting stories about former president's uncontrollable personal accounts where state
money ended up en masse, including the money Moscow had sent to Chechnya to pay pensions; about trains going through Grozny, looted during what they called the "independence" of Chechnya; of reckless and persistent thievery of the president's personal guard, and many, many other things, not least mysterious disappearances of people in the basements of the so-called "security service" that reported directly to the president. "It is up to the Almighty to decide, and the Almighty is mighty kind," Mr. Maskhadov used to say. He might be confident enough about a future interview with the Almighty, but the prosecutor should come first - and for long. If Maskhadov is aware of that, there is hardly any chance that he will ever surrender or arrange a ceasefire. With a little help from the Almighty, perhaps... Dagestani Mujahideen waiting for President Maskhadov's order Kavkaz Center 2005-02-08 00:58:49 Kavkaz Center's editors received a statement issued by the Shariah Unit of Dagestani Resistance Forces (Mujahideen). The statement says: In the name of God, Most Compassionate, Most Gracious. Peace and blessing be to Commander of All Mujahideen Prophet Muhammad, to his family, to his disciples and to all of those who followed them in the Jihad until the Day of Judgment. Due to the information that was being spread through Dagestani (pro-Russian) mass media, claiming that Dagestani Mujahideen (Resistance Fighters) did not suspend their war operations on the territory of the Republic of Dagestan, which allegedly is a violation of the order of Commander-In-Chief, President Maskhadov, on unilateral suspension of offensive war operations on the territories of Chechnya and Russia, The Shariah, the Congress of Islamic War Council (Jamaat) of Dagestan hereby clarifies: The order mentions the unilateral suspension of offensive war operations only on the territories of Chechnya and Russia. No order was received about suspension of any war operations on the territory of Dagestan. Therefore, The Shariah War Council will continue carrying out its combat operations in accordance with the ratified plan until the next appropriate order comes from Commander-InChief, President Maskhadov. Meanwhile the sources of Russian invaders
~ 28 ~
reported that combat clashes were going on throughout the whole day last Saturday on the outskirts of the city of Makhachkala (capital of Dagestan) in the vicinity of Mount Tarki-Tau. No details of the battle were reported, except for one commando of Russian special forces being killed and several wounded. No information has been available about casualties among Dagestani Armed Forces, against whom the military operation was allegedly being conducted. The combats stopped in the vicinity of Tarki-Tau by Saturday evening. Sources of the Russian invaders reported that the operation against Dagestani Armed Forces was accomplished, but the armed unit of Dagestanis somehow managed to escape. (Allegedly, Mr. Muslim Makasharipov was spotted in that unit). Chechen Rebel Leader Calls On West To Help End War MOSCOW, Feb 8, 2005 (AFP) -- Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov called Tuesday [8 February] on the West to mediate an end to his Muslim republic's war against Russia even as the separatists' top warlord vowed unstinting resistance, in a clear split in the rebel command. The Kavkazcenter Internet site released a statement by the ousted Chechen president urging peace. But it also broadcast a video it said was of Russia's enemy number one Shamil Basayev proclaiming an endless campaign. Pro-Moscow Chechen leaders said the odd exchange was a farce and once again offered Maskhadov a chance to give up while dismissing negotiations. The conflicting rebel statements reflected infighting within the Chechen resistance and a struggle over strategy in a conflict that has spanned more than a decade of on and off warfare claiming tens of thousands of lives. Maskhadov said in his statement that he "confirms a commitment to civilized methods of resolving difficult political questions." The Chechen rebel leadership was "willing to demonstrate its desire for peace and calls on the United Nations, the European Union, the Council of Europe and the democratic governments of Europe and the United States to change their stance" and help end the war, he said. Rebels offered a ceasefire last Wednesday and only one pro-Russian Chechen policeman has been confirmed killed since then in a rare quiet spell in the war.
But Moscow-linked leaders of Chechnya and Kremlin officials have dismissed Maskhadov's calls for talks while President Vladimir Putin -- the latest war's architect -- has refused to comment on the peace offers after proclaiming the war over and won on repeated occasions. "We cannot talk about negotiations with those who are involved in bloody deeds," pro-Moscow Chechen leader Alu Alkhanov was quoted as saying by Interfax. Analysts said the call appeared futile because the West feared straining ties with Moscow over Chechnya and guerrillas allegedly tied to the AlQa'ida terror network. The Chechens "have nothing to gain in the West, which would prefer not to freeze ties with Putin," said political analyst Andrei Piontkovsky. Only one official round of peace negotiations was held during the second war launched in October 1999. It ended with Moscow demanding unconditional surrender. The Kremlin has since insisted it will hold no further talks with "terrorists." Russia received a stark reminder of the relentless unrest in its Caucasus region with Basayev's reappearance on the Internet. The warlord slammed a knife into his artificial right leg several times in Kavkazcenter footage, dated Sunday, as he vowed that his followers would keep on fighting the Russians even after his death. "I do not understand how the stronger side, and the Chechen side is the stronger side, can simply end a war," said the thickly-bearded Basayev, dressed in a camouflaged army outfit. Russian media has been filled with a new round of reports about the possible death of Basayev, the man who masterminded the Beslan school hostage siege that left more than 340 people -half of them children -- dead in September. But Basayev reappeared to announce that rebels would pursue their resistance even if he were dead. "I would also like to address the Chechen people: should they kill me, if Doku (Umarov) is killed, Maskhadov is killed, we are killed all together, or we die on our own, for we must all die at one point, the jihad will not stop there." Meanwhile Russia's self-exiled tycoon Boris Berezovskiy, once a pointman on Chechnya, added another startling note in the debate over
~ 29 ~
the ongoing war, saying he believed the Chechens had access to nuclear weapons. Berezovskiy told Moscow Echo radio that rebels had offered to sell him a "portable" nuclear bomb two and a half years ago and that he alerted the US embassy in London, but the case was dropped. The Russian foreign ministry issued an angry statement after his comments, accusing the billionaire of trying to spawn panic. Chechen rebels in peace plea to Kremlin By Neil Buckley in Moscow Financial Times Published: February 8 2005 02:00 | Last updated: February 8 2005 02:00 Aslan Maskhadov, the Chechen rebel leader, yesterday urged the Kremlin to start peace talks, days after he announced a ceasefire by rebel forces. His comments were published as rumours continued to circulate about the death of Shamil Basayev, the radical separatist who masterminded last year's siege at a school in Beslan in which more than 330 people died. Late on Sunday, Russia's state-owned Channel 1 featured the rumours prominently in its main evening news programme. Sources in the Caucasus said last week that Mr Basayev had died from a kidney problem or complications linked to the amputation of his foot after he stepped on a mine in 2000, or possibly in a dispute over money with his own men. Russia has always refused to negotiate with Mr Maskhadov, who dissociates himself from Mr Basayev, accusing him of being involved in attacks on civilians and expressing doubt over the extent of his control over rebel forces. However, if the ceasefire holds until February 22, the deadline set by Mr Maskhadov, that could put pressure on Russia, which some analysts think is also seeking a way to end the 10-year-old conflict, to respond. Chechen interior ministry officials said yesterday there had been no serious rebel attacks or raids since February 1. Mr Maskhadov told Kommersant newspaper he had offered the ceasefire not as a signal of his strength but as a "goodwill gesture" aimed at Vladimir Putin, the Russian president. "If sober reason prevails among our opponents in the Kremlin, then we can finish this war at the
negotiating table," Mr Maskhadov said. "If not, most likely blood will flow for a long time, but we will not carry the moral responsibility for the continuation of this madness." Mr Maskhadov played down the rumours of Mr Basayev's death, saying this was already the fifth or sixth time in six years he had been reported dead. The Kremlin immediately dismissed Mr Maskhadov as a terrorist and said it had not changed its policy of refusing to negotiate with him. The pro-Moscow Chechen administration also said there would be no talks. Chechen President Suggests Subordinating Security Structures to Local Command Moscow Gazeta in Russian 08 Feb 05 pp 4-5 [Report by Vladimir Barinov: "Basayev in Exchange for Negotiations"] [Excerpt] There will be no talks with Aslan Maskhadov. That is the Chechen leaders' response to the rebel leaders' proposal to sit down at the conference table made in an interview published yesterday in the Kommersant newspaper. In the interview the "president of Ichkeria" called the unilateral truce he has allegedly declared a "goodwill gesture" and for the first time voiced a readiness to hand Shamil Basayev and other bandit ringleaders involved in crimes against humanity over to an international tribunal. Nonetheless, the Russian siloviki do not believe Maskhadov, seeing his statements as an attempt to make his presence felt in the international arena and to gain a respite in fighting the federal forces. Meanwhile Chechen President Alu Alkhanov has come out with the initiative to transfer the operational leadership of the security structures in the republic to the control of the local siloviki. [passage omitted] Against this background Alu Alkhanov's statement regarding a possible change to the system for controlling security structures in Chechnya looks rather curious. In the opinion of the republic's president, at present "there is no need for the multi-level system of leadership of forces and facilities." Alkhanov believes that the leaders of the local MVD [Internal Affairs Ministry], FSB [Federal Security Service], military commandant's office, and prosecutor's office should be answerable for everything taking place in the republic. Thus, he speaks almost outright of the expediency of transferring leadership of the fight against the militants away from federal structures (the Regional Operations Headquarters for the Control of the Counterterrorist Operation in the North Caucasus) to local structures. Alu Alkhanov's
~ 30 ~
assistant Muslim Khuchiyev explained to Gazeta that so far this proposal is the personal opinion of the Chechen president. It is based on a desire to remove "a certain vagueness" in the struggle against the terrorists and to enhance responsibility for what is happening with regard to certain officials in the leadership of the republic's law enforcement agencies. The Chechen administration believes that substantial successes have been achieved recently in the fight against the bandit underground, and the militants can no longer carry out wide-scale sorties and the Chechen police (there are about 15,000 of them -- Gazeta) can perfectly well deal with them themselves. All the federal forces deployed permanently in Chechnya should be operationally subordinate to the republican authorities, the republic's leadership believes. Gazeta's sources in the federal forces' security structures note that Alu Alkhanov's proposal is not new. Not long before his death in May last year Akhmat Kadyrov came out with a similar initiative. The special services officers note that the scenario of handing control to the local authorities is possible if only as an experiment. However, so far all these proposals are only being debated and no specific decisions have been made. Perhaps this is connected to the fact that the professionals are insisting on improving the Chechen police's professional standard and on training new, qualified personnel. As of now the changes have affected only the commandants' offices in Chechnya -- they have been transferred from Defense Ministry subdivisions to the control of MVD Internal Troops units. Chechen rebel leader calls for peace talks ISN SECURITY WATCH (08/02/05) - Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov has followed up last week's unilateral ceasefire declaration by calling on Moscow to engage in peace talks and asking the international community to play a role in settling the conflict in Chechnya. Russian officials and Chechnya commentators have called the move a propaganda stunt to garner Western sympathies, which plunged after a rebel hostagetaking raid on a crowded school in the southern Russian republic of North Ossetia in September. Observers also suggested that the call for peace talks with Moscow was an attempt to win the rebels some time to recuperate in the difficult winter period. Moscow-backed Chechen president Alu Alkhanov responded to the rebel appeal on Tuesday by calling for Maskhadov to surrender. Other senior Chechen officials argued that the rebels could no longer sustain intensive guerilla warfare and were acting from a position of weakness rather than good will. The Russian
media quoted Chechnya analysts on Tuesday as saying that nothing in the conflict had changed over the past months to bring the two sides closer to the idea of a political settlement. Also on Tuesday, the rebel website posted a video statement by Chechen warlord Shamil Basaev, in which he denied rumors about his death that had been circulating in the Russian press over the past week. He also pledged respect for Maskhadov's truce. In an interview published by the respected Kommersant daily on Monday, Maskhadov vowed to hand Basaev over to an international tribunal to be tried for terrorist attacks claimed by the warlord, but only after the conflict ended. Maskhadov, elected president of independent Chechnya in the late 1990s, has regularly denounced Basaevs violent methods. Basaev has consistently threatened Russia with new major terrorist attacks. Maskhadov said in the interview that if the Kremlin rejected his offer for peace talks, the bloodshed would continue, but the rebels could no longer be held morally responsible for that. Russian President Vladimir Putin has rejected any possibility of holding talks with the rebels since their hostage-taking raid on a Moscow theater in October 2002, arguing that the rebels were international terrorists who must be eliminated, and that Maskhadov - the most likely negotiating partner for the rebels - had no control over the warlords. In related news, exiled Russian tycoon and onetime powerful political player Boris Berezovsky told the Russian daily Komsolskaya Pravda that the Chechen rebels had obtained a portable nuclear device. The Russian Foreign Ministry dismissed the claim in an official statement on Tuesday. (By Nabi Abdullaev in Moscow) Chechen President Calls on Maskhadov To Acknowledge Guilt Report by Yevgeny Sobetsky GROZNY, February 8, 2005 (Itar-Tass) Chechen President Alu Alkhanov has commented on "an initiative" put forward by Chechen warlord Aslan Maskhadov who suggested a unilateral ceasefire in Chechnya. Maskhadov should rather acknowledge his guilt to the Chechen people for innocent victims, grief and sorrow that he brought to Chechnya in the past years and the harm Maskhadov is doing to Chechnya at present, rather than suggest peace initiatives, the Chechen president said. The Russian Prosecutor's Office always keeps its
~ 31 ~
doors open to Maskhadov and his accomplices if they have a wish to repent their deeds, Alkhanov said. "Let him come and say if he has anything to tell about that, " Alkhanov said. "Maskhadov had a real possibility to prevent a second Chechen war if he had condemned Basayev for invasion into Dagestan. However, Maskhadov never did that, and at present, all his initiatives are taken merely as his wish to make the world remember him," Alkhanov noted. Alkhanov does not rule out that bandit formations might stage subversive and terrorist acts before and after February 22. Nonetheless, the Chechen president dismissed possible terrorist acts as an attempt "to bite", rather than change the real situation. "The bandits have neither strength nor means to plunge Chechnya into a turmoil of a new war, while we have enough power so as to bring the positive transformations in Chechnya to a logical end," Alkhanov said. Preventive security checks have been held in Chechnya at present with the aim to frustrate warlords' plans to stage new serious terrorist acts in Chechnya, Alkhanov said. Russian Politicians Against Talks With Chechen Leader Maskhadov Moscow ITAR-TASS in Russian 1058 GMT 08 Feb 05 [Excerpt] Moscow, 8 February: Rather than putting forward peaceful initiatives, [Chechen rebel leader] Aslan Maskhadov should ask the Chechen people to forgive him for innocent victims, and misery and suffering which he has brought into the republic in the past years. This is how, in today's interview with ITAR-TASS, Chechen President Alu Alkhanov commented on Maskhadov's initiative to announce a unilateral cease-fire in the republic. [passage omitted: repeat of previous reports] He said Maskhadov had had a real opportunity "to prevent the second Chechen war if he had condemned [Chechen rebel commander Shamil] Basayev for his raid on Dagestan. "The region's leader [Maskhadov] did not want to do so, and today all his initiatives can only be regarded as a publicity stunt," Alkhanov said. The Chechen president did not rule out the possibility that both before and after 22 February bandit groups will make attempts to stage terrorist acts and acts of sabotage. "These will be attempts to sting us but they cannot really change the situation," he believes. The bandits have neither forces nor resources to "throw us
off the course the republic is now following and plunge it into the abyss of a new war". "We, conversely, have enough resources to carry out positive reforms until the logical end," Alkhanov said. He said that in the Chechen Interior Ministry and other law-enforcement bodies people are working in the knowledge that "they are following the right path". Alkhanov also said pre-emptive scheduled special operations were now under way in the republic to thwart attempts by leaders of bandit formations to stage serious terrorist acts. [At 1221 GMT ITAR-TASS quoted Duma MP from Chechnya Akhmar Zavgayev as saying that the former president of the so-called Ichkeria, Aslan Maskhadov, "does not belong to himself" and is totally dependent on international terrorism and its operative in Chechnya, Shamil Basayev. At 1035 GMT RIA-Novosti reported that Federation Council speaker Sergey Mironov is categorically against talks with Chechen rebels. "I was reminded of an old truth: beware Greeks bearing gifts, as this is an attempt to lull vigilance," he was quoted by RIA-Novosti as saying. On the other hand, Mironov is not sure at all that Maskhadov "really controls anything in the Chechen Republic".] State Duma Deputy Says Maskhadov Depends on International Terrorism By Sergei Ovsiyenko MOSCOW, February 8, 2005 (Itar-Tass) -- Expresident of so-called Ichkeria Aslan Maskhadov is not his own man, has not been such for a long time. He fully depends on international terrorism and its placeman in Chechnya, Shamil Basayev, holds deputy of the State Duma from the Chechen Republic, Akhmar Zavgayev. "Maskhadov's statement about unilaterally ending hostilities is nothing more than a propaganda ploy in the information war launched by provocateur Udugov", Zavgayev told Tass on Tuesday. Maskhadov had an opportunity to end the war and bring the republic back to peaceful construction, Zavgayev said. Nevertheless, it was not without Maskhadov's part that Arab mercenaries and Basayev started to train terrorists and saboteurs in Chechnya in mid-90s. The Ichkeria regime channelled children's benefits and pensions of the aged for the training of terrorists in camps. "Maskhadov was late with peace proposals when Basayev launched war on Dagestan. In that way,
~ 32 ~
'Ichkeria' president showed once again that he was not his own man", the deputy said. He believes Maskhadov will hardly dare give himself up to law enforcement bodies - so great his guilt to the Chechen people is. "On the other hand, Basayev and his accomplices will not allow this, as they need a sort of fetish in their criminal activities", the deputy said. "The do-gooders in the West would like Russia to get down to a negotiating table with Maskhadov. But I have a lot of questions to ask them in this connection, the main question being if Maskhadov, dependent on international terrorism, can control the situation in the republic", Zavgayev said. Chechen President Alu Alkhanov, in his turn, said that Aslan Maskhadov should acknowledge his guilt to the Chechen people, instead of advancing "peace initiatives". Alkhanov said, "The door to the prosecutor's office and to any power structure is always open to Maskhadov and his accomplices if he wants to repent, to ask forgiveness of the Chechen people". "If he has anything to say in this respect, let him come and say this", the Chechen president said. Sides Differ on Sincerity of Chechen Rebel Leader's Peace Offer Moscow Kommersant in Russian 08 Feb 05 p 4 [Report by Musa Muradov: "Aslan Maskhadov Still Seeking Reconciliation. But He Is Asked to Surrender"] [Text] Yesterday Russian and Chechen politicians were commenting on the Aslan Maskhadov interview published the day before in Kommersant. All their comments came down to the view that Aslan Maskhadov has to give himself up and that he has nothing to negotiate about, since there is nothing he can decide. Mr Maskhadov himself, though, made another appeal to Russia's leadership yesterday, declaring himself ready for dialogue "without prior conditions." The pretext for the Aslan Maskhadov interview was his order to "the armed forces of Ichkeria" to unilaterally halt combat actions on and outside Chechen territory until the end of February. At the same time the Ichkerian president once again invited the Russian leadership to negotiate. The Russian side's response was entirely predictable: His opponents not only rejected the very possibility of negotiations but also cast doubt on the genuineness of Maskhadov's "peace" order. Maskhadov spokespeople countered by claiming that the order was real and that their president's peace initiatives were absolutely sincere. They were still not believed.
As a result Mr Maskhadov reaffirmed in his Kommersant interview that he really had signed the order and was now hoping for an "appropriate reaction" from the Russian side. In addition, the "commander of the Ichekerian armed forces" distanced himself clearly from Shamil Basayev, condemning his actions and promising to hand him over to the International Tribunal on Crimes Against Humanity. Official Russian leadership spokespeople preferred not to notice yesterday's interview at all. At least, there were no comments forthcoming from them yesterday. There was enthusiastic comment from Chechnya, by contrast. "I think that he (Maskhadov -Kommersant) has realized the hopelessness of his position, so he is looking frantically for a way out of the corner into which he has driven himself," Kommersant's correspondent was told yesterday by Chechen State Council Chair Taus Dzhabrailov. Mr Dzhabrailov suggested, moreover, that by making such statements the "president of Ichkeria" is preparing the ground for a voluntary surrender. "At any rate, that would be the most sensible way out for him," the State Council chair believes. Chechen President Alu Alkhanov expressed himself in the same vein: "There is nothing to negotiate with the Chechen separatists' leader about, and his promise to hand Shamil Basayev over to a tribunal is one he cannot keep, for the simple reason that he can decide nothing and has no one under his command." Aslan Maskhadov's supporters, however, are entirely optimistic. "We have not received any proposals from the Russian side, but we are hoping that it will happen," the Ichkerian president's general representative Umar Khambiyev stated to Kommersant yesterday. He claims that the Maskhadov initiatives have already sparked the interest of "influential European politicians" who are thoroughly determined to promote a resolution of the Chechen conflict. "For the moment I cannot be any more specific about this, but you will soon hear all about it," Mr Khambiyev promised. As far as Aslan Maskhadov himself is concerned, he is still hoping to find a common language with the federal authorities. According to Mr Khambiyev, he has already made another appeal to the Russian leadership and the world community in which he expresses readiness for political dialogue "without prior conditions." Russia Faces Chechen Cease-Fire Bid Amid international pressure on the Kremlin to end the fighting, two fugitive rebel leaders offer to halt attacks and begin peace talks By Kim Murphy
~ 33 ~
Times Staff Writer Los Angeles Times February 8, 2005 MOSCOW After years of war in the separatist republic of Chechnya, Russia faces an offer that politically is almost as difficult: an end to the fighting. Rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov confirmed Monday that he had ordered a unilateral ceasefire and appointed an emissary to attend peace talks on the conflict, which has killed tens of thousands of people since 1994. Another rebel leader, Shamil Basayev, who has claimed responsibility for the September assault on a school in the southern Russia town of Beslan that left 331 hostages dead, said last week that he would observe the cease-fire. The two announcements significantly upped the ante for Russia, which faces growing international pressure for a political solution to the war. President Vladimir V. Putin has long refused to negotiate with separatist leaders, and officials Monday left no doubt that they would not take Maskhadov up on his cease-fire offer. "Maskhadov doesn't represent anyone but himself, so there is nothing to discuss," said Yury Sharandin, head of the constitutional legislation committee in the Federation Council, the upper house of parliament. "The sole act of goodwill Maskhadov should take now is to lay down arms and set an example to others. Only by doing so will he be able to prove that peace for the long-suffering land of Chechnya is not empty talk for him," Chechnya's deputy prime minister, Ramzan Kadyrov, told the Itar-Tass news agency. Moscow last week criticized British Channel 4's broadcast of Basayev declaring he also was "planning Beslan-type operations in the future." Russia has offered a $10-million reward for the two leaders' captures. Though Maskhadov has condemned terror attacks in recent months and threatened to put Basayev on trial, Russia has held both responsible for suicide bombings and other attacks against Russian civilians. Russian television showed footage Monday of Maskhadov that it said was aired by Al Jazeera television two weeks after the Beslan siege in which he spoke glowingly of a dead Saudi believed to be Al Qaeda's envoy in Chechnya. Maskhadov said there were "very many brothers from Arab countries" in Chechnya an assertion that Russia considered proof of
Maskhadov's Al Qaeda connections. Maskhadov, a former president of Chechnya, told the newspaper Kommersant on Monday that he had ordered his field commanders to observe a cease-fire until Feb. 22. "It is a gesture of goodwill. It's one more invitation to the other side to sit down at the negotiating table," he said. After Feb. 22, he added, "it's all in the hands of God, and his mercy is boundless. If our Kremlin opponents are reasonable, the war will end at the negotiating table. If not, blood will continue to be spilled for a long time yet, but we will reject any moral responsibility for this continued madness." The date has significance for Russians and Chechens. Russians observe Feb. 23 as the day the Red Army was founded in 1918, and Armed Services Day, formerly Red Army Day, is still a major holiday. In 1944, Chechens' deportation to Kazakhstan began that day on the orders of Josef Stalin, who accused them of collaborating with the invading Nazis. Across Russia, there has been growing discomfort with the conflict and mounting pressure to end it through negotiations. The Soldiers' Mothers Committee, a rights group formed by Russian mothers whose sons have served in Chechnya, offered in October to meet with Maskhadov's envoy in Europe, but the talks never took place. "Since Putin believes that his political career is closely connected with the Chechen war, he doesn't want to hear anything about the termination of hostilities," said committee leader Valentina Melnikova. "We finally figured out that peaceful appeals fell on deaf ears on Putin's side, so we had to address the other side, the field commanders." Also last fall, the Parliamentary Assn. of the Council of Europe's political affairs committee drafted a resolution saying Russia had failed to distinguish between Chechen rebels advocating political dialogue and those instigating attacks. That approach is "one of the big errors of Russian policy," the statement said. "Without the moderate nationalists and autonomists to be heard and listened to, only the most violent and criminal elements with links to international terrorism got a 'voice,' " the resolution concluded. "In order to make peace, one needs the 'other side.' " Chechen President Alu Alkhanov, elected in August in a Kremlin-supervised vote, said the
~ 34 ~
European parliamentary body would participate in talks March 3 with the Chechen government and ex-ministers from Maskhadov's administration. Usman Ferzauli, Maskhadov's envoy in Copenhagen, said the former ministers could not negotiate. "The so-called representatives of the Maskhadov government in these discussions are in fact some former Chechen legislators who have been recruited by the Kremlin to give this process an air of some serious consultations," he said by telephone. "Nothing can come of such discussions." Maskhadov Raises Stakes in Chechnya By Nabi Abdullaev Staff Writer Moscow Times Tuesday, February 8, 2005. Issue 3101. Page 1 Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov on Monday followed up his declaration of a ceasefire with a call for the Kremlin to start peace talks and for the international community to play a part in settling the conflict. Nothing seems likely to come from Maskhadov's appeals, but his forces still stand to benefit from halting their attacks. The cease-fire allows his forces to rest and regroup during the winter, when conditions are most difficult. It also would allow the rebels to restore a chain of command if radical warlord Shamil Basayev is indeed dead, as security officials in Abkhazia have claimed. The pro-Moscow government in Chechnya has rebuffed Maskhadov's call for peace talks, and the Kremlin has so far remained silent. This, too, plays into Maskhadov's hands, by allowing him to take the lead in the international propaganda war. Maskhadov was quoted in the Monday issue of Kommersant as saying that the one-month truce, which he announced early last Thursday and which so far has appeared to be holding, should ultimately lead to peace talks with the Kremlin. "If not, the bloodshed will likely continue for a long time, but we will surrender moral responsibility for the continuation of this madness," he said. Maskhadov also vowed to hand over Basayev -who has organized a series of terrorist attacks -to an international tribunal if he and the Kremlin negotiate an end to the conflict in Chechnya. The Kavkaz Center web site posted a new statement by Maskhadov on Monday evening in
which he calls on Russia to stop the bloodshed, saying the rebels are open for "real political dialogue with the Kremlin without any preliminary conditions." He also called on the United States, United Nations, Council of Europe and European Union to "abandon the roles of extras and to get actively involved in the plan that we are proposing for settling the military and political conflict between Russia and Ichkeria." Maskhadov told the newspaper that he has already appointed a team, headed by his ally Umar Khambiyev, whom he described as his "chief representative abroad," to negotiate with the Kremlin. The Kremlin has so far made no statement on the unilateral cease-fire or appeal for peace talks. The Russian leadership has repeatedly rejected Maskhadov's calls for peace talks in the past, casting doubt on how much real control he wields over Basayev and other rebel commanders. A spokeswoman for the presidential administration, who refused to give her name, said late Monday that although Putin has not made any public mention of Maskhadov's proposal, this does not mean that it is not being discussed in the Kremlin. The only response from federal authorities so far has been an announcement last Thursday by the Prosecutor General's Office that Maskhadov was being charged with complicity in organizing the hostage-taking raid on the Beslan school on Sept. 1. More than 330 people, about half of them children, died in the raid, for which Basayev assumed responsibility. Unlike the Kremlin, Chechnya's pro-Moscow administration responded to Maskhadov's initiative by saying it was ready to talk to anyone but Maskhadov and Basayev, and urged their fighters to come out of the forests and lay down their arms. "We are ready to talk to anyone who will approach us from the criminal circles and gangs, and we are ready to do whatever depends on us to make these people return to a normal peaceful life," Chechen President Alu Alkhanov told journalists Saturday. Hundreds of former rebels have responded to past amnesties in Chechnya, with many of them later joining local police units notorious for their brutality and corruption. Ramzan Kadyrov, Chechnya's deputy prime
~ 35 ~
minister, said the rebel leaders were negotiating from a position of weakness. "Neither Maskhadov nor Basayev has the strength to conduct any actions in the Chechen republic," Kadyrov said in an interview on NTV television Monday. Taus Dzhabrailov, head of Chechnya's State Council, said Maskhadov is stalling for time. "Law enforcement agents and the security structures are virtually on the heels of Maskhadov and his people, thus they need to achieve a break by any means possible to gather strength for new terrorist attacks," Dzhabrailov told Interfax on Monday. "Maskhadov is seeking any means to stall search operations in the mountainous parts of Chechnya." Maskhadov realizes that his latest call for peace talks will most likely go unanswered. Yet he is pushing the idea as a way to help repair the damage done to the rebels' cause by the Beslan raid, said Leonid Syukiyainen, an analyst with the Institute of State and Law of the Russian Academy of Sciences. "Maskhadov's proposal is nothing more than an effort to demonstrate to many inside Chechnya and outside Russia that it is Moscow that is resisting peace talks," Syukiyainen said. He said unless the Kremlin breaks its silence and at least repeats its earlier demands that Maskhadov order his forces to surrender and hand over terrorists, including Basayev, Maskhadov will win the war for the attention, if not the sympathy, of the international community. Basayev's death has been reported by security officials in Abkhazia, who cite his relatives living in the separatist Georgian republic. When asked by Kommersant to confirm Basayev's death, Maskhadov would only note that reports of Basayev's death had surfaced five or six times over the past six years. Britain's Channel Four television aired an interview with Basayev late Thursday. The interview, in which he promised more hostagetaking raids, was filmed in early January. Basayev, according to the Chechen rebel web site, has supported Maskhadov's cease-fire order. The Foreign Ministry lodged an official protest with the British Foreign Office over the channel's Basayev interview. Syukiyainen, however, said the Kremlin should do more to make its position on Chechnya clear.
"In many places abroad, Chechen rebels are extremely active in portraying the conflict in Chechnya to their benefit," he said. "Moscow needs to take the initiative away from them and offer its own detailed vision of the situation." One reason Russian officials have avoided the issue of Chechnya is that they are following Putin's lead, said Vladimir Pribylovsky, head of the Panorama think tank. "If Putin does not think of the current situation as an opportunity, everyone in his retinue thinks, why should he run ahead of the president?" Pribylovsky said. Maskhadov's cease-fire declaration won instant praise from the American Committee for Peace in Chechnya, which called on Moscow to begin talks with Maskhadov. "The American Committee welcomes this initiative as yet another offer by President Maskhadov to end violence and renew dialogue toward a political resolution of the decade-long conflict," the committee said in a statement circulated Friday. "Likewise, ACPC calls on Russian authorities to consider Maskhadov's call for peace and begin talks on a negotiated settlement." Russian government paper dismisses Chechen rebels' truce offer BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 11, 2005 Text of report by Natalya Kozlova, entitled "Confessional interview. Aslan Maskhadov's publicity stunt intended for the West", in Russian newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta on 8 February The Chechen separatist leader's interview has appeared at a very timely moment. Another two or three months, and many people might even have forgotten about Aslan Maskhadov. Life in Chechnya is hard and uneven, but it is getting back to normal, but the Ichkerian separatist leader's confessions are certainly not designed for "internal consumption" but for "external use". It is pointless talking to anyone living in or near Chechnya about the bandits' so-called peace moves. Even in the few days of Maskhadov's "truce" 12 terrorist attacks have been averted. But, with an eye on those far removed from the daily realities of the Caucasus and Russia generally, this kind of PR shot is very much to the point. First, as a reminder of himself as a leader who means something; and second, as usual, as a request for money.
~ 36 ~
We learn from Maskhadov's interview that he wants to "avert a real threat... [ellipsis as published] to all the peoples of Russia and the Caucasus" - no more and no less. To look good for the West, Maskhadov disowns the bloodiest actions and even promises to present the International [Criminal] Tribunal with the heads of Shamil Basayev and any others involved in "crimes against humanity". Then he concludes by promising, as usual, the standard range of horrors: The war will go on and the bloodshed will continue long into the future, but it will be the Kremlin, naturally, and not he, Maskhadov, who will be responsible. So who has been responsible up to now? If we discount the offer to hand Basayev over to international justice, the interview is absolutely indistinguishable from statements that the gunmen's boss has been making throughout recent years. Aslan Maskhadov also mentioned the Prosecutor-General's Office, saying that the investigators' charges do not trouble him. The Prosecutor-General's Office itself has simply paid no attention to Maskhadov's interview and sees no need to comment on it. As they themselves confirmed to Rossiyskaya Gazeta, for the prosecutors Maskhadov remains someone charged in his absence under several "heavyweight" articles of the Criminal Code. And he still continues to be charged with crimes for which he is on the international wanted list. All the commentaries that have appeared since the "order to halt combat actions" and the Maskhadov interview itself effectively say the same thing. The president's plenipotentiary representative in the Southern Federal District, Dmitriy Kozak, thinks that Maskhadov is simply no more in control of the situation in Chechnya now than he was even when he was ensconced in Groznyy, and that in fact the interview is only the latest attempt to remind people that he exists. In response to the "truce" the leadership of Chechnya has again officially offered the former leader of the Ichkeria regime the opportunity to surrender. And Chechen Republic President Alu Alkhanov responded to Maskhadov's promise to bring Basayev to justice by saying that he does not trust his words. Alkhanov is convinced that Maskhadov has no intention of handing Basayev over "dead or alive". Chechen First Deputy Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov said practically the same thing, suggesting that Maskhadov simply lay down his arms and surrender to the authorities. "What kind of goodwill can we talk about when children, women and peaceable citizens have died as a result of terrorism and
