Culture Heritage History and Historiography in Dandakaranya Vol II

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Culture Heritage History and Historiography in Dandakaranya

(KORAPUT-BASTAR, B.C. - 1250A.D.)
Volume II
DAS KORNEL
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First published 2010 @ Das Kornel 2010 All rights reserved by the author. No parts of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission of the author and the publisher.
ISBN 978 81 909364 4 6
Published by Das Kornel, 2010 kornel_das@yahoo.com
Distruibutors Eeshan-Ankit Prakashanee At. Maniguda, P.O. Jatagarh Dt. Nuapada- 766105, Orissa, India.
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Dedicated to Late Sant Govind Das Udasin, my father and late Bibi Banti ji ,my mother
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Dr. Das Kornel Dandakaranya is my Janamabhumi and Karmabhumi and I loved the land more than anything, the nature always attracted me and couldnt leave for any better place. My family came down during 1870 from Amritsar to Jeypore, then was under the Agency area of Visakahpatam in Madras Presidency and Jeypore was a State ruled by the Suryavamsi family; we have few documents since 1892.Genrations have passed and locally people know us as Oriya Punjabis and it is very much true. My life passed in this sweet land amidst tribals and others. I was posted in a deep located village of Dandakaranya Project in 1970, it was my first posting; the life was new for me especially in the tribal village set up and ever grieving Displaced refuses from Bangladesh and there I read the classical book of Verrier Elwin, The Bondo the High Landers, and his auto biography. This introduction dragged me deep into the science of Anthropology, which I enjoyed the most because it was very close to Genetics, the subject that was most dear to me in professional life. Reading history texts was my passion, since college days. My interaction with my Grand father Sardar Sunder Singh made me more interested into the Kings and Queens of Jeypore, where we lived. Sardar Mahana Singh, a well known personality of Amritsar was the contractor to the Kings of Jeypore State to build their two Palaces and was the Team Leader. This is how I knew local relevant history. Many a times I used to go to Madras (Chennai) on official business and there I used to sneak into the Kenmare Library and search very old literature on Jeypore region from the archives. I used to enjoy reading them and visiting the places of interest as per the old writings. After that I met several eminent historians of Orissa, Andhra Pradesh so also the Anthropologists and read a good number of relevant literature. My curiosity grew more and more to know about the fact that how and why these 52 tribes of Koraput and many in Bastar and all most all Indian religions came to
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Dandakaranya.The people are so diverse in language and culture but still live peacefully and that too together. The life is still very hard here. I knew my family history and the early days incidences of tigers, leopards visiting residences, deadly black water fever, dreaded small pox, cholera and non-availability of medicines, education and communication and life without electricity. This book is all about the people of Dandakaranya, their culture and heritage, their history and the dynasties that ruled the land and is recorded from B.C. to 1250 A.D. I am sure you will enjoy reading this great civilization with their virtues of goodness and kindness that is reflected in their daily life.
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PREFACE
Dandakaranya as known from Ramayana has been well defined and documented. The Tribals of Dandakaranya, represent to a wide stock of origin, and may have come down from various regions. They represent Austro-asiatic, Dravidian and Indo Aryan and mixed origin. They have maintained their own tribe group identity through various measures as social discipline and social orders. This study was designed to arrive at the origin and history of tribes and other people of the Dandakaranya region in more authentically the place of migration. So the linguistic or dialect knowledge was one of the sphere and the other was to some extent the anthropological evidences along with genetic distance between the linguistic groups, was verified with the available folklore or oral history recorded and finally matched with available history both from inscriptions and archaeology and geographical prosospectives. Finally the total of all has been reported keeping in view the existing time frame of the event. In reporting the inferences, suitable hypothesis were formed as well as few rectification of certain inscriptions reported earlier were taken with due care to keep out the bias. The hypothesis with reason and evidences mostly the circumstantial are clearly mentioned for inference by readers and for future researchers. The history was built from the history that was recorded in the neighbouring Andhradesa, Kalinga, and the South Kosala and others. The incidences like marching of army and capitals, dynasties ruling for time and period were considered for inference. After thorough study of relevant history texts a detail study of specific Dynasties was taken up along with study of original inscriptions as far possible in context to Dandakaranya region as defined in the book. It was the personal advice of renowned Orissan historian of repute, Prof. Manamanth Das to make field studies to write history, otherwise it shall be like many others whose works did not last long; similarly Dr. S.N. Rajaguru was of the opinion that history should have evidences from inscriptions or else it will be a story only. So the above advices were carefully followed to carve out this piece of the history. Most important contribution was due to Prof. Somsekhar Rao and Dr.Kolleru Suryanarayana of Visakahapatnam who willingly gave hours to discuss the relevant history and historical evidences being close to Orissa and in particular the South Orissa history. They also suggested the authors and books of concern to my study which saved lot of my study time. In many instances they were ready to make available inscriptions and photocopies of articles when requested by me. This was very useful because I could save time. However my knowledge of anthropology in particular in context to Koraput and Bastar and practical experiences due to my birth in Jeypore, Orissa and by luck I had spent most of
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professional carrier in the region was most helpful to derive many things of interest, more so my knowledge of Tribal languages and culture was of significant advantage in the direction. Historigrapical change incorporates new evidence and new way of looking at the existing history reports. Findings of new coins, inscriptions, archaeology, links historical and socio-linguistics along with aspects of oral-traditions have enriched knowledge of new history. In recent years history has increasingly drawn more evidence from archaeology. Orissa still houses a large number and range of societies and some of them are still very primitive. This living pre-history, underlines the continuity of cultural survivals. Attempts have been made here to bring the cross discipline like ethnoarchaeology to correlate ethnographic findings with history. Thus field work has been the basis to bring together all elements of interest to form the history of the region and has been reported. The field works especially related to rituals, particularly in the primitive societies and those tribal living in isolation do incorporate history and have been enumerated. Archaeological evidence has underlined the geographical significance to history, particularly the location of settlements and the movement of people and it still, to a greater extent can indicate the period of occurance.There are departures to earlier views as simultaneously the geographical regions continue to have historical activity. That is multiple centers share the same history. This phenomenon was witnessed in Sangma period of South India and in Dandakaranya region and has been reported in detail. These events are of most interest to historians. The fieldwork and association to oral tradition, which has been parts of anthropological studies along with myths have been analysed and with historical finding and facts have in corroborated and inferences have been drawn. Ofcourse these inferences have their limitations and thus needs careful inference is acknowledged. Linguistics is another area which is providing useful tips to the history of early India.Lingustic diversity has been well documented in the Indian sub-continent. Many anthropologists have made useful conclusions in classification of tribe and indigenous societies especially in India. However, there is till space to work on
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the linguistic variability among tribes in Dandakaranya and look into their literature and the Kondhs in future shall be one such aspect of study. The distribution of different populations of tribes and people and their spread in India and particularly in pensular India has been recorded. The problems of chronology still remain complicated. Still large number of texts creative literature and comparative linguistics give indication in these directions. Indian history involves linguistics, archaeology and attempts to differentiate alien people and others. But it is the history that has shown that communities are not static; they change and are prone to be influenced by other more powerful dynasties and rulers. So many times the isolated societies those which hold strong reason to that effect have continued to carry history along ;such instances are rare but if known contribute immensely to knowledge and history. The cultural practices through societies do carry forward certain functions like ceremonies after death, some typical festivals and ceremonies of life stay with them. These give indications on the historical linkages of these communities and many times a good pointer towards religion of the past they were members. Certain crops and food production knowledge and technology also points to some past geographical relations. In future, studies related to genetically markers in plants, livestock, and even human population shall conjugate to more information like the anthropological linkages, geographical shifts and to history. There have been numerous studies in understanding the origin of livestock and the stock from who they have been through evolution. These have support from genetic studies and phenotypic evidences that are known from studies and the geographical shifts. Similarly the new world crops shift and regional variations on genetically variations within species and between species. Most do believe these aspects ethically incorrect and some are of the opinion that these are the research studies and are taken as future good will to human being on the whole. In future more research shall appear in order to corroborate history with genetic markers. The genetic studies with relation to various diseases have been taken by researchers in Koraput and Bastar and from the data so collected genetic distance between communities have been derived and reported. The author has taken of these aspects of genetic markers, linguistics, existing history, inscriptions, archaeology related to Indian religions in order to establish the history of tribals and geographical shifts they have gone through. It can be summarized as follow,
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I have tried to bring the origin and History behind each tribe and other caste and Communities with their linguistic analysis and where available the Genetic distances between tribes. These data were generated due to research on genetic basis of diseases in Dandakaranya. Further a detail history has been built on the Dynasties and those rulers lived in the Dandakaranya region. It is based on research notes of the past and a list of historiography has thus been built basing on practical field investigation and analysis of the Historical notes, mostly the disputed areas of importance. The political histories of different dynasties have been detailed with relevance to Dandakaranya. The culture notes for each of the communities in Dandakaranya have been enumerated with distinctions, where ever they occur and references have been cited. The salient feature of the tribes and communities featured in the text in a clear and distinct manner. The Dandakaranya region has a great heritage, especially the religion aspect and it has witnessed the rise and fall of several of the Indian Religions including the Tribal Religion. The change that has formed the progress of these societies is amply carried forward and reflected in terms of both the Festivals and Ceremonies of life have been enumerated in detail. Surprisingly, it still maintains the Heritage and Culture value inspite of their primitive life style. This can be valued from the fact that these societies have so far maintained these instruments of Social Heritage with great respect and pride and valued it immensely. The archaeology and inscriptions where available have been incorporated and reported.
Some how the beginning was from limited early works of Robert Sewell on archaeology in (Rayagada) Koraput, a detail study of Edgar Thurston and Rangachari and later works of many independent researchers including G. Ramdas of Jeypore and Hira Lal from Bastar contributed to development of anthropology and history in Dandakaranya. This work could not have completed without the encouragement of Dr. Giridhar Gamang. Dr. Gamang does not need introduction; he had represented the Koraput constituency for 9 times as Member of Parliament. He being a tribal himself has deep love and respect as well as knowledge of the local Dandakaranya culture and tradition of the people and was very keen to record it; so that the future generation can maintain the values. We both were associated since early 70s and had several
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serious discussions on history, culture and heritage that the people have built since centuries in Koraput-Bastar. Koraput remained special to both us, not because we were born here but the people and their broad approach to life, their rich heritage value full of poetry, songs of life, dances and music fascinated most . I was practicing a profession for my living and twice I had to change it, so mostly the little free time and holidays that was available to me was devoted to these studies and research. In due course of time, it is natural to lose interest because many new issues creep up in life but luckily his inspirations and interest in the subject always renewed my interest. I am grateful to him. After long years of struggle this piece of work has come to this shape. I hope in future many will take forward this subject and more knowledge will enrich it. I am thankful to many friends in academics, tribal friends who willingly supplemented knowledge to this work. I had the privilege to use the published literature of many and my thanks are due to them. I am thankful to Jeypore and Bastar Museum for their help and co-operation. This research work is open and there are hypothesis which will require validation; so I believe in future, scholars and local knowledge base will take it forward to a logical conclusion. The Koraput and Bastar districts as mentioned in the book refer to undivided Koraput and Bastar districts only. In future, I hope collaboration in the field of Dandakaranya culture; history will come up with new partners from Chhattisgarh, Tamilnadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Orissa Universities and Research Institutions to enrich the field. There is an urgent need to collect the Tribal Folklores and poetry that are sung in paddy fields by ladies for further study. Equally, there is a great deal to explore the caves of Dandakaranya that will shed more light on religion and history and will also enhance the future tourism prospects in Dandakaranya. Conservation of archaeological finds through private-public partnership should come in future as part of their social responsibility. Das Kornel Bhubaneswar
January 2010.
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ABBREVIATIONS USED
ARSIE ASI CII DHNI EI Epi.Carn. EA IA IE IHQ IO Ins. JAHRS JAIH JAS JASB JBORS JKHRS JNSI JOR JORS JRAS JRASB MAR OHRJ PHAI PIHC RE SI Sel. Ins. SII SRE Vol. Annual report of South Indian Epigraphy Archaeological Survey of India Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Dynastic History of Northern India Epigraphia Indica Epigraphia Carnatika Epigraphia Andhrika, Hyderabad Indian Antiquary Indian Epigraphy by D.C. Sircar Indian Historical Quarterly Inscriptions of Orissa by S. N. Rajaguru Inscriptions Journal of Andhra Historical Research Society, Rajahmundry Journal of Ancient Indian History Edi. By D.C. Sircar Journal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta Journal of the Bihar Research Society, Patna Journal of the Kalinga Historical Research Society, Bolangir Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, Calcutta, Bombay and Varanasi Journal of Oriental Research, Madras Journal Orissa Research Society Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London Journal of Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta Mysore Archaeological Department The Orissa Historical Research Journal, Bhubaneswar Political History of Ancient India by H. C. Raychoudhury, Calcutta Proceedings of the Indian History Congress Rock Edict (of Aasoka) Studies in Indology by V.V. Mirashi Select Inscriptions by D.C.Sircar South Indian Inscriptions Special Rock Edicts Volume
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CONTENTS
Page No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. Cholas of Tamil country in Kalinga, Chakrakote, Vengi and Dakshina Kosala Virarajendra and nephew Prince Rajendra Chola of Eastern Chalukya in Chakrakotam Sodia Poraja Purvadesa Ancholagumma Anchala Koya Kondh Kuttia Kondh Maria tribe of Bastar Konda Poraja or Chellia Poraja Bondo Eastern Ganga Ronas Paiko Kottia Paiko in Koraput Gutob Gadaba Jhodia Jhodia Poraja of Koraput Background and History behind Jhodia Poraja Western Gangas, Eastern Gangas: Kalinga and Trikalinga, Kosala and Konga Country Parenga Tribe Somavamsis and Koraput Bhumia Naga or Chhindaka Dynasty of Chakrakota Nagavamsi Chakrakote and its Locaton Gad Bodra and Narayanpal in Bastar Narayanpal Stone Inscription of Gunda Mahadevi. Barasur in Bastar district Kalachuris of Tripuri Koloie Poroja Telugu Choda in Chakrakota and South Kosala Konda Dora Jhadi Telenga of Bastar 1 12 43 49 51 54 58 63 69 73 77 86 97 120 124 126 130 136 139 147 148 167 176 183 193 210 215 219 228 230 233 235 241 245
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Page No. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. Telugu in Dandakaranya Trilinga and Telinga in Bastar-Koraput context Dynasties in South Kalinga Ddidyai Tribe Pallavas of Virakuta Gangas of Jantarnadu Omanatya Bagata Nandapur Dhurwas in Koraput Ollar Gadaba Bhairaba Singapur Chandellas Gonds Dombs Boiparis Index 247 249 256 259 263 267 270 273 275 307 313 317 323 325 328 338 347
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PLATES
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Menhirs in Bison-horn Marias in Bastar Balimella Dam Archaeological finds Bondo down hills Archaeological finds Archaeological remains related to Eastern Ganga in Dandakaranya Bhumia village Goriahandi,Kundra, Koraput Jaina temple Bhumia Phupugaon, Kundra Katharagada Orissan Archaeology Gad Bodra and Narayanpal remains in Bastar NarayanaTemple, Jeypore Archaeology remains of Bastar Nandapur Archaeological remains Archaeological remains in Bhairaba Singapur Archaeological remains of (Bansuli) Deorli, Kotapad Archaeological Museum, Jagdalpur 76 83 95 113 187 189 189 216 226 238 301 320 341 343
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CHOLAS OF TAMIL COUNTRY IN KALINGA, CHAKRAKOTE, VENGI AND DAKSHINA KOSALA

