Studies in Indian Grammarians. I. The Method of Description Reflected in The Śivasūtras

Studies in Indian Grammarians. I.
The Method of Description Reflected in the ivastras Author(s): George Cardona Reviewed work(s): Source: Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, Vol. 59, No. 1 (1969), pp. 3-48 Published by: American Philosophical Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1005972 . Accessed: 07/03/2013 06:52
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STUDIES IN INDIAlN GRAMMARIANS I. THE METHOD OF DESCRIPTION REFLECTED IN THE SIVASUTRAS

GEORGE CARDONA
point up problems. Careful attentionto commentatorial statements does not, of course, imply blind the list The subject of this study is the .ivasuitras, acceptance of them all. Where mere clever arguof sounds contained in 14 suitraswhich precedes mentation is involved,as it often is in the Mahabhadya, Panini's corpus of grammatical rules, called the one must recognizeit and come to one's own concluAtiddhyayi. The purpose of the study is to show the sions. Needless to emphasize,theseconclusions must in thes.ivasuitras.This methodofdescription reflected be consonant with the grammaras a whole. It is is both a descriptiveand comparativestudy; descrip- importantto bear in mind that one cannot pick here tive in that I considerin detail the use ofthe sivasfitras and there in Panini's set of rules. One of the most in grammaticalrules; comparative in that the rules importantand impressiveaspects of these rules is in which the s.ivasuitras are used are compared with their cohesiveness;theyare magnificently interrelated, rules of otherIndian treatises. These treatisesare of and the entiregrammaris built up on very general two kinds: those which deal with phoneticclassifica- principles. This is not the occasion to describe the tion and Vedic morphophonemics-thePratitskhyas, organizationof the Astddhyayi, but a few words are and more complete grammarssuch as the Katantra. in order. In accord with his description of Sanskrit, This comparison servesto focuson the methodological Panini's grammar is thematically divisibleintoseveral differencesbetween Panini's description and the main parts. There are, first, ruleswhich the syntactic method of other works. That the comparisonthus serve to derive verbal and nominal formsthrough made is restricted to Indian grammarians-Paniniand affixation conditioned in part by the expressionof others-is purposeful. I do not think we have yet defined syntactico-semantic categories (cf. Cardona, detailed understandingof 1967b.). The application of these rules results, in arrived at a sufficiently Indian grammaticalmethods to make a comparison general, in the derivation of syntactic elements of with Western methods truly useful. Aftersuch an sentences (padas) and in new nominal bases derived understandinghas been attained, it will be both by affixing suffixes called krtto verb roots. Correwelcome and valuable to make comparisons. But I spondingto sententialexpressions, conditioned by the think the comparisons of this kind that have been same syntacticcategorization, and, forthe mostpart, made (e.g. Misra, 1966; Staal, 1967) risk both being alternating withthesentential are derived expressions, superficialand committingthe error alluded to by compounds (samdsa). These compounds constitute Thieme (apud Shefts, 1961: p. X): "Sometimes, I new nominal bases (pratipadika), again subject to think, we Western scholars are apt to be more in- affixation as above to yield sentential elements. terestedin our own theoriesconcerning the Sanskrit Again, the padas derived as above serve as the basis grammarians than in theiractual teachings." forderivingnew nominalbases through the affixation The reader will note that I have omittedany disof elements termed taddhita. And again the tadcussion connectedwiththe questionof the authorship dhitantaderivativescorrespondto sententialexpresof the sivasuitras. That I do not make an effort to sions. To arriveat final forms, then,morphophonemic refutethe view that the .sivasuitras were not composed rules operate. These are of two types: those which by Panini, as several scholars have claimed (Skold, can be fullyorderedin a left to rightordering, and 1926: p. 22, Faddegon, 1929: p. 56, Konow, 1943), is those which cannot be so ordered. And, preceding not the result of mere conviction. I have refrained the corpus of rules, thereare the sivasuitras. Such a from discussingthe questionbecause my discussionof division of the grammar should naturally lead to other points makes it clearer,I ventureto say, than studies of: the syntacticrules,withall theirramificahas yet been shownthat the .sivasutras and the corpus tions; rules of compoundderivation; rules pertaining of rules in which they are used definitely were comto derivationby taddhita affixation; morphophonemic posed in one school. rules; and the sivasuitras and their relation to the In a work such as this I am obviouslyindebted to the Indian commentators on the Astadhyayi and grammar. Strange to say, only one of these studies to Buiskool's excelother works. I think my attitude towards them is has yet been carriedout. I refer equally clear. One cannot help but have greatadmi- lent treatment (Buiskool, 1939) of the ordered rules in 8.2.1 if. A result of this ration forthe eruditionand acumen of commentators morphophonemic such as Patafijali, and their commentshave served lack is that one still reads statementscalling Panini's both to help in understanding the grammarand to worka morphology ofSanskrit, thereby understanding INTRODUCTION 3
CARDONA: STUDIES
IN INDIAN
GRAMMARIANS
[TRANS. AMER. PHIL.
SOC.
that it is somehownot a completegrammarincluding syntax.* There is, then, a need fordetailed studies which will bring out clearly Panini's method and relateit withthat ofotherIndian grammarians as well as withthemethodsofWesternlinguists. The present workis intended as one such study. It willbe followed by a study of Panini's syntacticrules, includingthe kdraka definitions and rules for derivingkrtderivatives; thisstudyis now in preparation. Panini's rules for derivingcompounds are treated in a 1968 Universityof Pennsylvania doctoral dissertationby K. M. Tiwary: Pdnini's description of Sanskritnominal compounds. A study such as this necessarilyowes much to the workof previousscholars. That I frequently cite the work of predecessorsonly to disagree with them is not intendedin a spirit of polemic. I have learned muchfrom theworkofsuchgiantsofPaninianscholarship as Renou and Thieme,and whereI disagreewith themit is partlybecause theirworkhas servedas the basis forfurther insights. It is my pleasant duty also to acknowledge the assistanceofthe AmericanInstituteof Indian Studies, under whose auspices I spent the year 1965-1966 in India studyinggrammaticalworks. I am especially indebtedto Pt. Ambika Prasad Upadhyay ofVaranasi and MAI. K. S. Krishnamurti Sastri of Nfadras.** ?O It will be convenient to set down some of the major definitions and metaruleswhich will be used in later discussions. A. Rules pertaining to the interpretationof abbreviations. The followingrules serve to interpretsounds as markers(it). By [A 1], a nasalized vowel in an element when firstintroducedis termedit. By [A 2], underthe same condition, a finalconsonantis it.
* These statementsalso reflect the view that thereis a division and syntax,a view not ascribable to Panini, between morphology who derives formsas parts of sententialexpressions.Cf. Cardona, 1965b: "It [the Ast(dhyay1] is however a grammar in the sense that it is an attempt, and a very successful one, to formulate maximally concise and consistent rules for the derivation of Sanskrit formsand sentences." Cf. also Cardona, 1967a: p. 35 ftn. 3; 1967b: p. 213 ftn. 19. ** The general conclusionsarrived at in the presentwork were communicated in a paper entitled "Methodology reflectedin Panini's sivasuitras"to the American Oriental Society, meeting in Chicago on April 14, 1965. The work was then set aside while I was in India and while I was engaged in other work. In the interval between the submission of this manuscript (9 March, 1968) and its acceptance for publication (20 May, 1968) two works reached me which deserve mention: G. V. Devasthali, Anubandhas of Panini (Poona, 1967) and B. Van Nooten, "Pauini's replacement technique and the active finite verb," Language 43 (1967 [appeared May, 1968]): pp. 883-902. Devasthali's book does not directly contribute to the arguments presentedin this work. Van Nooten's article deals with some of the rules I have considered in ?4.2. I shall discuss his conclusions, with some of which I disagree, in my Studies in Indian Grammarians,II, now in preparation.
[A 1] upadese'janunatsikait (1.3.2). [A 2] halantyam (1.3.3). [A 2] would allow interpreting sounds as it in cases where this is not desired. The followingprovides thatdental stops (tu,see [A 11]), s, and m,whenthey occur in unitscalled vibhakti (see ?4.2(17)) are not it. [A 3] na vibhaktau tusmdh (1.3.4). Provisionis now made for interpreting initial ni, tu, and du as markers. [A 4] adirntitudavah (1.3.5). For example, the rootskr (e.g. ?3(27) exx.) and pac (e.g. ?4.2 exx.) are listedas dukriiand dupacs. More specifically, the following provideforinterpreting initial consonantsas its when they occur at the beginning of affixes (pratyaya[3.1.1: pratyayah]). [A 5] sah pratyayasya(1.3.6): s. [A 6] cut( (1.3.7): palatal stops (cu) and retroflex stops (tu, see ftn.4). [A 7] lasakvataddhite (1.3.8): l, s, and velar stops (ku), except when they are initials of a subclass of affixes called taddhita(4.1.76: taddhitah). [A 8] tasyalopah (1.3.9). By [A 8] sounds termedit are replaced by lopa; that is ([B 19]), they are immediatelyelided and do not partake of operations. [A 9] svamrupams'abdasyds'abdasamjiid (1.1.68). [A 9] states that,in the grammar, a form denotesonly itselfexcept when it is a name (samjna) of units. Names formedby using its are interpreted by the rules. following [A 10] adirantyena sahetd(1.1.71). [A 11] anuditsavarnasya cdpratyayah (1.1.69). [A 12] taparastatkdlasya (1.1.70). By [A 10] an initial unit togetherwith a final it denotes itselfand all otherintervening units of a list. Cf.Cardona 1965a: pp. 227-228. [A 11] (see ?3(26)) states that, with the exception of sounds which are sounds denoted by an ([A 10]) and terms affixes, containingthe it u (i.e., nasalized u by [A 1]) denote all sounds homogeneous (savarna, see [B 1]) with them. In order to referto short and long vowels specifically, then, [A 12] provides that a vowel followed by t denotes onlyvowels of that timeduration. E.g. at of [B 4] denotes only shorta vowels. B. Otherdefinitions. Sounds are said to be savarna "homogeneous"with each otherif theyare producedby the same articulaat a given point in the mouth. By this tory effort some vowels and consonantswould generaldefinition, be homogeneouswith each other. This is ruled out by definition ([B 2]); see Cardona 1965a: pp. 227-228. [B 1] tulyasyaprayatnam savarnam(1.1.9). [B 2] najjhalau (1.1.10). and guna two rules the termsvrddhi By the following the vowels d ai au and a e o (see denote respectively ?4.5 and ftn.83). [B 3] vrddhirddaic (1. 1.1).
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[B 20] pratyayasya lukslulupac (1.1.61). [B 4] adengunah(1.1.2). The terms hrasva "short," dirgha "long," and pluta Vibhasa denotes optionalness, the meaning of the "extra long" denote vowels of the time durationsof combinedparticlesna va ("not," "or"): [B 21] navetivibhsas (1.1.44). u, ii, and u3 (cf. Cardona 1965a: pp. 236-237): (1.2.27). C. Rules specifically governing grammatical jjhrasvadirghaplutah [B 5] iikdlo' operations. Upadha is a termdenotingthe penultof a unit: The sixth (sasthi) tripletof nominal endings,that upadha (1.1.65). [B 6] alo' ntyatpuirva Given a unit X, after which affixes(pratyaya) are is the genitive,is used to denote that the elementto is the substituendum: ruled in, the unit beginningwith X and followedby whichit is affixed (1.1.49). [C 1] sasthtsthdneyoga is termedanga: those affixes pratyaye' ngam Given a choice of substitutes,that one occurs which [B 7] yasmatpratyayavidhistadddi to the substituendum: is mostproximate(antarratama) (1.4.13). [C 2] sthdne' ntaratamac(1.1.50). Pada denotes a unit ending in one of the nominal in a rule of [C 13]) denoted by sup or When itemsof a subsequentenumeration affixes (or its replacement, as itemspreviously have thesame number denoted by tiii (see ?4.2(12)): replacement one of theverbal affixes enumeratedin the rule,theyare relatedin order: padam (1.4.14). [B 8] suptinantam [C 3] yathdsamkhyamanudesah samanam (1.3.10). Sarvandmasthana denotes: si, the replacementof jas ; the Items stated in the locative and ablative cases reangas (6.4.1 anagasya) neuter and sas (7.1.20) after tasmdt, cf. ?4.5 withftn.32) denote five nominal endingsdenoted by sut (i.e., su, au, jas, spectively(tasmin, whichreplacements occur: whichand after bases (see Cardona, itemsbefore non-neuter after am,aut) occurring [C 4] tasminnitinirdiste puirvasya (1.1.66). 1967a: pp. 42-43): (1.1.67). [C 5] tasmddityuttarasya (1.1.42). [B 9] si sarvanaimasthanam Replacementsstated foritemsto the left ([C 4]) and [B 10] sudanapumsakasya(1.1.43). affectthe last and to units followedby the affixes to the right ([C 5]) respectively Now pada also refers initialsound of the itemsstated: su etc. whichare not sarvan2masthana: [C 6] alo' ntyasya(1.1.52). (1.4.17). By inter[B 11] sv&dipasarvanamasthane [C 7] adeh parasya (1.1.54). su etc. are thoseruledin by rules the affixes pretation, 4.1.2 (svaujasamaut...) through 5.4.151; cf. Sid- However, a polyphonicitem or one marked with s dhdntakaumudt 230, Bh. ad 4.1.158 vt. 2, 4.3.120 vt. 9, replaces the entiresubstituendum: [C 8] anekals'itsarvasya (1.1.55). 5.2.51 vt. 2, and Bdlamanoramaad Siddhantakaumudi dirgha, and pluta ([B 5]) by [B 11], a unitis The unitsdenotedby hrasva, specified 1079. In theenvironments affixbegins with y or a replace only vowels: termedbha if the following [C 9] acasca (1.2.28). vowel: A sound denoted by an (?3(6)) replacingr is followed [B 12] yaci bham (1.4.18). Bases after which nominal affixesare ruled in are by r: [C 10] urauzraparah. (1.1.51). unitother as "a meaningful called pratipadika, defined If the substituendum is not specified, guna and vrddhi than a root or an affix": pratipadikam ([B 4, 3]) replace only sounds denoted by ik: [B 13] arthavadadh&turapratyayah [C 11] iko gunavrddhi (1.1.3). (1.2.45). condition guna or vrddhi whichwould otherwise afterverb rootsotherthan Affixes ruledin by 3.1.96 ff. Affixes replacementdo not do so if they are marked with denoted by tifn (?4.2(12)) are called krt: the affixes k or n : [B 14] krdatiin (3.1.93 [dhatoh3.1.91]). [C 12] knhiti ca (na 1.1.4) (1.1.5). and also units ending in Units ending in krtaffixes taddhita,as well as compounds are also classed as A replacement (ddesa) is treated like the substituendum (sthanin) with respect to operations other pratipadika: than those which would be conditioned by a sound [B 15] krttaddhitasamdsasca (1.2.46). The items listed in the dhdtupatha, beginningwith whichhas been replaced: [C 13] sthanivaddde?o'nalvidhau (1.1.56). bhui ("be") are called dhatu "verb root": Whenan affix has been deleted ([B 20]), the resultant [B 16] bhuivadayo dhatavah(1.3.1). as Sarvadhatuka refers to the affixesdenoted by tin sequence is treated, with respect to operations, were present: markedwith s: thoughthe affix (?4.2(12)) and post-radicalaffixes [C 14] pratyayalope pratyayalakcanam (1.1.62). [B 17] tiins'its&rvadhatukam (3.4.113). An operationstated fora unit X which is a qualifier are called drdhadhatuka: Other post-radicalaffixes of anotherunit applies to the unit endingin X: [B 18] ardhadhatukam 'efa4 (3.4.114). [C 15] yena vidhistadantasya (1.1.72). Lopa denotes zero (adarsana, lit. "invisibility"); zero referred to by are specifically replacementsof affixes D. Rules governingplacement of elements and the termsluk, slu, lup: over of rulesor partsof rulesintosubsequent carrying rules. [B 19] adars'anamlopac (1.1.60).
CARDONA: STUDIES
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[TRANS. AMER. PHIL.
SOC.
Items marked with t and k respectivelyare the anubandhasby Paniniyas) the list is: initial and finalelementsof the units forwhich they a i u r I are ruled in: e o [D 1] adyantautakitau(1.1.46). ai au An item marked with m occurs after the last vowel h y v r I of the elementforwhichit is ruled in: n m A n n [D 2] midaco'ntydtpara1 (1.1.47). jh bh gh dh dh A svaritaserves to mark an elementas an adhikdra, j b g d that is, as an element which is to be consideredas kh ph ch th th in subsequentrules: occurring c t t k p [D 3] svaritenddhikdrah (1.3.11). See Cardona, s s s 1968. h In the following, a sequence endingin or beginning with a boldface letter is to be interpreted by Let this list be called L-Pdnini. Its major sub[A 1-8, 10]; e.g. an, jas. The use of a micron(e.g. a) divisionsare: or a macron (e.g. 2) over independentsounds refers A. S(1)-(4): Vowels implicitly to [A 12]. In substitution rules,formulas A 1. S(1)-(2): Simple vowels of the following typesare used: A2. S(3)-(4): Complex vowels [a -> b] c: "b fora beforec" c [a -> b]: "b fora afterc" B. S(5)-(14): Consonants in which a is the sthdnin([C 1]), b the ddesa, and c B1. S(5)- (6): Semivowels the context,eitherleft ([C 5]) or right ([C 4]); see B2. S(7)-(12): Stops Staal, 1965; Cardona, 1965b. Implicit referenceis B3. S(13)-(14): Spirants made to [C 6-8] by saying that an elementreplaces B2a. S(8)-(10): Voiced Stops the final,initial,or all of a unit; to [C 3] by use of B2b. S(11)-(12): VoicelessStops "respectively"; to [C 15] by saying an operation B2C S(7): Nasals and to [D 3] by affects a unit "endingin" something; the use of "carries over" or an equivalent phrase. ?1.1. formulas of the types When convenient, d [c[a -> b]: "b fora afterc precededby d" In the Prdtis'dkhyas and the Katantra,whose state[a -> b]c] d: "b fora beforec followed by d" ments correspond closely to those of the former will be used, in which the extreme left and right treatises,'similardivisionsare made. match the Sanskritwordspuirva bracketsrespectively and para. A:B These conventions will obviously require a con(1) RPr. 1.3: ete svarda "These (sounds given in siderable amount of cross reference fromthe reader. 1.1-2 [below (3)-(4)]) are termed vowels." Cf. However, this is only a bit of memory workwhich is Uvata ad loc.: ete ... svarasamjfdveditavydO "These requiredof everystudentof Indian grammar. are to be knownas having the termsvara applied to them." In the following I omit "termed," which is ?1. to be understoodin the translations. Pan.ini's corpus of rules (the A stadhydyi)is pre'Sayana, ad Aitareya Aranyaka 2.2.4, cites Kat. 1.1.9 (below ceded by a list of sounds divided into fourteen parts (2)) for the use of vyaijana, which occurs in the Aranyaka commonly called the sivasitras or mdhes'varasuitras passage. He contraststhis with the use of hal, calling vyanijana after the tradition according to which these suitras a srautasamjnia. As will be noted below (?1.2), vt. 6 ad S(3)-(4) were revealed to Panini by the lord Siva. Each of uses the term samanaksara (see below (3)) instead of Panini's the fourteen sections ends with a consonantal it ak. Kaiyata (Pradipa 1.85), commentingon this, states that samana is a term of ancient teachers and cites Kat. 1.1.3 (below ([A 2]). These suitras are: (1) aiun (2) rlk (3) eonft(4) aiauc (5) hyvrt (6) In (7) n m tnnm (8) jhbhii (9) ghdhdhs (10) jbgdds- (11) khphchththc(tv (12) kp y (13) s' s r (14) hI to in subsequentdiscussionsby These will be referred numerals enclosed in parenthesesand preceded by "S"; e.g. S(1). In tabular formand without the its (also called
(3)): samanasabdena puirvacaryanirdes'adako' bhidhiyante/daga samand iti vacanat. Nagesa ( Uddyota 1.85) specifies which vowels these are: a a i i u uir r I I dasa samana iti puirvavyakaranavacanat. Though Katyayana uses terms such as svara (see ?1.2), he also uses the Paninian terms; e.g., in 1.1.50 vt. 10 he uses ac after using vyanijanain vt. 9; ak occurs in 1.1.65 vt. 5. I cannot agree with Misra (1966: p. 25), who says that Katyayana's use of sz'ara etc. "shows that Katyana could not understand properly the real significance of the definitional termsof Panini...." On the contrary,he was conversant with Paninian terminologyand was also aware that terms such as svara and ac were equivalent.
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TPr. 1.5: sodas'ditahz "The sixteen sounds savaralh fromthe beginning(of the list called varnasamamnaya in 1.1) are vowels." Kit. 1.1.2: tatracaturdasadausvara4 "The fourteen sounds at the beginning (of the siddha varnasamamnaya'establishedsound list' [1.1.1]) are vowels."2 (2) RPr. 1.6: sarvaz s'eso vyanjananyeva"All the rest (otherthan vowels and anusvara,whichby 1.5 is termed either a vowel or a consonant) are only consonants." TPr. 1.6: s'esovyanjanani "The rest (cf. 1.5, above (1)) are consonants." "k etc. are conKat. 1.1.9: k&ddnivyan~jana-ni sonants." VPr. 1.47: vyanfjanam kadi "k etc. are consonants."
TPr. 1.2: atha nav&dita4 samanak.arani "The nine sounds at the beginning are simplevowels." Kat. 1.1.3: dasa samandhz "Ten (of the fourteen sounds called svara by 1.1.2 [above (1)] are simple vowels." See ftn.2. (4) RPr. 1.2: tatascatvari samdhyaksaran.zyuttaradini "The next fourare complexvowels." VPr. 1.45: samdhyaksaram param "The succeeding (vowels) are complexvowels." Kat. 1.1.8: ekaraddni sandhyaksarani"e etc. (ai, o, au) are complexvowels." B1, B2, B3
(5) RPr. 1.7: tesamadya "The first sparsahd of them (the consonants[1.6, above (2)]) are stops." TPr. 1.7: adyah pancavimsrati sparsahd "The first twenty-five (consonants[1.6, above (2)]) are stops." Aj:A2 (6) RPr. 1.9: catasro'ntasthastatah "The next four "The sounds (after the stops [1.7, above (3) RPr. 1.1: astau samdndksardnyaditah. (5)]) are semiare simplevowels." eightsounds at the beginning vowels." VPr. 1.44 also assigns only eight vowels to the TPr. 1.8: parascatasro' ntasthah"The next four simple vowel class but uses the term sim instead of (cf. 1.7 [above (5)]) are semivowels." "The first samanaksara: simadito'stau svardndm eight Kat. 1.1.14: antahstha yaralavah"y, r, 1, and v are of the vowels are termedsim." semivowels." (7) RPr. 1.10: uttare'sta umaimnah "The next eight 2 The fourteenvowels meant by Kat. 1.1.2 are the ten simple are spirants." vowels (below (3)) noted in ftn. 1 and the complex vowels TPr. 1.9: pare saduismanah "The following six are e ai o au, in that order according to Durgasimha. The inclusion spirants." of I is artificial,since I occurs only short and extra long (correct Kat. 1.1.15: ismanah sasasaha1h "s, ~, s, and h are Cardona, 1965a: p. 236 to read "1 occurs only short and extra
long" and see below ?6.5). RPr. and VPr. include only twelve ordered r r, differently vowels: eight simple vowels (a d i i u fu in RPr.; see ftn. 9 and ?4.1) and the complex vowels (see below (4)). TPr. includes nine simple vowels (see below (3)); these are, as the Tribha.yaratna notes ad TPr. 1.2, the short, long, and extra long varieties of a i u. Since TPr. 1.5 applies the term svara to the firstsixteen sounds of its list (see (1)), the vowels are (cf. Tribhdsyaratnaad TPr. 1.1) r r I e ai o au. Another list including pluta vowels appears in the eighth chapter of VPr. (8.1-3). However, as noted by Weber (1858: ad VPr. 1.44, cf. Whitney, 1871: p. 10 [ad TPr. 1.1]), this chapter is a later addition to the work. The omission of I fromthe listingof RPr. and VPr. is justified (see below ?6.5). The inclusion of pluta formsand the exclusion of ( fromthe simple vowels by TPr. is explainable as an innovation of this relatively late work (cf. Varma, 1929: pp. 23f.; Thieme, 1935: p. 103). Thieme (loc. cit.) claims that r and ( are excluded fromthe sam2naksara in TPr. "in order to let it appear justifiablethat they are placed afteru." This does not seem cogent. The Mundaka Upaniyad (1.1.5) already lists s'iksa "science of phonetics" and vyakarana "grammar" as two of the six veddagas. Depending on different phonetic and grammatical criteria, it is clear that different orderingsof the vowels were possible (see ?4.1), and among these was the order a i u r I used by Panini. This order would need especially if one agrees with Thieme that no special justification, TPr. is post-Paninian, since the order would then have the sanction of the great grammarian. More probably, as TPr. includes pluta vowels and thus gives more an enumeration of are phonetic units than just a list of vowels whose modifications to be stated in rules (see ??6.3,4), so the exclusion of r (and similarlyof 1) is the result of the phonetic observation that r is, strictlyspeaking, a samdhyaksara. APr. 1.37, RPr. 13.34, and VPr. 4.146 describe r as containing r in addition to vocality; this is assumed also by Patafijali ad 8.4.1 (Bh. III.452.5) and in his discussion of 8.2.18 (see ftn. 88).
The twenty-five stops (above (5)) are arrangedinto fivegroupsof fivemembers, called vargas: (8) RPr. 1.8: paiica te pantcavargah "They (the stops [1.7, above (5)]) consist of five five-member groupstermedvargas." TPr. 1.10: spars'anamanupiirvyena pancapanca vargah "The sequential groupingsof the stops into five are called vargas." Kdt. 1.1.10: te vargahpanca paiica panica "They (k etc. of 1.1.9 [above (2)]), five by five, form five groupscalled vargas." The five vargasare orderedaccording to positions of articulation (sthana): velar (kanthya), palatal (talavya),retroflex dental (dantya),and (muirdhanya), labial (osthya).4 Within each varga, the sounds are
3 The eight spirants of RPr. 1.10 are (cf. Uvata ad loc.); h 's saW h k>p m.. On the orderingof h before s see ?4.1; on the reasons for including h ' k ,, p in the sound list see ?6.4 and ftn. 85. Other Pratis'dkhyas do not include anusvara (mn) in the spirant class, and TPr. excludes k from the spirant list. VPr. does not give precise informationregarding its list of spirants except in the eighthchapter,which cannot be consideredauthoritative (see ftn. 2); nor is it possible to determineexactly which spirants were included in the APr. listing (see Whitney, 1862: p. 30 [ad APr. 1.31]). The terms visarjaniya, jihvamiiliya, upadhmaniya, and anusvara respectively are assigned to k, vk, -p, and m by Kat. 1.1.16-9. 4 I use the terms "velar" and "retroflex"instead of the more literal "throat sound" and "cacuminal" for kanthya and muirdhanya.
spirants."3
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arranged according to their secondary features are said to be savarna "homogeneous" one with the "external other7: (anupraddna,also knownas bdhyaprayatna "Two (15) TPr. 1.3: dve dve savarne hrasvadirghe 1:. voiceless (aghosa) unaspirated (alpra.effort")5: prdna, anisman), 2. voiceless aspirated (mahdprana, by two,the shortand long (simplevowels, 1.2 [above "8 sosman), 3. voiced (ghosavat)unaspirated,4. voiced (3) ]) are savarna. Kat. 1.1.4: tesdm dvau dvavanyonyasya savarnau aspirated, and 5. nasal (anundsika). The terms to "The membersof each pair (of simple vowels, 1.1.3 aghosa and ghosavatare used also with reference other consonants-the former with reference to [above (3)]) are savarnaof each other." Vowels other than the a-vowels are split offand spirants other than h, the latter with referenceto name: semivowels and h-but not of vowels. Thus, the given a specific (16) RPr. 1.65: rkdrddayo dasca ndminah savardh velars come firstin the order of consonantsand are with r are namin."9 "The ten vowels beginning ordered:k khg ghfn. to either ndmi"Vowels, withthe Kat. 1.1.7: svaro'varnavarjo The membersof each varga are referred exceptionof a-vowels,are namin." by usingnumbersor by phoneticterms: but it uses The VPr. makes the same distinction, (9) TPr. 1.11: prathamadvitiyatrtiyacaturthottamda "(Within each varga[1.10, above (8)] the sounds are the term bhdvin,1.46: akanthyobhdvt"Non-velar and ,(vowels, 1.44 [above (3)]) are bhavin." second, third,fourth, sequentiallytermed) first, We can now rewritethe chart showingthe major last." aghosdh subdivisionsof L-Pdnini (?1, end) to show the correTPr. 1.12: ismavisarjaniyaprathamadvitiyd and second spondences between Panini's terminology visarjaniya(i), and the first "The spirants, using pradiscussed tyahdras (by [A 2, 10]) and the terminology (stops) are termedvoiceless." "h is not (voiceless)." in ?1.1; numbers in parenthesesare to subsections TPr. 1.13: na hakdrak "The last of ?1.1. RPr. 1.11: antyd6 sapta tesdmaghosad seven of them (the spirants, 1.10 [above (7) with A. ac: svara (1) ftn.3]) are voiceless." A. ak: samdndksara (3) "And RPr. 1.12: vargevargeca prathamavaghosau ec: samdhyaksara (4) A2. two are voiceless."6 in each vargathe first hal: vyancjana B. (2) Sasasdsscdprathamadvitiydh Kdt. 1.1.11: vargdndm B1. yan: anta6stha(6) ghosdh"The firstand second sounds of each of the B2. *niay:sparsa (5) vargasas well as s, s, and s are voiceless." sal: usman (7) B3. ghosavan"The rest of (10) TPr. 1.14: vyanjanas'eso (9) B2a. jhas: trtiyacaturtha the consonantsare voiced." (9) B2b. khay: prathamadvitiya nye "The other (members Kdt. 1.1.12: ghosavanto' B2e. nam: paiicama (9) of the consonantclass) are voiced." (11) RPr. 1.13: yugmausosmanau" (In each varga) ?1.2. [1.12, above (9)] the even sounds are aspirated." The classificationsand terminology described in (12) RPr. 1.14: anunasiko' ntyah"(In each varga) Aitareya pre-Paninian. In the ?1.1 are clearly the last sound is nasal.9" in course of the equivaderiving mystical Aranyaka, Kat. 1.1.13: anundsika fiahananamd4"n,fn, fin, n, is made betweenvyan-jana and lences, the distinction and m are nasals." and also svara antastha, among svara, spars'a, (2.2.4) The simple vowels (samanaksara, above (3)) are see Varma, 1929: p. 3. This terminology and uisman; listed in pairs: short and long (e.g. a a), respectively as shown is also used by post-Paniniangrammarians, termedhrasvaand dirgha: by its use in the Kdtantra (see ftn. 1).1o Paninlyas svardndm (13) RPr. 1.17: oj& hrasvd4saptamdntd4 7 VPr. 1.43 definessavarna more broadly, in a way equivalent "The odd numberedvowels up to and includingthe to Paniini's [B 1]; RPr. 1.55 uses the term savarna with specific seventh (r, see ftn.2) are short." to the vowels; see below ?6 and Cardona, 1965a: p. 232. reference Kat. 1.1.5: puirvo hrasva6"The first(vowel of each 8 Recall that TPr. includes pluta vowels in its listing (see pair [1.1.4, below (15)]) is short." ftn. 2). 9 The vowels are: r r i i u fu e o ai au; on the order, see below "The other (vowels) (14) RPr. 1.18: anye dirghJ4 ?4.1. are long." 10Cf. also Hem. 1.1.4: audantah svardh"The sounds throughau Kdt. 1.1.6: paro dirgha4"The subsequent (vowel of are called vowels"; 1.1.5: ekadvitrimatrahrasvadirghaplutdh each pair) is long." "(Vowels) of one, two,and threemorae are called hrasva('short'), The short and long membersof each vowel pair dlrgha ('long'), and pluta ('extra long')"; 1.1.6: anavarna naml
see below 5 On the internaland external (extra-buccal) efforts, ?1.2 and Allen, 1953: p. 22, Cardona, 1965a pp. 225-226. as 6 The remainingsounds are, by exception, termed ghosavat, noted by Uvata ad RPr. 1.12. "Those other than a-vowels are called namin"; 1.1.7: 1dantda samanah "(The vowels) through 1 are called samana"; 1.1.8: e ai o au samdhyaksaram.... are called samdhyaksara"; 1.1.10: kddirvyanjanam"K etc. are called vyanijana"; 1.1.12: paficako varga4 "A quintuplet (of stops) is called varga"; 1.1.13:
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in addition to the abbreviaalso use this terminology afforded by Panini's praty2h2ras. tional terminology For example, Patanijali uses svara instead of ac in his instead discussion of 1.1.10 (1.64.8) and svarasamdhi of acsamdhi (ad 1.1.11 [I.66.6, 10, 22]). Katyayana uses vyanjanainsteadof hal in vt. 1 ad 1.1.3 (1.42.27). On several occasions Katyayana uses sam2n2ksara instead of ak (vt. 6 ad S(3)-(4) [1.24.1], vt. 3 ad 2.2.34 [I.436.15], vt. 2 ad 3.1.8 [II.19.21]) and samdhyaksara instead of ec (vts. 1, 6, 10 ad S(3)-(4) [1.22.4, 24.1, 25.13], vt. 1 ad 1.1.3 [I.42.27], vt. 3 ad 5.2.83 [II.425.20]). On occasion Patafijali also instead of yan (ad S(5) [1.33.5], 1.1.10 uses antahstha [1.64.8]), sparsa instead of *nay (or possiblyjhay) (ad 1.1.10 [I.64.7], similarly Katyayana vt. 7 ad 1.4.109 [I.355.16]), and usman instead of sal (ad 1.1.10 [E.64.8]). Compare also Patanijali'sstatements in his commentaryon 1.1.9 (1.61.16-9): varg2n2m aghos2h/ sv2s2nuprad2nd prathamadvitiya vivrtakanthdh4 samtrtKyacaturthJhz eke' lprapr2n2apare mah2pr2n2/ eke' lpaprana ghosavantah/ vrtakan(ha naddnupradand pacam2 anunayathdtrtiydstathda apare mahdprdn24 gunahz"The tes2madhiko sikyavarjam/dnundsikyam
firstand second (stops) of the vargasare articulated with open glottis (lit. 'throat')," have the secondary feature of breath, and are voiceless; some are unaspirated, others aspirated. The third and fourth (stops) are articulated with closed glottis,have the secondary featureof voiced breath, and are voiced; some are unaspirated, others aspirated. The fifth (stops) are like the third except for nasality; they have the additional feature of nasality." See also vt. 3 ad 8.4.48, below, ftn.31. It is clear, then, that the major subdivisions of L-Panini reflect a classification of sounds whichmust be consideredpre-Paninian, and that pratyaharas denotingthe membersof these major subdivisions(e.g. ac, hal) are the equivalentsof pre-Paninian termssuch as svara and vyanfjana, whichcontinuedto be used by post-PaniniangrammariansincludingPaniniyas. ?1.3. The following listsshow the pratyah2ra subdivisions of L-Panini together withthe alternativeterminology noted in ??1.1-1.2. The numeralsaccompanyingthe pratyaharas refer to the subsectionsof ?3.
(1) a1 (varna,see ?3(1)) (2) ac (svara) (3) hal (vyanijana) (4) ak (samanaksara) (5) ec (samdhyaksara) (12) yan (antahstha) (6) an (7) ik (8) uk (9) ei (10) aic Mixed group: (11) ic(namin) *njay(sparsa) (13) sal (uiman) (15) may (sparsa less n) (16) jhay (niranundsika sparsa) (17) -ham (18) jhas (trtiyacaturtha)(19) khay (prathamadvitiya) (20) jhas (caturtha) (21) jas (trttya) (22) bhas (23) bas (24) chav Mixed Groupings Vowelsand consonants (25) (26) (27) (28) (29) (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) (35) (36) (37) as (svara and ghosavat) an (svara and antahstha) in (naminand antahstha) less 1) at (svara and antahstha am (svara,h, panicama) stopsand spirants Semivowels, has (ghosavat) sparsa, aghosa usman) yar (antahstha, less y, sparsa, usman) val (antahstha ral (r, 1,sparsa, uiman) and stops Semivowels sparsa) yay (antahstha, panicama, yaii (antahstha, jh, bh) panicama) yam (antahstha, less y, trtiya,caturtha) vas (antahstha Nonnasal stoPsand spirants (38) (39) (40) (41)
*nam (paficama)'2 (14) s'ar (aghosa uiman)
jhal (niranunasikasparsa, fiman) jhar (niranun2sikaspars'a,aghosa uiman) khar (prathama, dvitiya, aghosa usman) car (prathama, aghosa usman) trtiya, ?2.
The introductory chapter of the Mahabhasya (the paspasa) takes up the reasonsforteachingthe sounds as listedin the Sivasitras.' Let us considerfirst a reason suggested only to be ultimately rejected. Bh. 1.13.13: i4(abuddhyarthasca (varnanamupadedah) " (The teachingof the sounds) also has the purpose of bringOn kan(ha see Allen, 1953: p. 34. Panini does not use a pratyahdra*nam. Instead he uses the termanundsika,whichdenotes both nasal vowels and consonants. Anundsika equivalent to *nam is used in 6.4.15, 19, 41; 8.4.45 Anunasika denotes vowels in 1.1.8 (?3.2(1)), 1.3.2 (?3(31a)).
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a), to the preverb ([A 1]), 6.1.126 (here only with reference of 8.3.2, 4 (?3(24a, b)), and 8.4.57 (?3(6c)). See in particular and second (members "The first ddyadvitiyasa'asd aghosdh s, s, and s are calledaghosa"; 1.1.14:anyoghosavin ?3.2(1). each varga), "Now, whatis varttdndmupadeSa1i "Other (consonants) are called ghosavat"; 1.1.15: yaralava1 13 Bh. 1.13.1:athakimartho thesounds?" ofteaching thepurpose "y,r,1,and v are calledantastha." antastha4
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by Nage?a (loc. cit.), namely that by samudaya "whole" is meant Cf. Pradipa 1.48: sati hyupadese kal&didoEarahita ye varnd sequences of garga, etc. and the suffixyafi (etatprakrtikayaprayoktavya ityuktambhavati"Since the sounds iiantasamudayanam). The listingof garga, etc. would then have nirdiLtastathaiva (caritartha)in establishingthe correctnessof are taught, this amounts to saying, 'The sounds which are stated its purpose fulfilled devoid of faults such as kala are to be used thus and only thus such derivatives,hence would not have the purposeof suppressing incorrect pronunciations. This interpretationlinks (B1) more (i.e., without these faults).' " On kala see ftn. 22. 15 Pradipa 1.48 takes this objection to imply that the suitras directlywith (C). 18 Bh. 1.14.2-3: evamtarhyastadasadha bhinnamnivrttakalddikawererecitedwitha uniform pitch (ekasruti): ekafruty& hi suitranam vaksyami "Then I shall state the rekartavyaityaha i~tabuddhya- mavarnasya pratyapattim pathatsarvesamudattadinamupadesah rthasceti cediti"Reasoning that, since the sfitras are recited with introductionof eighteen varieties of the a-vowel, with the faults a uniformpitch, all the (differently accented vowels including) kala, etc. suppressed." As Kaiyata notes (Pradipa 1.50), a is only used as an example; all the vowels will thus be reintroduced, udatta, etc. have to be taught, (the varttikakara says) "itabudcet,'" A full discussion of whetherPanini recited as will be other sounds: akarasya nidarsanarthatvatsarvavarnandm dhyarthasceti his siutras observingall the pitch variations for which he formu- Sdstrante pratyapattirityarthah. 19Bh. 1.14.3: sa tarhivaktavya"Then it (the reintroduction of lated rules is beyond the scope of the presentstudy. Note that, though Kaiyata maintains the ekasrutiview here and elsewhere all sounds) has to be stated." Uddyota1.50: tathaca pratyapattyasrayanegauravam "And thus there is prolixityin resortingto (e.g. Pradipa IV.279 [ad 6.1.1]) and Katyayana (vt. 4 ad 6.4.174) claims that the item aikEvaka in rule 6.4.174 is given by Painiini reintroduction." 20 Bh. 1.14.4: lingartha tu pratyapattih (of "The reintroduction on pbh. 109 with no pitchdistinctions, Nage?a, in his commentary (Paribh&sendusekhara189) maintains that one cannot say the correctly pronounced sounds), however, has the purpose of pronouncedsounds be used as) markers." (letting the incorrectly was so recited; cf. Thieme, 1935: p. 123. entireAstadhy&yi 16 Cf. Pradipa 1.49: upatto'pi viSeEo 'thavaitayadyapyetaducyate n&ntariyakatv&djjtipradh&n- Bh. 1.14.5-7: tattarhivaktavyam/ ca na vaktavya noccaryamitsamnjna na vivakEyate "Though a particular is pronounced, rhyanekamanubandhasatam yavivaks&y&m because it is indispensible,since the generic type is intended, it lopasca na vaktavyah/ yadanubandhaih kriyate tatkal&dibhiW (the particular) is not intended." That is, the varttikastates kari.yate "Then that has to be state (i.e., the markingwith kala that only a particular sound is capable of being articulated, etc. has to be effected). Though this is stated, nevertheless,in hence that is what Paiini states; but what is intended thereby this case, hundreds of anubandhas need not be pronounced,one need not defineit ([A 1-7]) or state its deletion ([A 8]). What is the teaching of the sound type. 1' According to Kaiyata (Pradipa 1.50), the listing of garga is done with anubandhas will be done with kala etc." 21 See ?4.2(13) forthe termatmanepada. etc. would establish only the correctnessof the items as stated, 22 Kala is a not of the derivatives gargyaetc., containing the suffix yafi (by faulty pronunciationconsisting in articulating a 4.1.105). By correctness(sadhutva),says Nagesa ( Uddyota1.50), sound at a point of articulation other than the proper one;
14
ing to mindthe correct sounds."''4 The following dis(B2) A suggestion is now made to overcome all cussion ensues. objections. At the end of his corpus of rules,Panini (A) Objection. Vt. 17: istabuddhyartha?ceti a a iti. cedu- states (8.4.68, the last rule of the Ast2dhyayv) a in its accepted value, that is, dattanudattasvaritanunasikadirghaplutanamapyupa-This rule reintroduces desah"If one says, '(The teaching ofthesounds) is also as a closed (samvrta)vowel, afterartificially treating in the restof the grammarin order intendedforbringing to mindthecorrect sounds,' then it as open (vivrta) one should also teach (by listing) udatta, anudatta, that a be savarnawithothera vowels (long d withall svarita, nasalized, long, and extra long vowels." its varieties as well as extra long a3) by [B 1] and "For," says Patanijali (1.13.18), "sounds with these denote all a vowels by [A 11]. Similarly, one might othersounds at the end of the gramqualities are also desired." (evamgunaapi hi varna now reintroduce mar in orderto eliminatethe faultysounds included iuyante)l5 (B) Objection (A) is countered. The sivasiitras in thedenotata of thesound types (above (Al)).'8 ofa teach sound types. Bh. I. 13.19-20: akrtyupadesdtsid- This wouldofcoursenecessitatetheformulation dhametat/ avarndkrtirupadist2 sarvamavarnakulam gra- whole series of new rules, a prolixitywhich is to be hisyati/tathevarnakrti6/ "This is in avoided.'9 The Bhasya here makes a novel suggestathovarndkrti4l of sounds which has been order,since what is taught is the type. The sound tion. The reintroduction type a whichis taughtwill encompass in its reference suggested will now have the advantage of making the whole a-sound family. Similarlyforthe i-sound available withinthe grammar all the faultypronuncitypeand the u-soundtype."'6 markers.20 For exations for use as metalinguistic (A1) Objection. Under (B) we should have to ample, in orderto show that a root (dhdtu)is one of make provisionforrulingout faulty, hence undesired, thosewithwhichoccurtheendingscalled dtmanepada2' pronunciations such as the close (samvrta) articulation Panini lists (in the appendix called dhdtupdtha) conof e; vt. 18: dkrtyupades'dtsiddhamiticetsamvrtddindm sonant-finalroots with a final nasalized anuddtta rootsare vowel, which by [A 1] is an it. Vowel-final pratisedha4 (B1) Objection (A1) is countered(Bh. 1.13.27-14.1). listedwitha finalA whichis it by [A 2]. Panini then In lists of nominalbases (ganas) such as bidddi "bida formulates a rule (1.3.12) anuddttanita dtmanepadam etc." (for4.1.104), gargddi"garga etc." (for4.1.105), "The dtmanepada(endings) occur afterroots marked the correctsounds are taught,thus eliminating unde- withanud2tta or n." Now, for1.3.12 a newrulewould sired pronunciations. "After roots probe formulated:kaldddtmanepadam Instead of formulating (A2) Objection. There is another reason forsuch nounced with kala...."22 listings,viz. to establish the correctnessof the se- Kaiyata means lack of faults such as kala (ftn. 22); sadhutvamiti quences bida etc.'7 is noted Anotherinterpretation nivrttakaladidosavattvamityarthah.
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(D1) Objection countered. These too should be taught (Bh. I.14.19: etesamapisvaravarnanupuirv-jii&n2rtha in orderto make knownthe upadesa4 kartavyah) (correct) sequence of pitches and sounds, so as to avoid, e.g. the use of sasa fors'as'a"hare." This is not to suggestthat Panini's grammarbe remoldedto list all nominalbases of the language. As Kaiyata notes (Pradipa I.52): siistaprayuktatvenonddinrm Prsodarddinamca sddhutvabhyanujiianatsarvesamatra safngrahah siddhah "Nominal bases with unddi suffixes and the nominalbases such as Prsodara'spotted-belly' are reccussion continues. (C) Objection (A1) is restated togetherwith (B1). ognized as correctbecause they are used by the inNow, however,it is argued that the listingof items structed. Hence, all are included in the grammar." such as bida etc. and gargaetc. achieves two purposes: Prsodara etc. are mentionedin 6.3.109, and in his the correctnessof the items as articulated is estab- commentary on this rule Patafijali explains (Bh. lished, as is their correctnessin derivatives such as 111.173.19)that ddi here means "sort" (prakdra); the gdrgya "descendentof Garga"23; and the correctuse of ruledoes not includean exhaustivegana but sanctions the sounds containedin themis establishedforuse in the use of compounds like Prsodara (Prsodaraprakdother items.24 For this case of a single statement rdni). Similarly,in his commentaryon 3.3.1 (unservingtwo purposes,Patafijali (Bh. I. 14.13-5) citesa adayo bahulam) Patafijali quotes and explains a verse parallel fromreal life and fromsentences of normal showing that bahulam "variously" of Panini's rule language. When a muni waters mango trees he also indicates that the suffixes are also used with bases pleases the Manes at the same time (dmrdscasiktdh other than those given in the actual rules (extrapitarasca trptdh). Similarly,a sequence such as s'veto Paninian) providingforthe suffixation of un etc. dhdvatimeans both "The dog is runningfromhere" At the end of thisdiscussionNdgega (UddyotaI.53) (svd itah dhdvati) and "The white one is running" notes: evamsamvrtddndrm pratisedha ityasmin pratyd(svetah dhdvati).25 khydta istabuddhyarthamityapi praty&khydtaprdya(D) Alternative. One must ask where faulty meva "Once the statement... (vt. 18[ above (A1)]) pronunciations mightbe given. The possible places has been countered,(the contentionthat the sounds are: in augments(dgama),replacements,26 affixes (pra- are listed to) evoke correctsounds is also practically tyaya), roots (dhatu,see EB 16]), and nominal bases countered." Indeed, with the eliminationof objec(prdtipadika, see [B 13]). But all of these are fault- tion (A1) what remainsis thatsound typesare taught; lesslyarticulatedin the grammar. by [A 11] the sounds listedin the s.ivasuitras S(1)-(6) (E) Objection. The incorrect pronunciation might denoteall varietiesofthesesounds. The sivasutras do then be allowed to occur in nominal bases not given not teach the pronunciation of sounds per se. in the grammar,that is, those not included in ganas Since thesivasutras are thusseen not to be concerned such as thosefor4.1.104-5 (above, (B 1)). withany prescriptive we should phoneticinstruction, not this expect in the of rules either. This is corpus Pradipa 1.49: kalah sthanantaranispannah. Such faults are also considered in RPr. 14.1ff.and Yajnavalkya Siks& 2.28ff. Note so, though others have claimed differently.Pandit (1963 :53) says: "Panini dismissesthe phonetic studies that Kds'. ad 1.3.11 (ED 3]) considers a svarita functioning as a markerof an adhikara to be a varnadharma"sound feature" and [Emphasis mine, G.C.] in only eleven suitras,viz. not a vowel. The reason forthis is that, accordingto the Kdsika. 1.2.27, 1.2.29, 1.2.30, 1.2.31, 1.2.32, 1.1.8, 1.1.9, there are rules where svaritamust be a featureof a consonant in 1.1.10, 1.1.69, 8.3.37, and 8.4.68." 1.2.27 (see [B 5]) order that the consonant carry over into subsequent rules; but is a definition, not a phonetic description; so also see Cardona, 1968: ftn. 15. Haradatta (Padamalijari ad 1.3.11 [I.408]) states that the varnadharmainvolved is like kala, etc. 1.2.29-31; see Thieme 1957:266 and Cardona 1968 :?3. And the Nyasa ad Kds. 1.3.11 gives the reading svarito nama In spite of Thieme, 1957 :p. 265, 1.1.8 (mukhandsikasvaradosovarnadharma4"By svaritais meant a sound feature, a vacano 'nundsikah, (see below ?3.2(1)) is simply a fault in pitch." The Padamaiijari also cites this reading; cf. definition of the termanundsika; see Cardona, 1968: Chakravarti's note ad Nyasa 1.3.11 (1.219). 1.1.9 is a definition -+ garga-ya (7.2.117: taddhitesvac&- ??4-4.2. ([B 1]) and 1.1.10 is a 23 Derivation: garga-yafi madeh [vrddhih114]) -b gdrg#-ya (6.4.148: yasyeti ca [taddhite metarule restricting 1.1.9 (see [B 2]). 8.3.37 is a 144, lopah 147]). substitutionrule providingfor the optional replacePradipa 1.51: yathabhftagarg2disth2akar2dayastathabhuita ment of visarjaniya (hi)by jihv2miiliya(Vk) and upaeva sarvatra "a etc. are to be used everywhere prayoktavyah exactly dhmdniya(Xp) beforevelar and labial stops respecas they appear in garga etc." 2 Similarly,Bh. ad 8.2.3 (111.388.8-10). tively. Finally, 8.4.68 (see above [B2]) simplysup26 Here Patanijali uses the term vikdra(Bh. 1.14.16) "modificapresses the artificially assumed homogeneity of a and tion" instead of adesa "substitute"; cf.?6. This usage illustrates other it does not teach a-vowels; directly any phonetagain the carryingover of older terminology, properto a particuics. There remains, on which see then, only 1.2.32, lar method of description, into a differentmethodology; cf. ftn. 2. Cardona, 1968:?4.2. hdras, one would now formulatea rule to replace withthe [A 10]: 2dihkalaih saha "The initialtogether sound pronouncedwith kala... ." This would also avoid having to formulate[A 8], since the new rules faultlesssound would eliminatethe for reintroducing kala markings. This suggestionis abandoned as beingun-Paninian. Bh. 1.14.7: sidhyatyevamapdminiyam tu bhavati"This achieves results, but it is un-Paninian." The dis24
[A 2] in orderto use EA 10] forinterpreting pratya-
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Accordingto Katyayana and Patafijali,then,there soundsin thesivasutras. are onlytwo reasonsforlisting These are: (a) to set up an orderedlist usefulin the manipulationof rulesin the corpus of the grammar27; and (b) to set up anubandhas (paspasa vt. 16: anubandhakaranarthasca). Having orderedthe sounds, anubandhasare placed. By [A 10] an abbreviation such as yan is possible. Only if the sounds are listed in a certain order can to an abbreviationsuch [C 3] be used with reference as ik or yan in a rule such as 1.1.45: igyanahsamprayan is termedsamprasdrana."28 sdranam"Ii replacing the sounds and placing anuSimilarly,afterordering bandhas in appropriateplaces, [A 2] and [A 10] can be used to forman abbreviationan whichwill be the term (samjnid) denoting not only the sounds of S (1)- (6) but, by [A 11], also thesounds homogeneous with them.29 In reality, the two purposesjust notedare but facets the orderingof of one. For, as Patafijali explains,30 sounds and the placing of anubandhas are both into be used in of pratydhdras tended forthe formation rules. This point is repeated by various commentamention tors,but with one addition; theyspecifically brevity (ldghava). Thus, the Kdsikd, immediately on the firststiasatra, beforeciting and commenting pratyaharavarndndmupades.ah/ says: atha kimartho "Now laghavena pratyahdro sdstrapravrttyartha4 rtha4/ what is the purposeofteachingthesounds? They are is pratydhdras. A pratydhdra taughtin orderto form intendedformanipulatingrules of the grammarwith brevity." Similarly, Nage-a (Uddyota 1.48) com(see ftn. 30) as ments on the Bhasya's vrttyartha4 and Kaiyata, follows: ldghavena s?strapravrttyartha4; commentingon paspasa vt. 15 (see ftn. 27), says: (Pradipa 1.47). ityarthah laghavenas?dstrapravrttyartha
such pratyahaPanini actually used only forty-one In the following subsections,I give examples of the use of these abbreviationsand, whereit is useful,I comparePanini's ruleswithrulesofothertreatises. (1) al. E.g. [B 6], [C 6, 8, 13]. To [B 6] compare: upadhd, (b) VPr. (a) APr. 1.92: varnddantydtpuirva upadha "The next-to-last 1.35: antyddvarndtpuirva sound is termedupadha." (2) ac. E.g. [A 1], EB 2, 5, 12], [C 9], [D 2], 46, 54,and (22), ftns. (a) 6.1.77: iko yan aci: [ik -* yan] ac. Compare: and (c) VPr. (b) APr. 3.39: svarenamino'ntahstha 4.46: svarebhdvyantasthdm. (b) states that a namin (?1.1 (16)) is replacedby a semivowel(?1.1 (6)) before a vowel, while (c) states that a bhdvin(?1.1(16)) becomes a semivowel when a vowel follows. On the between (a) and (b) on the one hand and difference (c) on the othersee ?6. The ndmin (bhavin)class of
ras,31as shownin the chartsin ?1.3.
31 Cf. the summaryverse (samgrahasloka)given by Kds. at the end of its commentary on 9(14) and which appears also in dvabhyamsastribhya Prakriyakaumudi 1.19: ekasmdnifaianavatd salau rah panicabhyah eva kanamah syu4/jneyau cayau caturbhyo jacbhya1// "Let 'A [eni (9)], ni [yafi (35)], n [ani (6)], v [chav (24)], and ( [at (28)] occur after one (pratyahdragroup each); s [jhas (20), bhas (22)] after two; k [ak (4), ik (7), uk(8)], n? [yan ( 12), an (26), in (27)], and m [nam (17), am (29), yam (36)] after three; c [ac (2), ec (5), aic (10), ic (11)] and y [may (15), jhay (16), khay (19), yay (34)] are to be known (as occurring) after four; r Esar (14), yar (31), jhar (39), khar (40), car (41)] afterfive; s [jhas (18), jas (21), bas (23), as (25), has (30), vas (37)] and I [al (1), hal (3), gal (13), val (32), ral (33), jhal (38)] after six." The numerals are those of the in ?1.3. Kas. ad A(6) and later Painiyas numbering pratyahdra (e.g. Siddhantakaumudl after the listing of the sivasuitras) recognize, in addition, a pratyahara ra by interpretingthe a accompanying I in A(6) not as a vowel necessary for the pronunciation(uccarandrtha)but as a nasalized vowel, hence ([A 1]) an it. In this way, when [C 10] applies, ra is a pratyaharade27 Paspasa vt. 15 (Bh. I.13.2) Patanijal notingr and 1. This argumentationis based on recognizingthat vrttisamavaydrthah. (Bh. I.13.3-6) glosses the terms as follows: vrtti:sastrapravrtti r and I are savarna ( [B 1], see vt. 5 ad 1.1.9), so that ur (gen. of r) example showingthe samnivesah "for r" will mean also "for '." An artificial "procedureofrules," samavaya: varnanamanupfirvyena need for a pratyahara ra is (cf. Padamahljari, Nyasa ad Kas. "setting down of the sounds in order." 28 Pradipa I.47: igyanza ityadau hi yathdsamkhyasastramp i(6)) tava Ikarah-tavalkarah (6.1.87 [?3(11f)]), where the gunza replacementof both a and I is a, whichby [C 10] is followedby 1; "In rules such as 1.1.45 (see varnasamnives'amdtradevdvati4lhate ?4.5), [C 3] comes into play only because of the ordered listing this argumentationis possibly already implied in Bh. I.63.13-5 (ad 1.1.9). A pratyahdrara was overtly recognized as early as of sounds." 29Pradipa I.48: sati hi samavaya itsamjiia/ tata adirantyeneti Bhartrhari's time; TIka 51: tatranubandha hala eval ayam "Given the ordering tveko'janubandha4/ laniti lakare'kara uranrapara ityatraca dhralopaityddiSMstrapravrtti4 pratyaharastato of sounds, the term it applies ([A 2]); then a pratyahdra is rkara(karalaparatvdrtha4.Balamanorama ad Siddhdntakaumudl formed by [A 10]; then a rule such as 6.3.111 (?3(6a)) takes 2 mentionstwo more pratyaharas:cay and niam. Cay is already s'ari pauskarasdde4), mentioned in vt. 3 ad 8.4.48 (cayo dvit1yah " effect. vrttisamavayarthascd-which varttikastates the view of Pauskarasadi, according to 30Bh. 1.13.10-2: sa esa varndnamupades'o ca whom cay sounds followedby sounds denoted by sar are replaced nubandhakarandrthas'ca/vrttisamavayascanubandhakaranam "The teaching of sounds by the corresponding second varga members (dvitiya); e.g. pratyahdro pratydhdrartham/ vrttyarthah is intendedforestablishingan orderintendedforthe manipulation vatsah -* vathsah "dear," aksaram -* akhsaram "syllable," of rules and to establish anubandhas. The ordering... and the apsara4 -* aphsard4 "Apsaras." As I have noted (ftn. 12), pratyaharas. Panini does not use *nam. In the followingdiscussion I do not establishingof anubandhas are intended forforming And a pratyahara is meant for the manipulation of rules." indicate the numberof times a pratyaharaoccurs, since by carryiti. . . etena pratyaharadvarasama- ing over (anuvrtti)of pratyaharasinto rules subsequent to those Cf. Uddyota I.48: vrttyartha shows in which they are stated, the number of times a pratydharais "(That the Bhasya says) vrttyarthah vayasya vrttyarthata does not equal the numberof timesit actually that the orderingserves for the procedure of grammatical rules stated in the suitras applies. of pratyahdras." throughthe intermediary
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vowels includes more sounds than needed for this change; the rules immediatelyfolmorphophonemic lowing (b) and (c) state changesforpart of the ndmin (bhavin) vowels, so that the scope of (b) and (c) is limited;see below, (5) (b) and (c). thereby appears in (d) RPr. 2.21: formulation A different svarodayam svamakanthyam samanaksaramantastham "A simple (?1.1(3)) nonvelar vowel followed by a vowel becomes the equivalent semivowel." The rule sv2m"its own semivowel,"that is, antasth2m specifies a semivowel with the same point of articulation is (sth2na,cf. Uvata ad loc.). The same specification achieved in other treatises by means of a metarule equivalent to Panini's [C 2]: "The procedure (of (e) APr. 1.95: dntaryena vrtti4 is accordingto proximity." modification) "The sound to be yath2sannam (f) VPr. 1.142: vikdri modified (becomes that sound which is) closest (to
it). 9 32
(c) RPr. 1.37: samnyogastu vyancjanasamnip&tahz "A comingtogether ofconsonantsis termed satmyoga." (4) ak. (a) 6.1.101: akah savarnedirgha4: ak [ak savarna dirgha] savarna As is seen, ak and savarna ([B 1]) are both leftand rightcontextsand the substituenda. This is because (a) occurs in a section headed by (b) 6.1.84: eka4 puirvaparayoh "One (replacement [adesa]) forthe preceding([C 4]) and the following ([C 5])." Compare:
(c) APr. 3.42: samandksarasya savarne dirghah "For (both) a simplevowel (?1. 1(3)) (and) a following vowel savarna with it (?1.1 (15)) substitutea (single) long vowel." (d) TPr. 10.2: dirgham samandksare savarnapare can be givenforusing In the case of (a), arguments (e) VPr. 4.51: sim savarnedirgham "A simplevowel either[C 2] or[C 3]; see Cardona, 1965b: pp. 313-314. (togetherwith) a following savarna vowel becomes a long vowel." Examples: These rules are governedby rules similarto (b): dadhi atra -* dadhyatra"Here are the curds.2" (f) APr. 3.41: pfirvaparayoreka4 "One (replacement) "The girl is here." kumdriatra -> kumdryatra for the precedingand following." madhu ("honey") atra -> madhvatra (g) TPr. 10.1 : athaikamubhe "Now (in thefollowing) -* "forthesake ofhis father." both become one." pitrartham pitrartham (3) hal. E.g., [A 21, [B 2], (19a) and (h) VPr. 4.50: athaikamuttarasca "Now (in the fol"Consonants in (a) 1.1.7: halo'nantara, satnyogach the lowing) well (preceding) as as the following contiguity are termed samyoga ('cluster')." Comone." become pare: The RPr. formulation differs in two respectsfrom 1.47] sa(b) VPr. 1.48: anantaram [vyancjanam, It the above. uses sasthana the same point "having a and) ?1.1(2)] [vyanfjana, "(A consonant tmyoga4 termed)satmyoga." ofarticulation"instead ofsavarna,and it incorporates contiguous(consonantare together rule the provisionthat directlyinto the modification 32 VPr. 1.133 formulates the way of stating that a modification a both vowels vowel. yield single "(A formin the accusative case, as) takes place: tamitivikarah. tamdenotes the modified." RPr. 1.56 states the way of denoting (i) RPr. 2.15: samdndksaresasthane dirghamekaboth the original and the modified:asavamumititadbhlvamuktamnmubhe svaram "A (simple vowel and) a following yathasannam. A nominative (asau "that") denotes the original, vowel with it sasthana both simple yield one long and an accusative (amum "that") denotes the modified form which the original becomes (tadbhtiva); the modificationis ac- vowel." cording to proximity(yathtisannam)to the original. As Uvata The Kdt. formulation differs from all the above in that is according to point of articulanotes (ad RPr. 1.56), proximity it a two of the type [a -* b3 c provides step operation tion (sthana), internal effort (karana), and secondary effort (anupradana). While VPr. and RPr. in these rules make use and b [c >-* : of pronouns (tam, asau, amum) as variables, as does Panini (j) Kat. 1.2.1: samdnahz savarne dirghibhavati para?ca (?4.5), TPr., which has comparable rules, directly states the "A vowel lopam followed simple by a vowel savarna case markerswhich serve to denote the originaland the modification. TPr. 1.23; a4kdra agamavikdrilopina4"(The nominative withit becomeslongand thefollowing vowel is elided."
singular ending) z denotes an augment (agama), a sound to be modified(vikarin), and a sound to be deleted (lopin)"; TPr. 1.28: am vikdrasya "(The accusative singular ending) am denotes a notes (ad TPr. 1.23, 28), the modification," As Tribh&Eyaratna nominative singular and accusative singular markers serve as representatives of the nominative and accusative endings in which is identical with general. VPr. 1.136 (+a.thi sthdneyogd), Paiini's [C 1], does not have a place in a treatise which uses the vikara method (see ?6); it is without doubt an imitation of Paniini's rule (Liebich, 1919: p. 41, Varma, 1929: p. 28, cf. Ruegg, 1959: p. 42, ftn. 2), as is the use of the genitive (fa(th1) ending denoting the original in rules such as APr. 3.39 (?3(2b)), 3.40 (?3(5b)), 2.21 (?3(5d)).
Examples: dandaagra -- dandagra "pointof a staff" sa agata -* sagata "She has arrived." dadhi idam -* dadhidam "These are curds." madhuudaka-> madhuidaka"honey and water" (5) ec. (a) 6.1.78: eco'yavayavahz (aci 77): [ec - ay av ay av] ac ([C 3])
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Examples: ni-sap-tip -- ne-a-ti (7.3.84)3 -3 nayati "He guides." 34 (3.3.115) -4 luI-ana (7.1.1) -4 lo-ana (7.3.84) lIu-lyut lavana "cutting." ci-nvul (3.1.133) -ci-aka (7.1.1, see ftn. 34) cai-aka (7.2.115)" -35cayaka "gatherer." Similarly:lavaka < lIu"cut."
"3 pragrhya. Compare: "deed," dadhi - daExamples: karma - karmamn (svare (b) APr. 3.40: samdhyaksardnamayavayavah - madhumn "honey." madhu dhim "curds," 39, see (2b)) "ay, av, ay, av for complex vowels thesoundsof denoting is a an pratyahdra In all cases (?1.1 (4)) beforea vowel." Hence, (a) first n. the formed with is is, it that S(1), 46, (svare (c) VPr. 4.47: samdhyaksaramayavdyavam see (2c)) "Before a vowel a complex vowel becomes does not operate on a formlike dvrdha< d vrh"tear out," (b) does not operate on a formlike goka "a ceray, av,dy,av." rules then provide for the deletion of tain cow" < go "cow," and (c) does not operate on a The following form such as kartr(nt.) "doer." As the Bhdsya notes -y-and -v-: padantayoh (lopah (1.34.9, 13, 18), if an were intendedto include sounds (d) APr. 2.21: svarddyavayo4 otherthan those in S (1), Panini could have dispensed y and v aftera vowel." 18) "Zero forpada-final (e) VPr. 4.125: yavayohpaddntayo4svaramadhye withthe use ofan in theserules,since theywould then be meant to operate on vowels in general (ac), refery and v." pada-final lopa4 "Zero forintervocalic to whichwould have been obtained by [C 9] for ence "Who -> ka dsan -> dsan ke dsan kay Examples: (see ftn.39) for(c). and (b) and by definition (a) vdyavudwere ... ?" (AV 11.8.1) vayo udakena >v above (2a). and 6.1.77, [C 11] See (7) ik. akena -* vdya udakena "Vayu, withwater.. ." (AV 8) "Aftersri and kiti (net uk. sryukah 7.2.11: (8) 6.68.1). with k does not have an initial roots in -uk, a suffix (6) an. See EC 10] and: -- luItva "When dh augment ([D 1]) it."40 Examples: lui-ktva dirgho'nah puirvasya (a) 6.3.111: dhralope " vr-kta -- vrta"covered." cut, "having or r is elided, a precedingan is replaced by a long (9) efi. See [B 4]. (vowel [C 9])." (10) aic. See [B 3]. (11) ic. Examples: putrvasavarnah (a) 6.1.102 (prathamayoh [dirgha4, Past passive participleformlidha < lik "lick": a following ak and for This states that akah 101]). --> lidh-ta (8.2.31)36 > lidh-dha (8.2.40, see lih-kta two triplets vowel belongingto an endingof the first (8.4.41,see (25j)) -* li$-dha (8.3.13)37 (20)) -> lidh-dha sup), by the abbreviation of nominal endings (denoted > lidha. the singlesubstitute (see above (4b)) is a long vowel 33Sap (see ?4.2(22)) is marked with s (sit), hence ([B 17]) is with the preceding. homogeneous sarvadhdtuka. 7.3.84 (sarvadhdtukdrdhadhatukayo4 [guna4 82]) togetherwith nah pumnsi) (b) 6.1.103 (tasmacchaso and ardhadhdreplacementbeforesarvadhatuka provides forgunta tuka affixes. Since the sthanin is not specified,[C 11] applies, [C 6] thenprovidesthat afterthe longvowel obtained limiting the sthanin to ik. By [B 4] and [C 2] the specific by (a) the -s of sas (acc. pl. marker)is replacedby n in adesa of i is e. masculineforms. 343.3.115 (lyut ca [bhave 114]) provides for the affixationof (c) 6.1.104 (nadici [Parvasavarna4 102, dirgha4 lyut after a root (3.1.91: dhdtoh) when the abstract activity (bhdva) is to be expressed. Yu -* ana by 7.1.1 (yuvoranakau). 101]), in whichic is used, is an exceptionto (a): the Since lyut is ruled in aftera root and is neitherone of the affixes operationstated in (a) does not apply (na) when an denoted by tifi(3.4.78 [?4.2(12)]) nor markedwith s, by [B 18] a-vowel is followedby an ic. Otherexceptionsto (a) hence, by 7.3.84 (ftn. 33) it conditions guta it is drdhadhdtuka; are stated by: replacement. (d) 6.1.105: dirghajjasica (na 104) 353.1.133 (nvultrcau) provides for the suffixation of nvul after
a root (3.1.91, see ftn. 34). Vu -* aka (7.1.1, ftn. 34). By [B 14] this affixis termed krt,and by 3.4.67 (kartari krt) krt affixes are introduced to denote agent (kartr). 7.2.115 (aco iintiti[vrddhi4 114, angasya 6.4.1]) states that vrddhireplaces marked with n or ts. [B 3] the ac of an anga followedby affixes and [C 2] apply to specifyai as the replacementof i. 36 1.1.26 (ktaktavatu ni4h&) introduces the term ni4fha to 84]) kta and ktavatu. 3.2.102 (nifh& [bhuite denote the suffixes serves to introduceni(th after a root (3.1.91, see ftn. 34) when the action is referredto past (bhuita). By 3.4.70 (tayor eva kta is [karmani bhave 3.4.69, see ?4.2(1)] krtyaktakhalartha4) introduced to express object (karman). 8.2.31 (ho dhah [jhali 26, ante 29, padasya 8.1.16]) provides that [h -+ dh] jhal and that the same replacementoccurs forpada-finalh. 37 8.3.13: dho dhelopah: [dh -+# dh.
38 5.3.73 (ajiidte [kah 70]) provides for the affix ka after a the denotatum of which is prdtipadika (4.1.1: nyappratipadikdt) -a is obtained to be qualified as not known. The femininesuffix by 4.1.4 (?7.1(8)). 39 Pragrhya is defined in 1.1.11-19. 1.1.11 (iduldeddvivacanam) and e of dual endings (dvivacana) are pragrhya. states that i, uW, E.g. agni, vayui,khatve(see ?3(11)). The final vowel of such formsis then not subject to replacementby 8.4.57. Avasana is definedin 1.4.110 (viramo' vasanam) as "cessation" (virama); I use the convenientgloss "pausa." 40 This is one of a series of rules (7.2.8-28) providing for the absence or only optional occurrenceof the augment it, which is as the initial ruled in general by 7.2.35 (&rdhadhktukasyedvalddeh) beginningwith val. affixes (ED 1]) augment of ardhadhatuka
Similarly,mudha < muh "be perplexed." -> punao raktam (8.3.14, see (25d)) punar raktam "dyed again." pundraktam (b) 7.4.13: ke'nah (hrasva4 12): [an -4 hrasvaj ka ([C 9, 2] > kuExample: kumdri-ka (5.3.73) -- kumdri-ka girl." mdrikd (4.1.4)38 "A certain (vdvasane56) (c) 8.4.57: ano'pragrhyasydnundsika4 "In pausa, optionallyanundsika foran which is not
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(e) 6.1.107: ami pfirva4(aka4 101) By (d), (a) does not apply when a long vowel is followed by jas (nom. pl. marker); by (e), when ak is followedby am (in the presentinstance the acc. sg. is the single replacementof ak and marker),the first a-. The exceptions(c) and (d) now allow otherrules to apply instead of (a): (f) 6.1.87: ad guna4 (aci 77): a [a ac > guna] ac (ad 87): a [a ec vrddhi]ec (g) 6.1.88: vrddhireci forguna replacing is a generalrule providing The first ac: (f) is a specific both (see (4b)) a and a following if the rightconreplacement rule providingforvrddhi text is ec, a subgroup of ac. The vocalic endingsin question forthe above rules are: au (nom. du. marker),jas, am, aut (acc. du.), sas, and 'S. The last is a replacmentof au and aut after feminine -a-stems (7.1.18: auna apah) and neuterstems (7.1.19: napumsakacca). Examples:
(a) agni-au/aut -* agni > vayui"winds"
-*
siddham),such a nf supplied by 8.4.59 is not valid in ruledout as a possible 8.3.33, pada-final n is effectively contextfor8.3.33. Examples: kimu avapanam - kimvavapanam(VS 23.9, 45: kimvJvapanam mahat "What is the great receptacle of sowing?"), tadu asya - tadvasya"That is his." (16) jhay. (a) 8.4.62: jhayo ho'nyatarasyam (puirva 61, savarnza 58): jhay [h -* puirvasavarna] optionally. (b) 8.4.63: sascho'ti(hayah 62, anyatarasyam 62): jhay [s -> ch] at optionally. Examples: (a) sad dhalani - sad halani "six plows," tad dhi tad hi "that indeed." - somasutsete "the Soma presser (b) somasucchete is lyingdown." The following rules have to be conwith (a) and (b). sideredin connection (c) 8.2.39: jhalUim jaso'nte (d) 8.4.55: kharica (car 54,jhalam 53) (c) provides forjhal -* jas at the end of a pada; (d) states: [jhal -* car] khar. Hence, (a) statesan operation whichaffects only the subgroupjas ofjhay, and (b), into whichjhay carriesover, providesa replacementwhichaffects onlythesubgroupcay (cf.Buiskool, 1939: p. 148). Compare the following rulesfrom the Kdtantra,in which the voiceless aspirate stops Aprathama) are made the contextforthe modifications. (e) Kat. 1.4.3: vargaprathamebhya4 sakara4 svana va "After voiceless unrayavaraparaschakdram aspirated stops, s followedby a vowel, y, v or r is changed optionallyto ch." eva hakarah puirvacaturtham (f) Kat. 1.4.4: tebhya na va "After the same, h changes optionally to the voiced aspirate of the preceding." Since h is ghosavat (?1.1(10)), Kat. 1.4.1 also takes effect: (g) Kat. 1.4.1: vargaprathamd4 pad&ntd4 svara"Voicless unaspirated stops at the ghosavatsu trttyan end of a pada when followedby vowels and voiced consonants change to voiced unaspirated stops." With 8.4.62 (above (a)) compare also: (h) APr. 2.2: padantanamanuttamandm trtiyd ghosavatsvaresu "For pada finalnonnasalstops followed by voiced consonantsand vowels are substituted (corresponding [see (2e)]) voiced stops." togetherwith APr. 2.7: tebhya4 piurvacaturtho hakarasya"Afterthem (the nonnasal stops) h is replaced by the voiced aspirate (of the vargaof) the preceding." (i) RPr. 4.5: padantaistaireva trtiyabhzitaistesam caturthanudayo hakara4 "Together with pada-final voiceless unaspirated stops, now become voiced unaspirated stops, a followingh becomes the voiced to the varga) of them aspirated stops (corresponding (the preceding)." Similarly, TPr. 5.38 and VPr. 4.122. hrasvddacinamunnityam (17) iiamn. 8.3.32: ntamo "After a pada (8.1.16, see above (15)) ending in ([C 151) iian precededby a shortvowel and followed
"fires," vayu-au/aut
-* vrkstn"trees" (a), (b) vrksa-sas
(c), (g) vrksa-au/aut