sabotage in Groznyy, Beslan and Moscow? On the other hand, if Maskhadov says that he has no control over those committing the terrorist attacks, what is the point of holding talks at all with someone who has no real power?" Kadyrov declared. "You cannot help wondering who is going to carry out the directive if Maskhadov himself admits that the most odious field commanders, including Basayev, are not under his command and are not part of the so-called armed forces of Ichkeria." The fact that Maskhadov has suddenly begun to admit that he does not control Basayev or the other bandits is evidence of his desire to escape personal responsibility for the crimes that have been committed, including those in Beslan and Ingushetia, Kadyrov thinks. The only goodwill act that Maskhadov needs to accomplish right now is to lay down his arms himself and set an example to the others. All the current talk about a truce is actually only beneficial to the gunmen's leaders, who are trying, first, to draw attention to themselves around the world and, second, to take advantage of the respite to prepare for renewed terrorist attacks and murders, Ramzan Kadyrov observed. Indeed, in the mountain regions of Chechnya where the gunmen are based, the situation is really dire right now. The snow blocking the passes and the constant avalanches practically rule out any movement through the mountains. In weather like this combat actions have always come to a halt in past years too. As the end of winter approaches the bandits have one aim - to survive until spring so as to renew the terrorist onslaught when the "greenery" reappears. So the interview and the "truce" are simply for Maskhadov's benefit from every aspect. Source: Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Moscow, in Russian 8 Feb 05 p 2 Chechen rebel in call for peace talks as ceasefire holds From Jeremy Page in Moscow Times-UK February 08, 2005 ASLAN MASKHADOV, the Chechen rebel leader, urged the Kremlin yesterday to begin talks to end a decade of conflict as local officials revealed that a ceasefire he ordered last week had been effective. The Kremlin and pro-Moscow Chechen officials insisted, however, that they would not negotiate with a man they consider to be a terrorist, despite growing fears that the conflict is spreading to other regions in the North Caucasus.
~ 37 ~
In an interview with Kommersant, the Russian newspaper, Mr Maskhadov confirmed that he had ordered a ceasefire until February 22 as a goodwill gesture and said that he had appointed a top aide to conduct peace talks with Moscow. If reason triumphs among our Kremlin opponents, we can end this war at the negotiating table, he said. If not, then most likely blood will be spilt for a long time to come but we will not be morally responsible for the continuation of this madness. Mr Maskhadov, who is believed to be hiding in mountains in southern Chechnya, was elected President of the breakaway republic after Moscow sued for peace to end the first Chechen War in 1996, but he was deposed when Vladimir Putin sent troops back to Chechnya when he was Prime Minister in 1999. The Chechen rebel leader said that he had chosen Umar Khambiyev, a former Health Minister in his breakaway administration, who is living in exile, to lead the peace effort. A spokesman for President Putin said that the Kremlin had not changed its policy of refusing to negotiate with Chechen rebel leaders. Moscow has dismissed reports of a ceasefire as a publicity stunt. Last week Shamil Basayev, the radical Chechen rebel leader responsible for the Beslan school siege last year, threatened to stage more such attacks. The threat was given during an interview broadcast on Channel 4, which has been criticised by the Russian Government. Ramzan Kadyrov, a former rebel who now dominates Chechnyas pro-Moscow Government, dismissed Mr Maskhadovs initiative. How can there be goodwill when children, women and civilians have died in terror attacks in Grozny, Beslan and Moscow? he said. And if Maskhadov says he doesnt control the people behind the terrorism, whats the point of talks with someone with no real influence? In his interview, Mr Maskhadov admitted that Mr Basayev was not under his formal command and repeated that he did not condone his terrorist tactics. Yet he said that Mr Basayevs decision to obey the ceasefire showed that he still had strong influence over rebels. Chechen rebels offer to hold talks with Moscow Chris Stephen, in Moscow Irish Times; Feb 09, 2005 RUSSIA: Chechen rebels yesterday offered to
hold direct talks with Moscow, one week into their self-declared ceasefire in the province. The war-torn south Russian province is enjoying a rare period of calm since rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov declared the ceasefire last week. Speaking through his rebel website, Maskhadov said Russia now has a historic chance to end the fighting: "If reason triumphs among our Kremlin opponents, we can end this war at the negotiating table." He repeated calls for a ceasefire, backed by international monitors, and is reportedly offering to hand over his senior commander, Shamil Basayev, the man blamed for last year's Beslan school atrocity, to an international court. Moscow made no response, and has yet to comment on Maskhadov's ceasefire offer, having said in the past it does not negotiate with a man it considers a terrorist. But the pro-Moscow president of Chechnya, Mr Alu Alkhanov, has called for Maskhadov, a former provincial president, to surrender unconditionally to Russian authorities. The ceasefire has effectively stopped the fiveyear-old war, since without attacks on Russian targets there is little for Moscow's forces to do but wait. If the ceasefire holds, it is likely to put more pressure on Moscow to enter into talks with the rebels, a move long urged by the Council of Europe and European Union. But despite the current cessation of fighting, peace remains a distant goal with both sides at loggerheads over the future of the province. Rebel leaders have long said they must have independence, and Moscow has refused to consider this option. Russian newspapers are carrying reports from unnamed officials indicating that Basayev has been killed, either in a gun battle between rival factions or, according to another version, from kidney failure. In answer to this, Chechen websites have released a video statement from Basayev saying he is alive and well and living in hiding. Adding to the confusion, so-called Mujahadin forces in the neighbouring province of Dagestan have continued attacks, releasing their own statement declaring that the ceasefire does not apply outside Chechen territory.
~ 38 ~
military commandant's office. Maskhakov's reasoning for the ceasefire remains unclear. Rebel forces remain in the field, and there is no apparent weakness in their capabilities. Chechen militants ignore Maskhadov order MOSCOW, February 9, 2005 (Itar-Tass) According to the information of the military commandants office in Chechnya, the order of Aslan Maskhadov, ex-leader of the Ichkeria regime, on the termination of combat operations is being ignored by the militants. The number of shootings and acts of subversion is not being reduced all over Chechnya. The intensity of shooting at the positions of the federal troops was not reduced over the past three days. Some 15 to 20 cases of shooting are registered every day, a representative of the military commandants office told Itar-Tass. Lieutenant General Grigory Fomenko, military commandant of the Chechen Republic, officially confirmed that men of the illegal armed groups continued to fire at areas of deployment and positions of the federal troops and to stage acts of terrorism against the civilian population of the republic. The statement of Maskhadov, the leader of Chechen extremists, on the termination of combat operations in Chechnya, is of no importance whatsoever for members of illegal armed groups. Only one conclusion could be drawn from it: Maskhadov does not control the situation, and most gangs do not take orders from him, General Fomenko told Itar-Tass. It is high time Maskhadov realised that his time in Chechnya is over, and that he is no longer his own master. He fully depends on international terrorism, he added. In his opinion, the statements of the leaders of Chechen extremists about some centralised control over the actions of militants do not hold water. General Fomenko stressed that men of the federal troops continued to stage special operations in Chechnya, aimed at detecting and destroying the militants, as well as at finding home-made explosive devices laid by them. Chechen separatist leader unable to control rebels - Russian federal source BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 09, 2005 Chechen rebels are ignoring their leader Aslan Maskhadov's decree on a cease-fire, ITAR-TASS reported on 9 February, quoting the Chechen "The amount of gunfire and sabotage against the military is not decreasing in Chechnya," an office representative said. "During the last three days the intensity of fire aimed at federal forces has not been reduced, rebels are opening fire about 15-20 times a day," the representative added. Members of illegal armed formations are continuing to fire at the positions of federal forces and committing terrorist attacks against civilians, military commandant Lt-Gen Grigoriy Fomenko said, officially confirming the information. "The statement made by Ichkerian extremist leader Maskhadov is an empty phrase for the rebels," Fomenko told ITAR-TASS. "There is only one conclusion to be drawn from this. Maskhadov does not control the situation in the republic, most of the armed groups do not obey him." "Maskhadov should have understood long ago that his time in Chechnya is past and that he is not his own man. He is fully dependant on international terrorism," Fomenko said. Statements made by extremists' leaders to the effect that they exercise centralized control of the rebels cannot be taken seriously, Fomenko added. Federal forces continue carrying out special targeted activities aimed at looking for and eliminating rebels, as well as finding home-made explosive devices, Fomenko said. In a separate report, in Russian, at 0747 gmt on 9 Feb 05, RIA news agency reported, quoting the Regional operational HQ in charge of Russia's counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus, that federal forces had prevented a series of major terrorist attacks. "Earlier law-enforcers received a tip-off that rebels were preparing a series of terrorist attacks on highways in Urus-Martanovskiy District, aimed at civilians," a representative of the HQ said. As a result of operations aimed at checking the tip-off, a hidden rebel cache was found at a distance of 100 m from the road between UrusMartan and Alkhan-Yurt. The cache contained six home-made explosive devices, made from largecalibre shells, as well as 200-gram TNT blocks. "The explosives amount to 11 kg of TNT," the representative said. Investigators are taking measures to find those
~ 39 ~
involved in preparations for the attacks. Source: ITAR-TASS news agency, Moscow, in English 0725 gmt 9 Feb 05 CHECHEN REBELS HAND THE ANTIWAR MOVEMENT AN OLIVE BRANCH AS THE KREMLIN TIGHTENS THE SCREWS By Andrei Smirnov The Jamestown Foundation CHECHNYA WEEKLY: News and Analysis on the Crisis in Chechnya 9 February 2005 - Volume VI, Issue 6 Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov's ceasefire order has forced the Russian authorities to change their information policy. Almost immediately after the news of the ceasefire order was made public, security officials who usually insist that there has been no war in Chechnya for a long time started telling the press a new story. Vladimir Bulgakov, the Russian Ground Troops Deputy Commander, told Gazeta.ru on February 3 that the rebels "ambush our columns and attack our checkpoints almost every day." Meanwhile, Maskhadov's London-based envoy, Ahmed Zakaev, said that another objective of the ceasefire order was to give an olive branch to anti-war forces in Russia. Since the start of the second Chechen war, rebels have been trying to find partners in Russia with whom they could cooperate in search for a peaceful solution of the conflict. In 1999-2000, Maskhadov tried to use Georgian Chechens (Kistins) working in his staff to establish ties with Russian politicians with a Georgian background. However, both Yevgeny Primakov, who was born in the Georgian capital of Tbilisi and was one of the most influent Russian political leaders of that time, and Igor Ivanov, the former foreign minister and current Security Council secretary who was born in Pankisi Gorge, refused to have anything to do with Maskhadov's envoys. Ivan Rybkin, the leader of the so-called "Party of Peace" during the first Chechen war, was ready to help but had by that time almost completely lost his influence. Having failed with politicians, Maskhadov's people tried to get in touch with the business community. However, an aide to Anatoly Chubais, head of the Russian state-owned power grid, Unified Energy Systems (UES), also refused to deal with the Chechens (see Grani.ru, August 16, 2001). Getting no response from the Russian elite, the rebels began to appeal to the Russian public. The Kavkazcenter website started publishing articles by Russian journalists who sympathized with the rebels' struggle for independence, while Akhmed
Zakaev, Umar Khambiev and other separatist emissaries met in Europe with some independent Russian journalists and NGO leaders like Anna Politkovskaya and Andrei Mironov. Finally, in late 2004, the Soldier's Mothers Committee agreed to talk to Zakaev in Belgium. Belgian authorities, however, refused to give visas to the committee's representatives, and would not give Ahmed Zakaev permission to enter the country. It was clear that the government of Belgium had nothing against these peace talks but was forced to stop them under strong pressure from the Kremlin. While the Chechens are desperately looking for somebody in Russia with whom they could talk about peace, Russian authorities are doing exactly the opposite blocking all peace initiatives coming from the public. Occasionally, President Vladimir Putin threatens human rights and anti-war activists, branding all those who are in favor of talks with Maskhadov "terrorist accessories." But Russian authorities fully practice what they preach, suppressing Chechen NGOs and quelling protests against the war. Last year, Fatima Gazieva, a member of The Echo of War, a Chechen peace-building organization, was detained by Chechen police and Federal Security Service (FSB) officers in Chechnya under the pretext that she was allegedly recruiting women to become suicide bombers (see Prague Watchdog, September 3, 2004). After massive protests from the international human-rights community, security agencies were forced to release her. At the same time, in Ingushetia, the local prosecutor's office accused the Chechnya Committee of National Salvation of organizing "propaganda of extremism" by disseminating press-releases on human rights violations in Chechnya (see Civitas.ru, October 25, 2004). Libhan Bazaeva, a leader of the Ingushetian branch of the Memorial human rights center, had to leave Russia for Germany after receiving several threats from the FSB. Imran Ezhiev, a leader of the Russian-Chechen Friendship Society, also left Russia after several arrests, kidnappings and assassination attempts. However, the repression is not confined only to the North Caucasus region. Last February 23, Moscow authorities banned a rally against the war in Chechnya on Lubyanka Square. The site of the rally was surrounded by special police officers, and two leaders of the protest, Oleg Khramov and Lev Ponomarev, were detained. The authorities also banned an anti-war picket on March 11, 2004. Those who took part in the picket were arrested that day. Activists of peace-building organizations, who are traditionally more cautious and usually do not sharply criticize the Kremlin's policy toward Chechnya, have had problems in their work as
~ 40 ~
well. Last March, the Russian Embassy in London refused to grant a Russian visa to Lord Judd, the former rapporteur of the European Parliament on Chechnya. The Yalta Initiative for Peace in Chechnya, a coalition of peace-building organizations, had invited him to visit Moscow. He was to award peace prizes for peace-building activities in the North Caucasus. The year 2005 started with much harsher measures against some activists of the anti-war movement. The Nizhny Novgorod regional prosecutor's office launched a criminal case against a newspaper published by the Russian Chechen Friendship Society under Article 280 of the Russian Criminal Code, which prohibits "calls for forcible change of the Russian Federation's constitutional system." The FSB questioned Stanislav Dmitrievsky, chief editor of the RussianChechen Friendship Society's Information Center, about two appeals by Aslan Maskhadov and Ahmed Zakaev that had been published in the newspaper (see Chechnya Weekly, January 26). The FSB also questioned everyone who works in or used to work in the organization. Furthermore, officers confiscated the list of Society members working in Chechnya as correspondents for its Information Center (see RCFS, press-release # 1133, February 3). On January 20, police in Moscow detained Pavel Luzakov, the editor-in-chief of a semiunderground newspaper called Svobodnoe slovo. Luzakov is famous for his article published on the Kavkazcenter website in which he called the Russian troops fighting in Chechnya "occupiers" and accused Vladimir Putin of "genocide of the Chechen nation" (see Prima-news.ru, January 21). The Russian government's pressure on the antiwar movement shows that the Kremlin is not interested in a real peace process. Human rights activists and peace-builders can only rely on the support of the Russian public and the opposite side in the conflict. Commenting on the interview with Aslan Maskhadov published in Kommersant on February 7, Lev Ponomarev, a leader of the Russian human rights community, said "one could expect that Vladimir Putin would not pay any attention to the words of Maskhadov, but our task is to find a form of public support in Russia for Maskhadov's statement" (See Newsru.com, February 7). Anti-war activists believe that public support of the rebels' initiative would strengthen the position of those people around Putin who believe that it is time to end the Chechen war. One can only guess who those people are, but some analysts, like Aleksei Malashenko of the Carnegie Center, believe they do exist. Dagestan poised to become major guerilla battlefield this summer
Jamestown Foundation Eurasia Daily Monitor Wednesday, February 9, 2005 -- Volume 2, Issue 28 MASKHADOV'S CEASEFIRE OBEYED IN CHECHNYA, NOT IN DAGESTAN On January 15, the Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov issued a special order to stop all military operations both inside and outside Chechnya until the end of February (EDM, February 4; Caucasus Times, February 4). According to an officer at the commandant's headquarters in Chechnya, there have been no reports of assaults or bombings against federal forces thus far. "The militants seem to have taken a break," he noted (Caucasus Times, February 4). Radio Liberty and Reuters also have reported that the military situation in the Chechnya became unexpectedly calm at the beginning of February. A February 6 press release by the Command of the Federal Troops in Chechnya commented, "For the last 24 hours the situation was comparatively quiet (newsru.com, February 6). However, the Russian military command distrusts Maskhadov's "goodwill gesture." An unnamed officer from the Russian Ministry of Defense called Maskhadov's peace initiative "wolf tricks." He continued, "They [the rebels] talk about peace, and at the same time use the pause to regroup their forces" (Gazeta, February 7). The federal command seems rather frightened by Maskhadov's order. The Russian-Chechen Friendship Society reported that, on February 4, a convoy of 207 military vehicles and armored personnel carriers entered Chechnya from neighboring Ingushetia (RCFS Press Release No. 1140, February 6). In his latest interview with Kommersant, Maskhadov bluntly answered a question about what he and his comrades would do if the Kremlin continues to reject peace talks. He explained that Chechen winters typically end in February, and traditionally the rebels become more active when spring arrives (Kommersant, February 7). Thus, Maskhadov has given Russian President Vladimir Putin an ultimatum: either stop the war or prepare for trouble in the North Caucasus this summer. According to Jamestown Foundation sources in Moscow, Dmitry Kozak, Putin's envoy to the Southern Federal District, has submitted a report on the outlook for the North Caucasus in 2005. The report says that the coming summer campaign will be even more difficult than in 2004, which included a raid on Ingushetia in June and an attack on Grozny on August 23.
~ 41 ~
However, the rebels did not stop all their military operations, possibly to make the Russian authorities more cooperative. On February 4, the group of Dagestan militants known as Sharia Jamaat issued a statement saying that the rebels were waiting for Maskhadov to issue a special ceasefire order regarding Dagestan. Sharia Jamaat noted that Maskhadov's order only mentioned Chechnya and Russia, and, since the Dagestan insurgents do not recognize Dagestan as part of the Russian Federation, they would continue to fight (Kavkazcenter.com, February 4). The separatists appear to believe that the only way they can force the Kremlin to the negotiating table is by turning the largest Caucasus republic into another war zone. Sharia Jamaat is accumulating good success rates with guerilla warfare and sees no reason for its members to lay down arms. Despite the fact that federal troops and local police taskforces managed to destroy rebel cells in the cities of Makhachkala and Kaspiisk (see EDM, January 19), the attacks are now focused on Makhachkala, the capital of Dagestan. The insurgents are using increasingly creative urban warfare tactics. On January 31, police received an anonymous tip about armed persons hiding in an apartment building in Makhachkala. When the police came to investigate, they were blown up by a booby trap installed at the building's entrance (RIA-Novosti, January 31). In Makhachkala on February 2, militants ambushed a motorcade for Magomed Omarov, Dagestan's deputy interior minister, killing him in the shootout. According to Vremya novostei, Omarov had coordinated all major anti-insurgent operations in the republic. Omarov usually traveled in an armored Mercedes, but this day he was in an ordinary car because his Mercedes was being repaired. This convenient timing suggests that the insurgents might have high-placed agents inside the local police (Vremya novostei, February 4). Two days later, militants bombed the police K9 training center, killing several dogs in the explosion (newsru.com, January 31). Also on February 2, rebels bombed the car of Alisultan Alkhamatov, the acting head of the administration of Khasavurt region. Unlike Omarov, Alkhamatov was in an armored car and managed to survive (RIA-Novosti, February 2). Faced with the strengthening insurgency, Dagestan security officials again launched largescale anti-terrorist sweeps. On February 5, police special-task force units -- backed by the 102th Military Brigade -- started to comb the mountain area near Makhachkala where the rebels usually hide. According to Yufo news, the federal troops
were poorly prepared and the operation failed completely. Russian soldiers from the brigade were not familiar with the terrain and became lost in the mountains. The operation was also badly coordinated. The reconnaissance group stepped on a mine, giving away their position to rebels hiding nearby (yufo.ru, February 7). One policeman was killed, and one soldier and another policeman were wounded. On February 6, the militants issued a statement accusing hunters of providing information to security officials about the location of the rebel bases. The statement warned locals against hunting in the mountains, saying that all of them would be regarded as spies and detained (kavkazcenter.com, February 6). There are no doubts that the insurgents will continue to expand their activities. They currently form small guerrilla groups in Khasavurt region and then travel to Makhachkala (Rossiiskaya gazeta, June 24, 2004). Dagestan may well become the main North Caucasus battlefield between Russian troops and rebels this summer. --Andrei Smirnov Russian pundit says Chechen truce call masks plans for further violence BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 09, 2005 Text of report by Andrey Riskin in the Russian newspaper Nezavisimaya Gazeta on 9 February The Chechen leadership does not intend to hold talks with Ichkeria President Aslan Maskhadov. Instead of this the republic's president, Alu Alkhanov, and Chechen First Deputy Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov, have, according to a statement they disseminated yesterday, told Maskhadov to give himself up. "There can be no question of any talks with people who are implicated in bloody crimes against society," Alkhanov declared. "Maskhadov can give himself up tomorrow," Kadyrov stressed. When announcing the February truce and his readiness to sit down at the negotiating table, however, Aslan Maskhadov was addressing not Chechnya's current leaders but "Russia's leadership and the world community". Moscow has made no reaction to this "goodwill gesture" as Maskhadov claims. The only reaction from federal structures has been a statement from a "high-ranking military man" at the Joint Troop Grouping headquarters in Khankala, who claims that the gunmen "are operating as before". As proof he cites an incident in which a fortified checkpoint on the Kavkaz highway was fired on by a passing Niva car on Monday evening [7
~ 42 ~
February]. One policeman died as a result and four were wounded. As usual, the attackers escaped. It is not known who the criminals were - Maskhadov's people, Basayev's people or a gang under nobody's command. "This shooting incident proves yet again that Maskhadov is not in control of the situation," Nezavisimaya Gazeta was told by Merkator group head Dmitriy Oreshkin. "Having said that, we cannot rule out the possibility that the checkpoint was shot up by Ramzan Kadyrov's people in order to show everybody that Maskhadov is not in control of the situation." The harsh reaction from Chechnya's leaders to Maskhadov's recent moves, including his promise to hand over Shamil Basayev to an international tribunal, is entirely understandable. For almost six years the federal centre has actively pursued a policy of squeezing Maskhadov out of the legitimate realm and creating a new Chechen elite. This new elite absolutely does not want a negotiating process between the separatist leaders and Moscow. Because in that case Maskhadov (let us leave aside the odious Basayev, dead one moment dead, resurrected the next) would be legitimized and the "newly appointed" Chechen elite would be out of a job. As a man with great political experience, Maskhadov is presumably perfectly well aware that there will be no reaction from the federal centre to his call for talks. Especially as this is by no means the first such initiative. Therefore, sadly, we must accept the forecast of the military, who stated yesterday that "from the military viewpoint Maskhadov's statement gives the gunmen an opportunity to replenish their food stocks, 'lick their wounds,' warm themselves up and go back to committing terrorist acts." Indeed, if there is no real chance of securing a "second Khasavyurt" [the 1996 agreement that brought an end to the first Chechen conflict] people speak of a truce when they need a respite. On the other hand, statements like that issued by the Ichkeria president are made when serious combat action to end this truce is in preparation. "Presumably once this call has been ignored by the federal centre, there will be another powerful blow to the prestige of the Russian authorities," Dmitriy Oreshkin believes. "The logic is clear: We invited you to the negotiating table, you refused, so this is what you get. It is a serious warning. And a serious threat. Practice shows that the separatist leaders keep their word, unfortunately."
Source: Nezavisimaya Gazeta, Moscow, in Russian 9 Feb 05 p 4 The Application of the President of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria Aslan Mashadov to the Management of Russia and the World Community Kavkaz-Center 2005-02-10 00:14:09 According to my order the Military Forces of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria since February, 1, 2005, unilaterally stopped all kinds of operations of offensive character in the territories of the Chechen Republic and the Russian Federation for one month. This humane step from the Chechen side is dictated only by one desire: to prevent the real threat not only to our people, but also all peoples of Russia and Caucasus , the reason of which is the bloody war in the Chechen Republic proceeding for the sixth year, which long ago left the boarders designated by the Kremlin. Those complicated, deep processes taking place today in the ancient Caucasus and inevitably leading this unique region to a catastrophe in greater scales are already obvious. In such a complex military-political situation when the Russo-Chechen war becomes a detonator of uncontrollable, pernicious processes with unpredictable consequences for all peoples of the Caucasus and Russia, I have considered it to be my human debt to undertake the maximum of efforts to prevent the future chaos and to call the Russian party to stop this war at the table of negotiations. Showing adherence to peace, the management of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria once again appeals to the management of the Russian Federation and declares: "It is enough bloodshed! We, Chechens, are open for real political dialogue with the Kremlin without preconditions". Confirming the adherence to civilized methods of the solving of disputable political problems between the Russian Federation and the Chechen Republic , the management of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria appeals also to the world community and declares: "The President and the Government of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria, the Armed forces of the Chechen state are ready to show the will to the peace and call the United Nations, EU, CE and the governments of the democratic countries of Europe and the USA to change the pose of supernumeraries and to join the plan, offered by
~ 43 ~
us on the peace settlement of military-political crisis between Russia and Ichkeria more actively". Aslan MASHADOV, The president of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria, The Supreme Commander- in-Chief of the Military Forces of the CRI Russian human rights activists urge Putin to talk to Chechen "moderates" BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 10, 2005 Text of report by Russian Ekho Moskvy radio on 10 February [Presenter] Human rights activists have sent an open letter to President Vladimir Putin. The authors urge Putin to begin talks with the moderate wing of the Chechen separatists. Here is Nadezhda Pravdina with the details: [Correspondent] Mr President, peace talks with the moderate wing of the fighters are virtually the only way of preventing Chechnya from turning into another front in the clash between Islamic radicalism and the Western civilization. An opportunity may now have arisen to save many thousands of lives, the human rights activists write. They ask President Putin to respond to the cease-fire announced by [separatist leader] Aslan Maskhadov, and to begin talks with Maskhadov on a political peace settlement. If the Russian authorities disregard Aslan Maskhadov's call, considering it to be a trap, radical groups of fighters will come to replace the moderate wing of separatists, the human rights activists think. The open letter to President Putin was signed by the head of the Moscow Helsinki Group, Lyudmila Alekseyeva, and by representatives of the Human Rights Movement and the Memorial human rights centre. [Presenter] May I remind you that you can read the text of the letter in today's edition of the Novaya Gazeta newspaper. Source: Ekho Moskvy radio, Moscow, in Russian 0900 gmt 10 Feb 05 CAN WE BELIEVE MASKHADOV'S INITIATIVES? 2005-02-10 18:18 MOSCOW. (RIA Novosti political commentator Vladimir Simonov.) - Aslan Makhadov, expresident of the self-proclaimed Chechen republic of Ichkeria, declares a unilateral ceasefire and even appoints an envoy for urgent talks with the Kremlin. Shamil Basayev, the most bloodthirsty of the Chechen warlords, appears
on British television and on the Internet, promising new Beslans and at the same time announcing his willingness to observe the ceasefire. Boris Berezovsky, whom London helps to escape Russian justice, announces that Chechen militants have acquired a portable nuclear bomb. They all made their statements at almost the same time. Coincidence or coordinated campaign? The Kremlin does not believe that Mr. Maskhadov is sincere about his peace initiative. Neither do Russians, because even if the ceasefire were ordered, militants have been ignoring it. Terrorist attacks in Chechnya and neighboring Dagestan continue. This once again proves that Mr. Maskhadov has lost his influence on local warlords. There was most likely no order. Hostilities in Chechnya are impossible at this time of the year, as mountain paths are snowed under and it is impossible to deliver ammunition and food. Militant camps are easily spotted against the snow from helicopters. So February is a traditional "vacation period" for terrorists. It is during this period of reluctant inactivity that Messrs. Maskhadov, Basayev and Berezovsky, who supports them, have launched their peaceful PR campaign. The idea of a truce has been raised before. Mr. Maskhadov comes up with it every time the West seems more inclined to support the Kremlin in its fight against Chechen terrorism. So Mr. Maskhadov's proffered hand to the Kremlin is a theatrical gesture meant to impress the West, but certainly not the Kremlin. It is a trap for Moscow. Should the Kremlin agree to talks with the Chechen terrorists who masterminded the atrocities in Beslan, Moscow and other cities, it will display weakness and may lose the support of its allies in the Caucasus. The bluff with the ceasefire has come in the runup to Vladimir Putin's Bratislava meeting with George Bush later this month. This suggests that although Mr. Bush will certainly not ask Mr. Putin what he thinks about Mr. Maskhadov's proposal, the two leaders will most probably discuss the outlook for Russia's fight against terrorists in the Caucasus. And do not forget about Mr. Berezovsky with his news that the militants possess nuclear weapons. This cannot but be taken up at the summit. The exiled tycoon claims that "reliable sources" have told him that they are able to start hostilities all over Russia, but "now not with a mountaineer's dagger, but by attacking nuclear power plants and strategic facilities."
~ 44 ~
The Russian Foreign Ministry has flatly rejected the idea that the militants may have gone nuclear, warning that such sensations are designed to spread a sense of vulnerability and nervousness in Russia. Russian experts have not taken the news seriously either. "I believe this statement is utter rubbish," Major General Valery Dvorkin, a senior fellow of the International Security Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, told Ekho Moskvy radio. He said that a "nuclear case" needs numerous ciphers and codes to work, and the Chechen militants do not have them. "Even if they do have the device it will be almost impossible to make it work and detonate a nuclear explosion," he concluded. Vladimir Yevseyev, a coordinator of the non-proliferation program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, agreed with him, saying that mini bombs from the late 1980s had a limited service life that would have already expired, which means they would have to be built again. "Chechen separatists to not have a portable nuclear device," he maintains. "These nuclear bombs are no longer produced, both Russia and the US have rejected them." Calm before the Chechen storm? Rebels urge Russia to peace talks before Feb. 22 cease-fire deadline By Fred Weir | Correspondent of The Christian Science Monitor from the February 11, 2005 edition MOSCOW A surprise unilateral cease-fire ordered by two top Chechen rebel commanders has Moscow abuzz with debate. Experts are asking, is it a genuine chance for peace, a PR stunt, or an artificial lull before a fresh storm of Beslan-style terrorist assaults? Few see much hope of ending the Chechen war, now well into its sixth year, unless there is a political breakthrough that sees the Kremlin, the separatist rebels, and pro-Moscow Chechen forces sit down together to seek a settlement. President Vladimir Putin appears determined to stay his chosen course, which involves signing a treaty with the Kremlin's handpicked Chechen leader Alu Alkhanov - perhaps as early as this May - that will lock Chechnya into Russian permanently. But amid reports that the rebels could have acquired a nuclear device or radiological weapons, many experts see only an escalating cycle of violence in the offing. "The situation in Chechnya is currently at a dead end," says Alexander Iskanderyan, director of the independent Center for Caucasian Studies, in Yerevan, Armenia. "The key to its solution is in the Kremlin, but I see little hope of change
there." Aslan Maskhadov, Chechnya's rebel president-inhiding, called attention this week to the selfimposed cease-fire, which had been announced last month on a rebel website but went largely unnoticed. He portrayed the move as an olive branch to get peace negotiations started, and urged Russian leaders to take up the offer to talk before the cease-fire expires on Feb. 22. "If our Kremlin opponents are reasonable, this war will end at the negotiating table," he told the Moscow daily Kommersant, in a rare interview published Monday. "If not, blood will continue to be spilled for a long time but we will reject any moral responsibility for this continued madness." The cease-fire was endorsed by Shamil Basayev, the notorious Chechen field commander who has claimed responsibility for many terror strikes against Russia, including the 2002 seizure of 800 hostages in a Moscow theater and last September's school siege in Beslan that left 331 people dead, half of them children. In an interview broadcast by Britain's Channel 4 News this month, Mr. Basayev declared: "We are planning more Beslan-type operations in future because we are forced to do so." That threat gained ominous traction this week when self-exiled Russian tycoon Boris Berezovsky said a "Chechen businessman" had once offered to sell him a miniature nuclear weapon stolen from former Soviet stockpiles. "It is a portable nuclear bomb," Mr. Berezovsky said. "Some part of it is missing at the moment, but these are small details." Russia's Foreign Ministry quickly denied that, saying that all Soviet-made "suitcase bombs" are accounted for. But independent experts say Chechen militants may well have the means to produce a "dirty bomb," with deadly radioactive materials wrapped around conventional explosives. "They probably don't have a real nuclear weapon, but we know they have had access to radioactive substances in the past," says Pavel Felgenhauer, a Moscow-based security expert. "This threat is very real. A dirty bomb could make part of a Russian city uninhabitable for 100 years. We may expect anything after the cease-fire ends." Though the Kremlin has not responded to Mr. Maskhadov's peace overture, pro-Moscow Chechen leader Mr. Alkhanov said the only issue he is willing to discuss with rebel leaders is their surrender. "Negotiations with those who have engaged in bloody crimes against society are absolutely out of the question," he said. "The only real salvation for such people is to give
~ 45 ~
themselves up and confess their crimes." There is doubt about whether the cease-fire, which was to take effect Feb. 1, is holding. Russia's official ITAR-Tass agency, which usually reports peace and order prevailing in Chechnya, quoted Russian commanders Thursday saying there have been up to 20 rebel attacks each day this week. Some experts say that Maskhadov, elected in Chechnya's only internationally recognized polls in 1997, no longer controls rebel forces and is a fading force. "Maskhadov is just one of the leaders of the Chechen resistance, and not even the strongest," says Mr. Iskanderyan. "[The cease-fire] may be just an attempt to show he's still relevant." But 17 prominent Russian human rights activists issued a statement Wednesday warning that Chechnya was turning into an "eternal conflict" and urging the Kremlin to take up the offer for negotiations as "practically the only way of stopping Chechnya's transformation into yet another front in the confrontation between radical Islam and Western civilization." The pro-Moscow Chechen government insists that reconstruction of the war-torn republic has made great strides, though there is little independent information. At a Moscow press conference this week, Alkhanov said the treaty being drafted will settle the conflict by granting Chechnya some economic autonomy "within the federal constitution." But according to Malik Saidulayev, a Moscowbased businessman and Chechen community leader, there is no security, order, or prospect for peace in Chechnya. The Kremlin's "policy of Chechenization of the conflict has failed and the situation in the republic has grown much worse," he says. "The war is not ending, it is spreading to the rest of the Caucasus region." Activists want Chechen peace talks while Putin wants "objectivity" Jamestown Foundation Eurasia Daily Monitor Friday, February 11, 2005 -- Volume 2, Issue 30 RIGHTS GROUPS ASK PUTIN TO TALK TO "MODERATE" REBELS A group of leading human rights activists, including Soviet-era dissidents Lyudmila Alexeyeva, Sergei Kovalev, and Father Gleb Yakunin, have sent an open letter to Russian President Vladimir Putin calling on him to accept Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov's call