The Hathigumpha inscriptions of Kharavella, ruler of Kalinga during the first half of the second century B.C. and in the eleventh year of his reign (C.155B.C.), is said to have destroyed the Tamil country, which constituted of a confederacy of Tamil states - Tramiradesaanghatam. It was 113 years old at that time, and was a source of danger, as perceived for long time. The same inscription records that Kharavella caused numerous pearls in hundred to be brought from the Pandya to Kalinga. This was the first inscription, well reflecting the state Tamil country before the Sangam period (i.e. the first three or four century A.D.). From the middle of the sixth century A.D., for a period of 300 years, the history of South India was the story of mutual conflict among three powers each tirelessly seeking to extend its empire. The three powers were the Chalukyas of Badami, the Pallavas of Kanchi and the Pandyas of Madura. They rose to prominence in the sixth century; but the Chalukyas quit the stage about a century earlier than the two other powers, were replaced from the middle of the eight-century by their successors, the Rashtrakutas of Manyakheta (Malkhed). The main house of Badami, the Chalukyas had established themselves in two other branches, more or less independent of the main line. They were the Chalukyas of Lata and the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. The Gangas of Mysore together with the Eastern Chalukyas took sides in the conflicts of the three kingdoms, sometimes with decisive results. The Cholas of the Tamil country had practically disappeared. A line of Telugu rulers bearing Chola name and claiming a traditional relationship with their capital at Traiyur ruled in the area now known as Rayalaseema. This conflict of struggle for empire did not remain limited to their respective territories and by 9th and 10th century extended into north countries of Kalinga, South Kosala and Chakrakote. Several new dynasties appeared and left the stage. The present lands of Bastar of Chhattisgarh and Koraput district of Orissa were active partners and witnesses to all these developments for centuries with their distant neighbours. The present exercise is to build up of history of KoraputBastar from the existing records..
Cholas of Tamil Country

Rajaraja the great (A.D. 985-1014) of Cholas and Kalinga conquest
Rajaraja I, the son of Sundara Chola, ascended the throne in June-July, 985 A.D. His brother Aditya II was murdered at the instance of Uttama Chola, who had
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made Rajaraja heir apparent. Consequently, he was enabled before his accession to the throne to acquire extensive knowledge of public affairs during several years. The inscriptions of Rajaraja range from his second to his thirty-first regnal years. He started the practice of prefixing historical introductions to his inscriptions, which was followed by his successors, and these official records of public events are thus of great help to the historian of the Cholas. No other contemporary accounts of Rajaraja are extant. The Tanjore inscription of the twenty-ninth regnal year of Rajaraja mentions his warlike achievements in its historical introduction (1). He was pleased to destroy the ships (at) Kandalur-Salai, and conquered by his army, which was victorious in great battles, Vengai-nadu, Gangapadi, Tadigaipadi, Nolambapadi, Kudamalainadu, Kollam, Kalingam, Ilamandalam (which was the country) of the Singalas who possessed rough strength, the seven and a half laks has of Irattapadi and twelve thousand ancient islands of the sea, deprived the Seliyas of (their) splendour at the very moment when (they were) resplendent (to such a degree) that (they were) worthy to be worshipped everywhere. The first great triumph of Rajaraja was secured early in his reign when he destroyed the Chera navy at Trivandrum. The Tamil expression Kandalursalaik-Kalamaruttaruli means pleased to destroy the ships in the roadstead of Kandalur (Trivandrum). Rajarajas interference in Eastern Chalukya affairs came due to the result of the distracted condition of the Vengi kingdom in the tenth century. He thus helped Saktivarman to secure the throne after the long interregnum from A.D. 973 to 999. The Chola emperor did so to frustrate the scheme of Satyasraya to combine the resources of the Western and Eastern Chalukyas against the Cholas. This brought an end to the civil war in Vengi, and Rajaraja claimed to be its conqueror (2). The alliance between the powers was cemented by the marriage of Kundava, Rajarajas daughter, with Vimaladitya (A.D. 1011-1018) the younger brother of Saktivarman I. Ultimately this marriage thus prepared the way for the union of the Eastern Chalukyas and the Cholas. This was seen as great relevance to the history of these three houses of rulers. Rajarajas conquest of Kalinga must have followed his subjugation of Vengi, as Kalinga sought to aggrandize itself at the expense of its southern neighbour. Lastly, Rajaraja conquered the other islands. Some of his titles reflect his achievements.
Chola Rajendra I (A.D.1012-1044)

Rajendra I took an active part in public affairs before his accession to the throne, and was associated with his father in the governing of the empire. He ruled from A.D. 1012 to 1044, and made his son Rajadhiraja heir apparent as early A.D.
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1018. The inscriptions of Rajendra describe his wars and conquests and exhibit his greatness as a conqueror. The famous Tiruvalangadu grant(3) (thirty-one copper-plates) of his sixth regnal year (A.D. 1017) recites his achievements, and additions were made to the account in Sanskrit about A.D. 1025 after his conquest of Kataha or Kadaram(4). Another important record of Rajendra is his Tirumalai rock (5) inscription issued in his thirteenth regnal year (A.D. 1024), which gives a complete list of his continental conquests.
Rajendra I the Conqueror of Purvadesa

