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ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL

Concepts in White World Terror Domination
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Contents
Articles
Colonialism Neocolonialism Hegemony Cultural hegemony Imperialism Cultural imperialism New Imperialism 1 18 31 35 38 45 51
References
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ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination
Colonialism
Colonialism
Colonialism is the establishment, maintenance, acquisition and expansion of colonies in one territory by people from another territory. It is a process whereby the metropole claims sovereignty over the colony, and the social structure, government, and economics of the colony are changed by colonizers from the metropole. Colonialism is a set of unequal relationships between the metropole and the colony and between the colonists and the indigenous population.[1] The European colonial period was the era from the 1500s to, arguably, the 1990s when several European powers (particularly (but not exclusively) Spain, Portugal, Britain, the Netherlands and France) established colonies in Asia, Africa, and the Americas. At first the The pith helmet (in this case, of the Second countries followed mercantilist policies designed to strengthen the French Empire) is an icon of colonialism in home economy at the expense of rivals, so the colonies were usually tropical lands allowed to trade only with the mother country. By the mid-19th century, however, the powerful British Empire gave up mercantilism and trade restrictions and introduced the principle of free trade, with few restrictions or tariffs.
Definitions
Collins English Dictionary defines colonialism as "the policy and practice of a power in extending control over weaker peoples or areas."[2] The Merriam-Webster Dictionary offers four definitions, including "something characteristic of a colony" and "control by one power over a dependent area or people."[3] The 2006 Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy "uses the term 'colonialism' to describe the process of European settlement and political control over the rest of the world, including Americas, Australia, and parts of Africa and Asia." It discusses the distinction 1541 founding of Santiago de Chile between colonialism and imperialism and states that "given the difficulty of consistently distinguishing between the two terms, this entry will use colonialism as a broad concept that refers to the project of European political domination from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries that ended with the national liberation movements of the 1960s."[4] In his preface to Jrgen Osterhammel's Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview, Roger Tignor says, "For Osterhammel, the essence of colonialism is the existence of colonies, which are by definition governed differently from other territories such as protectorates or informal spheres of influence."[5] In the book, Osterhammel asks, "How can 'colonialism' be defined independently from 'colony?'"[6] He settles on a three-sentence definition: Colonialism is a relationship between an indigenous (or forcibly imported) majority and a minority of foreign invaders. The fundamental decisions affecting the lives of the colonized people are made and implemented by the colonial rulers in pursuit of interests that are often defined in a distant metropolis. Rejecting cultural compromises with the colonized population, the colonizers are convinced of their own superiority and their ordained mandate to rule.[7]
Colonialism
Types of colonialism
Historians often distinguish between two overlapping forms of colonialism: Settler colonialism involves large-scale immigration, often motivated by religious, political, or economic reasons. Exploitation colonialism involves fewer colonists and focuses on access to resources for export, typically to the metropole. This category includes trading posts as well as larger colonies where colonists would constitute much of the political and economic administration, but would rely on indigenous resources for labour and material. Prior to the end of the slave trade and widespread abolition, when indigenous labour was unavailable, slaves were often imported to the Americas, first by the Spanish Empire, and later by the Dutch, French and British.
Dutch family in Java, 1927
Plantation colonies would be considered exploitation colonialism; but colonizing powers would utilize either type for different territories depending on various social and economic factors as well as climate and geographic conditions. Surrogate colonialism involves a settlement project supported by colonial power, in which most of the settlers do not come from the mainstream of the ruling power. Internal colonialism is a notion of uneven structural power between areas of a nation state. The source of exploitation comes from within the state.
Sociocultural evolution
As colonialism often played out in pre-populated areas sociocultural evolution included the creation of various ethnically hybrid populations. Colonialism gave rise to culturally and ethnically mixed populations such as the mestizos of the Americas, as well as racially divided populations as found in French Algeria or Southern Rhodesia. In fact everywhere where Colonial powers established a consistent and continued presence hybrid communities existed. Notable examples in Asia include the Anglo-Burmese people, Anglo-Indian, Burgher people, Eurasian Singaporean, Filipino mestizo, Kristang people and Macanese people. In the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia) the vast majority of Dutch settlers were in fact Eurasians known as Indo-Europeans, formally belonging to the European legal class in the colony.[8] [9]
Colonialism
History
Activity that could be called colonialism has a long history. The Egyptians, Phoenicians, Greeks and Romans all built colonies in antiquity. The word "metropole" comes from the Greek metropolis [Greek: ""]"mother city". The word "colony" comes from the Latin colonia"a place for agriculture". Between the 11th and 18th centuries, the Vietnamese established military colonies south of their original territory and absorbed the territory, in a process known as nam tin.[10] Modern colonialism started with the Age of Discovery. Portugal and Spain discovered new lands across the oceans and built trading posts or conquered large extensions of land. For some people, it is this building of colonies across oceans that differentiates colonialism from other types of expansionism. These new lands were divided between the Portuguese Empire and Spanish Empire, first by the papal bull Inter caetera and then by the Treaty of Tordesillas and the Treaty of Zaragoza (1529). This period is also associated with the Commercial Revolution. The late Middle Ages saw reforms in accountancy and banking in Italy and the eastern Mediterranean. These ideas were adopted and adapted in western Europe to the high risks and rewards associated with colonial ventures.
World map of colonialism in 1800
This map of the world in 1914 shows the large colonial empires that powerful nations established across the globe
World map of colonialism at the end of the Second World War in 1945
The 17th century saw the creation of the French colonial empire and the Dutch Empire, as well as the English colonial empire, which later became the British Empire. It also saw the establishment of a Danish colonial empire and some Swedish overseas colonies. The spread of colonial empires was reduced in the late 18th and early 19th centuries by the American Revolutionary War and the Latin American wars of independence. However, many new colonies were established after this time, including the German colonial empire and Belgian colonial empire. In the late 19th century, many European powers were involved in the Scramble for Africa. The Russian Empire, Ottoman Empire and Austrian Empire existed at the same time as the above empires, but did not expand over oceans. Rather, these empires expanded through the more traditional route of conquest of neighbouring territories. There was, though, some Russian colonization of the Americas across the Bering Strait. The Empire of Japan modelled itself on European colonial empires. The United States of America gained overseas territories after the Spanish-American War for which the term "American Empire" was coined.
Colonialism After the First World War, the victorious allies divided up the German colonial empire and much of the Ottoman Empire between themselves as League of Nations mandates. These territories were divided into three classes according to how quickly it was deemed that they would be ready for independence.[11] However, decolonisation outside the Americas lagged until after the Second World War. In 1962 the United Nations set up a Special Committee on Decolonization, often called the Committee of 24, to encourage this process. Further, dozens of independence movements and global political solidarity projects such as the Non-Aligned Movement were instrumental in the decolonization efforts of former colonies.
European colonies in 1914

The major European empires consisted of the following colonies at the start of World War I (former colonies of the Spanish Empire became independent before 1914 and are not listed; former colonies of other European empires that previously became independent, such as the former French colony Haiti, are not listed): British colonies: Aden Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Ascension Island Australia Bahamas Basutoland Bechuanaland British East Africa British Guiana British Honduras British Hong Kong British Somaliland Burma Canada Ceylon Egypt Ellice Island Falkland Islands Fiji Island Gambia Gold Coast India Ireland Jamaica Malaya New Zealand Nigeria Northern Rhodesia Oman Papua Sarawak Sierra Leone South Rhodesia
Colonial Governor of the Seychelles inspecting police guard of honour in 1972
The defence of Rorke's Drift during the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879
Colonialism St. Helena Swaziland Trinidad and Tobago Uganda Union of South Africa
Dutch colonies: Curaao and Dependencies Dutch East Indies Suriname French colonies: Algeria Clipperton Island Comoros Islands French Guiana French Equatorial Africa Chad Oubangui-Chari French Congo Gabon
Siege of Constantine (1836) during the French conquest of Algeria.
French India (Pondichry, Chandernagor, Karikal, Mah and Yanaon) French Indochina Annam Cambodia Cochinchina Laos Tonkin French Polynesia French Somaliland French Southern and Antarctic Lands French West Africa
French officers and Tonkinese riflemen, 1884
Benin Cte d'Ivoire Dahomey Guinea French Sudan Mauritania Niger Senegal Upper Volta Guadeloupe Saint Barthlemy Saint Martin La Runion Madagascar Martinique
Colonialism Morocco New Caledonia Saint-Pierre-et-Miquelon Shanghai French Concession (similar concessions in Kouang-Tchou-Wan, Tientsin, Hankou) Tunisia Vanuatu Wallis-et-Futuna
German Empire colonies: Cameroon Caroline Islands German New Guinea German East Africa German South West Africa Gilbert Islands Mariana Islands Marshall Islands Togo
Kamerun, 1908
Portuguese colonies: Azores Madeira Portuguese Africa Portuguese Angola Portuguese Cape Verde Portuguese Congo Portuguese Guinea Portuguese Mozambique Portuguese So Tom and Prncipe Fort of So Joo Baptista de Ajud Portuguese Asia Portuguese India Portuguese Macau Portuguese Timor
Portuguese women in Goa, India, 16th century
Colonialism Numbers of European settlers in the colonies (1500-1914) By 1914, Europeans had migrated to the colonies in the millions. Some intended to remain in the colonies as temporary settlers, mainly as military personnel or on business. Others went to the colonies as immigrants. British citizens were by far the most numerous population to migrate to the colonies: 2.5 million settled in Canada; 1.5 million in Australia; 750,000 in New Zealand; 450,000 in the Union of South Africa; and 200,000 in India. French citizens also migrated in large numbers, mainly to the colonies in the north African Maghreb region: 1.3 million settled in Algeria; 200,000 in Morocco; 100,000 in Tunisia; while only 20,000 migrated to French Indochina. Dutch and German colonies saw relatively scarce European migration, since Dutch and German colonial expansion focused upon commercial goals rather than settlement. Portugal sent 150,000 settlers to Angola, 80,000 to Mozambique, and 20,000 to Goa. During the Spanish Empire, approximately 550,000 Spanish settlers migrated to Latin America.[12]
Millions of Irish left Ireland for Canada and U.S. following the Great Famine in the 1840s.
Neocolonialism
The term neocolonialism has been used to refer to a variety of contexts since decolonization that took place after World War II. Generally it does not refer to a type of direct colonization, rather, colonialism by other means. Specifically, neocolonialism refers to the theory that former or existing economic relationships, such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the Central American Free Trade Agreement, created by former colonial powers were or are used to maintain control of their former colonies and dependencies after the colonial independence movements of the postWorld War II period.
Colonialism
Colonialism and the history of thought

Universalism
The conquest of vast territories brings multitudes of diverse cultures under the central control of the imperial authorities. From the time of Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome, this fact has been addressed by empires adopting the concept of universalism, and applying it to their imperial policies towards their subjects far from the imperial capitol. The capitol, the metropole, was the source of ostensibly enlightened policies imposed throughout the distant colonies. The empire that grew from Athenian conquest spurred the spread of Greek language, religion, science and philosophy throughout the colonies. The Athenians considered their own culture superior to all others. They referred to people speaking foreign languages as barbarians, dismissing foreign languages as inferior mutterings that sounded to Greek ears like "bar-bar". Romans found efficiency in imposing a universalist policy towards their colonies in many matters. Roman law was imposed on Roman citizens, as well as colonial subjects, throughout the empire. Latin spread as the common language of government and trade, the lingua franca, throughout the Empire. Romans also Paris Colonial Exposition imposed peace between their diverse foreign subjects, which they described in beneficial terms as the Pax Romana. The use of universal regulation by the Romans marks the emergence of a European concept of universalism and internationalism. Tolerance of other cultures and beliefs has always been secondary to the aims of empires, however. The Roman Empire was tolerant of diverse cultures and religious practises, so long as these did not threaten Roman authority. Napoleon's foreign minister, Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, once remarked: "Empire is the art of putting men in their place".[13]
Colonialism and geography

Settlers acted as the link between the natives and the imperial hegemony, bridging the geographical, ideological and commercial gap between the colonisers and colonised. Advanced technology made possible the expansion of European states. With tools such as cartography, shipbuilding, navigation, mining and agricultural productivity colonisers had an upper hand. Their awareness of the Earth's surface and abundance of practical skills provided colonisers with a knowledge that, in turn, created power.[14] Painter and Jeffrey argue that geography as a discipline was not and is not an objective science, rather it is based on assumptions about the physical world. Whereas it may have given The West an advantage when it came to exploration, it also created zones of racial inferiority. Geographical beliefs such as environmental determinism, the view that some parts of the world are underdeveloped, legitimised colonialism and created notions of skewed evolution.[14] These are now seen as elementary concepts. Political geographers maintain that colonial behavior was reinforced by the physical mapping of the world, visually separating them and us. Geographers are primarily focused on the spaces of colonialism and imperialism, more specifically, the material and symbolic appropriation of space enabling colonialism.[15]
Colonialism
Colonialism and imperialism

A colony is part of an empire and so colonialism is closely related to imperialism. Assumptions are that colonialism and imperialism are interchangeable, however Robert Young suggests that imperialism is the concept while colonialism is the practice. Colonialism is based on an imperial outlook, thereby creating a consequential relationship. Through an empire, colonialism is established and capitalism is expanded, on the other hand a capitalist economy naturally enforces an empire. In the next section Marxists make a case for this mutually reinforcing relationship.
Marxist view of colonialism

Marxism views colonialism as a form of capitalism, enforcing exploitation and social change. Marx thought that working within the global capitalist system, colonialism is closely associated with Governor-General Flix bou welcomes Charles de uneven development. It is an instrument of wholesale destruction, Gaulle to Chad. dependency and systematic exploitation producing distorted economies, socio-psychological disorientation, massive poverty and neocolonial dependency.[16] According to some Marxist historians, in all of the colonial countries ruled by Western European countries the natives were robbed of more than half their natural span of life by undernourishment.[17] Colonies are constructed into modes of production. The search for raw materials and the current search for new investment opportunities is a result of inter-capitalist rivalry for capital accumulation. Lenin regarded colonialism as the root cause of imperialism, as imperialism was distinguished by monopoly capitalism via colonialism and as Lyal S. Sunga explains: "Vladimir Lenin advocated forcefully the principle of self-determination of peoples in his "Theses on the Socialist Revolution and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination" as an integral plank in the programme of socialist internationalism" and he quotes Lenin who contended that "The right of nations to self-determination implies exclusively the right to independence in the political sense, the right to free political separation from the oppressor nation. Specifically, this demand for political democracy implies complete freedom to agitate for secession and for a referendum on secession by the seceding nation."[18] In his critique of colonialism in Africa, the Guyanese historian and political activist Walter Rodney states: "The decisiveness of the short period of colonialism and its negative consequences for Africa spring mainly from the fact that Africa lost power. Power is the ultimate determinant in human society, being basic to the relations within any group and between groups. It implies the ability to defend ones interests and if necessary to impose ones will by any means available. In relations between peoples, the question of power determines manoeuvrability in bargaining, the extent to which one people respect the interests of another, and eventually the extent to which a people survive as a physical and cultural entity. When one society finds itself forced to relinquish power entirely to another society that in itself is a form of underdevelopment....During the centuries of pre-colonial trade, some control over social political and economic life was retained in Africa, in spite of the disadvantageous commerce with Europeans. That little control over internal matters disappeared under colonialism. Colonialism went much further than trade. It meant a tendency towards direct appropriation by Europeans of the social institutions within Africa. Africans ceased to set indigenous cultural goals and standards, and lost full command of training young members of the society. Those were undoubtedly major steps backwards.... Colonialism was not merely a system of exploitation, but one whose essential purpose was to repatriate the profits to the so-called mother country. From an African view-point, that amounted to
Colonialism consistent expatriation of surplus produced by African labour out of African resources. It meant the development of Europe as part of the same dialectical process in which Africa was underdeveloped." Colonial Africa fell within that part of the international capitalist economy from which surplus was drawn to feed the metropolitan sector. As seen earlier, exploitation of land and labour is essential for human social advance, but only on the assumption that the product is made available within the area where the exploitation takes place.
[19][20]
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Liberalism, capitalism and colonialism

Classical liberals generally opposed colonialism (as opposed to colonization) and imperialism, including Adam Smith, Frdric Bastiat, Richard Cobden, John Bright, Henry Richard, Herbert Spencer, H. R. Fox Bourne, Edward Morel, Josephine Butler, W. J. Fox and William Ewart Gladstone. Moreover, American revolution was the first anti-colonial rebellion, inspiring others.[21] Adam Smith wrote in Wealth of Nations that Britain should liberate all of its colonies and also noted that it would be economically beneficial for British people in the average, although the merchants having mercantilist privileges would lose out.[21]
Post-colonialism
Further information: Dutch Indies literature Post-colonialism (or post-colonial theory) can refer to a set of theories in philosophy and literature that grapple with the legacy of colonial rule. In this sense, postcolonial literature may be considered a branch of postmodern literature concerned with the political and cultural independence of peoples formerly subjugated in colonial empires. Many practitioners take Edward Sad's book Orientalism (1978) as the theory's founding work (although French theorists such as Aim Csaire and Frantz Fanon made similar claims decades before Said). Sad analysed the works of Balzac, Baudelaire and Lautramont, Anzac Day Parade in Brisbane, Australia. exploring how they both absorbed and helped to shape a societal fantasy of European racial superiority. Writers of post-colonial fiction interact with the traditional colonial discourse, but modify or subvert it; for instance by retelling a familiar story from the perspective of an oppressed minor character in the story. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's Can the Subaltern Speak? (1998) gave its name to Subaltern Studies. In A Critique of Postcolonial Reason (1999), Spivak explored how major works of European metaphysics (such as those of Kant and Hegel) not only tend to exclude the subaltern from their discussions, but actively prevent non-Europeans from occupying positions as fully human subjects. Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit (1807), famous for its explicit ethnocentrism, considers Western civilization as the most accomplished of all, while Kant also allowed some traces of racialism to enter his work.
Colonialism
11
Impact of colonialism and colonization

The impacts of colonization are immense and pervasive.[22] Various effects, both immediate and protracted, include the spread of virulent diseases, the establishment of unequal social relations, exploitation, enslavement, medical advances, the creation of new institutions, and technological progress. Colonial practices also spur the spread of languages, literature and cultural institutions. The native cultures of the colonized peoples can also have a powerful influence on the imperial country.
Expansion of trade
The Dutch Public Health Service provides medical care for the natives of the Dutch East Indies, May 1946
Imperial expansion has been accompanied by economic expansion since ancient times. Greek trade networks spread throughout the Mediterranean region, while Roman trade expanded with the main goal of directing tribute from the colonized areas towards the Roman metropole. With the development of trade routes under the Ottoman Empire, Gujari Hindus, Syrian Muslims, Jews, Armenians, Christians from south and central Europe operated trading routes that supplied Persian and Arab horses to the armies of all three empires, Mocha coffee to Delhi and Belgrade, Persian silk to India and Istanbul.[23] Aztec civilization developed into a large empire that, much like the Roman Empire, had the goal of exacting tribute from the conquered colonial areas. For the Aztecs, the most important tribute was the acquisition of sacrificial victims for their religious rituals.[24]
Slaves and indentured servants

Further information: Atlantic slave tradeandIndentured servant European nations entered their imperial projects with the goal of enriching the European metropole. Exploitation of non-Europeans and other Europeans to support imperial goals was acceptable to the colonizers. Two outgrowths of this imperial agenda were slavery and indentured servitude. In the 17th century, nearly two-thirds of English settlers came to North America as indentured servants.[25] African slavery had existed long before Europeans discovered it as an exploitable means of creating an inexpensive labour force for the Slave memorial in Zanzibar. The Sultan of colonies. Europeans brought transportation technology to the practise, Zanzibar complied with British demands that slavery be banned in Zanzibar and that all the bringing large numbers of African slaves to the Americas by sail. slaves be freed. Spain and Portugal had brought African slaves to work at African colonies such as Cape Verde and the Azores, and then Latin America, by the 16th century. The British, French and Dutch joined in the slave trade in subsequent centuries. Ultimately, around 11 million Africans were taken to the Caribbean and North and South America as slaves by European colonizers.[26]
Colonialism
12
European empire
Colonial destination Number of slaves imported[26] 3,646,800 1,665,000 1,600,200 1,552,100 500,000
Portuguese Empire Brazil British Empire French Empire Spanish Empire Dutch Empire British Empire British Caribbean French Caribbean Latin America Dutch Caribbean
British North America 399,000
Abolitionists in Europe and America protested the inhumane treatment of African slaves, which led to the elimination of the slave trade by the late 19th century. The labour shortage that resulted inspired European colonizers to develop a new source of labour, using a system of indentured servitude. Indentured servants consented to a contract with the European colonizers. Under their contract, the servant would work for an employer for a term of at least a year, while the employer agreed to pay for the servant's voyage to the colony, possibly pay for the return to the country of origin, and pay the employee a wage as well. The employee was "indentured" to the employer because they owed a debt back to the employer for their travel expense to the colony, which they were expected to pay through their wages. In practice, indentured servants were exploited through terrible working conditions and burdensome debts created by the employers, with whom the servants had no means of negotiating the debt once they arrived in the colony.
Slave traders in Senegal. For centuries
India and China were the largest source of indentured servants during the Africans had sold other Africans to the Arabs and Europeans as slaves. colonial era. Indentured servants from India travelled to British colonies in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean, and also to French and Portuguese colonies, while Chinese servants travelled to British and Dutch colonies. Between 1830 and 1930, around 30 million indentured servants migrated from India, and 24 million returned to India. China sent more indentured servants to European colonies, and around the same proportion returned to China.[27]
Military innovation
Imperial expansion follows military conquest in most instances. Imperial armies therefore have a long history of military innovation in order to gain an advantage over the armies of the people they aim to conquer. Greeks developed the phalanx system, which enabled their military units to present themselves to their enemies as a wall, with foot soldiers using shields to cover one another during their advance on the battlefield. Under Philip II of Macedon, they were able to organize thousands of soldiers into a formidable battle force, bringing together carefully trained infantry and cavalry regiments.[28] Alexander the Great exploited this military foundation further during his conquests. The Spanish Empire held a major advantage over Mesoamerican warriors through the use of weapons made of stronger metal, predominantly iron, which was able to shatter the blades of axes used by the Aztec civilization and others. The European development of firearms using gunpowder cemented their military advantage over the peoples they sought to subjugate in the Americas and elsewhere.
Colonialism
13
The end of empire