for peace talks. "For more than ten years -- with a three year, very conditional break, Russia is in fact in a state of war in Chechnya," read the letter, which was published by Novaya gazeta and the Grani.ru website, among other outlets, on February 9. "A war severe and terrible, with tens of thousands killed, hundreds of thousands maimed, with destroyed cities and industry. In these days a new opportunity for a way out of this bitter war has appeared -- the political leader of the Chechen resistance, Aslan Maskhadov, not only ordered a unilateral ceasefire, but also denounced the actions of [rebel warlord Shamil] Basaev, recognizing him as deserving of an international tribunal, and thereby in a pointed way dissociating himself not only from him, but from the whole radical wing of the [separatist] fighters. This historic opportunity should in no way be missed." The letter's signatories warned that if the war continues, the role of Islamic radicals among the Chechen separatists would continue to grow, as will the "radicalization of the civilian population." "The radicals are absolutely not interested in a peaceful settlement, even if it is on the most advantageous terms for the secular wing of the separatists," they wrote. "At the same time, the role of ultra-nationalists in Russian politics, who are prepared to use the Chechen conflict and terror for fascization of the country, will grow even faster. The conclusion from this is clear: the earlier an intelligible political dialogue between the Russian authorities and the moderate wing of the Chechen resistance begins, the greater the chance for a peaceful settlement in principle." Negotiating with the moderates in the resistance is practically the only way "to prevent Chechnya from turning into another front in the confrontation between Islamist radicalism and Western civilization." The letter concludes, "Mr. President, we call on you as commander-in-chief, guarantor of the constitutional rights of Russian citizens, and, above all, [guarantor] of the right to life, to give the order for a ceasefire in Chechnya and to organize a delegation for the start of negotiations with Maskhadov about a peaceful political settlement." The open letter was also signed by Novaya gazeta correspondent Anna Politkovskaya, Lev Ponomarev and Yuli Rybakov of the For Human Rights movement, Oleg Orlov of the Memorial human rights center, and Yuri Samodurov of the Andrei Sakharov Museum, among others. Meanwhile, on February 10 President Putin met in the Kremlin with the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour. "We will listen with respect and react to an
~ 46 ~
objective analysis of the issue, to every objective remark," Interfax quoted him as saying at the meeting. "The only thing unacceptable for us is the use of human rights issues for economic or political purposes." Arbour also met with Russian human rights ombudsman Vladimir Lukin, Russia's former ambassador to Washington. Briefing reporters about the president's meeting with Arbour, Lukin said, "Violations of human rights concern us no less that our foreign partners," Itar-Tass reported on February 10. Lukin added, "Those who equate terrorists and our armed forces are not right," but, he conceded, "There is no justification for people with shoulder straps who violate human rights, and this happens from time to time." Utro.ru said that Lukin demonstrated "brilliant diplomatic preparation" in his comments. "Briefly mentioning that the president, on his own initiative, touched on the extremely painful issue of Chechnya, he [Lukin] preferred to switch to violations of the rights of national minorities in the Baltic countries and to the subject of how the results of the election in Iraq have still not been announced," the website wrote on February 10. But while Arbour's meetings scheduled for today [February 11] are also Kremlin-friendly -- she is set to meet with, among others, Federation Council Chairman Sergei Mironov and State Duma International Affairs Committee Chairman Konstantin Kosachev -- she also plans to meet with a group of human rights activists at the offices of the Memorial human rights center on February 12. "I will personally speak [to her] about how the human rights situation has catastrophically worsened recently," Lev Ponomarev told Utro.ru. "The main issue for Russia today, the ulcer that is eating away at and influencing the situation around the whole country is, of course, the war in Chechnya, where the right of the individual to life is being violated in a cruel way, where the kidnapping of people continues." Ponomarev said he would also bring up "the attack on social rights" exemplified in the monetization of benefits and the reappearance of political prisoners. "The siloviki who have come to power in the country have begun battling the opposition in a crude way and are fabricating criminal cases against political opponents, the leaders of civic organizations," he said. "But the most dangerous thing is that the authorities have moved to massive repression, which sooner or later happens in any police state." Ponomarev pointed to the events in Blagovashchensk, Bashkortostan, at the end of last December, when riot police reportedly carried out a "crime prevention operation" in which hundreds of men
and teenage boys were detained and beaten up, and scores of girls raped (MosNews, January 21). --Charles Gurin IS IT TOO LATE FOR PEACE TALKS IN CHECHNYA? RFE/RL Caucasus Report Vol. 8, No. 6, 11 February 2005 IS IT TOO LATE FOR PEACE TALKS IN CHECHNYA? On 3 February, the Chechen resistance website chechenpress.com posted a statement by President Aslan Maskhadov's envoy Umar Khambiev announcing that Maskhadov issued instructions to his forces on 14 January to observe a unilateral cease-fire until the end of February. According to Khambiev, that command was intended as a goodwill gesture that could pave the way for unconditional talks aimed at ending more than five years of fighting. Four days later, on 7 February, "KommersantDaily" published an interview with Maskhadov in which he repeated his call for negotiations. Also on 7 February, chechenpress.info posted a statement by Maskhadov in which he called on the United Nations, the European Union, and the Council of Europe to play a more active role in mediating a settlement of the Chechen conflict. But Russian officials have not responded to that initiative, while senior members of the proMoscow Chechen leadership have argued that Maskhadov does not qualify as a negotiating partner as he no longer has any authority among the resistance. Moreover, they allege, Maskhadov bears responsibility, together with radical field commander Shamil Basaev, for a string of terrorist acts against Russian civilians, including the Beslan hostage taking in September 2004. Moscow, too, earlier discounted the possibility of talks with Maskhadov on the pretext of his alleged involvement in terrorist acts against Russian civilians. In mid-September, in the wake of the Beslan hostage crisis, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov compared calls for Moscow to embark on negotiations with Maskhadov with the suggestion that Europe should conduct such talks with Osama bin Laden. (This despite Maskhadov's repeated insistence both before and after Beslan that his men strictly observe the Geneva Conventions and desist both from attacks on Russian civilians and on Russian military targets outside Chechnya.) This is by no means Maskhadov's first attempt to offer the Russian leadership a face-saving way out of a conflict that has since 1999 claimed the lives of thousands of Russian servicemen and sapped the national budget. In an earlier interview with
~ 47 ~
"Kommersant-Daily" in April 2000, weeks after the fall of Grozny, Maskhadov similarly declared a unilateral cease-fire and called for peace talks and the dispatch to Chechnya of a fact-finding mission from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). Russian military officials wrote off that offer as an indirect admission of defeat, claiming that Maskhadov's men did not have the weaponry to continue resistance, according to Interfax on 21 April 2000, while then acting Russian President Vladimir Putin's aide Sergei Yastrzhembskii said Maskhadov had not responded to unspecified counterproposals (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 21 April 2000). Maskhadov issued three further calls in 2000 for unconditional peace talks: in an interview in July with an Azerbaijani news agency, in a second interview with "Kommersant-Daily" (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 25 September 2000), and in an interview with "Moscow News" in November. Yastrzhembskii rejected the latter offer, saying it contained "nothing new" and that it was due to Maskhadov's "inactivity" that Chechnya had degenerated into "an enclave of terrorism and Wahhabism" and a permanent threat to Russia's security (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 22 November 2000). Maskhadov broadcast calls for unconditional peace talks on a clandestine radio station in January 2001, and on the official Chechen television channel three months later. Then in June 2002, on the eve of the Group of Eight (G8) summit in Canada, he sent an open letter to the participants, calling for a cease-fire in Chechnya and asking for their assistance in resuming contacts between his envoy, Akhmed Zakaev, and then presidential envoy to the Southern Federal District Viktor Kazantsev. That initiative coincided with an appeal to Russian President Vladimir Putin by former Russian Security Council Secretary Ivan Rybkin (see "RFE/RL Caucasus Report," 13 September 2002). Both Rybkin and former Russian Supreme Soviet speaker Ruslan Khasbulatov met with Zakaev during the summer of 2002 to discuss various blueprints for resolving the Chechen conflict (see "RFE/RL Caucasus Report," 29 September 2002). But Maskhadov subsequently announced that he was again coordinating resistance activities with radical field commander Shamil Basaev, who publicly claimed responsibility for the hostage taking in a Moscow theater in October 2002. That incident furnished the Russian authorities with a cast-iron excuse to brand Maskhadov a terrorist, and demolished his credibility with the United States. The "Los Angeles Times" on 31 October 2002 quoted an unnamed U.S. official as saying Maskhadov has "forfeited any legitimacy he
had.... He's either unwilling to stand up to terrorists or incapable of it." In the wake of the Moscow hostage taking, Maskhadov switched tactics and began calling not for direct talks with Moscow but for the international community to pressure the Russian authorities to agree to such talks. He told RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service in May 2003 that "it has become obvious today that it is impossible to seek peace directly with the Russian leadership," because those leaders rose to power thanks to the war in Chechnya. He said: "The Russian authorities that have brought so much violence to the Chechen people could not end this war peacefully, even if they wanted to." He said the only way to bring the fighting to an end is through the United Nations, the OSCE, the Council of Europe, and other organizations that protect human rights. Maskhadov reiterated in that interview that "I have never given orders to blow up buildings or to kill innocent people. I have even given orders to my mujahedin...to be careful not to kill Chechens, not to carry out terrorist attacks that could hurt innocent people" (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 21 May 2003). One year later, in early June 2004, Maskhadov appeared to have abandoned any hope of peace talks, telling RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service: "We tried to approach the Russian government with our [peace] proposal several times. We told them, 'Let's stop this war ourselves without involving anyone into this process.'" Maskhadov vowed that "we will not stop our struggle, and we will not back off as long as the enemy tramples our soil. We'll keep fighting until he leaves our country. We won't accept anything short of this." But at the same time, Maskhadov made clear that he does not seek independence for Chechnya, but would accept a peace settlement that would preserve Russia's territorial integrity. He said: "We are prepared to do whatever [the Russian leadership] want us to do, whatever they find advantageous. We can jointly manage our economy, defenses. We can jointly guard our borders. We can create a common currency and conduct our diplomatic affairs together. We can think of common investment programs. We are prepared to sign agreements on collective security and join the fight against terrorism. That is what we are telling the Russians. But they don't want that.... In this situation, we are compelled to seek friends elsewhere simply because Russians don't want friendship with us." But by mid-2004, two military operations masterminded by Basaev had transformed the political landscape in the North Caucasus. The first was the bomb that killed Chechen administration head Akhmed-hadji Kadyrov in
~ 48 ~
May. Instead of reappraising its strategy of offloading to the pro-Moscow Chechen leadership the responsibility for neutralizing the resistance and "normalizing" the political situation in Chechnya, the Kremlin sought to placate, coopt and promote Kadyrov's son Ramzan, whom many observers believe will replace Kadyrov's interim successor Alu Alkhanov as soon as he reaches the age of 30. The second operation, staged just days after Maskhadov's interview with RFE/RL, was the raid launched on Interior Ministry targets in Ingushetia in which some 80 people were killed (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 22 and 23 June 2004). Ingushetiya.ru quoted a young Ingush participant in that raid as explaining that he "and hundreds like me" left home and joined Basaev's militants after federal security or police personnel randomly detained their relatives, who subsequently disappeared without a trace. Since June, bands of militants reporting to Basaev have surfaced elsewhere in the North Caucasus - in Kabardino-Balkaria, where they raided the local headquarters of the Federal Antinarcotics Service in December, and in Daghestan, where Interior Ministry troops and special forces have launched at least two operations to apprehend them in recent weeks. The fact that the war in Chechnya has spilled over the borders of that republic could be adduced to substantiate the Russian authorities' repeated argument that Maskhadov has become irrelevant, and that there is no point in negotiating with him -- especially in light of the differences in the military tactics favored by Maskhadov, who says he abhors targeting innocent civilians, and Basaev, who seemingly considers all Russian citizens legitimate targets. In other words, a "point of no return" may already have been reached, beyond which, Russian officials may argue, the only effective strategy is to continue current efforts to eradicate all militant bands perceived as posing potential threats to security and stability in the North Caucasus. On the other hand, as Maskhadov himself has frequently pointed out, all wars have to end, and most end at the negotiating table. "Nezavisimaya gazeta" suggested on 9 February that as a man of "considerable political experience," Maskhadov can hardly have anticipated that, this time around, he would receive a positive response from the Russian authorities to his cease-fire declaration and call for unconditional peace talks. If that is the case, then it is reasonable to assume that Maskhadov's intention may have been to induce the international community, and above all U.S. President George W. Bush, to take a tougher line with Moscow over the need for a swift and negotiated solution to the Chechen stalemate before the situation in neighboring
North Caucasus republics deteriorates even further. (Liz Fuller) FUROR OVER CHECHEN PEACE OVERTURES DESIGNED TO FIZZLE 2005-02-11 18:55 PARIS (Angela Charlton for RIA Novosti) - The terror of Beslan did not bring Vladimir Putin to the negotiating table. Neither did the Dubrovka theater siege. Nor have five years of Chechen terrorist attacks and periodic rebel ceasefires. Aslan Maskhadov's latest appeal for peace talks faces the same failure. The international attention he garnered for his gesture was hardly enough to persuade the Kremlin to negotiate with its enemies. Warlord Shamil Basayev's parallel threat of further terrorist attacks only strengthened Russians' resolve - and earned the British broadcaster that aired it a lashing by Russian officialdom. Even the scare of a possible Chechen nuclear bomb, cited by Boris Berezovsky amid the uproar, was shrugged off by Russian generals. All this frenzy is fizzling fast. It appears that the Kremlin, the Chechens and the international community are all participating in this ritual charade: militants grab the spotlight and re-ignite international indignation about the war, Russian officials reject any negotiations, and all sides go home further entrenched in their positions. The Americans stayed silent this week about Maskhadov's ceasefire and negotiations offer. Despite tougher rhetoric from Washington toward Russia in recent months, the Chechnya question appears to be currently off-limits. U.S. Ambassador Alexander Vershbow reaffirmed U.S. efforts to help Russia choke off terrorists in Chechnya and talked of fairer elections - but did not mention peace talks. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, in her latest comments on Russia, mentioned anti-terrorism cooperation but did not mention Chechnya by name. Even though Washington continues to host members of the Chechen diaspora, the U.S. government has labeled Basayev's group as terrorists and long ago stopped calling for negotiations with Maskhadov. One of the war's most vigorous critics, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, plans to take part in talks next month between ex-Maskhadov envoys and current proKremlin Chechens - but there are no plans for inviting Mr. Maskhadov's current team. Even liberal commentators concede that more ambitious talks, if held, would probably not produce a lasting settlement. As weary as Russians are of war, they are
~ 49 ~
increasingly convinced that peace in Chechnya is impossible. The Kremlin recognizes, and sometimes feeds, this conviction, and shuns all talk of negotiations. Russia's stance on Chechnya has been challenged time and again by the outside world, yet no one has presented Putin with a solution he can gracefully pursue, much less a reason to pursue it. He owes his rise to power to this war, and abandoning it now could threaten his political future. More importantly, he has no one to negotiate with. Even the war's loudest opponents admit that the Chechen forces are fractured and that moderate rebel leaders are near extinction. Onetime peacemaker Maskhadov, despite denouncing major terrorist attacks, has done nothing to win back Russian trust since his leadership of Chechnya crumbled into chaos in the 1990s. More crucially, his authority over Chechen forces has crumbled too. The other internationally recognized face of rebel Chechnya, Basayev, is too proud of his terrorist resume to be included in any negotiations. And he, too, faces resistance among Chechen factions who wouldn't feel bound by any peace plan endorsed by him or Maskhadov or both. Sadly, it means little whether Maskhadov's offer was a genuine plea for peace or a headlinegrabbing scheme designed to buy his fighters time to regroup during the hostile mountain winter. Similarly, for all Berezovsky's wealth, his words no longer move mountains. Whether he is a voice of impassioned opposition seeking to end a war, or a has-been tycoon looking to rekindle his role as conductor of the Kremlin-Chechnya relationship, the result is the all-too-familiar deadlock. Putin suffered international isolation and wounds to his reputation because of political upheaval in Ukraine and Georgia, and ultimately had to accept what for him was an unfavorable outcome in both countries. Any such outcome in Chechnya is unthinkable without foreign military intervention, something no country is ready to mount. A recent hit Russian action film, "Lichny Nomer" ("Countdown" in international versions), seems particularly apt amid the latest Chechnya debate. A superhero Russian special agent is kidnapped by Chechens bankrolled by an exiled oligarch. The agent is tortured into making a videotaped confession that he organized terrorist acts against Russian civilians, then escapes with the help of a British journalist. Meanwhile, the oligarch strikes a deal with Arab and Chechen
mercenaries to stage a fake terrorist attack on a circus, so that he can negotiate a triumphant end to the horror. The Arabs, however, turn out to be real terrorists, using the attack to spirit a nuclear bomb out of the country. Is art imitating life or propaganda? Either way, the message is clear. Plan to oust Putin by February 2006 over Chechnya, says Russian analyst BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 15, 2005 Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov's proposal of cease-fire and talks with the federal centre is a political tool being used by "certain forces", including exiled tycoon Boris Berezovskiy, to undermine President Putin and effect a change of power in Russia, analyst Aleksandr Zhilin has said, commenting on Maskhadov's interview for the Kommersant paper on 7 February. Talking to Russian Centre TV, Zhilin said that the intelligence services of "NATO countries and the USA" were "running the show" in Chechnya. He suggested that starting in March, a lot of publicity will be generated around former Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov in an attempt to mould him into a figure similar to Viktor Yushchenko. The following is the text of Zhilin's interview broadcast by Russian Centre TV on 7 February; subheadings have been inserted editorially: [Presenter Ilya Kolosov] The guest in our studio is military observer Aleksandr Zhilin. Good evening. Aleksandr, why do we keep returning to the same topic again and again? Why do you think a man who controls nothing, or almost nothing, never fails to find an opportunity to speak to the country's top leadership via the press and offer a truce. Failing that, he says, the war will restart. [Aleksandr Zhilin, captioned as head of the centre for studying applied problems] You have posed the question rightly. Maskhadov really controls very little in Chechnya. In the past two years, I have thought of him as of a figure a la [former presidential candidate Ivan] Rybkin in the hands of certain forces. While [warlord Shamil] Basayev, although certainly negative, is a fairly serious figure from the point of view of rehearsing and implementing his scenarios, in this hierarchy Maskhadov is below a serious instructor from Arab countries. Then again, neither Maskhadov nor Basayev can control the situation from beginning to end [Presenter - interrupting] The situation on their side?
~ 50 ~
Chechnya used to put pressure on Putin [Zhilin] The situation in Chechnya. And the reason, as has long been plain for all, is that in this war, or more precisely, in the situation that is evolving there, the intelligence services of other countries have been running the show for a long time now. Those of NATO countries and the USA. It is they that through third countries have been both supplying mercenaries and providing financing, and so on. [Presenter] Are our intelligence services running the show? [Zhilin] Our intelligence services are trying to counter this, but all this provision for terrorism doesn't fall from the blue sky. It has been organized by the intelligence services because today the Caucasus is a lever they're using to try and put pressure. They are trying to pressure the president by raising certain fears. After all, we have all witnessed ghastly terrorist attacks in our country. All of this fits into the jigsaw of a war against our country. [Presenter] I am not sure whether to agree with this or not. I am probably not competent enough to either fully agree or categorically disagree with the above. However, I still have not heard an answer to my question. Why have those people, who were put on the federal wanted list several years ago and who are based on a rather small area, still not been destroyed, let alone arrested? Why? [Zhilin] I am probably not in a position to answer this question. This question should be addressed to the special services and to those senior people who are responsible for that. [Presenter] But you must have wondered about it yourself. What explanation did you find? [Zhilin] Yes, I did wonder. And I cannot find any other answer apart from the fact that certain forces in Russia are interested in seeing those people alive. I for one have found a very simple formula. For the whole duration of combat operations in Chechnya - and I have been through the first Chechen war, then there was the second Chechen campaign and then the present - nobody has ever seen, heard, written about or showed a single shot on the part of either the federal forces or the gunmen in the direction of trains or vehicles carrying oil. [Presenter] While oil keeps coming from there. [Zhilin] While oil keeps coming from there. It is a good business. Trust me: it is a very good
business. People who are in the know have told me that it involves huge amounts of money. But that is not all that it is about. It is clear that any local conflict, if it becomes protracted, begins to involve various forces. And that is exactly what we have in Chechnya. Change of power in Russia before February 2006 [Zhilin] But why has this jack-in-the-box jumped out now of all times? What has happened to make Maskhadov once again appeal to the president with these proposals. I read that interview very attentively. It is clear that it was written in Moscow. It is clear that some pretty good professionals worked on it. It was not Maskhadov who answered those questions. All that is a political tool which I will say more about a little bit later. [Presenter] Who do you think wrote that interview? [Zhilin] Political analysts, and very shrewd political analysts at that. [Presenter] In other words, that very force that is interested in seeing the Chechen war go on? [Zhilin] Yes, I will tell you what I think about them, too. On the surface, it would seem that there are no reasons for Maskhadov to make those statements. However, I don't think I'll be giving much away when I say that since last year certain forces, including [exiled tycoon Boris] Berezovskiy and other opponents of the current authorities, have been taking certain steps to destabilize the situation and to surround President Putin with certain difficulties. All that is because an objective has been set, as far as I know, to have a change of power and the president in Russia in the period from this September to February next year. In confirmation of the above, you will see that starting in March a lot of publicity will be generated around [former prime minister] Mikhail Kasyanov. He is an Yushchenko-type figure. Already now [liberal politician Boris] Nemtsov and others are starting to tentatively mention his name. [Presenter] In other words, you are linking it all to Russian domestic politics, right? [Zhilin] Indeed. Now, let us go back to Maskhadov's interview. Why am I saying that this political tool was written by political analysts? If you look at the piece attentively, you will see that it is a proposal that the Kremlin cannot accept. Not only because Maskhadov's name is in blood and linked with killed children and so on.
~ 51 ~
[Presenter] There is no point in holding talks with him because he is not in full control. [Zhilin] And not only that. His proposal is in essence a stalemate one. If tomorrow Putin sits down to talk with Maskhadov, his rating will plummet because people will question his actions. If he does not agree to talks, the Union of Right Forces and company will start screaming: Look at bloodthirsty Putin, he is refusing to hold talks while people will continue to be killed and so on and so forth. Thus, no matter what Putin does in this situation, he finds himself at a disadvantage. That is why it simply has to be explained to people that Maskhadov's proposals are unacceptable to Russia's dignity. It is not about Putin. The thing is that Russia cannot accept them. [Presenter] Thank you. Source: Centre TV, Moscow, in Russian 2115 gmt 07 Feb 05 Kommersant Covers War of Words over 'Authenticity' of Maskhadov 'Truce' Moscow Kommersant in Russian 07 Feb 05 p 3 [Report by Musa Muradov: "Aslan Maskhadov Not Believed"] Chechen head Alu Alkhanov has described Maskhadov's truce as a complete bluff. "We have no reason to accept his (Maskhadov's -Kommersant) latest pronouncement about stopping the terror as gospel truth," the Chechen president said at a new conference in Moscow on Saturday, noting that "if Maskhadov and Basayev really are prepared to stop the terror, then there must be conditions and he needs to contact the law enforcement agencies and surrender." Moreover, Mr Alkhanov did not rule out the possibility that the terrorist Basayev was actually dead. "According to the information we had seven-eight months ago (Mr Alkhanov was Chechen internal affairs minister at the time -Kommersant), Basayev had problems with his kidneys and with his leg that had been operated on," the Chechen president said, hinting that the terrorist might have died of an illness. Representatives of the Russian military grouping in Chechnya command immediately began to deny not only the gunmen's leaders' intentions, but also the authenticity of Maskhadov's statement. "The law enforcement agencies know for sure that the information posted on the extremists' website by the illegal armed formations' ideologists has nothing to do with statements allegedly made by Maskhadov and Basayev," Kommersant was told at the regional
operational headquarters running the counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus. "All references to bandit underground leaders are fictitious and the texts of the statements themselves are a figment of Movladi Udugov's imagination." The headquarters spokesman said that 12 terrorists acts were committed in the republic from 10 January through 3 February (Maskhadov's truce began on 1 February. The claims by the Russian and Chechen authorities' spokesman were denied, in turn, by the Ichkerian president's general spokesman, Umar Khambiyev. "They are merely trying to portray us as diehard bandits," Mr Khambiyev told Kommersant yesterday. According to him, there is no reason to doubt the authenticity of the Ichkerian president's edict on halting combat actions. "I have discussed the matter with him (Maskhadov -- Kommersant) in person," Mr Khambiyev said, "and the resistance fighters are strictly adhering to the demands of the president's edict on a unilateral cessation of combat actions: There has not been a single attack by our side since 1 February, and this is acknowledged by anyone observing events in Chechnya." Kremlin Discounts Possibility of Talks With Chechen Rebels After TV Appearances Moscow Utro.ru WWW-Text in Russian 08 Feb 05 [Article by Sergey Belukhin: "Basayev and Maskhadov Occupy Television Screens"] Strange things are happening on our television. Chechen terrorist leaders, whose names in recent years have been customarily mentioned only in the context of possible elimination and arrest, are now delivering speeches on central channels. Not even a week has passed since the Russian Foreign Ministry vehemently protested the showing on British television of an interview with Shamil Basayev (who, it turns out, is once again alive and well). Subsequently extracts from the broadcast are shown to Russian viewers on RTR and NTV. And now yesterday [7 February] there is a new sensation: "Ichkerian President" Aslan Maskhadov broadcasts on our screens. Moreover, not on Channel 4, which is often berated for excessive free thought, but on the official Channel 1. The general meaning of the speech, which our television journalists borrowed from colleagues at the Al-Jazirah channel, is, of course, negative. In particular, Maskhadov says how he respected and liked the deceased Abu al-Walid, Al-Qa'ida's envoy in
~ 52 ~
Chechnya. As is known, the Russian authorities very much like to demonstrate that Chechnya is a bastion of international terrorism, which must be combated by any means. The separatist leader also says that "volunteers" from Arab countries, that is to say mercenaries, are fighting on their side. Nevertheless, the fact that the people who are being sought for the Beslan terrorist act and many other things are appearing on prime-time television gives pause for thought. What if talks are actually in the offing with those whom it was intended to "take out in the john?" But the official Kremlin, in the person of presidential press service spokesman Dmitriy Peskov, denies these theories. "Maskhadov does not control the situation and, most importantly, he is a terrorist. No country in the world wants to deal with terrorists," he stated. Incidentally, about talks: On Monday [7 February] Maskhadov gave an interview to Kommersant newspaper and also published an appeal to the Russian leadership and world community on separatist sites. The "president of Ichkeria" claims that it was on his orders that the republic's "armed forces" ceased attacks on federal troops, thereby demonstrating their leaders' readiness for dialogue. Everything would have been fine except that the guerrillas violated this suspension of hostilities tonight when they killed a policeman in Chechnya's Gudermesskiy Rayon. It looks like the "commander in chief" does not actually control his "forest brothers." In addition, real Chechen President Alu Alkhanov commented on the "cease-fire" today. "The door to both the prosecutor's office and bodies of power is always open to them. If there is a desire to repent, if there is a desire to say to their people: forgive me, excuse me, people, because of us you have suffered for so many years -- let them come and say that. I think that both the people and the leadership of the republic will accept such statements," the head of the republic stated. Evidently the word "accept" means taking repentance into account during sentencing. MASKHADOVS CEASE-FIRE AND THE SITUATION IN CHECHNYA Murad Batal Al-Shishani CENTRAL ASIA - CAUCASUS ANALYST Wednesday / February 09, 2005 Chechnyas President Aslan Maskhadov on February 3 issued a presidential decree to all Chechen fighting forces to cease fire for a month as a gesture of good will to show his willingness to negotiate. Maskhadov forbade any use of weapons except in self-defense. The announcement is important to understanding the
situation in the Republic that has been caught in a war for a decade. The announcement also raises several questions regarding the power Maskhadov actually yields and its influence on solving the Chechen conflict. It is an indicator of Maskhadovs power over the Chechen resistance forces, the interrelations between political powers in Chechnya, and Russias earnestness in finding a solution for the crisis. BACKGROUND: The second Russian-Chechen war erupted in 1999, and the Russian forces invaded the Republic and presented a formula for resolution of the conflict based on fraudulent elections that brought Chechnyas former mufti (religious leader), Ahmad Kadyrov, to power. Following Kadyrovs assassination in May 2004, the power was turned to Alu Alkhanov in the same way, and he became a head of a proRussian government. Consequently, political power in Chechnya was divided into three major wings: the first represented by the legitimate president, Aslan Maskhadov, who represents a moderate national movement calling for a peaceful solution to the conflict, pulling Russian forces out of the Chechen Republic, and negotiations. Among the most important figures of this movement are Vice President Ahmed Zakayev and Foreign Minister Ilyas Akhmadov. The second is a radical movement spearheaded by Russias number one man on the wanted list, field commander Shamil Basayev. This movement is in alliance with the salafi-jihadist movement and calls for driving the Russian forces out to establish their version of an Islamic state. Finally, the third movement is represented by the proRussian Chechen government. This movement is itself divided into two wings: the formal wing represented by Alu Alkhanov, and an informal one represented by Ramzan, the son of the former President Ahmed Kadyrov. Both are supported by Russia, in particular Ramzan, who along with his armed militia has created a state within a state formula. Ramzan Kadyrovs militia forces are also judged responsible for many of the human rights violation occurring in Chechnya. Maskhadovs latest announcement is a power test in which he seeks to demonstrate his authority over Chechen fighters as a response to Russias refusal to negotiate with him on the basis that he is a terrorist. Independent reports and pro-Russian Chechen forces confirm that no major attacks or subversive actions by resistance forces have taken place since the announcement went into effect, while Russian and pro-Russian forces have continued conducting so-called mopping-up operations. If Maskhadovs initiative continues to be successful, it will create a quandary for the pro-
~ 53 ~
Russian movement that capitalizes on the argument that Maskhadov has no claim to power inside Chechnya and does not influence all forces there, hence a peace deal with him would not constitute an end to fighting. The announcement is a power test especially in being a response to the claim that the salafi-jihadist movement is in control of the Chechen resistance, as Russian propaganda and some of the pro-Russian forces attempt to spread. IMPLICATIONS: The moderate national movement, led by Maskhadov, Zakayev and Akhmadov is the major power center capable of pacifying the situation in Chechnya. The salafijihadist movement, on the other hand, is facing a crisis due mainly to the assassination of its leaders. Samer Bin Saleh Bin Abdullah Al-Swelim, better known as Amir Khattab, was poisoned in 2002, and his successor Abu al-Walid al-Ghamidi was killed in April 2004 effectively killing the main Arab element in the leadership. Chechen supporters were also targeted, such as former Chechen interim President Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev, who was killed by Russian agents in Qatar. The leadership vacuum also worsened the lack of funding that the salafi-jihadists had experienced due to international efforts to halt terrorist financing, and it is apparent in many of the movement leaders statements. On the other hand, the Beslan massacre and the hostage-taking of schoolchildren undermined the popularity of Shamil Basayev, who claimed responsibility for the operation. According to most Chechens, Basayevs action amounted to a desecration of their long struggle for freedom. Probably realizing this, Basayev was the first to announce his adherence to Maskhadovs order. Indeed, no resistance operations were recorded in the first days following the announcement of the ceasefire while at the same time human rights organizations recorded an escalation in arrests of citizens by local and federal forces. The last movement, represented by the proRussian government, is also facing several dilemmas. The first is it near total lack of legitimacy; another is the very real possibility of conflict between its formal and informal divisions. There is increasing evidence of Kadyrov Jr.s involvement in corruption, including the illegal trafficking of oil and support for armed militias. CONCLUSIONS: While Maskhadov wishes to prove his power in Chechnya and that this is the best solution for a peaceful finale to the RussianChechen war, the rejection by Moscow and the pro-Russian forces in Chechnya of the cease-fire is important. Accordingly, the pro-Russian government, supported by Russian forces, is likely even to escalate its provocative actions as part of its so-called mopping-up policy. As a
result, there is a risk that the radical wing of the Chechen resistance will break the cease-fire and will proceed with attacks on Russian forces. Maskhadov, as mentioned above, ordered Chechen forces to resort to weapons only in self-defense. The real danger is that Russia seems to believe that rejecting the initiative, or at least not welcoming it, will imply a success of its policy of chechenizing the conflict. It would have been more feasible for Russia to welcome Maskhadovs initiative or at least not reject it out of hand because continuing with this policy of obduracy and refusal to negotiate with Maskhadov will only keep the reins in the hands of those benefiting from this brutal war. AUTHORS BIO: Murad Batal Al-Shishani is a Jordanian-Chechen writer who holds an M.A degree in Political Science, specializing in Islamic Movements in Chechnya. He is author of the book "Islamic Movement in Chechnya and the Chechen-Russian Conflict 1990-2000, Amman 2001 (in Arabic). Moscow Continues To Reject Chechen Rebels' Overture Russia -- FMA in English 09 Feb 05 [FBIS Media Analysis] Russia: Moscow Continues To Reject Chechen Rebels' Overture Chechen rebel spokesmen are continuing a public relations offensive touting the recent ceasefire orders by rebel leaders Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev as a real opportunity for a negotiated peace, despite the fact that Russian and pro-Moscow Chechen officials have rejected Maskhadov's initiative out of hand. While progovernment and state-run media have also rejected or ignored the initiative, some nongovernment media have argued Moscow should explore it, and a few have even suggested the Kremlin might be willing to do so. On 2 February, the main rebel websites -Kavkaz-Tsentr, Chechenpress, and Daymohk -carried a brief report saying rebel President Maskhadov had ordered a ceasefire until the end of February. While the websites did not publish the text of Maskhadov's order, on 3 February they did publish the text of another ceasefire order, this one from Chechen rebel field commander Shamil Basayev, who has at times seemed at odds with Maskhadov. Basayev, "in fulfillment of" Maskhadov's order, ordered "all fighters under my command" to unilaterally cease offensive operations against Russian forces and Chechen and Russian civilians until 22 February.