-
(c), (f) kunda-s? -* kunde "bowls," khatve "cots"
vrksau
khatva-si
(12) yan. E.g., 6.1.77, above (2a). (13) sal. ksah (cle4 44). (a) 3.1.45: sala igupadhddanita4 Two otherrules are requiredas background: (b) 3.1.43: cli luni (c) 3.1.44: clehsic (b) states that when replacements of lun (aorist to the marker,see ?4.2(9)) followa root,cli is affixed root. By (c) cli is then replaced by the sigmatic markersic. (a) states that cli, instead of being replaced by the general substituenssic, is replaced by ksa if the root ends in sal and has a penult (upadht, above (la)) ik. Examples: lih "lick": lih-t (< lufi)-> lin-cli-t lik-sa (8.3.57, 59 [see below (27a,c)]). Final form: 3sg. aliksat. duh "milk": duh-t (< lun) -* duh-sadugh-sa-(8.2.32)42 dhugh-sa-(8.2.37 [see below (16d)]). Final form:3sg. adhuksat. (14) s'ar. See below, (19b) (25g), (27b). (15) may. 8.3.33: maya uniovo vd: may [uii -n vI optionally. This rule occurs in a section (8.1.16 to 8.3.54) of rules applying to pada finals. Hence, the context may is limitedto pada-finalmay. Since indoes not occur in pada-finalexcept as the replacementof anusv7ra by 8.4.59 (below (34b)) and, by virtueof 8.2.1 (purvatra8.2.41: sadhoh kah si: [$, dh -+ k] s. 8.2.32 (daderdhdtorgha4) states that h -*4gh under the conditions of 8.2.31 (ftn. 36) in a root with initial d.
41
(d) kumari-au/aut -> kumaryau (6.1.77, above (2a)) kum2ri-jas -* kumaryas (6.1.77) (e) vrksa-am -> vrk.am
lih-ksa-t -> lidh-sa-(see ftn. 36)
-*
lik-sa-(8.2.41)41
(22)])
-*
dhugh-sa (see (27a)) -> dhuk-sa (8.4.55 [see
42
16
CARDONA: STUDIES
[TRANS. AMER. PHIL.
SOC.
by ac an augmentnamut is necessarilyadded." By [D 1] the augment is the initial of the vowel-initial segment;by [C 3] the augmentsare n, n, n afterit, n, n respectively. Though no pada-final nt would be nor anueligibleforthis rule (see (15)), neither*fnam nasika (see ftn. 12) could be used, since m must be asse "your are seated"). excluded (e.g., tvam -* "He is seated Examples: pratyaniaste Pratyaninaste -- kurvannaste "He works facing west"; kurvanaste sittingdown." (18) jhas. 8.4.53: jhalam jasjhhasi: [jhal -- jacs] jha's. Examples: labh-ta"gained" -* labh-dha(8.2.40, see below (20)) -> labdha; masj "sink" -> masj (8.4.40, see (25i)) -* majj (8.4.53 with [C 2]); dvis-hi"hate" -->dvi$-dhi 1, (6.4.101)43 - dvis-dhi (8.4.4 (2sg.imper.) see (25j)) -*> dviddhi. (19) khay. This pratyahdraoccurs in two rules: 8.3.6, on whichsee below (29), and 7.4.61. The latter occurs in a section dealing with operationson reduplicated syllables (abhyasa).4 (a) 7.4.60: haladih sesah khayah (b) 7.4.61: s'arpuirvah By (a), only the initial consonant of a reduplicated syllable remains;e.g. papdca "he cooked" < pacpaca. (b) states that the khay consonantspreceded by s'ar syllable. are what remainin a reduplicated
43 6.4.101 (hujhalbhyo herdhi4), with [C 15, 8], states: hu, -jhal [hi -- dhi]. hi is itself a replacement of si (ftn. 67). Note that, although 8.4.53 must include in its domain of operation the spirantss and s, jhal cannot here include h. The following replacementsof h beforejhal have already been provided by previous rules: dh (8.2.31, ftn.36), gh (8.2.32, ftn.42). Nor can jhal be meant to include h anticipating 8.4.54 (?3(41)), since by 7.4.62 (kuhoscu4 [abhyasasya 58]) h of a reduplicated syllable (see ftn.44) is replaced by a palatal, that is ([C 2])jh. Similarly jhal cannot be intendedto include h anticipating8.4.55 (?3(16d)), since khar is a subgroup of jhal, beforewhich replacementsof h are stated by previous rules (see above). As for8.4.56 (below), as Buiskool (1939: p. 96 Obs. 54) notes, "Although jhaldm is valid from 53, the present sitra cannot refer to changes of However, I sibilants ..., h, aspirates... and tenues...." think it is preciselyto let jhal carry over into 8.4.56 that Panini uses it instead of jhar. 8.4.56 (vavasane [jhaldm 53, car 54]) states optional jhal -- car at the end of a pada in pausa. As such it is the rule which provides foroptional devoicing of voiced stops gotten by 8.2.39 (?3(16c)); the parallelism of the two operations may account for the use of jhal in 8.4.53. Note, finally,that Staal (1962: p. 7, ftn. 15), along with his source, stands in need of correctionwhen he states: "The inclusion of the fricativesand h in jhal is here [8.4.53] purelytheoretical,as de Pdnini 3.143...." Renou rightlyobserves, La grammaire 446.1.1 (ekdco dve prathamasya) states that the first monosyllabic part of. .. is doubled; 6.1.2 (ajdderdvitiyasya)states that if ... begins with a vowel, it is the second monosyllabic part of it which is doubled. The entiresequence resultingfrom these doublings is called abhyasta (6.1.5: ubhe' bhyastam),while the firstof the resultingtwo members is called abhy&sa (6.1.4: puirvo'bhyasah), which I render here "reduplicated syllable." 6.1.1-2 are headings (adhikdra) which are read in rules such as which in turn serve to fillin the 6.1.8 (liti dh&toranabhy&sasya), blanks left above. By 6.1.8 with 6.1.1-2, a root part which is not abhy&sais doubled when replacementsof lit (?4.2(3)) follow, that is, beforeperfectendings; e.g. pac-a -+ pac-pac-a.
Examples: The 3sg. perfect formsof ?cut"trickle," s4hiv"spit," and skand "jump" are: cuscota,tistheva, caskanda. Compare: (c) Kat. 3.3.10: sitparo'ghosag(abhyasasya avace.yam) "A voiceless consonantoccurring afters.it (see ?6.3 (3)) alone remainsin the reduplicated syllable." (20) jhas. 8.2.40: jhasastathordho'dhac: jhas [t th dh]; not afterdha "place, make." -* Examples: lidh-ta lidh-dha; see above (6a). -*> labh-dha; labh-ta see above (18). aduh-sa-thas (see above (13)) -* aduh-thas (7.3.73)45 -> adugh-thds (8.2.32, see ftn. 42) --* adugh-dhas (8.2.40) -+ adugdhds (8.4.53, above (18)) "milked" (2sg. aor. mid.) (21) jas. 8.2.39 (above (16c)), 8.4.53 (above (18)). (22) bhas. 8.2.37: ekdco basco bhas jhasantasya sdhvok "When s, dhv-follow,a root syllable endingin jhas undergoes replacementof bas by bhas."46 By carryingover (anuvrtti) of ante from8.2.29, the rule also takes effect forpada-final position. Examples: Fut. of budh "perceive": budh-syabodh-sya(7.3.84, see ftn.33) -*> bhodh-sya(8.2.37) bhotsya(8.4.55, see above (16d)). 2pl. aor. mid. of budh: abudh-s-dhvam -> abudh-dhvam (8.2.26, see ?6.1(2)) -* abhudh-dhvam (8.2.37) -* abhuddhvam -* godugh(8.2.32, see (8.4.53, above (18)),47 goduh48 ftn. 42) -*> godhugh(8.2.37) -> godhug(8.2.39, above (16c)) -> (optionally) godhuk (8.4.56, see ftn. 43) "cow milker." (23) bas. 8.2.37 (above (22)). (24) chav. 8.3.7. Other rules have to be considered in conjunction with this. 8.3.1 ff.provide for replacements by R (Panini's ru). 8.3.2 and 4 provide foroperationson soundsto be made concurrently with R replacement. (a) 8.3.2 (atrdnundsika4 tuva) states that, pfirvasya when R substitutionis made, the precedingsound is optionallyreplacedby a nasal sound (anundsika). (b) 8.3.4 (ananundsikdtparo'nusvara4) states that if anunasika replacementis not made, anusvara (nasalization) occurs afterthe sound precedingR.
-
45 7.3.73 (lugva duha ... dtmanepade dantye) states optional ksa -, #beforean atmanepada (?4.2(13)) beginningwitha dental. 46 The interpretation of ekac in this rule as denoting a monosyllabic verb base is inexact, though common (Renou, 1954; p. 117; Staal, 1962: p. 7); see the correct interpretationin Buiskool, 1939 p. 80, Obs. 23. 7 Correct the misprints in Cardona, 1965a: p. 232: for abuddhvam read abhuddhvam and for 8.4.54 read 8.4.53. 48goduh is a compound equivalent to sentential expressions containing formsof the verb duh "milk" and accusative forms of go "cow," derived by suffixation of kvip (3.2.76: kvip ca), which is deleted by 6.1.67 (veraprktasya [lopah.66]). Note that, since there are roots of the shape jabh "chew," for which a replacementjh is not desired, 8.2.37 formulatesa replacement bag -* bhai. The doubts expressed by Staal (1962: p. 8) as to whyjh should be excluded fromthe operation of 8.2.37 are thus cleared up.
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(c) 8.3.7 (naschavyaprasan[ampare 6, ru 11])pro- by d; e.g. mahan indrah-+ maham indrah "great vides for the following:[n -+ R] chav] am, but not Indra" (RV 6.19.1). forpras'an"calm." (n) RPr. 4.70 ([ikarokdropahito repham69] svaSince the rule comes undera sectionapplyingto pada resu ca) providesforn -+ r when i or fu precedesand a (8.1.16-8.3.54), the replacementapplies to pada-final vowel follows;e.g. paridhlnati -+ paridhi-mrati "across -n.49 The replacementR is itselfsubject to replace- the enclosures" (RV 9.107.19), bandhuin iman avaran mentby visarjaniya (h) and subsequentsubstitutions; bandhuthmrimaimavaran "these close associates" (RV see below (25). 9.97.17). Finally, (o) RPr. 4.68-9 gives cases ofn -+ r whenh Examples: nrn cyautno-+ n-i-R cyautno (RV 10.50.4: bhuvonrfis'cyautno "Be the and semivowels follow; e.g. utpactin hatam -+. . . vis'vasminbhare instigatorof heroes in every battle.") devan tvuam pan.ii-rhatam "Slay the miserly"(RV 1.184.2), sakhin devaim-R tvam (RV 5.13.6: devamstvam paribhhirasi yan -+ sakhimryan "which friends" (RV 4.35.7). -+ taimR (25) as. The rule in whichthis pratyaharais used "You encompass the gods.") tan trayasva trayasva(RV 7.16.8: taimstrayasva is concerned with a replacementof R. As already "Protect them.") noted (see (24c)), one ofthesourcesofR is -n. R also Compare: is a replacement ofpada-final -s by which (d) APr. 2.26: nakarasya catatavargepvaghosepva- (a) 8.2.66: sasajuso ruh:s --+R, a replacement applies the -s to final ([C 6]) of a pada (8.1.16) ending nusmaparesu visarjaniyah "n followed by voiceless membersof the vargas c, t and t not followedby a in ([C 15]) s. The following rulesthenapply to R (and also, in given spirant is replaced by visarjaniya." The nasal-replacementof the preceding vowel is cases, to r): (b) 6.1.113: atororaplutadaplute (ut 111, ati 109): providedby [R -u] a. 6.1.87 (above (llf)) By (non-pluta)acE (e) Apr. 1.68: (purvasyanunasikah 67) ...usmthe resultant au is replacedby guna ([B 4]), whichby pattau ca "(The precedingsound is replaced by a nasal) also [C 2] is o. By 6.1:109 (eha4 padantddati (pfirvah. 107]) -o a --*-o f. when thereis conversionto a spirant." Example:purusas atra -* purusaR atra -* purusau RPr. 4.74, 76, fromwhich the above examples are the itemsbeforewhichn is modified and atra -* puruso atra -* Puruso'tra"The man is here." taken,specify Note that the genitivein (b) is rob,hence only the state: of ru (R) and not of r (whichwould be rah), genitive (f) RPr. 4.74: ... visarjaniyavaddirghopadhaht so that only derivedR is subject to this rule; contrast "(Final n preceded by) a penultimatelong vowel is punaragaccha"come again" < punar-. treatedlikevisarjaniya." (c) 6.1.114: ha?i ca " (The replacment stated in 113) The nasalization of the vowel precedingn to be so also before has." man is goE.g. "The yati purufo treated is providedby "... ing," puruso dadlti hasati is laughing," puruso (g) RPr. 4.80: nakarasyaloparephosmabhave purva. . . gives." n becomes statsthanddanunasikaht "When zero, svarah. (d) 8.3.14: ro ri (lopa4 13): [r -* 9] r. E.g. agnis r or a spirant, the vowel preceding the position of -+ agniR r- -* agnif r- -* agnir- (6.3.111, above r(modified n) is a nasalized vowel." (6)). RV 7.15.10: agniraksdmsi sedhati"Agni defeats VPr. directly providesforn to yieldthe end results: (h) VPr. 3.135: (nuh 134) cachayoh?am "(n) be- the demons." (e) 8.3.15: kharavasanayorvisarjaniya4 (ra4 14): [r forec, ch becomes s." ] -* khar in and tE.g. agniR tpausa. agnis sam "Before t, th it be(i) VPr. 3.136: tathayoht agnih t-, -s c- -* -R c- -* -4 c-. RV 5.25.5: agnicomess. " . . . putram daddti"Agni grantsa son The nasalizationof the preceding vowel is providedby stuvis'ravastamam of RV 1.93.5: agnisca soma... mightiest renown"; VPr. 3.131. Kat. followsa similarprocedure: ."; and "Soma, you deva4mstvam Agni.. (above (24)). (j) Kat. 1.4.8: no'ntalcachayoh! sakaramanusvdrapuirvam "Final n before c, ch yields s' preceded by See below (i). In thesame context, visarjaniya(O) is now replacedby nasalization." : .e (k) Kat. 1.4.9: tathayoh sakdram "Before t, th it (f) 8.3.34: visarjaniyasya sa4. Hence: agnist-, yields s." agnisc-,devamst-. sakaram"s before (1) K2t. 1.4.10: tathayoh t,th." The followingtwo rules now provide for optional RPr. 4.65-70 resortsto modification yieldingdirectly of hawhen followedby sounds belonging the end results in the cases where n is converted to replacements to subgroupsof khar. zero and r: (g) 8.3.36: va Sari (visarjaniya4 35): [ (m) RPr. 4.65 (nakara akaropadhac padyante'pi h] s'ar lupyate)providesforn --+#when preceded optionally. E.g. -h S- '- S- s- (f), -4 s- - -s s-. RV smarodayah. speaksof "sutra 8.3.7,which 10.9.2: yo va4t[vas] Sivatamorasah "That juice of 49Staal(1962: p. 8) erroneously yours which is mostbeneficent";RV 10.128.9: ye nahb fora final n...." statesthatanusvdra is substituted
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consists,then,in replacing-s The generalprocedure [nas] sapatnah "Who are our competitors." For and -n (cf. (24) above) by -R. This then remains -s s'- - -s s- see below (i). ku pu (-r) exceptin thecases of-aR a (-* -au a (b: 6.1.113)), .p] (h) 8.3.37: kupvoXkxpau: (h->k ([A 11]) optionally. RV 8.41.4: yah [yaVk] kakubho -aR hag (-- au has (c)), and aR has (-* d) has (n)). betweencases in whichR and nidharayah "You who did make firmthe peaks"; Panini also distinguishes r are separatelytreated (as in (b: 6.1.113), (c), (k)) "Who ... RV 7.15.2: yah [ya>p] paiica carsanirabhi over the five peoples." The examples cited in (d), and those in which they are similarlytreated (as in thatothertreatises ad (d), (e)). Withtheunderstanding (e), (g), and (h) are taken fromthe commentary fromPanini in that theystartwithvisarjaniya, RPr. 4.28-9, 31, 32 and 34, and 33 respectively;see differ provide of -s, insteadofR and directly the pause form also ftns.52, 85. can be compared of h, the following The resultsof (f) and the optional (f)-typeresults formodifications by the follow- to Paninian rules. of (g) are further subject to replacement ing two rules: (p) (cf. (b: 6.1.113) above) APr. 2.53 (visarjani(i) 8.4.40: stohscundscuh "s and tu conjoined with yasya 40) akaropadhasyokaro'kare "h preceded and s, cu are replaced by s or cu." followedby a is replaced by u." (j) 8.4.41: stunastuh"Conjoined withs and tu they Kat. 1.5.7 (visarjaniyah 1.5.1) umakarayormadhye are replaced by s or tu." "h betweentwoa's becomesu." rule states still another replacement The following of ah as a TPr. and VPr. provideforthe conversion for-R: whole: (k) 8.3.17: ... apuirvasya yo'si (roh 16): a [R -* y] "All of ah when sarvo'karaparah TPr. 9.7: okaramah as. followedby a yields o." Replacementsof -y are then providedby: VPr. 4.43 (sarvoakara okaram42) akare ca. ?sdkatayanasya: (1) 8.3.18: vyorlaghuprayatnatarah ca "Also be(q) (cf. (c) above) APr. 2.54: ghosavati Y a[v y 8] as accordingto Sdkatayana.50 fore a voiced consonant." (m) 8.3.19: lopah sakalyasya "Zero is the replaceKat. 1.5.8: aghosavatosca"Also between a and a mentaccordingto Sakalya." (n) 8.3.22: hali sarvesam:a[y -* 4j hal in the opin- voiced consonant." As in (p), TPr. and VPr. provide forthe conversionof all of a6: ion of all teachers. "Also (ah) followedby a TPr. 9.8: ghosavatparas'ca Examples: (k) kas aste-4 kaR aste -4 kay aste "Who voiced consonant." is seated?" VPr. 4.42: sarvoakara okdram.5' (1) devdsahur-> devaR &hur-4 devaydhur"The gods its rule comparableto Panini's RPr. also formulates said." See (5) above. (m) deva ahur; (n) punanas yanti-4 punanaR yanti (c) in this way: punanay yanti-4 punana yanti "They go while ... arephi ghosavatparah RPr. 4.25: (visarjaniyah " (Non-rephin h) precededby being purified." (RV 7.49.1) 24) okaramhrasvaPirvah Now, (k) states an operationto be made on R pre- a shortvowel (in effect a, see (s) below) and followed ceded by an a vowel. Since (b: 6.1.113) takes effect by a voiced consonant becomes o." The conversion for-aR followedby a and (c) for-aR followedby has, of the vowel and a together to o is providedby applythe followingcontexts remain: -aR followed by a ing vowel other than a, as for (k), and -aR followed by ekavarnavadvisarja(r) RPr. 1.67: sahopadho'riphita vowel, semivowel,or consonant. The -R of aR is re- niya4 svaragho.avatpara4 "Non-riphitah is treatedas placed by -y (k) beforevowel, semivowel,or voiced one sound togetherwith the sound that precedes it stop (as). For (n), then,the onlycontextswhichare whenit is followed by a vowel or a voiced consonant." in question are those providedby (k) and otherthan Rephin is definedin generalin thosetakencare of by (b: 6.1.113) and (c). In effect, (s) RPr. 1.76: usma rephi paiicamo namipuirvah (n) providesforthezeroingof-y < -R obtainedby (k) "The fifth spirant (of the sound list, that is, h, see beforethesubgroupofas whichis includedin hal, that above ?1.1(7) with ftn.3) preceded by a namin (see is, has. Panini uses hal in (n) not because it is ab- ?1.1(16)) is termedrephin." solutely necessary for obtaining correct results by Othersounds are called rephin, thoughnot meeting zeroingof -y but because he can use it to obtain these the these e.g. a of prata4 "early" (< praconditions; resultsand at the same time have hal carryover into tar). In general, then, rephindenotes the h which the next rule: (o) 8.3.23: mo'nusvara4. By this rule, pada-final -m beforehal is replaced by anusvara; see Cardona, 1965a:pp. 229-230 and below (34).
51The rightcontext is dhi (VPr. 4.38: . . . dhau). Dhi is a termdenoting( VPr. 1.53: dhi SeEa4) consonants other than those to which the term jit is assigned; by VPr. 1.50 (dvaudvau prathamaujit) and 1.51 (i4mda?aSca havarjam), jit denotes the first two members of each varga and spirants other than h. That is, dhi is an abbreviational term for ghosavatof the other Pratis?khyas(?1.1(10)).
60 I use superscriptshere to indicate glides; Panini's term is laghuprayatnatara"having a lightereffort." Cf. Hem. 8.1.180 with commentary.
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Examples: krt "proclaim": acikrtatand acikirtat goes to r in the same contextswhere -44 -* o (RPr. 4.27) 52 (by (a)) (t) (cf. (n) above) APr. 2.55: (visarjaniyasya40, vrt"turn": avivrtat and avavartat(by (b)) lopah "4 precededby a is 54) akdropadhasya ghosavati and amamarjat(by (c)) mrj"wipe": amimrjat zeroed beforevoiced consonants." Patafijali explains (Bh. 1.35.9-10) that by using -t lupyate ([A 12]) in (d), Panini indicates that an of 1.1.69 is 8) avarnapuirvastu TPr. 9.9: (ghosavatparah "h preceded by an a vowel (but not a, see TPr. 9.8, formed withthesecondn (of S (6)), not the first: yada(q) above) is elided whena voiced consonantfollows." yamurrdityrkdram tajjniapayatydcdryah taparamkaroti ari- parena. For, ifan in 1.1.69 ([A 11]) denotedonly a, VPr. 4.38: (visarjaniya4 34, kanthyapfirva4 phitah 37) lopandhau "h which is non-riphit(cf. (s) i, and u, r would not denote also r by [A 11], so that above) goes to zero when preceded by a velar vowel there would be no need of using -t by [A 12] to (but not a, see VPr. 4.42, (q) above) and followedby specifyf in 7.4.7. dhi." See ftn.51. (27) in. As in the case of an ((6) and (26) above), lopam "lh (1.5.1) precededby one mightthinkof a possible ambiguityin this praKat. 1.5.11: ghosavati a (1.5.10) goes to zero beforea voiced consonant." tyahara,since it could denote the vowels i and u of RPr. 4.24: visarjaniya akdramarephi ghosavatpara4 S(1) (thus Staal, 1962: p. 3) or all the sounds from i of "Non-rephin h (togetherwith the precedingvowel, S(1) to I of S(6). In fact,if correctresultsare to be see (r) above) yields d when followed by a voiced obtained,in must be considereda pratyaharaformed consonant." with the n of S (6). ofhvary formodifications The otherrulesproviding (a) 8.3.57: inkoh (apadantasya muirdhanyah 55, sah too much fromtreatiseto treatiseto yield a detailed 56) "Non pada-finals is replaced by a retroflex after comparison with Paninian rules useful for our pur- in and ku." that in othertreatises poses. We may note,however, " (The oper(b) 8.3.58: numvisarjaniyasarvyavaye'pi of -h < -s and -h < -r under ation of (a) take effect)even if (s) is separated from the equivalent treatment certain conditions and the segregationof a vowels (in and ku) by num,54 h or s'ar." from other vowels is observed. Since these works not withR as does Panini, that the activity is performed start withh as the original, by an agent who is the instigator forthe treatmentof h preceded of another agent (hetu, 1.4.55: tat [kartr 54] prayojako he sca rules are formulated "The instigator of it [the kartr] is [both kartr] and hetu"). by a vowelsand others;see ftn.52. (26) an. This pratyaharais used only in 1.1.69 By 3.1.32 (sanadyanta dhdtavah),the sequence ending in nic is classed as a root (dhatu). 3.1.48 ( nicah) ... kartarican [cleh 44, ([A 11]). The Bhasya (I.35.6-10) presents a dis- luiLi43]) provides that aftera root ending in nic, cli (?3(13)) is cussion showing that in [A 11] an is a pratyahara replaced by cail before luni replacements (?4.2(9)) expressing formed withn of S(6), unlikean of (6) above. This agent. By 6.1.11 (canii), reduplication (ftn. 44) takes place 46]), [lopah 48, drdhadhatuke discussionrequiressome background. The beforecaii, and by 6.4.51 (nzeranifi verybrief nic is zeroed beforean drdhadhituka(in this case cani) not augrules apply to an anga ([B 7]). following mented with it (ftn. 40). Thus is obtained vrt-vrt-a.By 7.4.66 (a) 7.1.101: upadhayasca (ptait 100) (urat [abhyisasya 58]), r of a reduplicatedsyllable is replaced by (sarvadhatukard- a, which by [C 10] is followed by r; vart-vrt-a then is replaced (b) 7.3.86: pugantalaghuipadhasya is laghu Since the vowel of -vrt(7.4.60[?3(19a)]). by va-vrta84, gunah 82) hadhdtukayoh is followed by can, 7.4.93 (sanvaland [?3.2(4)]), -vrt(1.4.10 (c) 7.2.114: mrjervrddhi4 ...) applies, wherebya reduplicatedsyllable oclaghuni cantpare By (a) a penultimater is replaced by i, which by curringbeforea light root syllable followedby cani is subject to [C 10] is followed by r. (b) provides for replace- the operations which obtain when the root is followed by the mentby guna in an anga whosepenultis a shortvowel desiderative marker san. Hence, 7.4.79 (sanyatah [it 76, 58]) applies; this states that a of a reduplicated or ardhadhatuka abhydsasya when it is followedby sarvadhdtuka syllable is replaced by O when the root is followedby san. Thus affixes(see [B 17, 18]). By [C 11] the sthaninfor va-vrta-* vi-vrta-. Finally, by 7.4.94 (dirgho lagho4 [laghuni is r, the replacement canpare 93, abhyasasya 58]), which states that under the condi(b) is ik. When the penultimate is a ([B 4], [C 2]), whichby [C 10] is followedby r. tions of 7.4.93 a laghu vowel of the reduplicated syllable is -+ vi-vrta-. The augment at is (c) provides for vrddhireplacementin mrj "wipe." replaced by a long vowel, vi-vrtaobtained by 6.4.71 (?4.2(26)), and the final formis as noted in By [C 11], [B 3], [C 2], [C 10] the replacementis the examples. To give the completederivationofotherexamples r -a d -- dr. would take more space than is worth while in the present dis1]) contra- cussion; as it is, for the sake of presentation I have simplified (d) 7.4.7 (urrt[va 6, naucanyupadhaydh venes (a), (b) and (c) by stating that r is optionally a bit in the derivationof avivrtat. [sarvanamasthane 70, 64 By 7.1.72 (napumsakasya jhalaca1 replaced by r in an anga followedby the causative num 58]) a neuterbase ending injhal or ac has the augment num aorist marker.53 when followed by sarvanamasthana ([B 9, 10]). In yajiinPi,
52 Corresponding to Pasini's 8.3.14 (?3(25d)), then, RPr. visarjaniya; RPr. 4.28: rephodayo formulates rulesproperto rephin lupyate (rephi 27) "Rephin ... goes to zero before r"; 4.29: draghitopadhJ hrasvasya"The sound precedingit is lengthened." ca 63 The causative aorist markeris cani. By 3.1.26 (hetumati [nzic 25]), nic is affixedto a root when there is to be expressed
6.4.10 (santa ... [sarvanamasthane8, nopadhaya4 7, angasya 1, 6.3.111]) operates; by this rule, in an anga ending in s, dirghaW the penult relative to n is replaced by a long vowel when sarvandmasthana (other than vocative) follow. By 8.3.24 (na.capadantasya jhali [anusvara4 23]), n which is not padafinalis replaced by anusvara.
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"The operation of (a) conditionguna replacement. But ktva is kit, hence (c) 8.3.59: adesapratyayoh or a part of by [C 12] should not condition guna replacement. takes place) on s whichis a replacement55 The effect of makingsan and ktv2both optionallykit an affix." Examples: yajumsi < yaju-n-si "Yajus" (nom- in the given contextis then to obtain alternantforms with and withoutguna. acc.pl.) - didyotisate, 3sg. pres.desid. Examples: didyutisate yaju4su < yajuh-sup(loc. pl.)56 agnisu < agni-sup"fires" of dyut "illuminate," dyutitva dyotitva;lilikhisati - lilekhisati< likh "scrape, write," likhitv& le"winds" vayusu < vdyu"doers,agents" kartrsu< kartrkhitv&. manusesu < manuEe-sup "men" (see Rule (f) must be limitedto roots whose penult is i (35c) below). or u in orderto exclude its operatingon rootssuch as See also above (13) end. vrt. By luntliitm dho'ngat(muirdha(d) 8.3.78: inah sWdhvam (g) 1.2.18: na ktvaset (kit 5) of sdhvam,aorist ktva, when augmented by it, is not considered kit. nyam55) "A retroflex replacesdh57 of lufi,lit, Hence, vrt-itva endings (replacements endings,and perfect -> vartitva. see ?4.2(9), (3)) which occur afteran anigaending in "i (h) 6.4.77: aci snudh&tubhruv&rm yvoriyahuvaitau in." and u of an aniga(6.4.1) endingin snu (affix properto < cyo-4dhvam, 2pl. precative the fifth Examples: cyos.dhvam class of verb roots), a root,and bhrfi 'brow' of cyu "instigate" are replacedrespectively by iy and uv before vowel." 2 pl. aor. < acyo-s-dhvam,58 acyodhvam Examples: ciksiyu4< ciksi-uh, 3pl. perf. of ksi mid. of cyu "rule"; luluvuh < lulfi-u4< lIu "cut"; apnuvanti < cakr-dhve, 2pl. perf. mid. of cakr4hve < &pnu-anti "they reach." The operationof (h) has kr "do, make." to be limitedto i and u vowels in order to avoid its (e) 8.3.39: inah sah (visarjaniyasya34, kupvo437, applying in formssuch as cakruh< kr, where r -- r apadadau 38): in [h -> s] ku pu if ku and pu are not (see (2a) above) is required. pada-initial. Patafijali puts the issue in terms of economizing Examples: From sarpis "ghee" and yajus followed half a mora (matra), using (h) as an example. The by the affix kalpa59: sarpiskalpam, yajuskalpam. sequence yvorcounts for three and one-halfmorae, Contrastthe treatment noted in (25h). each forthe three As we have noted (see ?2.1 above), the commenta- two forthelongvowel o and one-half the the forminah consonants; using pratydhara in, resultsin brevity tors say that the use of pratyaharas would count for three morae, one-half per consonant in the formulation of grammaticalrules. This search for brevity-or rather its violation-is invoked by and one each forthe vowels. Bh. 1.35.12-5: yatrecPatafijali to show that Panini uses in only when he chati purvena sammrdyagrahanam karotiyvoriti... sammrdya grahane'rdhacatasro means to include all the sounds fromi of S(1) to I of tatra vibhaktinirdege S(6). For, whenhe wishesto singleout i and u alone, matrah/pratyaharagrahanepunastisro matrah/so' yamevam nyasenasiddhesati yadgariyamsam laghiyasC Panini does not use a pratyahara. yatnam2rabhate parena na puirvetajjniapayaty&c&rya4 sams'ca (ktvaset (f) 1.2.26: ralo vyupadhaddhaladeh ". .. Given that correct neti are obtained with results 18,va 23) "Afterrootsin initialhal and finalral whose a briefer formulation half a (by mora), by undertaking penult is u or i, san (desiderativemarker,as well as ktva[absolutive affix]augmentedby it [see ftn.40]) a more prolix formulation (lit.: 'heavier effort') withthe secondn, are optionally kit." san and ktva are ardhadhatuka Panini indicatesthat (in is formed) first." not the This cannot of course be takenat face ([B 18]), so that by 7.3.84 (see ftn.33) they would value. Patanijali has taken as his point of reference 55 The substitute s involved has to do with root-initials. In the possible praty2h2raform inah contrasted with his catalogue of roots (dhdtupatha)Panini lists some roots with But ina1. would not occur in this shape in the yvor. initial s, others with initial s. The initial s is replaced by s by actual rule, since i follows; the sequence in samhit& 6.1.64 (dhdtvadeh!ah sah). Since 8.3.59 applies only to s<S, the effectof the different listings of roots together with 6.1.64 would be ina i-, with ina countingforonly two and is to differentiate formssuch as 3sg. desid. ssrkfati6<srj "throw" one-halfmorae. Cf. Nagega, Uddyota1.114: samhi(listed with s-) from forms such as 3sg. perf. susvapa < svap tayam tu sardhamatradvayameveti bodhyam. Never"sleep" (listed with .-). In the latter, 8.3.59 applies. Panini could have the basic holds: theless, argument In yajus-sup, yajus is a pada ([B 11]); hence, -s-s--R-s(8.2.66 [?3(25a)]) -4 yaju1.-su (8.3.15 [?3(25e)]) -* yajuhsu used in in rulessuch as (f) but did not. That he fol(8.3.59). lowed this procedureis explainable by his desiringto 67 The specificsubstitutedh is obtained by [C 2]. in to the cases where it denotes all the sounds limit 68 cyus -* cyos -* % s 7.3.84 (ftn. 33); by by8.2.25(dhica [lopa4 23, sasya 24]), which states that s is zeroed before a suffix be- from i of S(1) to l of S(6). ginningwith dh. (28) at. 69 Suffix kalpap by 5.3.67 (isadasamaptau kalpap ... .) to express (a) 8.3.9: dirghdda(i samanapade (ru 1): V[n -> R] the qualification "not quite, a bit less than" of what is denoted by the nominal base. at if-n and at are in the same quarterverse (pada).
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(b) 8.3.3: 2to'tinityam(anundsikahpuirvasya 2). sayyya -> (optionally), sayya (8.4.64, below (36)) (b) is a specificrule makingnecessary (nitya) the re- "bed." placementof a vowel by a nasalized vowel, thus con(32) val. 6.1.66: lopo vyorvali:[v y -> 0] val. traveningthe option given in 8.3.2 (see (24a) above). Examples: Perf.participledidivan < -div-van < div In turn,(b) is a specific rule relativeto (a); the latter "gamble," Opt. 3pl. paceran < paca-iyran < pac providesforR replacement aftera long vowel,and by "cook."6' 8.3.2, 4 (above (24a, b)) the precedingvowel is re(33) ral. 1.2.26, on whichsee (27f). placed eitherby a fullynasalized vowel or followed (34) yay. by nasality. (b) providesforonlya fully nasalized vowel (a) 8.4.58: anusv&rasyayayi parasavarnah "Anusv&ra(cf. above (25o)) followedby yay is replaced by whenthe longvowel is d. For examplessee (24). (29) am. 8.3.6: pumah khayyampare(ru 1): [-m the sound savarna with the following." is made optionalforpada-final-mby R] khay] am in the item pum "man." E.g. pum- The replacement call -* pumRcali - pumiRcali -* pumhcali- puincali (b) 8.4.59: vd padantasya. -> pumscali - puihscali -s pums'cali - pumisicali Examples: yumgdhi yungdhi"join" (2sg. imper. "prostitute." For the replacements of R see (25 <yuj), yumnjanti -> yun-janti (3pl. pres.) tam lokam ta-mllokam e, f,g), and foram see also (24c). "that world" samvatsara- samvvatsara (30) hag. See (25c). "year." In the last two examples m-land m-v are (31) yar. symbols for nasalized semivowels. For a fullerdis(a) 8.4.45: yaro'nundsike'nundsiko v2 (pad2nta 42): cussion, includingcomparable rules fromother trea[-yar -* anun2sika] anun2sika optionally. Anun2- tises, see Cardona, 1965a: pp. 229-230. sika heredenotes the nasal stops (cf. ftn.12) as right (35) yafi. context. Now, 8.2.39 (above (16c)) provides forre(a) 7.3.101: ato dirgho yani (sarvadhatuke 95, anigaplacementof pada-final jhal by jas; -y < -R is zeroed sya 6.4 1); [a -V 7] yan in an anigaifyaniis the initial beforehal (or ratherhas, see (25n)), and -ay, -2y,-av, of a sdrvadhdtuka (see [B 17]). 'V is a by [C 2]. -avoccuronlybefore (b) 7.3.102: supi ca "Also beforesup." (b) thus vowels (above (5a)). 8.4.45 thus actuallyprovidesan operationto take effect onjas. provides fora -a C beforenominal endings (abbreviExamples: RV 7.82.8: arvainnar2 daivyendvas2 gatam ated sup) beginningwith yaii. In (b), yafi is over"Come hither with godly help, you two heroes." broad, since it includes bh; beforea plural ending in (arvak); RV 1.109.8: tannomitro varunom2mahantam bh-,a should be replaced by e. This is provided for . .. "Let MVitra and Varuna ... generouslygrant us by: that." (tad nah) (c) 7.3.103: bahuvacanejhalyet: Ea-* e] jhal, if Compare: jhal is the initial of a memberof sup termedbahuva(b) PPr. 4.3: (pratham2h 2) uttam2nuttamesfidayesu cana (i.e., the pluralendings). "Voiceless unaspiratedstops followedby nasal stops Examples: (a) paca-mi -* pacami "I am cooking," become nasal stops." paca-vah -* pacavah (ldu.), paca-mah -* pacamah1 -* manusa-ya (c) Kat. 1.4.2: (vargaprathamah 1) pancame paica- (lpl.); (b) manuEa-ne (7.1.13)62 -* ma-* m2mstrtiy&n v2 "Voiceless unaspiratedstops followed nusaya "to the man," manusa-bhyam manusabhyam -* by nasal stops become either nasal stops or voiced (inst., dat., abl. du.); (c) manusa-bhyah manuEeunaspiratedstops." bhyah (dat., abl. pl.), manusa-sup-* manusesu (see (b) and (c) thus differ essentiallyfrom (a) in that above (27c)). they provide modifications of voiceless unaspirated (36) yam. 8.4.64: halo yamarm yami lopah (anyastops,whilePanini providesforreplacements ofvoiced tarasyam62): hal[yam -# 0] yam optionally. unaspiratedstops; 8.4.56 (see ftn. 43) thenprovidesfor Examples: sayyya -s 'ayya (see 3 1e)), siras-ya optional replacementof the voiced stops by voiceless (4.3.55) "located in the head" S-rsanya (6.1.61, 8.4.1)63 unaspiratedstops in absolute final. ) Sirxannya(see (3 le)) S-rsatya. Yar in 8.4.45 is thus,like hal in 8.3.22 (above (25n), occurs in s' followed by a cf. also (16a)), an overbroad pratyahara including whichstates that ay substitution affix marked withk or n. sounds neutralwith respectto the operationprovided y-initial 61 pac-liii (3.3.161 [?4.2(8)]) -- pac-jha (3.4.78 [?4.2(12)]) by 8.4.45 but used so as to carryover into 8.4.46-7, pac-ran (3.4.105: jhasya ran [lihah 102]) -f pac-a-ran (3.1.68 whereit is necessary;cf.Buiskool,1939: p. 95. These [?4.2(22)]) -* pac-a-siyran (3.4.102 [?4.2(25)]) -+ pac-a-iyran (7.2.79: lIn'a4 salopo' nantyasya [sarvadhatuke76]) -f pac-a-iran rules are: -(d) 8.4.46: aco rahabhyam dve (yarah) " Yar afterr (6.1.66) paceran(6.1.87 E?3(11lf)]). 62iieis thefirst member ofthefourth triplet ofnominal endings and h precededby ac are doubled." denoted by sup; by 7.1.13 (hter yah [atahz9]), iie -+ ya after an (e) 8.4.47: anaci ca "Also beforenon-ac." a-Aga (6.4.1) in -a. 63 Taddhita (4.1.76: taddhitadz) Examples: arkah-- arkkac "ray, hymn"; brahma affixyat by 4.3.55 (sarirnvayavacca[yat54]). The syntactic to which - brahmma sequence sucha taddhita "incantationalformula"; sayya (3.3.99)60