The populations of some colonial territories, such as Canada, enjoyed relative peace and prosperity as part of a European power, at least among the majority; however, minority populations such as First Nations peoples and French-Canadians experienced marginalization and resented colonial practises. Francophone residents of Quebec, for example, were vocal in opposing conscription into the armed services to fight on behalf of Britain during World War I, resulting in the Conscription crisis of 1917. Other European colonies had much more pronounced conflict between European settlers and the local population. Rebellions broke out in the later decades of the imperial era, such as India's Sepoy Rebellion.
Gandhi having tea with Lord Mountbatten, 1947
The territorial boundaries imposed by European colonizers, notably in central Africa and south Asia, defied the existing boundaries of native populations that had previously interacted little with one another. European colonizers disregarded native political and cultural animosities, imposing peace upon people under their military control. Native populations were relocated at the will of the colonial administrators. Once independence from European control was achieved, civil war erupted in some former colonies, as native populations fought to capture territory for their own ethnic, cultural or political group. The Partition of India, a 1947 civil war that came in the aftermath of India's independence from Britain, became a conflict with 500,000 killed. Fighting erupted between Hindu, Sikh and Muslim communities as they fought for territorial dominance. Muslims fought for an independent country to be partitioned where they would not be a religious minority, resulting in the creation of Pakistan.[29]
Post-independence population movement

In a reversal of the migration patterns experienced during the modern colonial era, post-independence era migration followed a route back towards the imperial country. In some cases, this was a movement of settlers of European origin returning to the land of their birth, or to an ancestral birthplace. 900,000 French colonists (known as the Pied-Noirs) resettled in France following Algeria's independence in 1962. A significant number of these migrants were also of Algerian descent. 800,000 people of Portuguese origin migrated to Portugal after the independence of former colonies in Africa between 1974 and 1979; 300,000 settlers of Dutch origin migrated to the Netherlands from the Dutch West Indies after Dutch military control of the colony ended.[30]
The annual Notting Hill Carnival in London is a celebration led by the Trinidadian and Tobagonian British community.
After WWII 300,000 Dutchmen from the Dutch East Indies, of which the majority were people of Eurasian descent called Indo Europeans, repatriated to the Netherlands. A significant number later migrated to the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.[31][32] Global travel and migration in general developed at an increasingly brisk pace throughout the era of European colonial expansion. Citizens of the former colonies of European countries may have a privileged status in some respects with regard to immigration rights when settling in the former European imperial nation. For example, rights to dual citizenship may be generous,[33] or larger immigrant quotas may be extended to former colonies. In some cases, the former European imperial nations continue to foster close political and economic ties with former colonies. The Commonwealth of Nations is an organization that promotes cooperation between and among Britain and its former colonies, the Commonwealth members. A similar organization exists for former colonies of France, the Francophonie; the Community of Portuguese Language Countries plays a similar role for former Portuguese
Colonialism colonies, and the Dutch Language Union is the equivalent for former colonies of the Netherlands. Migration from former colonies has proven to be problematic for European countries, where the majority population may express hostility to ethnic minorities who have immigrated from former colonies. Cultural and religious conflict have often erupted in France in recent decades, between immigrants from the Maghreb countries of north Africa and the majority population of France. Nonetheless, immigration has changed the ethnic composition of France; by the 1980s, 25% of the total population of "inner Paris" and 14% of the metropolitan region were of foreign origin, mainly Algerian.[34]
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Impact on health
Encounters between explorers and populations in the rest of the world often introduced new diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence.[35] For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and others were unknown in pre-Columbian America.[36] Disease killed the entire native (Guanches) population of the Canary Islands in the 16th century. Half the native population of Hispaniola in 1518 was killed by smallpox. Smallpox also ravaged Mexico in the 1520s, killing 150,000 in Tenochtitlan alone, including the emperor, Aztecs dying of smallpox, (The Florentine and Peru in the 1530s, aiding the European conquerors. Measles killed Codex 154085) a further two million Mexican natives in the 17th century. In 16181619, smallpox wiped out 90% of the Massachusetts Bay Native Americans.[37] Smallpox epidemics in 17801782 and 18371838 brought devastation and drastic depopulation among the Plains Indians.[38] Some believe that the death of up to 95% of the Native American population of the New World was caused by Old World diseases.[39] Over the centuries, the Europeans had developed high degrees of immunity to these diseases, while the indigenous peoples had no time to build such immunity.[40] Smallpox decimated the native population of Australia, killing around 50% of indigenous Australians in the early [41] It also killed many New Zealand Mori.[42] As late as 184849, as many as 40,000 years of British colonisation. out of 150,000 Hawaiians are estimated to have died of measles, whooping cough and influenza. Introduced diseases, notably smallpox, nearly wiped out the native population of Easter Island.[43] In 1875, measles killed over 40,000 Fijians, approximately one-third of the population.[44] The Ainu population decreased drastically in the 19th century, due in large part to infectious diseases brought by Japanese settlers pouring into Hokkaido.[45] Conversely, researchers concluded that syphilis was carried from the New World to Europe after Columbus's voyages. The findings suggested Europeans could have carried the nonvenereal tropical bacteria home, where the organisms may have mutated into a more deadly form in the different conditions of Europe.[46] The disease was more frequently fatal than it is today; syphilis was a major killer in Europe during the Renaissance.[47] The first cholera pandemic began in Bengal, then spread across India by 1820. Ten thousand British troops and countless Indians died during this pandemic.[48] Between 1736 and 1834 only some 10% of East India Company's officers survived to take the final voyage home.[49] Waldemar Haffkine, who mainly worked in India, who developed and used vaccines against cholera and bubonic plague in the 1890s, is considered the first microbiologist.
Colonialism Countering disease As early as 1803, the Spanish Crown organised a mission (the Balmis expedition) to transport the smallpox vaccine to the Spanish colonies, and establish mass vaccination programs there.[50] By 1832, the federal government of the United States established a smallpox vaccination program for Native Americans.[51] Under the direction of Mountstuart Elphinstone a program was launched to propagate smallpox vaccination in India.[52] From the beginning of the 20th century onwards, the elimination or control of disease in tropical countries became a driving force for all colonial powers.[53] The sleeping sickness epidemic in Africa was arrested due to mobile teams systematically screening millions of people at risk.[54] In the 20th century, the world saw the biggest increase in its population in human history due to lessening of the mortality rate in many countries due to medical advances.[55] The world population has grown from 1.6 billion in 1900 to over 7 billion today.
15
Notes
[1] Origins the invention of colonialism: see article on Ronald Daus, references and bibliography [2] "Colonialism" (http:/ / www. collinsdictionary. com/ dictionary/ english/ colonialism). Collins English Dictionary. HarperCollins. 2011. . Retrieved 8 January 2012. [3] "Colonialism" (http:/ / www. merriam-webster. com/ dictionary/ colonialism). Merriam-Webbster. Merriam-Webster. 2010. . Retrieved 5 April 2010. [4] Margaret Kohn (2006). "Colonialism" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ colonialism/ ). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Stanford University. . Retrieved 5 April 2010. [5] Tignor, Roger (2005). preface to Colonialism: a theoretical overview (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=CMfksrnWaUkC& pg=PR10#v=onepage). Markus Weiner Publishers. p.x. ISBN1-55876-340-6, 9781558763401. . Retrieved 5 April 2010. [6] Osterhammel, Jrgen (2005). Colonialism: a theoretical overview (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=CMfksrnWaUkC& pg=PA15#v=onepage). trans. Shelley Frisch. Markus Weiner Publishers. p.15. ISBN1-55876-340-6, 9781558763401. . Retrieved 5 April 2010. [7] Osterhammel, Jrgen (2005). Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=CMfksrnWaUkC& pg=PA16#v=onepage). trans. Shelley Frisch. Markus Weiner Publishers. p.16. ISBN1-55876-340-6, 9781558763401. . Retrieved 5 April 2010. [8] Bosma U., Raben R. Being "Dutch" in the Indies: a history of creolisation and empire, 15001920 (University of Michigan, NUS Press, 2008) P.223 ISBN 9971-69-373-9 Googlebook (http:/ / books. google. nl/ books?id=47wCTCJX9X4C& dq=Carel+ Pieter+ Brest+ van+ Kempen& source=gbs_navlinks_s) [9] Gouda, Frances Dutch Culture Overseas: Colonial Practice in the Netherlands Indies 1900-1942. (Publisher: Equinox, 2008) ISBN 978-979-3780-62-7 Chapter 5, P.163 (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=nN6G-lMk_DEC& source=gbs_navlinks_s) [10] The Le Dynasty and Southward Expansion (http:/ / countrystudies. us/ vietnam/ 11. htm) [11] "The Trusteeship Council - The mandate system of the League of Nations" (http:/ / www. nationsencyclopedia. com/ United-Nations/ The-Trusteeship-Council-THE-MANDATE-SYSTEM-OF-THE-LEAGUE-OF-NATIONS. html). Encyclopedia of the Nations. Advameg. 2010. . Retrieved 8 August 2010. [12] King, Russell (2010). People on the Move: An Atlas of Migration. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press. pp.345. ISBN0-520-26151-8. [13] Pagden, Anthony (2003). Peoples and Empires. New York: Modern Library. pp.xxiii. ISBN0-8129-6761-5. [14] "Painter, J. & Jeffrey, A., 2009. Political Geography 2nd ed., Sage. Imperialism pg 23 (GIC) [15] Gallaher, C. et al., 2008. Key Concepts in Political Geography, Sage Publications Ltd. "Imperialism/Colonialism" pg 5 (GIC) [16] Dictionary of Human Geography, "Colonialism" [17] The Labour Government 1945-51 by Denis Nowell Pritt [18] In the Emerging System of International Criminal Law: Developments and Codification, Brill Publishers (1997) at page 90, Sunga traces the origin of the international movement against colonialism, and relates it to the rise of the right to self-determination in international law. [19] Walter Rodney. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=CwSSkemSJLcC& pg=PA224). East African Publishers. p.149, 224. . [20] Henry Schwarz; Sangeeta Ray (2004). A Companion To Postcolonial Studies (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=eyiZafDHpqoC& pg=PA271). John Wiley & Sons. p.271. . [21] Liberal Anti-Imperialism (http:/ / www. setav. org/ ups/ dosya/ 24514. pdf), professor Daniel Klein, 1.7.2004 [22] Come Back, Colonialism, All is Forgiven (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ world/ article/ 0,8599,1713275,00. html) [23] Pagden, Anthony (2003). Peoples and Empires. New York: Modern Library. pp.45. ISBN0-8129-6761-5. [24] Pagden, Anthony (2003). Peoples and Empires. New York: Modern Library. pp.5. ISBN0-8129-6761-5. [25] " White Servitude (http:/ / www. montgomerycollege. edu/ Departments/ hpolscrv/ whiteser. html)", by Richard Hofstadter, Montgomery College
Colonialism
[26] King, Russell (2010). People on the Move: An Atlas of Migration. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press. pp.24. ISBN978-0-520-26124-2. [27] King, Russell (2010). People on the Move: An Atlas of Migration. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press. pp.267. ISBN978-0-520-26124-2. [28] Pagden, Anthony (2003). Peoples and Empires. New York: Modern Library. pp.6. ISBN0-8129-6761-5. [29] White, Matthew (2012). The Great Big Book of Horrible Things. London: W.W. Norton & Co. Ltd.. pp.427. ISBN978-0-393-08192-3. [30] King, Russell (2010). People on the Move: An Atlas of Migration. Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press. pp.35. ISBN978-0-520-26124-2. [31] Willlems, Wim "De uittocht uit Indie (19451995), De geschiedenis van Indische Nederlanders" (Publisher: Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 2001). ISBN 90-351-2361-1 [32] Crul, Lindo and Lin Pang. Culture, Structure and Beyond, Changing identities and social positions of immigrants and their children (Het Spinhuis Publishers, 1999). ISBN 90-5589-173-8 [33] "British Nationality Act 1981" (http:/ / www. legislation. gov. uk/ ukpga/ 1981/ 61). The National Archives, United Kingdom. . Retrieved February 24, 2012. [34] Seljuq, Affan (July 1997). "Cultural Conflicts: North African Immigrants in France" (http:/ / www. gmu. edu/ programs/ icar/ ijps/ vol2_2/ seljuq. htm). The International Journal of Peace Studies 2, (2). ISSN1085-7494. . Retrieved February 24, 2012. [35] Kenneth F. Kiple, ed. The Cambridge Historical Dictionary of Disease (2003) [36] Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (1974) [37] Smallpox The Fight to Eradicate a Global Scourge (http:/ / www. ucpress. edu/ books/ pages/ 9968/ 9968. ch01. html), David A. Koplow [38] "The first smallpox epidemic on the Canadian Plains: In the fur-traders' words" (http:/ / www. pubmedcentral. nih. gov/ articlerender. fcgi?artid=2094753), National Institutes of Health [39] The Story Of... Smallpox and other Deadly Eurasian Germs (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ gunsgermssteel/ variables/ smallpox. html) [40] Stacy Goodling, "Effects of European Diseases on the Inhabitants of the New World" (http:/ / www. millersville. edu/ ~columbus/ papers/ goodling. html) [41] "Smallpox Through History" (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ query?id=1257008292443871). Archived from the original (http:/ / encarta. msn. com/ media_701508643/ Smallpox_Through_History. html) on 2009-10-31. . [42] New Zealand Historical Perspective (http:/ / www. canr. msu. edu/ overseas/ nzenvironsci/ infopart2. htm) [43] How did Easter Island's ancient statues lead to the destruction of an entire ecosystem? (http:/ / www. independent. co. uk/ news/ science/ how-did-easter-islands-ancient-statues-lead-to-the-destruction-of-an-entire-ecosystem-455877. html), The Independent [44] Fiji School of Medicine (http:/ / www. fsm. ac. fj/ aboutfsm. html) [45] Meeting the First Inhabitants (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ asia/ features/ ontheroad/ japan. sapporo. ainu. html), TIMEasia.com, 21 August 2000 [46] Genetic Study Bolsters Columbus Link to Syphilis (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 01/ 15/ science/ 15syph. html?_r=1), New York Times, January 15, 2008 [47] Columbus May Have Brought Syphilis to Europe (http:/ / www. livescience. com/ history/ 080114-syphilis-columbus. html), LiveScience [48] Cholera's seven pandemics (http:/ / www. cbc. ca/ health/ story/ 2008/ 05/ 09/ f-cholera-outbreaks. html). CBC News. December 2, 2008 [49] Sahib: The British Soldier in India, 1750-1914 by Richard Holmes (http:/ / www. asianreviewofbooks. com/ arb/ article. php?article=610) [50] Dr. Francisco de Balmis and his Mission of Mercy, Society of Philippine Health History (http:/ / www. doh. gov. ph/ sphh/ balmis. htm) [51] Lewis Cass and the Politics of Disease: The Indian Vaccination Act of 1832 (http:/ / muse. jhu. edu/ login?uri=/ journals/ wicazo_sa_review/ v018/ 18. 2pearson01. html) [52] Smallpox History - Other histories of smallpox in South Asia (http:/ / www. smallpoxhistory. ucl. ac. uk/ Other Asia/ ongoingwork. htm) [53] Conquest and Disease or Colonialism and Health? (http:/ / www. gresham. ac. uk/ event. asp?PageId=45& EventId=696), Gresham College | Lectures and Events [54] WHO Media centre (2001). Fact sheet N259: African trypanosomiasis or sleeping sickness (http:/ / www. who. int/ mediacentre/ factsheets/ fs259/ en/ index. html). . [55] The Origins of African Population Growth, by John Iliffe (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ pss/ 182701), The Journal of African HistoryVol. 30, No. 1 (1989), pp. 165-169
16
Colonialism
17
References
Cooper, Frederick. Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History (2005) Getz, Trevor R. and Heather Streets-Salter, eds. Modern Imperialism and Colonialism: A Global Perspective (2010) Stuchtey, Benedikt: Colonialism and Imperialism, 1450-1950 (http://nbn-resolving.de/ urn:nbn:de:0159-20101025319), European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2011, retrieved: July 13, 2011. Wendt, Reinhard: European Overseas Rule (http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0159-20100921437), European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2011, retrieved: June 13, 2012.
Primary sources
Conrad, Joseph, Heart of Darkness, 1899 Fanon, Frantz, The Wretched of the Earth, Pref. by Jean-Paul Sartre. Translated by Constance Farrington. London : Penguin Book, 2001 Kipling, Rudyard, The White Man's Burden, 1899 Las Casas, Bartolom de, A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies (1542, published in 1552) LeCour Grandmaison, Olivier, Coloniser, Exterminer - Sur la guerre et l'Etat colonial, Fayard, 2005, ISBN 2-213-62316-3 Lindqvist, Sven, Exterminate All The Brutes, 1992, New Press; Reprint edition (June 1997), ISBN 978-1-56584-359-2 Maria Petringa, Brazza, A life for Africa (2006), ISBN 978-1-4259-1198-0 Jrgen Osterhammel, Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview, Princeton, NJ: M. Wiener, 1997. Said, Edward, Orientalism, 1978; 25th-anniversary edition 2003 ISBN 978-0-394-74067-6
External links
Liberal opposition to colonialism, imperialism and empire (pdf) (http://lsb.scu.edu/~dklein/papers/PdfPapers/ Liberalanti-imperialism.pdf) - by professor Daniel Klein Colonialism (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/colonialism) entry by Margaret Kohn in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Globalization (and the metaphysics of control in a free market world) (http://www.pinkyshow.org/archives/ episodes/070307/) - an online video on globalization, colonialism, and control.
Neocolonialism
18
Neocolonialism
Neocolonialism (also Neo-colonialism) is the geopolitical practice of using capitalism, business globalization, and cultural imperialism to control a country, in lieu of either direct military control or indirect political control, i.e. imperialism and hegemony. The term neo-colonialism was coined by the Ghanaian politician Kwame Nkrumah, to describe the socio-economic and political control that can be exercised economically, linguistically, and culturally, whereby promotion of the culture of the neo-colonist country, facilitates the cultural assimilation of the colonised people, and thus opens the national economy to the multinational corporations of the neo-colonial country.
The Motherland and her dependant colonial offspring. (William-Adolphe Bouguereau, 1883)
The European world empires and their colonies in the late 19th century, before the Spanish-American War (1898), Boxer Rebellion (18991901), and the Second Boer War (18991902).
The European world empires and their colonies in the mid 20th century, after the Second World War (193945).
In post-colonial studies, the term neo-colonialism describes the domination-praxis (social, economic, cultural) of countries from the developed world in the respective internal affairs of the countries of the developing world; that, despite the decolonisation occurred in the aftermath of the Second World War (193945), the (former) colonial powers continue to apply existing and past international economic arrangements with their former colony countries, and so maintain colonial control. A neo-colonialism critique can include de facto colonialism (imperialist or hegemonic), and an economic critique of the disproportionate involvement of modern capitalist business in the economy of a developing country, whereby multinational corporations continue to exploit the natural resources and the people of the former colony; that such economic control is inherently neo-colonial, and thus is akin to the
Neocolonialism imperial and hegemonic varieties of colonialism practiced by the empires of Great Britain, France, and other European countries, from the 16th to the 20th centuries.[1] The ideology and praxis of neo-colonialism are discussed in the works of Jean-Paul Sartre (Colonialism and Neo-colonialism, 1964)[2] and Noam Chomsky (The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism, 1979).[3]
19
The term
Origins The political-science term neo-colonialism became popular usage in reference to the continued European control economic, cultural, etc. of African countries that had been decolonized in the aftermath of the Second World War (193945). Kwame Nkrumah, president of Ghana (196066), coined the term neo-colonialism in the book Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism (1965)[4][5] As a political scientist, Nkrumah theoretically developed and extended, to the postWar 20th century, the socio-economic and political arguments presented by Lenin in the pamphlet Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1917), about 19th-century imperialism as the logical extension of geopolitical power to meet the financial investment needs of the political economy of capitalism.[6]
A 1989 edition of a ten-kopeck U.S.S.R. postage stamp of Kwame Nkrumah, the Ghanaian politician who coined the term Neo-colonialism.
In Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism, Kwame Nkrumah said that: In place of colonialism, as the main instrument of imperialism, we have today neo-colonialism . . . [which] like colonialism, is an attempt to export the social conflicts of the capitalist countries. . . . The result of neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for the exploitation rather than for the development of the less developed parts of the world. Investment, under neo-colonialism, increases, rather than decreases, the gap between the rich and the poor countries of the world. The struggle against neo-colonialism is not aimed at excluding the capital of the developed world from operating in less developed countries. It is aimed at preventing the financial power of the developed countries being used in such a way as to impoverish the less developed.[7] In 1965, at Algiers, in the AfroAsian Conference, the Cuban revolutionary Ch Guevara spoke to the participants of the Second Economic Seminar of AfroAsian Solidarity about the continued foreign domination of the underdeveloped countries of the world:
The Cuban revolutionary Ch Guevara described neo-colonialism as the continued colonial rule of decolonized countries by other means.
Neocolonialism As long as imperialism exists it will, by definition, exert its domination over other countries. Today, that domination is called neo-colonialism. Ch Guevara (24 February 1965)[8]
20
The non-aligned world