~ 54 ~
Komsomolets, Politcom.ru, 4 February). On 3 February, NTV, RenTV, Ekho Moskvy radio [footnote: All three networks are owned by state-controlled companies but have often shown considerable editorial independence.] reported the ceasefire announcement, but the main staterun TV networks, Channel One and Rossiya, did not. Neither did government-run Chechen TV in Groznyy. Chechen rebel spokesmen touted the ceasefire announcement as a breakthrough that could lead to peace talks and a negotiated end to the war. -- A statement on the rebel Foreign Ministry's website called it a "demonstration of good will" and an "invitation to Russia to open genuine peace talks" (Chechen Foreign Ministry, 2 February). -- Umar Khambiyev, one of Maskhadov's representatives abroad, called it a "sign of good will," meant to "invite Russia to end the war at the negotiating table." He also asserted the ceasefire would demonstrate that the rebels were not disparate bands but a united and strong force under Maskhadov's command (KavkazTsentr, Daymohk, 3 February). -- Another Maskhadov representative, Usman Ferzauli, said Maskhadov was "confident" that "peace initiatives" could lead to a "compromise and peace" (Ekho Moskvy Radio, 3 February). Moscow, Chechen Allies Reject Initiative While the Kremlin itself offered no immediate public comment, some Russian officials were quick to reject the ceasefire declaration, portraying it as a propaganda ploy and disputing Maskhadov's ability to deliver on any promises. -- Southern Federal District Presidential Representative and former Kremlin deputy chief of staff Dmitriy Kozak dismissed the ceasefire announcement as an "attempt to attract publicity" and asserted "Maskhadov has never been in control of the situation" (ITAR-TASS, 3 February). -- Ground Forces Deputy Commander Vladimir Bulgakov called it a "ruse" and said rebel attacks on Russian positions and convoys were continuing (AVN, 3 February). Some official spokesmen and other observers interpreted the end date of 22 February in Basayev's ceasefire order as meaning the rebels were planning a major attack for 23 February, the anniversary of Stalin's deportation of the Chechen people to Central Asia (Kommersant, 3 February; Nezavisimaya Gazeta, Moskovskiy Officials in Chechnya's pro-Moscow government were even more emphatic in rejecting the ceasefire declaration. -- Chechen President Alu Alkhanov denounced it as a "propaganda trick" aimed at foreign public opinion and asserted Maskhadov had never kept his promises (President and Government of Chechnya -- Official Site, 3 February). -- Ramzan Kadyrov, first deputy premier for security, called it "cynical" and accused Maskhadov and Basayev of planning to commit new "terrorist acts" as soon as the ceasefire expired (AVN, 3 February). -- Evidently seeking to put a negative spin on Khambiyev's comment, Chechen State Council Chairman Taus Dzhabrailov called the ceasefire announcement a "ruse and a provocation," as well as an attempt to falsely "claim the guerrillas have a single control center." In fact, Dzhabrailov claimed, neither Maskhadov nor Basayev control any significant number of fighters (AVN, 3 February). As if to emphasize that the rebel leaders remain beyond the pale and to discredit the idea of peace talks, Russia's General Prosecutor's Office on 3 February formally charged Maskhadov and Basayev with responsibility for the September hostage-taking at a school in Beslan, North Ossetia, and other attacks (Radio Rossii, AVN, 3 February). Maskhadov Continues Initiative . . . In the face of these rejections, Maskhadov on 7 February issued an appeal to President Putin and granted an interview to the respected daily Kommersant, which is owned by anti-Kremlin oligarch Boris Berezovskiy. -- In his appeal to Putin, Maskhadov said he hoped to ward off the "uncontrolled and disastrous processes with unpredictable consequence" that the continuation of the war could set off (Chechenpress, Kavkaz-Tsentr, Daymohk, 7 February). -- He told Kommersant the ceasefire was a "good-will gesture" and an "invitation" for Moscow to open negotiations (7 February). According to one source, Khambiyev even suggested the rebels would accept a settlement short of full independence. In an interview with the pro-rebel website The Chechen Times, he said the rebels were "not fixated on independence," so long as the "existence of the
~ 55 ~
Chechen nation" was guaranteed. He added, "If the negotiators don't want to call it independence, we will find a different formula" (7 February). . . . and Moscow Continues Rejection Russian officials again responded negatively. Among major broadcast media, only NTV, Ekho Moskvy, and the Moscow city government's Center TV network reported Maskhadov's 7 February statements and the official response. -- Kozak again dismissed Maskhadov's initiative as a "PR trick" (ITAR-TASS, 9 February). -- Kremlin spokesman Dmitriy Peskov rejected any idea of negotiations, calling Maskhadov a "terrorist" and saying, "No country in the world wants to deal with terrorists" (Utro.ru, 8 February). -- NTV quoted unnamed Russian commanders in Chechnya as again dismissing the initiative as a "ruse" (8 February). -- The government news agency ITAR-TASS quoted an unnamed "high-ranking military official" of the Russian forces in Chechnya as calling the ceasefire a "blatant lie" intended to buy time for the rebels to regroup during the winter (8 February). -- Several Federation Council and Duma members rejected Maskhadov's initiative. Defense Committee Chairman Viktor Ozerov called the ceasefire an "information war" tactic (NTV, AVN, 7 February). Council Chairman Sergey Mironov said Maskhadov was merely seeking to "dampen the federal government's vigilance" (ITAR-TASS, 8 February). Once again, pro-Moscow Chechen officials also rejected the initiative. -- Alkhanov again denounced the ceasefire as a "lie" and called on Maskhadov to surrender to the authorities (NTV, Center TV, Ekho Moskvy radio, 8 February). -- Kadyrov said it merely showed the rebels had been "driven into a corner" and demanded that Maskhadov surrender (NTV, ITAR-TASS, 7 February) -- Dzhabrailov stated flatly "there will be no political contacts with Maskhadov and his circle" (AVN, 7 February). He later predicted more "similar offers," implying the pro-Moscow Chechen authorities would continue to oppose talks (ITAR-TASS, 9 February).
Commentaries in pro-government newspapers echoed official dismissals of Maskhadov's initiative: -- The government newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta called the ceasefire a "PR campaign" (8 February) and the Defense Ministry's Krasnaya Zvezda called it a "propaganda trick" (9 February). -- Komsomolskaya Pravda, owned by proKremlin oligarch Vladimir Potanin, urged the government to ignore what it called a "trap" for Russia and "in essence, an ultimatum by terrorists" (8 February). Furthermore, the Federal Service for Monitoring Legal Compliance by Mass Media issued an official warning to Kommersant for publishing Maskhadov's interview, which it said "justified and condoned terrorist activities" (ITAR-TASS, 8 February). State-owned Channel One TV, which did not report Maskhadov's ceasefire order or his 7 February statements, broadcast a lengthy news item on 7 February with video footage it said proved Maskhadov had close ties to al-Qa'ida -presumably seeking to discredit him as a negotiating partner. Non-Government Media See Chance for Peace Despite the chorus of official rejection, some media often critical of the government argued that Moscow should at least explore Maskhadov's initiative. A few suggested -- official denials notwithstanding -- that the Kremlin might be considering doing so. -- Aleksey Malashenko of the Moscow Carnegie Center said the initiative might be a reaction to "not entirely articulated" signs that "Moscow is beginning to rethink its Caucasus policy" (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 4 February). -- Anna Politkovskaya, a long-time critic of the war in Chechnya, called on the Kremlin to have the "courage" to "accept the hand of good will" offered by Maskhadov. She said the negative official response to date was "stupid" (Novaya Gazeta, 7 February). -- The independent Moscow Times quoted an anonymous Kremlin spokeswoman as saying that President Putin's public silence so far "does not mean [Maskhadov's initiative] is not being discussed in the Kremlin" (8 February). -- Controversial columnist Aleksandr Minkin asserted Maskhadov had proved his good will and his effectiveness, saying rebel activity had stopped
~ 56 ~
throughout Chechnya. He suggested Moscow or the pro-Moscow Chechen government might stage a false rebel attack to discredit Maskhadov (Moskovskiy Komsomolets, 9 February). [Begin box] Is the Ceasefire Real? Russian, Chechen, and other media published conflicting reports as to whether rebel attacks had in fact ceased or even declined. On 7 February, NTV reported the Chechen Interior Ministry (MVD) had noted a "decline" in rebel activity. The independent website Kavkazskiy Uzel cited a Chechen MVD source as saying on 6 February there had been no rebel attacks for the past three days, and quoted the Russian military command as saying "the situation is for the most part quiet" (7 February). AFP quoted an anonymous source in the pro-Moscow Chechen government as saying, "The ceasefire appears to be holding" (7 February). However, on 9 February, the military commandant's office in Chechnya asserted there had been no decline in rebel attacks (ITAR-TASS, 9 February). An anonymous "high-ranking military officer" asserted rebel activities were continuing unchanged (ITAR-TASS, 8 February; Nezavisimaya Gazeta, 9 February). Rossiyskaya Gazeta claimed that 12 "terrorist acts" had been prevented since the ceasefire was declared (8 February). Akhmed Zakayev, Maskhadov's chief representative in Western Europe, asserted such statements by the Russians were predictable and were intended to "discredit" Maskhadov's initiative (Chechenpress, Kavkaz-Tsentr, 9 February). [End box] An Open Appeal to the President of the Russian Federation from Leading Russian Human Rights Activists International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights Moscow, 9 February 2005 Cease-Fire in Chechnya and Talks with Maskhadov are Necessary For more than 10 years now, with a quasi threeyear break, in reality Russia has been at war with Chechnya. This has been a terrible war, with tens of thousands of casualties, hundreds of thousands of crippled people, destroyed cities and a ruined economy. Recently, a new opportunity has arisen to put a stop to this vicious conflict Aslan
Maskhadov, the political leader of the Chechen resistance, has not only ordered a unilateral cease-fire, but has also publicly condemned Basayev's actions. He stressed that Basayev should be tried by an international tribunal, thereby, defiantly dissociating himself not only from Basayev, but also from the whole radical wing of insurgents. In no case, should this historical chance for peace be missed. We understand that it is very easy to ignore this unprecedented gesture of the opponent calling it a "trick." Yet, to ignore it will only result in radical groups of insurgents placing more pressure on the moderate wing calling them traitors. And then nothing will stop the final transformation of the Chechen war into an "eternal conflict," or prevent its further proliferation across the whole of the Northern Caucasus. Terrorists are capable of supporting the existing level of military-terrorist activities for many years, especially if Chechnya is surrounded by the same intensive terror and insurgent war support system, which has been formed around Israel or Iraq, now occupied by international coalition troops. This will be an extremely heavy blow for Russia. It is also clear that the number of Islamic radicals among the insurgents will increase year after year, for whom the Chechen war is just one of several fronts in the fight against the West, and who need "a war for wars sake." In parallel, the radicalization of the civil population will grow. Radicals are not interested in any terms for a peace settlement, even the most favourable for the secular wing of separatists. At the same time, we will witness an even faster growth in the strength and power of ultranationalists in the Russian politics ready to use the Chechen conflict and terror to build up fascism in the country. The conclusion is obvious the earlier a clear political dialogue between the Russian federal authorities with the moderate wing of the Chechen resistance is launched, the more chances we may have of reaching a peace settlement. History teaches that negotiations are the only means of achieving by political methods what is difficult to achieve by force. Mr. President, peace talks with a moderate wing of insurgents are a promising political alternative, in fact a unique way to prevent transformation of Chechnya into another confrontation line of Islamic radicalism and western civilization. Now, perhaps, Russia is faced with a key historical decision; another chance has appeared to save many thousands of lives. Should the chance be lost, the future generations of politicians will have to find a way out of the deadlock under much
~ 57 ~
more difficult conditions. Mr. President, we are calling you as the Supreme Commander in Chief, the guarantor of the constitutional rights of the citizens of Russia, and, above all, of the right to life, to order a cease-fire in Chechnya and to form a delegation to commence talks with Maskhadov on a peaceful political settlement. L.M. Alekseeva, Moscow Helsinki Group, Chairperson A.V. Babushkin, Committee For Civil Rights V.V. Borschev, Moscow Helsinki Group, member S.V. Brovchenko, Public Fund Glasnost S.A. Gannushkina, Committee Civil Facilitation L.I. Grafova, Coordinating Committee for Refugees and Enforced Migrants E.L. Grishina, Public Association Public Information Centre S.A. Kovalev, T. Kasatkina, O. Orlov, Human Rights Centre Memorial A.A. Piontkovski, Center for Strategic Researches, President A.S. Politkovksaya, journalist L.A. Ponomarev, Yu.A. Rybakov, Civil Movement For Human Rights Yu.V. Samodurov, Sakharovs Museum and Public Centre Peace, Progress, Human Rights A.P. Tkachenko, writer G.P. Yakunin, Public Committee for Freedom of Conscience Defence Maskhadov Unilateral Cease-Fire Order Said Initiated From Abroad By Yevgeniy Sobetskiy GROZNY, February 9, 2005 (Itar-Tass) - The chairman of the Chechen State Council, Taus Dzhabrailov, believes a unilateral cease-fire order by Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov may have been initiated from abroad as part of a plan by certain forces to stall the process of a real settlement of the situation in the restive republic. "I am confident there will be more similar offers, and all of them fit well into separatists' plans to prove that they do exist and can seriously influence something," the speaker told Itar-Tass on Wednesday commenting on the initiative by former Chechen president Aslan Maskhadov. He did not rule out that PACE could also be used in their "attempts to buy public at large with such projects". Dzhabrailov said some Ichkerian leaders, including former health minister Umar Khambiyev, whom Maskhadov appointed his envoy in contacts with federal troops, as well as deputy chairman of the Ichkerian parliament Selim Bishayev" could be involved in that. According to Dzhabrailov, in actual fact all this
demonstrates "only the nervousness of Maskhadov himself and of those, who associate with him plans to destabilize the situation in the republic". He said the main reason behind such nervousness is the fact that Chechen law enforcement agencies "have seriously 'treaded on the tail' of bandits, first of all in the mountainous part of the republic". He listed as an example a recent operation in Chechnya's Vedeno region, in which "12 to 14 so-called 'amirs', or more simply first leaders of different bandit groups were killed, which is a serious blow on bandits". "It is the effectiveness of anti-terrorist activity of federal troops and law enforcement agencies of Chechnya that makes Makshadov launch initiatives, which can't be dubbed otherwise than bizarre," the Chechen official stressed. Chechen Website Criticizes Actions, Position of Russian Human Rights Campaigners (Internet) Kavkaz-Tsentr News Agency WWWText in Russian 12 Feb 05 [Report by Boris Stomakhin: "The Lubyanka's voluntary helpers"] It is one thing to respect people for what they have done in the past, but it is quite another to assess them on today's events. The address of leading Russian human rights campaigners to [Russian President Vladimir] Putin in connection with the CRI [Chechen Republic of Ichkeria] president [Aslan Maskhadov]'s announcement of a cease-fire is striking. It is a long time since we have had to read such abject garbage signed by so many important and celebrated names. These venerable champions of human rights are zealously driving a wedge between, as they put it, "the wings of the separatists." "Chechen Resistance leader Aslan Maskhadov has not only issued an order about a unilateral ceasefire, but has publicly condemned the actions of [Chechen rebel leader Shamil] Basayev, declaring him worthy of an international tribunal, and in this way has demonstrably distanced himself not only from him, but from the whole radical wing of the 'militants'," they write. They are pleased and relishing the situation, and in doing so they are thus distorting things just a little and inviting Putin to share their joy. Well, OK - the people who signed this letter are those who right from the beginning and in all these years of Putin's rule have stood in front of the Lubyanka on their hind legs and defended human rights in Russia on the principle "we'll dance to our people and yours for three
~ 58 ~
kopecks". In other words - the main thing is not to quarrel with the Kremlin, not to go too far in "defending the rights of specific people", but for the sake of such a sacred goal you may sit down and embrace the bloody vampire from the Lubyanka even in the presidiums of various "civic forums". But the fact that Yuliy Rybakov, one of the last of the inflexible, irreconcilable and uncompromising ones, a former Soviet political prisoner and a member of the DU [Democratic Union], signed this fawning billet-doux to Putin is very depressing. When people like him join in the yelping of the aforementioned whelps to the elephant (in this case, Basayev) - it means things are really bad. "There is something rotten in the state of Denmark", and it is particularly rotten in with the conscience and courage of its best people. And it is a long time since we heard such garbage from Sergey Adamovich Kovalev, perhaps some four whole years, from that very meeting on 22 February 2001 which was arranged by all these leading "moderate and conscientious" human rights campaigners, precisely on the 22nd so as not to "set tongues wagging" with the 23rd. At that meeting he got up on the platform and gave a roasting to the more radical wing of Moscow's anti-war movement, which had prepared for the next day, the set date, another more radical meeting in memory of the deportation of the Chechen people. He then described us as Raskolniks [dissidents], provocateurs, and so on; just as well he didn't call us earthworms. This letter leaves not just a sad, but a loathsome impression. Let me give you a quote from it: "It is obvious that among the 'militants' there will be an increase every year of the ratio of 'Islamic radicals' for whom the war in Chechnya is merely one of several fronts of the struggle against the West, which needs a 'war for a war'. At the same time, the peaceful populations will become more radical. The radicals have absolutely no interest in any settlement, not even the most advantageous conditions for a peace settlements for the secular wing of the separatists," the human rights champions write. This is a direct lie, an absolute fallacy. When Rusnya [Russia], for heaven's sake, was the "West"??? [Question marks as published] A typical Aziopa [Asia and Europe], a "Third Rome" inclining towards a Third Reich. How can a war with Rusnya be a "war with the West"?? And this was signed by Kovalev, Rybakov, [Valeriy] Borshchev and [Father Gleb] Yakunin. If [former Russian dissident Andrey] Sakharov had been alive, no doubt he would have signed it, too.
So one wants to say that the world has gone mad, or that the old, respected, merited human rights champions, celebrated Soviet dissidents and political prisoners from the past have simply entered senility. For how else can one explain the fact that they are so openly bringing disgrace on their grey hair, composing and signing malicious lies and deliberately driving a wedge, splitting the ranks of those very Chechens whose fate they appear to be so concerned about? However, everything falls into place when you recall that since December 1994 all these "Memorials" and "Helsinki groups" have defended exclusively the PEACEFUL POPULATION [web site's capitals], who undoubtedly more acutely than anyone else has been in need of protection, whereas having declared the "militants" from the very outset "extremists" and "terrorists" and urging them to surrender to the discretion of Russia and her authorities. To appeal to a whole nation to voluntarily climb into the crocodile's mouth "in order to save the peaceful population", and for the conscientious section of this nation which is resisting this "savior" to branch away and expose itself to dishonor and try to disarm that's their clever idea of "human rights" for you. Do these respected human rights activists and inveterate humanists realize who they are really working for by deliberately splitting the ranks of the fighting Chechen Resistance? If they do not, then perhaps we should explain to them. They are working for Putin, the Kremlin and the Lubyanka, whether they want to recognize this or not. And there was a time, in the dissident years of the 70s, when these exposed "informers" in their ranks were held in deserved contempt. However, what they are doing now is not much worse than just writing petitions to the bloody maniac in the Kremlin, the vampire with cold fish eyes who is dripping in the blood of the Chechen people. They write devoted collective letters to him, in this way making it clear to each and everyone that they recognize this vampire as their lawful president, and they consider his authority legitimate and are prepared to subordinate themselves to it. And they are striving to split the Chechens fighting under the command of Maskhadov and Basayev into "moderates" and "radicals", leading the former to voluntary surrender to Putin, and the latter to annihilation by his punitive forces. The latter are being fed the so-called "conditional independence plan" which is actively supported by the humanrights-anti-war group. Meanwhile, no wandering around the halls of Europe, no debates in the European Parliament and PACE [Parliamentary Assembly of the
~ 59 ~
Council of Europe] resolutions will substitute for the autonomous group of the mojahedin outside Vedeno [District in Chechnya] which is daily fighting and routing the Russian invaders and their booty. No playing at human rights, sending pathetic petitions to the authorities or calling for a "clear political dialogue" will help to save a people who are being exterminated by the antihumans in Russian uniform but who are dealing an armed rebuff [to these invaders] all the time and everywhere. It is a rebuff by those people who our petitioners to Putin call "Islamic radicals". From this point of view it is precisely Shamil Basayev who is today and in all the years of the war has been the most effective and consistent champion of human rights, defending the rights and freedom of his people many hundreds of times more effectively than all the [Lev] Ponomarevs and Kovalevs. And that six-barrel rocket launcher which he demonstrated recently during an interview to British television is a symbol of REAL [website's capitals] protection of human rights, from which all those who signed the letter to Putin, even in spite of their service in the Soviet camp (some of them), are as far removed as is heaven from earth. Incidentally, all this history does a very dubious service to Maskhadov - his name is being used by the Russian "human rights champions" as a kind of symbol of "moderation", and this group of comrades writes all its false nonsense about the "radical wing of the militants", protecting the name of Maskhadov, almost on his behalf. Yes, all wars always end in talks, but according to conscience and honor, as will the talks with the murderer of 42,000 Chechen children, with a war criminal and international terrorist, the butcher of a peaceful population, as is Putin's Chekist junta which rules Russia. "One cannot have any talks with terrorists, they can only be wiped out!" Is that clear, Messrs Kovalev, Ponomarev, and the rest of you? Appeal for Peace in Chechnya Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation 2005-02-12 Dear Mrs. Louise Arbour, On behalf of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO), in reference to Your current visit to the Russian Federation, as the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, I take this opportunity to bring the following to Your attention.
The Government of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria , led by President Aslan Mashkadov, Member of UNPO, announced on 2 February 2005 a unilateral ceasefire of all armed Chechen forces. President Mashkadov declared that until 22 February 2005, the day prior to the 60th anniversary of Stalins deportation of the Chechen people to Central Asia, Chechen troops will not attack Russian positions. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Mashkadov Government has announced that the ceasefire "is intended to demonstrate to the Russian side and the international community the will of the Chechen leadership to resolve the RussianChechen conflict by peaceful means." Human Rights organizations worldwide have welcomed this initiative as yet another offer by President Mashkadov to end violence and renew dialogue toward a political resolution of the decade-long conflict. To most Chechens, President Maskhadov remains a legitimate authority and is Chechnya's only democratically elected leader. Considering the critical opportunity embodied in President Mashkadovs initiative, UNPO urges the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights: To acknowledge the importance of this ceasefire; To recognize the efforts of the Chechen party towards a settlement of the ongoing conflict; To entreat the Russian authorities to use the ceasefire offer as an opportunity to begin dialogue on a negotiated resolution of the conflict; To bring forward the recent Chechen initiative to the attention of all the UN bodies mandated to work on matters of security and conflict resolution. UNPO would be grateful if the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights will give due consideration to the requests contained in this letter. Sincerely, Marino Busdachin General Secretary Application of Ahmed Zakaev the Department of the governmental information Chechenpress, 14.02.05 Since the moment, when the President of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria Aslan Mashadov ordered to stop unilaterally the offensive military
~ 60 ~
actions, the Russian mass-media, which before had extremely avariciously informed about the events in the Chechen Republic , began to publish numerous reports on attacks, the object of which occupational forces and the pro-Russian puppet structures were. The purpose of these publications is quite obvious: to convince the public that the unilateral moratorium declared by the Chechen President, ostensibly, is not observed. And to accuse Aslan Mashadov either of insincerity, or that he does not control the forces of the Resistance. To understand the provocative essence of these reports is enough to remember the application of general Shabalkin, the main information megaphone of the invaders: "Our headquarters never report about loss of the federal army. It is a kind of credo and I am not going to break it" ("The Time of News", 24.08.2004). Now, having broken his "credo", Shabalkin became too garrulous and almost daily reports about losses of the federal army, about attacks, bombardments and undermining carried out, according to his assurances, by the Chechen fighters. However this propaganda convinces only, that liars sooner or later turn out to be in an awkward situation. Certainly, after the publication of the order of the President, we expected provocations from the Russian federals, the purpose of which are to discredit the peace initiatives of the Chechen management. As in Aslan Mashadov's order it is said about the moratorium on offensive actions not only in the Chechen Republic , but also in Russia , we do not exclude also, that the Russian special services in the nearest future will dramatize acts of terrorism in the territory of the Russian Federation as well. Really, what can prevent the security officers' regime to carry out next bloody provocation? It is enough to remember, that Putin ascended to the Kremlin throne through the corpses of hundreds of his own citizens, who had been blown up by his special services in apartment houses of the Russian cities in autumn, 1999. In order to carry out genocide of the Chechen people and fulfillment of the meanest provocations, the Russian authorities do not let foreign journalists, representatives of the legal and humanitarian organizations to the Chechen Republic . In this situation it is quite obvious, that from two contending parties only the criminal one is interested in absence of unbiased observers in the zone of the conflict. During all years of the war the Chechen management insists on the international monitoring of the conflict, because we have nothing to conceal, and the Russian party prevents such a monitoring, because it is interested in concealing its crimes
from the international public. We declare that forces of the Resistance strictly follow the order of the Commander-in-Chief of the Chechen Armed forces, President Mashadov, about cease-fire. We also declare, that we are not only ready, but also we call international observers to become arbitrators in the problems of observance of the moratorium on offensive actions declared by the Chechen party in the beginning of February. And if the Russian party declares about infringements of this moratorium by the Chechen fighters, logically, it should be most interested in that the international public on behalf of independent observers would make sure in it. Ahmed Zakaev, The special representative of the President of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria in foreign countries Chechen Rebel Envoy Denies Reports of Planned Attack Moscow Ekho Moskvy Radio in Russian 1000 GMT 14 Feb 05 [Announcer] Fighting in the North Caucasus is not ending. Today, there have been reports about a new battle. Moreover, this news raises particular interest bearing in mind the one-way cease-fire which the separatists have declared. Who provoked the clash today? Nadezhda Pravdina tried to clear this up. [Correspondent] The special operation is continuing near the Chechen villages of Staryye and Novyye Atagi. After the fighting last night, law-enforcement sub units are inspecting the villages. I remind you that fighting started at about 0100 [2200 GMT] in the flood plains of the River Argun. According to the spokesman for the regional operational headquarters for counterterrorist operations in the North Caucasus, Ilya Shabalkin, federal troops knew about the attack before. [Shabalkin] Because there was convincing information about this move, patrols were deployed. In the course of a short combat encounter, six gunmen were killed. At the present time, sub units are continuing inspections in the area where the clash took place. [Correspondent] One of the rebels killed today in Staryye Atagi is most probably an Arab mercenary, Ilya Shabalkin said. He said there were 15 rebels in total. However, [Chechen rebel leader] Aslan Maskhadov's envoy, Akhmed Zakayev, said in an interview with our radio station that this information does not correspond with reality. Chechen separatists continue to fulfill Maskhadov's order for a complete cease-fire until the end of February.
~ 61 ~
[Zakayev] There are no large clashes because the sub units which are under the command of president Maskhadov are all strictly adhering to this order. [Correspondent] I remind you that it was in the middle of January that Aslan Maskhadov gave the order for a complete one-way cease-fire across the whole territory of Chechnya and beyond its borders until 22 February. According to the separatists, the armistice was declared in a mark of good will. They are waiting for an adequate response from Russia. However, the Russian president's plenipotentiary representative in the Southern Federal District, Dmitriy Kozak, has called Maskhadov's declaration political PR. The Chechen leadership has proposed that the leader of the Chechen separatists, Aslan Maskhadov, gives himself up. Russian Official Says Pointless To Hold Talks With Chechen Leader Maskhadov MOSCOW. Dec 16, 2004 (Interfax) - It would not make sense to hold negotiations with Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov, Moscow Helsinki Group head Lyudmila Alexeyeva said. "Maskhadov is not supreme commander-in-chief there [in Chechnya]. He has his own unit, but all the other field commanders are acting independently," Alexeyeva told Interfax on Thursday. "It would be pointless to hold talks with Maskhadov. His unit will possibly agree not to fight. But will this help?" she said. "Contacts should be established with various war lords in Chechnya, not necessarily Maskhadov, whose name acts like a red rag," Alexeyeva said. Negotiations with guerrillas involved in terrorist attacks are impossible, she said. "This primarily concerns terrorists, including [Shamil] Basayev. Talks could be held with him if he took people hostage and if it helped release them. Under any other circumstances, talks with him are impossible," Alexeyeva said. AUSHEV CALLS ON MOSCOW TO SIT DOWN FOR TALKS The Jamestown Foundation CHECHNYA WEEKLY: News and Analysis on the Crisis in Chechnya 16 February 2005 - Volume VI, Issue 7 In an interview with Novaya gazeta published on February 14, former Ingushetian President Ruslan
Aushev commented on Maskhadov's ceasefire and call for peace talks. Asked whether he thought the ceasefire was holding, Aushev answered: "I believe that is a secondary issue. First it is necessary to evaluate Maskhadov's call for negotiations. And to assess it based on world experience. If the Basques in Spain suddenly called for negotiations. Or the Iraqis announced to the American government: we are declaring a moratorium and are halting attacks on your forces. Do you think the Spanish or the Americans would become indignant, as our military and politicians are doing? See how the world is now applauding what is going on at the negotiating table in the Middle East!" Aushev also argued that Maskhadov's influence is greater today that it was in the past. "Several years ago Maskhadov was influential within Chechnya," he told the bi-weekly. "Now his influence extends over the whole North Caucasus, inasmuch as organized resistance to the policy of the federal center is growing throughout the Caucasus. And for those people who are coming out against that policy, it is exactly Maskhadov who is a symbol. Was, is and will be." Aushev added: "Don't belittle Maskhadov with the assertion that he doesn't control anything. Yes, there are many groups that operate autonomously for a half a year at a time. But there is a general tendency: all of these field commanders recognize Maskhadov. Here's a comparison for you. Even given the extremely low, five-percent rating that Boris Yeltsin had during the middle of his presidency, nobody doubted his power and authority. If we want peace in the Caucasus precisely in the Caucasus, and not only in Chechnya then negotiations must be conducted with the armed resistance. There is no solution using force, there is an idea that must be fought only with ideas, not armies, tanks and planes. Maskhadov, I repeat, is a symbol of this idea." Aushev also suggested that negotiations with Maskhadov may be a last chance, given the character of the younger separatist fighters, exemplified by Movsar Baraev, who led the October 2002 hostage-taking raid on Moscow's Dubrovka Theater, and Ruslan Khuchbarov, who reputedly led the September 2004 Beslan school hostage-taking raid. "The generation that grew up during the war fanatically believes in an idea and knows only how to fight," Aushev said. "Conducting negotiations with them will be a million times more complicated. It wasn't for nothing that [former commander of the federal forces in Chechnya Viktor] Kazantsev ordered the detention of Chechnya's male population from age 10 to 60 And another thing: don't imagine the Khuchbarovs and Baraevs to be savages. There are many of them, they have been
~ 62 ~
fighting all of their lives; they are politicians, behind them is a young, aggressive ideology; they are informed, technologically armed and are growing." Meanwhile, Chechen President Alu Alkhanov said in an interview with Interfax published on February 10 that there is "absolutely no need to negotiate with Maskhadov or his associates to establish peace in Chechnya." "If Maskhadov and his associates want peace for the people of Chechnya, all they have to do is stop the terror and surrender to the authorities," Alkhanov said. "They know perfectly well where they should go the Prosecutor's Office or other law enforcement agencies. The people of Chechnya are tired of all this talk, they are determined about the way of their development, they have voted for the constitution, for unity with Russia." On February 14, Council of Europe SecretaryGeneral Terry Davis told Ekho Moskvy while on an official visit to Moscow that only negotiations can end the bloodshed in the North Caucasus. "The situation in Chechnya, in the Chechen Republic, demands a political solution," he told the radio station. "And such a solution can be found through negations. This, of course, is not an issue for the Council of Europe; it's an issue that must be resolved by the Russian authorities." AND ZAKAEV CALLS ON BUSH TO CHANGE HIS POLICY Akhmed Zakaev wrote an op-ed piece published in the International Herald Tribune on February 16 urging President George W. Bush to reconsider his position vis--vis Chechnya prior to his meeting with President Vladimir Putin in Bratislava later this month. "Three years ago, the U.S. president gave Putin the green light for his plan of Chechen pacification, which consisted of draconian measures against the civilian population, the installation of a puppet government and a propaganda campaign in the West that portrayed the Chechen independence movement as Islamic terrorists," Zakaev wrote. "It is clear now that the strategy did not work: The armed resistance was not subdued, the population did not embrace the Quisling government and courts in Britain and the United States cleared Chechen political figures, such as myself, of Russian accusations of terrorism. The only outcome of pacification' was the emboldening of radicals at the expense of the moderate Chechen leadership, leading to the outrage of Beslan and the spread of militant ideology throughout the Caucasus." Maskhadov's unilateral ceasefire is "a unique
opportunity, perhaps the last, to break the vicious circle of hatred, death and destruction," Zakaev wrote. "If it is lost, the responsibility for the escalation of the conflict, further radicalization of the Caucasus and the inevitable increase of terrorism will go to those who persist in the failed policy of appeasing Putin. Bush should realize that his hands-off policy on Chechnya does not increase security but only breeds terror." REBELS AND FEDS BATTLE OVER CEASEFIRE The Jamestown Foundation CHECHNYA WEEKLY: News and Analysis on the Crisis in Chechnya 16 February 2005 - Volume VI, Issue 7 Gen.-Major Ilya Shabalkin, spokesman for the Russian military operation in the North Caucasus, claimed on February 14 that Federal Security Service (FSB) and Interior Ministry forces had carried out a special operation to destroy a group of rebels, Interfax reported. Shabalkin said the rebel group numbered up to 15 and was located along the administrative border between the Shali and Groznensky rural districts near the villages of Starye Atagi and Novye Atagi. Six of the rebels were reportedly killed and ten escaped. Shabalkin said the security forces launched the operation after receiving intelligence that a large rebel group was planning attacks on federal military installations. "An ambush was set up on the route along which the bandits were likely to move," he said. "Around 00:30 on Monday, a group of fighters were spotted. Federal forces went into action against them. The band was dispersed. According to preliminary information, around five militants were killed." Radio Liberty's Russian service reported later on February 14 that seven militants were killed during the operation near Starye Atagi, and that two of them were citizens of Saudi Arabia. It also reported that one Russian serviceman was killed and six wounded in the fighting. Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov's spokesman, Akhmed Zakaev, told Agence France-Presse by telephone from London that the federal forces had "provoked" the battle and denied rebel forces had broken the unilateral ceasefire that Maskhadov recently announced. "We have not broken the ceasefire," Zakaev said. "But there are constant provocations from the Russian special services, as well as disinformation being spread by the Russian army's press service. They are trying to discredit our idea of a ceasefire." A spokesman for the Russian military operation