60
to
s? "lie";
By 3.3.99(samjndydm
Si-ya-s-+
[kyap 98]), kyap is affixed pronominal in thisruleis a variable(see ftn.32 and ?4.5) tatra standing for any locative. 4.1.82 (samarthkinim ay-ya by 7.4.22 (ayant yi kniti [Egifa421]), pratham&dva)
...
s'xh ...
is indicated derivative corresponds by4.3.53(tatra bhavah). The
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(37) vas. 7.2.8: nedvasikrti"There is no augment it (see ftn.40) beforea krtwith initialvas." Examples: isvara "master, lord" < ig "have control over," dipra "brilliant" < dip "shine," ydcna "prayer, request" < y2c "pray, request." (38) jhal. See (16c, d), (18), (35c), (41), ?6.1(2), [B 2], ftns.36, 54, 73. (39) jhar. 8.4.65: jharo jhari savarne (halah lopak 62); Optionallyhal [ihar - > 0] jhar 64, anyatarasyam ifthe right jhar is savarnawiththe left. Examples: jagdh-ta (2.4.36)64->jagdh-dha (8.2.40, above (20)) - >jagddha (8.4.53, above (18)) - >jagdha "eaten," cikirsu-> cikirssu (8.4.46, above (31d)) -> cikirsu "desirousofdoing." (40) khar. See (16d), (25e). (41) car. 8.4.54: abhyasecarca (jhalamjas 53) "In see ftn.44), jhal is the reduplicatedsyllable (abhy&sa, replaced by car as well (as by jas)." Examples: jhahdra - > jahdra, 3sg. perf. <hr -> cichitsati, 3sg. pres. desid. "take,"65 chichitsati < chid "cut." ?3.1. by pratyaharas It is clear from ?3 that Panini formed sound ofthesivasatrasnecessary withthefirst starting apfora rule and closingthe praty2hara withthe first propriateanubandha. It is equally evident that not all pratyaharas used include all the sounds of a given ?ivasiitra. Sounds listedin the sivasutras to the leftof are excluded for two the firstsound of a pratydhara possible reasons: (a) theirinclusionwould lead to unto the correct desiredresults; (b) theyare unnecessary of operations. Examples of (a) are: formulation (1) 6.1.66 (?3 (32)). The inclusionofy would allow such [v -*> 0] y, whichis not to be allowed,since forms as divyati, 3sg. pres. of div "gamble"66 must be allowed. (2) 8.2.37 (?3(22)). j is necessarilyexcluded from the replacementoperation (see ftn. 48), hence the pratyaharabegins with b (bas). In orderthat [C 3]
are optionally is a headingwhichstates that in what followsaffixes affixedto items stated firstin the rules and that the affixation occurs when that firstitem is syntactically bound (samartha) withanother. Thus 4.3.55 with4.3.53 states that afteran item X in the locative (X-loc.) denotinga part of the body, yat is affixed. By [B 15], this results in a new nominal base (pratipadika) meaning "located in X." The locative marker of such a pratipadika is zeroed by 2.4.71 (supo dhatupratipadikayoh [luk 58]), which states that nominal endings (sup) which occur as part of a root (dhatu) or nominalbase (pratipadika) are deleted. siras-ya -* sirsan-yaby 6.1.61 (ye ca taddhite [Uir~an60]), which provides for this replacement before a taddhitain y-. -n- -n by 8.4.1 (?3.1(17)). 64 2.4.36 (ado jagdhirlyapti kiti) provides for ad -* jagdh in t-; on kta see ftn.36. beforea k marked affix 67 By 3.4.87 (serhyacpicca 65Reduplication by 6.1.8 (see ftn. 44); in the reduplicated [lota4 85]) hi replaces si if the latter is itselfa replacementof lot (?4.2(6)). syllable, h -*jh by 7.4.62 (see ftn.43). 66div-tip(3.4.78 [?4.2(12)]) -* div-?yan-tip 68 On the inclusion of neutral sounds in a pratyaharasee also (3.1.69: div&dibhya4 syan [sarvadhatuke 67, kartari 68, cf. ?4.2(22)]) -+ div-ya-ti Staal, 1962: p. 6 and the Bhauya discussion summarized below ikahl76, see ?3.3(4)]). (?6.2). d7rgha (8.2.77: hali ca [rvorupadhaya
apply, Panini thenhad to use a pratyahara bhas in the same rule. (3) 8.3.32. m is to be excluded; see ?3(17). Examples of (b) are: (4) 7.2.8 (?3 (37)). y need not be directly excluded, since 7.2.35 (see ftn.40) providesforit ofan ardhadh2tukabeginning withval, whichincludesvas. (5) 7.3.101 (?3(35a)). h need not be directlyexcluded,sincethe onlysarvadhatuka withh is beginning the imperativeending -hi replacing-si,67 and this is zeroed after an anga ending in a by 6.4.105 (atoheh [luk 104]); e.g. paca-hi- > paca "cook." (6) 7.4.61 (?3(19b)). There is no root in which h immediately precedesa memberof khay. (7) 8.3.33. See ?3 (15). A praty2hara may also contain sounds neutralwith respectto operations (of the type (b) above) but included in the pratyahdra because the rules in which they are used require the inclusionof sounds to the leftof them. Examples of this usage are: (8) 8.3.22 (?3(25n)), (9) 8.4.45 (?3(31a)), and (10) 8.4.62 (?3 (16a)) .68 An extreme exampleof thisusage is (11) 6.4.81: ino yan (aci 77): [in -> yan] ac. Now, in is simplythe root i "go" (e.g. 3pl. yanti), so that the praty2hara yan is used when the onlypossible replacement is y. Similarly, 6.4.82 (eranekaco'sanyo[yan 81, dhatu aci 77]) states that yan gapuirvasya replaces -i of a root in a polysyllabicanga (6.4.1) before ac ifi is notprecededby a cluster;e.g. ninyuh(3pl. perf. < ni "guide"). By [C 2] the replacementof i can only be y. The reason forusingyan in 6.4.81 is clearwhenwe consider6.4.83 (ohsupi [anek2co'sarnyogapu7rvasya 82, yan, 81, dhdtu aci 77]), whichprovides for u -* yan under the conditions stated in 6.4.82; e.g. khalapvau< khalapui-"floor sweepers" (nom.acc. du.) The use of yan forthis series of rules is of furtherinterest,since these rules provide specific replacements,contraveningthe general replacement stated in 6.4.77 (see ?3(27h)), where Panini does not use a pratydhdra. There are cases wherethes'ivasuitra ordering does not allow the use ofpratydharas, so that Panini has to give the pertinent sounds in unabbreviatedfashion. The following thisprocedure. exemplify (12) 6.1.66; see ?3(32). Inclusion of r in *yat would lead to its undesiredzeroingin formssuch as kurvanti "they make." (13) 8.2.41; see ftn. 41. *dhar would include sounds such as dh, so that undesired replacements would resultin forms such as bhotsyate (?3 (22)). (14) 8.2.42: radabhydm nisthdto nah piirvasya ca dah. By thisrule,t of an affix termednisthd(ftn.36) is replaced by n afterr and d and the precedingd is con-
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Finally, the following rule makes optional the abcurrently replaced by n; e.g. stirna (8.4.1, see below (17)) < stf "spread," bhinna < bhid "split." The sence ofvrddhi replacement undertheabove condition: (f) 7.2.7: ato haladerlaghohz use of *ras would producewrongresultsin forms (vibhada 6). This states such that thereis optionalabsence ofvrddhi as yukta < yuj "join." replacement in 64): [-m -* n] m an aniga with initial hal containing a light (laghu, (15) 8.2.65: mvos'ca (mo no dhatoh1 v, if -m is part of a root. E.g. aganva (ldu.), aganma ?3.2(4) below) d. E.g. aracnt< ran "take pleasure (lpl.), aorist forms of gam "go." *vamwould includer in. Since (f) provides an option of a negation,it can and n, leading to wrongresultsin forms such as namra ra (3.2.167) and scamnUteonly operate on anigasendingin hal, that is, the type "bowed" < nam with suffix providedforby the negativerule (d). Now, h, m and "exerts himself"< Sam. (16) 8.3.18; see ?3 (251). *yatwouldincluder,hence y are included in the sounds denoted by hal. The of these sounds in (e) can only be inundesiredresultswould be obtained in formssuch as specification tended, then, to counter the option provided for by pratar (e.g. RV 7.41.1: prataragnim ... havamahe (f), thus allowing only for the absence of vrddhire"We call to Agniin the morning.") (17) 8.4.1 (rasdbhyam no na4 samanapade) provides placement. But the sounds denoted by *ham would forn -- n afterr or s in the same pada: e.g. stirna (see also be includedamong thosedenotedby hal. There(14) above), mus-ndti-> musndti "steals." *rar fore,*hamcould not be used in (e); n is a memberof would not do, since wrong formswould result; e.g. *ham,so that the desired alternationin the aorist of ran etc. would not be obtained.69 famnite (see (15) above) would now have n. (18) 7.2.5. Even a brief discussion of this rule ?3.2. requires some background. Rules 7.2.1-7 deal with vrddhireplacementconditionedby sic (cf. ?3 (13c)), In othercases wherehe could not make use of praitselffollowedby parasmaipada endings (cf. ?4.2 (14)) tydhdras, Panini used phoneticterminology reflecting (a) 7.2.1: sici vrddhiparasmaipadesu: [-* vrddhi] older usage (cf. ?1.2). sic-parasmaipada. As noted, the rule does not state (1) 1.1.8: mukhanJsikdvacano'nundsikah "A sound a particularsthdnin;by [C 11], therefore, the sthdnin pronounced through the nose together withthe mouth is ik, and by [C 2, 10] the appropriatereplacements is termed anunasika." As I have already noted (?2 are determined. This thus accounts for:ik -> ai, au, end), this is simplya definition. Now, since P4nini dr, dl. E.g. anaisit (3sg. < ni "lead"), aldvit (< lu, did not list the nasal vowels in his sivasutras, he could "cut," (see ?3(5a)), akdrsit(< kr "do, make"). not use themin 1.1.8; hence he used phoneticterminThere remains,then,to provide forvrddhi replace- ology. Once he did this,it became redundantto use ment of a vowels. This is done by the following *nam. This is of interest, two the possible pratydhdra since in other rules where he could easily have used rules. *nam Panini uses anundsika (see ftn. 12). It is (b) 7.2.2: ato Irdntasya plausible, then, to say that once he found *ntam re(c) 7.2.3: vadavrajahalantasydcah rule 1.1.8, wherehe had to By (b), in an antga(6.4.1) endingin -r,-1,a'-* vrddhi; dundant in the definitional he decided to extend the that is, by [C 2], a --i d. E.g. aksdrit (< ksar use phonetic terminology, of use anundsika to all rules where *nam mighthave "flow"), ajvdlit (< jval "flame up"). By (c) ac been used. in vrddhi an anga ending in hal as well as in vad (2) 7.1.102 (udosthyapzirvasya [fta4 dhdtoh100]) "speak" and vraj "wander." E.g. apdksit (< pac, states that final-t of a root, if preceded by a labial see ftn.74), avddit, avrajit. (osthya),is replaced by u. Osthyais used so as to reis now negated. Replacementby vrddhi ferto both the labial stops and v; e.g. vuviTir$ate (3sg. (d) 7.2.4: neti (halantasya3) states that vrddhi re- desid. < vr"choose"), mumuirsate (< mr "die"). In placement does not take place in an anga ending in view of forms such as cikirsati< kr,a pratyahara was hal when followedby sic augmented with it. E.g. obviouslyunusable, hence the use of the termo$thya. amosisam (lsg. < mus "steal"), with gun.ta replace(3) 8.3.55 apaddntasya muirdhanyah.Here the ment by 7.3.84 (see ftn.33). Since (d) affectsonly termmurdhanya "retroflex"(cf. ftn.4), whichcarries angas in -hal, vrddhireplacementby (a) does take over into 8.3.57 ff.(?3(27a ff.)), is used so as to inplace to yield forms such as aldvit, aldvisam < lIu. clude boths and dh. Cf.Bh. ad 8.3.55 (III.437.2-3).70 (e) 7.2.5: hmyantaksanas'vasajagrUisvyeditdm. For 69I omit any discussion of 6.1.3 (na ndra,hsamyogadaya4), the presentdiscussionwe have only to considerthat wherein are specified n, d, and r. thisruleprovidesfortheabsence ofvrddhi 70 In 7.3.73 (ftn.45) Pa4ini uses dantya. Whether replacement thisindiunder the conditionstated in (d) forangas endingin cates that the operation applies also when labio-dental (danv followsis problematic.In any case, part of the -h, -m, and -y. E.g. agrahit, agrahisam (< grah tyo.ythya) in Cardona, 1964,is unacceptable as statedand re"grasp"), asamista (3sg. < sam). As an example of argument quiresmoredetailed consideration.The principal for argument -y,the commentators(e.g. Kds. ad 7.2.5) cite avyayit saying thatP&inini useddantya to include v is thathe couldhave < vyay"use up." usedtu ([A I. jto denote thedentalstopsalone. I am grateful
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It will be useful,beforeproceedingfurther, to summarize brieflythe conclusionswhich can be drawn fromthe above discussion. There was clearlya prePaninian phonologic classificationwith appropriate terminology(?1.1) which continued to be used by post-Pan.inian grammarians (?1.2). That Panini ?3.3. actually uses such terminology (?3.2) and that he reof stops by using terms There are, finally, instanceswherePanini could per- tains the varga classification fectlywell have used a pratydhdra (cf. above ?3.2(1)) such as ku ([A 11]) to denote the membersof a varga only serves to buttressthe already inescapable conbut instead states twosounds directly. (1) 6.4.107: lopas'cdnyatarasydm mvo4 (utahz... clusion that the classification and accompanying discussed in ?1.1 were known to Panini asamyogapfirvdt 106). This provides for optional terminology m or v ifnot precededby and also assumed by him to be knownto those using zeroingof -uiofa suffix before a cluster. E.g. ldu, lpl. pres. of su "press"; sunvah his grammar. However, Panini introduced a new of his observing the generalclassification sunuvah,sunmah sunumah. Now, the affixes in terminology, (?3) inquestion are gnuand u, whichoccur afterrootsof the predecessors(??1-1.1) but using pratydhdras etc. This inwhensdrvadhdtuka stead of termssuch as svara,vyanfjana and eighthclasses respectivelv fifth affixes follow (see ?4.2 (22)). Since there are no novation involved two types of changes. The order by the Pr&tisdkhya in r-, 1-,n-, n-, nz-, sdrvadhdtuka affixes a pratydhdra of sounds as generallyreflected spirstops,semivowels, *vam,includingtheseneutralsounds,could have been listings(?1.1), namely: vowels, ants, was changed to: vowels,semivowels, stops,spirused. (2) 8.2.38 (dadhastathos'ca) states that the operation ants; and, withinthe stops, the ordertype k khg gh n of 8.2.37 (?3(22)) applies also to dadha (< dhd (?1.1(8)-(9)) was changed. Moreover, Panini rein t-and thfollow. The endings duced the numberof sounds listed; for example, he "place") whensuffixes tas (3du.), thas (2du.), tha (2pl.) are not markedwith does not list separatelylong and shortvowels. Rewe have noted (??3.1p, and they are sdrvadhdtuka ([B 17]). Hence, by gardingthe use of pratydhdras, listingdoes not allow the use 1.2.4 (sdrvadhdtukamapit [iiit 1]), theyare treatedas 3.2) that the sivasuitra in all cases wherePanini had to refer to though marked with fi. Therefore,they condition of pratyahdras several sounds in a given rule. Further(?3.3), it apthe operation stated by 6.4.112 (sndbhyastayordtah [lopah 111, sdrvadhdtuke 110, kniiti 99]), wherebyd of pears that,even when it was possible to use a pratydan abhyasta(see ftn.44) is zeroed beforea sdrvadha- hdra,Panini did not do so ifit would denote only two tuka marked with ni: dadhd--* dadho--* dhadh-. sounds. It would seem reasonable to conclude from not to Since 8.2.40 (?3(20)) excepts dhd fromits operation, this that Panini mainly formedpratydhdras 8.4.55 (?3(16d)) directly applies: dhattah,dhatthah, include sounds to be denoted but ratherto EXCLUDE a given group. Finally,we may dhattha. The form dadhd occurs before consonant certainsounds from initialaffixes includingonly the personalendingsand recall that the traditionof the Paninlyas maintains none ofwhichbeginswithc or (??2-2. 1) that Panini listedthe sounds in the sivasuitra the participialmarkers, to be interand therebyformed ordering pratydhdras Panini could have used *thav. (. Therefore, withinitialc- or t-do pretedby EA 10] forthe sake of economy. (3) 8.2.40; see ?3 (20). Affixes not come into question, a fact indicated by Pdanini's These conclusions require us to pose and answer use ofaffix-initial c, t as its ([A 6]). Nor can therebe several questions. First, was Panini unique in reany question of jhas followed by c- across a pada modeling sound list? Secondly,whenhe a traditional be replaced did remodelsuch a listwas his principle jhas would first aim economy? boundary,sincepada-final by jas (8.2.39, ?3(16c)). Hence, *thav could have And, in connectionwith this,we must ask just what been used in 8.2.40. kind of economy he meant to achieve. Finally, it Finally, thereare rules such as (4) 8.2.76 (rvorupa- should be possible to perceive the precise steps into Yutaka Ojihara, with whom I had the opportunityto discuss volved in remodelinga traditionalsound listing to do not allow -this question. yieldthe sivasuitras. Since the sivasuitras
'
Panini defines theterms laghu"light,"guru"heavy" in the following rules. laghu (4) 1.4.10: hrasvam (5) 1.4.11: samryoge guru (6) 1.4.12: dirgham ca A shortvowel (hrasva) is termedlaghu; a shortvowel followedby a cluster (samyoga, see ?3 (3a) above) or a longvowel (dzrgha)is termedguru. The termguruis used in a rulewherer mustbe excepted. (7) 8.2.86: guroranrto'nantyasydpyekaikasya pracdm 83). This states that, according (pratyabhivdde's?zdre to Easterners,when answeringthe greeting of a non-iidra any guruotherthan r is pronounced extra long. E.g. de3vadatta,deva3datta,devadatta3; krsnamitra3 etc. excepting*kr3snamitra.
dhdyd dirghaika4 [dhdto474]), wherebypenultimate ik in a rootendingin r or v is replacedby a longvowel (e.g. gir -* gir-* gih "voice, hymn" [?3(25e)]), and (5) 7.2.2 (see ?3.1 (18b)). In (4) r and v are specified, and (5) specifies I and r. Here thereis no questionof even includingneutral sounds in a pratydhdra, since *vatwould denote onlyv and r and *ranwould denote only r and 1. ?4.
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in every case wherea rule rethe use of pratydhdras to a group of sounds, one should esquired reference pecially show, if possible, what principlesprompted at a certainstage. And Panini to stop his remodeling these should be reconcilablewith the conclusionthat Panini formedpratyaharagroupings mainly for excluding certain sounds. In brief: what essential methodological innovation is reflectedby Panini's ? sivasuitras
verse 9 of list [of RPr.] betweena and i appears from the Introduction,which, however, may be a later ueo addition." To be sure, the verse (akdrarkaravi ai au) is no doubt a later addition. But the actual rulesof RPr. requirethat r have been placed between a and i. RPr. 1.65 (see ?1.1(16)) assigns the term withr (rkdrddaya4), ndminto thetenvowelsbeginning to r,r, i, 7,u, u, e, and thismakessense onlyifit refers o, at, au. evidence from some interesting There is, further, ?4.1. the Mahdbhasya concerningan order a ri. As we It is virtuallycertainthat Panini was notunique in have seen (?1), in thesivasitrasthe ordera i u r of the a traditionallist of sounds. Let us con- vowels is repeated in the semivowels: S (5) h y v r. reordering of sounds in what is generallycon- Now, the question is asked (Bh. 1.27.21-2) whether sider the ordering the Rkprdtisad-the ordershould be (a) h r y v or (b) as in A(5). It is sidered to be the oldest Prdtisadkhya, khya. argued (S(5) vt. 4) that if order (b) is used, the folRPr. 1.38-48 give the points of articulation of lowingfaultsresult: 1. Since r is included in yar, by sounds (RPr. 1.49: iti sthanani "thus the points of 8.4.45 (?3(31a)) -rn- will yield a nasalized r; 2. By are distinguished. articulation.") The following 8.4.46 (?3(31d)), r will be doubled in a sequence (1) kanzhya"pronouncedat the back of the throat, -ahra-;3. Since r is includedin yay,by 8.4.58 (?3 (34a)) spirants a sequence -am r- will yield a nasalized r. These and fifth velar" (see ftn4): a (1.38), the first (1.39) of 1.10 (see ?1.1 (7)), that is h and I. are easily refuted. r has no nasal counterarguments (2) jihvdmzliya "pronounced at the root of the part (Bh. 1.28.12), so that the first and thirdfaultsdo tongue": r, 1,the sixthspirant (i.e., Nk),and the first not result. In 8.4.46, r and h are not givenas sounds varga,that is, velar stops (1.40). 1.41 notes that ac- subject to the operation (kdryinau) but as sounds cording to some these sounds are "chest sounds" conditioning Bh. 1.28.13-4). the operation (nimittam, (urasya). faultsresult: 4. Since v is inUnder (a), the following "pronouncedat the palate": e, ca-varga, cluded in ral, by 1.2.26 (?3(27f)), ktvdis optionally (3) tdlavya i, ai, y,s' (1.42). kitaftera root of the shape div "gamble," so that the "pronounced at the dome": s and undesiredform*divitva (4) muirdhanya is obtained in addition tO the r is excluded from val, 6.1.66 5. Since devitva; required ta-varga(1.43). (5) dantamuliya "pronounced at the root of the (?3 (32)) will not apply to yield forms such as paceran. teeth": ta-varga(1.44) ; s, r, 1 (1.45). 1.46 states that That of the possible permutations,only order (a) accordingto some, r is bartsya"alveolar." should be broughtup as an alternativeforconsideraif such an order"labial": all othersounds except nasals.7 tion, is understandableimmediately (6) osthya That is, u, u, o, au, pa-varga,and upadhmdniya(,p; ing was knownto Katyayana and Patanijali. see Uvata ad 1.47). Now, as the vargasof stops are Elsewhere in the vowel list of RPr., however,the orderedk c t t p (see ?1.1(2)), so should we expect a expected phoneticorderis disturbed. Thus, instead phonetic orderingof sounds according to points of of the expectede ai o au, we finde o ai au. That this articulationto be: was the order is clear fromRPr. 13.39: samdhyesvauttaramyujorukara iti s.dkatdyanac karo'rdhamikdra u r i a "Accordingto Sakat.ayana,the (first)halfof the como, au e, ai plex vowels is a, thesecond halfis i (forthe odd ones), t k c p t u fortheeven ones (yujoz,Uvata: dvitiyacaturthayoh! )." etc. Nor is the reasonforthisorderfarto seek. RPr. 2.25 r,l v y dkdram ca dvausvarau[svarodaya, 24]) states (uttamau >p s 6 h, h Nk s that the last two vowels (ai, au) followedby a vowel In fact, the order a r i must be accepted forRPr. become d. This is a single rule equivalent in its reThieme (1935: p. 103) says: "That r was quoted in the sults to two ruleseach of APr. and VPr; see ?3 (5b-e). ai and In termsof theirbehaviorin samdhi,therefore, 71 RPr. 1.47: osthyo'pavadya nasiky2n, 1.48: ndsikyaya- au belong together. sWe.a thenasals; (the nasals are labial,excepting "The rest md1nusvsran That RPr. also placed h befores, as expected in a excepted are) ndsikya,yama, and anusvara." RPr. 6.29 (sparsa RPr. 13.10 (duspr4qam is clear from ordering, phonetic that states sparse'vanundsikeEu) svsnparesu yamanananunsika4 a yamaof its [karanam 8] tu pragghakardccaturnam). by a nasal stop becomes stopfollowed This states a non-nasal sadrk), the yama that the articulatormakes incompletecontact in the own varga. By RPr. 6.32 (yama= prakrtyaiva statethat Prdtisakhyas stop. Other oftheoriginal has theform are stopand a follow- articulationof the foursounds precedingh; these a non-nasal yama(lit. "twin")occursbetween which the four semivowels the precede (?1.1(6)), 1862: pp. 63-66 (ad APr. 1.99), ing nasal stop; see Whitney, spirants (?1.1(7)). Allen,1953: pp. 75-77.
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L is a covertermforthe tenL members:1. lat, 2. lit, 3. lut, 4. Irt, 5. lot,6. lIa, 7. lifi,8. luni, 9. Irii,and 10. let, which is introducedonly for Vedic forms (subjunctives). The followingrules illustratethe functionsforwhichthese are introduced. (2) 3.2.123 (vartamdne lat): lat is introduced when one is to expressthat the activitydenotedby the verb takes place at present. (3) 3.2.115 (parokse lit [bhzte 84]): lit when the activity has taken place in the past (bhfita)beyond one's ken. (4) 3.3.15 (anadyatane lut [bhavisyati]): lut for future exclusiveof today. (5) 3.3.13: Irt sese ca (kriydy2m kriyarthdy2m 10, bhavisyati 3): Irt to express future, when the verb is construedwith a subsidiary (upapada, 3.1.92) verb expressingan activity intended for another activity and in othercases as well. (6) lot is introducedby 3.3.162 (lot ca) in the same functions as liin;see below (8). (7) By 3.2.111 (anadyatanelani [bhzite 84]), lan is introducedwhen an action is referred to the past, excludingtoday. (8) 3.3.161 (vidhi... prarthanesu lin) introduces liin forexpressing injunction(vidhi),request (prdrthana), etc. (9) By 3.2.110 (lunt [bhzte84]), lun is introduced to expressthat an activityis referred to the past in general (cf. above (3), (7)). (10) By 3.3.139 (lininimitte IrA kriydtipattau [bhavi.syati 3]), lri is introducedto express by-passing of an activity,that is, its nonaccom(kriydtipattau) plishment, in the future,under the conditionswhich serve forintroducing lift.72 3.3.140 (bhzteca) extends the use of Irii underthe same conditionsbut forpast time reference. (11) 3.4.7 (linarthe let[chandasi 6, anyatarasydm 3]) providesforthe optional use of let in sacred literature (chandasi) in the meaningswhichconditionthe use of lint(above (8)). ?4.2. The following rules state replacementsof L memEconomy is a vague concept. In consideringthe bers. (12) 3.4.78 (tip ... mahint [lasya 77]) states that L Paninian traditionthat the sivasuitras were intended we must view the membersare replaced by: tip tasjhi, sip thastha,mip forthe sake of economy,therefore, jha, thdsdthdm it vahi mahiii. dhvam, question in the contextof Panini's overall procedure. vas mas; ta dtdm This listcontainstwosets (separatedby semicolons) An important example of the use of abbreviational, in Pinini's grammaris of threetriplets(separated by commas). The memindeed abstract, terminology, his L-class, the lakdras,in the following sequence of bers of the second set of triplets,denoted by the abbreviationtaii ([A 10]), are called dtmanepadaby rules. ca bhdve 3.4.69: lah karmani (1) cdkarmakebhyah 72 The conditionsin question refer to 3.3.156 (hetuhetumatorlifi), (kartari68). By this rule L membersare introduced according to which liniis used afterroots denotingactions which aftera root (dhatoh3.1.91) when the following are to are reason (hetu) and result (hetumat); that is, lin occurs to be expressed:agent (kartr), object (karman),the base denote that the actions are cause and effector condition and sakatam parydbhavet "If meaningof the root (bhava) if the verb does not occur conclusion. E.g. daksinena cedydydnna went to the right,the cart would not turnover." By 3.3.139 construed with an item denoting an object of the he is obtained, e.g. daksinena cedayasyannas'akatainparydbhaviEyat activity denoted by the verb; see most recently "If he had gone to the right, the cart would not have turned over." Cardona, 1967b: pp. 207-209.
The expectedordering accordingto pointsofarticulation among the spirants is disturbed,however,in the case of h and oXk, whichare listed as the fifth and sixthspirants,followed by -p; see above (1), (2), (6), and ftn.3. This ordermay be due to phoneticfactors otherthan pointsofarticulation:h, Xk, ,p, along with anusvara, anunasikya, and the yamas (ftn. 71), are called ayogavaha (cf. Bh. 1.28.16-20), on which see Allen,1953: p. 16. Such a phoneticmotivationwould also account for the ordera i u r I of the simplevowels,thoughr and 1, views on theirpointsof articuwhateverthe different lation (cf.Varma, 1929: p. 6; Allen, 1953: p. 55), were articulatedfurther back than the lips. The certainly threesimple vowels a i u share the featureof having eighteenvarieties: threelengths,includingpluta, together with three pitch varieties,nasalized and unnasalized; r and I do not; cf.Cardona, 1965a: p. 236. It would, then,be an oversimplification unjustified by the evidence to say that Panini was the first Indian grammarianto attempt a remodelingof a not onlymust sound list. Pre-Paniniangrammarians have reorderedsound lists, these changes must also of have been partlyconditionedby the requirements rules. morphophonemic It would seem no less justifiedto assume, as some scholars have tacitly assumed (see below ?5.1), that thereexisteda singlesiksdsoundlistwitha universally accepted order. There is certainlydisagreementin the available Prdtisdkhyas regarding the precise order ofsounds and theirphoneticdescription. There is no more substantial reason forassuming that there was only one siksa text than forbelievingthat therewas originallyonly one Prdtisdkhyaor that there was originallyone single vydkaranatext universallyacit is well knownthat Panini cepted. For vydkarana, himself attests to the existenceof predecessors and of different opinions; see Mimamsak 1.90 if. fora recent summaryof the materials.
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(13) 1.4.100: tafnanavatmanepadam These rulesserve to derive forms of the typeexem(13) is an exceptionto the generalrule plified belowby 3sg. forms (unlessotherwise indicated) (14) 1.4.99: lah parasmaipadam of the root pac "cook." whereby the L members are called parasmaipada. Pres.: pacati < pac-lat Thus this termdenotes the first set of tripletsin (12). Perf.: papaca < pac-lit; see ftn.44. Each of the three tripletswithin the two sets is Fut.: paktasmi (lsg.) < pac-lut73 assigned a name: respectively, prathama"first,"ma- Fut.: paksyati< pac-irt;see ?3 (27a) and ftn.73. dhyama "middle," and uttama "last." This is pro- Imper.: pacatu < pac-lot vided by Imperf.:apacat < pac-lan (15) 1.4.101: tin-astrini trini prathamamadhyamotOpt.: paceta < paca-iyta < pac-lini; see ?3(32) and tamad. That is, theseare what Westerngrammarians ftn.61. call, respectively, third, second,and first personforms. Aor.: apaks.t < pac-luni.74 Within each triplet, the endings are respectively Cond.: apaksyat < pac-lrin termed ekavacana "singular," dvivacana "dual," and Subj.: pacdti < pac-let bahuvacana"plural," by The same systemof forms can be derivedin a considerably less generalized manner. Hem. 3.3.6 lists (16) 1.4.102: tdnyekavacanadvivacanabahuvacananyekas'ah. And all the endingsof (12) are termed(as are the verbalendingsti etc., whichare assignedthe name also the nominalendingsdenoted by sup) vibhakti cf. (17) above) "present": by vartamana (sc. vibhakti, (17) 1.4.104: vibhaktis.ca (27) vartamana ... evahemahe. By another tivtasanti The classifications termed vartamana are introduced and terminology after of (13) and (14) rulethe suffixes are used in ruleslimiting the occurrence ofthe endings a root when one is to expressthat the activitytakes given in (12) accordingto roottypesand functions (in place at a presentmoment (sati): (28) Hem. 5.2.19: general: 1.3.12, 13, 72, 78) ;the occurrence ofprathama sati (vartamana16). Similarly,(29) Hem. 3.3.7 lists etc. (15) is governedby 1.4.105-8; and 1.4.21-2 state yat etc., called saptami, and (30) Hem. 5.4.28 (vidhi the domains of occurrenceof the singular,dual, and ... prarthane the 27]) introduces [saptamTpaiicamyau plural affixes. suffixes so termed,as well as those termedpancami The L-member replacements of (12) themselves (see (31) below) to expressinjunction, etc. The folundergosubstitution. For example, lowing rules fromHemacandra's grammar illustrate (18) 3.4.79 (titaatmanepadandm tere)states that the other major examples of this procedure: (31) 3.3.8: tu,etc. termed paicami. Introducedby ti (see ?4.3(3) below) of an atmanepadareplacingan L member marked with t is replaced by e. E.g. ta 5.4.29 (praisd ... paiicamyau) to express command, te. etc. (19) 3.4.82 (parasmaipadanrdm nal... [lita4 81] (32) 3.3.9: d (3sg.), etc. termedhyastanL. Introstates that the respectivereplacementsof parasmai- duced by 5.2.7 (anadyatane[bhfite 5.1.158] hyastani) pada replacinglit are: nal atus us, thalathusa, nal va to expresspast otherthan today. ma. E.g. mip nal. (33) 3.3.11: d, etc. termed adyatani. Introduced 5.1.158]) to express general (20) 3.4.86 (eruh [Iotah 85]) provides fori -* u in (5.2.4: adyatani [bhzfte replacements of lot. E.g. tip -* tu. past. (21) 3.4.100 (itasca [nityam ftita499, lopah 97]) (34) 3.3.15: syati,etc. termedbhavisyanti. Introprovides for i in replacements of L members duced (5.3.4: bhavisyanti[vartsyati1]) to express marked with n. E.g. tip (< lan) -> t. generalfuture. The followingrules serve to introduceaffixesbe(35) 3.3.16: syat, etc. termed kriydtipatti.Introtween verb roots and the endings. duced by 5.4.9 (saptamyarthe kriydtipattau kriydti(22) By 3.1.68 (kartarisap [sarvadhatuke 67]) when pattih)to expressby-passingof an activityunderthe a sdrvadhdtuka ([B 17]) expressingagent (see (1) same conditionswhichserve to introducethe saptami above) follows,sap occurs afterthe root. In specific affixes, that is, in a conditional. Cf. above (10) with cases sap affixation is contravened by affixation of ftn. 72.75 syan (see ftn.66) etc. Clearly, this series of rules reflectsthe analysis (23) 3.1.33: syatasiIrlutoh. Beforereplacements of whichsimplyisolates post-radicalsequences in forms lr (cover term for lrtand lri) and lut, sya and tasi, 73 C k by 8.2.30 (coh ku, [jhali 26]), whichstates: Ecu -- ku] respectively, are affixed to the root. jhal, as well as in pada final. (24) 3.4.94 (loto'd(tau) states that lot replacements 74 -pac-s--* pdc-s- by 7.2.3 (?3.1(18c)); -c-s--- -k-s-by 8.2.30 are augmentedwith at, dt. (ftn. 73), and -k-s--- -k-s-by 8.3.59 (?3(27c)). -s-t-- -s-it by 95, it 93]), which provides (25) 3.4.102 (linassiyut) provides that lifi substi- 7.3.96 ( ... sico' prkte[sdrvadhdtuke the augment if after sic before a single-consonantsdrvadhMtuka. tuteshave theaugmentsiyut. 75 KRt. 3.1.24ff.gives a series of endings as in Hem. 3.3.6 etc. And, by (26) 6.4.71 (luAlanl Aksaduddttab[aniga- and assigns the same names to them. But Kat. 3.1.32 (syasamsya 1]), an aniga followedby substitutesforluni, lani hitani tyadini bhavi.yanti)states that ti, etc. (termed vartamdnd or Irni has a highpitchedaugmentat. by 3.1.24), when joined with sya are termedbhavisyanti.
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such as asti, syat, astu (< as "be"), abhavat,abhut (< bhi "be"), paksyati,apaksyat. The resulting description is repetitious and does not make clear certain relations;e.g. the relation betweenthird personindicative and imperative forms or betweenthe -sya-future and the conditional. Panini's analysis, on the contrary,is not only more economical in that it avoids needless repetition, it is generalizedand makes clear the interrelations forms. This analyamongdifferent sis of the linguisticmaterials in order to formulate generalizedrulesis Panini's way ofachieving economy (Ilghava). It is his methodof isolatingand showing the relations between the samdnya "general" and visesa "particular," on which see most recently Cardona, 1967a: pp. 35-37. In the case of verbal the methodrequiredsettingup abstract arbiforms, trarysymbols,the L class. ?4.3.