Nilakanta Sastri wrote, In several inscriptions of his reign (Rajendra I) and of the reign of his successors, Rajendra is described briefly as the conqueror of Purva desam (6), Gangai and Kadaram; this must be taken to be summary statement of his most distant conquests, and on this assumptions Purvadesam is best understood to be, not the Vengi country as was suggested by Venkayya (7), but Purvarastra, the country to the east of the Maikal range(8) roughly corresponding to the Southern Kosala country.(9) We are inclined to identify Purvadesha, the area between Western boundary of Kalinga and south-eastern of S.Kosala. This is the present north of Nowrangpur, Kashipur and Kakrigumma and further down to Bhairaba Singapur. This is hill region. A separate chapter on Purva desam is given in the book. R.Sathianathaier wrote; The next military effort of Rajendra was the expedition to Eastern India, which was entrusted to his general. Crossing the Godavari and passing through Bastar and Orissa, the Chola army reached Western Bengal, defeated two rulers, crossed the Ganga, overthrew another ruler, recrossed that river, triumphed over Mahipala I and returned home. The victorious general received the congratulations of his sovereign (Rajendra I) on the banks of the Godavari. Here it can be thought why did not chose to take the coastal route instead of the route through Bastar to conquer the eastern India.(10) The last years of Rajendra witnessed the Chola invasion of the Western Chalukya dominions rules over by Somesvara I Ahavamalla (A.D. 1043-1068). Rajendra I had 3 sons, Rajadhiraja I, Rajendra II and Virarajendra I who ascended throne in succession. His daughter Ammangadevi was the queen of Rajaraja I of Vengi and mother of Kulottunga I. Rajadhiraja won a victory of Pundi on the Krishna, sacked Kalyana, and brought home the dvarapalaka image, which is now found at Darasuram (Tanjore District). The Chola invasion was particularly ruinous and humiliating to the parts of Mysore, with the result that cows were carried off and womens griddles were unloosed. The Cholas offended seriously against the
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ethics of warfare even in the days of Rajaraja the Great and Rajendra the Gangaikondachola (11) was remarked. The Tirumalai (12) inscription records that Rajendra-Chola vanquished the Kerala, i.e., the king of Malabar. With Sakkara-kottam, whose king VikramaVira was defeated by Rajendra-Chola, compare Chakrakota, whose lord was conquered by the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI (13)., and Chakragotta, which was taken by the Hoyasala king Vishnuvardhana(14). Madura-mandalam is the Pandya country, the capita of which was Madura.Oddavishaya, the country of the Oddas or Odras (15) and the U-cha of Hiuen-Tsiang (16), is the modern Orissa. Kosalai-nadu is Southern Kosala, the Kiao-sa-lo of Hieun-Tsiang (17), which, according to General Cunningham, corresponds to the upper valley of the Mahanadi and its tributaries. Takkanaladam and Uttiraladam are Northern and Southern Lata (Gujarat). The former was taken from a certain Ranasura. Further, Rajendra-Chola asserts that he conquered Vangala-desa, i.e., Bengal, from a certain Govindachandra and extended his operations as far as the Ganga. The remaining names of countries and kings are not confirmed. The list of conquests closes with Uttiraladam (1.11) i.e. Uttara-Virata or Northern Berar, and the Ganga, i.e. the river Ganges. The Tirumalai Rock(18) inscription gives complete details of Rajendra Chola. Prof.E.Hultzsch edited the inscription. The Tamil prasasti records the same transactions, almost in the same order, but with much more detail, as follows: Sakkaragottam, whose warriors were brave; Madura-mandala, whose forts (bore) banners (which touched) the clouds (19); Namanaikkonam, which was surrounded by dense groves (20), Panchappalli, whose warriors (bore) cruel bows(21); the good Masunidesa, whose fruits were fresh(22); a large heap of family-treasures, together with many (other) treasures, (which he carried away) after having captured Indraratha of the old race of the Moon, together with (his) family, in a fight which took place in the hall (at) Adinagar, (a city) which was famous for unceasing abundance; Odda-vishaya, which was difficult to approach, (and which he subdued in) close fights; the good Kosalai-nadu, where Brahmanas assembled; Tanadabutti, in whose gardens bees abounded, (and which he acquired) after having destroyed Dharmapala (in) a hot battle; Takkanaladam, whose fame reached (all) directions, (and which he occupied) after having forcibly attacked Ranasura; Vangala-desa, where the rain-wind never stopped, (and from which) Govindachandra fled, having descended (from his) male elephant; elephants of rare strength and treasures of women, (which he
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seized) after having been pleased to put to flight on a hot battle-field Mahipala, decked (as he was) with ear-rings, slippers and bracelets; Uttiraladam, as rich in pearls as the ocean; and the Ganga, whose waters dashed against bathing-places (tirtha) covered with sand,In the Tirumalai Inscriptions, the translation by Prof.Hultzsch (23) (E.I.IX, p-232) stands as follows: It is stated that ; Sakkara-kottam (belonging to) VikramaVira; Madura-mandalam with the fort of Mudira-bada; (E.I.IX.) Namanaikkonam, which is surrounded by dense groves; Panchappalli (belonging to) Vengilai-Viraj the good Masuni-desa, where leaves and fruits are green; the large heap of family-treasures, together with many (other) treasures, (which he carried away) after having, in a fight which took place in the hall (at) Adinagar, (a city), which is famous for its unceasing abundance; Odda-vishaya, whose copious waters are difficult to approach; the good Kosalai-nadu, where Brahmanas assemble; Dandabutti (i.e., Danda-bhukti), in whose gardens bees abound, (and which he acquired) after having destroyed Dharmapala in a hot battle; Takkannaladam (i.e. Dakshina-Lata), whose fame reaches all directions, (and which he occupied) after having forcibly attacked Ranasura; Vangala-desa, where the rain does not last (long), and from which Goundachandra, having lost his fortune, fled; elephants of rare strength (which he took away) after having been pleased to frighten in a hot battle Mahapala of Sangu-Kottam(?), which touches the sea; the treasures of women(?); Uttiralandam (i.e., Uttara-Lata) on the great sea of pearls; and the Ganga, whose waters sprinkle tirthas on the burning sand:Sakkarakkottam has been identified with Cakrakotya which finds mention in a Nagavamsi copper plate grant from Bastar dated A.D.1065, and its modern representative is probably Citrakuta or Citrakota, 8 miles from Rajapura where the copper plate were found. Rajapura, the capital of Bastar, is itself 22 miles northwest of Jagadalpur, on the bank of the Indravati river(24). Sakkarakkottam and the places that follow up to Masuni-desam have thus to be sought in the territory contiguous to the Vengi Kingdom to the north-west of it. Masunidesam literally means the land of the snakes; the king of the Chindaka family represented by the Rajapura plates, called themselves Naga-vamso-dbhava (born of the cobra race), and Bhagavati-pura-varesvara (lord of Bhagavati, the best of the cities); in a later stone inscription of Saka 1140, one of them is called Sri-bhujagavara-bhusanamaharayuler the maharaja who was the ornament of the race of the best of serpents. It is perfectly reasonable to support that Masuni-desam is meant the land ruled by these kings. On this assumption, Maduraimandalam, Namanikkonam and Pasncapalli must be sought in the same region and held to be parts of Masunidesam. It may be noted that Chakrakota is itself called a
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mandala (25) like Madurai-mandalam, and that the donor of the Rajapura plates is called Madhurantaka. I fully agree to this argument and identify Madurai-mandalam with the fort of Mudirabada, to the present day Mudlipada located on the Bondo Hills of Khairput block in Koraput district of Orissa. Bondos, a primitive tribe group of India and are well known in the world of anthropology due to the work of Verrier Elwin. The Mudlipada is still the head village to Bondo tribe Chief. The Bondo tribe villages are located on top of hills, scattered over on a chain of hills, that which has been described in the Tirumalai inscription as Madura-mandala whose forts (bore) banners ( which touched) the clouds. The Bondo tribes men still carry bows and arrows and are known for their ill temper and people fear for their high homicide rate and lethal bowman ship. The description that Maduramandalam whose forts (bore) banners (which touched) the clouds; fully justifies the ground reality of Bondo hills. Prof. Hultzsch while described the above said inscription of Rajendra-Chola I wrote that Maduramandala need not be connected to Madura, the capital of Pandya king (26) (E.I.IX, p-230).
Rajendra I and Indraratha of Somavamsin

The Tirumalai rock inscription issued A.D.1024 gives a complete list of conquest. Indraratha of Somavamsin king upto his sixth year of reign was ruling in full glory. At last, in 1022 A.D. Chola Rajendra I defeated him at Yayatinagara in course of his Gangetic expedition. According to Chola records, Rajendra carried away large heap of family treasures together with many (other) treasures after having captured Indraratha of the ancient race of the moon and seized Odda-Visaya and good Kosalai-nadu. This expedition appears to have been taken primarily with a view to thwart the activities of Indraratha who had aligned himself with the later Chalukya King Jayasimha II Jagadekamalla (10151042 A.D) who, setting aside the claims of Rajendra Is nephew Rajaraja, had placed the latters step brother Vijayaditya VII Visnuvardhana on the throne of Vengi. Nilakanta Sastri (27) wrote that Indraratha had to face invasions of other contemporary powers also. According to Upedur prasasti, he was defeated by the mercenaries of the Paramara king Bhoja (1000-1047 A.D). Gangeyadeva (10151041 A.D), the Kalachuri king of Tripuri is also credited with success against the Utkala king who was none else than Indraratha. The Paramavas and the Kalachuris appear to have allied themselves with the Cholas and the raids of these three powers against Indraratha were not totally unconnected with each other.
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Indraratha after his defeat under the hands of Chola in the battle of Yayatinagara was probably taken captive with his family and perhaps killed and the entire Somakula Kingdom lay waste and wrapped in total anarchy for some time. After defeating Indraratha the Chola Rajendra I proceeded to Kosala and Chakrakuta (Bastar); instead he could have gone to Ganges without fighting with Mahipal I, king of Bengal Scholars have explained Rajendra Cholas attach on Chakrakuta by supposing that he perhaps persuaded Jayasimha to that region, but they have not explained why he proceeded from Odda-Visya to good Kosalai Nadu (Kosala). Considering his destination that was the river Ganges, one would expect him to proceeded from Orissa to Mednapore (Dandaka-bhukti) to which he actually returned from Kosala. This deviation according to K.C.Panigrahi (28) indicates that Orissa has a subordinate ruler at Yayatinagara and therefore it was necessary for Chola monarch to attach the main territory of Kosala to secure safe passage in his return journey from Ganges. The over lord of the Somavamsi Kingdom of Kosala and Utkala at this time was, according to chronology, Nahusa did not appear to have opposed the invading army and therefore the Chola record states that in good Kosalai Nadu only the Brahmins assembled. This may be the fact that Yayatinagar was a Buddhist cultural centre, and thus the actions of Chola Rajendra I pleased the Brahmins of Kosala; they came to greet him.
Rajadhiraja I as joint ruler (A.D. 1018-1052)