Neo-colonialism became the standard term, describing a type of foreign intervention, because of its practical and historical application to the internal affairs (economic, social, political) of the countries of the Pan-Africanist movement and because of its like usage in the Bandung Conference (AsianAfrican Conference, 1955), from which derived the Non-Aligned Movement (1961). The formal definition of neo-colonialism was established by the All-African Peoples Conference (AAPC) and published in the Resolution on Neo-colonialism of the organisation. At the Tunis conference (1960) and at the Cairo conference (1961), the AAPC specifically identified as neo-colonial behaviour, the actions of the French Community of independent states, which was organised by France.[9]
The non-aligned world: "We face neither East nor West: We face forward", a Zambian political advertisement quotes Kwame Nkrumah. (2005)
Throughout the decades of the U.S.U.S.S.R. Cold War (194591), the countries of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America defined neo-colonialism as the primary, collective enemy of the economies and cultures of their respective countries. Moreover, neo-colonialism was integrated to the national-liberation ideologies of Marxist guerrilla armies. During the 1970s, in the Portuguese African colonies of Mozambique and Angola, upon assuming government power, the Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO, Frente de Libertao de Moambique) and the Peoples Movement for the Liberation of Angola Labour Party (MPLA, Movimento Popular de Libertao de Angola Partido do Trabalho), respectively, established policies to counter neo-colonial agreements with the (former) colonist country.
Paternalistic neo-colonialism
The term paternalistic neo-colonialism describes the ideologic and cultural beliefs, by the people of the colonial country, that their continued (neo) colonial domination of a colonial people, is, in the long term, to the benefit of the subject people. The praxis of paternalistic neo-colonialism illuminates the basic belief-system as racialist and as exploitative, because it is a reformulation of the imperialist racism of the French Mission civilisatrice and of the Portuguese Misso civilizadora, each a type of civilizing mission that was characteristic of the varieties of European imperialism in the 19th century. In imperial practice, the civilising mission is an ideological rationale for military intervention and colonisation, which actions rationalise imperialism as the national and cultural duty to propagate European civilisation, by establishing colonies in the Other countries of the other continents of the Earth. In practice, colonialism was the economic exploitation and the cultural Westernization of the indigenous peoples, which was effected with the colonial ideology of cultural assimilation; a basic principle of empire of French and Portuguese colonial rule in the Asia of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Culturally, each European colonial power, Portugal, Great Britain, France, et al., exercised a self-imposed moral and imperial duty to take Western civilization to the primitive cultures of Asia, Africa, and Oceania. Yet, because each primitive culture was The Other to a European culture, the exotic African, Asian, and Oceanian cultures were perceived as cultural inferiors.
Neocolonialism
21
Franafrique
The representative example of European neo-colonialism is Franafrique, the French Africa constituted by the continued close relationships between Metropole France and its former African country colonies. In 1955, the initial usage of the French Africa term, by President Flix Houphout-Boigny, of Cte dIvoire, denoted positive social, cultural, and economic FrancoAfrican relations. It was later was applied by critics of neo-colonialism to describe an imbalanced international relation. The term Franafrique is derived from the essay La Franafrique, le plus long scandale de la Rpublique (French Africa: The Longest Scandal of the Republic, 1998), by Franois-Xavier Verschave, which critically analysed French neo-colonial policies towards the countries of Africa.[10] Moreover, Main basse sur le Cameroun, autopsie dune dcolonisation (Cruel Hand on Cameroon: Autopsy of a Decolonization, 1972), by Mongo Beti, is a critical history of contemporary Cameroon that reported the continued dependance economic, social, cultural of decolonised African nations and countries upon Metropole France, whose dependance was actively continued by the the post-independence, national political lites of the given countries. The politician Jacques Foccart, the principal advisor for African matters to the French presidents Charles de Gaulle (195869) and Georges Pompidou (19691974), was the principal proponent of neo-colonial Franafrique.[11] The French Africa works of Verschave and Beti reported a forty-year, post-independence relationship with the former colonial peoples of France, which feature colonial garrisons in situ and monopolies by French multinational corporations, usually for the exploitation of mineral resources. The African leaders with close ties to France especially during the RussoAmerican Cold War (194591) acted more as agents of French business and geopolitical interests, than as the national leaders of sovereign states, such as Omar Bongo (Gabon), Flix Houphout-Boigny (Cte d'Ivoire), Gnassingb Eyadma (Togo), Denis Sassou-Nguesso (Republic of the Congo), Idriss Dby (Chad), and Hamani Diori (Niger). Francophonie The French Community (195895) and the seventy-five-country Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (International Francophone Organisation) were agents of French neo-colonial African influence, especially by means of the French language; about which, in 1966, the Algerian intellectual Kateb Yacine said: La Francophonie is a neo-colonial political machine, which only perpetuates our alienation, but the usage of the French language does not mean that one is an agent of a foreign powe; and I write in French to tell the French that I am not French. Kateb Yacine biography, Arabesques[12][13]
Belgian Congo
After a hastened decolonization process of the Belgian Congo, Belgium continued to control, through the Socit Gnrale de Belgique, an estimate of 70% of the Congolese economy following the decolonization process. The most contested part was in the province of Katanga where the Union Minire du Haut Katanga, part of the Socit, had control over the mineral- and resource-rich province. After a failed attempt to nationalize the mining industry in the 1960s, it was reopened to foreign investment.
Neocolonialism
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Neo-colonial economic dominance

In 1961, regarding the economic mechanism of neo-colonial control, in the speech Cuba: Historical Exception or Vanguard in the Anti-colonial Struggle?, the Cuban revolutionary Ch Guevara said: We, politely referred to as underdeveloped, in truth, are colonial, semi-colonial or dependent countries. We are countries whose economies have been distorted by imperialism, which has abnormally developed those branches of industry or agriculture needed to complement its complex economy. Underdevelopment, or distorted development, brings a dangerous specialization in raw materials, inherent in which is the threat of hunger for all our peoples. We, the underdeveloped, are also those with the single crop, the single product, the single market. A single product whose uncertain sale depends on a single market imposing and fixing conditions. That is the great formula for imperialist economic domination. Ch Guevara, 9 April 1961.[14]
Neo-colonialism: U.S. President Harry Truman and Mohammad Mosaddeq, the Iranian Prime Minister in 1951. Two years later, the Persian nationalisation of the petroleum of Iran was halted with Operation Ajax, a BritishAmerican coup d tat, which deposed P.M. Mossadeq on 19 August 1953, and reinstated the deposed, absolute monarchy of the Pahlavi family.
Dependency theory
Dependency theory is the theoretic basis of economic neo-colonialism, which proposes that the global economic system comprises wealthy countries at the center, and poor countries at the periphery. Economic neo-colonialism extracts the human and the natural resources of a peripheral (poor) country to flow to the economies of the wealthy countries at the center of the global economic system; hence, the poverty of the peripheral countries is the result of the how they are integrated to the global economic system. Dependency theory derives from the Marxist analysis of economic
Petroleum-producing Africa: U.S. President Jimmy Carter and Lt. Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo on tour of Lagos, Nigeria, in April, 1978. Three years earlier, with a coup d tat, Gen. Obasanjo assumed power, and later was politically courted by the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., as part of the Cold War.
inequalities within the worlds system of economies, thus, the under-development of the Global South is a direct result of the development in the Global North; the theories of the semi-colony from the late 19th century.[15] The Marxist perspective of the Theory of Colonial Dependency is contrasted with the capitalist economics of the free market, which propose that such poverty is a development stage in the poor countrys progress towards full, economic integration to the global economic system. Proponents of Dependency Theory, such as Venezuelan historian Federico Brito Figueroa, who has investigated the socio-economic bases of neo-colonial dependency, have influenced the thinking of the current President of Venezuela, Hugo Chvez.
Neocolonialism
23
The Cold War

During the mid-to-late 20th century, in the course of the Cold War (194591) ideological conflict between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., each country and its satellite states accused each other of practising neo-colonialism in their imperial and hegemonic pursuits.[16][17][18][19][20][21][22] The geopolitical conditions that defined the RussoAmerican Cold War led to proxy war, fought by client states in the decolonised countries; Cuba, the Warsaw Pact bloc, Egypt under the leadership of Gamal Abdel Nasser (195670), et al. accused the U.S. of sponsoring anti-democratic governments whose rgimes did not represent the interests of the majority of the populace, and of deposing Third-World elected governments (African, Asian, Latin American) who did not subscribe to the geopolitical interests of the U.S., as defined by the EastWest Cold War. In the 1960s, under the leadership of Chairman Mehdi Ben Barka, the Cuban Tricontinental Conference (Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America) recognised and supported the validity of revolutionary anti-colonialism as a means for colonised peoples of the Third World to achieve their self-determination, which policy angered the U.S. and France. Moreover, Chairman Barka headed the Commission on Neo-colonialism, which dealt with the worked to resolve the neo-colonial involvement of colonial powers in decolonised counties; and said that the U.S., as the leading capitalist country of the world, was, in practise, the principal neo-colonialist political actor.
Multinational corporations
Critics of neo-colonialism also argue that investment by multinational corporations enriches few in underdeveloped countries, and causes humanitarian, environmental and ecological devastation to the populations which inhabit the neocolonies whose "development" and economy is now dependent on foreign market's and large scale trade agreements. This, it is argued, results in unsustainable development and perpetual underdevelopment; a dependency which cultivates those countries as reservoirs of cheap labor and raw materials, while restricting their access to advanced production techniques to develop their own economies. In some countries, privatization of national resources, while initially leading to immediate large scale influx of investment capital, is often followed by dramatic increases in the rate of unemployment, poverty, and a decline in per-capita income.[23] This is particularly true in the West African nations of Guinea-Bissau, Senegal, and Mauritania where fishing has historically been central to the local economy. Beginning in 1979, the European Union began brokering fishing rights contracts off the coast of West Africa. This continues to this day. Commercial unsustainable over-fishing from foreign corporations have played a significant role in the large-scale unemployment and migration of people across the region.[24] This stands in direct opposition to United Nations Treaty on the Seas which recognizes the importance of fishing to local communities and insists that government fishing agreements with foreign companies should be targeted at surplus stocks only.[25]
Neocolonialism
24
International banks
Critics of neo-colonialism portray the choice to grant or to refuse granting loans (particularly those financing otherwise unpayable Third World debt), especially by international banks such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank, as a decisive form of control. That, in order to qualify for such loans, and other forms of financial aid, economically weak countries are forced to take impose the financial repayment burdens upon their populations, to ensure that the economic interests of the lenders the World Bank, the IMF, et al. are met, at the expense, the (continued) impoverishment of the people and their economies; although meant to improve economically improve the life of the borrower country, the financial and economic structural adjustments required by the lenders perpetuate the poverty of the borrower society.
Economic neo-colonialism, 2004: A Jakartan protestor against the World Banks manipulation of the economy of Indonesia.
Neo-colonial praxis allows certain cartels of state-supported organisations, such as the World Bank, to control and exploit the under-developed countries by fostering unpayable national debts. In effect, Third World governments give commercial concessions and business monopolies to foreign multinational corporations in return for the consolidation of economic power and bribes. In most cases, much of the money loaned to such Third World countries is returned kicked-back to the multinational corporations fovoured by the given Third World government; hence, the bank loans effectively are financial subsidies to the corporations, by the lending organisation, which is the practise of corporatocracy, government by business corporation. The banks and the organizations accused of economic neo-imperialism include the World Bank, the World Trade Organization, the Group of Eight, and the World Economic Forum. In Confessions of an Economic Hit Man (2004), by John Perkins, reports that First World countries, such as the U.S., practise such neo-colonialism.
The International Monetary Fund

To alleviate some of the effects of neo-colonialism, the American economist Jeffrey Sachs recommended that the entire African debt (ca. 200 billion U.S. dollars) be dismissed, and recommended that African nations not repay the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF): The time has come to end this charade. The debts are unaffordable. If they wont cancel the debts, I would suggest obstruction; you do it, yourselves. Africa should say: Thank you very much, but we need this money to meet the needs of children who are dying, right now, so, we will put the debt-servicing payments into urgent social investment in health, education, drinking water, the control of AIDS, and other needs. Prof. Jeffrey Sachs, Director of The Earth Institute (Columba University), and Special Economic Advisor to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.
Neocolonialism
25
SinoAfrican relations
Historically, China and Somalia had a strong trading tie. In recent years, the People's Republic of China has built increasingly stronger ties with African nations.[26][27] China is currently Africa's largest trading partner.[28][29] As of August 2007, there were an estimated 750,000 Chinese nationals working or living for extended periods in different African countries.[30][31] China is picking up natural resources petroleum and minerals to fuel the Chinese economy and to finance international business enterprises.[32][33] In 2006, two-way trade had increased to $50 billion.[34] Not all dealings have involved direct monetary exchanges. In 2007, the governments of China and Democratic Republic of the Congo entered into an agreement whereby Chinese state-owned firms would provide various services (infrastructure projects) in exchange an equivalent amount of copper ore extracted from Congolese copper mines.[35] Human rights advocates and opponents of the Sudanese government portray China's role in providing weapons and aircraft as a cynical attempt to obtain petroleum and natural gas just as colonial powers once supplied African chieftains with the military means to maintain control as they extracted natural resources.[36][37][38] According to China's critics, China has offered Sudan support threatening to use its veto on the U.N. Security Council to protect Khartoum from sanctions and has been able to water down every resolution on Darfur in order to protect its interests in Sudan.[39] Communist Chinese rescue
Exotic animals such as the giraffe, caught and sold by Somali merchants, were very popular commodities in Ming Dynasty China.
The cash money reserves of Communist China allowed their participation in the development of the economies of Third World African countries, as a counter to the financial neo-colonialism of the International Monetary Fund; the example case is the lending of money to Angola, in 2006, [35] that allowed the Angolans to not borrow money from the IMF.
South Koreas land acquisitions

To ensure a reliable, long-term supply of food stuffs, the South Korean government and powerful Korean multinational corporations from have bought the exploitation rights to millions of hectares of agricultural land in under-developed countries of the Third World. Thereby, South Korea no longer imports food, because said lands are effectively part of Korea; such agricultural imperialism might be considered a form of neo-colonialism.[40] South Korea's largely mountainous land area of just over 100,000 square kilometres supports a populace of some 50 million people, yet the industrialised economy (ca. $1,000,000,000,000) was almost the equal of the entire economy of Africa, in 2007.[41] South Korea's RG Energy Resources Asset Management CEO Park Yong-soo stressed that "the nation does not produce a single drop of crude oil and other key industrial minerals. To power economic growth and support people's livelihoods, we cannot emphasize too much that securing natural resources in foreign countries is a must for our future survival."[42] The head of the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), Jacques Diouf, has warned that the controversial rise in land deals could create a form of "neo-colonialism", with poor states producing food for the rich at the expense of their own hungry people.
Neocolonialism In 2008, the South Korean multinational Daewoo Logistics secured 1.3 million hectares of farmland in Madagascar, half the size of Belgium, to grow maize and crops for biofuels. Roughly half of the country's arable land, as well as rainforests of rich and unique biodiversity, were to be converted into palm and corn monocultures, producing food for export from a country where a third of the population and 50 percent of children under 5 are malnourished, using workers imported from South Africa instead of locals. Those living on the land were never consulted or informed, despite being dependent on the land for food and income. The controversial deal played a major part in prolonged anti-government protests on the island that resulted in over a hundred deaths.[40] Shortly after the Madagascar deal, Tanzania announced that South Korea was in talks to develop 100,000 hectares for food production and processing for 700 to 800 billion won. Scheduled to be completed in 2010, it will be the largest single piece of agricultural infrastructure South Korea has ever built overseas.[40] In 2009, Hyundai Heavy Industries acquired a majority stake in a company cultivating 10,000 hectares of farmland in the Russian Far East and a wealthy South Korean provincial government secured 95,000 hectares of farmland in Oriental Mindoro, central Philippines, to grow corn. The South Jeolla province became the first provincial government to benefit from a newly created central government fund to develop farmland overseas, receiving a cheap loan of $1.9 million for the Mindoro project. The feedstock is expected to produce 10,000 tonnes of feed in the first year for South Korea.[43] South Korean multinationals and provincial governments have also purchased land in Sulawesi, Indonesia, Cambodia and Bulgan, Mongolia. The South Korean government itself announced its intention to invest 30 billion won in land in Paraguay and Uruguay. Discussions with Laos, Myanmar and Senegal are also currently underway.[40] The South Korean government's strategy is quickly yielding results and despite predicting that farmland is shrinking on the country, the government announced in August 2009 that South Korea would enjoy a 10% increase in rice production in 2009, the first since 2005, and the government has begun purchasing large quantities of rice to keep prices stable.[40]
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Other approaches to neo-colonialism

Although the concept of neo-colonialism was originally developed within a Marxist theoretical framework and is generally employed by the political left, the term "neo-colonialism" is also used within other theoretical frameworks.
Cultural theory
One variant of neo-colonialism theory critiques the existence of cultural colonialism, the desire of wealthy nations to control other nations' values and perceptions through cultural means, such as media, language, education and religion, ultimately for economic reasons. One element of this is a critique of "Colonial Mentality" which writers have traced well beyond the legacy of 19th century colonial empires. These critics argue that people, once subject to colonial or imperial rule, latch onto physical and cultural differences between the foreigners and themselves, leading some to associate power and success with the foreigners' ways. This eventually leads to the foreigners' ways being regarded as the better way and being held in a higher esteem than previous indigenous ways. In much the same fashion, and with the same reasoning of better-ness, the colonised may over time equate the colonisers' race or ethnicity itself as being responsible for their superiority. Cultural rejections of colonialism, such as the Negritude movement, or simply the embracing of seemingly authentic local culture are then seen in a post colonial world as a necessary part of the struggle against domination. By the same reasoning, importation or continuation of cultural mores or elements from former colonial powers may be regarded as a form of neo-colonialism.
Neocolonialism Post-colonialism theory Post-colonialism theories in philosophy, film, political science, and post-colonial literature deal with the cultural legacy of colonial rule; that is, the cultural identity of the colonised peoples, in which neo-colonialism is the background for the contemporary dilemmas of developing a national identity after colonial rule. Post-colonialism studies how writers articulate, present, and celebrate their post-colonial national identity, which often first must be reclaimed from the coloniser, whilst maintaining strong connections with the colonialist country; how knowledge of the sub-ordinated (colonised) people was generated, and applied against the colonised people in service to the cultural and economic interests of the colonial country; and how colonialist literature justified colonialism by misrepresenting the colonised people as an inferior race whose society, culture, and economy must be managed for them. Post-colonial studies comprehend Subaltern Studies of history from below; post-colonial manifestations of people outside the hegemony; the psychopathology of colonization (by Frantz Fanon); and the cinema of film makers such as the Cuban Third Cinema, e.g. Toms Gutirrez Alea, and the Filipino Kidlat Tahimik.
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Critical theory
While critiques of postcolonialism/neo-colonialism theory is widely practiced in literary theory, international relations theory also has defined "postcolonialism" as a field of study. While the lasting effects of cultural colonialism is of central interest in cultural critiques of neo-colonialism, their intellectual antecedents are economic theories of neo-colonialism: Marxist dependency theory and mainstream criticism of capitalist neoliberalism. critical international relations theory frequently references neo-colonialism from Marxist positions as well as postpositivist positions, including postmodernist, postcolonial and feminist approaches, which differ from both realism and liberalism in their epistemological and ontological premises.
Conservation and neo-colonialism

