IRAN

Journal
VOLUME XIV

of

the

British

Institute

of

Persian

Studies

1976

CONTENTS Page Governing Council Obituary . Director's Report . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. .
.

ii iii v . .
.

Isma'll II's Copy of the Shdhndma, B. W. Robinson by The Kfifichisor Qufs in PersianHistory, by C. E. Bosworth

.
.

I 9 19 41 61 79 93 o03
117

Excavationsat Bab Jan: the BronzeAge Occupation, by Clare Goff The Effects of the Muslim Conquest on the Persian Population of Iraq, . . . . . . by Michael G. Morony On the Connections between Iran and Babylonia in the Sixth Century . . . . . . . B.C., by Ran Zadok The Madrasaal-Ghiydsiyyaat Khargird, by BernardO'Kane .
.

SaljfiqDome Chambersin North-West Iran, by Robert Hillenbrand Excavations at Tall-i Malyan (Anshan) 1974, by William Sumner Safawid Poets and India, by Aziz Ahmad Shorter Notices
. . .
. . . .

. .

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.133
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Survey of Excavations in Iran--I974-75

I53

THE

BRITISH

INSTITUTE
Price: ?7.oo

OF

PERSIAN

STUDIES

c/o The British Academy, Burlington House, Piccadilly, London, W1V ONS

STATEMENT OF AIMS AND ACTIVITIES

I. The Institute has an establishment in Tehran at which British scholars, men of learning versed in the arts, friends of Iran, may reside and meet their Iranian colleagues in order to discuss with them subjects of common interest; the arts, archaeology, history, literature, linguistics, religion, philosophy and cognate subjects.
2.

The Institute provides accommodation for senior scholars and for teachers at British Universities in order that they may refresh themselves at the source of knowledge from which their teaching derives. The same service is being rendered to younger students who show promise of developing interests in Persian studies.

3. The Institute, whilst concerned with Persian culture in the widest sense, is particularly concerned with the development of archaeological techniques, and seeks the co-operation of Iranian scholars and students in applying current methods to the resolution of archaeological and historical problems. 4. Archaeological excavation using modern scientific techniques as ancillary aids is one of the Institute's primary tasks. These activities, which entail a fresh appraisal of previous discoveries, have already yielded new historical, architectural, and archaeological evidence which is adding to our knowledge of the past and of its bearing on the modern world. 5. In pursuit of all the activities mentioned in the preceding paragraphs the Institute is gradually adding to its library, is collecting learned periodicals, and is publishing a journal, Iran, which appears annually. 6. The Institute arranges occasional seminars, lectures and conferences and enlists the help of distinguished scholars for this purpose. It will also aim at arranging small exhibitions with the object of demonstrating the importance of Persian culture and its attraction for the world of scholarship. 7. The Institute endeavours to collaborate with universities and educational institutions in Iran by all the means at its disposal and, when consulted, assists Iranian scholars with technical advice for directing them towards the appropriate channels in British universities.

MEMBERSHIP

OF THE INSTITUTE

Anyone wishing to join the Institute should write to the Honorary Secretary, Stephen Whitwell, Esq., C.M.G., M.C., M.A., 85 Queen's Road, Richmond, Surrey, TWio 6HJ. The annual subscription for Membership of the Institute is ?I, while the total sum of ?5.50 entitles the subscriber to receive the Journal, post free.

IRAN
Volume XIV 1976

CONTENTS Governing Council

Obituary

Page ii
iii

Director's Report by IsmA'ilII's Copy of the Shdhndma, B. W. Robinson The Kfifichis or Qufs in Persian History, by C. E. Bosworth Excavations at BdbdJin: the Bronze Age Occupation, by Clare Goff The Effects of the Muslim Conquest on the Persian Population of Iraq, by Michael G. Morony On the Connections between Iran and Babylonia in the Sixth Century B.C., by Ran Zadok The Madrasa Al-Ghiydsiyya at Khargird, by Bernard O'Kane Saljfiq Dome Chambersin North-West Iran, by Robert Hillenbrand
Excavations at Tall-i Malyan (Anshan) 1974, by William Sumner

v
I

9 '9 41 6I 79 93
I03

Safawid Poets and India, by Aziz Ahmad

Shorter Notices:

II7
133

E. G. Browne and the Persian Constitutional Movement, by Hasan Javadi. Naw Bahiir and the Survival of Iranian Buddhism, by Richard W. Bulliet Kish, by David Whitehouse Qal'at-i IHaidari,by Warwick Ball and David Whitehouse. Recherches sur les Sources du Cuivre dans l'Iran Ancien, Premiers Travaux, by Th. Berthoud, R. Besenval and S. Cleuziou Survey of Excavations in Iran-1974-75

153

THE

BRITISH

INSTITUTE

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

c/o The BritishAcademy, BurlingtonHouse, Piccadilly, London, W1V ONS

1A

BRITISH INSTITUTE OF PERSIAN STUDIES GOVERNING COUNCIL President t*Sir MAX MALLOWAN, C.B.E., M.A., D.Lit., F.B.A., F.S.A. VicePresident fBASIL GRAY, Esq., C.B., C.B.E., F.B.A. Members ProfessorSir HAROLD BAILEY, M.A., D.Phil., F.B.A. R. D. BARNETT, Esq., C.B.E., D.Lit., F.B.A., F.S.A. ProfessorJ. A. BOYLE, B.A., M.A., Ph.D. MICHAEL BROWNE, Esq., Q.C., M.A. Professor W. B. FISHER, B.A., D. de l'Univ., F.R.A.I. Dr. ILYA GERSHEVITCH, M.A., Ph.D., D.Litt., F.B.A. Professor A. K. S. LAMBTON, O.B.E., D.Litt., Ph.D., F.B.A. Professor SETON H. F. LLOYD, C.B.E., M.A., F.B.A., F.S.A., A.R.I.B.A. P. R. S. MOOREY, Esq., M.A., D.Phil., F.S.A. RALPH H. PINDER-WILSON, Esq., M.A., F.S.A. Sir ROGER STEVENS, G.C.M.G., M.A. B. W. ROBINSON, Esq., M.A., B.Litt. t*Sir MORTIMER WHEELER, C.H., C.I.E., M.C., T.D., D.Lit., F.R.S., F.B.A., F.S.A. tNEVILLE J. WILLIAMS, Esq., D.Phil., F.S.A. tSir DENIS WRIGHT, G.C.M.G., M.A. Hon. Treasurer tSTEPHEN C. G. BACH, Esq., C.B.E., M.A., Hon. Secretary tSTEPHEN J. WHITWELL, Esq., C.M.G., M.C., M.A.

Joint Hon. Editors Mrs. GEORGINA HERRMANN, D.Phil., F.S.A. Professor C. E. BOSWORTH, M.A., Ph.D. OFFICERS IN IRAN Director DAVID STRONACH, Esq., O.B.E., M.A., F.S.A. Assistant Director ALEXANDER H. MORTON, Esq., B.A.

c/o The BritishAcademy, House, Burlington Piccadilly, LONDON, W1V ONS

P.O. Box 2617, Tehran, IRAN

*Founder Member tMember of Executive Committee

ii

OBITUARY
DR. LAURENCE LOCKHART

and literature of Persia but also to the then present threat to her independence and to her future as a free country. Laurence took first class honours in Arabic and Persian; but the 1914-18 war intervened, during which he served in the Foreign Office. Afterwards he combined cultural work for the AngloPersian Oil Company with the pursuit of researchinto I8th century Persian history, which issued in a thesis on Nadir Shah, accepted for the London Ph.D. degree from the School of Oriental Studies (1935), and afterwards published (1938) in a substantial volume of 350 pages. After the second world war, when he servedin RAF intelligence, he returned to this period of research,resultingin a second valuable monograph on the Fall of theSafaviDynastyand theAfghanoccupation Persia (1958) for which he was of awarded the Cambridge Litt.D. Laurence was always ready to give his time to deepening and improving cultural understanding with Iran: he served on the council of the Iran Society from its foundation in 1936 and on the Governing Council of the British Institute of Persian Studies from its inception in 1963 until his death on 3 May 1975: he edited the first four volumes of this journal (1963-66). He also served on the Editorial Board of the Cambridge History of Iran from its appointment in 1961 and accepted responsibilityfor the editing of Volume 6, on the Timurid and Safavi periods, to which he himself contributed a substantial chapter European contacts Persia. This was a field of study in which he most enjoyed working with during his years of retirement since 1960 when he settled in Cambridge. His articles published in Iran (vols IV and VI) and elsewhereshow his mastery of original sourcesand his scholarlyuse of them. For a wider public he wrote a most attractive volume entitled Famous Citiesof Iran(1939), illustrated by his own excellent photographs, revised and enlarged in a new edition PersianCities(1960) which has met with a deserved success. He was a very good friend to many, with modesty not enough to conceal his wide knowledge of things Persian, and it was a particular pleasure and privilege to travel with him in Iran, for which land and its people he had deep affection.
BASIL GRAY

Browne from 1910 to 1914, then at the height of his powers and devoting himself not only to the language

Laurence Lockhart was born in 1891; he was proud of his Scots heritage and of the literary traditions of his family, of whom the best known was the friend and biographer of Walter Scott. With his entry into Pembroke College, Cambridge, his life course was set, for he sat at the feet of Edward G.

iii

DIRECTOR'S REPORT
NovemberIst 1974 to October 31st 1975

On April I8th Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth the Queen Mother formally inaugurated the construction of the Institute's principal building at Gulhak. In a relaxed and pleasant ceremony Her Majesty spoke informally with each of the many friends of the Institute who were present for this special occasion. The new building with its expanded facilities has made excellent progressand, after a period of more than twelve years in our present premisesin Khiaban Takht-iJamshid, we expect to be able to move to our new quartersin January 1976. The success of this enterprise is owed to help from many sources. Our gratitude is due in particular to Her Majesty's Government for a generous initial grant; to both His Excellency Dr. Manouchehr Eqbal, Chairman and Managing Director of the National Iranian Oil Company, and His Excellency Mr. Mehrdad Pahlbod, Minister of Culture and Arts, for subsequent munificent grants; to the numerousBritishfirmswhich have made generous contributions; and finally to the many individual members of both the Iran Society and the British Institute of Persian Studies who have given to the Institute's Building Appeal. Although the Institute itself did not sponsor any archaeological excavations during the past year the pace of recent discoveryin Iran calls for comment. For the past two years a joint expedition from the University of Southern Californiaand the Department of the Environmentof Iran, under the direction of ProfessorBernard Campbell, has been engaged in paleontological excavations to the south of Maragheh in East Azerbaijan. The excavations have uncovered an impressive Pontian fauna in deep fossilbearing exposures which cover an area of over I,ooo square kilometres. Well preserved remains of antelope, giraffes, horses (Hipparion), rhinoceros, mastodont, hyena and machairodonts or sabretoothed cats, suggest habitats which are akin to the mixed savannas of East Africa and which can be dated to the Late Miocene and Early Pliocene. In conjunction with these excavations the Department of the Environment has also sponsoreda survey, directed by ProfessorHind Sadek-Kooros (see p. 154 below), which has succeeded in locating surface accumulationsof chopping tools and other stone implements which can be tentatively assigned to the Late Lower Pleistocene and Middle Pleistocene periods. Much later in time we may note ProfessorNegahban's discovery of fragmentarywall paintings at the important Neolithic site of Zagheh near Qazvin; the recovery of fifteen proto-Elamite tablets from a single impressive building complex in Tepe Yahya IVC; the excavation, in a late fourth millennium level, of the first known proto-Elamite tablet from the easterly location of Shahr-i Sokhta; and the identification of a monumental brick platform of early second millennium date at Tureng Tepe in the Gorgan plain. The past year has also seen the establishmentof the Centre for Achaemenian Research at Persepolisunder the direction of Dr. Shapur Shahbazi. The Centre is concerned with the excavation and conservation of Achaemenian remains as well as with the publication of related studies. Recent lectures at the Institute have included " Excavations at Sagzavad " by ProfessorEzzatollah Negahban; " The Neolithic Period in the Near and Middle East; Discoveries and Prospects" by Mr. James Mellaart, the Institute'sVisiting Lecturerfor 1974; "A Mystical Poem of Farid al-Din Attar" by Professor A. Boyle; " The Throne ofJamshid " by Dr. Ilya Gershevitch; " Armenian Architecture" J. by ProfessorAdriano Alpago-Novello; and "Excavations at Kandahar" by Dr. Anthony McNicoll. At the Twelfth Annual General Meeting of the Institute, held in the autumn of 1974, Mr. Stronach
spoke on " The Median and Parthian Periods at Tepe Nush-i Jan ". He lectured subsequently on "Achaemenian Art and Architecture " at the University of Bristol; on the excavations at Tepe Nush-i Jan at the University of Manchester; on "The Archaeology of Fars, 700oo-200 B.c." at Pahlavi University, Shiraz, and on "The Religious Monuments of the Medes and Persians c. 750500 B.C." at the Second International Congress of Mithraic Studies, which was held in Tehran from September 1-8. In the New Year Honour List Mr. Stronach was awarded the O.B.E.

Mr. Morton continues to work on material concerning the Ardabil Shrine and the Safavid Shaikhs and is at present preparing the text of the sixteenth century registerof the Shrine'spropertiesfor publication. collecting material on the architecture of the Timurid period and an article on this subject appears under his name in this issue of Iran: Mr. Warwick Ball has made a study of rock-cut, possibly Buddhist remainsin the caves at Zir Rah and Qalat-i Haidari to the south of Bushehr; and Dr. Dilip Chakrabarti has explored aspects of cultural interaction between Iran and India in pre-Achaemenian times. The Institute was also able to offer assistance in the field to Miss Elizabeth Beazley, A.R.I.B.A., who recently resumed her survey of vernacular mud brick buildings, notably near Yazd, Shahr-i Babak, Sirjan and Fasa, and to Dr. Georgina Herrmann who has now completed the second of two detailed photographic surveys of the Sasanian rock-cut reliefs of Fars. Finally two sad events must find a place in this chronicle. Mr. John Gueritz, who had served as the Honorary Secretary of the Institute from the time of its foundation, died in October, aged only 64His care and concern for the Institute, and his contribution to its expansion over the years, will remain a warm memory and our deep sympathy goes to his family. And last spring Mr. Andrew Williamson, a former Fellow of the Institute and a young man of great promise, was killed in tragic circumstances in the course of his work as an archaeological adviser to the Government of Oman. Andrew Williamson's knowledge, energy and dedication will be remembered and much missed.
Three Fellows were appointed for the year 1974/75. Mr. Bernard O'Kane has been engaged in

vi

ISMA'IL II's COPY OF THE SHAHNAMA By B. W. Robinson

It would be difficult to determine, amongst all the monarchs who have occupied the Persian throne during the past 2,500 years, which could claim to be the least attractive personality. Competition is keen, from Cambyses onwards, but the Qajarr dynasty in its comparatively short duration of a century and a quarter can offer three strong candidates: Aqd Muhammad Shdh, the eunuch founder, who demanded (and obtained) 20,000 pairs of eyes after the sack of Kerman; Muhammad Shih, who had the first Afghan prisoner taken at the siege of Herat bayonetted in his presence; and the treacherous, obese and tyrannical Muhammad 'All Shih, whose short and inglorious reign (1907-09) provides a background to our present subject. We are not here concerned with constitutional troubles, nor with the monarch's notorious political double-dealing, but the state of chronic financial straits in which he found himself has a bearing on the ultimate fate of many fine manuscripts and other works of art. F. R. Martin, the pioneer writer on Persian painting, was told in 1908 by " the best connoisseur of Muhammadan art in Paris " that " manuscriptswere sold by the ladies of the harem of the Shah, who had got them from His Majesty to pay their bills for dresses and perfumery",1 and this was no doubt only one of a number of devious ways by which manuscriptsfrom the Royal Library found their way from time to time on to the western market. Armenian merchants were usually the middle-men. Among the art-dealers who were quick to take advantage of this situation was Demotte, whose name is forever linked with the majestic fourteenth century Shahnimawhich was turned down as a complete volume by the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, and whose miniatures, sold thereafter one by one, are now widely scattered in public and private collections on both sides of the Atlantic. But another fine copy of the national epic came into the possessionof Demotte at about the same time; this too, after being exhibited complete at the Musie des Arts D6coratifs in 1912,2 was broken up and the miniatures sold separately. As late as 1930, it appears, Demotte still had seven of them left, when they were dated " Tauris, about 1540 " by M. Blochet.3 This manuscriptis the subject of the present article, in which I have tried to trace as many as possible of the scattered miniatures,and to list them in what must have been their original order in the manuscript. This Shdhndma notable on several counts. It is, first of all, of impressive dimensions, the pages is about 46 x 31 '5 cm., with written surface of 31.-5 x 18-5 cm., and the text in a fine large measuring nasta'liqin four columns of twenty-two lines. In addition to the normal margin-rulingsenclosing the text, an outer margin has also been ruled, and in the space thus circumscribedare sometimes written additional or alternative couplets and various small notes and jottings. One wonders whether perhaps this copy was designed as the foundation of a projected new recension of the text to replace that of Baysunghur. The miniatures are correspondinglylarge, and on a lavish scale; forty-nine have so far been noted, down to the reign of Iskandar, but none illustratingthe later episodesof the poem. Perhaps the most interestingfeature is that nearly all of them bear attributions to a number of court artists,some of whom are otherwise only known to us by name from the writings of Qatii Ahmad4 and Iskandar Munshi.5 These attributionsare contemporary, and written in a minute cursive script; they are placed unobtrusively, usually somewhere along the edge of the miniature or between the columns of text.
1 F. R. Martin, The Nizdmi MS from the Libraryof the Shah of
Persia ... (Vienna 1927), p. 8. 2 G. Marteau and H. Vever, Miniatures persanes ... (Paris, 1913), P- 53 and pl. CII-CIV. Referred to as Marteau-Vever. of 3 Catalogue an Exhibitionof PersianPaintings ... formerly from the Collections the Shahs of Persia . . . held at the Galleriesof Demotte of Inc., compiled by E. Blochet (New York, I930), Nos. 6o-6. Referred to as Demotte1930. 4 Calligraphers and Painters, tr. V. Minorsky, Freer Gallery Occasional Papers, III. 2 (Washington I959). Referred to as QdLtAhmad. 6 Sir Thomas Arnold, Painting in Islam (Oxford 1928), pp. 140-4. Referred to as IskandarMunshf.

2
JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Jami's Silsilat al-Dhahhdb (Dorn 434, ff.Ib, 2a) dated Ist Sha'ban 956/25th August 1549 by the calli-

There seems to be no reason why they should not be accepted. The manuscript has been briefly noticed by Schulz, Binyon-Wilkinson-Gray, Arnold, Stchoukine,Grube, and the presentwriter,6but has not hitherto been accorded a position of any importance in the history of Safawid painting. It may be well at this point to present a list of the miniatures so far identified, with references to which will be prefixed reproductionsand, for the subjects,to the Warners'translationof the Shdhndma,7 by the letter W. I. Illuminated page containing a large and magnificent shamsdwith double pendants, painted mainly in blue and gold, bearing an inscriptionin praise of Firdawsi. This may perhaps be the work of Zayn al-'Abidin. Rothschild Collection. 2. Double-page frontispiece of a royal hunt. No attribution, but perhaps by 'Ali Asghar (see below). The composition is taken directly from a double-page miniature in a Leningrad manuscript of

grapher Shah Mahmaidal-Nishpifiri (see F. R. Martin, Miniature Painting&c, 1912, Vol. II, pls. I16, I i7; O. Akimushkin and A. Ivanov, Persidskie Miniatyuri,Moscow, 1968, pls. 42, 43). The present version, however, is much larger, each half measuring 41 X 27 cm. Plate I. Rothschild Collection. 3. Firdawsi and the three court-poets. No attribution, but almost certainly by Zayn al-'Abidin. Rothschild Collection. Plate II (a). 4. Tahmfirath conquering the demons. Attribution to Murad. W.I. 127.

Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, Catalogue256.1 (illustrated).

VAM 1967, pl. 28.

5. Jamshid enthroned. Attribution to Naqdi. W.I.131. Geneva, Collection of H.H. Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan. Welch, Catalogue, Ir.M.29/A (illustrated in colour). Columbus (Ohio), Gallery of Fine Arts, TheArtsof OldPersia (October-November I951), No. 200, then in the possessionof the Heeramaneck Galleries. 6. Zahhik addressing his subjects; he is represented without the usual snakes issuing from his shoulders. Attribution to Zayn al-'Abidin. W.I.I54Rothschild Collection. Plate II(b). 7. Faridfanand his men fording the river. Attribution to Mihrab. W.I.I6o-I6I. Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, Catalogue 256.2. 8. Jandal, Faridlin'senvoy, interviewing Sarw King of Yemen and his three daughters. Attribution to Naqdi. W.I.I78. Rothschild Collection. Marteau-Vever, CII, fig. 126. Plate V(a). pl. 9. Sarw King of Yemen, his three daughtersand the three sons of Faridlin. Attribution to " Mir ", sc. Zayn al-'Abidin, on a stone in the bottom right-hand corner (may be a signature). W.I.183. We later and more magnificent version of the same subject in the Chester Beatty may compare Shdhndmaof Shah 'Abbas (VAM 1967, pl. 29). S.diqi's Rothschild Collection. Plate III(a).
10. Faridrinreceiving the envoy of his sons Tiarand Salm. Attribution to W.I.I92. S.diqi. Geneva, Collection of H.H. Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan (formerly Rothschild Collection). Welch, Catalogue, to be published in vol. III (provisional number M.I I2); Harvard University, Iranian Studies VII (1974), P. 504.
6

Miniaturmalerei(Leipzig P. W. Schulz, Die persisch-islamische x914), vol. I, p. 176; L. Binyon, J. V. S. Wilkinson, B. Gray, Persian Miniature Painting (London 1933), P. I 7, n. 2; Sir Thomas Arnold, op. cit., p. 144; I. Stchoukine, Les Peintures des ManuscritsSafavis (Paris 1959), pp. 29, 37, 43, 51. Referred to as Stchoukine; E. J. Grube, Muslim Miniature Paintings (Venice 1962), No. 6o, p. 82. Referred to as Grube; B. W. Robinson, Catalogueof a Loan Exhibition of Persian Miniature

BritishCollections (London 195 1), No. 62. Referred Paintingsfrom to as VAM 1951; idem,PersianPaintings(London, 1965), No. 28. Referred to as VAM 1965; idem, PersianDrawings (New York I965), P1. 43, p. 135. Referred to as Robinson PD; idem, Persian Miniature Paintings from Collectionsin the British Isles (London, 1967), No. 56, p. 62. Referred to as VAM 1967.
7 A. G. and E. Warner, The Shdhndma ofFirdausf,9 vols. (London,

I905-25).

Pl. L Double-page frontispiece: a royalhunt. Possiblyby 'Alf Asghar (No. 2).

Pl. IIa. Firdawsiand the court poets. By Zayn al-'Abidin(No. 3).

his Pl. IIb. Zahhhdk addressing subjects.By Zayn al-'Abidfn(No. 6).

P1. IIIa. Faridin' sons and their brides. By Zayn al-'Abidin (No. 9).

P1. IIIb. Bidarafshslain by Isfandiydr.By Zayn al-'Abidin(No. 44).

Pl. IVa. Zdl returned Sdmby theSimurgh.By Sddiqi (No. 13). to

P1. IVb. Rustam,Rakhsh,and thedragon. By Sad

Pl. Va. Jandal at the courtqf theKing of Temen.By Naqdf (No. 8).

Pl. Vb. Ruidaba receives present a from Zal. By

Pl. VIa. Suhrabquestions mother.By Siydwush(No. 25). his

Pl. VIb. Isfandiydr the Simurgh. By Siy and

Pl. VIla. The Persianarmyawaits reinforcements. Miihrdb (No. 34). By

Pl. VIIb. Bizhanfinds the wounded Gus

and P1. VIIIa. Isfandiyar thedragon. By MuradandSiydwush(No. 47).

Pl. VIIIb. Battle between Kay Khusrawand AJrdsiydb.B

ISMA'IL

II'S

COPY

OF THE

SHAHNAMA

II. The murder of Iraj by his brothers Tfir and Salm. Attribution to Murad. W.I.2oI. The faces of Ttir and Salm have been scrubbed and later repainted. Dublin, Chester Beatty Library Catalogue 256.3The infant Zal presented to his father Sam. Attribution to Sadiqi. W.I.24I. 12. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 34-72; Demotte 193o, No. 61; Metropolitan Museum of Art BulletinXXIX (i934), P. 217 (illustrated). 13. The child Zdl returned to his father by the Simurgh. Attribution to W.I.247. We of later version (perhaps his masterpiece) in the Chester Beatty Shdhndma Shah may compare S.diqi. 'Abbis (MS 277; VAM 1967, frontispiece). S.diqi's Rothschild Collection. Plate IV(a). 14. Zal at the palace of Riidaba. Attribution to W.I.27I. We may compare the version, also perhaps by S diqi, in the Chester Beatty Shdhndma Shah 'Abbas (Catalogue of 277). S.diqi. Beverly Hills, Benkaim (ex-Kevorkian) Collection. London, Sotheby and Co., Sale Catalogue, 7.xii.1970, lot 48 (illustrated in colour). I5. Observed from an upper window by her mother Sindukht, Rfiddba receives a tiara from Zdl at the hands of the woman who acted as their go-between. Attribution to Naqdi. W.I.282. Rothschild Collection. Plate V(b). 16. Rustam kills the mad elephant. Attribution to Sadiqi. W.I.328. Though a child at the time, the hero is here representedwith a beard and in his full traditional panoply. Private collection, Italy. Sotheby, I3.vii.1971, lot 355 (illustrated, but withdrawn from the sale); ibid., 7.xii.I97I, lot 90oA(illustrated). 17. The young prince Afrasiydbplanning the invasion of Iran with his father Pashang. Attribution to W.I.342. S.diqi. Geneva, Collection of H.H. Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan. Welch, Catalogue, Ir.M.29/B (illustrated in colour); New York, Iranian Institute, Guideto the Exhibition PersianArt, 1940, frontispiece (in of colour), then in the Kevorkian Collection; Sotheby, I.xii.I969, lot 66 (illustrated in colour). 18. Rustam catches his horse Rakhsh. Attribution to Siyawush. W.I.38o. Formerly Rockefeller Collection; present whereabouts unknown. E. J. Grube, "A lacquered I panel painting ", in J. M. Barral (ed), Orientalia Hispanica (Leiden, 1974), p. 392 and fig. 9. Rustam received by Kay Qubd on Mount Alburz. Attribution to Naqdi. W.I.38419. Rothschild Collection. 20. Rustam, Rakhsh, and the dragon. Attribution to Sidiqi. W.II.5o. Rothschild Collection. Plate IV(b). 21. Rustam lassoes Awlid. Attribution unrecorded. W.II.54. Present whereabouts unknown. Demotte i93o, No. 66. 22. The elders of Barbaristanoffer submissionto Kay Ka'tis. Attribution to Siyawush. W.II.83. This is almost certainly to be identified with Demottez93o No. 63, described as " Kay Ka'UisKing of Persia on horseback, discussing his schemes of conquests with several personages." Present whereabouts unknown. Formerly Rockefeller Collection. 23. Capture of Kay Ka'tis by the King of Hamawarin. Attribution to Siyiwush. W.II.9o.
Present whereabouts unknown. Christies' Sale Catalogue, i I.x.1960, Maggs Bros., CatalogueJNo. 88o (November 1961), pl. VIII.
24.

lot 60;

London, Messrs

slain by Rustam. Attribution to Mihrib. W.II.I5. AlkBis Collection of H.H. Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan (formerlyRothschild Collection). Welch, Geneva,
Catalogue(to be published in Vol. III; provisional number M.I I3). Demotte 193o, No. 65.

25. Suhrab questioning his mother Tahmina. Attribution to Siyiawush. W.II.I26. Rothschild Collection. Plate VI(a).

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26. Rustam and Suhrdb wrestling on horseback. Attribution to Siyawush. W.II.I63. Rothschild Collection.
27. Interview between Siyawush and Garsiwaz. W.II.238. Attribution to Siydwush. Rothschild Collection.

28. Siydwush hunting with Afrdsiyab. Attribution to Siydwush. W.II.268. Rothschild Collection.
29.

No. 33, pl. XVIII (makes no attempt to identify the subject, and does not notice attribution), Egyptian
Institute Memoirs XLVII; Demotte r93o, No. 64.

(Formerly) Cherif Sabry Pacha collection, Cairo. G. Wiet, Miniatures persanes . ..,

Pilsam begs Afrasiyab'spermissionto fight Rustam. Attribution to Siydwush. W.II.350.

Cairo 1943,

Siyiwush. W.II.392.

30. Kay Khusraw, his mother Firangis, and Giw fording the Jihun (Oxus). Attribution to Rothschild Collection. 31. Kay Khusraw enthroned. Attribution to Burji. W.II.4oo. Present whereabouts unknown. MarteauVever, CIII, fig, 127. pl. welcomes Kay Khusraw after his capture of the castle of Bahman. Attribution to 32. Kay Kat'is

Siydwush. W.II.41o.

Rothschild Collection. 33. Farfid watching the approach of the Persian army from the rampartsof his castle. Attribution Ham (Richmond), Keir Collection. Sotheby, 13.vii.1971, lot 354 (reproduced,but withdrawn from
lot 194 (reproduced).

to Siyawush. W.III.44.
sale); ibid., 7.xii.I97I,

34. The Persian army, besieged on Mount Hamawin, awaiting reinforcements. W.III.I158. Attribution to Mihr~b. Rothschild Collection. Plate VII(a). Pir~n confers with Kamiis and the Khdqin. Attribution to Siyawush. W.III.I64. 35Geneva, Collection of H.H. Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan. Welch, Catalogue, Ir.M.29 (illustratedin colour); Columbus (Ohio), Gallery of Fine Arts, The Arts of Old Persia (November 1951), No. 201 (probably), then in the possessionof the Heeramaneck Galleries. 36. Rustam lassoes Kamtis. Attribution to Siyawush. W.III.I89. Gerrards Cross, Collection of Dr and Mrs. Schott. VAM i95i, No. 62 (wrongly attributed and
dated); VAM 1965, pl. 28; RobinsonPD, pl. 43; VAM r967, No. 56(c).

37. The capture of Bizhan in the palace of Manizha. Attribution to Naqdi. W.III.30o3. Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, Catalogue 256.5Battle between the Iranians under Bizhan and the Turanians. Attribution unrecorded. 38. Exact incident unidentified, but possibly W.IV.54 or 83.
Demotte 193o, No. 62. 39. Bizhan finds the wounded Gustaham. Attribution to Murid. Rothschild Collection. Plate VII(b). 40. The second battle between Kay Khusraw and Afrasiyab. Plate VIII(b). style. W.IV.I9I. Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, Catalogue256.4. W.IV. 123. Unattributed; strongly Shirazi

41. Kay Khusraw conversing with his paladins shortly befbre his withdrawal and disappearance. Attribution to Siyawush. W.IV.286. Rothschild Collection.

ISMA 'IL

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42. Luhrasp hears from the returning paladins of the vanishing of Kay Khusraw. Attribution to New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, No. 35-48. Sotheby, 5.ii.I935, lot 38 (reproduced); No. 60 (subject wrongly identified in both). Grube, 43. Gushtdspdisplaying his prowesson the riding-groundbefore Caesar. Attribution to Siyawush. W.IV.350o. Gerrards Cross, Collection of Dr and Mrs Schott. 44. Isfandiydrkills Bidarafshin single combat. Attribution to Zayn al-'A-bidin. W.V.7o. Rothschild Collection. Plate III(b). and to 45. Isfandiydr the Wolves. Attribution Naqdi. W.V.I22. Collection of H.H. Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan (formerlyRothschild Collection). To be Geneva, published in Vol. III of Welch's Catalogue;provisional number, M.I i4a. 46. Isfandiydrand the Lions. Attribution to Murad. W.V.125. Geneva, Collection of H.H. Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan (formerlyRothschild Collection). To be published in Vol. III of Welch's Catalogue;provisional number, M.I I4b. 47- Isfandiyar and the Dragon. Attribution to Murid and Siydwush; apparently a joint effort.
W.V.I27. SiySwush. W.IV.3I I.

Rothschild Collection. Plate VIII(a). 48. Isfandiyvr and the Simurgh. Attribution to Siyawush. W.V.133. Rothschild Collection. MarteauVever, CIV, fig. 128. Plate VI(b). pl. 49- Iskandar instructing Naitqfin to assume the throne and crown temporarily. Probably Siydwush (no attribution visible on official photograph). W.VI.I25. Seattle (Washington) Art Museum, Is36.15. Demotte z93o, No. 6o. 50. Iskandar building the wall against Gog and Magog. Attribution to 'Ali Asghar. W.VI.I65. Presentwhereaboutsunknown. Paris, Palais Gallidra,Sale catalogue 19.vi. 1970, lot 52 (illustrated). Unfortunately, the great work of Marteau and Vever, celebrating the exhibition of Persian miniatures at the Musde des Arts Dicoratifs, Paris, in I912 (the only occasion on which our manuscript appeared in its complete state), does not give details, such as the number of folios and miniaturesin any given manuscript, the name of the scribe, or any of the other information sometimes found in colophons. However, though the colophon of this Shdhndma it ever had one) does not seem to have been (if preserved, the date of the miniaturesis fixed (paceBlochet) by stylistic considerationsat about I575-80. It is also clear that it is a royal manuscript; its scale, and its lavish and impressiveillustrationswith their attributions to well-known court artists, leave no doubt on that score. ShTh Tahmtsp died in 1576, and we know that in his latter years religious bigotry had turned him away from his early love of painting. He was succeeded by Isma'il II, who survived less than two years before falling a victim to an over-dose of opium. After him came the feeble and almost blind Muhammad KhudTbanda,whose inglorious reign, filled with invasions and rebellion, came to an end with the accession of Shdth in 1587. It is thus clear that the only possible patron of our manuscriptwas Ism'I11II, who did 'Abbts indeed make an effort to restore the reputation of the royal kitdb-khana the high level of Tahmasp's early to years. In spite of his cruelty (he began his reign by murdering a number of princes of the blood,
including the brilliant IbrThim MirzB) he was an extremely cultured man. Q i Ahmad tells us that, amongst other accomplishments, he was a practised calligrapher, a talented poet, and a painter whose work earned the approval of connoisseurs. But as we have seen his reign was cut short, and in this connection it is noteworthy that all the surviving miniatures in this set are confined to the earlier part of the epic. We may therefore conclude that, like so many other Muslim princes of Iran, IsmB'il II signalised his accession by commissioning a splendid copy of the national epic, which remained unfinished at his death fifteen months later. The miniatures may thus be dated with some confidence to 1576-7.

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The following are the painters to whom attributions are made in this set of miniatures, in order of frequency, and with brief biographical particulars when available:
SIYAWUSH (BEG). Nineteen miniatures are here attributed to him, viz., Nos. I8, 22, 23, 25-30, 32, Munship. 143; Qdit Ahmad 33, 35, 36, 41-43, 47-49 (No 47 partly the work of Murad). See Iskandar

p. 191; Stchoukine, 48. He was a Georgian slave under TahmIsp, whose talent the latter recognized, p. giving him a place in the royal studios while still quite a child. He is variously stated to have been a pupil of Muzaffar 'Ali, of Hasan 'Ali, and of the Shah himself; he may have been a brother of Farrukh Beg, who later went to India and became one of Akbar's court painters. He was probably dead by about I615. His work in this manuscript gives an impression of easy competence and fairly rapid execution; his miniatures are uncluttered and often lively. His typical face is round with wide-open eyes, and he has a liking for large plants (a taste characteristicof the Qazwin style at this time), but some of his vegetation is hard and lifeless. SADIQI (BEG). Seven miniatures are here attributed to him, viz., Nos. 10, 12-14, 16, 17, 20. See Iskandar Munshi,p. 142; Qdti Ahmad, 191; Stchoukine, 44; also B. W. Robinson " Two Persian p. p. Art, N.S.XVIII.I (Spring Manuscripts in the Library of the Marquess of Bute " Part II, in Oriental 1972), pp. 50-6. He was a Turk of the Afshdr tribe, a brilliant painter, but of a cross-grained and arrogant disposition. He was a pupil of Muzaffar 'Ali, and later became director of the Royal Library under Shah 'Abbas. He was also a bold warrior on occasion, and a poet of no mean accomplishment. With his miniatures in this set we may compare the single painting he contributed to the British Museum Garshd.p-Ndma 1573 (Or.12985, f.45b; VAM 1967, pl. 23) which is full of vigour and very of similar in style. At this time he had not yet reached the height of his powers; there is still a certain miniatures. But their execution is careful and effective, especially in the stiffnessabout these Shdhndma bold and varied treatment of rocks, which obviously enjoyed painting, and which he later made the dominant feature of his masterpiecein S.diqi the Chester Beatty Shdhndma above, No. (see
NAQDI 13)" (BEG). Six miniatures are here attributed to him, viz., Nos. 5, 8, 15, 19, 37, 45. See

Iskandar Munshi,p. 144; Stchoukine, 43. His name appears among the " other excellent artists and p. painters " in Iskandar Munshi's account, but nothing further seems to have been recorded of him. His figurestend to be large with rather long faces; he paints rocksfinely, and likes very large flowersin his landscapes. Some of his designs of animals on clothes (No. 8) and buildings (No. 15) may have been inspired by 15th century drawings now in the Istanbul albums. MURAD (DAYLAMI). Five miniatures are here attributed to him, viz., Nos. 4, I1, 39, 46, 47. See Stchoukine, 43. Nothing is known of him beyond his contributions to the present manuscript, p. where his work is characterizedby meticulous care and exquisite finish. We may note in particular the fine clouds and effective use of pricking on armour, saddles, and other accoutrements; the former bear clear witness to his collaboration with Siyawush in No. 47. (MIR) ZAYN AL-'ABIDIN. Four miniatures are here attributed to him, viz., Nos. 3, 6, 9, 44. See Iskandar Munshi, p. 141; Q!?i Ahmad, p. 187; Stchoukine,p. 51. He was a grandson of Sultan Muhammad, whose pupil he became, and spent all his life in the royal service. He was as good an illuminator as he was a painter, and signed the exquisite heading in the Chester Beatty Shdhndma of Shah 'Abbas (MS 277). He was a man of great dignity and nobility of character. The style of his work in this manuscript may appear old-fashioned beside that of some of his colleagues-No. 44 has almost a look of Bihzad-but it is all outstanding for its superb execution and rich colouring; faces and rocks are painted with the utmost skill and delicacy, and the drawing is always sure and firm. In No. 6 the
turban-folds are rendered by an extra thick application of white paint, bringing them into relief; this device is not infrequently encountered in the work of court painters of the previous generation, such as Zayn al-'Abidin's grandfather Sultan Muhammad. MIHRAB. Three miniatures are here attributed to him, viz., Nos. 7, 24, 34. See Stchoukine, 37, p. where he is called Mihrab Burji, possibly by confusion with Burji of Ardabil (see below). Martin makes him a pupil of Hasan of Baghdad and later of Siyawush, but it is not clear upon what grounds, and nothing really seems to be known of him beyond his contributions to the present manuscript. Mihrab

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stands with Naqdi in the second rank of this group of painters. His drawing (especially of faces) and composition are not so effective and his finish is not so meticulous as some of the others'; nevertheless the general effect is usually successful. 'ALTASGHAR. Two miniatures are here attributed to him, viz., Nos. 2 (no written attribution), 50. See Iskandar Munshi,p. 143; Qdti Ahmad, 188; Stchoukine, 28-29. He was a native of Kashan, p. p. and served successively Shah Tahmasp, Ibrahim Mirza, and Isma'il II; he was also the teacher of QaTiAhmad himself. But perhaps his chief claim to fame is that he was the father of Ria (Aqa Rida, RitB-i 'Abbisi). He was thus an artist of some standing when this manuscriptwas produced. It seems to have been a practice to assign the frontispieceof a fine manuscript to the senior painter (e.g. Mirak in the British Museum Ni2imi Or. 6810oof 1494, and Malik Husayn Isfahani in the Windsor Castle Shdhndma 1648), and it may therefore be permissible to make a tentative attribution of this frontisof to 'All Asghar, especially in view of its apparent similarity to No. 50 in the painting of rocks. If piece this attribution be accepted, it will follow that 'Ali Asghar also illustrated another Shdhndma few years a six miniaturesfrom which are in the Rothschild Collection.8 The same treatment of rocksand a earlier, highly idiosyncraticmanner of painting profiles (which, however, does not occur in No. 51) are common to both. Examples of the latter may be seen in the foregroundof No. 2 (P1. I). BURJI. One miniature, No. 29, is here attributed to him. See Stchoukine, 33, where he is called p. Burji 'All. According to the Turkish writer 'Ali he was a native of Ardabil and a pupil of Sultan Vever CIII his work was akin to that of Siyawush and Murad, with Muhammad. Judging by Marteaupl. good firm drawing and a fine finish. ANONYMOUS or UNRECORDED. Nos. 21, 38, 40. The first two of these have not been sighted, and may well carry attributions. No. 40, however, is interesting and a little mysterious. Whilst all the other miniaturesin the set conform broadly to the Qazwin style of the time, No. 40 stands out as something quite different. The style is unmistakably that of Shiraz, and looks rather earlier than the date we have established for the manuscript; this seems to indicate a Shirazi painter of fairly mature years. The only Shirazi among the painters listed by Qaii Ahmad and Iskandar Munshi is Mawlana 'Abdallah; after serving Ibrahim Mirzd for twenty years he was appointed to the royal kitdb-khdna by Isma'il II. However, though this would make him sufficiently senior, it would be strange if he still painted in the Shiraz manner after such long service at the court of Mashhad, and in any case he seems to have been best known as an illuminator. So, for the present, the mystery must be allowed to remain. as Nobody would regard the miniaturesfrom this Shdhndma serious rivals to those in its predecessor, the Houghton (formerly Rothschild) Shdhndma made for Shah Tahmasp, or its successor the Chester Beatty Sh/ihndma (MS 277) of Shah 'Abbas. But they are of considerableimportance from the historical of view, besides being fine and impressivein themselves. Just as in the Timurid period, between point the death of Baysunghur and the advent of Bihzad, there is a period of some confusion and a dearth of firmly documented material, so in the 16th century there is an awkward interval between the latter years of Tahmdsp and the accession of 'Abbas. Much work has been done of late years to throw more light on both these periods, especially by Mr Anthony Welch for the period with which we are here is concerned, a period in which this Shihndma the most important document. Mr Welch's recent paper " Painting and Patronage under Shah 'Abbas " (IranianStudiesVII, Nos. 3-4, Harvard 1974, PP458-507) admirably sums up the present position, and includes detailed accounts of a number of
painters, Siyawush and Sadiqi among them.

It is sad that the first western owner of our manuscript, the dealer Demotte, treated it at best in a
very cavalier manner, and sometimes with appalling barbarity. Some of the leaves (e.g. No. 3) have been ruthlessly cut down and trimmed, whilst others were apparently handed over to a framer who laid them down on card and secured his matt mounts to the surface of the pages with large dabs of
8 Before this article is published the Rothschild Collection of Persian Miniatures will be on public view at Messrs Colnaghi's Galleries in Bond Street. The magnificent range of 22 leaves of from the Shahndma Ismi'il II are catalogued under No. 19, and this earlier set under No. 18.

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glue. There seems little hope, if any, that the colophon has been preserved. But the covers must have been fine, and may yet be identified, and it seems not unlikely that a few more of the miniatures may turn up; surely in such a volume the Court Gayumarth, and Rustam the WhiteDemon,the Fire-ordeal of of and the Rescue Bizhan must have been illustrated? Siyawush, of Meanwhile let us be thankful for the light the surviving miniatures shed on court painting at a difficultperiod, bringing to life, as they do, the ratherperfunctoryremarksof Qi Alhimad Iskandar and Munshi by showing us the actual work of the painters they mention. These painters were in a difficult position between two contrasting periods of great brilliance-the age of Sultan Muhammad and the age of Ri2t-i 'Abbasi. Though their work is sometimes uneven they have on the whole responded gallantly to the challenge of restoring the standards of the royal atelier after a period of neglect. It is their misfortune, and ours, that the volume enshrining their paintings was not permitted to retain its pristine magnificence.9

In conclusion, I should like to offer my warmest thanks to Mr Anthony Welch and Dr Ernst Grube for providing me with information on several of the miniatures in the foregoing list,

and to Mr Jacob Rothschild for kindly permitting me to illustrate hitherto unpublished miniatures from the Rothschild Collection.

THE KUFICHIS OR QUFS IN PERSIAN HISTORY

By C. E. Bosworth
The south-eastern quarter of Persia, sc. the provinces of Kirman, Makran and Baluchistan, has always played a smaller part in the country'shistory than have other, adjacent provincessuch as Firs or Khurasan. The extreme aridity of much of this region, making agriculture difficult and generally dependent on irrigation, the comparative lack of rich pasture grounds such as one finds in Khurasan and Azerbaijan, the extensive mountain ranges rising to over 14,ooo feet, and the inhospitable coastline, with no major port today between Hormuz or Bandar Abbas and Karachi,1have all combined to make it a singularly unattractive region for intensive settlement, though Makran and Baluchistan have on many occasions in history formed an important corridor for the movement of peoples between the Iranian and Indian worlds. Although something is known about Kirmdinin early Islamic times, since it was usually a dependency of the much richer and politically more important province of Ftrs, the history of the lands further east, stretching through coastal Makrdn and inland Baluchistan to Sind (what is now politically Persian and Pakistani Baluchistan) is largely a blank at this time. The province of Kirmdn stricto sensu shared in the cultural and intellectual vitality of mediaeval Islam enough to contribute significantly to the vigorous genre of Persian local historiography,from Afdal ad-Din Kirmani in the 6th/12th-early 7th/I3th centuries down to Ahmad 'All Khdn Vaziri in the 19th century. The extremely thinlypopulated region to the south and east of Kirman, however, evolved no traditions of urban life and consequent culture; today, Persian Baluchistan remains the most backward part of the Shahanshah's dominions, whilst in Pakistani Baluchistan a sense of political and cultural consciousness has only come to the surface, with attendant stresses,in the last decade or so. The lack of material for the early political history of the region is paralleled by an even profounder dearth of information on such matters as the ethnology, demography and linguistic situation there. We clutch at straws, but it is neverthelesspossible to utilize the exiguoussourcesin order to throw light on certain aspectsof these problems, and it is with one of these problemsthat we shall now be concerned. In the Arabic and Persian historical and geographical sources of the period between the 3rd/9th century and the decline of the Seljuqs in the 6th/I2th century, we find scattered referencesto a people of south-easternPersia designated by the simple descriptiveepithet of Kfifichis/Kfifijis" mountaineers". The etymology is fairly clear. Kfijijpresupposesa non-attested Old Iranian form *kaufaizya-" mountain dweller " (< O. Pers. kaufa-"mountain "), which was evidently a by-form of O. Pers. dkaufaciya-,the name of a people in the Daiva inscription of Xerxes, mentioned together with the maliyathe unstressed, " men of Maka " (= western Makran?).2 N. Pers. Kfifij/Kzifich Kzfaj/Kfzfach, (< unstable a vowel becoming i beforej/ch) was arabicized to Qafis,with the usual Arabic alternation of v k/q for Iranian k and the normal Arabic rendering of the Iranian unvoiced fricative by the Arabic emphatic sibilant s; the form *Kafch (where the intervocalic a has dropped out altogether) was arabicized to Qufs. The Balfich likewise appear in the early Arabic texts as Balis. *Kafchalso yielded, in everyday Persian, with a fairly natural absorptionof preconsonantalf by the preceeding u, the form often in the alliterative coupling Kich u Balfch. However, we have enough information to show Kzich, that, in dealing with the Kiffichis and the Baliich, we have before us two distinct ethnic and linguistic groups.
1

In classical and mediaeval Islamic times, it is true, the port of Tiz, Ptolemy's Tfjao, on the shores of the present-day bay of Chah-bahar in Persian Makrdn, was apparently a flourishing entrep6t for the trade of Kirmin and Sistdn. See on the recent site and ruins at Tiz, T. H. Holdich, " Notes on ancient and mediaeval Makran ", GJ VII (Jan.-June 1896), pp. 396-7,

and now J. Hansman's discussion of the significance of the port in the article cited in n. 6 below, pp. 572-4. 2 See R. G. Kent, Old Persiangrammar, texts,lexicon2 (New Haven, In respect of the initial d: zero, dkaufai953), pp. 151, 165. ziya-seems to stand to *kaufaciya-as O. Pers. asagarta- (Kent, p. 173a) stands to Greek Sagartia.

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Because of the close connection of the two peoples in the sources, it is necessary to say something first about the much more studied, though hardly better-known,Baliichis. We only know of these last in their present geographical habitat from historical and travellers'information of the last 150 years or so, whilst the equation of the homeland of the mediaeval Kflfichiswith modern Bashkardia(see below) is tentative only, though probable. To the present writer's knowledge, the mediaeval historical and geographical texts contain no more precise information about the possible migrations and movements of the Baliichis than what was gathered together seventy years ago by M. Longworth Dames, whilst the informationon the habitat and moresof the Kafichis is all set forth in the latter part of this chapter. With such a dearthof firm historicalfact, the few scholarswho have concerned themselveswith these problems have tried to bridge the gap between the known, present-day position and the virtually unknown, historic past by utilising interalia the indications provided by a study of the languages of the region. Already at the beginning of this century, Longworth Dames, an Indian Civilian who had a knowledge of Baluchistan and the Baluchi language outstanding for his time, suggested that the Balfich had migrated across the central Persian deserts from northern or north-western Persia, in particular, from the Caspian region, at some time beforethe 4th/I oth century,when we begin to hear of them in Kirm-n; he noted that in Firdausi's Sdha-ndma, Balich are linked with the men of Gildn.3 More recently, the R. N. Frye has taken up these arguments and has suggested a migration acrossthe northernpart of the Central Desert, citing linguistic parallels between Balfichi and the Biyrbdnak Persian dialects.4 Then, perhaps under pressure from the Dailami Buyids, the Ghaznavids, and finally the Seljuqs and their Tiirkmen followers, the Balach moved further eastwards-probably via the Kirmin-Bampur depression-Mashkelroute used some 13oo years before by Alexander the Great on his way back from Indiainto the largely empty region of what is now Baluchistan. Here they superimposedthemselvesupon an indigenous stock with Dravidian ethnic and linguistic connections, representedby the modern Brahuis. In general, the Arab geographers of the 4th/Ioth century, and the anonymous Persian Hudadal-'dlam dating from the end of that century, locate the Balftch as dwelling just to the east of the important town in eastern Kirmdn of Jiruft, in the steppe land (salhrd) between the wooded Jabal Bariz and the southern fringes of the Dasht-i Lit; only Maqdisi mentions Baltichi-speakersmuch further east, at Panjgtirin what is now the eastern part of Pakistani Baluchistan (see concerning this last item of information, below). Uncertain of the ethnic affiliations of the Balaich,some sources consider them (and also the Kflfichis) as Kurds, and their nomadic and predatory way of life must have seemed very similar to that of the Kurds of the Zagros region, whose name was a byword for violence and banditry.5 However, doubt has recently been thrown on the accepted view of LongworthDames and Frye, that the Balfich moved southwards and eastwards from northern Persia in early Islamic times, by John Hansman in a detailed and closely-argued study which seeks to identify the Magan/Makan of the Akkadian and Assyrian texts with western Makran (sc. that part of the coastland now falling within Persianterritory)and their Meluhha with eastern Makran (sc. that part of it now belonging to Pakistani Baluchistan).6 He propones that the Baltich are the later descendants of the ancient Meluhha, these last in turn to be identified also with the Mleccha, mentioned in Sanskrit texts from ca. 600 B.C. onwards as a barbarian people living beyond the Indus, i.e. to the west of the river. He cites Maqdisi's information on Bannajbiir (modern Panjgilr) in the Rakhshan valley, described as the chief town of Makran and as being inhabited by a Balfichi-speakingpeople only nominally Muslim, as evidence that the Balich were already establishedin eastern Baluchistanbefore the supposedmigration eastward under Bilyid and Seljuq pressure.7 But Maqdisi wrote ca. 375/985 and it is quite possible that advance
SM. Longworth Dames, The Baloch race (London, 1904), and EPI art. " Bal6cistin ". 4 ,"Remarks on Baluchi history ", CAJ VI (1961), pp. 44-50. 5 The information of the Arabic geographers on the haunts of the Kfifichis and Balfich is subsumed in W. Tomaschek, " Zur historischen Topographie von Persien. I. Die Strassenziugeder Tabula Peuteringana ", SBWAW, Phil.-Hist. Cl., CII (1882), pp. 189-90; G. Le Strange, The lands of the EasternCaliphate Cambridge, 1905), PP. 316-17, 323-4; P. Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalternach den arabischen Geographen (Leipzig, i896-1926), pp. 261-6; and J. Markwart, A catalogue theprovincial of capitals

6J.

ed. of Erdnshahr, G. Messina (Rome, 1931), PP. 74-7Hansman, " A periplus of Magan and Melublha ", BSOAS XXXVI (1973), PP- 554-87. 'Maqdisi, Ahsan at-taqdsim,ed. M. J. de Goeje (Leiden, 1906), p. 478. Hansman's linguistic connecting of these peoples is Melulba-Balubiu-Balafic (op. cit., pp. 568-70). The disparity in the vowels, e versus u, in Meleccha-Meluhila is, however, unexplained by this. Also, if Baluchistan really was the homeland of the Balfich in clasical times, we have the problem of accounting for the diaspora of Balfich as far north as Khurasan and the fringes of Transoxania.

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elements of the Baltich could have reached the neighbourhood of Panjgiir by then. It is further dangerous to consider him as an expert on any languages of south-eastern Persia outside those familiar to the normal, bilingual Arabo-Persian scholar, sc. Arabic and New Persian (note also his information that the language of the Qufs and Balilch resembled that of the Sindis, below, pp. 12-13); his " people speaking gibberish ", qaum ghutm,of Banjgtirmight equally well have been Brahuis. We really know nothing of the Bal-ichi language before the mid-I9th century, when such pioneer scholars as E. Pierce, Colonel E. Mockler and then Longworth Dames, published linguistic material. It is clear that the linguistic affinities of Baltichi are with the Parthian language of northern Persia, and that it occupies a central position between Western and Eastern Iranian. Being very conservative compared with New Persian and Pashto, it looks like an older stage of the Middle Parthian of the 3rd century A.D. There are similar sound changes between Parthian and Baltichi, and the evidence suggests that the ethnic Baltich separated from the Parthians at a stage before we know the latter, and that this separation took place in Khurasan rather than in north-westernPersia.8 One puzzling question, whose solution one would like to know, is when the ethnic term " Balfich " first developed; Frye cites the various attempts which have been made at supplying an etymology for it, and is justifiably as sceptical about them all.9 In contemporary usage in Bashkardia,balfich, opposed to Balaichi, simply means " shepherd ", i.e. it is a common noun and not an ethnic designation.'0 Returning to the Ktifichis, these are placed by those Arabic and Persian geographical sources which first mention them and the Balfich in the extensive, mountainous region lying between the Jabal Bariz and the Gulf of Oman. Thus Istakhri and Ibn IHauqal describe the country of the Qufs as bounded by the sea on the south; the Baltich areas of Hormuz and Mantijdn (sc. the basin of the Rtidkhdna-yi Mindb or Minto, which runs down to the Gulf) on the west; the districts of Jiruft and Rildhbdr and the hill region called K-ihistan-i Abil Ghanim (probably to be located in the upper reaches of the Rtidkhana-yi Minab basin, the modern Kfih-i Dashtagird) on the north; and alAkhwash (the modern settlement of Khwdsh in the Sarhadd region, just to the south of the volcanic Kilh-i Taftan, the highest peak in Baluchistan) and the desert on the east." The IHudad al-'dlam,in its introductory section (?5) on the mountains and mines of the world, is especially detailed on the orography of Kirman province. It describes the Ktih-i K!ifij as comprising a chain of seven mountains running from the Gulf of Oman to the neighbourhood of Jiruft, each with a chief of its own and wellnigh impregnable, and distinct from such hill regions as the Ktihistdn-i Abti Ghdnim, the Kilh-i Bdrijin and the Kaih-iSim or " Silver Mountain ".12 From all this there emerges, as Minorskypointed to out, that the Ktifichi country correspondedgrossomodo the ranges separating the inland basin of the Halil River, the Jaz Muryan swamp and the Bampur river from the sea, with mountains rising up to mention al-'dlam's 7000 feet and including the modern district of Bashdkardor Bashkardia. The HIudad of Khwdsh as the north-eastern limit of the Ktifichis presumably means that they controlled the steppelands of the Jaz Muryan depression and those mountains to the north of it like the Kfih-i BazmSn.'3
I rely on information given to me by Dr Ilya generously Gershevitch. " on article 9 Remarks Baluchihistory p. 47. Hansman's ", an contains appendix SirHarold in he by Bailey which liststhe evidence the termBalfich p. 586). for earlylinguistic (on " 10 I. Gershevitch, Travelsin Bashkardia JRCASXLVI ",

8Here,as in otherlinguistic matters discussed thischapter, in

al(1959), pp. 219-20, and cf. his n. I5, noting the IHudad 'alam's statement that the Ballich are herdsmen. 11Istakhri, Kitdb Masdlik al-mamdlik(Cairo, 196I), p. 98; Ibn HIauqal, Kitdb Sarat al-ard, ed. J. H. Kramers (Leiden, 19389), vol. II, pp. 309-10, tr. Kramers and G. Wiet, Configuration de la terre(Paris, I964), vol. II, pp. 304-5. 12 Tr. Minorsky2 (London, 1970), pp. 65, I24, 20oI, 374-5. There is a good description of the physical geography of this 13 Persia (1945), PP- 98-I07, with a region in Admiraltyhandbook, useful map, see also W. B. Fisher, in Cambridge historyqf Iran. Vol. I The landof Iran, ed. Fisher (Cambridge, 1968), pp. 81-7,
2

also with maps. On Bashkardia in particular, see Gershevitch, art. cit. (= JRCAS XLVI [1959], pp. 213-24), with references to the work of the very few European travellers in the region previously; and most recently, Frangois Balsan, LEtrange Baloutchistan (Paris, i969), which contains some excellent photographs. The pioneer traveller in Bashkardia was in fact the Englishman E. A. Floyer, who was a member of the Government Indo-European Telegraph staff stationed at Jask on the Persian Gulf, and who travelled through Bashkardia in 1876 at a time when the inhabitants were still largely untamed; see his UnexploredBalachistan. A survey, with observationsastronomical, geographical,botanical, etc. (London, 1882). Between Floyer and Dr and Mrs Gershevitch in 1956, there was virtually no-one who has left published material except for the traveller A. Gabriel, see his Im weltfernenOrient, ein Reiseberichtvon Dr. Alfons Gabriel (Munich-Berlin, 1929), chs. " Im Herzen von Bashdkard ".

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Did the Kiffichis formerly control a more extensive area to the north and west of this somewhat inaccessible and ill-favoured region? At the present time, the highland region of Bashkardia is surrounded on three sides (east, south and west) by Baltichis, since the latter extend along the Makrdn coastland as far west as Mintb. One might speculate that the Arab invasions of Kirman and the migrations of the Balhch might conceivably have pushed an indigenous mountain-dwelling people out Arabised plural form of what the geographersclassified as the " cold region " of Kirman (the sardsir, the extensive mountain region dominated by the peaks of the KUih-iHazdr and the Kfih-i surfd), sc. Arabized plural formjurzim)nearer the coast, of which LIlazdr, into the " hot region " (the garmsir, modern Bashkardiaforms part. On the other hand, the sketchy information which we possess on the Kitfichis in the first century or so of Islam tends to locate them already in what are known as their later haunts, see below. For the pre-B-iyid period, data on the Kilfichis are indeed fragmentary, but they do tend to show that they were living in south-easternPersia well before the Balfich are known there. When in 23/644 the Persian population of Kirman were attacked by the Companion Suhail b. 'Adi and his Arabs, they summoned the help of the Qufs.14 Then in 31/651-2, 'Abdallih b. 'Amir b. Kuraiz, governorof Basra, Khurasan and the east for 'Uthman, left Mujdshi' b. Mas'tid as-Sulami as his lieutenant in Kirman. After Mujdshi' had subjugated the towns of Sirajan, Hamid, Jiruft and Kirman/Bardasir,he turned southwardstowards Hormuz and came to the Qufs country, whither a large number of Persianrefugees from the towns of Kirmdn had fled; he scattered these fugitives, so that some fled along the coast of Makrin and some took to the sea.15 Then comes a lengthy silence until the time of the early Safflrids (mid-3rd/9th century). The local mentions that when historian of Kirmin Afdal ad-Din Ahmad b. Ihdmid Kirmmni(wrote 584/1188) Ya'qfib b. Laith occupied Kirmdn, the people of Jiruft rebelled with the aid of the Ktfichis of Kfih-i sc. the Jabal Bdriz; the Safftrid amir, however, managed to capture the leader of the Kfifichis Bqrijmn, and imprison him at Bam.16 It seems to have been as a result of Saffdrid penetration of the Jabal Bdriz region that Islam was introduced into what had been until then a redoubt of surviving Zoroastrianism, in Fars and Kirmdn, Ibrahim b. al-Misma'i, conquered the region of the Qufs and took 5000 prisoners, selling them as slaves in Fdrs."7 In all these instances, the vague usage of the term al-Qufs,both for a region and for a people, or merely as a general name for " mountain people ", makes it difficult to know whether we are really dealing with the Kifichis of the 4th/Ioth century geographers and the sources on Bilyid history, though this seems probable. In so far as the Kfifichis ever emerge into the clear light of history, it is at this point, when their activities begin to impinge on the wider policies of the great powers of the Iranian world such as the Bilyids, the Ghaznavids and the Seljuqs. They appear above all as a bellicose and rapacious race of of bandits, and this not only in the historical and geographical sources, but also in the Shdh-ndma Firdausi, where the Kilchu Balachare mentioned more than once for their hardihood and prowess in battle, e.g. as part of Kai Khusrau's forces, and for their skill in fighting with the dagger."s The geographers do, however, also mention that the Kfifichis practiced some agriculture, and had date palms and cultivated fields. Physically, they are described as swarthy-skinnedand lean in build. In regard to language, it is interesting that Istakhri, Maqdisi and the Hud9dal-'dlamattribute to the Kfifichis, as also to the inhabitants of the Jabal Bdriz and the Balhch, a special language of their own, in addition to Persian. Maqdisi says that the language of the Qufs and BalTichresembles that of the Sindis, a
see below p. 13. After the defeat of 'Amr b. Laith in 287/900, Firs and Kirman returned within a decade or so to Abbasid allegiance, hence in 313/925 we learn that the caliph al-Muqtadir's governor

Tabari, Ta'rikh ar-rusulwa-l-mulak,ed. de Goeje et alii (Leiden, I879-I901), vol. I, pp. 2703-4; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kdmil ft vol. III, p. 43. t-ta'rtkh,ed. Beirut, i385-7/1965-7, 15 Balidhuri, Futaihal-bulddn,ed. de Goeje (Leiden, 1866), pp. 391-2, ed. Cairo, 1959, p. 383; Ibn al-Athir, vol. III, pp. 127-8. 16 'Iqd al-'uld li-l-mauqif al-a'ld, ed. 'Ali Muhammad 'Amiri
14

17

Nd'ini (Tehran, I311/1932), pp. 65-6. Ibn al-Athir, vol. VIII, p. 16o. is See the quotations in Markwart, A catalogueof the provincial p. capitals of Eranshahr, 77, and in B. Spooner, " Kich u Balach and Ichthyophagi Iran, II (1964), P 53; and see further P. M. ", miles in Persiaor eightyears in Irdn (London, Sykes, Ten thousand 1902), pp. 98-9.

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Persia. Alternatively, he suggests that the latter may in reality have been Bacaxpyasat confused with the better-known tribe of the Pasargadae, thus accounting for the initial b-, when one would have expected the quite distinct phoneme p of Iranian to have maintained itself in initial position. Bashkardi has certainly retained some ancient Iranian words, not surviving elsewhere, in its lexicon. For instance, Dr Gershevitch again has identified the hardwoodjag orjakh (thus in the two different dialect groups), now to be seen growing in Bashkardia,with the 0. Pers.yakd- wood, used in the construction of Darius the Great'spalace at Susa, and said to have been broughtthither from Gandara and Karmina, sc. the Hindu Kush region and Kirman respectively.20 The Jabal Bdriz is mentioned as being until the early Abbasid period a stronghold of Zoroastrianism, and as being only really penetrated by outsidersin the time of the SaffaridsYa'q-ib and 'Amr b. Laith (see above); the ancient inhabitants of these mountains are probably to be identified with the IIaptwaytotwho paid tribute to Darius and who supplied infantry contingents to Xerxes' army, according to Herodotus, iii, 72, vii, 68, 86.21 In the 4th/Ioth century, the Kfifichis and Baluich seem to have

seeing that Ptolemy, vi, 8, 12, speaks of ICIaaapy7datin the province of Carmania, sc. south-eastern

comment which led Markwart, and following him Minorsky, to connect the language of the Kilfichis with the Dravidian language of the Brahuis.'9 We can only guess at the linguistic situation of the K-ifichi region at this time, but it would be very rash to build much upon Maqdisi's information. It can hardly have been based on first-handacquaintance, for Maqdisi can have known nothing about the languages of Sind, and to posit any link with Dravidian languages is wild speculation. We can only cite what is the linguistic situation today, and here Dr Gershevitch is our sole authority; Bashkardianlinguistic material was collected by Floyer in the I87os and shipped by him from Jask to London, but totally lost in a shipwreck. Dr Gershevitch found that, apart from having absorbed a few Brahui and a great many Arabic loanwords, the dialects of Bashkardia are purely Iranian, and fall into two distinct groups. One of these has pronounced Persic traits, as if it had originated from central Firs, and one thinks of the possibilitiesof a plantation or enforced migration of soldiers,frontier-guards,etc. in the south-easternprovince of the empire by the Achaemenids when Alexander was overrunning their territories, or even by Alexander himself; the wholesale movement of peoples was a time-honouredpractice in the Ancient Near East, and has indeed is persisted till modern times. The actual name Bashdkard/Bashkardia not attested till the mid-I9th century and the time of Pierce, etc., and nothing definite is known of its etymology or meaning, if such even existed. Dr Gershevitch has nevertheless speculated that the name Bashakard could come from the dominant Persian tribe (to which the Achaemenids themselves belonged) of the Pasargadae,

been nominally Muslim, although in practice, their behaviour was characterisedby a distinctly pagan savagery (see further below). Very curious is the information in Ibn JHauqal again about the Baltich: of They claim to be of Arab origin. Amongstall the provinces Khurasan,they have given theirallegiance to the movement(da'wa) the men fromthe Maghrib. One groupof them, basingthemselves traditions on of currentamongstthemselves, wealth and relatesthat there are in their territories huge sums of accumulated and they assertthat these are being storedup in readinessfor the Imam of the Age and precioustreasures, his Master.22 Ibn Hauqal was himself a Fatimid sympathiser,and his informationon communitieswhere Fatimid missionariesor da'is had been at work was probably reliable. One might however surmise that these religious sympathies could more appropriately be imputed to the Kilfichis than to the inland Balfich. The Kilfichi territories apparently stretched down to the Gulf of Oman coastal strip, and one might
19 20

Markwart, op. cit., p. 75; Minorsky, al-'dlam, p. 374. See his " Sissoo at Susa (0. Pers. yaka-= Dalbergia Sissoo .Hudaid Roxb.) ", BSOAS XIX (1957), PP. 317-20, and XXI (1958), p. 174. The linguistic material collected by Dr Gershevitch in Bashkardia has as yet been only partly published by him; cf. A locust's leg, Studies in honourof S. H. Taqizadeh (London, I962), pp. 76-84, Indo-Iranica, Milanges presente's Georg Morgenstierne (Wiesbaden, 1964), pp. 78-88, and W. B. Henning memorialvolume, ed. M. Boyce and I. Gershevitch

21

22

(London, 1970), pp. 161-74. Information is also quoted from him by Morgenstierne in the Handbuchder Orientalistik,ed. B. Spuler, Section I, vol. IV/I, p. 178. Ibn IHauqal, vol. II, p. 31o, tr. vol. II, p. 305; J. Marquart, nach der Geographie Ps. Moses Xorenac'i, AGGW, des Erdns'ahr N.F. III/2 (Berlin, 1901), 31. Ibn IHauqal, vol. II, p. 31o, tr. vol. II, p. 304, cf. de Goeje, sur du Meimoire les Carmathes Bahrain et les Fatimides (Leiden, 1886), p. 196.

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expect Qarmati or Ismi'ili doctrines to have been carried to the Makrdn coastlands, which lay on the direct sea route between the Qarmati centre of al-Ahsd in eastern Arabia and the Isma'ili communities of Sind.23 However, all forms of religion must have sat lightly on the Kaifichis, for it is as brigands and as harriers of the settled communities of Kirman and the Sistdn fringes that we best know them.24 Maqdisi (who, as noted above, completed his geographical work, the Ahsan at-taqdsimfi ma'rifat al-aqdlim, in ca. 375/985) has a classic description of the barbarism of the Kifichis and Balfch, who in his time were terrorising the caravan routes across the great central deserts of the Llt and the Kavir. Ibn IHauqal's information of a decade or two earlier that the Balfch were a pacific, pastoralist people who helped travellers rather than preyed upon them25 does not accord with that of Maqdisi. The latter states, in his section on the Great Desert, which he himself had crossed The whole of it [sc. the Great Desert] is a fearful place, because of a people called the Qufs, who inhabit some mountains in Kirmin which adjoin the region of Jiruft. From these mountains, they sweep down to the Desert just like locusts. They are a race with no propensity whatsoever towards goodness; they have savage faces, stony hearts, fierceness and hardness. They never spare anyone, and are not satisfied with just taking money. Nor do they put to death with their weapons anyone they get hold of; on the contrary, they pound their heads with a stone, just as one kills snakes; you see them hold a man's head down on a flat stone and pound it with a stone until it is split open. I asked them why they did this, and they replied, " In this way, we don't damage our sword blades! " Only rarely does anyone manage to escape from them. They possess places of concealment and impregnable mountains, and whenever they are cornered in one administrative region, they merely flee to another. They fight with [bows and] arrows and carry swords. The Balfis used to be even worse than the Qufs, until 'Ajdudad-Daula destroyed them, and wrought damage amongst the Qufs also. He carried off as hostages 80 of their youths, and up to this present time, they are kept in imprisonment at Shiraz; every so often these are sent back home, and another 80 taken in their place. The regions of Dailam adjoining the Great Desert are safe from them, but the fringes of Khurtsan are liable to their depredations. However, provided that a caravan has an armed escort from the ruler of Firs, they do not molest it. Amongst the whole of God's creation, they have the most tenacious qualities of endurance of hunger and thirst. Their staple food is only a modicum, such as nuts from the lotus tree, from which they derive nourishment.26 They profess Islam, but are more savage against the Muslims than the Byzantines or Turks. When they take a man captive, they make him run with them 20 farsakhsor so, with bare feet and no food. They have no inclination for riding horses, and do not employ mounts at all; they go on foot essentially, except that sometimes they ride on swift camels. A Qur'anic scholar who had once fallen into their hands told me that " they came across some documents, and sought out amongst their captives someone who could read them. I informed them that I could, so they took me along to their chief. When I had read the document, he summoned me to him and began asking me about various things, till he got to the point when he asked me, ' What do people say about our mode of life, our brigandage and our killing ? ' I replied that whoever does this, down inexorably upon himself the hatred of God and a painful punishment in the next world. He gave a brings choking gurgle, and fell down to the ground with a chalky-white face. Then he set me free, together with a group of other captives." I heard a body of merchants say that the Qufs have the practice of seizing only goods on which zakdt has not been levied; they regard what they take of these as their rightful due.27
28

The present-day Baliichis of Baluchistan are largely Sunni, but the people of Bashkardia are Shi'is, see Gershevitch, " Travels in Bashkardia ", p. 222. The origin of these Shi'i sympathies is unknown, but they could well be of considerable antiquity, and not necessarily the result of the imposition of Shi'ism by the Safawids as the official creed of their state, for the Safawids can never have exercised any influence in this remote corner of Persia, any more than they did in the nearby district of L~ristin, very similar to Bashkardia in topography and habitat, which for long remained Sunni, see J. Aubin, " Les Sunnites du Ldrestin et la chute des Safavides ", REI XXXIII A Persian official who was sent to Tiz and the adjacent districts by the Qatjar government in 1865 has a curious report about a tribe called the Zekeris in Kfihwand and Kashkfir: these were said to have no religion, to permit incestuous
(1965), PP. I51-71.

marriages,to have been foundedby one Dahi, and to derive Beldchistan. From the Persian of Mirza Mehdy Khan ",
JRAS (1877), pp. 147-54. What truth there was behind this

their name from their veneration of the male organ (Arabic dhakar " penis "). See A. H. Schindler, " Notes on Persian

24

story is hard to discern; one feels that someone was perhaps playing upon the credulousness of the man from Tehran. 25 Vol. II, p. 31o, tr. vol. II, pp. 304-526 Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter, p. 264 n. 4, suggests that there is meant here the dried berries of Ziozphus lotus (Persian kundr). 27 Maqdisi, pp. 488-90, also given in the editor de Goeje's Selections literature(Leiden, I907), pp. 63-5; the from Arabicgeographical passage is translated into German by Schwarz, in op. cit., pp. 263-5. The text used as a basis for the translation given here incorporates several of the additions and variants from the

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In his book, Maqdisi is often slighting and contemptuous of the and in one place attributes Bfiyids, the general state of insecurity in the Great Desert as due to the weakness of Bfiyid rule and lack of control over brigands. However, it was the Bfiyid amirs Mu'izz ad-Daula and 'Adud ad-Daula who took draconian measures against the Kaifichis. Ahmad b. B-iya, the later Mu'izz ad-Daula, was diverted from Fars to Kirmin in 324/936 by his brother 'Ali, the later 'Imad ad-Daula. The northern and western parts of Kirman province fell to his forces, but when he reachedJIruft, he had to negotiate with a messengerfrom the " head of the Qufs and Balis " 'All b. az-Zanji,called 'Ali K. lRiya(?Guliya), who came from the family of ancestralchiefs in that region. It seems that these mountain folk had been accustomed to paying a certain amount of tribute to the ruling power in Kirmdn on condition that they were left alone. 'Ali Gulfiya now offered to continue payment of tribute to the Biayids,to give presents and to provide hostages, but Mu'izz ad-Daula treacherouslyattacked him. The latter was nevertheless worsted, and only subsequently did he manage to defeat the Kiifichi chief at the head of the gorge of Dar-i Firid or Dilfarid in the mountain zone connecting the central massif of the Kirman sardsir with the Jabal Bariz. Even so, Mu'izz ad-Daula realistically recognized that direct, permanent control of the Ktifichi territory was impossible.28 For the next 30 years or so, the historical sources imply that the Bayids left Kirmin alone. From e silentioevidence, it appears that the military commander Muhammad b. Ilyds, whom Mu'izz adDaula had temporarily expelled before he managed to defeat the Ktifichi chief 'Ali Gultiya, returned and reigned over Kirman as nominally a vassal of the Sdminids, but in practice as an independent ruler. Muhammad b. Ilyds had himself an element of the robber chief in his character, and he came to an understandingwith the Kfifichis and Baliach; he received a share of the proceeds of their depredations, and thereby amassed much treasure in his fortresses. It may be that the Bfiyids, and especially the powerful amir of Firs and Khtizistan 'Adud ad-Daula, launched punitive expeditions against the Kilfichis and Balfich in these years which have not been recorded in the chronicles. Certainly the poet Mutanabbi, who was at 'Adud ad-Daula's court in Shiriz shortly before his assassinationin 354/965, mentions in a verse of one of his 'Adudiyydt, eulogies of the Bfiyid ruler, that his patron is The one who offeredcups of death and of wine [sc. to his foes on the one hand, and his intimateson the other], when he made the Qufs like yesterday,which has passedaway totally.29 Muhammad b. Ilyis's son and successorafter 356/967, Ilyasa', was improvident enough to clash with 'Adud ad-Daula; a Bfiyid army invaded Kirman and seized the capital of Kirman town or Bardasir (357/968), and ended the brief rule in Kirmdn of the Ilyasid princelings.30 However, another son of Muhammad b. Ilyas, Sulaiman, attempted with Samanid help to make a revanche, and in 359/369-70 he allied with the local Kaifichisand Baliich. The Ilyfsid forces were defeated, though resistancefrom the Kaifichisand Balfich continued for a year or so afterwards. This resistance, whose leaders included Abfi Sa'Id the Balfchi and his sons, determined 'Adud ad-Daula to take as drastic measures as possible against this running sore of the Kfifichis and Balfich. In 360-I/ 970-2 two campaigns were launched against them, and as a result, Bilyid authoritywas extended as far eastwards as Makran. In the first campaign, the Baiyid generals Kiirkir b. Jastdn and 'Abid b. 'Ali marched southwards from Jiruft, defeating a concentration of the Kfifichis, Balfich and " Mantijdniyya ", i.e. the tribesmenof the Man-ijdnarea, in Safar 360/December 970; the Kaifichiswere routed, with 5000 of their number killed, and two of Abii Sa'id's sons were killed also. The Bfiyid forces then
continued from previous page] Istanbul Aya Sofya manuscript given by de Goeje only in the apparatus criticus of his edition, but usually adopted for his text in his Selections. The same passage was also utilised over two centuries later by Ydqfit for his entry on " al-Qufs " (sic with sin) in his Mu'jam al-bulddn(Beirut, 1374-6/1955-7), vol. IV, PP. 383-4. vol. I, pp. 352-6, 28 Miskawaih, in Eclipse of the 'Abbasidcaliphate, tr. vol. IV, pp. 396-401; Ibn al-Athir, vol. VIII, pp. 324-6; Afdal ad-Din Kirmdni, p. 66; Mafizullah Kabir, The Buwayhid dynasty of Baghdad (Calcutta, 1964), PP. 42-3. For a more detailed account of all the Bfiyid operations in Kirmin during the middle decades of this century, see Bosworth, " The Banf Ily~s of Kirmdn (320-57/932-68) ", Iran and Islam, in of memory the late VladimirMinorsky,ed. Bosworth (Edinburgh, 1971), pp. IIi-I8. Diwdn, ed. F. Dieterici (Berlin, I86I), p. 793, but reading asdrafor the incorrect asdbaof the second hemistich here. Miskawaih, vol. II, pp. 249-50, tr. vol. V, pp. 266-7; Ibn alAthir, vol. VIII, p. 585; Bosworth, op. cit., pp. 114-17.

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turned eastwards through the Kfifichi country to Tiz and Makran, establishing Islam there. In the second campaign, 'Adud ad-Daula came personally to Sirajan in order to direct operations; an army penetrated into the Jabal Bariz, defeating the Bal-ich, slaughteringtheir males and enslaving the women and children (Rabi' I 361/January 972). The remnants of the Balich were deported from the Jabal Bariz, and peasants and cultivators settled in their place. A furtherinvasion of Makrdnwas launched, this time an amphibious operation, with ships coming from Siraf and Hormuz and with an army marching by the land.31 Ibn IHauqalrefers to these operations when he says that the Biiyid ruler had scattered them and laid waste their lands, taking some into his own service and settling others elsewhere.32 Doubtless, too, the practice of taking a periodic levy of hostages to Shiraz as suretiesfor good behaviour, referredto by Maqdisi (see above, p. I4), began now.33 Although these victories of'Adud ad-Daula were clearly considerableones, the Kafichis and Balfich did not of course disappear. The Balfich may at this point have been impelled to move gradually eastwards from Kirman towards what later became Baluchistan proper, pressing into what had been till then ethnically Brahui or Jhdt territory. Maqdisi's information about the two peoples indicates that their predatory activities had been reduced rather than suppressed completely. An anecdote dealt with the spoliationsof the Kachu Balzlch, since it contains at least one seriousanachronism,the but presence as a protagonist in the story of the Ilydsid amir Muhammad b. Ilyds, who died four or five years before Mahmfid himself was born, one can hardly treat it as serioushistory.34 Mahmfid did make one attempt to meddle in the affairs of the Kirmdn Bfiyids in 407/o106-I7, and his son Mas'fid briefly seized the province from the governor there of 'Imtd ad-Din Aba Kdlij*ar Fars, only to lose it in of 425/Io34.35 The mention in the Ghaznavid historianBaihaqi of K.p.chi(? Kfifichi) infantrymenin the forces of 'Isd (or Husain) b. Ma'din, who was opposing Mas'Vid's nominee on the throne of Makran, 1-Mu'askarb. Ma'dan, is unfortunately somewhat dubious; the correct reading could also be Ab-f K.y.j " Kiji ", i.e. troops from Kij or Kiz in what is now Pakistani Baluchistan.36 The Kfifichis continued to prey upon travellersthrough the Great Desert, though the establishment of a strong Great Seljuq power in Khurasan and the autonomous Seljuq amirate in Kirman seem to have reduced their activities to more tolerable proportions. Our latest mentions of the Kfifichis refer to events in the mid-5th/i Ith century, when ChaghriBeg and Qawurd were making firm their authority. Nisir-i Khusrau, in his Isma'ili theological treatise the Kitdbwajh-idin, speaks of the *Kanjina Turks (a bellicose people dwelling in the Buttaman Mountains to the north of Chaghdniyin and Khuttal on the upper Oxus), the Kafijdn and the Arab Bedouins as the peoples par excellence having no knowledge of learning and living like savage beasts. In his Safar-nama, however, he relates that he crossed the Great Desert when he returned from the Pilgrimage in 444/1052, and found that the Amir Gilaki of Tabas was keeping such strict order in the whole region that the Kaifijanwere powerless to molest travellers.37 It must have been around this time that the Seljuq chief Qawurd (d. 466/1074) took measures in his newly-acquired principality of Kirman to put the Kilfichis in their places. The historian of the Seljuqs of Kirman Muhammad b. Ibrahim (wrote 1025/1616) relates how QiLwurd prepared an army
31 Miskawaih, vol. II, pp. 298-301, tr. vol. V, pp. 320-3;

in the Siydsat-ndmaof Nizdm al-Mulk describes how Sultan of Ghazna Mahmfid (388-421/998-o030)

Ibn alAthir, vol. VIII, pp. 609, 613-14; Bosworth, op. cit., pp. 117-18. 32 Vol. II, p. 310o,tr. vol. II, p. 304. 33 One might have imagined that the place name al-Qufs in Iraq, lying between Baghdad and 'Ukbard, was the result of a plantation there of Kfifichis by the Bfiyids, who controlled Iraq after the middle years of the 4th/ioth century, but the village is, in fact, mentioned in early Abbasid times, see Yaqfit, Mu'jam al-bulddn,vol. IV, p. 382. It may, however, be that we have a reminiscence of an earlier, Sdslnid settlement of Kiifichis. ed. H. Darke (Tehran, I340/1I962), pp. 8o-8, tr. 34 Siydsat-ndma, or idem, The book of government rulesfor kings (London, I96O), pp. 66-74; there are similar anecdotes in 'Aufi's Jawdmi' alhikdyat,facs. partial edn. (Tehran, 1335/1956), pp. 154-5, cf.

to M. Nizimu 'd-Din, Introduction the Jawdmi'u 'l-IHikaydtof Muhammad 'Awfi (London, 1929), p. 168, nos. 732-3. 35 See Bosworth, The Ghaznavids,their empirein Afghanistanand easternIran 994-1o4o (Edinburgh, 1963), PP. 90, 234. 36 Baihaqi, Ta'rikh-i Mas'adf, ed. Q. Ghani and 'A. A. Fayyad (Tehran, 1324/1945), p. 244, Russian tr. A. K. Arends, (Moscow, 1969), p. 330. The Istorya Mas'uda (to3o-ro4r) editors Ghani and Fayydd prefer the reading K.y.jt; Malik ash-Shu'ard Bahdr, Sabk-shindstf(Tehran, 1337/1958), vol. II, pp. 67-8, followed the older Tehran lithograph of Baihaqi and read K.p.chr. In this particular passage, Baihaqi is speaking of " K.p.chf/K.y.ji, Rigi and Makrani infantrymen ". S37Kitb wajh-i din (Berlin, 1924), PP- 53-4; Safar-ndma, ed. Ch. Schefer (Paris, 1881), pp. 93-4, ed. Muhammad DabirSiydqi (Tehran, 1335/1956), pp. 124-5.