Panini also uses other arbitrarysymbolizations. For example: (1) 1.1.20: dddhtghvaddp.This rule assigns the termghu to roots having the formsda amd dha, excluding ddp "cut" and ddp (< daip) "clean." (2) 1.1.22 (taraptamapaughal4)introduces the term gha to denote the affixestarap (comparative) and tamap (superlative). (3) 1.1.64 (aco' ntyaditi) introducesthe termti to denote that part of a linguistic itemwhichbeginswith the last vowel. (4) 1.4.7 (seso ghyasakhi)assigns the name ghi to certainnominalstemsin -i and -u. However,comparedwithotherIndian grammarians, Panini is singularlyconservativein the use of such terminology. Unless thereis a significant generalization involved,as in the case discussed in ?4.2, he retains obviously old and etymologicallytransparent terms, the so-called mahati samnjnid "long terms." ?4.4. Since, as is generallyknown,the Jainendravyakarana has rulesidenticalwithPdnini'sin almostall details,a Other grammarianscarry this use of abbreviated comparisonwith this grammaris of interestin the terminology even farther. Thus Vopadeva uses not presentcontext. only such termsas: uin (Vop. 91) forupadha,ghi (81) Panini uses numericalterms to referto the seven for sarvandmasthana, nu (8) for gun.a,tya (18) for of nominalendingsdenotedby sup: prathamd, pratyaya,dhu (11) for dhatu,ni (16) for nipdta,vri triplets dvitiyd, trtiyd,caturthi,panicami, sasthi, saptami. (8) forvrddhi, sya (95) forsamyoga, and sva, rgha,plu Instead, Jain. 1.2.158 introduces the following: va, ip, (5) forhrasva, dirgha, pluta; he goes even farther than bhd,ap, ka, ta, ip. These are used in the following Jainendra. Where Jain. 1.2.157 uses vibhakti (cf. rules,comparedbelow with Paninian rules (on which ?4.2(17)), Vopadeva uses kti (Vop. 12). Instead of see briefly Cardona, 1967b: p. 215). ekavacana, dvivacana, bahuvacana (?4.2 (16)), Jain. (5) Jain. 1.4.2: karmanip : Pdn. 2.3.2: karmani 1.2.155 has eka, dvi, bahu; but Vop. 13 has kva, dva, dvitiyd vva. While Jain. 1.1.5 uses mrt insteadof prdtipadika (6) 1.4.23: sampraddne'p : 2.3.13: caturthi sam- ([B 13]), it does use pada (see [B 8]) and definesit praddne (1.2.103: summinantam padam) in a mannersimilarto (7) 1.4.29: kartrkarane bha: 2.3.65: kartrkaranayo- Panini's. Vop. 14, on the contrary, uses da forpada strtiyd and ii forprdtipadika, the latterclearlyan abbrevia(8) 1.4.37: kdp&ddne : 2.3.28: apaddne pain- tion forlinfga; cf.Kat. 2.1.1: dhdtuvibhaktivarjamarthacamZ vallingam, comparableto [B 13].
(9) 1.4.44: ibadhikarane ca : 2.3.36: saptamyadhikarane ca : 2.3.50: sasthisese (10) 1.4.57: ta s'ese Compare also (11) Jain. 1.1.46: ta sthanewith Pan. 1.1.49 [(C 1]). Similarly, forgrammaticalunitssuch as affixes, etc. Jainendrauses the termsgiven below withtheirPaninian equivalents. (12) un (Jain. 1.1.66) upadha (Pdn. 1.1.65 [B 6]) (13) ep (1.1.16) guna ([B 4]) (14) aip (1.1.15) vrddhi([B 3]) (15) gi (1.2.130) upasarga (1.4.59) "preverb" (16) gu (1.2.102) cafiga ([B 7]) (17) ghi (1.2.99) laghu (?3.2 (4)) :anundsika (?3.2 (1) ) (18) nia (1.1.4) (19) ca (4.3.6) cabhydsac (ftn.44) (20) ji (1.1.45) samprasdrana(see ?4.5) (21) jhi (1.1.74) cavyaya (1.1.37) "indeclinable" (22) ta (1.1.28) nisthd (ftn. 36), lit. "completion, termination"; cf. Debrunner, 1954:p.576 (?432) with ref. : pratyaya(3.1.1) "affix" (23) tya (2.1.1) (24) tha (4.3.4) : abhyasta(ftn.44) : dtmanepada (25) da (1.2.151) (?4.2 (13)) (26) di (1.1.20) : pragrhya(ftn.39) (27) du (1.1.68) : vrddha(see ?4.5) (28) dha (1.1.31-2) : sarvanamasthdna ([B 9-10]) : dhatu ([B 16]) (29) dhu (1.2.1) (30) ni (1.2.127) : nipdta (1.4.56) "particle" (31) hra,di, pa (1.1.11): hrasva, dirgha, pluta ([B 5j) (32) ma (1.2.150) : parasmaipada (?4.2 (14)) (33) ru (1.2.100) : guru (?3.2(5)) (34) spha (1.1.3) : samyyoga (?3(3a))
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"doer" (cf. nayaka). Indeed, Vopadeva does define and vri,equivalentto Panini's guna and vrddhi (see zzu In some cases, the Paninian commentators argue ?4.4), in this way: Vop. 8: iio'ralen' nuh "ar, al, and that Panini retainedtraditionalterminology precisely efireplacingin are called nu"; Vop. 9: aca drtlaijvri4 because he wishedto use such termsin theiretymolo- "ar, dl, and aic as replacements of ac are called vri." gical value, what the commentators speak of as anva- These are like Panini's definition of samprasdrana; For example, 1.1.27 (sarviidsni sarvana- 1.1.45: igyanah samprasdranam rthasatnjnad. "ik replacingyan is mani) assigns the termsarvanmma ("pronominal") to termed samprasarana." Panini does not, however, a groupof itemsincluding sarva"all." Vt. 2 ad 1.1.27 defineguna and vrddhi relatively; he gives absolute (1.87.7) objects that provisionmust be made forex- definitions ([B 4, 3]); cf.Cardona, 1965b:pp. 310-312. as sarvandma if This is necessaryin the case of vrddhi. Rule 1.1.73 cludingsarva,etc. from beingclassified or subordinatemembers of a theyare names (samnjiid) the term (vrddhiryasydcamadistadvrddham) introduces compound (upasarjana). Thus, if sarva is the name vrddhato denote items the firstof whose vowels is ofsomeone,thedative singular form shouldbe sarvaya; vrddhi. By 4.2.114 cha (-> iya by (vrddhdcchah), cf.?3 (35b) and ftn.62. So also, thedative singularof 7.1.2) is suffixedto vrddha items, and by 4.3.144 atisarva "all surpassing" should be atisarvaya. If (nityam vrddhasaradibhyah [mayat143]) such itemsare sarvain thesecases is a sarvandma, the forms obtained suffixed with mayat. These rules should allow the are sarvasmai, see Cardona,1967b:p. 204. derivation of atisarvasmai: formssuch as saliya "belonging to a To this objection the following answer is given (Bh. house" and amramaya "of mangoes" from sala and 1.88.27-89.3). Panini uses the long term (mahati amra. If, however, 1.1.1 ([B 3]) definedvrddhias sarnjii) sarvandma. But technical terms are in- denoting onlythe vowelsa and aic derivedby replacetended forbrevityand should be as shortas possible: ment (tadbhavita) to the exclusionof those not so deca nama yato na laghiya4 ... laghvartham hi rived (atadbhavita), samnjiin these formscould not be derived sarnjfakaranam.76 Therefore,argues Patafijali, Paby the rules noted. For the a of amra and the first nini's use of sarvandmahas the effectof restricting a of sala are part of the originalnominalbase, so that membershipin this class to items which are names thesebases could not qualifyto be termedvrddha by (ndman) of anything (sarva). Specific names (sa- 1.1.73. All is in orderifvrddhi denotesa and aic pure such as sarva and subsidiarymembersof com- and mnjiia) simple (Bh. 1.37.14: aijmatram, cf.Kas. ad 1.1.1). pounds denote particulars (vis'esa),hence are not by In the discussionof 2.1.5 (Bh. 1.378.17) it is asked sarvanama. Cf. the discussionon the this definition Panini uses the term avyayibhava fora class of term avyaya (Bh. 1.96.6-15, ad 1.1.38), where the why The answer given (Bh. 1.378.17-8) is compounds. Bhasya's conclusion is that avyaya is an anvarthasathat the use of this etymologicalterm obviates the mjna meaning"which does not change" (na vyeti). necessityof a rule stating that an avyayibhava is an Panini does indeed use pronominals as variables in avyaya "indeclinable." Cf.Pradipa ll.569, Nyasa and rulessuch as [C 4, 5]. In the commentary on these, Padamanijari ad Kas. 2.1.5. The Kadsika ad 2.1.5 it is objected (Bh. 1.171.19-24) that the ruleswillonly gives anotherreason forthe use of an anvarthasamyjna apply in ruleswherethe pronountad is actually used. in this rule: it serves to show that in an avyayTbhava To this the answer is (Bh. 1.171.25-6) that EC 4, 5] compound (samasa) the principalmeaningis that of are formulatedusing pronominals (sarvanamnayam thefirst member:puirvapadarthapradhanyam darsayati. nirdesa4 kriyate), and pronouns denote generalia This is an allusion to the methodin whichcompounds (sarvanama ca sdmdnyavaci). Cf. vt. 4 ad 6.4.174 are classifiedand meaningsassigned them according with Bhasya (Bh. 111.234.20-1), where it is stated to which memberof the compound is the principal that a monotone articulation (ekasruti) serves to one (pradhana). Four types are distinguished (cf. denote articulationswith all three pitches and the Bh. ad 2.1.6 [1.378.24-379.3] et alibi): 1. In an neuter(napumsaka)servesto denoteall threegenders. avyayTbhava the principalmeaningis that of the prior The statement is: ekasrutihsvarasarvandmayatha member(pilrvapadarthapradhano'vyaymbhavaz); 2. In a napumsakamlingasarvanama. tatpuruEa the meaning of the subsequent memberis It would be foolish,however,to claim that Panini principal (uttarapadarthapradhanastatpurusah); 3. In always used long termsonly in order to retain their a bahuvrrhi the principalmeaning is other than the etymological meanings. For example, guna and meaning of either member (anyapadarthapradhdno literally"quality" and "growth,"should ori- bahuvrihih); vrddhi, 4. In a dvandvait is the meaningof both ginallyhave been used as relativetermsdenotingre- members (ubhayapadarthapradhano dvandvah). For a e o and d ai au relativeto i u r in a system example: 1. upagni "near (upa) the fire (agni)," 2. spectively of vowel alternation; e.g., ni -- ne, nai; ci cai, lIu tatpurusa"his (tad < tad-plusgenitive)servant (purlau; budh -* bodh (see ?3 (5), (22)); and r ar, ar, usa)," 3. bahuvrrhi "one who has much (bahu) rice as in karisyati "he will do" (cf. bhotsyate), karaka (vrihi),"4. plaksanyagrodhau "Plaksa and Nyagrodha 76Padamaiijari ad Kdg. 2.1.5 (11.18) is even moreemphatic; trees." As Kaiyata points out (Pradipa 11.569, a technical term shouldbe monosyllabic: ekakEard sarnjfid kdryd. similarlyBhuianasara, karika 29), this covers most
30
CARDONA: STUDIES
cases (prayika) but not all. Panini's rule 2.1.9 (sup- (Pradipa IV.791) ascribes this term to "previous providesthat a sup-final(subanta) teachers" (puirvacarya). Similarly,in a slokavarttika pratinamatrarthe) forms a compoundwithpratito yieldan itemwiththe quoted by Patafijaliad 4.2.60, the termla is used (II. meaning "a bit"; e.g. suapaprati"a bit of broth," 284.11, 12) instead of Panini's lopa ([B 19]). Assuch termsto pre-Paninian sakaprati"a bit of vegetables." Such compoundsare sribing grammarians seems (2.1.5), but theyare also uttarapadartha- justifiedby the use of pre-Paninian terms such as avyayTbhdva ca samjnaydm(nadi- svara in varttikas pradhana. 2.1.21 (anyapadarthe and in the Bhdsya; see above ?1.2. of an avyayibhdva I do not, of course,mean to deny that Panini was bhi420]) providesforthe formation a river, interestedin composingas briefas possible a set of a subantaand a worddenoting compoundfrom the compoundbeinga name of a place, henceanyapa- grammatical statements. It is quite well knownhow ddrthapradhana;e.g. unmattaganga. 2.2.2 (ardham concise the Astddhyayiis. However, the guiding ofa tatpurusa principle behindtheconciseformulation napumsakam)providesfortheformation of rulesin the a heading valid through2.2.22) grammaritselfflowsfromthe basic procedureof ab(2.1.22: tatpurusah, by compoundingthe neuter ardham "half" with an stractingthe samanya "general" and the visesa "paritem denoting a part of something;e.g. to ardham ticular." For this abstraction leads to considering "halfofa pepper" correspondsa compound together pippalydh! rulesconcerning utsarga"generaloperations" ardhapippali, which is puirvapaddrthapradhdna. and rules concerning apavada "contravening"of the Given such rules,we should neitherexpect Panini to utsarga. This is the concept of ekavakyatd "single have operated with the quadripartitemeaning divi- context,"on whichsee mostrecently Cardona, 1967a: sions forcompoundsnor to have directlyused avyayi- pp. 35-39.77 This done, Panini was freeto orderhis bhdva in 2.1.5 forthe reasongivenby the Kds7ikd. In- rulesso as to allow carrying over (anuvrtti) of chapter his grammarPanini uses meanings headingsand parts of rulesby means of svaritamarkdeed, throughout as conditions forthe operationsstated in rules,he does ing ([D 3]), thus avoiding unnecessaryrepetition. not assign meanings. For example, rules such as 2.2.29 (carthe dvandva4) state meanings; this rule ?5. states that a series of padas which are syntactically The second question posed in ?4 is thus answered. in themeaningofca a dvandva, boundcombineto form "and." As Patafijali pointsout (ad 2.1.1 EBh. 1.363. The claim that Panini used pratyaharassimply for a new set of termsfor 11), however,these are not specificassignmentsof economy,therebysubstituting an older one hal for (e.g. al, ac, varna,svara,vyanijana Panini uses the meanings: naitdnyarthadesandni. is clearly not consonant with Panini's [??1.1-1.3j) as conoccur meaningsin whichsuch itemsnaturally whichaccount for general approach. Nor does this view reconcilethe ditionsforgrammaticaloperations, such as (6) an, (8) etesam sabd2namete- fact that Panini used pratyaharas usage: Bh. 1.363.11-2: svabhdvata uk, (9) and eii, aic with (10) the additional fact that krinimittatvendnv&khyanam svarthesvabhinivistdnam felt he no constraint to use similar terminology to deyate. The reason given in the Bha.syaforthe use of avya- note m, v (?3.3(1)), t, th (?3.3(2)-(3)), r, v (?3.3(4)), in 2.1.5 is no less acceptable thanthe one given and r, 1 (?3.3(5)). yibhdva One mightargue that Panini's analysis of Sanskrit a by the Kdsika. For Panini does indeed formulate in the isolationof new grammatically resulted pertinalso (is "An avyayibhdva rule (1.1.41) avyaytbhavasca of a termedavyaya 'indeclinable' [avyayam37])." Since ent groupsof sounds whichrequireda reordering list traditional sound and the use of consequent prathe termavyayTbhhva is not used as an anvarthasajiida, short tyahdras. This would parallel the use of such terms then,Panini was freeto use insteadan arbitrary as ghu, etc. (?4.3(1)-(4)) and bha ([B 12]). But Other grammarians term. He did not take thisstep. if it concentrates on reorstrictly did; forexample, Jainendrauses ha (Jain. 1.3.4) in- such an argument, and does not also consider dering the in the reduction and also ba (1.3.86) forbahuvrrhi stead of avyayTbhava of listed number sounds by Panini relative to previous and sa (1.3.19) fortatpurusa. lists, is largelyunsatisfactory. Consider the pratyaharas (17) niam,(15) may, (22) bhas,and (23) bas. If ?4.6. was necessaryin order one argue that a reordering withrespectto the that 8.3.32 (?3(17)) apply only to -n, -nt, conservative Panini is notmerely and -n, one in comparison with should demonstrate use of abbreviated terminology the principleof reordering which he appears to have been led Panini to form post-Paniniangrammarians, S(7) so as to yield (17) fnam but not even reactionaryin comparison with pre-Paninian to reorder the list so as to yielda pratydhdra including grammarians. For it is quite possible that predeces- h, m, and y (?3.1(18e). Any argumentusing (15) sors of Panini had alreadystrivedforabsolute brevity 77 Note thatthesystem of reading and separately formulated by using sanjinas of one syllable only. Thus, in a possibly spacially separate but thematically connectedrules cited by Patafijali ad 6.4.149, the term together slokavarttika is also recognized by RPr. 1.53: nydyairmisranapauttarapada vedanpratiy&t ghu is used (111.229.2-4)insteadofPan.ini's "One is to understand the apavadas together forutsarga)." term (equivalent "subsequent member of a compound." Kaiyata withtheny2ya
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may, (22) bhas,and (23) bas is also bound to be weak, forthese are abbreviationsdenotingclasses of sounds that Papreviouslyrecognized,with this difference, except a singlesound of each class: nini's pratydharas bhasdenotescaturtha soundsless nl, maydenotessparsca stops lessj. That stops lessjh, and bas denotestrtiya Panini need not have abandoned theolderterminology is clear fromhis rule 8.2.86 (?3.2(7)). As for (24) have to chav,as I have noted(?3 (24)), thePrdtisakhyas changes the morphophonemic take into consideration accounted forby the only Paninian rule in whichthis pratydhdra occurs. Certainly, pre-Paninian texts involvedin deriving dealing withsound modifications the samhitatext fromthe pada text of the Vedas (see ftn. 82) must have dealt with this, and Panini's rethough more concise than that of other formulation, treatises,does not recognizeany new sound groups. Finally, (35) yan is used to include foursounds: y, v, m, bh. If one argue that to exclude other voiced stops, Panini had to reorderthe voiced stop list, one should thengive a cogentreason forhis havingplaced the semivowelsbeforethe stops and the nasal stops, followedby voiced aspirate stops, afterthemto begin with. ?5.1. have Scholars who have consideredthe sivasuitras all emphasized that Panini rearrangeda traditional pratydharas. That is, they sound list in orderto form have dwelt on the tentativeargumentsconsideredin ?5. Faddegon (1929: p. 50) says that Panini's catalogue of sounds has two purposes. It is a phonetic the traditional alphabet that presupposes classification and with the latter provides a "means for concise [emphasis mine]. In addition, terminology" phonetic euphonic "it affords concisely themeansofformulating rules." Faddegon makes the second and morphologic point more explicitlywhen he says (1929: p. 51): is due to the desire the illogicalorderof the suitra of obtainingpratyaharas which may be usefulforthe formulationof phonetical and morphologicrules." Thieme (1935: p. 104) makes a similar statement: of Panini's list of sounds,whichat "The arrangement is explainable as due to firstlooks ratherdisorderly, the phoneticcatalogue of sounds havingbeen adopted in which to thepracticalrequirements ofthe grammar, by of sounds to certaingroups Panini wanted to refer shortexpressions." He goes on (1935: p. 108): "The gramsole and onlyaim ofhis (Panini's) listis to form matically relevantgroups,which he can quote in his by means of anubandhas. grammarin short formulae . " Some years later (1957: p. 265), Thieme speaks ". . a even more emphatically,calling the s'ivasuitras contrivanceby which it becomes possible to referto certainsound groupsby shortexpressions(like ac 'all the vowels,' hal 'all the consonants,'at 'all the vowels and semivowels except 1,' Sar 'all sibilants,' al' all
*
sounds')." Similarly, Staal (1962: pp. 2-3) says that the anubandhaspermitPdninito "refer in hisgrammar to groups of sounds by means of a special technique [sic!] referred to as pratydhara 'condensation."' He continues: "Now, the question is, given a set of combinations of sounds ai...am which are needed in the grammar,how to establish an orderedsequence with appropriate insertions of indicatory sounds. This was Panini's problemwhen he constructedthe " Sivasutra. Thieme (1935: p. 101) specifies that the sound list (varnasamdmndya) upon whichPanini based his modifiedcataloguewas that ofthe ancientscienceofphonetics (siksd) of whichno originaltreatisesurvivesbut whoseorderis reflected withvarying degreesoffidelity in the Pratisdkhyas. In such a listing,the order of soundswas (see ?1.1 (1)-(7)): vowels, stops,semivowels, spirants. And the stops wereorderedinto fivegroups (varga)according to pointsofarticulation(see ?1.1 (8)Thus: (9)). k kh g gh n c ch j jh n t th d dh n p ph b bh m Let this be part of a list called L-siksd. Of the relation betweenthe orderof stops in L-siksa and L-Panini (?1), Faddegon says (1929: p. 57): "...the columns of the alphabet in reverseorder ... become the rows of the suitra." So also C. K. Raja, 1957: p. 77: " ... . Panini proceeds backwards...." Thieme read thevargas (1935: p. 105) specifies that Paninifirst the stops accordingto of L-?ik$a vertically, arranging modes ofarticulation(bahyaprayatna, see ?1.1 (8)-(9)) instead of points of articulation. This yielded: *L-siksa k kh gj gh i c I ch th d jh dh n n t th d dh n p ph b bh m
No attemptis made to demonstrate whyPaninishould have been requiredto do this,a seriouslack in a series ofarguments to showhow Panini's reorganpurporting ization of the sound catalogue was requiredby his set of rules. Thieme continues (1935: pp. 105-106): "However, he was not satisfied with this. After teachingthe vowels,he wanted to proceedwith those sounds that weremost similarboth from the phonetic and grammaticalpoint of view: the semivowelsand thenthesonants,viz.thenasals and thesonantmutes." He thus obtains the following list, to which I add the semivowelsand spirants in brackets.
32 *L-Pdnini
CARDONA: STUDIES [y r n n gh jh dh d gj kh ch th t k c Es s h] I n dh d th t s v] m bh b ph p
[TRANS. AMER. PHIL.
SOC.
Misra (1966: p. 58) also discuss bhas (see ?3 (22)) and bas (?3(23)), which required reordering the second and thirdrows of stops in *L-Pdnini. ?6. After the discussionof the preceding sections,it will not be necessaryto dwell on the views summarizedin ?5.1. We have now to considerwhat basic methodological innovationrequiredPanini to give up a traditional sound list, with its terminology, in favor of a new terminology,reflectingessentially the same classification of sounds. As I have noted (ftn.32), RPr. and VPr. directly state the formalapparatus used forformulating rules of sound change. A formulaof the type [a -> b], in which a appears in the nominativecase (RPr. 1.56: asau) and b in the accusative case (RPr. 1.56: amum, VPr. 1.133: tam), is to be read: "a becomes b." a is the vikdrin "to be modified"(lit.: "possessed of modification"), b is the vikdra "modification." Panini formulates his rulesdifferently.As I have noted (?0, of the type [a -> b] end), in Paninian rulesa formula in whicha appears in the genitivecase, b in thenominative, is read: "b is substitutedfora." The two distinct ways of stating replacementsare neatly characterizedby Vatsyayana in his Bhdsya on Nydyasuitra 2.2.40: dadhyatreti kecidikdra itvamhitvdyatvamdpadyata iti vikdrammanyantel kecidikarasyaprayoge vivayakrte yadikdrahsthdnam jahdti tatra yakdrasya prayogambruvate/ samhitayam vivayaikaro na prayujyate tasyasthdne yakarahprayujyate sa ddes'aiti "In a case like dadhyatra(< dadhi atra, see ?3(2)), some takes place: i loses its consider that a modification i-nessand goes to y-ness. Some state that in the domain of usage ofi, in the positionabandoned by i, y is in samhitd,81 i is not used; y is used. They formulate: used in its stead, it is an ddesa." which It is notdifficult to see howthevikaramethod, recan also be characterizedas a sound-for-sound placement method (see Cardona, 1965a: ftn. 12), used forrulespertaining to could be efficiently strictly whose properdomain samdhi,as in the Prdtisdkhyas, the is the descriptionof modifications distinguishing or connectedtextof the Vedas from the padasamhitd
would account for Staal's explanation of the order c t t (see my ftn. 78), which becomes superfluousonce *L-Pdnini is posited, since this order then represents no change at all. Staal also considers it unclear (1962: p. 9) why n should be excluded from may. The answer is that it does not have to be excluded (see ?3(15)); the reorderingof n - n n m to n mt nnn was necessary only to exclude m from nam (see ?3.1(3)). See also above, ftns.43, 46, 49. Misra, 1966: p. 58 closely followsStaal. 81 A replacementsuch as i -* y by 6.1.77 (?3(2a)) takes place "in samkith" is a heading in samkitdonly; 6.1.72: samkitJydm is defined(1.4.109: parah samnnikarsah valid to 6.1.158. Sarnkitd samkitd)as the maximumcontiguityof sounds; cf. the discussion in the Bhadya ad 6.1.72 (III.51.8-11), where it is mentionedthat the relation between sounds is one of contiguity(aupaSlesika).
To arriveat L-Panini, Thiemeexplainsthat*L-Pdnini was furthermodified for two reasons: 1. Certain thegramwithin statements wereneededfor groupings mar. 2. In some cases, Panini anticipatedthe order preceding rows. of subsequent rows in rearranging The second point is certainly the weaker part of Thieme's exposition,thoughnot so much forthe general reason adduced by Staal (1962: p. 5): "In general we may ask whethersuch anticipationcan be called rational in the beginningof a grammarwhere few thingsseem to be withoutnecessaryreason."78 The factis (cf.Staal, loc. cit.) that whenThieme says that the fourthrow of L-Panini resultsfromanticipating to a visual rowofstops he resorts the orderof the fifth trickby writing c t t k p reason Though Thieme did not elaborate on the first given by him,this was ably consideredby Faddegon. row of stops in *L-Panini was modiBriefly:the first and fied(Faddegon, 1929: p. 57) in orderto groupin,nz, n togetherto formthe pratyaharanam (see ?3(17); the second row of stops was reordered (Faddegon, yani(see ?3(35)), which 1929: pp. 53, 58-59) to form the inclusionof m,v,y, was needed forrulesrequiring row of and bh but the exclusion of dh; in the fifth was needed (Faddegon, 1929: pp. stops a reordering 59-60) to obtain chav (see ?3(24)).79 Essentiallythe same discussionis givenby Konow (1943: pp. 317, 319, detail,and Staal (1962: pp. 320), in somewhatgreater 6-9).8? Konow (1943 :p. 319), Staal (1962: p. 7), and
78 Staal himself resorts to a similar argument, saying (1962: p. 9) that the order c t t in the last row of stops "may merely reflectthe order of related sounds in the firstthree rows-an assumption which seems less artificialthan that of anticipation of a certain row in a previous one." 79 Faddegon (1929: pp. 59-61) argues that the anubandha v is not strictlynecessary. Not only is his argumentnot completely cogent, but in reasoning as he does he defeats his own purpose. If v were not necessary, then the reorderingof the fourthand fifth rows of stops would be unnecessary. But velar and labial stops are to be excluded fromthe operation of 8.3.7 (?3(24c)); e.g. bhavan kitr karoti "What are you doing?" bhav&npdlayatvasman"Protect us." 80Though on the whole Staal's discussion is lucidly put, he allows some confusionto enter into it. Thus, Staal asks (1962: p. 4) whetherin addition to a traditionallist of souuds, *L-Panini "could not equally well serve as the startingpoint" for reorderings. One mightargue fromthis that in Staal's opinion Pdiini listing. This started from scratch in developing the s.ivasuitra
which is not the order of ~(11)-(12):
. . . c t t k p.
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even for cases where the pdtha.82 Nor is it difficult to see how the vikdra method and terminology methodcould be used forsamdhirules in a moregen- vikdraapproach would be justified. For example, eral grammar. Thus, in samdhi rules where Panini (7) Kdt. 3.4.59 (inascca [ya! 58]) states that in, that Kdt. uses the is the root i, is replaced by y beforevocalic endings uses the sthanin/adesaterminology, vikdramethod; see ?3(4j), (16efg), (24jkl). So also, whichdo not conditionguna; e.g. yanti. Though the the Kat. rulescomparableto Pan. 6.1.77 (?3 (2a)) are: rule thus formulates only i -* y, as does Kat. 1.2.8 na ca paro lopyac (above (1)), the ades'a methodis used, as in the comyamasavarne (1) Kat. 1.2.8: ivarno "An i vowel goes to y beforea vowel not savarnawith parable rule of Panini's grammar(?3.1 (11)). vowel is not to be deleted." it, and the following Panini thus differs fromboth his predecessors and "An u vowel becomesv." later grammarians (2) Kat. 1.2.9: vamuvarnah in using the adesa methodand its "An r vowel goes to r." terminology (3) Kdt. 1.2.10: ramrvarna4 throughouthis grammar. Let us also "An I vowel goes to 1." recall that Panini seeks to abstract the most general (4) Kat. 1.2.11: lamlvarnah The conditionsof (1) apply in (2)-(4). Durgasimha featuresof the language, the sdmanya,as opposed to ad Kdt. 1.2.8 gives a paraphraseusingthe same term- the particulars,the visesa. The formulation of rules inologyas used by Vatsyayana in his commenton NS in terms of general (utsarga) and particularcontra2.2.40, cited above: ivarnoyamdpadyate. vening (apavada) operationsalso applies throughout However,as Vatsyayana also notes in his comments the grammar. In operations involving sound reto justifyvikdramethod- placements,further, on NS 2.2.40, it is difficult a sthdnin such as the i of dadhi ology to account for root replacementssuch as the can be viewedas a unitthe occurrence ofwhich,under replacement of as by bhuibefore an drdhadhatuka specific see ftn.81), is contraconditions(in samhitd, is vened, just as, forexample,the thirdsingularmiddle affix, as in bhita. Panini's ruleforthisreplacement 35) (5) 2.4.52: asterbhuh4 (drdhadhatuke ending ta which occurs in the imperfect(apacata), The Kdt. rule for this replacementalso uses ddesa aorist (akrta), optative (paceta) is replaced in speciterminology: fic contexts by te (see ?4.2(18)). Indeed, the term "bhui re- utsarga is on several occasions used synonymously (6) Kat. 3.4.87: asterbhurasdrvadhdtuke affixes." Cf. Dur- with sthdninby Katyayana and Patanijali. To cite places as beforenon-sdrvadhdtuka bhavati. In the section on only one instance, in vt. 2 ad 2.4.35 utsarga is thus gasimha: asterbhuirddeso "root replacement,"Kdt. uses the adesa used, and Kaiyata (Pradipa 11.870) comm nts: dhdtvddesa utsargasabdena sthdni vivaksital/ ddesendpcu4adena 82 Cf. APr. 1.1: caturndmpadaj&t&ndm ndmdkhy&topasargani"The wordutsargais intended to mean pdt&ndmsamdhyapadyaugunau prdtijiiam "The subject matter bddhyamdnatvdt since (the sthdnin)is canceled by the adesa, to be treated are the varieties (of sounds) pertainingto samdhi sthdnin, and to independentformsof the fourword classes nouns, verbs, whichis the contravening (element,apavdda)." preverbs, and particles." Cf. Whitney, 1862: pp. 9-11. The If the sivasutras are a list of sounds fashionedby regular procedure, sufficiently illustrated in the above discusPanini foruse in his grammaticalrules, they should sions, of the Prdtisdkhyasis to start with the analyzed pada the methodinvolvingsdmdnyaand utsargaas text-which is then the prakrti"original"-and derive therefrom reflect the samhitd text-which is then the vikdra "modification." opposed to visesa and apavada, since this is the basis RPr. 2.1 states: samhitdpadaprakrtih. This is a heading valid upon which is built his entireset of rules. The one in modification rules such as 2.21 (?3(2d)). Hence, padaprakrtih part of the sivasitras whichreflects this methodology in RPr. 2.1 is to be interpretedas a bahuvrihiand the rule as: most clearlyand whichmost essentiallydifferentiates "The samhitd has the pada text as its original." Cf. Uvata ad loc.: paddni prakrtibhuitani sd padaprakrtih Panini's sound list from those of the Prdtisakhyas and yasyd4 samhitdyd4 samhit&tra rules) the samhitd, othertreatiseswhichuse the vikdramethodis the list vikdra4 "Here (in the prdtisdkhya whose origin is the padas, ... is the modification." Yaska of vowels. Recall that these treatiseslist separately (Nirukta 1.17) cites a rule identical with Panini's 1.4.109 (ftn. 81) and states: padaprakrti4samhitd/padaprakrtinisarvacaranandnm the long and short simple vowels (?1.1(1), (3)). Since in the vikdra method independentsounds are pdrsad&ni "The samhitd has the padas as its origin. The Prdtisdkhyas(pdrsad&ni: Durga pr&tis'dkhydnUyartha4) of all the said to undergomodifications such a listingis consonVedic branches operate with the padas as original." In his ant with the methodof these treatises. For purposes commentary on this passage, Durga notes, in addition to the bahuvrihi of the word padaprakrti, interpretation an interpretation of abbreviation,the short and long simple vowels at whichare said to be savarna taking the word as a tatpurusa: the originof the padas (pad&ndm each point ofarticulation ya prakrtih seyam padaprakrtih). This is not in accord with the with each other (?1.1(15)) may be denoted by the general prdtiaskdhya procedure, but one Prdtisdkhyadoes follow short vowels (RPr. 1.55, VPr. 1.63, see Cardona, this procedure in at least one place. TPr. 3.1.ff. take the 1965a: pp. 232-233 with ftn.15). But thisis onlyan samrhitd text as original and derive therefrom the pada forms, abbreviational convention,and the method of these thus revertingto what must have been an original analysis for arrivingat the pada text,taken forgrantedby otherPrdti.sakhyas. works requiresthe separate listingof short and long Cf. Whitney, 1868: p. 82, Varma, 1929: p. 24. Note, finally, simple vowels. In Panini's sivasuitras, on the conthat the dual interpretation of padaprakrtihis mentionedalso by trary, short and long simple vowels are not listed Bhartrhari,in the V&kyapadiya(2.57-8, especially 58cd: padandm samzhitd yonih samkitd v& padds(rayd),correlating the bahurvihi separately. His method does not dictate the listing and tatpurusa interpretationsrespectively with the views that of individual sounds which undergo replacement. a sentence is divisible or indivisiblein termsof its meaning. His method does require the abstractionof the gen-
34
CARDONA: STUDIES