Rajadhiraja I (A.D.1018-1052) was made joint ruler with his father as early as A.D. 1018. During his independent reign from A.D.1044 to 1052 the Ceylonese troubles continued. They took drastic steps to remove them, which included barbarities like the mutilation of the nose of the Ceylonese queen-mother. In most parts of the island Chola authority was maintained intact. The war with the Chalukyas, ended with the destruction of their cities and buildings, culminated in A.D. 1052 in the hard fought battle of Koppam. However, in the war the Chalukya king Somesvara is son Vikramaditya and his alliance Vijayaditya was defeated, but the Chola emperor lost his life. (29)
Rajendra II (A.D.1052-1064)
The younger brother of Rajadhiraja I, Rajendra II, who had been chosen heir apparent, in supersession of the claims of Rajadhirajas sons, crowned himself on the battle field, as he had shown extraordinary bravery. He advanced to Kolhapur and erected a pillar of victory there. Rajendra II marched against Somesvara in A.D. 1062 to check the growth of W.Chalukyas in Vengi affair and defeated him
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(30).Rajendras daughter Madhurantaki married Eastern Chalukya prince Rajendra whose son later known as Kulottunga I. Rajendra II was succeeded by his younger brother, Virarajendra I (A.D. 1063-1070), who invaded the Western Chalukya Empire in A.D. 1067 in response to a challenge of Somesvara to meet him.
Virarajendra (A.D.1063-1070)
The Tirumukkudal inscription (31) reported by K.V.Subrahmanya Ayyar gives the detail account of Virarajendra. A study of the records of Virarajendra so far known reveal that he was crowned king immediately after his victorious return from the battle held at Kudal-Sangama. The Kanyakumari (32) inscription states how Virarajendra conquered the country of Vengi. The Vengi country was first invaded by Rajaraja I (985-1013 A.D) and was again overrun by Rajendra-Chola I (33), but it appears that his successors Rajadhiraj I and Rajendradeva did not assert their rights over it. This neglect on their part to hold the reins tight in the Vengi country gave room to the Eastern Chalukyas to throw off the Chola Yoke. Rajendradeva seems to have realised the necessity of bringing this tract back under the Cholas but he died without affecting it. The Kanyakumari inscription speaks of the victories of Virarajendra in Bezwada, Pandya and Cheras. He proceeded again to the north, and defeated a number of chiefs of Kalinga who were fighting under the banner of the Chalukyas, set up a third pillar of victory a Suttukkal, gained victorious at Chakkarakottam and Kavi and destroyed the Kalinga country(34). I identify this place to be in Koraput-Kalahandi border. The Suttukal is the present day Sukatal of Tel river and Kavi is the Kavi-Konga of Raigarh, and Chakkarakottam is the well known Chakrakote. It is all in contagious place. The abstract (35) of the contents and relevant to the study is, himself and his sons, who assisted him, remaining behind in close quarters, he sent forth an army, which victoriously fought against countless Samantas along with the (two) sons of Ahavamala called Vikkalan and Singanan at Kudal-Sangama on the great waters, whether they had rushed forth enraged, resolved to advances forward and fight for a third time; and with (his) rut elephant, he agitated that army (of the enemy) which was arranged in battle like the Northern ocean, he cut to pieces in front of his banner-troop Singan of Kosalai who was fighting with his furious elephants and Vanguard; he (also) cut to pieces Kesavadandanayaka and Kettarcisar, Maraya of great strength, the powerful Pottaraisan and Reechchayan, Purkodai and Muvendi who were fighting (fiercely), and many (other) unknown
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samantas who offered (him) battle. Then Maduranan, who was the commander, fled; Vikkalan fled with his heir dishevelled, Singanan fled leaving off the field work; all other chiefs of the elder brother dismounted from the male elephants on which they were fighting the great battle and fled; and Ahavamalla, who was thus put to shame, ran before them (all). He then separated his swift-footed and fierce elephant, put on a garland of victory and seized the (enemies) wives, their family treasures, conches, parasols, truimpets (tarai), big drums, canopies (meghadambara), white fly-whisks (chamras), the boar banner, the ornamental arch (makara torana), a herd of camels, metal throne, the female elephant called Pushpaka, a herd of war elephants together with collection of prancing horses; (he then) ascended the powerful lion-throne of great splendour, being bowed to all the world, and along with his beautiful queen Ulagamulududaiyal, put on the victorious crown set with gems. After he had reached the great city (called after) the great river Ganga, the Chalukya (king) who came from the race of the moon, felt the sting and thought it is better to die than live with such disgrace and choosing as battle-field the very Kudal, where his sons and himself had been made to retreat, wrote, so that all might know, a letter embodying (his) vow- those who do not come to Kudal through fear are no kings but are disgraceful liars in war, handed it over with an oral message to the Ganga chief Kettan renowned among the liars of Rattappadi and asked him to take it; and when he came, bowed at the feet of, and delivered the message to (the Chola king), his (i.e., the latters) mind, face and glorious two arms began to glow doubly on account of the increasing joy and he advanced forth and entered the field, and not finding the approach of the king of the Vallabhas at Karandai, stayed there delightfully for one month more after the appointed day, and then he found him run away until his legs became sore and hid himself in the western ocean, and each of the three (chiefs) Devanathan, Siddhi and Kesi turned their backs. Crossing back the southern region, (the Chola king)........... obstructed at Kondai where the Chalukyan king again sent against him double the number of elephants which he had put forth on a former occasion. Among those that were seen (there) were the intelligent Nagaiyan, Marayan, Manmagandayan,................... Kondayan, Achchidaran ................ and others. These ran away showing their backs and making such an uproar (in their flight) that resembled the noise of thunder during heavy rains. Koottumadaiyan and others lost their elephants and ran along with the commanders of infantry (pada-samantas). The Chola king caught hold of prancing horses and young elephants as well as a galaxy of women that were seen (in the field) and received as before a parani. Tunnamarayan, ............... Kesavan, ............... who were subdued by his forces ......... the sound............ Singanan, who
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was resting under a flag, .............. and (he) planted a pillar of victory at PuliSuttukkal, where, getting up a hill ............... and mounted on a vehicle (yanai) drawn by seven horses, the chief known (by the name) Soliyavaraiyan, ................. -dandanayaka ................... fought. He sent forth a (very) sea of army ................ in Kalingam ................. his chief feudatories at Chakkarakottam and destroyed by heavy fire the elephant (forces) of the Chalukya king which appeared in great numbers at Chakkarakottam in the North. The bowman Somayan of Sonaiyanagar, Eriyaman, Adityaverman of fearful trident, -these with clusters of heads that were cut of, - ........... Malli, Sogaiya .............n, who wore ornaments set with diamonds, Vaidumba, Devanatha, Deviko.............. along with herds of camels ............. and the reward of ornaments were looted in order ................ and ran with broken hearts. The wife of ................. nathan trembling with fear, Kaliyappai, his younger brother ................. and others together with crowds of their ladies wearing tumbai garlands, fell in his hands in the great field of Kavi and were caught. Some of the geographical names of the inscriptions have been given as following: Kudal Sangama (1.1) or Kudal (1.4) the place of confluence of the rivers Krishna and Pancha-Ganga(36). Kosalai (1.2) the ancient territorial division of Kosala. Karandai (1.5) has been identified with Inchal-Karanjo, in the neighbourhood of Kudal-Sangama. (37) Kuntala (1.5) is the Western Chalukya territory (38). Seven Kalingas (1.6) form the territorial division of the East coast, north of Vengi, ruled by Eastern Gangas. Chakkarakottam (1.9) has been identified with Chakrakotta in the Bastar State. Sonaiynagar (1.9) not identified, but it is identified to present Sonepore of Western Orissa Kavi (1.10) not identified, but I identify now to be Kavi Konga of Koraput district Suttukkal not identified; but we identify now to be Suktal in Orissa Jayangondachola-mandalam is the name given to the ancient Pallava territory of Tondaimandalam during Rajaraja I who bore the designation of Jayangonda-Chola. As this is a mandala, I am placing it be in KoraputBastar i.e. Nowrangpur region. It is explained in later paragraphs.
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Virarajendra and Eastern Ganga

The Tirumukkudal record (39), dated in the 6th regnal year of Virarajendra corresponding to 1069 A.D., further describes the advance of the Chola army close to the beautiful city of Vijayawada, which caused the armies of the enemies to drink the water of the Godavari. In a decisive battle on the banks of the river Krishna, Virarajendra inflicted a crushing defeat on the Western Chalukyan forces commanded by Jananatha and Rajamayan. After this, the Cholas crossed the river Godavari, marched across Kalingam upto Mahendra mountain and beyond Chakrakottam (or Chakrakutam), and Virarajendra bestowed Vengi on Vijayaditya whose broad hands held weapons of war and who had taken refuge at his lotus feet (40). In this connection, the evidence of the Eastern Ganga records of Anantavarman Choda Gangadeva must be considered. In the Korni plates (41) of Anantavarman Chodaganga dated 1113 A.D. and in the Vizagapatam plates dated 1118 A.D., the marriage of Rajaraja Devendravarman with the Chola princess Rajasundari after a victory over the Cholas has been referred to. The records of Anantavarman state that Rajasundari was the queen-consort of Rajaraja and that their son was Anantavarman Chodaganga. The record of Rajaraja does not refer to any conflict between the Cholas and Gangas. The Dirghasi inscription of Banapatideva, the minister of Rajaraja, refers to such a conflict between the Cholas and the Gangas. The records of Virarajendra Chola dated in his 5th and 6th regnal years (1068 and 1069 A.D.) refer to the Chola attack of Kalinga and Chakrakottam region. The Korni plates state that Rajaraja first became the lord of the Goddess of victory in the Tamil battle. Later, he married the resplendent Rajasundari, the daughter of the Chola king. When Vijayaditya was beginning to grow old and left Vengi, as if he were a Sun leaving the sky and was about to sink in the great ocean of the Chodas, Rajaraja, the refuge of the distressed, caused him to enjoy prosperity for a long time in the western region. Vijayaditya mentioned in this record is no other than Vijayaditya VII, the Eastern Chalukyan king. Krishna Kumari (42) opined that it might be assumed reasonably, from the above account, that the Chola king Virarajendra drove Vijayaditya VII from Vengi, after the battle of Vijayawada, and compelled him to seek help from the Eastern Gangas. Probably, on this occasion, the Eastern Ganga ruler Rajaraja Devendravarman lent his support to Vijayaditya VII, and helped him prosperity. After Virarajendra, till the time of the expedition of Kulottunga to Kalinga, there was no other Chola fight with the Gangas. This could be the only battle in which
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Rajaraja could have faced the Chola forces as recorded by Banapati and Anantavarman Chodaganga. This battle appears to have been fought in circa 1067-1068 A.D. i.e., two or three years before Rajarajas coronation and in the last years of the rule of Vajrahasta III. Possibly as a yuvaraja, Rajaraja might have participated in this battle.
Virarajendra and nephew Prince Rajendra Chola of Eastern Chalukya in Chakrakotam