THE

KUiFICHIS

OR QUFS

IN

PERSIAN

HISTORY

17

to overrun the garmsir, which lay much of the province's resourcesand revenues, but which since the in time of 'Adud ad-Daula had relapsedinto anarchy under the Bfiyid amir'sweaker successors. Realising that the inaccessibility of the Kfifichis' mountain haunts made direct assault difficult, he proceeded with guile and trickery. He sent an envoy to the leader of the Kilfichiswith robesof honour and presents, and formally invested him with the lands from Dar-i Farid and Sar-i Bizan38to the coastland, saying, " I am a Turk, and the water and the climate of the garmsir uncongenial to the physical constitution are of myself and my followers; I must have a viceroy there on my behalf, and what more suitable viceroy could there be than you ? " The seat of the Kfifichis is described as being in the Bdrijin Mountains, sc. the Jabal Bariz, and Qawurd now employed one of his trusted counsellors,who had previously been on missionsto the Kilfichis, ostensibly to flee to the Jabal Bariz from Qawurd's supposed disfavour,and ingratiate himself with the Kaifichisas Qawurd's bitter foe. Having thus established a relationship of confidence, and having familiarised himself with the topography of the whole region, he then stole away to the Seljuq court, informing Qawurd of a planned great meeting and celebration of the Kilfichi chiefs at a certain time and place. The leader of the Kfifichis had boasted, " If he [sc. Qawurd] harbours these suspiciousplans, we shall deal with him just as we did with Mu'izz ad-Daula, and I am not less than my forefather", but Qawurd how marched out ofJiruft, swept down on the Kfifichi chiefs at their meeting place, and massacred them to a man.39 It seems nevertheless unlikely that so tough and resilient a people as the Ktifichis would ever be completely subdued. Regions like the Jabal Bariz have continued to be notorious haunts of robbers down to the beginning of this century,40and since the latter half of the 19th century, there have been sporadic outbreaks of local unrest in Persian Baluchistan as the central government in Tehran has tentatively tried to impose central control.41 Although the term " Kiifichis " as the name for a specific people drops out of usage after the Seljuq period, the racial stock of these mountain people must long have continued to be an element in the demography of eastern Kirman and Makrdn.

48 Thus in Bdstini-Pdrizi's text (see next note); Houtsma has P.zh.n, ? Pazhan. 39 Afdal ad-Din Kirmani, p. 66; Muhammad b. IbrAhim, Ta'rikh-i Seljiqiydn-i Kirmdn, ed. M. T. Houtsma (Leiden, I886), pp. 5-8, ed. M. E. BdstSni-PdrizI (Tehran, I964), pp. 4-9, German r6sum6 in Houtsma, " Zur Geschichte der Sel'uqen von Kermtn ", ZDMG XXXIX (1885), p. 369; miles in Persia, pp. xoo-i. Sykes, Ten thousand

40

41

As attested by Sir Percy M. Sykes, " A fifth journey in Persia ", GJ XXVIII (July-Dec. 1906), p. 433. As recently as I957, three USAID members were murdered by brigands whilst travelling from Iranshahr to Chabahar, to the east of Bashkardia, see Balsan, ttrange Baloutchistan, pp. 247-50. milesin Persia, pp. 105-8, and Spooner, See Sykes, Ten thousand Kach u Balfich and Ichthyophagi pp. 58-9. ",

EXCAVATIONS AT BABA JAN: THE BRONZE AGE OCCUPATION By Clare Goff

The Summer of 1969 marked the final season of our work at Babd Jdn Tepe in Luristan,' and I had hoped that by this time I would have published the final report. Unfortunately the demands of Service life, together with those of a young family, have made this more difficultthat I anticipated, and to withhold the material any longer would render it useless. I hope, therefore, to publish the site in a series of articles in Iran. The following paper deals with the Bronze Age material from Levels 4 and 5 of the Deep Sounding on the Central Mound, and with contemporary graves from below the East Mound-an assemblage known as BdbdJan IV.2 THE DEEP SOUNDING During the last weeks of the 1966 season we made a deep sounding 8 x 5 m. in Trench F on the Central Mound in which we continued to work in 1967.3 Level3 Before reaching the Bronze Age levels, we still had one further stratum of Iron Age occupation to uncover. Directly below the superimposed stone foundations of the Manors from Levels I and 2, we encountered further foundations of a stone cross wall, I -8o m. thick, still standing three courses high. It ran across the trench from east to west, and its northern (outer) face was buttressed (Fig. I: I, P1. IVb). It was associated with a solid brick floor to the south and patches of stone paving. The pottery was the red painted " Genre Luristan" ware, typical of BdbdJdn III. Further small, random soundingswere made in the centre of the tepe, south-east of this cross-wall. They revealed much narrower stone walls from the same level, again standing several courses high (P1. IVa). These walls resembled those of the small, stone houses found in Trenches Z and Z, on the south-east flank of the tepe. This suggests that the Central Mound was once covered by a village of stone houses, surrounded by a thick defensive wall. This wall, and the houses on the summit of the mound, were subsequently flattened, and replaced by the two Manors. BabdJdn IV: Level4A Below the patches of stone paving we entered a new cultural horizon. The first metre of deposit, Level 4A, was a largely sterile layer of light brown earth mixed with stone tumble (Sections, Figs. 2 and 3). It was sealed at the top by the Level 3 floors and at the base by a hard yellow surface with a thin grey ashy line above. 1The
excavations took place over four seasons, 1966-9. They were sponsored throughout by the Institute of Archaeology of the University of London, and directed by the writer. Preliminary reports of the excavations have already appeared in earlier numbers of Iran: Goff Meade, " Luristan in the First Half of the First Millennium B.C.", Iran VI (1968), pp. 105-34; Goff, " Excavations at BbALJan, 1967 ", Iran VII (1969), pp. 115-30; Goff, " Excavations at Bgba Jan, 1968 ", Iran VIII (I970), pp. 141-56. The reader is referred to these articles, particularly the first, for a description of the site and area. Warmest thanks are due once again to Professor Grimes, and to all the other kind people, museums and institutions, mentioned in earlier reports, who helped me during the four seasons. Most of the work on the Bronze Age Levels was undertaken by Mr. Robin Dennell, the site supervisor in 1967; Mrs. Kay Prag, who took most of the photographs; and Miss Jennifer Davison who reconstructed the pots. (Many of the larger vessels found in 1966 were not put together and registered till 1967 and thus have 1967 catalogue numbers.) For a summary of the stratigraphy, see Goff, Iran VIII, pp. 142-4See the site plan, Goff Meade, Iran VI, p. 110.

19

20

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STUDIES

ALL.

94

-CM.
'

EFDEEP SOUNDING

RU

S /covE. TONES 25-30

3LF

STONE FLOOR.

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Actual appearance

SBINS

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METRES.

Fig. I. Plans of Levels3 to 7 in theDeep Sounding.

EXCAVATIONS

AT

B.ABA JAN:

THE

BRONZE

AGE

OCCUPATION

21

The deposit contained two distinct types of pottery: " Genre Luristan" wares, and the red and buff black-painted pottery characteristic of Bibd Jan IV. On the top of the deposit, directly below the Level 3 paving, was a large wheel-made jar shoulder fragment decorated with combed impressions (Fig. 8: I). This seems to be similar to pottery found at Dinkha Tepe in Azerbaijanin the earlier half of the 2nd millennium B.C.4 Level 4A seems to represent either a period during which the mound was deserted, or debris from a 4A building level on another part of the mound. Since the assumed dates for Baba Jan III and IV make a cultural overlap impossible, the " Genre Luristan" sherds must be due to pitting.5 Level4B, C Below the surface marking the base of 4A we encountered a thick, dark, dirty deposit of burnt debris, smashed bins and ovens and stone tumble. This was particularly bad at the north-easternend of the trench where the earth was burnt bright orange and there were the remains of a large, broken oven. We appeared to be in the eastern corner of a room-or more probably a courtyard-that had served as a kitchen/workingarea (Fig. I: 4B, 4C; Pl. Ia, Ib). In its earliest phase, 4C, the room was divided into two by two large plasteredovens built up against mud-brick benches (P1. Ia). Between the ovens was a narrow doorway with a stone threshold. The floors were roughly paved with stone, and along the whole of the north-westernend of the trench was a line of pithoi and smaller vessels (Fig. 4; P1. Ib). These pithoi were numbered during excavation and in the figuresare referredto as coming from the stack by the hearth, or " hearth group", on account of the burnt debris surroundingthem. Just in front of the pithoi was a hollow stone stand, sunk into a small plastered pedestal. It could have held a wooden roof support. In Level 4B, the floor of the room had been filled in with debris to the level of the top of the ovens, pedestal and pithoi. The ovens and benches in the centre of the room had been covered with stone paving. A door with a high threshold had been made through the south eastern wall of the room, and just to the south-west lay three clay-lined bins sunk into the floor.6 Further bins, and another oven, had been sunk into a clay bench which appeared partially to include the stack of pithoi. It gave the impressionof store-room "junk " rapidly accumulating in untidy levels, as pots were broken and bins and ovens fell into disuse and were re-cut. Level5 On our return to BdbdJan in 1967 we continued to dig down below the floor of Level 4. First there was a layer of loose brown soil into which were sunk three graves, and then a maze of stone walls and pavements, termed Level 5. The various building phases were ably distinguishedby the site supervisor, Robin Dennell, and can best be understood from the lowest upwards (see the relevant plans in Fig. I). Stagei (5C). In the southern quadrant of the sounding was the corner of a well-built stone room, Room 5. The walls were c. I Io m. thick and still stood I - 30 m. high. The room was entered from the . north-east through Door I over a stone threshold (P1. IIb). The face of the back wall opposite could just be seen in section. At its foot was a stone bench which also served as a threshold for Door 2 (Section, Fig. 3 and P1. IVc). A second,room (I) lay to the north-west entered through Door 3. The trench floor was stone paved. A stone " gaming board " (P1. VIIIa) was found in the fill of Door I, and most of the finer pottery came from Room 5.
4 I was lucky to visit Dinkha Tepe earlier in 1966 and discuss

5 See below.
6 This is how they appeared to me in 1966. However, recent

the combed wares with Dr. R. H. Dyson, so they were still fresh in my mind when the Btbs Jan sherd appeared. Since then a few examples of this ware have been published: C. Hamlin, " The Early Second Millennium Ceramic Assemblage of Dinkha Tepe ", Iran XII (1974), p. 140, fig. VIIIc; p. 143, fig. XI: 36d. Even if not from the Ushnu area itself, the sherd is quite unlike anything else in the BibS Jan IV assemblage, and an obvious import. I picked up a single sherd of pottery, looking to me exactly like painted ware from the same area, at Tepe Giyan in 1964.

excavations at Godin Tepe have produced similar bins which are apparently free standing. T. C. Young, Jr., Excavations at Godin Tepe: First Progress Report,Occasional Paper 17, Art and Archaeology, Royal Ontario Museum (1969), pl. 5. The Bdba Jdn bins may originally have been like this, in which case the lowest level of bins and ovens would be contemporary with the pithoi. Bins and pots would then gradually have been surrounded by debris to the level of the higher floor.

)OM
STONE FOUMbATIONS

0WALL

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--------------

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Fig. 2. South-east section Deep Sounding. of

STONEFOUNDSQ) 109AM

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/09
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8ROWN EARTH

22

soJouoS STONE FOUND S?

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FLOOR 3 LEVEL STONE

F 4. NE. APEA. PIT/JO! AND OVEFNS.

4a LICI4T

ALMOST STERILE FILL. ROW'N,

SECTION.
Key: a. Hard yellow floor with greyashyline above. hearth. b. Orange c. Orangeburntearthwith smashed andpottery. oven

PL6
PLAN.

end Fig. 4. Sketchplan and sectionof the north-east of TrenchF, showing the ovensand bins in Level 4B and 4C. relationship the stackof pithoi to the broken of

24

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STUDIES

Stage2 (5B). Several modificationswere made to the original plan. The narrow walls in the northeastern half of the trench were added, making Rooms 2, 3, and 4 (Pl. IVd). Door 2 was blocked and a subsidiarywall was built up against the north-westwall of room 5 running acrossthe bench to the back wall. Door 3 was also blocked (P1. IIb). Stage3 (5A). The original plan was completely changed. The 5B buttressingwall was continued as a diagonal wall running approximately east into the section. It thus formed the perimeter wall of a huge oven appearing clearly in section in the south-east corner of the trench (Fig. 2; P1. IIIb). The original walls were levelled and their tops continued as paving over much of the west and central portions of the trench (P1. IIIb, IVd). Earth and rubble accumulated on the paving, and into this were sunk three human graves. The skeleton of a small dog, about the size of a terrier, was placed in the centre of a low wall sticking out from the section (Fig. 5A; P1. IVD top, right). A fourth burial, belonging to Level 4, was found when taking down the 1966 shovelling platform along the north-west side of the trench. With the possible exception of the Baby's Grave (Burial I) the burial pits do not appear to have been sunk from the 4C floor. Most of the bodies lay in very shallow holes and Burial 3 in particular had been badly damaged by the 4C paving above it. The pottery within the graves however is much more like that from Level 4 than Level 5. Level 5A would appear to be a working area, perhaps a courtyard, outside the main settlement of this period. We may thereforehave confirmation of Dr. T. C. Young's suggestionthat burials of the Godin III period, with which Bibi Jan IV is in part contemporary,were extramural, but not necessarilyconfined to a well defined cemetery.' Further Bdba Jan IV burials were made in what was then an open area to the east of the main tepe. They turned up under the floorsof the Iron Age fort and Painted Chamber. BdbaJdn V. Levels6 and 7 By the time we had finished excavating Level 5 it was getting near the end of the season and the upper half of the sections in the Deep Sounding were becoming extremely unsafe because of overhanging stones from the higher levels. To avoid a possible accident we made a rapid sondage downwards only in the north-easternhalf of the trench. Level6A was represented by a layer of largely sterile earth, culminating in a floor with a crude hearth. Level6B below was representedby a crude wall of mud-brick on earth and stone foundations. Level7 beneath was represented by a further mud floor. The pottery from these levels was quite different to that from BdbdJan IV. It consisted of a straw tempered buff ware related to that from Godin, Level V, and it has already been published in an earlier article.8 Levels 6 and 7 together comprise Biba Jan V. Surfacesherdingindicates that Chalcolithic and early Neolithic deposits lie below. THE GRAVES Graves F Mound, 5A and 4C (SeeFig. 5A) from theCentral GraveI was a shallow pit below the 4C floor. It contained the fragmentary skeleton of an infant, accompanied by a large bowl of red cooking ware. (Fig. 5A: I). Grave was a shallow pit dug into loose brown earth below the 4C Floor. It contained two skeletons 2 crouched and facing one another surrounded by four pots. They were probably husband and wife. (See Fig. 5A: 2; P1. VIa, and Fig. I 1: 1-3; P1. VIb). Skeleton was probably the body of a young I woman. The suturesin the skullwerejoined but had not fused. The adult teeth had fully erupted except for one upper wisdom tooth. One lower wisdom tooth was rotten and impacted. The mastoid processes were fairly small, the edges of the orbits sharp on the upper surface and there was a wide angle to the
7 Young, op. cit., p. 22.

8 Goff, " Luristan before the Iron Age ", Iran IX (1971), pp. 143-5 and fig. 7. The article lacked photographs so I have

included as pl. VIII c and d photographs of one of the rare painted sherds and a small jar.

BOWL.

3.

5STONE

FOOTIN.2F

SkULL

II

OTS

01

"4

GRAVESFROMC.M.F 5A.
levels4 and5A. Fig. 5a. Graves from Deep Sounding, 1
_-_
,\

/5PEA-5

BEA DS

{BAULk-

I
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17

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SE

EM.PC.C2,
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Warrior's Grave, TrenchC, Grave 3.

Fig. 5b. BronzeAge Graves from belowtheEast Mound.

Painted Chamber, Grave 2. 2. Trench V, Grave i.

26

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STUDIES

sciatic notch. Skeleton was probably the body of a somewhat older man. The adult teeth had fully 2 and showed pronounced to severe wear and decay. One wisdom tooth had been lost and the erupted bone fused over the hole. Moreover at least five of the teeth in the lower jaw had large abcessesin the roots which had eaten a huge cavity into the bone. Consideringthe pain the owner must have been in, death must have come as a merciful release! The mastoid processeswere fairly pronounced, the nuchal crest definite and there was a narrow sciatic notch in the pelvis. Apart from the pots the woman had one well-preservedbronze toggle pin in situby her right scapula, while a second, poorer pin was found loose in the soil about 7 cm. above (Fig. I1: 4; P1. VIIIb left). Grave The body had been buried in loose brown soil with no sign of any grave structureand had 3. been badly disturbed by the overlying flag stones (Fig. 5: 3). It was impossible to judge its age or sex. It was accompanied by cooking ware fragments and a small, red " flower-pot " (Fig. I1: 5). Grave4. A skull, with no post-cranial bones whatsoever, was discovered when removing the 1966 shovelling platform. It probably belonged to Level 4. The sutures suggesteda young adult. A bronze pin and a cluster of five pots was found near the skull. (Fig. 5: 4; Fig. I I: 6-9; P1.VIIa, VIIIb centre). Graves from theEast Mound Two graves were found below the floor of the Painted Chamber. Painted Chamber Grave lay in the very centre of the trench below the two column bases. Its position I must have been coincidental although until we excavated we were convinced we must have found a m. and c. o040 m. dedicatory sacrificecomplete with bronzes! The grave was an elliptical pit I -8 X o'9 The sides were packed with large flag stones, probably from a collapsed cist. Amongst the stones deep. lay fragments of crushed bone and four barely reconstructablepots (Fig. I I: 10-13). Grave lay further to the west. It was another double, probably husband and wife, Painted Chamber 2 as it contained the skeletons of two adults, oriented as in Fig. 5B: I, and surroundedby three burial, pots (Fig. i I : 16-18). The skeletonshad been covered by a scattering of flagstones and again were in too fragmentary a condition to reconstruct. Trench Grave A further burial lay below the courtyardin the corner of Trench V. It contained i. V, the skeleton of an adult, oriented as in Fig. 5B: 2, together with two crude bronze toggle pins and a crude cup of pale reddish-browncoarse ware of uncertain affinities (Fig. I I : 14, 5). ". Grave An unusually rich grave was found in the natural soil Trench Grave " The Warrior's C, 3, below the floor of the Courtyard in front of the Painted Chamber. It was oriented head to west, feet to east. The skeleton lay on its left side, its knees flexed, the right arm flexed with the hand near the knees, the left arm straight. It was accompanied by two pots, a necklace of assorted beads, io bronze spearheads, and a broken lid of marble-like stone (Fig. 5B: 3; Fig. I I: I9-23; P1. VIIb, c). THE POTTERY The pottery from BTbhJan IV is a variety of the Central Western Zagros Bronze Age group well known from Tepe Giyan IV-II; Tepe Jamshidi IV-II, Godin Tepe III, and from numerous surveys and excavations throughout Central Luristan.9 It can be divided into the following classes: Buff
Painted Wares; Red Painted Wares; Red Cooking Wares; Buff Cooking Wares; and Grey Cooking Wares.

* For a summary of the evidence and bibliography, see R. H. Dyson, " The Archaeological Evidence of the Second Millennium B.c. on the Persian Plateau ", CAH II, Part I, (Third Edition, 1973), pp. 692-7 and 708-12. A map showing most of the Bronze Age sites in Luristan, and illustrations of pottery

Development from them, appear in Goff, New Evidence Cultural of and in Luristanin the Late Second Early First Millennia B.C., Ph.D. Thesis submitted to the University of London, June 1966. The map is reprinted with a brief summary of the discussion in Goff, Iran VII, p. 147, fig. 8, and pp. 150-I.

EXCAVATIONS

AT BABX JAN:

THE

BRONZE

AGE

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27

BuffandRedPaintedWares The Buff and Red painted wares together make up the bulk of the pottery with the former predominating. They would appear to equate with T. C. Young's Buff, Cream Slipped, and Red Slipped Coarse and Common Wares.1o About 95 per cent of the reconstructable vessels recovered in these fabrics had some sort of painted decoration on the shoulder or rim, and the bulk of the unpainted sherdsprobably came from the undecorated areas of pithoi and other large vessels. A few of the smaller vessels however (e.g. Fig. i I: 5) were undecorated. Buff PaintedWare. The fabric is cream, buff, pale orange or light brown. The finer vessels are tempered with tiny black and white sand particles; the larger ones with crushed grits. Nearly all the vessels are wheel turned, often with well defined ridges on the interior. The outsides and rims of the jars, and the exteriors and interiors of the bowls are either wet smoothed, or more usually, slipped. The slip is generally rather thin and the same colour as the core but is occasionally much paler or darker-e.g. a cream slip can be applied to an orange ground or vice-versa giving a streaky effect. The wet smoothed vessels are either fine, creamy wares, obviously intended for " best" (e.g. Fig. 9: brown. Twelve worn fragmentsfrom a singlejar in Level 5 had bichrome decoration in red and black on a buff ground. RedPaintedWares. These are much less common than the Buff Wares. The fabric ranges in colour from pinkish buff to orange, or in overfiredexamples, grey, or dark brownish black. The entire surface of the pot, except for the inside of small jars, is covered with a thick red, reddish-orange,or brownish slip, often applied streakily as if with a large brush. The painted decoration is in dark brown or black. The designs are usually very simple: stripes, bands and wavy lines applied while the pot was spinning on the wheel. Pots slipped in two colours, such as occur in Giyan III and in the upper levels of Godin III are absent." PaintedWare Types. In Level 5 the most commonly occurring vessel is the small or medium-sized jar with flaring rim, carinated shoulder and flat or slightly convex base. The most attractive group, all occurring in a fine, hard, cream or buff ware, are decorated with stylised water birds, sometimes between blocks of diagonal lines (Fig. 9: 5-I I, P1. IIa). Other characteristic designs are blocks of shoulders (Fig. Io: 2, 3, P1. Vc). In Level 4 these fine cream ware jars with their intricate designs appear to be absent. Apart from a few small jars and cups decorated with rows of blobs (Fig. 8: 5-7), most examples come from the stack of pithoi at the north-east end of the kitchen. The examples illustrated in Fig. 7: 1-4 are all in a rather heavy, brownish-bufffabric with a flaky or pitted interior (both the quality and colour of the fabricmay have been affected by fire). Vessels are pear-shapedwith the carinated shoulderreplaced by a raised band (Fig. 7: I-5; Fig. 8: I). Finger printed bases persist from the previous level (Fig. 7: 3) and there are often grooved lines on the shoulder (P1. Ve). The decoration is normally exclusively geometric and consists of parallel lines, wavy lines, and rows of " spiked hatching " (e.g. Fig. 7: 5) on the area between the rim and raised shoulder rib. The single exception-the crudely drawn wolf (Fig. 7: 3, P1. Vb)-suggests that the local artists were wise to keep within their limitations! bowls,with or without a central carination, in both fine red and buff ware, occur in Hemispherical both Levels 5 and 4 (Fig. 7: 6; Fig. 8: 3, 4, 12, 13; Fig. 9: 1-3). The simple linear decoration is
confined to the area around the carination. An enormous " mixing bowl " (Fig. 6: 2) came from the Hearth group. Flowerpots (Fig. 8: 9, Io; Fig. Io: 4?) are rare and occur mainly in Level 4. Rarer still are tripods (Fig. 8: 14, I5), which again only occur in Level 4 and so far never in graves. inverted " Vs " (Fig. 9: I4-17); hatched triangles (Fig. Io: 5, I2); diamonds (Fig. Io: 6); variegated hatching (Fig. Io: 8, 16). Pithoi from this level are also in fine buff ware with cable ornament on the 9, 1o, 1i,
13), or pithoi (Fig. Io: 2, 3). The painted decoration is black, dark brown, or rarely reddish-

10

Young, op. cit., pp. 16-17. x' G. Contenau and R. Ghirshman, Fouillesdu Tipi Giyan(I935), 3A

p. 70. Also personal observation of original Giyan material in the basements of the Louvre. Young, op. cit., pp. 17, 19.

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TheCooking Wares The cooking wares form a complete contrast to the painted red and buff wares. Red Cooking Ware. The fabric is reddish-brown, sometimes greyish-brown, gritty, with a texture like a digestive biscuit. It is invariably hand made. The surface is red slipped, often mottled with grey patches as the result of uneven firing. The only shape is a large, flat-based bowl with practically straight sides (Fig. Io: 13, 14; P1. IIIa). Many of these bowls have a grey or dark red upper half, then a definite greyish line, then a clear reddish-orangelower half. This is presumably the result of their being stacked together, one on top of the other, in a kiln. The surfaceof the pots is hard smoothed or burnished. The ware possibly equates with Young's red-slipped coarse ware,12but the Babd Jan bowls are never painted. They are however identical to bowls from Giyan IV.13 At BabaJan they are very common in Level 5, but have almost disappeard in Level 4. Wares. It is difficult to decide whether these two wares should be classified GreyandBrownCooking separately or whether they are basically the same fabric reduced to different colours by differential firing-particularly when the same hole-mouthed bowl shapes occur in both wares and many of the brown wares have darker grey patches. They would appear to equate with the Godin Tepe Buff and Grey-BlackCoarse Wares but again are never painted.'4 Brown Cooking Wares are buff, pinkish-buff, reddish-brownor greyish-brown. A range of several colours often occurs in the same pot. The vessels appear to be coil built, possibly finished on a slow wheel. The outsides are wet-smoothed, sometimes burnished; the interiors rougher. Several vessels have mica particles included in the crushed grit tempering. The most frequently occurring shape is the large, hole-mouthed bowl, often furnished with a club rim; paired handles or lugs just below the rim, and sometimes a small spout either between paired handles or opposite a single strap handle (Fig. 8: 16-19; Fig. Io: 21-27, P1.Vd). There are Wares greyish-buffto black, hand made with large grit and mica inclusions. Their are Cooking Grey surface is often very uneven and usually has a hard burnish. No complete vessels were found. The characteristicshape can be inferred from sherds coming from the shoulders of carinated jars, crudely
decorated with ribbing, nicking and grooving (Fig. Io: 17-19). also a few bowls (Fig. Io: 27).

Grave Pottery The pottery from Graves 1-3 in Level 5A seems to equate more closely with that from Level 4 than 5. In particular the red slipped jar from Grave 2 (Fig. I I: 3) exactly follows the shape of the 4C pithoi and is decorated with " spiked hatching ". The exception is Grave I which contains a red cooking ware bowl. The pottery from Graves I and 2 below the Painted Chamber, on the other hand, is probably
contemporary with Level 5. Typical are the shouldered jars in fine buff ware (Fig. I1: 10, I I, 13, 18) and the red bowls (Fig. i I: 12, 17). Trench F, Grave 4, the " Warrior's Grave " and Grave i, Trench

V, are atypical, and are discussed in greater detail below.

PARALLELS AND DATING The recent excavations of Dr. T. C. Young Jr. at Godin Tepe in the Kangavar plain (completed in 1973) have called much of the Giyan/Jamshidi stratigraphy into question. They confirm what was already becoming increasingly apparent-that hard and fast distinctions between Giyan IV, III and
II are no longer valid.x5 However Godin Tepe has so far only been published in preliminary reports'"
12 Young, op. cit., p. 16. 13 Contenau and

Ghirshman, op. cit., pl. 33, T. 116: 4, T. 17: 8 etc. together with personal observation in the Louvre. 14 Young, op. cit., p. 16 and fig. 2o: II. " 16 T. C. Young, Jr., The Chronology of the Late Third and Second Millennia in Central Western Iran as seen from Godin

16

Tepe ", AJA 73(3) (1969), pp. 287-91. Apart from the two articles just quoted, see T. C. Young Jr., and L. D. Levine, Excavations of the Godin Project: Second ProgressReport; Occasional Paper 26, Art and Archaeology, Royal Ontario Museum (1974)

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and the pottery sequence has still to be worked out in detail. Godin Tepe is also some distance from Bdba Jan, whereas Tepe Jamshidi is in the adjoining Khawa plain and Tepe Giyan in the chain of valleys immediately beyond, which are linked by an easy mountain pass. It is therefore to these neighbouring sites that we must attempt to link the Bdbdt Jan sequence. The Giyan sequence has been studied by Dr. R. H. Dyson,"1and his subdivisionsagree well with the BdbdJan sequence. recently Level5 appears to equate most closely with Dyson's Giyan IVB. Common to both assemblagesare red-slipped cooking ware bowls; fine cream or buff fabrics, often unslipped; shouldered-as opposed to keeled or bag-shaped-jars; geometric designs on the shoulders of jars and large pithoi. A design like a series of concentric inverted V's is found very frequently in Level 5 (Fig. 9: 14-17; Fig. i i : 8) and also in Jamshidi IV, Tombs i I, 13 and I8, all of which fall into Dyson's IVB bracket.18 The water bird between blocks of hatching or alone (Fig. 9: 5- I) occurs in Giyan IV, at Susa and in the lower

The pottery from Level 4, and Graves 1-3 in 5A, appears to be rather later than that from Level 5 itself. However we opened only a small area and some of the differencesbetween the two levels may be due to the fact that the lower is a living area, the upper a working one. On Dyson's terminology 4B-C appears to be equivalent to Giyan IVC, with 4A and its tripodsrunning into early III. Typical are the pear-shapedjars with keels rather than shoulders; the hatched spike decoration above the shoulder; the virtual disappearance of the red cooking ware bowls (Grave I excepted), and the fine buff wares with intricate designs. Toggle pins (Fig. II: 4, 6 and 15) with conical and domed heads are typical with its tripod fragmentsand Dinkha-type combed ware may be slightly later-if indeed it is a separate level, but, if Hamlin's dating for the Dinkha combed ware is accepted, it must end before i7001600 B.C.22 of Giyan IVC and III graves.21 On Dyson's dating Level 4B ends between 1900-I800 B.C. Level 4A

part of the Godin III assemblage.19 On Dyson's chronology, this level dates from c. 2300-2100 B.C., which ties in well with a radio-carbon date of 22171-I24 B.C. for the beginning of Godin III.20

The latest Bronze Age phase is represented by Trench F, Grave 4; the "Warrior's Grave" from the East Mound; and possibly the burial in Trench V. The pottery and the bronzes from these graves are quite unlike anything found in Levels 4 and 5 on the Central Mound, but they have close parallels with graves from late Godin III and Tepe Giyan IIB.23 Trench Grave4 was found when cleaning down the 1966 shovelling platform. Its exact stratiF, graphic position is uncertain but it is either within Level 4 or dug into it from above. It contains five vessels, only one of which is painted. This is a small concave-sided beaker in Red Painted Ware (Fig. 11: 7, Pl. VIIa: 4). It seems to be simpler version of a Giyan II shape from Tepe Jamshidi.24 Three of the other bowls (Fig. 21: 8, 9, P1. VIIa: 1-3) have close parallels at Tepe Bad-Hora, in tombs usually dated to the late Giyan II horizon, when Iron Age I influence was already penetrating the area.25 A small footed bowl, like P1.VIIa: 5, occurs at Giyan in a 14context.26 The grave would seem to fall within the Giyan II horizon-i.e. be later than the Level 4 occupation itself and have been dug into it when this part of the mound was deserted. The fact that both bowl shapes occur in the Godin III tombs suggests that it is to be dated not later than 1350.27 The Warrior's Grave can be dated more firmly to Giyan IIb, c. 1500-1400 B.c. Goblets of similar type to Fig. I I: 20 occur in most Giyan II graves, but in the IIb group are accompanied by other rich grave goods, including strings of beads and in one case a cache of ten spear heads identical to the

T. 98: 9 etc. 22Dyson, Chronologies, 235: CAH, pp. 704-5; Hamlin, op. cit., p. World.Archaeology pp. 129-31. (1966), pp. 232-5, and CAH, op. cit., pp. 692-7. 18 Contenau and Ghirshman, op. cit., pl. 79, Tombe I : 23For the rest of this article I use the subdivisions and dating put i; 13: forward by Dyson in CAH, p. 708 f. I; pl. 8o, Tombe 18: I. 19 Ibid., 24Contenau and Ghirshman, op. cit., pl. 73, T. 2: 5, 6. P1. XI, top row, right; pl. 59, second row, left. (This 25Ibid., pl. 82, T. I: 5, 6; T. 2: 8, I1; T. 3: 1o, 12. Dyson, group of sherds contains both Giyan IV and Late V pottery). Young and Levine, op. cit., fig. 29: I, 2; Young, Excavations CAH, p. 71x. 20 Contenau and Ghirshman, op. cit., pl. 15, T. 38: 4. at Godin Tepe, fig. 22: 9. 27 Young, Excavations GodinTepe, fig. 3I: 3, 7; fig. 21: I, and at 20 Young, AJA 73, p. 288. 21 e.g. Contenau and Ghirshman, op. cit., pl. 29: T. 10o: 5; p. 23.

" 17 R. H. Dyson, Problems in the Relative Chronology of Iran, in 6ooo-2000 B.C.", in Ehrich, Chronologies Old

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Bdb~Jdn examples.28 At Godin Tepe, Burial 2 in operation AA, stratum 6, produced similar banded goblets and a cache of five spear heads. This grave is firmly stratified beneath Godin III/I which contained pottery showing a mixture of Giyan III and Giyan II affinities.29 It must therefore be earlier than 1350, the assumed date for the end of Godin III. Finally the small cups, which occur Giyan IIb phase.30 Grave I lay fairly close to the Warrior'sgrave, albeit in a different trench, and they are probably contemporary. The small banded goblets have been frequently compared with the "Jungere Chabur Ware " from sites in northern Mesopotamia and Syria. Their sudden appearance in the Central Western Zagros suggests an intrusive influence within the area, originally thought to be Middle Assyrian, but on the new, rather earlier, dating, more likely to be Mitannian. It has also been argued that the influence goes the other way.31 In any case, the fact that many of the graves they appear in seem to be those of warriors,is significant. It suggests that we have a provincial equivalent of what was going on further north and in Kassite Mesopotamia-a warrior aristocracyfrom another area imposing itself upon the local population, and modifying, but not essentially changing, the local culture. Surveys in Central Luristan suggest that disturbed conditions prevailed throughout the second half of the second millennium, with settlements being sited on easily defensible outcrops, or down isolated river valleys. This is exactly what we would expect if each region was controlled by its local baron.32 The three Giyan II tombs at Bbdt Jan suggest that the site was occupied until around 1350 B.C. even though no building levels dated to this period have yet been discovered. (This is not really surprising, considering how small a sondage was made into the lower levels). The site-along with most major sites in the area-was then deserted, possibly in the face of an Elamite invasion from the south,33and was not reoccupied until the appearance of the Babd Jan III people, shortly after the beginning of the first millennium.34 What was happening in the interval is still one of the biggest open questions of Iranian archaeology.35
both in the Warrior's Grave, and in Trench V, Grave I (Fig. I I: 19, 14), also have a parallel in the

,8 Dyson, CAH, pp. 7o8-9. Contenau and Ghirshman, op. cit., pl. 24, T. 77: 3, 11. 29Young, Excavations Godin Tepe, p. 113, fig. 35: 7, 8, 11-14. at Young, AJA 73, P- 290. 30 Contenau and Ghirshman, op. cit., pl. 23: T. 75: 9. " Problems of Protohistoric Iran as seen from Hasan81 Dyson, lu ", JNES XXIV (1975), p. 195 and bibliography. Idem, CAH, pp. 7o8-9. 32 Personal observation. For documentation see note 9. It is perhaps interesting to note in this context that the main evidence for the Norman Conquest in British Archaeology is apparently the sudden appearance of the Motte and Bailey

castle. A change in ceramics does not occur until several generations afterwards. I cannot offer any documentation on this point which has emerged in discussion with friends specialising in local history. 33 Dyson, CAH, p. 712. '4 The date of the beginning of BbdT JAn III is still in dispute. In my opinion it belongs to the Iron Age II horizon and must overlap with Hasanlu IV, which may now start as early as B.. (Dyson, CAH, p. 714). Unfortunately, all the carbon 1100oo samples from the Fort, which were sent for testing to the British Museum laboratories, give dates of around 200ooB.c. 35 On the whole problem, see Dyson, CAH, pp. 712-15.

P1. Ia. Trench F, Level 4C, looking south-west over brokenovens.

P1. Ib. The same, Levels 4B-C, looking north-east to bins, ovens and pithoi.

P1. Ha. Painted Buff Warejars decoratedwith water birdsfrom Level 5C.

Pl. HIb. South-west end of Trench F, Level 5, showing the original 5C walls with 5B additions.

P1. Ilia. Red Cooking Ware bowls from Level 5.

P1. IIIb.

Trench F, Level 5, showing 5B/A walls surroundingan oven in the south-west corner; the blocking in Door 3; foreground, part qf the high 5A paving overlying the earlier 5B walls.

and, in the

Pl. IVb. Trench F, Level 3. Cross wall emergingfrom south-east section, directly below the Level I and 2 stonefoundations.

Pl. IVa. Central Mound, Trench A. Level III stone wall from village, lying belowfoundations of Levels I and 2.

Pl. IVc. South-west end of TrenchF, Level 5C, showing Door 2 in section with its stone thresholdand bench, and stone paving on floor.

Pl. IVd. North-east end of Trench F, Levels 5A-B showing 5A paving overlying earlier VB walls. The stone sides of the dog's grave emerge from the section directly below the walls of 4B-C.

Level 4. BJ/67/237 P1. Vb. Section of "Wolf Pot ".from for description).

(see Fig. 7:3

Pl. Va. Section of Red Painted Ware pithos from Hearth group, F4C, Pot I. BJ/67/232 (see Fig. 6: I for description).

Pl.

Vc.

Typical ribbed pithos from F5 in course of restoration. H.c. 67 cm., D. 32 cm. BJ/67/242.

Pl.

Vd. Buff Cooking Ware pot from Hearth group, F4C, Pot I . BJ/67/236 (see Fig. 8: 6for description).

Pl. Ve. Part of F4C pithos in courseof restoration. Hearth group, Pot 5.

Pl. VIa. Level 5A, Grave 2.

Pl. VIb. Level 5A, Grave 2: Pottery (Catalogue as for Fig. Ii :

-3).

Pl. VIIa. Potteryfrom Level 4, Grave 4 (Catalogue as for Fig. 11:7-9).

Pl. VIIb. Grave goodsfrom "Warrior's Grave", East Mound, Trench C, Grave 3 (Catalogue as for Fig. Ii:

19-21,

23).

" P1. VIIc. Spear heads 6-Io from " Warrior's Grave (Catalogue as for Fig.

1:

22 bottom row).

F, P1. VIlla. Stone" gaming board"from Trench Level5. L. 31 cm., W. 18-5 cm., Th. 3-7
cm. BJ/67/141.

Pl. VIIIb. Togglepins: Left: IronAge cm. (bent). BJ/67/53. Centre: fromF4, G
Right: fromF5, Grave 2. L. 9gI cm. BJ

Pl. VIIIc. BabaJan V. Fine strawtempered warewithcreamslip, burnished surface,and redbuff brownpaint. D. 4 -25 cm. F7. BJ/67/259.

Pl. VIIId. BabaJan V. Thesame,unpa

H.
I2"7

cm., D. I5 cm.

10

2.

iC.M.

Level4C. Fig. 6. Pottery from HearthGroup,

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Fig. 7. Pithoifrom Level4, mainly from theHearthGroup.

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Fig. 8. Pottery from Level4A-C.

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Fig. 9. Potteryfrom Level 5.

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Fig. xo. Pottery from Level5.

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and Fig. rr. Pottery other gravegoods from theBronzeAge burials.

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CATALOGUE
Fig. 6. PaintedWarePithoifrom Central Mound, Trench Level4c, Stackin N.E. Corner Hearth F, by Core: buff with black grits; thick red slip rather worn in places and burnt on interior; blackish brown I. paint. Diameter: 48-o cm.; Height: 550 cm. Pot I. Hearth. BJ/67/232. 2. Core: brown, gritty, flaking away on inside; buff slip outside; black paint. Diameter: 60o cm.; Height: 40 cm. Pot 7. Hearth. BJ/67/235-

Fig. 7. PaintedWarePithoifrom Central Mound,F 4c. Stackin N.E. Corner Hearth by Core: brownish buff, rather coarse and gritty, rough and pitted inside; buff slip outside; black paint. I. Rippling on neck. Diameter: 37 cm.; Height: 50 cm. Pot Io. Hearth. 2. Core: dirty brown, gritty; rough and pitted inside, dirty buff slip outside; brown paint. Ring base with finger pitted decoration as No. 3. Diameter: 31 cm.; Pot 6. Hearth. 3. " Wolf pot ". Core: pinkish buff with greyer centre; greenish-grey slip on upper part of vessel; brown paint. Diameter: 30 cm. Reconstructed from fragments. 4. Core: light brown, gritty; inside rough and scoured, outside creamy buff slip; blackish brown paint. Three parallel grooves on neck. Diameter: 44 cm. 5. Core: pinkish, medium fine; streaky pinkish-buff wash applied to outside with brush; black paint.
Diameter:

6.

Core: dirty buff; streaky pinkish brown slip; paint dark brown. Diameter: 28.2 cm.; Height:
12'5 cm. Hearth, inside Pot Ii.

27 cm.

BJ/66/I13.

Fig. 8. Pottery Mound, Trench Levels4A-C. Nos. 2-15 Painted Ware; 16-19 Buff CookingWare. from Central F, Core: buff with large grits; no slip; combed decoration; brown paint. Diameter: cm. 4A I. 46.o directly below 3B pavement. 2. Brown, fairly coarse, straw tempered; dark red-brown slip; brown paint. cm. cm.; Diameter: 3. Buff, hand made; outside and inside washed pink; brown paint. Height: 6.2 3"5 4C. BJ/66/974. Buff; red slip; brown paint, two incised grooves under rim. Height:

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Io. I I.
12.

13.
14. 15.

4C. Buff; brown slip outside; black paint. Diameter: 8-ocm. 4A-C. BJ/67/248. Buff, handmade; pinkishbrown slip; brown paint. Diameter: 55 cm.; Height: 5"6cm. 4C. BJ/66/II4. Buff; reddish slip outside and inside rim; black paint. Diameter: cm. 4C. 7"3 Grey, very overfired with large grits; greyish-white slip very flaky and uneven on outside only. Height: 8-2 cm.; Diameter: cm. 4C. BJ/66/Ioo. 8.o Core: grey to reddish brown, fairly fine with scattered grits; thick red slip; black paint. Diameter: 286 cm.; 4B-C. BJ/66/I6I. Greyish buff; dirty red slip burnt in fire; black paint. Diameter: 26 cm. 4B. Reddish-brown cooking ware, built up from coils; fire blackened exterior. Diameter: 32 cm. 4C. Buff, fairly fine; orange-pink wash; brown paint. Height 5-7 cm.; Diameter: 14.7 cm. 4C. Hearth. BJ/66/I I8. Creamy buff, fine; black paint. Height: 7.6 cm.; Diameter: 16.5 cm. 4C. BJ/66/99. Dark buff, burnt; streaky red-brown slip on outside; black paint. Height: I3 - 6 cm.; Diameter:
15"2

Diameter: 7o00 cm.;

15 15 cm.

cm. 4B.

Body of tripod; greyish buff; brown paint. 4B. Mottled reddish buff cooking ware with grey centre and in places grey patches on surface, probably coil built, small white inclusions; inside porous, outside scraped and slightly burnished (two handles and cm. F4C. Hearth Pot iI. spout). Diameter: 21.4 I 7. Light red cooking ware; Diameter: Io* I cm. 4C Hearth. I8. Pinkish buff cooking ware; wheel made; paired lugs. F4C Hearth beside Pot Io. 19. Buff cooking ware; slight burnish on outside. Diameter: 30o5 cm. F4C Hearth Pot 2. I6.

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Fig. 9. Painted Ware Mound, Trench Level5 from Central F, I. Buff core; surface very soft and floury, probably unslipped; dark brown paint. Height: 23'4 cm.; Diameter: 45 cm. 2. Core: reddish brown; thick reddish brown slip outside and inside; dark brown paint. Height: 20 cm.; Diameter: 36.4 cm. BJ/67/241. 3. Dirty buff core with hard scraped interior; buff slip outside; brown paint, mainly worn away. Diameter: 36 cm. 4. Dirty buff core; buff slip outside, hard scraped inside; dark brown paint. Diameter: cm. 5"5 5. Fine, pinky buff core; cream slip on outside; brown paint. Diameter: 11 cm. BJ/67/252. 6. Warm buff core; blackish brown paint. Diameter: 13 cm. 7. Dirty buff core, porous with no slip; brown paint. Diameter: 14 cm. BJ/67/253. 8. Warm orange buff, gritty; inside scraped, paler buff slip on outside; black paint. 9. Warm buff; surface smoothed only; dark blackish-brown paint. Io. Buff; surface smoothed only; brown paint. I i. Greenish buff, fine; brown paint. 12. Fine buff core; buff slipped; brown paint. Diameter: Io cm. 13. Buff core; dark brown paint. 14. Buff, fine; surface smoothed only; brown paint. I5. Warm buff, gritty; scraped interior; paler buff slip outside; dark brown paint. 16. Dirty buff core; paler slip on outside; brown paint. Diameter: 20o cm. 17. Warm buff core with mica inclusions; creamy buff slip; brown paint. Diameter: 22 cm. BJ/67/250o.

Fig. io. Potteryfrom Central Mound, TrenchF, Level 5. Nos. I-12, Wares Ware; Nos. I7-27 Greyand Buff Cooking

15-16 Painted Ware; Nos. 13-14 Red Cooking

Buff; red slip; paint black. Creamy buff; brushed surface with no slip; three bands of cable ornament; black paint. BJ/67/243. Greenish buff unslipped; four bands of cable ornament. 3. 4. Buff; buff slip; dark brown paint. I.
2.

6.

5.

Buff unslipped;

diameter 22 cm.

Warm buff with tiny white grits and mica inclusions; outside buff slip; pale brown paint. Shoulder

brown paint.

7. Pale buff; outside smoothed only; brown paint. 8. Yellow-buff with black grits; pink slip; black paint. 9. Grey, burnt; paint darker grey. Height: 6-2 cm. Diameter: I2 cm. BJ/67/77. o. Buff; thick red slip; dark brown paint. Diameter: 38 cm. I I1. Fine buff core; red slip; brownish black paint. Height: 8 -5 cm. Diameter: 6 o cm. BJ/67/7512. Buff core; brownish red slip outside; dark brown paint. BJ/67/76. 13. Red cooking ware; exterior slip mottled orange and black. Height: 10o2 cm.; Diameter: I80o cm. BJ/67/238.
14.

I5. Dirty brown core (burnt); dirty buff slip; brown paint. I6. Brown; red slip; black paint. Diameter: 22 cm. 17. Grey cooking ware; dark grey core with mica inclusions; inside porous, outside scraped and burnished. Impressed decoration. I8. Grey cooking ware; grey core with small white grits; outside scraped and slightly burnished, inside smoothed; horizontal scratches above rib. 19. Grey-black cooking ware; inside rather porous; outside scraped and burnished. 20. Brown cooking ware; pink to grey core; slight burnish. Diameter: 40 cm. Dark grey-brown cooking ware with numerous white grits and a few bits of mica; inside smoothed, out21. side hard burnish. 22. Brown cooking ware. Greyish buff mottled core with white grits. Surface mottled grey; inside smoothed, outside scraped. 23. Brown cooking ware; reddish brown core and surface; outside burnished.

Red cooking ware; Height:

II 5 cm. Diameter:

24-5 cm. BJ/67/74.

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24. Brownish-buff cooking ware. 25. Brown cooking ware; reddish-brown surface, grey core. 26. Grey cooking ware; grey core with grit and mica inclusions; surface smoothed, outside burnished. 27. Brown cooking ware. Pink to grey core; brown exterior. Spout.

Fig. ii. GraveGoods from BronzeAge Burials Central Mound,F5A, Grave2 Core: creamy-grey, grit tempered; white slip; blackish-brown paint. Height: I.
15' I cm. Pot I. BJ/67/64.
2.

3.

4.

I cm.; Diameter: 8. Core: red with fine white grits; red slip; blackish-brown paint. Height: 7-2 cm.; Diameter: 7-4 cm. Pot 4. BJ/67/67. Core: brownish-buff with large grits; thick red slip worn away on interior; blackish-brown paint. Height: cm.; Diameter: 17 cm. Pot 3. BJ/67/66. Grave 2. 18"-5 (BJ/67/65) is illustrated on P1.VIb, far left. It is a carinated tankard, Pot 2. cm. high and 7"7 cm. in diameter. Core; buff; white slip on exterior and inside rim; blackish-brown paint. 6.2 Bronze toggle pin. Pierced I -7 cm. from head. Rings engraved between hole and head. Length: 9 - I cm. One of pair. BJ/67/49.

Central Mound,F5A, Grave 3 Core: light buff; red brown slip. Height: 5.

3 cm. Diameter: 5"

I 35cm. BJ/67/68.

Central Mound,F4, Grave4 6. Bronze toggle pin with bent point. Conical head; vertically hatched bands engraved in spirals on shank below head; vertically hatched bands immediately under head and on either side of hole. Length: 5 6 cm. BJ/67/50. Core: fine buff; patchy slip ranging from red to light brown on exterior and light brown on interior; 7. black paint. Height: cm.; Diameter: 8-o cm. Pot 4. BJ/67/72. 7"3 8. Coarse buff ware; slightly polished greyish surface, mostly eroded; Height: cm.; Diameter: 4"7 cm. Pot 3. BJ/67/7I. 8.7 Pot 2. BJ/67/70. Diameter 9. Core: buff, gritty; pinkish cream slip. Height: 7.5cm.; I *o cm. BJ/67/69; Pot I (see P1. VIIa centre) is similar in shape but measures II4.53cm. high and 21 cm. in diameter. Core: fine red with grits; cream slip on exterior; red painted design too worn away to reconstruct. East Mound,PaintedChamber, Graver 10. Core: greenish cream; brown paint. Height: 7 cm; Diameter: 6.5 cm. Pot 2. BJ/67/ 1I. cm.; Diameter: 4'9 cm. Pot 3. BJ/67/I31I. Core: creamy buff, slipped; brown paint. Height: 9"7 cm.; Diameter: 16-3 cm. Pot 2. 12. Red cooking ware with very corroded surface. Height: BJ/67/33. 8"7 13. Core: greenish cream; thin brown paint. Height: 1r84 cm.; Diameter: cm. Pot I. BJ/67/5o.
12.4

East Mound V, GraveI

14.

Pale reddish brown coarse with numerous brown or white grits; Height: 0.'3

cm.; Diameter:

0o *o cm.

BJ/67/96. I5. Two bronze toggle pins, pierced. Length:

Io.8

cm. BJ/67/91 and 92.

East Mound,PaintedChamber, Grave2 cm. Pot 2. BJ/67/I9. 16. Buff; badly corroded surface; brown paint. Height: cm.; Diameter: 7"7 9-o I7. Orange red gritty; red slip on outside. Height: cm.; Diameter: 15-2 cm. Pot 3. BJ/67/44. 8.6 18. Pinkish buff core; eroded surface; paint blackish brown. Height: Diameter: 31'i5cm. Pot I. 32"5cm.;

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STUDIES

" East MoundC, Grave " Warrior's Grave 3, cm. Pot 2. BJ/67/1o2. Reddish brown with fine grits. Height: 6-i cm.; Diameter: i9. 8.6 Core: buff with fine grit tempering; banded design in fugitive black paint. Height: 9 -8 cm.; Diameter: 20o. 8 -o0cm. Pot I. BJ/67/IoI. 21. Lid in marble like stone, white and grey with black veins. Knob handle with conical hole slightly off centre. Smoke hole with slight groove on underside towards rim. Diameter: 17-4 cm. BJ/67/10322. Ten spear heads. The square sectioned tangs still show traces of binding. The spike was wrapped horizontally (nos. 2, 3 and 8); the spike was then stuck into a wooden shaft part of which often remains as vertical striations (nos. 1, 4, 6 and 7); the whole was finally rebound in some sort of natural ribbon-like fibre-possibly bark (no. I). In no. 5 the binding is obscure and no. Io missing. All the spear heads have a thickened midrib, in nos. I-8 rounded, in nos. 9, Io, sub-rectangular in section. I. BJ/67/I Length: 125 cm.; Width: I8 cm. 2. BJ/67/2 Length: II'5 cm.; Width: 1-8 cm. 3. BJ/67/3 Length: 12zocm.; Width: 2.2cm. cm.; Width: 2 I cm. 4. BJ/67/4 Length: Io.8 cm.; Width: cm. 5. BJ/67/5 Length: I.9 6. BJ/67/6 Length: 12"9 cm.; Width: 2-o cm. I2.6 7. BJ/67/7 Length: I3 -I cm.; Width: 2 -o cm. 8. BJ/67/8 Length: Width: x-9cm. I2"7cm.; Width: 2 cm. -o cm.; 9. BJ/67/9 Length: I3.5 Width: Length: Io. BJ/67/Io I3.5cm.; 2.ocm. 23. Beads from around neck of skeleton. I. Drum shaped bead with grooved sides. Pale blue. Height: o*45 cm.; Diameter: o.6 cm. BJ/67/ 104. 2. White Bead. Length: o075 cm.; Width: o*6 cm.; Thickness: BJ/67/105o.32cm. cm. BJ/67/Io6. cm.; Diameter: 3. Transparent amber-coloured spherical bead. Height: o.6 o.5 bead. Flattened sphere. Height: o 3 cm.; Diameter: o 52 cm. BJ/67/ Io7. 4. Opaque reddish-orange cm. BJ/67/108. cm.; Diameter: 5. Opaque orange/yellow bead. Height: 6. White bead, flattened sphere. Height: o.5 cm.; Diameter: o.5I cm. BJ/67/Io9. 0'42 o*2 7. White bead, flattened sphere. Height: o02I cm.; Diameter: o*39cm. BJ/67/II0.

THE EFFECTS OF THE MUSLIM CONQUEST ON THE PERSIAN POPULATION OF IRAQ' By Michael G. Morony
Persianshave always been a minority in Iraq, but for most of classical and late antiquity they were a ruling minority. Apart from the concentration of Persiansalong the foothillsof the Zagros mountains and the upper reaches of the tributaries of the Tigris, which was merely an extension of the Persian settlement on the Iranian plateau, the large-scale Persian immigration into the Mesopotamian plain began with the rise of the Sasanian state in the third century A.D. Drawn to the court at Ctesiphon, posted as administratorsand garrisonsto positions in the western quarter of the empire, or brought in as agriculturallabour, the Persianpresencein Iraq was largely the result of the military, administrative, and economic requirementsof the Sasanians. Unfortunately, there are no reliable figures for the size and distribution of the Persian population in Sasanian Iraq, but it is possible to approach questions of demographic change by comparing settlement patterns and by noting the shifts in population that included Persians. The Sasanian policy of establishing an ethnic Persian presence in the west implemented by transfersof population led to a demographic pattern of settlement along the outer edge of southern and western Iraq as permanent frontiergarrisons,in the majorcities of Iraq by the families of aristocraticPersians,and in villages in the Sawdd. This movement began in the third century with the settlementof a permanentgarrisonat Anbtr2 followed by the settlement of I2,oo000 upper-classPersian families (ahl bait) from Istakhr and Isfahdn at Nasibin when that city was taken from the Romans in 363 A.D.3 In the early sixth century QubdtdhI (488-96, 499-531) is said to have settled people brought from other places in villages in upper and lower Iraq.4 By the end of the Sasanian period there was a belt of defensive Persian settlements in the outposts of 'Ain at-Tamr,5 Qadisiyya,6 the oases called 'Uyfin at-Taff,7 and in the garrison cities of Anbdr,9and Sinjar.1o There were also significant numbers of Persiansin cities such as Nasibin, IHira,8
annual meeting of the Middle East Studies Association, Boston, Massachusetts, on November 7th 1974SYqfiat, Mu'jam al-Bulddn (Leipzig, i866), III, p. 929. 3 Th. der N61ldeke,Geschichte PerserundAraberzur Zeit derSasaniden (Leiden, 1879), p. 63: Tabari, Ta'rikh ar-Rusul wa-l-Mulak, de (Leiden, 1879), I, p. 843: H. Zotenberg, Chronique AbouDjafar-Mo'hammed-ben-Djartr-ben-rezid Tabari, traduite sur la version Bel'ami (Paris, 1938), II, persaned'Abou-'Ali Mo'hammed p. 99. According to the Nihdyatu i-arab there were 12,000 Persians from Istakhr and 4,000 from Isfahqn settled in Nasibin (E. G. Browne, " Some Account of the Arabic Work entitled ' ' Nihaiyatu 1-irab fi akhbari ' 1-Furs wa'l-'Arab,' particularly of that part which treats of the Persian Empire," JRAS, XXXII (1900), p. 221). In the sixth century, Nasibin was still a Persian city (G. Hoffmann, Ausziige aus Syrischen Akten Persischer Mdrtyrer. Abhandlungen die Kunde des Morgenlandes fiir VII, (Leipzig, I88o), p. 83) with Persian notables (P. Devos, " Sainte Sirin, martyre sous Khosrau Ier Anosarvan," Analecta Bollandiana, LXIV (1946), p. 107). Mar Babai of Nasibin, a disciple of Abraham of Kashkar in the early seventh century, was a descendent of the Persians settled at Nasibin by Shipfir II (J. B. Chabot, "Le livre de la chastet6 compos6 par J6suset denah, liveque de Bagra," Melanges d'archdologie d'histoire, XVI (1896), p. 235). 4 A. Scher, " Histoire Nestorienne (Chronique de S6ert) ", part II (2), PatrologiaOrientalis,XIII (1919), pp. 124-5.

1 The basis of this article is a paper presented at the eighth

s Bal~dhuri, Futaii al-Buldan (Leiden, i866), p. 246; Tabari, I, p. 2062. 6 Qadisiyya was garrisoned by a force sent by Khusrau II Parviz to protect the desert frontier after the fall of the Lakh(Gottingen, I848-9), II, p. I59). mids, (Qazwini, Kosmographie, 7 Ibn Rusta, Les Atourspricieux (Cairo, 1955) P. 120; Yaqfit, II, p. 476; III, pp. 539-40. 8 Before the fall of the Lakhmids, the Sasanians stationed a body of 1,ooo cavalrymen (asdwira) at Hira as reinforcements. After a year's service they were recalled and replaced by another troop (M. J. Kister, " Al-Iira, Some Notes on its Relations with Arabia ", Arabica, XV (1968), p. 167). After the fall of the Lakhmids, a regular garrison under a marzban was established at Hira. Persian dahdqinalso lived at Hira (J. Horovitz, " Adi Ibn Zeyd-The Poet of Hira ", Islamic Culture,IV (1930), p. 35) and Persian was spoken and written there (Tabari, I, pp. 2052-3). 9 Zotenberg, III, p. 336. The descendents of the Persians settled at Anbdr by Shpfipr I are supposed to have been still living there at the time of the Muslim conquest in the seventh century (Balidhuri, p. I77). 10 According to the Arabic tradition reported on the authority of the Shaikhs of Sinjar, Khusrau II Parviz had wanted to dispose of ioo rebellious Persians and sent them against SinjAr at a time when it was held by the Byzantines. Two of them died on the way, but the other 98 joined the Persian on [continued nextpage

41

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Takrit, Ctesiphon," Veh-Ardashir,'2 and Kaskar, to say nothing of towns such as Irbil and Kirkfik located in heavily Persian districts. The structure of Persian society in the Sasanian period may be described in two alternative ways. One of them presents the picture of an internally subdivided four-classsystem organized for the separate performance of military, religious, administrative, or economic responsibilities. The priesthood had its own elaborate hierarchy. Soldierswere divided into cavalry and infantry and were distinguished by rank. The bureaucratic class included correspondence secretaries, accountants, court clerks, and official historians, as well as physicians, poets, and astrologers (the latter three because of their connection with the royal court). The fourth estate was made up of farmers, herdsmen, artisans, and merchants, the vast majority of the productive, tax-paying public. All classeswere bound by separate codes decreed and registered by the state, which were intended to preservethe integrity and usefulness of each by preventing anyone from changing his occupation and by providing external, visual distinctions among them through the special, identificatory clothing which the members of each class wore. Movement from one class to another was supposed to be exceptional and was subject to the approval of the monarch himself. Instructors and teachers were appointed to train the members of each class or sub-class in their profession.13 However, this structure, which depends largely on Sasanian royal, religious, and legal traditions, is presented in an abstract, generalized and idealized form, and it is difficult to find such a society in actual operation. While the professionscertainly existed and tended to be hereditary, this schematic division into caste-like classes arbitrarily assigned by the state hardly seems to be a valid reflection of the long-term realities of Sasanian society. Rather, it is part of the Sasanian theory of the state. The rationale behind it is provided in the salutation of a letter ascribed to Ardashir I and addressed to his subjects as follows: " To the secretaries who are in charge of the administration of affairs, to the priests who are the preserversof religion, to the cavalrymen who are the defenders of the state, to the labourerswho make the state prosperous..."14 The success of the state depended on the performance by each class of its responsibilities, as expressed in the classic Sasanian formulation of the " circle of power ", again ascribed to Ardashir, that there is no ruler without men, no men without money, no money without prosperity,and no prosperitywithoutjustice and good administration.15Consequently, this picture of Sasanian society should be regarded more as a statement of policy, associated with the restorationof order after the Mazdakite risings in the late Sasanian period when there may have been a real attempt under Khusrau I AnfishirvAn freeze society in this fashion for the benefit of the state. to In practice, the official classesoverlapped a good deal. Peasantsalso servedin the army as infantry. Bureaucrats (kuttdb) wore the clothing of their class in town, but when they accompanied the king on campaign they wore the clothing of soldiers."6 There does not seem to have been any hindrance to marriage among the members of the first three estates, with a resulting confusion over the profession of the children. The aristocraticsixth-century administrator,Babai, who was istanddr Nasibin and of the father of the Christian convert and martyr Mihramgushnasp/Giwargis (d. 615), married the daughter of a mjbadh. Their son, Mihramgushnasp, is described only as an aristocratic absentee landlord.'7 Similarly, we find the son of a hirbadh engaged in the defence of the Sawad against the
continued from previous page] force before the city, helped them take it and settled there and then began to multiply (Balddhuri, p. i77). Although Dara would suit the circumstances of this story better than Sinj- r, Sinj~r was occupied by Persian troops at the time of the conquest because we are told that they were evacuated after the battle of Qa7disiyya (AbQiYfisuf, Kitdb al-Khardj (Livre de l'impotfoncier) (Paris, I92i), p. 64). Sa'd is said to have taken I2,ooo Persian horsemen captive xx at Ctesiphon and the same text says that there were many Persians living in Madd'in (Tabari, I, p. 2451). 12 A man from Istakhr, Shahrbariz, was killed in the seige of Veh-Ardashir/Bahurasir, and in the story of the siege we are told that all the people in Bahurasir were Persians (Tabari, I, pp. 2426, 2528). 13 M. Boyce, The Letter of Tansar (Rome, 1968), pp. 38-41; S. J. Bulsara, The Laws of the AncientPersians as found in the " Mdttkdn E Hazdr Ddtastdn" or " The Digest of a Thousand Points of Law ", (Bombay, 1937), P. 49; Kitdb at-Tdj Jahshiyari, Kitdb ff Akhldq al-Mulaik (Cairo, 1914), p. 25;J.hiz, al- Wuzard'wa-Kuttdb (Leipzig, 1926), p. 3; J. Latz, Das Buch der Wezire und Staatssekretdre Ibn 'Abdusal-Oahliydrf (Bonn, von 1958), p. 54; C. Pellat, Le livre de la couronne(Paris, i954), P. 5314 Mas'fidi, Lesprairiesd'or (Paris, 1965), I, p. 220. (Histoire "x Tha'alibi, GhurarAkhbdrMulak al-Furs wa-Siyaruhum, des rois des Perses). (Paris, 1900), p. 482. 16JahshiyAri, p. 3; Latz, p. 54. 17 A. Christensen, L'Iran sous les Sassanides(Copenhagen, 1944), Hoffman, p. 95; 0. Braun, AusgewdhlteAkten pp. 489-90: persischer Mdrtyrer(Munich, 1915), P. 223-

EFFECTS

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Muslims as a local landed aristocrat who had married into a branch of the royal family.18 Nor were administrativecareersclosed to those outside or below the scribal class. The story of the shoemakerwho unsuccessfullytried to get a position as scribe for his son in the reign of Khusrau I Anfishirvdn(53 1-79)19 should be balanced by the case of Farrukhzddhb. Sumayy, tax collector for Khusrau II Parviz (590628) in the 62os, who was a lower-class person ('ilj) from the village of Khandaq in the subdistrict (tass-ij)of Bahfirasir(Veh-Ardashir).20 His elevation was resented, to be sure (as was his extortionate and efficient collection of taxes), and it may be that in these examples which come from the late sixth and early seventh century we are dealing with a breakdown of the mid-sixth century establishment which was under way after only about a generation. The " decadence of rank " and mixing of classeswhich the Letter Tansarpresents as representing of the conditions immediately preceding and as being the reason for the establishment of the four-class system, could apply equally well to the degeneration of that system (if it ever really existed) by the later sixth century. The Letter describeshow unscrupuloussocial climberswithout nobility, ancestrallands, or skill in a trade, with no respect for noble descent or for the professions,acquire fortunes by denouncing others, while the descendents of noble families abandon their dignity and manners to support themselves as tradesmen, marry beneath them, and produce children of mean character.21 This would be an extremely fluid society, and its description serves more to delineate the antithesis of the Sasanian ideal than to provide an abstract generalization of widespread or long-term social conditions. These general problems for the description of Persian society in the late Sasanian period are complicated still further when one turns to Iraq. Here there is little evidence for the presence of merchants or artisans among the Persian population. One has to deal with the employment of nonPersians and non-Magians at almost all levels of the administration and with a growing class of Christian Persian landed aristocratsand courtiers. How were such people integrated into an official class system that had meaning in a Magian, and possibly Zurvanite, context? At the same time, the religiously-sanctionedsocial customs of Magians and the hierarchy of Magian priests was part of the Persian cultural presence in Iraq. As a general rule, outside the area of heavy Persian settlement east of the Tigris, Magians were to be found among the members of the military garrisons,administration, and landed aristocracy. The notables of Nasibin were still Magians in the early sixth century,22and there were Magians at Hira and in the surrounding countryside.23 From Furat to Anbar the Persian in upper class in the towns of the Sawid and the dahdqin the countryside were Magian. There were Magians wherever Persian troops were stationed in Iraq, especially in the fortressesalong the southwestern frontier. East of the Tigris there were Magians in the towns and villages of Adiabene and BEthGarm),24 and there was an important community of Magians at HdlEin However, the Rddhmn.25 caste aspects of Magianism and conversions to Christianity make it unwise to identify the areas of Persian settlement as corresponding exactly to the presence of Magians, or even to equate Magians with Persians engaged in the service of the state in Iraq. The priestly hierarchyitself might be used to locate Magians, both in their own personsand because Magian priests fulfilled both ritual and judicial responsibilitiestowards other Magians. The m6badhin for mjbadh at Ctesiphon of course, or wherever the monarch happened to be, and there were mjbadhs sat the provinces of BEth AramayE, Maisdn, and Adiabene in Iraq.26 Within each province there were but supposed to be subordinate ecclesiastical districtsunder subordinatemibadhs, it is impossible to tell whether or not they corresponded to the sub-districts of the secular administration or how far the system extended in Iraq. The only real evidence for the existence of the lower levels of the system in Iraq comes from the areas of heavy Persiansettlement along the Tigris and its tributaries. In the reign
18

Tabari, I, p. 2245, For his identification with An6shagan son of Gushnaspmah, see page 44 below.
Tabari, I, p. 104I. The Arabic sources for

19 Boyce, p. 39. 20 N6ldeke, p. 352;

21 22

Iraq in this period fairly consistently reserve terms such as 'ajam and 'ilj for Persians. Boyce, pp. 39, 44.
Scher, II(I), Patrologia Orientalis, VII (1950), p. 157. The

Persian notables settled at Nasibin by Shapur II in the fourth

century had been Magians (J. B. Abbeloos, " Acta Mar IKardaghi", AnalectaBollandiana,IX (1890), p. 77). 23 Chabot, pp. 43, 261; Scher, II (2), p. 549. 14 Chabot, pp. 4, x6-17, 230, 239-40. 25 Scher, II (I), p. 157. 28 Chabot, p. 278; Christensen, p. I I8; Hoffmann, pp. 81-8; P. Peeters, " Le passionaire d'Adiabene ", AnalectaBollandiana, XLIII (1925), pp. 269, 279, 282.

44

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of Shdpir II in the fourth century, there are referencesto two mjbadhs districts of dhe-ethrawathi) (mOjhpa.t who was a in Adiabene who were judges (dayyan),27 to a Magian of the district (mag6shd and dhe-ethrd) subordinate of the archimagos of Adiabene.28 There was a mtlhpat HleI in Radhin in the fifth at who is described holding court on the judgment seat (bima) before the assembled people of century the town.29 At the same time, there is little evidence for the existence of fire temples in Iraq. There were fire temples at Ctesiphon and Irbil and in the heart of the Sawad near Sfird and a royal foundation by Bilran at Astiniya near Baghdddh.30 But the nature of the Magian cult itself, which did not require public participation for it to be effective, made professionalMagians something of a sacerdotal caste, and lower-classPersians,at least in Iraq, amounted to little more than pagans. General public participation only occurred during annual festivals when the scriptureswere recited by the priests while the common people took part in dances. Otherwise, the performance of the cult and typically Magian social customs were a matter of private or family observances. There is a very significant description of a noble Magian family at Kirkfikin the later sixth century gathered around the fire altar in their home for the morning prayer.31 Magianism was essentially an upper-class tradition in Sasanian Iraq where nobles and priests exposed their dead, practiced the prayer of silence at mealtime, contracted endogamous marriages, and saw to the religious education of their children. In the face all of these difficulties,it seems far more reasonable to speak of a class of landed Persian aristocrats,themselves organized in a hierarchic system of ranks and grades, which monopolized the military, administrative, and religious positions in the state. This is, in fact, the second alternative provided in the Letterof Tansarwhere the important distinction is between nobles and commoners. Nobles are distinguishedvisibly from commoners, especially artisans and tradesmen, by their clothing and symbols of rank, their trousers,headgear and horses,the silk clothing of their women, their servants, houses and gardens, and by the noble occupation of hunting. It is intermarriagebetween nobles and commoners that is forbidden. A noble who marries a commoner is disinherited and commoners are forbidden to buy the household possessionsor estates of nobles.32 This differencewas intensified by the fact that the members of the royal family, the high nobility, soldiers, hirbadhs, secretaries,and those in royal service were all exempt from the poll tax.33 The heads of the Magian priesthood, of the administrative and military hierarchies,of the landed aristocracy,and of state-runenterprises,were all members of the high nobility mainly by virtue of their positions at court.34 This situation is also reflected in the account which describes Antishirvdnsending a messenger to all those in Iraq and Iran who were the leaders of their class: to landowners, generals, soldiers, and the principal scribes.35 Apart from being available in such general, theoretical statements, this alternative has the added advantage that it is actually possible to find and describe a single vertical social hierarchy among Persians in late Sasanian Iraq with the peasants at the bottom. At the top of this hierarchy was the Sasanian royal family itself, supported by their domain land scattered throughout the Sawid.36 The most important branch of the royal family with lands in lower Iraq was the house of Narsi, the son of a maternal aunt of Khusrau II Parviz. Narsi had been granted the entire crown province of Kaskar about 624 as a fief (qati'a). The special property assigned for his support was at an-NirsiyRn,provided with storehousesand protected by a stronghold, which is called his himdand is probably the same as the Ddr Narsi in the district of Kaskar. At the time of the Muslim conquest the stronghold was in the possession of Narsi's daughter, Tamahij, and her husband An6shagan son of Gushnaspmah. He was the nephew of Narsi and if he is to be identified with Anashagan son of the hirbadh, would mean that it a hirbadh named Gushnaspmahhad married a sister of Narsi or that Narsi's own brother was a hirbadh.
27Abbeloos, p. 75. Peeters, p. 281. Hoffman, p. 72. 0oAbbeloos, p. 16; Mas'fidi, II, p. 544; J. Neusner, A History of the Jews in Babylonia, V (Leiden, i970), p. 24; Scher, II (I), p. I6531 Devos, p. 96. 32 Boyce, pp. 44, 48.
28 29 33

and Christensen, p. 367; D. Dennett, Conversion the Poll Tax in Early Islam (Cambridge, 1950), pp. I5, 28; F. Lokkegaard, Islamic Taxation in the Classic Period (Copenhagen, 1950), pp. 132, 142: Naldeke, p. 246; Tabari, I, p. 962; Zotenberg, II, pp. 223-4, 341. 34Bulsara, p. 50. 35Zotenberg, II, p. 224. 3" Tabari, I, pp. 2371, 2540.

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Bistam b. Narsi, the dihqdn Burs at the time of the conquest, is likely to have been the son of this of member of the royal family.37 Directly below the royal family and sharing many of its privileges was a small number of families of very high nobility (vdspuhr, al-buyztat) believed to have been descended from the vassal kingsof the ahl Parthian period. They are said to have been allowed to retain the rank of" kings " and the right to wear a crown because their ancestors had been the equals of the Sasanians.38 Traditionally, only seven families had these privileges, the most visible of which was the right to wear a tall, conical worth Ioo,ooo dirhams.39 However, Mas'fidi speaks of only three great families established qalansuwa the Sasanians in the Sawdd,40and, in fact, only representativesof the Suiran,Qaren, Mihrdn, and by Hurmuzan can be found even peripherally associated with Iraq.41 But there were other people of the same level of nobility in Iraq at the time of the conquest, among whom were the Sasanian generals Jdlinfis (Galienus?)42and Jdbdn,43both of whom are called " kings ". Rustam, the Sasanian general at worth Qadisiyya, also seems to have belonged to this aristocraticelite because he possesseda qalansuwa The participation of these representativesof the high nobility in the defence of I00,000 dirhams.44 Iraq seems to have been at least in part motivated by the fact that a number of" kings " had estates at (dAyd') at-Taff.45 Next in rank was the class of shahrijan so (Ar. shahidrja),46 named because the official (radh,shahrUi) in charge of a province (shahr, and likewise, kara)was chosen from among them.47 Ispdhbadhs marzbdns, by virtue of being governorsof provinces, seem to have belonged to this level of the aristocracybecause Mas'fidi puts them in the second rank of courtiersright after the high nobility.48 The best representative of this class in lower Iraq at the end of the Sasanian period is Azddhbih b. Bdniyin b. Mihrbunof d~dh al-Hamadhani who was marzbdn Hira from 613 to 630 or 634.49 From what little is known about him, he gives the impression of a person on his way up in the Persian hierarchy. He is said to worth 5o,ooo dirhams, have achieved a position of " half nobility " and the right to wear a qalansuwa along with a close personal interest in the fate of the agricultural districts east of the Euphrates around Amghishiyd.5 He had also been able to secure the marriage of his daughter to one of his neighbours (and social superiors), the lord (sdhib)of Sinnin who was a member of the high nobility (one of the mulfik) .51 At the bottom of this aristocratic hierarchy were the small landed proprietors (tunnd',mari qjryi). Administratorsfor the rural subdistrictsin Sasanian Iraq were drawn from this class, and since each subdistrictwas grouped around a village (dih), the official in charge was called a dihijor dihik,and the entire class was called dihkdndn (Ar. dahdqin). They are said to have been further divided into five grades each distinguished by its clothing.52 While there is no indication of what these distinctions as might have involved, the dahdqin a class had the prerogative of riding the kind of horse called a

Balddhuri, p. 340; F. Justi, IranischesNamenbuch(Marburg, 1895), p. '7; Tabari, I, pp. 2168, 2245; Zotenberg, III, p. 371. Justi regards the name of an-Nfishaijdn b. Jusnasmd in Tabari as the Arabicized form of An6shagdn-i Gushnaspmah. An6shagan means " descendent of the house of An6sh ", and his father's name, which means "stallion of Media", would suggest that the family had only been in the SawAd for a generation. For Bistdm b. Narsi, see Baladhuri, pp. 259, 457-8; Tabari, I, p. 2421; and Ya'qfibi, Ta'rfkh, (Leiden, 1883), II; p. 176. Bistaim was also the name of a brother of Hurmizd IV who was the uncle of both Khusrau II Parviz and Narsi. 38 Lokkegaard, p. I71; Zotenberg, III, p. 448. '9 Tabari, I, p. 2025. 40 Mas'iadi, I, p. 24741 Elias of Nasibin, Opus Chronologicum Corpus Scriptorum I, ChristianorumOrientaliumLXII, ScriptoresSyri, XXI, 56-7; CSCO LXIII, Scriptores Syri, XXIII, p. 31; Tabari, I, pp. 2025, 2027, 2534; Thomas of Margha, The Book of the Governors(London, 1893), II, pp. 150-1; Zotenberg, III,
'7

pp. 324-6; Hoffmann, p. 21o. Bahram Chfibin belonged to the house of MihrAn (F. Altheim and R. Stiehl, Ein Asiatischer Staat, Feudalismusunterden Sasanidenund ihren Nachbarn (Weisbaden, 1954), p. 144; P. Peeters, " Les ex-voto de Khosrau Aparwez A Sergiopolis ", Analecta Bollandiana, LXV, p. 47) as did the Christian convert and martyr Mihramgushnasp (Hoffman, p. 95). 42 Tabari, I, p. 2341; Zotenberg, III, p. 3974SBaltdhuri, p. 242; Tabari, I, p. 2032; Ya'qfibi, II, p. 14744 Tabari, I, p. 2340o. 45 Ibid., p. 2247. 48 Christensen, p. 140; Mas'fidi, I, p. 24747 N61deke, pp. 446-8; Ya'qfibi, I, p. 203. 48 Mas'fdi, I, pp. 217-18. 9 N61ldeke, p. 348; G. Rothstein, Die Dynastie der Lahmidenin al-Hira (Berlin, 1899), p. 124; Tabari, I, pp. 1038-9, 203750 Tabari, I, p. 2037. 51 Ibid., p. 2233; Ya'qfibi, II, p. 163. 52 Christensen, p. 14o; Lokkegaard, p. 168; Mas'iidi, I, pp. 247-8.

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birdhawn (destrier) and of wearing golden rings.53 They were also included among those who could wear the qalansuwa.54 there was an Although it is impossible to identify five separate grades of dahdqin, distinction between those who lived in towns and administered their estates as important practical absentee landlords and those who lived on their estates in the countryside. One of the best examples of the pattern of town residence by nobles with rural property at the end of the Sasanian period is the family of Mihrdmgushnasp/Giwargis. His father had been istanddr of his grandfather had been prefect of New Antioch for Khusrau Anfishirvan, and while the Nasibin, family possessedthe village of Paq6ryd in Nanishtdr (Nistar) in the Sawad, Mihramgushnaspowned a house in the capital and had put a Christian overseer in charge of his villages and other property.55 who lived Although he was a member of the high nobility the same pattern was followed by the dahdqin at Anbar,56Kaskar,57Kirkiik,58and Hira. At the time of the conquest, the dahdqin Hira possessed of estates (iyd') on the other side of the Euphrates in the territory of Amghishayd.59 Outside of the towns there was a lower grade of dahdqin scattered throughout the villages and rural subdistricts for which they were responsible. There are references in the context of the conquest to the " dahdqin the villages " in the countryside around Amghishaya;60 to dahdqin Dast-i Maisan;61 of in in the territory between IHiraand Kaskar;62 and to the Persiansof Maisan and the Kuwar Dijla who were led in the defence of their lands by a notable of Abadhqubadh named Failakdn.63 The Persian general called Andarzaghar seems representative of this class. He was one of the local landowners (tunnl') who had been born in the Sawad, and particular mention is made of the fact that he had been neither born in the capital (Mada'in) nor raised there.64 At this level where the dahdqin appear to with the headmen of villages, the class was not exclusively Persian, and it is possible to find merge Aramaean and Arab dahdqin the time of the conquest.65 at There is also evidence for the settlement of Persian peasants in late Sasanian Iraq. They seem to have been fairly common along the lower Tigris in Kaskar and Mais'n,66 and there is a referenceto an entire village located near Kaskar in the early seventh century, the inhabitants of which were the descendents of people brought forcibly from Khurasan (probably as part of those people relocated by Qub~dh I in the aftermathof the Mazdakite risings).67 There also seem to have been Persian peasants around the capital. Farrukhzidh b. Sumayy has already been noticed, and at the siege of Bahurasir (Veh-Ardashir) by Sa'd b. Abi Waqqis in 16/637 a large number of Persian peasants ('ulajli-ahliFdrs) were rounded up in the villages and reed thickets outside the city and were only released when Shirzadh the dihqdn Sabat vouched for them.68 A little later, in the context of the fall of Madi'in, there is a of reference to some commoners (a'ldj) outside the city who " belonged" to a Persian cavalryman stationed there.69 Thus, by the end of the Sasanian period Persianswere to be found concentrated along the line of the Zagros as an extension of the national settlement on the plateau, in a defensive perimeter along the southwest border as garrisontroops, in all of the major cities and towns as administratorsand absentee landlords, and on estates scattered through the countryside from Anbar to Furit and from Hulwdn to Hira as minor landed notables. They were organized in a graded, hierarchical class system: the royal
51Balddhuri, p. 27 1. The dahdqinwere also in charge of the list of young men liable for military service from which they procured recruits for the infantry (Lokkegaard, p. 169). Altheim (pp. 134-5, 140-1) regards the establishment of the dahdqfnas part of the restoration under Khusrau I Anfishirvdn. As landed aristocracy, they provided cavalry for the army. 4 Tabari, I, p. 2067. Even the Nestorian catholicos, Sabhrish6' (596-604) wore a qalansuwa(Scher, II (2), pp. 492, 494). "5Braun, p. 223; Christensen, pp. 489-90; Hoffman, p. 95. 5" Tabari, I, p. 22o3. 57 Zotenberg, III, p. 373. 68Devos (p. 95) identifies the father of Shirin the martyr as a dihqdn. 69 Baladhuri, p. 251; Tabari, I, p. 2036; Ydqiit, I, p. 363; Zotenberg, III, p. 331. 60oTabari, I, p. 2037; Zotenberg, III, pp. 330-I. 61 BalAdhuri, p. 342; Zotenberg, III, pp. 402-3. Tabari, I, p. 2030. Ibid., p. 2386; Ya'qfibi, II, p. I66. 64 Tabari, I, p. 2029. 65 At the time of the conquest, the Aramaean dihqdnSalfibd b. of Nistfind was lord (sdzhib) Quss an-NAtif and of most of the land between two branches of the Euphrates in the Sawad of IHira (Abf Yfisuf, p. 225; Balddhuri, pp. 244-5; Tabari, I, I, pp. 483-4). There is also pp. 2017, 2019; 2049-52; Yaqfit, a reference to an Arab dihqdnkilled at 'Ain at-Tamr at the time of the conquest (Abfi Yfisuf, p. 226). 66 The mother of Ziyid and the parents of IHasan al-Basri were lower class Persians and came from this part of Iraq (Balidhuri, P. 344). 67 Scher, II (2), pp. 587-8. 68 Tabari, I, pp. 2426-7. 69 Ibid., pp. 2442-3.
63

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and family followed by the high nobles, the shahdrija, at least two grades of dahdqin.At the bottom was the peasantry, some of whom were of Persianorigin but who probably had been Aramaicized. At least, it is reasonable to suppose that in the early seventh century only the most recent arrivals were still Persian. The Islamic conquest seriously altered the nature of the Persian presence in seventh-century Iraq, but a proper evaluation of its effects must be preceded by a consideration of two pre-Islamic developments. The general impression of a shift in population from the districts east of the Tigris to new urban concentrationsaround the garrisoncities of Basra and Kilfa in lower Iraq affected Persians as well as non-Persians in Iraq. But the depopulation of the districts east of the Tigris, along the Diyala river and the Nahrawin canal system, seems to have begun before the conquest and to have been the consequence of the Byzantine-Persian war in the reign of Khusrau II Parviz. According to Robert Adams, ". . . a comparison of Sassanian with Early Islamic settlement makes clear that a substantial retraction occurred before the Islamic period both in the extent and density of occupation," in this part of Iraq.70 Some 58 per cent of the settled part of the Diyvla region was not soon reoccupied after the fall of the Sasanians and at most the settlement in this region in the early Muslim period amounted to only 64 per cent of what it had been before the end of the Sasanian period.71 Nor did the location of the sites in the early Muslim period necessarilycorrespondto late Sasanian sites in the same region. Again, according to Adams: and ... terminalSassanian earlyIslamicsettlements theseareasoftenneatlyalternated in with one another alongthe samecanalbranches.Sincein mostcasesthe earlyIslamicsiteswerenewlysettledafterSassanian times, this suggeststhat the Sassanianabandonment was associatedwith a social upheavalsufficientto break off the traditionof residenceat most of the Sassaniansites; on the other hand, the early Islamic and occupationalong the same watercourses, with roughlycomparable populationdensity,suggeststhat the intervalof disusecould not have been very long.72 The " social upheaval sufficient to break off the tradition of residence " is identified by Adams with the campaign of the Byzantine Emperor Heraclius in the Tigris valley in 627 and 628.73 Firstly, not only agriculture but urban life declined in this part of Iraq during the seventh century as the result of pestilence, earthquakes, and famine. The village of Nahr Zdwar near 'Ukbard was deserted in the reign of Shir6i (Qubddh II, 628-9) and a presbyter in the village church named David settled in the village of BEthDaqlE in Beth GarmE.74Secondly, the extensive flooding in the districts below Kaskarin 628 must have affected the fortunesof the house of Narsi, to say nothing of the peasants there. Immediately following these developments, the Muslim conquest was responsible for changes in the distribution of Persiansin Iraq wrought by the combined effects of death, captivity, defection, and migration. One of the most important consequences of the conquest was the physical disappearance, either through death on the battlefield or by flight, of large numbers of Persian soldiers, aristocrats, and the royal family itself. Unfortunately the figures preservedin the Arabic accounts of the conquest are thoroughly inflated and legendary and serve only to emphasize the extent of the dislocation. According to Arab tradition, in the first sweep which Khalid b. al-Walid made coming up along the border of lower Iraq from the Yamama, 70,000 people, most of whom were from Amghishayd, are said to have been killed at Ullais. Afterwards,Amghishayd itself was razed and its remaining population scattered in the countryside.75After the fall of IHira,the leader of a troop of Persian cavalry, Farrukhbandadh, was killed at Bdniqyd and his forces put to flight.76 At 'Ain at-Tamr the main Persian force
70 R. Adams, Land BehindBaghdad (Chicago, 1965), P. 74.
7'

72

Ibid., pp. 81, 99. Ibid., 81-2.

p. 81; Agapius of Manbij, Kitdb al-'Unwdn, II (2) PatrologiaOrientalis,VIII (1912), p. 464; N61deke, pp. 294-6; Scher, II 11(2), pp. 541-2; Tabari, I, pp. 1oo3-5; Zotenberg, II, p. 308. 74 Hoffmann, pp. 77-8. Somewhat schematically Abfi Yafsuf I, pp. 2036-7. 7' Tabari,
"3 Adams,

(pp. 219-2o0) says that Khalid massacred the Persian garrisons at al-'Udhaib and Najaf, took their women and children captive and made peace with the people of Qaidisiyya for the payment of the poll tax. 76 Abfi Yfisuf, p. 225; BalWdhuri, p. 244. According to the Chronicle of Siirt, when the Muslims conquered IHira, they killed the Persians there (Scher, II (2), p. 625), but since dahdqinsurvived at Hira, only the garrison must be meant.