~ 63 ~
in the North Caucasus also claimed on February 14 that rebels had attacked two cars carrying federal troops in the Kurchaloi district village of Akhkinchu-Borzoi but that none of the servicemen were hurt. The spokesman said spetsnaz that arrived at the scene spotted a group of rebels numbering up to seven and killed three of them, RIA Novosti reported. The separatist Kavkazcenter website on February 15 commented on the reported AkhkinchuBorzoi attack: "What calls attention to itself is the fact that while the Russian occupation command earlier rejected all reports by the Chechen side about mujahideen military operations, stating that there is no war in Chechnya, with President Maskhadov's announcement of a moratorium on offensive operations, the occupiers are now trying in every way possible to stress that the war in Chechnya is continuing. We recall that the Chechen armed forces command categorically rejected all previous statements by the Russian side about military clashes on Chechen territory." The federal authorities have long charged that Maskhadov exercises little or no control over the separatist forces, and reports of separatist fighters initiating attacks would give credence to that assertion. There is no alternative to the Chechen peace initiative Kavkaz-Centre 2005-02-19 01:21:13 In view of the peace initiative launched by the President of CRI Aslan Maskhadov, the KavkazCentre news agency has conducted an interview with the General Representative of the Chechen President abroad Umar Khanbiyev. Kavkaz-Centre publishes the answers of the General Representative of the President of CRI abroad. Question: Many commentators and analysts have already expressed their doubt that the Kremlin regime will support the initiative of peace negotiations with Chechnya . What is your prognosis? Umar Khanbiyev : Judging by the first morbid reaction on the part of Russia, our optimism, really, seems to be very illusive. However, this is not new to us we have already predicted such trend of developments. President of CRI Aslan Maskhadov noted in his conversation that he guesses the reaction of the hawks of the military clique and ambitious smatters at politics, who, thanks to this war, have come into power by chance.
And he was right. Nevertheless, Maskahdov puts trust in political goodwill of the President of Russian Federation. That is why Maskhadov's appeal is addressed to Putin, the person whose reaction should be dictated by the judgment of the sober-minded and responsible politician. The Decree on appointment of the Governmental delegation for contacts with the Russian side, issued following the order on temporary suspension of all kinds of offensive actions on the territory of CRI and RF, is a demonstration of Maskhadov's confidence that Putin is able to take a reasonable step. And this happens despite the fact that the Kremlin analysts regard their president as a programmed manrobot unable to take a clever move. I do not understand to whom it is advantageous to have such president. At any rate, it is advantageous neither to the Chechens, nor to the Russians. I share President Aslan Maskhadov's optimism and I will do everything in my power to establish contacts with the Russian side. Question: Has the negotiating team been formed to carry out talks with the Russian side? Umar Khanbiyev: Yes. Such team has already been formed and is looking forward to the contacts from the Russian side. When the Russian leadership clarifies itself, we will publish the list of our delegation. Question: If the Russian side abandons call, as it always happened during the last five years, do you have any alternative moves in store to force Russia to take part in peace talks? Umar Khanbiyev : Today's situation cardinally differs from the circumstance in the past when we suggested peace initiatives. The rapid and impetuous processes taking place in the Caucasus have changed the proportion of forces and the prospects of the Kremlin to settle the political problems by using force. Russia can put forward no alternative to the Chechen peace initiative, if, of course, the Russian authorities do not want to destroy the statehood of Russia . Question: The initiative of the PACE with regard to the so-called round table on Chechnya to be held in Moscow has lately been at the centre of attention of the media. A number of Chechen politicians and official representatives have expressed their criticism with respect to the PACE. In your opinion, what is the hidden motive of the PACE initiative? Umar Khanbiyev : The joint delegation of the Parliament and Government of CRI expressed their negative attitude to the mentioned initiative as far back as the autumn session of the
~ 64 ~
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe to stage any kind of round tables. The round table in such a format as declared by Mr. Andres Gross cannot have any positive influence on the Russian-Chechen war. In our opinion, it is aimed at imitation of the concern on the part of PACE. If Lord Judd was mistaken hoping that he would have been able to bring the Russian-Chechen war to the end by means of this kind of round table in 2002, Mr. Gross insists on this and aggressively rejects the fair censorious remarks. At the same time, we have witnessed his attempts to stir up opposition between the Chechen politicians. I can state unambiguously that the round table initiated by Gross for the benefit of the Kremlin is recognized as inexpedient by the Chechen side and was removed from the agenda in the autumn of the past year. The persistency of Mr. Gross astonishes me. He was in search of contacts with me to invite me to take part in his round table' in Moscow . What for? To all appearances, to tick off the items of activities. We have invited them, but they refused to take part in our action Maskhadov and his supporters do not want peace. Question: In your opinion, what place is given to the Chechen question in the policy of the European countries today? Umar Khanbiyev : It would be a mistake to judge about the place of the Chechen question by the public policy of the European countries. The Chechen question has always been on the agenda of the meetings with the Russian leadership, with the rare exception. It has aleays been the subject of the backstage talks. You know the position of the European Parliament that totally differs form the position of the PACE. Besides that, we have well grounded hopes that the UN, which, unfortunately, has bogged down in corruption and cooperation with the countries-outcasts, will not make us wait for its positive attitude to the Chechen question for a long time, after carrying out a reform inside the organization. About Reputation Chechenpress, 03.03.05 Considering results of the unilateral armistice declared by President Mashadov "The New newspaper's" observer Anna Politkovskaya writes : "Mashadov's result consists, that fighting operations were deduced to the minimum, it is
the truth. But nevertheless they did not stop. The freshest example: on February, 21, just about the end of the armistice, there was a fight and explosion in the destroyed building of the former poultry farm in a settlement of the Suburban October region of Groznyy, destruction of nine military men of the 42 nd motor-shooting division, the commander of which, in traditions of the second war, publicly swore to kill three insurgents for each "our" one. Tit for tat - what kind of armistice is that? February, 21, is an example of that not the whole party submits to Mashadov". Politkovskaya has some strange logic here. We admit that on February, 21, near the building of a poultry farm there was a fight of some group of the Resistance with invaders, as the result of which nine "military men of the 42 nd motorshooting division" were lost. We shall agree conditionally that this group of the Chechen fighters ignored the order of President Mashadov on a suspension of offensive and diversive actions. But whether it is possible to claim on the basis of this UNIQUE example, that "the whole party" observes conditions of the armistice? The words "not the whole party are resulted to show, that Mashadov's order is broken not by separate groups of Resistance, but with a significant part of it. What part is it? Many western and Russian observers including Anna Politkovskaya, subdivide the Chechen Resistance into two segments: "moderate" (submitting to Mashadov) and "radical" (submitting to Basaev). And if Mashadov's order is broken with some significant part of the Resistance, it is natural to assume, that this disobedient part consists just of Basaev's groups. However the matter is that for the first time it became known about Mashadov's order from Basaev's application, who doubled this order for those groups, which submit directly to him, in particular, for the battalion of kamikazes "Riyadus Salihiyn" (The Gardens of the Just"). Such an expert in Chechen affairs, analyst Anna Politkovskaya should know that, since the events of the "Northeast", Shamil Basaev put down all official military and political posts in the structures of the CRI. And since autumn, 2002, when his actions are contrary to orders of President Mashadov, Shamil Basaev always openly and publicly takes responsibility, as it was, for example, during the events in Beslan, where Anna Politkovskaya did not reach for the reason that she had been poisoned in the plane (guess by whom). And so for all last years after the "Northeast" Shamil Basaev for the first time enters into a commitment to observe the moratorium declared by Mashadov on suspension offensive and diversive actions till
~ 65 ~
February, 22. And whether in this unique case of actions agreed with the Chechen President he would begin to deceive, secretly sending his fighters for attacks on invaders? Such behavior is absolutely senseless. If Shamil Basaev had intended to continue diversions and attacks in days of the moratorium, he would have declared about it, as a person, who was not connected to Mashadov by any official obligations, and struggling against Russians with the same methods, which Russians apply in destruction of Chechens. And if Basaev promised, that he would observe the moratorium, what benefit was for him to appear before the Chechen fighters and the whole Chechen people in the role of a person, who did not keep his word? Whether lives of unfortunate nine invaders, whom Russia with whole packs drives to the slaughter to the Chechen Republic , cost such a lose of personality in opinion of Basaev? One should know nothing about the Chechen mentality to assume such. If president Mashadov is most interested in that all groups of the Resistance observed his order and, naturally, he would not begin to break it, sending fighters for attacks on invaders, and if Shamil Basayev does not have absolutely any benefit to find reputation of "the artful person" in opinion of Chechens, maybe, Anna Politkovskaya should rummage in archives and see, what were the very first realities of the Russian military representatives from the place of destruction of those nine invaders. If she has a lack of time, we shall do it. So, this is a citation from the report of "Interfax" for February, 22: "In the settlement Suburban, near Groznyy, on Monday evening 9 military men from investigation unit of the 42 nd crew of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation died and 3 of them received traumas as the result of ruining of a wall of one of the houses. According to the interlocutor of the agency, the wall fell at an explosion of a mine-trap, which some Russian soldiers touched unintentionally. Six military men died at once, three of them died on their way to hospital". It is said about explosion here, but there is not any word about "shooting". The "shooting" in the Hankala realities appeared later, when the idea to use this incident in propaganda purposes and to try to discredit the Chechen President, "having proved", that "the significant part" of "that party" did not submit to Mashadov, breaking his orders, came to the minds of Shabalkins. And it allows the Kremlin inhabitants to wave away from appeals to begin political dialogue with the legitimate Chechen leader. "What dialogue are you talking about, if Mashadov supervises nothing
there"? And judging by Politkovskaya publication, shabalkins have achieved the purpose, forcing the respectful journalist to rush between two mutually exclusive theses: "negotiations with Mashadov are necessary"; "Mashadov does not control the whole party. The explosive could have been incorporated by anybody and whenever: realities of the Chechen Republic are such, about what Politkovskaya also writes. However, the statement constructed on the fact of this explosion: that, ostensibly, "the significant part of the Resistance does not submit to Mashadov should not be considered to be the proof of journalistic objectivity. Shabalkins, putins and tauses dzhabrailovs can speak, what they want, they are not considered to be anyone serious. But Anna Politkovskaya very uneasily, in literal sense with risk for her life has extracted the reputation of a fair journalist. And whether it is necessary to undermine this reputation with superficial and poorly proved charges? Meanwhile, in order to clear up the situation with the armistice and in what habitual provocative way "this party" (that is the "party" of Putin's gangs, murderers and terrorists) has reacted to it, we shall result only three reports, the reliability of which Politkovskaya, with her old connections in the Chechen Republic, can easily check up (one of these reports she cites in the mentioned article). The first report: The ORCHD in the press release No 1152 of February, 11, 2005 , informs that on February,7, in the evening a group of unknown people moving by the car Niva attacked an occupational block post situated in the settlement Gerzel-aul at the administrative border of the Chechen Republic with the Republic of Dagestan . As the result of the attack one of the employees of the pro-Moscow militia, who was on duty on the post, was killed, four people were wounded. And the automobile "Niva" from which the block post with national-traitors was shot, several hours earlier was noticed in other settlements of the Gudermes region of the Chechen republic. In particular, about 15 o'clock inhabitants of the settlement Novogroznyy, situated near the settlement Noibera of the Gudermes region, saw, how the given automobile accompanied by two "UAZ" and cars "Ural" was going in direction of the regional center Gudermes. Local residents report, that the military techniques of the invaders was full of Russian chastisers. People managed to remember the face of one provoker going in the "Niva". It was a man with a red beard. After an hour all four cars were noticed in
~ 66 ~
the regional centre Gudermes. In one and a half hour the people in a car "Niva", made an attack on the Gerzelskiy post. The second report:
Kadyrov's supporters replaced Yamadaev's supporters in this area about one month ago, and with such actions try "to please" the inhabitants of the region, whom they terrorize day and night. Adlan Beno
According to the correspondent of the Chechenpress, on February, 21 in the Groznyyrural region of the CHRI at the entrance to the settlement Gikalo employees of the puppet "militias of the Chechen Republic " detained two Russian terrorists mortgaging a mine on the road. The employees of puppet militia going on the line Groznyy - Shatoi, noticed two invaders pottering about opposite to the turn to the settlement Gikalo, which was near the former state farm "Teplichnyy". Puppets decided to check up, what the invaders were engaged with, and caught them literally for a hand during mortgaging of a mine. Both terrorists were detained, slightly processed with butts, and brought to the regional department of militia of the Groznyy-rural region, where this detention and its circumstances were written down. Employees of puppet militia openly speak, that the Russian terrorists were going to make a provocation: to undermine inhabitants of the settlement Gikalo, and then through Shabalkin to accuse the fighters of the Resistance of this crime, - that they, ostensibly, not only do not observe the moratorium declared by A.Mashadov, but also "undermine peace inhabitants". Meanwhile, colleagues of the detained terrorists, having learned about their destiny, immediately went to the regional department of militia to get them out of there. However that day, on February, 21, militiamen did not release the invaders. But it is possible, that now they are released, as after such detentions, following the order from above, the puppet militiamen should relieve Russian military criminals. The third report: The inhabitants of the regional centre Vedeno report, that on February, 20, near the regional centre Vedeno, Kadyrov's gangsters detained two Russian terrorists mortgaging a mine at the roadside. Both invaders were severely beaten by Kadyrov's gangsters and taken to the base in Hosi-Yurt. According to the local residents, both invaders were sent from Shali commandant's office for this provocative purpose. Before taking them to the base, Kadyrov's gangsters showed the invaders to the local residents. We shall remind that
Chechen Separatist Leader Outlines Peace Terms in RFE/RL Interview Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty (Prague, Czech Republic--March 4, 2005) Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov, one of the most wanted men in Russia, says a 30minute meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin would be enough to stop the decade-long conflict in Chechnya. In an interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, he gave a broad outline of peace terms he said could be acceptable to both sides. Maskhadov made the statement in response to written questions posed by RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service. Maskhadov's answers, in both the Chechen and Russian languages, were received today (Friday) via the Internet. He said it is his firm belief that Putin is getting bad information about the situation in Chechnya from his commanders and does not really know what is going on. Maskhadov said: "We have been suggesting that a 30-minute fair, face-to-face dialogue should be enough to stop this war, to explain to the president of the Russian Federation what the Chechen people do want-I'm sure he doesn't even know that--and also to hear from Putin personally what he wants, what Russia wants in Chechnya." Maskhadov said a peace dialogue could begin with agreement on the following points: "guaranteeing the security of the Chechen people and protecting Russia's regional and defense interests in the North Caucasus. If we are able to open the eyes of our opponents, the Russian leaders, peace can be established." Asked about the extent of his authority in Chechnya, Maskhadov said: "I don't think that there are any units on Chechen territory that would ignore my orders. I don't think there are such units in Ingushetia, Dagestan, KabardinoBalkaria and Karachayevo-Cherkessia either. This not just empty talk but reality. All military units on Chechen territory and in the neighboring countries are under the subordination of Chechen resistance." The Russian government has labeled Maskhadov a terrorist and refused to deal with him. It promises to pay a $10.3 million reward for his capture. Maskhadov was elected president of
~ 67 ~
Chechnya in 1997 and removed from power in fierce fighting with the invading Russian army in 1999. RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service broadcasts 2 hours of programming a day in the Avar, Chechen and Circassian languages to the North Caucasus region, produced in Prague and transmitted to listeners via satellite and shortwave transmission. North Caucasus Service programming is also available via the Internet, at www.rferl.org. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty is a private, international communications service to Eastern and Southeastern Europe, Russia, the Caucasus, Central Asia, the Middle East, and Southwest Asia, funded by the U.S. Congress through the Broadcasting Board of Governors. Chechen Leader Ready For Dialogue, But Says Rebels Will Fight to End If Necessary Tbilisi Chechenpress WWW-Text in Russian 04 Mar 05 [Interview with Chechen rebel President Aslan Maskhadov, entitled "Aslan Maskhadov: 'The Chechen mojahedin will fight to the end in this war'"] [Excerpt] CRI [Chechen Republic of Ichkeria] President Aslan Maskhadov replies to questions put by correspondents of world news agencies, including Chechen agencies. [Maskhadov] [passage omitted: greetings in Chechen] I will try with great pleasure to answer the questions put by the representatives of the news agencies. [Question] Regarding your latest peace initiative, what was behind your last approach to the Russian leaders, calling on them to sit down at the conference table? What were you hoping for? [Maskhadov] It seems to me that the president of the Russian Federation has been profoundly led astray, and the people to blame are, first and foremost, his special services, the federal troop generals, his closest advisors and, especially, his local puppets. It is my profound conviction that [Vladimir] Putin just doesn't realize what is really going on in Chechnya today. There is a legitimized practice in the army to tell your chief he wants to hear. It looks like this is the way it is in the Russian special services. This is very easy when there is complete censorship of the media. When I was an officer in the Soviet army I never had any respect for those leaders who were satisfied with this - pardon the expression "crap".
And I never associated with those subordinates who were inclined to play up to such leaders because it was mainly the cause and the combat readiness of the troops that suffered from this. Well, you can imagine what worthwhile things a national traitor in the rank of a deputy prime minister who has two classes of education and, as the esteemed [journalist Anna] Politkovskaya says, no brains at all, might report or propose. We believe that 30 minutes of honest dialogue face to face is enough to stop this war and to explain to the president of the Russian Federation what the Chechens want - I am certain that he doesn't know this - and to hear from Putin's own lips what he wants and what Russia wants in Chechnya. And we don 't know this either. To get this dialogue going all that is needed is to think about the following: Ichkeria requires a guarantee of the security of the Chechen people and Russia the protection of its regional and defence interests in the North Caucasus. If we are able to open the eyes of our opponents, the Russian leaders, this war can be stopped. [Question] You have declared a moratorium on offensive combat operations. Has this moratorium been observed or not? Has your order been carried out? [Maskhadov] I don't believe there are units on Chechen territory who would ignore my order. In my opinion, there are not even such units in Ingushetia, Dagestan, Kabarda-Balkaria and Karachayev-Cherkessia. These are not empty words, simply the way things are. All the fighting units in Chechnya and in the neighbouring republics are subordinate to the leaders of the Chechen Resistance. If the moratorium had been declared from both the warring sides, there would probably be no problems and the order would have been fulfilled precisely. But in this instance, by declaring a moratorium on hostilities from our side I was compelled to give additional instructions from the point of view of ensuring their own security. Imagine the situation. A moratorium has been declared from the Chechen side but the opposite side carries out special operations and cleansing. And this is precisely what happened. For example, this is what happened on 21 February in a suburb of Groznyy. In a house where there were mojahedin troops were brought in with the aim of cordoning off this area. I was told about this straightaway and I was forced to issue an order to the amir to act according to the situation, which is what he did. He withdrew to prepared positions placing mines in the house, and when the federal troops occupied the house
~ 68 ~
he blew it up. There were far more dead bodies in there than those officially declared but our mojahedin got away without losses. As you can see, there could have been no victims if the politicians had had enough common sense to realize one thing: there can be no solution to the conflict by force. Nobody will "flush out" anyone - this is complete nonsense. There can be no winners in this war. Anyone who doesn't understand this is not living in the real world. [Question] Are you really certain that a war is going on in other republics of the North Caucasus? [Maskhadov] Yes, I am. At the beginning of this war I urged all the leaders of the North Caucasus to get together in opposing this war. I was sure that if they all said "no" to this war then the Russians would not dare start another military adventure. But only two leaders agreed with me the former governor of Krasnodar Territory [Nikolay] Kondratenko and the esteemed [former Ingush President] Ruslan Aushev. The remainder did not want to spoil their relations with the future President Putin. This servile psychology has done its work. I warned these leaders that the war would enter their homes, too. At the start of this war we waited in Ruslan Aushev's office exactly three hours for Putin to arrive when he was prime minister. And we left when he telephoned to say that [former Russian President Boris] Yeltsin would not allow him to come. In my opinion this was an excuse. We recall Yeltsin's words at the beginning of this war: "You will not go as far as war!" Yeltsin did not want this war because he was fed up with the disgrace of it. Already at the beginning of this war it was clear that it was impossible to keep it within the Chechen borders. Exactly the same punitive operations as in Chechnya had begun in Ingushetia, Dagestan, North Ossetia and Kabarda-Balkaria. The FSB and the federal troops imposed this war on all these republics. There was no need to blame [Usama] Bin Ladin or alQa'ida for this. I am sure that Bin Ladin had never even seen these republics on the map. After that we were forced to widen the front of the military resistance. I issued orders to form additional sectors: the Ingush, Kabarda-Balkaria, Dagestani and other sectors. Amirs were appointed to all these sectors and today they are all subordinate to the military leadership of the Chechen Resistance. [Question] What ideals are you guided by in such a powerful opposition to Russia? What is the objective of your struggle?
[Maskhadov] Our idea is to save our people from Russian tyranny and barbarity, and we will consider our aim to have been achieved if we deprive Russia of the right to kill Chechen people in the future with impunity. And in what form of a settlement to the problem of mutual relations between Chechnya and Russia this security will be guaranteed we are prepared to sit down and discuss at the conference table with the participation of any international experts. There are times when we wonder why Moscow is constantly hinting that Chechnya is Russia's "internal problem". But there has not been a single speech by the Russian defence minister where he does not speak about military intervention from outside, and in each military clash between the Russian power-wielders and the Chechen mojahedin a mercenary from alQa'ida is bound to figure. So we don't understand: is Chechnya is an "internal problem" or a repulse of aggression from outside? And why are foreign politicians and Russian politicians, too, embarrassed to call this problem an international one? [Question] What do you think are the ideals that guide Putin in waging the war in Chechnya? [Maskhadov] I will try to answer this question, too. At first glance one wonders what is the point of such ambitious persistence of the Russian politicians and military with regard to Chechnya. They are always telling us that if Chechnya goes Russia will crumble and "Islamic extremism" will spread throughout the North Caucasus. One has to ask oneself: is this defence of Russia's territorial integrity or the defence of Russia's regional and defence interests? Let's look at it from the other side: has the six-year bloody war in Chechnya served as a pretext for defending Russia 's interests in the Balkans, in Afghanistan, in Central Asia, the Near East, Georgia and, finally, Ukraine? Note that the territory of Chechnya is only 17,000 square kilometres. While Russia has been waging a war in Chechnya the Chinese have been occupying the whole of Maritime Territory and Transbaykal Region and Russia will soon be forced to give the Kurile islands back to the Japanese. So whose interests are the generals defending in Chechnya? On the contrary, are they not playing into the hands of their opponents? [Question] They say that taking your relatives hostage forced you to issue the unilateral order to bring hostilities to a stop. [Maskhadov] That wasn't the case. What is the difference - my relatives or the relatives of my mojahedin who met the same fate a long time
~ 69 ~
ago? What will change from all this if my relatives follow theirs? They are all the same to us. The Almighty will reward everyone for what they have done and for their part in this holy war. There is not a single mojahedin with us today who will submit to these dirty subterfuges of our enemies and national traitors, because God has rewarded us with restraint. And the most valuable thing is that a mojahedin, whenever his sister or wife is taken hostage, comes to us and asks the question: does he have the right to do the same? And we always say to him: God does not permit this. So who is the terrorist or the bandit, one asks? Let them take these labels and hang them on their generals. [Question] What long-term prospect do you see for Russia and Chechnya if they still don't sit down and talk in the next century? [Maskhadov] The war will go on. I can say for certain that the Chechen mojahedin will fight to the end in this struggle, and the flames of this war will embrace the whole of the North Caucasus. The Russian people will constantly experience the fear of possible retribution from the Shahid suicide bombers in revenge for all the atrocities of the FSB and the federal troops in Chechnya. If today's Russian politicians do not have enough common sense to stop this war, others will take their place in the future who will stop it, but with great ignominy. We have plenty of patience. Thank God, the Almighty has not deprived us of tolerance! When the interests of the western powers and Russia in the Caucasus specifically collide, when the leaders of the western states realize that degree of danger which comes from Russia for the whole civilised world, then everyone will queue up to ask us Chechens to agree to stop this war. We can wait. [Question] What role do you think the West is playing in this war? [Maskhadov] The West is biding its time, playing with Putin, trying to solve its global strategic tasks - regional problems, energy problems, and so on. And the Russian leadership today, taking advantage of this, continues to commit monstrous crimes on Chechen territory. You have probably heard what Putin said recently: "You are fighting in Iraq, killing Muslims, so why can' t we do this in Chechnya?" Or, for example, this was something else he said: You hold elections in Afghanistan in order to control things there. We are holding similar elections in Chechnya. Why can't we?" Well, imagine the peoples of the Caucasus, Iraq, Afghanistan - they can be killed, too. Somebody can be appointed. In other words, these people
have been turned into animals. Today there is no opposition to the violation of human rights and freedoms of whole peoples. And therefore small peoples regretfully are left with only one thing to take up arms and defend their rights and their freedom. [Question] This forthcoming "roundtable meeting" - what will it bring? Will your representatives be at this forum? [Maskhadov] This is a ridiculous undertaking of Andreas Gross, a PACE [Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe] deputy. I don't want to call him a spokesman for the MPs in Chechnya. He will plant national traitors at the "roundtable meeting" in Moscow as Chechens who are chronically afraid who will find themselves in a state of shock if one word about the war being stopped is uttered.. And on the other side will sit nationalists like [leader of left-nationalist Motherland faction Dmitriy] Rogozin who also stand up for this war. Well, perhaps, another two or three stray MPs from the Ichkerian parliament. But there will be none of my representatives there because this is a job for a jackdaw, and there will be no calm on Chechen soil as a result of it. I am confident of that. [Question] The bandit formations that have been breeding on Chechen territory today - they call themselves power-wielders, special services, police. How do you see them? [Maskhadov] I think that Putin's flirting with the national traitors is a repeat of what happened in the past, in other words the same as happened in the first war. In the first war, or before it, there was an opposition - the bands of [Ruslan] Labazanov, [Beslan] Gantamirov, [Akhmed] Avturkhanov and others. They were well armed with all kinds of weapons including tanks and helicopter gunships. Even those had brains, at least they had some idea, for example: the Chechens cannot live without Russia; if Russia stops their pensions then the Chechens will die from hunger. There was fighting against this opposition and I took part in all these skirmishes. But these clashes never reached the point of a prolonged confrontation. Why? Because history must teach us something. The Chechens have never fought among themselves and they never will. There is a clear understanding how a Chechen should behave from this side and the other side during a forced clash. I am thinking about this now. Not a single self-respecting Chechen policeman or, as they are called there - special servicemen, will refuse to help the mojahedin. Why? Because they know what will be the outcome of this whole military adventure, and they know that tomorrow they
~ 70 ~
will have to answer, and they know that tomorrow we will have to live together. And there will be nowhere to run to. I had to speak up about this, and I am probably not saying everything. Once again we learn the lessons of the history of the last war, the Caucasian war, of Beybulat Taymilev [Chechen who was an associate of Pushkin and renowned for his bravery and compassion]and others. Sometimes we presented them with the ranks of ensign, standard-bearer, and Taymilev won an appeal from Tsarist execution, but he never forgot that he was a Chechen because he was a brave man. Yes, [FSB Director Nikolay] Patrushev hoped that he would be able to provoke a civil war in Chechnya, and he still hopes to reassure the president of this. But the realities show us that the reverse is the case - there is no civil war, no fierce confrontation between the Chechens, and nor will there be. In other words, they will not get the result they want. But then the lab el of bandit, which was prepared by Patrushev for the Chechen mojahedin, has already been fixed by the whole world on the Kremlin's puppet administration. That means payback time, and nothing else. Thank you for your attention! Information and analysis center of the president of the CRI 3 March 2005 Kavkaz-Center: Maskhadov orders the resistance to suspend attacks February 2nd 2005 (Prague Watchdog, published at 17:54 GMT, updated at 00:36 GMT) - As a gesture of goodwill, Chechen resistance leader Aslan Maskhadov ordered all resistance units to suspend attacks both within Chechnya as well as outside its borders as of February, announced the propaganda website Kavkaz-Center this evening. According to the Kavkaz-Center, following Maskhadov's order the influential Chechen guerrilla commander, Shamil Basayev, who uses terrorist tactics to fight what he calls Russian terrorism, ordered his units to also suspend attacks until February 22. Kavkaz-Center stated that Maskhadov signed the order on January 14. Maskhadov's envoy in Europe, Akhmed Zakayev, was not immediately available for comment. Websites close to the Chechen resistance have only quoted KavkazCenter's text. Russian officials have not
commented on the information as yet. Maskhadov was democratically elected President of the independent Chechen Republic of Ichkeria on January 27, 1997. After the Russian military re-entered Chechnya in 1999, his political influence gradually diminished, but he still controlled part of the resistance and for some Chechens, he still remains a symbol of their independence from Russia. In December 2004, Maskhadov's eight relatives, including two brothers and a sister, were kidnapped in Chechnya and are still missing. Human rights defenders accused units subordinate to Ramzan Kadyrov (self-styled Moscow-backed Chechen vice-premier) of the kidnappings. And several days ago Chechen authorities finally started a criminal prosecution of this abduction case. In the past, Maskhadov repeatedly called for a ceasefire, but Russia kept accusing him of terrorism and rejecting any idea of "peace talks" to end the conflict in Chechnya. Russia also criticised and exerted pressure on the supporters of such talks. It also rejected some proposals for broader international involvement to solve the conflict. In autumn 2004, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) announced its plan to hold what it called "a round table" on the conflict in Chechnya. However, at Russia's request, representatives of "separatists and terrorists" were excluded from the meeting, which cast serious doubts on the very idea of such talks. Recently, it was decided that the meeting should take place in Moscow, probably in March. The first Chechen war, which started in 1994, was ended by the Khasavyurt agreements, signed by Mashkadov and Russian General Aleksander Lebed in August 1996. However, Chechnya maintained its independence only for three turbulent years before the Russian army invaded it again. Maskhadov almost ideally outplayed Moscow Chechen Times - 3.02.2005 President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria Aslan Maskhadov ordered to unilaterally stop all forms of military activity of an offensive character. In accordance with the order, the armed forces of the Chechen Resistance halt all forms of military activity both on the territory of Chechnya and Russia. The corresponding document was signed on January 14, 2005, but has not been published until recently.
~ 71 ~
However, there are no grounds to doubts its existence, since Umar Khanbiyev, General Envoy to the President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria to Foreign Countries, almost immediately commented on it. He described this step from the Chechen side a demonstration of good will and an invitation to the Russian side to end the war at the table of political negotiations. Besides, according to Khanbiyev, such order unambiguously shows that the armed units of the Resistance arent fragmented groups, but wellguided armed formations, subordinated to the commander-in-chief and controlled by him. The unilateral truce is valid until February 22, 2005, and gives Russian military a serious matter for reflection. February 23 is another anniversary of the Stalin deportation of Chechens. As a rule, Russian military analysts have always linked this date to a possible increase in military activity of the Resistance, but their prognoses have never come up to expectations. Now everything says that the date when the truce offered by the Chechen side ends was chosen not accidentally and in fact the demonstration of good will contains an unambiguous hint to the Russian side. Moscows reaction can easily be foreseen: it is likely to ignore the offer, because it is ready neither to discuss peace speaking the language of good will nor the language of latent threats. Most probably, the Kremlin will increase the intensity of military actions and reppressions in Chechnya with a maniacal stubbornness it still considers any idea of negotiations only a trick of rebel fighters searching a possible respite. Today Moscow is not interested in a possible deterioration of the situation in Chechnya, and first of all because of the scheduled PACEs round table on the Chechen problem which is to help Moscow stop any mentioning of related military activities, genocide and instability. The same goal is pursued by The agreement on delimitation of powers between Russia and Chechnya, which in fact admits that the Chechen Republic is in the conditions of a special economic, social and ecological plight. And in this respect we can say that Maskhadov almost ideally outplayed Moscow, demonstrating his aspirations for peace. Almost is because he has repeatedly said that in the Chechen Resistance there are groups which he cannot control, which act on their own, the methods of which he does not like and are even forbidden for the Ichkerian armed forces and prosecuted. Clearly, this situation will enable Moscow to