There have been other critiques that the modern conservation movement, as taken up by international organizations such as the World Wide Fund for Nature, has inadvertently set up a neocolonialist relationship with underdeveloped nations.[44]
References
[1] United Nations General Assembly Resolutions 1514 (http:/ / wpik. org/ Src/ unga1514. html) and 1541 (http:/ / wpik. org/ Src/ unga1541. html) [2] Sartre, Jean-Paul (2001-03-27). Colonialism and neo-colonialism. Routledge. ISBN978-0-415-19146-3. [3] Chomsky, Noam; Edward S. Herman (1979-07-01). The Washington connection and Third World fascism. Black Rose Books Ltd.. p.42ff. ISBN978-0-919618-88-6. [4] Neo-Colonialism: the Last Stage of Imperialism (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ subject/ africa/ nkrumah/ neo-colonialism/ index. htm) (1965). [5] Ali Mazrui, Willy Mutunga, ed. Debating the African Condition: Governance and Leadership. Africa World Press, 2003 ISBN 1-59221-147-X pp.19-20, 69. [6] Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ lenin/ works/ 1916/ imp-hsc/ index. htm). transcribed from Lenins Selected Works, Progress Publishers, 1963, Moscow, Volume 1, pp. 667766. [7] From the Introduction. Kwame Nkrumah. Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ subject/ africa/ nkrumah/ neo-colonialism/ introduction. htm). First Published: Thomas Nelson & Sons, Ltd., London (1965). Published in the USA by International Publishers Co., Inc., (1966); [8] "At the Afro-Asian Conference in Algeria" (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ guevara/ 1965/ 02/ 24. htm) speech by Ch Guevara to the Second Economic Seminar of AfroAsian Solidarity, in Algiers, on 24 February 1965 [9] Wallerstein, p. 52: It attempted the one serious, collectively agreed-upon definition of neo-colonialism, the key concept in the armory of the revolutionary core of the movement for African unity; and William D. Grafs review of Neo-colonialism and African Politics: a Survey of the Impact of Neo-colonialism on African Political Behaviour (1980, Yolamu R. Barongo, in the Canadian Journal of African Studies, p. 601: The term, itself, originated in Africa, probably with Nkrumah, and received collective recognition at the 1961 All-African People's Conference.' [10] Franois-Xavier Verschave. La Franafrique, le plus long scandale de la Rpublique. Paris (ISBN 2234049482). [11] Kaye Whiteman, The Man Who Ran Franafrique French Politician Jacques Foccarts Role in Frances Colonization of Africa Under the Leadership of Charles de Gaulle, obituary in The National Interest, Fall 1997.
Neocolonialism
[12] http:/ / www. afrique-du-nord. com/ article. php3?id_article=1877 (Quote by Kateb Yacine in French) [13] http:/ / www. arabesques-editions. com/ fr/ biographies/ kateb-yacine1974605. html?page=0%2C1 (Quote by Kateb Yacine in French) [14] "Cuba: Historical exception or vanguard in the anticolonial struggle?" (http:/ / www. marxists. org/ archive/ guevara/ 1961/ 04/ 09. htm) speech by Che Guevara on 9 April 1961 [15] Ernest Mandel, "Semicolonial Countries and Semi-Industrialised Dependent Countries", New International (New York), No.5, pp.149-175 [16] Anuradha M. Chenoy. Soviet New Thinking on National Liberation Movements: Continuity and Change, Soviet Foreign Policy in Transition pp. 145162. Roger E. Kanet, Deborah Nutter Miner, Tamara J. Resler, International Committee for Soviet and East European Studies. Cambridge University Press, (1992) ISBN 0-521-41365-6; See pp. 149150 for the Soviet Bloc academic definitions of Neo-colonialism. [17] Rosemary Radford Ruether. Christianity and Social Systems: Historical Constructions and Ethical Challenges. Rowman & Littlefield, (2008) ISBN 0-7425-4643-8 p. 138: Neo-colonialism means that European powers and the United States no longer rule dependent territories, directly through their occupying troops and imperial bureaucracy. Rather, they control the areas resources indirectly, through business corporations and the financial lending institutions they dominate. . . . [18] Yumna Siddiqi. Anxieties of Empire and the Fiction of Intrigue. Columbia University Press, (2007) ISBN 0-231-13808-3, pp. 123124 provides the standard definition of Neo-colonialism specific to the US and European colonialism. [19] Thomas R. Shannon. An Introduction to the World-system Perspective. Second Edition. Westview Press, (1996) ISBN 0-8133-2452-1 pp. 9495, wherein Neo-colonialism is defined as a capitalist phenomenon. [20] William H. Blanchard. Neo-colonialism American Style, 1960-2000. Greenwood Publishing Group, (1996) ISBN 0-313-30013-5 pp. 3-12, defines Neo-colonialism in page 7. [21] Hugh Seton-Watson. Nations and States: an Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism. Taylor & Francis, (1977) ISBN 0-416-76810-5. Provides the history of the word neo-colonialism as an anti-capitalist term (pp. 339339) also applicable to the U.S.S.R. (p. 322). [22] Edward M. Bennett. Colonialism and Neo-colonialism (pp. 285291) in Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy. Alexander DeConde,
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Richard Dean Burns, Fredrik Logevall eds. Second Edition. Simon and Schuster, (2002) ISBN 0-684-80657-6. Clarifies that neo-colonialism is a practice of the colonial powers, that the Soviets practiced imperialism, not colonialism. [23] "World Bank, IMF Threw Colombia Into Tailspin" (http:/ / www. commondreams. org/ views02/ 0404-06. htm) The Baltimore Sun, April 4, 2002 [24] "Europe Takes Africas Fish, and Boatloads of Migrants Follow" (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 01/ 14/ world/ africa/ 14fishing. html) The New York Times, January 14, 2008 [25] United Nations 2007 [26] Military backs China's Africa adventure (http:/ / www. atimes. com/ atimes/ China/ IF08Ad02. html), Asia Times [27] Mbeki warns on China-Africa ties (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ business/ 6178897. stm) [28] http:/ / english. cntv. cn/ program/ bizasia/ 20101015/ 101588. shtml [29] http:/ / www. businessdailyafrica. com/ Company%20Industry/ -/ 539550/ 850122/ -/ t43ipjz/ -/ index. html [30] Chinese flocking in numbers to a new frontier: Africa (http:/ / www. iht. com/ articles/ 2007/ 08/ 17/ africa/ malawi. php) [31] Chinese imperialism in Africa (http:/ / en. internationalism. org/ wr/ 299/ china-africa) [32] China, Africa, and Oil (http:/ / www. cfr. org/ publication/ 9557/ ) [33] Is China Africa's new imperialist power? (http:/ / www. greenleft. org. au/ 2007/ 701/ 36384) [34] "Is China the new colonial power in Africa?" (http:/ / www. taipeitimes. com/ News/ editorials/ archives/ 2006/ 11/ 01/ 2003334317) Taipei Times, November 1, 2006 [35] China's Quest for Resources - A ravenous dragon (http:/ / www. economist. com/ printedition/ displaystory. cfm?story_id=10795714) The Economist, March 13, 2008 [36] "CHINAS INVOLVEMENT IN SUDAN: ARMS AND OIL" (http:/ / www. hrw. org/ reports/ 2003/ sudan1103/ 26. htm). Human Rights Watch. 2007-12-23. . [37] Goodman, Peter S. (2007-12-23). "China Invests Heavily In Sudan's Oil Industry" (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ wp-dyn/ articles/ A21143-2004Dec22. html). Washington Post. . Retrieved May 20, 2010. [38] Reeves, Eric (2007-04-16). "Artists abetting genocide?" (http:/ / www. boston. com/ news/ globe/ editorial_opinion/ oped/ articles/ 2007/ 04/ 16/ artists_abetting_genocide/ ). Boston Globe. . [39] "The Increasing Importance of African Oil" (http:/ / www. pinr. com/ report. php?ac=view_report& report_id=460). Power and Interest News Report. 2007-03-20. . [40] http:/ / koreatimes. co. kr/ www/ news/ biz/ 2009/ 12/ 123_56697. html [41] Report for Selected Countries and Subjects, IMF.org (http:/ / www. imf. org/ external/ pubs/ ft/ weo/ 2009/ 01/ weodata/ weorept. aspx?pr. x=12& pr. y=13& sy=2007& ey=2007& scsm=1& ssd=1& sort=country& ds=. & br=1& c=512,941,914,446,612,666,614,668,311,672,213,946,911,137,193,962,122,674,912,676,313,548,419,556,513,678,316,181,913,682,124,684,339,273,638,921,514 s=NGDPD& grp=0& a=) [42] http:/ / koreatimes. co. kr/ www/ news/ nation/ 2009/ 07/ 123_48943. html [43] http:/ / koreatimes. co. kr/ www/ news/ nation/ 2009/ 07/ 113_48556. html [44] In a manner consistent with Immanuel Wallersteins World Systems Theory (Wallerstein, 1974) and Andre Gunder Franks Dependency Theory (Frank, 1975).
Neocolonialism Opoku Agyeman. Nkrumah's Ghana and East Africa: Pan-Africanism and African interstate relations (Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1992). Ankerl, Guy (2000). Global communication without universal civilization. INU societal research. Vol.1: Coexisting contemporary civilizations : Arabo-Muslim, Bharati, Chinese, and Western. Geneva: INU Press. ISBN2-88155-004-5. Bill Ashcroft (ed., et al.) The post-colonial studies reader (Routledge, London, 1995). Yolamu R Barongo. neo-colonialism and African politics: A survey of the impact of neo-colonialism on African political behavior (Vantage Press, NY, 1980). Mongo Beti, Main basse sur le Cameroun. Autopsie d'une dcolonisation (1972), new edition La Dcouverte, Paris 2003 [A classical critique of neo-colonialism. Raymond Marcellin, the French Minister of the Interior at the time, tried to prohibit the book. It could only be published after fierce legal battles.] Frdric Turpin. De Gaulle, Pompidou et l'Afrique (1958-1974): dcoloniser et cooprer (Les Indes savantes, Paris, 2010. [Grounded on Foccart's previously inaccessibles archives] Kum-Kum Bhavnani. (ed., et al.) Feminist futures: Re-imagining women, culture and development (Zed Books, NY, 2003). See: Ming-yan Lai's "Of Rural Mothers, Urban Whores and Working Daughters: Women and the Critique of Neocolonial Development in Taiwan's Nativist Literature," pp.209225. David Birmingham. The decolonization of Africa (Ohio University Press, 1995). Charles Cantalupo(ed.). The world of Ngugi wa Thiong'o (Africa World Press, 1995). Laura Chrisman and Benita Parry (ed.) Postcolonial theory and criticism (English Association, Cambridge, 2000). Renato Constantino. Neocolonial identity and counter-consciousness: Essays on cultural decolonization (Merlin Press, London, 1978). George A. W. Conway. A responsible complicity: Neo/colonial power-knowledge and the work of Foucault, Said, Spivak (University of Western Ontario Press, 1996).
29
Julia V. Emberley. Thresholds of difference: feminist critique, native women's writings, postcolonial theory (University of Toronto Press, 1993). Nikolai Aleksandrovich Ermolov. Trojan horse of neo-colonialism: U.S. policy of training specialists for developing countries (Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1966). Thomas Gladwin. Slaves of the white myth: The psychology of neo-colonialism (Humanities Press, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1980). Lewis Gordon. Her Majestys Other Children: Sketches of Racism from a Neocolonial Age (Rowman & Littlefield, 1997). Ankie M. M. Hoogvelt. Globalization and the postcolonial world: The new political economy of development (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001). J. M. Hobson, The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation (Cambridge University Press, 2004). M. B. Hooker. Legal pluralism; an introduction to colonial and neo-colonial laws (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1975). E.M. Kramer (ed.) The emerging monoculture: assimilation and the "model minority" (Praeger, Westport, Conn., 2003). See: Archana J. Bhatt's "Asian Indians and the Model Minority Narrative: A Neocolonial System," pp.203221. Geir Lundestad (ed.) The fall of great powers: Peace, stability, and legitimacy (Scandinavian University Press, Oslo, 1994). Jean-Paul Sartre. 'Colonialism and neo-colonialism. Translated by Steve Brewer, Azzedine Haddour, Terry McWilliams Republished in the 2001 edition by Routledge France. ISBN 0-415-19145-9. Stuart J. Seborer. U.S. neo-colonialism in Africa (International Publishers, NY, 1974). D. Simon. Cities, capital and development: African cities in the world economy (Halstead, NY, 1992).
Neocolonialism Phillip Singer(ed.) Traditional healing, new science or new colonialism": (essays in critique of medical anthropology) (Conch Magazine, Owerri, 1977). Jean Suret-Canale. Essays on African history: From the slave trade to neo-colonialism (Hurst, London 1988). Ngg wa Thiong'o. Barrel of a pen: Resistance to repression in neo-colonial Kenya (Africa Research & Publications Project, 1983). Carlos Alzugaray Treto. El ocaso de un rgimen neocolonial: Estados Unidos y la dictadura de Batista durante 1958,(The twilight of a neocolonial regime: The United States and Batista during 1958), in Temas: Cultura, Ideologa y Sociedad, No.16-17, October 1998/March 1999, pp.2941 (La Habana: Ministry of Culture). United Nations (2007). Reports of International Arbitral Awards. XXVII. United Nations Publication. p.188. ISBN978-92-1-033098-5. Richard Werbner(ed.) Postcolonial identities in Africa (Zed Books, NJ, 1996).
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External links
China, Africa, and Oil (http://www.cfr.org/publication/9557/) Mbeki warns on China-Africa ties (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/6178897.stm) "neo-colonialism" in Encyclopedia of Marxism. (http://www.marxists.org/glossary/terms/n/e.htm) Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism, by Kwame Nkrumah (former Prime Minister and President of Ghana), originally published 1965 (http://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/nkrumah/neo-colonialism/) Comments by Prof. Jeffrey Sachs - BBC (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/3869081.stm) Harvard economist Jeffrey Sachs video (ram) - hosted by Columbia Univ. (http://www.columbia.edu/cu/news/ vforum/03/globalization_inequality/jeffreySachs.ram) The myth of Neo-colonialism by Tunde Obadina, director of Africa Business Information Services (AfBIS) (http:/ /www.afbis.com/analysis/neo-colonialism.html) http://www.africahistory.net/imf.htm IMF: Market Reform and Corporate Globalization, by Dr. Gloria Emeagwali, Prof. of History and African Studies, Conne. State Univ.
Academic course materials

Sovereignty in the Postcolonial African State, Syllabus (http://keemtaan.net/PostcolonialAfrica/syllabus.html) : Joseph Hill, University of Rochester, 2008. Studying African development history: Study guides (http://www.valt.helsinki.fi/staff/lasiiton/opetus/ AFRICANDEVHIST/Tips.html), Lauri Siitonen, Pivi Hasu, Wolfgang Zeller. Helsinki University, 2007.
Hegemony
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Hegemony
Hegemony (UK /hmni/,
US US
/hdmoni/,
/hdmni/; Greek: hgemona, leadership, rule) is an indirect form of imperial dominance in which the hegemon (leader state) rules geopolitically sub-ordinate states by the implied means of power, the threat of the threat, rather than by direct military force.[1] In Ancient Greece (8th c. BC AD 6th c.), hegemony denoted the politicomilitary dominance of a city-state over other city-states.[2] In the 19th century, hegemony denoted the geopolitical and the cultural predominance of one country upon others; from which derived hegemonism, the Great Power politics meant to establish European hegemony upon continental Asia and Africa.[3] In the 20th-century, Antonio Gramsci developed the The threat of the threat: Greece under the hegemony of Thebes, 371362 philosophy and the sociology of geopolitical BC. hegemony into the theory of cultural hegemony, whereby one social class can manipulate the system of values and mores of a society, in order to create and establish a ruling-class Weltanschauung, a worldview that justifies the status quo of bourgeois domination of the other social classes of the society.[2][4][5][6] In the praxis of hegemony, imperial dominance is established by means of cultural imperialism, whereby the leader state (hegemon) dictates the internal politics and the societal character of the sub-ordinate states that constitute the hegemonic sphere of influence; either by an internal, sponsored government or by an external, installed government. The imposition of the hegemons way of life an imperial lingua franca language and bureaucracies (social, economic, educational, governing) transforms the concrete imperialism of direct military domination into the abstract power of the status quo, indirect imperial domination.[1] Under hegemony, rebellion (social, political, economic, armed) is eliminated either by co-optation of the rebels or by suppression (police and military), without direct intervention by the hegemon; the examples are the latter-stage Spanish and British empires, and the 19th- and 20th-century reichs of unified Germany (18711945).[7]
Hegemony
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History
Antiquity In the GrcoRoman world of 5th-century European Classical antiquity, the city-state of Sparta was the hegemon of the Peloponnesian League (6th 4th centuries BC) and King Philip II of Macedon was the hegemon of the League of Corinth in 337 BC (a kingship he willed to his son, Alexander the Great). In Ancient Eastern Asia, Chinese hegemony was present during the Spring and Autumn Period (ca. 770480 BC), when the weakened rule of the Eastern Zhou Dynasty led to the relative autonomy of the Five Hegemons (Ba in Chinese []). They were appointed by feudal The League of Corinth hegemony: the Kingdom of lord conferences, and thus were nominally obliged to uphold the Macedon (362 BC) and the Corinthian League imperium of the Zhou Dynasty over the sub-ordinate states. In (yellow). late-16th and early-17th-century Japan, the term hegemon applied to its Three Unifiers Oda Nobunaga, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Ieyasu who ruled most of the country by hegemony. Middle Ages and Renaissance As a universal, politicocultural hegemonic practice, the cultural institutions of the hegemon establish and maintain the political annexation of the sub-ordinate peoples; in Italy, the Medici maintained their medieval Tuscan hegemony, by controlling the production of woolens by controlling the Arte della Lana guild, in the Florentine city-state. In Holland, the Dutch Republics 17th-century (16091672) mercantilist dominion was a first instance of global, commercial hegemony, made feasible with its technological development of wind power and its Four Great Fleets, for the efficient production and delivery of goods and services, which, in turn, made possible its Amsterdam stock market and concomitant dominance of world trade; in France, Louis XIV (16381715) and Napoleon I (1799-1815) established French hegemony via economic, cultural, and military domination of most of continental Europe. 20th century The USSR (19221991), Nazi Germany (19331945), and the USA (1945present) each sought regional (sphere of influence), then global hegemony.[8] Nazi Germany launched the Second World War (19391945) in its attempt to gain geographic dominance of Eurasia and Africa; afterwards, the USA and the USSR fought the Cold War (19451991) after the Second World War had destroyed the old European empires of France, Britain, the Netherlands, et al. In the mid-20th century, the hegemonic conflict was ideologic, between the Communist Warsaw Pact and the Capitalist NATO, wherein each hegemon competed directly (the arms race) and indirectly (proxy wars) against any country whose internal, national actions might destabilise its hegemony. Soviet hegemony: The extent of the politico-military The USSR defeated the nationalist Hungarian Revolution of 1956, influence of the USSR, after the Cuban Revolution (1959) and before the SinoSoviet split (1961). and the USA precipitated the USVietnam War (19651975) by participating in the Vietnamese Civil War (19551965) that the National Liberation Front fought against the Republic of Vietnam, the client state of the United States.[9] 21st century
Hegemony In the postCold War (19451991) world, the French Socialist politician Hubert Vdrine described the USA as a hegemonic hyperpower, because of its unilateral military actions worldwide, especially against Iraq; while the US political scientists John Mearsheimer and Joseph Nye counter that the USA is not a true hegemon because it has neither the financial nor the military resources to impose a proper, formal, global hegemony.[10]
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Geography
The Neo-Marxist Henri Lefebvre proposes that geographic space is not a passive locus of social relations, but that it is trialectical human geography is constituted by mental space, social space, and physical space hence, hegemony is a spatial process influenced by geopolitics. In the ancient world, hydraulic despotism was established in the fertile river valleys of Egypt, China, and Mesopotamia. In China, during the Warring States Era (476221 BC), the Qin State created the Chengkuo Canal for geopolitical advantage over its local rivals. In Eurasia, successor state hegemonies were established in the Middle East, using the sea (Greece) and the fringe lands (Persia, Arabia). European hegemony moved westwards, to Rome (27 BC AD 476/145), then northwards, to the Holy Roman Empire (9621806) of the Franks. Later, at the Atlantic Ocean, Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, France, and the United Kingdom established their hegemonic centres.[11]
Political science
In the historical writing of the 19th century, the denotation of hegemony extended to describe the predominance of one country upon other countries; and, by extension, hegemonism denoted the Great Power politics (ca. 1880s1914) for establishing hegemony (indirect imperial rule), that then leads to a definition of imperialism (direct foreign rule). In the early 20th century, in the field of international relations, the Italian Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci developed the theory of cultural domination (an analysis of economic class) to include social class; hence, the philosophic and sociologic theory of cultural hegemony analysed the social norms that established the social structures (social and economic classes) with which the ruling class establish and exert cultural dominance to impose their Weltanschauung (world view) justifying the social, political, and economic status quo as natural, inevitable, and beneficial to every social class, rather than as artificial social constructs beneficial solely to the ruling class.[12][13][14]
Antonio Gramsci (18911937), the theoretician of From the Gramsci analysis derived the political science denotation cultural hegemony of hegemony as leadership; thus, the historical example of Prussia as the militarily and culturally predominant province of the German Empire (Second Reich 18711918); and the personal and intellectual predominance of Napoleon Bonaparte upon the French Consulate (17991804).[15] Contemporarily, in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (1985), Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe defined hegemony as a political relationship of power wherein a sub-ordinate society (collectivity) perform social tasks that are culturally unnatural and not beneficial to them, but that are in exclusive benefit to the imperial interests of the hegemon, the superior, ordinate power; hegemony is a military, political, and economic relationship that occurs as an articulation within political discourse.[16]
Hegemony
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Sociology
Culturally, hegemony also is established by means of language, specifically the imposed lingua franca of the hegemon (leader state), which then is the official source of information for the people of the society of the sub-ordinate state. Therefore, in the selection of the particular information to be communicated to the sub-ordinate populace, the language of the hegemon thus limits what is communicated; hence, the source practises hegemonic influence upon the person or people receiving the given information. In contemporary society, the exemplar hegemonic organisations are churches and the mass communications media that continually transmit data and information to the public. As such, the ideologic content of the data and information are determined by the vocabulary with which the messages are presented how the messages are presented; thereby determines the value of the information as realiable or unreliable, as true or false, for the recipient reader, listener, and viewer. Hence is language essential to the imposition, establishment, and functioning of the cultural hegemony that influences what and how people think about the status quo of their society.
References
[1] [2] [3] [4] Ross Hassig, Mexico and the Spanish Conquest (1994), pp. 2324. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Fifth Edition (1994) p. 1215. Alan Bullock and Stephen Trombley, eds. The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought, Third Edition (1999) pp. 387388. Clive Upton, William A. Kretzschmar, Rafal Konopka: Oxford Dictionary of Pronunciation for Current English. Oxford University Press
(2001) [5] Oxford English Dictionary [6] US Hegemony (http:/ / www. flagrancy. net/ timeline. html) [7] Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy (1984), pp. 137-138: "European coalitions were likely to arise to contain Germany's Nazis growing, potentially dominant, power"; p.145: "Unified Germany was achieving the strength to dominate Europe all by itself an occurrence which Great Britain had always resisted in the past when it came about by conquest". [8] Christopher Hitchens Why Orwell Matters (2002) pp. 8687. [9] George C. Kohn Dictionary of Wars (1986) p.496 [10] Joseph S. Nye Sr., Understanding International Conflicts: An introduction to Theory and History, pp. 276-277 [11] Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (1992) [12] Alan Bullock and Stephen Trombley, eds., The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought, Third Edition (1999) pp. 387388 [13] K. J. Holsti, The Dividing Discipline: Hegemony and Diversity in International Theory (1985). [14] The Columbia Encyclopedia, Fifth Edition. (1994) p. 1215 [15] Chris Cook, Dictionary of Historical Terms (1983) p. 142. [16] Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, Second Edition. (2001) pp. 40-59, 125-144.
Further reading
DuBois, T. D. (2005). "Hegemony, Imperialism and the Construction of Religion in East and Southeast Asia." History & Theory, 44, 4, 113-131. Hopper, P. (2007). Understanding Cultural Globalization. 1st ed. Malden, MA: Polity Press. Howson, Richard, ed. (2008). Hegemony: studies in consensus and coercion (http://books.google.com/ books?id=Nhq3fV6tWfwC). Psychology Press. ISBN978-0-415-95544-7. Joseph, Jonathan (2002). Hegemony: A Realist Analysis. Routledge. ISBN0-415-26836-2. Slack, Jennifer Daryl (1996). "The Theory and Method of Articulation in Cultural Studies". In Morley, David & Chen, Kuan-Hsing. Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies. Routledge. pp.112127.
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External links
Hegemonism/ Hegemony (http://www.dmoz.org/Society/Issues/Global/Hegemonism/) at the Open Directory Project Mike Dorsher, Ph.D., Hegemony Online: The Quiet Convergence of Power, Culture and Computers (http:// www.uwec.edu/mdorsher/ica2001/hegemony_online.htm) Hegemony and the Hidden Persuaders the Power of Un-common sense (http://www.caledonia.org.uk/ hegemony.htm) Parag Khanna, Waving Goodbye to Hegemony (http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/27/magazine/27world-t. html?ex=1359176400&en=1af8c9c386cc212d&ei=5124&partner=permalink&exprod=permalink) Hegemonic (http://www.allmusic.com/album/r663263)
Cultural hegemony
In Marxist philosophy, cultural hegemony describes the ruling-class domination of a culturally diverse society by one social class, which manipulates the societal culture beliefs, explanations, perceptions, values, mores so that its ruling-class Weltanschauung, becomes the worldview that is imposed and accepted as the cultural norm; the universally valid dominant ideology that justifies the social, political, and economic status quo as natural and inevitable, perpetual and beneficial for everyone, rather than as artificial social constructs that benefit only the ruling class.[1][2] As a philosophy term and as a sociology term, cultural hegemony derived from the Ancient Greek word hegemony (leadership and rule), which denoted the geopolitical method of indirect imperial dominance, with which the hegemon (leader state) rules sub-ordinate states, by the implied means of power, the threat of the threat of intervention, rather than by direct military force invasion, occupation, and annexation.[3]
Background
Etymologic
The Marxist intellectual Antonio Gramsci (18911937) developed cultural hegemony in aid to the establishment of a working-class worldview.
In Ancient Greece (8th c. BC AD 6th c.), hegemony (leadership) denoted the politicomilitary dominance of a city-state upon other city-states, as in the Hellenic League.[2] In the 19th century, hegemony (rule) denoted the geopolitical and cultural predominance of one country upon other countries, as in the European colonialism imposed in the Americas, Africa, and Asia.[4] In the 20th century, the political-science denotation of hegemony (dominance) expanded to include the ruling-class cultural domination of a socially stratified society; by manipulating the culture (values and mores) of the society, the ruling class can intellectually dominate the other social classes with an imposed worldview that ideologically justifies the social, political, and economic status quo as natural and normal, inevitable and perpetual.[2][5][6][7]
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Historical
In 1848, Karl Marx proposed that the economic recessions and practical contradictions of a capitalist economy would provoke the working class to proletarian revolution, depose capitalism, restructure societal institutions (economic, political, social) per rational, socialist models, and thus begin the transition to a communist society. Therefore, the dialectical changes to the functioning of the economy of a society determine its social superstructures (culture and politics), and the composition of its economic and social classes. To that end, Antonio Gramsci proposed a strategic distinction, between a War of Position and a War of Manoeuvre. The war of position is an intellectual and cultural struggle wherein the anti-capitalist revolutionary creates a proletarian culture whose native value system counters the cultural hegemony of the bourgeoisie. The proletarian culture will increase class consciousness, teach revolutionary theory and historical analysis, and thus propagate further revolutionary organisation among the social classes. On winning the war of position, socialist leaders would then have the necessary political power and popular support to begin the political manoeuvre warfare of revolutionary socialism.
Cultural hegemony
The initial, theoretic application of cultural domination was as an analysis of economic class, which Antonio Gramsci developed to comprehend social class; hence, the theory of cultural hegemony proposes that the prevailing cultural norms of society, which are imposed by the ruling class (bourgeois cultural hegemony), must not be perceived as natural and inevitable, but must be recognized as artificial social constructs (institutions, practices, beliefs) that must be investigated to discover their roots as instruments of social-class domination. That such praxis of knowledge is indispensable for the intellectual liberation of the proletariat, so that urban workers and peasants can create their own culture, which specifically addresses their social and economic needs as social classes. In a society, the praxis of cultural hegemony is neither monolithic nor a unified system of values, rather it is a complex of stratified social structures; each social and economic class has a societal purpose and an internal class logic allowing its members to behave in a particular way that is different from the behaviour of members of other social classes, whilst co-existing with them as constituents of the society. Because of their different social purposes, the classes will be able to coalesce into a society with a greater social mission. In a person perceiving the social structures of cultural hegemony, personal common sense has a dual structural role (personal and public). Personally, individual men and women apply common sense to cope with daily life, and to explain (to themselves) the small segment of the social order stratum that they experience as life. Publicly, the perceptual limitations of common sense emerge and inhibit individual perception of the greater nature of the systematic socio-economic exploitation made possible by cultural hegemony. Because of the discrepancy in perceiving the status quo the socio-economic hierarchy of bourgeois culture most men and women concern themselves with their immediate (personal) concerns, rather than (publicly) think about and question the fundamental sources of their social and economic oppression.[8] At the personal level, cultural hegemony is perceptible; although each person in a society lives a meaningful life in his or her social class, to him or her, the discrete classes might appear to have little in common with individual private life. Yet, when perceived as a whole society, the life of each person does contribute to the greater societal hegemony. Although social diversity, economic variety, and political freedom appear to exist because most people see different life circumstances they are incapable of perceiving the greater hegemonic pattern created when the lives they witness coalesce as a society. The cultural hegemony is manifest in and maintained by an existence of minor, different circumstances, that are not always fully perceived by the people living it.[9] (See: Marx's theory of alienation)
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Gramscis intellectual influence