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under Mihr.n b. Bahr5m Chilbin fled after the defeat of their Arab auxiliaries by Khalid, and when the place fell, all of the defenders were killed.77 At Anbar, after an engagement outside the city, the soldiers of the garrison under Shirzadh were allowed to withdraw leaving all of their possessions Khandfis and Musayyakh were behind.78 Along the Syrian border, the three fortressesof reduced. At IHusaid,large numbers of Persians were killed along with the two commanders Zarmihr .Husaid, and Riizbih, while at Musayyakhthe entire garrisonunder Mahbfidhdnwere killed in a dawn attack.79 On the other hand, An6shagdn son of Gushnaspmah came to terms with Khalid for the people in his Khalid's raid was followed by a Persian counter-attackin the Sawad, where many of the temporary arrangementsthat the local authorities had made with the Muslims were annulled (forcibly or otherwise) by the Persians,who tried to restorethe border and rally their forces for the defence of the Sawid. Narsi was made personally responsible for the protection of the interests of the royal family in lower the uncle of Parviz, Bindawai and Tirawai, who were his Iraq, where along with the two sons of own cousins, he attempted to raise local resistance to protect Kaskar from Muslim raids.sl The Bist.m Persian riposte was crowned with success at the battle of the Bridge, where the Muslim army under Abil 'Ubaid was decisively defeated, and Abfl 'Ubaid himself was killed. Thereafter the leadership of the Muslim forces passed to a local Arab, al-Muthanna b. IHaritha,who was able to wear down the Persiansby a seriesof raids and finally to defeat them at the battle of Buwaib. It was only after Buwaib that the remaining Persian border posts (mandzir) along the desert frontier were reduced, particularly IIisn Maliqiyd and the positions at at-Taff.82 The issue in the Euphrates districtswas only decided by the battle of Qadisiyya, a military disaster for the Persiansin which their general, Rustam, fell on the battlefield and the army was routed. The fugitives were pursued by the Muslim captains Zuhra and Qa'qa', who are said to have killed them in every village, reed thicket, and river bank.83 The remnantsof the Persian army collected at Bibil under Nakhirjin, Mihran ar-Razi, Hurmuzan and Fairuzan, and attempted to make a stand. Fairuzan was put in charge by the others, but they were defeated by the Muslim vanguard under Zuhra and scattered once again.84 Hurmuzdn retired to Ahwtz and his property at Mihrjan Qadhaq, and Fairuzan went off to Nahawand, where he seized the royal treasures85 while Zuhra's force pursued those Persians fleeing towards the capital. When he drove them out of Sfird, two more noblemen, Fayumdn from Maisan and Farrukh.n from Ahwtz, were killed.86 At Kiithd the dihqdnof al-Btb, Shahriyar, was killed after he was abandoned by Nakhirjan, who fled to Mada'in along with Mihrdn ar-Razi.87 As the main Muslim army under Sa'd approached the capital, the Persians attempted to make another stand. At SibIt an entire squadron of soldiers, having sworn that they would not outlive the Persian state, were cut down.88 After a brief attempt to defend Bahurasirthat city was evacuated by Nakhirjdn and Mihran ar-Rdzi, together with the garrison,who retired to the east bank of the Tigris, cutting the floating bridge behind them.89 Across the river the eastern half of Madd'in was subjected to a siege by Sa'd for a month and a half before the Persians again evacuated it. This time it was not only the garrison that fled, but, led by Yazdagerd III and the royal family, the aristocraticpopulation of the city as well.90 While Farrukhztdh is said to have been left behind in charge at Madd'in,91 Mihrdn and Nakhirjdnwere made responsiblefor the evacuation of the royal treasure.92The road from Madi'in to Hulwan now became clogged with refugeesand soldierswhile the Muslim vanguard hovered at their rear, cutting off stragglers and collecting their weapons and other possessions as booty.93
Aba Yfisuf, p. 226; Tabari, I, pp. 2063-4. Tabari, I, p. 2060. 79 Ibid., pp. 2068-70. 80 Balddhuri, p. 340. 81 Tabari, I, pp. 2168-9; Zotenberg, III, p. 371. 82 Balddhuri, p. 254. 83 Tabari, I, p. 2341. 84 Ibid., pp. 2420-I. 85 Ibid., p. 2521. 81 Ibid., pp. 2421-2. 87 Ibid., pp. 2421, 2423. At the same time the Persian troops
"

stronghold.80

78

stationed in upper Iraq, particularly at Sinjar, were evacuated (Aba Yfsuf, p. 64). ss Tabari, I, pp. 2359, 2425. They appear to have been a special unit formed by Queen Bfirin and led by a man who had been one of her favourites. 89 Ibid., pp. 2421, 2429. 90 Balidhuri, p. 263; Tabari, I, pp. 2357-8, 2439, 2441-2; Tha'alibi, p. 739; Ya'qgibi, II, pp. i6591 Tha'Alibi, p. 739. 92 Tabari, I, pp. 2439-40. 93 Ibid., pp. 2440, 2446-7; Zotenberg, III, p. 415.

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Halfway to Hulwan, the Persian rearguard made an attempt to cover the retreat. The baggage and dependents were entrenched at Khaniqin while what must have been a major Persian force under under Hashim b. 'Utba b. Abi Khurrazad, the brother of Rustam, met a Muslim force of I2,oo000 casualties at JalTila', at Jalala'. The Arabic tradition claims that the Persianssuffered I00oo,ooo Waqqis in any case, it was a second major disasterwhich left their dependents and property all but unprotected at Khiniqin. While Hashim stayed at Jaliil~', a flying column under Qa'qd' b. 'Amr pursued the survivors to Khaniqin, where every fighting man who could be caught, including Mihrin ar-Razi who had fled from Jaliala', was killed.94 When he heard of the defeat at Jaliil' and the death of Mihr~n, Yazdagerd abandoned IHulwdnand headed for Rayy, leaving the troops at IHulwdnunder Khusrawshuntim. The last major engagement in the campaign was that fought at Qasr-i Shirin between Khusrawshuniim and Qa'qd', in which the Persians were again defeated and Khusrawshunfimput to flight.95 About the same time as Sa'd's campaign through central Iraq a separate expedition under 'Utba b. Ghazwin produced a similar dislocation, mainly affecting the Persian garrison troops and local nobles, in southeastern Iraq. All of the 4,000 horsemen (uswdr)with which the lord (sdhib)of Furat attacked 'Utba at the site of Basra, are said to have been killed and the lord of Furat taken captive.96 The marzbdn Dast-i Maisan was captured and killed by 'Utba,97 and at Madhir a Persian force was of routed with 30,000 casualties, while the marzbdn and lord (sdhib)of Madhtr was captured and beheaded."9

The location of Persiansin Iraq was also altered by the way Muslims took captive the noncombatants and dependents associated with the Persian army and administration. Peasants were generally left unmolested as long as they did not resist, for the Muslims were mainly interested in taking captive the sons of military men who knew Persian methods and procedures.99 There are at least two explicit examples of this practice in operation. In one case, in the course of the conquest of upper Iraq, a was captured and put to death while his children were spared.00 In the second case, in the marzbdn process of quelling a rising at Nahr Tird on the border between the Sawdd of Basra and Ahwaz in who were the sons of dahdqin were taken captive. In this case, how23/644, sixty young men (ghuldm) ever, the young men were ransomed and the amount divided among the Muslims.1o0 The initial result of captivity was the physical removal of a large number of Persian women and children from Iraq, most of whom were sent off to Madina with the other booty. According to Ya'q-ibi, Khalid had taken captives at Kaskar and At Ullais captives are said to have been taken Bdniqiy.1?02 as never before,103 and at 'Ain at-Tamr, after the garrison was slaughtered, all of the non-combatants in the fortresswere taken captive.'04 After Khalid left for Syria, in the campaign that led up to the battle of the Bridge, more captives were taken at Zandaward,105 and at Bitiq in Nahr Jawbar.?06 It was at this time that the processionconveying the daughter of Azidhbih to her new husband at Sinnin was intercepted, and she was captured along with thirty women of the dahacqin one hundred attenand were also taken at Ubulla when it fell to 'Utba b. dants.'07 Captives The longer the Muslims remained in Iraq, the less likely it was Ghazwmn.x08 be sent back to for captives to Madina. As successful campaigns led to permanent occupation, the result of the advance of Muslim armies to the east and north was to rearrange the Persian population in Iraq. The dependents of
94Bal~dhuri, pp. 264-5; Tabari, I, pp. 2460, 2464, 2473Fairuzan managed to escape from Jalfild', but somewhere along the line, certainly after the fall of MadB'in, a man called Nakhirkhan was defeated and killed at Dair Ka'b. He is most probably to be identified with NakhirjSn (Balddhuri, p. 262). 95 Tabari, I, p. 2473. 96 Ibid., p. 2379. 97 Ibid., pp. 2385-6. 98 Bal~dhuri, p. 342; Ibn Sa'd, Kitdbat-Tabaqdtal-Kabir (Leiden, 1915), VII (i), p. 3; Tabari, I, p. 2028. After 'Utba returned to Madina, one of the dahdqinof Maisan who had come to terms rebelled and was killed by Mughira b. Shu'ba at alMun'araj (Balidhuri, p. 343). 99 Tabari, I, pp. 2026, 2031.
100

A. Mingana, Sources syriaques(Leipzig, 1908), p. 230.

102Ya'qfibi, II, p. 147103 Abaf Tabari, I, pp. 2036-7. Yfisuf, pp. 219-20; 104Tabari, I, pp. 2063-4. These captives who were probably the dependants of the Persian garrison should be distinguished from the captives taken from the town of 'Ain at-Tamr who were Arabs. 105Balddhuri, p. 251. 108 Tabari, I, p. 2170. 107 Ibid., p. 2233; Ya'qfbi, II, p. 163. 08 Tabari, I, pp. 2384-5. Kh5lid is also said to have sent Ma'qil b. Muqarrin al-Muzani to take the booty and captives from Ubulla (Ibid., p. 2025).

101 Tabari, I, pp. 2710-I1.

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the Persian army defeated at Jalaila' were taken captive at Khaniqin, including, it is said, a daughter or grand-daughterof Khusrau II Parviz named Manjana. Since their captors returned to Madd'in and ultimately settled in Kfifa, there is good reason to believe that at least a number of captive Persian women and children were also settled at Kfifa.109 Some of the veterans of Qadisiyya also settled in Basra, so it is also reasonable to suppose that some of these captives were taken there. One of the best examples of the way captive Persians were relocated within Iraq is the story of Joseph Hazzaya. His father was the m6badh Nimrid in upper Iraq, and when the city fell to a Muslim army, Joseph, a of child of seven at the time, was taken prisoner along with 130 other people. He was eventually sold to an Arab of Sinjar who had him circumcised, but three years later the Arab died and his children sold Joseph to a Christianin Qardfi named Cyriacus. Growing up in this household,Joseph was converted to Christianity by the monks of a nearby monastery and was freed by his master.110 The way the Persian population of Iraq was redistributedby carrying captive women and children off to the Hijdz or by relocating them in the new Muslim garrison towns of Basra and Kaifaas mawdli, both contributed to the depopulation of the districts east of the Tigris and also added to the new concentration of population in lower Iraq, which was increased still further by those returning from the Hijiz and by new Persian captives brought from the Iranian plateau. A number of the captives taken to the IHijz, or their children, made their way back to Iraq. Among the captives taken in Maisdn in I4/635 was a certain Artabdn who became a convert to Islam and ultimately settled in Basra as the mawldof 'Abd Allah b. Durra b. Saraq al-Muzani in the caliphate of 'Umar I.111 The most famous example, of course, is that of IHasanal-Basri, whose father was taken captive in Maisin north of Madina, but eventually he and brought to the Hijiz. Hasan was raised in the Wadi 1-Qur~i settled in Basra where he spent the rest of his life.112 Likewise, most of the prisonersbrought back by the Muslim armies which conquered the Iranian plateau were taken to slave marketsin Basra or Kafa and redistributedfrom there, with the result that the initial ethnic dislocation produced by the killing or flight of large numbers of Persiansin the course of the conquest was offset by a new, forcible Persian b. 'Abd immigration to the cities of lower Iraq. The best known example of this is the case of in Sistan in 30/650-1 and who were S.lih ar-Rahm~n, both of whose parents were taken captive near Zaranj sold in the slave market in Basra.113 In addition to those Persianswhose condition and location were affected forcibly by the conquest, a number of Persian soldiers managed to preserve themselves by coming to terms with the conquerors. who became Among the first to go over to the winning side were a group of Persians called the Hamrd' converts to Islam and joined the Muslim army, some before the battle of Qadisiyya, some afterwards. They were integrated into the Muslim army as allies of the Arab tribe of Tamim and participated in the division of the booty at Qadisiyya, where they received shares equal to those of the Arabs in the army.114 Afterwardsthey took part in Sa'd's campaign and formed part of the advance guard under Qa'qi' after the battle of Jalfila'. They were with Qa'qi' at Khiniqin, where the dependents of the there as a Persian army were taken captive, and after the fall of IHulwdn,Qa'qt' settled the HIjamrd' border garrison under their leader, a man named Qub5dh.115 Some members of the Hamrd'were settled as far away as Saimn, one of the subdistricts(rustdq) Mdh Dindr on the border of the province of (ard) of Isfahan.'s6 But some of them must have returned to Krifawith the Muslim army, because in was involved in a brawl in the mosque in Kiifa.117In fact, the HIjamrd' may 51/671 a man of the Hamrd'
109

Tabari, I, pp. 2359, 2464, 2473. In addition to the captives taken at Khaniqin, some Persian cavalrymen were captured in the evacuation of Bahurasir (Ibid., p. 2340), and Sa'd is said to have taken 12,ooo Persian horsemen captive at Madd'in (Ibid., p. 2451). One of the women taken capitve at Jaliala' was the mother of Abfi 'Amr 'Amir ash-Sha'bi b. Shardhil (MacGuckin de Slane, Ibn Khallikan's Biographical Dictionary(New York and London, repr. I96i), II, pp. 4-6). The presence of these people at Kfifa is also suggested by the genealogy of Abia 1-Qasim IHammad (IHammad ar-RAwiya) b. Abi Laila Sdpfir b. b. 'Ubaid ad-Dailami al-Kifi (b. 95/713-14, d.al-Mub.rak who was a mawld of the 155/772), Arab tribe of Bakr b. Wa'il at Kfifa (Ibid., I, p. 473). Among

the early traditionalists at Kfifa was a mawld of the Bani Waliba clan of the tribe of Asad named Hurmuz Aba Khalid al-Wllibi, who told traditions on the authority of 'All (Ibn Sa'd, VI, p. 159). 110Chabot, pp. 64-5, 278. I'" Tabari, I, pp. 2387; Ibn Sa'd, VII (I), p. 88. 112 Balddhuri, pp. 247, 344; de Slane, I, pp. 370-3; Ibn Sa'd, VII (I), p. 114; Tabari, I, pp. 2029, 2387. 113 BalZdhuri, pp. 300-I. 114 Tabari, I, p. 2261. 11x Ibid., pp. 2473-4. QubAdh was a native of KhurAsan. 116 Ibid., II, p. 992. 117 Ibid., p. i18.

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have been identical with a corps of 4,000 Dailamis formed by Khusrau II Parviz and called the Jund They accepted Islam in exchange for security at Qadisiyya, became allies of the Banni Shahdnshdh. Tamim, and as a unit received one million dirhamsin stipends. They were present at the fall of Madd'in and settled in Kafa, and were kept intact as a unit until the governorshipof Ziydd, when some of them were sent to Syria and others to Basra, perhaps because of the trouble they were causing.s18 While the Dailamis are likely to have been infantry, there were also large numbers of heavy, mailed cavalry (usvdrdn, asdwira)who went over to the Muslim side. The main group of asdwirawas the force under Siyah al-Uswdri which formed the vanguard of Yazdagerd's army when the latter headed for Isfahan after abandoning IHulwdn. Siyah was sent on ahead from Isfahan towards Istakhr with 300 men, seventy of whom were members of the high aristocracyand army officers. He was told to gather other soldiers along the way, and from FIrs, Siydh turned westwardsinto Ahwaz where his force settled at Kalbdniyya, probably as a defence against the Muslims at Basra. Siyah eventually became a Muslim when Abi Maisa al-Ash'ari was governor of Basra and the asdwirasettled there."19 Their numbers were increased by other elements in the Persian army who heard of the successful accommodation they had made and came to Basra to join them, especially landless Persian soldiers who became converts to Islam and settled in Basra.120 Apart from the involuntary settlement of captives and mawdliand the voluntary gravitation of defectorsfrom the Persianarmy to Basraand Kfifa, a third factor contributing to the new concentration of Persians in lower Iraq following the Muslim conquest was the way in which individual Persians tended to be attracted to the cities of the new rulers. This type of migration is rather difficult to document because it was generally anonymous, but it is suggested by the accounts of several persons. Rfizbih b. Buzurjmihr b. Sdsdn was a native of Hamadan who had been assigned to the Byzantine border at the end of the Sasanian period, but had begun to smuggle weapons across the border to the west. Fearing he was about to be discovered, he went over to the Byzantines, but after the Muslim conquest he felt it was safe again, returned to Iraq, and joined Sa'd at Kfifa where he is given credit for building the citadel (qasr) and mosque.l21 In the early eighth century another nobleman, Mahan b. Bahmdn b. Nusk, migrated from Arrajdnin Khuzistdn to Kfifa.122The inclusion of lower-classPersians in this movement is suggested by a reference to a Persian 'ilj who went to Basra sometime prior to 64/683, where he became a Muslim and became associated with the Khawarij.123But such migration did not always involve conversion to Islam. There were Magian butchers at Basra and a Persian called Bar Sahdi, who died in 745 at the age of ninety, is said to have migrated from Istakhr to Basra, where he received instruction in the Nestorian Christian schools and became a monk.'24 It is likely that the migration of Persiansto Iraq was encouraged by the confiscationof the property of fire temples in Istakhr in the reign of Mu'awiya, followed by the depredationsof the Aziriqa sect of Khawarij at the end of the seventh century. These dislocations and shifts in the pattern of Persian settlement and distribution in Iraq following the conquest were balanced by the fact that significant portions of the Sasanian landed aristocracy managed to survive through coming to terms with and even aiding the conquerors. In Khalid's first raid through lower Iraq, tribute was imposed on the people of Hira in return for a peace treaty,125 and Zddh b. Buhaish was allowed to make terms for Furdt Siryd.'26 An annual tribute was imposed on the people of Anbar in return for peace following the departure of the garrison.127 During Abti 'Ubaid's follow-up campaign, the people of Ullais avoided a repetition of what had happened during Khalid's raid and exchanged tribute for peace.2""Following Abi 'Ubaid's victory over local forces at Kaskar in also made peace for their districts in return for a poll tax of four dirhams per 13/634, several dahdqin
person: Farrtikh b. Andarzaghar for Bartisma, Farwandadh for Nahr Jawbar, and the dihqdn of Zawabi for this district.'29
18

Baldhuri, p. 280. Ibid., pp. 372-4. 120 Ibid., p. 374121 Tabari, I, pp. 2494-5. 122de Slane, I, pp. 20-2. s23Tabari, II, p. 461. 124 Chabot, pp. 230-I.
119
5

x12 Baldhuri,

p. 243; Tabari, I, pp. 201o7-19, 2044-5, 2350; Yalhy b. Adam, Kitdbal-Khardj. Taxationin Islam, I (Leiden, 1958), P. 47; Ya'qfbi, II, p. I47; Zotenberg, III. pp. 321, 333. 126 Tabari, I, pp. 2050-I. 1,7 Yaqfit, I, p. 368. 128 Tabari, I, p. 2019; Yahyd b. Adam, p. 26. 129 Baladhuri, p. 251; Tabari, I, p. 2170; Zotenberg, III, p. 373.

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But the validity of these agreements seems to have been seriously compromisedin the course of the Persian counter-attack, especially after the battle of the Bridge. The Persians may have forced some of the people in lower Iraq to violate their agreements with the Muslims,130 but, on the whole, the to have tried to accommodate the side which seemed to be winning at the moment, dahdqin appear and Zddh b. Buhaish commanded the Persian infantry at the battle of Qadisiyya.31' After the Muslim victory at Qadisiyya the dahdqin the Sawid were offered and accepted the of of protection and inviolability in return for paying taxes. Even those who had fled were allowed option to return although they were subjected to heavier taxes. Although the Magian organization and hierarchy disappeared in Iraq with the conquest and fire temples were confiscated by the Muslims as state property, individual Magian Persians were included in the blanket arrangementsfor tribute at IHira,Anbir, and Madd'in. The people in the White Palace at Madd'in were allowed to pay taxes in return for protection when the city fell and these terms were extended to the rest of the population of the city which returned after the fighting was over.132Similar terms were also made for the people of Takrit,133 of Bandanikdn,134 and at Mahriidh.135In the final settlement after the battle ofJalhil', those who survived were left with their lands but were made responsible to the Muslim regime for dahdqin the taxes.136 Consequently, apart from the new concentration of Persiansin Basra and Kifa following the conquest, the Sasanian pattern of settlement in Iraq tended to be preserved by the pre-Islamic class of nobles living in towns as absentee landlords or on their estates in the countryside. While Madt'in was no longer the capital of an empire and Kiifa overshadowedit in size and importance, it continued to be an important centre for local administration. The real blow to the prosperity and importance of Madd'in would appear to have been the Khdriji sack of the city in 68/687, when men, women, and children were indiscriminatelyslaughtered,but which was probablyrestrictedto the Muslim quarters.137 Thereafter Madd'in survived as a small city until the foundation of Baghdad.138IHulwan, Saimara and Sirawdn along the northeast border of Iraq continued to have Persian populations mixed with Arabs and Kurds.139In the agriculturaldistrictsalong the Nahrawan canal east of the Tigris, the town of Dair al-'Aqil continued to be inhabited by noble landowners, although the town was smaller in the Islamic period than it had been under the Sasanians.140LikewiseJarjardyd,the administrativeseat of the lower Nahrawdn district, continued to be inhabited by the descendants of Persian nobles,141 did as Midhardya on the Tigris below it.142 The rural nobility continued to live in town at Kaskar even after the founding of Wisit across the river.143In the Sawad of Kafa, the lowest grade of dahadqin continued to reside in villages and estates in the countryside.144 Persian peasants also survived into the Islamic period in Iraq, although in decreasing numbers. The small villages in Bahfirasirwas eventually reduced to a village occupied by Imdmi Shi'Ifalldhin.145
130

131 132
133

Tabari, I, p. 2369. Ibid., pp. 2061, 2258, 2472. Ibid., pp. 2435, 2440. Ibid., p. 2477. When Tirhdn and Takrit were conquered by 'Utba b. Farqad, he made peace with the people in the fortress of Takrit for themselves and their property, and according to a local shaikh, the people of Takrit had a kitab dmdnin their possession until the raids of the Khdriji al-Jurashi, who tore it up when he laid waste to the villages of Mawsil (Baladhuri,

'Utba for the payment ofjizya and kharaj(Ibid., p. 265). p. 265; Tabari, I, p. 2461. pp. 22-3, 28; Tabari, I, pp. 2467-8; Yahyd b. Adam, pp. 26-7, 52. 137 Tabari, II, p. 755; Zotenberg, IV, p. Ioi. 138 Ibn Hawqal, Kitdb Surdt al-ArdI,BGA (Leiden, 1938-9), II, p. 244; Istakhri, Kitdb Masdlik al-Mamdlik, BGA (Leiden, I927), I, p. 86. The army of Sa'd which had occupied Madd'in in 637 had been billeted in the houses vacated by the Persians who had fled from the city, but in 638 the entire army returned to the Euphrates where Kfifa was founded.
135 Balddhuri, 136 Dennett,

134The people of Bandanikdn made peace with Hdshim b.

p. 333).

139 140 141

Those who had been assigned houses in Madd'in by Sa'd took off the doors and brought them to Kfifa where they put them on their new houses (I. Guidi, " Chronica Minora I ", CSCO,I, Syri, II, p. 26; Syri, I, p. 31; CSCO, II, Scriptores Scriptores Th. N61ldeke, " Die von Guidi herausgegebene syrische Chronik ", SBWAW Phil.-Hist. Cl., CXXVIII (1893), p. 34; Tabari, I, pp. 2451, 2497; Ya'qfibi, II, p. 171). This is the origin of the myth that the Persian population of Madi'in migrated to Kfifa after the conquest. The geographers took the tradition that the population of Kfifa had come from Madi'in (Tabari, I, pp. 2380-I) out of context and claimed that Madd'in lost its inhabitants to Basra and Kfifa and then to Wasit and Baghdad (Qazwini, II, p. 303; Yaqfit, IV, p. 447). Ya'qiibi, Les pays (Cairo, 1937), pp. 65-8. Adams, p. 91; Ya'qfibi, Les pays, p. 164-. Ya'qfibi, Les pays, p. 164.

142
143

Ibid.

Ibid., pp. 165-6. 144 Ibid., p. 140. 145 Qazwini, II, p. 303. It was one of their customs that their women never went outside during the day.

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the countrysidearound Basracontinued to be inhabited by Persians, 46but they were only an extension of the Persian population of Khiizistdn, because the Muslim state did not continue the Sasanian policy of transferringthe agricultural population at first, and did not settle any new Persian peasants in the Sawdd.147 Those Persians who survived the conquest maintained their cultural heritage among themselves. The festivals of Nawraz, Mihrjdn, and the Kawsaj continued to be observed by Persians in Iraq. Nawrfiz, which was supposed to coincide with the vernal equinox and fell on the first day of Farvardin, the first month of the year, had served as the beginning of the fiscal year under the Sasanians, the moment at which administrative appointments took effect, and a time for presenting gifts to the sovereign, minting new coins, purifying the fire temples by ceremonial ablutions and sacrifices, and issuing proclamations.148This festival was still honoured by Persiansin Muslim Iraq as a time for the exchange of gifts.149Mihrjdn fell on the sixteenth day of the month of Mihr, correspondingto October 26, was supposed to mark the beginning of cold weather, and was also an occasion for presenting gifts to the monarch.150The practice of changing the carpets, utensils, and most clothing on that date was continued in Iraq after the conquest as well as the requirement of offering gifts to the ruler.151The mid-winter festival of the Kawsaj, on the first day of Adhurmah, was also celebrated by Persians in Muslim Iraq. The festival lasted several days and involved eating walnuts, garlic, fattened meat, and drinking beverages regarded as appropriate for combating the cold. During it, a person called the Kawsaj went through the streetsmounted on a mule, and when cold water was poured on him, he cried out in Persian, garmd.!garmd!(" hot! hot! "), a practice that was part of the public rejoicing probably associated with the return of the sun after the winter solstice.152 Upper-class Persians who remained Magians preserved privately among their own families their customs of endogamy, the exposure of the dead, and religious education. Magians were still being accused of marrying their mothers, sisters and daughters.ls3 Magian customs for disposing of the dead continued into the Muslim period in Iraq where, at the time of the plague of 67/686, the Nestorian writer Bar PenkayEcomplained that Christiansunwilling to bury their dead for fear of contracting the plague imitated the Magians by abandoning even close relatives to be devoured by dogs, ravens and vultures.154Formal religious education was no longer available for Magians in Muslim Iraq but was still being provided within Magian families for their children. The best indication of both facts is provided by Rtizbih ('Abd Allah b. al-Muqaffa' after his conversion to Islam), who was born about 102/720 in Fars. Before moving to Basra, his father had him educated in Persian literature and the On the other hand, Magian butchers were so numerous at Basra as Magian religion in to force at least oneKhiizistmn.155 Muslim to become a vegetarian.156 scrupulous In many ways the survival of these customs amounted to a post-Sasanian cultural afterglow. There is a noticeable tendency for the Persiansof early Muslim Iraq to cling to old ways of doing things while the situation was changing around them. They even attempted to impose their outlook and practices on the new set of circumstances. In fact, whether they suffered physical dislocation or not, Persians found themselves faced with significant changes in their social status and with cultural erosion that were mainly due to the loss of political power. To the extent that Iranian cultural traditions were identified with Magianism, the conquest had the effect of accelerating the defection of Magians from their religion, a trend already under way in the late Sasanian period, because it had been replaced as the religion of the ruling class by Islam. The Magian hierarchy and public institutions had all been destroyed in Iraq, and Magians were placed in the position of a subject minority required to pay
146

the seventh century, and Soghdian captives were employed on estates in the Hijdz. 148Jl.hiz, p. 146; Pellat, pp. 165-6. 149R. Levy, " Persia and the Arabs ", The Legacy of Persia (Oxford, 1953), pp. 65-6. 150 Ya'qfibi, Ta'rikh, I, p. 199. 161Mas'iidi, II, p. 492. 152 Ibid., p. 495.

147 But Zanj were used on the estates in lower Iraq by the end of

Istakhri, p. 81; Ibn I;Iawqal, p. 238.

The continuation of endogamy among Magians is also suggested by the order of 'Umar I to Jaz' b. Mu'Awiya at Basra in 643 to separate every Magian from his wife and children (Abfi Yiisuf, p. 187; Ibn Sa'd, VII (I), p. 94)154 Mingana, Sources syriaques,I, p. 187. ibn-ul-Muqaffa'(Beirut), p. 2o; S. D. 155 Ghurayyib, 'Abdulldh J. Goitein, Studiesin IslamicHistoryandInstitutions(Leiden, 1966), p. I5I. i-1 Ibn Sa'd, VII (1), p. 77.

"1sTabari, II, p. 586; Thomas of Margha, II, pp. 606-9.

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tribute in return for religious toleration and military protection. Dennett's conclusion that it was mainly the Persian upper classes who had been exempt from the poll-tax under the Sasanians who became converts to Islam to avoid paying it to the Arabs, while those who had been subject to the poll-tax before the conquest continued to pay it and did not convert, may serve as a useful generalization, but needs to be qualified in several ways. As under the Sasanians, military or civil state service tended to be associated with membership in the religion of the ruling class, and both the HIamrd'and the asdwira who joined the Arab armies and settled in Kfifa and Basra became Muslims. The children of Persians who had fallen or fled during the conquest were raised as Muslims and served in the army as mawdli. Although state service did not necessarily require conversion to Islam, the right to receive a stipend from the treasury did. The 2,ooo-dirham stipends paid out to high Persian aristocrats and dahdqinwere as powerful an inducement as the way in which conversion excused them from paying the poll tax and left them in possession of their lands.157 At any rate, by the time of 'Umar II the Magians at Hira had become Muslim.158 The Muslim conquest also removed the difficulties attached to apostacy from Magianism, and conversions to Christianity increased in the later seventh century. Particularly in upper Iraq, aristocratic Magian Persians sought alternative paths of advancement, secured their property, and just as easily avoided paying the poll tax, by becoming monks and bishops in the Nestorian Church. By the early eighth century there seem to have been Magians left only at a few out-of-the-way places along the northeast border of Iraq where the population began to be entirely Persian and along the border of Khuzistdn and in Basra in the south. The few surviving Magians continued to be the objects of efforts by Christians to convert them. When a famous family of Magians in the district of Sawa in Margha was converted by the miracles of Cyprian of Beth Mag6shE in the eighth century, the most significant way Thomas of Marghd could describe the social consequences of their conversion was to say that they ceased to marry their mothers, sisters, and daughters.159 The conquest also altered the nature of the Persian social structure in Iraq. Although enough representatives of the landed aristocracy survived to be able to preserve the main outlines of their graded, class system, according to Lokkegaardl60 the upper levels of this hierarchic society disappeared with the conquest and those members of the high aristocracy who survived tended to be degraded in rank. While this seems to be a perfectly valid judgment, adequate account must be taken of the survival of individuals belonging to the highest level of the Sasanian hierarchy. Mas'fidi claims that descendents of the Persian kings and members of the traditional four classes continued to live in the Sawid and preserved their hereditary titles.161 Otherwise, the Arabic tradition is insistent on the point that the Sasanian royal family was proscribed from any settlement in the Sawid, and all it admits is the survival as captives of some of the women of the royal family. This attitude would seem to be tendentious and based on the need to justify the confiscation of the crown lands and royal property in the Sawad by their abandonment through the flight of Yazdagerd III. Actually, some members of the royal family seem to have preserved their landed interests, at least for a while, by coming to terms with the Muslims. The best example is Bistam b. Narsi, who was called dihqdn of Burs at the time of the conquest. Immediately after Qadisiyya he extended his hospitality to Khdlid b. 'Urfaita who was pursuing the remnants of the Persian army, tied the floating bridges together for Zuhra, who was engaged in a similar pursuit, and informed Zuhra of the Persian force gathered at Babil. Afterwards, as dihqdn of Babil and Khutarniyya, his poll-tax was annulled, he was allowed to keep his lands subject to khardj,and he was granted a stipend of 2,000 dirhams by 'Umar I.162Firiiz b. Yazdagerd, who turns up as dihqdnof Nahr al-Malik after the conquest with a stipend of 2,000 dirhams granted by 'Umar, may also be suspected of being a member of the royal family, as may Rizbih b.

x'5 Balddhuri, p. 265; Dennett, pp. 32-3; Zotenberg, III, p. 461. Persian employees in the administration were paid salaries, of course. The point is that only Persian aristocrats and soldiers who converted to Islam shared in the stipends paid out of the dfwdnfor the support of the Arab military and ruling class.

Abfi Yfisuf, p. 202. Thomas of Marghi, II, pp. 606-9. Lokkegaard, p. i68. Mas'fidi, I, p. 248. 162 Balidhuri, pp. 259, 457-8; Tabari, I, p. 2421; Ya'qfibi, II, p. 176.
158 159 160 161

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Buzurjmihr b. Sasdn.163Other members of the high aristocracy also survived, and the list of those granted 2,ooo-dirham stipends by 'Umar includes Hurmuzan and the son of Nakhirjdn.164 The Persian nobles, even members of the high aristocracy, also managed to preserve their local influence and authority by acquiring positions in the Nestorian church organization and by putting their lands under monasticownership. 65 Beginningwith the catholicate of Ish6'yahbhIII (647-58), who was himself a member of a family of landed Persian aristocrats, Persian noblemen were appointed metropolitan bishops for Per~th dh' Maishan (al-Furat) and Nasibin.166 A certain Beraz Siirin became head of the monastery of Beth 'AbhEin the late seventh century, and another member of the Siran family tried to use his position as metropolitan bishop of IHulwanto capture the office of catholicos in 752, but was deposed.167Riizbihin, a descendent of the Persian nobility settled at Nasibin, entered the monastery of Mdr Awgin on Mt. Izla above the town in the early eighth century. He went on to become superior of the monastery and then metropolitan bishop of Nasibin, and while he was metropolitan he gave one of his villages to his former monastery.6s8This pattern is repeated by the career of ShirzIdh son of Mihr66. Born at Kirkiik in ca. 732, he, too, became a monk and rose within the Nestorian organization from head of the monasteryof Beth 'AbhEto be metropolitan of Elam (Kh izistdn) and finally to be catholicos (825-32).169 In fact, the clearest illustration of the survival of the lower grades of the Persian social hierarchy is to be found among the Christian notables of upper Iraq. Sharij-n had helped to defend Takrit at the time of the conquest, and in 20/641I their strongholds at Tall al-Shaharija and Saldq in Abiabene were taken by 'Utba b. Farqad.170 But the Shahrijan kept their lands and exercised administrative authority over the lower grade of notables (dahqdni)as part of their superiorsocial status, and at Kafer 'Uzzal even claimed the right to participate in the election of the Nestorian metropolitan of Adiabene, in spite of the fact that by the eighth century the Shahrij-n of Salaq were somewhat heterodox.'7' Ca. 780 we find the dahqdn& accusing the Shahrij*n of Salaq to their bishop of appropriating half the grain, wine, nuts, and poll-tax.172 Shahrijin preserved their class status, perhaps as a kind of sect, in northern Iraq at least until the tenth century, when Ibn Hawqal described the town of Kefer 'Uzzd (sic) in Arld Hazza (Adiabene) as a prosperous place with markets and estates (diyd') inhabited by wealthy Christian Shahdrija.173 It is worth noticing that these lower levels of the Persian social hierarchy survived much longer in the area of Persian settlement in upper Iraq, among Christian Persians, than they did in the Sawad. In lower Iraq all surviving Persian notables tended to be treated as dahdqin, although the distinction between those who lived in town and those who lived in the countryside survived. Here dahdqin kept their land by converting to Islam. In one account a dihqdna the subdistrictof Nahr al-Malik became in a Muslim and was allowed to remain on her land if she paid the tax on it.174 'Ali is said to have at exempted a dihqdn 'Ain at-Tamr who became a Muslim from paying the poll-tax, but still required him to pay the land-tax.175 In 38/658 there is a reference to a native of the Sawad named Zadhanin farrikh who was a Muslim dihqdn the subdistrict of Niffar on the lower Euphrates.'76 At the same to have enjoyed greater local authority and independence than ever before time, the dahdqin appear (or since). The combined effects of the aristocratic reaction that attended the fall of Parviz in 628, and the way dahdqin were able to secure recognition for their position and privileges from the Muslims at the time of the conquest, tended to increase the power and independence of this class, especially in the fluid conditions immediately following the conquest when they treated lands which had been

68s Chabot,pp. 271-2. 169 Thomasof Marghl, II, pp. 332-4. 170Balldhuri,p. 332; Tabari, I, pp. 2474-5. Ta'rfkh,II, p. I76. 171Thomasof Marghd,II, pp. 309-10, 383-51e6 This is exactly contemporary to similar behaviour by the 172 Ibid., pp. 311-12. Arnulfings in late Merovingian Gaul. 166 Thomas of 173 Ibn Margha, II, pp. 82, 124, I8I-2. IIawqal, p. 217. 16x Chabot, pp. 150o-1; Elias of Nasibin, CSCO LXII, 5criptores 174Yahyd b. Adam, p. 51. 175 Syri, XXI, pp. 56-7; CSCO LXIII, Scriptores Ibid., p. 52. Syri, XXIII, 176 p. 31. Tabari, I, pp. 3423-4.
164

163Ya'qfibi, Ta'rfkh,II, p. 176. Baladhuri, pp. 457-8; Yahyl

b. Adam, p. 51;

Ya'qfibi,

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granted to them by the Sasanian state as their own private property and even seized some of the abandoned Sasanian crown lands for themselves. The mid-seventh century was the heyday of the dahdqin in the Sawdd. These circumstanceshad two important consequences which ultimately proved fatal to the dahaqin as a class in lower Iraq. In the first place they established ties of common interest with the Muslim Arab aristocracy in the amsar,but in the process some of the rural dahdqin compromised their own their lands to Muslims and putting themselves under the protection (talji'a)of some position by selling powerful Muslim patron. Such arrangementswere symbolized for the jurists by the story of the dihqdn who offered to sell his land to 'Abd Allah b. Mas'id, who would only agree to buy it provided the continued to pay kharaj.177 While this situation prevailed in the Sawad of Kifa, around Basra, dihqdn where landownersnear Furdt became Muslims in order to keep their lands or alienated them to Muslim Arabs by gift or sale, such land paid the tithe ('ushr)instead of khardj.178 Unfortunately for the dahaqin, these arrangementstied their fortunes to those of the local Muslim Arab aristocracyin Iraq. Secondly, the dahdqinmade themselves indispensable in local administration. By the reign of Mu'dwiya they served as agents in the assessment,registration,and collection of taxes for the Muslims, and were instrumentalin the recoveryof the Sasanian registerof crown propertyfor the Muslim state.179 It was only at the end of the Sufydnidperiod under 'Ubaid Allah b. Ziyad that the practice of employing the dahdqin collect taxes in the Sawid became regular,180 to while under Mus'ab b. al-Zubayr, one of the landed nobility, Sdrzddh, the lord (sdhib)of Badhin, was financial secretary for Basra.181Compromised by such collaboration during the Second Civil War, the dahdqin, along with the tribal aristowere ruined by the failure of the revolt of Ibn al-Ash'ath in 82/701. iHajj*jaccused cracy of the amsdr, them of supporting the rebels, required the land around FurSt to pay kharaj, and refused to repair the breaches in the irrigation system along the lower Tigris. Since the dahdqin could not afford to repair the dykes themselves, their land remained unproductive, and when Maslama b. 'Abd al-Malik was put in charge of the land reclaimed from the swamps of lower Iraq by his brother, the caliph al-Walid I (705-15), many local landholdersput their land under his protection and were reduced to the condition of tenants.'82 Victims of the centralizing policies of the Umayyad restoration,from this point onwards the dahdqin declined as a class of landed aristocratsin this part of Iraq. Thus the effect of the Muslim conquest on the Sasanian social system was to eliminate the highest ranks and temporarily to suppressthe clothing code. Individual members of the high aristocracy,and probably even of the Sasanian royal family, maintained some status by going over to Islam and becoming part of the new ruling class. Others preserved their status and their lands by acquiring positions of were willing to co-operate with the Muslims as a leadership in the Nestorian Church. The dahdqin matter of survival, but by the eighth century were being displaced by a new class of Muslim Arab landlords. Already ca. 670, Isaac of Nineveh described the world as a place of transition for successive generations in terms that might have been meant as an epitaph for the Persian aristocracy: on They have enteredit as an inn for a night and left it as travellers a journeyover the whole earth, without thinkingof return. Some of them kings, some governors,some wise, some honoured. Some of them scribes,some orators,somejudges,some commanders armies. Some of them possessors riches, of of some lordsof goods. And now aftertheir death thereis neitherthe orderof their degrees,nor the crowns of their government; nor their dreadfulthrones,nor their lordly pleasures,nor the praiseof those who
honoured them ..."183

The change in status and social context was even greater for Persian captives and defectors who
settled in the garrison cities as the mawdli or allies (abhlif) of Arab clans or tribes. Mawdli tended to be integrated into Arab tribal society as individuals and acquired the status of their patrons or the clan to which they were attached. Some of them were able to rise to important administrative or military
Baladhuri, p. 368. 179 Dennett, pp. 29-30; Lokkegaard, p. I ii; II, p. 258. 180Tabari, II, p. 458.
177 YahyI b. Adam, p. 49. 178

Ya'qfibi, Ta'rikh,

181 Jahshiy.ri, p. 40; Latz, p. gI. 182 Baltdhuri, pp. 67, 293-4.1ss A. J. Wensinck, " Mystic Treatises by Isaac of Nineveh ", der te Verhandelingen Koninkljke Akademie van Wetenschappen XXIII (Amsterdam, 1923), pp. 154-5Amsterdam,

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positions by the early Umayyad period. The only Persians to keep a group identity in Arab society were the military units which became allies of the tribe of Tamim: the Dailamis at Kfifa and the asdwira Basra. They were valued as allies, and the argument at Basra over which Arab tribe or clan at who wanted to settle would have them produced a split among the asdwirabetween ShirSNal-Uswdri, with Khalid b. al-Mu'ammar and the Bani Sadfis of the tribe of Bakr b. Wa'il, and Siyah who refused. settled with the Bani Sa'd of the tribe of Tamin. Lots were laid out for them Siyah won and the asdwira to build homes along the canal called the Nahr al-Asawira, which was dug for them by 'Abd Allah b. 'Amir. Shir6M went on to establish rather close personal relations with the family of Ziyad in Basra and married a lady named Marjana (possibly the Sasanian pricess called Manjana taken captive at KhAniqin), who had borne 'Ubaid Allah to Ziyad, for whom he built a palace with a thousand gates on (al-Hazdrdar) a canal in Basra named after Umm Habib, the daughter of Ziyad.184 The asdwira survived fairly intact as a military unit and community at Basrafor over half a century. the First Civil War they were campaigning in Khurasan with 'Abd Allah b. 'Amir, and avoided During becoming compromisedby participationin the battle of the Camel or the battle of Siffin. All the same, in 42/662 Mu'awiya is said to have transferredsome of the asdwirafrom Basra and Kfifa to Antioch. b. az-Zubair and then It was really their involvement in the Second Civil War on the side of destheir participation in the revolt of Ibn al-Ash'ath that proved their ruin. In retribution, IHajjaj Mas.'id of them.185 Thereafter they troyed their houses in Basra, reduced their stipends, and deported some disappeared as a separate element in Basran society, although the name of a certain 'All al-Uswari is attached to the Mu'tazila.186 the It should be noted that the disbanding of the asdwira coincided with the ruining of the dahdqin, bureau from Persian conversion of the Magians at Hira to Islam, the change of the language of the tax to Arabic, and the coinage reform. These almost-simultaneous changes underscore the impression that most of the direct survivalsfrom the Sasanian period lasted for about sixty years after the conquest, until ca. 700, before they either disappeared or were integrated into a new Islamic civilization. In the interval captives, defectors, and dahdqin provided important channels for the transmissionof Persianculture to Muslim Arabs. Their very survival,the way in which they continued to live as Persians to the best of their ability under the changed conditions, and assumed that they should approach their new rulers as they had been accustomed to deal with the Sasanian authorities, their employment as scribes and tax collectors by the Muslim state, combined with the ethnically mixed conditions in and around the garrison towns where Persian was spoken along with Arabic and where from the beginning there were bilingual Persians and Arabs who could communicate with each other, contributed to the effectiveness of such cultural influences. The sons of Persian soldiers served in the Muslim army as mawdli. Persian women and children introduced Persian domestic organization into Muslim Arab is households as concubines, slaves, and servants. These conditions are reflected in the way a ghuldm described presenting Ab5i 1-'Aliyya (d. 90/708), himself a mawld,with the gift of a sealed handkerchief of hard sugar (qand)at Basra,187 by the scene in which the caliph 'Ali is representedas witnessing the or of chess (shatranj) Kfifa.ls8 At Basra, where Persians practiced the double sale for the in playing purpose of taking interest, the objection voiced by Muwarriq b. al-Mushamrij al-'Ijli, " I detest the resale with specification of gain ten-eleven and ten-twelve," quotes the numbers in Persian (dahydzdah and dahdavdzdah).s89 Also at Basra, AbUiMfisd al-Ash'ariin 23/644 is supposed to have had a slave girl named 'Aqila who served him lunch and dinner in a bowl, which no-one else was able to have done for him.190 The importance of the dahdqin preserving and transmitting Persian customs is indicated by the in
account of two slave girls belonging to the highest grade of Persian nobility (min abnd' il-mulak) who
184

Bal~dhuri, pp. 358, 373-4. An alternative explanation of the name of Hazdrdar offered in the text is that a Sasanian king had settled I,ooo asawira there. -117, 374. 18sBalidhuri, pp. 186 C. Pellat, Le milieubasrien laformationde et Odhiz,(Paris, 1953), p. 35. 18 Ibn Sa'd, VII (I), p. 83. 188 Ibid., VI, p. 156. The purpose of this story is to allow 'Ali to

18s Ibid., VII (I), p. 157. In this case an Arab of the tribe of

express his objections to the use of images.

'Ijl may be suspected of combining Christian objections to usury with the Qur'dnic prohibition. 190Tabari, I, p. 2711. Abfi Mfisd was also accused of possessing a treacherous ghuldm, a table, and a birdhawnwhen he was governor of Basra for 'Umar (JahshiyAri, p. 16; Latz, p. 68).

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were taken captive at Mary, brought to Iraq and turned over to a dihqdn who regardedit as an honour to extend his hospitality to them, spread out silken cloth for them, served them from golden dishes, and sent them back to Khurdsdn.191The dahdqin assumed that they should treat their Arab masters the same way, but were met with a good deal of initial Arab resistanceto being assimilatedinto local society in this way. Most of the accounts of such encounters appear to be tendentious in one way or another, usually involving early definitions of piety, and perhaps egalitarian attitudes, in contradistinction to aristocratic Persian practices. What seems to have been a real cultural issue for the first century of tendencies in the way Islam appears also to have been further complicated by shu'ibi and anti-shu'abi assumed that they the early accounts were treated. In any case, both the way in which the dahdqin should deal with the Arabs according to their own customs, and the characteristic immediate Arab reaction, are nicely illustrated by the story of how, after the battle of Kaskar during the conquest, two of the dahdqin the Sawad, Farrikh and Farwandadh, presented Abi 'Ubaid with dishes of Persian of food to honour him as they would a guest, and how AbUi'Ubaid refused to accept it because there was not enough for his entire army.'92 The issue is also reflected in the scene that describes 'Ali refusing to at accept the gifts brought to him by the dahdqin Madd'in.193The Arab resistanceto assimilationseems to have begun to break down by the time of Mu'dwiya and the association between the attitudes of the dahdqin and the practice of bringing gifts to their rulers at Nawriiz and Mihrajdn is heightened by the way in which the gradual adoption of the requirementof gifts on these two occasions by the Muslim government is associated with the recovery of the register of the crown lands in his reign. 'Abd Allah b. Darra-jappears to have been the first to regularize the practice of receiving gifts at Nawrfiz and Mihrajan in Muslim Iraq, collecting an additional ten million dirhams that way.'94 One of the main survived in the Sawid, as well as their points to be made here is that the very length of time the dahdqin contacts with the Muslim rulers, was necessary for successful cultural transmissionand assimilation. By the time the dahdqin began to be suppressed,they had survived long enough after the conquest to transmit their style of life to a class of Muslim Arab landlords.'95 Defectorsand mawdli were equally importantfor the preservationand transmissionof Sasanian military traditions. These involved mainly heavy cavalry equipment and tactics and the techniques of siegecraft. A good early example is the knowledge of siegecraftbrought to the army of Sa'd at Bahurasirby Shirztdh, who had been forced to retire from Anbar to his own districtof Sdbdt as a result of Khilid's raid. After the battle of Qadisiyya, he came to terms with the Muslims, joined their army, and constructed twenty mangonels for Sa'd's use against Bahurasir.'96Of a similar nature is the occasion in led Basra in 64/683 when 400 of the asdwira by a man called Mah Afridhiin executed the Persian tactic of the five-arrow (panjeqdn) them to get off a volley of 2,ooo arrows at a time.197 enabling Along with such aspects of warfare, Persian military traditions influenced the use of armed servants and youths (ghuldms) auxiliarieson the battlefield by Muslims. This was as much a social as a military as institution, and the terms used for such persons usually imply some sort of social inferiority, paralleled were mainly responsiblefor the introducby the occupation of inferior military ranks.198The asdwira tion of this practice into early Muslim military institutions. One of them, a certain 'Abd Allah b. al-Isbahani, had 400 such slaves (mamlfks)and was in command of the right wing of the army for
Tabari, I, p. 3350. Ibid., pp. 2170o-, 2173. Ta'rikh, II, p. 218. 193s 194Ya'qifbi, p. 21; Jahshiydri, Latz, p. 73. In a similar way the people of Balkh offered presents to their Muslim governor who was collecting the taxes in 32/652 because they were accustomed to offer presents at Mihrajin and Nawrfiz (Tabari, I, p. 2903; Zotenberg, III, p. 573). According to a letter of 'Unar II, the gifts at Nawrfiz and Mihrajdn were not to be included in the khardj(Abfi Yfisuf, p. 131). 195 At Basra, Anas b. Malik, riding a birdhawn and wearing a thin black garment with a piece of cloth over his head to protect him from the sun, was mistaken for a dihqdn(Ibn Sa'd, VII (1), pp. 10o- ). '96 Tabari, I, pp. 2424, 2427.
192
191

Ibid., II, p. 454. On the other hand, it should be noted that the Muslims did not adopt the Sasanian use of elephants in warfare. The Persians used elephants at both the battle of Buwaib and at Qadisiyya (Ibid., pp. 2190, 2298), and the elephant stables were at Sabit (Mas'fidi, II, p. 405; Qazwini, II, p. 257). The Muslims did not know what to do with them and treated them as booty. One elephant captured at who covered it with a Madd'in was sold to a man from cloak and went around the villages exhibiting it (Baladhuri, .Hira, p. 288). The stable (daral-fil) was granted by 'Umar as a fief to Abfi Mufazzir (Tabari, I, p. 2376). 198At any rate, the institution seems to have been in existence in something like this form under the late Sasanians. There is a reference to two ghuldms wearing the uniforms of Persian on [continued nextpage
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Mus'ab b. az-Zubayrin the battle that ended Mukhtdr'srevolt in Kfifa in 687.199 It is no surprise,then, to find a referenceto the armed mawdliof 'Abd al-Malik b. 'Amir b. Kuraiz in 64/683, since his father was so closely associated with the asdwira.200 The adoption of this practice, however, seems to have much earlier. In 36/656 there is a reference to a mawld the army of 'All prior to the battle of in begun Siffin named Mihran, of whom both the terms ghuldm and mamlikare used.201 Such people were most probably those Persianchildren taken captive in the courseof the conquestwho had grownup in Muslim service,ratherthan free convertsto Islam. By the period of the Second Civil War, we are also likely to be dealing with second-generationmawdl. In any case, as with the dahdqin, the time the Persianmilitary by units had been disbanded their techniques and traditionshad been adopted by Muslim Arab armies. The overall effects of the events of the seventh century on the distributionof the Persian population in Iraq were thereforeto remove the garrisonsalong the south-westernfrontierand much of the population east of the Tigris behind Madi'in, and to reconcentrate it in the form of captives, mawdli,and defectors in the new garrison cities of Basra and Kfifa, while the landed notables who came to terms with the Muslims continued to live as absentee landlords in the cities throughout Iraq or on their village-estates in the countryside. In spite of the elimination of the highest ranks of the Persian social structure and the temporary suppression of the clothing code, individual members of the high aristocracy, and probably even of the Sasanian royal family, maintained some status by becoming converts to Islam and becoming part of the new ruling class. Others preserved their status and their lands by taking positions of leadership in the Nestorian Church. Where Persians survived as cohesive social groups, there is a noticeable tendency towards cultural and institutional inertia, a failure really to adapt to changing circumstances, and even attempts to impose the previous set of standards and ways of doing things on the new situation. Here the main examples are the landed Persian aristocracy which continued to exist in the agricultural districts of post-Sasanian Iraq, where the administrative and taxation systems of the previous regime survived at the lowest levels, and the Persian soldiers who defected from the Sasanian armies at the time of the conquest and joined the Muslims. In both cases, Persian methods of local administrationand taxation, landholding and patterns of settlement, festivals, social customs, the lower levels of the class system, and military traditions, were preserved without significant change in early Muslim Iraq among those Persians who survived the conquest and maintained their heritage among themselves. as In addition, the institutional lag or overlapping represented by the survival of the dahdqin a distinct class and by the asdwira a military unit into the early eighth century, lasted long enough for as them to transmit the attitudes and lifestyle appropriateto a landed aristocracyand the equipment and military institutions associated with heavy cavalry tactics to Muslim Arabs. Transmission was encouraged by the way Persiansexpected that their new lords would want to be treated in the same way as their previous masters and acted accordingly. Channels of Persian cultural transmissionwere also provided by the presence of captive Persian women in Muslim households and by the existence of bilingual Arabs and Persians. One result of this situation, it should be pointed out, is that Persian influences on early Islamic society did not have to occur in Iran proper. Conditions in Iraq make that province seem almost more important for significant cultural interaction and assimilation. But it is equally important to realize that the Persian cultural presence in Muslim Iraq was not necessarily derived entirely from the pre-Islamic situation, because some cultural influences are just as likely to after the conquest. have been brought from Iran by captives or by Persianswho migrated to the amsdr
continued from previous page] horsemen in the dream of Sabhrish6' (catholicos 596-604) who were officers of the barid (Scher, II (i), p. 486), and to a ghuldmbelonging to Jdbin, the royal astronomer, at the time of the conquest (Tabari, I, p. 2252). At Qadisiyya, with the Persian army of 120,0oo men there were an equal number of " followers " (atbd') present as servants or assistants (Ibid., p. 2264). Military attendants especially for cavalrymen were also present in the Persian army at the siege of Constantinople in 626 where, as labourers, they helped to harvest the crops found outside the city (Altheim, pp. x70-4; A. Stratos, Byzantiumin the Seventh Century (Amsterdam, 1968), p. 182). 199Bgladhuri,p. 366.
200
201

Tabari, II, p. 464a namedRustam Ibid., I, pp. 3266, 3267-8. In 6 1/68o, ghuldm was who belongedto Shamirb. Dhi 1-Jushn in the force that and massacred IHusain his partyat Karbala(Ibid., II, p. 346). of In 66/685, a ghuldm Mukhtar'sat Kiifa named Zirbiyyais mentioned (Ibid., p. 599). Another Rustam is mentionedin of 77/696 as the ghuldm Suwaid b. 'Abd ar-Rahman the KhSriji (Ibid., p. 990). Yazid b. Hurmuzal-Farisi,a mawld of the Bani Daws at Basra,is called amir of the mawdlf (Ibn Sa'd, VII (i), p. i6o).

ON THE CONNECTIONS BETWEEN IRAN AND BABYLONIA IN THE SIXTH CENTURY B.C.* By Ran Zadok
Contents I. Immigrants from Iran in Babylonia before the Achaemenian Period (a) Elamites (b) Cassites and other non-Iranian Immigrants from Western Iran (c) Iranians II. The City of ~Iumade"u (a) Attestation of the Toponym (b) Identification (c) Location (d) Egibi outside Babylonia (e) Egibi's Dating in Smerdis (f) The Iranian Names from HIumadelu I IMMIGRANTS FROM IRAN IN BABYLONIA BEFORE THE ACHAEMENIAN PERIOD

(a) Elamites Elamites immigrated into Babylonia mainly from Susiana, a region which was under Babylonian control from 596 B.c. at the latest.' There is good reason for thinking that the end of the Babylonian rule in Susiana coincided with Cyrus'sconquest of Babylonia in 539 B.c. The Cyrus cylinder mentions Susa among the cities to which Cyrusreturnedthe gods and the citizens deported during the Babylonian rule. Most of these cities, if not all of them, were conquered by Cyrus from Nabonidus.2 It therefore
* Abbreviations as in CAD (The AssyrianDictionaryof the OrientalInstituteof the Universityof Chicago,Chicago-Gliickstadt 1956-), except for the following: A Locust'sLeg = A Locust'sLeg. Studiesin Honourof S. H. Taqizadeh,London 1962; Air. Wb. = Ch. Bartholomae, AltiranischesWoirterbuch, en Strassburg 1904; Benveniste, Titres = E. Benveniste, Titres et nomspropres Iranienancien,Paris 1966; BNF = Beitragezur Namenforschung; = Dandamayev, Connections M. A. Dandamayev, " Connections between Elam and Babylonia ", in Tajvidi et alii, (eds.), The MemorialVolume the VtnInternational of (1968), Tehran 1972, pp. 296Congress IranianArt and Archaeology of 31x; Ebeling, NBU = E. Ebeling, Neubabylonische Briefe aus Uruk,Berlin 1930-34; Gershevitch, AHM = I. Gershevitch, The Avestan Hymn to Mithra, Cambridge 1967; Grantovskiy, RIIP = E. A. Grantovskiy, Rannyaya Azii, Moscow IstoriyaIranskikhPlemyonPeredney Bet1970; Henning, BBB = W. B. Henning, Ein manichdisches undBeichtbuch, APAW 1936, No. 10, Berlin 1936; Hommage Universelle = HommageUniverselle: Commemoration Cyrus,2, 1974, Acta Iranica. Leiden-Tehran; IIJ = Indo-Iranian Journal; Justi, INB = F. Justi, IranischesNamenbuch,Marburg 1895; Jucquois, Phonitiquecomparie G. Jucquois, Phonitiquecompareedes dialectesmoyen-babyloniens = du Nord et de l'Ouest, Louvain 1966; Kohler-Peiser, Rechtsleben J. Kohler and F. E. Peiser, Aus dem babylonischen = Rechtsleben, 1-4, = Leipzig i890-98; Lidzbarski, Ephermeris M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris semitischeEpigraphik, 1-3, Giessen 1902-15; Mayrhofer, fir OnP = M. Mayrhofer, Onomastica = W. Eilers, " Der alte Name des persischen NeujahrsVienna 1973; Neujahrsfest Persepolitana, festes ", Akademie Wissenschaften der Literatur. Abhandlungen geistes-und der und der Klasse, Jahrg. 1953, No. 2, pp. sozialwissenschaftlichen 37-86, Wiesbaden 1953; PW = Paulys Real-Encyclopddie classischenAltertumswissenschaft, der herausg. von G. Wissowa. Stuttgart 1894-; Ryckmans, NPSS = G. Ryckmans, Les nomspropres sud-semitiques 1-3, Louvain 1934-35; Stark, PNPI = J. K. Stark, Personal Names in Palmyrene Oxford 1971; Studia Pagliaro - Studia Classicaet OrientaliaAntoninoPagliaro Oblata, 1-3, Rome 1969; Inscriptions, Sundwall = J. Sundwall, Die einheimischen Namen der LykiernebsteinemVerzeichnisse kleinasiatischer Namenstdmme, Leipzig 1913; TPS = Transactions thePhilologicalSociety.-In the transliteration of the masculine personal names discussed below the personal determinative of is omitted. The months which are referred to below in Roman figures are the Babylonian. W. Hinz, Altiranisches der Sprachgut Nebeniiberlieferungen (Wiesbaden 1975) has reached me too late for a detailed consideration.
1 See F. W. K6nig, Der Alte Orient29/4, p. 23; E. F. Weidner,
2

MRl. Dussaud, p. 929. See Weissbach, VAB 3, p. 6, and Eilers, HommageUniverselle 2,

p. 34. Weissbach's translation of a-di pa-at KUR Qu-ti-i (I.31) as " nebstdemGebiete LandesGutium is to be corrected, with des " Eilers, to " until the border of Gutium ".

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internal and nearer to Babylonia and the other tribes (than their own native land), and therefore established the royal seat of their empire at Susa ".4 In my opinion, the reason which Strabo adduces for Cyrus's establishing the royal seat in Susa, makes sense only if his empire included Babylonia, because only then would Susa be a capital not situated at an extremity of his empire. As to Herodotus's testimony, this does not necessarily imply that Susa was in the hands of Cyrus before the hostilities between him and Nabonidus were opened. The water need not have been taken from near Susa, as the Kerkha river begins well north of Susa, in territorywhich Cyrus had inherited along with the Median empire. The reference to Susa may be merely explanatory, intended to help the reader to locate the river Choaspes (there was another Choaspes in Swat).5 The border district between Elam and Babylonia was inhabited mostly by West Semites who probably were influenced by Elamite culture.6 Immigrants from Elam were found inside the eastern periphery of Babylonia and generally in who were assigned Babylonia during most periods. No less than 713 Elamites (LUNIM.MAKI.MES), oil rations are mentioned in a ration-list found in Babylon and dated 592/91 B.C. (Weidner, MIl. Dussaud, p. 925, and pl. 3 after p. 928, Babylon28178). The ration-list also names a Babylonian, Nabi-le', as officer (LUSAG) in charge of Elamites (r. ii. 13), perhaps the very same 713 (cf. Weidner, ibid., p. 929, ad loc.). It is noteworthy that the only two Elamites designated by name in the ration-list bore Iranianlooking names. One of them was called Ba-gi-de-nu(r. vii. 7) i.e. Iran. *Baga-daina.7 The other is position to rule out that Marza' may be genuine Elamite. Ba-gi-de-nu designated as " Elamite " just as the bearer of the Iranian name Ni-ri-a-bi-ig-nu designated as such (see p. 74 below) and just as is the bearersof Anatolian names who are mentioned in the same ration-list, are describedas " Ionians ".* A promissory note which was issued in Babylon in 541/40 B.C. (VAS 3, 55) mentions eight persons. Four of them were equerrieswho appear as witnesses in the document. One of the equerriesis called " soft, mild " (cf. R. Schmitt, Mar-du-zi 13, Edge). If the name is Iranian, it may stand for (I.
Elamite bears the name Mar-za-' (r. ii. 14). This may represent Iran. *Marza- " march, border " (Air. Wb. 1153), retrenched from compounds like Av. flaoni.maraza- (ibid., 1037). But I am in no

situated rather on the extremities ('ent''Ecr~6rot) of their empire, and that Susis (Susiana) was more

appears that Susa, too, was taken by Cyrusfrom Nabonidus in 539. It is true that Eduard Meyer3was of the opinion that Susiana fell to Cyrus as a result of his annexation of Media, thereby implying that the Medes had wrested the region from the Babylonians. However, he did not indicate his evidence. One can only suppose that he relied on Strabo's information (xv, 3, 2) that Cyrus established the seat of his empire in Susa after the conquest of Media, and on Herodotus's statement (i, 188) that when Cyrus marched against Babylonia he carried with him water from the river Choaspes (contemporary Kerkha), which flows past Susa. But Strabo's main point was the establishmentby Cyrus of Susa as an imperial capital. " The Persians and Cyrus, after mastering the Medes, saw that their native land was

*M.rdvaBNF NF 6, 1971, p. I4). Alternatively, the name could be Elamite, as mar-du-is the first component of the Elamite personal name Mar-du-nu-gal (MDP 9, 145.io) whose second component is seen in the names Ku-tur-nu-gal and HJu-ban-nu-gal cf. (ibid., 163.2)9 (ibid., p. 6, for JHu(m)ban below). The further
des s Geschichte Altertums4,3, P. 183. Weissbach (PW Halbbd. 5, col. 2464), who like Meyer gave no reasons, was also of the opinion that Elam, under which name he apparently included Susiana, became Persian before the Achaemenian conquest of Babylonia. 4 The Geography Strabo(ed. A. L. Jones) 7 (London-New York of 1930), p. 157. 5 See Tomaschek, PW Halbbd. 3, col. 2354, A. Stein, On Alexander'sTrack to the Indus (London 1929), p. 48. 6 The Awwites who were probably West Semites, worshipped Elamite gods (see Hommel, OLZ 15, 1912, col. I18, and Ethnologie und Geographiedes alten Orients [Munich I926], p. 987). Elamite cultural influence on Semites is seen also in the hybrid Arameo-Elamite name Sa-am(-'-)gu-nu (NA), ?d-ma-'-gu-nu (NB) (Tallqvist, APN, pp. 191b, 2o8b), " offspring of Agunu " (on the Elamite deity Agunu, see H. de Genouillac, RT 27, 1905, p. Io8). The bearer of this name was son of the chieftain of Gambulu, who enjoyed the political and military support of Elam in the middle of the seventh century B.C. (see G. C. Cameron, Historyof Early Iran [Chicago 1936], p. I87). S" Having (i.e. following) Baga's religion ". The usual spellings of Iran. *Baga- are ba-ga- and ba-ga-al'. For the spelling ba-gicf. Ba-gi-ra-ap (BE io, 15, Lo.E.) and Ba-ga-ra-ap-[p]a (ibid., 19), Iran. *Baga-rapa- " serving Baga " (see Eilers, Beamtennamen,pp. 103, n. 3, 105; A Locust'sLeg, p. 58; Benveniste, Titres, p. 80). 8 See A. Goetze, JCS 16, 1962, p. 54 with n. 3. 9 For ku-tur- cf. the Elamite names Kutur-Nahhunte (Tallqvist, APN, p. I7a, s.v. Kudur-Nahhundi) and Ku-tu-ur-A-gu-un, " slave of Nabiunte " and " slave of Agun " respectively (see Scheil, MDP 10, 70.2 ad loc.).

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was whose alternative, that the name is Semitic,1o is less likely because Mar-du-ud son of Ku-ur-ra-.hu, name is apparently the same name as that of Cyrus." The occurrence of Ku-ur-ra-su a commoner's as name" in a promissorynote issued two and a half years before Cyrus the Great conquered Babylonia, adds something to the documentation gathered by Eilersl3 and others'4 on the name of Cyrus. It should not be forgotten that in F. C. Andreas's opinion Cyrus's name was Elamite.'5 is Mar-du-uz the only name in the promissorynote which might be explained Apart from Ku-ur-ra-Jz9, as Iranian. Of the other seven persons listed, only three bore Babylonian names, of whom only one, the creditor Ina-tali-Etir,also bore a Babylonian patronym, Nabfi-Epu'. The scribe of this document, son of Im-ba-de-en 19) and the witnessing equerry Di-di-e-a'6 son of Ur-ta-gu(1. 17) bore B~1-iqila (1. Babylonian names but their patronyms are non-Babylonian. The remaining four individuals bore nonBabylonian names and non-Babylonianpatronyms. They are the debtor li-du-ni-eson of Im-ba-de-en-na son of At(?)-te-en-na(1. 8) and the two witnessing equerries Za-bi-ri-ia (1. 3f.), the guarantor son of La-al-hi-en-na Al-da-t gd-di-re-e-du of Am-ba-zi-ni-za I6).17 and son (1. i4f.) (1. Three of the nine foreign names and foreign patronyms can be explained as Elamite, three others contain each at least one Elamite element, one is perhaps Elamite, and two may be non-Elamite. The name Ur-ta-guwas borne by an Elamite king's and by some other persons of presumably Elamite origin who lived in Babylonia in the Chaldean and Achaemenian periods.'9 Al-da-1zoccurs in Persepolisas Haldal.20 It is the second component of the name of the Elamite king Humban-haldaJu/ Umman-aldaj.2' The first component of the name Im-ba-de-en/na the well-known Elamite deity is transcribedin Akkadian as hum-ban-, and um-man-22 Humban, um-ba,24 hu-umlun-ba/bi,23 im-ba-,25 im-ma.26 For the second component of the name (-d/tena) in Elamite texts the namesAd-da-te-na cf. (MDP 9, 73, 2-3), fAm-ma-te-na (MDP 3, 112, n. 3, name of an Elamite queen) and I-gi-te-na(in Persepolis,see W. Hinz apud Mayrhofer, OnP, 8.559). Ad-da, am-maand i-gi in Elamite mean " father ", " mother " and " brother " respectively. The component tena,which according to Hinz (loc. cit.) means " glory ", is As apparently found also in At(?)-te-en-na.27 regards the name Am-ba-zi-ni-za,Ambawas an early at Mesopotamian deity.28 It may also have been an Elamite deity, distinct from JHumban, least in the second millennium B.C., as it is mentioned after Humban in the Nardtm-Sin treaty,29in which case the name Am-ba-zi-ni-zacould be Elamite, but the second component (-ziniza) is not found elsewhere. Ambaziniza's son's name, &d-di-re-e-du, contains perhaps the Elamite element lati, which is joined is mainly to divine names,30but again the second component, -re-e-du, unattested elsewhere. U7-du-ni-e reminds one of NA I-tu-ni-i, the name of an Elamite commander (Tallqvist, APNV, Io9a). An p. interchange i/u is seen at least before m in Humban, but the NA form may be the outcome of vowel harmony.

Cf. Palm. Mrd (Stark, PNPI, p. 97a) and the South Arabian (553/52 B.c). names listed in Ryckmans, NPSS I, p. 132; with -w as in 20 See Hinz apudMayrhofer, OnP, 8.421. 21 many North-Arabian names. Tallqvist, APN, pp. 89b, 240b. 11 For the LB spellings of the name of Cyrus, see Tallqvist, NBN, 22 Cf. the preceding name and the spellings Um-man-abfp-ba/pa/pi, p. 92b. Um-man-am-ni, Um-man-fi-bar/bir (Tallqvist, APN, p. 240f. 12For another occurrence of Kur-ral as a commoner's name, cf. S.vv.). the Elamite document MDP 9, 98 (r. i) which belongs to about 23 In the toponym Til Ilu-um/un-ba/bi(Parpola, AOA T 6, p. 354). the same period. 24 Um-ba-da-ra-a, Um-ba-ki-di-ni (Tallqvist, APN, p. 24ob, NA). 13 BNF 15, 1964, pp. 180-236 (esp. p. 194). Cf. also n. 29 below. 14 J. Harmatta, Acta Antiqua Acad. Sc. Hung., 19, 1971, p. 6, W. 25 Im-ba-da-ra-'(TOS 7, 30.11, LB, same name as Um-ba-da-ra-a), 8-I I, 1962-65, pp. 74ff., V. I. Abaev, Etymologia Wiist, Im-ba-ap-pi (Tallqvist, APN, p. Iooa, NA). 'Pi~ 1965, Moscow 1967, pp. 286ff. On the Biblical form of this 26 Im-ma-ni-e-!u(ibid., LB). name see E. Y. Kutscher in T. A. Sebeok (ed.), Current Trends 27 Perhaps the same name as Ad-da-te-nawith haplology. in Linguistics6 (The Hague 1970), p. 388. 28 See Oppenheim apud Porada, Iraq 22, 196o, p. I2o, n. 34b. des 13 internationalen Ham- 29 Hinz, ZA 58, 1967, p. 91, n. 68. It is uncertain whether 15 Verhandlungen Orientalistenkongresses, burg, September 1902 (Leiden 1904), p. 93f. Am-ba, at least in names, was still regarded as distinct from 16 Cf. Tallqvist, NBN, p. 64a. Humban in the first millennium B.c., as Am-ba-hab-u-a 17 The signs in question, i.e. at (?) and za were kindly collated (Tallqvist, APN, p. 24oa) is merely a variant of Um-ba-hab-u-a on my behalf by Dr L. Jakob-Rost, Berlin. (ibid., both NA cf. n. 24 above). 18 Tallqvist, APN, p. 244a (NA, also with voiceless velar: 30 Cf. Scheil, MDP 9, p. 88, infra, Hinz, apud Mayrhofer, OnP, . Ur-ta-ku) (and also 8.1515, 1517, I519). 8.I5I4 19See Eilers, ZDMG 94, 1940, P. 2o2, n. 6 and add VAS 3, 198.3
10

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There remain Za-bi-ri-ia and his father La-al-hi-en-na.The latter's lal could be Elamite,31 or alternatively Lycian.32 The son's name resembles Lydian C3a0papta.33 Although the date of the promissorynote is 541/40, one gathers that the Elamite debtor U-du-ni-e had been in Babylon at least since 548/47 B.C., seeing that the note also mentions a debt which he incurred with the same Babylonian creditor in that year. BEl-iqila, the scribe of this document, is is presumably the brother of Ui-du-ni-e's, seeing that Im-ba-de-en/na the patronym of both. This scribe, with his Akkadian name BEl-iqila, which he may have acquired secondarily, is one of the very few instances of Babylonian scribes whose foreign origin is certain.34 Since the Babylonian deeds were private and thereforedid not require to be written by officially appointed scribes, it is quite likely that our Elamites used the services of a scribe of their own preference who presumably understood their one of the equerries, Di-di-e-a, bore a Babylonian name but an Elamite language. Like B&l-iqiha Thus the onomastic situation reflected in the promissorynote combines with the ration-list patronym. of 592/9I B.C. to suggest a sizeable immigration of Elamites into Babylonia right through the first half
of the fifth century B.C.

A group of unnamed Elamites is mentioned in the document VAS5, 146, which bears no date, but for prosopographical reasons belongs either to the reign of Nabonidus (556-539) or to Cyrus (539It is not clear whether the suburbs Susin near Babylon and Borsippa35 and Dfir u-sa-nu (UET In 4, 98. 11) near Ur were named after Susa or after the social class which was designated suladng.36 the suburb SuSvn near Borsippa a man named Ul-ta-gu (< Urtagu,see n. 19 above) and therefore an Elamite, is mentioned in the reign of Nabonidus. The connections between Elam and Babylonia were intensive also during the Achaemenian period. The witness BEl-ahhi-eribaof Erech is described in 536/35 B.C. as a descendant of Im-ba-da-ra-' (TOS 7, i.e. El. HIumban-tahrah n. 25 above). For documentation of connections from the reign of (cf. 30o.of.) Darius I see Dandamayev, Connections, 259ff. pp. Sulana was the name of the wife of Nidinti-B8l son of Marduk-nasir-aplidescendant of Egibi. She is mentioned in an unpublished document from 485/84 B.C. (see J. Oppert, JA 1891/I, p. 544, RA 2, 1892, p. 151). At an even later period the same name (fIu-sd-an-na)was borne by a woman from Susa in either 447/46 or 387/86 or 341/40 B.C. (see Dandamayev, Connections, 258). The Jewess p. Susanna known from the Bible, was also named after Susa. and non-Iranian Iran (b) Cassites Other Immigrants from Western Cassites still resided in Babylonia after the Middle Babylonian period (see Brinkman, PKB, pp. 246f., 259f.), but with one exception (the Hambanians, see below) there is no evidence for Cassite inhabitants in Babylonia during the second third of the first millennium B.C.37 The very few Cassite personal names, family names and toponyms which are attested in Babylonia in that period are almost sure to be mere fossils. Such are the personal names Ku-ri-gal-zu(see Ungnad, OLZ o0, I907, col.
Cf. La-al-ki-ki-din-nu (ABL 478, r. 3, reign of Assurbanipal) who is mentioned with other Elamites. -2 Cf. *lala- (Sundwall, p. 133, perhaps from laAe " speak ", see also V. V. gevoroikin, Lidiyski Tazyk [Moscow I9671, p. 52). 33 Cf. Weidner, MRl. Dussaud, p. 934. 34 The scribes who belonged to the families Mi-sir-a-a (e.g. Nbk. 261.18f) "Egyptian" and Su-ha-a-a (e.g. Nbk. 54-. 5f.) " Suiian " had not only Babylonian names but also Babylonian patronyms. Probably already their grandfathers had settled in Babylonia. Only four out of thousands of known scribes from Babylonia throughout the first millennium B.c. had non-Akkadian patronyms. Even among these four there were three descendants of ancient Babylonian scribal families: the two sons, Apkallu and Mukin-zfri, of Za-bi-da-a who was the descendant of Sin-leqe-unninni (BagdaderMitteilungen5, 197o, 6.36, 38, Erech, 630/29 B.c.); and Nabui-nSdin-ahi son
31

530 B.c.).

of Za-bi-nu descendant of Dabibi (RA 25, 1928, pp. 76, 80, No. 19, r. 3f.). Nabi-nddin-a1i wrote a document found in northern Syria in Neirab which was issued in 529/28 B.C. outside Babylonia, in Itu, modern Hit on the middle Euphrates. Both patronyms (Za-bi-da-a and Za-bi-nu) are two of the commonest Aramean names in Babylonia, where Aramaic was the spoken language of that period, like in Syria and Mesopotamia. 35 See Unger, Babylon, p. 8If. Cf. also Alu ds' Llu-s'd-ni-e (VAS 5, 29.17), possibly near Babylon. 36 On this social class see M. A. Dandamayev, Rabstvov Vavilonii (Moscow 1974), PP. 365ff. 37 On the Cassites in their homeland in the period under discussion and later, see Weissbach, PW, Halbbd. 22, cols. i499ff. and cf. Brinkman, PKB, p. 259 with n. I657.