Rajendra Chola, the Eastern Chalukyan prince, who was brought up in the Chola dominions after the death of his father, seemed to have accompanied his maternal uncle Virarajendra in his campaign in the north. For, the early inscriptions of Kullotunga I, dated in his 2nd regnal year corresponding to 1072 A.D., state that with the strength of his arms and his sword he overcame the treachery of his enemies, captured many herds of elephants, levied tribute from the Nagavamsi king, Dharavarsha of Chakrakutam, and gently raised the earth, resembling the lotus awaiting the rise of the Sun for blooming, as Vishnu raised the earth from the ocean in his boar-incarnation and seated her to her great pleasure in the shade of his parasol, when he was a heir-apparent. This maybe corroborated by the records of Virarajendra that state that, in the last years of his rule, Virarajendra marched upto Chakrakutam. This may assume it assumed that probably Kulottunga I followed Virarajendra in his expedition to the north. The reasons for the Chola conquest of Chakrakutam are not clearly known. In the literary work Vikramankadeva Charitra, Bilhana states that Vikramaditya VI conquered Vengi and Chakrakottam during the life-time of his father, Somesvara I. Possibly with the intention of reconquering these regions, which were previously held by them, the Cholas marched into Chakrakutam region. The Chola inscriptions distinctly state that Virarajendra and Kulottunga I defeated the Chalukya forces, which met at Chakrakutam.
Battle between Virarajendra and Vikarmaditya in Chakrakuta

Gopal wrote (43), However, that Vikramaditya and Vira Rajendra met on the battle field near Chakrakuta appears to be correct. Soon after 1065 A.D., when Vira Rajendra extended invitation to defeated Vengi, which he had determined to conquer, Vikramaditya must have proceeded there. The Chola records mention the defeat of the Chalukya generals and also Jananatha of Dhara. It is silent of Vikramaditya. At this period of time Rajendra (future Kulottunga I) was ruling Purvadesa, close to Chakrakote (44).
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Gopal further continues that possibly this north extension of the influence of Vengi, so closely allied to the Colas, was the cause of Vikramadityas expedition against Vengi and Chakrakuta, counteracted by the campaign of Vira Rajendra culminating in the battle of Bezwada (45). Krishna Kumari (46) said, though success was claimed by Virarajendra, in the battles of Bezawada, Kalinga and Chakrakutam, in his records, it presented only one side of the picture as they did not even allude remotely to the reverses, which he suffered in the field. Probably after the battle of Chakrakutam, Virarajendra gave his daughter to Vikramaditya VI, the Western Chalukyan prince, as a means of pacifying the situation. Perhaps it is the same farsightedness of Virarajendra, which was reflected in Kalinga. He also bestowed Vengi on Vijayaditya VII, thus satisfying his son-in-law Rajaraja Devendravarman, and then returned to his capital Gangaikonda-Solapuram. She further continued and concluded, The bestowal of Vengi on Vijayaditya VII by Virarajendra, needs explanation. There is no evidence to state that Virarajendra was not in good terms with Rajendra. On the other hand, there is evidence to show that Rajendra accompanied Virarajendra in his expedition to the north. Hence it may be suggested that only out of political necessity Virarajendra had to bestow Vijayaditya VII instead of Rajendra, the rightful heir to the Vengi throne. Meanwhile, soon after the departure of Virarajendra from Vengi, the political situation once again altered. Rajendra, after his successful march into the Chakrakutam region, came to Vengi, and established himself on the throne of Vengi. Even though this information is not clearly stated in the epigraphs, it may be construed so by the study of the records of Vijayaditya VII of this period and the records of Kulottunga I and his sons.(47)
Kulottunga I left Vengi to Vijayaditya VII, paternal uncle

Sastri wrote, Kulottunga left the administration of the Vengi Kingdom in the hands of Vijayaditya VII until his death. The relations between them, never very happy, seem to have continued strained even after Kulottungas accession to the Cola throne. There are Eastern Ganga inscriptions, which, as already noted, show that the Ganga King Rajaraja took up the cause of Vijayditia VII with Kulottunga and secured for him a peaceful time towards the end of his life and carrier as ruler of Vengi.(48) The Teki, Chelluru, Pithapuram, and Mallavaram plates of the sons of Kulottunga I clearly state that Kulottunga I, being desirous of the Chola kingdom, conferred the country of Vengi on his paternal uncle Vijayaditya VII. This shows that Kulottunga I at first ascended the throne of Vengi sometime after the
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death of his father, and placed Vijayaditya VII on the throne of Vengi, and went to the south preferring the Chola kingdom.
Jayasimha II of Western Chalukya and Sakkarakottam

Jayasimha II is the Western Chalukya king (Jagadekamalla I) who ruled from A.D. 1015 to 1043; Musangi or Muyangi is Maski in Hyderabad State. In the closing years of Rajendras reign war broke out once more with the Western Chalukyas and the affairs of Vengi were, as usual, involved in it. In the Chalukyan kingdom, Jayasimha II succeeded by his son, Somesvara I Ahavamalla (1042 A.D.). He removed the capital from Manyakheta to Kalyani. He added new to the amenities of the new capital. He continued the war begum by his father. D.C.Ganguly wrote that he extended his power across Vidarbha and part of modern Madhya Pradesh, into Kosala and Kalinga, and imposed his sovereignty on the Nagavamsi ruler Dharavarsha of Cakrakuta. It may be noted here (49) that the Kakatiya chieftain Prola I and his son Beta, assisted Somesvara in his wars, and received from him as grant the Anumakonda Vishaya. In another direction Somesvara attached Vengi and thus challenged the Chola power. In Vengi Rajaraja had no peace after his coronation in1022. His half-brother Vijayaditya renewed his struggle for the throne, perhaps with the aid of Chalukya Jayasimha II, drove Rajaraja out of Vengi, and made himself king (1031), but by 1035 Rajaraja had regained is kingdom. Vijayaditya sought refuge in the Western Chalukya court where he was entertained royally. Somesvaras invasion of Vengi was undertaken ostensibly in furtherance of the claims of Vijayaditya and news of it quickly reached Rajendra I. The king was too old to take the field himself, his son Rajadhiraja was engaged in the south, so a trusted Brahmin general was ordered to go to Rajarajas relief. Meanwhile Rajendra I died. Virarajendra s foresight and political wisdom was well marked from his building the matrimonial relationship among Kalinga, Eastern Chalukya and Western Chalukya dynasties.
Adhirajendra (A.D.1068 to 1070)

Virarajendra I was succeeded by his son Adhirajendra, who ruled from A.D. 1068 to 1070 with his father, and only for a few months as a sole monarch. His unnatural death and the accession of Kulottunga I resulted in the extinction of the Vijayalaya line. It is not easy to explain the confusion, which followed Virarajendras death, the intervention of Vikramaditya VI and his return, the death of Adhirajendra in the rebellion that broke out and the part played in these
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affairs by Kulottunga I. Adhirajendra is regarded by some as the Krimikantha (disease neck) Chola of Vaishnava tradition; and he seems to have been the persecutor of Ramanuja though some scholars regard Virarajendra I or Kulottunga as the enemy of that Vaishnava saint and philosopher.
Kulottunga Chola I and his stay in Koraput-Bastar Region

Rajendra II Eastern Chalukya or Kulottunga Chola I was the great-grandson of Rajaraja I Chola in two ways: his mother, Ammangadevi, was the daughter of Rajendra I Chola (son of Rajaraja I Chola), and his father, Rajaraja I Eastern Chalukya was the son of Kundava (daughter of Rajaraja I Chola) and Vimaladitya of Vengi. Thus Kulottunga I was seventy-five per cent Chola by blood. Nilakanta Sastri wrote, At the time of his fathers death and the forcible seizure of the Vengi throne by Vijayaditya mentioned in the Ryato plates, Kulottunga, or Rajendra II as he was then known, must have been a youth in his teens. For considering he lived on to have a long rule of fifty years from A.D. 1070, it is hardly likely that about A.D. 1062 he was more than twenty years of age. His earliest Tamil inscriptions record certain facts, which seem to indicate how Rajendra engaged himself when he was thus kept out of his inheritance. The records of his second year (50) state that, with the aid only of the strength of his arms and his sword, he overcame the treachery of his enemies, captured many herds of elephants, levied tribute from the Nagavamsi King, Dharavarsa of Chakrakuta, and gently raised the Earth resembling the lotus expecting to rise of the sun for blooming, as Visnu raised the Earth from the ocean in his boar incarnation, and seated her, to her great pleasure under the shade of his parasol (51). His records soon came to describe these achievements as belonging to the period of his ilangop-paruvam, when he was still heir - apparent (52). If this view is correct, we must conclude that Rajendra spent the best part of the period A.D. 1063-70 in the region of the modern Bastar state, and possibly even carved out for himself a small independent dominion beyond it in the Purvadesa, even if he did not gain complete control over the Chakrakuta state and annex parts of the Purvadesa to it, as his inscriptions imply.
The smaller Leiden plates (53) of Kulottunga I Translation