press standard charges against Maskhadov saying either he personally gives orders to terrorists, or has no influence on rebel fighters. The first is possible only if the Chechen side observes the truce. The second if military actions will continue. Nonetheless, repeatedly voicing its aspirations for a dialog, the Chechen side looks much more convincing and Maskhadovs latest order is a bright evidence of that. President Alkhanov has also commented on this order, saying as usual he is not going to conduct talks with Maskhadov, traditionally forgetting that the Chechen Resistance has never considered him or his predecessor as a negotiating side. Besides, it seems Alkhanov has certain doubts about his own legitimacy. We see it from the following statement: We do not deny that Maskhadov was publicly elected, but he was the President of Ichkeria, while Kadyrov was the President of the Chechen Republic. Maskhadov can call himself the president neither morally, nor legally. And only this phrase absolutely clearly shows that in Chechnya Russia is struggling not against international terrorism but the Chechens legitimate aspirations for Independence. Moscow denounces Maskhadov's ceasefire order February 3rd 2005 (Prague Watchdog) - Chechen resistance leader Aslan Maskhadov's order for a ceasefire in February was denounced today by Russian and Moscow-backed Chechen officials as being nothing but a trick. However, Maskhadov's Western European envoys said the order once again shows goodwill on the part of the Chechen resistance and their willingness to start political talks to resolve the conflict. Alu Alkhanov, whom Moscow installed as President of the Chechen Republic in rigged elections last August, said today that Maskhadov's order to unilaterally stop attacks is "a propaganda trick", adding that Maskhadov never fulfilled a single promise he made. "This is all just a bluff, a provocation, and an attempt to draw attention to themselves, said Taus Jabrailov, chairman of the Chechen State Council, a body created by Moscow before parliamentary elections could be held in Chechnya. Conversely, Umar Khambiyev, Maskhadov's foreign envoy, was quoted today by Chechenpress, a Chechen internet news agency
~ 72 ~
close to the resistance as saying, "The ceasefire order is a demonstration of goodwill and an invitation to the Russians to stop the war and start political negotiations... We hope that there will be political goodwill in Russia and that they will take adequate steps so that this long and bloody war can be over." Speaking today on Ekho Moskvy, a Russian radio station, Maskhadov's envoy Akhmad Zakayev confirmed the existence of the order and explicitly ruled out that it is somehow linked to the fact that two months ago Maskhadov's eight relatives, including two brothers and a sister, were kidnapped in Chechnya. He added that discussions about this order were underway a long time ago and are linked with the planned meeting between Maskhadovs representatives and those of the human rights organization Committee of Mothers of Russian Soldiers. "Maskhadov signed the order in connection with the meeting to show goodwill," Zakayev stated during the radio interview. It should be noted that the meeting, aimed at the onset of the peace process, was to take place in Belgium at the end of last year, but the Committee members were denied EU visas after Russia exerted pressure on Belgian authorities. "Every Chechen resistance force is interested in ending the war; and this was demonstrated by all the forces, including the radical wing, Basayev," Zakayev told the Caucasus Times, a Prague-based internet news agency. The information that Chechen resistance leader Aslan Maskhadov ordered all his units to suspend attacks both within Chechnya as well as outside its borders as of February was published by the Kavkaz-Center news agency on Wednesday evening. Ruslan Aushev: The War Is Leaving Us Behind Kavkaz-Center 2005-02-17 01:03:23 If we don't reach a settlement with Maskhadov now, he will be replaced by people who only know how to wage war Ruslan Sultanovich! Is a moratorium on military operations declared by Maskhadov currently in force in Chechnya? It is very difficult to give a simple answer to that question. After all, what you are asking is: does Maskhadov control the forces of resistance in Chechnya, or doesn't he? I think that's a secondary question.
First one must assess Maskhadov's call for negotiations. And assess it from the perspective of the world's experience. If the Basques in Spain suddenly called for negotiations, or if the Iraqis said to the American government: we are declaring a moratorium and will stop attacking your troops do you think the Spanish or the Americans would be indignant, as our military and politicians are? I mean, look how the world is applauding what is taking place on the negotiating table in the Middle East! And yet the question of Maskhadov's real influence is very important I will put it this way. A few years ago Maskhadov was influential within the confines of Chechnya. Now his influence extends to the whole of the North Caucasus, as throughout the entire Caucasus an organized resistance to the policy of the Federal Center is spreading. And for those people who are coming out against that policy, it's Maskhadov who is the symbol. He was, he is, and he will be. What if one imagines the improbable: for the sake of peaceful aims Maskhadov meets the Kremlin's principal demand. Surrenders. What would happen then? In the first place, he will never surrender. Maskhadov should not be humiliated with the assertion that he doesn't control anything. Yes, there are many groupings there which act autonomously for up to six months or so. But the general tendency is that all those field commanders recognize Maskhadov, Here's a comparison for you. Even with the extremely low five percent rating Boris Yeltsin had in the middle of his presidency, no one ever called his power and authority into doubt. If we want peace in the Caucasus, in the Caucasus, that is, and not only in Chechnya, then negotiations must be opened with the armed resistance. There is no solution that involves force, there is an idea which can only be fought with an idea, not with an army, tanks and planes. Maskhadov, I repeat, is a symbol of that idea. For whom are negotiations disadvantageous? For those who talk of negotiations as of something shameful, unacceptable and unproductive. Those who try to frighten people with recent history the Khasavyurt agreements. To me, as a direct participant in those events, it's obvious that Khasavyurt is being mythologized and dealt with in the wrong way. Those were FORCED actions. We (yes, we!) were driven into a corner. In the first place, the guerrillas entered Grozny and blocked off the Federal forces, Pulikovsky even wanted to bomb both his
~ 73 ~
own men and others. Then, at the request of Alexander Lebed, I flew to see Maskhadov and Yandarbiyev and tried to get them to withdraw the guerrillas, and I only just succeeded. In the second place, Yeltsin and Co. had elections coming up. .. The time when our military men said that negotiations were treason, that would not allow them to settle the Chechen question by means of force, has passed. Since 1999 no one has restrained our military men, and the political message has been simply one of force. And what do we see? Have they got anywhere close to a settlement of the Caucasus problem? Negotiations are also disadvantageous to the Chechen leadership. In general, we are wasting time, when each day, each month are important. We don't have any time left. The war is leaving us behind, and the question is who will bring the detonator to the Caucasus. Are influential personalities similar to Maskhadov and Basayev appearing among the armed resistance? Nature abhors a vacuum. Who knew Movsar Barayev? Or Ruslan Khuchbarov? They are not ordinary executors Well yes, the executors I talked in Beslan with that "executor" Khuchbarov. I saw his eyes, heard what he was saying. He's a representative of an idea, he knew perfectly well what he was going to do and why he was going to do it. He's not just a robot, an automaton Even if Maskhadov and Basayev give themselves up, their place will be taken by the Khuchbarovs and Barayevs. The generation that grew up during the war fanatically believes in an idea and only knows how to wage war It will be a million times harder to conduct negotiations with them. It's not for nothing that Kazantsev ordered the male population of Chechnya aged 10-60 to be arrested and detained And also: it's wrong to picture the huchbarovs and Barayevs as savages. There are many of them, they fight and struggle all their lives, they are politicians, they have behind them a young, aggressive ideology, they are informed, technologically armed, and they are growing. Ruslan Sultanovich! How do you react to the awarding to Zyazikov of the Order "For Services to the Fatherland" after Beslan? With calm. The President of Russia knows better than I do the services for which he hands out
awards But the President of Ingushetia has one obvious "service" before all Russia cowardice I have promised myself not to say anything on the subject of the new Ingush leadership. I want to add that for the whole Afghan about seventy of us got the Hero of the Soviet Union medal. In Russia already two hundred people have become heroes. For what? Yelena Milashina Novaya Gazeta Former Groznyy Commandant Says Guerrillas' Truce Hoax MOSCOW. Feb 22, 2005 (Interfax-AVN) Recent remarks by Chechen extremist leaders calling for a "truce" are nothing more than a hoax, former Grozny commandant Colonel General Arkady Baskayev told Interfax-Military News Agency on Tuesday. "The guerillas have announced now that they are finalizing the 'truce,' which, by the way, was not and could not have been true - there are always human casualties, including today. Thus, the widely advertised 'moratorium' on hostilities was nothing more than a hoax," said Baskayev, who is also a member of the State Duma's security committee. "We have only once believed their so-called 'peaceful' calls. When I ws the commandant in Chechnya, Maskhadov (separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov - Interfax-AVN) also alleged that they were stopping military activities. But at the same time, he was regrouping his forces, and after that everything started anew," Baskayev stressed. "Rather, 'the peaceful initiatives' of these terrorists should cause our concern. Most likely, terrorists are trying to use a 'peaceful PR campaign' to prepare for their next atrocity and get a respite," he said. "In fact, Maskhadov and his associates have had plenty of opportunities to stop this pointless massacre, and today all of them still have a chance to surrender," Baskayev said. According to him, Chechen guerillas are no longer able to counter the legitimate authorities by force. The only thing left to them is to take revenge and make pinpoint strikes. Militant activities will be escalated soon, he stressed. "We should take into account that spring is coming soon, trees will have leaves in the mountains, and bandits will scale up activities to work out sponsors' money," Baskayev added.
~ 74 ~
Chechen Rebels Threaten To Resume Actions as Ceasefire Ends Moscow Ekho Moskvy Radio in Russian 1000 GMT 22 Feb 05 [Presenter, leading in from previous report] Back to events in the Chechen war, where soldiers are dying. Today is the last day of the temporary cease-fire. Here is Andrey Gavrilov on how it was observed and what we can expect in Chechnya tomorrow. [Correspondent] The rebels have been observing Aslan Maskhadov's order for a unilateral ceasefire for nearly one month. This is affirmed not only by spokesmen for the separatist leader but also by the Chechnya Interior Ministry. Humanrights activists are urging President Putin to negotiate with the separatist leader, but he has remained silent. The [pro-Moscow] Chechen leader, Alu Alkhanov, is ruling out any talks with the separatists, who [he says], are acting against their own people. Instead, he suggests that they turn themselves in. Meanwhile a spokesman for the North Caucasus HQ, Ilya Shabalkin, has reported that troops have once again tracked down and destroyed a group of rebel fighters. It is worth noting that when it comes to any kind of action against federal forces in Chechnya, the federals have had virtually nothing to say. The month is up. What next? If Russia does not provide a proper response, then the rebels will resume operations against federal forces, a spokesman for the separatist leader, Usman (?Farzuli), told our radio station. [Farzuli] To us, Russia has been unpredictable recently. It treats Chechens in general with unjustifiable cruelty. So if no appropriate moves are made by 2400 hours by the Russian Federation, then groups of fighters, by which I mean the army of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, will carry out planned combat operations to expel the aggressor from the independent Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. [Correspondent] Fighting could break out in Chechnya with renewed force as early as tomorrow, when the temporary cease-fire order expires. Anticipating this, the republic's police have been on alert from several days. Additional checkpoints have appeared on roads, and all important installations are under 24-hour guard. [Presenter] Tomorrow is a special day in Chechnya for another reason. 23 February is the anniversary of the most tragic event in the history of the Chechens and also the Ingush. In
1948, these two nations were deported on Stalin's orders. Many died. WHO ARE THE FIGHTERS FOR INDEPENDENCE OF CHECHNYA Voice of Russia 02/22/2005 Because separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov is said to control all the illegally formed paramilitary units of Chechnya, some people in the West want Moscow to discuss the future of Chechnya with Aslan Maskhadov. Commentary by Eduard Ryabtsev. The chairman of the State Council of Chechnya Taus Dzhabrailov fails to see why separatist emissaries should be invited to join the European delegation to the roundtable conference on Chechnya which is to be held next month. It had been decided months ago in Strasbourg that those who attend this conference must agree to see Chechnya as a constituent part of the Russian Federation. But separatist leaders Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev refuse to see their home republic as a constituent part of Russia while trying to convince the world that there will be no end to the violence until Aslan Maskhadov meets for talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin. His attempt to declare a ceasefire proves that Maskhadov is incapable of putting an end to the hostilities. Ceasefire or no ceasefire, separatist forces keep assaulting, killing and harassing civilians. They gun down, in their own homes, those who support the new government of Chechnya. They set their houses afire, and the bodies of people they have kidnapped are later found with signs of torture. They wage war on Islamic clerics and elders, on teachers who preach Chechen unity and call for peace and rule of law. Landmines and high explosive devices are planted on orders from Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev. Bomb blasts claim human lives at bus stops, on crossroads and in other crowded places. The hands of many of them are splashed with blood. It is quite clear that they, as well as Maskhadov and Basayev, should be brought to justice. That is why Chechens refuse to deal with Maskhadov and Basayev. Not only because they have committed federal offenses. Also because men under their command have long turned into bandits and assassins. Which is why any dialog with them would be taken as a slap in the face by the relatives of those who have lost their lives and are killed by the alleged fighters for the freedom and sovereignty of Chechnya.
~ 75 ~
Chechen Cease-Fire Expires on Anniversary JUDITH INGRAM AP Online; Feb 23, 2005 A temporary cease-fire called by Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov expired Wednesday, the 61st anniversary of the Stalin-era deportation of Chechens to the barren steppes of then-Soviet Central Asia. Maskhadov had ordered his fighters, including radical warlord Shamil Basayev, to observe a weekslong cease-fire through Tuesday, the eve of the anniversary. He also renewed a call for talks with the Russian leadership, which has consistently turned them down. "We have proposed and again are proposing peace to Russia, because we consider that it's up to the strong side to propose peace," Maskhadov said in a statement posted Wednesday on the Kavkaz Center Web site, a mouthpiece for the rebels. It was not clear exactly when the cease-fire began but it was believed to be in late January or early February. Russian officials dismissed the cease-fire call as a publicity stunt and maintained that rebels kept up their attacks. Nine servicemen were killed in a rebel attack Monday night, the Russian military said. Russian President Vladimir Putin and other officials consider Maskhadov an international terrorist and doubt he maintains much authority among the insurgents. Though Basayev is formally Maskhadov's subordinate, he is believed to command a far greater following among the militants. The Kremlin sent troops into Chechnya in 1994 in a bid to crush its separatist leadership, but they withdrew after a devastating 20-month war that left the southern Russian region de facto independent. Russian forces returned in 1999 following a rebel incursion into a neighboring province and deadly apartment building explosions blamed on rebels. Chechens and Ingush, who were also victims of the February 1944 deportations, marked the anniversary with visits to mosques and cemeteries. In the Chechen capital, Grozny, dozens of people gathered at a memorial formed from gravestones to honor those who perished during the deportation.
"Every day, they took the dead bodies out of the train. The soldiers threw them into the snow," said Zayndi Dudayev, 72, who said the trip in overcrowded cattle cars took two weeks. His family returned to Grozny in 1964 after suffering hunger and surviving a typhus epidemic that swept through the exiles' communities. "My home was gone. There was only my homeland, the graves of my ancestors, my land that we had longed for day and night all those years," Dudayev said. The Council of Europe, meanwhile, announced that a roundtable on Chechnya would be held in Strasbourg, France, on March 21. Political parties and politicians from Chechnya and Russian government officials were to attend, the council said, adding that Chechen separatists would not be invited. Also Wednesday, Kavkaz Center announced that Basayev had married a Russian woman, his third wife, on Feb. 14 in Russia's Krasnodar region, where he spent more than a month getting medical treatment. The report, which could not be verified, could be an attempt to embarrass Russian authorities, who say they have been unable to capture or kill the elusive warlord in spite of his having been sighted in regions outside Chechnya. Maskhadov in control in Chechnya, rebel tells Russian radio BBC Monitoring Service - United Kingdom; Feb 23, 2005 Text of report by Russian Ekho Moskvy radio on 23 February [Presenter] The cease-fire with the Russian authorities called by Chechen separatists expired a few hours ago. It began in early February, when [Chechen separatist leader] Aslan Maskhadov's order to halt military action on Chechen territory came into effect. A Maskhadov emissary has told Ekho Moskvy that separatist armed formations are stronger than ever. [Akhmed] Zakayev said that before long the rebels will show that to the federal troops. [Zakayev] I think the obvious fact is that Maskhadov is currently able to control the situation in the republic and he can control peace. From that standpoint, it [the cease-fire] was a kind of test. Despite all the provocations by puppet structures and occupation structures, we still succeeded in demonstrating that the orders of the supreme commander-in-chief are implemented.
~ 76 ~
[Presenter] For his part, the State Duma deputy from Chechnya, Ruslan Yamadayev, told our radio station that Maskhadov does not pose any danger at present. I quote Yamadayev: Maskhadov has long been a zero. Only [rebel warlord] Shamil Basayev and the mercenaries pose a danger now. Of course there are people who can make a blast happen anywhere. So the danger is there, Yamadayev added, but this situation exists not only in Russia. End of quote. Source: Ekho Moskvy radio, Moscow, in Russian 0700 gmt 23 Feb 05 Russia: North Caucasus Republics Enter Circle Of Violence By Jean-Christophe Peuch Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov in January ordered his troops to halt all offensive operations against Russian soldiers. The unilateral cease-fire, which entered into force on 2 February, ends at midnight tonight. As fighting reportedly abated in Chechnya itself, Moscow apparently redoubled efforts to eliminate militants in neighboring republics. Violence is expected to grow further in those areas as Russia and regional governments continue to crack down on purported local Islamist cells. Prague, 23 February 2005 (RFE/RL) In recent weeks, Russian security raids have been reported in Nalchik, the capital of Kabardino-Balkaria. Heavy clashes took place in Karachayevsk, a town in neighboring Karachaevo-Cherkessia, in mid-February. The Russian military claims those sweeps resulted in the destruction of local radical Islamic cells with purported links to Chechnya. Also in mid-February, an alleged liaison of the AlQaeda terrorist network blew himself up in Ingushetia to avoid capture. Fighting between security forces and purported Islamic militants has been going in Daghestan, east of Chechnya. Grigory Shvedov is editor in chief of Kavkazsky Uzel (Caucasian Knot), a Russian information website that covers developments in the North and South Caucasus regions. He told RFE/RL that he saw this upsurge of violence as yet another confirmation of a dangerous trend. The absence of a long-term vision of developments in the North Caucasus [in the Kremlins] policy is responsible for the spilling over of the Chechen conflict," Shvedov said. "Today the war is no longer confined to Chechnya and is now spreading in Daghestan and Ingushetia. Militants are carrying out operations
in Kabardino-Balkaria and KarachaevoCherkessia and these actions are no longer sporadic, but continuous. In North Ossetia, we see no longer isolated terror attacks, but a conflict wave that is spreading all over the republic, not in the form of militant raids, but rather in that of civil confrontation. All these developments are linked to one another and stem from the irresponsible policy carried out by the Russian armed forces and the federal center. Tensions are running high across the North Caucasus -- and not only because of the war in Chechnya. Bad governance, economic mismanagement, and authoritarian tendencies on the part of regional elites have also helped foster social discontent and violence. In North Ossetia, President Aleksandr Dzasokhovs failure to prevent Septembers Beslan hostage crisis, which claimed more than 300 lives, has served as a catalyst for political demands that he step down. In neighboring Ingushetia, critics blame President Murat Zyazikov for the disappearance of dozens of opponents at the hands of alleged death squads. These abductions and suspected killings might have been one of the main motives behind the militant raids that decimated the republican Interior Ministry headquarters in June. In Daghestan, State Council Chairman Magomedali Magomedovs reluctance to comply with a power-sharing agreement has rekindled simmering tensions among various ethno-political groupings vying for power. Two high-ranking government officials survived a bomb attack in the town of Kizlyar in mid-February, and reports say security has been beefed up in the capital Makhachkala in anticipation of new attacks. In Karachaevo-Cherkessia, the suspected involvement of police officers and President Mustafa Batdyevs son-in-law in the collective murder of seven young businessmen in October has triggered a wave of antigovernments protests. In Kabardino-Balkaria, critics blame ailing Sovietera President Valerii Kokov for economic collapse and widespread corruption. Thomas De Waal, Caucasus project manager at the London-headquartered Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), said domestic political developments have perhaps to an even greater extent than the Chechen war --- contributed to radicalizing entire segments of the local populations. In Kabardino-Balkaria, for example, you have an
~ 77 ~
extremely authoritarian government, you have an extremely heavy-handed presence of the Federal Security Service, or FSB, you have suppression of opposition, and you had closure of mosques," De Waal said. "So you might say its a small model of Uzbekistan. All the ingredients are there for a homegrown Islamist movement. In predominantly Christian North Ossetia, authorities have moved against non-official Islam. Three weeks ago, on 2 February, regional FSB officers arrested Yermak Tegaev, the head of the Vladikavkaz-based Islamic Cultural Center and an open critic of the republics governmentappointed mufti. The FSB claim radical religious literature, explosives, and detonators were found in Tegaevs house. Northern Caucasus militants claim to draw their inspiration from Islam. But De Waal said religion serves primarily as a vehicle for political and socioeconomic demands. [These people] call themselves Islamists, but there is not much evidence about how much they know about Islam," De Waal said. "I think it is more of a socioeconomic agenda, in which Islam has become a flag that they fly. This is probably true of a lot of conflicts, but in the North Caucasus there is still, I think, widespread ignorance about Islam. Were talking about young people who are 20 or 25 sometime even younger for whom basically there is no place in the societies they live in, and this is why they are turning to this agenda. De Waal said that, while developing their own political agenda, many of the regions radical groupings have been maintaining relations with Shamil Basaev and other Chechen radical field commanders. For some of them, these ties date back from the time Basaev fought Georgian troops in Abkhazia in the early 1990s. For others, they were forged during the 1997-99 interwar period that saw many radical youth undergo military training in the war-torn republic. Russian President Vladimir Putin is expected to reassert his authority in the North Caucasus by appointing new regional leaders when the terms of the serving presidents expire. In the meantime, he clearly intends to rely on force to keep those volatile areas under control. At a government meeting yesterday, Putin told Interior Minister Rashid Nurgaliev, who had just reported to him on recent security raids in Nalchik, to show no mercy in the battle against suspected Islamic militants. You must continue working like that," Putin
said. "Be tougher with them. Be tougher." Nurgaliev in turn pledged further raids would be carried out in Ingushetia and Daghestan. For Russian Caucasus expert Shvedov, the Kremlins response to political violence can only lead to a deadend. This policy, which consists in killing as many terrorists as possible, can lead nowhere," Shvedov said. "In my opinion, we should go in the other direction. If Russian society really wants that an end be put to mass terrorism, [it] should first start examining its causes. But society today is not interested in examining the causes of terrorism -- be it the war in Chechnya, or the overall situation in the North Caucasus. As for state, not only it is not interested, but it is also making life impossible for those who reflect on these issues, thus killing all hope of seeing terrorism decrease. De Waal also said he saw no end to unrest in the North Caucasus. Were now seeing the violence intensify and I fear it will get into a circle in which every [Russian] response will make with a new upsurge of violence from these young radicals, he said. Moscow Website Reports Chechen Rebel Leader's 'Unexpected' Peace Offer Moscow Gazeta.ru WWW-Text in Russian 23 Feb 05 [Report by Ilya Barabanov: "Truce as Encore"] The truce announced by the gunmen's leaders, Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev, ended at midnight, but they are in no hurry to go over to the offensive expected by the federal forces. On the morning of 23 February Maskhadov once again proposed to the federal authorities that they sit at the negotiating table. The truce announced by Maskhadov and supported by Basayev expired Tuesday [22 February] night -- at 0000 hours Moscow time. The federal command in Chechnya had been expecting a sharp galvanization of the gunmen's activity on the eve of 23 February, but instead of a series of terrorist acts there came a new address by Aslan Maskhadov, in which he once again proposed sitting at the negotiating table and ending the bloodshed in Chechnya. However, this love of peace does not rule out the possibility that terrorist acts will follow a little later. For the past 10 years 23 February has been a traditional day on which the separatists put on a
~ 78 ~
show of force. It was on 23 February 61 years ago that the deportation of the Chechens began on the orders of Iosif Stalin. Since 1994 this day has been marked in Ichkeria as Chechen National Revival Day. Commenting on the truce which has ended, Akhmed Zakayev, Maskhadov's emissary, declared: "I cannot speak now specifically about troop operations which have been prepared, for I know little about this, but I believe that it has become obvious that Maskhadov can control the situation in the republic today." That is, the separatists regard the main task of the truce as having been fulfilled: They have shown the federal forces and, most importantly, the West in the persons of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the OSCE, the Council of Europe, and others that they are not disparate gangs but, after all, something whole that is capable of coordinating its actions and that obeys a single command center. The military's fears regarding the expected new flare-up of gunmen's activity are all the more valid. They were intensified to the utmost following Tuesday's attack by a group of gunmen on a reconnaissance party of the 42d Motorized Rifle Brigade of the Defense Ministry. Nine reconnaissance party members died as a result of the battle. Its complete annihilation was only avoided thanks to an operational approach to the engagement area by a reserve battalion. The gunmen were blocked, and three of them were killed and another three injured. The attack provided grounds for saying that a number of terrorist acts aimed at destabilizing the situation is being prepared in Chechnya. Small arms, grenade launchers, explosive devices, and electrical detonators were discovered on the gunmen who were detained. Aleksandr Baranov, commander of the North Caucasus Military District, declared that the gunmen "were clearly trying to do something on the eve of the festivals and the day of the Chechen people's deportation." Against this background the latest address by Maskhadov, posted on one of the gunmen's websites, was to a considerable degree unexpected. "Chechnya has repeatedly offered Russia peace and is doing so once again," Maskhadov declared. The separatists' leader is convinced that only mutual good will will halt the Russian-Chechen war. At the same time Maskhadov points out that the separatists will continue combat operations against the federal troops if the Russian authorities do not react to the latest call for peace. "While offering peace, at the same time we are also ready for war -- in order to defend our human dignity -- and this right is given us by the Almighty," the statement reads. The separatists' leader is convinced that "only a sensible person, who is certain that he is
right and that he is strong, can be magnanimous and not indifferent to the destinies of other people." In his address Maskhadov also turns to the events of 60 years ago, drawing parallels between the actions of Stalin and those of the present Russian authorities. Representatives of the federal staff have not yet made any comment at all on this statement of Maskhadov's, but it can be assumed that it will be greeted with the same skepticism as the previous offer of a truce. Russian Duma Deputy Says Maskhadov's Statements Calculated for West MOSCOW. Feb 24, 2005 (Interfax-AVN) Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov's latest statement about his plans to end terrorist attacks and stop targeting federal forces and administrative buildings in Chechnya is calculated for Western politicians, said State Duma Deputy Akhmar Zavgayev of Chechnya. He said this statement, for reasons he cannot understand, has been cited by various media with reference to the illegal armed groups' websites and are timed to coincide with a roundtable currently being prepared by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. "Maskhadov is trying to picture himself as a peace dove, as a person ardently willing to restore stability in Chechnya," Zavgayev told Interfax on Thursday. He said the Russian leadership has several serious reasons never to hold talks with Maskhadov on subjects going beyond his surrender to the law enforcement agencies. "Maskhadov must be prosecuted and brought to account for what has happened in Chechnya. If he thinks he is not guilty, he must prove this in the court," the deputy said. He said that "Maskhadov is incapable of assuming any responsibility before the people of Chechnya, or the Russian leadership, since his orders will not be taken seriously either by Basayev, or foreign mercenaries." Russian FSB Says Basayev, Maskhadov Words on Cease-Fire Cannot Be Believed Moscow Kommersant in Russian 24 Feb 05 p 6 [Musa Muradov report: "'Ceasefire Order Could Be Extended] Yesterday, following the attack on some reconnaissance scouts in Groznyy, some news agencies reported that the so-called unilateral
~ 79 ~
cease-fire announced by Aslan Maskhadov and Shamil Basayev, was at an end, and now the gunmen would once again switch to active operations. "Maskhadov has not announced that the order for a unilateral cease-fire has expired," Kommersant was told yesterday by Umar Khambiyev, Aslan Maskhadov's general representative abroad, "it remains in force until the end of February and we hope that our peace proposals will still find a response from the Russian side." Mr. Khambiyev has not ruled out the possibility that in the event of a positive reaction, the duration of validity of the cease-fire order could be extended: "The president (Maskhadov -- Kommersant note) has proved that he can influence the situation and can answer for the commitments he has assumed. To the question as to what one can expect when the cease-fire has expired, Mr Khambiyev answered as follows: "The Chechen side does not intend to undertake any kind of explosive actions. It is simply that yet another chance of restoring peace in Chechnya will have been missed." To judge by all accounts, Shamil Basayev, who declared peace until 22 February (Aslan Maskhadov announced a cease-fire for the whole of February) does not intend to resume hostilities for the time being either. Yesterday the kavkazcenter.com website reported that for a month Basayev has undergone a "course of rehabilitation in one of the towns of Krasnodar Kray and married a woman, who is a Cossackby birth, there on 14 February and has returned home with her." Rudnik Dudayev, secretary of the Chechen Security Council called the kavkazcenter report "the latest piece of propaganda nonsense." And the Russian FSB [Federal Security Service] reported that "Maskhadov's and Basayev's statements cannot be believed at all," and recalled that according to data from the special services the saboteurs who were recently liquidated in Nalchik and Khasavyurt were sent to those cities by the leader of the Chechen gunmen to carry out acts of terrorism. Maskhadov's Envoy Says Dialogue With Russia Still Open (Internet) Daymohk WWW-Text in Russian 2000 GMT 01 Mar 05 ["Umar Khanbiyev: 'The Chechen side is always open for a dialogue with the Kremlin'"] [Excerpt] An exclusive interview of the Daymohk news agency with the general representative of the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria [CRI] abroad and CRI Health Minister, Umar Khanbiyev. [Correspondent] [Passage omitted: greeting in
Chechen] Could you tell us when the final period of the moratorium on hostilities, unilaterally declared by the Chechen side, expires? [Khanbiyev] [Passage omitted: greetings in Chechen] The period of validity of the unilateral moratorium on all types of hostilities on the territories of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and the Russian Federation, which was declared by an order of the CRI president and Commander-in-Chief of the CRI armed forces, Aslan Maskhadov, on 14 January 2005, expired on 28 February, at exactly midnight, Dzhokhar [Groznyy] time. At the present moment we have no information from the headquarters of the main defense committee of the Majlis ul-Shura of the CRI as to whether this moratorium will be extended for a further period or whether the fighting between the Russian occupation forces and the fighters of the Chechen Resistance will be resumed on 1 March. You have probably realized that only an order of [Chechen rebel leader] Shamil Basayev, issued following an instruction of the C-in-C of the CRI armed forces, Aslan Maskhadov, on a cessation of hostilities and operative until 22 February 2005, has been published on Chechen web sites. As far as I am aware, there was a specific reason for this. In order that the truth about the RussianChechen war becomes known to the public at large, we occasionally have to resort to such devices, well aware what a cynical and insidious enemy the Chechens are having to deal with. [Correspondent] What stage has the talks process between the CRI leaders and the Kremlin administration reached? During the cease-fire period were there any contacts with the Russian side? If there were, are there any encouraging results as regards ending the war? [Khanbiyev] As they say, no news is good news. In undertaking such unprecedented steps as a sign of good will, we were right to expect a similar response from the Russian side, especially as before that there were some veiled signals from the Kremlin. It is hard for us to judge what frightened off the members of Putin's team so much from contacting the Ichkerian side. I can only give my personal opinion, and that is that strong pressure was put on the Russian president by supporters of a continuation of the RussianChechen war and the breakdown of the Russian Federation. We, unfortunately, were wrong in sincerely believing and expecting that Putin is in control of the questions of war and peace in Chechnya, at the same time losing sight of the fact of his open flirting with his puppets in the republic. And this flirting has at times amounted to behavior --
~ 80 ~
absurd in all respects -- which is a disgrace for a head of state. In my opinion, Putin has become the unwilling hostage to a complex militarypolitical situation which has developed round the CRI, and he has not the slightest idea how to fight his way out of the "Chechen swamp" which he and his occupation armada have got stuck in. In all probability, his staff generals and his Chechen puppets have (yet again!) assured Putin "on oath" that they will do everything possible and impossible to "deprive" the Chechen Resistance movement of its leader as quickly as they can. When a person loses all common sense in his maniacal desires, then the first symptom of this pathology is an expression of blind faith in an illusory dream. I repeat once again that this is purely my personal opinion. But what the CRI President Aslan Maskhadov will have to say about this and whether he intends to make any more attempts to drag the Russian president out of the "Chechen quagmire," we will soon find out. [Correspondent] Doesn't this mean that a moratorium will also be placed on talks between the Chechen and the Russian sides? [Khanbiyev] No, of course not. The Chechen side has always been prepared for a dialogue with the Kremlin and it is ready for political talks with Russia without any prior conditions. [Correspondent] In the light of Aslan Maskhadov's peace initiatives, how useful was the meeting in London between a representative delegation of the CRI and representatives of the Russian Soldiers' Mothers Committee, whose powers, unfortunately, were not sanctioned by the Kremlin administration? [Khanbiyev] Without doubt, this was a very important meeting, in the sense of a breakthrough in the Kremlin's information blockade around the February peace initiatives of the CRI's military-political leadership. It has to be stressed that the CRI Minister of Culture, Information, and the Press Akhmed Zakayev had a meeting in London with a Russian public organization that unites regional soldiers' mothers committees, and it was held in the presence of representatives of the European Parliament and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe [PACE]. The participation in this meeting of representatives of these international organizations considerably raises its level. This meeting may well mean nothing to the Kremlin, but the Chechen side has once again proved that it is sincere in its search for ways toward peace and has shown that it will continue this search, using all levers of influence on the Putin administration, including popular diplomacy. And the soldiers' mothers have reaffirmed that quite a different attitude to the Russian-Chechen