Cultural hegemony much influenced Eurocommunism, the social sciences, and the activist politics of socially liberal and progressive politicians. The analytic discourse of cultural hegemony is important to research and synthesis in anthropology, political science, sociology, and cultural studies; in education, cultural hegemony developed critical pedagogy. In 1967, the German student movement leader Rudi Dutschke reformulated Gramscis philosophy of cultural hegemony with the phrase "Der lange Marsch durch die Institutionen (The long march through the institutions), denoting the war of position, in allusion to the Long March (193435) of the Communist Chinese People's Liberation Army.[10][11][12][13][14]
References
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, Editors (1999), The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought Third Edition, pp. 38788. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Fifth Edition. (1994), p. 1215. Ross Hassig, Mexico and the Spanish Conquest (1994), pp. 2324. Bullock & Trombley 1999, pp.38788 Clive Upton, William A. Kretzschmar, Rafal Konopka: Oxford Dictionary of Pronunciation for Current English. Oxford University Press (2001) [6] Oxford English Dictionary [7] "Timeline" (http:/ / www. flagrancy. net/ timeline. html), US Hegemony, Flagrancy, [8] Hall, Stuart (1986). "The Problem of Ideology Marxism without Guarantees" (http:/ / www. ram-wan. net/ restrepo/ hall/ The problem of ideology. pdf) (PDF). Journal of Communication Inquiry 10 (2): 2844. doi:10.1177/019685998601000203. . [9] Gramsci, Antonio (1992). Buttigieg, Joseph A. ed. Prison notebooks. New York City: Columbia University Press. pp.23338. ISBN0-231-10592-4. OCLC24009547. [10] Gramsci, Buttigieg, Joseph A, ed., Prison Notebooks (http:/ / english. nd. edu/ faculty/ profiles/ joseph-a-buttigieg/ ) (English critical ed.), p.50, , "long march through the institutions21 This phrase is not Gramscis, even though it is ubiquitously attributed to him". [11] Buttigieg, Joseph A. (2005). "The Contemporary Discourse on Civil Society: A Gramscian Critique" (http:/ / boundary2. dukejournals. org/ cgi/ pdf_extract/ 32/ 1/ 33). Boundary 2 32 (1): 3352. doi:10.1215/01903659-32-1-33. ISSN0190-3659. . Retrieved 2010-06-30. [12] Davidson, Carl (6 April 2006) (web log), Strategy, Hegemony & The Long March: Gramscis Lessons for the Antiwar Movement (http:/ / carldavidson. blogspot. com/ 2006/ 04/ strategy-hegemony-long-march. html), . [13] Marsch durch die Institutionen at German Wikipedia. [14] Antonio Gramsci: Misattributed at English Wikiquote for the origin of "the long march through the institutions" quotation.
External links
(archive) Gramsci (http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/), Marxists. International Gramsci society (http://www.internationalgramscisociety.org/). Gramsci, journal (http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/research/gramsci-journal/), AU: UOW. Rethinking Marxism (http://rethinkingmarxism.org/cms/). (review) Rethinking Marxism: Association for economic & social analysis (http://www.einet.net/review/ 1302-869793/Rethinking_Marxism_Association_for_Economic_and_Social_Analysis_Home_Page.htm), EI Net Gramsci, "Selections" (http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/selections.htm), Prison notebooks, Marxists. Gramsci, Prison notebooks (http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/), Marxists.
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Books
Beech, Dave; Andy Hewitt and Mel Jordan (2007). The Free Art Collective Manifesto for a Counter-Hegemonic Art. England: Free Publishing. ISBN978-0-9554748-0-4. OCLC269432294. Bullock, Alan; Trombley, Stephen, eds. (1999), The New Fontana Dictionary of Modern Thought (3rd ed.). Flank, Lenny (2007). Hegemony and Counter-Hegemony: Marxism, Capitalism, and Their Relation to Sexism, Racism, Nationalism, and Authoritarianism. St. Petersburg, Florida: Red and Black Publishers. ISBN978-0-9791813-7-5. OCLC191763227. Gramsci, Antonio (1992), Buttigieg, Joseph A, ed., Prison notebooks, New York, NY: Columbia University Press, ISBN0-231-10592-4, OCLC24009547
Imperialism
See also: Empire and Hegemony Imperialism, as defined by the Dictionary of Human Geography, is "the creation and/or maintenance of an unequal economic, cultural, and territorial relationship, usually between states and often in the form of an empire, based on domination and subordination." Imperialism, as described by that work is primarily a Western undertaking that employs "expansionist, mercantilist policies".[1] The term as such primarily has been applied to Western political and economic dominance in the 19th and 20th centuries. Some writers, such as Edward Said, use the term more broadly to describe any system of domination and subordination organized with an imperial center and a dominated periphery.
Overview
Imperialism has been found in the histories of Japan, the Assyrian Empire, the Chinese Empire, the Roman Empire, Greece, the Byzantine Empire, the Persian Empire, the Ottoman Empire, ancient Egypt, and India. Imperialism was a basic component to the conquests of Genghis Khan during the Mongol Empire, and other war-lords. Historically recognized Muslim empires number in the dozens. Sub-Saharan Africa has also had dozens of empires that pre-date the European colonial era, for example the Ethiopian Empire, Oyo Empire, Asante Union, Luba Empire, Lunda Empire and Mutapa Empire. The Americas during the pre-Columbian era also had large empires in Mesoamerica, such as the Aztec and the Inca.
Britain, France, the Netherlands, Portugal, and Spain in Africa, Asia, and the Americas. Imperialism not only describes colonial and territorial policies, but also economic and military dominance and influence.
Cecil Rhodes: Cape-Cairo railway project. Founded the De Beers Mining Company and owned the British South Africa Company, which established Rhodesia for itself. He liked to "paint the map British red," and declared: "all of these stars ... these vast worlds that remain out of reach. [2] If I could, I would annex other planets."
Although normally used to imply forcible imposition of a more powerful foreign government's control on a weaker country, or over conquered territory that was previously without a unified government, "imperialism" is sometimes also used to describe loose or indirect political or economic influence or control of weak states by more powerful ones.[3] If the dominant country's influence is felt in social and cultural circles, such as "foreign" music being popular with young people, it may be described as cultural imperialism.
Imperialism "Imperialism has been subject to moral censure by its critics, and thus the term is frequently used in international propaganda as a pejorative for expansionist and aggressive foreign policy."[3]
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Colonialism vs imperialism
The term 'imperialism' should not be confused with colonialism as it often is. Edward Said suggested that imperialism involves the practice, the theory and the attitudes of a dominating metropolitan centre ruling a distant territory. He goes on to say colonialism refers to the implanting of settlements on a distant territory. Robert Young supports this thinking as he puts forward that imperialism operates from the Territories that were once part of the British Empire center, it is a state policy, and is developed for ideological as well as financial reasons whereas colonialism is nothing more than development for settlement or commercial intentions.[4]
Age of Imperialism
The Age of Imperialism was a time period beginning around 1870 when modern, relatively developed nations were taking over less developed areas, colonizing them, or influencing them in order to expand their own power. Although imperialist practices have existed for thousands of years, the term "Age of Imperialism" generally refers to the activities of nations such as the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and the United States in the early 18th through the middle 20th centuries, e.g., the "The Great Game" in Persian lands, the "Scramble for Africa" and the "Open Door Policy" in China.[5][6] The ideas of imperialism put forward by historians John Gallagher and Ronald Robinson during the 19th century. European imperialism were influential,and they rejected the notion that "imperialism" required formal, legal control by one government over another country. "In their view, historians have been mesmerized by formal empire and maps of the world with regions colored red. The bulk of British emigration, trade, and capital went to areas outside the formal British Empire. A key to the thought of Robinson and Gallagher is the idea of empire 'informally if possible and formally if necessary.'"[7] Europes expansion into territorial imperialism had much to do with the great economic benefit from collecting resources from colonies, in combination Scramble for Africa with assuming political control often by military means. Most notably, the British exploited the political weakness of the Mughal state, and, while military activity was important at various times, the economic and administrative incorporation of local elites was also of crucial significance. Although a substantial number of
Imperialism colonies had been designed or subject to provide economic profit (mostly through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries), Fieldhouse suggests that in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in places such as Africa and Asia, this idea is not necessarily valid[8]: Modern empires were not artificially constructed economic machines. The second expansion of Europe was a complex historical process in which political, social and emotional forces in Europe and on the periphery were more influential than calculated imperialism. Individual colonies might serve an economic purpose; collectively no empire had any definable function, economic or otherwise. Empires represented only a particular phase in the ever-changing relationship of Europe with the rest of the world: analogies with industrial systems or investment in real estate were simply misleading.[9] During this time period, European merchants had the ability to roam the high seas and appropriate surpluses from around the world (sometimes peaceably, sometimes violently) and to concentrate them in Europe.[10] European expansion accelerated greatly in the 19th century. In order to obtain raw materials, Europe began importing them from other countries. Europeans sought raw materials such as dyes, cotton, vegetable oils, and metal ores from overseas. Europe was being transformed into the manufacturing center of the world.[11] Communication became much more advanced during the European expansion. The invention of railroads and telegraphs made it easier to communicate with other countries. Railroads assisted in transporting goods and in supplying large armies.[11] Along with advancements in communication, Europe also continued to develop its military technology. European chemists made deadly explosives that could be used in combat, and with the advancement of machinery they were able to create lighter, cheaper guns. The guns were also much faster and more accurate. By the late 19th century (1880s) the machine gun had become an effective battlefield weapon. This technology gave European armies an advantage over their opponents, as armies in less developed countries were still fighting with arrows, swords, and leather shields.[11]
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Germany
From their original homelands in Scandinavia and far northern Europe Germanic tribes expanded throughout northern and western Europe in the middle period of classical antiquity, and southern Europe in late antiquity, conquering Celtic and other peoples and forming in 800 the Holy Roman Empire, the first German Empire. However unlike China, there was no real systemic continuity from the western Roman Empire to its German successor which famously was "not holy, not Roman, and not an empire"[12], and numerous small states existed in variously autonomous confederation. Although by 1000 Germanic conquest of central, western, and southern Europe west of and including Italy was complete, excluding only Muslim Iberia, there was no process equivalent to Han sinification, and "Germany" remained largely a conceptual term referring to an amorphous area of central Europe. Not a maritime power, and not a nation-state, as it became one, Germany's participation in Western imperialism was negligible until the late 19th century and the participation of Austria was primarily as a result of Habsburg control of the First Empire, the Spanish throne, and other royal houses. After the defeat of Napoleon, who caused the dissolution of that first German Empire, Prussia, and the German states continued to stand aloof from imperialism, preferring to manipulate the European system through polices such as those of Metternich. After Prussia unified the other states into the second German Empire, its long-time leader Otto von Bismarck (1862-90) had long opposed colonial acquisitions, arguing that the burden of obtaining, maintaining and defending such possessions would outweigh any potential benefit. He felt that colonies did not pay for themselves, that the German bureaucratic system would not work well in the easy-going tropics, and the diplomatic disputes over colonies would distract Germany from its central interest, Europe itself.[13] However, in 1883-84 he suddenly reversed himself and overnight built a colonial empire in Africa and the South Pacific, and then lost interest in imperialism. Historians have debated exactly why he made this sudden and short-lived move.[14] He was aware that public opinion had started to demand colonies for reasons of German prestige.[15] Bismarck was influenced by Hamburg merchants and traders, his neighbors at
Imperialism Friedrichsruh. The establishment of the German colonial empire proceeded smoothly, starting with German New Guinea in 1884.[16] After the collapse of the short-lived Third Reich, and the failure of its attempt to create a great land empire in Eurasia, Germany was split between Western and Soviet spheres of influence until Perestroika and the collapse of the Soviet Union.
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Russian and Communist imperialism

See also: Criticism of communist party rule, Soviet Imperialism, and Soviet Empire As Germanic tribes conquered western Europe, Slavic peoples gradually expanded their control over eastern Europe and northern Eurasia, and in the form of the Romanov Empire extended that control to the Pacific forming a common border with the Qing Empire. Bolshevik leaders had effectively reestablished a polity with roughly the same jurisdiction as that empire by 1921, but with an internationalist ideology. Beginning in 1923, the policy of "Indigenization" [korenizatsiia] helped native peoples develop their national cultures within a socialist framework. This was never formally revoked. Its cultural and linguistic concessions to non-Russians, however, stopped being implemented and enforced. After World War II, the Soviet Union installed socialist regimes modelled on those it had installed in 191920 in the old Tsarist empire in areas its forces occupied in Eastern Europe.[17] The Soviet Union and People's Republic of China supported postWorld War II anti-colonial national-liberation movements to advance their own interests but were not always successful.[18]
The maximum territorial extent of countries in the world under Soviet influence, after the Cuban Revolution of 1959 and before the official Sino-Soviet split of 1961.
Trotsky, and others believed that the revolution could only succeed in Russia as part of a world revolution, which was in fact shortly after the Russian Revolution spreading in the defeated central powers of Europe. Lenin wrote extensively on the matter and famously declared that Imperialism was the highest stage of capitalism, which in his time it was. However after his death Joseph Stalin established Socialism in one country for the Soviet Union creating the model for subsequent inward looking Stalinist states, and purging the early Internationalist elements. The internationalist tendencies of the early revolution would be abandoned until they returned in a negative form in the competition with the United States in the Cold War.
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Though the Soviet Union declared itself anti-imperialist, critics argue that it exhibited tendencies common to historic empires. Some scholars hold that the Soviet Union was a hybrid entity containing elements common to both multinational empires and nation states. It has also been argued that the USSR practiced colonialism as did other imperial powers and was carrying on the old Russian tradition of expansion and control.[19]
The United States as "the world's policeman"