(Line 1.) Hail! Prosperity! While the wheel of his (authority) rolled as far as the golden circle (i.e., Mount Meru) on the earth, which was surrounded by the moat of the sea, that was (again) surrounded by (his) fame,- Ko-Rajakesarivarman, alias the emperor (chakravartin) Sri-Kulottunga-Choladeva(54), wedded first in the
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time (when he was still) heir-apparent (ilango), the brilliant goddess of victory at Sakkarakottam (Chakrakotta)(55) by deeds of valour. (L.2) (He) seized a herd of mountains of rut (i.e. rutting elephants) at Vayiragaram (Vajrakara). (L.3) (He) unsheathed (his) sword, showed the strength of (his) arm, and spurred (his) war-steed, so that the army of the spear-throwing king of Kondala (Kuntala) retreated. (L.4) Having established (his) fame, and having put on the garland of (the victory over) the Northern region, (he) put on by right (of inheritance) the pure royal crown of jewels, in order to stop the prostitution of the goddess with the sweet and excellent lotus-flower (i.e., Lakshmi) of the Southern region, and the loneliness of the goddess of the good country whose garment is the Ponni (Kaveri). (L.9) The kings of the old earth placed (on their heads) his two feet as a large crown. (L.11) The river (of the rules) of the ancient king Manu swelled, (and) the river (of the sins) of the Kali (age) dried up. (L.12) (His) scepter swayed over every region; the sacred shadow of (his) white parasol shone (as) the white moon everywhere on the circle of the great earth; (and his) tiger (banner) fluttered on the matchless Meru (mountain). (L.16) (Before him) stood many rows of elephants, unloaded from ships and presented as tribute by the kings of remote islands whose girdle was the sea. (L.18) The big head of the brilliant king of the South (i.e., the Pandya) lay outside his golden town, being pecked by kites. (L.20) Not only did the speech (of Vikkalan): - After this day a permanent blemish (will attach to Kulottunga), as to the crescent (which is the origin) of (his) family, - turn out wrong, but the bow (in) the hand of Vikkalan was not (even) bent against (the enemy). (L.23) While (Vikkalan) lost his pride, and while the dead (bodies of his) furious elephants (covered) the whole (tract) from Nangili of rocky roads to the Tungabhadra, which adorned the country (nadu) of Manalur,-(his) boasted valour abated; the mountains which (he) ascended, bent their backs; the rivers into which
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(he) descended, eddied and breached (their banks) in their course; (and) the seas into which (he) plunged, became troubled and agitated. (L.32) Being desirous of the rule over the Western region, (he) seized simultaneously the two countries (pani) called Gangamandalam and Singanam , troops of furious elephants which had been irretrievably abandoned (by the enemy), crowds of women (the angels of) whose beautiful eyes were as pointed as daggers, the goddess of fame, did the great goddess of victory, who changed to the opposite (side) out of fear, because (Vikkalan) himself and (his) father had turned their backs again and again on many days. Possibly this northern extension of the influence of Vengi, so closely allied to the Colas, was the cause of Vikramadityas expedition against Vengi and Chakrakuta, counteracted by the campaign of Virarajendra culminating in the battle of Bezawada. It will be remembered that in the course of this campaign, Virarajendra is said also to have marched up to Sakkarakkottam. After the death of the Virarajendra, Kulottunga marched into the Cola country in good time to get himself accepted as king; but more of this later. And as he did some fighting during these years and subsequently came to look upon the whole period as a sort of probation for the Cola throne, he might have felt justified in saying that he left Vengi to his uncle Vijayaditya at the death of his father for a double reason (56). The literary evidence mainly comes from the Vikramankadeva Carita, the Vikramasolan-ula (57) and Kalingattupparani of Jayangondar. Jayangondar, the poet after a convential account of the early years of the prince, states that Abhaya (58) (Vira Rajendra) made him crown prince, and then proceeds to describe his digvijaya of which particulars are furnished only with reference to the northern direction. He is said to have made his mark in Vayiragram and Sakkarakottam. He was still in the north engaged in these campaigns when the Cola king died in the south, and these ensured anarchy and confusion until Abhaya Kulottunga returned and restored orders. (59) The first few lines of the prasasti beginning pugal sulnda pundari refers to the same events and add that by the strength of his arm he routed an army of the king of Kuntala (60) and thus donned the garland of victory in the north before he turned his attention to the south. This was with the king of Kuntala, doubtless the western Calukya king, waged before 1070, was part of Kulottungas activity in the region of the modern Bastar state, and the circumstances that led to this conflict are the same as those recorded in some of the later inscriptions of Virarajendra and in the Bilhanas account of Vikramadityas digvijaya in so far as it relates to Vengi and Chakrakuta. After Somesvara I failed to turn up for the
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second encounter fixed to take place at Kundal-Sangama, Virarajendra threw down a challenge to the Vallabha (Calukya), proceeded to recover Vengi, and after the victory of Bezwada, bestowed that kingdom once more on Vijayaditya VII. These data corroborate Bilhanas statement that in his war-like carrier as Yuvaraja Vikramaditya had conquered Vengi and Chakrakuta and was encamping on the banks of the Krsna when the news of his fathers illness and death reached him. The Kalingattuparani (61), also implies that Vikramaditya fought against Kulottunga in the north at this time and that it was in this war that Kulottunga earned the title Virudarajabhayankara i.e. terror to Virudarajendra or Vikramaditya. These events took place in A.D. 1067. And now it becomes clear from Kulottungas prasasti that his northern adventure might have helped Virarajendra in the war against Vikramaditya. Whether this means that Kulottunga, on his own account, repulsed Vikramadityas attack on Cakrakuta, or whether we may infer further that Kulottunga co-operated with Virarajendra and was present at the battle of Bezwada, it is not early to decide. In any case, the effective assistance of Kulottunga in the release of Vengi from the Western Calukya hold shows that Kulottunga might have been on friendly relation with Virarajendra and kept up a live interest in the affairs of the Vengi and Cola kingdom. That, as a result of the wars, the kingdom of Vengi was restored to Vijaditya gives us the measure of the truth of Kulottungas statement made later to his sons Rajaraja that in his youth he preferred a life of war and adventure and so left the kingdom of Vengi to be ruled by his uncle Vijaditya. It is probable that this exile was not altogether voluntary and was in the first instance brought about by the ambitions of Vikramaditya and Vijayaditya (62). During the period of 1063 to 1070, the Nagavamsi kings of Chakrakuta were still continue to function and the following (inscription) history speaks of their active presence in the area. This thus indicates, that possibly Yuvaraj Kulottunga continued to be in Purvadesa, which is contiguous to the Chakrakote desha. The following of the details of inscriptions found later. 1. Rajapura copper plate inscription of Madhurakantaka, being the date A.D. 1065 records the grant of the village of Rajapura (find spots of the record, 55 kms. North-west of Jagdalpur) in the Bhramanakotya (Bhramanakotta) - mandala, probably as a compensation for supplying victims for human sacrifices. The Bhramankotta-mandala was either identical with Chakrakotta or a part of the later (63) The fragmentary Danteswara inscription of A.D.1061 belongs to the Dharavarsha or Madhurantaka. King Madhurantaka was soon ousted from the throne by Dharavarshas son Somesvara I whose earliest known date is A.D.1069 (64).
2.
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3.
One of the two Kuruspal (55 kms from Jagdalpur) inscriptions of Dharanamahadei, the second queen of the Chhindaka-Naga King Somesvara I, bears a date in the Khara Samvatsra, which fell in A.D.1069 (65). The fragmentary inscription from Kuruspal (66), the most important record of the reign of Somesvara I. This epigraph mentions the Kings son Kanhara and seems to have been engraved late in his reign.
4.
He is further stated to have killed king Madhurantaka, the ruler of Chakrakuta of which Somesvara I claimed to have been the hereditary king. It is noteworthy to mention that the Madras museum plates (67) of the Nagavamsi Kings of Karunda-Mandala (Karunda mandala is the present Kalahandi district of Orissa) disclose the name mentioned in the Dirghasi stone inscription of the time of the Ganga King Rajaraja Deva (1069-1070 A.D.), who won a great victory in the Chola-Kalinga war. In that inscription we get a descriptive account of the achievements of Banapati, the Commander-in-Chief of Kalinga, who claims to have received the Kingdoms of Vengi, Kimidi, Gosila and Gidrisinghi. The last named place may be identified with Khindarasingha, mentioned in the Nagavamsi record, as per S.N.Rajaguru (68). The record also edits Somesvara with many other military activities such as the burning of Vengi, the subjugation of Bhadrapattana and Vijra and the seizure of the six laks and ninety-six villages of South Kosala. This inscription (No.17 of 1893) (69) is engraved on the north wall of the Pandava-Perumal temple at Conjeeveram. The ancient name of the temple was Tiruppadagam (1.3), and it is mentioned under the name of Padagam in the Nalayiraprabandham. The date is the 5th year of the king, who is now styled Kulottunga-Choladeva I, while in the inscriptions of his 2nd, 3rd and 4th years (Nos.61 to 67 and 77) he still holds the name Rajendra-Choladeva (II). The new inscription refers to his early victories at Sakkarakottam and Vayiragaram. It then states that he vanquished the king of Kuntala, i.e. the Western Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI, that be crowned himself as king of the country on the banks of the Kaveri, i.e. of the Chola country, and that he decapitated an unnamed Pandya king. An inscription of the 6th year of his reign adds nothing new to these statements.
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(Line 1) hail! Prosperity! Having made the wheel of his (authority) to go as far as the golden circle (i.e. mount meru) on the earth, which was surrounded by the moat of the sea, that was (again) surrounded by (his) fame, (the king) newly wedded, in the time (when he was till) heir-apparent (ilango), the brilliant goddess of victory at Sakkarakottam by deeds of valour and seized a herd of strong elephants at Vayiragaram. (He) unsheathed (his) sword, showed the strength of (his) arm, and spurred (his) war-steed, so that the king of Kondala (Kuntala), (whose spear had) a sharp point, lost his wealth. Having established (his) fame, having put on the garland of (the victory over) the Northern region, and having stopped the prostitution of the goddess with the sweet and excellent lotus flower (i.e. Lakshmi) of the Southern region, and the loneliness of the goddess of the good country whose garment is the Poni (Kaveri), (he) put on by right (of inheritance) the pure royal crown of jewels, while the kings of the old earth bore his two feet (on their heads) as a large crown. It then relates that Kulottunga I, drove Vikkalan (i.e. Vikramaditya VI) from Nangili (in the Kolar district) by way of Manalur to the Tungabhadra river, and that he conquered the Ganga-mandalam and Singanam, by which the dominions of Jayasimha III, seem to be meant. The inscription edited below is one such. It is engraved on a slab in the south wall of the Bhimesvara temple at Draksharama (70) in the Ganjam district and is registered in the Madras epigraphical collection for 1893 as being on a third slab from the bottom between the third and the fourth pillars. The text of it is in Telugu script. For the interesting historical information, which it furnishes, it is edited here. He reduced to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, defeated the Ganga king, destroyed in battle Devendravarman and others, and planted a pillar of victory on the borders of the Odra country which was as it were the raising aloft of Rajendracholas name. The proper account of the inscription can be well estimated with the help of the Tamil work Kalingattupparani of Jayangondan (71) composed in the reign of Kulottunga I. The translation in English due to Pilai has been taken for the study. The book says that the king, while he was yet a yuvaraja, led an expedition into the north and destroyed Chakkarakkottam (X, v.23): then went to the south and was crowned there (ibid, v.34). On an occasion when he was seated there in the chitramandapa on the western side of his palace, surrounded by his ministers Vandaiman-Tondaiman and others,- provincial chiefs (mandalikas) and kings waiting at his gate, -it was
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reported to him that the king of the north Kalingas had failed to pay his tribute twice (i.e. for two years) (XI, vv.3, 4, 16 and 27). On the emperors ordering that the Kalinga country should be subdued and its king brought there, Vandainagararasan, who is variously called Karunkaran, Pallavarkon, and Valavaivendan, (vv.52-54) volunteered to undertake the invasion of the seven Kalingas, and, obtaining the kings permission, set out on his march (vv.29-31). On the way, he successively crossed such rivers as the Palagu, Ponmugari, Pennai, Peragu, Godavari, Pampanadi, and Gotamai (vv.55-57). The fight that ensued was a severe one in which many were killed and wounded. Invading Kalingam at the sea, says the book, planting a pillar of victory, capturing elephants and treasure, Vandaiyarkon secured the grace of the feet of Abhaya of powerful army and sword (XII, v.68). The poem closes with an exhortation to sing the achievements of the king, viz., the defeat of the five Pandyas and the Chera king, the tribute that was being brought from the north; and also the fame of the cities Vandai, Mayilai and Mallai and of their chief, Tondaiyarvendan who, capturing the elephants of the Kalingas, bestowed Kalingattupparani on the king (XIII. V.65). Verse 44 of Canto II (Kadaitirappu) states in unambiguous words that the king was at Kanchi while the chief led the expedition to Kalinga and reduced it. It will be seen from this short summary of the Kalingattupparani that the account about the Kalinga war agrees with what is given in the inscription under publication. There does not appear to be any room for doubting that the chief referred to in the poem is identical with the one mentioned in the inscription and that the war described in both is the same (72). This being the case the information furnished by the one is not only corroborated by the other but is greatly supplemented. The inscription gives the name of the chief as Vanduvaraja and Pallavaraja while the poem adds to these the names Karunakaran and Tondaiman, the latter being only a synonym of Pallavaraja. With Karunakara we may compare the epithet dina-nidhana ekah of the inscription. This work gives us the additional information that the chief was the lord of Vandai, Mallal and Mayilai and that he had invaded Ceylon. Both the book and the inscription declare that the chief invaded the Kalinga country at the command of the king, the former stating that the king was at Kanchi while the chief successfully prosecuted the war and the latter adding that the chief reduced to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, defeated the Ganga in battle and destroyed Devendravarman and the others with the help of Kosala (73). But the documents state that the chief set up a pillar of victory, the inscription specifying that it be on the borders of the Odra country.
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The name Karunakara Tondaiman is not unknown to inscriptions. In the ArulalaPerumal temple at Conjeeveram,(74) there is an inscription of the Chola king Kulottunga I., dated in the 43rd year of his reign with the introduction pugal-nadu, registering a grant made by Alagiyamanavalani-Mandaiyalvar, the wife (deviiyar) of Velan Karunakaran Tondaiman. Here it is stated that the chief was a native of Vandalanjeri in Tirunaraiyur-nadu, a subdivision of Kulottungasolavalanadu in Cholamandalam. The name of the donor and the temple to which the gift was made may be taken to show that Karunakara a Tondaiman professed the Vaishnava creed while the title Velan is indicative of his being a Sudra by caste and these facts are in accord with what is reported in the Draksharama inscription. Vandalanjeri is but a variant of Amandalajeri and Vandai is perhaps connected with it. The subdivision to which the village belonged is the same in the two inscriptions: and it may be noted that Tirunaraiyur and Vandalanjeri are places in the Kumbakonam taluk. Having shown how the two documents Kalingattupparani and Draksharama inscription refer to the same Kalinga war, the question regarding the date of this war arises. Before doing so, it may be useful to know if there was only one war with Kalinga or more. As the earliest notice of the conquest of Kalinga in the records of Kulottunga I. without any mention of the details connected with itoccurs in a stone inscription dated in the 26th year of the reign corresponding to A.D.1096 and as this is found repeated in the inscriptions of the 30th year and after, one is strongly inclined to believe that this should have taken place in or a little before A.D.1096. Some of the inscriptions of the king dated in the 42nd and 45th years of this reign refer to an invasion of Kalinga in which the king himself is said (75) to have left his throne, crossed the Vengi-mandalam in the north, set fire to Kalinga, destroyed in battle a number of chiefs and took possession of the seven Kalingam. From the fact that the king himself is said here to have taken the lead in this war, and greater details are furnished regarding it than in the earlier records, it appears to be different from and later than the one already mentioned and may have to be assigned to A.D.1111 or thereabout. But as the historical introductions of Kulottunga I, do not regularly record all his achievements, adding year by year the later conquests, as do those of the early Chola kings, it will not be safe to assign these events to the years in which we find them noticed at present (76). If the capture of Kalinga mentioned in the 26th year record (A.D.1096) proves to be the one effected by the king himself, whether it is identical with or different from the Kalinga war described in detail in the 42nd and the 45th year inscriptions (A.D.1111-14), they are celebrated in the Kalingattupparani and referred to in the Draksharama inscription has to be assigned to a much earlier date as will be seen
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from the sequel. In enumerating the achievements of Kulottunga I, Kalingattupparani speaks chiefly of his conquests of the Pandya and the Chera, the capture of Salai and the destruction of Vilinam with a passing reference to Navilai and Manalur, which were perhaps connected with his war against Kuntala. The book is quite positive about the kings stay at Kanchi while the chief Vandaiyarkon, at his instance, invaded Kalinga, waged a deadly war, planted a pillar of victory there, returned with heaps of treasure and elephants and bestowed Kalingapparani on him. The inscription under publication confirms this account in the main and adds a very important statement that he defeated Devendravarman and others as we have already noted. Devendravarman here referred to cannot be any other than the Eastern Ganga king Rajaraja I., who, according to the Vrihatkodila grant (77), bore that surname and had his coronation performed in A.D. 1070, the very year in which Kulottunga was also crowned. His son and successor Chodaganga, for all that we know about him, dont seem to have borne the surname Devendravarman but was Anantavarman which name, we may note, was assumed by all his successors. Devendravarman Rajaraja I reigned for 8 years, i.e. up to A.D.1078. He was a supporter of the cause of Vijayaditya VII, for the Korni plates record (78) that when Vijayaditya grew old and like the setting sun left Vengi which was like the west and was about to sink in the ocean of troubles caused by the Cholas , Rajaraja of Kalinganagara, the refuge of the distressed, caused him to enjoy prosperity in that region. Here is evidence to show that Rajaraja was an enemy of his Chola contemporary who was none other than Kulottunga I. Thus the invasion of Kalinga, undertaken solely by the chief and minister Vanduvaraja-Pallavaraja, at the instance of king Kulottunga I, as detailed in the Kalingattupparani and the inscription under publication, must have taken place before A.D.1078 and probably about A.D.1076-7 (79). Now if there is any truth in the statement of the Kalingattupparani that the Kalinga king withheld the payment of tribute twice, it must have reference to a treaty or agreement probably made between the Ganga king Vajrahasta III, the father of Rajaraja I., and Virarajendra whom practically Kulottunga I, succeeded. The Arulala-Perumal temple inscription of Virarajendra clearly states that the king regained Vengi and Kalinga that were neglected by his two predecessors (80). In his Tamil historical introductions, Virarajendra actually claims to have driven the Chalukyas at Vijayavadai, i.e. Bezwada, and crossing the seven Kalingas, and reaching the Mahendragiri, to have bestowed that country on Vijayaditya who, it is said, sought his refuge (81). This seems to have taken place in A.D. 1065. Further troubles arising in this quarter, Virarajendra, after his successful war in Ceylon in A.D. 1066 against Vijayabahu, is said to have sent a large army into Kalinga and to have defeated the Chalukyas and their allies at
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Chakkarakkottam (82). It might be on this last occasion, i.e., immediately before Kulottungas assumption of power that the Kalingas were probably made to pay tribute to the Cholas (83). Subrahmanya Aiyer wrote, To the student of Tamil literary history the inscription has no less an interest as it serves to determine the date of composition of the Kalingattupparani which may be take to be contemporaneous with the Kalinga war of Vanduvaraja(84). With the help of a number of manuscripts, Mahavidvan K. Subbaraya Mudaliyar (85) brought out an early edition of this work, which is now out of print. In it as well as in the edition of the late V.G.Suryanarayana Sastri (86) published several years afterwards in 1898, verse 63 of CantoXI has at the end of the first line the words adipan viram which has been changed into Anantapanman in the recent edition of Mr.A.Gopala Iyer (87); and there is no alternative reading given for it. The difference is indeed very vital and one would certainly wish to know in this particular case of the introduction of a proper name, on which manuscript the reading Anantapanman which is not found in the two earlier editions, is based and the age of that manuscript also. If indeed the name Anantapanman is found in a trustworthy early manuscript not available to Messrs. Mudaliyar and Sastri, it would be worth a consideration. The Draksharama inscription shows, as we have seen already, that the date of the Kalinga war must be earlier than A.D. 1078. And being conducted by the same minister of the king as is mentioned in the Kalingattupparani, the introduction of the name Anantapanman in the poem, supposing that it actually occurs in an early and trustworthy manuscript, calls for an explanation. Besides, the following questions also naturally arise. Did Vanduvaraja conduct two wars against Kalinga, both in the absence of the king, or only one? If two, was one waged against Devendravarman Rajaraja I and the other against his son, Anantavarman? And does the Kalingattupparani celebrate the latter, omitting the generals other achievement? And if only one, how does Anantavarman figure in the poem and Devendravarman in the inscription? It seems to me that the easiest way of getting over the difficulty is to suppose that while the war was actually waged in the reign of Devendravarman, his son Anantavarman took an active part in it as we do find in many instances Among the numerous records of Anantavarman Chodaganga, there are several, which furnish both the Saka and regnal years that work out for his accession A.D. 10745 (88). This date, it will be observed, is three years earlier than the date given in the plates for the kings coronation. The difference has to be accounted for by supposing that Anantavarman was nominated for rulership in A.D. 1074-5 but was actually crowned in A.D. 1078. Since stone inscriptions generally count the regnal years of kings from the date of nomination, it is clear that during the first three years, i.e., in the period A.D. 1074-5, he must have been co-regent with his
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father Devendravarman Rajaraja I and this is perhaps the reason why, in the large collection of his epigraphs, there is almost none dated in the first three years of his rule. The above fact shows further that, being associated with his father in the government of the country, he could well have figured in the Kalinga war referred to in the Draksharama inscription as having been waged against Devendravarman (89). Reducing to ashes the whole of the Kalinga country, subduing the Ganga (king) in battle and destroying the chiefs Devendravarman and others with the multitude of swords of Kosala (i.e. with the help of the Kosala army) this hero named Pallavaraja set up a fine pillar of victory on the borders of the Odra (country) as if raising aloft the fame of his lord Rajendra-Choda. This illustrious chief constructing with black granite a beautiful temple to Vishnu in the agrahara of Alaveli as if it were the plant of his fame is now enjoying the universe. This wise person made an excellent image of Vishnu and set it up there and getting some land in this village gave it with devotion for the daily offerings of the god. And for feeding five tapasvins, ten Brahmanas, and five Vanakarmins in the vicinity of the Brahmesvara temple, he bought.............at the village of Olarapakam (such an extent of) land that could be sown with thirty khandikas of seed paddy and gave if free of all taxes. (To provide) for offerings to the temple of the god Pamchavati-Hari on the bank of the Godavari whose swelling waters during floods run with unlimited force, and situated in the beautiful country of Vengimandala, he gave.......in.........rti-vishaya to last as long as the sun and the moon.And Pallavaraja having made.........pavilion..........at the city of Draksharama in Guddavadi-vishaya filled with rich and generous persons............Therefore (this) charity must not be destroyed but must be protected by the wise(90) The historical introduction of Kulottungas inscriptions commences in different ways. One of them found in his earlier epigraphs begins with the words Tirumanni vilangum and records that with the sole aid of his arm and sword, he captured herds of elephants at Vayiragaram (Wairagadh in the Chanda District of the Central Provinces), received tribute from Dharavarsha of the Chakkarakotta (country) and brought the earth under his parasol. In these epigraphs, which are dated up to the 4th year of reign, the king is styled Rajakesarivarman alias Rajendra-Choladeva (91).I am inclined to identify of Vayragaram Bastar but not of Wairagadh Chanda district, as said above.
Kulottanga Is sons ruling Vengi