war has taken shape in Russian society than the official Kremlin one. Nevertheless, so long as representatives of the Kremlin administration do not take part in talks with the representatives of the Chechen Resistance movement instead of Russian soldiers' mothers, and the presidents of the warring sides do not meet on a personal level, all that remains is the good will of people and good intentions, and the Russian-Chechen war will carry on indefinitely. When it comes to a matter of stupid actions by his colleagues, the incumbent in the Kremlin reminds one of a novice surgeon who is trying to remove tonsils by cutting through the intestines. It is common knowledge that the pointless bullying actions of the Kremlin in Chechnya have taken the situation to the stage where it is out of control throughout the Caucasus. If things continue as they are, the Caucasian tragedy will start to directly affect all the Russian people. I believe they can sense this already and it is precisely because of this that the great majority of the Russian population are starting to take part in the movement against the destructive war in Chechnya. The first to realise and evaluate this simple truth were the soldiers' mothers, headed by Valentina Melnikova. The personal courage of these women is truly amazing. [Correspondent] What can you say about the specific proposals of the Chechen side that were recorded in the London memorandum? [Khanbiyev] These proposals are simple and clear because, in the main, they have been based on the principles of the concept of conditional independence drawn up under the leadership of the CRI Foreign Minister Ilyas Akhmadov and supported by CRI President Aslan Maskhadov back in 2003. And the positions of the government and the president of the CRI in relation to these principles have been voiced on a number of occasions and have also been supported by many leading politicians in the West. [Correspondent] How do you explain the fact that among the signatories of the memorandum was the author of the "round table meeting," Andreas Gross, whose activities are seen by our side as pro-Russian and harmful to the Chechen people? [Khanbiyev] I think it has finally dawned on Gross that if the representatives of the legitimate CRI President Aslan Maskhadov do not take part in this "round-table" farce, then this farce will become too obvious and he will then have to do everything he can to find a "realistic" Chechen politician who will rise to his bait. Evidently, he is counting on inviting the "soldiers' mothers" who
~ 81 ~
should serve as bait for us to his "round table meeting." Gross may even promise to change the format of the "round table meeting," but I am sure that he will deceive those who agree to it. The fact is that I know this man very well. A year ago, when we met, I handed him a video cassette where the CRI president, in a personal address to Gross, went through in detail the points of withdrawal from Chechnya and warned that any other attempts would fail. The CRI president persistently warned him not to go along the road of his predecessor Lord Judd, who unwittingly became the guilty party of the continuation of the Russian-Chechen war because of his erroneous appraisal of the situation in Chechnya. Despite this, Gross, deliberately ignoring the wise advice of CRI President Aslan Maskhadov -- who better than anyone knows the situation in Chechnya -chose the path of farce and confrontation. I do not believe the sudden transformation of Gross' former ignorance into his respect for our side. Here he is acting on the principle: "by hook or by crook." Returning to the question of the Chechen side's participation in Gross' "round table meeting," I would like to recall that CRI President Aslan Maskhadov instructed the CRI Foreign Ministry to examine the question of a complete freeze on contacts between official representatives of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and the PACE. The head of the CRI Foreign Ministry Ilyas Akhmadov stated in his protest that the leadership of the CRI also reserves the right to assess the actions of the initiative group headed by PACE's rapporteur for Chechnya Andreas Gross as actions unfriendly toward the Chechen people and leading to a protraction of this bloodiest and most tragic conflict in modern Europe. The positions of the president, government, and parliament of the CRI are the same. [Correspondent] A trial was held in Strasbourg recently on cases brought by citizens of the CRI who had suffered from the tyranny of the Russian occupation forces at the very beginning of the second Russian-Chechen war. What significance does the verdict of this trial have for the Chechen state? [Khanbiyev] Yes, the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg came to the conclusion that the Russian authorities had seriously contravened human rights in the CRI in relation to civilians. Six cases -- this, of course, is nothing compared to what is happening in Chechnya. But this is just the beginning. Therefore the positive verdict of the court in Strasbourg based on the cases brought by the six Chechen citizens, who lost their relatives as a result of the actions of the Russian aggressors in 1999-2000 is encouraging for those Chechens who still have faith that there
is justice somewhere. I am sure that the material responsibility of the Russian leadership for the brutalities in relation to the peaceful citizens of Chechnya will prove to be more effective than any other censures of European human rights institutions. Moreover, the Strasbourg verdict is further juridical acknowledgements of the violation of human rights in Chechnya with all the moral and political consequences resulting from it. Despite the fact that there are still certain obstacles, created by Russia, which, apparently, is planning to appeal to the upper chamber of the court, it is virtually impossible to halt the flow of cases brought by Chechens to the federal authorities (at the present moment there are about 120 cases on the Russian-Chechen war in Strasbourg). It is a pity that our press has given little coverage to this important and everyday subject. This must be talked about constantly, and all the details of these cases must be brought to the mind of every Chechen. It is true, that many citizens of the CRI today fear for the lives of their closest relatives who are on the territory of the occupied republic, and for this reason they refrain from appealing to the legal authorities. But still fresh in our minds are the examples of the murders of people because they were bold enough to complain about the "federals" in the Strasbourg court. I believe that there are also quite a few people in Chechen society who have nothing to lose and who realize that the European Court of Human Rights is the last place where it is possible to get justice in connection with the bloody tyranny caused by the Russian barbarians against the Chechen people. I would also like to report that the damage caused by the Russian Federation against the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria during the last two Russian-Chechen wars -- according to the most modest assessments -- amounts to about $200 billion. Sooner or later Moscow will have to compensate for this damage cause by the Kremlin's criminal war against the Chechen state. This will today become the most effective lesson for Russia, and will in the future serve as a factor of restraining it from murdering people in the ardor of their imperial ambitions. The Chechens will do everything expected of them to save their people who by will of fate have found themselves a part of Russia as a result of its colonialist claims. [Passage omitted: correspondent and Khanbiyev exchange pleasantries to conclude] Do the Russians want war Kavkaz-Centre 2005-03-01 00:44:03 As it was expected, the Russian authorities have ignored the peace initiative of the Chechen side
~ 82 ~
that once again gave an exhaustive answer to the sacramental question: Do the Russians want war?. Nevertheless, the peace initiative launched by the President of the Chechen Republic Ichkeria cannot be considered goalless. A great value of the mentioned initiative is that it has become an effective litmus paper dropped into the mix of the Western diplomacy. The Chechen president, officially offering the Kremlin's rascal to stop the bloodshed, undoubtedly, did not have any illusions. However, this step gave an ample opportunity to the Western politicians to use the weighty arguments in controversy with Moscow concerning the adequacy of continuation of the genocidal war and the Kremlin's anti-Chechen propaganda. To all appearances, the Western politicians have also made up their minds to disregard the goodwill of the Chechen leadership and to stage the so-called round table farce instead of taking real steps to end the war that has been suggested by the Chechen President's peace moratorium. From now on, not only the war in Chechnya lies on the conscience of the West. Even the irremediable optimist will acknowledge the fact of expansion of military actions throughout the North Caucasus territory. The reports of Nurghaliev and Patrushev sent to Putin about the successfully carried out special operations in the cities of the Northern Caucasus is a direct evidence of the expansion of war zone, and not of the success as the Kremlin tries to present it. How can the appearance of the units of Resistance and armed underground organizations in the North Caucasus republics be considered a success of Putin's regime if such organizations did not exist 5 years ago?.! Therefore, the New Caucasus War will weigh on the conscience of the Western countries, which, having all levers to influence Moscow and able to stop the genocide of the Chechen people have decided to give one more chance to Putin and his gang to punish the Chechen nation. Having obviously connived with the Kremlin junta, Secretary General of the Council of Europe Terry Davis made his special contribution to the expansion of military actions on the territory of the Northern Caucasus . It was noted that the Western politicians have a strange tradition of whipping the cat after their retirement. Today we hear that Madelyn Albright, Lord Judd and other ex-officials grieve over their lack of foresight, and make painful confessions that they have failed to bend every effort to peace resolution of the Russian-
Chechen conflict. The position of the US deserves to be mentioned separately. In this connection, we do not have even to think of any kind of participation on the part of the US in peacekeeping mission in the Caucasus, at any rate, until the master of the White House id the man who has unleashed the analogous war in Iraq, and making impudent statements about the appearance of young democracy in the war-worn country, word for word repeating Putin's irreversibility of peace process in Chechnya. What can be expected of Bush, making no note of the genocide in Chechnya and considering Europe (the same PACE, Council of Europe , OSCE, etc.), which allowed the genocide of the Chechen people, to be the powerful partner in the cause of championing peace all over the world. As to the UN headed by the embezzlers of public funds, bribe takers and adulterers, there is no use of speaking about them. It should be reminded that this brood of Stalin, which has not stirred a finger to exert influence on the Kremlin rascals, was subjected to the annihilating criticism in many directions at once. Hardly had the investigation of corruption in the UN humanitarian program Oil in exchange for food been completed the case concerning Saddam Hussein's business with the son of the Secretary General of this scandalous organization, as its peacekeepers in Congo became the object of investigation. One more similar surprise has been recently presented by the High Commissioner Ruud Lubbers for Refigees to the UN. A scandal caused by the accusations of sexual solicitations brought against him is in the process of buildup and he is threatened to resignation. The former Prime Minister of the Netherlands following the example of his people in Congo has turned out to be a sexual pervert and violator. And it's he who is commissioned with the problems of the refugees! Question Is there anyone in the wild West for the Chechens to rely on? It is clear that there is no one, if only the Chechens do not give up their own principles, and having become the participants of these shameful orgies of international hypocrisy, call for help, appealing to the entire civilized world Help us We are the ones just like you! It is clear the Chechens do not need such civilization. Therefore, they have to seek another path.
~ 83 ~
to them for different reasons. It is not unlikely they have to change the strategy and reject the attempts of carrying out negotiations with the war criminal in the Kremlin, especially as there are signs of such talks at all. The experience of the centuries-old war with the Russian empire shows that until the Chechen army breaks the backbone of the occupants, Putin and his company will cherish hopes for weakening and destruction of the Chechen Resistance. Perhaps there is another, more productive and already tested approach to the conflict. For example, to initiate direct contacts with the direct performers of criminal orders locally, i.e. in occupied Chechnya , taking into consideration that after declaration of the moratorium by the Chechen side, the officers and soldiers of the occupation army are fully confident that the Chechen military command is in full control of the situation. Unlike the local puppets, the occupants accepted the offer of ceasefire with great satisfaction. At least 300 400 Russian soldiers and officers escaped injuries and deaths thanks to the armistice. They are tired of fighting, and the sources in Chechnya testify to the truth of this statement. It is quite possible that time has come to negotiate about armistice with the enemy that is on the front line, i.e. the commanders of the Russian occupation forces, and explain them the real situation, the more so as the overwhelming majority of them are well aware of inanity of this war. The soldiers' mothers, undoubtedly, can cope with the similar task, if they really want to bring the war to the end. They ought to seek meeting with the Chechen side, and, having surmounted obstacles, they have to go to Chechnya and take their sons from there. Who can deplore their unwillingness to get back their sons in the form of the freight 200? To take the son from the criminal war is quite a legal action. Besides that the situation in the Russian army is critical. It is not excluded that a revolutionary general will appear among them, who, having united the political enemies of Putin, will lead them against the dictatorship of the chekist who has obtained quick promotion. Perhaps it will be possible to speak with such leader about peace and mutual interests. Putin, Bush, Davis, Schroeder and Blair as well as the others like them do not want and beware of such development of the situation. The war in the Northern Caucasus , so far, is advantageous Akhmad Ichkeriisky Analysis: Is It Too Late For Peace Talks In Chechnya? by Liz Fuller Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty February 11, 2005 ON 3 FEBRUARY, THE CHECHEN RESISTANCE WEBSITE CHECHENPRESS.COM POSTED A STATEMENT BY PRESIDENT ASLAN MASKHADOV'S ENVOY UMAR KHAMBIEV ANNOUNCING THAT MASKHADOV ISSUED INSTRUCTIONS TO HIS FORCES ON 14 JANUARY TO OBSERVE A UNILATERAL CEASE-FIRE UNTIL THE END OF FEBRUARY. ACCORDING TO KHAMBIEV, THAT COMMAND WAS INTENDED AS A GOODWILL GESTURE THAT COULD PAVE THE WAY FOR UNCONDITIONAL TALKS AIMED AT ENDING MORE THAN FIVE YEARS OF FIGHTING. Four days later, on 7 February, "KommersantDaily" published an interview with Maskhadov in which he repeated his call for negotiations. Also on 7 February, chechenpress.info posted a statement by Maskhadov in which he called on the United Nations, the European Union, and the Council of Europe to play a more active role in mediating a settlement of the Chechen conflict. But Russian officials have not responded to that initiative, while senior members of the proMoscow Chechen leadership have argued that Maskhadov does not qualify as a negotiating partner as he no longer has any authority among the resistance. Moreover, they allege, Maskhadov bears responsibility, together with radical field commander Shamil Basaev, for a string of terrorist acts against Russian civilians, including the Beslan hostage taking in September 2004. Moscow, too, earlier discounted the possibility of talks with Maskhadov on the pretext of his alleged involvement in terrorist acts against Russian civilians. In mid- September, in the wake of the Beslan hostage crisis, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov compared calls for Moscow to embark on negotiations with Maskhadov with the suggestion that Europe should conduct such talks with Osama bin Laden. (This despite Maskhadov's repeated insistence both before and after Beslan that his men strictly observe the Geneva Conventions and desist both from attacks on Russian civilians and on Russian military targets outside Chechnya.) This is by no means Maskhadov's first attempt to offer the Russian leadership a face-saving way out
~ 84 ~
of a conflict that has since 1999 claimed the lives of thousands of Russian servicemen and sapped the national budget. In an earlier interview with "Kommersant-Daily" in April 2000, weeks after the fall of Grozny, Maskhadov similarly declared a unilateral cease-fire and called for peace talks and the dispatch to Chechnya of a fact-finding mission from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). Russian military officials wrote off that offer as an indirect admission of defeat, claiming that Maskhadov's men did not have the weaponry to continue resistance, according to Interfax on 21 April 2000, while then acting Russian President Vladimir Putin's aide Sergei Yastrzhembskii said Maskhadov had not responded to unspecified counterproposals (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 21 April 2000). Maskhadov issued three further calls in 2000 for unconditional peace talks: in an interview in July with an Azerbaijani news agency, in a second interview with "Kommersant-Daily" (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 25 September 2000), and in an interview with "Moscow News" in November. Yastrzhembskii rejected the latter offer, saying it contained "nothing new" and that it was due to Maskhadov's "inactivity" that Chechnya had degenerated into "an enclave of terrorism and Wahhabism" and a permanent threat to Russia's security (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 22 November 2000). Maskhadov broadcast calls for unconditional peace talks on a clandestine radio station in January 2001, and on the official Chechen television channel three months later. Then in June 2002, on the eve of the Group of Eight (G8) summit in Canada, he sent an open letter to the participants, calling for a cease-fire in Chechnya and asking for their assistance in resuming contacts between his envoy, Akhmed Zakaev, and then presidential envoy to the Southern Federal District Viktor Kazantsev. That initiative coincided with an appeal to Russian President Vladimir Putin by former Russian Security Council Secretary Ivan Rybkin (see "RFE/RL Caucasus Report," 13 September 2002). Both Rybkin and former Russian Supreme Soviet speaker Ruslan Khasbulatov met with Zakaev during the summer of 2002 to discuss various blueprints for resolving the Chechen conflict (see "RFE/RL Caucasus Report," 29 September 2002). But Maskhadov subsequently announced that he was again coordinating resistance activities with radical field commander Shamil Basaev, who publicly claimed responsibility for the deadly hostage taking in a Moscow theater in October 2002. That incident furnished the Russian authorities with a cast-iron excuse to brand Maskhadov a terrorist, and demolished his
credibility with the United States. The "Los Angeles Times" on 31 October 2002 quoted an unnamed U.S. official as saying Maskhadov has "forfeited any legitimacy he had.... He's either unwilling to stand up to terrorists or incapable of it." In the wake of the Moscow hostage taking, Maskhadov switched tactics and began calling not for direct talks with Moscow but for the international community to pressure the Russian authorities to agree to such talks. He told RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service in May 2003 that "it has become obvious today that it is impossible to seek peace directly with the Russian leadership," because those leaders rose to power thanks to the war in Chechnya. He said: "The Russian authorities that have brought so much violence to the Chechen people could not end this war peacefully, even if they wanted to." He said the only way to bring the fighting to an end is through the United Nations, the OSCE, the Council of Europe, and other organizations that protect human rights. Maskhadov reiterated in that interview that "I have never given orders to blow up buildings or to kill innocent people. I have even given orders to my mujahedin...to be careful not to kill Chechens, not to carry out terrorist attacks that could hurt innocent people" (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 21 May 2003). One year later, in early June 2004, Maskhadov appeared to have abandoned any hope of peace talks, telling RFE/RL's North Caucasus Service: "We tried to approach the Russian government with our [peace] proposal several times. We told them, 'Let's stop this war ourselves without involving anyone into this process.'" Maskhadov vowed that "we will not stop our struggle, and we will not back off as long as the enemy tramples our soil. We'll keep fighting until he leaves our country. We won't accept anything short of this." But at the same time, Maskhadov made clear that he does not seek independence for Chechnya, but would accept a peace settlement that would preserve Russia's territorial integrity. He said: "We are prepared to do whatever [the Russian leadership] want us to do, whatever they find advantageous. We can jointly manage our economy, defenses. We can jointly guard our borders. We can create a common currency and conduct our diplomatic affairs together. We can think of common investment programs. We are prepared to sign agreements on collective security and join the fight against terrorism. That is what we are telling the Russians. But they don't want that.... In this situation, we are compelled to seek friends elsewhere simply because Russians don't want friendship with us."
~ 85 ~
But by mid-2004, two military operations masterminded by Basaev had transformed the political landscape in the North Caucasus. The first was the bomb that killed Chechen administration head Akhmed-hadji Kadyrov in May. Instead of reappraising its strategy of offloading to the pro-Moscow Chechen leadership the responsibility for neutralizing the resistance and "normalizing" the political situation in Chechnya, the Kremlin sought to placate, coopt and promote Kadyrov's son Ramzan, whom many observers believe will replace Kadyrov's interim successor Alu Alkhanov as soon as he reaches the age of 30. The second operation, staged just days after Maskhadov's interview with RFE/RL, was the raid launched on Interior Ministry targets in Ingushetia in which some 80 people were killed (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 22 and 23 June 2004). Ingushetiya.ru quoted a young Ingush participant in that raid as explaining that he "and hundreds like me" left home and joined Basaev's militants after federal security or police personnel randomly detained their relatives, who subsequently disappeared without a trace. Since June, bands of militants reporting to Basaev have surfaced elsewhere in the North Caucasus - in Kabardino-Balkaria, where they raided the local headquarters of the Federal Antinarcotics Service in December, and in Daghestan, where Interior Ministry troops and special forces have launched at least two operations to apprehend them in recent weeks. The fact that the war in Chechnya has spilled over the borders of that republic could be adduced to substantiate the Russian authorities' repeated argument that Maskhadov has become irrelevant, and that there is no point in negotiating with him -- especially in light of the differences in the military tactics favored by Maskhadov, who says he abhors targeting innocent civilians, and Basaev, who seemingly considers all Russian citizens legitimate targets. In other words, a "point of no return" may already have been reached, beyond which, Russian officials may argue, the only effective strategy is to continue current efforts to eradicate all militant bands perceived as posing potential threats to security and stability in the North Caucasus. On the other hand, as Maskhadov himself has frequently pointed out, all wars have to end, and most end at the negotiating table. "Nezavisimaya gazeta" suggested on 9 February that as a man of "considerable political experience," Maskhadov can hardly have anticipated that, this time around, he would receive a positive response from the Russian authorities to his cease-fire declaration and call for unconditional peace talks. If that is the case, then it is reasonable to assume that Maskhadov's intention may have been to
induce the international community, and above all U.S. President George W. Bush, to take a tougher line with Moscow over the need for a swift and negotiated solution to the Chechen stalemate before the situation in neighboring North Caucasus republics deteriorates even further. Appendix A. Maskhadov's Kommersant Interview, Feb 2005 Aslan Maskhadov: An Appeal to the Russian President // The leader of Ichkeria tells Kommersant why he ordered peace KOMMERSANT Daily, FEBRUARY 09, 2005 Testimonial Evidence At the end of last week, news of a ceasefire in Chechnya had a powerful impact on Russia and the world. It was commented on with pleasure by politicians and law-enforcement officials. The essence of the reaction of Russian officials was that all such announcements are nothing more than cheap PR. Many even said that the ceasefire declaration was a forgery. In light of this, Kommersant considered it possible to ask the author of the order himself, Aslan Maskhadov, for commentary, presenting the questions to and receiving the answers from his general representative Umar Khambiev. Maskhadov has confirmed the authenticity of this document. What was the goal of your ceasefire declaration? It is a gesture of goodwill, an attempt to show a commitment to peace and to bring the Russian leadership to its senses. In my view, the processes that are taking place today in the Caucasus are leading to catastrophe. In this situation, I consider it my duty to make maximum efforts to avoid the real threat faced not only by my people, but by the Russian people and all the peoples of the Caucasus. In addition, I am not sure that President Vladimir Putin is being reliably informed about the deep abyss of catastrophe that Russia and the whole of the Caucasus are being dragged into. I believe that the political will of the presidents of Russia and Ichkeria can put an end to this bloodbath. Therefore, my appeal is first of all to the president of Russia, and then, of course, to everyone whose conscience has not degraded hopelessly. Why in February? There is no symbolic reason here. It could have been December or January. But February is the last month of winter and the battle usually heats
~ 86 ~
up with new force in spring. Is the ceasefire connected with the desire to free your relatives, whom your supporters claim have been kidnapped by Russian law-enforcement bodies? No. Many citizens of Chechnya have been kidnapped and killed in the last six years. Therefore, I do not feel that my familial sensibilities should prevail over my sense of duty to my people. Which European politicians did you discuss the idea of a unilateral ceasefire with? Similar suggestions had come from a number of human rights institutions and leading politicians. I refused them, because there are no independent organizations inside Chechnya at present that could monitor the ceasefire. That is bad for us, but we have taken that step any way. I repeat that the goal of the ceasefire is not an attempt to show anyone our soundness. It is a gesture of goodwill. It is the latest invitation to the other side to come to the negotiation table. What kind of reaction from the Russian authorities are you counting on? I am hoping for an adequate reaction. Therefore, right after issuing the order for a temporary halt to offensive combat action, I issued instructions for the appointment of a delegation for contact with the Russian side. I appointed Umar Khambiev, the minister of public health of Ichkeria and my general representative abroad, to head the delegation. What will happen when the ceasefire ends? Everything is in the will of the Almighty, and His mercy is boundless. If the sober minds of our Kremlin opponents are ascendant, we will end the war at the negotiation table. Otherwise, most likely, blood flow for a long time still, but we will not bear the responsibility for this insanity. Immediately after your order, rumor arose of the death of field commander Shamil Basaev. What would you say about that? I believe that it is his fifth of sixth death in the last six years. After the [terrorist act in Moscow in October 2003 at a performance of the musical] Nord-Ost, Basaev stated that he would no longer be subordinate to you. What would you say about that? Shamil Basaev has not been part of the structure
of the armed forces of Ichkeria since that time. It is no secret from anybody that we have disagreements, mainly due to his choosing combat methods that are unacceptable to the Chechen people. Basaev considers himself to have the right to use such methods, to which I am unable to agree to on principle. I have said it many times and will not repeat myself now. After the terrible, tragic events in Beslan, I declared to the world that, after the end of the war, we will officially hand over to the International Tribunal all persons involved in crimes against humanity, including Basaev, who is suspected in the seizure of the theater in Dubrovka [where Nord-Ost was playing] and the school in Beslan. Until then, I will resist attempts by him and other commanders to take action against the civilian population of Russia. If Basaev abides by my ceasefire order, I will consider myself to have had great success in avoiding many terrorist acts that are not acceptable to our side. At the end of last week, again, immediately after the declaration of a ceasefire, the Office of the Prosecutor General of Russia announced new accusations against you, including for Beslan. Can you respond to them? The accusations of a procuracy that well-known for its infallibility do not worry me. When I think of those tragic events, I often ask myself if I had not waited for an answer from the Russian side to my suggestion that I come to Beslan, but had made some independent attempt to make my way to the school, would I have been able to prevent the cold-blooded and cynical murder of the completely innocent children who were sacrificed for the ambitions of monsters. I haven't found the answer to my question yet. They Don't Trust Aslan Maskhadov Chechen President Alu Alkhanov has called Maskhadov's ceasefire a bluff. We have no basis for taking his [Maskhadov's] latest pronouncement about an end to the terror as the whole truth, Alkhanov said at a press conference in Moscow on Saturday, noting that if Maskhadov and Basaev are really ready to stop the terror, they don't need to set conditions, but must give themselves up to law-enforcement organs. Alkhanov did, however, acknowledge the possibility that the terrorist Basaev is dead. According to information we received seven or eight months ago [when Alkhanov was head of the Ministry of the Interior of Chechnya], Basaev had problems with his kidneys and his leg that had been operated on, Alkhanov said, hinting that the terrorist may have died of his illnesses. Representatives of the command of Russian military groups in Chechnya immediately began
~ 87 ~
to deny Maskhadov's intentions, and even the authenticity of the rebel leader's statement. Law enforcement organs know for certain that the information posted on the extremist sites by the ideologues of the illegal armed formations has to relationship to the statements purportedly made by Maskhadov and Basaev, Kommersant was told at the Regional Operational Headquarters for administering the counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus. A representative of that office stated that 12 terrorist acts were committed on the territory of the republic between January 10 and February 3 (Maskhadov's ceasefire went into effect on February 1). The claims of the Russian and Chechen official representatives are, in turn, denied by Umar Khambiev, the general representative of the Ichkerian president. That simply want to present us as irreconcilable bandits, Khambiev told Kommersant yesterday. He added that there were no grounds to doubt the authenticity of the Ichkerian president's order to cease combat activities. I have spoken to him [Maskhadov] personally about this matter, Khambiev said. And the resistance fighter will strictly adhere to the requirements of the presidential order on a unilateral halt to combat activities. As of February 1, there has not been a single attack from our side. That has been acknowledged by all who are observing events in Chechnya. by Musa Muradov MASKHADOV FOLLOWS UP CEASEFIRE WITH AN INTERVIEW The Jamestown Foundation CHECHNYA WEEKLY: News and Analysis on the Crisis in Chechnya 9 February 2005 - Volume VI, Issue 6 On February 7, just four days after the Chechen separatist Kavkazcenter website reported that Aslan Maskhadov had ordered rebel fighters to lay down their weapons for one month, Kommersant published an interview with the separatist leader. The newspaper reported that it had transmitted its questions to Maskhadov through his general representative abroad, Umar Khambiev. Asked why he had announced a ceasefire, Maskahdov called it a "goodwill gesture" and "an attempt to demonstrate devotion to peace and call upon the Russian leadership to see reason." "In my view, the processes taking place today in the Caucasus are leading to catastrophe," Maskhadov said. "In this situation I consider it my duty to undertake maximum efforts to avert the real threat not only to my people, but to all the people of Russia and the Caucasus. At the same time, I am not sure that President Vladimir Putin
is for certain informed about what a deep chasm of catastrophe Russia and the whole Caucasus are falling into. I believe that the political wills of the presidents of Russian and Ichkeria are capable of putting an end to this carnage. Therefore my appeal above all was directed precisely at the president of Russia, and then, of course, to all whose consciences have not degraded once and for all." Maskhadov indicted there was no significance to the fact that the ceasefire was announced for February. (Some media gave significance to the fact that rebel warlord Shamil Basaev, in his February 3 order calling on separatist fighters to obey Maskhadov's ceasefire, had announced the ceasefire would last until February 22 one day before the 61st anniversary of Stalin's deportation of the Chechen and Ingush people.) Maskhadov also denied the ceasefire was connected to the abduction of his relatives. "Many citizens of Chechnya are being kidnapped and murdered already for the sixth year," he said. "Therefore I do not believe that my family feelings should prevail over the feeling of duty to my people." He also denied that the ceasefire was a demonstration of "strength": some observers have speculated that in announcing the ceasefire, Maskhadov was attempting to dispel the view that he has no control over the rebel movement's various field commanders. Maskhadov said that in addition to ordering a temporary cessation of all offensive military actions, he also signed a decree naming "a delegation for contacts with the Russian side," which will be headed by Umar Khambiev. Noting that following the Dubrovka theater hostage-taking in October 2002, Shamil Basaev announced he was no longer taking orders from Maskhadov, Kommersant asked Maskhadov whether Basaev had again become his subordinate. "Shamil Basaev has not been part of the structures of the armed forces of Ichkeria since that time," Maskhadov answered. "Our differences, based above all on his choice of methods of warfare that are unacceptable to the Chechen side, are not a secret to anyone. Basaev believes he has the right to use methods that I cannot, on principle, agree with. I have repeatedly spoken about this and therefore will not repeat myself. After the terrible, tragic events in Beslan, I told the world that after the end of the war we will officially hand over to the International Criminal Tribunal all individuals involved in crimes against humanity, including Basaev, who is suspected in the seizure of the Dubrovka theater and the school in Beslan. And until then, I will in every way possible [try to prevent] both him and other commanders from carrying out any attacks against Russian civilians.
~ 88 ~
If Basaev obeys my truce order, I will consider that I have succeeded in averting many terrorist acts, which are unacceptable for our side." Asked about rumor over the past week that Basaev had been killed, Maskhadov said it was "the fifth or sixth time in the past six years that Shamil's death' has been reported." Not surprisingly, Chechen President Alu Alkhanov dismissed both Maskhadov's reiteration of his call for talks and his ceasefire announcement. "Maskhadov's statement about the one-sided cease-fire is a lie from the beginning to the end," Alkhanov said, Ekho Moskvy radio reported on February 8. "Maskhadov is still expected at the prosecutor's office." Chechen State Council Chairman Taus Dzhabrailov told Interfax on February 7: "The stand of the national administration is unwavering there will be no political contacts with Maskhadov and his circle." Earlier, Dzhabrailov rejected Maskhadov's ceasefire as a "bluff." While the Kremlin has not directly responded to Maskhadov's unilateral ceasefire and offer to negotiate, a close ally of President Vladimir Putin, Federal Council Chairman Sergei Mironov, told reporters on February 8 that he saw no basis for "Russian power structures" to react in any way to Maskhadov's recent statements. Like other officials, Mironov questioned whether Maskhadov "really controls anything in Chechnya," Yufo.ru reported. On February 3, immediately after Maskhadov's ceasefire announcement was made public, the Prosecutor General's Office announced that he was being charged with complicity in organizing Beslan school hostage seizure, for which Basaev claimed responsibility. Despite the uniformly negative public reactions by Russian officials, some observers say other processes may be taking place behind the scenes. "There are people around Putin who are suggesting it is time to end the Chechen war," Aleksei Malashenko, a security analyst from the Carnegie Center, told Reuters on February 3. "Maskhadov and Basaev could see this is a favorable time for such an approach." Kommersant reported on February 8 that Umar Khambiev had told the paper that Maskhadov's initiatives had sparked the interest of "influential European politicians" who are determined to promote a resolution of the Chechen conflict. "For the moment I cannot be any more specific about this, but you will soon hear all about it," Khambiev told the newspaper. He also said: "We have not received any proposals from the Russian side, but we are hoping that it will happen."
Meanwhile, Reuters on February 8 quoted a source in the Russian government's media supervisory service as saying that Kommersant had been officially warned for publishing the interview with Maskhadov. The interview, the source told Interfax, "provided a terrorist wanted by the federal authorities and Interpol with an opportunity to publicly justify terrorism and threaten continued terrorist activity." According to Russian law, if a media outlet receives three such warnings, the government can seek a court order to close it down. Hot-Shot // Kommersant Warned Anonymously KOMMERSANT Daily, FEBRUARY 09, 2005 Russias Federal Service for the Enforcement of Media Legislation has issued an official warning to Kommersant on inadmissibility of the RF laws violation. The warning was released in respect of the interview with Aslan Maskhadov published early this week (Moscow Kommersant of February 7, 2005), Interfax cited yesterday night an unidentified source with the above service as saying. However, Kommersant has received no official document to-time, when this issue was sanctioned for press. Kommersant will be keeping an eye on further development of the situation. Authorities issue warning to newspaper over Chechnya interview Committee to Protect Journalists New York, February 9, 2005Federal authorities in Moscow have issued an official warning to the independent Moscow daily Kommersant for publishing a February 7 interview with Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov, according to local and international press reports. The Federal Service for Oversight of Compliance with Media Laws issued the warning Tuesday under the Media Law and the Law Against Extremist Activities, which bans the distribution of information that supports "extremist activities," according to the Russian news agency Interfax. By law, authorities can shut down media outlets that receive three warnings in a year. This is Kommersant's first warning in 2005. The newspaper has yet to receive official notice of the warning, but an unidentified official at the regulatory agency said it would be sent later this week, the Moscow radio station Ekho Moskvy reported.
~ 89 ~