The early United States expressed its opposition to Imperialism, at least that distinct from its own Manifest Destiny, in policies such as the Monroe Doctrine. Beginning in the late 19th and early 20th century "President McKinley fires a cannon into the however, policies such as Woodrow Wilson's mission to "make the Imperialist Strawman", cartoon by W.A. Rogers world safe for democracy"[20] were often backed by military force, but in Harper's Weekly of September 22, 1900 more often effected from behind the scenes, consistent with the general notion of hegemony and imperium of historical empires.[21][22]. In 1898 Americans who opposed imperialism created the Anti-Imperialist League to oppose the US annexation of the Philippines. A year later a war erupted in the Philippines causing business, labor and government leaders in the US to condemn America's occupation in the Philippines. They also denounced them for causing the deaths of many Filipinos.[23] After the second world war the United States became identified with Western interests generally in a global conflict of spheres of influence with the Soviet Union. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States did not diminish its global ability to project force, remaining "the sole superpower" and what has been called a "unipolar" situation of domination by it globally came into force. Since the end of the previous century Battlespace domination has been an open and variously reported policy of the U.S. Department of defense and U.S. Administrations stated and restated in various Quadrennial Reports, force posture statements, etc. in execution of its role as sole remaining superpower[24][25]. The 2010 QDR indicates a change in perspective and it is unclear how the policy of the first decade of the 21st century would be sustained through the anticipated fiscal environment of the second.[26] In 2005, the United States had 737 military bases in foreign countries, according to official sources. As of 2010 US Military spending is about 43% of the world total.[28]. Only a handful of countries spent a larger portion of GDP on military in 2010 and of these only Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates spent more than US$10 billion.
[27]
Justification
A controversial aspect of imperialism is the imperial powers defense and justification of such actions. Most controversial of all is the justification of imperialism done on rational grounds. J. A. Hobson identifies this justification: It is desirable that the earth should be peopled, governed, and developed, as far as possible, by the races which can do this work best, i.e. by the races of highest 'social efficiency'.[29] This is clearly the racial argument, which pays heed to other ideas such as the White Mans Burden prevalent at the turn of the twentieth century. Technological and economic efficiency were often improved in territories subjected to imperialism through the building of roads and introduction of innovations. However, the majority of the rewards of such infrastructure improvements are usually shipped to the imperial state or utilized by the local administration. Similarly, the rapid adoption of the scientific method throughout the world was partly a side effect of the British Empire.[30]
Imperialism The principles of imperialism are often deeply connected to the policies and practices of British Imperialism "during the last generation, and proceeds rather by diagnosis than by historical description."[31] British Imperialist strategy often but not always used the concept of terra nullius (Latin expression which stems from Roman law meaning empty land). The country of Australia serves as a case study in relation to British imperialism. British settlement and colonial rule of the island continent of Australia in the eighteenth century was premised on terra nullius, for its settlers considered it unused by its sparse inhabitants. This form of imperialism can also be seen in British Columbia, Canada. In the 1840s, the territory of British Columbia was divided into two regions, one space for the native population, and the other for non-natives. The indigenous peoples were often forcibly removed from their homes onto reserves. These actions were justified by a dominant belief among British colonial officials that land occupied by Native people was not being used efficiently and productively.[4]
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References
[1] Johnston, Ronald John (2000). The Dictionary of Human Geography (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=0-GxowMfwlkC& pg=375) (4th ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. p. 375. ISBN 0-631-20561-6 [2] S. Gertrude Millin, Rhodes, London, 1933, p.138 [3] "Imperialism." 'International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 2nd edition. [4] Gilmartin, Mary. Gallaher, C. et al., 2008. Key Concepts in Political Geography, Sage Publications Ltd. : Imperialism/Colonialism. pg.116 [5] "The Age of Imperialism, 18501914" (http:/ / docs. google. com/ viewer?a=v& q=cache:QigcXabehRwJ:mclane. fresno. k12. ca. us/
wilson98/ mwh/ C/ MH11C045. PDF+ "age+ of+ imperialism"& hl=en& pid=bl& srcid=ADGEEShoA0WBotar1_hzLNv-9Xgbr0KhmGgiHvs6VZK5ODaRsecbPWTVIeZ8PJCovszsXYeJcDWdlca9YDUjAlQGB1uVY9tyy7HUUhtkBi0qMsJSi2 sig=AHIEtbQdQ4H9pgU4AKtL7ZDIlzqVjYPUxA). Google docs. . Retrieved December 30, 2010. [6] "The United States and its Territories: 18701925 The Age of Imperialism" (http:/ / porter. umdl. umich. edu/ p/ philamer/ ). University of Michigan. . Retrieved February 23, 2011. [7] Louis, Wm. Roger. (1976) Imperialism page 4. [8] Painter, J. & Jeffrey, A., 2009. Political Geography 2nd ed., Sage. pg.183-184 [9] Painter, J. & Jeffrey, A., 2009. Political Geography 2nd ed., Sage. pg.184 [10] Harvey, D., 2006. Spaces of Global Capitalism: A Theory of Uneven Geographical Development, Verso. pg. 91 [11] Adas, Michael; Peter N. Stearns (2008). Turbulent Passage A Global History of the Twentieth Century (Fourth Edition ed.). Pearson Education, Inc.. pp.5458. ISBN0-205-64571-2. [12] attributed to Voltaire [13] Thomas Pakenham, The Scramble for Africa: White Man's Conquest of the Dark Continent from 1876-1912 (1992) ch 12 [14] Paul M. Kennedy, The Rise of the Anglo-German Antagonism, 1860-1914 (1988) ch 10 [15] Hans-Ulrich Wehler, "Bismarck's Imperialism 18621890," Past & Present, (1970) 48: 11955 online (http:/ / past. oxfordjournals. org/ cgi/ reprint/ 48/ 1/ 119. pdf) [16] Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann, "Domestic Origins of Germany's Colonial Expansion under Bismarck" Past & Present (1969) 42:140159 online (http:/ / past. oxfordjournals. org/ cgi/ reprint/ 42/ 1/ 140. pdf); Crankshaw, pp. 3957 [17] "The Soviet Union and Europe after 1945" (http:/ / www. ushmm. org/ wlc/ en/ article. php?ModuleId=10005506). The U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum. . Retrieved December 30, 2010. [18] Melvin E. Page (2003). Colonialism: an international social, cultural, and political encyclopedia (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=qFTHBoRvQbsC& pg=PA138#v=onepage& q& f=false). ABC-CLIO. . [19] Caroe, O. (1953). "Soviet Colonialism in Central Asia". Foreign Affairs 32 (1): 135144. JSTOR20031013. [20] Text of Original address (mtholyoke.edu) (http:/ / www. mtholyoke. edu/ acad/ intrel/ ww18. htm) [21] Max Boot (July 15, 2004). "In Modern Imperialism, U.S. Needs to Walk Softly" (http:/ / www. cfr. org/ publication/ 7190/ in_modern_imperialism_us_needs_to_walk_softly. html). Council on Foreign Relations. . [22] Oliver Kamm (October 30, 2008). "America is still the world's policeman" (http:/ / www. timesonline. co. uk/ tol/ comment/ specials/ article5047143. ece). The Times. . [23] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=QKgraWbb7yoC& pg=PA1075#v=onepage& q& f=false [24] Quadrennial Review 1997 (http:/ / www. defense. gov/ qdr/ archive/ ) [25] 2006 QDR (http:/ / www. defense. gov/ qdr/ archive/ 20060206qdr1. html) [26] Current QDR (2012) (http:/ / www. defense. gov/ qdr/ ) [27] Chalmers Johnson (February 19, 2007). "737 U.S. Military Bases = Global Empire" (http:/ / www. alternet. org/ story/ 47998). AlterNet. . [28] Always more, or else (http:/ / www. economist. com/ blogs/ democracyinamerica/ 2011/ 12/ defence-spending) Economist Article December 2011 [29] Hobson, J. A. "Imperialism: a study." Cosimo, Inc., 2005. pg. 154
Imperialism
[30] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=L5wdAAAAIAAJ& lpg=PA243& ots=Krjpr-iAPF& dq=scientific%20revolution%20british%20imperialism& pg=PA243#v=onepage& q& f=false [31] Hobson, J. A. "Imperialism: a study." Cosimo, Inc., 2005. pg. V
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Further reading
Guy Ankerl, Coexisting Contemporary Civilizations: Arabo-Muslim, Bharatai, Chinese, and Western, Geneva, INU PRESS, 2000, ISBN 2-88155-004-5. Robert Bickers/Christian Henriot, New Frontiers: Imperialism's New Communities in East Asia, 18421953, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2000, ISBN 0-7190-5604-7 Barbara Bush, Imperialism and Postcolonialism (History: Concepts,Theories and Practice), Longmans, 2006, ISBN 0-582-50583-6 John Darwin (author), After Tamerlane: The Rise and Fall of Global Empires, 14002000, Penguin Books, 2008, ISBN 0-14-101022-3 Niall Ferguson, Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World, Penguin Books, 2004, ISBN 0-14-100754-0 Michael Hardt and Toni Negri, Empire, Harvard University Press, 2000, ISBN 0-674-00671-2 E.J. Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 18751914, Abacus Books, 1989, ISBN 0-349-10598-7 E. J. Hobsbawm, On Empire: America, War, and Global Supremacy, Pantheon Books, 2008, ISBN 0-375-42537-3 J. A. Hobson, Imperialism: A Study, Cosimo Classics, 2005, ISBN 1-59605-250-3 Michael Hudson, Super Imperialism: The Origin and Fundamentals of U.S. World Dominance, Pluto Press, 2003, ISBN 0-7453-1989-0 V. I. Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, International Publishers, New York, 1997, ISBN 0-7178-0098-9 Rosa Luxemburg, The Accumulation of Capital: A Contribution to an Economic Explanation of Imperialism Petringa, Maria, Brazza, A Life for Africa, Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2006. ISBN 978-1-4259-1198-0 Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism, Vintage Books, 1998, ISBN 0-09-996750-2 Simon C. Smith, British Imperialism 17501970, Cambridge University Press, 1998, ISBN 0-521-59930-X Stuchtey, Benedikt, Colonialism and Imperialism, 1450-1950 (http://nbn-resolving.de/ urn:nbn:de:0159-20101025319), European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2011, retrieved: July 13, 2011.
External links
J.A Hobson, Imperialism a Study (http://www.marxists.org/archive/hobson/1902/imperialism/index.htm) 1902. The Paradox of Imperialism (http://www.mises.org/story/2383) by Hans-Hermann Hoppe. November 2006. Imperialism (http://www.polyarchy.org/documents/imperialism.html) Quotations State, Imperialism and Capitalism (http://www.panarchy.org/schumpeter/imperialism.html) by Joseph Schumpeter Economic Imperialism (http://www.panarchy.org/taylor/imperialism.1952.html) by A.J.P.Taylor Imperialism Entry in the Columbia Encyclopedia (Bartleby) (http://www.bartelby.org/65/im/imperial.html) (http://www.polis.cam.ac.uk/contacts/staff/eperreausaussine/imperialism.pdf) Imperialism by Emile Perreau-Saussine The Nation-State, Core and Periphery: A Brief sketch of Imperialism in the 20th century. (http:// dostoevskiansmiles.blogspot.com/2008/10/nation-state-core-and-periphery-brief.html) Mehmet Akif Okur, Rethinking Empire After 9/11: Towards A New Ontological Image of World Order, Perceptions, Journal of International Affairs, Volume XII, Winter 2007, pp.6193 (http://www.sam.gov.tr/ perceptions/volume12/winter/winter-004-PERCEPTION(mehmetakifokur)[4].pdf)
Imperialism Imperialism 101, Against Empire By Michael Parenti Published by City Lights Books, 1995, ISBN 0-87286-298-4, ISBN 978-0-87286-298-2, 217 pages (http://www.michaelparenti.org/Imperialism101.html)
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Cultural imperialism
Cultural imperialism is defined as the cultural aspects of imperialism. Imperialism, here, is referring to the creation and maintenance of unequal relationships between civilizations favoring the more powerful civilization.[1] Many scholars employ the term, especially those in the fields of history, cultural studies, and postcolonial theory. The term is usually used in a pejorative sense, often in conjunction with a call to reject such influence. Cultural imperialism can take various forms, such as an attitude, a formal policy, military action, so long as it reinforces cultural hegemony.
Background and definitions

The term emerged in the 1960s.[2] and has been a focus of research since at least the 1970s.[3] Terms such as "media imperialism", "structural imperialism", "cultural dependency and domination", "cultural synchronization", "electronic colonialism", "ideological imperialism", and "economic imperialism" have all been used to describe the same basic notion of cultural imperialism.[4] Various academics give various definitions of the term. American media critic Herbert Schiller wrote: "The concept of cultural imperialism today [1975] best describes the sum of the processes by which a society is brought into the modern world system and how its dominating stratum is attracted, pressured, forced, and sometimes bribed into shaping social institutions to correspond to, or even promote, the values and structures of the dominating centre of the system. The public media are the foremost example of operating enterprises that are used in the penetrative process. For penetration on a significant scale the media themselves must be captured by the dominating/penetrating power. This occurs largely through the commercialization of broadcasting."[5] Tom McPhail defined "Electronic colonialism as the dependency relationship established by the importation of communication hardware, foreign-produced software, along with engineers, technicians, and related information protocols, that vicariously establish a set of foreign norms, values, and expectations which, in varying degrees, may alter the domestic cultures and socialization processes."[6] Sui-Nam Lee observed that "communication imperialism can be defined as the process in which the ownership and control over the hardware and software of mass media as well as other major forms of communication in one country are singly or together subjugated to the domination of another country with deleterious effects on the indigenous values, norms and culture."[7] Ogan saw "media imperialism often described as a process whereby the United States and Western Europe produce most of the media products, make the first profits from domestic sales, and then market the products in Third World countries at costs considerably lower than those the countries would have to bear to produce similar products at home."[8] Downing and Sreberny-Mohammadi state: "Imperialism is the conquest and control of one country by a more powerful one. Cultural imperialism signifies the dimensions of the process that go beyond economic exploitation or military force. In the history of colonialism, (i.e., the form of imperialism in which the government of the colony is run directly by foreigners), the educational and media systems of many Third World countries have been set up as replicas of those in Britain, France, or the United States and carry their values. Western advertising has made further inroads, as have architectural and fashion styles. Subtly but powerfully, the message has often been insinuated that Western cultures are superior to the cultures of the Third World."[9] The issue of cultural imperialism emerged largely from communication studies.[10] However, cultural imperialism has been used as a framework by scholars to explain phenomena in the areas of international relations, anthropology, education, science, history, literature, and sports.[4]
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Theoretical foundations
Many of today's academics that employ the term, cultural imperialism, are heavily informed by the work of Foucault, Derrida, Said, and other poststructrualist and postcolonialist theorists. Within the realm of postcolonial discourse, cultural imperialism can be seen as the cultural legacy of colonialism, or forms of social action contributing to the continuation of Western hegemony. To some outside of the realm of this discourse, The term is critiqued as being unclear, unfocused, and/or contradictory in nature [4]
Michel Foucault
The work of French philosopher and social theorist, Michel Foucault has been utilized in a variety of disciplines, such as history, philosophy, anthropology, sociology, psychology, and linguistics. Particularly influential for many who utilize the term, Cultural imperialism, is his philosophical interpretation of power and his concept of governmentality. Following an interpretation of power similar to that of Machiavelli, Foucault defines power as immaterial, as a "certain type of relation between individuals" that has to do with complex strategic social positions that relate to the subject's ability to control its environment and influence those around itself.[11] According to Foucault, power is intimately tied with his conception of truth. "Truth," as he defines it, is a "system of ordered procedures for the production, regulation, distribution, circulation, and operation of statements" which has a "circular relation" with systems of power.[12] Therefore, inherent in systems of power, is always "truth," which is culturally specific, inseparable from ideology which often coincides with various forms of hegemony. Cultural imperialism may be an example of this. Foucault's interpretation of governance is also very important in constructing theories of transnational power structure. In his lectures at the Collge de France, Foucault often defines governmentality as the broad art of "governing," which goes beyond the traditional conception of governance in terms of state mandates, and into other realms such as governing "a household, souls, children, a province, a convent, a religious order, a family".[13] This relates directly back to Machiavelli's The Prince, and Foucault's aforementioned conceptions of truth and power. (i.e. various subjectivities are created through power relations that are culturally specific, which lead to various forms of culturally specific governmentality such as neoliberal governmentality.)
Edward Said
Informed by the work of Noam Chomsky, Michel Foucault, and Antonio Gramsci, Edward Said is considered to be a founding figure for postcolonialism.[14] Said himself describes his book, Orientalism, as a humanist critique of the enlightenment.[15] In it, he criticizes Western (specifically English and French) knowledge about Western constructions of "the East".[16] This "knowledge" then leads to a tendency towards a binary opposition of the orient vs. the occident, where one is defined in opposition to the other, and they are unequal in value.[16] In Culture and Imperialism, the sequel to Orientalism, Said argues that while the formal "age of empire" ended after World War II, imperialism has left a cultural legacy in the previously-colonized civilizations that remains today. He furthermore argues that this legacy of imperialism or cultural imperialism is still very influential in international systems of power.[17]
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Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak

Another influential voice in discussing matters of cultural imperialism is the self-described " practical Marxist-feminist-deconstructionist,"[18] Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. Spivak has published a number of works challenging the "legacy of colonialism" including A Critique of Postcolonial Reason: Towards a History of the Vanishing Present (1999), Other Asias (2005), and "Can the Subaltern Speak?" (1988).[19] In "Can the Subaltern Speak?" Spivak critiques common representations in the West of the Sati, as being controlled by authors other than the participants (specifically English colonizers and Hindu leaders). Because of this, Spivak argues that the subaltern, referring to the communities that participate in the Sati are not allowed or able to "speak."[19] In A critique of Postcolonial Reason, Spivak argues that Western philosophy has a history of not only exclusion of the Subaltern from discourse, but also does not allow them to occupy the space of a fully human subject.
Contemporary ideas and debate

Cultural imperialism can refer to either the forced acculturation of a subject population, or to the voluntary embracing of a foreign culture by individuals who do so of their own free will. Since these are two very different referents, the validity of the term has been called into question. Cultural influence can be seen by the "receiving" culture as either a threat to or an enrichment of its cultural identity. It seems therefore useful to distinguish between cultural imperialism as an (active or passive) attitude of superiority, and the position of a culture or group that seeks to complement its own cultural production, considered partly deficient, with imported products. The imported products or services can themselves represent, or be associated with, certain values (such as consumerism). According to one argument, the "receiving" culture does not necessarily perceive this link, but instead absorbs the foreign culture passively through the use of the foreign goods and services. Due to its somewhat concealed, but very potent nature, this hypothetical idea is described by some experts as "banal imperialism." Some believe that the newly globalised economy of the late 20th and early 21st century has facilitated this process through the use of new information technology. This kind of cultural imperialism is derived from what is called "soft power". The theory of electronic colonialism extends the issue to global cultural issues and the impact of major multi-media conglomerates, ranging from Viacom, Time-Warner, Disney, News Corp, Sony, to Google and Microsoft with the focus on the hegemonic power of these mainly United States-based communication giants.
Cultural diversity
One of the reasons often given for opposing any form of cultural imperialism, voluntary or otherwise, is the preservation of cultural diversity, a goal seen by some as analogous to the preservation of ecological diversity. Proponents of this idea argue either that such diversity is valuable in itself, to preserve human historical heritage and knowledge, or instrumentally valuable because it makes available more ways of solving problems and responding to catastrophes, natural or otherwise.
Ideas relating to African colonization

Of all the areas of the world that scholars have claimed to be adversely affected by imperialism, Africa is probably the most notable. In the expansive "age of imperialism" of the nineteenth century, scholars have argued that European colonization in Africa has led to the elimination of many various cultures, worldviews, and epistemologies.[20][21] This, arguably has led to uneven development, and further informal forms of social control having to do with culture and imperialism.[22] A variety of factors, scholars argue, lead to the elimination of cultures, worldviews, and epistemologies, such as "de-linguicization" (replacing native African languages with European ones) and devaluing ontologies that are not explicitly individualistic.[22] One scholar, Ali A. Obdi, claims that
Cultural imperialism imperialism inherently "involve[s] extensively interactive regimes and heavy contexts of identity deformation, misrecognition, loss of self-esteem, and individual and social doubt in self-efficacy."(2000: 12)[22] Therefore, all imperialism would always, already be cultural.
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Ties to neoliberalism
Neoliberalism is often critiqued by sociologists, anthropologists, and cultural studies scholars as being culturally imperialistic. Critics of neoliberalism, at times, claim that it is the newly predominant form of imperialism.[22] Other Scholars, such as Elizabeth Dunn and Julia Elyachar have claimed that neoliberalism requires and creates its own form of governmentality.[23][24] In Dunn's work, Privatizing Poland, she argues that the expansion of the multinational corporation, Gerber, into Poland in the 1990s imposed Western, neoliberal governmentality, ideologies, and epistemologies upon the post-soviet persons hired.[23] Cultural conflicts occurred most notably the company's inherent individualistic policies, such as promoting competition among workers rather than cooperation, and in its strong opposition to what the company owners claimed was bribery.[23] In Elyachar's work, Markets of Dispossession, she focuses on ways in which, in Cairo, NGOs along with INGOs and the state promoted neoliberal governmentality through schemas of economic development that relied upon "youth microentrepreneurs." [24] Youth microentrepreneurs would receive small loans to build their own businesses, similar to the way that microfinance supposedly operates.[24] Elyachar argues though, that these programs not only were a failure, but that they shifted cultural opinions of value (personal and cultural) in a way that favored Western ways of thinking and being [24]
Ties to development studies

Often, methods of promoting development and social justice to are critiqued as being imperialistic, in a cultural sense. For example, Chandra Mohanty has critiqued Western feminism, claiming that it has created a misrepresentation of the "third world woman" as being completely powerless, unable to resist male dominance.[25] Thus, this leads to the often critiqued narrative of the "white man" saving the "brown woman" from the "brown man." Other, more radical critiques of development studies, have to do with the field of study itself. Some scholars even question the intentions of those developing the field of study, claiming that efforts to "develop" the Global South were never about the South itself. Instead, these efforts, it is argued, were made in order to advance Western development and reinforce Western hegemony.[26]
Criticisms of "cultural imperialism theory"

Critics of scholars who discuss cultural imperialism have a number of critiques. Cultural imperialism is a term that is only used in discussions where cultural relativism and constructivism are generally taken as true. (One cannot critique promoting Western values if one believes that said values are absolutely correct. Similarly, one cannot argue that Western epistemology is unjustly promoted in non-Western societies if one believes that those epistemologies are absolutely correct.[4]) Therefore, those who disagree with cultural relativism and/or constructivism may critique the employment of the term, cultural imperialism on those terms. John Tomlinson provides a critique of cultural imperialism theory that relies on some of the key points. He argues that one of the fundamental conceptual mistakes of cultural imperialism is to take for granted that the distribution of cultural goods can be considered as cultural dominance. To support this argument, he criticizes the concept that Americanization is occurring through global overflow of American television products. He points to a myriad of examples of television networks who have managed to dominate their domestic markets and that domestic programs generally top the ratings.He also doubts the concept that cultural agents are passive receivers of information. He states that movement between cultural/geographical areas always involves translation, mutation, adaptation, and the creation of hybridity.
Cultural imperialism Other major critiques are that the term is not defined well, and employs further terms that are not defined well, and therefore lacks explanatory power, that cultural imperialism is hard to measure, and that the theory of a legacy of colonialism is not always true.[4]
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Rothkopf on dealing with cultural dominance