After the death of Vijayaditya VII (1076) Kulottunga sent his sons to rule as viceroys in Vengi: Rajaraja Mummudi Chola (1076-8), Vira Choda (1078-84),
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Rajaraja Chodaganga (1084-9), Vira Choda again (1089-92), and lastly, Vikrama Chola (1092-1118) (92). About 1097 the chieftain of Kolanu entered into a league with Anantavarman Choda Ganga of Kalinga and rebelled against the viceroy. Among those who assisted Vikrama Chola was Parantaka Pandya from the extreme south (93). Kolanu was sacked, and southern Kalinga invaded (94). The rebel chieftain made his submission, and Anantavarman himself had to follow suit. Some years later, about 1110, Anantavarman Choda Ganga withheld tribute and brought about a second Chola invasion of Kalinga (95). The famous general of Kulottunga, Karunakara Tondaiman, led this. The invading army spread destruction throughout Kalinga and defeated Anantavarman, who had to seek safety in flight. The victorious Chola army returned with vast booty but the campaign was devoid of any permanent results, though it formed the subject of a celebrated poem, Kalingattupparani of Jayangondar (96). Up to 1115 the extent of Chola Empire remained undiminished under Kulottunga, except for the loss of Ceylon, and included the entire country south of the Krishna and Tungabhadra extending at least up to the Godavari on the east coast (97). According to this Parani the real hero of the expedition was Karunakarapallava, who had the title Tondaiman. In it the expedition against Saptakalinga or North Kalinga was described. When Kulottunga I learnt that the king of North Kalinga or the Seven Kalingas had failed to bring tribute for two successive years, he sent his troops at once to capture the refractory king (98). At that time his Prime Minister Karunakaran prayed that he might be honoured with the command over the army; and the emperor was graciously pleased to grant his request. He is also known as Pallavaraju. He gathered a mighty army and led it to the banks of the Ganges, and defeated the king of North Kalinga in a pitched battle, and returning to the Chola Emperor presented him with all the booty. That is the content of the poem, Kalingattupparani. The king of Kalinga against whom Karunakara led the expedition was most probably, Devendravarma, the agnate of Anantavarma Chodaganga. Even though it has been said in the parani that the main reason for undertaking the expedition against Kalinga was withholding of tributes, it does not seem so because, during this period, Kalinga region does not seem to have been in such a dependent state on the Chola country (99). Even though the Chalukya-Chola rulers helped the Ganga ruler in stabilising his position on his throne, the Kalinga region was not completely a subject state, as Anantavarma issued his epigraphs independently without acknowledging the name of the Chalukya-Chola sovereigns (100).Probably, Kulottunga I undertook this campaign to check the ambitious Kalinga ruler, Devendravarma, who troubled Anantavarma from time to time (101). But, even though it has been described in
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the Parani that the Chola armies attained victory in this expedition, there are no permanent results of this war.Anantavarma ruled the Kalinga region independently even after this victorious march of Kulottunga I. According to the historians and the Government epigraphist, there were two Kalinga invasions during the reign of Kulottunga I(102). Of them, one is mentioned in his 26th year, and the other in his 40th year and in the records of his later years (103). According to them, the expedition in which Vikrama Chola participated is the first Kalinga invasion; and the account given in the work Kalingattupparani is the second Kalinga campaign. A Tamil record of the year 1099 A.D. at Simhachalam temple registered the gifts of a minister of Kulottunga I. This testifies that the Chalukya-Chola army might have stayed in these premises during the early years of Anantavarma to guard his interests (104). But the account given in Parani has been corroborated by a record of Kulottunga I at Draksarama in which Pallavaraju has been credited with the victories over Kalinga. He subjugated the Kalinga country defeating Devendravarma, and planted a pillar of victory on the borders of the Odra country raising aloft Rajendra Cholas fame (105). As this record was dated in the 33rd regnal year of Kulottunga I, corresponding to 1102-03 A.D., the victories of Pallavaraja of this record seem to belong to the first Kalinga campaign (106). The Chelluru plates (107) of Kulottunga II and the Pithapuram plates (108) of Mallapadeva state that Kulottunga I was succeeded by his son Vikrama Chola. His brother, Parantakadeva, disputed his accession to the throne but ultimately Vikrama Chola came to the throne. According to Prof.Kielhorns calculations of the dates of his inscriptions in the Tamil and Telugu countries, his coronation took place on the 29th June, 1118 A.D., and his last known date is 1132-33 A.D. (109)
Vikram Chola in Vengi Country