activities," the source said. Georgii Ivanov, head of the legal department at the Kommersant Publishing House, said the publisher was planning to challenge the validity of the warning in court, Ekho Moskvy reported. Ivanov said the newspaper succeeded in having a court strike down an April 2000 warning issued after Kommersant published a similar interview with Maskhadov. In the recent interview, Maskhadaov called on President Vladimir Putin to open peace talks with the rebels in response to their unilateral ceasefire, something Putin has refused to do. Recent polls show that about half of Russians support some form of official contact between the government and the rebels, Agence FrancePresse reported. Russian law enforcement officials placed a $10 million bounty on Maskhadov and a second rebel leader, Shamil Basayev, after a string of deadly attacks against Russian forces and civilians. Under Putin, the Kremlin has intensified its efforts to block news coverage of rebel views. The Foreign Ministry pressured several neighboring countries to shut down the prorebel news Web site Kavkazcenter last year, and it strongly criticized British authorities last week for allowing Channel 4 independent television to broadcast an interview with Basayev, according to press reports. Kommersant will be presented with official warning - media supervision service MOSCOW. Feb 9, 2005 (Interfax) - The Russian federal media supervision service will present Kommersant daily with an official warning that was issued to it on Tuesday for publishing an interview with Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov earlier this week. "This warning will be delivered directly to the Kommersant editorial office this week, most likely on Thursday," the secretariat of the service chief, Boris Boyarskov, told Interfax on Wednesday. Service experts concluded that the interview with Maskhadov titled 'Aslan Maskhadov: My Call is Addressed to the President of Russia' and published in Kommersant on February 7 contains information excusing and justifying the need to pursue extremist activities. "Publishing the interview, the newspaper provided a terrorist placed on federal and Interpol wanted lists for criminally punished deeds with the opportunity to publicly justify terrorism and threaten continued terrorist The Kommersant management said the newspaper will contest the warning in court. Warning to Kommersant Over Maskhadov Interview Deemed Counterproductive Moscow Politkom.ru WWW-Text in Russian 09 Feb 05 [Article by Dmitriy Bagiro: "Technology of Terror"] Against the backdrop of demagoguery about the fight against international terrorism the world mass media are eagerly engaging in PR for the gunmen. Respectable Western TV channels are not only quoting the Bin Ladin statements planted by the Arab mass media but also interviewing the ringleaders of the Chechen gunmen on their own initiative. Moreover, The Times, which gave a detailed account of Basayev's threats and accusations against the Russian authorities, does not even think it necessary to conceal that the dissemination of this information is aimed at undermining the prestige of the Russian president. An even more unpleasant impression is created by the media orgy in certain Russian mass media that rapturously circulate the harshest expressions of Basayev and Maskhadov -- first citing the gunmen's websites, then in the form of selected passages from Western newspapers, and then as reports on the British TV company's program. The upshot of this propaganda onslaught is notions foisted on society concerning the "criminal Russian regime," which did not spare even children, and also the idea that Basayev has every right to stage actions like Beslan as long as Russian citizens support the "criminal regime." It looks as though the best-known separatist leaders decided their roles in advance in ostentatiously announcing a "truce," which is not being observed, incidentally, and attempting for the umpteenth time to mobilize Russian society for the struggle against Putin under the slogan of the "need to begin peace talks with Maskhadov." Basayev, who is threatening a "repetition of Beslan," assumed the role of "bad cop," and Maskhadov, who is promising to hand over Basayev for trial and addressing his calls for peace talks directly to Putin, is playing the part of "good cop." The "bad" Basayev is articulating his propaganda on Chechen websites and in the Western mass media, while the "good" Maskhadov invites the Russian president to sit down at the negotiating table in an interview with Russia's Kommersant.
~ 90 ~
However, the point of this game is quite obvious: It is paving the way so that, after Basayev's next high-profile terrorist act, Maskhadov can declare that he gave due warning but was not heeded and again demand peace talks, this time under the patronage of international observers. And we can be confident that the mass media will again circulate with pleasure the next calls for talks and criticisms of the Russian authorities, quite unabashed by the fact that the lives of Russian citizens are always used as weighty arguments in such scenarios for "forcing peace." This vicious circle can be broken only by neutralizing the gunmen's leaders, but it transpires that this task is too difficult. It is far easier to read the riot act to the Kommersant editorial office, which published an interview with Aslan Maskhadov 7 February. However, this interview, which is devoted to the peace initiatives of the former president of independent Ichkeria, looks totally innocent compared with Basayev's statements. Nevertheless the Federal Service for Monitoring the Observance of Legislation in the Sphere of Mass Communication deemed it possible to issue an official warning to the Kommersant editorial office. Judging by agency reports, the Federal Service saw the publication of the Maskhadov interview as a violation of the provisions of the law "on the Mass Media" (Article 4) and the law "On Countering Extremist Activity" (Article 11), which prohibit the use of the mass media for extremist activity and also the dissemination via the mass media of material establishing or justifying the need for such activity. However, the text of Maskhadov's interview contains neither propaganda for extremist activity nor justification of the need for it. Moreover, Maskhadov condemns Basayev and calls on the Russian authorities to "end the war around the negotiating table." Basically it must be admitted that the people who prepared the final text of the interview were careful not to violate the letter of the law. As a result the impression is created that the staffers of the Federal Service either simply did not peruse the text of Maskhadov's interview, or confused him with Basayev, or, unable to punish the British TV channel for circulating truly extremist remarks, decided to take it out on Russia's Kommersant. However, it will be difficult to do this, provided that the court considers the substance of the matter without taking into account the newspaper's possible role in playing out the aforementioned "good cop-bad cop" scenario.
It was for this reason that Andrey Vasilyev, Kommersant's general director, and Georgiy Ivanov, the head of the publication's legal service, immediately stated that they intend to protest the warning in court and expressed confidence that they will win the case, especially as there have been similar precedents before. Moreover, the court hearing will readily provide another media excuse for another wave of publicity for the statements of Maskhadov and Basayev in the other mass media. It appears that the Russian authorities are not only losing the media war foisted upon them, but also creating favorable conditions for its continuation. This is despite the fact that it is totally clear to any impartial observer that today, as on the eve of Nord-Ost, the preconditions are being created for the next terrorist act to make a particularly loud splash after the end of the "truce." Russian Media Behavior Viewed With New Twist Moscow Compromat.ru WWW-Text in Russian 10 Feb 05 [Article by Valentin Rakitin: Berezovskiy Wants His Media to Die. Kommersant, Ekho Moskvy Will Be Closed Down Soon] The Russian government could close down media outlets controlled by Boris Berezovskiy in the near future. Everyone except the state would stand to gain from the sensational closing down of Kommersant and the radio station Ekho Moskvy. There is nothing surprising about that. After all, Boris Berezovskiy would stand to gain from it. In this connection it is interesting to see how the course of the development of future events can easily be miscalculated. The behavior of the "Berezovskian" media has already clearly assumed the character of informational masochism. Give me pain It is not only Boris Abramovich who is known for his inclination toward masochism. Generally speaking, this frequently happens with members of the opposition: Come on, boss, beat me, beat me. Why are you not beating me? Does this mean you will not beat me? A-a-a, you hit me, you asshole! Well try one more time -- don't laugh. Come on. Ah ... so good. Just once more. You would not dare to do it again. ..." Vladimir Gusinskiy was the first member of the Russian opposition to take the path of business masochism. He made a bad bet and he lost. After
~ 91 ~
his loss it was necessary, as the stock market players say, to fix the mistakes -- to make a clean break of it, to weigh his chances, and, finally, to return to the gaming table. As we know, things did not work out for Gusinskiy. Vladimir Aleksandrovich had so little understanding of the rules of the genre of political dramaturgy that he was wiped out. He does not get to Moscow much anymore. He wanders along the fringes. No eating in restaurants on Tverskaya, no more hearing the Kremlin clock strike the hours, no more making money on elections. There is no fun in Goosy's life. The only thing left of his life is the past. Lost business, lost influence, gray hair, and an order for his arrest. Another well-known member of the opposition is Mikhail Khodorkovskiy. There is no doubt that he is an intelligent chap -- a cut above Gusinskiy. His exceptional talent as a businessman protected Khodorkovskiy from the turmoil and hardship of more than one five-year plan of work. Even during the crisis of 1998 when the largest business empires built up around the commercial banks crashed, Khodorkovskiy managed to earn money. Menatep Investors received their devalued deposits with a delay of several months or even years, and they were even glad to get that because many depositors did not receive their savings back at all. I recall that in 1990 people were saying in all seriousness that the only decent banker was Khodorkovskiy. They said he almost did not rob them at all. Perhaps that was when Mikhail Borisovich recognized the great magic of receiving forgiveness from the humbled. If you take something away from people and then, after the people's indignation is replaced by hopelessness, you return half of it, you can win the hearts of those who have been robbed ... But Khodorkovskiy too was defeated by masochism. After all, he brought it on himself. It would seem that if you have a delicate relationship with the Tax Code you should sit quietly. The more so since the history of oil and all kinds of apatite acquisitions is filled with events which it is unpleasant to contemplate, but then it is impossible to forget them. Yes, others may buy the independent press and you may too, but like the others you should keep your nose clean. If you are going to earn money in Russia, then think about Russia's interests. But no, the man has been separated from the land. Perhaps with his endless string of meetings with the West European and American establishment, Mikhail Borisovich became befuddled. There are many countries in the world whose governments are prepared to "protect private property"
(especially if it is located in somnolent, uncivilized Russia) without paying attention to how this property was acquired, and, it seems, Khodorkovskiy seriously believed that the Russian laws did not apply to him. But when the government sent out the signal -- "what are you doing, Mish?" -- the masochist also awakened in the intelligent Khodorkovskiy. Well, beat me. No, do not laugh -- my protector will not approve of you. What, have you nothing to say? Well, try ... The more densely the clouds gathered around Khodorkovskiy's head, the more loudly the shriek of usurped freedom could be heard. It seemed to the oilman's PR people that it was advantageous to suffer the blows; each kick would bring supporters to Khodorkovskiy. And then suddenly it became clear that, in the first place, the Yukos company and Mikhail Borisovich himself and his comrades were under Russian jurisdiction, and, in the second place, histrionics did not help. It all turned out to be a bad business and in especially large amounts! But, after all, everything necessary was there -- to remember the past and to know honor. The lucky businessman, who had traveled the path from a Soviet citizen making money off of foreigners to the owner of a giant oil holding company, became rich, but was still a convict. Boris Berezovskiy did not become a convict -- a reliable protector makes it possible for disgraceful wolves to get hooked up with an upright citizen. But still, as we recently learned, masochism is no stranger to Boris Abramovich either. Losing in order to win Berezovskiy wants pain. He has a presence in Russia in the form of a number of media outlets that depend on him in a certain way. That means things will be painful for them. The process is already underway. The newspaper Kommersant has published an interview with the leader of the Chechen terrorists, Aslan Maskhadov. It is generally known that the failed separatist has blood on his hands and that he is on the federal wanted list and the Interpol wanted list. Finally, the Kremlin's attitude toward him is generally known. Nevertheless, Kommersant published a lengthy interview with him, from which it appears that the noble bandit is tired of killing. Maskhadov wants to negotiate. And how! This is the only means of legalization for Maskhadov. After all, so far the only government representatives who want to speak with him are the FSB and the Prosecutor's Office.
~ 92 ~
He is a terrorist. As soon as the federal government sits down at the negotiating table with him he becomes a politician. This is the kind of transformation that once took place with Yasir Arafat. Quite reasonably the Kremlin does not want to bring Maskhadov-Arafat trouble down upon its own head, and so it refuses to recognize the terrorist as a politician. The publication of an interview with the president of the selfproclaimed state in Kommersant changes the playing field: Maskhadov is made into a political figure, who for some reason the Kremlin does not want to listen to. Clearly, the government could not like this. Naturally, the government warned the newspaper about the unacceptability of such a game "on the foul line." And something else is clear as well. Such a thing will be repeated -- Kommersant will be playing on the foul line until the very end. Because it is advantageous. A newspaper is an intangible thing; it cannot be destroyed. The government can only appeal to the court and revoke its license. The newspaper's shareholders will pour their resources into a private account beforehand (Boris Abramovich knows how this is done -- he ran Aeroflot) so that their physical property will not be threatened. The journalistic collective will still be intact, especially if they are not cheated on their wages. It is no problem to obtain a license for a new newspaper. (Incidentally, this pertains to Novaya Gazeta as well.) It will be the same Kommersant, with the same logo, and the same readership. But all that will be enhanced by the aura of martyrdom, of a champion publication. Putin's totalitarian regime will pressure them in all kinds of ways, but the intrepid bulwark of freedom of speech will live and emerge victorious. The government's closing down of Berezovskiy's newspapers is advantageous to the out-of-favor oligarch. The radio station Ekho Moskvy is also experiencing something similar. Anti-Putinism has practically become the foundation of editorial rhetoric recently, and it would seem that the observers have forgotten that the claptrap about the terrible Putin regime gives their programs an extremely marginal coloration. Any PR specialist knows that in order for propaganda to be effective what is targeted to the negative must be actively mixed with neutral information or, even better, an opposing opinion once in a while. But what we hear on the air sounds like barely restrained hysteria. Sometimes you want to say: Well all right, I understand how Yuliya Latynina feels; soon that damned Putin will have polished off all employers, but what about the rest of the people?
At the level of slander Ekho Moskvy is giving out information about plans "to become a victim of the regime" following Kommersant's scenario. That would not be difficult. A couple of telephone interviews with that same Maskhadov and goodbye license. The entire world would shout: Oh what is going on here?! Ekho's leaders would throw up their hands: Our civic conscience would not allow us to reject an interview with a separatist; after all, Chechnya is our pain, but look at the regime we have in our country ... Boris Berezovskiy is raising his voice in defense of freedom of speech. Vladimir Putin is becoming a Milosevic. The scenario is unbeatable. As in the case with Kommersant, the leadership of the information publication has nothing to lose -- the entire collective will transfer to the bridge company -radio Arsenal, which belongs to the "labor collective." Arsenal is ready for battle and is already broadcasting with the same voices as Ekho used. Ekho's situation has an interesting aspect. They say that the credit funds of Gazprom, to which the radio station belongs, have been used to purchase apartments for Ekho management personnel. The credit is long-term, the rate is preferential, and everything is in order. The credit documents are being prepared, but if the shop is closed down too quickly the heads of the independent journalists will not receive their inexpensive housing. Therefore a move beyond the "foul line" was scheduled for the time after the collective had moved in. And it was right. They can suffer for human causes a little later, but for now let the state-owned Gazprom cough up some money for the crusaders against the regime. But the leaders' monetary affairs are trivial compared to the earmarked "Berezovskiy revolution." Boris Abramovich himself thinks globally and understands the peculiarities of the media business. Back in 2001 when Vladimir Gusinskiy transferred the NTV collective from Gazprom to Channel TV-6, which belongs to Berezovskiy, the latter resolutely kicked the company's old personnel out of the offices and studios -- the employees were ordered to "vacate the premises" for new people. Nobody even heard about the human tragedies of the young people who were fired -- meanwhile the sensational demarche of the titans of freedom crusading against the regime was being discussed all over the world. Why not shake up your own media one more time? The closing down of Berezovskiy's PR instruments by the hand of the Kremlin regime is advantageous to the out-of-favor oligarch. Based
~ 93 ~
on that, we can assume that the scandalous interviews promoting Chechen terrorists will continue in the corresponding media outlets. Paper Hopes 'Warning' Over Interview With Terrorist Will Be Dropped Moscow Izvestiya (Moscow Edition) in Russian 10 Feb 05 p 3 [Report by Nadezhda Stepanova: "Maskhadov Compromises Kommersant"] The Kommersant publishing house is in trouble again. In the very near future the paper will be issued with an official warning by the Federal Service for Oversight of the Observance of Legislation in the Sphere of Mass Communications and the Protection of Cultural Heritage. The state agency did not like the interview with Aslan Maskhadov published on 7 February in which the rebel leader appealed for a truce in Chechnya. In the words of a Service staffer who wished to remain anonymous, the piece entitled "Aslan Maskhadov: My Appeal is Addressed to the President of Russia" "seeks to establish and to justify the need to carry out extremist activity." In a report carried by news agencies a Federal Service spokesperson stated that the publication of the interview with Maskhadov "violated the provisions of Article 4 of the law 'On the Media' and Article 11 of the law 'On Countering Extremist Activity,' which prohibit the use of the media to propagandize extremist activity as well as the dissemination via the media of material seeking to establish or justify the need to engage in such activity." The news that the warning was being issued came as a surprise. Never before has the Federal Service voiced its complaints against a specific media outlet out loud. "We will be announcing that we have issued a warning to someone. Is that suddenly going to damage the business reputation of the media," department staffers asked in support of their refusal to say who precisely, in their view, was breaking the law. In the era of the Press Ministry, the issuance of warnings to the media was open information. The news about Kommersant spread like wildfire -- even before the text of the warning has arrived on the editor's desk. "We do want to appeal against the warning, but first we need to see it -it is a matter of the specific wording," Kommersant Chief Editor Aleksandr Stukalin has announced. "You need to have a sophisticated kind of awareness to assess an appeal for peace as propagandizing extremism," Kommersant legal service chief Georgiy Ivanov added. The source in the Federal Service confirmed that the warning
has not yet been sent, because the text has not yet been edited. "The report of the warning was leaked. We were not planning to release it to the press," Izvestiya's interlocutor stressed. The question can arise of halting a media outlet's operations if it is issued with two or more warnings in a year. The Federal Service has the right if it so wishes to hand over documentation to the courts, which then decide what to do with the offending outlet. The warning now being drawn up could be anulled, though. In 2000 the Ministry for the Press, Radio and Television Broadcasting, and Mass Communications issued a warning to Kommersant, declaring that the publication had broken the law. That incident was also linked to an interview with Maskhadov, but the newspaper was reproached not with extremism but with propagandizing terrorist activity. The warning was challenged in court, and the court ruled in Kommersant's favor. Since then, not a single warning has been issued to the newspaper. Russian media warned against reporting on Chechen rebels Reporter: Emma Griffiths Australian Broadcasting Corporation ABC Local Radio PM - Friday, 11 February , 2005 18:38:00 PAUL LOCKYER: Russian authorities have slapped another warning on the country's media, this time over an interview with a Chechen rebel leader. The interview was published on the front page of Russia's business daily, Kommersant. Moscow Correspondent Emma Griffiths reports that this warning is the latest attempt by the Kremlin to force an information black-out on the Chechen rebels. (Sound of news theme) EMMA GRIFFITHS: Occasionally news from Chechnya is shown on Russian television, but more often than not it features the Kremlinfavourite the region's President, Alu Alhanov. (Sound of Alu Alhanov speaking) Here he is, talking in response to rumours that the Chechen rebel responsible for the Beslan school siege was dead. "I tend to believe it was caused by his kidney disease and the consequences of an operation," he says. There's been no official confirmation that Shamil Basayev is dead or alive, but a video statement
~ 94 ~
from the man himself has appeared on Chechen website kavkaz centre.com. In it he says his kidneys are fine, and stabs a knife into his wooden leg. The website has repeatedly run afoul of the Russian authorities, who say it's a notorious mouthpiece for Chechen terrorists. The site has been forced to move between several European countries, as each one in turn has come under pressure to shut it down. This month, Shamil Basayev has also appeared on British television's Channel 4 News, revealing he was planning more attacks similar to Beslan. Russia described the report as "irresponsible" and demanded the British Government block the broadcast, to no avail. But Russian authorities have had more success limiting coverage of Chechnya at home most recently they've turned on the daily business broadsheet, Kommersant. This week, it published an interview with another key Chechen leader, former President Aslan Maskhadov. In the interview he confirms that he's called a ceasefire in the region and says it's a gesture of goodwill that runs out later this month. He warns when the ceasefire ends, blood will flow for a long time. The Russian media supervision service has presented Kommersant with an official warning about the interview, claiming it contains information excusing and justifying extremist activities. Under government regulations, a media outlet is allowed three warnings every year, then it can be shut down. This is Kommersant's first for the year. Editor in Chief, Alexander Stukalin. "Kommersant faced a very simple task," he says. "When last week we were informed about Maskhadov's order for a ceasefire, the authorities stated that Maskhadov controls nothing. Our task was to find out the truth there was no other way but to approach him. It was our job as journalists." Kommersant plans to fight the warning in court, something they successfully did five years ago. But first the court must agree to hear the case, and analysts warn these days such agreement is increasingly rare. This is Emma Griffiths in Moscow for PM. Russian Paper Cautioned for Publishing Interview With Chechen Separatist Moscow Ekho Moskvy Radio in Russian 1400
GMT 11 Feb 05 [Excerpt] [Announcer] A supervisory service has once again reminded the Kommersant newspaper that it was given a caution three days ago over the publication of an interview with [Chechen separatist leader] Aslan Maskhadov. Yevgeniya Ten reports. [Correspondent Yevgeniya Ten] The caution from the federal service controlling the observation of the law in the sphere of mass communications has not yet reached the Kommersant editorial office although the newspaper's legal department was notified that the document would be faxed and mailed to it. I will remind you that the reason for the caution was the publication in the 7 February edition of an interview with the Chechen separatists' leader Aslan Maskhadov. According to experts in the service, and I quote, by publishing the interview the newspaper's editorial office gave the terrorist an opportunity to justify terrorism in public and to threaten to continue terrorist activities. The newspaper's management is planning to file a legal appeal against the caution. [passage omitted: Kommersant has received similar warnings from the authorities in the past] Paper To Be Warned Over Rebel Interview By Anatoly Medetsky STAFF WRITER St. Petersburg Times #1044, Tuesday, February 15, 2005 MOSCOW - The government plans to issue a warning to Kommersant for violating an antiextremism law by publishing an interview with Chechen rebel leader Aslan Maskhadov, a government spokesman said Wednesday. Under the law, the government may ask a court to close a publication after two warnings in a one-year period. The newspaper denied any wrongdoing and said it ran the interview Feb. 7 to provide a firstperson account of Maskhadov's cease-fire order and his call for peace talks. Some government officials called the order "a lie" after it was announced on rebel web sites. The Federal Service for Media Law Compliance and Cultural Heritage is having experts analyze the interview and is working on the text of the warning that will formally appear "in the near future," said a spokesman for the service, who asked not to be named. By publishing the interview, Kommersant violated Article 4 of the 1991 Law on Mass Media and
~ 95 ~
Article 11 of the 2002 Law on Counteracting Extremist Activity, the spokesman said. The media law prohibits a publication from promoting or assisting "extremist activity," while the anti-extremism law prohibits the media from disseminating "materials that support or justify extremist activity." The anti-extremist law states that a court may close a publication after it receives two warnings within 12 months. The law, however, does not force the government to take legal action, so a publication may be allowed to stay open even after receiving a second warning, the spokesman said. Georgy Ivanov, head of Kommersant's legal department, denied that the interview justified terrorism. "It calls for peace, if you read it," he said by telephone Wednesday. If the warning is issued, Kommersant will most likely dispute it in court, Ivanov said. In one of his most aggressive statements in the interview, Maskhadov is quoted as saying, "If the sober mind of our Kremlin opponents prevails, we'll end the war at the negotiating table. If not, the bloodshed will likely continue for a long time." Kommersant relayed questions and received answers through a Maskhadov envoy, whose whereabouts the newspaper did not disclose. Andrei Richter, director of Moscow's Media Law and Policy Institute, said the warning could be intended to give Kommersant, a Boris Berezovsky-owned daily, a "cold shower" and discourage other media from giving space or airtime to people the Kremlin does not like. Kommersant's prospects of disputing a warning in court are likely very slim, as in 90 percent of cases courts refuse to consider such complaints, Richter said. But if a court agrees to hear the case, Kommersant could easily win, he said. In 2000, the government warned Kommersant for publishing an interview with Maskhadov, but a court overturned the warning, Kommersant general director Andrei Vasilyev said Feb. 8, Interfax reported. "It was an exception, not the rule," Richter said about the court's willingness to hear the case. Three Russian newspapers - the National Bolshevik Party's Limonka newspaper, Den and Gubernskiye Vesti - have been closed after warnings, but those were over inciting ethnic hatred, Richter said. Warning Letter KOMMERSANT Documents, FEBRUARY 24,
2005 Federal Service for supervision of observing the law in the sphere of mass communication and cultural heritage protection within the limits of the authorities in the stated line considered the subject matter of the Aslan Maskhadovs interview, published under the headline Aslan Maskhadov: my call is for the President in the Kommersant newspaper n.20 [3104] as of February 7, 2005. Kommersant newspaper office Building 1 4, Vrubel street Mosocw 123308 Ministry of Culture and Mass Communication of the Russian Federation Federal Service for supervision of observing the law in the sphere of mass communication and cultural heritage protection 12, Malaya Nikitskaya street Moscow 121069 Tel: 290-5207 Fax:291-9911 To ____ of WARNING LETTER Federal Service for supervision of observing the law in the sphere of mass communication and cultural heritage protection within the limits of the authorities in the stated line considered the subject matter of the Aslan Maskhadovs interview, published under the headline Aslan Maskhadov: my call is for the President in the Kommersant newspaper n.20 [3104] as of February 7, 2005. Its ascertained that introducing the article, the newspaper said that the interview was a possibility for Maskhadov to comment on his order to wrap up a truce and cease fire that he had supposedly issued. Answering the newspaper question what will happen after the truce?, Maskhadov replies: If the sober mind of our Kremlin opponents prevail, we will stop the war at the negotiating table; if it doesnt, then its more likely that the blood will carry on running, but we will abdicate all responsibility for this madness. Once the editors published the interview, they gave the possibility to the terrorist who was on the wanted list of Russian MIA and Interpol, to publicly justify terrorism and threaten with the
~ 96 ~
further terrorist activity. The subject under discussion has the information that grounds and justifies the necessity of the extreme activity. According to the section 4 of the Russian Act as of 27.12.1991 n.2124-1 About the Mass Media, it is prohibited to use the mass media for operating any extreme activity. According to the section 11 of the Federal act as of 15.07. 2002 n.114-F3 About the opposition to extreme activity, it is prohibited to propagate the materials grounding or justifying the necessity of the extreme activity. Thus, having published Aslan Maskhadov: my call is for the President Maskhadovs interview, the editors of Kommersant broke the above stated statutes of the Federal Laws. According to the section 6.4 of the Regulations of the Federal Service for supervision of observing the law in the sphere of mass communication and cultural heritage protection, confirmed by the Russian Federation government on June 17, 2004 n. 301, the Federal Service has the right to apply measures of limitative, restrictive or preventive character that are aimed to exclusion and (or) liquidation of the aftermath of the violations of the orders by a juridical person and citizens within the limits of the authorities. By virtue of the above stated in accordance with the authorities and following the section 16 of the Russian Federation Act as of 27.12.1991 n.2124-1 About the Mass Media and sections 5 and 8 of the Federal Act as of 15.07.2002 n.114F3 About the opposition to extreme activity, the Federal Service for supervision of observing the law in the sphere of mass communication and cultural heritage protection gives Kommersant a written warning letter of inadmissibility of breaking Russian Federation Law. Chief Boris A. Boyarskov Chief Editor Rejects Charges Cited in Warning Over 7 Feb Maskhadov Interview Moscow Kommersant in Russian 24 Feb 05 [Report by Kommersant Chief Editor Aleksandr Stukalin: "Kommersant Is Also an Appellant Now. Why Kommersant Is Going To Appeal Against Warning for Aslan Maskhadov's Interview" -taken from HTML version of source provided by ISP] Last Tuesday (22 February), the Kommersant editorial office finally received the text of the official warning about inadmissibility of breaching
Russian legislation, which had been issued to the newspaper by the Russian Federation Federal Service for Monitoring Observance of Legislation in the Sphere of Mass Communication and Protection of Cultural Heritage. Document No 23/1-5/1-846 is dated 9 February and signed by service head Boris Boyarskov. Kommersant was suspected of breaching the Russian Federation's legislation following an interview with Chechen separatist leader Aslan Maskhadov speaking about his unilateral suspension of military operations in Chechnya, which was published on 7 February. Mr Boyarskov believes that it "contained information justifying and defending the need for carrying out extremist activities." The editorial office categorically disagrees with this kind of interpretation of the interview by the functionary and is going to challenge the warning in court. In view of the above, Kommersant considers it necessary to explain to its readers its reasoning behind the decision to publish the interview with Aslan Maskhadov. The publishing of Aslan Maskhadov's interview entitled "My Appeal Is Addressed to the Russian President" had its pre-history. The Chechen separatist Kavkaz-Tsentr website (www.kavkaz.tv) reported in the evening of 2 February that Aslan Maskhadov had ordered his subordinates "to suspend unilaterally offensive military operations on entire ChRI (Chechen Republic of Ichkeria -- Kommersant note) territory and beyond its borders (see the 3 February issue of Kommersant). Kavkaz-Tsentr pointed out that it did not have the text of Maskhadov's order, but to corroborate its statement, cited a similar order issued by another Chechen gunmen leader -- Shamil Basayev. The piece of news did not pass unnoticed by the Russian and foreign mass media. Over the following several days Aslan Maskhadov's initiative was actively discussed by many politicians and functionaries at the media's initiative. Most opinions boiled down to the conclusion that did not aspire to be regarded as in-depth analysis: The order issued by the leader of the self-proclaimed Republic of Ichkeria was nothing but a bluff and part of a PR campaign. Viktor Ozerov, chairman of the Federation Council Defense and Security Committee, Vladimir Vasilyev, chairman of the State Duma Security Committee, Chechen President Alu Alkhanov, Chechen Prime Minister Sergey Abramov, Ruslan Kasayev, chief of the Chechen Ministry of Internal Affairs operationalinvestigative unit, and many other people commented on Aslan Maskhadov's words roughly along these lines. Basically, there was nothing unexpected in these
~ 97 ~
opinions. One has the right to interpret Aslan Maskhadov's actions at one's own discretion. After all, it was unlikely that any independent observers seriously believed that the aforementioned people representing the authorities could seriously speculate about the possibility of a similar reciprocal step on the Kremlin's part or the prospects of peaceful settlement of the confrontation with the Ichkerian leader. However, one commentary did stand out in that group. It was not made by a Russian legislator or a Chechen civil functionary; it was provided by a structure that may not be authorized to hold negotiations with Chechen gunmen, but at least is always required to possess verified information about Chechnya and knows how to tell a bluff from objective reality. FSB Major General Ilya Shabalkin representing the Regional Operational Headquarters [ROSh] the counterterrorist operation in the North Caucasus, who in fact is the only person authorized to express the security department's official opinions, stated in his interview with Kommersant on 3 February: "Law enforcement organs know that information posted by bandit formations' ideologists on the extremist websites has no relation whatsoever to the statements allegedly made by Maskhadov and Basayev.... All references to the leaders of the bandit clandestine movement are invented, whereas the very texts of the statements are fruits of Movladi Udugov's (one of Chechen separatist ideologists -- Kommersant note) and his associates' fantasy" (see the 4 February issue of Kommersant). Similar statements were disseminated on behalf of the ROSh by the ITARTASS and RIA Novosti news agencies. Therefore, it appeared from Mr Shabalkin's words that the order to cease fire was a fabrication and Udugov's canard and that the mass media were purposelessly misleading their audience, whereas politicians and functionaries were wasting time commenting on something that never existed in nature. We could have simply accepted the authoritative opinion of the ROSh representative and could have quietly tackled other issues. However, Kommersant decided to get to the bottom of the situation ever more so since Article 77 of the Russian Federation Law "On Mass Media" grants journalists the right to verify the reliability of information obtained regardless of whether it comes from Chechen separatist websites or from FSB generals. One can hardly assert that under the circumstances the editorial office had any other way to verify the facts than approach the author of the allegedly nonexistent edict Aslan Maskhadov himself, at least through an intermediary. In this situation Maskhadov's general representative Umar Khambiyev acted in
this capacity (which Kommersant honestly admitted to its readers in the editorial introduction preceding the interview). In essence, the interview with Aslan Maskhadov had to give a clear-cut answer to the main question asked by Kommersant's audience, which undoubtedly includes FSB General Ilya Shabalkin, too: "Did he or did he not issue the order on a unilateral ceasefire?" Since nobody raised the issue of "Movladi Udugov's fantasies" after the publication of the interview, the editorial office believes that it fulfilled its task and that it is senseless to look for some hidden extremist sense in it. We dare hope that the overwhelming majority of our readers share our opinion. At least none among our readers, who are often oversensitive and excessively vigilant when these kinds of issues are raised, did not notice any justification of extremism in the interview (I assure you that we do not have any problems with feedback -- take my word for it). We can only regret that people at the Federal Service for Monitoring Observance of Legislation in the Sphere of Mass Communication and Protection of Cultural Heritage interpreted the publication along these very lines. It was stated directly in the warning about inadmissibility of "breaching the Russian Federation's legislation" issued to Kommersant's editorial office on its behalf and signed by service head Boris Boyarskov that "the publication under discussion contains information justifying and defending the need for carrying out extremist activities." Russian legislation does not provide a clear-cut definition of this kind of information and Kommersant will undoubtedly ask functionaries from Mr Boyarskov's department to prove their postulate in court (the newspaper can be closed down if it receives another warning of this kind within a year from the first one). Particularly since we already have this kind of experience: Kommersant received a warning five years ago. Back then it was issued by the Russian Federation Ministry of the Press. We were warned for an interview with the selfsame Aslan Maskhadov that had similar contents and was published under a similar headline: "I Suspend Military Operations" (see the 21 April 2000 issue of Kommersant). Some time later, the Tverskoy Inter-Municipal Court in Moscow's Central Administrative District simply rescinded it following the editorial office's complaint.
~ 98 ~
Copyright RMSMCBlog http://rmsmcblog.wordpress.com/ In accordance with 17 U.S.C. 107, this material is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only.
~ 99 ~

Maskhadov&#39;s Cease-Fire Declaration and Peace Overtures, Feb 2005

Enviado por

Dados do documento

Descrição original:

Direitos autorais

Formatos disponíveis

Compartilhar este documento

Compartilhar ou incorporar documento

Opções de compartilhamento

Você considera este documento útil?

Este conteúdo é inapropriado?

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

Maskhadov&#39;s Cease-Fire Declaration and Peace Overtures, Feb 2005

Enviado por

Direitos autorais:

Formatos disponíveis

RMSMCBlog Media Coverage