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and 62If.), Na-zi-ia (e.g. Tallqvist, NBN, p. I6ob), Na-di-Si-hu (e.g. TuM 2/3, 38.6),38 Sip-pa-ri39 BE 8, 53-7), the family names Ku-ri-i41and Hu/Ku(-un-) perhaps fln-za-'-it-td ('nzyty,40 zi/zu-i/z/'42 (both chiefly in Erech) and the toponyms URUBit(Ef) dMa-ru-ud-da (BE I0, 6.5)43 and URUBit(E) mHa-d3-.d-mur (PBS 2/I, I6.4f.). The former toponym and perhaps also the latter refer to settlements situated on the Piqfidu Canal near Nippur. HIa-dS-jd-mur be the same as IHalmur/lHaimar44 with may One region Bit Hasmar occurs in a context involving swamps which have been sought in anaptyxis.45 southern Babylonia,46a second in the Darband-i-Khan area on the Diyala.47 Levine is of the opinion that the mention of swamps is no reason for separating the former region from the latter.48 At any rate, Bit Hia-ai-sia-mur, being a settlement, would be distinct even from a region Bit Hjaimarsituated in the that the settlement was not named after the region or vice versa.49 south, provided after immigrants from Illipi, a region which was initially inhabited by non-Iranians, perhaps Cassites. Illipi (NA also Ellipi) is not mentioned after the reign of Esarhaddonwhich ended in 668 B.C.50 Since then, or at least after the fall of Assyria, Ellipi had become part of Media. It is not known when these Illipians immigrated into Babylonia. Another settlement which was named after the Illipians was situated not far from Nippur. The same applied to the settlement URUHa-am-ban/ba-na-a-a (ibid., des 220.3, cf. Cardascia, Les Archives MuraSz2, 158, ad loc.)51 situated in the same area, which was p. apparently named after the organization of the immigrantsfrom Bit Hlambanin the Zagros (on which see Levine, RLA 4, P- 71, s.v. Hiamban).These are referredto as HInbny' an unpublished document in
dated 423/22
B.C.

A document (VAS 6, 70) was issued in 550/49 B.C. at the " settlement of the Illipian farmers " (ENGARMES) LUl-li-pa-a-a,ibid., 14-15). This settlement was apparently named (Alu-JdLUikkare sd

URUBit I-li-pd-a-a. This one is mentioned later in the Murafis Archive (PBS 2/I, 109.5, 7) and was

Arameens, 75, No. 86) and after him M. Lidzbarski(Ephemeris p. I5) saw that an ethnical derivation p. 3, is involved, but they offered no identification. Ha-an-ban was one of the Cassite tribes at the beginning of the Neo-Babylonian period (see Brinkman, PKB, pp. 200, 251, 259). It is uncertain whether the
PN I1a-am-ba-nu(TuM 2/3, 184.7) or Ia-an-ba-nu (TCL 12, 123.43) belongs here. The leather products

(CBS 12864, cited by Clay, PBS 2/I, p. I19, No.

21).

L. Delaporte (Epigraphes

theophoric element is read here -Si-hu with Balkan, Kassitenstudien, I I4f. and in view of the NB personal name p. Na-din-Si-i-hi (Nbk. 94.10, 422.9, same person). For the plene spelling cf. NB Simbar-?i(-i-)hu (see Brinkman, PKB, p. 150, n. 901) and LB Ndt'id(I)-aSi-i-hu (BE 9, 55.2, 14, PBS 2/I, 150.25, cf. Nd'id-dSi-hu, ibid., 70o.6, Lo.E.). The reading which was proposed by Eilers (AfO 18, 1957/58, Si(-i-)pak p. 137 with n. I2) is based on an Elamite etymology. Brinkman (loc. cit.) points out that the reading of the theophoric element must be regarded as uncertain. It is difficult to separate the name Na-din-Si-i-hi from the name Na-di-Si-hu. It seems that if na-din- is not an Akkadian predicative element (cf. NA Na-din-dItar in Johns, DoomsdayBook, 2, i.8), in which case it would be a hybrid Semito-Cassite name, na-din- would be a nasalized form of na-di-. Eilers' assumption (BNF 15, 1964, p. 208, n. 87) that na-di- is the same element as nazi- with d/z interchange, is difficult because nazi- is a well-attested element in Cassite names (cf. Balkan, Kassitenstudien, pp. 73f., I42ff.) and never shows such an interchange. 39 BE 8, 65.2, 73.2, 84.2, cf. Brinkman, PKB, p. I56f., n. 944. It is not known whether his patronym Gul-ta/tam-mu (cf. in Gul-tamam Nbk. 357.8) is also Cassite. 4oInza- " king" plus the feminine hypocristic suffix -ayyit ()a'it)? cf. MB In-za-tum, i.e. inza- plus -atum (see Balkan, Kassitenstudien, 56). They is perhaps a scribal error for '. p. 41 See W. G. Lambert, JCS I I, I957, pp. 2f. with nn. 9, 10, 4, n. 13. 42 See Lambert, loc. cit. and A. Ungnad, Ar. Or. I2, p. 320, n. I. Cf. also the first component in the MB name Kuzi-malhu (Balkan, Kassitenstudien, 68). p. and URUBit 43 Spelt also URUBit dMa-ru-du (BE 9, 9.3-4)

38 The

(PBS 2/1, 63.9, 87.7). See Eilers, loc. cit. and cf. mMa-ru-dt-du also the name of the river Mi Ma-ru-ud (AfO 23, 1970, p. 2, pp. 44 See Balkan, Kassitenstudien, 55, 94 and 157 s.vv. 45 Cf. the following LB examples where the spelling (C1)VC,-C,Vis attested along with the spelling CV-C,V-: tas'-s'd-li-Id-nu (BE 10o, 6.4, 36.3, PBS 2/I, 132-5) for tallfsinu which is usually (e.g. BE o0, 130.30, R, 131.28) and once spelt ta&-Ii-sd-nu ta-Ial-li-isd-an-nu (BE 'o, 124.6) in the Muraliv Archive, which is usually spelt E-ra-aq-qu-li-de-efor Gk. 'HpaKi8tl E-ra-aq-li-di-i/e (see W. R6llig, Or. NS 29, 1960, p. 380, n. 5(c) with references and cf. Ungnad, MAOG 4, 1928/29, p. p. 225 with n. 3, Jucquois, PhonitiqueComparie, x88f.). 46 See Brinkman, PKB, pp. 156, n. 941, 252, 392, 393 with lit. 47 See L. D. Levine, Iran I1, I973, p. 19 with n. 84. 48 RLA 4, P. 134, s.v. HIalmar. This was already the opinion of M. Streck (ZA 5, 1900goo, 286f.). Only later, Unger (RLA I, p. p. 427, s.v. Bit Hasmar) postulated two regions. 4 Unger (loc. cit.) mentions a settlement named as'imar-sah which is attested in a MB document from Nippur; it is not clear if this is the same as the later settlement Bit mHa-dis'-sad-mur. According to the maps, no swamps are found nowadays in the Darband-i-Khan area. North-east of this area swamps stretch for part of the lower course of the Tanjero river, which according to Levine (Iran I I, 1973, PP. I6ff., 23, cf. p. I1, fig. 2, p. 15, n. 3), belonged to Zamua and not to IlHamar. The latter, together with other areas situated on the Diyala river formed part of Namri. n. 15. 50 See Levine, Iran 12, 1974, p. I04, 51 URUHa-am-na-a-a (BE io, 81.1x) is probably a defective spelling.

i.5).

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called " Hambanian " (Hambanzd, CAD H, 65) in Babylonian documents were perhaps imported see from Bit Hamban. The settlement Gu-ti-e,which is mentioned in an undated NB document found in Nippur (BE 8, 145, I. 13), was perhaps named after immigrants or exiles from the northern Zagros, the region called by the archaic name Gutium in NA and NB sources (e.g. Parpola, AOAT 6, p. 138, BHT, p. 140, ii. 15, 17). Some inhabitants of Gutium were deported by Tiglath Pileser III, but it is not stated to which country they were taken. which was an archaic designation of the area north of People from Subartu (LUSu-bar-ra-a?-[a]), are mentioned in the Nippur area in the reign of Cambyses (BE 8, 8o, see I. J. Gelb, Hurrians Assyria, i.e. andSubarians, 8If.). They had a common organization with the LUGi-mir-a-a, " Cimmerians ". pp. This suggests that both arrived in the Nippur area from countries sharing a common boundary, seeing of that this was already the case with at least two other " bi-national " hadru-organizations the Nippur u area in the last third of the fifth century B.C.: (I) the Urartians and the Melitenians (L.U-ra-d-..ta-a-a
LiMi-li-du-a-a, BE Io,Io7.2f.,7), (2) the Phrygians and the Lydians (LOMu'-ka-a-a u LOSa-par-da-a-a, BE io, 90. Iof., PBS 2/I,I44-.3I,R).

mentioned in the reign of Darius I, is not known, The origin of the group LUIm-b/pu(-uk-)ka/ku-a-a, but as at least one of their names is Iranian (see Eilers, ZDMG 94, 1940, PP. 215ff.) and one is possibly Cassite (Ka-di.4i-tz~),52it may be assumed that they originated from Western Iran or the Armenian Plateau. Im-b/pu-uk-ku found as a personal name in an unpublished MB text from Nippur (CBS457', is cited by Clay, CPN, p. 88a, s.v.).

(c) Iranians The first direct and dated evidence for Iranian immigration into Babylonia is contained in the above-mentioned ration-list of the year 592/91 B.C. (see p. 62 above). According to it, a Mede " i.e. named Mad-ban-nu, Iran. *Mad-bdnu- (equipped) with splendour "53was one of (LUMa-da-a-a) also in another ration-list the receivers of rations. The same Mede occurs in the spelling Mad-ban-ni describes him and one Lydian as refugees (LUma-aq-tu) presumably from their respective homelands.55 Since he received large quantities of oil as rations, he may have been the foreman of a group (cf. are Weidner, ibid., p. 930, ad loc.). At least three Persians (LOPar-su-mas-a-a) mentioned in an undated ration-list which was found together with the just mentioned two ration-listsin the southern fortressof Babylon among documents dated from 595-569 B.c. (Weidner, MRl.Dussaud,pl. i after p. 924 and pl. 2 after p. 926, Babylon 28122, cf. p. 930, ad loc.). The names of the Persians are: (i) An-si-ia (I. 12),
i.e. Iran. *HanSya- or *Hanti- " collector " or sim. (to xkay-, Air. Wb. 44I),56 (2) Ba-gi-in-du-i (r. 15, and (3) [. . .]-bi-ia-' (r. 14). (2) and (3) are designated probably contains the Iranian element Baga-),57 A LUsir (EDIN-Ul/').58 (C = Babylon 28186.23)54 issued in Babylon, which, however, is undated. The dated ration-list

There is also some indirect evidence of Iranian immigration into Babylonia before the beginning of the sixth century B.C. In the year 583/82 members of the second and of the third generation of the LWalgandu family are first mentioned in Babylonian documents, and they all bear Babylonian names. The first generation, therefore,necessarilyfalls into the seventh century B.C. The name itself is thought to be Iranian *Zganda- " messenger". The first occurrences are from Babylon, but afterwards this family name appears also in other Babylonian towns, its last occurrence being dated 514/13 B.C.59
Media according to the undated letter, presumably of the Neo-Babylonian period, GCCI 2, 395, see E. Ebeling, NeuBriefe, p. I38f., No. 255babylonische "6Dr Gershevitch. It is Iranian only in case it is not to be read Iliu-ia (Akkadian); see Weidner, Mil Dussaud, p. 930, ad loc. 57 See Weidner, ibid. 58CAD S, 50ob. An Ionian is likewise designated in the same text (i. Io, cf. Weidner, p. 933, ad loc.). LWse.ru "9See M. A. Powell, Ar. Or. 40, 1972, p. 124f.

Possibly a hypocoristic of a name which contained the theophoric element Kassi (on this theophoric element see Balkan, Kassitenstudien, Io8ff.). pp. 53 Dr Gershevitch (private communication). With the reading Kur-ban-ni/nuthe name is Babylonian (see Weidner, ibid., p. 930 ad loc.), with the reading Nad-ban-ni/nu it is West Semitic (cf. Tallqvist NBN, p. 323b, s.v. ndb). b Weidner, MRl. Dussaud, pl. 4 opposite p. 930, cf. ibid., p. 934. 55Conversely, certain Babylonians from Erech took refuge in
52

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The attestation of Iranians in Babylonia before the Achaemenian period is rarer than in the Achaemenian period. One cannot adduce for Iranian extraction the Iranian name of the witness
mentioned in Babylon in 530/29 B.C. (TOS 7, 99.I1o), because his patronym A-mur-ri-e-ais Ba-gu-un-du60 (YOS 6, 169.20 and 231.24) which are dated in Io and 14.IV 539/38 B.c., i.e. three months before the capture of Erech by Cyrus, of which the terminus p. post quemis 13 October (see Parker-Dubberstein, 13). Tu-na-a occurring in documents dated from 608/07 to 494/93
B.C.,63

Semitic.61 Consequently, one cannot rely on Iranian extraction for the unspecified royal official (LUrrid arri) Ba-gi-'-a-zu62 his patronym is not given. He is attested in two documents from Erech as It is not stated whether Ba-gi-'-a-zu was a Persian or a Mede. Even less telling is the family name
seeing that it is open to both a

and an Iranian65interpretation. Cassite64 To sum up: immigrants from the Iranian plateau into Babylonia are well-attested during the NeoBabylonian period. Most of them were Elamites, a few were Iranians. Iranian immigration increased after the Achaemenian conquest as a direct result of it.66

II. THE CITY OF HUMADESU

(a) Attestationof the Toponym

The toponym, which for reasons to be stated below (p. 69) is here read KURUR/URUHu-ma-de(-e-)S9,67 occurs in seven documents as their place of issue. They are listed below as Nos. 1-4, 6, 8, 9. Two more documents are treated here as being also Humade'u documents: one of them, No. 7 below, because it mentions the LUup-pa-de-tu468HIumadevu of and may therefore have been issued in HIumade'u; the because the name of the place of issue can just possibly be read KUR(?)Hu!-ma!other, No. 5 below, In de-(Sd)>.69 addition, there could be a special link between the two documents, as both refer to the bailiff of the merchants, LUrabtamkdri (DAM.GARMES), and give his name. The name is written in one case Ar-ta-ru!-us the other Ar-ta-ru-..70 If, as will be argued below (p. 76), the two spellings in represent the same name, then the cumulative evidence for both documents having been issued in Humade'u will be impressive. The nine documents are listed on p. 68 in chronological order. The unmentioned king of No. 7 is likely to have been Cambysesseeing that all the other documents from HIumadesuare dated between Cambyses's fourth year and Smerdis's first year which was also his last. All the nine tablets are juridical documents. Nos. 1-3, 5-7 record purchase of slaves, Nos. 4, 8, 9 loans. The possibility that the Persepolis Babylonian document was issued in HIumade'u will be discussed below (p. 7o). No other documents mentioning HIumadesuhave been published apart from one letter which is best dealt with at once, before turning to a close considerationof the nine documents

*Bagdvanta- (cf. Gershevitch, Studia Pagliaro 2, p. 216, s.v. NBN, p. 293a, s.v. Hubadilu, to which add Hecker, Giessen, Bakunda). 47.14, Pinches, Hebraica8, 1891/92, p. 134-14, TCL 9, 85.8), 61 A hypocroistic of a name with the theophoric element Amurru. de-e-&zi (Krecher, ZA 61, I971, p. 257), de-e]-[zid](Strassmaier, 62 *Baga-ydza- (see Eilers, Neujahrsfest,pp. I2ff., 13, n. I, 16, ZA 4, 1889, p. 147f., No. 2.18) and de-<Kiz)(Camb. 384.2, n. I, 23, n. I, and Benveniste, Titres, p. 8o, s.v. Bakeyala). collated, cf. n. 69 below). The name of the canal in BIN I, 63 Tallqvist, NBN, p. 212b. 60.27 is to be read Ndr Ga?!-ma-di-e?! which is attested in 64 Cf. perhaps Duni-malhzu which is analyzed by Balkan (KassitenTOS 6, 67.4 (for the name cf. Nhr Gmd' in the Babylonian studien,p. 52) as tuni-+ -ma4hu. Talmud, see Jastrow, Dictionary, p. 252, which refers to as 65 Tallqvist (loc. cit.) compared NA Tu-na-ku(Iran. * T(a)unaka-, another canal), and not Ndr IHu-ba-de-iS was proposed by see Grantovskiy, RIIP, p. 227f. with lit.). Tu-na-a may render Ebeling (NBU, p. 212, No. 260). The name was kindly * T(a)una-; -d may be a hypocoristic suffix like in the LB collated on my behalf by Prof. W. W. Hallo, New Haven. names Ar-ta-a (BE 9, 6.4), Ba-ga-a (ibid., 74-3) and Mit-ra-a 68 See for the time being Eilers, Beamtennamen, I5n., 43n. pp. 69 The copy is not accurate. KUR, which is preceded by erasure (ZA 3, 1888, p. 31). 66 On the Iranians in Achaemenian Mesopotamia see for the (possibly the scribe began writing URU), is partly written over time being, Eilers, ZDMG 90o, 1936, pp. 16o-2oo, 94, 1940, erasure. The lowest wedge of the MA sign was apparently pp. 189-233, Beamtennamen, passim. partly effaced by careless handling before the tablet was baked. 67The unambiguous signs spell out delu, written de-zi (Tallqvist, 70 See below, (f), Nos. 9-Io.
60

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No. I.
2.

Document Camb.25171 Camb.30972 Camb.3IO73 Hecker, Giessen, 4774 Camb.38475 Camb.38876 Pinches, Hebraica 1891/92, 8, p. I34f.77 Krecher, ZA 6I, 1971, p. 255f.79 Strassmaier,ZA 4, 1889, p. I48f., No. 281

Date of issue 5.VIII.4 Cambyses (526/25 B.c.) 15.11.6 Cambyses (524/23 B.C.) (524/23 B.c.) i6.II.6 Cambyses 26.VIII.7 Cambyses (523/22 B.C.) I.IX.7 Cambyses (523/22 B.c.) I I.X.7 Cambyses (523/22 B.C.)
(523/22 B.C.) I7.X.7 [Cambyses]78 I8.XII(?)[7(?)]80 Cambyses (523/22 B.c.?) I9.I.o Smerdis (522/21 or 52I/20 B.C. (see

3.
4. 5.

6.
7.

8. 9.

PP. 74-5 below)

listed. The letter (TCL 9, 85)82 was sent to Erech from an unstated place. The sender, Nidintu by name, was probably from Erech seeing that in the greeting formula he mentions the goddess Baltu of Erech. Nidintu informs Nidinu, apparently an officialwho held a higher position than he,83that " our thirty-sevenpersons are being sent to Hjumade'u", and asks him to give supplies in food, blankets and clothes84to these personswhen they reach him (presumablyin Erech on their way to HIIumade'u).The only four persons among the thirty-seven, who are mentioned by name, bore Babylonian names. The letter is undated, but if the arguments advanced below for locating IHumadeluin Iran are accepted, it will appear unlikely that it was sent before 539 B.c. when Cyrus conquered Erech. A more precise date may be obtained by using prosopographical data, despite the difficulty that for none of the six personsnamed in the letter is the patronym given and the names Nidinu and Nidintu were common in sixth century Erech, the former being borne by more than seventy-eight Erechians,85the latter by
BM 31706, collection number: S+ 1433-76-11-17 (copy; largely mutilated). 72BM 30916, collection number: S+ 643-76-x1-I7 (copy; partial translation in Kohler-Peiser, Rechtsleben, p. 39). 2, 73 BM 41423, collection number: n. 34.81-6-25 (copy; largely mutilated). 7" University Library Giessen, 47 (copy, transliteration, translation and commentary). Site unknown. 75BM 30704, collection number: S+ 431.76-11-17 (copy; for recent transliteration, translation and commentary see Dandamayev in H. Klengel (ed.) Beitrage zur sozialen Struktur des alten Vorderasien(Berlin I971), p. 75. Dandamayev's reading i-di!-il in 1. 12 is confirmed by my collation. 76 BM 30698, collection number: S+ 425.76-x1-I7 (copy; partial translation in Kohler-Peiser, Rechtsleben, p. 40). 2, i' BM 30682, collection number: S+ 409-76-11-17 (!) (copy, transliteration and translation, but see below). 78 See presently in main text. 79 Finnish National Museum, Helsinki, No. 13.631.1 I, site unknown (photograph, transliteration, translation and commentary). 80 Krecher does not restore the missing year-number. If his restoration of the month-name is correct, and if, as will be argued below, HEumadeguis to be sought outside Babylonia, then the only possible restoration of the year alternative to the above, would be either i or 4- 5 is ruled out because it had two Addaru-s. 2, 3 and 6 would be equally impossible because Itti-Marduk-balatu, who is mentioned in this document, was active in those three years too close to the I8th day of month XII in Babylonian settlements for him to have been in Humadelu on the i8th: on 24.XII.2 Cambyses in Opis (Camb. 143,
71

with patronym and family-name), on 21.XII.3 Cambyses at Da-pi-i-ni (Camb.223, with patronym only; Da-pi-i-ni [possibly *dappin" planks " in Aramaic, cf. Jastrow, Dictionary,p. 3I6f.; foreign double consonants were not always expressed in LB], having the West Semitic -fn suffix common in topynyms, must have been situated in Babylonia seeing that the Egibis were active only there and in Iran) and on I6.XII.6 and 28.XII.6 Cambyses, in Babylon (according to Camb. 348 and 349 respectively both with patronym and family name). I seems unlikely because there is no recorded activity of IttiMarduk-balatu in HIumadeiu before the fourth year of Cambyses. Of the three possible years I, 4 and 7, I prefer 7 only because documents Nos. 4 and 9, which like No. 8 record dated transactions between Itti-Marduk-balitu and Marduksuma-usur, are from the seventh and the following year respectively (see also p. 73 below). 81 BM 41455, collection number: n. 66. 81-6-25 (copy and transliteration; for translation see Oppert, Actes du 8e Congrds, p. 261, but cf. p. 75 below. I have collated all the BM tablets listed above, but a chemical analysis was not possible. Nos. I, 2, 5-7 are brown whereas Nos. 3, 4 and 9 are greybrown. I would like to thank Mr C. B. F. Walker of the British Museum for his kind help in the collations. 82 Ebeling, NBU, p. 248f., No. 310. " 83 He addresses Ngdinu as bEliya my lord ". 84 Cf. A. L. Oppenheim, JCS 4, 1950, p. 189, n. 785 See the lists in An. Or. 8, p. 36, 9, p. 22b, GCCI I, p. 50a, 2, p. 5oa, YOS 6, p. 31b, 7, P. 32f. This number can be increased to 0oo if one counts also the persons named Nddinu who are listed ibid. without patronym.

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He is

more than thirty-five.86 None of the Erechians named Nidintu is described as an official, except one therefore the only Nidintu who canLUOWr be considered identical with the Nidintu of the letter, and he may well be the Nidintu who twenty-five years earlier, in 551/5o, had acted as messenger (LUmdr Sipri) of the royal official of the Eanna temple in Erech (GCCII, 345.3). Likewise, none of the Nabi-sarra-usur Erechians named Nadinu is described as an official except the Nddinu son of Baldtu who held the in documents of which the earliest is dated 3.XIIb.54I/40 highest office in Erech, that of LUtjkin .timi, and the latest 3(?).VI.538/37 B.C.87The terminus quem the expiry of his office was 20.IX.537/ for ante when we know that Suld held it (TOS 7, 23). If the Nadinu of the letter is this high officer, 36 B.C. then the date of the letter should fall within the portion of his period of office which followed upon Cyrus'sconquest, that is to say between 539/38 and a period neither earlier than 3(?).VI.538/37 nor later than I9.IX.537/36 B.C. We must bear in mind, however, that there is only one published dated
Erech document from the period after 520/19 B.C. until the end of the Achaemenian period (RA 18, 1921, p. 32, No. 34).88 One cannot thereforeexclude that other Ngdinu-s acted as officials in Erech in who held the unspecified office of Sarri " royal official " in 526/25 B.C. (YOS 7, 163.17).

the later Achaemenian period. The same applies to Nidintu.

(b) Identification is The toponym in question, whichever way one reads its two first signs, Hu/b(p)ag(k/q)-ba/ma-, not Semitic. On submitting the alternative readings to Dr Gershevitchwith my suspicion that the toponym then Humadesu could may be Iranian, he suggested at once that, if the intended values are Hu-ma-,89 render OIran. *Hvddaila- ()*Xvddaila-), of which the attested Old Persian toponym hUvddailayamay be a derivative.90 hUvddaikaya-is the town in Persiswhere the second false Smerdis, Vahyazdata, was executed some time after 5.IV.52 /20 B.c. The Elamite version of DB (? 3.51) writes the name of the town Ma-te-zi-iJ91Ma-te/ti(-iz-)zi(-i1) (or Ma-se-zi-iv) occurs so many times in the Persepolis tablets (see R. T. Hallock, OIP 92, p. 728, s. v.) that it clearly was an important town.92 In his entry, Hallock lists Ma-te/ti/ta(-iz-)za among the variants of Matezzis. Strictly speaking, however, the za of Matezza should render a different Iranian stem-ending from the -zi (-i.v)of Matezzi(S), and the relevant tablets do not make it clear that Matezza and Matezzis are one and the same town. Three Matezzis tablets mention a treasuryhouse (kap)in that place, twenty-five do not, as is the case also with the three Matezza tablets.93 The personnel of the Matezza tablets differs from that of the Matezzis tablets,94 but within the Matezzil tablets there is also considerable difference in personnel. On the whole, given the identity of Matezz- in both variants, it would be rash to dispute Hallock's assumptionthat one single town is involved. If the assumption is correct then the Elamite renderingwith zi(-is') of what in Old Persianis spelt 6a-ya comes into its own. The Elamite ending clearly reflects a contracted OP -i (with OP nom. sing. i.e., ending -i?), which is understandableonly if the Old Persian toponym was in reality *Hvddaiciya-, if the spelling za-yais defective for ca-i-ya (cf. Kent, Old Perisan, ?52) OP *Hvddai~zya-stands to the as *Hvddaica-(>*Xvddaica-) one may presume to be vouchsafed by both Elamite Matazza and LB Humadesu as OP Maliya- stands to Maka-. Just as Ptrsa- meant both " Persepolis" (as well as Persis) and " a Persian " so *Hvddaiia- will have designated both the town of that name and an inhabitant of it. But inhabitants could have been denoted also by means of the derivative adjective *HvddaiCiya-.
86

See the lists in An. Or. 8, p. 38b, 9, P. 23b, BIN I, p. 28a, on which see Gershevitch, Studia Pagliaro 2, pp. 185ff., Eilers, GCCI I, p. 5Ib, 2, p. 5Ib, TOS 6, p. 33b, 7, p. 34b. This Ar. Or. 22, I954, p. 268 (but cf. V. Wiist, 'P-La 8-s I, 1962-65, number can be increased to 42 if one counts also the persons p. 42, n. 3). named Nidintu who are listed ibid. without patronym. 91The Babylonian version is not preserved at this point. 92 See Hallock, Or. NS 42, 1973, P. 321 with n. 4, Hinz, ZA 61, 87 See San Nicol6, Prosopographie, pp. 13, 21f., 60of. 88 Of the three Artaxerxes I documents from Erech listed in 1972, P. 265. 93 UVB 18, p. 60o,only the dates have been quoted. Note, however, that OIP 92, 1342 mentions a treasurer 89 A reading Bag-ba/ma-o would also be incomprehensible in (ganzabara) who took silver from Susa to Matezza. 94 There is, however, a Siraukain Matezzil (ibid., 1513, no year) Iranian terms. 90 Oral communication, April 1973. *Xvddaifa- may be analysed who may well be the same person as the Siruka of Matezza as *xvdda- (cf. OP huvada-)plus the hypocoristic suffix -aiGa-, (ibid., 1547, 501/00 B.C).

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The fact, then, that an inhabitant could be referredto as both *Hvddaica- *Hvddai?iyaand would almost lead to the town itself being called *Hvddaizjyabeside *Hvddaila-. predictably The failure, which may be quite accidental, of the El. Matezza tablets to mention a kap, as some of the Matezzil tablets do, may be considered offset by No. 5 of the Humadelu documents, as in it the "scribe of the house of the treasurers" (LU.tupsarrubit kdsirdnu)95 mentioned. Elsewhere, the title is Sa Ja bit kdsirdnu occurs only once, in Babylonia, in the reign of Nabonidus.96 Four Persepolis LUrtuparru tablets mention Babylonian scribes.9" They were presumably employed in Iran.98 They usually wrote in Aramaic,99but we do have one Babylonian tablet found in the Persepolistreasury (OIP 65, 85, dated 25.IX.502/OI B.C.). Outside the Iumade'u documents, the office of the merchants' bailiff, which as seen above constitutes the characteristic link between Nos. 5 and 7, is mentioned only once in the whole Babylonian corpus of the Achaemenian period, sc. in the single Babylonian document found in Persepolis. There is thus a good chance that this administrative document, too, was issued in IIumade'u.?00
(c) Location

The interchange of KUR with URU confirms that KURiURUHumadelu situated outside Babywas The businessman Itti-Marduk-baldtuwas in Babylon on 30.I102 and in Humadesu on 15.11 lonia.10' of Cambyses'sixth year.'03 The distance between Babylon and Humade'u should not exceed 450 km., as the maximum distance which could be covered in one day's journey is thought to be 30 km.'04 In this case, HIumade'ushould be located in the westernmost part of Persis, not more than 50 km. east of Susa.105 The location of iHumadevu Persiswould agree with the fact that the nine documents issued there in issued in Babylonia during the years 538-532 B.C.107 contain only four Iranian names,x08 which one to add two toponyms derived from Iranian personal names.'09 may
See Dandamayev, loc. cit.; id., Gedenkschrift Brandenstein W. interchange and combination of determinatives are confined to foreign countries. Tyre in Phoenicia is written in NB (Innsbruck 1968), p. 237. 96 See CAD K, p. 264a. twice KURSur-ru(GCCI I, I51.6, -ri, 2, 135-5) and once URUSur-ri (GCCI I, 94.17); Ecbatana is written in LB once 97 OIP 92, 1807, I8io, 1828, 1947. KURAg-ma-ta-nu (Cyr. 227.6) and once URU/KURA-ga-ma-ta-nu 98 The places of their activity are not mentioned, but OIP 92, 1947 mentions Rakkan (Raxa- in Persis or Ragd in Media, see (Cyr. 6o.i6); Sobah in northern Syria is written KUR/URUSu. ba-' in NB (Nbk. 360.16). ibid., p. 747) no less than seventeen times and other Iranianlooking toponyms. It may be that the Babylonian scribes o02Camb.305mentioned in this document were employed on Iranian 103 Document No. 2 above. Itti-Marduk-balatu was still in territory. I:Jumadeiu on the following day (according to No. 3 above); thereafter we hear nothing about him until a document from 99 In OIP 92, 181o and 1947 it is stated that they wrote on parchment. Babylon attests his presence in Babylon on I7.IV of the same 100The place of issue is not mentioned on the tablet. Cameron year (Camb.314). Examination of the prosopographical data which are furnished by the nine documents shows that none (ibid., p. 2oo) is of the opinion that it was not Persepolis but either some place in Media, possibly Ecbatana, or some place of the persons who are mentioned in them turned up in in Babylonia. He naturally had no reason for alternatively Babylonia within less than thirty days before or after the date of any of the transactions in which he or she was involved in considering IHumadeiu. One of the three persons who are mentioned in this document, Pa-at-te(?)-mi-du (perhaps HIumadeiu. Iran. *Pati-vida- or *Pati-a-vida- " the one who offers " or 104 This is what one gathers from Herodotusv, 53. For earlier similar, the meaning was suggested by Dr Gershevitch with periods cf. Hallo, JCS I8, 1964, p. 63, Goetze, ibid., p. i14, reference to Henning, BBB, p. 78 on 641, p. on Adams-Nissen, The Uruk Countryside (Chicago 1972), p. 50o. o104 853-54) is described as a Mede. Of the two remaining persons, a mother This is a maximal estimate, as the route inside Babylonia was and her son, the mother bore the name 'In-duk-ka,possibly mostly over flat land and the journey in question of Itti*Hindukd- " the Indian " (cf. M. Mayrhofer, OnP, 8.513). Marduk-baldtu took place in the dry season (month of May). Her son who was the bailiff of the merchants, bore the name 105The distance from Babylon to Susa is about 375 km. as the crow flies, but the actual route was probably nearer 400 km. Tu-d-tu4 which can be either Elamite or Persian (" mulPersis surely began at some distance east of Susa, so that HIumaberry "? see Hallock, OIP 92, p. 682b, s.v. dudduand cf. the deiu was situated east, south-east, or north-east of that city. personal name Duddu [ibid.]). The fact that no Babylonians are mentioned in this document strengthens the case for its 106 Listed below, (f), Nos. 6, 8-12, 15, 16, 18, 19, 21, 27, 32, having been issued in Iran. Its being written in Babylonian, 34, 40, 42, 44-46, 50. however, makes it likely that the writer or his employer was a 107 These documents are listed in Dandamayev, Rabstvo v Babylonian businessman. Vavilonii,p. 9f. Places in Babylonia consistently have only one and the same 108 Listed below, (f), Nos. 20, 26, 39, 41. o01 determinative, either URU or KUR or KI. The examples for 109 Ibid., Nos. 28-9.
95

between 526 and 522 B.c. contain no less than twenty Iranian names,106 whereas the 1561 documents

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These are the three strongestreasons, apart from the toponym itself, for locating IIumade'u in Iran. In addition, there are some facts in the documents from Humadevu which support the location in Persis inasmuch as they suggest that Humadevu lay outside Babylonia. The first fact is the statement in Nos. 4 and 8 that the debtor, Itti-Marduk-balttu descendant of Egibi, would repay the debts in Babylon at a named date to Iqila brother of the creditor Mardukguma-usur. This undertakingmay be taken as evidence for the remotenessof tIumadevu from Babylon; Marduk-suma-usurwould have had to absent himself from Hjumadesufor quite a long time in order personally to pay his brother Iqila. The second fact is that in four of the seven Cambyses documents from iHumadesu, the ruler is referred to as " king of lands " (Nos. I, 2, 4, 6). The fuller title " king of Babylon, king of lands " is given only in Nos. 3 and 8. Of these, the latter was possibly written by the same scribe as wrote the document No. 2. In No. 5, which as we saw, refers to Cambyses, only the word " king " is used. Thus the title " king of Babylon " was omitted by the scribes in five documents out of a total of seven. Personal examination of the tablets suggests that the omission of the king's name and title in No. 5 was due to lack of space. In the other documents, the omission was not due to lack of space. It seems that our scribes did not mind omitting the title " king of Babylon ". In Babylonia, by contrast, the title " king of Babylon " is infrequently omitted.10 In the case of the Smerdis document from Humadesu (No. 9), it is assumed here that the omission of the title " king of Babylon " has a very special significance. This will be discussed below (pp. 74-5). As a third fact, one may adduce certain indications pointing to the existence of a more or less closed circle of Babylonians in HIumade'u,such as one would not normally expect to find in Babylonia itself: scribe of Nos. 6 and 9 was not a professionalscribe."12The same is probably true of the other three scribes, as they wrote carelessly and left out words. These three scribes are the scribe of Nos. 2 and 3, the scribe of No. 4 and the scribe of No. 8 (Nos 5 and 7 do not name their scribes); (3) only seven out of the forty-two individuals mentioned in the HIumadevu documents occur elsewhere, and of two of these this is not even quite certain;113 (4) of the participants in the HIumade'utransactions detailed in Nos. 2, 6, 8 and 9, IHabasiruacted as witness in No. 4 and Marduk-Vuma-usur No. 6; and (5) in all the three money-loans recorded in the documents from Humade'u (Nos. 4, 8, 9) were made among three Babylonians. On the other hand, one would not normally expect to find in Iran a Babylonian royal official or a Babylonian scribe of the treasury-house(No. 5). There may have been special reasons for that: the Babylonian royal official may have acted as adviser to Babylonian businessmen. As for the scribe, we saw above that Babylonian scribes, though they are not said to be scribes of treasury houses, are mentioned in the Persepolisfortification tablets (see p. 70 with nn. 97-98 above). (d) Egibi outside Babylonia At least six out of the nine documents issued in Humadesu (Nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 8, 9) record transactions of the Babylonian business firm of Egibi. This may explain why most of the documents appear to have been found in Babylonia."4
110

(I) One document (No. I) was written by a participant in the relevant transaction;111

(2) the

In saying this I am counting Neirab in northern Syria as part Tallqvist, NBN, p. 144). of Babylonia in Cyrus and Cambyses' reigns and at the 113 The five certain ones are: (I) Itti-Marduk-baldtu son of beginning of the reign of Darius I. The title " king of BabyNabl-ahbh8-iddina descendant of Egibi, (2) Nabi-'uma-iddina lon " is omitted in the only two Cambyses documents issued son of guld descendant of (Ea-)Epel-ilni (see the preceding there (RA 25, 1928, No. 20 [pp. 64, 76 and 80] and No. 22 footnote), (3-5) the three female slaves who are mentioned in Nos. 2 and 6. The two uncertain ones are (6) Habasiru son of [pp. 65, 76 and 80]). It is found in the only Darius document we have from Neirab and in which the year is not preserved Ni-qu-du if he is to be identified with Habasiru son of Ni-qu-tu (ibid., No. 27 [pp. 67, 81 and 82]. On the satrapy of Syria and (Dar. 263.11I, from Babylon); and Iddina son of Nabiiin ahhE-iddina LU0a-li-bu if he is to be identified with the descenMesopotamia see O. Leuze, Die Satrapieneinteilung Syrienund im Zweistromlande 520-320 dant of Egibi who bore the same name and patronym von (Halle 1935), esp. pp. 66 ff. Pfandrecht, i if., n. 28c. (brother of Itti-Marduk-balatu, see p. 73 below) and is never p. 11 Cf. H. Petschow, Neubabylonisches 112 Nabci-iuma-iddina son of Suld descendant of (Ea-)epev-ildni; mentioned with any title. in Babylonia he never acted as scribe (for references see 114This is what their collection numbers suggest,

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The descendants of Egibi formed a business firm (" bank ") in Babylon in the years 690-480 B.c. Itti-Marduk-baldtu, son of Nabu-ah4h-iddina, descendant of Egibi (? 575-520 B.c.), the most important figure of the Egibi documents of his time,115 active in Iran during the reigns of Cyrus, Cambyses was and presumably Smerdis. His brother, Iddina, was active there during the reign of Cyrus and possibly Cambyses, and their relative Nabfi-mukin-apli was perhaps active there during the reign of Smerdis (see p. 75 below). Iran was the only country outside Babylonia where the Egibis did business. IttiMarduk-balitu acted during Cyrus's reign in Ecbatana in the years 537/36116 and 533/32 B.C.117 In addition, he acted in two settlements which may be located in Iran because their names are Iranian:

the sources indicate that Persian royal establishmentswere situated inside them; one may assume the same for URUAh-ld-a-nu typologically the Iranian meanings of all three are closely related. By conas trast, the dramatic meaning of i-ra-zu-me-ta-nu would hardly be expressed in Iranian language by Babylonians on Babylonian soil at a mere two years after the Achaemenian conquest, while

Iran. *Abi-s/JtdnaIran. *X3dna- " domain ",129 URUA-ba-as-ta-nu,l10 exceptions are URUAh-4d-a-nu,l2s " estate " or sim.131 and perhaps URUA-ma-nu,132 Iran. *Xvahana- " settlement ".133 For the latter two,

mentioned two years later.'21 A further place which, to judge from its name, lay in Iran was KURA-sui.e. Iran. *Asura-(ra)ukana-,123 where Itti-Marduk-balatu's brother, Iddina, made a ur-uk-ka-nu,122 transaction in the year 537/36. It is true that Iranian toponyms are found also in Achaemenian Babylonia, but there with three exceptions, they are defined in Semitic terms, by prefixing bitu " estate, settlement "124 Or ndru or " canal ",125 or by adding a/u-a by way of Aramaic nisba,126 by both means combined.127The three

" URUU-ra-zu-me-ta-nu 537/36)118 i.e. * Vardza-maiOana- the abode of the boars" and Tah-ma-ak-kaKI (in which is i.e. * Taxmaka-.120The latter is perhaps identical with the place Ta-hu-ma-ak-ka (in 538/37),"9

1xxOn the house of Egibi see R. Bogaert, Les Originesantiquesde la (Parpola, AOAT 6, p. 24). Arazu is perhaps Iran. *RazuBanquede Dip6t (Leiden 1966), pp. o5ff. with previous lit. (Dr Gershevitch who compares Av. razura-" forest ", Air. Wb., 116 Cyr. 6o, cf. Cameron, OIP 65, p. 200, n. 17. i515, MPers. rzwr, Henning, BSOS 9, 1937, p. 87) with NA x17 Cyr. 227 (issued in the military camp in KURA-il-ta-am-mu prosthetic a- as in the toponym Arali for Rads(Parpola, AOA T which, in my opinion, is a Semitic toponym and hence is to 6, pp. 23f.). This is proposed here with all due reserve, as I am be sought somewhere in the borderland between Media and in no position to rule out the possibility that A-ra-zu-z-a is related to the NB/LB family name Sarru-A-ra-zu-ul/(Tallqvist, Babylonia. I shall deal with the name elsewhere). 118 Cyr. 37.12. NBN, p. 20oa). For the ending cf. LB La-ar-su-a (GCCI 2, 119 Cyr. 29.12. 398.4). 120 Probably -ka- extension of a PN *Taxma-, cf. Av. taxma- 127 URUBUt LUPar-ri-sa-a-a (BE 10o, 1ro.3), same as Par/Pa-ar" strong ". sa-a-a " Persian ", with anaptyxis (see Grantovskiy, RIIP, 121Cyr. 131.4 (written without determinative). p. 74, despite Eilers, ZDMG 94, 1940, P. 202, n. 4 in fine; for 122 the spelling cf. n. 45 above). Cyr.58.7. " to Av. asura- " tusk" 123Dr Gershevitch; lit. " tusk-whitish 128 BE Io, 54.3 (from 423/22 B.c., probably near Nippur). and Ved. roka- " light " with haplology and n-suffix. For 129 See my forthcoming article in Israel OrientalStudies6, 1976. " tusk " in toponyms cf. Ask, name of a peak in Gh6r (V. 130 E.g. BE io, 64-5, PBS 2/1, 193-5, I1. It was situated on the Sin- migir Canal not far from Nippur and is probably identical Minorsky, Iranica [Tehran I964], p. 21o with n. 2), which Dr Gershevitch compares with NP alk,yalk " tusk " in view of with URUA-ba-e.-ta-nu (PBS 2/I, 87.6). Bashkardi alk " white hill " and the Bashkardi toponym 131See art. cit. in n. 129 above. 132An. Or. 8, 67.9, 12, GCCI 2, 120.8, Moore, Michigan Coll., Aik5n (JRCAS 46, 1969, p. 216, No. 9). For "whiteness/ light " in toponyms cf. Arab. Baildd replacing Iran. Nisd 89.33, TOS 7, 86.3, I23.17, I29.7. All these documents (Gershevitch, Iran io, 1972, p. 125). belong to the Achaemenian period, see San Nicol6, Ar. Or. 124 E.g. URUBit(t) mBa-ga-'-da-a-ti(BE 9, 65-3, 427/26 B.C.) near 17/2, 1949, PP. 325ff. The reading could just as well be Nippur which was named after a certain Bagaddta and Bit A-ba-nu, in which case the toponym would be Semitic, agreeing with the personal name A-ba-ni (e.g. PRU 6, 3, iii. 13, Za-ab/p-ra-ga-nu(TCL 13, 222.2, undated) which was possibly located not far from Babylon (not near Erech as suggested i.e. 'ab " father " plus the hypocoristic suffix -dn) and the topoby Unger, Babylon, pp. 68, 90). The latter toponym was nym Ndr A-ba-ni in ABL 781, r. 5 on the frontier of Elam named after a person (the Personenkeilis often omitted in which was inhabited by West Semites, both of which, however, are attested centuries earlier. personal names found in toponyms). Zab/praganulooks identical with the Iranian name spelt in Greek Zappsydyv, on 133According to Henning (BSOAS 14, 1952, P. 520), OIran. which see Gershevitch, TPS i969, p. I99 with lit. As the *dvahana- (OP avahana-,possibly Humanulin Elamite renderdocument is undated, it may well be post-Achaemenian by ing, see OIP 92, p. 698a, s.v.) has become dwdn in Middle which time VkV has already shifted to VgV. Cf. also ZdOpacyog Iranian (represented by the toponym 'wwn' in Syriac). in Tanais (Justi, INB, p. 377). Henning's explanation was rejected by Altheim and Stiehl 125 E.g. Ndr Ui-ta-nu (BE 9, 65.8, from 427/26 B.c.) near Nippur. (Acme 8, 1955, P. 24), but Rundgren (Orientalia Suecana 126 URUA-ra-zu-_-a (BE 10, 43-5), name of a place near Nippur, 14-15, 1965/66, p. 77f.) has shown that their rejection is unfounded. may be derived from the place-name A-ra-zu in Media

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A-su-ur-uk-ka-nu Tah-ma-ak-ka disqualified at such early a period from being in Babylonia by and are their definition as KUR, KI.134 No data from the relevant documents contradict the proposed location of Urazumetanu Tatimakka and Asurukkanuin Iran.135It is noteworthy that Itti-Marduk-balitu was the scribe of Cyr.37 issued at (see Taemakka,'36and Iddina the scribe of Cyr.58 issued at Asurukkanu. As in the case of HIumadevu above, p. 71), the shortage of scribes supports a location of these two places outside Babylonia. We now turn to the businesstransactionsconducted by the Egibis in Iran. In Ecbatana, iHumadelu and the three settlements, the Egibis dealt mainly with Babylonians, hence most of the debts were due for repayment in Babylon. As we saw above (p. 71), six out of the nine documents from Humade'u (Nos. 2, 3, 6, which record slave-purchasesand Nos. 4, 8, 9, which record loans) belong to the Egibi Archive. Of the other three (Nos. I, 5, 7) all dealing with slave-purchases,the text of No. I is only partly preserved and the purchaser's name is missing. The remaining two documents, Nos. 5 and 7, can be held to offer concrete evidence for belonging to the Egibi archive on two assumptions. The first is that the purchaser Iddina son of Nabs-ahhi-iddina LOa-ji-b/pu, mentioned in No. 5, was identical with the brotherof Itti-Mardukbalitu of the same name and patronym. This is possible if we read, with Dandamayev,137 a-3i-bu (dlibu),i.e. " the resident"138, in which case Iddina may have resided in HIumadeluas head of the local Egibi branch. The second assumption, which concerns No. 7, is that Nabi-zara-iqila father of the purchaser Baga'pada was identical with Nabfi-zra-iqila son of Nabuf-apla-iddina descendant of Egibi, for Nabi-zara-iqisa, son of Nabf-apla-iddina, descendant of Egibi, is one of the witnesses in No. 2 and is not known from any other source. On this assumption, Baga'pada would be a descendant of Egibi's bearing an Iranian name, the only Egibid so far known to have done so. Apart from these two, the only other named purchaserof slaves in the documents (viz. in Nos. 2, 3, 6 and perhaps I) was Itti-Marduk-baldtuhimself. Both Iddina and Baga'pada apparently stood under the jurisdiction of the above-mentioned bailiff of the merchants in Iumadelu (see p. 67), as the latter is a witness in both No. 5 and No. 7, and No. 5 bears his seal-impressionand contains his assurance (probably to a judge) that one-half of the price had already been paid by Iddina. Apart from Itti-Marduk-baldtu, Iddina and Baga'pada, two more Babylonians made transactions in Marduk-Suma-usurand HIabasiru. Marduk-suma-usur son of Apla descendant of rIumadelu, was the only person from whom Itti-Marduk-balatu borrowed money in HIumadeu. Six years BIl-4tir later, in Babylon, Marduk-guma-usur's son, Marduk-iqisanni,lent money to Itti-Marduk-balitu's son, in 518/17 and again in 512/11I B.C.138a The other Babylonian, Habasiru son of Marduk-ndsir-apli, Niqudu, sold to Itti-Marduk-baldtuthree female slaves, a mother and two daughters, one of them an learn from Camb.377 that Itti-Marduk-baldtusold the same three slaves in Babylonia. Still later, on I I.X.523/22, according to No. 6 he resold them in iHumadelu to the same Hlabasirufrom whom he had bought them twenty months earlier, having evidently re-acquired them in Babylonia. But, as No. 6 specifies, a messenger of LHabasiru expected to go to Babylon to collect the slaves.x39 was
infant, in HIumadesu on I5-1524/23 B.c., according to No. 2. Eleven months later, on 5-I1523/22 we

134

In Babylonia KUR is confined to the name of the land Babylonia itself and to some tribal areas within Babylonia inhabited by West Semites, e.g. KURPu-qu-du An. Or. 8, 33.13, in GCCI 2, 149.8 and KURSu-man-dar (Sumandar is mentioned along with other regions inhabited by West Semites in the reign of Tiglath Pileser III, see Unger, Babylon, p. Io6f.). KI at the end of a toponym only defines long-established settlements. In the year 538, one year after the Achaemenian conquest, the Iranian-named place Tahimakka can hardly have been a long-established settlement on Babylonian soil. 1a5There is no evidence that Itti-Marduk-balitu and Iddina were in Babylonia during the three weeks which precede and the three weeks which follow the dates of any of the transactions they conducted in Ecbatana, Urazmetanu, Taihmakka or Asurukkanu. Certain transactions of Itti-Marduk-balitu

were made by his slaves during his absence from Babylon. Itti-Marduk-balatu was the scribe of the document Camb.276 (12.III of Cambyses' fifth year) which was issued in a military camp. 137 Beitrage... (cf. n. 75 above), p. 75. " magical expert" 18a The reading may just as well be LUa.-i-pu (E. Ritter, AS. x6, pp. 299ff.),. "exorcist" (CAD A/2, 429ff.). 138a See Krecher,ZA 61, 1972, p. 256 with nn. 5, 6. 139 See Kohler-Peiser, Rechtsleben p. 39f. and cf. Petschow, 2, Pfandrecht, p. Io, n. 23. If the mother, NVeubabylonisches fMi-sa-tu,, is identical with the fMi-sa-tu, who is mentioned as a slave of Itti-Marduk-baldtu in Babylon on 7.VI.527/26 B.C. (Strassmaier, Liverpool,19), then 1Habasiruwill have bought her twice from him.
116

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According to No. 5, the above-mentioned Babylonian Iddina purchased in Humadesu the female slaves 'Kardara' and 'Patiza' from Razamarma son of Razamumarga' and Aspumetana' son of Asputatika. In No. 7 it is the above-mentioned Babylonian Baga'pada who purchases two male slaves Atar'itra' and Ratakka' from Antumma'. the The document states: " An-tu-um-ma-', of Bar-zu, the LLbalma-gi-ia,140 merchant, has sold son son A-ta-ar-Ji-it-ra-' the slave(s)142 Ba-ga-'-pa-da of Nabi-zara-iqila for 2- minas to (and)141Ra-ta-ak-ka-', who is in of silver. (Witnesses): Ar-ta-ru!-usl43 the bailiff of the merchant(s),'44 A-te-e-a-mu-uS-tu4 the [-mar-'-mi-ra-' LUup-pa-de-tu4 of the dues,145 son of Hu-ma-ga-am-mu-((DI charge Ba-ga-'-si-ru-' U)),-146 (official)'47of Humade'u. Month Tabetu, day I7th, year 7 ".148 In Nos. 5 and 7 both the slaves and their owners bore Iranian names, for which see Section (f) v below. For No. 5, Dandamayev (Rabstvo Vavilonii, 7of.) suggests that these slaves were Iranians, pp. from eastern Iran in one of the wars. Now that we know that Humadesu was in Persis, their brought having Iranian names presents no difficulty, whether they had them as native Iranians or were given Iranian names by Iranian owners. What becomes of interest is that Itti-Marduk-baldtu and other Babylonianswere looking for slaves in iHumade'u. Presumablylarger numbersof prisonersof war were brought to Persis, the heart of the Achaemenian Empire, than to Babylonia. The price paid for slaves in Humadelu was slightly above the average price fetched by Babylonian slaves in Babylonia.149 is The Babylonians were not the only foreigners in HIumadesu. An Elamite (LUE-la-mu-'z) meni.e. *Narya-bigna-,1So as tioned in No. 5. This Elamite bore an Iranian name, Ni-ri-a-bi-ig-nu, just Ba-gi-de-nu (see above, p. 62) bore an Iranian name, and as the son of the Babylonian Nabfi-zracf. iqila bore the Iranian name Ba-ga-'-pa-da,i.e. *Baga-pdta-,1s the Iranian names and patronyms son and of the two pretenders to the kingship of Elam, Martiya son of CinCixriS152 Aiina153 of Upain Persis, there were more In drangma."54 Matezzil, which was probably quite an important town foreign population groups. To the above-mentioned Babylonians,i55one may add the Ba-pi'[ru](?)-iJ (OP Bdbirul" Babylonian "?) who went to Matezzil according to an Elamite document from Persepolis (OIP 92, 1288, no year). Another Elamite document from Persepolis(ibid., 1572, from 503/02 B.C.) mentions Indians in Matezzis. Egyptian workerswere sent to Matezza (on which see p. 69 above) in 500-o01B.C. (ibid., 1547)(e) Egibi's datingin Smerdis Of the nine documents issued in HIumadelu,the only one dated to Smerdis is No. 9. The date of No. 9 is 19.I of Smerdis'sfirst year, i.e. his accession year. Since we have come to the conclusion that
140

Cf. Pinches, Hebraica 8, 189g/92 ad loc.; his translation (ibid.) " the magian" is untenable because "magian" in LB is probably ma-gu-ui (see Eilers, Beamtennamen, 9, n. 1); p. Iranian -u stems do not end with -Ci-ia in LB. 141 u is omitted. 142 The ME? sign is omitted; cf. n. I44 below. 143 See below, Section (f), No. 9. 144 The MES sign is omitted; cf. n. I42 above. 145See CAD G, 82b. 146 The scribe apparently intended to write DI? as the personal determinative of the next name, but as the line ends at this point, he had to write the next name on the following line, having eventually forgotten to erase the DI? sign.

147

See n. 68 above.

148 See p. 58 above.

149

According to No. 5, two female slaves were sold for 24 minas of silver. The same price, 24 minas, was paid according to No. 2 for a female slave and her two daughters, one of whom was still an infant. It is therefore possible that the two daughters were counted as one, or, that the infant did not cost anything, as may be deduced from Camb.377, where the same female slave and her elder daughter are sold for the same price. The price of one slave (male or female) was I mina according to Nos. 5 and 7. The average price of slaves in mina. This is a good Achaemenian Babylonia was x-ij

price; female slaves were usually somewhat cheaper than male slaves. On prices of slaves in Babylonia, see B. Meissner, APAW 1936/1, p. 36. 150 Eilers, ZDMG 94, 1940, p. 202, n. 6, cf. Benveniste, Titres, p. 90. With replacement of a with i by assimilation, cf. LB A-ku-pi-iI for OP Akaufaliya- (El. Ha-ku-pi-is-isa, WO 11/5-6, p. 473). A-ku-pi-i' cannot indicate *Akpfit as taken by Universelle 1974, p. 282, but *Akfftp< *Akatfit. Eilers, Hommage 151 "Protected by God " (cf. the literature listed in Mayrhofer, OnP, 8.I85). The shift of intervocalic voiceless dental to a voiced one is not attested before the fifth century B.C. (see Eilers, ZDMG 90, 1936, p. x73f., n. I and id., Beamtennamen, p. i36f.). 152 See R. Schmitt, BNF NF 6, I971, P. I If. 153 Idem apud Mayrhofer, OnP, p. 290, 1.1.8.3.3. 164 See Herzfeld, API, p. 190 and cf. Gershevitch, AHM, p. 266f. (acc. to Dr Gershevitch [oral communication] " reliable, living up to his pledge "). Differently, Kent, Old Persian, p. I76a, s.v. Upadarma.Note that the scribe who bore the Iranian name Ba-ke-na (PFT 1561, *Bagaina-, see Benveniste, Titres, p. 8o), was perhaps a Babylonian scribe. 155 None of the Babylonian scribes and the bearers of Babylonian names who are mentioned in the Persepolis tablets (see n. Ioo above) seems to have any connection with Matezzil.

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Humadesu lay in Persis (see p. 70 above), we now have to ask whether the Smerdis in question was Gaumata or Vahyazdata. The royal title is given in No. 9 as " king of lands ", just as in most of the Cambyses documents which were issued in Humade'u (see p. 71 above). If the Smerdis in question is Gaumdta, as the Smerdis in the documents from Babylonia,156 then No. 9 is to be dated 19.1.522/21 B.c. and would be the earliest Gaumata document, since the earliest known Smerdis/Gaumita document from Babylonia is from I 11.522/21 (issued in Babylon).157 Babylon did not recognize Smerdis/Gaumata before 24.I.522/21, because Cambyses was still recognized at Sahrinu, a suburb of Babylon, on 23.I.522/2 I.158 Hence Smerdis/Gaumfta was acknowledged in Babylonia between the 23rd day of the first month and an unknown day of the second month, that is to say not less than five days and no more than thirty-nine days after No. 9 attests his acknowledgement in Humade'u. Humadevu would have acknowledged Gaumdta by the fifth day after the beginning of his revolt in Paiviyahuvadi- in Persis (14.XII.523/22 B.c. according to DB, ?1.36f), but Babylon not before the ninth. But the Smerdis (Bar-zi-id)of No. 9 might just as well be Vahyazdata, in which case the date of the document would be I9.1.521/20 B.C.159 If so, always assuming that the omission of the title " king:of Babylon " is significant, the dating of No. 9 would be of even greater interest. Not only would No.' 9 be the only piece of evidence independent of the Bisutimn inscription of Vahyazddta's claim to kingship, but, as the Bisutfin inscription clearly limits that claim to Persis, No. 9 would confirm IIumadelu's location in that province. Within a Vahyazddta dating it would seem that by 19.1.521/20 Itti-Mardukbaldtu had found himself caught in HIumadesuby civil war in Persis. But he was still in Babylon on 2I.IX.522/2I B.C.160 He would hardly have left Babylon before Darius defeated Nidinti-BEl on 2.X.522/2I,161 when the businessman would assume that in journeying from Babylonia to Persis he would be under the sovereignty of one and the same ruler. But one would not expect him to have departed for Persis much later than 2.X because by the I3th of the same month (date of Vahyazddta's first defeat in Arachosia)162 king Vahyazdita must have declared himself BArdiya- of Persis. Had this news reached Itti-Marduk-baldtu while he was still in Babylon, it would have been risky for him to decide to enter a province in which he knew civil war had broken out. Do the contents of No. 9 support our assumption? We think they may. Here follows a translation of the main part of No. 9: " II- minas [Ist debt] of white silver of one-eighth shekel alloy (per shekel) (charged) against Nabi-mukin-apli (together) with a promissorynote of 3 minas and Io shekels of silver drawn against him in [2nd debt],and a promissorynote of 3- minas of silver drawn against him in Addaru T.betu [3rd debt]. Marduk-suma-usurson of Apla descendant of BIl-Etir (has it) against Itti-Marduk-balatu son of Nabfi-ahhE-iddinadescendant of Egibi. From the first day of Iyyaru, this money (namely) I I- minas, will bear interest (lit. ' grow') of I shekel of silver per each mina monthly against him (i.e. to the debtor's burden). Apart from the two formerpromissorynotes (d-il-tia-tu4)l63of 14 minas of silver [4th and5th debts]. (names of three witnesses and the scribe) Humade[vu], month Nisanu, day 19th, year I of Barzia king of lands ". No. 9 shows an accumulation of five debts whose total amounts to 32 minas and Io shekels of silver. The document mentions two debtors: Nabf-mukin-apli and Itti-Marduk-bal4tu. The former is perhaps identical with the son of Nabu- uma-usur the descendant of Egibi,16'in which case he would be Itti-Marduk-balatu'srelative. The reference to Addaru (the twelfth month) for short in the case of the third debt (which is mentioned after a recapitulated note of Tibetu, i.e. the tenth month), despite the year 522/21 having had two Addaru-s, does not have to mean that the Addaru of the year 523/22 (which only had one Addaru) was intended, seeing that the month of issue was Nisanu, the first
156 On these documents see A. Poebel, AJSL 56, 1939, p. 123,

?3.47). Cameron, AJSL 58, I941, p. 3I4f, and Perker-Dubberstein, 160Nbk. 10. 161 See Parker-Dubberstein, 15. p. 14fp. 1'7 ZA 4, I889, p. 147f., No. I. 162 See n. 159 above. 163A pseudo-logogram for u'ildtu. I58 Camb., 409. 159 164Nbn. Vahyazddta's revolt began not later than I3.X.522/21 (DB 750.4, 6. and ended with his execution after 5.IV.521/2o B.c. ?3.39)

(DB

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two relatives exceeds the total of all the recorded debts incurred by Itti-Marduk-baldtiu alone before the issue of No. 9, which, as Nos. 4 and 8 show, amounted to no more than I6 minas and 45 shekels of silver.165 This accumulation of debts suggeststhat the Egibi branch in Humadesu experienced exceptional financial difficulties, such as one would not expect would have arisen if communications with headquarters in Babylon were normal. Isolation from Babylon due to the two brothers being caught in a country in revolt, would attractively account for the accumulation of debts. Another fact may point in the same direction. In Humadesu, Itti-Marduk-balatu borrowedmoney at least four times166 and always from the very same Marduk-'uma-usur. In Nos. 4 and 8, which were issued before No. 9, it is stated that the debtor, Itti-Marduk-balitu, would repay the debts to the creditor's brother Iqila in Babylon, at a named date. In No. 9 no such undertaking was envisaged as would only be natural if HIumadesu was cut off from Babylon by political and military upheaval. Names (f) TheIranian from Ilumadelu The rendering of the Iranian names and words in Babylonian transcriptiondoes not correspond to OP phonetics in respect of four features,namely d, 0, s(s) and ; for OIran. /z/,/, /sp/ and /Or-/respecIs, tively, the only isolated exception is the royal name Artahlassu.This applies also to the Iranian names in the Humadevu documents, which are discussed below.167 (I) A-BA-AS/ES-TA-NU (top.), see p. 72 above.
(2) AH-IA-A-NU (top.), see p. 72 above. (3) A-KU-PI-I' (top.), see n. 150 above. (4) A-MA-NU(top.), see p. 72 above.

month. By Nisanu of the year 521/20 both Addaru-s of 522/21 would have passed, and the fourth and the fifth debts are not specified by date. The total of 32 minas and to shekels of silver incurred by the

(5) AN-4I-IA,see p. 66 above. (6) AN-TU-UM-MA-' (7.1, son of (28)), *Han-tuhma-, to *tux- ()*tuh-168 " strive ", cf. Man. Sogd. 'ndwxs-" strive ", with s extension (BBB, p. 84 on 710, Gershevitch, A Grammar Manichean Sogdian of [Oxford 19541, ?539) and Av. Owaxf-(Air. Wb., 793), i.e. " the striving " (Dr Gershevitch).
(7) AR-TA-A,see n. 65 above. (8) AR-TA-MI-IS-SA (4.I11, son of (I8), *Rta-misa- " he whose thought dwells in truth " (cf. Gershevitch, Studia Pagliaro 2, p. 194, s.v. Irdamila, (Edel-) Mayrhofer, Or. NVS 40, I971, p. 2f.).169 (9) AR-TA-RU!-US (7.9),170 possibly *Rta-rausa- " shining through Arta ", to the base raus- " shine " (Dr Gershevitchwho refers to H. W. Bailey, Prolexisto theBookof Zambasta [Cambridge 1967], p. 307,

s.v. rrausana).The base is synonymouswith rauk-. This explanation is proposedhere in order to identify the name-bearer with Ar-ta-ru-dd, acted as the Iran. *Rta-raufa-(see No. Io), who like Ar-ta-ru!-us bailiff of the merchants (see n. 70 above). The reading Ar-ta-ru-u3so Ar-ta-ru!-us not likely as the is for value u10 for UZ is not found in LB (cf. von Soden-ROllig,Syllabar, No. 214)Peiser, Rechtsleben pp. 67f.). Cf. No. 9 above. 2,
(Io) AR-TA-RU-4 (5.II), *Rta-rauca- " having the light of Arta " (see G. Hiising apud Kohler(1i ) AS-PU-EM-TA-NA-' (5.4, son of No. 12 below), Dr Gershevitch suggests three possibilities: " (I) Aspa-vetana- whose wages (Skt vetana-) are horses " with reference to Tasna 44.18; (2) -dna-

during on horses " = " good horseman "), cf. AHM, p. 192, and S. Insler, TPS, 1971, p. 174. The explanations of Scheftelowitz (adna-patronymic of *Aspa-mita-, "horse-built ", ZDMG 57, 1903, p. I65) and Grantovskiy (*Aspa-avita-, RIIP, p. Ioo, n. 19) require the reading As-pu-mi-ta-na-'. [For further alternatives see Hinz, AltiranischesSprachg., p. 44.]
165

patronymic of *Aspa-mai0a- fighting on horses "); and (3) -dna-patronymic of *Aspa-maita- en(" ("

166 According to No. 4 which mentions a previous note and

No. 4: 12 minas; No. 8: 4 minas and 45 (?) shekels.

168 With x > h.

169

which were already dealt with above.

Nos. 8, 9. t67Only Nos. 6, 8-12, 15, 16, 18, Ig9,21, 27, 32, 34, 40, 42, 44-46 and 50oare from Humadeiu. The determinatives KI, KUR and URU are omitted in the transliterations of the toponyms

It is unlikely that this name in LB transcription represents *Rta-mifa- (cf. Mayrhofer, OnP, 8.589). 170The text has a slightly damaged RU (not as copied by Pinches).

CONNECTIONS (12)

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CENTURY

B.C.

77

AS-PU-TA-TI-KA (5-5, patronym of No. i1 above) contains the same first name-component Nos. 45-46 below). The second name-component may be OInd. tati- " crowd " or similar, i.e. (cf. " having a crowd of horses " (Scheftelowitz, loc. cit.). (13) A-SU-UR-UK-KA-NU (top.), see p. 72 above.

whom fear has been subjugated ". For the first component cf. Gershevitch, StudiaPagliaro2, p. i90, and for the second component Bailey, JRAS 1953, PP- 95ff. The first component may be found in a contracted form in the LB PN A-te-ba-ga-' (Moore, Michigan Coll., 396.1, 4, 9, the second component is either baga-" God " or the deity Baga-). probably (17) BA-GA-A,see n. 65 above. " (18) BA-GA-A-KA-MU (4.12, patronym of No. 8 above), *Baga-kdma- following God's (or Baga-'s)
wish " (cf. Benveniste, Titres, p. 79).
(20) (21)

(14) AS-GAN-DU (etc.), see p. 64 above. " cf. Av. Atar.viiOra- descended, originated from fire" (15) A-TA-AR-SI-IT-RA-' *ttr-6i6ra-, and cf. also the Avestan personal names JAtra. iO0ra- 2Atr2.6i0ra-, ibid., 318). (Air. Wb., 317, (7"3), " as (16) A-TE-E-A-MU-US-TU4 (7.9) Dr Gershevitch suggests *XOiya-viJta- inverted bahuvrikhi,he by

see (19) BA-GA-'-PA-DA (7.6), *Baga-pdtd-, p. 74 above.

BA-GA-A-PA-NA (Camb. 316.3, 7, I1), *Baga-pdna- (cf. Benveniste, loc. cit.).
BA-GA-'-SI-RU-'

(7.11, son of No. 32 below), *Baga-srava- " having glory from God ", cf. Eilers, Afo 17, 1954/56, p. 332. The name is spelt in LB also Ba-ga-'-sa-ru-d (Dar. 105.2, 4, 5, 296.2, 534-3, 6) and Ba-ak-ka-su-ru-z4 (Dar. 527-4, same person as the preceding).x71
(22) BA-GA/GI-RA-AP(-PA), see n.

7 above.

(23) BA-GI-'-A-ZU, see p. 67 above. (24) BA-GI-DE-NU, see p. 62 above. (25) BA-GI-IN-DU-lT, see p. 66 above. (26) BA-GU-UN-DU, see p. 67 above. (27) BAR-ZU (7.2, patronym of No. 6 above), *Brza- " high " (thematicized). (28) BIT mBA-GI-E-SU (TOS 7, 149.8), *Baga-isa-(see Grantovskiy,RIIP, p. 316). (29) BIT IH-SE-E (YOS 7, 149-13, I4), *Xlaya- " ruler ". (30) BiT LUPAR-RI-SA-A-A (top.), see n. 127 above. (31) BIT ZA-AB/P-RA-GA-NU (top.), see n. 124 above. (32) JHU-MA-GA-AM-MU (7.12, patronym of No. 21 above), *Hva-gdma-"striding beautifully" (cf. n. 146 above). (33) 'IN-DUK-KA, see n. 100 above.

(34)

p. 149). (35) Ku-UR-RA-id, see p. 63 above. (36) MAD-BAN-NI/NU, see p. 66 above. (37) MAR-DU-16, p. 62 above.

fKA-AR-DA-RA-'

" Sprachg., (5.6), *Kdra-ddrd- having work" (?) (see flinz, Altiranisches

(38) MAR-ZA-', see p. 62 above.

(39) NA-B/PU(-4-)GU, *Ndb/fa-auga (or with haplology, *Ndb/fa-bauga).172 (40) NI-RI-A-BI-IG-NU (5. 17), see p. 74 above. (41) PAR-NA-AK-KA (An. Or. 8, 67.8), *Farnaka-.173 (42) fPA-TI-ZA-' (5-7), Dr Gershevitch suggests *Pati-izd- " the desirous "or similar with thematization of iz-, cf. Av. albiz- (adjective, also fem., Air. Wb., 94)-

(43)

PA-AT-TE(?)-MI-DU, see n. IOO above.

171

See Dandamayev, GedenkschriftW. Brandenstein(cf. n. 95 above), p. 235f. Von Soden-Rollig (Syllabar, No. 15) postulated here the value gal,, for KA. There is only one more example where Iran /g/ is rendered by LB k, Ku-bar-rafor OP Gaubaruva(VAB 3, P. 97, NRc i) which is usually rendered

172

in LB as Gu-bar-ru-'. See Zadok, IIJ 17, 1976 (forthcoming). 17aCf. Eilers, ZDMG 94, 1940, p. 202, n. 4, Benveniste, Titres, p. 90.

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afford " (Air. Wb., 1518), i.e. " the granted ", a meaning which may suit a slave as its bearer indeed

(44) RA-TA-AK-KA (7.4), -ka- extension of a retrenched name to the past participle of rd- " grant,

was. Alternatively, the name may have been a -ka- extension of a retrenched name to rala- " chariot "
(Air. Wb., 15o6, cf. Benveniste, Titres, p. 92). (45) RA-ZA-AM-AR-MA (5.2, son of No. 46 below) may render *Razma-arva- " swift, brave (*arva)174 in battle (*razma(n)-, cf. Eilers Neujahrsfest, p. 24, n. I, Benveniste, Titres, p. 87, s.v. Mahuradma)".

" Alternatively *Razma-arma- firm, tranquil (cf. Av. arma&, armoi)in battle ", or, as Dr Gershevitch " the arm (arma-,cf. -bdzu-in personal names, Benveniste, Titres,p. Ii15f.) of the battle ". suggests, (46) (5-3, patronym of No. 45 above), possibly *Razma-hu-arga- " wellRA-ZA-AM-tS-MAR-GA-' worthy (Dr Gershevitch, cf. Av. arag-, Air. Wb., I91) in battle ". The fact that Nos. II-I2

and 45-46

had the same name-elements in their names and patronyms may point to a family tradition. (47) TAH/TA-HU-MA-AK-KA (top.), see p. 72 above. (48) TU-NA-A, see p. 67 above.
(49) TU-6-TA4, see n. IOOabove. (50) LY-MAR-'-MI-RA-' (7.I3), possibly *Hu-vdra-v`ra- " having good-willed slaves" (to Av. 2vdra-, Air. Wb., 1411).
0 (51) -RA-ZU-ME-TA-NU (top.), see p. 72 above."17

Iran. -rv- is rendered by LB -rm- in Pa-ar-mar-ti-i' for OP Fravarti- and Ta-ar-ma-' for OP Tdravd- (Weissbach, VAB 3, pp. 153, 155). "'1 In addition to the individual suggestions attributed above,
114

I would like to thank Dr Gershevitch for many discussions of the matters considered in this paper, in the course of which both the presentation and the substance of the arguments have been greatly improved.

THE MADRASA AL-GHIYASiYYA AT KHARGIRD1 By BernardO'Kane

The madrasa at Khargird was finished in the last years of Shah Rukh's life. His reign, as with that of his father Tim-ir and his son Ulugh Beg, had been marked by architectural patronage on a lavish scale. Shah Rukh died in 850/1447 and Ulugh Beg three years later. Their successorsin Transoxiana and Khurasan showed comparatively little interest in architecture. The only building on a comparable scale in the Turkoman-ruledwestern provinces was the Blue Mosque of Tabriz, completed in 870/1465Thus to a certain extent the Khargird madrasa stands at the end of an era, as the last great surviving monument of the Timurid rulers. Location BuildingHistory. Khargird is situated 3 km. south-east of Khvaf. It can be reached by and road from the town of Tayabdd on the main Mashhad-Herat road. Transcriptions and translations of the main inscriptions have been published by Sykes and Herzfeld.2 The foundation inscription at the back of the entrance aivan gives the titles of Shah Rukh, the name of the founder Pir Ahmad b. Ishaq b. Majd al-Din Muhammad al-Khv~fi and the date 848/1444. Ghiyds al-Din Pir Ahmad Khvafi was one of Shah Rukh's vazirs from 820/1417 to the end of Shah Rukh's reign. A short biography is contained in Khvand Amir's Dastliral- Vuzard',3 which says " the madrasa which is situated in the province of Khvaf is to be numbered among his works ".4 In the blind niche to the right of the entrance aivan is written " By the care of the humble slave Khvija Pir Ahmad Raihin ".5 At the back of the west aivan a panel relates how the madrasa was built by the deceased master Qavim al-Din ShirazIand finished by Ghiyas al-Din Shirazi in 846/1442. Qavam al-Din was the chief architect of Shah Rukh's court. He died in 842/1438.6 The architect Ghiyas al-Din is not known to have signed any other work. Why did Pir Ahmed Khvafi build the madrasa in the obscure village of Khargird rather than in the larger town of Khvaf? A possible explanation is the wish to perpetuate a tradition of learning which had been founded in the nearby Nizimiyya.7 In recent years the brickwork of the madrasa has been repaired and partly restored under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture.
1 For al-Din previous literature see the references under brand for making many valuable comments on a first draft of Shirdzi in L. A. Mayer, Islamic Architectsand Their Works this article, Mr. L. P. Elwell-Sutton for identifying the inGhiy.s (Geneva 1956), especially E. Diez, Churasaniche Baudenkmiiler scriptions and Mr. G. Smith who contributed to the drawings (Berlin I918), pp. 72-6, pls. 31-4, and E. Herzfeld, " Damasof Figs. 3-5. Mr. Ddneshdfist of the Khurasan office of the cus: Studies in Architecture-II ", Ars Islamica X National Society for the Conservation of Historic Monuments (i94i), pp. 20-2, fig. 42. See also: C. E. Yate, Khurasanand Sistan of Iran kindly gave permission to publish the plans which form (London I900), p. 129; G. A. Pugachenkova, Iskusstvo the basis of Figs. I and 2. 2 P. M. Sykes, " Historical Notes in Khurasan ", JRAS Afganistana (Moscow 1963), PP. 158-62; D. Hill and 0. (I9Io), and Grabar, Islamic Architecture its Decoration(2nd ed. London pp. I149-50; Herzfeld, op. cit., pp. 21-2. Sykes is inaccurate. 1967), p. 68, col. pl. I, figs. 588-90; D. Hill, "Journey to Herzfeld is correct apart from the omission of b.s'y after q.rdnin Jam ", Apollo LXXXIV (1966), p. 394; L. Golombek, The his transcription of the foundation inscription. 3 Ed. Sa'id Nafisi TimuridShrineat Gazur Gah (Toronto 1969) ; eadem," Palace in (Tehran 1317/1938), pp. 353-7. a Tepe ", RotundaWinter (1972), p. 40; eadem,in J. Sourdel4 Ibid., p. 354Thomine and B. Spuler, Die Kunst des Islam (Berlin 1972), 5 According to Pope, Survey,p. I 127, the name reads Khvaija PP. 342-3; eadem," Khargird Revisted ", Memorial Volume b. Ahmad. The inscription is now in a poor condition, for A. U. Pope (forthcoming); N. Mishkati, Fihrist-i bindhd-yi but in Raih.n any case neither of the two names correspond with any tdrikhiva amdkin-ibdstdnt-yi Irdn (Tehran 1345 A.S.H.), p. 65; person of the period yet identified. S. and H. Seherr-Thoss, Design and Colourin IslamicArchitecture ' For a discussion of the buildings of Qavim al-Din, see Golom(Washington 1968), pls. 70-4; A. U. Pope, PersianArchitecture bek, GazurGah, pp. 60-2; for literary references see ibid., p. 76 (London 1965), pp. I98-9, pl. VIII, figs. I92-3, 259-60; n. 33. Persian Architecture idem, Introducing (London 1971), pp. 79-80. 7 Diez, op. cit., pp. 71-2; Herzfeld, op. cit., pp. 16-19; A. I would like to thank Tony and David Gye, Oliver Barratt and Godard, " La Nizdmiye de Khargird ", Athr-e Irdn IV (1949), Robert Hillenbrand for their help in recording the monument pp. 68-83. in September I973. I would also like to thank Robert Hillen-

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Brief Description (Figs. 1-4). The entrance faqade faces north-east. For convenience the entrance faqade will be referred to as facing east and other directions altered accordingly. The madrasa consists of a courtyard with four aivans with living chambers in two stories between them. At the four corners of the courtyard are domed rooms, also in two stories. Preceding this is an entrance complex consisting of two large domed rooms, the one to the north serving as a mosque, that to the south as a lecture-hall, with a vestibule in between and a domed room above it. Exterior (Pls. Ia and Vb). The madrasa stands free on all sides, unrelated to the modest mud-brick domestic dwellings near it. It is one of the few large free-standing Iranian Islamic buildings whose exterior is totally covered with decorative revetment.8 This is largely done by means of banai-technique9 whereby large areas of wall surface were covered in the Timurid era.'x Perhaps the best description of this method is given by M. B. Smith: " [A] core is encrusted with a thin revetment of smoothly

Fig. I. Ground-plan(partly after Mashhad ConservationOffice). Large free-standing buildings are rare in all periods, because most buildings were sited in urban areas where space was in short supply. Caravanserays, the obvious exceptions, had no such limitations. Other exceptions, e.g. Timfir's buildings in Samarqand, may have been brought about when rulers were strong enough to order clearance of any existing structures on a site. Cf. Clavijo's description of the destruction of houses in Samarqand to make way for a road ordered by Timiir, and his subsequent peremptory dismissal of claims for compensation. (Embassy to Tamerlane,trans. G. Le Strange (London 1928), pp. 278-80). 9 For the use of this term, see Golombek, GazurGah, pp. 58-9. 10 For an early example, see the Shrine of Ahmad Yasavi, Turkestan (799/1397), Hill and Grabar, op. cit., figs. 104-9.

THE

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81

rubbed, under-baked brick laid in ga? mortar, in even courses with precise bonding, the horizontal joints carefully raked, and the rising joints minute ".11 The bricks of the core at Khargird measure c. 25 x 25 6 cm. The Entrance Fafade (Fig. 3). The facade is divided visually into three main sections: the central corner aivin, the group of three flanking niches and the corner towers. This combination of pish .tdq, towers and intervening wall is familiar from such Saljaiq buildings as the caravanserays of Daya Khttfin and Ribat-i Sharaf,12and was re-employed in the Timurid period with varying degrees of emphasis on the three constituentsin the earlier buildings of the Shrine of Ahmad Yasavi ( 397 A.D.), the Mosque of Bibi Khinum in Samarqand (1399-1404 A.D.) and the shrine at Gazur Gdh.13 In the latter two examples the central aivdn projects laterally as well as vertically from the fa?ade, as at Khargird. A decorative revetment, now missing, was applied to the lower portions of the fagade at Khargird. On the aivdn the mortar14to which the revetment was applied shows hexagonal imprints indicating

plan (partly after Mashhad ConservationOffice). Fig. 2. Upper-storey xx" Material for a corpus of Early Iranian Islamic Architecture II: Mandr and Masdjid, Barsian (Isfahdn) ", Ars Islamica IV (1937), P. i6. 12 See respectively Pribytkova, PamyatnikiArkhitektury Veka v XI Turkmenii (Moscow 1955), P. 50, and A. Godard, "Khorqsin", Irn IV (I949), i. Athdr-d PP. 7-68, fig. See respectively Hill and Grabar, op. cit., fig. Io9; E. Ratiya, Mechet' Bibi-Khanym (Moscow 1950), p. 83; Golombek, Gazur Gah, fig. 6. 14This is c. 13 cm. thick.

13

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Fig. 3. Entrancefagade: elevation.

that the original design was hexagonal in character, possibly like that of the dado of the mosque. The large rectangular imprints in the mortar on the fagade of the entrance-complex would seem to indicate the former presence of a lower casing of marble (P1. IIc) like the Shrine at Gazur Gah.15 At the back of the aivdn the foundation inscription follows the contour of the aivdn arch (P1. IIa). This is an unusual shape and location for a foundation inscription, which normally follows the rectangular shape of the portal-screen. In the Masjid-i Gauhar Shad (1418 A.D.) in Mashhad which was also built by Qavam al-Din, an inscription in the sanctuary aivdn also follows the contour of the aivan arch,'x but there it is secondary in importance to the foundation inscription which is situated on the portal screen of the aivin. The importance of this will be discussed later. The sides of the aivan are decorated in inset-technique, with an outer border of mosaic-faience.17 Inset-technique " refers to patterns composed of a series of plaques which are themselves made up of mosaic-faience, majolica, or bisque tiles ".1s Lozenge-shaped plaques with Alldhexecuted on them are arranged so that an octagon, the basic unit, is formed when their corners are joined. Two eightpointed stars are inscribed within this octagon (Fig. 5a-c). A bevel of mosaic-faiencesoftens the transition from the aivan to the portal-screen. An inscription in mosaic-faienceonce ran around the outer edge of the screen (Pl. IIc). The spandrelswere decorated with mosaic-faience; the imprints on the plaster indicate that a circular motif once occupied the centre of each spandrel.19 The outer sides of the aivan, where it projects from the fa?ade, are decorated in banai-technique. On either side of the entrance aivin is a group of three niches decorated in mosaic-faienceand banaitechnique of bold lozenge pattern. A mosaic-faience inscription once ran above them. In the central niche on each side the banai-technique pattern follows the contour of the arch, framing the entrance and window into the domed room behind. This distinctive treatment is foreshadowed in the entrance to the mausoleum in the Shrine of Ahmad Yasavi (799/1397), the Shrine at Gazur Gah and the Mausoleum of Gauhar Shad, K-ihsdn (844/1440-I).20 This feature at Khargird has more visual impact than

the earlier examples cited, but it may be seen as a development from them.
16

Golombek, Gazur Gah, fig. 6. Cf. the mosque at Taydbhd in Hill and Grabar, op. cit., fig. 171. 16Survey, 431. pl. 17 Colour illustration in Seherr-Thoss, op. cit., pl. 71. 18 Golombek, Gazur Gah, p. 59. 19This was not always the case with Timurid aivans. For examples of spandrel mosaic-faience decoration with no

20

central emphasis, cf. Yazd, Masjid-i Mir Chaqmiq (840-1/ 1436-7), Survey,p1. 440, and the west aivdn at Gfzur Gah, 0. von Niedermayer, Afghanistan(Leipzig 1924), pl. 170. See respectively Hill and Grabar, op. cit., fig. I Io; Golombek, GazurGah, fig. 6; G. A. Pugachenkova, " Les Monuments Peu Connus de l'Architecture M6dievale de l'Afghanistan ", AfghanistanXXI (1968), p. 33-

Fig. 4. Section.