eralia (samanya), in this case the general features the relatively of the numberof vowels small reduction is of major importance. pertinentto the operations to be stated. It is in listed in the s'ivasiutras accord with Panini's generalmethodthat, instead of his corpus of Now, it is evident that, by prefacing listing a a, i t, u u, etc. and then using the short vowels rules with a sound list, Panini is not breakingwith as abbreviationsto denoteboth shortand longvowels, tradition. It is equally evident that he assumes as he listed only the shortvowels, which by [A 11] de- largelyvalid forhis grammarthe traditionalphonoand terminology. Thus, he uses note also savarna sounds. A rule such as 6.1.77 (?3 logic classifications ofvowelsdenoted termssuch as osthya(?3.2(2)) and muirdhanya (?3.2 (2a)) thenapplies to all thevarieties by ik. This is contravened,as are all rules of re- (3)). Indeed, where Panini introducessuch tradiit is usually fora special placement affectingvowels in samhitd,by 6.1.125 tional termsby definition, laghuand guru (?3.2 whichprovidesthat pluta reason. For example,he defines aci nityam), (plutapragrhyd in (4)-(6)) in a section headed by a rule (1.4.1: dkadd(see ftn.39) remainunaffected vowelsand pragrhya the same contexts. By merely listing the short rddekd samjiid)whichprovidesthat onlyone term(ekd [A 11] Panini indicates samjiin) applies to a given item. This is the section vowels and then formulating param and the sthdnaare wherein applies the rule (1.4.2) vipratisedhe that only the dbhyantaraprayatna of operations kdryam (betweentwo operations), "In case of conflict to the formulation essentiallypertinent oflength, the latter is to apply." Thereby a shortvowel (e.g. such as that stated in 6.1.77. The features forthe laghuclass (?3.2(4)) is only vowels are, in general, not a), whilequalifying etc. which differentiate of such rules. Where a classed as guru (?3.2(5)) if it is followedby a cluster; essential forthe formulation this is done by cf. Kds'. ad 1.4.1. Similarly,Panini has a reason for shortor long vowel must be specified, svaritaby definition; see Cardona, 1968. appending t to the vowel ([A 12]). One may claim introducing that pratyaharassuch as an or ik are intended for Given that Panini prefacedhis corpus of rules with a brevity(ldghava),and this is justified. However,the sound list, once the numberof vowels in this list was Ilghava achieved by this procedureas opposed to the reduced relative to traditional listings,a change in was called for. Traditionally,svara deprocedure of the treatises which formulaterules in terminology lengths. If Panini had termsof vikdrais akin ratherto the ldghavaPdnini noted vowels of different the L-class (?4.2); it is the simply used this term after listingthe vowels as in achieves by introducing it is S(1)-(4), confusion would have resulted. On the generalfeatures, consequenton extracting brevity other hand, he could not simply redefinesvara by generalization. svard4"The first a rule such as navdditaW By reducing the number of vowels listed in the formulating sound catalogue Panini has not broughtabout a star- nine sounds (a i u r I e o ai au) are called svara" and tlingchange in the numberof units listed,nor has he use this term where necessaryin grammaticalrules. since these made a major change in the orderingof vowels (cf. This would involve serious difficulties, ?4.1). This probably accounts for the relatively grammaticalrulesapply to long vowels also. superficialway in which the scholars mentionedin Breloer's discussion was quite correctly criticized by Thieme Thus (1935: p. 111). But the mistakes have been repeated. Renou ?5.1 have treated this part of the s.ivasuttras. Thieme (1935: pp. 102-103) devotesa veryshortspace (1942: p. 138) says that guna is a technical term "selon 1.1.2 des dans certaines conditions to discussingthe "presumableorderof the vowels" in voyelles a e o en tant que substituts, u" [emphasis mine] and, curiously, (cf. 1.1.3), de r . . ... the s'iksd list,an orderwhichhe deems dubious. And refers to Thieme, 1935: p. 109. Vrddhi is said to be (Renou, the 1942: p. 291) a technical term "designant selon I ll les voyelles discussing Staal (1962: p. 3), before more recently speaks of "the d ai et au en tantque substituts order of consonantsin the s.ivasuztras, (selon 3) des voyelles du groupe orderof vowels" and considers 'ik'..." [emphasis mine]. The misunderstanding has been relativelytransparent of thisorder"exemplary."83 But compounded by Staal (1965: p. 66), criticized in Cardona, Thieme's treatment
Cf. also the statement made by Breloer (1929: p. 128): "Die Vokalen behalten ihre alte Ordnung." Similarly, Breloer, beschrankensich 1929: p. 126: "Die Abweichung der Siva-suitras auf das Konsonantsystem,die Vokalreihe ist dieselbe wie im uns gelaufigen Alphabet." Breloer bases his entire argumentation on the order of what he calls the bhdvin regardingthe sivasuitras ordnetdie vowels; 1929: p. 127: "Das Lautsystem der Siva-suitras auch fur den Panica-varga nach der ReihenArtikulationsstellen folge der Bhavinvokale." However, the importance attributed by Breloer to the bhdvinvowels is a result of misunderstanding. He considers that only i u r and I are termed bhavin; but see ?1.1(16). He also misunderstands Panini's rules 1.1.1-3 ([B 3, 4], [C 11]), considering that guna and vrddhidenote lengthenedgrade vowels, basically of the bhavinvowels; but see above ?4.5. Of 1.1.3 relative to 1.1.1-2, Breloer (1929: p. 125) says: "Das Anwendungsgebietim dritten Suitra ist weiter, weil es auch ar, al, ar, dl umfasst,als Dehnstufen von r und 1; es ist aber auch enger,weil es nichtdie Formen von a und a kennt....
83
1965b: p. 311. Staal (1967: p. 27, ftn.9) attempts to justifyhis view, claiming: "This formalisationseems justified,however, in occur in place of i, u, r and 1;" view of 1.1.3 . . . 'guna and vrddhi this ignores the import of Cardona, 1965b: p. 311 with ftn. 11, are to denote a e o ar al where it is stated that, ifguna and vrddhi and a ai au dr dl as replacementsof a i u r I Panini's 1.1.2 has to in a way which "would renderrule 1.1.3 ... be worded differently, superfluous,since this rule delimits the sthanin to which guna and vrddhiare applicable when it is not otherwise delimited." In other words, guna and vrddhi do not denote vowels qua conditioned replacements,but at the same time morphologically Panini recognizes that the vowels denoted by guna and vrddhi so commonly do occur as morphologicallyconditioned replacements that, instead of repeatingthe sthaninik in rule after rule, it is more in keeping with his method of generalizationto state a when not stated, rule by which the sthanin of guna and vrddhi, is ik. Misra, 1966: p. 31, ftn. 11 again calls gunza"strong grade substitution." He also erroneously calls vrddhi "lengthened grade of vowel" (Misra, 1966: p. 99).
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to usinganubandhasin order saying this, asks: atha kimarthamajgrahanamevaitanHe resorted, therefore, to refer to vowels by ac and to subclasses of vowels by nakriyate "Why is not ac alone used?" As the Nyasa pratyaharas (4)-(11). Now, anubandhas are com- and Padamai-jari note,by usingonly ac in [A 11] one monly used by Panini as metalinguisticmarkers. would avoid the problemof decidingwhen an is used For example, markingan affixwith k (kit affixes), as in ?3(6) and when it is used as in ?3(26). The indicates that it does not conditionguna replacement Kasika's discussionis a summaryof the discussionin ([C 12]). This technique is probably not original the Bhasya ad t(5), whereit is asked (Bh. 1.33.5: atha example. kimarthamantahsthananamansfupadesah with Panini, as is shown by the following kriyate) why By 5.2.39 (yattadetebhyahs parimane vatup [tadasya the semivowelsare taught as a part of an. Kaiyata 36]), to a sequence of the type tadasya parimanam (Pradipa 1.109), agreeingwiththe Kas.ika, notes that yad (relative), the import of this question is: why is not [A 11] "that is its size," withthe pronominals "ac and a sound markedwith tad "that," etad "this," there correspondsa taddhita wordedajuditsavarnasya of u stand forsoundssavarnawiththemselves"(ajuditsaderivative of the type tad-vat,with suffixation vatup to the pronominalsmentioned. By 6.3.91 (a varnasyetikasmannakrtamiti praSna4). The answer [drgdrsavatusu 89]) a pronominal fol- is, of course, that the semivowelsy, etc. given in the sarvanamnahs lowed by vatup undergoes replacement (of its final sivasitras should denote also theirnasal counterparts -* taa-vat-* tavat(6.1.101 mny, etc. (?3 (34b)). sound [C 6]) by a: tad-vat Panini might have worded [A 113 using both the [?3(4a)]) "that much." In his commentary on 5.2.39, Patanijali (Bh. 11.378.21) cites a slokavarttika pratyahara notation (ac) and the traditional term thus avoiding a reordering. We may reawhich mentions an affix davatu instead of vatup. antahstha, Positing davatupresupposes a derivation of tavat son that, since forthe vowels he had already had to fromPanini's but which recognizes give up the traditional term svara, he brought his slightlydifferent forthe semivowelsin line with that for grammaticallypertinentunits recognizedby Panini terminology also. As we have already noted (?4.3(3)), that part thevowelsand used pratyahara notationforthemalso. ofan itemwhichbeginswiththe last vowel is called ti. For [A 11] this required listing the semivowels imRule 6.4.143 (fet [diti 142, lopah 1343) provides for mediatelyafterthe Vowels. replacingti by zero when a d marked affixfollows. With respectto treatiseswherethe termsavarna in both the analysis of ti usages akin to Panini's is used with reference Using davatu and recognizing only to and the use of d as a markerto indicate that an affix vowels (?1.1(15)), Panini's method constitutes a conditionszeroing of a precedingfi, we obtain: tad- significantgeneralization. The vowels and semiavat -4 to-avat (tavat). Kaiyata notes (Pradipa IV. vowels both have the property of occurring nasalized stating davatu instead of and unnasalized,and this property 119) that the slokavarttika is made use of in ofancient grammaticalrules. In the Pratisakhyas,on the conPanini's vatupis dependenton the procedure is not teachers (puirvacaryaprakriyapekso nirdesah). With- trary,the concept of homogeneity(savarnzya) out wishing to implythatwe are to take everymention made use of in rules equivalent to Panini's 8.4.58 of puirvacarya at face value, in (?3 (34a)); see Cardona, 1965a: p. 231. by the commentators view of the use of termssuch as svara,etc. in varttikas ?6.1. (??1.2, 4.6) and when we recall that the RPr. recognized the equivalence of treatmentbetween n and h The other major changes which Panini made in in certain contexts (?3 (24f)), Kaiyata's statementis traditionalsound listings are not so much innovations reasonablyacceptable. as reorderings necessaryto retain, in the pratyahara The originality of the Paninian schoolwould thenbe notation he had to adopt, distinct and pertinent that it reducedthe numberofvowels to be listedin the classes ofsoundsrecognized by previousclassifications. sound catalogue and extended the use of anubandhas Thus, in previousclassifications, the third, fourth, and to the formation of technicaltermssuch as an. And fifthvarga members occur immediately before the this would accord with the general Paninian view I semivowels (see ?1.1(2)-(6)). Together with the of gram- semivowelsand h they constitutethe class of voiced namely the unification have been stressing, in a framework of consonants (ghosavat),denoted by Panini's has (see matical procedureand terminology generalization. ??1.1(9), 3(30)). Panini retainsthis classification by Once the vowel inventoryto be included in the placing the nasals immediatelyafter the semivowels had been reduced and a new terminology and the fourthand third varga members after the sivasuitras changes in the nasals. The reversal of order relative to the tradiintroduced,a whole chain of further traditionalsound listingswas set off. The firstand tional listings is conditioned by the factthat the semimost important of these was the reordering whichre- vowels had to be placed with the vowels. The reafterthe maining sounds, that is, the firstand second varga sulted in placingthesemivowelsimmediately vowels. As we have noted (?3(26)), the pratyahara membersand the spirantss, s, and s, constitutethe an denotingboth vowels and semivowelsis used only class of voiceless consonants (aghosa), denoted by in [A 11]. In its discussionof A(6), the Kas'ika, after Panini's khar (??1.1(9), 3(16d), (25e)).
36
CARDONA: STUDIES
[TRANS. AMER. PHIL.
SOC.
In the same vein, Panini had to accommodatetwo ?6.2. namely facts recognizedby previous classifications, It is now possible both to account forthe minorrethat h was both a spirant (usman) and, unlike other orderings noted in ??5-5.1 and to reconcilethese respirants, voiced (ghosavat). Both these facts are orderings with the fact that in othercases (??3.1 (12)grammatically pertinent and were recognized by (18), 3.2) Panini did not reorder the sound list to obPanini, who not only kept h in its positionamong the tain pratydhdras. The reorderingsof ??5-5.1 are spirantsbut also placed it in the list of voiced sounds minorones whichmade possiblethe use ofpratydhdras (S(5)); cf. Staal, 1962: p. 9; Misra, 1966: p. 58. The excluding certain sounds (e.g. yani) only after the h in twoplaces in thes?ivasuitras necessity ofthuslisting major reorderings (?6.1) motivated in the firstplace is discussed by Katyayana (vts. 1-2 ad S(5)) and by the requirement of reducingthe vowel inventory Patafijali (Bh. 1.27.2-20). If h were listed only at (?6). Once the list was modified as described sound in rules8.3.3 (?3(28b)), the end of the spirantlisting, in ??6-6.1, only certain furthermodifications were 8.4.63 (?3(16b)), and 8.3.9 (?3(28a)) one would have possible. Where the use of notation pratydhdra would to state hakdreca in order to obtain, e.g. mahdnhi hi by 8.3.3 (cf. ?3(24m)).84 Similarly, requireviolatingthisorder,Panini did not resortto it mahdam-R (e.g. 7.2.5 [?3.1(18e)]); also, whereit was possible to hakdreca would have to be added in 6.1.113-4 (?3 use a pratydhdra but sucha notationwouldonlydenote (25b, c)). The resultis failureto generalizea feature two Panini did not use it members of the sivasuitras, of behavior of h. If, on the otherhand, h were only (e.g. ?3.3 (4)-(5)). listed in S(5), optional k markingby 1.2.26 (?3(27f)) There is an interesting discussion in the Bhdaya would not apply aftera rootsuch as snih "love" (sneon which casts further light the distinctionbetween hitvd snihitvd) ; norwould 3.1.45 (?3(13a)) apply to a root in -h. In the following rules also, special pro- major and minor reorderings. In the discussion of the S(7)-(8), Patafijali (Bh. 1.35.20-36.4) argues that the visions would have to be made, since otherwvise anubandham of A(7) is not absolutelynecessary. As faultsnoted would result. we have seen, this anubandhais used forthreepratyCait sdrvadhdtuke [valddeh, (1) 7.2.76 (rudddibhyah withinitialval has the haras: (17) nam, (29) am, and (36) yam. Patafijali 35]) states that a sarvadhdtuka augmentit afterthe rootsrud "weep," etc. It would suggeststhat insteadof m the anubandhaii be used in not now provide for it in cases such as 2sg. imper. these. The pertinentrules would then read: 8.3.32 (?3 (17)) : nanohrasvddaci 8.3.6 (?3 (29)): nanunnityam, rudihi (cf. ftns.43, 67). 8.4.64 (?3 (36)): halo yaiidn yanii (2) 8.2.26: jhalo jhali (sasya 24, lopah 23); jhal pumahkhayyaiipare, [s -* q] jhal. The sequence of derivation for the lopah. One cannotobject,says Patafijali,that in this sigmatic aorist 2du. formof dah "burn" should be: case, by 8.4.64 jh and bh would be deleted beforejh jh and bh. -* adah-s-tam addh-s-tam (7.2.3 [?3.1 (18c)]) -* addh- and bh,sincejh and bhdo not occur before Recall that in such sequencesthefirstjh or bh,as memtam (8.2.26) -+ adagh-tam (8.2.32, see ftn. 42) addgh-dham (8.2.40 [?3(20)]) -+ addgdham (8.4.53 bers of the group denoted by jhal, would be replaced membersof the group denoted by Ifjhal does not denote h, 8.2.26 does not by corresponding [?3(18)]). jas (8.4.53 Similarly, says Patafijali,if it [?3(18)]). Nor one that the of derican argue sequence apply. -* vation could be: addhstam addghstam(8.2.32) -+ be objected that by 8.3.6 R replacementwould take place in pum beforekhay followedby jh or bh, the (8.2.26). For, by 8.2.1 (puirvatrdsiddham), addghoitam answer is that a sequence of a khaysound followed by a form resultingfrom the application of 8.2.32 is treated as though that rule had not applied with re- jh or bhdoes not occur. Finally, Patafijali notes,one jh or bhis followed spect to the applicationof 8.2.26; cf. Nagega, Uddyota mightobject thatwhena pada-final or the element the latterwould,by byjh bh, containing 1.94. receive initial bh. This objection 8.3.32, augments jh, h is of interest because Panini's procedureregarding not hold 8.2.39 does since either, by (?3(16c)) padait does not tamper with the traditionalclassification sounds jhal sounds are replacedby corresponding and be- final of this sound in two classes (uLsman, ghosavat) it retainsthe of the group denoted by jas. One mightstill object this classification cause, in maintaining in orderingof h after the voiceless aspirates. Panini withrespectto 8.3.32 that thiscase [C 3] wouldnot this is [C 3] applies to therule But not apply. valid; need not necessarilyhave done this. For example, as when formulated; if, applying 8.3.32, it turns out Vopadeva givesa rule (3) hojhas (Vop. 21) "h is called forthe operation, that three are sounds only eligible jhas." This provides that operations which affect This discusthese three will only be operated upon. h. Vop. jhas (equivalent to Panini's jhal) also affect seem to show that the anubandham as used 562 then providesforjhas [s -* q] jhas and this rule sion might applies also when the leftand rightcontextsare h, as by Panini is not strictlynecessary,since the pratydhdrasmentionedare the only ones in whichit is used does (2). and the rules noted are the only ones in which these 84As Kaiyata notes (Prad4pa 1.94), Patafijali includes 8.4.63 are employed. But once we reason as I in his discussiononly theoretically, since no s is ever followedby h: pratydhdras hakaraparasya sakdrasydsambhavdtprasa-tgoccdritametat. have in the precedingsections,a justification sas'chot(ti form
VOL. 59, PT. 1, 1969]
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becomes apparent. As I said (?6.1), the reordering Thieme (1957: p. 265) that Katyayana's arguments subsequent to the necessarylistingof the semivowels "are so subtle, they rest on the application of such with the vowels, itselfa consequence of reducingthe strictprinciples ofinterpretation as to make it obvious numberof vowels listed,was not so much an innova- thatwe shall do no injusticeto Panini whensubmitting tion as a retention of previousclassifications. A sub- that he did not consider them." Thieme [loc. cit.) class of the voiced (ghovavat) sounds is made up of the gives two reasonsforthisomission:"They are, firstly, semivowels and nasals, denoted by yam. We may only occurring[sic!] as substitutesforother sounds consider that only after he closed the nasals (S(7)) accordingto special rules-they are no main phonemes with m did Panini insertfi afterbh in the reordered but 'variants.' Secondly,it is not necessaryto refer list of voiced aspirated stops. This would be in ac- to them, in the body of the work,either in bulk or cord with Panini's methodof procedingfromthe gen- together with other sounds." Although I think eral to the specific. The sounds which dictated the Thieme is correctin general,I believewe can arriveat use of ntforyan, namelyy, v, m, and bh,constitutea a more precise understanding by comparingPanini's smaller subclass of the voiced class. procedurewith that of the Prdtisdkhyas. As I have already noted (?3 (25) after(o)), whilePanini first lets R replacement forpada-final-s take place, thus bring?6.3. ing together R < s and originalr, and then proceeds The discussion of ??6-6.1 also makes clear why with the replacementof r and R by visarjaniya,the Panini did not followanother possible procedure in Prdtisadkhyas startwithvisarjanitya and state rulesfor adapting older sound classifications to his purposes. its replacement. Thus, forexample, Panini provides For, he could have kept the traditionalordering(vowfora sequence of replacements:-s t--* -R t- (?3 (25a)) els, stops,semivowels, spirants) and introducedwhere --h t- (?3(25e)) -* -s t- (?3(25f)), but the Prdtisdnecessarynew termsof the type ghu (?4.3). For exkhyas providedirectlyfor-h t--* -s t-. The prdtisdample, the Katantra introducesthe termdhut,which khyaprocedureis consonantwith the materialswith is equivalent to Panini's jhal (?3 (38)): whichthese treatisesdeal. They treatof the relation (1) Kat. 2.1.13: dhudvyanc#janamanantahsthanunabetweenthe pada and samhitztextsof the Vedas (see sikam"A consonantotherthan a semivowelor nasal is ftn.82). Since,therefore, in thepada textforms occur called dhut." Similarly,Hem. 1.1.11: apancamantain theirpre-pauseguise, it is to be expected that the hstho dhut. Pratisakhyasincludeh in the list of sounds whichunThe termdhutis used in a rule equivalent to Panini's dergo modifications.85In Panini's procedure,on the 7.3.103 (?3(35c)): contrary, 4 is eithera final form (in pausa, avasana (2) Kat. 2.1.19: dhutibahutve tve [?3 (25e) 3) or, when it is a sthdnin(?3 (25f)), an interKat. uses the terms'itto denote the spirantss, s, s, h, mediatesthanin of derivedfrom R, itself a replacement that is, the sounds denoted by Panini's sal (?3(13a)): -s. Recalling that the sthaninis sometimestermed (3) Kat. 4.4.32: siiditi sadayah. utsarga (?6), we can see that the sounds given in the This is used in the following rules: sivasuitras are, with one exception (see ?6.5), those (4) Kat. 3.2.25: san anitah s?idantannamyupadhawhichoccur as originalsthanin. It is in keepingwith dadr?ak (adyatanyam24 [see ftn. 75]) Panini's methodthat only these sounds be given and (5) Kat. 3.3.10: sitparo'ghosah(abhyasasya avase- that sounds which,in his rules,are only adescas not be syah 9) includedin the primary list. It is somewhatmisleadBy (4), san is affixed to anit roots in finalsit whose ing to speak of "main phonemes"and "variants" with penult is a ndmin (?1.1(16)), expecting dr? "see," respectto Panini, since it is obvious that the sounds when the aorist endings follow. This rule thus pro- listed in the s?ivaszitras cannot be said to correspond to vides the operations stated by two Paninian rules: phonemes in any generallyaccepted way. They are 3.1.45 (?3(13a)), where sal is used, and (6) 3.1.47 representations of classes of phonemessuch as a, a, (na drs?ah), whichnegatesfor drs theoperation of3.1.45. etc., whichare contrastive.86 (5) is equivalent to Panini's 7.4.61 (?3 (19b)). Note 85 The spirants 'k and -p are that while Panini uses sar in 7.4.61, the exclusionofh included in the list of sounds as is not necessary(?3.1(6)), so thata termequivalentto given in RPr. 1.10 (?1.1(7) with ftn.3) because of the use of the term usman in subsequent rules. Thus, RPr. 4.31 (aghose s'al is perfectly usable. rephyarephi cosmanam spar'a uttare tatsasthanamanuimapare) ?6.4. As already noted (see ftn.3), the Prdtis'dkhyas and the Kdtantraincludein theirsound listscertainsounds whichPaniniomits, namely visarjaniya (h),jihv&miiliya (Xk), upadhmaniya (Xp), and anusvara (tn). While Katyayana (vts. 6-8 ad S(5)) argues for the inclusionof these in various pratyaharas, I agree with
states that h followed by a stop itselfnot followed by a spirant becomes the usman ("spirant") of the same point of articulation as the following stop; e.g. rsi4 ko vipraohate(RV 8.3.14) -* riXkko vipra ohate"What inspiredchanteris deemed a seer?" RPr. 4.33 (prathottaravargiye spars'eva) then provides foroptional retention of h in such cases; cf. ?3(25h). 86 Misra, 1964: p. 746 also speaks of Panini's "inventory of phonemes." Pandit (1963: p. 52) also calls the itemsenumerated ln the S.ivasitrasphonemes,but he goes on to say: "If, therefore, phoneme is that which has the capacity to representall sounds in
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representsthe old catalogue of the Siksa, in which, then, neither the pluta vowels nor I were explicitlynamed." One may argue repeated, (stating:) let I replace the r of krp and let an I-like as Thieme does if the siksa listingincluded only sounds modified part replace the part of r in krp which is r-like." According above can in samhit&. On the other hand, s?iksawas more generally the to Sekhara 385 and Brhacchekhara1708 taccavartate science of phonetics, including in its scope not only samdhi but mean either that krpa is repeated or that the whole suitrais 2350) specifically also the descriptionof sounds (varna), theirpitches (svara), their repeated; Balamancramd (ad Siddh&ntakaumudi articulatoryefforts (bala), and speeds of articulation, including says the rule is repeated (krpa rah lah iti padatrayam&vartate). the middle speed (sama); see Taittiriya Upanisad 1.2. One This interpretationof 8.2.18, which recurs in the Bhasya's diswould not expect, then, that I be omitted fromthe s?iksd listing. cussion of S(2) (Bh. 1.21.18-19), is given up in favor of the Since, further,the Prdtis?khyas adopted s?iksdteachings for following. Now it is said that in 8.2.18 both the sthanin r specific purposes (cf. Varma, 1929: p. 12), one can argue as I and the adega I are mere sphota (sphotam&tra). The rule then have above. Though considerations of morphophonemicrules simply provides that an I-sound replaces an r-sound (rascruterled to excepting I fromthe list of samandksara, this sound was lactrutirbhavati). In otherwords, since r and r have r in common never the less treated in the section on articulatory details and I and I have I in common, the rule states their samanya as (see ?4.1). sthdnin and adesca. Though Kaiyata (Pradipa 1.90-1) uses 88 As I have noted (ftn. 2), r and I were generallyanalyzed as proper to the fullydeveloped sphotatheory,I think terminology composed of vocalicity and r, I respectively. In the Bhasya's his comment is essentially acceptable: antarbhftanantarbhuta"What discussionof S(3)-(4) (Bh. 1.25.23-26.2), rule 8.2.18 is considered rephalakdravyacnigyam samanyamsthdnyddes'abhavendsriyate in connection with the followingquestion: should a sound be is used in the guise of sthanin and adescais the samanya to be considered to denote itself not only independentlybut also as revealed (vyangya) by r and I whetheror not they are included occurringas part of another sound? If this view is accepted, (in a sound)." Cf. the comment of Bhartrharion this passage 8.2.18 providesforr 1, since r and I given in the rule as sthanin (Tika 89), where he gives as one interpretation:sphotamatrandntaand adesa respectivelydenote also r and I as parts of r and 1. mityakrtinirdeso' yamityuktambhavati/ tatrakrtinirdese For reasons which we cannot discuss here this view is abandoned, rena(bhi)dh&namdkrtim pratipadyata iti ndntariyakamdravyam dravyanirdesesrutasya dravyasya karyayogyatand two alternativeinterpretations of 8.2.18 are proposed. First, pratipattavyamiti krpo ro la4 can be interpretedas stating r. This is arrived at vamityakrtyasrayanasyedam prayojanamantarbhuitanantarbhuitayoby considering krpo to be a sequence of an endingless krpa rephayohpratipattyartham.In other words, the general class of followed by us, the genitive of r; hence, krpo ro lca < krpa us r, includingall specificoccurrencesof r, whetheror not included ras lah (cf. ?3(25a, c, d)). The rule now states two genitiveforms in another sound, is not susceptible of articulation. A specificr (uh < r,rah < r). One assumes, then,that one of the provisions is articulated to denote the class. The procedure here and that of this rule is that the r-like part of r is replaced by an I-like noted in ftn. 16 are obviously similar. A very good discussion part. This interpretation of 8.2.18 is accepted in Siddhdn- of the use of sphota (and also s.abda) by Patafijali, Bhartrhari, takaumudi 2350, which interprets the rule as providing two and later grammarians appears in Joshi, 1967. See also the sentences: krpa uh rac la iti chedahl krpa iti luptasasthikam/ summary discussion in my review of Joshi, 1967, in the Journal taccdvartate/ krpo yo rephastasya lah syatl krperrkdrasyavayavo of the Oriental Institute,Baroda, vol. 17, No. 4 (June, 1968). yo rephasadrscah tasya ca lakdrasadrsah syat "The analysis is There, as here, I have omitted some subtle points on the indikrpa uh rah lah; krpa is an item with deleted genitive; it is visibilityof r discussed by Kaiyata, Bhattoji, and Nage?a.
forI replacerule is part of a seriesof rulesproviding ment. It is also in the section (8.2.1 ff.)whererules While Panini excludes from the s.ivasuitras some are not consideredto have operated with respect to sounds includedin the lists of othertreatises,he does in klp < krp previousrules. Hence the I replacement include one sound which, properlyspeaking, should is notconsidered established(siddha) relativeto 7.4.66, not be includedin the lists of the Prdtisdkhyas. This so that the replacementr -- a in a reduplicatedsylis 1. As I have noted (ftn.2), RPr. and VPr. do not lable, provided by this rule, applies also to krP,and include I in the list of samdndksara. Since the moris derivedas part of a generalsystem,not as the form phophonemicrules of the Prdtisdkhyas are meant to a unique form. On 8.2.18 relative to 7.4.66 see account forthe relationbetweenthepada and samhitd orderBuiskool, 1939: p. 76. Withinthe leftto right texts,this omissionis proper. The sound I occurs in ing of rules in 8.2.1 ff., however,8.2.18 does provideI formsof the root klp, and no morphophonemic rule forms forsubsequentrulesto operateon. These rules involving the samdndksara need include I as an requirethat I be listed in the sivasutras. 8.2.86 (?3.2 originalsound to be modified.87 of the (7)) should apply to yield a formkl3ptasikha in the Pdnini gives the root kip in his dhdtupdtha name klPta?ikha,with pluta replacementof 1. By formkrpi, with r. The formsof the type 3sg. mid. hrasva,dirgha,and pluta are terms denoting of any root [B 5], perfect caklpeare then derivedlike forms members of the sounds denotedby ac, and bv [C 9] a with r: krp-e (< krp-lit [?4.2 (3)]) -* krp-krp-e replaces only an ac member. Therefore, if pluta (6.1.8, 6.1.1, see ftn.44) -> car-krp-e (7.4.62 Esee ftn. kl3ptasikha is to be obtainedby 8.2.86,1 mustbe among 43], 7.4.66, [C 10])ca-krp-e (7.4.60 [?3(19a)]). the denotata of ac. hence listed in the sivasutras. The r of this formis then replaced by I accordingto Similarly, if 8.4.47 (?3(31e)) is to apply to yield 8.2.18: krporo lah "For r of krpsubstitute1.'88 This klppta < klpta,I must be among the denotata of ac a compound its group or class, the sounds in the Mahesvcara (?3(31d)). By 2.2.18 (kugatiprddayah) Sfitrasmay be termedphonemes...." I would prefer simply not to use a term praklptais formed. 6.2.49 (gatiranantarah Ekarmani.i which has little if any value in Paninian work. that then kte 1]) provides 48, 45, prakrtyd putrvapadam 87 Thieme (1935: p. 103) says: "Since there is no reason why in such a compoundpra retain its originalaccentuathe authors of the R.V. Pr. and V.Pr. [my RPr. and VPr.] should have excluded I fromtheir list if they had fabricated it tion. 6.1.158 (anuddttam padamekavarjam) states themselves,it is extremelyprobable that their varnasamamnaya that all vowels of a pada are anuddtta except that one
?6.5.
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None of the argumentsproposed by Raja or Misra is acceptable. Considerthe veryfirst rule of Panini's ?7. grammar ([B 3]), vrddhiradaic. The constituent at, and aic. By Since the numberof sounds listed in the s.ivasuitraspadas of this sentenceare: vrddhis, by 8.2.39 (?3 (16c)) orderreflect an adaptation ofpreviousphono- 8.2.66 (?3(25a)), -s -* r (vrddhir); and their logic classifications by Panini forthe purposes of his -t -d (ad). We should, similarly,have pada-final set of rules,we should expect the anubandhasused in -c -k by 8.2.30 (coh ku4), which states that padathe s'ivasuitras also to reflect a rationalewithrespectto final palatal stops (cu) are replaced by velars (ku). theirchoice and positioning. Faddegon (1929: p. 52) Patafijali (Bh. 1.37.2-7) asks why 8.2.30 has not recognizedthat there is "a remarkableregularityin applied to aic. The answer is given that aic is not a the choice of the anubandhasas technicalconsonants" pada but a bha (cf. [B 12]). The rule used to justify chandasi),which and wenton to say: "The stops k and c are used forthe thisclaim is (1) 1.4.20 (ayasmayddini two divisionsof thevocalic sounds; the nasals n and m states that such ready made final forms (nipata) as forthe acousticallyconnectedsemivowelsand nasals; ayasmaya "made of copper" occur in Vedic. Now, two rules provide for the affixation of the continuantss and s for the two divisions of the the following mayat: voiced stops; the semivowelsv and y forthe two divi- the taddhita (2) 4.3.143: mayadvaitayorbhasayam... sions of the voiceless stops; the liquids r and I forthe two classes of the continuants." Otherscholarshave (3) 4.3.150: dvyacas'chandasi not been as felicitous in theirtreatment of this ques- (2) states that after an item x ending in a genitive tion. Indeed, theyhave introduced extraneousques- (tasya,cf. ftn.63) mayatis affixed to yield a new prdtions which betray a lack of understanding. C. K. tipadika ([B 15]) meaning "made of x" (4.3.134: Raja (1957: pp. 68-69) asks why Panini did not use tasya vikarac). Thus, with the zeroing of the genidental stopsas anubandhasand givesthe following ten- tive ending (see ftn. 63), we obtain ayasmaya. By tativeanswer:" Perhapsthedentalsoundsare unstable [B 11] ayas in this sequence is a pada, so that 8.2.66 and thereis the possibility of confusion arisingout of (?3(25a)) and 6.1.114 (?3(25c)) apply, yieldingayosuch phonetic changes in the symbolsindicatingthe maya, the formused in non-VedicSanskrit. By (3) combinations." That Raja does not really believe the operationstated by (2) is providedforVedic, but this to be an answeris seen fromthe question he him- limitedto dissyllabic (dvyac)items; hence,ayasmaya. selfasks (1957: p. 69); "But whydid not Panini make By (1), the finalform is ayasmayawithoutR and u reuse ofp and whydid he not make use of h either,even placements. In the present argument, Patafijali if some such explanationis possible fordiscardingthe claimsthat 1.4.20servesto class ayas,etc. in itemssuch dentals?" Misra (1966: p. 59) argues in a fashion as ayasmaya as bha. Further,he must claim the list similarto Raja's. He claims that h was not used be- in 1.4.20 is not an exhaustivelist of itemsbut a type cause final-h "is realizedas dh,dh,or gh," that is, be- listing(akrtigana, cf.Kds. ad 1.4.20), so that the rule cause the -h of a pratydhara would be subject to the can be used forclaimingthat aic is a bha. Of course, operationsof such rulesas 8.2.31, 32 (see my ftns.36, objectionsare raised to this argument. First, 1.4.20 42). Further, claims Misra, since final aspirated applies to sacred literature(chandasi). Secondly, if stops are replaced by unaspirated stops, voiced or aic is treatedlike a bha,whyare vrddhis and at treated voiceless (8.2.39 [?3(16c)], 8.4.56 [ftn. 43]), they likepadas? The answerto both objectionsis that the could not be used as anubandhas. For the absence of s-itrasof the grammarare like chandas (Bh. 1.37.4. n as an anubandha,Misra invokesthezero replacement [similarly Bh. ad 1.4.3 (1.313.5)]: chandovatsuitrdni of pada-final -n (type nama "name" < ndman,raja bhavanti). And, says Patanijali, Vedic items are "king" < rdjan, cf. Cardona, 1965b: p. 307): "the treatedat the same time both as pada and bha; e.g. final n (of a stem) is realized as zero." Misra's ex- the instrumental singularfkvati"possessed of verses" planation for the lack of an anubandha t is different (RV 4.50.5 [=TS 2.3.14.4], example cited Bh. 1.37.5 fromRaja's. He argues (1966: p. 59) that, since t is and ad 1.4.20 [J.320.23]) < rc has thepada treatment used to mark that a given vowel denotes only vowels c -- k but lacks the pada treatmentk -* g beforea of that quantity ([A 12]), it is not used as an anu- voiced consonant. bandha. As forthe lack ofanubandhasp and s, Misra 89 J am not myselfcertain I understand this statement, but states (loc. cit.): "P and S have been leftout, simply this is not crucial to the present discussion. Note that the to indicatea break as willbe shownbelow." Later on punctuation in citations of Misra, 1966, is as it appears therein.