David Rothkopf, managing director of Kissinger Associates and an adjunct professor of international affairs at Columbia University (who also served as a senior US Commerce Department official in the Clinton Administration), wrote about cultural imperialism in his provocatively titled In Praise of Cultural Imperialism? in the summer 1997 issue of Foreign Policy magazine. Rothkopf says that the United States should embrace "cultural imperialism" as in its self interest. But his definition of cultural imperialism stresses spreading the values of tolerance and openness to cultural change in order to avoid war and conflict between cultures as well as expanding accepted technological and legal standards to provide free traders with enough security to do business with more countries. Rothkopf's definition almost exclusively involves allowing individuals in other nations to accept or reject foreign cultural influences. He also mentions, but only in passing, the use of the English language and consumption of news and popular music and film as cultural dominance that he supports. Rothkopf additionally makes the point that globalization and the Internet are accelerating the process of cultural influence.[27] Culture is sometimes used by the organizers of society politicians, theologians, academics, and families to impose and ensure order, the rudiments of which change over time as need dictates. One need only look at the 20th century's genocides. In each one, leaders used culture as a political front to fuel the passions of their armies and other minions and to justify their actions among their people. Rothkopf then cites genocide and massacres in Armenia, Russia, the Holocaust, Cambodia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Rwanda and East Timor as examples of culture (in some cases expressed in the ideology of "political culture" or religion) being misused to justify violence. He also acknowledges that cultural imperialism in the past has been guilty of forcefully eliminating the cultures of natives in the Americas and in Africa, or through use of the Inquisition, "and during the expansion of virtually every empire.".The most important way to deal with cultural influence in any nation, according to Rothkopf, is to promote tolerance and allow, or even promote, cultural diversities that are compatible with tolerance and to eliminate those cultural differences that cause violent conflict: Multicultural societies, be they nations, federations, or other conglomerations of closely interrelated states, discern those aspects of culture that do not threaten union, stability, or prosperity (such as food, holidays, rituals, and music) and allow them to flourish. But they counteract or eradicate the more subversive elements of culture (exclusionary aspects of religion, language, and political/ideological beliefs). History shows that bridging cultural gaps successfully and serving as a home to diverse peoples requires certain social structures, laws, and institutions that transcend culture. Furthermore, the history of a number of ongoing experiments in multiculturalism, such as in the European Union, India, South Africa, Canada and the United States, suggests that workable, if not perfected, integrative models exist. Each is built on the idea that tolerance is crucial to social well-being, and each at times has been threatened by both intolerance and a heightened emphasis on cultural distinctions. The greater public good warrants eliminating those cultural characteristics that promote conflict or prevent harmony, even as less-divisive, more personally observed cultural distinctions are celebrated and preserved.[28]
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Notes
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] Johnston, Ronald John (2000). The Dictionary of Human Geography (4th ed.). Wiley-Blackwell. p. 375. ISBN 0-631-20561-6. Tomlinson (1991), p. 3 Hamm, (2005), p. 4 White (2001) Schiller, Herbert I. (1976). Communication and cultural domination. International Arts and Sciences Press, 901 North Broadway, White
Plains, New York 10603. pp.910. ISBN0-87332-079-4, 9780873320795. [6] McPhail, Thomas L. (1987). Electronic colonialism: the future of international broadcasting and communication. Volume 126 of Sage library of social research. Sage Publications. pp.18. ISBN0-8039-2730-4, 9780803927308. [7] Lee, Siu-Nam Lee (1988). "Communication imperialism and dependency: A conceptual clarification". International Communication Gazette (Netherlands: Kiuwer Academic Publishers) (41): 74. [8] Ogan, Christine (Spring 1988). "Media Imperialism and the Videocassette Recorder: The Case of Turkey.". Journal of Communication, 38 (2): p94. [9] Downing,, John; Ali Mohammadi, Annabelle Sreberny-Mohammadi (1995). Questioning the media: a critical introduction (2, illustrated ed.). SAGE. pp.482. ISBN0-8039-7197-4, 9780803971974. [10] Salwen, Michael B. (March 1991). "Cultural imperialism: A media effects approach". Critical Studies in Media Communication 8 (1): 2938. [11] Foucault, Michel. 1979. "Omnes et Singulatim: Towards a Criticism of Political Reason" in Faubion, James D. (ed.) Essential Works of Foucault, Volume 3: Power New York: The New Press [12] Foucault, Michel. 1979. "Truth and Power" in Faubion, James D. (ed.) Essential Works of Foucault, Volume 3: Power New York: The New Press [13] Foucault, Michel. 1978. "Governmentality" in Faubion, James D. (ed.) Essential Works of Foucault, Volume 3: Power New York: The New Press [14] Robert Young, White Mythologies: Writing History and the West, New York & London: Routledge, 1990. [15] Orientalism 25 Years Later, by Said in 2003 (http:/ / www. counterpunch. org/ said08052003. html) [16] Said, Edward. 1978. Orientalism. New York: Pantheon Books [17] Said, Edward. 1993. Culture and Imperialism New York: Pantheon Books [18] LAHIRI, BULAN (2011-02-06). "Speaking to Spivak" (http:/ / www. hindu. com/ lr/ 2011/ 02/ 06/ stories/ 2011020650020100. htm). The Hindu (Chennai, India). . Retrieved 9 December 2011. [19] Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. 1988. "Can the Subaltern Speak" (http:/ / www. maldura. unipd. it/ dllags/ docentianglo/ materiali_oboe_lm/ 2581_001. pdf) [20] Monga, C. 1996. Anthropology of Anger: Civil Society and Democracy in Africa. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner [21] wa Thiongo, N. 1986. Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language in African Literature. London: James Curry. [22] Abdi, Ali A. 2000. "Globalization, Culture, and Development: Perspectives on Africa" Journal of Alternative Perspectives in the Social Sciences 2(1): 1-26 [23] Dunn, Elizabeth C. 2004. Privatizing Poland: Baby Food, Big Business, and the Remaking of Labor Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press [24] Elyachar, Julia. 2005. Markets of Dispossession: NGOs, Economic Development, and the State in Cairo US: Duke University Press [25] Mohanty, Chandra. 1988. "Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses" Feminist Review no. 30 [26] Dossa, Shiraz. 2007. "Slicing Up 'Development': Colonialism, political theory, ethics." Third World Quarterly 28(5):887-899 [27] (http:/ / www. globalpolicy. org/ globaliz/ cultural/ globcult. htm) Rothkopf, David, "In Praise of Cultural Imperialism," Foreign Affairs, Summer 1997, Volume 107, pp. 38-53; all descriptions of Rothkopf's points and his quotes are from this article [28] O'Meara, Patrick.; Mehlinger, Howard D.; Krain, Matthew. (2000). Globalization and the challenges of a new century : a reader. Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press. pp.445446. ISBN978-0-253-21355-6.
References
Tomlinson, John (1991). Cultural imperialism: a critical introduction (illustrated, reprint ed.). Continuum International Publishing Group. ISBN0-8264-5013-X, 9780826450135. Hamm, Bernd; Russell Charles Smandych (2005). Cultural imperialism: essays on the political economy of cultural domination. Reference,Information and Interdisciplinary Subjects Series. University of Toronto Press. ISBN1-55111-707-X, 9781551117072. White, Livingston A. (Spring/Summer 2001). "Reconsidering cultural imperialism theory". Transnational Broadcasting Studies (The Center for Electronic Journalism at the American University in Cairo and the Centre for Middle East Studies, St. Antonys College, Oxford) (6).
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External links
"In Praise of Cultural Imperialism?" (http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/protected/rothkopf.html), by David Rothkopf, Foreign Policy no. 107, Summer 1997, pp.3853, which argues that cultural imperialism is a positive thing. "Reconsidering cultural imperialism theory" (http://www.tbsjournal.com/Archives/Spring01/white.html) by Livingston A. White, Transnational Broadcasting Studies no. 6, Spring/Summer 2001, which argues that the idea of media imperialism is outdated. Academic Web page (http://www.uky.edu/~drlane/capstone/mass/imperialism.htm) from 24 February 2000, discussing the idea of cultural imperialism
New Imperialism
New Imperialism refers to the colonial expansion adopted by Europe's powers and, later, Japan during the 19th and early 20th centuries; expansion took place from the French conquest of Algeria until World War I: approximately 1830 to 1914. The period is distinguished by an unprecedented pursuit of overseas territorial acquisitions. The qualifier "new" is to contrast with the earlier wave of European colonization from the 15th to early 19th centuries.
Rise of New Imperialism

The American Revolution and the collapse of the Spanish Empire in the early 181020s, following the revolutions in the viceroyalties of New Spain, New Granada, Peru, and the Rio de la Plata ended the first era of European imperialism. Especially in the United Kingdom (UK), these revolutions helped show the deficiencies of mercantilism, the doctrine of economic competition for finite wealth which had supported earlier imperial expansion. In 1846, The Corn Laws, which were the regulations governing the import and export of grain, were repealed after a great deal of protesting from the middle class. Because of the repeal, manufacturers were faced with a tremendous benefit, seeing that the regulations enforced by the Corn Laws had slowed their businesses. With the repeal in place, the manufacturers were then able to trade more freely. Thus, the UK began to adopt the concept of free trade.[1] The Pax era also saw the enforced opening of key markets to European, particularly British, commerce.
New Imperialism
52 During this period, between the 1815 Congress of Vienna (after the defeat of Napoleonic France) and the end of the Franco-Prussian War (18701871), Britain reaped the benefits of being the world's sole modern, industrial power. As the "workshop of the world", the United Kingdom could produce finished goods so efficiently that they could usually undersell comparable, locally manufactured goods in foreign markets, even supplying a large share of the manufactured goods consumed by such nations as Germany, France, Belgium, and the United States.
The erosion of British hegemony after the Franco-Prussian War, in which a coalition of German states led by Prussia defeated France, was occasioned by changes in the European and world economies and in the continental balance of power following the breakdown of the Concert of Europe, established by the Congress of Vienna. The establishment of nation-states in Germany and Italy resolved territorial issues that had kept potential rivals embroiled in internal affairs at the heart of Europe (to Britain's advantage). The years from 1871 to 1914 would be marked by an extremely unstable peace. Frances determination to recover Alsace-Lorraine, a territory formerly located in France that had been annexed by Germany, and Germanys mounting imperialist ambitions would keep the two nations constantly poised for conflict.[2] This competition was sharpened by the Long Depression of 1873-1896, a prolonged period of price deflation punctuated by severe business downturns, which put pressure on governments to promote home industry, leading to the widespread abandonment of free trade among Europe's powers (in Germany from 1879 and in France from 1881).[3][4]
The Congress of Vienna by Jean-Baptiste Isabey, (1819). The congress was actually a series of face-to-face meetings between colonial powers. It served to divide and reappropriate imperial holdings.
The Berlin Conference

The Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 sought to regulate the competition between the powers by defining "effective occupation" as the criterion for international recognition of a territory claim (specifically in Africa). The imposition of direct rule in terms of "effective occupation" necessitated routine recourse to armed force against indigenous states and peoples. Uprisings against imperial rule were put down ruthlessly, most spectacularly in German South-West Africa and German East Africa in the years 1904 and 1907, respectively. One of the goals of the conference was to reach agreements over trade, navigation, and boundaries of Central Africa. However, of all of the 15 nations in attendance of the Berlin Conference, none of the countries represented were African.[9] The main dominating powers of the conference were France, Germany, Great Britain, and Portugal. They remapped Africa without considering the cultural and linguistic borders that were already established. At the end of the conference, Africa was divided into 50 different colonies. The attendants established who was in control of each of these newly divided colonies. They also planned, noncommittally, to end the slave trade in Africa. This conference not only laid out the rules of this "feeding frenzy" but it also made it easier for Germany to participate since they hosted and planned out the conference.[10]
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Britain during the era of New Imperialism

In Britain, the latter half of the 19th century has been seen as the period of displacement of industrial capitalism by finance capitalism. As the country's relative commercial and industrial lag encouraged the creation of larger corporations and combines, close association of industry and banks added to the influence of financiers over the British economy and politics.[5] Britain's lag in other fields deepened her reliance on invisible exports (such as banking, insurance and shipping services) to offset a merchandise trade deficit dating from the beginning of commercial liberalization in 1813, and thereby keep her "out of the red." Although it had been official British policy for years to support such investments, the large expansion of these investments after about 1860 and the economic and political instability in many areas of high investment such as Egypt, brought increased pressure for their systematic protection.
British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli and Queen Victoria
Fear of Russia's centuries-old southward expansion was a further factor in British policy: in 1878, Britain took control of Cyprus as a base for action against a Russian attack on the Ottoman Empire, and invaded Afghanistan to forestall an increase in Russian influence there. The Great Game in Inner Asia ended with a bloody British assault against Tibet in 1903-1904. At the same time, some powerful industrial lobbies and government leaders in Britain, exemplified by Joseph Chamberlain, came to view a formal empire as necessary to arrest Britain's relative decline in world markets. Britain's adoption of New Imperialism in the 1890s followed by its quick emergence as the front-runner in the scramble for African territories may be seen as a quest for captive markets or fields for investment of surplus capital, or (somewhat more cynically) as a primarily strategic or preemptive attempt to protect existing trade links and to prevent the absorption of its overseas markets into the imperial trading blocs of rival powers. The failure in the 1900s of Chamberlain's campaign for imperial tariffs illustrates the strength of a free trade movement even in the face of loss of international market share.
The New Imperialism and the newly industrialized countries

Just as the U.S. emerged as one of the world's leading industrial, military and political powers after the Civil War, so would Germany, following its own unification in 1871. Both countries undertook ambitious naval expansion in the 1890s. And just as Germany reacted to economic depression with the adoption of tariff protection in 1879 and colonial expansion in 1884-85, so would the U.S., the landslide election in 1896 of William McKinley, would soon be associated with the high McKinley Tariff of 1890. United States colonial expansionism had its roots in domestic concerns and economic conditions, much like other newly industrializing nations whose governments sought to accelerate internal development. Advocates of the imperial system also drew upon a tradition of westward expansion over the course of the previous century. Economic depression led some U.S. businessmen and politicians from the mid-1880s to come to the same conclusion as their European counterpartsthat industry and capital had exceeded the capacity of existing markets and needed new outlets. The "closing of the Frontier" identified by the 1890 Census report and publicized by historian Frederick Jackson Turner in his 1893 paper The Significance of the Frontier in American History, contributed to fears of constrained natural resource.
New Imperialism Like the Long Depression in Europe, the main features of the U.S. depression included deflation, rural decline, and unemployment, which aggravated the bitter social protests of the "Gilded Age"the Populist movement, the free-silver crusade, and violent labor disputes such as the Pullman and Homestead strikes. The Panic of 1893 contributed to the growing mood for expansionism. Influential politicians such as Henry Cabot Lodge, William McKinley, and Theodore Roosevelt advocated a more aggressive foreign policy to pull the United States out of the depression. However, opposition to expansionism was strong and vocal in the United States. Whatever the causes, the result of the 1898 Spanish-American War was that the U.S. came into the possession of Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philippines. Puerto Rico remains a territory of the United States. Although U.S. capital investments within the Philippines and Puerto Rico were relatively small (figures that would seemingly detract from the broader economic implications on first glance), "imperialism" for the United States, formalized in 1904 by the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, would also spur its displacement of Britain as the predominant investor in Latin America a process largely completed by the end of the Great War. In Germany, Imperial Chancellor Otto von Bismarck revised his initial dislike of colonies (which he had seen as burdensome and useless), partly because he was under pressure for colonial expansion matching that of the other European states, but also under the mistaken notion that Germany's entry into the colonial scramble could press Britain into conceding to broader German strategic ambitions. Japan's development after the Meiji Restoration of 1868 followed the Western lead in industrialization and militarism, enabling her to gain control of Taiwan in 1895, Korea in 1910 and then a sphere of influence in Manchuria (1905), following the defeat of Russia in the Russo-Japanese War. Japan's colonial boom was in part a response to the actions of more established powers, and her expansionism drew on the harnessing of traditional Japanese values to more modern aspirations for great-power status; not until the 1930s was Japan to become a net exporter of capital.
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Social implications of the New Imperialism

The New Imperialism gave rise to new social views of colonialism. Rudyard Kipling, for instance, urged the United States to "Take up the White Man's burden" of bringing European civilization to the other peoples of the world, regardless of whether these "other peoples" wanted this civilization or not. This part of the white mans burden truly exemplifies Britain's colonization's of other countries, "Take up the White Man's burden, In patience to abide, To veil the threat of terror, And check the show of pride; By open speech and simple, An hundred times made plain To seek another's profit, And work another's gain." While Social Darwinism became popular throughout Western Europe and the United States, the paternalistic French-style "civilizing mission" (In French: mission civilisatrice) appealed to many European statesmen both in and outside of France. Despite apparent benevolence existing in the notion of the "White Man's Burden", the unintended consequences of imperialism might greatly outweigh the potential benefits. Governments become increasingly paternalistic at home and neglected the individual liberties of their citizens. Military spending expanded, usually leading to an "imperial overreach", and imperialism created clients of ruling elites abroad that were brutal and corrupt. Consequently, the corrupt elites were then able to consolidate power through imperial rents and impede social change and economic development that ran against their ambitions. Furthermore, "nation building" oftentimes can create cultural sentiments of racism and xenophobia.[6] Many of Europe's major elites also found advantages in formal, overseas expansion: large financial and industrial monopolies wanted imperial support to protect their overseas investments against competition and domestic political tensions abroad; bureaucrats wanted and sought government offices; military officers desired promotion; and the traditional but waning landed gentries sought increased profits for their investments, formal titles, and high office. Such special interests perpetuate empire building today and throughout history.[6] Observing the rise of trade unionism, socialism, and other protest movements during an era of mass society in both Europe and later North America, elites sought to use imperial jingoism to co-opt the support of part of the industrial working class. The new mass media promoted jingoism in the Spanish-American War (1898), the Second Boer War
New Imperialism (18991902), and the Boxer Rebellion (1900). The left-wing German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler has defined social imperialism as "the diversions outwards of internal tensions and forces of change in order to preserve the social and political status quo", and as a "defensive ideology" to counter the "disruptive effects of industrialization on the social and economic structure of Germany"[7] In Wehler's opinion, social imperialism was a device that allowed the German government to distract public attention from domestic problems and preserve the existing social and political order[8] Wehler argued the dominant elites used social imperialism as the glue to hold together a fractured society and to maintain popular support for the social status quo[8] Wehler argued German colonial policy in the 1880s was the first example of social imperialism in action, and was followed up by the "Tirpitz plan" for expanding the German Navy starting in 1897[8] In this point of view, groups such as the Colonial Society and the Navy League are seen as instruments for the government to mobilize public support.[8] The demands for annexing most of Europe and Africa in World War I are seen by Wehler as the pinnacle of social imperialism.[8] The notion of rule over tropical lands commanded widespread acceptance among metropolitan populations: even among those who associated imperial colonization with oppression and exploitation. For example, the 1904 Congress of the Socialist International concluded that the colonial peoples should be taken in hand by future European socialist governments and led by them into eventual independence.
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Asia
India
In the 17th century, the expanding British arrived in India and there, after taking a small portion of land, became known as the British East India Company. The British completely took over most of the country of India, a process starting with Bengal in 1757 and ending in Punjab in 1849, leaving out certain princely states. This was aided by the decline of the Mughal Empire in India which left a power vacuum since the death of Aurangzeb and the increased British forces in India because of conflicts with France. A kind of ship called clipper ships were engineered and their larger sails were able to catch the wind and cut the trip to India from Europe in half from 6 months to 3 months. The British also laid cables on the floor of the ocean allowing telegrams to be sent from India and China. In 1818, the British controlled most of India and began imposing their ideas and ways on India but it wasnt really a kind of take over. The British were working together with Indian officials. A few of these new impositions were different succession laws that allowed the British to take over a state with no successor and gain its land and armies, new taxes and monopolistic control of industry. The different Hindu and Muslim Sepoys triggered the Indian Mutiny which spread to become the First Indian War of Independence. Following this war administrative functions were transferred from the chartered British East India Company to the British government in 1858. After this revolt was brutally suppressed by the British, India came under the direct control of the British crown. After the British had gained more control over India, they began changing around the financial state of India. Previously Europe had to pay for Indian textiles and spices in bullion. With political control, Britain directed farmers to grow cash crops for the company for exports to Europe while India became a market for textiles from Britain. In addition it collected huge revenues from land rent and taxes on its acquired monopoly on salt production. Indian weavers were replaced by new spinning and weaving machines and Indian food crops were replaced by cash crops like cotton and tea causing widespread famines.[9] The British also began connecting Indian cities by railroad and telegraph to make travel and communication easier for the British in India and began building its irrigation system for increasing agricultural production. When Western education was introduced in India, Indians were quite influenced by it, but the glaring inequalities between the British ideals of governance and their treatment of Indians became clear. In response to racist treatment, the educated Indians and the ones that knew such inequality was occurring decided to establish the Indian National Congress that demanded that Indians be recognized as equals with the British and that they have the right to govern themselves.
New Imperialism John Robert Seeley a Cambridge Professor of History said "Our acquisition of India was made blindly. Nothing great that has ever been done by englishmen was done so unintentionally or accidentally as the conquest of India". According to him the political control of India was not a conquest in the usual sense because it was not an act of a state. The new administrative arrangement, crowned with Queen Victoria's proclamation as Empress of India in 1876, effectively replaced the rule of a monopolistic enterprise with that of a trained civil service headed by graduates of Britain's top universities. The administration retained and increased the monopolies held by the company. The India Salt Act of 1882 included regulations enforcing a government monopoly on the collection and manufacture of salt and in 1923 a bill was passed doubling the salt tax.[10]
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Malaysia, Singapore and Burma