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aivan. on Fig. 5 a-c. Revetment entrance

The lower section of each corner tower is octagonal.21 Eace face has an arcuated panel of banaitechnique, with underglaze-painted tiles in the spandrels (P1. IId). The panels are separated from each other by wedge-shaped bricks which stand clear from the surface; their horizontal joints are slightly larger than usual and unpointed, giving an effect of rustication. A course of thin marble slabs separates the lower octagonal from the upper cylindrical part of the towers. The upper part is divided into pointed cross-shaped fields by banai-techniquein which the bricks, like the wedge-shaped ones below, are unpointed and have comparatively large horizontal joints. It is almost as if decorative brickworkwere being rediscovered,the effect obtained recalling that of Saljiiq brickwork.22The brickwork here, however, serves primarily as a framework for the enclosed tiles, of which only fragments remain. The corner towers of the Ulugh Beg Madrasa, Ghujdavan (836/1433), are solid and of the same height as the faCade.23Those of Khargird are also solid and are unlikely to have been much taller. The towers served no functional purpose and their appearance only on the entrance fagade24 emphasizes their decorative role as a decisive visual accent at each end of the facade. The Lateral Fafades. At the eastern extremities of the lateral facades a tall and narrow blank niche the corner towers from the recessed side entrances to the mosque and lecture-hall (P1. IId). separates The pattern of the banai-techniqueon the sides of the south entrance is one of interlocking lozenges, like that on the corner towers. The north entrance, however, has the words Alldh and Muhammad addorsed in large rectangular Kufic. The reason for this dichotomy is of course that the sacred names proclaim the entrance to the room which is the mosque. The doorway and window of these entrances are framed in banai-techniquein which the pattern follows the contour of the arch. It will be remembered that of the three entrances in the entrance two also were framed by similar designs and the third, the central aivdn, had an inscription facade,followed the same contour. It can be seen then that this contour which applied to two-dimensional revetment is here given iconographic meaning as an entrance. It also serves to emphasize the identification of the lateral entrances with the east fagade and entrance-complex-as at Gazur Gah " aesthetically and functionally the entrance-complex is a self-contained building ".25 The rest of the lateral facades are given comparatively simple decorative treatment (P1.Vb). The wall is divided into a series of large, shallow blind niches. Three of these niches on either side are pierced by the doorways and windows of the north and south aivins and the corner rooms of the courtyard (Fig. I). Otherwise the niches do not reflect the architecturalfunction of the rooms behind them; they serve merely to give interest to what would otherwise be a flat wall. They are decorated in in banai-technique which the main pattern is essentially one of interlocking hexagons.
21

22

Polygonal bases for towers and minarets are the rule rather than the exception in Timurid architecture, e.g. those of the Shrine of Ahmad Yasavi, Turkestan, the Mosque of Bibi Khdnum, Samarqand, the Mosque and Madrasa of Gauhar Shad, Herat, and the Shrine at Gazur Ggh. See Hill and Grabar, op. cit., figs. o07, 39, 132-3For a similar rusticated effect, cf. the minaret of the Y5qitiyya Madrasa, Erzurum, c. 13IO A.D., Hill and Grabar, op. cit.,

23 Hill and Grabar, op. cit., fig. I24. The decoration in banai-

fig. 341I

24

25

technique on the summit of these towers is complete, showing that they were originally no higher than they are now (personal observation). As at Gdzur GTh; see Golombek, Gazur Gah, fig. I. Ibid., p. 22.

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TheRearFafade. The rear of the madrasawas articulated through the rectangle of the bid-girin the centre and semi-octagonal projections from the corner rooms. The south-west corner room is partly destroyed (P1.Vc); only wedge-shaped stumps remain of the projection of the north-west corner room. The exterior of the bdd-gir given special decorative emphasis with bold banai-technique is patterns and columns. Engaged columns were also used at the corners of the rear facade (Pl. Vb). In engaged Transoxiana engaged columns were widely used on the outer and inner edge of portal screens. Qavim al-Din seems to have abjured this use of them-they appear neither in the Mosque of Gauhar Shad Shad in Herat.27 The columns on the Mausoleum were applied to a right-angled substructure-as are those of Khargird.28 The Exterior-Conclusions. The entrance fagade has the most imposing decoration of the exterior, mosaic-faience and inset-technique as well as banai-technique. However, its impressiveness using derives more from the grouping of its individual architectural elements-aivdn, niches, towers and domes. Superficially, the fa?ade may resemble that of the Shrine at Gazur Gah. There the faqade reads ABBBBCBBBBA.29 Khargird we have ABCBDBCBA.30A strong accent, the central unit of At three niches, is interposed between the corner towers and central aivdn, providing a carefully measured visual crescendo towards the centre of the fa?ade. The two niches flanking the aivin are also subtly differentiated from their counterparts beside the corner towers. They are not only slightly wider but deeper-a distinction especially illuminated by the slanting shadows of the morning sunlight (P1. Ia). The horizontality of the faqade-in marked contrast to such a building as the Madrasa of Ulugh Beg in Samarqand-is emphasizedby the low profile of the domes and the inscription band which ran above the three niches on either side. The Entrance Complex:Interior.The main importance and interest of the entrance complex and of the domed corner rooms of the courtyard is in their vaulting techniques. It is hoped to make these the subject of a furtherarticle which will also deal with the Masjid-i Maulana of Tayabad. For the moment therefore the vaulting of these areas will receive detailed presentation only in the figures and plates. The vestibule (P1. IIb and Fig. I) is vaulted by a squinch-net supporting a sixteen-sided dome of low profile. One may note its lack of wall space, affirming its conception as a place through which one passed to arrive somewhere else-the mosque, lecture-hall or aivAn. In the domed room above the vestibule tripartite squinches with mortar ribs covered with white plaster lead to an unusual twentysided dome (P1.VId; Fig. 2). On either side of this room are two small domed areas (P1.Vd) where the transition from square to dome is effected by simple kite-shaped compartments (the elementary unit of the squinch-net). In the mosque (Pl. IIIb; Fig. 2) and lecture-hall (Pls. IIIa, IVa, c, d; Fig. 6) the transition from square to dome is strikingly different. In the mosque four squinches transform the square into an octagon. A ring of stalactitesthen creates a hexadecagon, on which the drum rests. The drum is pierced by eight windows which alternate with blind niches. The plaster inner dome above this has been largely destroyed; the brick dome over it is a modern restoration. In the lecture-hall the main weight seems to be borne by four large intersecting ribs. Diagonal ribs and a ring of stalactites form the octagonal base of the double drum (P1.IVc), again pierced by eight windows. This system of vaulting is closely related to the Masjid-i of A.D.) where the impression is given of an Maulanm Tayaibd (1444 inner dome supported by a drum with sixteen blind niches (P1. IVb). Two areas characterize the decoration of the walls in the mosque and lecture-hall. That below
window level is plain, mainly enlivened by surface pattern. Above this the surface of the wall itself is
Respectively Survey,pls. 428-33; Hill and Grabar, op. cit., fig. 132; Golombek, Gazur Gah. 27 Hill and Grabar, op. cit., figs. I26-7. The building was part of the Madrasa of Gauhar Shad. 2s The Transoxianian practice seems to have been to apply them to round substructures. See Pugachenkova and Rempel', Istoriya Iskusstvo Uzbekistana (Moscow 1965), pl. 264, and
26

in Mashhad (821/1418), the Mosque of Madrasa of Gauhar Shad in Herat (820-41/1417-37) nor the Shrine at Gazur Gah (828/1425).26 do appear on the corners of the Mausoleum of Gauhar They

E. Cohn-Wiener, Turan (Berlin 1930), pl. LXXV. Where " A " are the corner towers, " C " the central aivan and " B " the intervening niches. See Golombek, Gazur Gah, fig. 6. 30 Where "A " are the corner towers, " D " the central aivan and " BCB " the group of three niches in between.
29

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Fig. 6. Lecture-hall, of vaulting. plan

broken up by small blank arches which gradually merge into the honeycombed stalactites, and (in the lecture-hall) by the intersecting arches which support the dome. The effect of increasing lightness is emphasized by the ring of stalactitesjust below the collar of the drum, and by the light which comes flooding through the windows. In the process of conservation carried out by the Ministry of Culture and Art fragmentsof glass were found in the earth below the window of the southernrecessof the lecturehall.31 These were I mm. thick, mostly colourless, the other fragments being dark brown, and dark, turquoise or light blue in colour. Small pieces of moulded stucco were also found which would have made a latticed frameworkfor the glass. One can thereforevisualize quite differentlighting effects from those at present with the light filtering through the multicoloured windows and dappling on the stalactites inside. Glass was used in Timurid buildings as early as the Giir-i Amir (c. I403-4 A.D.), and was also found in the 'Ishrat Khana (1464 A.D.) in Samarqand.32
"' I am grateful to Mr. Ddneshdfist for access to these. and Ak Saray, 32 See G. A. Pugachenkova, " 'Ishrat-Khmneh Two Timurid Mausoleums in Samarkand ", Ars OrientalisV (1963), p. 186.

Pl. Ia. Madrasa al-GhiydsZya,Khargird: view of east (entrance)fafade.

Pl. Ib. Courtyard,east aivan.

P1. Ha. Entrancefagade, central aivdn.

P1. IIb. Vestibule, north-eastcorner.

P1. IIc. Entrancefafade, niches south of central aivcn.

Pl. IId. South lateral fagade, cornertower and entranceto lecture-hall.

corner. south-east P1. IIIa. Lecture-hall,

Pl. IIIb. Mosque,north-w

Pl. IVa. Lecture-hall, wall. west

Pl. IVb. Masvid-iMauldnd,Ta

Pl. IVc. Lecture-hall, innerdrumand dome.

Pl. IVd. Lecture-hall, eas

P1. Vb. Exterior: viewfrom n Pl. Va. Lecture-hall, paintedinscription.

Pl. Vd. Domedareanorthof domed ro corner room. Pl. Vc. South-west

lowerdomed room,east recess. P1. VIa. North-east

Pl. VIb. North-east domed r upper

Pl. VIc. South-east domed room,east recess. upper

Pl. VId. Domedroomabovevesti

P1. VIIb. Detail of revetmentof w P1. VIla. Courtyard,south aivdn.

spandrel, two. type P1. VIIc. Mosaic-faience

spandr Pl. VIId. Mosaic-faience

on corner courtyard. Pl. VIlla. Panel of mosaic-faience bevelled of

Pl. VIlIb. Mosaic-faience spandrel, one. type

east Pl. VIIIc. Courtyard, aivdn.

Pl. VIIId. Shrineof Ni'matallah Vali at Mahan: painteddecoration in domechamber.

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Painted Decoration (Pls. IVd, Va). The lower sections of the walls of the mosque and lecture-hall are with large geometric patterns. The colours used are pastel shades of green, blue, yellow and painted red. A border of medallions surroundsthe panels. Above this runs a painted inscription of decorative Kufic (P1.Va), enclosed within rectangular panels with cusped ends. The division of the zone of transition into single blind niches and stalactites is emphasized by the painted decoration each receives. The lower blind niches are filled with tiered medallions surrounded by dark-blue vegetal arabesques. The upper niches and stalactities each have one of three motifs in the centre-tear-drop, five-pointed star or medallion-outlined in black with orange-yellow infilling,33 surrounded by arabesques. The shell-shapedfan areas have flame-like medallions with floral elements inside and outside them (Pl. IVd). Very faint traces remain of the painting on the dome of the lecturehall; some oval medallions are visible in the centre and on the edge. It can be seen that each different area of wall surface has its own decorative vocabulary, underlining the division of the rooms into a lower area of plain surfaces and a richly moulded upper area. The individual decoration given to each niche and stalactite emphasizes not only their number and complexity but also their underlying formal unity. The painting in Khargird is closely related to that in the Mausoleum of Gauhar Shatd(836/1432-3) -the building which Qavdm al-Din had been working on before his engagement at Khargird. The decorative vocabulary is very similar-geometric patterns on the lower walls and small medallions and floral arabesques above.34 There is no analogy there, however, for the flame-like medallions found on the shell-shapedfans (P1.IVd) in the lecture-hall. These can perhaps be related to the painting round the base of the dome at the Shrine of Ni'matallah Vali at MThdn35 VIIId) where medallions form (P1. a similar interlocking pattern with cusped outlines. One need not assume that Khargird was a direct copy of Mahan. It is more likely that both are related to developments of similar motifs from Mongol painted decoration e.g. that of the tomb of Sayyid Rukn al-Din in Yazd.36 The Courtyard Ib). Two impressionsstrike one on entering the courtyard. First, the blaze of (P1. intense colour created by the mosaic-faience and banai-technique. Secondly, a feeling of quiet repose created by the symmetry of form. The architect presentsus with a comparativelynew device of striking simplicity-four aivdns of equal height and virtually equal depth.37 By placing the mosque in the entrance-complexinstead of at the end of the courtyardthe need to emphasize the approach to the place of prayer through an aivan of greater splendour than the others has been eliminated. The aivans are only slightly higher than the living chambersbetween them, allowing smooth integration with the twostorey facade.38 Another contributory factor to this integration is the clean lines of the portal-screens of the aivins. An inscriptionis mosaic-faienceran from top to bottom on each side.39 There are none of the superimposed blind niches, engaged columns or bevelled edges so frequently found in Timurid aivdns.40 The corners of the courtyard are bevelled. While this was done at Gazur Gah the courtyard there is rectangular and the symmetry obtained is not as great as when the bevelled corners are directly opposite each other on the same axis, thus creating two subsidiary axes. The Madrasa of Firfizshah (844/1440-1) at Turbat-i Jam may also have been planned to have bevelled corners.41At Khargird
33 Seherr-Thoss, op. cit., pl. 74. 34 Hill and Grabar, op. cit., figs. 128-9. 35 The central dome-chamber is dated 840/1437 by a mosaicfaience inscription above the western entrance. The text of this inscription is given in A. Vaziri, Tdrikh-iKermdn(Tehran 2nd ed. 1352/1973), p. 458, n. i. 36 D. N. Wilber, The Architecture Islamic Iran: the Il-Khanid of Period (Princeton 1955), pl. 143. 37 The Madrasa of Ulugh Beg in Samarqand (1417-20 A.D.) also had aivgns of equal height and almost equal depth. 38 The brickwork at the top of the aivans is restored. It is possible that they were originally slightly higher. *3These are illegible, except for that of the east aivdn which has been identified by Mr. Elwell-Sutton as the beginning of Sura 48, the Victory Sura. This Sura apparently occurred frequently in mosques e.g. in the Old Mosque at Turbat-i Shaikh Jam (L. Golombek, " The Chronology of Turbat-i Shaikh J3m ", Iran IX (1971), p. 32). However, its use is also attested in earlier madrasas e.g. on the facade of the Madrasa of Shth-i Mashhad (M. J. Casimir and B. Glatzer, " gih-i Maihad, a Recently Discovered Madrasa of the Ghurid Period in Gar'istin (Afghanistan) ", East and West XXI (1971), p. 57) and in the courtyard of the Madrasa Imami in 'rdn II (1937), Isfahan (A. Godard, " Isfahan ", Athdr-6 P. 37.) For engaged columns see above, n. 26. Superimposed blind niches are found on nearly all the aivdns of the Timurid monuments of Samarqand. Bevelled inner edges are found on the courtyard aivans of the Mosque of Gauhar Shad, Mashhad pls. 428-33) and the Shrine at Gdzur GRh (Golombek, (Survey, Gazur Gah, figs. 33-8). Golombek, Iran IX, p. 28.

40

41

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their employment is as much for spatial as for decorative purposes, in that they provide a more economical means of providing passage-waysto the staircase. The Corner Rooms(Pls. Vc, VIa-c; Figs. 1-2). Four domed rooms occupy the corners behind the and each has a counterpart on the storey above, making eight in all. The exact function of courtyard, these rooms is uncertain. The lower ones may have served as lecture rooms, at least in the winter when the aivdns would have been unsuitable for this purpose. The upper domed rooms may have served as living quarters for the administratorsand teachers of the madrasa. The vaulting of the four lower rooms is identical. A squinch-net with three kite-shaped compartments produces a twelve-sided base from which a low-profile dome springs (P1.Vc). The two western rooms had deep recesseson each axis, those on the west forming a semi-octagon which projected from the rear of the building. This part of each room is now destroyed, but some idea of their original appearance may be gained from the correspondingportion of the east rooms. The upper part of the recess forms a semi-dome (P1.VIa). It is vaulted in a fashion related to that of the inner dome of the lecture-hall (P1. IVc), the only difference being that the windows of the " drum " are blind, and a fan vault instead of a smooth one is formed. All of the south-west upper room and most of the vaulting of the north-westone has been destroyed. The north-east and south-east upper rooms have been preservedintact. Both are square in plan, with semi-octagonal recesseson the east-west axis (Fig. 2). The plaster covering of these rooms has almost completely disappeared, enabling us to see the vaulting clearly. Between the four main segmental arches of the north-east room a pendentive-like effect is achieved by corbelling bricks in vertical lay to support a small arch one brick thick (P1.VIb). In the south-east room the four arches of the recesses touch each other, consequently the pendentive-like compartment starts only at the springing of the arches and occupies a much smaller area (P1. VIc). The east and west recessesof the north-east room are vaulted by a simple form of corbelling. In the south-east room the east and west recessesseem to be vaulted through intersecting mortar ribs. Where the ribs have broken away, however, it becomes clear that they are non-structural. The vaults of the recessesare simply corbelled out as they are in the north-east room and the ribs are added to give an interesting surface pattern, which was then plastered over (P1. VIc). A similar effect is found in the vaulting of one of the corner rooms at Gazur GTh.42 The Courtyard Aivdns (Pls. VIIa-b, VIIIc; Fig. 7). The vault and back of the east aivan were originally covered in inset-technique (P1. VIIIc). This has mostly fallen away showing pockmarked plaster, and underneath it a brick core. However, enough remains for us to piece together the original patterns (Fig. 7). Underglaze-painted tiles of various shapes-ten-pointed stars, irregular hexagons, lozenges and pentagons are recessed below a bisque brick ground. Each shape has its own range of decorative motifs, floral, geometric or arabesque. The ten-pointed stars form the strongest visual attraction, the other plaques seeming to revolve around them.43 The main pattern is surrounded by a narrow border, also of inset-technique,where the underglaze-paintedtiles are set in a crossweaveof thin brick strips. Ten-pointed stars with similar white arabesquesare found on the minaret of the sanctuary aivdn of Maulfin (848/1444) and the Mosque of Gauhar Shad, Mashhad (821/1418).45 The extensive use of underglaze-painted tiles found at Khargird occurs in only a few of the most sumptuous Timurid
have been removed, and in a very few years none will be left Golombek, Gazur Gah, fig. i23. For an earlier example of ... specimens of the tiles, which I was able to procure at intersecting ribs in a semi-octagon, see the chapel of the Mausoleum of Oljeitii (705-13/1307-13) illustrated in Survey, Meshed .. ." This undoubtedly accounts for the poor state of pl. 385c. On the use of ribs in the Mongol period, see Wilber, preservation of the revetment of the east and west aivans relative to the norch and south aivins, where the decoration op. cit., pp. 6o-I. 43 So strong is their attraction that many were removed deliis in banai and inset-technique. OrnamentUzbektstana (Tashkent berately. See Sykes, " A Fifth Journey to Peria ", Geographical 44 L. I. Rempel', Arkhitekturnyi Journal XXVIII (i9o6), p. 581: "Fine mosaic tiles ... i961), fig. 189. originally covered the interior of the arches; but almost all 45 Survey,pl. 453a and c; Hill and Grabar, op. cit., pl. M.
42

the Mosque of Bibi Khanum, Samarqand (1399-1404 A.D.). The pattern is a common one, variations appearing in the Madrasa of Ulugh Beg, Samarqand (1417-20 A.D.),44 the interior of the Masjid-i

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buildings in Khurasan. They were used on the collar of the drums of the Mausoleums of Gauhar
Shad in Kiihsan (844/1440-1)
(844/1440-1).46

and Herat (836/1432-3)

and on the Gunbad-i Sabz, Turbat-i Jam

The west aivin is decorated in a similar manner to the east one. The main decoration is in insettechnique. Twelve-pointed stars are surrounded by irregular pentagons and hexagons. In the border white tiles with blue thistle-like motifs are found (P1.VIIb). At the back of the aivin is the inscription mentioned above.47 The door below it leads to the bdd-gir.48 The three vaulted openings which admit wind to the bad-girare situated behind the west aivdn (P1. Ia). The vault slopes down sharply on the interior to direct the force of the wind downwards. The countryside around Khargird is dotted with

Fig. 7. Restoration of geometricoutline of revetmenton east aivan.

46

" Pugachenkova, Les Monuments .. .", p. 23; Hill and Grabar, op. cit., fig. 127, Golombek, Iran IX, Pl. XVIII. 47 See above, p. 1.

48

Or " wind-trap ", used for ventilation purposes. For a modern fig. example cf. Pope, PersianArchitecture, 336.

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windmills which profit from the strong, steady winds. The windmills in the nearby village face the same direction as that of the bdd-gir, which is that of the prevailing wind. Five other Timurid buildings possess bdd-girs.They are the Masjid-i Sar-i Rik (828/1425) and the Masjid-i Mir Chaqmaq49 (840/1437-7) both in the town of Yazd, and the Masjid-iJami's of Kfichuk5o (c. 865-70/1461-6), FirfizTbad51 (866/I462) and Bafrii'iyya52 (866/1462) in the Maibfid district, some kms. north of Yazd. In all the above, except the Kiichuk Masjid-i Jami', the bdd-giris situated 55 and the wind-tunnel leading up from it emerges behind the dome of the directly in front of the mihrdb, situated on either side of the sanctuary In the Kiichuk Masjid-iJdmi' there are two bWd-girs, sanctuary. dome chamber. In view of the rarity of this feature it may be possible to assume a direct influence from the mosques of Yazd in this case. On the other hand Qavdm al-Din may simply have been adapting a in domestic constructionalfeature. In any case, considering the present-day preponderanceof bdd-girs the towns of south and central Iran it is likely that Qavam al-Din Shirazi drew his inspiration from his native provinces. The south aivan (P1.VIIa) once had a dado of underglaze-painted tiles in the form of a six-pointed star surrounded by hexagonal slabs. These have almost completely worn away. Above this, on the sides of the aivtn, a border of inset-technique of the same design as that of the west aivdn surroundsthe and which incorporatesthe names of Muhammad 'All. As Dr Golombek major design in banai-technique has noticed,53some of the banai-techniquetiles have small squares with insets of a different colour. Besidesoccurring at Gizur Gah and the Masjid-i Maulina,54 the use of this feature seems to have spread to western Iran and Transoxiana; it occurs in the Blue Mosque at Tabriz (870/1465) and the Mausoleum of 'Ishrat Khana, Samarqand (1464 A.D.).55 At the rear of the aivin is a door and window. Above this the decoration recalls that of the mosque and lecture-hall. A cascade of stalactites flowing down in deep furrows merges into blank niches echoing the cells of the stalactites above. The stalactites are a suspeded plaster shell, and have been damaged in the centre. Faint outlines of painted medallions and floral elements can still be seen on some of them. The north aivan is in all respectsidentical to the south aivdn, except that the main decoration on the sides is of inset-technique, of the same pattern as the entrance aivdn (Fig. 5).- As an illustration of the attention to detail lavished on the building one may cite the mosaic-faience border round the window -black triangles set in an amber ground between two light-blue strips. The design is appropriately simple for its purpose. The Living Chambers (P1. Ib). There are eight living chambers on each side of the courtyard, arranged in two stories. Each is entered through a large niche decorated in banai-technique. The side walls of the lower niches have sacred names-Alldh and 'Ali-written in rectangular Kufic; otherwise the decoration is purely geometric. Inside, the chambers are rectangular with small recesses placed round the walls. They are of the same size except the northernmostand southernmostchambers of the east side of the courtyard, which are smaller to accommodate the recessesof the domed rooms of the entrance-complex (Fig. I). Each chamber has a small rectangular passage leading to the roof. This may have served as a chimney in winter and for ventilation in summer. The Mosaic-faience (Pls. VIIc-VIIIb). The courtyard facades of the living chambers were completely covered in mosaic-faience. Almost none of this remains on the upper storey, but enough has been preserved on the lower storey to reconstruct the scheme of decoration throughout the courtyard. There are three principle types of spandrel decoration. The first (P1. VIIIb) appears on those niches immediately to either side of the aivans. It has as its central element a large medallion bearing
the words la ildh illa 'llah (" there in no God but God ") on the right spandrels and Muhammadrasil Allah
covers part of the original exterior drum decoration, but its location in front of the milradb shows that it was an integral part of the original design. See Survey,pl. 449. 50 Unpublished. The mosque is anepigraphic, but stylistically it can be related to the Masjid-i Jami's of Maibfid (867/1463), Firfizabdd (866/1462), and Bafrii'iyya (866/1462). 51 I. Afshir, rddgdrhd-yi Tazd (Tehran 1348/i969), PP. 71-3,
9 The bdd-girof the latter has been extended upwards and now

illustrtaion p. 482. Ibid., p. 97and p. 75, n. 2353 Golombek, Gazur Gah, p. 59 54 Respectively Golombek, Gazur Gah, fig. 35, and Hill and Grabar, op. cit., fig. 171. 55Tabriz: J. Tabatabd'i, ]Naqshhd va Nigashtahd-yi Masjid-i Kabad-i Tabriz (Tabriz 1347/1968), fig. 15; 'Ishrat Khana: Hill and Grabar, op. cit., fig. 59.
52

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(" Muhammad is the messenger of God) " on the left spandrels. The characters are in amber suls script on a green ground. This is surrounded,first, by a ring of spiky petals and then by a larger black medallion outlined in amber. The rest of the spandrel is filled with loosely arranged interweaving amber and light-blue arabesquesfrom which leaves, buds and small flowers grow, all on a dark-blue ground. A row of fleurons ran across the top of each spandrel. The second type (P1. VIIc) appears on the niches immediately to either side of the corner bevels. Its central element is a small dark-blue fleuron, which is surroundedby a larger green medallion. This medallion has a ring of wavy wedge-shaped amber petals round it. The arabesqueswhich occupy the rest of the spandrel and interpenetratethe central medallions are wound into concentric scrolls. A row of fleurons again framed the top of the spandrel. The spandrels of the niches of the entrance fagade are closely related to this type, the shape of the central medallions being slightly different. The third type occupies the bevelled corners (P1.VIId). It has a six-lobed central element incorporating the word Muhammad repeated six times in amber Kufic characterson a green ground. On the right spandrel it is read clockwise. The left spandrel is a mirror image of this, i.e. the letters appear backwards and must be read anti-clockwise.56 A light-blue floral element is interspersedbetween the words. The rest of the spandrel is taken up, not with arabesques,but with a tangled weave of flowering shoots sprouting in all directions. The combination of central medallion and concentric arabesquesas in types one and two was the most common means of decorating spandrels in Timurid times. It occurs in Qavtm al-Din's earlier buildings e.g. the Mosque of Gauhar Shad, Mashhad and the Shrine at Gazur Gqh.57 The contemporary Masjid-i Maulana and Masjid-iJami' of Varzaneh (848/1444) also have closely related designs.58 Less common, however, is our type three, with a linear and less regular floral arrangement around the central medallion. Parallels are found in a number of earlier buildings in Transoxiana-the Palace faience designs e.g. the spandrels at the back of the aivan leading into the prayer-hall of the madrasa adjoining the Isfahan Masjid-i Jum'a.60 In comparison with even these, however, the design of our type three is more anarchic and less inclined to form any kind of symmetry, as if in pointed contrast to the mirror symmetry of the medallions within the spandrels. The panels flanking the doorway of the
at Shahr-i Sabz (c. I380-I404 A.D.), the Mosque of Bibi Khanum (1399-1404 A.D.) and the fagade of the Giir-i Amir (I434 A.D.).59 These in turn may have been derived from earlier Mongol mosaic-

The panels between the niches are filled with variations in the decorative vocabulary we have seen in the spandrels-concentric arabesques, freely arranged floral forms, fleurons and medallions surrounded by spiky petals, and religious aphorismsin both rectangularKufic plaques and sulscharacters. Of particular interest are the large medallions on the panels to either side of the bevelled niches of the courtyard (P1.VIIIa). A large amorphous mass in amber faience is silhouetted against a green background. This is evidently a growth of the peony-like form on the panels of the flanks of the aivans at Gazur Gdh.62 It reappearsin slightly differentform, again in amber faience, on the panels which flank the former entrance to Darb-i Imam, Isfahan63(857/1453), where the edges of the peony form have the same wavy wedge-shaped petals which surrounded the medallions of our type two spandrels. Conclusion. The history of the evolution of the madrasa in Iran is clouded by the paucity of early The recent discovery of the Madrasa of Shah-i Mashhad (561/I165-6) in Afghanistan examples. broadens the picture.64 What remains is tantalisingly incomplete-enough to insinuate the presence of a courtyard with two or four aivans, yet not enough to confirm this without excavation. The entrance
51 I am indebted to Mr. Elwell-Sutton for suggesting this. fig. 269 (Mashhad); Golombek, 67 Pope, Persian Architecture, Gazur Gah, fig. 37. The latter also displays a row of fleurons across the top of the spandrels. A. Hutt, 68 Hill and Grabar, op. cit., fig. 174 (Taydbad); " Recent Discoveries in Iran, 1969-70: A Major Islamic
Monument ", Iran IX (1971), pp. 159-60, P1. IV (Varzaneh). OrnamentSrednei Azii (Moscow 69 B. P. Denike, Arkhitekturnyi

Hartin Vilayat, Isfahan (918/1513), are of the same spirit.61

1939), fig. I41,I (Shahr-i Sabz); Ratiya, op. cit., fig. 54a (Bibi KhSnum); Hill and Grabar, op. cit., fig. 36 (Gfir-i
8A

Amir). 60 L. Golombek, " A Thirteenth Century Funerary Mosque at Turbat-i Shaikh Jam ", Bulletin of the Asia Institute I (1969), fig. I6. 61 pl. Pope, PersianArchetecture, XIV. 62 Golombek, Gazur Gah, fig. 4463 L. Honafar, Ganjina,yi Asdr-i Tdrikhi-yi Isfahdn (Isfahan 1965-6), P. 348. 64 Casimir and Glatzer, op. cit.

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fagade at Khargird has been compared with those of the caravanseraysof Daya Khatfin and Ribdt-i Sharaf. The same elements of central projecting aivan, corner towers (albeit reduced in size) and intervening niche fa?ade are all present at Shdh-i Mashhad. Further links with Khargird, if one assumes symmetry, are the two large domed rooms at the corners of the entrance faqade, their size in part due to the bevelling of the corners of the courtyard. The Madrasa Imdmi in Isfahan65(mid-I4th century A.D.)provides us with what is possibly the first authenticated Iranian madrasawith a courtyard with four aivans and two-storeyed niches between them. The madrasas of Ulugh Beg in Bukhara each of the four corners and a four aivdn courtyard.66 The Shrine at Gdzur Gah, although variously described as a hatira and not a madrasa, has many elements in common with the buildingsjust mentioned. Its close relationshipwith Khargird should be apparent from the comparisonsmade in the preceding pages. Particularly important was its use of an entrance complex as a self-contained unit. What is unique in Khargird is the way in which these elements are fused together in a clear coherent fashion.6' The revetment of the madrasa-the tile work and the painting-is of the highest possible quality of the time, as befitted the greater glory of the vazir who founded it. However, what makes Khargird a masterpiece of Timurid architecture is not just the revetment, but the structure to which it is applied. The strong harmoniouslines of the entrancefagade and the courtyardprovide a sufficiently strong visual basis for the decoration applied to it. As the last work of Qavam al-Din,68 it can be seen as a fitting culmination to the fine succession of buildings produced by him.
(1417 A.D.) and Samarqand (1417-20 A.D.) bring us closer still to Khargird, with a domed room in

four aivins of the courtyard. See Hill and Grabar, op. cit., 65 Plan in M. Crane, "A Fourteenth-century mihrab from Isfahan ", Ars IslamicaVII (1940), fig. 2. figs. 15-6, and Pugachenkova and Rempel', op. cit., pl. 306. 6e Plans respectively in G. A. Pugachenkova, Vydayushchieseya 68 Qavdm al-Din died in 842/1438 and the amount of the relative contribution of himself and GhiyR5 al-Din is open to conjecUzbekistana (Tashkent 1958), fig. 28; Pamyatniki Arkhitektury M. Masson, Registani ego medrese al-Din was responsible ture. Even if one assumes that (Tashkent I926), p. 7. 67 A fashion which seems to have been for the Masjid-i Ghiy.s (see M. T. Mustafdwi, "Le closely studied by the Maulknm architect of the Mir-i 'Arab Madrasa, Bukhara (1535-6 A.D.). de Tdiydbid", Athdr-i Iran III Masdjid-6 (I938), Mawlanm Even the archaizing trend of Uzbek architecture could hardly PP. 79-99), his style is seen to be closely linked with that of account for the coincidence of the ABCBDBCBA rhythm al-Din. Hence any attempt to distinguish their relative Qavam of the facade, with two domes appearing above, and the contributions to Khargird would be unprofitable. same number and location of two-storey niches between the

SALJUQ DOME CHAMBERS IN NORTH-WEST IRAN By Robert Hillenbrand

It seems best to begin a detailed discussion of Saljiiq mosques in north-west Iran with an analysis of Saljiaq mosques in general. Ever since the 1930s, when medieval Iranian architecture began to be studied in depth, attempts have been made to define the characteristics of the typical Saljiq mosque in Iran. At first such definitions could only be regarded as tentative because so few Saljfiq mosques were known. Nor was this the only problem. In the case of some mosques it was difficult to distinguish the Saljtiq elements from those of later periods.1 In the case of other buildings it was open to doubt whether they were mosques at all.2 Furthermore, no excavations had been undertaken at any of the mosques known to contain Saljaiq elements, so that their early history could be deduced only from standing remains.3 Broadly speaking, these various deficiencies still persist, despite isolated excavations and a few detailed studies of individual mosques. But the quantity of Saljfiq architecture now known is considerably greater than it was a generation ago, and hitherto unpublished mosques are constantly coming to light. Thus, while uncertainty bedevils the history of individual buildings, the mass of material now available is enough to justify remarks about Saljfiq mosques in general. Even so, the overall picture which emerges from a survey of extant Saljiiq mosques is inevitably one-sided, for the literary sources describe mosques for which no parallel has survived-for example the mosque at Sdva, which according to IHamdalldh Mustaufi had a portal arch rivalling that of the Tdq-i Kisra.4 Nor have examples survived of major fire temples converted into mosques, although this practice may well have continued into the Saljfiq period.5 Bearing these difficulties in mind, one may briefly summarize the various types of Saljiiq mosque which have been discovered to date. They are: I. The free-standing dome chamber, termed " mosqu6e kiosque " by Godard-e.g. Barsiy5n.6 2. The four-iwdn mosque with a dome chamber on the qibla side-e.g. Zavdra.7 3. The mosque with a single iwdn on the qibla side facing on to an arcaded courtyard-e.g. Firdaus. 4. The mosque with a qibla area which is part domed sanctuary and part iwdn-e.g. Sin.8 5. The two-iwdn mosque, with or without a domed sanctuary-e.g. Zfizan.9
E.g. the Friday mosques of Burujird, Qumm and Simnmn. For Burujird, where a recently uncovered Kufic inscription puts the Saljfiq date of the dome chamber beyond dispute, see M. Siroux, " La mosqu6e djum'a de Bouroudjird ", Bulletinde XLVI (1946), pp. 239-58. orientale l'Institutfranfaisd'archeologie For Qumm, see A. Godard, " Les anciennes mosqu6es de l'Iran ", Arts asiatiques III (1956), p. 63. The qibla fwdn formerly bore a Kufic inscription with the date 528/1133-4, but this was removed in the course of a recent restoration (personal communication from Mr. M. T. Mustafavi). For Simndn, see the plan published by Godard in his book The Art ofIran, tr. M. Heron, ed. J. M. Rogers (London, 1965), p. 296, fig. 213. Godard does not discuss the complex history of this structure. The dome chamber of the mosque is probably Saljfiq, while a pre-Saljaiq date for part of the arcades flanking the courtyard could be defended. 2 For the argument that the present Friday mosques of Ardistan and Qazvin were originally madrasas, J. Sauvaget, " Obsersee vations sur quelques mosquees seldjoukides ", Annales de l'Institut d'Etudes orientales, Universite d'Alger IV (1938), pp. 16-18. 3 The need for such archaeological work has been underlined by
1

the volume of information produced by excavations at Siraf and especially by those in progress at Isfahin. by composed IHamdpart of theNuzhat-al-Qulfib 4 See The geographical Allah Mustawfi of Qazwin in 740 (1340), tr. G. le Strange (London, I919), p. 175of 5 For this practice see A. U. Pope in A Survey PersianArtfrom Timesto thePresent,ed. A. U. Pope and P. Ackerman Prehistoric (London and New York, 1939), P- 914. A pre-Islamic core has been suggested for certain mosques, but only in the case of the tiny Masjid-i Jami' of Izadkhwast/Yazd-i Khwast is the evidence well-nigh conclusive (M. Siroux, " La mosqu&e djum'a de Jezd-i-Khast ", BIFAO XLIV (1947), pp. 1o5-10, i16-17). 6 M. B. Smith, " Material for a corpus of Early Iranian Islamic Architecture. II. Manar and Masdjid, Barsign (Isfahan) ", Ars Islamica IV (1937), PP. 1-40.7 A. Godard, " Ardistdn et Zawir6 ", Athdr-i Irdn I/2 (1936), pp. 296-305. 8 M. B. Smith, " Material for a Corpus of Early Iranian Islamic Architecture. III. Two dated Seljuk Monuments at Sin (Isfahan) ", AI VI (I939), pp. i-IO. 9 A. Godard, " Khorisdn ", Ae I IV/i (1949), PP. 113-25.

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6. The classical Abbasid mosque with a courtyard surroundedby pillars or arches bearing the roof; these extend deeper on the qiblaside. An example is the destroyed Damavand Jdmi'.o1 7. The small covered mosque of square or rectangular plan, with regularly spaced piers. The bays thus formed are individually vaulted. An example is the Kucha Mir mosque at Natanz.11 There are of course a good many permutations of these seven major types. Indeed, there are few examples of any one type in its purity. It is often difficult to determine the intentions of the original architect, for usually much of his work has been overlaid by later additions and restorations. Thus the placing of a mosque in a given category often involves a number of assumptionsabout its early history, and these are not yet capable of proof. It follows that the general conclusionswhich emerge from a discussion of these mosques could justly be criticized as methodologically unsound; but until excavations are carried out on critical monuments, tentative conclusionsmay be regardedas better than none at all. One may simply note at this stage that of the seven types of mosque listed above, by far the commonest is the kiosk mosque. The implications of this finding will be consideredlater. The kiosk mosque seems to have enjoyed particular favour in central Jibal, but it is too early to say whether any of the other varieties of mosque were regional. It is certain, however, that no single type of mosque had predominance throughout Iran by 1220o or so, and the factors which led to the adoption of one or another type in a given case are still obscure. One may perhaps suggest that the change from the kiosk to the fouriwdnplan was dictated less by utilitarian reasons than by fashion. General accounts of Saljaiqarchitecturehave tended to stressthe special significanceof the provinces of Jibil and Khurdsin. The most ambitious Salj-iq domed mosques are without doubt those of the Isfahin area, while Khurisdn boasts, apart from its mosques, some outstanding minarets, mausolea and caravansarais. By contrast, the total of Saljftq monuments known in other areas, such as those of Firs, Khtizistin, and the Caspian, is disappointingly small. Until recently, much the same could have been said about 'Iriq-i 'Ajam. Within the last few years, however, a number of important Saljtiqmonuments have come to light in this area. The most important discoveryis without doubt the pair of tomb towers at Kharraqin;12 other Saljfiq mausolea are those of Bakandi13and Lastly the Pir mausoleum at Tikistin15 and the mosques of Qurva'6 (P1. Ia) and Sujas17(P1. Ib), the former some .Hasanibad.14 offer further evidence on the Saljfiq 70 km. west of Qazvin, the latter some 50 km. south of architecturalstyle of this area, a style hitherto known only partially through the monuments of Qazvin, Sult.niyya, Maragha, Nakhchivin, Marand and Ridi'iyya (P1. Ic). The material now available is enough to permit preliminary generalizationson the nature and development of Saljaiqarchitecture in this area. Above all, the six Saljiiq domed mosques now known in north-west Iran (the IHaidariyyaat Qazvinis and the Friday mosques at Marand19,Qazvin, Qurva, Ridi'iyya20 and Sujas) form in some respects a fairly homogeneous local school. The vanished dome chamber at Nakhchivdn, which probably dated
10

M. B. Smith, " Material for a Corpus of Early Iranian Islamic Architecture. I. Masdjid-i-Djum'a, Demavend ", AI II (1935), PP. 153-71. n' Discussed by A. Godard in " Natanz ", AeI I/I (1936), pp. 81-2; for further examples see 0. Watson, " The Masjid-i 'Ali, Quhrfd: an architectural and epigraphic survey ", Iran XIII (1975), pp. 60-2, figs. 1-3 and pls. VIIb and VIIIc. 12 D. B. Stronach and T. Cuyler Young, Jr., " Three Seljuq Tomb Towers ", Iran IV (1966), pp. 1-2o. 13 W. Kleiss, " Bericht iiber Erkundungsfahrten in Iran imJahre ", Mitteilungen aus Iran N.F.4 (1971), 1970o Archaeologische pp. 98-9, figs. 50-1 and pl. 18/3-4. 14 Idem, "Bericht iiber Erkundungsfahrten in Iran im Jahre 1971 ", AMI N.F.5 (1972), pp. 173-4, fig. 46 and pl. 48/1-3. The ambitious scope of the programme of exploration undertaken by Dr. Kleiss and his team from the German Archaeological Institute at Teheran, and the thoroughness with which this programme is being carried out, gives grounds for the hope that before long more Saljuq buildings will be discovered in this area. Dr. P. Varjavand has also published numerous

unfamiliar medieval structures in the Qazvin region in his book Sar-i Zamin-i Qazvin (Tehran, 1349/1971). 15 Idem, " Bericht ..... 1970 ", pp. 99-100, fig. 52; R. Hillenbrand, " Saljfiq monuments in Iran: II. The 'Pir' mausoleum at Tgkistdn ", Iran X (1972), PP. 45-5516 Kleiss, " Bericht ..... 1970 ", pp. 100-3, figs. 53-4; R. Hillenbrand, " Saljafq monuments in Iran: I ", OrientalArt N.S. XVIII (1972), pp. 64-7717 W. Kleiss, "Bericht uber Erkundungsfahrten in Iran im Jahre 1972 ", AMI N.F.6 (1973), PP- 51-4, figs. 54-5 and pl. 11/1-4. s8 The I;aidariyya is included here as a mosque, but the controversy as to its function cannot yet be regarded as solved. For the most recent discussion see J. M. Rogers, in B. Spuler and J. Sourdel-Thomine, Die Kunst des Islam (Berlin, 1973), pp. 302-3. 19 M. Siroux, " La Mosquee Djoumeh de Marand ", AA III (1956), pp. 89-97. 20 See A. U. Pope in Survey, pp. 1048-9 and fig. 377, with references to earlier literature.

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from the late I2th century, also appears to have belonged to this school; in fact its exterior, at least, greatly resembled the Sujas dome chamber.21 These buildings are not only of a respectable size; they are also richly decorated and, most important of all, some seem to have preservedsomething like their original appearance. This school, which one may for convenience call " the Qazvin school " after its main centre, has significant points of differencefrom the other major school of Saljiiq mosques, that of Jibdl. It will be convenient to consider these differences under the headings of plan, elevation and decoration. A cursoryexamination of the ground plans of Saljfiqdomed mosquesin Iran as a whole will sufficeto show that, firstly, no mosque has an absolutely regular plan; and, secondly, that no two sanctuaries share the same plan. Fig. I gives a representativeselection. Some ground plans, such as that of Qurva, show that the architect tried to keep the four sides of the chamber as similar as possible. Others, such as that of Sujis, show that the architect tried to vary the basic square not only by breaking up the wall with arches but also by varying the remaining wall surfaceswith blank niches. So far as the design of the ground plan is concerned, the Saljtiq domed mosques of 'Iraq-i 'Ajam do not differ significantly from those of the rest of Iran.22 In the matter of size, however, there are marked disparities. While the two Qazvin dome chambers, and the Ridd'iyya Jami', are of a size to challenge comparison with the great Friday mosques of the Isfahan area, those of Qurva, Sujis and Marand are noticeably smaller, with walls which are c. 2 m., c. I *48 m. and c. m. thick respectively. These figuresmay be compared I.3 with the wall thicknessesof the Isfahan qiblachamber (3 - I m.), the Qazvin Jimi' (2 * m.) and the 8 GulpdyagSinJdmi'(2.5 m.). In terms of diameter, too, the lower parts of the Qurva, Sujts and Marand dome chambers are markedly smaller than those of the majority of Saljfiq domed mosques. They measure m., 2 m. and 7 -4 m. respectively, while the Isfahan qiblachamber, the Qazvin Jami' 5"5 9" and the Gulpayag?n Jdmi' measure 15 o m., I5.2 m. and io06 m. respectively. On the evidence of ground plan and size, therefore,it can be shown that in the Qazvin area there developed a diminutive version of the majestic dome chamber found throughout the province of Jibal. In external elevation the dome chambers of Qurva, Sujis and Marand depart in the most decisive fashion from the model of the Jibdl dome chambers. Again, the differencelies in the proportionsrather than in the basic elements of construction. The original exteriorform of the Marand dome chamber has now been lost, but the measurementsof its lower partsjustify its inclusion in the same group as Qurva and Sujts. The latter two mosques have suffered relatively little damage, and can be recognized as examples of an alternative tradition of mosque construction. Both buildings consist of high, rather narrow dome chambers with a double zone of transition, and triangular shoulderscovering the back of the main squinches. Although the domes appear to be hemispherical in shape, unlike the pointed domes of the mosques of southernJibdl, the overall impressionis of concentrated and energetic vertical movement, as distinct from the amplitude and horizontality of the much larger mosques of central Iran. The differencesbetween the two schools are no less obvious in the interior elevations. In this respect the two Qazvin dome chambers and the Rida'iyya Jami' (P1.IIa) belong rather to the school of Qurva, Sujis and Marand (P1.IIb) than to the school of Isfahan. In most of the dome chambersof the northern school the accent is laid on the massivenessof the bearing walls, which are broken by as few openings as possible. The Friday mosquesof Qurva, Qazvin and Ridd'iyya are good examples of this trend. In the domed mosques of central Iran, by contrast, the bearing walls are broken up by large openings which seem to leave only slight safety margins. An outstanding example of this trend is Barsiydn,which has eleven openings at ground level and further openings in the squinch zone. Gulptyagdn and the south dome of the IsfahanJami' both have nine openings apiece at ground level. The contrast with Qurva, which has only three, is most marked. One could easily make too much of this difference, and indeed there are minor exceptions on both sides-Marand has six openings at ground level and Sujis five, as have both Ardistan and Zavara. But the direction of the basic trend is unmistakable. The lower walls of dome chambersin central Iran are more articulated than are those of their counterpartsin north-west
2s J. Dieulafoy, La Tourdu Monde. La Perse, la Chaldieet la Susiane

(Paris, 1887), p. 25. 22 The differences in the lower elevations, which are of course

intimately related to the layout of the ground plans, will be considered shortly.

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Iran, and their articulation is more subtle, consisting as it does of both deep and shallow re-entrants, arches, blank niches and square piers with engaged corner columns. The same pattern holds true of the squinch zone. If one had to select a single distinguishingfeature of the Isfahdn school, it would be the tri-lobed squinch. This element is found in all the major Saljfiq domed mosques of the area (e.g. P1. IIIa), as well as in some other dome chambers of disputed date in the same region, such as KhwatjaSa'd23and the Zavdn mosque,24and in the Bfiyid Davtzda Imam at Yazd.25 Moreover the tri-lobed squinch is only the basic theme of these squinch zones. Much of the interestlies in the variations which are played on this theme. In most cases each lobe is broken up by a series of sub-squinches, also lobed, which increase the apparent depth of the squinch and constitute a varied array of facets set at different angles. The wall is thus enlivened in a purely architectural way rather than by applied decoration. Almost every mosque displays some variation on this theme. At Ardistdn, for example, the hexadecagon consists of a second series of adjoining tri-lobed squinches, while in the Isfahrn dome chambers and at Barsiyanthe axial arches of the octagonal zone are filled by three lancet windows, the central one higher than the other two. This resultsin an echo of the tri-lobed shape. In such buildings the tri-lobed shape assumes the proportions of a leitmotiv. It has become a source of decorative as well as structuralstrength. It thus seems rather perverseto take the view, as did Rosintal, that the tri-lobed squinch was merely a clumsy expedient adopted by the Saljiiq builders because they were unfamiliar with, or hostile to, the pendentive, the stalactite vault or rhomboidal facetting.26 The tri-lobed squinch is noticeably absent from the Saljiiq architectureof north-west Iran. It seems to occur there only once, sc. in the MarandJdmi', where the lobes are much more narrow and pointed than is customary in the Isfahdn area (P1. IIIb).27 It is replaced by a plain squinch in the form of a pointed arch, which lends the interior a simpler and more sedate appearance. In the Qazvin Jdmi' both the 8-sided and the I6-sided zones are of this type. The effect is perhapsa little bare, though undeniably massive.28At Qurva (P1.IIIc) and Sujdts IIId) the barenessis relieved by the shoulderedsegmental (P1. profiles which frames each of the arches of the hexadecagon. In both mosques two major inscription friezes, one above the hexadecagon and the other below the octagon, articulate the composite squinch zone still more. This notable stresson the hexadecagon is not found in the larger dome chambersof the north-west. The slight salience of the arches, mouldings, friezes and framing profiles helps to animate the whole area. At Qurva a particularlyhappy effect is thus secured, perhaps because it is the smallest of these mosques. The proportions are carefully calculated; it may well be that a zone of tri-lobed squinches would have looked top-heavy in this diminutive building. At both Qurva and Suj~isthe composite squinch zone is the most complicated part of the interior elevation, as befits its vital structural function. But the complexity is carefully graduated and in both cases harmonizeswell with the lower
23

24 25 26

D. N. Wilber, The Architecture Islamic Iran. The Il Khanid of Period (Princeton, 1955), p. x85 and pl. 204. E. Schroeder in Survey,p. Io i and fig. 349. Survey,pl. 274. J. Rosintal, Le Reseau(Paris, 1937), p. I8. For a recent treatment of these and related questions see D. Jones and G. Michell, " Squinches and Pendentives: Problems and Defini-

27

28

Research tions " in Art and Archaeology PapersI (1972), PP. 9-25. The nearest parallel to this in the Isfahdn area is at the Gulp~yagan J5.mi', where the tri-lobed squinch, set within a pointed arch, contains a series of stalactites in receding planes. The tri-lobed motif is thus made to lose some of its significance. The same effect is secured by different means at Marand. Survey,fig. 348.

Saljiiqmosques. Fig. I (left). Domechambers representative of see : Key (for full bibliographical references, footnotes) " in Monuments Iran: I ", 74, fig. x). 3. Qurva(afterHillenbrand, Saljzgq p. " 4. Gulpayagan (afterGodard, Mosquies" [r936], p. 194, fig. 132). " in 5. Sujds(afterHillenbrand, Saliiiq Monuments Iran: III. The domed Masgid-i O6mi'at Suads", Kunst des Orients X [in the press]). 6. Burujird(afterSiroux," Bouroudjird fig. opposite ", p. 24o).
7. Barsiydn (after Smith, " Barsidn ", p. ri, pl. I). 8. Rida'iyya (after Survey, p. o1049, fig. 377). 9. Qazvfn(afterSurvey, p. 1o2t, fig. 356).
I. Marand (after Siroux, " Marand ", p. go, fig. i). 2. Isfahan, south dome chamber (after Godard, " Mosques " [1936], p. 207, fig. 142].

I.aidariyya,

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part of the dome chamber. One may contrast the interior of the north dome chamber in the Isfahdn Jami', where the thrustingpointed archesof the tri-lobed squinch follow logically from the highly articulated lower part of the chamber. The whole stressof that interior is on the vertical, not the horizontal plane. To a lesser extent this is true of many of the domed Saljiq mosquesof central Iran, whereas precisely the opposite trend can be distinguishedin the mosques of the north-west. Close examination of the treatment and placing of decorative motifs, as well as a study of the motifs themselves, shows that an individual style of architectural revetment developed in the later Saljiiq period in north-west Iran. The SujasJami' is the building furthest away from Qazvin which may yet claim to belong to this " Qazvin school ", but the mosques of Marand and Riddi'iyyaare also distantly related to it. The main feature which distinguishesthis school from those of contemporarycentralJibdI and Khurasin, so far as decoration is concerned, is a pronounced preference for stucco over brick. Among the mosques of this school, all of which can reasonably be dated between I Ioo and 1200, only one-Marand, testifies to that fascination with decorated brick effectswhich characterizesthe Isfahin, Gulpdyagan and Barsiyandome chambers among others. The same is true of the interiorsof mausolea datable after c. I ioo, though their exteriorsoften bear decorative brick patterning. Each of the mosques of the north-west uses at least two of four major decorative techniques: fairly simple flush brick patterning enriched with carved stucco joints and plugs; small areas of densely carved stucco; glazed tilework; and stucco medallions and roundels in high relief, strategicallylocated at points of structuralimportance. This ornament, for all its richness,is in fact reducible to a few quite simple elements. Their repetition alone makes an impressiveeffect. The technique of combining brick with stucco is perhaps more successfullyexecuted than any of the others, and its pre-eminence is still further emphasized because by its very nature it occupies a far greater area than any other decorative medium. It is found in more buildings than any of the other three techniques. It is of course by no means confined to north-west Iran, although it reached its greatest heights of popularity, and perhaps also skill, in that area. It is used in a particularlysubtle fashion at the HIlaidariyya (Pls. IVa and IVb). The technique involved coating the patterned brick surface of a wall with a thin skin of plaster, part of which was then incised. The patina of plaster was never so thick as to disguise the shape of the bricks beneath. A balance between brick and stucco decoration was thus secured (Pls. IVc and IVd). This balance was lost in the Mongol period, when lavish coats of plaster were thickly applied to a wall surface (which was usually plain) and then incised with brick coursing and joints which bore no relation to the surface beneath. The whole technique was thus simplified and debased. The second technique, that of cramming small areas with densely carved stucco, usually disposed in floral patterns, is typically confined to areas too small to bear continuous large-scaleornament and yet large enough to benefit from decorationof some kind. This essentiallyfiller ornament is found in narrow borders flanking inscriptions, in the spandrels of arches and in the ribs of geometrically patterned domes. All these three uses of the technique occur at Qurva and Sujas (Pls. IIIc and IIId). The third technique, that of glazed tilework,occursinside the two Qazvin dome chambersand externally at the Ridl'iyya Jdmi'. It is exploited in various ways in the three Saljfq mausolea at Maragha, and perhapsmost effectivelyof all in the later mausoleum at Nakhchivdn. Glazed tileworkwas probably used in this area as early as the second Kharraqan tower, dated 485/1093.29 When these examples are placed in the context of the early development of glazed tilework as outlined by Wilber,30it will become evident that the early primacy in this medium must be conceded to north-westIran. The last of these four techniques, that of locating stucco medallions at points of structural importance, is fairly rare outside north-west Iran. Its frequent occurrence in that area thus constitutes something of a hallmarkof the local style. These medallions are most often found at the apices of arches, as at Qurva (Fig. 2) and Thkistin, but they also occur scattered among the ribs of a decorated dome, as at Qurva and Sujas, and inside a squinch, as at the Haidariyya (P1.IVb). Such medallions often provide examples of a decorative feature being used in a wider architecturalcontext.30?
29 For the arguments supporting this view see R. Hillenbrand, The Tomb Towersof Iran to 155o (unpublished D.Phil. thesis, Oxford I974), Vol. II, pp. 45-6. " The 30 D. N. Wilber, development of mosaic faience in Islamic architecture in Iran ", AI VI/I (i939), pp. 16-47. 30aI am most grateful to Mr. John Berger for executing the drawings reproduced in Fig. 2.

Pl. Ia. Masjid-i Jami', Qurva: exterior.

Pl. Ib. Masjid-i Jami', Sujds: exterior.

Pl. Ic. Maslid-i Jdmi', Ridd'iyya: exterior.

Pl. Ila. Masjid-i Jami', Ridd'iyya: interior showing zone of transition.

Pl. IIb. Masjid-i Jdmi', Marand: interior: zone of transition.

Pl. IlIa. Masjid-i Jdmi', Zavdra: squinch (photoJ. W. Allan).

P1. IIIb. Masjidi-i J mi', Marand: squinch.

Pl. IlIc. Masjid-i Jdmi', Qurva: squinch.

P1. IIId. Masjid-i Jami', Sujds: squinch.

Pl. IVa Masjid-i HJaidariyya, Qazvin: nicheinsidedomechamber.

Pl. IVb. Masjid-i

Qazvin: d .Haidariyya,

Pl. IVc. Masjid-iJami', Sujas: joint plugs.

Pl. JVd. Masjid-iJami', Qurva: brickandstucc

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of Fig. 2. Masjid-i Jami', Qurva: escutcheons carvedplaster in

thesquinch used.Aoa zone, with a key to the shadingconventions

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This completes the list of the major decorative techniques used in the mosques of north-west Iran. One other stylistic tag, the shallow stalactite niche, is also found-e.g. at the IHaidariyya, Sujas and Tikistdn31-but so far there are not quite enough examples to allow one positively to identify this feature as a hallmark of the Qazvin style. To summarize, then, one may conclude that the stylistic resemblances between Qurva, Sujas, TakistIn and the Qazvin dome chambers are strong enough for a well-defined local style of decoration to be distinguished. No craftsman's name has yet been discovered on any of these buildings, so the attractive hypothesis that one man worked on several of them cannot be proved. One trait that they all share is the concentration on ornament rather than architectural form. This is not an absolute judgement, for all three buildings display strong, well-defined forms which are boldly contrasted and which can speak"for themselves in terms of line and mass. But if one compares them to the dome chambers of the Isfahdn area one is conscious that the typical builder of the north-west was not interested in refining, and in experimenting with, established architectural forms; he preferred to decorate them. One sees here the trend which was finally to lead to Safavid architecture and to the triumph of decoration over form. Nearly forty years ago Andre Godard began a celebrated controversy by propounding the theory that a single domed chamber, isolated in a courtyard, was a common mosque form in medieval Iran and that it derived from the fire temple, more specifically the chahdrtdq, of the Sasanians.32 He placed the development of these so-called " kiosk mosques " in the Saljtiq period. His theory, which was originally based on the evidence of five dome chambers, was soon powerfully challenged by Sauvaget, who in a meticulous analysis disposed of their claims to be kiosk mosques and argued that some of them were madrasas while others had the domed sanctuary introduced into pre-existing buildings.33 Godard's counter-arguments appear to have escaped widespread notice.34 His theory is at present neither discredited35 nor universally accepted, but Sauvaget's article remains the principal formulation against it. Sauvaget's authority as a scholar has certainly helped the general and perhaps rather uncritical acceptance of his arguments. This is not the place to re-examine these arguments in the requisite detail, butto take only one point of his case, his theory that some kiosks were originally madrasas-it is surely difficult to believe that the present jdmi's of Qazvin and Ardistan were built as madrasas,even though they have for long been the traditional Friday mosques of these towns. The absence of other Friday mosques in these towns would be doubly strange given such abnormally large and magnificent madrasas. Moreover, the kiosk form in itself has no obvious relevance to the functions of a madrasa,whereas its use in pre-Islamic sanctuaries in Iran would have rendered it an obvious choice for early mosques in that country. It is even possible-though less likely-that the parallel development of free-standing domed mausolea was a factor in the growing popularity of a similar form for mosques. Since these mausolea, and related commemorative buildings,36 could serve cultic functions from early Islamic times onwards,37 the concept of a free-standing domed place of Islamic worship was given architectural form independently of the tradition of Sasanian fire temples. The idea that a single architectural form should have varied applications is of course central to Iranian architecture. One may simply cite the which, iwdan, aside from its function as a portal or entrance vestibule, or as a place for prayer and teaching, may also have symbolic or honorific associations in a wide variety of buildings. Quite apart, therefore, from the fact that the kiosk form is unsuitable for use as a madrasa,the very argument that a given building must of necessity have been intended from the beginning to serve exclusively either as a mosque or as a madrasaseems rather doctrinaire and imposes a false polarity on the evidence. From the earliest centuries of Islam, the mosque-as is well known-served a wide variety
31

stalactite niches of the type found at TAkistan (" Bericht ..... 1971 ", fig. 46). 32 A. Godard, " Les anciennes mosqubes de 1'Iran ", AeI I/i (1936), pp. 187-2 10. 33 Sauvaget, op. cit. pp. 8i-I20. '~ Godard, " Les anciennes mosqu6es de l'Iran, " AA III (1956),

zida Agril at Hasanmbid suggests that this building had

Dr. Kleiss's reconstruction of the original state of the Imdm-

pp. 48-63, 83-8. His final statement of the problem is found in his book The Art of Iran, pp. 279-292. 35 0. Grabar accepts it by implication in " The Visual Arts ", Cambridge Historyof Iran. Vol. V. The Saljuq and MongolPeriods (Cambridge, 1968), pp. 632-436 Idem, " The earliest Islamic commemorative structures, notes and documents ", Ars OrientalisVI (1966), 1-46. 37 Hillenbrand, Tomb Towers, Ch. IV and V.

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of purposes.38In 12th century Iran, too, it is likely that the so-called " kiosk" mosquesin their turn had " multiple functions. The term " mosque-madrasa used by van Berchem and others of medieval buildings in Syria and Egypt may at first sight seem strange, and even a contradiction in terms, but the concept provides a useful explanation for the kiosk mosques of Iran in their enlarged, post-Saljaq form. " This form differs from that of the so-called " mosque-madrasas of Syria and Egypt, but it is no less suitable for the combined functions of mosque and madrasa.39 It should be clear from the preceding discussionthat some at least of Sauvaget's arguments against the kioskmosque theory are open to question. But theories come and go, and there would be little point in re-opening this old controversyif there were no new evidence available. It is highly significant that the quantity of published buildings with some claim to be kioskmosqueshas increasedvery considerably since 1936. Indeed, the total, which was originally five, now stands at about twenty buildings of Saljfiq or earlier date, thanks principally to the researchesof Godard himself40and of Siroux.41 This wealth of new evidence decisively changes the picture. If kioskswere really an impractical type of mosque, it is strange that so many of them should have been built, and their sheer quantity makes them difficult to explain away. It would be most unsatisfactoryto redeploy Sauvaget's arguments for buildings he did not know and thus to postulate in one case after another that such kioskswere originally flanked by mud brick structures which have subsequently vanished, or that they were originally madrasas and not This latter argument is particularlyinvalid in the case of village mosques. At the same time mosques.42 one must concede, in the interests of sound method, that not all of these buildings, some of which are only recently discovered, have been subjected to an equally rigorous analysis, and that the histories proposedfor them cannot always be regarded as finally established. Above all, the lack of excavation at critical sites renders the early history of those sites extremely problematical. Nevertheless,the overall picture that emergesis that there are about twenty Iranian mosquesof which the apparentlyoldest part, or even the only surviving part, is a domed sanctuary.43I now propose to discuss the claims of two buildings in north-west Iran, the Friday mosques of Qurva and Sujds,44to be included in this category. The first question to present itself is that of date. In the case of some buildings claimed as kiosk mosques, dating controls in the form of epigraphy and architecturalornament have been lacking. But both Sujis and the upper part of the Qurva chamber can confidently be dated in the twelfth century on the basis of both epigraphy and ornament, and there is epigraphic evidence for dating the lower part or the Qurva dome chamber even earlier. The very fact that both mosques date from no later than the period when the classical Iranian mosque plan was in process of formation means that the evidence they offer on the kiosk mosque controversyis especially valuable. Unfortunately, this evidence is far from conclusive. Fragmentarytraces of other structures,of which no more than the springing of an arch remains in either case, exist on the north walls of both mosques. These cannot yet be dated. It is possible that they are the remainsof entrance portals. They could even have been shallow iwdnswithout compromisingthe function of the domed sanctuary as the principal if not sole place of worship. The Nakhchivan mosque had the same feature. Perhaps the dome chambers also had mud brick buildings, which would in that case have probably been of minor importance only, adjoining them on more than one side. If these were of inferior material and quality there would be nothing surprisingin their disappearance.
39

See J. Pedersen, art. " Masdjid " in EI' See R. Ettinghausen, "Some comments on medieval Iranian Art (a propos the publication of the Cambridge Historyof Iran) ", ArtibusAsiae XXXI/4 (1969), pp. 280-3. A list is given on p. 88 of the article cited in n. 34 above. 40 n1 Kiosk mosques not listed by Godard are published in two of Siroux' works: "Kouh-Payeh, La Mosqu6e Djum'a et Quelques Monuments du Bourg et de ses Environs ", Annales VI Islamologiques (1966), pp. I37-170; and AnciennesVoies et Monuments Routiersde la R'gion d'Ispahan, Mimoirespublie'es par les Membresde l'InstitutFranfais d'Archdologie Orientale LXXXII (1970). 42 One also has to postulate in all such cases that the madrasa function has subsequently been replaced by that of the mosque. Besides, it would be rather eccentric to build a splendid mad38

43

44

rasa before the town possessed a Friday mosque; and even if the town did already have ajdmi' which subsequently became unusable, one would not expect the madrasato be turned into the Friday mosque at a later date. Once again, the fact that so many kiosk mosques are the current Friday mosques of their towns or villages argues that they were intended to serve this function from the beginning. Again, it is highly significant that it should so often be the kiosk element which survives as the earliest element of the mosque. The cumulative implication is unavoidably that this element was itself the original mosque. A full publication of this mosque is in press and will appear in Vol. X of Kunst des Orients. The evidence for the statements made below about the Qurva mosque may be found in my article cited in n.I6 above.

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The reason for postulating only minor adjoining buildings is easily explained. Unlike most other Saljiq domed mosques, Qurva and Sujas are not in their present state associatedwith a courtyard and deep iwdns. Presumably,if such additions had been made to an isolated dome chamber, and were dictated by practical needs, they would have been kept in good repair, for they would have been almost as integral a part of the mosque as the domed sanctuaryitself. This is exactly what one finds in the Saljiq mosques of four-iwdn plan: Isfahan, Ardistdn, Gulpdyagin and so on. At Qurva the structuresadjointhe dome chamber are of very poor quality; it is unlikely that they are of any great age. They can ing easily be accounted for by the fact that the domed chamber is no longer used for worship. Indeed, the villagers regard it as unsafe. At Sujis, modern houses abut on the mosque on three of the four sides. Once again, the dome chamber is no longer used for worship, and once again the considerable cracks in the fabric provide ample explanation for this neglect. The considerationsoutlined above suggest that there is a strong possibility that both Qurva and Sujts were originally isolated dome chambers,with no more than very minor flankingstructures. At all events, Sujdsin particular is important as one of the very few so-called " kiosk mosques " which has no surviving later additions, and together with Qurva it offers one of the most satisfactoryexamples of the kiosk mosque. This paper has demonstrated again, but with new evidence, that the majestic, architecturally articulated dome chamber of the Isfahdn area was by no means the only type of Saljiq domed mosque. The domed mosques of north-west Iran belong to an entirely separate category. They can be subdivided roughly into two groups: a simplified and more massive version of the central JibMltype (examples are the Qazvin dome chambers and the Rida'iyya Jdmi'), and a high, rather narrow dome chamber with a prominent zone of transition, a hemispherical dome, and perhaps a shallow portal on the north side. Examples of this latter type are Qurva and Sujis; the Marand Jimi' may originally have belonged to this group too. A related kind of mosque is found in at least three places in eastern KhurZsdn,but this type is more squat in form and has an insignificant zone of transition. These smaller dome chambers in the north-west and north-east of Iran may simply have been the village interpretation of the imperial or urban mosque;45 they give a glimpse of Saljtiq architecture which is of the second rank but not second-rate. They seem to reflect none of the princely connotations of the dome, and should thus probably not be related to the court. Nor need one postulate a rich patron, for their small size would have made them less difficult and expensive to decorate than the large mosques.46 The perhaps rather conventional architecture of Qurva and Sujis, together with the even more simplifieddome chamber of eastern suggeststhat this type of mosque may have representeda Khursamn, national rather than a local style. The architecturalelements of these mosques, though powerful individually and harmoniousin combination, are in fact of no great complexity. One is thus tempted to think in terms of a rough schema, or even a fairly detailed blueprint deliberately evolved for general use. Certainly the Iranian craftsmen usually saw no need to vary the successfulformula which they had developed. This would account for the wide geographical spread of these dome chambers, and for the fact that they continued to be built over a period of several centuries. Perhapsthe model was spread by travelling architects, and local craftsmenwere left to embellish the basic structureas they saw fit. At all events, the outstanding merit of the mosques of north-west Iran lies in their decoration, which is always varied and of a quality which is consistently high and occasionally exquisite.

45

Nevertheless, until recently Qurva was on the trunk road between Tabriz and Tehran, and could therefore not be regarded as a remote site. '~ This same small size again illustrates the doctrinaire quality of Sauvaget's arguments against the kiosk mosque theory, for he

asserts that such mosques are too small to hold the adult population of a town during the Friday prayer which all must attend. If this were truly so in practice, one would expect larger settlements to have several Friday mosques; but this is very rarely the case.

EXCAVATIONS AT TALL-I MALYAN (ANSHAN) 1974 By William Sumner

The third season of excavations at Malyan,' sponsored by the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, lasted from late August to early December, 1974.2 The following discussion covers the main periods investigated beginning with the earliest levels. The Banesh Period (c. 3000 B.C.) Banesh levels were excavated in two operations: the ABC stratigraphic trench and a new operation, designated TUV, on the small Banesh mound in the north-east corner of the site.3 The relative chronology of these two operations has not yet been established, but the ceramic assemblage of ABC, Level IV, is similar to that of TUV, Level III.4

III-V ABC, BuildingLevels

Virgin soil has not been reached in the ABC stratigraphic operation. The earliest deposit, Building Level V, has been investigated only in a small opening (about 10o 5 metres). The Level V building x is similar to the later ABC Banesh buildings; traces of red and white wall paint were found and a hearth was discovered in one room. Few finds were associated with this building, and it appears to have been razed in preparation for the construction of Level IV. The opening in Level V will be expanded next season. The earliest phase of Level IV investigated so far is a rectangular building located in the north-east corner of the operation (Fig. I, Rooms 1-4, also P1. Ia). The later phase of this level includes a number of irregular rooms, corridors, and hearths to the west and south of the first building. The walls of this later phase are curved and meet at odd angles. Evidence from two pits shows that the walls rest on stone footings in contrast to all other Banesh walls discovered to date. Traces of black and white wall paint are also present. Finds include quantities of pottery and bone from Rooms 3 and 4, particularly from a pit in Room 4.5 Building Level III, first investigated in 1971, was erected directly on the filled rooms and wall stubs of Level IV. It has several building and occupation phases. The badly preserved rooms along the west side of the building (Fig. 2, Rooms Io-I3) were a later addition to the structure but were abandoned earlier than the rest of the building. Within the excavated area the plan consists of two parallel walls running north-south with a number of crosswalls defining small rooms. Thus, the plan is similar to that of ABC Level II.6 The entrance to the building appears to be from the west into Rooms 17 and I4, then either into Rooms 15 and 16 or into the small rectangular Room 8 which opens onto other rooms (Fig. 2). Flat hearths or domed fire places are set against the walls in several rooms and are generally centred on the long axis of the rooms.
1 For an account of the first two seasons, see " Excavations at
2

Tall-i Malyan, 1971-72 ", Iran XII (1974), PP. 155-80. Generous support was also received from the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, the Ford Foundation, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the University of Michigan, the Ohio State University, the University of Oregon, and anonymous private donors. Laboratory analysis is currently supported by National Science Foundation Grant No. SOC75-o0483. The i974 season staff included: John Alden, Carol Beeman, Elizabeth Carter, R. H. Dyson, Jr., Susan Howard, Linda Jacobs, Naomi Miller, Janet Nickerson, John Nickerson, Jaffar

Nikkhah, Michael Nimtz, Vesta Sarkhosh, Matthew Stolper, and Melinda Zeder. I thank them for all their cheerful hard work. We are much indebted to Dr. F. Bagherzadeh, Director of the Iranian Centre for Archaeological Research for his kindness in facilitating our work. * Sumner, ibid., Fig. 2 and note io for the location of various operations. 4 Sumner, ibid., Fig. 4 for pottery from T.T.-F. 5 Sumner, ibid., Fig. 5 g-j for ceramics from Room 4, first excavated in 1971. 6 For the Level II plan, see Sumner, ibid., Fig. 3-

103

.hh

S---

10

12

0 1 metres

walls Sexcavated
N
<-

reconstructed walls

h hearth

Fig. I. ABC Operation, BuildingLevelIV, Banesh period.

Ih

2 3

??.:

:.:.:.I

walhher ecvtdwlsrcn:ce

10

I
. .

o1112
13
I

14

8+ im

15

16

'

te hhert

excvaedwalsiiii:.iiiireontrute

wll

emectea

period. Fig. 2. ABC Operation, BuildingLevelIII, Banesh

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All the walls in this building were painted red except for Rooms I0-17 which were white; door jambs were either white or yellow, and floors were white. In Room 9, a fragment of wall painting showing alternating white, black, and red horizontal bands was preserved about 18 cm. above the floor of the west wall. At a point about I -5 m. from the north wall, the bands turned upwards and ran perpendicularto the floor. This suggests that the wall paintings discussedbelow were arranged on the red walls within rectangular panels which were bordered by multicoloured stripes. The paintings rested directly on the wall stubs or on brick fill within the rooms (P1. Ib). When the building was razed, most of them were destroyed and the remaining fragments were scattered during the final levelling process. Designs were painted on a thin white plaster coating on a thick tan plaster leaving the white elements of the pattern in reserve.7 Pigments are tentatively identified as haematite for red, limonite for yellow, and probably carbon for black and grey. The most common designs are multiple step patterns; these were often combined with triangular elements and sometimes incorporated rosettes (P1. II). Elaborate curvilinear designs also occur but are not common (P1. II). Building Level III contained no rich deposit of small finds, but the few objects recovered are interesting. Most notable perhaps are the relief-decoratedsherds. These feature cows, bulls, goats, and a leaf pattern. They are from large flat-bottomed, almost cylindrical vessels with slightly convex sides which rise to a shoulder. The leaf motif above the shoulder in several examples suggests that the hole mouth leaf sherds may be the rim of such a vessel. Four sherds, probably not from the same vessel, are arranged to suggest a tentative reconstructionof the vessel form in Fig. 3. A fine painted stone bowl fragment also came from this building in 1971.8 Other finds include seals, sealings, and ProtoElamite tablets (Figs. 4 and 5, P1. III). Parallels for some of these objects are found at Tepe Yahya and Susa.9 Early in the 1974 season, a number of Building Level II walls were removed in preparationfor the excavation of Level III. In the course of this work, a large collection of Proto-Elamite tablets and sealings was discovered in stratigraphic context between Levels II and III (Fig. 4, P1. III). A tiny gold foil leopard with engraved detail, which was found out of context, also probably came from the same intermediate stratum (Fig. 5n, P1. III). TUV, BuildingLevelsI-III Surface collections and a small test trench (T.T.-F) excavated in 1971 suggested that the small mound rising from the flat area near the north-easterncorner of the city wall was a Banesh settlement

without later occupation. In 1974, five o x Io metre, and two 10o 5 metre operations were opened to

exploit this opportunity for horizontal excavation in Banesh levels.10 Building Level I lay immediately below a thick pebble stratum and was badly eroded in places. The walls, standing only a few centimetres in height, were part of several large buildings of uncertain function. Few featuresor finds, other than hearths and sherds,were associatedwith this level. Building Level II was better preserved and produced a number of interesting features and finds. The corners of this structure point in the cardinal directions, unlike the Banesh buildings in ABC. The plan of the building includes a long, narrow room to the south-east and two groups of small rooms to the northwest (P1. IVa), which have many domestic features-several types of hearths, grain grinding installations, and a number of shouldered storagejars characterized by bent nose lugs (Fig. 7a). A small test in Level III revealed a well-preserved building with white plastered walls and a domed hearth. It is anticipated that about 600 sq. m. of Level III will be opened next season.
SPhase

analysis by x-ray diffraction shows that both the thick tan plaster and the thin white plaster have approximately the same mineral composition (calcite, dolomite, and quartz) except that the tan colour of the thick plaster is due to a fine coating of clay on the carbonate particles. This data and preliminary information on the pigments is provided by James Blackman, Department of Mineralogy and Geology, Ohio State University.

Sumner, ibid., Fig. 5k. 9 Documentation for all parallels mentioned in the text will be found in the Catalogue. 10 The operations were under the general supervision of Michael Nimtz who was accidentally killed in Tehran at the end of the season. We were all greatly saddened by this tragedy and miss him very much.
8

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Fig. 3. Relief Pottery,ABC BuildingLevelIII.

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ABC Operation. Fig. 4. Seal Impressions,

Finds from the TUV Operation include a number of new Banesh ceramic forms (Figs. 6-9), ProtoElamite tablets (P1.III), a seal and many sealings (Fig. 5). There is a distinct stylisticcontrast between the TUV sealings and those from the ABC Operation, but in the absence of precise relative dates the contrast cannot be interpreted. Most of the sealings were found in pits associated with Levels II and III but a few were found on the floor of Level II. Some 300 sealing fragmentswere recovered,forming an exceptionally diverse collection. Sealings made with cylinders were most common but several made with stamp seals were found including round, oval, and square impressions; at least one sealing had impressionsmade by both a cylinder and a stamp seal. By and large, the designs were geometric but naturalistic motifs were also present. Sealed containers appear to have ranged in size from quite small portable vessels to large storage jars; rim form was also highly variable. The vessel mouths were covered with woven fabric or animal hide with the hair intact, tied with cord around the neck and sealed with clay pressed under the rim against the cord. In contrast to this system, several sealings were on clay which had been packed into

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and Fig. 5. Seal Impressions Seals, TUV andABC Operations.

the mouth of the vessel to be sealed. Others showed no sign of being used to seal a vessel at all: one was simply a large blocky piece of clay with an impression on one face; several resembled clay tags with holes for cord or with cord impressions.1' The occurrence of these sealings, along with Proto-Elamite tablets in an apparently domestic structure suggests the complexity of administrative or commercial record-keepingduring this early period.
The Kaftari Period (c. 2ooo B.C.)

Several small trenches of the Kaftari period were excavated in the shovelling platform near the top of the ABC Operation. All of the material from these trenches was screened to obtain a sample of small bones and fragments as well as other small finds; some of the material was also treated by flotation to recover botanical evidence.
1x This

account of the Operation TUV Banesh sealings is based on a research project undertaken by Joanne Oaks at Ohio

State University.

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Fig. 6. Buff Ware, TUV Operation.

Fig. 7. Pottery, TUV Operation.

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Fig. 8.- Buff Ware, TUV andABC Operations.

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c-.---+--4--+---*- 3crrm

Zr

j
b--:-X.--

w. m darkred paint c white paint relief - carlnatlon

5cm

unpainted

Fig. 9. ReliefPottery,TUV Operation.

The MiddleElamitePeriod(c. 12oo B.C.) Excavation continued in the large Middle Elamite building first explored in 1972. An additional 550 sq. m. of this building were excavated down to the floor associated with its destruction by fire.12 The plan consistsof a large rectangular court surroundedby a narrow corridorwhich gives access to a number of rooms (P1. IVd). A fallen pier between the courtyard and the corridor suggests that the building was at least five metres in height, but no convincing evidence of an upper floor has yet been found. Finds associated with this phase of the building include glazed tiles with floral relief, glazed knobs, heavy stone pegs, unworked calcite, a large deposit of flint flakes, charred grain, charred roof beams and matting, as well as a ceramic assemblage with close parallels in Susiana. Also present were some 300 cuneiform tablets and fragments. The tablets are for the most part economic or administrative documents detailing transactions involving gold, silver, bronze or copper, and tin. The transactions took place during several months. A number of them bear the place name An za an and one has the first syllable of a king's name: Hu-( . .).13
12

This level was designated II in Sumner, ibid., p. 173. The account presented in this report is based on notes provided by Elizabeth Carter and Matthew Stolper who have prepared a more detailed account which will appear shortly in Expedition. Five radiocarbon dates for this building, 573o half-life, MASCA Correction: P2o6o 1500-1540?55 B.C., charcoal

13

P2o6I I38o-1400oo58 B.C., charcoal P233o 1270-I1300--60 B.C., charcoal, roof beam P233x 1030-11oo0 70 B.C., charcoal, reed mat P2332 1240-1270+70 B.c., charcoal, reed mat For a note on the epigraphic finds, see Erica Reiner, Iran XII, p. 176.

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The function of this building remains unclear; it can only be said that a few objects which might have been used in a temple or other important building were found there and that a number of written documents were either discarded or stored there. Laboratory Analysis Other projectsundertakenduring and since the 1974 season include most notably the initial analysis of the palaeozoological, palaeobotanical, and mineralogical data from all three seasons. These studies are still in processand final resultsare not yet available but some tentative interpretationsare available. Analysis of animal bones shows that sheep and goat, followed by cattle, are the most common domestic animals present during Banesh and Kaftari times.14 Other large animals include ass or onager, possibly horse, and one bone from a wild auroch. Other small animals, very rare in the collection, include a species of gazelle, a domestic dog or jackal, and one bone which may be from a cervid. It seems that hunting was of minor importance. The available data suggests a number of intriguing lines of investigation. For example: it appears that the proportion of goats to sheep was greater in the Malyan herds than in herds in the Susiana or Mesopotamian lowlands. However, estimating the exact proportion is complicated by the fact that goat bones appear to be more broken up than sheep bones. This observation, which may be related to slaughtered. A preliminary analysis of the combined sheep and goat sample from the Kaftari period shows a marked decline in the number of animals slaughtered after the age of 18 months; furthermore, analysis indicates that the majority of these young animals were males. This pattern suggests that the herds were maintained for meat (young males) and milk (older females). Further analysis of larger samples may enable us to construct separate age curves for sheep and goats which will indicate if
herding practices were the same for both species. Palaeobotanical analysis is still in an early stage.15 Barley is the most common grain in the collection but wheat and assorted weeds also occur. Other food plants include grape, pistachio, and probably almond. Several rushes, typically found in marshy habitats, are also present. In conclusion, it may be said that Malyan continues to reward our efforts by producing significant butchering or cooking practices, is currently being studied. Another interesting tentative observation concerns the relationship between the economic use of animals and the age at which animals were

data, but we have not yet reached the point where it is possible to draw firm general conclusions about life in the city during its main periods of occupation.