for which another accentuation is provided by rule; svathus praklpta. Then, 8.4.66 (udattddanud&ttasya ritah), by which an anudatta followingan udatta is replaced by a svarita,should apply, giving prak.lpta. But anudatta and svaritaare termsreferring only to vowels (ac, see most recentlyCardona, 1968:?3.4), so that I must then be listed among the sounds to be denoted by ac.
the same page, he says: "The dropping of S is accountable fortwo reasons: firstly it could pair withH and H could not be used in the final positions,and secondly it marks a clear break between voiced and voiceless."89 ?7.1.
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This example clearly shows that the morphopho- cluding4.4.7 and 4.4.10, Patafijali says (Bh. ad 4.4.9 Eatvamkednemicsof the object language need not be observedin [II.329.12-3]): iha kearmcitsamhitikam tatra na jinayate ke$dm samhitikam one cannot claim, mcitsidarthaml statements.90Therefore, the suitra "Here (in thissection) some Eidarthamiti kesdm as does Misra (?7), that h etc. could not be used as satvam s, othershave have morphophonemic because they would be (rules or affixes) anubandhas in the sivasuitras subject to morphophonemicreplacements. Misra s intendedas a marker. One does not know in which and in whichcase it is inalso fails to note that, followinghis reasoning,one case $ is morphophonemic would not expect s' and $ to be used as anubandhas. tended as a marker." Patafijali goes on (Bh. 11.329. the cases in enumerating 14-5) to cite a s'lokavarttika .ah!) pada-finals For, by (4) 8.2.36 (... chas'dm is s t-* ; e.g. vit (nom. whichs is meant as a marker. This s'lokavarttika and by 8.2.39 (?3 (16c)) pada-final sg.) < vis "settlement," dvit "hatred" < dvi4. Not also cited by Kds'. ad 4.4.7, whereit says also: sakara4 (renanubandhah"~ is a morphophonemic only does Panini use s' and (as anubandhas; he also samhitiko placementof s), not an anubandha." With respectto bhas in 8.2.37 (?3(22)). uses the nominative As for the claim made by Raja (?7) that certain the dentals in particular,we should also note that in the dental markert occurs in sounds were not used as anubandhasbecause of possi- rule 1.1.1 (vrddhiradaic) changes, the formd, whichcertainlycould be consideredto be morphophonemic from resulting ble confusion this too is unacceptable. Considera rule such as (5) a source of confusion. Indeed, the commentators 4.4.10 (parpadibhyah $than). This rule serves to de- take advantage of this fact; the Bhasya ad S(3)-(4) derivativesfromparpa "carriage (1.23.21-2, similarly Bh. ad 6.1.185 [III.110.21]) affixed rive taddhita of t but an forcripples,"etc. in the meaning"goes by meansofit" argues that in ad the d is not a replacement (tena [4.4.2] carati [4.4.8]). The affix must be originald. The claim that t could not be used as an anubandha sthan,that is, tha (-+ ika by 7.3.50 [thasyeka!]) with because it was used as a markerin an anubandha s-. Since the affixis marked with s, in the s'ivasuitras as theother with the affix anotherconnection(?7) is an unjustifiable of the derivativeis formed the feminine discussedabove. Rules (5) and (6) above [fts 40]). Thus arguments iiis by (6) 4.1.41 (Midgauradibhyasca are obtained parpika "who travels by a parpa," fem. illustratethe use of s as an anubandha outside the than,whichserves to sivasitras; k and n are used as markersfor affixes parpikL. There is also an affix formderivativesof the type ndvika"who crosses by which do not condition guna or vrddhireplacement is ([C 12]); t and m are used as positionalmarkers([D of thanto derivesuch forms boat." The affixation which [tena 2, tarati 1, 2]); n and n are used as markersof affixes provided by (7) 4.4.7 (naudvyacasthan [vrdreplacement(7.2.115: aco'inniti 5]). Since than is not marked with s and the prdti- conditionvrddhi ends in -a, rule (8) 4.1.4 dhi4 114]); and c, r, I are used as accentual markers with the affix padika formed (ajadyataslap) applies to forma femininewith the (6.1.163, 217, 193, respectively). It is all the more that Misra should argue as he does (?7), affix tap: navika. Now, as we have already noted, a surprising replacements: since he notes (Misra, 1966: pp. 169-172) theseuses of sequence -s s- is subject to the following sig-R - (8.2.66 [?3(25a)]) -* -h ~- (8.3.15 [?3 k, etc. in his Index 2C ("Referenceto functional -s of each classifier"). (optionally) -s s- (8.3.36 [?3 (25g)] -- -s s- nificance (25e)] (8.4.41 [?3 (25j)]). Similarly, -s th- -R th- -h ?7.2. th-and, further, -asth assth (8.4.47 th--* -s th- -6 t [?3(39)]). (8.4.65 [?3(31e)]) (optionally)-a$th We can now considerthe choice of anubandhasand as to theirplacement in connectionwith the discussionof in rules (5) and (7) thereis ambiguity Therefore, whetherthe affixprovided is sthan or than, that is, ??6-6.2. We should recall that after the major and whetherthe $ is an anubandhaor a morphophonemic minorreorderings of traditionallistings,Panini went replacementof s. In (5), it is true,one can cite the no further in forming pratyaharas. Similarly,it is to ambigu- be expected that Panini followeda certain order in rulewith-has I have done,but (7) is definitely ous. Indeed, with regardto rules in the section in- choosing the anubandhas to close offgroups in the so that the absence of certain sounds as 90This is of interest,because Pa&iiniyasdid shrink from vio- Sivasuitras, is simplydue to his not requiring anubandhas any more lating the semantics of the object language in the metalanguage. as a bahuvrihi, such sounds aftera certainpoint. For example, a compound such as kitis interpreted hence, according to usage in the object language, should mean The first pointis,as Faddegon recognized interesting ka, "which has an it k." In metalinguisticitems such as an~, classes are used as of different sounds that (see ?7), then, the anubandhas are part of the items; otherwise,bahuvrihis The vowel groups different for anubandhas groups. such as kit would have to be given an interpretationdifferent (S(1)-(4)) are all closed by stops, as are the semifromthat in the object language. Therefore,affixessuch as an in shape. But this then vowels (S(5)-(6)). and ka could be said to be different The latter is in accord with the results in undesiredresults in termsof rule 3.1.94 (see Cardona, fact that the first consistedin placing the reordering 1968: ?1.2). Accepting the bahuvrihi meaning of the object after the vowels. The major semivowels immediately language, then,metarulesare set up such as (pbh. 8): ndnubandha"Difference in shape is not produced by group of stops (S(7)-(12)) is closed with the semikrtamasdrfipyam 4-7 of ParibhdEendusfekhara. vowel y, and the spirantgroups (S(13)-(14)) also are anubandhas"; cf. also paribhd@as
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41
terminatedby semivowels: r, 1. That is, there is a dichotomybetweenvowels and semivowelstaken together as opposed to other consonants. The major groupsof vowels,namelythe samanaksara (S(1)-(2)) and samdhyaksara (S(3)-(4), see ??1-1.1) are respectivelyterminated by k and c. These are the first vargamembers of the first two vargasin the traditional stop lists. Similarly,the orderof the anubandhasy, r, I followsthe traditionalorder of semivowels. We have now to consider, consonantwithPanini's method ofproceding from thegeneralto thespecific, subclasses of these major groups and the anubandhas used to terminatethem. Here we should consider that, as sounds ofdifferent classes wereused forthe vowel and semivowelgroups as opposed to otherconsonants,so the choice of anubandhas was conditioned by the sounds to be includedin a pratydhdra. This explains the use of a stop (m) to close S (7). The nasals are put togetherwith vowels and semivowelsas denoted by the pratydhdras (29) am, (36) yam. This also explains the use of n to close S(8); this sound is used as an anubandhato form onlythe pratydhdra (35) yani. So also, v is used to close S(11), a subgroup of the voicelesssounds,denotedby (40) khar. Having used y and r to close the stops and voiceless spirants respectively, Panini used the next semivowel of the traditionallistings, v, to terminate a subgroupof the voiceless stops. Within the consonant groupinghe proceedednow to use s'and s, the sounds following v in traditionallistings, respectively to close offthe voiced stops (S(8)-(10)) and a subgroup of these, the unaspirated voiced stops (S(10)). The fact that v was used forS(11) and not forS(10), whichwould be the expected procedurein going fromthe general to the particular,is accounted foras noted above. There remaina fewpointsabout which I thinkone can do little more than speculate intelligently. The use of the nasal stops as anubandhasis at firstsight irregular. That Panini should have used the last of the stops,m, to close offS(7) is understandable if,in a preliminary remodeling prior to placingjh and bh together,S(7) receivedthe finalstop anubandha. This receives some support from the discussion in ?6.2. However, the anubandhas of S(1), (3), (5), and (6) requirefurther explanation. In accord withthe use of k and c to terminatethe simple and complex vowels (samdndksara, samdhyaksara)respectively, we might the list ofsemivowels(antahstha) expect t to terminate at the end of S(6). Further,as nasals are used to close offthe subgroupsof samandksaraand samdhyaksara,we mightexpect S(1) and (3) to end withn and n, the nasals corresponding to k and c; similarly, S(5) would end withn, the nasal corresponding to t. That is, we mightassume a preliminary list: *S (1) a i u n, (2) r I k, (3) e o i, (4) ai au c, (5) h y v rn, (6) l t. The question now is, what could have promptedPanini to changethispreliminary listing? Here we mustnotice that Panini uses n as anubandha twice. Given the
remarkable system apparentthroughout thesivasuitras, it will not do to dismissthispeculiarity simplyby saying as does C. K. Raja (1957: p. 73), "That Panini used the same sound n twiceas a mute is unhappy." Patafijali of course noted the double use of t, and his remarkon this is interesting. He asks (Bh. ad S(6) [1.35.15-6]) kim punarvarnotsattaviva nakaro dviranubadhyate "Why is g used twice as an anubandhaas though one had run out of sounds?" Patanjali's answerto this (Bh. 1.35.16-8) is that by usingnz twice Panini indicates that he operates with the assumed paribhasa: vyJkhyJnato visesapratipattirna hi samdehadalaksanam (pbh. 1 of ParibhJsendusekhara) "The ofa particular(application) is obtained understanding by interpretation (in case ofdoubt); for, nondefinition (i.e., nonapplication ofproperrulesin the properway) should not resultfromdoubt." In the presentcase, the doubt involvedis whether an in a given rule is to be considered (6) an or (26) an. By interpretation, an is taken to be (6) an in all cases except 1.1.69 (see ?3 (26)): anuditsavarnasyeti parihaya puirvendngrahanam ... iti vydkhya-syama4; see also ?3 (27) on in. I thinkthis is not faroffthe mark. If a reason be sought why the anubandhaclosing the firstsivasuitra should be identicalwiththe one terminating the semivowels, it must be that Panini wanted to bringinto focustheverybasis ofhis reordering ofprevioussound lists; the vowels and semivowelsboth have rysalized and all such varietiesare denoted by the counterparts sounds as listed,hence the vowels and semivowelsare put togetherand [A 11] formulated. If Panini had proceeded to do this with the provisionallist *S(1)(6), he would have made a new *S(1) a i u t, witht as in *S(6) l t. Here we mustnote that thisresultsin an asymmetry: the subgroup *S (3) ends with a nasal anubandha,while now *S(1) ends with a stop. This could be remediedby using the nasal of *S(5) to end *S(1), yieldingS(1) a i u n. To keep the parallelism first soughtby endingthe first and sixthsivasuitra with the same anubandha,n. was now also used for S(6), shifting t to S(5). And n of *S(1) was now used in unused. This was then used forS(8); S(3), leavingnt cf. ?6.2. the last paragraphis mere speculation Admittedly, on my part. However,any explanationof the choice of anubandhas and their placement must be, as the above is, in accord with Panini's generalprocedure. ?8. In the above, I have shownin detail how thesivasutrasfitinto the generalmethodofdescription followed by Panini. At the same time, I have shown how, in termsof minoreconomyconsequent on abbreviation and such, Panini is remarkablyconservative. The mania formJtrdldghava cannot be ascribed to Paknini; it is a property oflesseroriginalIndian grammarians.91
91 One should be careful to distinguishIdghava consequent on generalization from the Idghava epitomized by pbh. 122:
42
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Panini did innovate,but his innovationwas methodological, and the changes he broughtabout in traditional sound listingswere part of this methodological since the innovation. One last point bears stressing, thestops sivasuitras-or ratheronly the part including -have been used to support conclusionsbearing on viewsofphonology. Staal, who,as I have some recent of noted (?5.1), deals only withthe minorreorderings states (1962: pp. 9-10): "The analysis the consonants, above may give a glimpse of the techniquesused in Panini's workshop. It also shows that a phonologic analysis of the sounds of a language, expressedin a mere list with subdivisions,can be fullydetermined by the grammaticalstructureof the language." It
vaiydkarana4"Grammanyante putrotsavam drdhamatrdldghavena marians equate the birth of a son with the brevity (resulting fromsaving) half a mora." Lamb (1966: p. 3) rightlystresses that linguistic analysis is a "process of simplifying" which "involves generalization." But Lamb cites pbh. 122 (1966: p. 1) and goes on to say (1966: p. 4): "The old Hindu saying quoted above actually expresses what is perhaps the most important and powerful single principle of linguistic analysis." This kind of uninformedappeal to Indian grammariansshould be shunned.
once morethat the phonois worthwhileemphasizing logic analysis which resultedin isolatingclasses such aghosa, usman,ghosavat, as svara,vyanjana,antahstha, etc. (?1.1), clearlywas not originalwith Panini. Nor can one conclude that this analysis was fullydetermined by the entire grammatical structureof the language. The siksddid not concernitselfwithrules the entiregrammarof Sanskrit,nor did encompassing the Prdtis?khyas. Panini drew frompreviouswork, conservative and, as we have seen, he was remarkably in dealing with it. This is understandable.Previous work dealing with phonetics and morphophonemics provided classificationswhich were grammatically in that theywere usable in statingmorphopertinent phonemic rules. The results of this previous work had onlyto be generalized. Perhapsin languageswith like Sanskrit,the classicomplex morphophonemics, fications necessary for the concise formulationof rules are easily generalized to enmorphophonemic structure. In bringcompass the entiregrammatical ing about the innovationshe did, Panini trulycontributedto vyakarana being entitled to the epithet uttaravidya.
REFERENCES
A. GENERAL
ALLEN, SKOLD, H. 1926.
W. S. 1953. Phonetics in Ancient India (London Oriental Series, 1) (London, Oxford University Press; reprinted 1961). Indologie Breloer,B. 1929. "Studie zu Paniini." Zeitschriftfuir und Iranistik 7: pp. 114-135. 1939. The Tripadd (Leiden, Brill). BUISKOOL, H. E. CARDONA, G. 1964. "The Formulation of PdiUini 7.3.73." Baroda 14: pp. 38-41. Journal of theOrientalInstitute, 1965a. "On Panini's Morphophonemic Principles." Language 41: pp. 225-238. 1965b. "On Translatingand Formalizing Paninian Rules." Baroda 14: pp. 306-314. Journal of theOrientalInstitute, 1967a. "Negations in Paninian Rules." Language 43: pp. 34-56. 1967b. "Paiini's Syntactic Categories." Journal of the Baroda 16: pp. 201-215. OrientalInstitute, 1968. "Panini's Definition, Description, and Use of Svarita" in Pratidana (Festschrift F. B. J. Kuiper). Forthcoming. CHAKRAVARTI, S. C. See B, sv. Kdsikavivaranapadjika. DEBRUNNER, A. 1954. Die NominalsufJixe. (Vol. II, 2 of J. Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik) (G6ttingen, Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht). FADDEGON, B. 1929. "The Mnemotechnics of Panini's Grammar. I. The Siva-Stitra." Acta Orientalia 7: pp. 48-65. JOSHI, S. D. 1967. The Sphotanirnaya (Chapter XIV of the of Kaunda Bhatta. Edited by S. Vaiyakaranabhfusanasara) D. Joshi. (Publications of the Centre of Advanced Study in Sanskrit, Class C, No. 2. Poona, Universityof Poona). KONOW,S. 1943. "The authorship of the Sivas0tras." Acta Orientalia 19: pp. 291-328. Grammar(WashLAMB, S. M. 1966. Outlineof Stratificational ington, D. C., GeorgetownUniversityPress). in die indischeeinheimische LIEBICH, B. 1919. Zur Einfuhrung Sprachwissenschaft. II. Historische Einfuhrung und Dh&tupatha (Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophische-historischeKlasse. Heidelberg, Carl Winter). 1920. Zur Einfuhrung... III. Der Dhdtupatha. ka MIMAMSAK, Y. SAMVAT 2020. Samskrit vyakaranz-s'a-stra itihas. (in Hindi) (2 vol., Ajmer, Bharatiya Pracya-Vidya Pratiqthdn). MisRA, V. N. 1964. "The Structural Framework of Panini's Linguistic Analysis of Sanskrit." Proceedingsof theIX International Congressof Linguists (ed. by H. G. Lunt, The Hague, Mouton), pp. 743-747. TechniqueofPanini: An Introduction, 1966. The Descriptive (The Hague, Janua Linguarum. Series Practica, XVIII. Mouton). 1963. "Some Linguistic Principles in Papini's PANDIT, M. D. Grammar." Indian Linguistics 24, pp. 50-69. RAJA, C. K. 1957. "The Siva Siitras of Panini." Annals of Oriental Research (University of Madras). Centenary Number. Sanskrit Section, pp. 65-81. du Sanskrit (Paris, grammaticale RENOU, L. 1942. Terminologie Librairie Ancienne Honore Champion). 1954. La Grammaire de Pdt?zini, Fasc. 3 (Paris, Klincksieck). a l'histoirede la philosophie RUEGG, D. S. 1959. Contributions linguistiqueindienne (Publications de l'Institut de Civilisation Indienne. Serie in-8?. Fasc. 7) (Paris, Boccard). SHEFTS, B. 1961. GrammaticalMethod in Panini: His TreatmentofSanskritPresentStems(New Haven, American Oriental Society).
Papers on Pdtnini and Indian Grammar in General,Lunds UniversitetsArsskrift. N. F. Avd. 1. Bd. 21. Nr. 8. (Lund, Gleerup). STAAL, J. F. 1962. "A Method of Linguistic Description: The Order of Consonants According to Panini." Language 38: pp. 1-10. -1965. "Context-sensitive Rules in Panini." Foundations of Language 1: pp. 63-72. 1967. Word Order in Sanskrit and Universal Grammar, Foundations of Language. SupplementarySeries. Volume 5. (Dordrecht, Reidel). THIEME, P. 1935. Panini and the Veda (Allahabad, Globe Press). 1957. "Panini and the Pronunciation of Sanskrit." In to Joshua Whatmough Studies presented on his sixtieth birthday ('s-Gravenhage, Mouton), pp. 263-270. VARMA, S. 1929. Critical Studies in the Phonetic Observations of Indian Grammarians (James G. Forlong Fund. Vol. VII.) (London, The Royal Asiatic Society; reprinted 1961: Delhi, Munshi Ram Manohar Lal). WEBER, A. 1858. Edition and translation of VajasaneyiPratis'akhya. Indische Studien 4. WHITNEY, W. D. 1862. See B, sv. APr. 1871. See B, sv. TPr. B. SANSKRIT DOCUMENTS
Aitareya Aranyaka. With Sayania's commentary. Edited by Baba Shastri Phadke. Anandasrama Sanskrit Series 38 (Poona, 1898). APr. Atharva Veda Pratisakhya. Edited by W. D. Whitney. Journal of theAmerican OrientalSociety7 (1862). A V. Atharvaveda Samphila. With Sayan.a's commentary. Edited by Vishva Bandhu. Vishveshvaranand Indological Series 13-17 (Hoshiarpur, 1960-1964). Bhasya. See Vyakaranamah1bhadya. Bhuisanasara. See Vaiydkaranabhfisanasara. of Nagesa. Edited by Sitaramshastri. Brhacchabdendusekhara Sarasvati Bhavana granthamala (Varanasi, 1960). Hem. Srisiddhahemacandra?abdanusasana. Edited by Muni Himam?nu Vijaya (Samvat, 1992). Jain. Jainendravyakaranaof Puljyapada. Edited by Pt. Sambhunath Tripathi. Ka?i, 1953. Kasikavrtti. With Nyasa and Padaman-jari. Edited by Swami D. D. Shastri (6 vol., Varanasi, 1965-1967). Kdasikavivarazzapanjika (Nyasa) of Jinendrabuddhi. Edited by S. C. Chakravarti (3 vol., Dacca, 1925). K2tantra. With the commentary of Durgasimha. Edited by J. Eggeling (Bibliotheca Indica) (Calcutta, 1874-1878). Edited by B. Liebich. Zur Einfuhrung... 1 (1919). Laghus'abdendus'ekhara of Nage?a (Ka?i, 1887). Mahabhdsya. See Vyakaranamahdbhdasya. Nyasa. See Kasikavivaranapanijika. Nyayasuitrasof Gotama with Bhdsya of Vatsyayana. Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series (Benares, 1925). Padamaiijari of Haradatta. See Kasikavtrtti. Paribha,endusekharaof Nagesa. Edited and translated by F. Kielhorn. New edition by K. V. Abhyankar, with the commentary Tattvadarsa of V. S. Shastri Abhyankar (2 parts, Poona, 1960, 1962). (All references are to pt. 1.) Pradipa. See Vyakaranamahabhasya. Prakriyakaumudi of Ramacandra. With the commentary Prasada of Vitthala. Edited by R. B. Kamalashankar Pranashankar Trivedi. Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Series, 78, 82 (Bombay, 1925, 1931).
43
44
CARDONA: STUDIES
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GRAMMARIANS
with the commentaryof Uvata. RPr. The Rgveda-Prdtis'akhya, Edited by M. D. Shastri (Allahabad, 1931). R V. Rgvedasamhita, with commentary of Sayania (Poona, Vaidika Samshodhana Mandala, 1933-1951). Sekhara. See Laghusabdendusekhara. Siddhdntakaumudl of Bhattoji. With Bdlamanoramd. Kasi Samskrta granthamala(Varanasi, 1958). With Tattvabodhinl. Bombay, Srivefikate?var Steam Press, samvat 1982. T'kd. Mahdbhdsyat(kdof Bhartrhari. Edited by V. Swaminathan (Varanasi, 1965). with its commentary The TPr. The Taittiriya-Prdtis'dkhya Tribbhasyaratna. Edited by W. D. Whitney. Journal of the AmericanOrientalSociety9 (1871). TS. Taittirlya Samhita. Edited by A. Weber. Indische Studien 11, 12 (1871-1872). Uddyota. See Vyakaranamahabhdsya.
Vdkyapadiya of Bhartrhari. Edited by K. V. Abhyankar and V. P. Limaye. University of Poona Sanskrit and Prakrit Series, 2 (Poona, 1965). Vaiyakaranabhusanasaraof Kaunda Bhatta. With the Darpanza of Harivallabha, etc. Kashi Sanskrit Series, 133 (Benares, 1939). VPr. Katyayana's Prati?akhya of the White Yajur Veda [V&jasaneyi Pratis'khya] with the commentary of Uvata. Edited by Pt. Yugalki?ora Pathaka. Benares Sanskrit Series, 8 (Benares, 1883). Vy&karanamah2bhaEya of Patafijali. Edited by F. Kielhorn (2d ed., vol. 3 [1909]; 3d ed., revised by K. V. Abhyankar vol. 1 [1962]; vol. 2 [1965], Poona, Bhandarkar Institute). With Pradipa of Kaiyata and Uddyota of Nage?a (5 vol., Gurukul Jhajjar [Rohatak], 1962-1963). Yajiiavalkyasiksa. Edited by A. N. Diksit (Ka?i, 1962).
ADDENDA
AND CORRIGENDA 29a, last paragraph: As is known, Yaska (Nir. 10.17) uses thetermguna. I do notthinkit is possible to tell fromthis passage whetherYaska used it in the Paninian sense or in the presumablyearlier sense, thoughthe latteris probable. 43b, sv. Hem.: Add: Prakrit Grammarof Hemacandra. Revised editionby P. L. Vaidya. Bombay, 1958. [Used forthe eighthchapterof Hem.] 44b: Add: Vop. MugdhabodhaVyakaranaof Vopadeva. Ed. J. V. Bhattacharya. Calcutta, 1902.
Page la, lines 27 if.: My statementsregarding these works are substantiated in reviews of Misra's book (appearingin Languageand the Indo-Iranian Journal) and Staal's monograph(appearingin the Indo-Iranian Journal). 4a, ftn.*: For 1965b: read: 1965b,p. 306: between Panini's prolla, 31 if.: On the difference cedure and the suggestionmade by Katyayana see ftn.4 of the reviewcited in ftn.88. 22b, ?3.1(6): This rule does not, of course, involve a sound to the leftof the first sound necess.ivasatra sary. Read this rule in contextwith ?6.3(5).
45
INDEX forrulesof Panini,APr., RPr., TPr., VPr., This indexlocorumis dividedintothreeparts. A gives references literature; to the Paninian commentatorial Hem., Jain., Kat., and Vop., in that order; B contains references are to page and column (a or b). indicated,references and C is a residualindex. Unless it is otherwise
[A4] 1.3.5: 4b [A5] 1.3.6: 4b 35, 14b,19a,28b,29b, [A6] 1.3.7: 4b, 24a [B3] 1.1.1:4b,ftn. ftn. 83, 39b,40b [A7] 1.3.8: 4b [B4] 1.1.2: 4a, ftn.33, 14b, 17b, 19a, 28b, [A8] 1.3.9: 4b, lla [C3] 1.3.10: 5b, 12a, 13a, 13b, 16a, 36b 29b, ftn.83 [D3] 1.3.11: 6a, 30b 1.1.3: ftn.33, 14b, 19a, ftn.83 [Cl] 1.3.12: lOb, 27a 1.1.4: 5b 1.3.13, 72, 78: 27a [C12] 1.1.5: 5b, 20b, 35a, 40b 1.4.1-2: 34b 1.1.7: 13a 1.4.7: 28a 1.1.8: ftn.12, llb, 23b 1.4.10: ftn.53, 24a [B1] 1.1.9: 4b, lOb, llb, ftn.31, 13b 1.4.11-12: 24a [B2] 1.1.10:4b, llb, 12b,13a [B7] 1.4.13: 5a, 19a, 28b 1.1.11: ftn.39 1.1.20, 22: 28a [B8] 1.4.14: 5a, 28b [B11] 1.4.17: 5a, ftn.56, 39b 1.1.26: ftn.36 1.1.27: 29a [B12] 1.4.18: 5a, 12b, 39b 1.4.20: 39b 1.1.37: 28b 1.4.21-22: 27a 1.1.41: 30a 1.4.55: ftn.53 [B9] 1.1.42: 5a, ftn.54, 28b 1.4.56, 59: 28b [B10] 1.1.43: 5a, ftn.54, 28b 1.4.99-102, 104-108: 27a [B21] 1.1.44:5b 1.4.109: ftn.81, ftn.82 1.1.45: 12a,29b 1.4.110: ftn.39 40, 16a,40b [D1] 1.1.46:6a, ftn. 2.1.5: 29b, 30a [D2] 1.1.47:6a, 12b,40b 2.1.9, 21, 22: 30a [C1] 1.1.49:5b,28b 35, 14b, 2.2.2: 30a 33, ftn. [C2] l.l.S0: Sb, 13a,ftn. 2.2.18: 38b 16b,17b,19a,ftn.57, 22b [C1O] 1.1.S1: 5b, ftn.31, 14a, 19a, ftn. 2.2.22, 29: 30a 2.3.2: 28a 53, 38a 2.3.13, 28: 28a [C6] 1.1.52:Sb, 12b,14b,17b,35a 2.3.36, 50: 28b [C7] 1.1.54:Sb 2.3.65: 28a 43 [C8] 1.1.SS: Sb, 12b,ftn. 2.4.36: ftn.64 [C13] 1.1.56:Sb, 12b 2.4.52: 33a [B19] 1.1.60:Sa, 30b 2.4.71: ftn.63 [B20] 1.1.61:Sb 3.1.1: 4b, 28b [C14] 1.1.62:Sb 3.1.26, 32: ftn.53 1.1.64:28a 3.1.33: 27a [B6] 1.1.65:Sa, 12b,28b 3.1.43-44: lSa [C4] 1.1.66:Sb, 13b,29a 3.1.45: iSa, 36a, 37a [CS] 1.1.67: Sb, 13b,29a 3.1.47: 37a [A9] 1.1.68:4b [All] 1.1.69:4b, lOb,llb, 12a, 19a, 19b, 3.1.48: ftn.53 3.1.68: 27a ftn.70,24b,34a, 35a, 35b 3.1.69: ftn.66 [A12] 1.1.70:4b, 19b,34a, 39a 3.1.91: 5a, ftn.34, ftn.36, 26a [A10] 1.1.71:4b, 1la, 12a,24b,26b [B14] 3.1.93: Sa, ftn.34, ftn.35 43, 17b [C1S] 1.1.72:Sb, lSb, ftn. 3.1.94: ftn.90 1.1.73:29b 3.1.133: ftn.35 1.2.4: 24a 3.2.76: ftn.48 1.2.18:20b 3.2.102: ftn.36 1.2.26:20a, 25b,36a 3.2.110, 111, 115, 123: 26b EBS] 1.2.27: Sa, lib, 12b,28b,38b 3.3.1: llb [C9] 1.2.28: Sb, 12b,14a, 14b,38b 3.3.13, 15: 26b 1.2.29-32:llb 3.3.99: ftn.60 EB13] 1.2.45:Sa, lla, 28b 3.3.115: ftn.34 63, 39b EB1S] 1.2.46:Sa, ftn. 3.3.139-140: 26b [B16] 1.3.1: Sa, 1la, 28b [Al] 1.3.2: 4b, ftn.12, lOb,ftn.31, 12b 3.3.156: ftn. 72 3.3.161: ftn.61, 26b [A2] 1.3.3: 4b, lOb,lla, 12a, 13a 3.3.162: 26b [A3 1.3.4:4b
3.4.67: ftn.35 3.4.69: ftn.36, 26a 3.4.70: ftn.36 3.4.78: ftn.34, ftn.61, 26b 3.4.79, 82, 86: 27a 3.4.87: ftn.67 3.4.94, 100: 27a 3.4.102; ftn.61, 27a 3.4.105: ftn.61 [B17] 3.4.113: 5a, ftn. 33, 19a, 24a, 27a [B18] 3.4.114: 5a, ftn.34, 19a, 20a 4.1.1: ftn.38 4.1.2: 5a 4.1.4: ftn.38, 40a 4.1.41: 40a 4.1.76: 4b, ftn.63 4.1.82: ftn.63 4.1.104: 1Oa 4.1.105: lOa, ftn. 17 4.2.114: 29b 4.3.53, 55: ftn.63 4.3.134, 143: 39b 4.3.144: 29b 4.3.150: 39b 4.4.2, 7, 8,10: 40a 5.2.39: 35a 5.3.67: ftn. 59 5.3.73: ftn.38 6.1.1: ftn.44, 38a 6.1.2: ftn.44 6.1.3: ftn.69 6.1.4-5: ftn.44 6.1.8: ftn.44, 38a 6.1.11: ftn.53 6.1.61: ftn.63 6.1.64: ftn. 55 6.1.66: 21b, 22a, 22b, 25b 6.1.67: ftn.48 6.1.72: ftn.81 6.1.77: 12b, 14a, 1Sa, ftn.81, 33a, 34a 6.1.78, 84: 13b 6.1.87: iSa, ftn.31, 17b, ftn.61 6.1.88: lSa 6.1.101: 13b, 35a 6.1.102-105: 14b 6.1.107: lSa 6.1.109: 17b 6.1.113: 17b, 36a 6.1.114: 17b, 36a, 39b 6.1.125: 34a 6.1.126: ftn. 12 6.1.158: 38b 6.1.163, 193, 217: 40b 6.2.49: 38b 6.3.91: 35a 6.3.109: llb 6.3.111: 14a 6.4.1: Sa, ftn.35, ftn.62, 22b 6.4.10: ftn.54
3.4.7: 26b
46
VOL. 59, PT. 1, 1969]
INDEX
8.3.3: 21a, 22b,36a 8.3.4: 16b,ftn.12,21a 8.3.6: 21a, 36b 8.3.7: 17a,ftn. 49, ftn.80 8.3.9: 20b,36a 37 8.3.13: ftn. 8.3.14: 14b,17b,ftn.53 8.3.15: 17b,ftn.56, 40a 8.3.17: 18a 8.3.18: 18a,23a 8.3.19: 18a 8.3.22: 18a,21a, 22b 8.3.23: 18a 8.3.24: ftn. 54 8.3.32: 15b,22b,30b,36b 8.3.33: 15a 8.3.34: 17b 8.3.36: 17b,40a 8.3.37: lib, 18a 8.3.39: 20a 8.3.54: lSa 8.3.55: 23b 8.3.57: 1Sa, 19b,23b 8.3.58: 19b 8.3.59: 1Sa,20a, ftn. 74 55, ftn. 8.3.78: 20a 8.4.1: ftn. 63, 23a 8.4.40: 16a, 18a 8.4.41: 18a,40a 8.4.45: ftn.12,21a, 22b,25b 8.4.46: 21a, 25b 8.4.47: 21a, 38b,40a 31 8.4.48: ftn. 8.4.53: 16a,ftn. 43, 16b,36a 8.4.54: ftn. 43, 22a 8.4.55: 1Sa, 1Sb,ftn. 43, 16b,24a 8.4.56: ftn. 43, 16b,39a 8.4.57: ftn.12, 14b,ftn. 39 8.4.58: 21b,25b 8.4.59: 1Sa,21b 8.4.62: 1Sb,22b 8.4.63: 1Sb,36a 8.4.65: 22a, 40a 8.4.66: 39a
8.4.68: lOb, llb APr. 8.4.64: 21b, 36b 1.13-14, 17-18: 8a 1.37: 13b 1.38-46: 25a 1.47: 25a, ftn. 71 1.48: ftn. 71 1.53: ftn. 77 1.55: ftn. 7, 33b 1.56: ftn.32 1.65: 8b, 25b 1.67, 76: 18b 2.1: ftn.82 2.15: 13b 2.21: 13a, ftn.82 2.25: 25b 4.3: 21a 4.5: l5b 4.24: 19a 4.25: 18b 4.27: 19a 4.28-9: ftn.52 4.31, 33: ftn.85 4.65: 17a 4.68-70: 17b 4.74, 80: 17a 6.29, 32: ftn. 71 13.10: 25b 13.34: ftn.2 13.39: 25b TPr. 1.2: 7b 1.3: 8b 1.5-6: 7a 1.7-10: 7b 1.11-14: 8a 1.23, 28: ftn.32 3.1: ftn.82
47
6.4.15, 19, 41: ftn. 12 6.4.51: ftn.53 6.4.71: ftn.53, 27a 6.4.77: 20b, 22b 6.4.81-83: 22b 6.4.101: ftn.43 6.4.105: 22b 6.4.107, 112: 24a 6.4.143: 35a 6.4.148: ftn.23 7.1.1: ftn.34, ftn. 35 7.1.2: 29b 7.1.13: ftn.62 7.1.18-19: lSa 7.1.20: 5a 7.1.72: ftn. 54 7.1.101: 19a 7.1.102: 23b 7.1.113: ftn.61 7.2.1: 23a 7.2.2: 23a, 24b 7.2.3: 23a ftn. 74, 36a 7.2.4: 23a 7.2.5: 23a, 36b 7.2.7: 23b 7.2.8: 22a, 22b 7.2.11: 14b 7.2.35: ftn.40, 22b 7.2.76: 36a 7.2.79: ftn.61 7.2.114: 19a 7.2.115: ftn.35, 40b 7.2.117: ftn.23 7.3.50: 40a 7.3.73: ftn45, ftn. 70 7.3.84: ftn.33, ftn.34, 16b, ftn.58, 20a 7.3.86: 19a 7.3.96: ftn. 74 7.3.101: 21b, 22b 7.3.102-103: 21b 7.4.7: 19a 7.4.13: 14b 7.4.22: ftn.60 7.4.60: 16a, ftn.53, 38a 7.4.61: 16a, 22b, 37a 7.4.62: ftn.43, ftn.65, 38a 7.4.66: ftn.53, 38a 7.4.79, 93, 94: ftn.53 8.1.16: ftn.36, 1Sa, 1Sb, 17a 8.2.1: 15a, 36a, 38b 8.2.18: 38a, ftn.88 8.2.25: ftn.58 8.2.26: 16b, 36a 8.2.29: 16b 8.2.30: ftn. 73, ftn. 74, 39b 8.2.31: ftn.36, ftn.42, ftn.43, 39a 8.2.32: ftn.42, ftn.43, 16b, 36a, 39a 8.2.36: 40a 8.2.37: 1Sa, 16b, ftn.48, 22a, 40a 8.2.38: 24a 8.2.39: 1Sb, ftn.43, 16b, 21a, 24a, 39a, 39b, 40a 8.2.40: 16a, 16b, 24a, 36a 8.2.41: ftn.41, 22b 8.2.42: 22b 8.2.65: 23a 8.2.66: 17b, ftn. 56, 39b, 40a 8.2.76: 24a 8.2.77: ftn.66 8.2.86: 24a, 31a, 38b 8.3.2: 16b, ftn. 12, 21a
9.7-8: 18b 9.9: 19a 10.1-2: 13b VPr. 1.35: 12b 1.43: ftn. 7 1.44: 7a 1.45: 7b 1.46: 8b 1.47: 7a 1.48: 13a 1.50, 51, 53: ftn.51 1.63: 33b 1.133, 136: ftn.32 1.142: 17a 3.135-136: 17a 4.38: ftn. 51, 19a 4.42-43: 18b 4.46: 12b 4.47: 14a 4.50-51: 13b 4.122: 15b 4.125: 14a 4.146: ftn.2 8.1-3: ftn.2 Hem. 1.1.4-8, 10, 12-15: ftn. 10 3.3.6-9, 11, 15, 16: 27b 5.2.4, 7, 19, 28: 27b 5.3.4: 27b
5.38: 15b
1.95: 13a 2.2, 7: lSb
1.1: ftn. 82 2 1.37: ftn. 1.68: 17a 1.92: 12b
2.26: 17a 2.53-54: 18b 2.55: 19a 3.39: 12b, ftn.32 3.40: 14a, ftn. 32 3.41-42: 13b RPr.
2.21: ftn. 32, 14a
1.1: 7a
1.12: 8a, ftn.6
1.3: 6b 1.6: 7a 1.7-9: 7b 1.10: 7b,ftn. 3, ftn. 85 1.11: 8a
1.2: 7b
5.1.158: 27b
48
5.4.9, 28, 29: 27b 8.1.80: ftn. 50
CARDONA: STUDIES
Jain. 1.1.3-5, 11, 15, 16, 20, 28, 31, 32, 45, 46, 66, 68, 74: 28b 1.2.1, 99, 100, 102, 103, 127, 130, 150, 151, 155, 157: 28b 1.2.158: 28a 1.3.4, 19, 86: 30a 1.4.2, 23, 29, 37: 28a 1.4.44, 57: 28b 2.1.1: 28b 4.3.4, 6: 28b Kat. 1.1.1: 7a 1.1.2: 7a, ftn.2 1.1.3: ftn. 1, 7b 1.1.4: 8b 1.1.5-6: 8a 1.1.7: 8b 1.1.8: 7b 1.1.9: ftn. 1, 7a 1.1.10: 7b 1.1.11-13: 8a 1.1.14-15: 7b 1.1.16-19: ftn.3 1.2.1: 13b 1.2.8-11: 33a 1.4.1: 15b 1.4.2: 21a 1.4.3-4: 15b 1.4.8-10: 17a 1.5.7-8: 18b 1.5.11: 19a 2.1.1: 28b 2.1.13, 19: 37a 3.1.24, 32: ftn. 75 3.2.25: 37a 3.3.10: 16b, 37a 3.4.59: 33b 3.4.87: 33a 4.4.32: 37a Vop. 5: 28b 8: 28b, 29b 9: 29b 11-14, 16, 18: 28b 21: 36a 81, 91, 95: 28b 562: 36a
Suitras 1.1.3 vt. 1: 9a 1.1.9 vt. 5: ftn.31 1.1.27 vt. 2: 29a 1.1.50 vts. 9-10: ftn. 1 1.1.65 vt. 5: ftn. 1 1.4.109 vt. 7: 9a 2.2.34 vt. 3: 9a 2.4.35 vt. 2: 33b 3.1.8 vt. 2: 9a 5.2.83 vt. 3: 9a 6.4.174 vt. 4: ftn. 15, 29a 8.4.48 vt. 3: ftn.31 Bhdsya Paspas'a 1.13.1: ftn. 13 1.13.3-6: ftn.27 1.13.10-12: ftn.30 1.13.13: 9b 1.13.19-20: lOa 1.13.27-14.1: lOa 1.14.2-7: ftns. 18-20 1.14.7, 13-25: lla 1.14.16: ftn.26 Sivasutras 2(1.21.18-19): ftn. 88 3-4 (1.23.21-22): 40b (1.25.23-26.2): ftn.88 5(I.27.2-20): 36a (1.27.21-22, 28.13-14): 25b (1.28.16-20): 26a (1.35.5): 9a, 35b 6(I.34.9, 13, 18): 14b (1.35.6-10): 19a, 19b (1.35.12-15): 20b (1.35.15-16): 41b 7-8 (1.35.20-36.4): 36b Suitras 1.1.1 (1.37.2-7): 39b (1.37.14): 29b 1.1.9 (1.61.16-19): 9a (1.63.13-15): ftn.31 1.1.10 (1.64.7, 8): 9a 1.1.11 (1.66.6, 10, 22): 9a 1.1.27 (1.88.27-89.23): 29a 1.1.38 (1.96.6-15): 29a 1.1.66 (1.171.19-26): 29a 1.4.3(l.313.5): 39b 2.1.1 (1.363.11-12): 30a 2.1.5 (1.378.17-18): 29b 2.1.6 (1.378.24-379.3): 29b 3.3.1 (11.138): llb 4.2.60 (11.284.11-12): 30b 4.4.9 (11.329.12-15): 40b 5.2.39 (11.378.21): 35a 6.1.72 (111.51.8-11): ftn.81 6.1.185 (111.110.21): 40b 6.3.109 (111.173.19): llb 6.4.149 (111.229.2-4): 30a 6.4.174 (111.234.20-21): 29a 8.2.3 (111.388.8-10): ftn.25 8.3.55 (111.437.2-3): 23b 8.4.1 (111.452.5): ftn.2 51: ftn.31 89: ftn.88
Pr. 1.47: 12a, ftn.28 1.48: ftns. 14, 15, 29 1.49: ftn. 16 1.50: ftn. 17 1.51: ftn.24 1.90-91: ftn.88 1.94: ftn.84
1.109:35b 11.569:29b 11.870:33b IV. 119: 35a IV. 279: ftn.15 IV. 791: 30b
1.53: llb 1.94: 36a 1.114:20b
Ud. 1.48: ftn.30 1.50: ftns. 17, 19
5(14): ftn.31 1.1.1: 29b 1.4.20:39b 4.4.7: 40b