After taking control of much of India, the British expanded further into Singapore, Burma and Malaya (modern day Malaysia) and these became further sources of trade and raw materials for British goods. They also went into Afghanistan and Tibet to counter Russian expansion.
Indonesia
Formal colonisation of the Dutch East Indies (now: Indonesia) commenced at the dawn of the 19th century when the Dutch state took possession of all VOC assets. Before that time the Dutch East India Company (VOC) merchants were in principle just another trading power among many, establishing trading posts and settlements (colonies) in strategic places around the archipelago. The Dutch gradually extended their small nations sovereignty over most of the islands in the East Indies. Dutch expansion paused for several years during an interregnum of British rule between 1806 and 1816, when the Dutch Republic was occupied by the French forces of Napoleon. The Dutch government exiled in England, ceded rule of all its colonies to Great Britain. The Governor of the Dutch East Indies however fought the British before surrendering the colony. He was replaced by Raffles.[11]
Colonial government official J.Rozet, a Indo Eurasian, in negotiation with tribal chiefs (Roti Islanders), Pariti, Timor, 1896.
The Dutch East Indies became the prize possession of the Dutch Empire. It was not the typical settler colony founded through massive emigration from the mother countries (such as the USA or Australia) and hardly involved displacement of the indigenous islanders.[12] Neither was it a plantation colony build on the import of slaves (such as Haiti or Jamaica) or a pure trade post colony (such as Singapore or Macau). It was more of an expansion of the existing chain of VOC trading posts. Instead of mass emigration from the homeland, the sizeable indigenous populations, were controlled through effective political manipulation supported by military force. Servitude of the indigenous masses was enabled through a structure of indirect governance, keeping existing indigenous rulers in place[13] and using the Indo Eurasian population as an intermediary buffer. Being one of the smallest nations in the world it was in fact impossible for the Netherlands to even attempt to establish a typical settler colony. In 1869 British anthropologist Alfred Russel Wallace described the colonial governing structure in his book "The Malay Archipelago"[14]: "The mode of government now adopted in Java is to retain the whole series of native rulers, from the village chief up to princes, who, under the name of Regents, are the heads of districts about the size of a small English county. With each Regent is placed a Dutch Resident, or Assistant Resident, who is considered to be his "elder brother," and whose "orders" take the form of "recommendations," which are, however, implicitly obeyed. Along with each Assistant Resident is a Controller, a kind of inspector of all the lower native rulers, who periodically visits every village in the district, examines the
New Imperialism proceedings of the native courts, hears complaints against the head-men or other native chiefs, and superintends the Government plantations."
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Indochina
France took over Vietnam and Cambodia in the 1880s; during the following decade, France completed her Indochinese empire with the annexation of Laos, leaving the kingdom of Siam (now Thailand) with an uneasy independence as a neutral buffer between British and French-ruled lands.
China
In 1839, China found itself fighting the First Opium War with Britain. China was defeated, and in 1842 agreed to the provisions of the Treaty of Nanjing. Hong Kong Island was ceded to Britain, and certain ports, including Shanghai and Guangzhou, were opened to British trade and residence. In 1856, the Second Opium War broke out. The Chinese were again defeated, and now forced to the terms of the 1858 Treaty of Tientsin and the 1860 Convention of Peking. The treaty opened new ports to trade and allowed foreigners to travel in the interior. Missionaries gained the right to propagate Christianityanother means of Western penetration. The United States and Russia obtained the same prerogatives in separate treaties. Toward the end of the 19th century, China appeared on the way to territorial dismemberment and economic vassalagethe fate of India's rulers that played out much earlier. Several provisions of these treaties caused long-standing bitterness and humiliation among the Chinese: extraterritoriality (meaning that in a dispute with a Chinese person, a Westerner had the right to be tried in a court under the laws of his own country), customs regulation, and the right to station foreign warships in Chinese waters.
A shocked mandarin in Manchu robes in the back, with Queen Victoria (United Kingdom), Wilhelm II (Germany), Nicholas II (Russia), Marianne (France), and Emperor Meiji (Japan) discussing how to cut up a king cake with Chine ("China" in French) written on it.
The rise of Japan since the Meiji Restoration as an imperial power led to further subjugation of China. In a dispute over China's longstanding claim of rule in Korea, war broke out between China and Japan, resulting in humiliating defeat for the Chinese. By the Treaty of Shimonoseki (1895), China was forced to recognise effective Japanese rule over Korea, and Taiwan was ceded to Japan until its recovery in 1945 at the end of the WWII by the Republic of China. In 1897, taking advantage of the murder of two missionaries, Germany demanded and was given a set of exclusive mining and railroad rights around Jiaozhou Bay in Shandong province. In 1898 Russia obtained access to Dairen and Port Arthur and the right to build a railroad across Manchuria, thereby achieving complete domination over a large portion of northeast China. The United Kingdom, France, and Japan also received a number of concessions later that year. At this time, much of China was divided up into "spheres of influence": Germany dominated the Shandong peninsula and the Huang He (Hwang-Ho) valley; Russia dominated the Liaodong Peninsula and Manchuria; the United Kingdom dominated Weihaiwei and the Yangtze Valley; whereas France dominated the Guangzhou Bay and several other southern provinces neighboring its colony in Vietnam. China continued to be divided up into these spheres until the United States, which had no sphere of influence, grew alarmed at the possibility of its businessmen being excluded from Chinese markets. In 1899, Secretary of State John
New Imperialism Hay asked the major powers to agree to a policy of equal trading privileges. In 1900, several powers agreed to the U.S.-backed scheme, giving rise to the "Open Door" policy, denoting freedom of commercial access and non-annexation of Chinese territory. In any event, it was in the European powers' interest to have a weak but independent Chinese government. The privileges of the Europeans in China were guaranteed in the form of treaties with the Qing government. In the event that the Qing totally collapsed, each power risked losing the privileges that it had negotiated. The erosion of Chinese sovereignty contributed to a spectacular anti-foreign outbreak in June 1900, when the "Boxers" (properly the society of the "righteous and harmonious fists") attacked foreign legations in Beijing, provoking a rare display of unity among the powers, whose troops landed at Tianjin and marched on the capital, which they took on August 14. Troops from the Eight-Nation Alliance then looted and occupied Beijing for several months. German forces were particularly severe in exacting revenge for the killing of their ambassador, while Russia tightened its hold on Manchuria in the northeast until its crushing defeat by Japan in the war of 1904-1905. Although extraterritorial jurisdiction was abandoned by the United Kingdom and the United States in 1943, foreign political control of parts of China only finally ended with the incorporation of Hong Kong and the small Portuguese territory of Macau into the People's Republic of China in 1997 and 1999 respectively. Mainland Chinese historians refer to this period as the Century of humiliation.
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Africa
Between 1885 and 1914, Britain brought nearly 30% of Africa's population under its control, to 15% for France, 9% for Germany, 7% for Belgium and 1% for Italy: Nigeria alone contributed 15 million subjects to Britain, more than in the whole of French West Africa, or the entire German colonial empire. The only regions not under European control in 1914 were Liberia and Ethiopia.[15]
British colonies
Britain's 1882 formal occupation of Egypt (triggered by concern over the Suez Canal) contributed to a preoccupation over securing control of Nile, leading to the conquest of neighboring Sudan in 1896-1898, which in turn led to confrontation with a French military expedition at Fashoda in September 1898. In 1899, Britain set out to complete its takeover of the future South Africa, which it had begun in 1814 with the annexation of the Cape Colony, by invading the gold-rich Afrikaner republics of Transvaal and the neighboring Orange Free State. The chartered British South Africa Company had already seized the land to the north, renamed Rhodesia after its head, the Cape tycoon Cecil Rhodes. British gains in southern and East Africa prompted Rhodes and Alfred Milner, Britain's High Commissioner in South Africa, to urge a "Cape to Cairo" empire: linked by rail, the strategically important Canal would be firmly connected to the mineral-rich South, though Belgian control of the Belgian Congo Free State and German control of German East Africa prevented such an outcome until the end of World War I, when Great Britain acquired the latter territory. Britain's quest for southern Africa and their diamonds led to complicated social complications and fallouts that lasted for years. To work for their prosperous company, British businessmen hired both white and black South Africans. But when it came to jobs the white South Africans received the higher paid and less dangerous ones, leaving the black South Africans to risk their lives down in the mines for limited pay. This process of separating the two groups of South Africans, whites and blacks, was the beginning of segregation between the two that lasted until 1989. Paradoxically, the United Kingdom, a staunch advocate of free trade, emerged in 1914 with not only the largest overseas empire, thanks to its long-standing presence in India, but also the greatest gains in the conquest of Africa, reflecting its advantageous position at its inception.
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Belgian colonies
Up until 1876, Belgium had no colonial presence in Africa. It was then that its king, Leopold II created the International African Society. Under the faade of being an international scientific and philanthropic association, it was actually a private holding company of Leopolds. He hired Henry Morton Stanley to explore and colonize the Congo River basin area of equatorial Africa in order to capitalize on the plentiful resources such as ivory, rubber, diamonds, and metals. Up until this point, Africa was known as the Dark Continent because rapids on the Congo River had previously made exploration of this area impossible. Over the next few years, Stanley overpowered and made treaties with over 450 native tribes, acquiring him over 905000 square miles (unknown operator: u'strong' km2) of land, nearly 67 times the size of Belgium, in the sovereignty of King Leopold II. Neither the Belgian government, nor the Belgian people had any interest in imperialism at the time, and the land came to be personally owned by King Leopold II. At the Berlin Conference in 1884, he was allowed to have land his own personal nation, called the Congo Free State. The other European countries at the conference allowed this to happen on the conditions that he suppress the East African slave trade, promote humanitarian policies, guarantee free trade, and encourage missions to Christianize and educate the people of the Congo. However, Leopold IIs primary focus was to make a large profit on the natural resources, particularly ivory and rubber. In order to make this profit, he passed several cruel decrees that can be considered to be genocide. He forced the natives to supply him with rubber and ivory without any sort of payment in return. Their wives and children were held hostage until the workers returned with enough rubber or ivory to fill their quota, and if they couldnt, their family would be killed. The workers themselves also might be tortured, flogged, or mutilated. When villages refused, they were burned down, the children of the village murdered and the men had their hands cut off. These policies led to uprisings that were feeble compared to the European military and technological might. They opposed the forced labor in other ways, by fleeing into the forests to seek refuge or setting the rubber forests on fire preventing the Europeans from harvesting the rubber. These rebellions were brutally crushed by the FP (Force Publique) which was composed of all whites; a mixture of Belgian soldiers and mercenaries. They went into the forests where refugees had escaped and killed them mercilessly. In fact, they would bring back a hand for every man they killed to show they were not wasting ammunition. If the FP missed a shot or hunted game, they would cut the hands of innocent living people in order to match the number of bullets used to the number of hands brought back. This genocide was so widespread and effervescent, that the population of the area actually decreased from approximately 20-30 million people to 9 million people during his reign. It is estimated that 10-15 million people lost their lives. King Leopold II sure did make his profits and had a 700% profit ratio for the rubber he took from Congo and exported. He used propaganda to keep the other European nations at bay, for he broke almost all of the parts of the agreement he made at the Berlin Conference. For example, he had some Congolese pygmies sing and dance at the 1897 World Fair in Belgium, showing how he was supposedly civilizing and educating the natives of the Congo. After the Belgian government found out about the atrocities that were being committed in the Congo, they annexed the land and renamed it Belgian Congo, removing it from the personal power of their king, Leopold II. Of all the colonies that were conquered during the wave of New Imperialism, the people of the Congo River Basin suffered the worst treatment by their oppressors compared to other colonized peoples.[16][17][18]
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Polynesia
In Oceania France got a leading position as imperial power after making Tahiti and New Caledonia protectorates in 1842 and 1853 respectively.[19] After navy visits to Easter Island in 1875 and 1887 Chilean navy officer Policarpo Toro managed to negotiate an incorporation of the island into Chile with native Rapanui in 1888. By occupying Easter Island, Chile joined the imperial nations.[20](p53) By 1900 nearly all Pacific islands were in control of Britain, France, United States, Germany and Chile.[19]
Dupetit Thouars taking over Tahiti on September 9, 1842.
Imperial rivalries
The extension of European control over Africa and Asia added a further dimension to the rivalry and mutual suspicion which characterized international diplomacy in the decades preceding World War I. France's seizure of Tunisia (1881) initiated fifteen years of tension with Italy, which had hoped to take the country and which retaliated by allying with Germany and waging a decade-long tariff war with France. Britain's takeover of Egypt a year later caused a marked cooling of her relations with France. The most striking conflicts of the era were the Spanish American War of 1898 and the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05, each signaling the advent of a new imperial great power; the United States and Japan, respectively. The Fashoda incident of 1898 represented the worst Anglo-French crisis in decades, but France's buckling in the face of British demands foreshadowed improved relations as the two countries set about resolving their overseas claims. British policy in South Africa and German actions in the Far East contributed to dramatic policy shifts, which in the 1900s, aligned hitherto isolationist Britain first with Japan as an ally, and then with France and Russia in the looser Entente. German efforts to break the Entente by challenging French hegemony in Morocco resulted in the Tangier Crisis of 1905 and the Agadir Crisis of 1911, adding to tension and anti-German sentiment in the years preceding World War I and II.
Motivations
The British government (as well as the other European imperialist governments) gave many excuses to the public for the New Imperialism strategy. However, there were often underlying motivations behind what the government said.
Humanitarianism
One of the biggest motivations behind New Imperialism was the idea of humanitarianism and "civilizing" the "lower" class people in Africa and in other undeveloped places. This was a religious motive for many Christian missionaries, in attempt to save the souls of the "uncivilized" people, and of the idea that Christians and the people of the United Kingdom were morally superior. Most of the missionaries that supported imperialism did so because they felt the only true religion was their own. Similarly, the Roman Catholic missionaries opposed the British missionaries because the British missionaries were Protestant. At times, however, imperialism did help the people of the countries being invaded because the missionaries ended up stopping some of the slavery in some areas. Therefore, Europeans claimed that they were only there because they wanted to protect the weaker tribal groups they conquered. The missionaries and other leaders suggested that they should stop such practices as cannibalism, child marriage, and other "savage" things. This humanitarian ideal was described in poems such as the "White Man's Burden" and other literature. Oftentimes, the humanitarianism was sincere, but with misguided choices. Although some imperialists were trying to be sincere with the notion of humanitarianism, their choices might not have been best for the areas they were conquering and the natives living there.[21]
New Imperialism Dutch Ethical Policy The Dutch Ethical Policy refers to the dominant reformist and liberal political character of colonial policy in the Dutch East Indies during the 20th century. In 1901, the Dutch Queen Wilhelmina announced that the Netherlands accepted an ethical responsibility for the welfare of their colonial subjects. This announcement was a sharp contrast with the former official doctrine that Indonesia was mainly a wingewest (region for making profit). It marked the start of modern development policy; whereas other colonial powers usually talked of a civilizing mission, which mainly involved spreading their culture to colonized peoples.
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The Dutch Ethical Policy (Dutch: Ethische Politiek) emphasised improvement in material living conditions. The policy suffered, however, from serious underfunding, inflated expectations and lack of acceptance in the Dutch colonial establishment, and it had largely ceased to exist by the onset of the Great Depression in 1930.[22][23] It did however create an educated indigenous elite able to articulate and eventually establish independence from the Netherlands.
Dutch, Indo-Eurasian and Javanese professors of law at the opening of the Rechts Hogeschool in 1924.
Theories
The accumulation theory adopted by Karl Kautsky, John A. Hobson and popularized by Lenin centered on the accumulation of surplus capital during and after the Industrial Revolution: restricted opportunities at home, the argument goes, drove financial interests to seek more profitable investments in less-developed lands with lower labor costs, unexploited raw materials and little competition. Hobson's analysis fails to explain colonial expansion on the part of less industrialized nations with little surplus capital, such as Italy, or the great powers of the next century the United States and Russia which were in fact net borrowers of foreign capital. Also, military and bureaucratic costs of occupation frequently exceeded financial returns. In Africa (exclusive of what would become the Union of South Africa in 1909) the amount of capital investment by Europeans was relatively small before and after the 1880s, and the companies involved in tropical African commerce exerted limited political influence. The World-Systems theory approach of Immanuel Wallerstein sees imperialism as part of a general, gradual extension of capital investment from the "core" of the industrial countries to a less developed "periphery." Protectionism and formal empire were the major tools of "semi-peripheral," newly industrialized states, such as Germany, seeking to usurp Britain's position at the "core" of the global capitalist system. Echoing Wallerstein's global perspective to an extent, imperial historian Bernard Porter views Britain's adoption of formal imperialism as a symptom and an effect of her relative decline in the world, and not of strength: "Stuck with outmoded physical plants and outmoded forms of business organization, [Britain] now felt the less favorable effects of being the first to modernize."
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Other Readings
Ankerl, Guy: Coexisting Contemporary Civilizations: Arabo-Muslim, Bharati, Chinese, and Western. INU PRESS, Geneva, 2000. ISBN 2-88155-004-5. Recent imperial historians: Porter, P.J. Cain and A.G Hopkins contest Hobson's conspiratorial overtones and "reductionism," but do not reject the influence of "the City's" financial interests.
References
[1] "Corn Law." Encyclopdia Britannica. 2010. Encyclopdia Britannica Online. 10 Nov. 2010. <http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/137814/Corn-Law>. [2] "Franco-German War." Encyclopdia Britannica.2010. Encyclopdia Britannica Online. 10 Nov. 2010 <http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/216971/Franco-German-War>. [3] Kindleberger, C. P., (1961), Foreign Trade and Economic Growth: Lessons from Britain and France, 1850-1913, The Economic History Review, Vol. 14, no. 2, pp. 289-305. [4] Porter, B., (1996), The Lions Share: A Short History of British Imperialism 1850-1995, (London: Longman), pp.118ff. [5] Lambert, Tim. England in the 19th Century. Localhistories.org. 2008. 9 Nov. 2010 <http://www.localhistories.org/19thcentengland.html>. [6] Coyne, Christopher J. and Steve Davies. "Empire: Public Goods and Bads" (Jan 2007). (http:/ / econjwatch. org/ issues/ volume-4-number-1-january-2007) [7] Eley, Geoff "Social Imperialism" pages 925-926 from Modern Germany Volume 2, New York, Garland Publishing, 1998 page 925. [8] Eley, Geoff "Social Imperialism" pages 925-926 from Modern Germany Volume 2, New York, Garland Publishing, 1998 page 925. [9] Late Victorian Holocausts [10] History of the British salt tax in India [11] Bongenaar K.E.M. De ontwikkeling van het zelfbesturend landschap in Nederlandsch-Indi. (Publisher: Walburg Press) ISBN 90-5730-267-5 [12] With a notable and dramatic exception in the island of Banda during the VOC era. See: Hanna, Willard A. Indonesian Banda: Colonialism and its Aftermath in the Nutmeg Islands. (1991). [13] This strategy was already established by the VOC, which independently acted as a semi-souvereign state within the Dutch state. See: Boxer, C.R. The Dutch Seaborne Empire: 1600-1800. (London, 1965) and (http:/ / www. colonialvoyage. com/ eng/ voc/ index. html) [14] Wallace, Alfred Russel (1869) 'The Malay Archipelago', (Publisher: Harper, 1869.) Chapter VII (http:/ / www. papuaweb. org/ dlib/ bk/ wallace/ indo-malay. html#vii) [15] Historical Map of Africa (http:/ / unimaps. com/ africa1914/ index. html) [16] Simon Katzenellenbogen "Congo, Democratic Republic of the" Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern World. Ed. Peter N. Stearns. Oxford University Press 2008. Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern World: (e-reference edition). Oxford University Press. 18 November 2010 http:/ / www. oxford-modernworld. com/ entry?entry=t254. e352 [17] Schimmer, Russell. "Belgian Congo." Genocide Studies Program. Yale University, 2010. Web. 11 Nov. 2010. <http://www.yale.edu/gsp/colonial/belgian_congo/ index.html> [18] Gondola, Ch. Didier. "Congo (Kinshasa)." World Book Advanced. World Book, 2010. Web. 18 Nov. 2010. [19] Bernard Eccleston, Michael Dawson. 1998. The Asia-Pacific Profile. Routledge. p. 250. [20] William Sater, Chile and the United States: Empires in Conflict, 1990 by the University of Georgia Press, ISBN 0-8203-1249-5 [21] Winks, Robin W. "Imperialism." Encyclopedia Americana. Grolier Online, 2010. Web. 18 Nov. 2010. [22] Robert Cribb, 'Development policy in the early 20th century', in Jan-Paul Dirkse, Frans Hsken and Mario Rutten, eds, Development and social welfare: Indonesias experiences under the New Order (Leiden: Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 1993), pp. 225-245. [23] Ricklefs, M.C. (1991). A History of Modern Indonesia since c.1300. London: Macmillan. p.151. ISBN0-333-57690-X.
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External links
J.A. Hobson's Imperialism: A Study: A Centennial Retrospective by Professor Peter Cain (http://www.yale.edu/ iss/Hobson-Imperialism-Yale-ISS-Cain.pdf) Extensive information on the British Empire (http://www.britishempire.co.uk) British Empire (http://www.btinternet.com/~britishempire/empire/empire.htm) The Empire Strikes Out: The "New Imperialism" and Its Fatal Flaws by Ivan Eland, director of defense policy studies at the Cato Institute. (http://www.cato.org/pubs/pas/pa-459es.html) (an article comparing contemporary defense policy with those of New Imperialism (18701914) The Martian Chronicles: History Behind the Chronicles New Imperialism 1870-1914 (http://www.angelfire. com/nb/martian/newimp.htm) 1- Coyne, Christopher J. and Steve Davies. "Empire: Public Goods and Bads" (Jan 2007). (http://www. econjournalwatch.org/pdf/CoyneDaviesCommentJanuary2007.pdf) http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/modsbook34.html http://www.columbia.edu/~lt95/altlect14.htm (a course syllabus) The 19th Century: The New Imperialism (http://www.gpc.edu/~proseman/Imperialism.htm) Broken Link 2- Coyne, Christopher J. and Steve Davies. "Empire: Public Goods and Bads" (Jan 2007). (http://www. econjournalwatch.org/pdf/CoyneDaviesCommentJanuary2007.pdf)
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File:Musee-de-lArmee-IMG 0976.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Musee-de-lArmee-IMG_0976.jpg License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 2.0 Contributors: Rama. File:Fundacion de Santiago.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Fundacion_de_Santiago.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: ADGE, B1mbo, El Comandante, Kilom691, Origamiemensch, Soulreaper, Str4nd, WeHaKa, 5 anonymous edits File:COLLECTIE TROPENMUSEUM Rijsttafel TMnr 60053682.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:COLLECTIE_TROPENMUSEUM_Rijsttafel_TMnr_60053682.jpg License: unknown Contributors: Docu, Humboldt File:Colonisation 1800.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Colonisation_1800.png License: Public Domain Contributors: Jluisrs File:World 1914 empires colonies territory.PNG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:World_1914_empires_colonies_territory.PNG License: Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Contributors: Andrew0921 File:Colonialism in 1945 updated legend.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Colonialism_in_1945_updated_legend.png License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: AniRaptor2001 (talk). 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RBG Communiversity - ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL

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RBG Communiversity - ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL

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ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

Dutch family in Java, 1927

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

World map of colonialism in 1800

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

European colonies in 1914

Colonial Governor of the Seychelles inspecting police guard of honour in 1972

The defence of Rorke's Drift during the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

Siege of Constantine (1836) during the French conquest of Algeria.

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

Colonialism and the history of thought

Colonialism and geography

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

Colonialism and imperialism

Marxist view of colonialism

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

Liberalism, capitalism and colonialism

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

Impact of colonialism and colonization

Slaves and indentured servants

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

British North America 399,000

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

The end of empire

Gandhi having tea with Lord Mountbatten, 1947

Post-independence population movement

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

The non-aligned world

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

Neo-colonial economic dominance

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

The Cold War

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

The International Monetary Fund

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

South Koreas land acquisitions

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

Other approaches to neo-colonialism

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

Conservation and neo-colonialism

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

Academic course materials

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination

ROOT EVILS OF AFRIKA'S DOWNFALL, Concepts in White World Terror Domination