14 Melinda Zeder (Department of Anthropology, University of

Michigan) is studying the animal bones and these comments are based on her most recent preliminary report. Some 16,o58 bones have been processed; i962 were identifiable in some way: 1272 from Kaftari deposits and 69o from Banesh

deposits. In view of the tentative nature of this report, I have used the common rather than scientific animal names. 1x Naomi Miller (Department of Anthropology, University of Michgan) is studying the botanical material and these comments are based on her most recent communication,

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CATALOGUE Abbreviations CCO L. Delaporte, Catalogue Cylindres I des Orientaux (Paris, I920). DAFI I A. LeBrun, " Recherches stratigraphiques a l'Acropole de Suse (1969-71) ", DAFI I. Elam P. Amiet, Elam (1966). P. Amiet, La Glyptique GMA (Paris, 1961). Archai'que Mdsopotamienne P. de Miroschedji, " Tep6 Jalyan, Une N'cropole du IIIe Mill'naire Av. J.-C. au Fars Oriental Jalyan (Iran) ", Arts AsiatiquesXXX (1974), PP. 19-64. II MDP 43 P. Amiet, Glyptique a Susienne Origines l'EpoquedesPersesAchdmenides (Paris, 1972). des SCS H. Frankfort, Stratified Sealsfrom theDiyala Region,OIP LXXII (Chicago, 1955). Cylinder in D. T. Potts, The Late 4th Millennium Universe a Highland of Community Iran: Problems Proto-Elam of Yahya honours thesis, Harvard University. andJamdatNasr Mesopotamia (1975), unpublished Fig. 3: Relief Pottery,ABC BuildingLevelIII (a) Red-orange buff ware with no obvious temper. Leaves, stems, and rope designs are in relief. Leaves have been coated with a white chalky substance. Rope design is pierced near rim. The ledge rim of the interior may have been used as a lid rest; sherds of such a lid in the same ware and with the same decoration were also found in Level III, MIo046. (b) Burnished reddish-brown exterior with possible traces of black paint on body of animal, M69I. (c) White slip or plaster over red-orange buff ware with traces of black paint on body of animal. Parts of interior appear burnished. Fine straw and grit temper, M689 (reconstructed base diameter is 45 cm.). (d) White slip over light red body with no obvious temper. Animal relief is possibly painted beige with yellow paint between legs of hindquarters, M668. ABC Operation Fig. 4: Seal Impressions, MDP 43, P1. 23; rahya, Fig. I3, P1. 17. (a) M874. (b) M879. MDP 43, P1. I12:1047, floral motif. (c) M943. CCO, P1. 39:15(S.264), design in central panel; MDP 43, P1. 107:997, calf in upper portion resembles lamb in lower portion of M943. (d) M875. GMA, Pl. 38bis:B; MDP 43, P1. 24:993, rearing bull. (e) M945.

(f) M947(g)

M1220.

(h) M849. Yahya,Fig. I6, P1. 20.

(i) M1224. MDP 43, Pl. 23:975, 976, column base. (j) M962. MDP 43, P1. 23:975, leaf. (k) M94I. (1) M889. CCO,P1. 41:Io(307), pillar and base. and Fig. 5: Seal Impressions Seals, TUV andABC Operations MIo87, TUV Level III. MI2I9, TUV Level III. MDP 43, P1. 3:452, Pl. 15:646, seated figure. M1221, TUV Level II? MDP 43, P1. 6o:455. Mio86, TUV Level III. MI173, TUV Level III. MDP 43, P1. 26:1129, 1130, II33, P1. 117:1128; SCS, 93;KhVI 447. TUV Level II. CCO, P1. 38:I7(S.Io4); SCS, i34;Kh.VI 424. M1I72, TUV Level III. CCO, P1. I5:5(S.50o); P1. 38:I9(S.54); MDP 43, P1. 26:1196. MIIo5, M0io6, TUV Level III. CCO, P1. I5:5(S.50); P1. 38:I9(S.54); MDP 43, P1. 26:II96. MIIII, TUV Level III. CCO, P1. I5:5(S.50); P1. 38:x9(S.54); MDP 43, P1. 26:11 96. M1187, TUV. MDP 43, P1. 122:1245. MI189, TUV. MI190, ABC Level IV. M1Ii88, ABC Level IV. CCO, PI. 24:I7(S.267); MDP 43, P1. I I 1:1034. M676, ABC between Levels II and III.

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g) (h) (i) (j) (k) (1) (m) (n)

Pl. Ia. Tall-i Malyan: Operation ABC, BuildingLevelsIV and V.

A P1. Ib. Tall-i Malyan: Operation

Api-

Al

Pl. Ha. Fresco, ABC Building Level III: Step-design. Vertical black painted line (terminating at card) marks an 8 mm. relief.

Pl. IIb. Fresco, ABC Building Level III:

Sworl-design.

:";"i i i i~i ~'i

Aii~~iiiii:ii i::?

Pl. IIc. Fresco, ABC Building Level III: Step- and leafdesign. Horizontal line (above card) marks an 8 mm. relief.

Pl. IId. Fresco,ABC BuildingLevelIII: Step-design.

Pl. IlIb. M.1173.

5-5x3-9

cm.

Pl. IIIc. M.849.

4x 3- 8 cm. 4"

Pl. IIIa. M.889. 6-5x cm. 4"5

P1. Illf. M. Izo6.

2.8x

I cm.

7 P1. IIId. M.1155, TUV Operation. 8x 6-o cm.

Pl. Ille

M.1152,

TUV Operation. 5-8x

cm. 4"3

Pl.. 1IIgM.1172.

3'5X3"2Cn

Pl. IIIh M.iooo, ABC Operation. 5- 6>X 6 cm. 4

P1. IIIi.

M.122o.

5- x3-6

cm.

Pl. IIIj. M.676. 2'5x 2.o cm

Pl. IIIk. M.1188.2o.OXO cm.

Pl. IIIl. M.875.

6 2x27

cm.

Pl. IVa. Tall-i Malyan: Operation TUV, BuildingLevelII.

Pl. IVb. M.69I.
21 9X23I cm.

Pl. IVd. Tall-i Malyan: MiddleElamiteBuilding. Pl. IVe. M.o146. 18x 12 c

EXCAVATIONS

AT

TALL-I

MALYAN

(ANSHAN)-I974

115

Fig. 6: Buff Ware, TUV Operation buff ware, grit tempered except as noted below. Note: Orange (a) Buff slipped, possible traces of painted bands at carination, M844. (b) Grey slipped inside and out except for white paint from below rim to carination, M845. (c) Light brown core with no obvious temper. Wheel-turned, string-cut base, Mio35. (d) Dark red painted design over grey slip, M846. (e) Straw tempered, pits in surface. Fugitive dark red painted design over beige slip both inside and out. Seven triangular designs mark the shoulder, two of which have three lines bordering a solid triangle instead of two lines as illustrated. Interior base is nippled at centre with radiating finger sworl grooves diminishing to a smooth vessel wall, M727(f) Dark red painted stripes on panel of white paint over grey slip both inside and out. Three panels of design are set approximately 2-9 cm. apart, M842. Dark red painted stripes on panel of white paint. Three panels of design are set 4 -o and 3 cm. apart, (g) 4" M848.
(h) Dark brown core, Mo1044-

Fig. 7: Pottery,TUV Operation Note: Orange buff ware except as noted below. (a) Dark red and white paint over dark grey slip. Grit and straw tempered with pits in surface. Dark grey core. Vessel has not been fully restored, and the complete design and extent of slip are still uncertain. Jalyan, P1. X:3 for a possible bent nose lug. (b) Grit tempered. Black firing bloom on surface, M837. rahya, Fig. 30 :A. (c) Brown paint over white slip on greyish-brown buff ware. Grit tempered, M840o. (d) Dark red fugitive paint over beige slip on shoulder. Possibly white slipped over all of vessel. Grit tempered. Base is oval (7 4 x cm.). Design repeats. Base of triangles are 4 cm. apart, M713. 6.8 Fig. 8: Buff Ware, TUV andABC Operations Note: Orange buff ware except as noted below. All objects are from TUV except for (k). (a) Dark red buff ware, burnished granular grit with mica inclusions. Exterior base is not burnished, but is flat and granular. Core colour varies from red to black. Rim diameter varies from 33-36 cm., MIo040o. (b) Straw and grit tempered, pits in surface. Grey core. DAFI I, Fig. 45:II. to cm.; rim diameter varies from 20 to approximately (c) Grit tempered. Height varies from Io. I Io.9 29 cm. Rosy firing bloom approximately 5 cm. in diameter on one side, M847. (d) Straw tempered, pits in surface. Rim and base shapes vary slightly. Finger sworl marks inside bottom.
Rough exterior surface. Fig. 47:12. Height varies from 12.
I to 13'3 cm.

Dark brown core, Mio39.

DAFI I,

(e) Straw tempered. Black core. DAFI I, Fig. 60:8-9. (f) Straw and grit tempered with pits in surface. Body shape varies, M838. (g) Straw tempered with pits in surface. Black core, M839(h) Straw tempered with pits in surface. Grey core, MIo37(i) Dark red paint on light orange buff slip. Grit tempered with pits in surface. Reconstructed rim diameter (j) Grit and straw tempered with pits in surface. Light grey slip over grey buff ware. Dark grey core. DAFI I, Fig. 61:8. (k) Straw tempered, pits in surface.
is 47 cm.

Fig. 9: Relief Pottery,TUV Operation (a) Red-orange burnished buff ware. Grit tempered, MI 215. (b) Painted design of (a)-MI2I5. Dark red and white fugitive painted design applied from shoulder to carination. Design repeats once. Drawings and research for the Catalogue was done by Janet Nickerson. Plans of ABC Building Levels III and IV are based on the field survey plans of John Alden and John Nickerson. Errata: The following were published in error in IranXII, p. 172, Fig. I2 (g) drawing reversed in publication. The scale should read 2 5 cm. instead of 5 cm. P. I8o, Fig. 13. Items (c) and (d) are reversed, that is (c) is M649 and (d) is M6Io.

SAFAWID POETS AND INDIA By Aziz Ahmad

I During the seventeenth century there was a large influx of poets from Safawid Iran to Mughal India and the Deccan. Persian poetry throve in India rather than in its natural homeland, Iran. The theory so far held is best summed up in Mirzi Muhammad Qazwini's communication to E. G. Browne: The chief reasonfor this [i.e. lack of patronageby the Safawids]seemsto have been that these kings,by reasonof their politicalaims and strongantagonismto the OttomanEmpire,devotedthe greaterpart of their energiesto the propagation the Shi'a doctrineand the encouragement divines learnedin its of of principlesand laws. Browne subscribed to this theory fully, as have all his successors,including Rypka more recently, who assertsthat the " cultural " interest of the Safawids was confined to the consolidation of Shi'ism, and that in the Safawid Iran there was a " palpable lack of interest in the poets, their works and their burial-places"; though he does concede some development of, and interest in, non-religious poetry in the Safawid Iran as exemplified by Ismd'il I's Turki diwdnand Sam Mirzd's tadhkira.1 The theory can be traced to a pious anecdote narrated in the Ta'rikh-i'.lam-drd'i 'Abbdsithat Tahm~sp (1524-76) was not pleased with the two panegyricssent by Muhtasham Kashi from Kashan in praise of the Safawid monarch and the PrincessPari Khan Khanum, and observed that eulogies should be written only in the honour of the Prophet and the Imams, which would earn reward in the hereafter and from himself. On this, Muhtasham composed and sent him his famous devotional haft-band.2 Even if this hagiological anecdote has a kernel of truth, it is relevant only to a particular occasion, and one has to weigh against it the evidence that a great deal of non-religious poetry was written in the age of Tahmasp. One cannot easily rule out the possibility that the anecdote may have had its origin as a legend to extol Tahmdsp's piety and to provide an apocryphal genesis for Muhtasham's haft-band. One has also to take into account the fact that Muhtasham had written earlier several panegyrics in honour of Tahmdsp and much erotic verse. There is no doubt that in the age of Tahmasp painting and calligraphy became the major arts, and a certain poet complained of the better opportunities of advancement for the " calligraphist, the painter, the Qazwini and the donkey "; but it does not follow that poetry had necessarily become a minor art, as Browne has asserted.3 Minorsky advanced the view that the decline of poetry under the Safawids might be explained as due to the decline of mysticism in Iran.4 But then there was also a decline of Siffism in poetry in Mughal India, where poetry flourished; and the few rare instances of poets there include only a S.ifi few names, such as Dird Shukoh, Sarmad and Bidil. Rypka is closer to the truth in suggesting that the comparative decline of interest in poetry in early Safawid Iran could have been due to economic decline in the Middle East after the disappearance of Italian colonies in the Black Sea and the development of a sea route to India by the Portuguese. The facts of the matter seem to be that the India of Akbar, Jahingir and Shah Jahdn was richer than was
1

Qazwini to Browne, in E. G. Browne A Literary History of Persia, IV, p. 26; J. Rypka, History of Iranian Literature, Dordrecht, 1968, pp. 292-3. I am grateful to my friends Dr. Turhan Gandjei and Professors R. M. Savory and G. M. Wickens for their comments and suggestions concerning this paper. Iskandar BFg Turkman, Ta'rikh-i 'Alam-drd-i'Abbdst,Tehran,

1337 Shamsi, I, p. I78. The same view has been repeated by Tehran, 1284-95 Rid! Quli-Khin in his Majma' al-fupsahd', Shamsi. ' Iskandar Beg, I, 170-7; Browne, IV, 97, 241. * V. Minorsky, " Iran: Opposition, Martyrdom and Revolt ", in G. E. von Grunebaum (ed.), Unity and Varietyin Muslim Civilisation,Chicago, 1955, p. 196.

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Iran from Tahmdsp to 'Abbas II, and that the Safawid resources of patronage of poets were inadequate compared to the resources of the Mughals; a sojourn in India, whether permanent or temporary, appeared to offer better opportunities of economic gain to the Persian poets, as also to a considerable cross-section of the Persian dlite. As Browne has noted, a considerable number of Persian poets returned to Iran after making their fortunes in India where they had enjoyed more affluent and, therefore more generous, patronage; but he is wrong when he talks about " lack of patronage " in Iran.5 It would have been more appropriate to say that patronage in Iran during the second half of the sixteenth and throughout the seventeenth century was inadequate compared to India. The exact nature and extent of the inadequacy of the Safawid patronage of poets needs careful examination. To begin with, there is the direct evidence of some of the dissatisfied poets. Perhaps the most articulate of these was Kawthari, a panegyrist of 'Abbas I (1588-1629), who wrote candidly of the poor patronage of poets in Iran: There is no buyer of poetry in this land; no one is active in the market of poetry which has no value or appreciation. There is no purchaser of meaningful verse; From the highest to the lowest no one is attracted towards poetry. .... My life has become intolerable in Iran; I should go to India ... This poor patronage of Kawthari had nothing to do with the Safawid religious policy, as he was also a martyrologist and wrote Shi'i religious poetry.6 Another poet, Kamdli, composed a Shdh-Jdma on the victories of 'Abbas I, either at the request of that monarch or on his own account, but remained unrecognized and unrewarded.7 Even earlier, panegyrists of Safawid monarchs had migrated to India. Mulld Saba'i, a panegyrist of Tahmasp, went to India and attached himself to the entourage of Khan-i Zaman 'Ali Quli Khan Sistdni, an eminent amir of Akbar's court. After Tahmdsp, the Ozbeg threat to Khurasan and inof Herat.8 security there led to the migration of some poets to India, such as There were some poets who for one reason or the other incurred the displeasure of a Safawid .Hayrati monarch and tried to escape to India. Thus Ghurfiri KKshi incurred the displeasure of 'Abbas I for having plagiarised a qasida of Anwari, came to India and attached himself to 'Abd al-Rahim Khdn-i Khandn.9 There are two accounts of 'Abbas I's displeasure with Hasan Bag Takkalti 'Itabi. The more convincing is that the poet claimed to be a qutb; the less convincing is that he refused to drink a cup of wine offered by the monarch. In any case, he was forgiven and did not visit India until later, accompanying Akbar's envoy Mir Ma'sfim Bakkari on his return journey in 1602, and later went back to Iran. He revisited India during the reign of Jahangir and attached himself to the entourage of Mirzd Ghdzi Bag Tarkhan at Kandahar, and afterwards to that of Nfir Jahan's father, I'timad al-Dawla, and died in India, probably in 1025/1616.10 Rukna Kashi was a poet and physician whom 'Abbas I held ;q such esteem that he visited his house twice. He incurred the royal displeasure and came to India where he joined the service first of Akbar and then of Jahdngir, probably as a hakim. Rukna must have been a difficult person, for we next find him at Golconda where he soon annoyed Mir Muhammad Mi'min Astarabadi, the all-powerful wakil of Muhammad Quli Qutb Shah. He then tried the court of Bijapur without much success. Later he returned to Mughal India and joined the survice of Mahabat Khan. In old age, he left for Iran in 1041/1631-2 and tried without success to gain access to the court of Shah Safi (1629-42). He died in Iran in o66/I656.11 Fasihi Khurasani, who was a panegyrist of 'Abbas I, incurred later either his displeasure or that of his governor of Khurasan, HIusayn Khan
6 Rypka, 293; Browne, IV, p. 25. Maykhana, ed. Ahmad Gulchin-i Ma'kni, Tehran, I340 " B.M. Or. Ms. f. Shamsi, pp. 692-3; Suhuf-iIbrdhimf, 250 b. 342, f. I2a; Rieu, Cat. II, p. 673. 'Ali 437-43; Abu'l-Fadll 'Allimi, AkbarNdma, Bibl. Ind. Atashkada, ed. Hasan Sidst Ndsiri, 10Maykhdna, 7 Lutf Brg Adhar, Calcutta, 188 -3, III, p. 836; Muhammad Qudrat-Allih Tehran, 1336 Shamsi, I, p. 406. 8 Ibrahim 'All Gopdmawi, Natd'ij al-afkdr, Bombay, 1336 A.H., p. 474; Khan, Suhuf-i Ibrahimi, Berlin Or. Ms. 711 Nawwdb Siddiq IHasan Khdn, Sham'-i anjuman,Bhopal, 1293 (Pertsch, 663), f. 222 b; 'Abd al-Qadir Badd'ani, Muntakhab A.H., p. 292. On Mir Ma'sim Bakkari's embassy, see Riyazul al-tawdrikh,Bibl. Ind. Calcutta, 1868-9, III, p. 219. 9 'Abd al-Bdqi Nihdwandi, Ma'dthir-i Rahimi, ed. M. Hiddyat Relations,Tehran, 1970, pp. 65-7. Islam, Indo-Persian 'x 'Ali Quli Khan Wdlih Ddghistani, Riyddal-shu'ard',Berlin Or. III, pp. I1133-4; Husayn, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta, 1924-3, Ms. Sprenger, p. 332 (Pertsch 656), f. 498a. Mirza Muhammad Tahir Nasrdbddi, Tadhkira,Tehran, 1317 Shamsi, p. 291; 'Abd al-Nabi Fakhr al-Zamdni Qazwini,

SAFAWID

POETS

AND

INDIA

119

Shamlil. Fasihi attempted to escape to India, but was taken prisoner and interned at Herat. Released later, he was restored to the Safawid monarch's favour.12 Mir 'Imdd al-Din IlIhi Asadabddi is reported to have left for India because 'Abbas I, displeased at his pretentious takhallus,hit him in a qahva-khdna (coffee-house).13 A much later immigrant was Mirza Abu'l-Baqd', a Tabataba'i Sayyid, who was dissatisfied with his lot in Iran, and who came to Sh.h Jahdn's court, and with his permission settled down in Kashmir where he took to opium and other drugs.14 There are a few cases of poets who fell into the disfavour, not of the Safawid monarchs, but of their wazirs and governors, and therefore left for India. Salim Tihrani, a disciple of Khalifa Sultan, rose to be shaykhal-Isldm of Tehran, but fell from favour when Mirzd Mahdi became wazir, and felt that he could find peace only in India. Muhammad Bdqir Khurda Kashi escaped to Deccan, first to the Nizdm Shahi, then to the 'Adil Shdhi court, from the displeasure of his patron in Khurasan.15 There are a few cases of persecution in Iran of poets who were either zealous Sunnis or " heretics ". Mawldan Qasim Amiri was first blinded, then executed, on charges of heresy.16 Kimi Qazwini emigrated to India because of the persecution of his family by Tahmdsp for zealous Sunnism. His father Mir Yahyd was arrested in Iran and died in prison. His elder brother 'Abd al-Latif Qazwini was Akbar's teacher and friend.17 It is not clear whether Kami accompanied his brother to India or joined him later. His tadhkira, the Nafd'is al-ma'dthir,18is one of the major sources of Badd'iini's notices on poets of Akbar's reign. Qadi Ahmad Ghifari Qazwini came to India, perhaps because he was a staunch Shdfi'i.19 Ghazili Mashhadi's escape to the court of Akbar, where he rose to be poet laureate, was due basically to the charge of heresy (ilhdd) laid against him, and also to fear for his life.20 But cases of escape for fear of religious persecution in Iran are few, and almost all of them have been reported only by Badd'Uini, whose account has to be accepted with a certain amount of reserve because of his fanatical approach to this history of his times. Finally, there are a few cases of officials of the Safawid administration who came to India to improve their prospects. In their case, the quest for service in India rather than a search for patronage as poets may have been the primary objective. These include Brg Afshir, a kitdbddrof 'Abbds I, and Mirz S.diq Wdhib, 'Abbds's governor of Yezd, who finally settled down in Kashmir.21 Brg I.Hasan II On the other hand, there is considerable evidence that most of the Safawid monarchs from Isma'il I to 'Abbas II continued to write poetry and to patronize religious as well as non-religious verse. It would be wrong to assume, as is generally held, that compared to other arts they were indifferent to poetry in general and hostile to non-devotional panegyric or to erotic poetry in particular. Probably they enjoyed poetry as much as the Mughal emperors. If their patronage made lesser impact on Persian poets, and the latter migrated to India, the probable reason is the greater wealth and richer economic resources of India at that stage in history. Ismd'il I was a great poet in Adhari Turkish, but not so distinguished a poet in Persian.22 Among his panegyrists was Ummidi, a disciple of the disciples of Dawdni.23
Maykhdna,pp. 571-6. 13 Nasrdbadi, p. 255; Ma'dthir-iRahfmi,III, pp. 781-3; Ghulam 'Ali Azzd Bilgrami, Sarv-iAzdd, Hyderabad Deccan, 1913, p. 85. 14Nasrabddi, p. 103; Lachmi Nara'in Shafiq, Shdm-i gharfbdn (text serialized in the Urdl, Karachi, based on the Asafiyya Ms.), Urdui, 45/4 (i969), p. 40. 16Nasrabadi, p. 182; Shdm-igharibdn,Urdz, 46/1 (1970), p. 134; Maykhdna,p. 617. 16 Riyddal-shu'ard',f. 63b. 17 Badi'fini, III, pp. 97-8; Abu'l-Fadl 'Allimi A'in-i Akbarf (tr. Blochmann), Calcutta, 1927, I, pp. 447-8; Shah Nawaz Khan, Ma'dthiral-umard',Calcutta, 1888-90, III, pp. 813-15Storey, 1/2, p. 8oi; Aumer, p. 3; Sprenger, p. 1o. s18 f1 Bad'ifini, III, p. I75.
12 20 21

22

23

Ibid., III, pp. 170-I. Suhuf-i Ibrdhimi,f. 213a; Aslah Mirza, Tadhkira-i Shu'ard'-i Kashmir,Karachi, 1346 Shamsi, pp. 524-6; 'Ali Hasan Khan, Nigaristdn-i Sukhun,Bhopal, 1293 A.H., p. I40; Muhammad Muzaffar Husayn Saba, Rfz-i rawshan, Bhopal, 1297 A.H., pp. 750-1. Tourkhan Gandjei (ed.), II Canzonieredi Sdh Ismd'Il Hata'i, Naples, 1959; V. Minorsky, " The Poetry of Shah Isma'il I ", BSOAS, X/4 (1942), pp. Ioo6-53; cf. Nasiri's note in Atashkada, I, p. 57; also Sam Mirza, Tuhfa-i Semi, ed. Wahid Dastgardi, Tehran, 1314 Shamsi, pp. 6-9. Atashkada,III, p. og97; Nasrabadi, p. 526; Ibid., pp. ioi-2; Maykhdna,p. 126.

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Tahmasp, who is accused of turning his back on non-religious poetry, occasionally composed verses.24Although the emigration of poets to India begins in his reign, it is significant that the two who were the greatest by any standard, stayed on in Iran. They are Wahshi Bdfqi (d. 1583), basically a romantic poet though he also wrote didactic poetry, and Muhtasham Kdshi (d. 1587-8) who, though famous for his religious poetry, also wrote erotic verses. His Jaldl~yyais a mundane collection of sixty-fourghazalsinterspersedwith lyrical prose describing his love for a singer, ShdtirJaldl. However, Muhtasham did try through his brother 'Abd al-Ghani to establish contact with the Mughal court. WalhshiBdfqi wrote panegyrics in honour of Tahmasp and of some of his nobles.25 brief Sam Mirzi, the second son of Ismd'il I, and the author of Tuhfa-iSimi, gives in that tadhkira notices of about 700 poets of the reigns of the first two Safawid rulers, about whom he assertsthat they were superiorto former poets and deserved comparisonwith such poets as Khusraw, Sa'di or Firdawsi. His tadhkira remains an incontestable proof of the early Safawid interest in poetry. Sam MirzZ was himself a poet; 8,ooo verses and a Shdh-Ndma praise of his brother Tahmdsp are attributed to him.28 in Even Iskandar BEg,who had related the anecdote of Tahmasp's displeasurewith non-religiouspoetry, gives an impressivelist of twenty poets of Tahmdsp's reign, of whom only three visited India, and only one, Malik Qummi, settled there permanently.27 Tahmisp's other brothers Bahrdm Mirzd and Alqis Mirzd were also poets, as was Tahmdsp's son Sultan IHasanMirzd.28 Tahmasp's wazir Mirz4 SharafJahan Qazwini was a good poet, whose fame 'Adli sounds ironical in view of had reached India."9 Ismi'il II also wrote poetry, and his takhallus his cruelty. In spite of his preoccupation with affairs of state 'Abbds I found time to write poetry and to enjoy the company of poets. In ghazalshis takhallus 'Abbis; a number of tadhkiras specimens of his was give verses which are devotional or topical. He visited qahva-khdnas listened to poets reciting verses, and and occasionally he encouraged them to compete in extempore versification.30 Contrary to the theory that 'Abbas I appreciated only devotional verses, he was usually flattered by highly eulogistic verses in his own praise, as in the case of Taqi Awhadi, who later left for India in I6o6 and became famous for his tadhkira 'Arafdt the al-'ishiqin.31'AbbdsI had Sha'ni Takkalii, a poet of Qizilbash origin, weighed in gold for a qasidathat he wrote in eulogy of 'Ali; but he also composed panegyricsin honour of his royal patron.32 Mir Haydar Mu'amma'i was attached to 'Abbas I; accused of having written a lampoon on his patron he was imprisoned, but escaped from prison and fled to India, as we shall see later. Via the Hijaz he made his way back to Iran and was received back in favour by 'Abbas I. However, he was again accused by his enemies of satirizing the Shah, and fell into disgrace again.33 Fuzilni Astarabidi, who had migrated firstto Kashmir, then to the Deccan, dedicated his Sdqi-Ndma the Safawid monarch.34 Mirza Abu'l-Baqd Baqi'i is said to have compiled a tadhkira to was of the poets of the period of 'Abbas I.35 The better known tadhkira, al-baydn dedicated by its Khayr author IHusaynb. Ghiyath al-Din Mahmid to 'Abbas I.36 Even Rypka concedes a certain amount of goodwill towards secular poets under 'Abbas I; this he attributes to the economic impetus brought about by the Safawid monarch's skilful home and foreign policy and efficient administration of revenues.37

24

Atashkada,I, p. 74; Riyd?d al-shu'ard',f. 307a. Rypka, p. 298; Wahshi Bgifqi, Diwdn, ed. Husayn Nakha'i, Tehran, 1347 Shamsi, pp. 187-91, 273-4, and passim. 26 Tuhfa-i Sdmi, 4; Atashkada,I, pp. 62-3; Bag S.diq S.diqi, Majma' al-khawass, Pers. tr. A. R. KhayyAmpfir, Tehran, 1327 Shamsi, pp. xIo-I I. 27 Iskandar Beg, I, pp. 178-89. 28 Tuhfa-i Sdmi, pp. 9-ro; Atashkada,I, pp. 43-4, 49 Iskandar Bag, I, 126. 29 Maykhdna,pp. 151-60. 30 Iskandar BEg, II, p. 988; Nasrabddi, pp. 8-9; Atashkada,I, pp. 76-7; Majma' al-khawdss(Pers. tr.), pp. 5-6; Rid;i Quli Tehran, 1284, p. 39; Nasr Allah Hiddyat, Majma' al-fu.ahad', Shdh 'AbbdsAwwal, Tehran, 1337 Shamsi, Falsafi, Zindagdni-yi
25

II, 23-6, pp. 37-8. Ibid., II, p. 38; Natd'yjal-afkdr, p. 126; Shdm-igharibdn,Urda, 45/4 (1969), PP. 57-8; 'Arafdt al-'dshiqin', India Office Ms. 3654. 32 Iskandar Beg, I, p. 515; Falsafi, II, 30-2; IHusayn b. Ghiyath al-Din Malhmfid, Khayr al-baydn, B.M. Or. Ms. 3397, if. 303b-31oa. a3Falsafi, II, pp. 32-331 Maykhdna,pp. 674-535 Nawwdb Siddiq IHasan Khin, Sham'-i anjuman, Bhopal, 1293 A.H., p. 81. 36 B. M. Or. Ms. 3397. 37 Rypka, p. 294.
31

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As a matter of fact, relations between the Safawid monarchs, especially 'Abbas I, and the court poets were of a more personal and intimate nature than those between the Mughal emperorsand their court poets. Akbar's friendship with Faycdiis an exception which proves the rule that the Mughal emperors held themselves in exalted aloofnessfrom poets, as from other courtiers. A number of Safawid princes, including Sultan Mustafd Mirzi, a grandson of Tahmasp, and other grandsons of Tahmdsp and of 'Abbas I wrote secular poetry, as did a number of Safawid nobles and courtiers. These latter included Murtada Quli Khan, a nobleman of the court of Safi, and Mirza Ma'sfim, an officer of the royal stable, who wrote prose as well as verse and was commissioned by Safi to write a chronicle of his reign.38 Verses have been attributed to 'Abbas II, who in any case was a patron of poets, including some who had returned from India.39 Mulla 'Ali Rid~ Tajalli, who had served in India as a tutor to the son of 'Ali Mardan Khan who had defected to the Mughals, had surrenderedKandahar to them in 1638 and was consequently a traitor in Safawid eyes, returned to Iran, received a land grant from 'Abbas II and later became a favourite court poet of Shah Sulaymin.40 Most eminent of the Persian immigrant poets returning to Iran was Sa'ib, who may have been a Sunni, though he wrote an eloquent qasidain honour of the Imam 'Ali Rida. He became the poetlaureate (malikal-shu'ard) the court of 'Abbas II on his return, and as such identified himself comof and loyally with the Safawid cause on such occasions of Mughal-Safawid conflict as the pletely recapture of Kandahar by 'Abbas II (1659).41 Other Safawid poets who returned to 'Abbas II's Iran, though not necessarily to his court, were Yahya Kashani or Lahijani, who had benefited greatly from the bounty of Shah Jahan,42and to who gave up a Mughal mansab return to Iran.4, Brg Withiq In Safawid Iran a few sayyids, 'ulama' and mujtahids wrote poetry. Some of the specimens of their .Hasan verse cited by Nasrabadi cannot be classifiedeither as devotional or ethical. On the other hand religious fervour was not necessarilya sufficientpull for the zealous Shi'is to remain in Iran and not to migrate to India. If religious zeal meant automatic advancement in Safawid Iran, QOadi Nir Allah Shushtari, who was also a poet with the takhallus Nfiri, would not have emigrated to India where he was evenof tually executed for that same religious zeal.44 There are at least two cases of Kashmiri poets who made Iran their home, though probably not in quest of patronage, Mulla Muhammad and Darwish YiIsuf.45 III The fact remains that a large number of Persian poets migrated to India either permanently or temporarily. Among the earliest immigrant poets were: Shawqi, who had enjoyed the patronage of Sam Mirzi but incurredthe displeasureof Tahmasp, who accompanied Humayuinon his way back from Iran and died at Kabul in 963/1556;46 the poet and mathematician Ulfati Yazdi who attached himself first to Humaytin's court, then to the entourage of Khan-i Zamin 'Ali Quli Khan;47 Baqi Isfahani48 and Bayani,49 both of whom found access to Humaiyin's court, as did also Farighi Shirazi, who later joined the service of Bayrim Khan.,0 Other early immigrant poets who arrived either during the
38 Nasrabddi, pp.
39

0o-15, 23-4, 77. Ibid., pp. 9-Io; Atashkada,I. p. 77. 40 Muhammad Afdal Sarkhush, Kalimdt al-shu'ard', Madras, 1951, p. 38; GhulIm 'Ali Azad Bilgrami, Sarv-i Azdd, Sham'-i anjuman, Hyderabad Deccan, 1913, pp. II5-I6; pp. 95-6; Rziz-i rawshan, 127, 41 Bilgrami, Khizdna-i'Amira,Cawnpore, 1871, pp. 287-8; Natad'j al-afkdr, p. 408; Muhammad 'Ali Tarbiyat, Ddnishmandcn-i Tehran, 1314 Shamsi, pp. 217-36. Adharbd'ijan, 42 Kalimdt al-shu'ard', p. 196; Ma'dthir al-umard', III, p. 469; Sarv-i Azdd, p. 86; Suhuf-iIbrdhimf,ff. 382 a-b. Riz-i rawshan, p. 790o. Nasrdbddi has treated this man as two separate poets (cf NasrTbadi, p. 292); probably it was the same person who came from Ldhijan to Kdshdn (cf. Husdm al-Din Rdshidi

Tadhkira-iShu'ard'-i Kashmir, Karachi, 1346 Shamsi, IV, pp. I695-7. 43 Kalimdtal-shu'ard',p. 19344NasrTb~di, pp. 95-6, 148-71; Riyd4dal-shu'ard', f. 553a; Suhuf-i Ibrdhimi,f. 360a. 45 Nasrdbadi, pp. 170, 20446 TuhZfa-iSdmi, p. Iog; Atashkada,I, p. I i9; Tarbiyat, op. cit., p. 208. al-afkdr, p. 22; Shdm-igharibdn, 4 Badd'flni, III, p. 189; Nat~d'y Urda 45/3 (1969), P. 25; Shibli Nu'mAni, Shi'r al-'Ajam, Azamgarh 1920-3, III, p. 17. 48 Suhuf-i Ibrdhimi,f. 96a. 49 Riyd al-shu'ard',f. 94a. 50 Bada'ini, I, p. 475-6; Sham'-i anjuman,p. 359.

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last years of Humaiyin or very early in the reign of Akbar were Sartidi Khwinsdri and Ashki Qummi.51 Fakhri Harawi, a panegyrist of Tahmdsp who had dedicated his Lattd'if-Ndma his Tuhfatal-Habib and to Habib-Alldh Sawaji, wazir to the governor of Khurasan,52 came to Sind either during the reign of 'Isd Tarkhan (1554-64) or his predecessor Mirza Shah IHasan,53 and wrote his Jawdhir al-'ajd'ib54 of notices of twenty poetesses in Sind. Mirzt Quli Mayli of Mashhad or Herat also emiconsisting More significantly, the fact also remains that with the exception of Muhtasham Kashi and Wahshi Bafqi, all the great poets of Safawid Iran migrated to India, and only one of them, Sa'ib, returned permanently to his homeland. Their cases have to be examined individually. The first of these was Ghazali Mashhadi, who left Tahmasp's court after being slandered for heresy, first for the Deccan, later for Mughal India where he joined the service of Khan-i Zaman 'All Quli Khan. After the revolt a and death of his patron, he gained access to Akbar's court where he was appointed malikal-shu'ard', title introduced for the first time in the Mughal court.56 'Urfi Shirazi (d. 999/159I) tried his fortune firstin the Deccan where he did not prosper. In Mughal India his patron was Faydi, but soon a bitter rivalry broke out between the two poets, who represented two distinct styles of poetry, and 'Urfi turned to the patronage of an eminent fellow-Persian Hakim he wrote several paneAbu'l-Fath Gilani and later that of 'Abd al-Rahim Khan-i Khanmn. Though gyrics eulogizing Akbar, it was probably due to his rivalrywith the influential Faydi that he could not gain a permanent foot-hold in the Imperial court.57 During his lifetime his fame had spread throughout India, Iran and Central Asia, and people carried his Diwdn around " like an amulet "; along with the Diwdn of Faydi, it was the most popular reading of his time.58 Naziri Nishapfiri (d. 1021/1612) travelled as a merchant in Iran and lived for some time at Kashan, and had already gained fame as a poet when reports of 'Abd al-Rahim Khan-i Khanan's generous patronage attracted him to India. Though he gained access to Akbar's court and wrote panegryics in his honour, he continued to remain in the entourage of Khan-i Khanin, until called him Jahmngir to the imperial court in 0oI9/16Io, two years before his death, impressed by his reputation.59 It is quite possible that Naziri was a Sunni. Though the hagiological report that he spent the last twelve years of his life as a pious recluse has to be discounted in view of the historical evidence, he did perform the hajjand he studied tafsirand hadithunder Mawlana IHusayn Jawhari and Ghawthi Mandawi.60 Talib Amuli was born near Amul in Mazandaran in 996/1588. Though there is a qasidain his diwdnin honour of 'Abbas I, and though he stayed for some time at Isfahan, it seems unlikely that he gained access to that monarch's court. He did attach himself to the patronage of Mir Abu'l-Qasim the Hdkimof Mazandaran, and later to that of Khwaja Muhammad Shafi', the Hdkimof Khurasan. For some time he also served the governor of Mary. Finally, he decided to try his fortune in India, and after a few months in the entourage of Ghazi Tarkhan at Kandahar, he wandered about India, Brg became a disciple of Shah Abu'l-Ma'ali at Lahore and wrote in praise of that city. In o108/16o9 he returnedto the serviceof Ghazi at with whom he remained for two years. He then joined Brg Kandahar, successively the service of Chin Qilich Khan in Gujarat, 'Abd-Allah Khan FiraizJang and Diyanat Khan, who presented him to Jahangir, but he made the wrong impressionon the emperor as he [Tilib] was under the influence of a drug. He was again presented to the emperor by I'timad al-Dawla, this time successfully,in 1025/1616. In the following year he petitioned NiirJahin to find him a bride and was married. In 1028/1619 Jahangir appointed him his malikal-shu'ard', second Persianto hold that the
51Rjydad al-shu'ard,ff. 58a, 239a. 52 Storey, 1/2, pp. 795-7. 53 Mir Ma'siam Bakkari, Ta'rtkh-i Ma'suimi (Ta'rikh-i Sind), ed. U. M. Daudpota, Poona, 1938, p. 2o6. 54 Ed. Lucknow 1873. 56 His Diwdn is in the Staats-Bibliothek, Berlin, Berlin Ms. Or. Sprenger 1491; Pertsch 917. 56 Atashkada,II, p. 471; Majma' al-khawdss, 138-9; Mir Shams al-Din Mulhammad Simi Rfimi, Qdmis al-a'ldm, Istanbul, 1306-11 A.H., V, p. 3278; Muhammad 'Ali Mudarris Tabrizi, Rihdnat al-adab, Tehran/Tabriz, 1326-33 Shamsi, III, pp. 151-2; Riydd al-shu'ard, ff. 361a-362a; Subuf-i
5' Riydd al-shu'ard', ff. 339a-348a;

grated to India where he died in I575.55

f. pp. Ibrdhimi, 249a; Sham'-ianjuman, 337-8; Shibli, III, p. 16. Sham'-i anjuman, p. 297;

Shibli, III, pp. 85-8.

51Ma'dthir-i Rahimi, III, pp. 293-6; Badi'fini, III, p. 28559Atashkada, II, pp. 711-13; Ma'dthir-i Rahimi, III, p. I5; Ibrdhimf, Badd'fini, III, p. 375; Maykhana,pp. 785-93; S.u.uf-i al-shu'ard', ff. 54o0b-55Ia; ff. 357b-358b; QOdmas al-a'ldm, VI, p. 4590; Rihdnat al-adab, V, p. 220; Majma' Riydd. al-fusahad',II, pp. 48-9; Majma' al-khawass, pp. 219-20; Natd'ij al-afkdr, pp. 7 11-18; Ruiz-irawshan,pp. 70o8-i . 60oSarv-i Azdd, pp. 24-5; Sham'-i anjuman,p. 453; Shibli, III, p. 140.

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honour in the Mughal court, but in 1034/1625 he became insane and died two years later at the age
of 49.61 the Hijaz in 1042/1632-3.

Muhammad Jan Qudsi Mashhadi, who was unhappy (dilgir)in Iran,62migrated to India through

an Ndmain verse, but he was not appointed his malikal-shu'ard',63 office which went to Kalim, and the statements of several tadhkira-writers he was appointed to that position have to be discounted.64 that Nevertheless, he enjoyed Shah Jahan's bounty, was weighed in gold, and on one occasion accompanied the emperor to Kashmir. He died in 1056/1646.65 Kalim Hamadani tried his fortune first in the Deccan, like 'Urfi before him, and joined there the service of Shah Newdz Khan Shirazi (d. I02o0/1I6I) wazir of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II and later of Mir Jumla Shahrastani.66In Io28/I619 he returned to Iran with a group of hajjisfor two years. There is definite evidence in his diwdnthat he was happier in India, and unhappy for having undertaken a journey back to his homeland.67 He returned to India, this time to Shah Jahin's court, and was under the title Zafar-Ndma'i ShahJahdnf; he appointed malikal-shu'ard'.He versifiedthe Bddshdh-Ndma also wrote poems on the occasions of imperial festivities and on the rare objects in possession of the emperor such as the Peacock Throne, the emperor's sword, shield and pen-box. On the throne as elsewhere his verses were inscribed in gold letters. Of all the Persianimmigrant poets, he had the most successfulcareer in India; and though the malikal-shu'ard' the court, he was granted the emperor's of to live in Kashmir on grounds of ill-health. Also, compared to other eminent poets of permission Persian origin, he was more responsive to Indian culture. He uses Hindi words frequently, such as tanbilli,dhobi,Pathdni,gadhaland nim.68 Sa'ib, well-educated and from a rich merchant family, had travelled through the Hijaz and the Ottoman Empire in his youth, and came to India in 1036/1627 " frustratedwith his life in Isfahan ... either in the fashion of the poets of the age or for the purposeof trade ".69 In India he joined the service of Zafar Khan Turbati at Kabul, and later at Burhanpur and Kashmir. He was presented to the imperial court and received from Shah Jahan the title of Musta'id Khan, but preferredto continue in the service of Zafar Khan. His old father came to fetch him whom he accompanied back to Iran in and lived in honour and 1042/1632-3 where, as we have seen, he became 'Abbas II's malikal-shu'ard' comfort during the reign of Sulayman, until his death in Io8I/I670. He had lived in India for only six years.70 Of these seven great immigrant poets, three, Ghazali, Talib and Kalim rose to the rank of malik in al-shu'ard' the Mughal court, while Naziri preferredthe service of Khan-i Khanan and Sa'ib that of Zafar Khan to the Mughal imperial service. Only two of them returned to Iran, Kalim reluctantly and temporarily, and alone permanently. The traditional theory of the rise of the Sabk-iHindi S.'ib begins with Wilih Dighistani, who asserts that these great immigrant poets, especially 'Urfi, Naziri
61 Atashkada and

He soon gained the favour of Shah Jahan and composed for him a Pddshdh-

pp. 19, 21-2, 50-I; 78-86, 142, 351-3; III, p. 400, and for his N~siri's notes (II, pp. 870-92) who also cites the exhaustive study of Talib by Muhammad Mursilin death, Ibid., III, p. 504, and Natd'ij al-afkdr, p. 563, which al-Din Rdshidi, Ghdzf BNg .Husdm gives Kalim's chronogram on his death. Tarkhdn awr uski bazm-i adab, wa Karachi, 1970, pp. 328-32; Jahdngir, Tuzuk-i Jahdngtri, 66 Nasrdbddi, p. 220; Sharif al-Nist' Ansdri, IHaydt tasnzfdt-i Tdlib Kalim Hamaddni,Hyderabad Deccan, I961, Lucknow, 1914, p. 289; Maykhdna, pp. 545-51; Sham'-i Mirzd AbZ7 anjuman, pp. 272-3; 'Ali Shar Qani' Tattawi, Maqdldt alpp. 22-40. Az~d Bilgrami has erroneously confused him with ShSh Nawiz Khan, son of Rustum MirzA Safawi (Sarv-i shu'ard', ed. Husdm al-Din Rdshidi, Karachi, 1957, p. 373; Khizdna-i 'dmira, pp. 300-3; Nasrabadi, p. 223; Shibli, III, Azdd, pp. 77-80). Ibrdhimi, f. 24oa-b; Rzyd(dal-shu'ard', 67 The poem written on that occasion is cited by Shibli, III, pp. 166-7; p. 205. ff. 30Ia-303a. .Suhuf-i 62Nasrdbdi, p. 68 Kalimdt al-sh'ard', p. 155; Sham'-i Anjuman, p. 402; 225; Atashkada,II, p. 492. Suhuf-i 63 According to the authentic account of Muhammad SAlih Ibrdhimi,f. 295a; Mir'at-al-khaydl,p. 90o; NasrSb~di, p. 220; Bibl. Ind., Calcutta, 1923-39, III, Kanbo, 'Amal-i Shibli, III, p. 211. 69 .Sdih, NFsiri's note in Atashkada,I, p. 120. p. 402. 64 ShPr Khan Lodi, Mir'at al-khaydl, Bombay, 1906, p. 86; 70 Nasrdbqdi, pp. 217-18; Mir'at Ri.hdnat al-adab, pp. 408-1o; al-khaydl, pp. 88-90; Majma' al-fusahd, II, pp. 23-4; AtashNatd'j"al-afkdr, p. 563. 65 Kanbo, I, p. 50o8, II, pp. 87, I61, 472; Maykhdna, pp. 821-2; kada, I, pp. 120-9; Sarv-iAzdd, pp. 101-3; Tarbiyat, pp. 217Kalimdt al-shu'ard', p. 148; 26; Sham'-i Anjuman,pp. 251-2; Kalimdt al-shu'ard',p. Iio; Ibrdhmif, ff. 285a-286b; .Suhuf-i Shibli, III, pp. 190-4, Riyddal-shu'ard',ff. 284a-297b; Riyddal-shu'ard',ff. 426b-427a; Sarv-i Azdd, pp. 61-2. For his career in ShAh JahAn's court, see 'Abd Lahori, Ibrdhimf, ff. 225a-226b; Nata'yi al-afkdr, p. 408; .Suhuf-i Sh'm-i Badshdh al-.Hamid Ndma, Bibl. Ind., Calcutta, 1867, I, pp. 444-6, 530; II, gharibdn,Urda, pp. 158-6o.
10

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and Sa'ib, all of whom who followed the stylistic tradition of Fighani, implanted the " Indian style " in India, although this theory has been recently contested." In any case the style of these great immigrant poets influenced the Ottoman Turkish poetry,72and their work may have been quite popular in Safawid Iran.

IV
Compared to the Safawids, the Mughal patronage of poets from Akbar to Shah JahAnwas, to some added to the lustre and glamour considerableextent, of a " decorative " nature. The poet and his qasidas of the court. Of these emperors,perhapsJahangir alone had a genuine sense of appreciation of poetry for its own sake. For Akbar and for Shah Jahin, poets and their poetry served as means to promote the ostentation and magnificence of the imperial court. It is, therefore, not surprisingthat Naziri and Sa'ib preferred their respective patrons to the imperial court. Kalim and Qudsi were not merely panegyrists of Shah Jahan, but were also the versifiersof the chronicle of his reign. Because the position of the poet in the Mughal court was of a decorative nature, it attracted a large number of poets, rather than the poets of great quality. We find, therefore, a large number of minor poets attached to the imperial court. Both Badd'fini and Abu'l Fa;dlhave mentioned a large number of poets attached to the court of Akbar who had received no formal education, and probably could not appreciate the fine points of Persian poetry.73 The Emperor's friendship with Faydi was partly of a personal, and partly of a pseudo-intellectual nature. An account of the poetry of the Mughal court is thereforelargely an account of minor poets, most of whom were immigrants from Iran and who managed to gain access to the Mughal court. We shall mention only the more remarkableof these. was Faghffir Lthijdni, whose earlier takhallus Rasmi, had been a panegyrist of 'Abbas I; He came to the Mughal court in the last years of Akbar's reign, and probably after Akbar's death joined the service of 'Abd al-Rahim Khan-i and later that of Akbar's grandson Parwiz.74 Qaydi Shirazi Khdnn came to India, via the Hijaz, joined the service of Akbar, but later fell into disgrace. Farigh Tabrizi was in Akbar's service for a time, but later returned to Iran. Zarifi Sawaji was a writer of obscenities and satire, some of whose victims were Akbar's courtiers, but finally repented, went to the Hijaz and died there.75 Mulki Qazwini joined first the service of Akbar, then ofJahangir; he travelled extensively in India and obviously became quite prosperous.76 Lutfi Tabrizi also came first to the court of Akbar; later Jahangir bestowed upon him the title of Mawziin al-mulkand appointed him to small posts in Sind and later in Gujarat.77 Darwish Jawid was presented to Jahangir by his father-in-law I'timtd al-Dawla; a pension was settled on him from the treasury of Ahmadabad.78 Shawqi Sawaji was also presented to Jahangir by I'timid al-Dawla, in whose service he had earlier been. He incurred the imperial displeasure and was imprisoned, but later returned to Iran and died in poverty.79 Kami came to the i and the Waqd'i' Shirazi, author of a diwcdn (Fathndma' Niir Jahdn Begum)80 al-zamin Taqi Pirzad, a jester and satirist, Mughal court via the Deccan, but eventually left for Iran. Mawlanm though not well received in India, managed to get the patronage first of Khan-i Khanin and then of Jahangir. Another poet who made his way from Khan-i Khandn's entourage to Jahangir's court was 'Abd al-Baqi Tdbini.8x Shaydt, another court poet, temporarily incurred Jahangir's displeasure. Taqi Isfahanijoined the service ofJahdngir's son Parwiz.82
una definizione dello " stile indiano " della poesia persiana ", Annali dell' Istituto Universitariodi Napoli, n. s. VII (1956); Aziz Ahmad, " The Formation of Sabk-i Hindi ", Iran and Islam, ed. C. E. Bosworth, Edinburgh I971, pp. I-9. The latest and the most detailed study of the subject is Wilhelm Heinz, Die indischeStil in der persischenDichtung, Wiesbaden, 197372 E. J. W. Gibb, A History of Ottoman Poetry, London, 1909, I, pp. 5, 127; Browne, IV, p. 242. 73 Bad'ifini, III, the section on the poets; Abu'l-Fa;dl, A'in-i Akbari,passim. See also A. Ghani, A Historyof PersianLanguage and Literature the Mughal Court,Allahabad, 1929-30. at
7n Riydd al-shu'ard',f. 382b; Alessandro Bausani, " Contributo a

pp. 243-4; Atashkada,II, pp. 843-5; Mla'dthir-i Nasrgbidi, Rahimi, III, p. 902; Sarv-i Azdd, pp. 37-8. 75Sham'-i anjuman,pp. 286-7, 376, 394. 76 Maykhdna,pp. 68o-8. 77 Ibid., pp. 818-19; Suhuf-iIbrdhimi,ff. 297a-b. 78 Maykhdna,pp. 919-21. 79Nasrlbidi, p. 331; Atashkada, III, pp. 1136-7; Shdm-i gharibdn,Urdsi,46/1 (1970), p. 144; Sarv-i Azdd, p. 49; Sham'-i anjuman,p. 228. 80 Blochet, III, pp. 1874-5; Storey, I, p. 563-3 Ma'dthir-i Rahimi, III, pp. 1057-8; 1452-4s2 Kalimat al-shu'ara',pp. 101-2; Atashkada,III, p. 928; Sutuf-i Ibrdhimi,f. 1o4a.
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At least three poets of Persian origin were weighed in gold by the order of Shah Jahan and received gold equal to their weight. They were Sa'ida'i Gilani, Kalim and Qudsi.83 Among the minor poets of Shah Jahan's reign were Mirza father of this historian Mirza Ahmad Bag Isfahani, who first tried his fortune in BiharS.lih, Bengal, then found access to the imperial court; and Saydi and S.diq; TihrAni, who wrote several panegyrics for the emperor and paid compliments to the princess JahAn

Ard.84

Of Shah JahAn's sons, Dara Shukoh and Murad Bakhsh were patrons of poets. Hilmi Kashi was, for instance, attached to the entourage of Dara Shukoh, and Baqir Shah to that of Murid, who sent him to Mashhad to do the pilgrimage on his behalf.85 However, there was no place for poets, as there was none for musiciansor painters, in the puritanical court of Awrangzib. We find Persian immigrant poets in his reign and in his service, but only as career mansyabddrs, Sarkhush plainly states that it was hopeless for poets to expect any generosity and from Awrangzib.86

V
Poetry appreciation and patronage was one of a Mughal amir's pre-eminent cultural occupations. A large number of amirs and higher mansabddrs poets in their entourage. Patronage of poets was a had status symbol for a cultivated Mughal nobleman, and the expense incurred was well-justified in his and estate was not hereditary; he tried to spend his wealth as lavishly and as view, since his man.ab elegantly as possible during his lifetime. Some of the higher noblemen of the Mughal court stand out here as patrons of poets, several of whom were immigrants from Iran. We have seen that several poets of Tahmasp's age found a patron in Khan-i Zaman 'Ali Quli Khin Sistani, a nobleman of the age of Akbar.8AOther Persian poets in his entourage were Subtiri Hamadani and Laqa'i Astarabddi.88 Most outstanding of the patrons of poets among the Mughal nobility, and himself a poet in three languages, was 'Abd al-Rahim Khan-i Khanan. His generosity was princely. He had Mulla Nawa'i weighed in gold; gave a thousand gold coins to Shakibi; and took Hayati and Shawqi to his treasury to carry away as many gold coins as they could."9 His proteg6 'Abd al-Baqi Nihawandi has left in his Ma'dthir-i Rahimiaccounts and specimens of verses of scores of poets, most of them of Persian origin, who enjoyed his patronage. The principal luminary of his entourage was Naziri. Another distinguished poet of his circle was Shakibi Isfahani (d. I023/1614), who was later appointed to the religious office of Sadrby Jahingir and who may have been a Sunni.90 Other poets worth mentioning, from among the multitude of them in his service, were Mahwi Hamadani who wrote good ghazals; Qudsi Gilani; Abil-Turab Ridawi Mashhadi, who was earlier in the service of the Nizam Shahs at Ahmadnagar and had been entrusted to carry the bones of Chand Bibi to Mashhad, and for that reason had temporarily incurred the displeasure of Jahangir; Baqi Damtwandi, who was in Khan-i Khanan's service, but later settled down at Golconda in the Deccan;9' Baqi Isfard'ini, a friend of Naziri and Shakibi; QaisimAsirl, who left Akbar's service to join that of Khan-i Khanan; Sharari Hamadani, who finally returned to the life of a darwish;92 Baqa'i Khuratsani,who wrote in the style of 'Urfi; Fahimi, who returned to Iran enriched by his patron's bounty; Tadarwi Abhari, who had earlier gained access to the court of the Ottoman Sultan; Anisi Shamlti (d. 1013/1604); and Siraj Isfahani, who was also a good poet and the compiler of 'Urfi's Diwan.93
I/i, p. 493, I/ii, pp. 84, 142. p. 318. 89 Ma'dthir al-umard', I, pp. 693-712; Shaykh Farid Bhakkari, Nasrabddi, p. 452; Shdm-igharibdn,Urdii, 45/4 (1969), P. 40; Dhakhiratal-khwdnin,Karachi, 1970, I, p. 61. (1971), P. I53; Natd'ij al-afkar, pp. 49, 218; Sham'-i 47/x anjuman, p. 257; Aslah, pp. I239-42; Kalimdt al-shu'ard', 90Badd'fini, III, p. 253; Riydd al-shu'ard', f. 269a; Natd'ij al-afkdr, p. 371. pp. 114-16; Sarv-i Azdd, pp. I 1- 12; Suhuf-iIbrdhimi,f. 226b; III, pp. 56o, 1224-5, 1237-8, 1408-9. Atashkada,pp. o89-90o; Riydd al-shu'ard',f. 284b. 9' Ma'dthir-i Rabhzm1, 85 Shdm-igharibdn,Urdii, 45/4, (1969), p. 50. f. 97a-b; Shdm-igharibdn,Urdii, 45/3 (1969), 92 Suhuf-i Ibrdhimf, 88 Kalimdtal-shu'ard',p. 124. p. 27; Maykhdna,p. 8o0. 9 Ma'dthir-i 87 For his career, see Rahimi, III, pp. 887-9, 1354-6, 1427; Suhuf-i al-umard',I, pp. 622-9. Mla'dthir 88Shdm-i gharibdn, Urda, 47/1 Ibrdhimi,f. o05a; Sarv-i Azdd, p. 21; Sham'-i anjuman,p. 25. (197i), p. I50; Badi'nli, III,
83 Ldhori, 84

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he is the author of a diwdnand a tadhkira poets, the Khazina-iganj-i Ildhi.x02Other poets in Zafar of Khan's service were Farigh, Subhi Burtijirdi,and Mulli Ashfib.103 Some Mughal mansabddrs far-flungprovinceslike Bengal employed poets in their service to enliven in their cultural life. Thus Sattir Tabrizi was in the service of Mun'im Khan in Bengal during the reign of Shah Jahdn, and Ibrahim Farsi was in the entourage of Ibrahim Khin Fath Jang, the governor of Bengal.'04 Patronage by the nobility declined under Awrangzib, but some nobles continued to employ poets; for instance, Abfi Turab Beg Bida was in the service of Dhulfiqdr Khan 'Alamgiri.15o VI There were furthermore Persian nobles in the Mughal court who were poets themselves and patronised and helped other poets of their land of origin. Asaf Khan Mirza Ja'far of Qazwin, who came to India under Akbar and rose to be governor of the Deccan under JahAngir, was a good poet in his own right.106 Poets attached to his entourage included Mu'min Tabrizi, who accumulated considerable wealth, Mir MuhlammadQasim Rdzi, and Safi Kizariini.107 Also attached to Ja'far Khdn's patronage, and earlier to that of AbUi'l-Fadll 'Allami, was Asad Beg Qazwini, basically a mansabddr.x08 Bdqir Khan was a descendant of the famous Safawid and for him general Najm-i Thani. He came to India under Jahangir and received a high mansab, was an ancillary activity.'09 An extraordinarycase of a Persian nobleman who was also writing poetry a poet and whose economic interestsembraced India as well as Iran was Mir Jumla MulhammadAmin Shahrastdni. In his youth he came to India to join service underJahangir, but left the Mughal service
94 Bada'ini, III, pp. 196-7, 282. 95A comprehensive study of his literary circle is Husm al-Din RLshidi, Mfrzd Ghdzi Big Tarkhdn awr uski bazm-i adab, Karachi, i970. For his official career, see Dhakhirat alkhawdnin, II, pp. 18-31; and Ma'dthir al-umard', III, pp. 345-8. 98 Ma'dthir-i Rahimi, III, p. 784; Khayr al-baydn, f. 361a-b; Sarv-i Azdd, pp. 39-41; Rdshidi, 469; Maykhdna,pp. 669-70. 97 Ma'dthir-i Rahimi, III, p. 785; Raz-i rawshan,p. 291; Rashidi, pp. 254-5; Khayral-baydn,f. 358a-b. 98 Dhakhfrat al-khawdnin, II, pp. 116-173; Ma'dthir al-umard', III, pp. 385-409. 99Nasr~bidi, p. 328; Atashkada, III, pp. 1169-70; Sarv-i Azdd, p. Io9; Sham'-i anjuman,p. 205; ShAm-i gharibcn, Urdzi, 47/1 (1971), p. 156. Kalimdt al-shu'ard', p. 4; al-shu'ard', f. 66b; Natd'ij Riydd al-afkdr, pp. I7-18 Mahdi Darakhsh, Buzurgdn-u SukhunSardydn-i Hamaddn,; Tehran, 1341 Shamsi, I, pp. 241-4; Storey, 1/2, pp. 815-I6. 102 Rieu, II, p. 6876; Berlin Ms. Or. 646. 103 Nasrbaidi, pp. 309, 339; Shdm-igharfbdn,Urdz, 47/1 (1971), p. 152; Riyddal-shu'ard',f. 71b. 104 Sham'-i anjuman, 195; Maykhdna,pp. 898-9. p. 105 Suhuf-iIbrdhimi,f. 94b. 106Dhakhiratal-khwdnin,I, pp. 187-90; Maykhdna,pp. 159-6o; Atashkada, III, pp. 1156-7; Nasrabddi, p. 53; Sham'-i ;Natd'?j al-afkar, p. I55. anjuman,p. i I; f. 107 Nasrdbldi, pp. 386-7; Suhuf-i Ibrdhimf, 278a. 108Maykhdna, pp. 748-9; Shdm-i gharibdn, Urdia, 57/3 (i969), f. pp. 30-1; Subuf-iIbrAhimW,53b. 109 Natd'ij al-afkdr, p. io5.
101

chose finally to attach himself to Zafar Khan whom he accompanied to Kashmir in 1041/163I-2;101

also had some poets in his enAkbard, Nizim al-Din Bakhshi, the famous author of the Tabaqdt-i These included one Baqa'i, who later changed his takhallus Mashghili, and 'Ahdi Shirdzi.94 to tourage. Next only to Khan-i Khdndn, the most eminent patron of poets in Jahdngir's India was Ghazi Beg Tarkhin.95 During his governorshipof Kandahar several Persian poets who came to India tried their fortune first in his service; several remained with him permanently and sought other patrons only after his death. Murshid Burlijirdireceived from him a jdgir in Sind; and he was the cause of arrival from Iran of other poets to seek the patronage of GhTzi Beg, including Mahwi Ardabill and Wasli Shirizi, who later received from Jah.ngir the title of Rashid Khan.96 One of his protdgds,Sariirl Yazdi, had earlier been in the service of 'Abbas I. Ahsani Gildni returned to Iran after Ghazi Beg's death."9 Mahabat Khan Zamana Beg, a Kabuli Sayyid, a Shi'I and a rough soldier, who had for a time held the person of the EmperorJahingir in detention, was also a patron of poets, probably more for prestige rather than for any genuine appreciation of poetry.98 Among the poets in his service were Sdlik Qazwini, a friend of Kalim, and Subhi Hamaddni.99 Zafar Khan, the generous patron of Sd'ib, attracted several Persian poets to his entourage.100 Mir IlThi Hamadani, who had gained access successively to the courts of and Shah Jahtn, Jahmngir

Dhakhirat 100oo II, al-khwdnfn, pp. 290-1.

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and went to the court of Golconda. He then returned to Iran and enjoyed the favour of 'Abbas I. Due to rivalry with his cousin Mirza Radi he returned to the Deccan. After the death ofJahangir he rejoined the Mughal service and enjoyed the favour of Shah Jahan, sending back a great deal of money to Iran.110 Though Awrangzib was no patron of poets, quite a few of his Persian nobles wrote poetry. They include 'Aqil Khan Razi, who rose to be the ndzimof Delhi and is the author of a mathnawi Sham'wa which relates the Indian story of Padmavati."'1 Ni'mat Khan 'Ali, (d. 1123/1711), more parwdna famous as a writer of rhetorical prose with doubles than as a poet, was a zealous Shi'i who entendres the service of Awrangzib and received the title of Danishmand Khan under Shah 'Alam I.112 joined Hasan Bag Rafi' Mashhadi, probably a Sunni, tried his fortune at the court of the Ozbeg Nadhar Muhammad Khan before he came to India under Shah Jahan. He was an accomplished writer of and of ins~ha' a poet. Under Awrangzib he was appointed to the diwdniand buyatati Kashmir.113Mu'izz al-Din Fitrat came to India under Awrangzib, who later conferred upon him the title of Muisawi Khan."4 Mukhlis Khan Payda was tan bakhshiunder Awrangzib. Apart from poetry, he wrote excellent prose.,15 Qizilbash Khan Ummid, a disciple of Mirz~ Tahir Wahid served Awrangzib and his successors, and later Nizam al-Mulk in the Deccan. In his old age he returned to Delhi and lived a life of pleasure and luxury; he knew Indian music well.16 Badhil Mashhadi received from Awrangzib the title of Rafi' Khan and rose to be the governor of Burhanpur."11Sayyid IHusayn Khdlis received the title of ImtiyAz Khan from Awrangzib and was appointed the diwdnof Patna. In the reign of Shah 'Alam I he returned to Iran and was assassinatedthere in I I22/1710.118 VII Well-placed Persians in India helped poets arriving from Iran by extending hospitality and some limited patronage, and by introducing them to the Mughal imperial court or to some generous nobleman. Gilani. The latter Abu'l-Fath Gildni helped a number of poets including 'Urfi and had.Hakim career in the Mughal court; Jahangir had him weighed in gold.x19 Thana'i Mashhadi a luckier .Hayati was, on the other hand, disappointed in Hakim Abu'l-Fath's patronage and spent his last days in obscurity.'x2 Some Persian poets came to India attracted by the reports of the success of greater poets and received help from them. Ashki Qummi came after hearing of Ghazali Mashhadi's success; Tajalli Kashi and Nadim Lahijani received considerable help from Naziri Nishiptiri.121 Nadim, however, returned to Iran after travelling extensively in India. Rawnaqi Hamadani came to India, because he knew Kalim.122 Safawid princes or noblemen, who had deserted to the Mughals and received high appointments in India, also helped immigrant Persian poets. Thus Rustum Mirza Safawl was the patron of Mahwl Ardabili and others; while Mulla Shah Muhammad Amuli, who had migrated to India in dire poverty, joined the service of'Ali Mardan Khin's son Ibrahim Khin.123 Muhammad Quli Salim (d. 1057/1647) a poet of some distinction who later found the patronage of Shah Jahan's wazir Islam Khan, found help
Dhakhirat al-khawdnfn, II, pp. 217-20; Ma'dthir al-umard', al-shu'ard',ft. 87b-89a; Sham-'i anjuman,p. 36. '17Sarv-i Azdd, p. 141; RiyddI III, pp. 413-18; Nasrdbddi, p. 56; Sham-i gharfban, Urdi al-shu'ard',ff. oIoib--Iowa. 118 Ibid., f. 46/1 (1970), p. I0o. 189a; Sarv-i Avzd, p. 139; Alabi, pp. 60-5; Sham'-i ux Ma'dthir al-umard', II, pp. 821-3; Saftna-i Khushgi7, III, pp. anjuman,p. 141. 119 Maykhdna,pp. 218, 8o9-Io; Rjyddal-shu'ard',f. 145b. 13-I4. 120 u2 Ibid., III, pp. 59-61. Badi'fini, III, p. 208. 11 Khizdna-i 121 Natd'*j al-afkdr,pp. 41, 719; Sham-igharibdn,Urda,45/3 (1969), 'amira, pp. 233-8; Natd'ij al-afkdr, pp. 270-2; Riyddal-shu'ard',f. 2o9a; Sarv-iAzdd, pp. o107-8. p. 24, 45/4 (1969), p. 59; Ma'dthir-i Rahimf, III, pp. 1266-8; 114Atashkada, II, pp. Mir'at al-khayal, pp. 164-6; 491-2; Nasraibdi, p. 240; Maykhdna,p. 837; Sarv-i Azdd, p. 56. 122 Nafrdbadi, p. 257; Riydd al-shu'ard', f. 207b; Ma'dthiral-umard',III, pp. 633-5; Su4uf-i Ibrdhimi,f. 276a. Maykhdna, 1,sSaffna-i Khushgi, III, p. 59. pp. 868-9. f. n1 Ibid., III, p. 250; Suhuf-i Ibrdahfm, 77a; Natda'i al-afkdr, 123 Shimn-i ghariban,Urda, 47/1 (I971), p. 147. p. 63; Shdm-i gharfban, Urda, 45/4 (1969), pp. 43-4; Riydd
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initially from Mir 'Abd al-Salam, a nobleman of Persianorigin.124Salik Yazdi, an eloquent poet, came through Golconda to Mughal India and attached himself to an Irani amir, Danishmand Khan.125 VIII What was known to the Safawid poets as the Dakani-ithaldthal26 the three kingdomsof the Niz~mor Shahis of Ahmadnagar, the Qutb-ShAhisof Golconda and the 'Adil-Shdhisof Bijapur, also constituted considerable temptation for immigration. All the three states were ruled by Shi'i rulers; all the three had close religious, cultural and political ties with the Safawid Iran. In these kingdoms noblemen of Persian origin, orthodox Shi'is, had established cultural patterns and avenues of patronage which attracted immigrants from Persia, including poets. At Ahmadnagar, Shah Tahir, savant, theologian, administrator and poet who converted Burhan Nizam Shah (1510-53) to Shi'ism, set the cultural pace. Earlier he had held an honoured position in the court of Isma'il I, but had to leave Iran as he was unjustly accused by his enemies of being an Isma'il.127 At Golconda, opulent in that age due to its mineral resources,many Persian noblemen-poetsmade
their fortunes. Amir Taqi al-Din (Mir Shah) became the wakil of Ibrahim Qutb Shah (1550-80).128 in 993/1585. mad Quli Qutb Shah (1580-1611)

Much more eminent was Mir Muhammad Mu'min Ada'i, appointed the Pishwdof the state by MuhamEarlier he had been the tutor of the Safawid prince

Ijaydar Mirza. When that prince was executed by the order of Isma'il II, Ada'i took refuge at Golconda. After his death his dd'ira(in the sense of location of burial) became the graveyard of Persian immigrants, so that the poet Fitrat Mashhadi was buried there.129Several other Persian poets came to the court of Golconda. One of them, Kawkabi (d. 1624) was a runaway Georgian slave of 'Abbas I.130 Mawlina Hamza took service for a time with 'Abd al-Rahim Khan-i Khanan and later with the rulers of Golconda and Bijapurbeforereturningfinally to Iran.131'Abd Allah Qutb Shah (1626-72) attracted several poets to his court, including the witty, learned and conceited Ulfati whom Nasrabtdi met and disliked in Isfahan. More eminent among his court-poets was Mirza RacdiDanish, who had earlier served Dara Shukoh and Shah Shuja' and had taken refuge at Golconda to escape the indifference and possibly the ire, of Awrangzib. He was later sent by 'Abd Allah Qutb Shah as his nd'ibal-ziydrat to Mashhad.132Salih Razi also chose to emigrate from India to his court. Another poet, Faraj Allah Shfishtari, gained considerable recognition at the Qutb-Shahi court.133 The court of Bijapur was proud to have in its circle the great Zahilri (d. 1025/1616) who preferred the patronage of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II (I580-I627) to that of Akbar, despite his contact with Fayodi who admired him and wanted to take him to the Mughal emperor. Less renowned, but quite a good poet, was his contemporary at Bijapur, Malik Qummi, whose fame had also spread to Mughal India. He and Zahfiri versified Ibrahim 'Adil Shdh's treatise on music, Nawras, and received generous reward.134 Others who were at Bijapur at that time include Baqir Khurda Kashi, his rival Jismi Hamadani, and Dhani Kashi. Shahidi Qummi is another poet attached to the court of Bijapur, mentioned in several tadhkiras.x3s

Nasribddi, p. 227; Natda'"al-afkar, p. 332; Atashkada, I, 1as Sherwani and Joshi, I, p. 456; Atashkada,II, pp. 798-9, and p. 64; Sham'-i anjuman, 20o1. p. N3siri's note; Nasrabddi, pp. 291-2; S~uuf-i IbrAdhmi, 125 ff. 32ob-32ia; Sham'-i anjuman, p. 329; Sarv-i Azdd, p. I lo; Sham'-i anjuman, p. 375. NasrAb-di, p. 207. 1310 Ibid., p. 400. 126 Maykhdna,p. 751. 131 Ma'dthir-i Razhimi, III, pp. 1414-15. 127 H. K. Sherwani and P. M. Joshi (eds.), History of Medieval 132Nasrab.di, pp. 253, 326; Mir'at al-khaydl,p. I68; Khizdna-i Deccan, Hyderabad, 1973, I, pp. 235-6, 240, 283, 317-21, 'amira, pp. 217-21; Nata'b"al-afkar, p. 246; Sham'-i anjuman, 339, 421, 444, 507; Tuhfa-i Sdmf, p. 29; Atashkada,III, pp. pp. 146-7; Sarv-i Azdd, pp. 87-8. 133 1266-8; Rida Quli HidRyat, Riydd al-'drifin, Tehran, 1305 Ibrdhimi,f. 215b; Nasribadi, p. 334. .Suhuf-i Shamsi, pp. 169-70; Rihanat al-adab, II, p. 294; Natd'yj 134 BadS'fini, III, pp. 269, 332; Sham'-i anjuman,pp. 284-5; al-afkdr, pp. 436-8; Sham'-i anjuman, pp. 276-7; Suhuf-i 135 Sarv-i Azdd, pp. 31-2Shdm-i gharibdn, Urdil, 45/4 (I969), PP. 49, 68-9, 10o4, 47/I Ibrdhimf,f. 32a-b. 128 Atashkada,III, p. 928. (1971), 146; Nasrfbadi, pp. 294, 397; Rjyddal-shu'ard',f. 256a.

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IX
The emigration to India of Persian poets was only a current in the general flow of immigration of all kinds of Persians,belonging to all classesand various professions,in search of better opportunities; in a way, this immigration can be compared to that of Europeanscoming to North America in modern times. the Judging from the selectionsin most of the tadhkiras, excluding the Maykhdna, work of the greater majority of poets who migrated to India was mediocre. Many of them found no patrons or only minor ones. For the majorityof them, writing poetry was an ancillary activity, and their professionalexpertise or success lay in some other field. In some cases whole families migrated to India, such as Mir IHaydarMu'amma'i and his two sons who followed him, Mir Sanjar and Mir Ma'saim. Of these, Mir IHaydarwent back to Iran and Mir Sanjar, who had a successfulcareer in Mughal India, died while on his way back to Iran at the invitation of'Abbas I; but Mir Ma'suim,who came much later, stayed on in India.136 If a Persian established himself at the Mughal court or elsewhere in India, there was an incentive for his relatives to migrate and try their fortune. Qardri came to India because his brother IHakimAbu'l-Fath Gilani Gilmni was influential at Akbar's court. Mulld who lived in Bengal and the Deccan was a nephew of 'Urfi; and Bayin Isfahani, who did not prosper much under Awrangzib, was a nephew of Kalim.137 .Hakimi, Wajhi was a brother of Haydar Khisdli, who was in the service of the immigrant Safawid prince Muzaffar IHusaynMirza and later of Mahabat Khan.13s Rdqim Mashhadi followed his father, who was a merchant, to India and joined the service of Islam Khan. Mirza Muhammad Sakit came to India after the death of his father Mirza Mu'min, who had held a minor mansab under Shah Jahmn, and took service under Awrangzib.139 Tdhir Isfahdni and his younger brother came to India, and joined the service of Awrangzib; the former received the title Iltiftt Khan.140 There are numerous other cases of immigration of two or more members of the same family. Several immigrant poets were recognized scholars. Mir Murtad;t Sharifi Shirizi was a scholar of mathematics, logic and scholasticism and famous in the first place as such. Qadi Ahmad Ghifdri and Qazwini was primarily a munshi a historian. Mir 'Aziz Allah, who rose and fell in Akbar'sadminiswas basically an expert accountant.141 Muhammad Qasim Asir, in the entourage of 'Abd tration, was al-Rahim Khdn-i Khandn, was a scholarof astronomyand mathematics. Mir Abu'l-'Al'i Shrishtari an exegete.142 Mir 'Ahdi, also in the service of Kh.n-i Khdndn, was an astronomer and a primarily prosodist. A Persian 'dlimand poet Mawldnd Muhammad Sa'id was appointed by Awrangzib as the tutor of his daughter Zib al-nisa', even though he was a devout Shi'i.143 Due to India's unhealthy climate, and because of excesses in sexual life and in eating, physicians were very much in demand in Mughal India.144Some of the physicianswho came from Iran were also poets, such as IHakim IHdhiq, brother of the influential Hakim Abu'l-Fath Gilani, Hakim Sadr al-Din Ildhi Shirazi, who received the title of Masih al-Zamdn from Akbar, and Diyd' al-Din, who received the same title from Jahdngir.145Rukna Kashi, another physician-poet, left Iran because his expectations of patronage were not fulfilled by 'Abbas I, and after spending some time in India, returned to Iran where he was again disappointed in Shah Safi, but stayed on there;146 he must have been a difficult person. A number of other physician-poets made their way to India, including Rafi' Dastiir who attached himself to Asaf Khan; 'Ishrati Gildni who joined the service of Mir Jumla's son Amin on Khan; Kazim Tini, author of a mathnawi the theme of JalMlal-Din Khwdrizmi'sresistanceagainst the Mongols; 'Abd al-Razziq Mushrib, who came later under Awrangzib and practised at Lucknow
136 Badi'fini, III, p. 232;

Natd'd al-afkdr, p. 263; Riyd.dalSham'-i anjuman, pp. 197, 437; shu'ard', ff. I8gb-I99a; Ma'dthir-i Raifmi, III, pp. 622, 732; Sarv-i Azdd, pp. 26, 81; Nasribidi, p. 250; Subuf-i Ibrdhimi,f. 31 7a. 137 Sham'-i anjuman,p. 384; Shdm-i gharibcn, Urdfi, 45/4, p. 86; Raz-i rawshan,p. 70; Natad' al-afkdr, p. o8. 138 pp. Mlaykhdna, 845-6. 139Natda'j al-afkar, p. 268; Sham-i gharibdn, Urda, 46/1 (1970), pp. 111-12, 135-8.

140Sham'-ianjuman,p. 279141 al-afkdr, p. .51 Badi'uni, III, pp. 279-80; 320-1; Natda'" 142 Ma'dthir-i Rahimi, III, pp. 855-7; Shdm-i gharibdn, Urda, 45/4 (1969), P- 33143 Ma'dthir-i Rahim~,III, pp. 1305-6; Nasrabddi, p. 181. 144 'Ali Kawthar Chandpfiri, Afibbd'i 'ahd-i Mughuliya, Karachi, I96o, passirn. 145 Nasrdbadi, pp. 61-2; Shdm-igharibdn,Urda, 45/4, P- 34. 146 Nagsrab3di,pp. 214-15.

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and later in Kashmir; Fakhr al-Dawla 'Amid al-Din, who gained his title and honour in the imperial service; and several others.147 There was considerabletrade between Safawid Iran and Mughal India. Some of the Persiantraders who visited India for long or short durations were also poets. IHaydari,who visited India several times and the Hijaz twice, was treated generouslyby Akbar.148 Aqd ShdptirTihrani, related to I'timad al-Dawla, gained access to the courts of Akbar and Jahangir through him and Asaf Khan MirzdJa'far, throve in business in India and returned to Iran.149 Mir 'Askarl Kashdni, who had earlier refused to join the service of the rulers of Golconda and Bijapur and preferredto remain independent as a merchant, joined the service of Mughal nobles only after he had been ship-wreckedand lost his property near Surat. Tabrizi, who had earlier travelled as a merchant in the Ottoman empire,joined in India the service of Khwaja Bag Mirzti Safawi, but on the death of that prince resumed the career of S.lih merchant.150 Mirzi Muqim Jawhari, son of a goldsmith and himself a merchant, gained access to Mughal princes and nobles through his tact and witty tongue. Mas'fid, a contractor of coal and firewood, accompanied his father to India, but later returned to Iran where he gained recognition as a writer of chronograms.151 Several other Irani merchant-poets are mentioned in various tadhkiras.152 Amongst other professionalpeople, MirzdJaldl, a Tabatabd'i sayyid, was an expert at inshd'and was held in esteem in the court of Shah Jahdn. Sa'idd'i Gildni, an accomplished goldsmith, and a versatile of (" expert in painting and calligraphy, was appointed by Jahangir the ddrfigha his zargarkhdna goldand Rashidd were expert goldsmithery") and given the title Bibadal Khan. Muhammad Ridda Radi smiths as well as poets, who tried their fortune in India for a while and then returned to Iran.s53 Mirzi Kazim, Awrangzib's official wdqi'a-nawis(chronicler) and the author of the 'Alamgir-Nama, were profeswas of Persian origin; he also composed poetry.154Fusini Yazdi, Iskandar and Asad155 Khan Mir Munshi, Tali'i Yazdi, sional story-tellers (qissa-khwdn) who also wrote poetry. Ashraf Qasim Arslan Mashhadi, Khwaja Muhammad Muqim and his son 'All Tabrizi, Shamsd'iZarrin-raqam, and Taqi Kashi, known as Marwdrid-raqam, RfIzbeh Shirtzi, were calligraphists as well as poets.156 Mulld Muhammad Sa'id Ashraf, whom Awrangzib appointed Zib al-Nisa's tutor, was a scholar, a calligrapher, a painter and a poet. Sharif Farsi, son of the famous painter Khwa-ja'Abd al-Samad, was a painter as well as a poet. Akhtari Yazdi was basically an astrologer as his takhallus shows.157 Tasalli Shirazi was a craftsmanwho also won recognition as a poet in India; Fikri was a weaver; and Taqi Halwa'i a seller of condiments.158Mulld Rawghani extracted oil and wrote satirical and obscene verses; Zamdna sold and applied henna.159

X
and A very interesting category of Persian immigrant poets was that of qalandars dervishes, most of them motivated by Wanderlust the quest of new spiritual or emotional experiences. Mir Amani and wandered alone, clad in skins, in parts of India and was held in respect. Mudami Hamadani was a of IHaydariqalandar.Ddnihi was an eccentric who wrote ghazals both in the rustic dialect of his part Iran and in elegant Persian.o60 Sarfi Sawaji, though a dervish attached himself successively to the
141 Ibid., pp. 204, 270, 402; Atashkada,II, p. 841, III, pp. 967-8;

SaJfna-i Khushga,III, pp. 81-2. 148 Atashkada,I, pp. II4-15; Majma' al-khawasy(Pers. tr.), pp. 217-18; Tarbiyat, pp. I25-6, 193149 Nasribddi, p. 237; Maykhdna, pp. 535-9; Nata'f" al-afkar, p. 362; Aslah, p. 152. 150 Maykhdna,pp. 719-21, 881. 151 Shdm-i gharibdn,Urdia, 45/4, pp. 69-70; Nagsrabdi, p. 424. 15 For instance, Nasrtbadi, pp. 135-9, 399, Sarv-i Azdd, p. 57; al-shu'ard',ff. 64b, etc. 153 Riy.dd Nasribadi, pp. 10o2, 388, 393; Jahingir, Tuzuk, Lucknow, f. 19I4, PP. 335; L hori, I, pp. 489-95; Suhuf-i Ibrdhfmn, I86b; Khizdna-i 'dmira,p. 198; Natd'ji al-afkdr, 269. 1"

15 Bad1'5ni, III, p. 297;

Nasribddi,

p. 132.

al-shu'ard',f. 57b. f. III, pp. I81, 266; Riyddal-shu'ard', 57b; Ma'athir-i Rahimi, III, pp. 781, I419; Napsrnbdi, p. 20o8; NVatd'yi al-afkdr, p. 129; Shdm-i gharibdn, Urda, 45/4, P. 58, 46/1 (1970), p. 114. 157 Nasrgbidi, p. 181; Natd'ij al-afkdr, p. 54; Kalimdtal-shu'ard', Ibrdhimf, f. 68b; Sarm-iAzdd, pp. 116-I 7; p. 13; alSuhuf-i Sham'-i anjuman, p. 32; Bad'fini, III, p. 310; Riydd . shu'ard',f. 56b. 158 Nasrdbgdi, pp. 258, 419; Sham'-i anjuman, 365. p. 159 Urd 46/I (1970), Ri?ad al-shu'ard',f. 207a; Shdm-ighariban, p. Io7; Nasrabddi, p. 400. 16oMa'dthir-i Ra4fmf, III, I40oo0-1; Bad'afini, III, pp. 174, 229, 341-2.
156 BadSl'ini, Riy.d

Ma'4thir-i Ra.imf,

III, p. 1242;

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patronage of Nizdm al-Din Ahmad and Faydi. Wafa'i Isfahani, a tramp, attached himself for some time to Zayn Khan Koka.1i1 Talib Isfahani, a dervish and a Siifi, was friendly with the luminaries of Akbar's court, and was appointed to the religious-administrativepost of sadrof Gujarat; later he was but laterjoined service as a and given a diplomatic assignmentin Kashmir. Rasmi was a qalandar a soldier under Khan-i Khdnin.162 Si.fi, Then there were convinced heretics who escaped to India where Akbar's, and to a certain extent Jahangir's, liberal religious policy offered them refuge and freedom of belief. Wuq-i'i Nishapuiri, a believer in metempsychosisand possibly inclined towards Ism'illism, gained access to Akbar's court. IHayati Kashi was persecuted in Iran for his association with Nuqtawi heretics; he took refuge at Ahmadnagar and finally gained access to Jahdngir's court. Tashbihi Kashi, also branded a Nuqtawi and a heretic, gained the protection of Abi'l-Fadl 'Allami in his second or third visit to India and was granted a pension by Akbar which was continued by Jahdngir.163 Mir Abi'l-Qatsim Findariski (d. 1640-41) was rebuked by 'Abbas I for his association with vagabonds and qalandars;he went to India, absorbed Zoroastrian and Hindu influences, but returned to Iran under Safi.164 Some unconventional dervish poets sought and fell under Hindu religious and cultural influence. Baqi Nd'ini was friendly with Brahmins,visited Hindu temples and became an expert on Indian music. Later he seems to have become an orthodox Muslim, visited Mecca, was generously treated by Shah Jahdn and finally returned to Iran.165 Naw'i Khabiashini wrote a moving poem Sfz-u guddzon the sati (suttee) of a Hindu woman.166Shawkati Isfahani went twice to India; during his second visit he tried to sodomize a Hindu boy, who killed him. Zamani Yazdi believed in transand migration of souls. Mirzi Ibrahim Adham was a qalandar somewhat insane, living in India a life of tactlessness and licentiousness, as a result of which he was imprisoned.16' Mast 'Ali and Khasmi Isfahani were maldmiqalandars;Ijifzi Isfahani and Mulli Hasan 'Ali were travelling dervishes who roamed through the Ottoman empire and India.'68 Most eminent of the qalandar poets was the maldmi mystic Sarmad, who went about naked in ecstasy and wrote moving quatrains, was held in esteem by Dart Shukoh and was executed by Awrangzib.169 XI After Awrangzib, during the period of the decline and subsequent powerlessnessof the Mughals, some Persianpoets continued to migrate, from the twilight of the Safawidsto the twilight of the Mughals, from chaotic Iran to chaotic India. under Farrukhsiyar (1713-19). Fadl 'All Khan rose to be the diwdnof Lahore and a mansabddr Another Persian poet, Fdrigh Qummi, who had married the daughter of a lowly boatman in Sind, received the title of Nizim Khan and a mansab from the same weak emperor. Mir Muhammad Matla', a sayyid from Iran, lived like a dignified mirzdin India during the same reign.170 Another Persian poet, RacdiShfishtari, came first to Gujarat, then joined successively the service of Shuja' al-Dawla in Awadh, of Murshid Quli Khan in Orissa and of Nizim al-Mulk in the Deccan. After the death of his came to patron Tahmasp II in 1731, 'Ali Quli Khan Wglih Daghistdni, author of Riydgal-shu'ard',
161

Majma' al-khawdss, (Pers. tr.), pp. 222, 289; Raz-i rawshan, P. 393; Subh-igulshan,p. 596. 162 Ma'dthir-i Raihmi, III, pp. 1259-60, 1297-8; Khayral-baydn, f. 373b; Raz-i rawshan, p. 406; 'Alldmi, Akbar Ndma, III, PP. 552, 568, 731; Bad'i'ni, III, p. 265; Jahdngir, Tuzuk, pp. 286, 345; Raz-i rawshan,p. 241; Shibli, III, p. 13. 163 al-Din Ahmad, Tabaqdt-iAkbari, Bibl. Ind. Calcutta, Ni.zm 1927-35; III, p. 505; BadS'fini, III, pp. 20o4-6, 378-81; Amin b. Ahmad Razi, Haft Iqlim, Calcutta, 1939, II, P. 273; Natd'ij al-afkdr, p. 88; Sham'-i anjuman, pp. 95, 124-5; Maykhdna,p. 887; Suhuf-i Ibrdhimf,f. o105a; Riydd al-shu'ard', f. io6b. Eng. tr. D. 84 Mulsin Fani (attributed to), Dabistdn-i madhdhib, Shea and A. Troyer, Paris, 1843, I, pp. 140-I; Nasrdbhdi,

P. 153; Atashkada,II, pp. 792-3; Suhuf-i Ibrdhfmf,f. 53b; Browne, IV, pp. 257-8. 165 Suhuf-i Ibrdhfmi,f. 97a; Maykhdna, pp. 872-3; Kanbo, II, 229; Khizdna-i 'dmira,p. I50; Nasr5bbdi, pp. 306-7; Sham'-i anjuman,p. 79. s16Berlin Ms. Or. Sprenger, p. 1469 (Pertsch, p. 928); Bada'fini, III, pp. 361; Haft IqlPn, II, pp. 307; Khizdna-i 'dmira, 167NasrdbSdi, pp. 244, 336, 359; Kalimat al-shu'ard', p. 5; Sham'-i anjuman,p. 41. Sham-i gharibdn, Urdfi, 45/4 (1969), 168s NasrAtbddi,pp. 418-I9;
169
170

pp. 435-6.