7.2.5: 23a
sivasuitras: 12a 5(6): ftn.31, 35a
Nyasa 5(6): ftn.31, 35b 2.1.5: 29b Padaman-jari 5(6): ftn.31, 35b 2.1.15: ftn. 76, 29b Siddhdntakaumudi sivasfitras: ftn.31 2350: ftn.88 Sekhara 385: ftn.88 Brhacchekhara 1708: ftn.88 Prakriyakaumudi 1.19: ftn.31 Bhfqattasdra karika 29: 29b Paribhasendusekhara
B
Bh. Varttikas Paspas'a vt. 15: ftn.27 vt. 16: 12a vt. 17: lOa vt. 18: 10a, llb Sivasuitras 3-4vt. 1:9a 3-4 vt. 6: ftn. 1, 9a 3-4 vt. 10: 9a S vts. 1-2: 36a S vts. 6-8: 37a
pbh. 1: 41a
pbh. 4-8: ftn.90 pbh. 109: ftn. 15 pbh. 122: ftn.91
C
AitareyaAranyaka 2.2.4: ftn. 1, 8b Mun4aka Upanisad 1.1.5: ftn.2 Nir. 1.17: ftn.82 10.17: Addendum to 29a Taittiriya Upanisad 1.2: ftn.87 Vakyapadiya 2.57-58: ftn.82

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Studies in Indian Grammarians. I.

STUDIES IN INDIAlN GRAMMARIANS I. THE METHOD OF DESCRIPTION REFLECTED IN THE SIVASUTRAS

[TRANS. AMER. PHIL.

VOL. 59, PT. 1, 1969]

[TRANS. AMER. PHIL.

59, PT. 1, 19691

DESCRIPTION IN THE SIVASfTRAS

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DESCRIPTION IN THE tIVASCTRAS

CARDONA: STUDIES IN INDIAN GRAMMARIANS

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VOL. 59, PT. 1, 19691

[A 2] in orderto use EA 10] forinterpreting pratya-

IN INDIAN GRAMMARIANS ?3.

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VOL. 59, PT. 1, 19691

DESCRIPTION IN THE SIVASUTRAS

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DESCRIPTION IN THE tIVASPTRAS

-* vrkstn"trees" (a), (b) vrksa-sas

(c), (g) vrksa-au/aut

(c), (f) kunda-s? -* kunde "bowls," khatve "cots"

lih-ksa-t -> lidh-sa-(see ftn. 36)

dhugh-sa (see (27a)) -> dhuk-sa (8.4.55 [see

[TRANS. AMER. PHIL.

VOL. 59, PT. 1, 1969]

CARDONA: STUDIES IN INDIAN GRAMMARIANS

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VOL. 59, PT. 1, 19691

DESCRIPTION IN THE SIVASUTRAS

[TRANS. AMER. PHIL.

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is indicated derivative corresponds by4.3.53(tatra bhavah). The

[TRANS. AMER. PHIL.

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DESCRIPTION IN THE SIVASTTRAS

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DESCRIPTION IN THE SIVASUTRAS

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DESCRIPTION IN THE SIVASUTRAS

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which is not the order of ~(11)-(12):

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DESCRIPTION IN THE SIVAStYTRAS

[TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC.

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DESCRIPTION IN THE SIVASUTRAS

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DESCRIPTION IN THE SIVASUTRAS

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