PP. 84, 94-

Ibid., 46/1 (1970), p. 133; Nat"d'jal-afkdr, pp. 334-6. Sham'-i anjuman,p. 361; Saftna-i Khushga,III, pp. 89, 147.

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ZafarJang.171 Most eminent of these later immigrants was Shaykh 'Ali Hazin (I692-1766). He had come in contact with TahmAsp II, but the Afghan invasions of 1721-2 had already reduced him to destitution. In 1734 he made his way to India and was in Delhi during Nrdir Shah's invasion (1739). In India he remained unhappy, and had an unmitigated contempt for the country and its inhabitants. He was helped by Walih Daghistani, but he had many bitter enemies, including the famous Urdu poet is. and lexicographer Siraj al-Din 'All Khan Arzti, whose Tanbihal-ghdfilin a withering criticism of his For a long time he cherished the vain desire of returning to Iran, but finally settled down at poetry. Benares and died there.172 XII The attitudes of the Safawid immigrant poets to India range from enthusiastic nostalgia to bitter dislike. Usually they came full of hope and expectation. Many of them, like 'Abd al-Nabi, the author of the Maykhdna, had heard the praise of India from merchants and other Iranians who had been there. 'Abd al-Nabi's first impressionwas that it was an extraordinarycountry where everything was cheap and plentiful. Everyone had the freedom to live as he pleased without any interference or persecution. The same author reports the impression of another immigrant, IHakim'Arif who found India populous and plentiful, providing all the comfort of living one could desire.173Aq Hasan, who had been connected with the shrine of the Imam 'All al-Ritda, wrote nostalgically in the age of 'Abbas I, about India that " Hind " (India) and " Jahdn" (the world) have the same numbers as chronograms; later he left for India.1"7Talib Amuli, on his way to India wrote in a quatrain that he was leaving his bad luck in Iran, as no one carried a Hindu [of dark skin] to India. He also wrote in in praise of Delhi, Lahore, Ajmer and Kashmir. Mun'im Hakkak Shirazi wrote a mathnawi praise of Several ghazals of Murshid Burfijirdi praise India and denounce Iran. As we have seen, Agra.175 Kalim expressed his unhappiness on having to return to Iran temporarily. Muhammad Quli Salim both praised and blamed India. His verse is famous as stating that there is no chance of acquiring perfection in Iran; henna acquires colour only in India. He also wrote that old age brings no sorrow in India.176 On the other hand, quite a few Irani immigrant poets were disappointed in India and satirized it, to the chagrin of their Indian contemporaries. Some of them were not lucky enough to find adequate patronage; others suffered from cultural shock; but most suffered from the rigours of India's hot climate, and it is not surprising that many returned to Iran, either temporarily or permanently. HIaydariTabrizi complains in the age of Akbar that there was no recognition of talent in India, where a man could be bought for a rupee.177 'Abd al-Nabi, whom we have noted as so enthusiastic about coming to India and so excited at his arrival, expressed a longing to return to Iran in his Sdqi-ndma. But it was India's climate which these poets complained most about. Naw'i Khabfishdni, S.'ib, Mashriqi, Rafi' Lahijani, and even India's panegyrist Muhammad Qull Salim, complain of Hind-i jigar-khwdr(liver-consuming India). Hence it is not surprising that a large number of Safawid poets visited Kashmir, and several of them settled down there.178

India and was appointed by Muhammad Shah (1719-48)

to a mansabof4,ooo and was given the title

Sham'-i anjuman,p. 38; Storey, 1/2, pp. 830-3. Ms. 1O. D.P. 423 (c). 172 Shaykh 'Ali Hazin, Ta'rikh-i ahwdl bi-tadhkira-i h.l, ed. F. B. Balfour, London, 1831; Riydd al-shu'ard', if. 149b-15ib; Sarv-i Azdd, p. 225; Ghuldm IHamddni Mushafi, 'Iqd-i III, pp. Thurayyd, Delhi, I934, p. 22; Safqna-i Khus.hg, 291-2; Storey, 1/2, pp. 840-9. 173 Maykhdna,pp. 761, 931. 174 Nasrdbidi, pp. 129-30.

171Sarv-i Azdd, pp. 223-4;

176 Sharif al-Nisa' Anari, op. cit. pp. 41-2;

175Browne, IV, p. 255; Kalimidt al-shu'ard',p. 176. Sarv-i Azdd, p. 66; Kalimdtal-shu'ard',p. 76. 177 Sham'-i anjuman, pp. 12I-2. 178For the Safawid poets who visited Kashmir or made it their home and wrote in its praise, see Aslab, op. cit., and its fourvolume supplement, IHusam al-Din Rdshidi. Tadhkira-i shu'ard'iKashmfr,Karachi, 1346 Shamsi, passim.

SHORTER NOTICES E. G. BROWNE AND THE PERSIAN CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT By HasanJavadi

Edward Granville Browne was born on February 7th, 1862, at Uley in Gloucestershire. His father, Sir Benjamin Browne, was the head of a shipbuilding firm in Newcastle-on-Tyne. The young boy went to various private schools, of which he gives a very dismal picture, saying: " The most wretched day of my life, except the day when I left the college, was the day I went to school. During the earlier portion of my school life I believe that I nearly fathomed the possibilities of human misery and despair."' His father wanted him to study engineering, but Browne preferred medicine and after leaving Eton went to Pembroke College, Cambridge. Despite his studies in medicine and natural sciences, he was able to devote some of his time to the languages of the Middle East. Turning to the East proved to be a turning point in his life and an important pre-occupation ever after. He began to learn Turkish, which was not taught at Cambridge at that time, and studied Arabic and Persian in order to broaden his knowledge of Turkish. He writes in his A Year Amongstthe Persians: It was the Turkish war with Russia in 1877-8 that first attracted my attention to the East, about which, till that time, I had known and cared nothing. To the young, war is always interesting, and I watched the progress of this struggle with eager attention. At first my proclivities were by no means for the Turks; but the losing side, more especially when it continues to struggle gallantly against defeat, always has a claim on our sympathy, and moreover the cant of the anti-Turkish party in England, and the wretched attempts to confound questions of abstract justice with party politics, disgusted me beyond measure. Ere the close of the war, I would have died to save Turkey, and I mourned the fall of Plevna as though it had been a disasterinflicted on my own country. And so gradually pity turned to admiration, and admiration to enthusiasm, until the Turks became in my eyes veritable heroes, and the desire to identify myself with the cause, make my dwelling amongst them, and unite with them in the defence of their land, possessed me heart and soul."1 Browne learned Turkish from an Irish clergyman, who had served in the Crimean War as a private and had later been driven away from his parish because of defending the Turks publicly when they were most unpopular. Browne's Arabic teachers were such eminent scholars as William Wright and E. H. Palmer, who combined the learning and the enthusiasm of good teachers. But he was not so fortunate with his Persian teachers. One of them was " a very learned but very eccentric old Persian, MirzA Muhammad Bakir, of Bawinat in Fars, surnamed Ibrahim Jan Mu'attar." His pupil writes of him: " Having wandered through half the world, learned (and learned well) half a dozen languages, and been successively a Shi'ite Muhammadan, a dervish, a Christian, an atheist, and a Jew, he had finished by elaborating a religious system of his own, which he called " Islamico-Christianity ", to the celebration (I can hardly say the elucidation) of which in English tracts and Persian poems, composed in the most bizarre style, he devoted the greater part of his time, talents, and money."3 Whenever Browne tried to read the Divdn of Hdfiz or the Masnavi with him, after a while he would push them aside, " I like saying: my own poetry better than this, and if you want me to teach you Persian you must learn it as I please.... You can understand H.fiz by yourself, but you cannot understand my poetry unless I explain it to you."4
2

the x E. G. Browne, A rear Amongst Persians(London, 1959), P 7.

Ibid., p. 8.

a Ibid., pp. 13-14. * Ibid., p. '4.

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Thus, along side his medical studies, Browne learned Turkish, Arabic, Persian and Hindustani. In I884, two years after passing his second M.B. examination, he received a First Class in the Indian Languages Tripos, which at that time was equivalent of a B.A. in Oriental Languages. Then he left Cambridge to work at St. Bartholomew's Hospital in order to pass his third M.B. and to receive his licence to practice as a physician. This end was achieved in 1887, and it was during his stay in London that he would snatch an occasional leisure hour from his medical studies for a chat with his Persian friends (among them were such well-known figures as Jamal ud-Din of Asadabad and Mirza Malkum Khan), or would take a quiet communing in the cool, vaulted reading-room of the British Museum with his favourite Sufi writers, whose mystical idealism had long since cast its spell over his mind. It was in May, 1887, that Pembroke College elected Browne as a Fellow to teach Persian and Arabic and encouraged him to spend the first year of his fellowship in Persia " in the way which would best qualify (him) for this post ". The adventures and experiences of this long-desiredjourney are charthe mingly described in A YearAmongst Persians. Browne travelled on the old caravan route from Trabzon to Iran and stayed in Tabriz, Tehran, Isfahan, Shiraz, Yazd, Kerman and many other places. Unlike most of the Europeanswho often do not go out of their own circles, he preferredto mix and make friends with Persians and did not shun the company of the strangest and wildest of men whom he came across. We see him conversing with Dervishes, Sufis, religious leaders, free thinkers, the Babis, Ezelis, and many people of many different beliefs and creeds. Browne set out in his journey to explore the mind and spirit of the Persians,and his book is an interesting guide to their literature and thought. The narrative of the traveller provides many opportunities for discussionsof poetry, metaphysics and philosophy of the Persians. The record of his conversationswith various classesof people is interspersedwith poems given in admirable translations. " Notwithstanding all her faults " he loved Persia " very dearly ". Leaving the country on board a Russian steamer, he wrote: " For the first time for many months, [I] felt myself, with a sudden sense of loneliness, a stranger in the midst of strangers."5 After returning from his travels in 1888, Browne became the Persian lecturer at Cambridge, where he stayed until his death in 1926. But it was not until 1902, after the death of CharlesRieu, the eminent scholar of oriental bibliography, that he was elected to the Sir Thomas Adams Chair in Arabic. et Shortly before going to Iran, Browne, by reading the Comte de Gobineau's Les religions lesphilosophiesdansl'Asiecentrale (1865), had become interestedin the history and doctrine of the newly established sect of the Babis. During his stay in Iran he had met with a number of its members and their devotion, steadfastnessand bravery, while being persecuted by other religious groups, had aroused his sense of admiration and he had decided to devote some of his time to this sect and the matters related to it. In and in 1891 1889 he contributed two monographs on the Babis to the Journalof theRoyalAsiaticSociety, the he published A Traveller's to written illustrate Episode theBab. Browne displayed his lifeNarrative of of long interest in Babism and other Persian heresies in a number of works such as The Translation the the New Historyof Mirzd 'Ali Muhammad Bdb, by Mirza Husain-i Hamadani, the edition of the Kitdb-i in of by for Nuqtatu'l-Kdf Hajji Mirza Jani, and Materials theStudy theBdbi Religion 1893, 19Io and 1918, respectively. BahA'ism-an outgrowth of Babism-disappointed most of the Persians who looked for a strong opposition to their autocratic government and some kind of social reformin every heretical movement. Some Baha'is sided with Muhammad 'Ali Shah and opponents of the Constitution, and moreover, the attitude recommended by 'Abdu'l-Baha himself, was one of complete abstention from politics." In fact, the very universalismof Baha'ismdid not tend to encourage a passionatepatriotismof any kind.
As a result, because of its lack of involvement and sympathy with the national cause in the most critical period of Persian history, Baha'ism has evoked many criticisms, and Browne has not been spared from such charges because of his writings on the subject. On the other hand, some Baha'is believe that Browne was not objective enough and did not express their point of view sufficiently. But one has to partisan. In a letter to a Baha'i friend, Browne explained his own point of view: Let us suppose that
' Ibid., p. 620.
6

bear in mind that he was neither a Muslim nor a Baha'i, and his aim was purely academic and nonThe PersianRevolution (Cambridge, I9Io), p. 425.

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someone could give us more information about the childhood and early life of Jesus. How happy one would be to know this! Although this is not possible for us now, it is still possible in the case of the Bab to collect first-hand materials.7 It was for this purpose that Browne gathered a valuable collection of BTbi and Shaykhi manuscripts, which forms more than one-fifth of his collection of oriental manuscripts at the University Library of Cambridge. The most important work of Browne is his well-known A Literary Historyof Persia,which embodies the major part of his life-long researchesabout Persian history and literature. When the first volume of the work was published by T. Fisher Unwin in 1902, the aim was " to set forth in a comprehensive yet comparatively concise and summary form the history of that ancient and interesting kingdom."8 Brownefurtherexplains his purposein the introduction: " It was the intellectual history of the Persians which I desired to write, and not merely the history of the poets and authors who expressed their thoughts through the medium of the Persian language; the manifestationsof the national genius in the fields of Religion, Philosophy, and Science interested me at least as much as those belonging to the domain of Literature in the narrowersense."9 A second volume sub-titled " From Firdawsi to Sa'di " was published by the same firm in 1906, but as the projectwas still half-finished,Brownehad to turn to the Cambridge University Pressfor the publication of the two remaining volumes. The two sequels on The publication of this huge work of over two thousand pages is truly a landmarkin Persianstudies, and, in spite of the many works which have appeared since then, it is one of the most comprehensive and standard works on Persian literature. It is true that Persian studies have greatly advanced in the last fifty years or so, and there are some errorsand omissionsin the work of Browne. Yet the breadth of his scholarship and his understanding and his appreciation of Persian taste and mind have not been surpassedby any other Western scholar in a work of similar scope. A Literary History Persiais replete of with illustrative extracts from the prose and poetry of Persianauthorsin remarkabletranslations,which are extremely helpful to the uninitiated reader. Browne made a selection of his verse translationsand it was published as A PersianAnthology 1927in During the twenty-four years that Browne was engaged in writing his literary history, he brought out a number of other works, of which one could mention the following: three volumes of the catalogue of the oriental manuscripts in the University Library of Cambridge; the translations of the Chahdr Maqdlaby Nizami 'Arfidi and TheHistory Tabaristdn Ibn Isfandiydr; and the critical editions of of by Lubdb al-Albdb 'Awfi, the Tdrikh-i Guzideh Hamdullah Mustawfi, and the Tazkiratush-Shu'ard by by by Dawlat Shah. Meanwhile, Browne made use of his medical training and gave a seriesof lectures at the tures were published as Arabian Medicine 1921. in Another significant contribution of Browne to oriental scholarshipwas the completion of A History of Ottoman Poetry his friend, E.J. W. Gibb, who had died in 1901, when only the firstvolume had been by printed out of the total of six. Second and third volumes were almost complete, but the three others were put in order and completed by Browne after the notes and outlines left by Gibb. The Gibb Memorial Series was founded by Gibb's mother under the direction of Browne, and by the help of Muhammad Qazwini and other scholars,numerous Persian,Arabic and Turkishworkswere published. Another phase of Browne's activities, which is directly related to the subject of the present work, is his involvement with the cause of the Persian Constitutional movement. As it was mentioned earlier, it was the Turco-Russian war of 1877-8 which made him interested in the East, and until the end of
his life, academic activities did not keep him away from politics. During his travels Browne witnessed the growing spirit of democracy and longing for freedom among the Persians and hoped that one day Royal College of Physicians in 1919-20, of which he had been elected as a Fellow in 1911. These lecThe TartarDominion (1265-1502) and Modern Times (1500-1924) came out in 1920 and 1924 respectively.

it might bear fruit. In his numerous works on the subject, he tried to publicise the imperial policies of
Russia and Great Britain towards Iran, and to voice the rights of the Persians for independence. dedication of his Persian Revolutionof 1905-1909 (Cambridge, 1910 displays his sentiments: o)
SH. M. Balyuzi, E. G. Browne andtheBaha'iFaith (London, I970),

The

8 A Literary Historyof Persia, I (reprint, Cambridge, I964), p. vii.

p. 50.

1 Ibid.,

p. viii.

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To all who by their thought, or word, or deed Have aided Persia in her hour of need, Whether by tongue, or pen, or sword they wrought, Whether they strove or suffered, spoke or fought, Whether their services were small or great, This book of mine I humbly dedicate. May these approve my poor attempt to trace This final effort of an ancient race To burst its bondage, cast aside its chain, And rise to life, a Nation once again. Browne believed in the genuineness of the cause of Persian Constitutional movement and opposed some superficial observers in Europe " who were apt to treat the idea of a Persian Parliament as a mere whim of Muzaffar ud-Din Sh~h, a novelty imported from Europe along with motor-cars,gramophones, and other Western innovations". He says, "To take this view is entirely to misjudge the importance and misunderstandthe nature of a movement which, whether it be approved or deplored, had behind it the whole-hearted support of all the best elements of the Persian nation, including even so essentiallyconservativea class as the mullds, so-called ' clergy '."10 According to him, the support or of some of the religious leaders was an interesting feature of this movement. Regarding the reasonsfor the Persian revolution, Browne says, " My own conviction is that the mere tyranny of an autocrat would hardly have driven the patient and tractable people of Persia into revolt had tyranny at home been combined with any maintenance of prestige abroad or any moderately efficient guardianship of Persian independence. It was the combination of inefficiency, extravagance, and lack of patriotic feeling with tyranny which proved insupportable; and a constitutionalform of Government was sought not so much for its own sake as for the urgent necessity of creating a more honest, efficient, and patriotic Government than the existing one.""11 Browne believed that the policies of Russia and Great Britain had never given the Persian Constitution a fair chance of success, and in a lecture given to the British Academy in 1918 he made a passionate plea not only for Persia, but other non-European nations, saying, " And if the reign of Peace and Righteousnessfor which a tortured world prays is to come, it must be based on a recognition of the rights of all nations, and not merely of the nations of Europe." In the same lecture he reminds his audience of the lack of Western support displayed in the lonely and hard struggleof the Persian people. He draws an analogy between Iran and Greece and Italy: " Politically both Greece and Italy profited much from a sympathy largely based on a recognition of what human civilization owed them for their contributions to art and literature. It is my contention that Persia stands in the same category, and that her disappearancefrom the society of independent states would be a misfortunenot only to herself,but to the whole human race. Unhappily there are a hundred scholars to plead the claims of Greece and Italy for one who can plead the not less cogent cause of
Persia."12

The PersianRevolution an important and contemporary record of the constitutional movement is from 1905-09. It not only gives a detailed analysis of the events of these years, but also discussesthe circumstances from which they resulted. The book is mainly based on the reports sent by W. A. Smart, a former student of Browne working at the British Legation in Tehran, and the accounts given by Hasan Taqi-zadeh and other Persian Constitutionalists who had escaped to England after the bombardment of the Parliament by Muhammad 'Ali Shah. There was going to be a sequel to the book to continue the history of the events up to the outbreak of the First World War and to concentrate on the sufferings and despair of the Persians, but this project was never fulfilled. The publication of The PersianRevolution meant to produce some sounder effects on British foreign policy in Persia. was C. B. Stokes, a sympathetic friend from the British Legation in Tehran wrote to Browne on October 8th 91o, " I think it most important that your book should be in the hands of the public by November I,
" 10 E. G. Browne, The Persian Constitutional Movement ", in Proceedings the British Academy(1917-18), p. 342. of
11 Ibid., p. 32412

Ibid., p. 320.

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and if you could make sure of any M.P.s interested in Persia having it by that date, they might find material for questioning Grey and, if possible, demanding a debate on our present policy in Persia. All this is, of course, strictly private."'3 It is an unfortunate fact that oriental scholarship has at times been associated, whether rightly or wrongly, with the imperial policies of the great powers. As a result, a feeling of distrust has tended to overshadow the works of sincere and dedicated scholars in the minds of the people of the East. Though some unfounded allegations of such kind have been brought against Browne,'4 there is not a shred of evidence to support them. In fact it is ironic that the man who taught so many of the " proconsuls " and servants of British imperialism should become, in his own way, an anti-imperialist. Browne was not the only British radical to oppose the injustices of his government abroad. Another example was Wilfrid Scawen Blunt whose Atrocitiesof Justice underBritish Rule in Egypt (I906), with special reference to the Denshawi incident, created quite a sensation in Britain. Browne was an active supporter of the Irish cause and stood strongly for the Irish Home Rule, and apparently it was for his involvement in this matter that the British government refused him permission to wear his Persian order.'5 He also had an important place as a leading anti-Tsarist propagandist in the period I907-I4.16 George Raffalovich, the head of the Balkan Committee, which was formed in I9I4 to free the Poles and the Ukranians from Russian oppression and of which Browne was member, referred to him as one whose " name has never been associated with any unfair or ' silencing' treatment of any subject race."" Browne's extensive correspondence with his friends clearly reveals that he was a fearless supporter of the weak against the strong. In December 19o8, he wrote to Denison Ross, who was at the time in India: " You are wasted in India, and I doubt if even you, the least officially minded of men by nature, can permanently withstand the demoralizing influence of Anglo-Indian environment. Your lack of sympathy with the Persian Constitution distressesme a great deal, and I ascribe it to this cause; but of course you do not know Taqi-zadeh and the other leaders of the popular party, and cannot therefore realize what fine and capable and honest men they are. I saw a horrible and most misguiding and misleading article on Persia in the Englishman(Calcutta) . .. and I suppose that represents the view amongst Anglo-Indians. However, the Turks have given the lie to the old myth about Asiatics being incapable of representative government, and, please God, the Persians will emphasize what the Turks have declared, let the Englishman eat dirt as it will. Anyhow Lynch and I are doing all we can to secure the Persian Constitutionalists fair play and to enlist sympathy on their side in this country. This has been an arduous business, and things are going ahead now, but I won't enter into details, as I do not know whether I should find in you a sympathetic listener on this subject, which, however lies very close to my heart. I cannot understand how any one who feels that the Persians are a great and talented people, capable of doing much in the future as they have in the past for the intellectual health of the world, can fail to be wholly with them in this great crisis. . ."18 In another letter (September 23rd, 1908) he writes to Mrs. Ross: " I am very miserable about Persia, and utterly disappointed with Sir E. Grey and the present government. You will see another article by me in the Fortnightly Reviewfor October, an answer to one by Angus If Russia were prevented, she would withdraw Colonel Liakhoff and the other Russian Hamilton... officers, and prevent their massacring the poor Persians. But I think Sir E. Grey, like Mr. Gladstone, is infatuated about Russia. I have the most miserable letters from my friends in the British Legation in Tehran, who tell acutely the humiliating position in which they have been placed, unable to do anything for those who looked to them for help ."19 In another letter to her, Browne further voiced his disappointment over British foreign policy, and said that he thought that the Muslims had never had greater need to be prepared to defend their liberties against the "insatiable greed and mischievous oppression of the so-called 'civilized Christian powers ' ". And if the British did not stop Sir E. Grey and his evil counsellors, it would be impossible
13 Cambridge University Library, MS. Add. 7605. 14 Cf. Ism 'il Rg'in, Iluqiq ba-girdn-i Ingiliz dar Irdn (Tehran, I969), P- 434. 1" Information from Browne's granddaughter, Mrs. J. Crawford, of Little Triplow, Trenton. 16 In an unpublished thesis by Ronald Grant of Glasgow University entitled British Radicals and Socialists and their Attitudesto Browne is treated as a leading radical at Russia, i890o-i98, the turn of the century. Cambridge University Library, MS Add. 4251 (1158). Sir Denison Ross, Both Ends of theCandle(London, n.d.), p. 62. C.U.L., MS. Add. 5605 (118).

'7

18 19

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for any nation-Muslim or non-Muslim-" to contrive to regard England as in any sense friendly to Islam."20 In middle life, Browne inherited considerable wealth and was able to help generously both the Persian refugees abroad and those who were fighting for the cause of Persian freedom. It was because of his valuable help and sincere feelings that, when Tabriz was occupied by the Russians in 1911, the Constitutionalistssent telegrams to him and asked for help. It is interesting to note that the people of Tabriz made a ditty, which equated the efforts of Browne to the services of Sattar Khin, their great national hero: What the sword of SattArdid to us, Browne accomplished with his precious pen.21 Browne's friends were of great help in providing him with necessary materials. H. G. Rabino, the British Consul in Rasht, had collected a valuable collection of various newspapers and periodicals published during the Constitutional period, and Mirzd Muhammad 'Ali Tarbiyat had made a study of the Persian press. Browne began his Press and Poetryof ModernPersia (19I4) as a translation of Tarbiyat's work, but added a second section to it which included translationsfrom various contemporary poets. In the Persian introduction of the book, Browne calls it " a versified history of the revolution ", and in fact it is the first important study of modern Persian poetry and its connection with the political and social life of the country. Browne also says in the introduction that his " aim was to show to the Western scholars that the poetic genius of the Persianshas not died out, and it has gained extra brilliance by the revolution and will have a significant effect in the future of this nation".22 The collection of Browne's private correspondenceat the Cambridge University Library, which is mainly related to the years I909-I i, and numerous letters kept by his family, are of special interest for the historian of the British policy in the Middle East. Besides W. A. Smart, he had other friends in the British Legation in Tehran. These were C. B. Stokes, G. P. Churchill, and W. A. Moore. Though they often disagreed with him, their help was valuable in procuring necessary information. Morgan Shuster, the author of TheStrangling Persia(1912) and the American adviser who had been of invited to solve the financial problems of Iran, was another helpful friend. The three early chapters of TheLetters from Tabriz,as well as Browne's other works on the Persian Constitution, were based on the materials provided by friends. As a publicist for the cause of Persianfreedom, Browne had enlisted the help of several members of the British Parliament, through whom he would make his political activities more effective. There is an interesting letter from Major Stokes to Browne, dated January 7th 1911, which further illustrates the methods adopted by Browne and his friends: Under a separatecover I am sendingyou a typewritten accountof some recentincidentshere and of theirbearingon the situation. I have writtenit ratherin the way which-were I today an M.P.-I would wish to attackGreyand his policy. The main thing about it is that it has been writtenwith the assistance of HusseinKuli KhAnand indeed that is evident from the account itself-for who else can say what Poklevski said aboutvariousmattersmentioned? H.K.K. knowsthat it is going to you. My own idea in it is that-if possible-you shouldget some M.P.s to insiston a debate on Persiawhen the house sending meetsand one of them shoulduse the information containedin the accountfor the purposefor attacking Grey'spolicy. The lessthe actualwordsof the accountare used--the lesswill be the chanceof my sharein the matter becomingknown-and this is of importanceto me.23
Moore and Stokes were apprehensive of the possible reprisals by the Legation and the Foreign Office on account of the information they were sending out. According to Stokes, the Foreign Office had made an " effort to find out who it was in the Legation who held views hostile to the policy of the
20 C.U.L., MS. Add. 7605 (128), 12 March, gi92. " 21 'Abdu 'l-Husain Nav'i, Fa'dliyyat-i Mashrilta-Khihdn dar Ittild'dt-i mahdneh, No. 9 (1948), p. 18. Ingiliz ",
22

E. G. Browne, The PressandPoetryof ModernPersia (Cambridge, 1914), Persian introduction. 23 Add. 7604.

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F.O.".24 Naturally the fear of reprisalwas morejustified for the Persianswho were sending letters from Tabriz during the Russian occupation. For this reason, Browne has omitted the names of his correspondents in his book. Browne'srelationship with the Persian revolution began in 19o6 when the revolt against Muzaffar al-Din Shah led to the granting of the constitution and the opening of the first National Assembly. When the Majlis was in 1908 bombarded and forcibly dissolved by Colonel Liakhoff, the Russian commander of Muhammad 'Ali Shah's CossackBrigade, Browne became more actively involved in the cause of Persian freedom. His activities extended well beyond the period known as the " Lesser Autocracy " which ended with the victory of the Nationalist forces and the deposition of Muhammad

ment as a result of the Russian ultimatums and invasion in December 1911. Browne and H. F. B Lynch formed " The Persia Committee ", which included several members of the House of Lords and House of Commons, and rendered valuable services for Iran during the critical years of 1908-12. After the bombardment of the Majlis, a number of the Constitutionalists, such as Mu'izid usSaltana, Taqi-zadeh and Dehkhoda came to Paris. Dehkhoda, whose biting satire in the journal Sir-i Isrdfil had annoyed Muhammad 'Ali Shah beyond measure, began to publish the journal again in Yverdon. Browne was anxious to bring these prominent Persians to England, and eventually Taqizadeh, Muhammad 'Ali Tarbiyat and two other friends accepted his invitation. The Persians gave speeches and Browne translated them. They managed to get the support of forty-five M.P.s for their cause and to enlist the help of several papers. The Times,which unlike The Manchester Guardian and The Daily News was not co-operative at all, at last changed its policy. Browne spent a considerable amount of time in these activities and felt that his literary endeavours had been disrupted by the Persia Committee, but expecting a brighter future for Iran, he had no regrets.25After a few months, Taqi-zideh was urgently asked by the Revolutionary Committee in Baku to join its members. He travelled to the Caucasus and co-operated with the Constitutionalistsof Tabriz. He was then elected as a member of the Second Majlis for that city and stayed in Tehran until December 19o9. Because of some political disagreementsand accusations made by his opponents, Taqi-zadeh was forced to leave Iran, and he stayed for about two years in Istanbul. The Russiansoccupied Tabriz in December 1911, and the persecuted liberals in that city, and their friends in Istanbul and other places, more especially Taqi-zideh, sent letters to Browne, which have been collected by the present author. TheLetters from Tabrizcan be divided into two parts: the introduction by Browne and the translation of the letters sent to him. The second and third sections of the introduction were both privately andwhither Crisisof December 1911: howit arose printed for The Persia Committee in 1912 as ThePersian it mayleadus and The Reignof Terror Tabriz: England's at respectively. Letters Nos. 3, 4, Responsibility In the third letter Browne wanted to give the actual initials of Taqi-zadeh (H. T.), but later on changed them to S. M. T. in order to conceal the identity of his friend. No. i i was originally written by Taqizadeh to Muhammad Qazwini in Paris, who, after omitting all referencesto the writer, sent a copy to Browne and also published it in the Calcuttajournal the Hablu'l-Matin (No. 39, Vol. I9).26 No. 15 is a letter by Husain Kazimzadeh Iranshahr, who was another member of the Persia Committee in Paris. The originals of these letters are in possessionof Browne'sgranddaughter,Mrs. Crawford,who has been kind enough to allow me to publish them in the Persian version of the present work.27 In a note left on the manuscript, Browne says that The Letters from Tabriz were prepared for the press, and accepted, in 1914, " [But] the outbreak of the war in the August of that year rendered their
publication inexpedient for the time being."28 During the war, Browne devoted his time mainly to Babi materials, and in the last years of his life the completion of the fourth volume of A LiteraryHistory of Persia claimed his attention. After his death, The Letters from Tabriz, along with some of his private went to the Cambridge University Library; thus the manuscript was never published. papers, " Add.
7604, letter of 2o/6/191o and in the same collection, Moore's letter dated December 3rd g91o. '5 Browne to Denison Ross, November I 5th 90o8,Add. 7605 (120). 26 See the review of the Ndma-hayiaz Tabrfz by Iraj Afshir in
11A

'Ali in i909, the opening of the Second Parliament on November I5th I909, and its forcible dissolve-

6, 7, 9,

I i,

I4, 17 and 21 are from Taqi-zadeh, who is mentioned as " a well-known citizen of Tabriz ".

"2 See my edition of Ndma-hdyi az

Vol. 15 (1973), pp. 856-9. Rdhnemdyi-Kitdb, Tabrfz (Tehran, reprinted in Berkeley in the same year). 28 C.U.L., MS. DE3.

1973,

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The letters contained in the present volume cover but a short period in the history of Persian constitutional movement, and being reports sent out under the most difficult conditions by various nationalists, they sometimes repeat the same incidents; however, they are extremely revealing as records of one of the most critical periods of Persian history.

NAW BAHAR AND THE SURVIVAL OF IRANIAN BUDDHISM By Richard W. Bulliet

More than half a century has passed since investigations into the origin of the great Barmakid family of viziers, who administered the Islamic caliphate in the reign of Hatrin ar-Rashid, dispelled the legend, current in Islamic historicalliterature, that they were descended from the Zoroastrianhigh priest of a fire-temple called Naw Bahtr in the city of Balkh in present-day northern Afghanistan. The truth of the matter as then revealed and frequently restatedsince is that Naw Bahdr,which literally means " New Spring " in Persian, is actually a Persianized form of the Sanskrit words nava vihdra meaning " New Buddhist Monastery " and that the family's eponym, Barmak, was a Buddhist priest rather than a Zoroastrianone, the name being actually his title as head of the monastery.29 Identifying the origin of the Barmakid family, however, does not necessarily explain their phenomenal rise to power. Quite the contrary. Khalid b. Barmak was virtually the only Iranian to reach and maintain himself at the highest level in the Arab-dominated early Abbasid r6gime. Conceivably, this was simply a matter of extraordinarypersonal competence, but it is also possible that he reached his high position precisely because of his Buddhist priestly background. This article will be devoted to exploring the latter possibility. The place to start is with the monastery of Naw Bahdr, not just the Naw Bahir of Balkh but the entire group of Naw Bahars which have left their trace in geographical place-names. Four Naw Bahar place-names outside of Balkh can be traced in medieval sources. The cities of Bukhara and Ibn al-'Abbad, the Samarqand both had gates called Naw Bahar.30 One of the letters of the was composed at a place called Naw Bahir a few miles outside the city of S.hib tenth-century Baiyidvizier, Rayy.31 And finally, there was a village named Naw Bahdrin the vicinity of the urban area of Baihaq.32 However, the most impressiveindication of the prevalence of the name comes from the modern Iranian Irdn. This exhaustive compilation of place-names in ten volumes lists gazeteer, Farhang-i Jughrdfiyd-yi no fewer than fifteen villages bearing the name Naw Bahdr or longer names incorporatingit.33 The longer names include Kalate-yi Naw Bahdr, " Castle of Naw Bahdr ", and a variant of that as well as Naw Bahdr Miydn Ab~d and Naw Bahdr Ghuldm Khdne, " Naw Bahar Servant's House ". The last name would obviously be particularly applicable to a monastery or similar institution. In addition to these, there are two places called Naw Bahar listed in the modern gazeteer of Afghanistan.34 All of these places in Iran and Afghanistan are described as small villages, but their geographical distribution, as shown on the map along the medieval sites of the same name, is extremely suggestive. There is a clear centre of density in north-easternIran. West of the Iranian provinces of Khurasan there are only four occurrences, two of them along the main route leading to western Iran and Iraq and the other two to the north of that route in Kurdistan. To the east of Khurasan there are only five occurrences, but the gazeteer of Afghanistan appears to be less complete than that of Iran, and there seems to be no available listing of village place-names in the relevant parts of the Soviet Union. In all likelihood, therefore, there are more Naw Bahdrsyet to be identified in these latter areas.
20W. Barthold and D. Sourdel, art. " Bardmika " In EI'. so Guy Le Strange, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate (London, 19o5), PP. 461, 463. 31 YAqfit, Mu'jam al-Bulddn (Beirut, 1957), V, 307. Ibn Funduq, Tdrikh-i Baihaq, ed. A. Bahmany.r (Tehran, I317/I938), p. 184. **Farhang-iJughrdfiyd-yi Irdn (Tehran, 1949-53), Io vols. 34 QdmasJughrdfiya'iyi Afghdnistan(n.p., I956-6o), 4 vols.
s2

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UUSSR
..BukharaSamarqand Caspian ,1 Nishapur/ Rayy Hamadan -ab -.v.a. ~ g _.g r A . sabzavar A -Sea

Bukhara
I

Mary /

IRAQ ;

Ctes iphon

, Turbat-i ' Haidarye '.

O. Ba.kh Herat AFGHANISTAN

IRAN
A ,Qandahar *

Farah

---- -

Cities
Modern sites

named NawBahlr
,
-

Medieval sites named NawBah~r

Trade routes

and and sites Naw Bahar. Fig. i. Map showingtraderoutes medieval modern named

As for the concentrationof nine Naw Bahars along a line drawn between Sabzavar and Herat, there are several cases of paired names. South of Sabzavar there are two villages named Naw Bahar and Kaltte-yi Naw Bahdr which are only two or three kilometres apart. Local residents are aware of the mention of a Naw Bahir in the medieval local history Tdrikh-i Baihaqand assume that it refersto their two modern names and one medieval one probably represent one original place-name village. Thus, that became attached to an area encompassing two separate villages after the specific meaning of the original name disappeared. Similarly, the Iranian gazeteer lists a Naw Bahar and a Naw Bahar Miydn Abtd in the same small districtjust east of the ruins of medieval Nishapur. One of these villages presently exists in a state of abandonment, and local residents are unaware of any other bearing the same name in that vicintiy. Although I have not made a personal reconnaisance, it appears likely that the Naw Bahir and Naw Bahar Ghuldm Khane quite near each other close to the Afghan border are another pair arising from a specific place or building giving its name to a more or less extensive area. This appears to have happened at the Naw Bahar near QadamgTh east of Nishapur, as well, since the villagers there say that the name of their village was originally applied to a small district around the village. In short, the original number of Naw Bahar place-names along the route from Sabzavar to Herat was probably four or five instead of nine.
11B

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The inference, implied several times in the discussion thus far, that because one Naw Bahar is known to have been a Buddhist monastery thereforeevery Naw Bahar signifiesthe location of a forgotten Buddhist monastery, obviously requiresfurther substantiation. To begin with, what is the position of the name Naw Bahdrin relation to the entire corpus of Iranian place-names? The literal meaning of Naw Bahar, as already mentioned, is New Spring, referringto the season of the year. On the face of it, this is not a particularly plausible geographical name. Looking at place-names in the United States, for example, " Spring " is almost invariably followed by a geographical feature (brook, canyon, creek, garden, etc.) or, much less commonly, by ville, city, or boro. In Iran " Spring " appearsin its unmodified form, Bahir, only twice, compared with eleven unmodified occurrencesof Naw Bahar. The other occurrencesof Bahir are in combination names, twenty-three in all out of ten volumes of the gazeteer. The combining words include such obvious meanings as place, well, pit, palace, flower, field, and water. Only five of these " Spring " names occur in the volume covering eastern Iran in which twelve of the fifteen Naw Bahars and Naw Bahtr combinations are to be found. Thus, by geographical and toponymic evidence it seems clear that the Naw Bahdr place-names in modern Iran are neither randomly distributed nor literal in meaning.35 Of course, this does not necessarily mean either that the planting of the name Naw Bahar on the land took place in the distant past nor that the non-literal meaning of the name is New Buddhist Monastery. There is no obvious alternative hypothesis, however, and additional circumstances such as the known existence of five Naw Bahar place-names in the tenth century and the wandering of the name within a given locale as indicated by paired names, strongly support at least the first part of the conclusion, that the names date back at least to medieval times. Nor is this particularly strange in Iran--or anywhere else for that matter. Place-names are notoriously durable. It is the second part of the conclusion, that these medieval (or earlier) Naw Bahars mean New Buddhist Monastery on the pattern of the famous Naw Bahar at Balkh, that causes difficulty. The reason for this is that Buddhism is poorly attested as far west as Iran. Alfred Foucher, the head of the French archaeological mission to Afghanistan, once proposed that Buddhism never extended westward of a line drawn north and south between Kandahar and Balkh.36 Discoveries of Buddhist remains as far west as Mary in Soviet Turkmenistan, an important medieval city, have effectively disproven this theory;37 but all of the Iranian Naw Bahars are still furtherwest than Mary, and the furthestof them is fully six hundred miles to the west. Since there have been no finds of Buddhist remains in Iran and since no one has as yet excavated any of the sites named Naw Bahtr, no material connection can be drawn between the Naw Bahars of Iran and the BuddhistNaw Bahar of Balkh; but geographicaldistributionmay be added to the already strong circumstantial case for making the connection. The great concentration of Naw Bahdrs in north-easternIran, and in particular at the point where the road from Herat and the road from Bukhara join to form the Khurasan Highway, the main east-west route in Iran, fits well with the idea of Buddhism spreading westward from its stronghold in eastern Afghanistan and becoming progressively attenuated the further it went. In this context it is worth noting that the distribution of the typically Zoroastrianplace-name Chahar Taq, " Four Arches ", referringto the architectureof the Zoroastrian fire-temple, is regular throughout the ten volumes of the modern gazeteer. There are not more than two Chahar Taqs in any volume, and there is only one Chahar Tdq in the volume containing twelve Naw Bahdrs. In view of the apparent antiquity of the name Naw Bahdr in Iran and its suggestive geographical distribution, the possibility of a genuine historical connection between the Buddhist monastery of
Balkh and its apparent Iranian namesakes merits further investigation. In particular, one must ask why the word Bahar is always modified by the word " new" (Naw). This question is made all the more perplexing by the fact that the place-name Naw Bahir does not appear in the Imperial Gazeteer
35Naw bahdris used on occasion as a poetic synonym for spring, as can be seen in the anthology of seasonal poetry Az Bahdrtd Bahdr (n.p., 1967), but there is no reason to infer from this its use as a toponym. 36 A. Foucher, La Vieille routede l'Inde de Bactresa Taxila (Paris, 1947), pp. 280-5. 37 Richard N. Frye, " The Significance of Greek and Kushan Archaeology in the History of Central Asia ", Journal of Asian History I (1967), 37-8.

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of India. Other place-names derived from or including the Sanskrit word vihdraare not rare. The name of Bihar state in modern India, for example, is in all likelihood derived from the numerous vihdras that once existed there. All of the known Naw Bahars, except one, however, as indicated on the map, lie on or west of the Foucher line, that is, west of the once presumedfurthestlimit of Buddhism. That one exception lies on an ancient route from Balkh to Kabul and is north of the spine of the Hindu Kush mountains. That this peculiar geographical distribution is not entirely coincidental or insignificant is implied the account of the monasteriesat Balkh given by the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Hsiuan Tsiang, who by visited there in the year 630.38 His description of Po-Ho, or Balkh, makes it clear that there was, on the one hand, a large group of monasteriesinhabited by monks of the Hinayana branch of Buddhism and, on the other, the Nava Vihdra (Naw Bahdr), located some distance from the other monasteries and reserved for the exclusive use of monks from north of the " great snowy mountains ".39 The Hindu Kush mountains are intended, hence the significance of the one Naw Bahar east of Balkh being situated north of the central range. The striking thing about this description is that all monks north of the Hindu Kush were not restricted to the Naw Bahar even though the Naw Bahdr was restricted to them. There were, as Hsiuan Tsiang reports, other monasteriesat Balkh and elsewhere north of the mountains. It is unfortunate that he did not travel furtherwest where he might have encountered more Naw Bahdrs,possibly side by side with other monasteries as at Balkh. Presumably the distinction between the Naw Bahdr and the other monasteries was a doctrinal one. The monks of the other monasteries at Balkh are, after all, described doctrinally. But whatever doctrinal roots there may be to the appelation Naw Bahtr, there appearsunquestionablyto have been a political side as well, a political side that is reflected in the singular history of the descendants of the last Barmak to whom we must now return. The Arab geographer Ibn al-Faqih, who has left the most detailed account of the Naw Bahar at Balkh, suggests that the Barmak had broad political connections and influence. He says that the Barmak's prestige dated from before the rise of the tiny principalities that characterized the politics of Transoxania at the time of the Arab conquests, and he specifically mentions the king of China and the Ktbulshth as devotees of the cult of Naw Bahar, whither they came for pilgrimage. Moreover, the Barmaks were possessed of extensive land holdings, and the last holder of the office, the father of Khdlid b. Barmak, was married to a daughter of the king of Saghdniyan, a principality north of Balkh on the opposite side of the Oxus River, and also to a slave girl given him by the ruler of Bukhara.40 Clearly, the Barmak was a personage of at least regional and not just local importance. What is not clear is wherein his importance lay. According to Hsuian Tsiang there were numerous other vihdras north of the Hindu Kush, but the Naw Bahdrof Balkh enjoyed special distinction in that area, a distinction that is still reflected in Ibn al-Faqih's time when the specific religious and marital connections of the Barmak are all with northern potentates. It would seem, therefore, that the Barmak was not prominent in early Islamic times simply because he was the only important Buddhist religious leader still remaining in an area in which Buddhism was on the retreat, but rather that his singular position among Buddhist leaders well antedates the Islamic conquest. It is here that the evidence of place-names suggests an answer to the question of the Barmak's prestige. If at one time there had existed a specific form or sect of Buddhism which was exclusively identified with the lands to the north of the Hindu Kush and the monasteriesof which were all designated " new " to distinguish them from those of other sects, then the Barmak could be seen as a truly regional political and religious figure and not just as one priest among many. According to Ibn
al-Faqih, the grandfather of Khilid b. Barmak made a premature conversion to Islam which his son repudiated.41 The result of the conversion, however, was that several northern rulers demanded that the Barmak return to his religion and give up Islam. They even went so far as to undertake military
Samuel Beal, tr., ChineseAccountsof India (Calcutta, n.d.), I, pp. 109- 10o. 39Hsuian Tsiang actually uses the synonymous term nava instead of nava vihdra, but the usage nava vihdrais sanghdrdma independently attested in a Soghdian Buddhist text as nau
38

40

41

barxdr; see H. W. Bailey, " Kaniska ", Papers on the Date of Kaniska, ed. A. L. Basham (Leiden, 1968), p. 36. Ibn al-Faqih, Kitdb al-Bulddn, ed. de Goeje (Leiden, 1885), pp. 322-4. Ibn al-Faqih, p. 323.

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action against him. It is difficult to believe that the conversion of an ordinary head of a monastery could have caused such a reaction, but the reaction becomes more understandable if the Barmak is thought of as the head of a sect uniquely identified with the area and hence a figure around whom regional resistance to Islam might have crystallized. What particulardoctrines may have distinguishedthe Buddhismof the Naw Bahdrfrom other types of Buddhismwe have no way of knowing at present. Politically, however, the geographical distribution of Naw Bahdr place-names, assuming they betray ancient sites of other monasteries,indicates that the Buddhism of Naw Bahir was overwhelmingly Iranian in character. Perhaps it is best to see in the Naw Bahar at Balkh the last functioning segment of what was once a string of monasteriesstretching from Bactria to Kurdistan and devoted to a form of Buddhismthat was uniquely identified with Iranian speakers. There is no indication when this string of monasteriescame into existence or when they developed a specific sectarian identity. However, it is not impossible that the strong Buddhist overtones in the teachings of Mani, who was executed in 277, resulted from at least indirect contact with a Naw Bahdr. Mani's father, Patek, was from the city of Hamadan, north of which are situated the two westernmost Naw Bahar place-names, and he is said to have frequented an idol temple of some kind in the Sasanian capital of Ctesiphon itself.42 But be that as it may, the same Zoroastrianhigh priest, Kartir, who inspired the persecutionof Mani, was undoubtedly instrumentalin the persecutionand destructionof the Naw Bahar sect as well.43 In his various extant inscriptionshe proudly records his persecutionsof the Buddhists, among others, and makes reference to travelling in Khurasan where most of the surviving Naw Bahar place-names are located. This persecution, which began toward the end of the third century, was so effective that by the time of the Islamic conquests only the Naw Bahar at Balkh was functioning as a monastery, and the name had lost its Buddhist connotation to such a degree that most Muslim chroniclers and geographersreadily took it to refer to a Zoroastrianinstitution. It would appear, therefore, that what is recorded of the political activities of the Barmakof Balkh reflects only a remnant of what at an earlier time had amounted to a significant political-religious sphere of influence throughout north-eastern Iran and Transoxania. Yet that remnant was by no means negligible. Rulers who were still Buddhist tried to force the apostate Barmakwho was Khdlid's grandfatherto return to the Buddhist faith, but there is substantial evidence that the Barmak'sregional influence was little diminished by his conversion. This evidence lies primarily in the careers of his descendants. The phenomenal rise of the Barmakids to positions of vast power and influence under the early Abbasids is too well known to require retelling. On the other hand, too little is known of the very early career of the first important Muslim Barmakid, Khilid, to afford a reasonable explanation of his extraordinaryrise. Hard proof is lacking, but a number of peripheralcircumstancesseem to point to the Naw Bahar Buddhist connection as being the crucial element in Khalid's career. First, the Abbasid revolution originated among Arabs and Persians in the province of Khurasan.44 Although the movement's primary strength came from the Arabs, a prerequisite for success was sympathy or at least neutrality among the Persian population at large in order to minimize the threat of local rebellion once Khurasan was denuded of Arab warriorsfor the march on Iraq. However small the number of actual Persian adherentsto the Abbasid cause may have been, a large part of the revolutionary Abii Muslim's success must be attributed to his neutralizing potentially rebellious elements among the Persian population. In this effort the influence of the son of a powerful regional leader like the Barmak may have been crucial.
Abi Muslim's success is perhaps best indicated by the fact that following his assassination on the orders of the Abbasid caliph in 754, a series of rebellions broke out in Khurasan in which his name was used as a rallying cry.45 This leads to a second important point. While the personal religious views of Aboi Muslim are unknown, as is the tenor of his dealings with the Persian population, a common feature
42

Information on Mani's life is from Henri-Charles Puech, Le Manicheisme: sa fondateur,sa doctrine (Paris, 1949). 43 Frye, The Heritageof Persia (London, i962), pp. 209-13.

44M. Shaban, The 'AbbdsidRevolution (Cambridge, I970). religieux iraniens au Hle et au 45 G. H. Sadighi, Les Mouvements Ille sidclede l'higire (Paris, 1938).

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of several of these rebellions was the doctrine of metempsychosis,by virtue of which AbfaMuslim was believed to be reincarnated in one or another rebel leader. It is difficult to see anything other than a Buddhist origin for this doctrine in this particular area, and whether it reflects some of the personal views of Aba Muslim, or not, it at least reflects a receptivity toward such views among the Persian population. This receptivity bespeaks a continuation of Buddhist religious and political influences well after the disappearanceof the Naw Bahdr monasteriesin Iran; but since no other concrete source for an Iranian Buddhism has been discovered, the connection of this Buddhist sympathy with Naw Bahar Buddhism seems more than likely. A third significantpoint is that membersof the Barmakidfamily made unusually successfulgovernors in three different areas: the Caspian coastal area, which was almost entirely non-Muslim; Sind or the lower Indus valley, which was not only non-Muslim but still Buddhist to some degree; and Transoxania where the political influence of the Barmakof Balkh had always been most strong.46 It is particularly noteworthy that the Barmakidgovernor of Sind not only survived the family's disgrace and fall from power in 803 but passed on the governorship to his son in a rare early instance of hereditary governorship. While the success of the Barmakids as governors of these provinces may have been purely a matter of personal competence, there is a strong possibility that the ancient political and religious prestige of their family gave them great assistance. Finally, there is an interestingpassagein the thirteenth century historianof the Mongols Juvaini, who writes: 'At.-Malik Now the derivation of Bokharais from bukhar, which in the language of the Magians signifies centre of learning. This word closely resembles a word in the language of the Uighur and Khitayan idolaters, who call their places of worship, which are idol-temples, bukhar.47 Since the term he is discussingis unquestionably the Sanskrit vihMra the language of the Magians and some form of Persian, the implication of this report is that old Buddhist monasteriesin Iranian territory retained a reputation as educational centres for centuries after they had lost their purely religious identification. Thus, again, the possibility arises of a residual Buddhist sympathy centred on the chain of Naw Bahir monasteries, and a possible explanation appears for the common confusion of the Naw Bah~r of Balkh with a Zoroastrianinstitution.48 What these several peripheral factors suggest in connection with the well-known facts of the Barmakid family historyis that the Barmakof Naw Bahdrwas a regional political figureof great importance prior to and in the early days of Islam and that his importance served to catapult his descendants into positions of great power under the early Abbasids. As for the source of his political power, the testimony of the Naw Bahir place-names provides the most telling evidence. The Barmak of Balkh was the last remnant of a predominantly Iranian variety of Buddhism in which monasteries were designated " new ". While persecution during the Sasanian period had destroyed the Buddhist monasteries west of Balkh, it had not destroyed the popular sympathy for Buddhism in north-eastern Iran nor the memory that the Barmakof Naw Bahar was a legitimate political leader in that area. There is, of course, much that is tentative and even speculative in the central argument of this article. However, archaeological investigation of some of the sites named Naw Bahdr could well determine the matter one way or the other. It is hoped that the argument as presented here will be found persuasive enough to stimulate such investigation.49
46

47

48

T. Wolseley, Haig, ed., The Cambridge History of India (repr., Delhi, 1965), III, 9; Frye, tr., The History of Bukhara, (Cambridge, Mass., 1954), PP- 49-50; Zahir ad-Din Mar'ashi, Tdrikh-i Tabaristdnva Raydn va Mdzandardn, ed. A. ShyAn (Tehran, 1333/1954), pp. 112, 196; El' art. " Barimika". 'Atd-Malik Juvaini, The Historyof the World-Conqueror, J. A. tr. Boyle (Manchester, 1958), I, 98. The idea has been advanced that the Islamic madrasa,which seems to have originated in Khurasan in the ninth century,

49

may have its rootsin the Buddhistmonastery. The possibility of a chain of Naw Bahirs throughoutKhjrasan enhancesthis theory. I have visited personallyfive sites named Naw Bahdr near Sabzavar, Nishapur, Mashhad, and Turbat-i Haidariyya. Of the three that showedindicationsof habitationgoing back to the early Islamicperiod, the one nearestNishapurseemed the likeliestprospectfor archaeological investigation,

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KISH
By David Whitehouse
With the decline of Sirif the island port of Kish, 200 km. farthersouth, became a leading entrep6t for international maritime trade. The early history of Kish is obscure. The rulers, who may have come from southern Arabia, established themselves by piracy during the eleventh century A.D. By 529/1135 their navy was strong enough to attack Aden. Idrisi, writing in 550/I 154, claimed that the amir of Kish commanded a fleet of fifty mushayya'dt, vesselssixty cubits (about 27 m.) long and capable of carrying 200 men. The amir, continued Idrisi, had raided the African coast and the Indians feared him. The island was rich, with gardens and pearl fisheries. When Benjaminof Tudela visted Kish c. I 17o he, too, described a wealthy town. It contained Indian and Jewish communities. Among the goods in the bazaar were spices, silk, linen, cotton, hemp, mash,wheat, barley and millet. The islanders prospered as brokersfor merchants from Iran, Iraq, India and the Arabian peninsula. Shortly afterwards, the focus of power shifted and in 626/1229 Kish was conquered by the ruler of Hormuz, by now the most important city on the Gulf. After c. 692/1292, however, Kish enjoyed a brief, but spectacular, recovery under Jamil al-Din Ibrahim al-Tibi, the Ilkhanid governor of Fars. Indeed, the fourteenth century writer Shabdnkira'i styled Jamdl al-Din " the first king (malik) of Kish ". Abu 'l-Fida (672-732/ 1273-1331), who visited Kish several times during this renaissance, noted its educated citizens, pearl fisheries and gardens of exotic palms. The island's revenues in this period were said to be 400,000700,000 dindrs and it is clear that Kish was a major Ilkhanid port. Its wealth was underlined recently by the publication of a unique gold coin, weighing gr., struck on Kish for the Ilkhdn Oljaitu in 9"95 The boom was short-lived. In 731/1330 Kish was recaptured by the ruler of Hormuz, 710/1310-II. Tahamatan II, and thereafter declined. The location of medieval Kish has long been known. It stood on the north coast of the island, overlooking the navigable strait between Kish and the mainland of Iran. Mounds of rubble-the remains of substantial stone buildings-cover an area measuring at least I o x o05 km. (P1. Ia). Between January and May 1974 Mr W. E. Hamilton investigated the site on behalf of the Kish Island Development Organization. Mr Hamilton and his colleagues examined the surface remains and made an extensive collection of pottery, glass and other material. In March 1974 I visited the site at the invitation of Mr Hamilton and, with his kind permission, publish here a note on what I saw. To judge from the surface remains, most of the buildings in medieval Kish were constructed of rubble, often bonded with sdraj. The walls were usually plastered, but surface collecting yielded few pieces of decorated stucco. Several of the larger buildings have outer walls more than I m. thick and massive semi-circularbuttresses. They recall the remark of Ibn Mujawir who died in 69o0/129, that
the houses of Kish " are very high ...

Kish of roundbuttresses, presumably within the period c. 1000-1330, warns us against applying too ones, not later than hastily the evidence from Siraf, where round buttresseswere replaced by rectangular the tenth century, to other sites in Fars and the Persian Gulf. The following features of Kish have particular interest: (I) Loading bays for boats. The low coastal cliff overlookingthe strait contains numerousartificial caves and galleries, which are open to the sea. At high tide many contain more than I m. of water.
Some were entered from buildings in the town by rock-cut steps; others have vents in the roof, through which a rope or ladder might be passed. Evidently, the galleries served as loading bays for small boats. I saw no traceof a constructed harbour and assume that, as at Siraf, larger vessels anchored off shore and that passengers and merchandise were transferred to the beach by lighter. (2) A mosque. The rubble-strewn remains of a mosque, which was noted by several visitors in the nineteenth century, apparently survive to a maximum height of I m. The arcades were supported on m. across, containing an internal octagonal piers. The mosque had a minaret with a circular shaft, 3"9 staircase. Near the mosque is the stump of a square tower.

and each has the appearance of a castle ". The occurrence on

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(3) Numerous rectangular cisterns, comparable with those at Siraf. Qazwini remarked that only the richest citizens of Kish possessed private cisterns. The same social distinction was observed at Siraf where, within the city walls, cisterns are associated with either mosques or the " palatial " houses on the ridge. (4) Several small kilns, one of which was apparently used for making glass vessels or, more probably, glaze. (5) Middens of oyster shells. The site is littered with oyster middens, most (if not all) of which are of later date than the city itself and presumably are the debris of pearl-fishingin recent times. (6) No trace of a regular street plan, such as existed at Siraf, is immediately obvious, either on the ground or from the air (Pl. Ia). (7) No remains of a city wall survive, although at one point the mounds of rubble end so abruptly that I suspect a wall may have existed. Outside the city itself ruined boundary walls, cisterns,qandts other featuresindicate the locations and and extent of some of the gardens mentioned by Idrisi, Abu 'l-Fidd and other medieval writers. Of particular note is a covered rock-cut cistern approached down a flight of steps. Mr Hamilton tells me that the cistern, which is now filled with earth, was associated with a qandt. It is the only complex of this type found on Kish. Ibn Mujdwir mentioned a " subterranean canal, dug by the kings of an earlier period " which " runs through the prince's garden ". The pottery from Kish, collected under the supervisionof Mr Peter Farries,is both rich and varied. Among the Islamic glazed wares by far the most common variety is a bowl with underglaze ornament of the type found on Bahrain. As at Siraf, the glaze seldom survives. When preserved, however, it is bluish green or green. The decoration is black and consists mainly of radial panels filled with crosshatching, chevrons or groups of dots. Other varieties of glazed pottery include " late sgraffiato" ware (without the pseudo-epigraphicornament found at SirMf),wares with a white frit body and sherds of so-called " Sultanabad " ware decorated in either black and blue on white or black under a turquoise glaze. Mr Farriesfound one sherd each of mind'iand Idjvardina ware, presumably from northern Iran. The Far Eastern ceramics are no less interesting. They occur in huge quantities; indeed, it was my impressionthat the eleventh to fourteenth century glazed pottery from Kish contains a higher proportion of imported material than does the ninth to eleventh century pottery from SirRf. Most of the Far Eastern material seems to date from the period of maximum prosperity between c. 692/1292 and 731/ 1330. The commonest types are stoneware " Martaban "jars (some-ofwhich would normally be dated considerably later than the fourteenth century) and green celadon vessels, mostly bowls. Other abundant varieties include stoneware bowls with an unglazed zone on the inside (cp. Iran VII (1969), P1. Vf, ignoring the decorated sherd), small bowls of " Marco Polo " ware and porcelain or nearporcelain with a bluish Ch'ing glaze. White porcelain is uncommon, although I saw at least one pai sherd of high quality Ting ware.

QAL'AT-I HIIAIDARI By WarwickBall and David Whitehouse

At the end of the final season of excavations at Sir~.f,Warwick Ball and Husain Bakhtiarivisited the rock-cut monument of Qal'at-i Haidari, 60 km. south-east of Bushehr and 25 km. from Khormuj. The monument was described by Iqtidari,50but his plans and sections are far from accurate and it seems unlikely that he actually visited the site. The drawings on which Fig. 2 is based were made using tapes, but no instruments; they are a distinct improvement on anything published previously, but are not a definitive record of the site.51
60

A. Iqtidari, Athdr-i ShahrhdyiBdstdni-yi Savdhil va Jazdyir-i KhalIj-iFdrs va Daryd-yi 'Umdn (Tehran 1969), pp. 233-51.

in s5 Warwick Ball hopes to re-investigate Qal'at-i .Haidari 1974-5 as part of a wider study of rock-cut monuments in Iran,

Pl. Ia. Kish: the western south. part of thecity, looking

P1. Ib. Qal'at-i

the openings thecliffface. in .Haidari:

Cliff face

NicheLevel

D .. Level C

Niche

Level AL

LevelLevel

~N

Appox
'no-~r

"toB t

I !v I
Approx.

HBW

20

Metres

Fig. 2. Qal'at-i Haidari. Plan and section. Scale r:2oo.

Pl. Ha. Qal'at-iIHaidari: the nichein thecliffface.

Pl. Ilb. Qal'at-iHiaidari: thenorthendof thecruciform hall.

PI. IIc. Qal'at-iIHaidari: thepartitioned gallery.

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Qal'at-i IHaidarioccupies an isolated position on the east side of the Kuh-i Mand, a mountainous ridge separating Khormuj valley from the coast. It is almost entirely rock-cut and consistsof two chambers and numerous passages, entered by openings in the side of a gorge, 25-30 m. deep (P1. Ib and Fig. 2). Access to most of the openings requiresladders or a rope. The passages are on four levels-in ascending order, A, B, C and D-connected by vertical " chimneys ". The two chambers are in levels B and C. Level C, some Io m. above the bed of the gorge, contains the most impressivefeature of the monument, a cruciform chamber with a domed roof. The longer axis-the " nave "-is aligned approximately north-south. The chamber had three entrancesfrom the cliff face: a pair of openings contained in a semi-circular niche (P1. IIa), which gave access to the nave, and a single opening, m. high, which one entered the east " transept ". In the centre of the niche is a platform,3"5 m. wide 2 *2 through and I 6 m. high. The nave measures m. high. I *6 m. in 7 X I m. and has a parabolic vault, 16. 3" front of the " crossing" the nave is divided by two rock-cutjambs, I 6 m. high 3"3 IIb). The smaller, (P1. 1 east transept is featureless,except for an opening from the side of the gorge. The west transept, on the other hand, has a low bench containing three niches. Under the crossing, where the floor level is lower than in either the nave or the transepts, is a plinth I -6 m. square. The dome is nearly 7 m. high and rests on semi-circularsquinches. The highest level (D) consistsof a series of tunnels, entered by chimneys in the roofs of the entrance passagesin level C. The tunnels have openings high in the walls of the nave and dome of the cruciform chamber, presumably to provide vantage-points for spectators watching proceedings in the chamber itself. Level B, which is 4-6 m. above the base of the cliff, has three openings, two of which give immediate access to passagesleading to the rectangularchamber. The passagesarejust under I m. wide and up to I .75 m. high, with roughly semicircularor parabolic vaults. Five chimneys in the floorsof the passages (four of which are still unexplored) provided drainage, access to even lower tunnels or simply pitfalls for the unwary. However, the principal feature of level B is the rectangular chamber, which is 12 5 m. long, 2 m. wide and has a roof 2 2 m. high (P1.IIc). It is divided by partitions of mud brick and may originally have comprised a corridor and three self-contained " cells ". Level A consistssimply of a short seriesof tunnels, with two openings in the cliff face. It is connected by chimneys with level B and C. According to a local tradition, recorded by Iqtidari, statuary has been found at the site. Nothing, however, remains today. The only internal evidence for the date of Qal'at-i Haidari is the form of the vaults and the dome. The use of a dome supported on squinches provides a terminus quem,about the third century A.D. ante Without exception the vaults are parabolic or semi-circular. It is arguable, therefore-but not conclusively so-that the monument was built before the introduction of the pointed arch. Although pointed arches were used in Islamic architecturein the eighth century, parabolic arches of" Sasanian " type were still in use at Sirdf 200 years later.52 Thus, the architecture of Qal'at-i IHaidariis consistent with a date as early as the third century A.D. or as late as the tenth century, if not later. The function of the monument is equally difficultto pin down. We assume, however, that the cruciform chamber, with its distinctive plan and spectators'vantage points, had a ceremonial function and that the rectangular chamber, with its partitioned cells, was used for dwelling. The location of the monument and the difficulty of access suggest that the builders of Qal'at-i Haidari valued seclusion, while the " pitfalls " might indicate the need for security. We infer, therefore, that the monument,
which did not have a military, industrial or purely domestic function, was used by a small religious community; in other words, that it was a monastery. With this assumption we turn to the problem of identifying the community. The form and orienta-

tion of the cruciform chamber make it clear that the builders adhered to neither zoroastrianism-the
Islam-the

state religion of the Sasanians-nor

52

majority religion from the seventh century onwards.

of parabolic arches in the mosques at Damghan and Fahraj.

In, for example, the arsenal at Site J: Iran X (1972), pp. 74-8; Iran XII (1974), pp. 18-2x. Note also, of course, the use

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Among the minority religions of the period in question two main candidates emerge as possible builders of Qal'at-i IHaidari: Buddhism and Christianity. As yet, no Buddhist monument has been recognized in southern Iran. However, the Persian Gulf, with its long tradition of contact with the east, was open to occasional settlement from India and the place-name Bihdristdn (cp. Vihdra)in the valley of Jam hints at the possible existence of a Buddhist Haidari itself has a superficial likeness to Buddhist monuments in Afghanistan. monastery.53 Qal'at-i The niche with a platform (P1.IIa), for example, recalls niches in the cliff at Bamiyan, some of which contained seated Buddhas;54 the three niches in the west transept of the cruciformchamber mighthave held images of the Buddha flanked by Bodhisattvasas, among many examples, in the alcove-like shrines at Hadda ;55 the plinth mighthave supported a miniature stupa. The tradition of images-which may, of course, be worthless-would be consistent with a Buddhist shrine. Against the Buddhist hypothesis, however, are the strong objectionsthat Buddhist monks customarilylived in self-containedcells, such as the caves at Basawal nearJalalabad,56and that Qal'at-i Haidari does not contain a single unequivocally Buddhist feature. The second possibility is that the monument is Christian. Christianity was well-established in Fars and on the Persian Gulf during the Sasanian period.57 Within 200 km. of Qal'at-i Haidari, we have documentary evidence for a metropolitan bishop at RJvArdashir (probablyRishahr on the Bushehr and bishops at Bishdpfir, Ardashir and Sirdn (apparently Sirdf).58 A monastery Khurrah peninsula) existed on Kharg.59 Was Qal'at-i Haidari, too, a Christian monastery? The cruciform chamber certainly recalls another rock-cut monument in southern Iran, the Masjid-i Sang at Darab, which is thought to be a church.60 A monument at Maragheh in Azarbaijan, different in plan from Qal'at-i Haidari but completely rock-cut, is identified as a monastery.61 However, as with the Buddhist hypothesis, the possibility that Qal'at-i IHaidariwas Christian is wholly without proof. Indeed, all we can say at present is that this singular monument probably dates from between the third and the tenth centuries A.D. and may well have contained a religious community.

RECHERCHES SUR LES SOURCES DU CUIVRE DANS L'IRAN ANCIEN: PREMIERS TRAVAUX By Th. Berthoud,R. Besenvaland S. Cleuziou
Un programme de recherche62 la mdtallurgieen Iran aux IVWme IIIkme mill6naires avant et sur notre &re,appliqu6 aux collections du Departement des Antiquit6s Orientales du Mus6e du Louvre, est en cours depuis I974. Il s'agit plus pr6cisement d'&tudier r6le de la recherche du cuivre dans le de la m&tallurgie les rapports entre le Khuzistan et les cultures de l'Iran Central et Sudet l'dvolution Oriental a ces 6poques. Pour cette rechercheplusieurstechniques de chimie analytique ont dtdretenues:
Sirdnappears in a list of dioceses recorded by " Elie de Damas ", 53 Local tradition maintains that the area known as Minareh, c. 900. Among medieval writers, Yqifit refers to Sirif by the I km. north of the village of Jam is the site of an ancient city name Sirdn. called Biharistan. The " minaret " is a mound, 25 m. in diameter and m. high. 59 R. Ghirshman, The Island of Kharg (Tehran, 1960); John Godard and J. Hackin, Les Antiquitis bouddhiques Bowman, " The Sasanian church in the Kharg Island ", in 54A. Godard, Y. 3"5 M.D.A.F.A. II (Paris, 1928), pls. XIIa, XIIIa and de Bamoydn, Commemoration Cyrus,I (Tehran and Liege, 1974), pp. 217-20. XIV. 60 M. A. Stein, " An Archaeological Tour in Ancient Persis ", Iraq I-II (1936), plan 65J. Barthoux, Lesfouilles de Hadda, M.D.A.F.A. IV (Paris, 1930), 61 Bowman and J. A. 15. Thompson, " The monastery church at pp. 61-3. J. Bar Hebraeus at Maragheh in west Azarbaijan ", Abr Nahrain 56 Seiichi Mizuno, Basawal and Jalalabad-Kabul (Kyoto, I971), VII (1967-8), pp. 38-61. plans 1-3 and 5. Note, however, the range of cells in the 62 Accord monastery at Samangan. passe entre: Commissariat A l'Energie Atomique, Direction des Mus6es de France (Laboratoire de Recherche 5' David Whitehouse and Andrew Williamson, "Sasanian maritime trade ", Iran XI (1971), pp. 29-49, with references. des Musbesde France), Unit6 de Recherche Archbologique 58 J.-M. Fiey, " Dioceses syriens orientaux du Golfe Persique ", URA. 7 du Centre de Recherche Archdologique. in Memorial Msgr. Gabriel Khouri-Sarkis (Louvain, 1969).

SHORTER NOTICES

151

la spectromdtried'6mission dans l'ultraviolet, la spectromdtriede masse ~6tincelles, spectromdtrie la ' de masse thermoionisation appliqude h l'analyse des rapports isotopiques du plomb, etc. Les analyses sont effectudes conjointement par le Laboratoire de Recherche des Musdes de France et le Centre d'Etudes Nucl6aires de Fontenay-aux-Roses. En septembre 1975, une premiereprospectionsurle terrain a Wtd associ6eaux travaux de laboratoire. Elle rdpondait a deux objectifs: une collecte de minerais de cuivre pour analyse comparative objetsminerais (616mentstraces, rapports isotopiques du plomb), une 6tude du contexte gdologique et technologique des zones de production du cuivre. On peut attendre de la conjonction des deux volets de cette 6tude une meilleure comprdhensiondu r61edconomique et social des matallurgistesdans les cultures de l'Orient ancien. Deux zones d'6tude ont Wtd retenues en fonction des hypotheses archdologiquesactuelles sur l'origine du mdtal utilisd en Elam: la r6gion d'Anarak d'oixest cens6 provenir le cuivre (natif?) utilis6 a Sialk et la r6gion de Kerman dont les liens avec Suse sont attest6spar les travaux de Tall-i-Iblis et Tepe Yahya. I-La rigiond'Anarak
Les vieux travaux visit6s situds aux environs sont ceux de Se Barz, Talmessi, Meskani, Baqeroq et Nakhlak.

La mine de Talmessi est particulierementimportante pour l'archdologie du fait de la pr6sence de cuivre natif en grande quantit6. On se propose a ce sujet de rdexaminer le r61e suppose du cuivre natif dans la metallurgie chalcolithique. Les anciennes mines de plomb argentifbrede Nakhlak ont 6galement etd visitdes; leurs relations avec les batiments sassanides publids par Hallier63 sont confirmies par la presence de tessons sassanides a proximit6 des excavations et par celle de scories au voisinage des bitiments. Des coupelles en pierres volcaniques pour separation plomb/argent provenant de cet endroit, nous ont dtd montrees par un ingLnieurde la mine. de II--La region Kerman Narp, Allahabad, Sang-e-Sayat), les mines du massif de Chahar-Gonbad qui ont elles-memes pu ^tre en relation avec celles de la vall6e de Bardsir dont elles ne sont distantes que d'une cinquantaine de kilometres, et la mine de Sheik Ali proche de Tepe Yahya (24 km. au sud-est de Dowlatabad); cette mine signalke par Bazin et Hubner64comporte deux travaux principaux, l'un al'ouest en entonnoir; l'autre a l'est creusdverticalement dans le rocher formant une grotte artificielle d'une trentaine de metres de profondeur. A proximit6 d'enormes amas de scories attestent une exploitation ancienne sur place du minerai. Les restes d'un dtablissementen briques cuites (30 cm. X 30 cm.) sur soubassement de pierres, des murs de soutenement en pierres seches a flanc de montagne ainsi qu'une s6rie de cairns timoignent de l'occupation ancienne de la vallte. De nombreux tessons de c6ramique grossikrea degraissant partiellement v6gdtal ont 6t6 relev6s parmi les scories. Comme toujours, en pareil cas, leur identification est difficile. L'un de ces tessons rappelle un pot provenant du cairn no 2 de Sar-i-Asiab65 attribuable au Fer III. Mais des dates plus r6centesallant jusqu'a la p6riodeislamique ancienne ne sont pas exclues. Certains tessons de ceramique tres grossitre auraient pu servir de creusets; les analyses microchimiquesfaites sur place, sur la surface interne, r6velent la presence du cuivre. Sur la base de cette prospection et dans l'attente des rdsultatsdes analyses en cours, une rdvisiondu
schema classique de l'utilisation des minerais de cuivre (cuivre natif, cuivre oxydd, cuivre rdduit) parait dfsormais nfcessaire. Nous tenons a remercier ici le Centre Iranien de Recherche Archdologique, le Geological Survey of Iran de l'aide efficace qu'ils ont apportde pour l'organisation et la rfalisation de cette mission.
3 U.

Trois groupes de sites ont Wtd visitds dans cette rigion: le versant sud de la vall6e de Bardsir (Qaleh

W. Hallier, " Fort, Atashgah und Chahar Taq von Nakhlak, tOberreste einer sasanidischen Bergbausiedlung ", Hubner, Copperdepositsin Iran, Geological Survey

61 C. C. Lamberg Karlovsky and J. Humphries, " The cairn

of Iran 13, Tehran.

A.M.L V (1972), pp. 285-308. 64 Bazin and

burials of south-eastern Iran ", East and West XVIII (1968), pp. 296-378.

SURVEY OF EXCAVATIONS

IN IRAN -

1974-75

The principal excavations and surveyscarried out between September 1974 and December 1975 are listed below. The list includes the approximatedate of each season, the name of the site, the name of the Director and the name of the sponsoringInstitution.' Sites marked with an asteriskare also reported in greater detail. Excavations Autumn 1974 Masjid-i Jumeh, Saveh; M. Mousavi; Iranian Centre for Archaeological Research (hereafter ICAR) Autumn I974 Masjid-iJumeh, Qazvin; A. Shahidzadeh; ICAR Spring 1975 Chogha Mish; P. P. Delougaz and H. Kantor; Oriental Institute, University of Chicago and U.C.L.A. Susa; J. Perrot; De1lgation Archeologique Frangaiseen Iran Spring 1975 Spring 1975 Djaffarabad; G. Dollfus; Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique Haft Tepe; E. O. Negahban; ICAR Spring 1975 Spring 1975 *Khuzistan; G. Johnson; Hunter College
*Siraf; H. Bakhtiari; ICAR Spring 1975 Spring 1975 Isfahan; M. Kordavani; ICAR Summer 1975 Jurjan; M. Kiani; ICAR

Summer 1975 Summer 1975 Summer 1975 Summer 1975 Summer 1975 Summer 1975 Summer 1975 Summer 1975 Summer i975 Summer 1975 Autumn 1975 Autumn 1975 Autumn 1975
Autumn 1975

*Qal'eh-i Yazdigird; E. J. Keall; Royal Ontario Museum Hamadan, Parthian cemetery; M. Azarnoush; ICAR *Tepe Yahya; C. Lamberg-Karlovsky; Harvard University Institut *Bastam; W. Kleiss; Deutsches Archaiologisches Takht-i Sulaiman; R. Naumann; Deutsches Archaiologisches Institut *Tureng Tepe; J. Deshayes; Paris University *Haftavan Tepe; C. Burney; Manchester University Kangavar; S. Kambaksh Fard; ICAR East Azerbaijan; B. Campbell (palaeontological excavations); University of South Caifornia, Dept. of Environment Pusht-i Kuh; L. Vanden Berghe; Ghent University Tepe Sang-e Cakhmaq; S. Masuda; Tessu-Kuba University *Shahr-i Sokhta; M. Piperno; Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente Sagzabad; E. O. Negahban; University of Tehran
Sultaniyeh; S. Ganjavi; ICAR

Surveys Autumn 1974 Gurgan; H. Shiomi; University of Hiroshima Winter 1974 Shahr-i Sokhta; U. Scerrato; Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente Dasht-e Gol; H. Wright and Y. Kosari; ICAR Spring 1975
Spring 1975 Khuzistan; S. Ganjavi; ICAR

Spring 1975
Spring 1975

*Khash; J. Marucheck; New York University

Izeh; E. de Weale; ICAR

x We are very grateful to the Iranian Centre for Archaeological Research for their cooperation in supplying details of the past year's excavations and surveys.

153

154 Summer 1975 Summer 1975 Summer 1975 Summer 1975

Summer 1975

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

Khuzistan, Fars; L. Vanden Berghe; Ghent University Khurasan; A. Invernitzzi; University of Turin *Mahidasht, Kermanshah; L. Levine; Royal Ontario Museum *East Azerbaijan; H. Sadek Kooros; Dept. of Environment
Hamadan; M. Mehryar; ICAR

Summer 1975 Khurasan; Y. Kosari; ICAR Autumn 1975 Tehran province; Y. Kosari; ICAR

EarliestHominidTraces Azerbaijan in In August I974 a reconnaissance survey was conducted in East Azerbaijan in conjunction with palaeontological excavationswhich are being carriedout in that areajointly by a team from the University of Southern California under the direction of ProfessorBernard Campbell and the Department of the Environment of Iran. The aim of the excavations and of the present survey is the study of human evolution and of past man-environmentrelationships. The immediate purpose of this preliminary survey, therefore, was to lay foundations for future studies of cultural adaptation to past environmental pressuresin this part of northwesternIran during a crucial interval in the evolution of Early Man. The area encompassed by the survey lies within the triangle formed by the three cities of Tabriz, Maragheh and Mianeh, and was concentrated on the terracesof the Rud-e-Shur, the Murdu-Chai and the Shahr-e Chai riversand their tributaries,which drain the Kuh-i Sahand massifto the northeastof the fossil sites. The area surveyedrepresentsthe southeasternmargin of a Tertiary Lake which was marked by several complete advances and recessions. Our survey was conceived of as a reconnaissanceexpedition, and we have left systematic surveying and the sounding of the locithat were registeredfor another occasion. Those artifactsthat were collected were restricted to a minimum number of diagnostic pieces from each locus. With the exception of one small flake and a blade, both single occurrences,no Middle or Upper Paleolithic industriesor sites were found in the area. Three cave sites and seven open air localities with Lower Paleolithic artifactswere registered by the survey, and of these three, MMTT-GI (P1.IIIb), MMTT-MI and MMTT-HI/H4 (P1.IIIc), were located on terracesabove the cave sites. The stream erosionwhich is responsiblefor the formation of these terracesbegan cutting the present topography as soon as uplift of the mountains had taken place and is a processwhich is continuing to the present. Open air sites consistedof limited accumulationsof primitive tool-kits including side and end choppers, unifacially retouched flakes as well as bifacially flaked cores. One bifacewas recovered from site MMTT-HI which, however, lacks the evolved soft-hammer technique of later Acheulean handaxes recovered in the valleys of the Zagros mountains in the neighbouring province of Kermanshah. Raw materials employed for the manufacture of artifacts varied between flints, chalcedonies and rocks of hydrothermalorigin and are nearly all heavily patinated or heavily rolled. The cutting edges obtained show evidence of use as choppers, punches, scrapersand knives. The loci registered are theoretically the remnants of places where animals were killed or places where hominids may have camped for shorter or longer periods of time, when climatic conditions favoured open air settlements, and their distribution pattern suggests that this Northwestern province of Iran was intensively and continuously inhabited during both Late Lower Pleistocene and Middle Pleistocene times.
HIND SADEK-KOOROS

Bastam
Die Grabungen in Bastam wurden in der Zeit vom I0. Juli bis zum 15. September I975 in der sechsten Kampagne weitergeftihrt (siehe Iran VI (1968), 166; VII (1969), 188; VIII (1970), 176-78; IX XIII XI (I973), 185-88; XII (I975), 174-76). (I974), 205-07; (I97I), 165-68;

SURVEY OF EXCAVATIONS

155

Es wurde an I I Stellen die Arbeit derVorjahreweitergefiihrtoder neue Fldichengrabungen begonnen: Die Hallenbauten westlich oberhalb des Siidtores wurden abschliessend freigelegt, desgleichen I. die Rampe des Weges vor dem Suidtor. Die Abfolge der Rdiume im Bereich des Siidtores ist nunmehr geklart. SaimtlicheGebaude geharen dem 7. Jahrh. v. Chr. an. 2. Der Aufweg vom Sudtor auf den Burgbergkonnte topographischfestgelegtund das grosseGebiude, das den Aufweg auf seiner Westseite flankiert, konnte an Hand der oberflichlich sichtbaren Reste 3. In der 6stlichen Vorburg wurde eine Flichengrabung im Bereich der terrassenfirmig am Hang gestaffelten urartaischenGebaiudebegonnen, die die topographische Kenntnis der BastamerBurg stark bereicherte. Die Gebaude sind im 7. Jahrh. v. Chr. errichtet worden. 4. Im Bereich der Mittelburg wurde ein weiterer Abschnitt der Burgmauer des 7. Jahrh. v. Chr. untersucht. 5. Die Grabung im Bereich des Tores zwischen der Mittel- und der Oberburg wurde bis zur Verteidigungsmauerhinabgefiihrt. In einem Raum neben dem Tor wurden 83 Tonbullae gefunden, die dort archiviert waren. Sie standen in Zusammenhang mit grossen Mengen von Tierknochen und scheinen als Belege zu Fleischlieferungenffir die BastamerBurg gehart zu haben. Die Mehrzahl der Tonbullae traigtAbdrucke von Stempelsiegeln, einige Tonbullae haben keine Abdrucke erbracht, einige Bullae Stempelabdrucke und Abrollungen eines stets wiederkehrenden Rollsiegels, des K6nigs ? und einer Gottheit? und einer Inschrift tiber dem Bild, die angibt, dass es sich um das " Siegel des Rusa " handele. Tonbullae mit entsprechendenSiegel-Abrollungensind von Einst undJetzt I (I9IO), 222). Armenien Toprakkale her bekannt (C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, 6. Im Innern der Oberburg konnte die Grabungsfliche auf dem Gipfelplateau mit dem Schnitt von 1973/74 vereinigt werden und damit ein Schnitt durch die Oberburg gewonnen werden, der fiir die im 7. Die Grabungsfltiche Hallenbau am Nordtor konnte erheblich erweitert und der Haupteingang in das Gebiaudesowie mehrere Raume freigelegt werden. Der Hallenbau, das auf Grund der Keramikfunde ilteste urartaische Gebaude in Bastam (8. Jahrh. v. Chr.) wurde weitgehend unmedischerZeit, wie verandert im 7. Jahrh. v. Chr. weiterbenutzt und ebenso in nachurartlaischer, Funde von Keramik aus dem 6. Jahrh. v. Chr. in den Annexen des Hallenbaus zeigen. Eine lockere parthische Besiedlung iiberzieht das Gebiet des Hallenbaus. 8. Die Hangbebauung aus dem 7. Jahrh. v. Chr. nordwestlich des Nordtores konnte weiter topographisch geklairtwerden und die Innenseite des Nordtores von Schutt befreit werden. 9. Das Haus in der Siedlung wurde in erweiterter Grabungsfliche untersucht. Nunmehr zeichnen sich drei verschiedene, teilweise aneinandergebaute urarthaische Hauser des 7. Jahrh. v. Chr., jeweils mit Umbauphasen voneinander ab. Auch hier wurden Tonbullae, sogar mit KeilschriftText, gefunden.
Rekonstruktion der H6henentwicklung der terrassen-f6rmig angelegten urartatischen Bauten des 7. Jahrh. v. Chr. im Bereich der Oberburg wichtig ist. vermessen werden; es ist im 7. Jahrh. v. Chr. entstanden.

Ostbau bezeichnet, erbrachteneben dem Tor an ihrer WestseiteRaume mit urartaischerKeramik, die den Bau eindeutig ins 7. Jahrh. v. Chr. datieren. In der Siidlichen Ecke des Ostbaus ist ein dreischiffigesHallengebtiude angegraben worden, das im Plan dem Hallenbau am Nordtor in 2. Bauphase und dem Hallenbau oberhalb (westlich) des Siidtores entspricht. Die Funktion des Ostbaus bleibt noch immer unklar. i 1. Die Ruine auf den Hdhenziigen 6stlich gegenfiber dem Burgbergwurde untersucht und ergab ein
mittelalterliches Grab mit einer der Richtungs- und Bestattungsart (im Holzsarg) wegen sehr wahrscheinlich armenischen Einzelbestattung. Im Rahmen der Bastam-Grabung wurden von Bastam aus drei urarttaische Burgen vermessen. Es handelt sich um die Burg bei Sufian, zwischen Ushnuiyeh und Yaldyan, die im 8. Jahrh. v. Chr. entstand und weitgehende Qbereinstimmung mit der urartaischen Festungsmauer von Hasanlu zeigt. Ferner um Qaleh Haidari bei Siah Chechme. Im Bereich dieser Burg liegt der einzige bisher in Iran bekannt gewordene urartaische Treppentunnel, der gleichfalls vermessen wurde.

io. Die bisher " Risalitmauer " genannte Anlage im Tal gegentiber dem Bastamer Burgberg, jetzt als

156

JOURNAL

OF PERSIAN

STUDIES

,- -

I ' 1. . ,.I IIL I "IL L

-0/Mk

0 .

S100 5"0

. "

(7

"" -""

}: ...:.

. /'

L /,x,/ LANDWIRTSCHAFrLUcH 6ENUTZTE FLACH-EN

(
BURGENUND SIEOLUNGEN HAUPTORTE URATAISCHE " * TEPES UNO FUNOORTE

Fig. I.

SURVEY

OF EXCAVATIONS

157

Das dritte Objekt ist Qaleh Gavur am Araxes 6stlich von Djulfa. Hier liegen starke sasanidische Verinderungen und Anbauten an der urspriinglichurartiischen Anlage vor. Ausserdem wurde ein oo x 60 m messendes medisches Gebaiudebei Chorbulaq in der N/ahe des Araxes zwischen Maku und Pol-e Dasht vermessen. Neufunde von urartiischen Anlagen im Jahre 1975 sind eine Siedlung bei Imam Quli Kandi siidlich Maku, eine Siedlung mit kleiner Burg bei Turki Tepe stidlich von Siah Chechme und eine sehr grofle urartaischeBurganlage Qaleh Ismail Aga westlich von Rezaiyeh.
WOLFRAMKLEISS

HaftavanTepe The fifth season of excavations, of necessity briefer than previous seasons, resulted in the addition of two further phases to the cultural sequence already established, even though a sondage to virgin soil, through levels preceding Period VIII, remains an objective for future years. Immediately following the excavations came two weeks devoted to conservationof the building remains. Two phases in the life of the round house discovered in TT 9 were now distinguished; and it was found to have been preceded by an earlier, more massive round building, divided into four quadrants by internal partitions. The absence of any door and the parallel with a similarly designed structure at Yanik Tepe suggest that this may have been a silo, though this cannot be proved. Nakhichevan lugs, dimples and other Early Trans-Caucasianelements show that Period VIII was the direct precursorof Period VII, in which little work was done this season. On the summit of the mound in Area C 2 was found a scatter of stones overlying the Period VII building level, and probably attributable to some important structure, now completely ruined, its foundations mostly robbed out, this robbing being followed by storage pits. Associated with these layers was a distinctive painted pottery, with geometric designsin black or dark brown on a pale orange or cream ground: this is easily recognizable as distinct from the burnishedand painted ware of Haftavan VIB, two sherds of which were for the first time found on the citadel. This matt, dark-on-lightpottery may well have affinitieswith the Giyan-Godin III region, suggesting intrusion of a southern group, an additional reason for terming this Haftavan VIC. This was a brief phase, but it marked the end of the long domination of the Early Trans-Caucasianculture: some connections with the " Painted Orange Ware " of Hasanlu VII seem possiblefor Haftavan VIC. The layer of silt between the levels of Haftavan VII and VIB on the west side of the mound could indicate desertionof the lower parts of the site at this time. The more excavations are carried out in levels of Haftavan VIB, the longer the period seems likely to have lasted. In Area Y I the excavations begun in 1971 have been brought to a satisfactoryconclusion, though there is some reason to doubt if the first occupation of Period VIB has been exposed. Eight phases were distinguished, covering the lifetime of three main buildings grouped round a courtyard: the massivenessof these buildings suggests an upper storey. In the fifth phase the screen wall joining the west and south buildings was breached to make the entrance up into the courtyard of Area Y 2, found in 1973. The west building was found in part standing over three metres high, while the east building is incompletely preserved,one section being robbed out to the foundations. In Y 2 a columned structure was excavated, with two rows of slender columns of wood, marked by post-holes carefully packed round with stones. The flimsinessof this building, in contrast with the scale of those in Y I, makes any claim that this is the earliest columned hall in western Iran rather over-bold. Drastic changes came about in the penultimate of the eight phases distinguishedin Y i, with the collapse of the west wall of the east building. It was then that the battered wall, first found in 1971, was built across the south building. To this phase belongs a large storagejar with incised motif below the rim, perhaps representing an ear of corn. The later stratum of Period VIB, distinguishedpreviously in Y 2/3, X-X 2 and ZX, was reached in a new extension (BB) north of Y I-Y 2, as well as in another new area, ZXR 3, part of a trench designed ultimately to connect ZX and R.

158

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Concentration of effort on the east side of the site and on the citadel resulted in the absence of any excavations in Period V levels. Period IV was representedby a burial group from Y 3. The Urartian period (Haftavan III) was reached only in a new extension on the citadel (TX I). New discoveries attributable to the Achaemenian period (Haftavan II) were made in Y 3 and in ZXR I, next to the lower end of R. A large defensive ditch had been encountered on the west side of the mound (E) in the 1968 season, and had been tentatively dated to Period II. This was again traced in Y 3, where a secondaryphase was distinguished: the silt fill of the ditch was re-cut. In the uppermost fill of the ditch was a burial. This, with another one next to ZXR I, is attributable to the Parthian period, probably about the third century B.c.: an incised red-warejug, a bronze hairpin and a carnelian finger-ringprovide the principal evidence. Thus another phase is added to the long history of the site, if only in the form of burials, including some found on the citadel in 1968-69. In ZXR I a brick wall was found to be related to the same ditch, though set back from its inside ledge. Here may be a lower defensive perimeter, running round the foot of the citadel. Sasanian occupation has been found outside the citadel, for the first time, in ZXR I, where it overlies the surface contemporarywith the Period II ditch and wall, providing additional dating evidence for the ditch. A pottery lamp is of a type found in Sasanian context at Takht-i Suleiman; and a decorated comb of ivory is paralleled by one previouslyfound at Haftavan. Bricks of similar size were used in Periods I and II; but it is worth remarkingthat the same size has also been found in Haftavan VIB. Conservationwork was concentrated on the Period II tower and on the Y i remains of Period VIB, with some work also on the Urartian citadel.
CHARLESBURNEY

Kordlar Tepe Some questions concerning the stratigraphical, typological and structural situation of the Early Iron Age were answered during the third campaign of the Austrian Expedition on Kordlar Tepe in 1974. Now it seems sure, that the site was at least four times inhabited and each of these settlementswas destroyed by fire. The excavation so far was concentrated on an area slightly East of the highest point of the Tepe where Io trenches (Io x Io metres) have been opened. The specimens found in level I could be clearly distinguishedfrom those found in level IV. This, however, was not possible in the case of level II and III since it was difficult to assign the specimens to one of the two periods. In the lowest level IV it was possible to make out two large building complexes. In the northern part the ground plan of an imposing brick building with foundations of hewn stones became visible. Not all details of this structure are clear, because the baulks have not yet been removed. The building had a big central hall: adjacent to this hall in the East and West were square and rectangular rooms. On the North-East and in the South-West these rooms are projecting a bit over the general outline of the building (P1. Ia). The main entrance must have existed in the South-East. There are two thick walls running parallel for a few metres, then they turn to the North into the interior of the building thus forming an angular doorway. It is impossible to reconstructthe size of the gate, because a part of the walls is missing as it was torn down later. In the northern corner of the entrance was found a big hingestone in situ and a little further back many pieces of several Pithoi vessels. In the central hall there were clay benches along the southern and western walls. There was another bench of two rows of bricks along the southern face of the building where there must have been a small court. A different and modest building made ofpis6 on rude stone foundationswas excavated in the South. Only some of this building has been uncovered so far. In one of the rooms there was a large platform made of clay for baking bread and in another room a pear-shapedstorage pit. There were also grinding stones and coarse pottery. Everything in this building gives an impression of daily life and work. In both buildings the traces of a great fire could be recognized fairly well. In the second building level, in period III, the brick building was re-erected and additionally enlarged by some new walls. The small court in the South was closed by a broad wall made of mud bricks. Two parallel brick walls with pressed mud in between were put into the space in front of the

?..........

Pl. Ia. Kordlar Tepe" south-west chamberwith small court in front of it. Pl. Ib. Kordlar Tepe"

stone of the Period foundations

'iIX

.?
..........

i!,---

: ,,m

.....

Pl. Ic. TurengT d" bol r becverseur la p~riode C I. de III

Pl. Id. TurengTdd"d. d'ensemble lafa~ade su .. vue .oque de

?x'

Pl. Ila. TurengTdpd"e bdtiment situe' pied de la faFadede la terrassre au (dpo III C I). que

Pl. Ilb. TurengTdpd"murcirculaire Fer ~III(pdriode B). du IV

MO..

ImlI
'p. M?

, ',

.. ...... ..

.....

P1. Ilc. Tu~reng Tdpe" vue d'ensemble la faFadenordde laforteresse de sassanide (periode VI).

V P1. Ild. TurengiTPdpd ostrakon aramden (pd'riodeB).

?pop

!iiiiix::v

-Z

~~

~ iiiiii:::,iii ~ ii

iiii~-~ ~iiiiiriiii~i i~'--i----iiiiiiiiiii~-ii iiiii~iiiiiiiiiiii` iiii:iiii :!i::: .~iii~ii~jiii

" Pl. If. TurengTdpd " colonnettes depierrede la periode :

VII C.

Pl. Ilia.

Qal'eh-i razdigird.

Chopping tool Pl. IIIb. East Azerbaijan survey: MMTT-Gi. I i 8 cm long weighing 6I9 grams. Simple alternateflaking was limited to the proximal end of the tool, leaving a majorportion of the original cortex unflaked. The cutting edge producedis oblique to the main axis of the tool and appears to have been extensively batteredand pitted by pounding, scraping and cutting activities.

Bifacially Pl. IIIc. East Azerbaijan survey: MMTT-HI. cm. long weighing 620 grams. Alternate flaked core tool, Io.7 flaking was continued until the entire cortex was removed. The resultant sinuous cutting edge shows signs of heavy use as chopper and punch.

SURVEY

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Eastern gate: from the South to the North this wall bridge had an inclination of about one metre. It possibly representeda sort of ascent to an entrance higher up. In the North-West and in the South this wall projectsin the form of towers. The building seems thereforestrongly fortified. In the SouthEast there was a narrow passage with a stone sill in the enclosure wall. From there it was possible to reach directly the wall-bridge in front of the inner gate. After some time in the South a square room was attached to the outer side of the enclosurewall. It has a small entrance on the opposite side and nearby there is an arched oven. Just in front of this room was a bin which was probably used for storage. In the burning debris between the building and the enclosurewall we found the twisted skeleton of a young man who must have perished in the fire following period III. According to a radiocarbondating of a burned timber nearby, the fire must have taken place in IoIo ? 80 B.c. (VRI-446, Institut fir o in Vienna). Radiumforschung The next building level, that is period II, is clearly characterized by a gigantic wall made of pise. It is almost three metres wide and runs from South to North. It begins with a bastionlikeprojectionin the South-East and from there it turns to the North. Near this turning point there is a little gate. The foundations consist of two rows of heavy stone slabs (P1.Ib). The wall was built immediately on the exterior walls of the old brick building, and can probably be regarded as an inner town wall. A little later the brick building was rebuilt and formed a massive,nearly square citadel, 27-28 metres wide. It was attached to the town wall. The walls were made of pis6, strengthenedby a facing of bricks. The foundations were c. 7 metres wide, so only four rooms in the interior of the building were still used. The fortificationwall may have included rooms and passagesas it is remarkablybroad. Building level II is covered by a considerable burning layer. It was not possible to obtain a coherent picture of the building sites of the top level I because of weathering. It is, however, certain that this settlement has no structuralconnectionswith the buildings and walls of level II, III and IV. The Tepe was reinhabited thereforeprobably only after a time. Some stone foundationsfromlarge buildingswere found and tracesof some small, primitivehutswith mud walls. Periods II and III form a typological sequence with Period IV and show a greater variety of forms though the fine pottery is less elaborate. A characteristictype of pottery is a small goblet with a small handle and a grey polished surface. Three zoomorphically shaped baking covers made of clay were found similar to those excavated in 1973. The ceramics and other objects in the period I settlement present a fundamentally new concept. Above all the tendency of the pottery towards figures or solid samples cannot be denied. Among these decorationsbosseson vesselswith two handles stand out which are reminiscent of similar pots in the South Russian areas during Early Scythian times. An interesting object in this level is a large urn with an intentionally broken rectangular window on its upper part. Quite similar grave urns with symbolic openings for the soul (Seelenl6cher) appear in Middle and Eastern Europe in the beginning of the first millennium B.C. Important results about keeping domestic animals in the Iron Age at Kordlar were gained by studying the animal bones. This was carried out by a team of zoologists from the Vienna Natural History Museum. 4,600 bones were examined. (A reportis published in the " Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaftin Wien ", 1975/76.) The figuresof the percental share of the different animal species were on one hand gained from the minimal rate of individuals and from the number of assigned animal bones on the other hand. Thus the figures are as folllowing: More than 50% sheep
about about about less than 20% Io% 8% 5% cattle goat dog horse.

The percental share of pig and donkey is less than 2% each. Game is represented only by 2%, but there are altogether 18 species being hunted in the Iron Age. Among them are boar, gazelle, bos primigenius, wolf, fox, hare, flamingo, wild goose, wild duck, eagle, quail, dove and crow.
ANDREAS LIPPERT

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The Mahidasht Project The Mahidasht Project of the Royal Ontario Museum conducted an initial season of archaeological survey from mid-May until the end of August, 1974. The research was carried out with a grant from the Canadian Council, with supplementaryfunds from the Royal Ontario Museum. A staff, averaging 14 people, was drawn from Canada, Iran, the United States, and England. The area outlined in the original survey scheme covered approximately 4,000 square kilometres of valley and mountain in Kermanshah province, and can be roughly described as the drainages of the Abi-Marik, the Qara Su and its tributaries, the lower Razavar and the lower Gamas Ab. During the course of the survey, which was conducted by vehicle and with the help of aerial photographs, some 1,700 square kilometers, or approximately 40% of the area, was intensively surveyed. A total of 550 sites were located. The early parts of the cultural and ceramic sequence in this area had been establishedin broad outline by Braidwood, et al. in 1959-60o(Iranica I, Antiqua pp. 3-7). The earliest ceramic assemblageseems to be that associated with Tepe Sarab, which is in turn associated with materials known from Jarmo. Other early ceramics were also found, but their relative position vis-a-vis one another is unknown. One distinctivevariety was a soft, chaff tempered ware with a dark brown to black slip on the outside, painted in simple linear motifs in a pale pink or white paint. Open vessels of this variety have a burnished red slip on the inside of the vessel. The ware is unknown from other areas, but would seem to fit into the neolithic range of ceramics. Very few sites were discoveredwhich belong to the neolithic horizon. Among the tentative explanations of this phenomenon that can be advanced at present are that the population density was considerably lower than in later periods, that the period of occupation at any given site was of short duration, making it difficult to locate, or that the sites have been masked by later geological deposits. It is also possible that a combination of these factors is responsible for the current situation. On the last mentioned factor, see below. The first widespread ceramic horizon is generically related to the Ubaid painted wares of Mesopotamia, Khuzistan and the Western Iranian plateau, but differs in many details. Indeed, it would appear that more than one "Ubaid" ware is representedin the Mahidasht survey area, but the extent to which these differ chronologicallyas well as stylisticallyis as yet uncertain. The plain wares associated with the " Ubaid " painted wares are the soft, chaff tempered, red slipped ones known from Seh Gabi and Godin. On some " Ubaid " sites, Dalma impressed wares occur, but Dalma painted wares are absent from the assemblage. Finally, another painted ware, unrelated to the Ubaid tradition, is found on some " Ubaid " sites. It is hard, well fired, with little or no temper (grit when it occurs), and the surface is sometimescovered with a red to black slip or wash. Paint colour variesfrom black to red to white, and the designs are all linear. This ware is probably similar to that reported by Goff, who assigns it to the " Uruk " period (IranIX, p. 139 ff-). Neither the Godin VII nor Godin VI assemblagesare representedin the Mahidasht. A few sherds characteristicof the formerwere found, but not as part of the total Godin VII assemblage. Of particular note is the virtually complete absence of painted wares in the late Sialk III, Godin VI and Giyan IVd style. All of this points to the fact that the Uruk horizon follows immediately upon the " Ubaid " in the Mahidasht. Bevel rim bowls, " Blumentapfe ", and other wares and forms distinctive of the lowland Uruk sites are found, but in connection with locally produced wares. One has the impression that the number of sites declines from the Ubaid to the Uruk period, but that the sites themselves are larger. It is interesting that the sequence here is closer to that known from Luristan than to that revealed at Godin and Seh Gabi. This is a phenomenon that will appear yet again at the end of the Uruk period.
The next ceramic horizon that we were able to identify in our survey was the painted wares of the late third and early second millennia. During the course of the survey, we did not find a single sherd

that could unequivocally be identified as Early Bronze Age Grey Ware. Thus it would appear that
Susa D material follows on the Uruk, as is the case at Baba Jan and in Luristan, rather than the sequence known from Godin and Tepe Giyan. Pottery in the Susa D-Giyan III/IV painted style is widespread in the Mahidasht, and the occupation of sites seems to have been both long and intensive. We have not yet been able to subdivide the period on the basis of the material in hand.

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The Iron I and Iron II occupations in the valley are unrecognized. Few of the characteristicgrey wares associatedwith this period to the east and north were found in the course of the survey, and those few that did occur were sometimes associated with burials. The Luristan painted wares of this period known from Baba Jan were also largely absent. Thus, the end of the second and beginning of the first millennia are either a period of significant contraction in settled population, or they are masked by our ignorance of the local ceramics. It should be noted that the former is the case in the Kangavar valley. With the Iron III period, the settlement pattern is once again both obvious and widespread. Buff wares whose shapes are known from Godin, Baba Jan and Nush-i Jan are well represented, although they are usually in a chaff tempered ware that is not as well made as the samples known from excavation. The Iron III sites are often large, and on a number of them imports from Assyria, such as the Late Assyrian beaker, were found. The succeeding Iron IV period (see Young, IranXIII, (1975), P I192)appears to be a continuation of the Iron III period in the valley, with many of the same sites continuing to be occupied. The pottery seems to continue many of the forms of the preceding period, with the introduction of " Achaemenid " forms as well. Many of the sites exhibited both painted Triangle Ware and painted Festoon Ware, suggesting that the two may be contemporary rather than one being derivative from the other. It is still too early to assess the later periods, although the valley seems to have been intensively settled in the Parthian, Sasanian and Saljuq periods. Other periods are more difficult to define at this time. Finally, it is important to note that both an initial geomorphologicalsurvey and a survey of present land use patterns were carriedout, the former by ProfessorIan Brookes,the later by Mr. Robin Dennell, who also worked with Brookes on the geomorphology. A number of sections along the Ab-i Marik indicate a long period of stability in the region from the Early Holocene through the Parthian period. At some time starting in the Parthian to Early Islamic range, massiveerosiontook place on the surrounding mountain fans, depositing first a layer of poorly sorted gravelswhich included much sherdage, bone and fresh water shell, and then a thick layer of fine alluvium that in some places reachesa depth of two metres. This thick alluvium of recent data has important implications for the recovery of early sites. The land use survey was related to the settlement pattern in a preliminaryfashion by Dennell. He reports a close association between settlement, first class arable land, and good water sources such as springs and perennial streams. Such is not surprising,given the assumed dependence on cereal cultivation as the basis for the economy of the region over the last 7,000ooo+ years. More significant, perhaps, is the virtual lack of sites in locations that would have been primarilysuitable for exploiting the grazing on the higher mountain slopes. This, as well as other questions, remain to be investigatedin future seasons.
Louis D. LEVINE

Qal'eh-irazdigird The first expedition took place in 1965. The resultsof that brief survey and sondage were published in Iran V (1967) with the conclusion that the extensive remains belonged to a single complex of buildings, comprising a palace and stronghold of Sasanian date. The date was derived largely through a process of elimination, for it did not seem possible that a site of such type and dimension could be anything else. The rubble masonry of the fortifications,the seemingly rounded towers, and the vertical-lay brick constructionof the palace-pavilion all indicated a Sasanian date. So too did the pottery recovered from the surface. Since the standing monuments seemed to represent the remains of a single period of occupation, it was concluded that the strong Parthian characteristics of the stucco architectural decoration were an " archaising " element, a phenomenon by no means uncommon in this period. As a result of new work, it now appears that the fortifications and palace complex were planned and conceived during late Parthian times, with only a reduced form of occupation surviving into Sasanian times. Qal'eh-i Yazdigird, located some 30 km. northwest of the gendarme post of Pa-i Taq, occupies an

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area of c. 24 sq. km., encompassing essentially the entire area of an elevated tableland on the extreme western edge of the mountains. For over three-quartersof its length the perimeter of the tableland is formed by steep cliffs rising up on the one side, and by a sheer escarpment on the other. The cliffs merge with the higher reaches of the plateau. But the escarpmentis the last ledge of the plateau, overlooking the plain of Zohab and the Iraqi border. In antiquity, defensivemasonry, together with arrowslot loopholes, was constructed wherever the escarpment was thought to be an inadequate deterrent. Across the relatively open end of the tableland (on the southeasternside), a more elaborate defensive wall with loopholes and towers was constructed, running from the escarpment in the southwest to the cliffs in the northeast. To protect the tableland from attack from high ground, an upper castle and flanking outposts were positioned on isolated pinnacles, overhanging the gorge of Baba Yadgar and enjoying strategic command over both that access route and the surroundingcountryside. Sheltered within the hollow of the tableland and protected by the elaborate fortificationsare the remains of two major structures. The one, Ja-i Dar, is a heavily buttressedstructure,partially covered by the gardens of Zardeh, but clearly forming an L-shaped compound. The structurehas yet to be probed in detail, but its massive towers and military character reveal it to be the central castle of the stronghold. The other major feature is a long, rectangular enclosure in which a free-standing block of masonry at its upper end gives it the name locally of Gach Gumbad. Current interpretation suggests that the Gach Gumbad enclosure representsa garden of paradise, with a palace-pavilion at its upper end. The 1965 sondage exposed a small portion of the walls and architectural decoration of this pavilion (IranV, pl. IV). The area between the two compounds is taken up by a largely natural ridge (Tepe Rash) whose slopes are liberally covered with sherds. The ridge would have been the logical place for the supportive structures of the palatial complex. Preliminary tests had already indicated that the depth of the archaeological debris is slight, if it exists at all. Erosion and farming has disturbed all but the most substantial remains of this part of the settlement. The objectives of the second expedition were threefold: to study more precisely the nature and the density of occupation; to determine the date of the monuments and supportivestructures,with a view to judging whether the site had witnessed more than a single period of occupation; and to interpret the function of the site and judge its role in historical terms, in the light of the first two inquiries. We are attempting to analyse the nature of the occupation of the settlement as a whole, and not to restrict the avoided the pavilion since the workmenhad not yet acquired the skillsto cope with the stuccoes, and the expedition did not have the facilities to handle the quantity of material that might be expected. To achieve the objectives of the season, then, three methods of approach were taken. The first was a topographic survey designed to determine the total limits of the site and to plot all visible architectural sherdsfound. The third approachwas the use of limited test trenches, designed to articulate some of the architectural features, determine dimensions where crucial, and in general to gauge the depth of the archaeological debris. The topographic survey mapped no major features not already known from the first survey, but it produced a more accurate map. While the objective of the survey of surfacematerials was to cover the entire basin, this season'swork was concentrated in the areas adjacent to the monumental features and the fortificationwall. Outside the two monumental enclosures,and apart fromthe dense sherdconcentration on the slopes of Tepe Rash, the heaviest sherdage was encountered in a flattish area alongside the main fortificationwall. Elsewhereon the site the sherdagewas scattered and sporadic. The lack of any
material earlier than Parthian was confirmed but what was unexpected was that seemingly Parthian pottery appeared consistently in the areas of both densely concentrated and lightly scattered sherd coverage. Characteristic post-Parthian features were encountered only in the area of Tepe Rash. Some Islamic sherds were recovered from the Upper Castle, where there have been some obvious later study to an exposure of the decorated pavilion alone. During the past season, in fact, we deliberately

features. The second was to conduct an intensive surface survey, involving collection and analysis of all

building repairs. As far as the history of the site is concerned, then, one might suggest that the fortifications and palatial complex were conceived in late Parthian times, and that some form of occupation continued on a limited scale in Sasanian times, with the Upper Castle serving as a retreat probably as late as Mongol times.

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In the three areas examined by test trench the same picture emerged. First test: two towers and the intermediatelength of curtain wall at a point along the fortificationwall were probed for dimensions. As it turned out, the towers were square in plan, and not rounded as indicated in the first report. Already one of the strong Sasanian leads was destroyed. In addition, a Parthian date was tentatively confirmed by the sherds found in association with the wall. It was apparent that the inner face of the wall had suffereddamage and had been repaired. Neither this repair work nor the occupation associated with the small chambers within the towers could be dated to anything other than Parthian. In addition, the flattish area adjacent to the wall was tested for remains which might have suggested the presence of a garrison. Low wall stubs and bell-shaped chambers cut into the bed-rock were all that could be found in the limited probe but from these and the numerous storage-jarrim fragmentsfound it was clear that a reasonably permanent type of compartmentalizedsettlement had existed here, such as would have been appropriate for a garrison. Second test: an area in the north-west corner of the Gach Gumbad enclosurewas examined where surface features indicated the presence of a series of chambers around a central courtyard. The three deep chambers which were exposed were virtually devoid of any occupational debris, with only small fragmentsof fallen plaster revealed in the bottom of the fill. A thick layer of sterile mud comprisedmost of the fill. The amount of preservationand the depth of the fill is the most interesting aspect of the work accomplishedhere so far. There is nothing yet to indicate the function of the layout, though the surface indications suggest that it represented the residential and service quarters of the palace. No nonParthian material was recovered. Third test: an area outside of the Gach Gumbad enclosure was examined where brick-bats,plaster fragments, and broken roof-tiles suggested the presence, outside the gardened enclosure, of a building in the same style as the stuccoed pavilion. However, excavations soon revealed that it was a dump of architectural debris cleared from a ruined building. Of course, the logical source of this material was the stuccoed pavilion, for the dump is close by, though tastefullyset on the other side of the garden wall. We know that the pavilion suffered severe damage at one time. It was thought after the 1965 sondage that this damage caused the terminal destruction of the building, but now there is every prospect that we shall find traces of damage caused to the structure,clearance of debris, and repairsmade to the building. In view of the nature of the finds from the dump-including carved and painted stuccoes, fresco or painted plaster fragments, and a small portion of mosaic paving-this prospect is an exciting one. The surfacesurvey and the test trenchesconfirm that the site representsthe residenceof an important dignitary in a palatial setting, together with all the accoutrementsneeded to support him in this idyllic, but intensely defensive setting. Since there is strong evidence that the entire complex was conceived in Parthian times, though some features are reminiscent of a Sasanian tradition, it might be logical to place the history of the site in a late Parthian/transitionalSasanian context. It is this period above all which sees the deep fragmentation of empire and the proliferation of petty dynasts who refused to acknowledge the power of an central government. In its defensive position Qal'eh-i Yazdigird makes sense as the home of a feudal lord, thumbing his nose at the King of Kings, and maintaining himself in his gardened enclosure with the luxuries afforded by plundering the highroad at will without fear of reprisal. E. J. KEALL

Pusht-iKuh,Luristan During the autumn of 1973, the ninth season of excavations in Pusht-i Kuh was conducted by the Belgian Archaeological mission of the State University of Ghent in cooperation with the National Centre for Archaeological Research in Iran. Work was concentrated on the necropolis of Dum Gar Parchinah in order to investigate further the antecedents of the Luristan Bronze culture during the Chalcolithic period. The necropolis:The site of Dum Gar Parchinah lies 4 km. to the west of the small village of Cham and Zangi (40 kms. to the south of Sarab-i Maimah, administrative centre of the bakhshdari 14o kms.

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to the south-west of Ilam, capital town of the Ostan Ilam wa Pusht-i Kuh). The graveyard extends over different areas on a plateau along the Maimah River. Two trenches were opened: the first in area A (34 X 17 m.) yielded sixty-four tombs, the second in area B (26 x 21 m.) revealed eighty-nine tombs. The area C sector was badly damaged by clandestine diggings and provided only three tombs. Thetombs: In all areas, tombs were found near present surfacelevel. Their orientation is generally north--+southor north by north-east->south by south-west, while a group in area A shows different positions. The tombs are cist graves, constructed by upright slabs on all four sides and covered by several large ashlars. Long and narrow the chambers measure from I.-60 m. to 200oom. in length and

were extremely scarce. Nevertheless a few fragmentsillustrated that the dead were laid on their backs with the legs stretched out and this explains the rather narrow and elongated shape of the burial chamber. Although tombs are designed for a singly inhumation some (in area B) were used twice. In order to make room for a second body the bones of the first burial were pushed to the ends and sides of the cist. Certain of the bigger tombs in area B yielded several skulls and a mass of bone fragments: they were used undoubtedly as collective graves and probably belonged to one family. The funerary offerings:Only half the excavated tombs revealed a burial since neither bone fragments nor funerary offerings were found in them. Mostly there was only one grave-gift, sometimes two and more exceptionally three objects. Of course, some collective tombs yielded as many as ten different objects. These offerings are generally placed behind the head of the dead or beside the body. They consist of painted and unpainted pottery, stone vessels, anthropomorphicand zoomorphic figurines in baked clay, stone seals and maces, axes, hammer axes, beads, tools and microliths in the same material. Thepainted can pottery be divided into three groups, according to their decoration techniques. The most common ware has a buff slip with black or brownish-blackpainting. Red slipped pottery with a black design (unfortunately almost wiped off) is less common and only two jars show a polychrome decor: brownish black and red on buff. Shapes are rather simple and the variety of types is restricted: cups, bowls, goblets, jars with different neck-forms and pedestalled chalices. The jars are often provided with tiny lug handles, pierced vertically or horizontally. The vessels generally have a flat base but flat disc bases appear as well. The patterns are to a great extent geometric, nevertheless representationsof animals such as ibexes are characteristicon bowls and goblets of area B. This painted pottery reveals new aspects of the relationshipbetween Pusht-i Kuh, Pish-i Kuh (the valleys of Hulailan and Kuh-i Dasht), Khuzistan and Mesopotamia. The repertoire however shows the evidence for an original style. Theunpainted is pottery a brownish buff ware representedby some cups and goblets. The cups have a flared profile and a flat base (some examples in area A have a ring-base). Stonevessels generally carved in white limestone or grey veined with white. One small specimen are is in black basalt. Bakedclay figurines: A creamy statuette of a standing nude woman with the hands under her breasts shows marks of black and red painting. A brownish unpainted terracotta figurine representsa bovine species. Stampseals. According to their forms these seals can be subdivided into three categories: domes, buttons and beads. They were made of marly limestone, light grey or greyish black chlorite. The sealing surface is engraved with geometric patterns or zoomorphic symbolic elements. Stone The tools and implements are made of various kinds of stone. The mace heads are implements.
generally in white crystalline but a few black ones are haematite or magnetite. Axes and hammer axes were polished in grey-green jade. The other implements are intended for grinding, milling, crushing and pounding (querns, mortars, pestles, pebbles and palettes). Dating and conclusions: There is a strong link between the archaeological material of the Dum Gar Parchinah necropolis and the Hakalan graveyard (see Iran XI) so they belong to the same culture and the same chronological horizon. However their particular characteristics can be compared with finds at other chalcolithic sites in Iran and Mesopotamia. For Iran, the resemblances are attested at Tepe Giyan V b-c, Tepe Siyalk End II and III, Tall-i Bakun A and Tall-i Gap I. Striking analogies with

from o 30 m. to 50 m. in width by a depth of c. 50 m. o. A few tombs o. area B are more impressive with their bigger dimensions. Remains of skeletons in

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the painted pottery of the early Susa I type are encountered in Pish-i Kuh (Hulailan and Kuh-i Dasht) and Khuzistan (Tepe Band-i Bal, Tepe Buhalan, Tepe Jovi) but in spite of some elements of correlation, the relationshipwith sites such as Djaffarabad 1-3, Chugha Mish (Middle Susiana Period) and in the Deh Luran area, appear less clearly. In Mesopotamia, comparison is found in the Ubaid strata of different sites (Tell Uqair, Telul Eth Thalathat, Tepe Gawra XVIII-XII, Tello, Eridu VII-VI, Uruk, Ur and El Ubaid) but also to a lesser degree, in some of the Halaf Period strata (Tell Halaf and Tell Chagar Bazar). The archaeological material of Dum Gar Parchinah thus belongs to the Susiana C, and for a part Susiana D, cultural complex of Western Iran. The relation with Mesopotamia is restricted to the Ubaid 2-3 phases apart from some affinitieswith the stone material of a few Halafian sites. As a result, the Chalcolithic necropolis of Dum Gar Parchinah is dated at the end of the fifth millennium, and the beginning of the fourth millennium B.c. Although, the graves of areas A and B belong to the same culture there appears to be a slight variation between them, which reflects a possible chronological difference: the graves in area B should be a little earlier than those in area A. The necropolis of Dum Gar Parchinah is the first extensive burial ground separate from habitation areas excavated in Western Iran. This means that during the Chalcolithic Period, while customs in Iran as well as in Mesopotamia were still considered with inhumation practices beneath or between the dwellings, the probably nomadic people of the Luristan mountains buried their dead in cist tombs constructed at a site specially intended for them. For this fact and the stone type structureof the graves Dum Gar Parchinah is the oldest known example in Iran and Mesopotamia. Moreover, the finds proved that the origins of the so-called " Luristan Bronze culture " during the Bronze and Iron Age Periods are to be searched for in the Chalcolithic Age, and probably even earlier. Any way there already existed in this area a tradition of exclusive burial customs and characteristicimplement shapes which survived into later times. L. VANDEN BERGHE PlateauSurvey Sarhad With the aid of funds provided by the National Science Foundation and New York University, the summer of 1975 saw the completion of a four-and-a half month survey on the Sarhad Plateau in northern Baluchestan. In the course of the survey we were able to locate numerous sites which can be compared with camp sites of the present-day pastoral nomads who inhabit the Khash valley, 200 km. south of Zahedan. Of the Io6 sites that were found during the survey, at least twenty-five can be classed as prehistoric on the basis of surface pottery and lithic material. The largest and most prolific of these sites is Khash Spring I, 8 km. north-west of Khash, which was first noted by G. W. Hume in 1966. Here a rocky slope to the east of the present spring exhibits a heavy scatter of artifacts; and a controlled collection procedure yielded 40,000 items. Microliths, ground-stone implements, fragments of chlorite vessels, and buff and grey wares with painted, black geometric designs can be compared to third millennium materials from Shahr-i Sokhta and Bampur. A second aim of the project was to look for traces of Palaeolithic occupation in the Khash Valley. The ten Palaeolithic sites that were eventually located were characterized by artifacts of chert and basalt, primarily in the form of large core tools and unifacially retouched anvil-struckflakes. Several of these Palaeolithic assemblagesbear resemblancesto the Ladizian Chopper-ChoppingTool industry discovered by the I966 survey of the University of Minnesota, 88 km. north of Khash on the Ladiz
Rud terraces.
JUDITH T. MARUCHECK

Siraf The first season of the Iranian Expedition to Siraf took place from February 19 to April 19, 1975I would like to express my gratitude to Mr Mansour Sadjadi (Asst. Director) and Mr Abbas Ali Nematollahi (draftsman) for their unfailing help and kindness.

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Our excavations were carried out in four different locations, primarily in the eastern section of Siraf between the Shaikh's fort and the eastern wall. We decided to name the sites after famous men in the history of Siraf, in addition to using the previous system of labelling sites with alphabetical designations. Site Babshad (site U) is located near the shoreline by the eastern wall. We discovered and excavated a fort-like building made of stone with a mud and plaster mortar. It measures 21 x 22 metres and has two construction phases. In the main phase this building is composed of a central court with a main entrance to the west and four smaller doorways. Around the courtyard are nine small rooms. The proportions and measurements of the rooms are interesting in that the arrangement is asymmetrical. At the outside corners of the building are four towers, two square and two circular. This is an interesting phenomenon, and so far as I know is exceptional The date of the main construction phase, based on the similarity in construction to other buildings of the period and the objects found in it, is placed at the end of the ninth century A.D. We would propose that the building was used as a fort or military post because of its plan and location by the eastern wall close to the shoreline. Site Mhidn Sirafi (site V) is located 300 m. west of the eastern wall near the shoreline. The excavation in this area has not been completed, but the nature of the surface and the material collected on the surface seemed to indicate a group of pottery kilns. Several vessels, fragments of wasters and conelike pottery pegs for hanging pottery in a kiln or for controlling the temperaturewere found in the test trench. Fragments of vessels broken during firing were found grouped in a pit, presumably a rubbish dump. Layers of ash and burned soil, with a section of floor of an area for preparingthe pottery clay, as well as different types of glazed and unglazed fragments of pottery with varying decoration and a stamp with a palmette design for decorating pottery all furnish evidence that this area housed a group of kilns. Site Abu Sa'id Sirafi (site S) is located on the central mound, Ioo m. east of site H. We found a rock-cut building of which we excavated one room. It measures 5 X 5 m. and probably had a flat ceiling, indicated by the presence of hollows in the top surface of one of the walls for setting in wooden beams. The room also had an upper storey for which we found the doorway. The ground floor has a large entrance on the south side and a niche on the outside of the building. On the plastered floor we found a Sasanian coin. Site Abu Zaid Sirafi excavated by the expedition of the BritishInstitute of Persian Studies (site R), is in the north-westernpart of Siraf east of site O, and west of the rock-cut main cemetery. At site O ten tombs had been excavated, but because of the complicated burial system and the lack of inscriptions, the identification of the religion of the people buried there remained uncertain. It had been proposed that they were Muslim. We decided to excavate another tomb, which is rectangular and measures 13 x 5 m. It has four rectangular buttressesat the outside corners and four column bases inside, two attached to the north wall and two to the south wall. The tomb contained thirty-three individual burials, two of which had an east-west orientation and the rest a north-south orientation. Fourteen of the graves have rectangular covers and the rest oval-shaped covers. In the western section of the tomb there were ten graves with rectangular covers, some of which had inscriptions in ornamental Kufic script in plaster on the sides of the covers. The inscriptions are verses from the Qur'an. The two important results of the excavation of this tomb are proof that tombs of this style and shape are Muslim, and the dating, based on the form of the inscription and style of the decoration, to the 9th-Ioth century A.D./3rd-4th century A.H.

H. BAKHTIARI

Shahr-i Sokhta The seventh campaign of excavations at Shahr-i Sokhta was carried out under the auspices of IsMEO from September 2 to December I, 1975. The primary aims of the campaign were the complete survey of the site with a first outline of its geological history and the environmental set-up, the extensive stratigraphicaltesting of the earliest period at the EasternResidential Area, and the continuation of the excavations at the Graveyard.

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It has been established that the site of Shahr-i Sokhta extends over a surface of 151 -68 hectares. hectares belong to the graveyard which extended across the east-west length of the site. Both settlement and graveyardwere set on top of a pliocene terrace. The work of the geographer, 0. Meder, has established the position of this terrace within the general system of terracing outlined for the Hilmand basin. Quite interestinglyit has been also ascertained that erosion was already strong on the surface of the site at the time of its protohistorical frequentation. Wind action predominated in the erosion of the western part of the site, whereas water gulleys, mostly south-east oriented, predominated in the Eastern Residential Area. As a result the eastern part of the site rises approximately 8 m. above the rest. A second important reason is due to the nature and date of its anthropic deposits. It is only here, over an area of approximately 15 hectares that we have remains of Period I and dwellings of phase 7 (2750-2650 B.C.) on top, which appear to have been destroyedby an intensive fire and left intact. The exploration of the settlement was carried out in two different excavations. A deep test trench in area XDV-XDW was dug into the levels of period I, phases 8, 9, io, which were exposed to ground level by modern surface erosion. A second extensive excavation was opened by Dr S. Salvatori, 250 m. to the west of the Eastern Residential Area in a westward sloping area where the analysis of aerial photographs had shown the existence of a large architectural complex.
The trench in XDV-XDW measured at its beginning 250 square metres whereas at the bottom it was restricted to 40. This trench has allowed us to establish that the town was founded in around 3200 B.c., in phase 10. The material culture was characterized by pottery with strong south Turk-

menian ties, together with some sherds of black burnished, trumpet-shaped rims relatable to Yahya IVC. The most impressive find has certainly been a proto-Elamite tablet found at the north-eastern corner of room CCXCIII in the earth filling, Io cms. above the floor of the room, which representsthe earliest structuralphase found so far at Shahr-i Sokhta. Apart from a few dozen sealings bearingimpressions of pictographic cylinder seals the rest of the material culture does not exhibit any of the known typical " proto-Elamite " traits. in the south-easterncorner of the building, as delimited by the aerial photograph. There has appeared a regular network of walls, possibly foundations to be ascribed to phase 3 and 4 (2400-2200 B.c.), laid
on top and within structures of phase 5. A second test trench 20 X io m. was set across the western wall. This part of the enclosure can be dated to phase 5 (around 2500 B.c.). Quite noteworthy was the This whole deposit was sieved and floated, providing us with a large collection of wood, seeds and The extensive building in the central part of the site was explored by laying a 50 x 20 metre trench

excavation of a sequence of layers made by daily house waste, rich in perishable organic materials. textiles. Among others seeds of flax have been recovered. The choice of areas to be opened for excavation at the graveyard was partly based on random numbers, establishedon a IoX Io m. grid laid over the presumed area of extension. Its uniformity and size would have made impossible either the choice of preferentialareas or the availability of a sizeable percentage of the ancient population without sampling. This selection on a random number series has led us to the excavation of areas HRY and HNE respectively to the south and west of the trenches
previously excavated. Outside these new areas the earlier excavations were also enlarged, both in squares IPW-INC and in IRX; out of the sixty-six graves discovered in the course of the campaign sixty-four have been excavated, seven of which were empty shafts, both of simple and bipartite types.

The other fifty-seven contained between one to a maximum of eight skeletons. The result of the new distribution of the graves seems to indicate that the development of the graveyard took place in successive clusters which can be localized by some significant concentration of burials in rather restricted
areas surrounded by empty spaces. They often exhibit a remarkable similarity in the type of furnishings. This is the case of the so-called group of Nil, a group of six graves in area IR, well characterized by the presence in two of them of the typical cylindrical jars, known from this famous cemetery in southern Baluchistan. Another recurrent element in the burial ritual at Shahr-i Sokhta seems to have been the sacrifice of a kid, a few weeks old, which was generally placed beside the head of the dead. Insofar they seem only associated with graves datable as late as phase 6 (2550 B.C.). MAURIZIO TOSI

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Teie' Tureng

remarquablementfructueuseet a renouvel6 tres sensiblement notre connaissancedu site. Le travail a porte sur trois objectifs principaux: la grande terrasseen briquesbralkesde couverte en 1971, les niveaux du Ier millinaire avant notre ere, enfin la forteresse sassanide. Accessoirement, les et6 vestiges d'epoque islamique situes au-dessusdes ruines de la forteresseont a nouveau ' explores. La terrasse. Nous avons procede a une revision radicale de la date assignee cet 'difice, que I0) nous attribuions precedemment au VIkme siecle en fonction du materiel ceramique decouvert dans les couches qui surmontaient les ruines. En fait, la terrasse date de l'6poque Tureng T6p6 III CI, correspondant "

La I Ieme campagne de fouille ' Tureng Tep6 a dur6 du 17 juillet au 7 septembre 1975. Elle a 6t6

correction dendrochronologique) et d'autre part le materiel ramass6 cette annie sur la plateforme superieure de ce batiment: il s'agit, d'une part, d'une ce'ramique caracteristique de cette periode (Pl. Ic), d'autre part, de plusieurs "colonnettes" de pierre (P1. IIf) identiques a celles d'Hissar III C. La structure meme de la terrassea et6 a nouveau l'objet de nos investigations. Le palier interm&diaire, correspondantau sommet du premierdegre, est prolonge a l'est par une rampe d'acc&s monte qui selon une pente de 8% le long de la fagade du degre superieur (Pl. Id). Il est probable qu'a I'ouest existait une rampe sym6trique que l'6rosion a complktement d6truite. Cette rampe, du c6t6 est, 6tait bordee au sud de plusieurspieces, separeespar des murs align6s sur les pilastresqui flanquent la fagade du degrCsupdrieur. Ces mAmes pikces 6taient limitees au sud par le mur de coffrage du degr' inf6rieur, qui 6tait surdleve par rapport au niveau du palier et de la rampe. Les murs transversauxjoignaient donc ce mur de coffrage a la facade du degr6sup6rieur. Ils 6taient perces de portespar lesquellespassait la ramped'acces; comme celle-cilongeait a peu de distancela fagade du deuxime degre, les montants de ces portes du c6te de la facade, dont le sommet a disparu, apparaissaientua moment de leur decouverte comme de simples pilastres. D'autre part, deux sondages effectuessur le flanc ouest du tepe nous ont montr6 que toute la facade du degre inf6rieura 6te de ce c6t6 detruite jusqu'aux fondations par 1'&rosion.Ces sondages nous ont permis d'6tudier la structure de la terrassedans son coeur meme: il se revdle que les assisesinf6rieures en sont constitutes de lits de briques crues separes par d'6paisses couches de mortier brle'. Comme d'autre part la faqade est n'a pas encore 6t6 d6couverte (la fouille ne s'6tant pas 6tendue jusque 1k) il resulte de cette double constatation que l'Fdifice mesurait au moins 8o m. de c6te d'est en ouest, sa hauteur 6tant d'environ 13 m. 50o. En avant de la facade meridionale, et correspondantprobablement " la partie mediane de celle-ci, nous avons decouvert un bAtimentqui s'61evaitapparemmentjusqu'au niveau du premier degr6 et qui etait appuy6 contre la fagade. Nous n'en avons trouvejusqu'" present que le mur oriental et une partie du mur est-ouest parallele a la terrasse (P1. IIa). La destination de cet edifice n'apparait pas encore clairement. Les problemes souleves par ces decouvertes sont multiples. Elles supposent 1'existencedes la fin du IIIeme millknaired'une socikte de caractere 6tatique et centralis6,exergant sur l'6conomie un contr6le suffisant pour pouvoir procdder a l''dification d'un monument aussi gigantesque; nous ignorons cependant si cette soci t6 6tait de caractere palatial ou th6ocratique (la terrasseelle-meme ayant probablement une fonction religieuse). Certainsrapprochementssemblent s'imposerentre cet edifice et les ziggourats mesopotamiennes d'une part, notamment la ziggourat d'Ur-Narnmu a Ur, qui en est a peu pres contemporaine, et d'autre part, certaines terrasses&degres du Turkmenistan (Altin D6pe) et de
l'Afghanistan (Mundigak), de meme date 6galement, analogies que vient renforcer la presence sur des sites de ces deux regions de " colonnettes " identiques ? celles de Tureng T~p6 et de Tfp6 Hissar. i une importante revision 2o) Les niveaux du Ier millinaire. Ici encore nous avons di procfder chronologique, i la suite de la dfcouverte en situation stratigraphique de niveaux d'6poques diff&rentes qui, jusqu'i present, n'avaient CtCrepfrfs que reposant directement sur les ruines de la terrasse, en sorte que leur ordre de succession n'avait pu &treobserv6 r~ellement mais seulement reconstituC de fagon hypoth~tique.

Hissar III C, comme l'indiquent d'une part le C 14 (GIF 3339: 4000 - I Io ans BP, sans

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une Apres un long hiatus, des niveaux du Fer II (appartenantprobablement& phase finale du Fer II) ont recouvert les ruines de la terrasse (periode IV A). Ils comportent plusieurs plateformesen briques rectangulairesde 42 cm. X 32 cm. La ceramique de ces niveaux avait auparavant 6t6 datee par nous du Fer IV (p6riodeV A): ceramique rouge ou gris noir lissee, c ramique blanc verdAtre aengobe de m~me couleur, le repertoire des formes comprenant surtout des coupes tripodes, des bols a anse horizontale, des theieres, des " tankards" a une ou deux anses verticales, des cruches alivre simple, des couvercles a boutons. Ce materiel rappelle 6videmment celui de Madau T6p6, que les archeologues sovietiques datent du VIIIeme siecle. Le Fer III (p6riode IV B) comprend deux couches d'occupation successives, dont le materiel archeologiquene diffbregu re. Les briques sont toujoursde forme rectangulairemais de beaucoup plus cm. x 40 grande taille qu'auparavant (65 cm. x 50 cm. et 8o cm. X 50 cm. dans la premiere phase, 60o cm. dans la seconde). Nous les avions pr cedemment attribu6es&t al'6poque V A. Le second niveau tort comporte notamment un tres long mur curviligne (P1.IIb), que nous avons pu jusqu'a present rep6rer sur les flanc sud-est, sud-ouest et ouest du t6p6. Il s'agit probablement du mur d'enceinte d'un edifice circulaire, analogue a celui que nous pouvons reconstituerpour la periode suivante (cf. infra); celui du Fer III semble correspondre"& l'poque made. La ceramique comprend une poterie rosatre dont la forme la plus frequente est un bol a lvre epaissie sur les deux faces, et une poterie brun clair lissee, categorie dans laquelle on signalera notamment les bols abord en baionnette qui sont caracteristiquesde cette periode dans le nord-ouestde l'Iran. Rappelons que des bols de meme forme ont 6t6 decouvertsen 1960 sur le petit tepe; ces derniersparaissent cependant d'un type plus 6volue et pourraient appartenir a une phase plus recente du Fer III. TURENG TEPE: TABLE DE CONCORDANCE STRATIGRAPHIQUE DinominationDenomination Piriode
actuelle de 1973

essentielles Caractiristiques

(1975) VII C [VII B VII A VI [V C VB [V A VII C VII B VII A VI V C VB VB Abbasside Fosses cylindriques; ceramique a glagure; verrerie Temple du feu; ceramique a glagure] Habitat et fosses; pas de ceramique a gla?ure ni de verre Forteresse; briques carr6esde 38 cm.

Sassanide

a 40 cm. de c6te

Parthe Briques carries de 38 cm. a 40 cm. de c6t6] Hellknistique " Ceramique sonore ": une premiere phase a bords conet parthe trast6srouges, une seconde sans bords contrast6s Ach6menide Magasins a la periph6rie d'un edifice circulaire (place forte?); briques carrees de 35 cm. au maximum; ceramique brun rougeatre liss6e, bords rouges contrast6s Fer III Fer II final Magasins a la p6ripheried'un batiment circulaire; grandes briques rectangulaires; bols a bord en baionnette Plateformes en petites briques rectangulaires; c6ramique rouge ou gris noir liss6e, ou blanc verdatre a engobe HIATUS

IV B IV A

fIV
VA VA

[III C 2 III C I

III C 2 III C I

Ceramique tournee; non represent6sur le grand t6pe] Hissar III C Terrasse haute; briques rectangulairesde 70 cm. X 45 cm.; ceramique grise lissee; " colonnettes " de pierre

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Le Fer IV (p6riodeV A) correspondl'apoque ach m6nide. Il a vu l'dification, aprbsnivellement A des batiments antdrieurs,d'un grand edifice circulaire bord6 sur tout son pourtour d'une s6rie d'entrep6ts remplis de grandesjarres. Le mur ext'rieur de ces magasinsmesure au minimum 2 m. d'6paisseur. Il s'agit donc probablement d'une de ces fortifications circulaires qui semblent typiques de l'6poque achemenide en Asie Centrale, mais qui pourraient, on l'a vu, comporter des antecedents d's le Fer III. Au surplus, la ceramique, brun rouge lissee, derive manifestement de celle du Fer III. Une pointe de fliche de bronze a trois ailettes parait dater du Veme sikcle. La periode suivante (V B) nous a surtout livr6 en abondance des bols en " ceramique sonore " qui sont tres 6videmment d riv6s des formes du Fer IV. Cette ceramique couvre ' la fois la tres breve p6riodehellknistiqueet le debut de l'epoque parthe. Une pointe de fleche de bronze a trois ailettes, d'un type caracteristiquedu IIInme siecle, et un ostrakon arameen (Pl. IId) ont 6t6 d6couvertsc6te a c6te, en meme temps que des vases en " c6ramique sonore " 30) La forteressesassanide (p6riode VI). Toute la fagade nord a maintenant 6t6 d6gagee, avec ses cinq tours, dont deux encadrent la porte d'entree (P1. IIc). Celle-ci 6tait situde a proximit6 de l'angle nord-ouest. Elle semble avoir 6te couverte de poutres de bois, dont cependant aucune trace n'a encore etd reperee. Le decor de briques crues deja signal6 en 1971 se poursuit tout au long des courtines et des tours. Au-dessus de ce decor une seconde rangee de meurtrieresest apparue. Nous nous sommes attaches anouveau a 6tudierla successiondes remaniementsqui ont affect6 la forteresseapr s sa premiere destruction, et notamment le mur d'enceinte septentrional. La porte d'entr6e fut condamnee par un placage de briques crues tres grossier,tandis que la face interne du rempart 6tait reconstruite ou plus vraisemblablementrenforceed'une rangee et demie de briques. A la meme 6poque le rez-de-chauss~e des tours fut comblk et seul le premier 6tage de l'enceinte, correspondanta la seconde rangee de meurtrieres, semble avoir 6t6 utilise. 40) Les niveaux d'epoque islamique. La maison d'6poque VII A, dont la fouille avait commence en recou1973, a a nouveau 6t6 l'objet de nos recherches. Une deuxieme piece a ete dacouverte: elle &tait verte elle aussi d'une 6paisse couche d'incendie. La ceramique, tres abondante, ne comportait aucun tesson a glagure, et la verrerie 6tait totalement absente. Au contraire,les fossesd'dpoqueVII C, en forme de puits cylindriques,qui ont 6t6 creuseesen grand nombre a traversles ruines de la forteresse,nous ont livr6 une quantit6 importante de verreset de vases a glagure (P1. IIe). Enfin, le mur d'enceinte de la r6sidence estivale du Gouverneur de Gorgan au XIXeme siecle (periode IX) a 6t6 degag6 sur toute sa face nord et soigneusementrelev6 avant d'etre d6monte. II parait necessaire,6tant donne les remaniementsimportantsintervenusdans notre stratigraphie,de presenterici un tableau comparatifdes denominationsutilisees en 1973 et de celles qui seront desormais adoptees, et d'apporterpour chaque periode les precisionsindispensablesconcernant le materiel decouvert. Seules les periodes III C a VII C figurent sur ce tableau; les couches III C2, V C et VII B, qui n'ont pas fait l'objet de nos recherches en i975, sont mentionnees entre crochets.
JEAN DESHAYES

UrukVillages theSusianaPlain on From I February to 13 May 1975, a team representing the City University of New York, Hunter College and the Muzeh-e Iran-e Bastn conducted surveysand sondages on three small 4th millennium sites. This work was supportedby National Science Foundation Grant SOC75-o 1224, and was designed to investigate early state organization in this area. The three sites involved are located in the southwestern quadrant of the Susiana. KS (Khuzistan Survey) 34, a I .88 hectare site, is located 5.~ 4 km. southeast of Susa; KS-54, a 2 48 hectare site, is located 3*29 km. northeast of Haft Tepe and KS-76, a 2 62 hectare site, is located 9 42 km. east of Haft Tepe. All three sites appeared to contain easily accessible Uruk deposits of perhaps 3800 to 3100 B.c., appeared to be simple agricultural villages, and had been damaged by recent agro-industrialactivity and were threatened by further destruction.

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A total of some 150 cubic metres of deposit were excavated during the field season. Preliminary project results may be summarized under a number of headings. Relative Chronology: A Middle Uruk-Late Uruk stratigraphywas obtained at KS-54. This Middle Uruk material is of interest in that it had previously been known on the Susiana largely from surface collections. A significant sample of little known Susiana Early Uruk material was also obtained. Local Exchange: The distributionof two varietiesof a centrally produced Early Uruk jar type conforms to an exchange model in which Centre-Village interaction is linearly and inversely related to Centre-Village distance. This suggests that the two Early Uruk centres of the area (Susa and Abu Fanduweh) were of equivalent functional sizes, and that these centres exercised minimal political control over surrounding villages. Evidence for Late Uruk ceramic production in villages alters our view of centralization of ceramic production. Although we estimate per capita ceramic production to have been five to ten times greater in large centres than in villages, such production can no longer be consideredto have been an exclusive large centre function. Social Organization: The presence of major architectural features as well as of presumed scarce and valuable materials such as lapis lazuli and gold in a Late Uruk deposit at KS-54 suggests the unexpected presenceof relatively high status individuals in some "villages". GREGORY A. JOHNSON Teperahya Project This summer we completed our seventh season of the Tepe Yahya Project. The survey programme has been completed as have the major excavations. Although the report which follows is of a preliminary nature, it representsthe last major season of work at Tepe Yahya. Excavations at Tepe Yahya this season concentrated entirely on the third millennium occupation with the additional recoveryof 125 square metresof PeriodsIVA, B, and C. Over the past three seasons it has become evident that our periodization of the third millennium necessitatesfurther refinements. Period IVA represents two major building levels in our major south step-trench and three building levels in our north step-trench. Period IVB should be divided into an upper Period IVB1 and a lower Period IVB,. Period IVB1 is without architecture but has approxiimately 40-80 cm. of deposition. Several surfacesbearing carved chlorite bowls, ceramics, etc. occur wthin this deposit. These surfaces seal the underlying architecture of Period IVB2. Beneath the architecture of IVB2 is the large single structure of Period IVC, which has a totally different alignment. Preliminary analysis suggests a short chronological gap between IVC (c. 3000 B.c.) and IVB2 (c. 2800 B.C.). After this gap there is virtually
continuous occupation to the end of Period IVA (c. 19oo B.c.).

For Period IVC to date we have recovered over 400 square metres of a single building complex. This past summer we recovered ten Proto-Elamite tablets on three different floors within a single room. The tablets on the uppermost floor were far more complex in nature than those on the lower floors. Five other tablets were found in the rooms of this structure. In addition numerous fragmentary and complete bevelled rim bowls, biconical nose-luggedjars, and cylinder sealings were found throughout the complex. A fired ceramic drain was traced for over eleven metres at which point it extended into the sections. A number of elaborate calcite and chlorite bowls were found as well as decorated copperbronze pins and a single spear point. Period IVB2 offered little new over our previous seasons. A single shaft-hole, copper-bronze axe,
however, was recovered from one of the rooms. IVB1 continued to provide a large number of carved chlorite vessels familiar from previous seasons. From Period IVA we recovered two levels of directly superimposed architecture with direct continuity in ceramics and architectural alignments. From the lowest level we recovered two etched carnelian beads and a single " terra-cotta " cake with a square sealing impression of a dancing man reminiscent of those found in the Indus. We now begin our final analysis of materials and the preparation of our final report.
C. C. LAMBERG-KARLOVSKY

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TepeYahya Project:Palaeobotanical Survey Between July 31 and August 23 a general survey of microscopic remains from the Tepe Yahya deposit was undertaken by a water separation technique, similar to that used at Hasanlu in 1974. Although somewhat unsuitable for the coarse texture of the Yahya deposit, I mm. and 2 mm. sieve meshes were adopted in order to guarantee statistical comparability with other samples gathered by us at Shahr-i Sokhta. A total of 8o samples was collected, of which 78 were collected by water separation techniques. Twenty samples were devoid of seeds, a high percentage when compared with other sites sampled in Iran. The samples were from Periods II-VI of the Yahya sequence. This covers one of the longest time spans of palaeobotanical remains presently available on the Iranian Plateau. The topographical conditions around Tepe Yahya are important initial considerations. (The geomorphological situation around Yahya and the results of pollen analysis from the excavations has been completed and waits publication by Dr. Rodman Snead, Dr. Philip Durgin and Dr. Abraham Solomon.) Tepe Yahya lies on the western edge of a watered flat oval plain, the Soghun Valley, where the availability of subsoil water, comparatively high rainfall, and soil structure allow a high and fairly regular agricultural yield within the closed ring of the mountains. Different environmental subsystemsoccur at both eastern and western ends of the Soghun Valley: the higher mountain valleys of Tang-i Mordan and Esfandaqeh in the east and the shallow arid depression of Dolatabad to the west. The drop in altitude among these three areascreatesdistinctiveenvironmentsin each. Floral associationsvary greatly, from the juniper-pistachio-almond at the eastern end of the Valley to tamarisk in the centre of the Dolatabad Valley. SparseHalymodendron Artemisia and halophitic grasslandscharacterizethe gravel fans on the northern and eastern edges of the Dolatabad depression, bringing to four the principle microenvironments involved in the biotopic exchange of the area. More corrrectly we should look at the Soghun Valley as a pivot within a system based on a broad spectrum of natural resourcesin which an economic circuit is the direct result of human land use. From a purely ethnobotanical point of view the effectivenessof such a circuit is best demonstratedby the paleobotanical finds in Period V. From this period botanical remains from all the above mentioned micro-environmentswere recovered: pistachio and juniper nutshellsfrom the highland forestedvalleys; wheat from the Soghun Plain; and barley, Chenopodiaceae grassesand tamariskwood more suited to the drier conditions of the Dolatabad Plain. Given these objective conditions, the reliability of our data from Tepe Yahya had to be completed by ethnobotanical remains from the other areas. No prehistoric sites being presently known from the mountain valleys to the east of Soghun, sampling was limited to the numerousneolithic and chalcolithic mounds surveyed by the Yahya expedition (by Martha Prickett) in the Dolatabad Plain. Samples were gathered from existing erosion faces and one cut section. Site R 37 at the edge of the tameriskswas sampled for Period VI. Site R 12 on the northern gravel fans was sampled for Period V. In general the mound of Yahya is poor in ethnobotanical remains. This is primarily due to the type of deposit which consistsof decayed bricks,super-imposedmud floors, ovens and kilns with debris piled to the side. Limited granulometric tests show a high percentage of the deposit consists of 5 mm. lumps with less than 20% passing through the 2 mm. screen. Such a coarse resulting from decayed khesht texture limits the survival of palaeobotanical remains. The only concentration of seeds was found in storagejars or hoards in room areas. Only for Period VI, characterized in trench D by small storage rooms, were deposits of lighter texturesfound with fair concentrationsof seeds in each sample (5000 cc.). A second more complex cause for the lack of seeds in the Tepe Yahya samplesresultsfrom the specific types of functional areas excavated. The processingof plants, as well as their consumption, would not
be expected in all areas excavated. We suspect this might be particularly true for the steatite-working areas in Period IVB or for the Proto-Elamite building of Period IVC. In both instances, however, grains of cultivated cereals are found exclusively in storage jars. It seems that the circulation of seeds within the community was tightly controlled with only consumption (as opposed to full processing) taking place on the site. This picture changes in Period IVA where there is evidence of wheat and barley throughout the deposit. In this same period we recovered a storage jar from the corner of a room which contained 25 lentils, cereals and wild grasses. The find of lentils is quite significant. The cultivation of pulses is presently restricted to small plots in mountainous areas and is rare in the eastern half of the Iranian

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Plateau. Protein rich cultigens appear to be almost restrictedto cultivated cereals and wild Chenopodiaceaein this area of southeasternIran. The scarcity of finds at Yahya is reversedfor the Dolatabad Plain. Both R 37 and R I2 have high concentrationsof seeds in the eight samples taken. Perhaps the mixed village economy with the absence of the sharply differentiatedactivity functionsfound at Yahya allowed for a more casual distribution of grains and other seeds. Slightly less than a thousand seeds were recoveredfrom Yahya this season. This relatively low number will be integrated with the several hoards of seeds found in past seasons and with the significant materials found in previous flotation attempts. The purpose of our participation in the Yahya Project was to gather a statisticaldistributionof all the plants in the deposit in order to make the site comparable to others and to recover the following items: (I) wild plants uncollected by man but environmentally and (3) significant; (2) seeds from cultivated plants of economic value such as grapes and Cucurbitae; other microscopicremainssignificantfor both environmentand economy such as arthropods,snails, eggshells, and microfaunal bones. As usual this type of researchrequires long painstaking work before a meaningful picture begins to emerge. Neverthelesssome generic statements are possible at this time: I. The evolution of farming in the Soghun Valley is to be identified with changes in the cultivation of wheat. In general there is a progressiveintroduction of bread wheat in Period V and a concomitant abandonment of emmer which is totally predominantin Period VI. This change highlights a progressive control over the species Triticum which takesplace at Yahya in the second half of the fifthmillennium B.C.. The presence of goat's face grass (Aegylops within all samples from Period VI provides further squarrosa) evidence of its role as donor of genome D to tetraploid wheats, producing the hexaploid species through natural crossing. The works of Kihara and McFadden and Sears have already tested the above hypothesis but archaeological evidence is still very limited. The progressive disappearance of emmer and goat's face grass at Yahya during the fourth millennium B.c. can be seen as an indirect consequence of increasing specialization in farming. On the one hand, the hexaploid species substitutesfor the tetraploid one, while on the other, the fields are kept free of intrusive, uselessgrasses. II. Throughout the Yahya sequence wheat is predominantover barley. The ratio of 8:I is unusual when compared with other known sites on the Iranian Plateau and in Central Asia. III. Imported pistachio are found throughout the sequence. IV. Club-rush (Scirpus spp.) and other swamp plants are present in all the prehistoric periods aldecrease slightly in the fourth millennium B.C. though they V. Egg-shells, bird bones, and sweet water fishes are rare in the sequence. Protein was gathered almost entirely from the large mammals. Vegetal protein and fat were limited to cereals and pistachio. A single intact seed of flax was found at R 12 in the Dolatabad section. VI. Grapes are rare. The only reliable pips are from Room 7, the so-called kitchen, in Strata i i of the Proto-Elamite building.
MAURIZIO TosI

Teperahya Project: SoghunValley Survey is located in the southwest corner of the Ioo km.2 Soghun valley. During July and Tepe Yahya August of 1975 an intensive foot survey of this valley was carried out to determine what sort of local settlement patterns were associated with the different periods of occupation on the mound. In this Ioo km.2 area we recorded a total of 21 mounds and 20 surfacesites. In all cases water availability appears to have been a critical factor in the choice of site location. Overall the survey revealed dramatic
changes in the distribution of sites in successive periods and some major fluctuations in the valley's population through time. There were no sites found that definitely could be dated to Yahya Periods VI and VC. Evidently this initial phase of settlement in the valley was restricted to Yahya itself. This absence of sites is in contrast to the situation in the Dolatabad valley immediately to the west, where Martha Prickett has found several substantial Period VI mounds. The first settlements off the mound appear early in the fourth millennium, with a series of surface sites dating to Yahya Periods VB through IVC. All the sites are situated on alluvial gravels or low

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hillocksat the edges of the valley, 6 in the southwestcornerof the valley in the vicinity of Yahya and 2 at the valley's south end near natural springs. Perhaps because of their location on slopes, the sites have eroded badly, leaving only a dense surface scatter of sherds overlying less than 50 cm. of deposit. The largest of these sites covers almost 10 hectares and lies less than a kilometer from Yahya. Among the sherdscollected was a small percentage with white and black paint on red ware. This ceramic type does not appear at all at Yahya and may indicate a period of occupation in the valley between Periods VA and IVC. For Period IVB few sherds and no real sites were found off the mound. The only place IVB sherds appear in any quantity is on the large VB-IVC site mentioned above, where occupation appearsto have continued in a more limited area into this period and where three fragments of unfinished chlorite bowls of IVB style were found on the surface. This apparent low level of local population in a period when chlorite production and foreign trade at Yahya were at their height is most curious. Quite a high density of IVA sherdshas been found in the area immediately around the mound and extending out in most directions up to 500 metres. Nowhere else in the valley, however, were any significant concentrationsof IVA pottery found. It would appear, then, that there was a population buildup in this period but that it was concentrated around Yahya itself. The abandonment of the mound for most of the second millennium B.C.seems to apply also to the valley as a whole. When occupation resumes at the end of the second millennium (Period III), a new demographic pattern has emerged. Now for the first time the central and eastern portions of the valley are settled: here 6 mounds of Period III through I date were recorded, the largest of which is 6 metres high. None of these mounds is over a hectare in extent. The proximity of most of the sites to ancient qanat outlets suggests that this population shift was made possible by the introduction of the qanat. The Islamic period in the valley, from the 9th to 15th centuries A.D.,representsthe era of greatest of pulation density, although by this time Yahya was no longer inhabited. 12 mounds with evidence poIslamic occupation were found in the central portion of the valley, none of them exceeding a hectare. At the south end of the valley lies the Islamic site of Dasht-i Deh, excavated by Andrew Williamson (IranIX (1971), p. 182), and at the valley's far north end was found a sprawling agglomeration of low Islamic mounds covering about 33 hectares and collectively known as Tepe Shir Ali.
THOMAS WIGHT BEALE

Rud-iGushk TepeTahyaProject: Upper Survey A surfacesurvey has been conducted over an area of c. 6oo sq. km. on the upper Rud-i Gushk drainage, southern Kirman Province. The work was carried out under the auspices of the Tepe Yahya ProjectfromJune 1973 toJanuary 1974 and fromJuly to September 1975. Activity was focused between the towns of Dolatabad and Shah Maran, approximately 25 to 60o km. west of Tepe Yahya. The Rud-i Gushk is a major non-perennial river arising from the southern Kirman highlands at elevations as great as 3,300 m. It enters the Dolatabad basin from the north through a wide system of braided seasonal flood channels across a broad alluvial fan. The Dolatabad basin itself is silt and sand covered clay playa surrounded by these aggrading boulder and gravel fans. It is surroundedon three sides by peaks rising over I,ooo m. above the plain. The centre is a broad flat area of more than 15 by Valley. Ecologically the region is semi-arid desert steppe with an estimated annual rainfall c. 150 mm. (Robert Raikes, personal communication). Precipitation occurs predominantly as winter rainfall, although over io% occurs during high-intensitysummer thunderstormsaccompanied by flash flooding.
Air temperatures are generally several degrees centigrade warmer than at Tepe Yahya, and the annual rainfall is approximately I oo to 105 mm. less. However, the ground water supply is supplemented by the size and elevation of the upper catchment area to the north of the basin. One hundred and forty-four sites, varying from surface scatters of under ha. to major mounds of .03 as much as 83 ha. were located within this area. In addition, reconnaissance revealed over twenty sites in adjoining valley systems, although intensive work in these areas was not attempted. The sites have been dated by correlation of surface pottery to that from excavated contexts at Tepe Yahya. Those periods not represented at Yahya are dated by relation to other materials of Kirman 27 km. lying between I02O and Io8o m., which is approximately 450 to 500 m. lower than the Soghun

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and Fars Provinces. Initial analysis of the pottery indicates site components of the following periods: Yahya VI 12 sites; Yahya VB 23 sites; Yahya VA 52 sites; Tal-i Iblis IV (Aliabad) 27 sites; Yahya II 2 sites; Sasanian (predominantlyLate) 40 sites; and Early Islamic through Late Mediaeval
21

sites.

Two discrete, almost mutually exclusive areas and patternsof settlement have been found, separated almost 3,000 years with no discernableoccupation remains. The earlier, prehistoricsettlement of the by 5th and 4th millennia B.C.occurs predominantly in the eastern area of the basin. Survey evidence indicates that this initial occupation begins clusteredon the edge of the silts at the toe of the fan near the Rud-i Gushkdistributarychannels. Here are located a group of seven moundsof Yahya VI and possibly earlier. Among these sites are the largest of the pre-historicmounds. The evidence of carbonized grain and bones of domesticated cattle, sheep, and goat indicate an already well-developed pattern of large agricultural villages. Several of these mounds reveal on the surface the wall lines of the multi-roomed house complexes typical of Yahya VI. Following this period, during the first half of the 4th millennium B.C. (Yahya VB and VA), site locations demonstrate the extension of settlement upstream with the added occupation of the fan itself' in conjunctionwith continued settlement on the fan-toe silts. Although these fan sites are smaller in size, there has been a great increase in total site number, despite the much shorter time span represented. These sites on the fan are related in an area of c. 4 sq. km. to flood irrigation terraces. The relative position of the boulder field-walls of these terraces (some still retaining silt patches) and several probable canals to the mounds and the braided river channels indicates the reliance on river flood waters for agricultural production. Minor testing has demonstrated that the fan area fields were capable of producing the full range of cultigens, including wheat, barley, flax, and pulses (Tosi, personal communication). During the succeeding Tal-i Iblis IV (Aliabad) Period (re-estimated to c. 3,400-3,200 B.C.) only some of the earlier Yahya VA mounds continue with minor occupations. There is a decrease in site number as well as a more generally dispersedpattern. New settlementsoccur on severalpoints of higher elevation and near localized surface water sources along the northern and southeasternfan edges. Although some valley edge locations were utilized during the preceding Yahya VA Period, now, with the decrease in concentrated settlement elsewhere, they become a major element of the total settlement picture. The strong implication from settlement location is that the flood irrigation terrace system was already largely in disuse. By the end of the Tal-i Iblis IV Period (probably with the commencement of Yahya IVC) there is a total disappearanceof occupation in the basin, although it does occur in adjacent valleys to the south and east. Late in the first millennium B.C.a totally new area and pattern of settlement is developed in the western portion of the basin. This re-occupation of the valley in historical times was related to the introduction of new techniques of water supply -with the development of qanattechnology. This is indicated by settlement location far from even the most meagre surface water sources, the linearity of lines. settlement, and occasionally preservedevidence of old qanat Although only two settlements of Yahya II date have been identified, by Late Sasanian times the western area became a major centre of settlement, with towns, villages, farmsteads,hill fortresses,and chahar taqs (the standing ones were reported by Vanden Berghe, Iranica Antiqua The nature and the I). locations of settlement strongly imply substantial administrative supervision and military control. Through mediaeval and modern times this reliance on qanatwater supplies maintained settlement on the valley silts of the western portion of the valley. However, settlement does spread somewhat eastward to tap the entering ground water of the Rud-i Gushk fan. The areas of silts and fan utilized in prehistoric times show no substantive evidence of reoccupation, except with the introduction of diesel pump agriculture on the flat silts within the past twelve years. The forthcoming archaeological analysis is being supplemented by the contributions of Robert Raikes (hydrology), T. J. Wilkinson (geomorphology), Maurizio Tosi (flora), Abraham Solomon (pollens), and Richard Meadow (fauna), to all of whom I am indebted. M. E. PRICKETT

ABBREVIATIONS AASOR AfO AJA AJSL AJ AK AMI ANET AOr Arch Anz AS BA Besch BASOR Belleten BGA Bib Or BMMA BSA BSOAS CAH CIA EI ESA IAE ILN Iranica JA JAOS JEA JHS JNES JRAI JRAS JRCAS KF LAAA MAOG MDAFA MDOG MDP MJ OIC OIP OS PZ RA REI SAA SAOC Sov Arkh SS Survey TT WO WVDOG ZA ZDMG Annual of American Schools of Oriental Research Archiv ffir Orientforschung American Journal of Archaeology American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Antiquaries' Journal Antike Kunst E. E. Herzfeld, Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Archiv Orientilny Archiologischer Anzeiger Anatolian Studies Bulletin van de Vereeniging ... de Antieke Beschaving, Hague Bulletin of American Schools of Oriental Research Tiirk Tarih Kurumu: Belleten Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum Bibliotheca Orientalis Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art Annual of the British School at Athens Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies Cambridge Ancient History Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicorum Encyclopaedia of Islam Eurasia Septentrionalis Antiqua E. E. Herzfeld, Iran in the Ancient East (I941) Illustrated London News Iranica Antiqua Journal Asiatique Journal of American Oriental Society Journal of Egyptian Archaeology Journal of Hellenic Studies Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society Kleinasiatische Forschungen Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, Liverpool Mitteilungen der altorientalischen Gesellschaft Memoires de la Delegation Arch6ologique frangaise en Afghanistan Mitteilungen der deutschen Orientgesellschaft Memoires de la D616gation en Perse Museum Journal, Philadelphia Oriental Institute, Chicago, Communications Oriental Institute, Chicago, Publications Orientalia Suecana Praehistorische Zeitschrift Revue d'Assyriologie Revue des EltudesIslamiques Soviet Anthropology and Archaeology Oriental Institute, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilisation Sovetskaya Arkheologiya Schmidt, H., Heinrich Schliemanns Sammlung trojanischer Altertumer A Survey of Persian Art from Prehistoric Times to the Present, ed. A. U. Pope,
Oxford, 1938

TuirkTarih, Arkeologya ve Etnografya Dergisi Die Welt des Orients Wissenschaftliche Verdffentlichungen der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft Zeitschrift fir Assyriologie Zeitschrift der Deutschen MorgenlaindischenGesellschaft

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