The Pithapuram pillar inscription (110) states that after the departure of Vikrama Chola to the Choda country, the Vengi region became devoid of a ruler, and this resulted in political turmoil. At the time of the accession of Vikrama Chola to the Chola throne, Vengi country was under the Western Chalukyan occupation (111). Vikramaditya VI, the Western Chalukyan ruler died in 1126 A.D. This enabled the Chalukya-Chola and their subordinates to put an end to the authority of the Chalukyas of Kalyani. In his campaign against the Western Chalukyas, the Velanati Chodas assisted Vikrama Chola, Haihayas of Konamandala, Parichchedis, and other minor dynasties then ruling in Andhradesa (112).
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This record shows the reverses suffered by the combined forces of the ChalukyaCholas and their feudatories in the re-establishment of their supremacy in Vengi in the hands of the Western Chalukyan feudatories. Anyhow the Chalukyas of Pithapur and their subordinates, Malayas and Haihayas of Konamandala, freed the territory between Krishna and Godavari from Western Chalukyan authority. After the death of Vikramaditya VI, Somesvara III ascended the Western Chalukyan throne. He ruled from 1128 to 1137 A.D.(113) The battle between the Chalukya-Chola armies and the Western Chalukyan armies seemed to have taken place on the banks of river Godavari. This is testified by the information provided in a stone record from Draksarama dated 1150 A.D. (114) This record furnishes valuable details regarding the locality and the presence of Somesvara on the battle field, and states that the victory caused surprise to Gonkas lord Kulottunga II, the son of Vikrama Chola. By the information given above, it is clear that the Velanati chief Gonka fought a battle on the banks of the river Godavari and put to flight the armies of the king of Kuntala, after exterminating his famous generals Govindarasa and Lakshmana Dandanayaka, and captured rich booty in gold and horses and camels (115). Vikrama Chodas contemporary on the Ganga throne was Anantavarma Chodaganga entitled Trikalingadhipati (Lord of three Kalingas) who had a long reign from 1078 to 1148 A.D.(116) Like Vikramaditya VI, Anantavarma Chodaganga took advantage of the comparatively weak political situation of Vengi, after Vikrama Chola had left Vengi for Tanjore to ascend the Chola throne. In an inscription from Srikurmam dated 1135 A.D., Anantavarma claims to have conquered and annexed the territory beyond the river Godavari (117). It has been suggested that soon after the death of Vikramaditya VI Anantavarma Chodaganga probably took the country upto the Godavari, i.e. the Southern Kalinga comprising Vizagapatam and East Godavari districts. It is likely that Vikramaditya VI influenced the Kalinga wars and the consequent rebellions against the Cholas and their feudatories. Probably this might have encouraged the Kalinga expansion into Vengi. Chodagangas records are at Draksarama of the year 1128 A.D. Probably, in that year he and his queens visited Draksarama and made gifts of lamps to Lord Bhimesvara (118). By this time, the Cholas and the Velanadus were recovering the tracts in the north of the Godavari that they later lost to the Chalukyas of Kalyani. Probably at this juncture, Manda II, the Kondapadumati chief, came into conflict with the armies of Anantavarma Chodaganga (119). In the battle at Draksarama, Manda II distinguished himself by routing the enemy and capturing their elephants, which he presented to his overlord Rajendra Chola, i.e. Vikrama Chola who must have been present at the
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battle then. In the inscriptions (120) of Manda it is described thus: Having torn up like a mound the army of the Ganga of Kalinga, having consumed like straw the warriors of the bold enemy, and having cut off (like) lotuses their heads - the mighty rutting elephant Mandalika Manda is roaming. Having defeated the army of the enemy, he gave to Rajendra Choda mighty elephants which had been captured there and whose temples were bright with rut. Probably this was the defensive war led by Vikrama Chola and Choda I of the Velanadus in which the chief Manda II played a leading role. As Vikrama Chola and Gonka II checked the power of the Western Chalukyas in Andhradesa about 1135 A.D., the claim of Anantavarma to have conquered the three quarters (121) has been disputed. Thus Vikrama Chola, in his short reign i.e., from 1118 to 1132-33 A.D., freed the Southern Andhradesa from the yoke of the Chalukyas of Kalyani and the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga with the support of his Andhra feudatories. His son Kulottunga II to the Chalukya-Chola throne succeeded Vikrama Chola. The Chelluru copper plate grant of Kulottunga II, dated 1056 corresponding to 1134 A.D., points to the beginning of his rule in that year (122). He was a great warrior, and as a prince he participated in the Godavari battle by which he exterminated the armies of the Western Chalukyas (123).
Rajaraja II, Velanati Chief Anantavarma Chodaganga
Gonka
II-Kalinga
invasion
and
Krishna Kumari wrote, During the reign of Rajaraja II, Velanati chief Gonka II undertook an expedition against South Kalinga .The reasons for this invasion are not clearly known. The Eastern Ganga ruler Anantavarma Chodaganga and Kamarnava were the contemporaries of Velanati Gonka II. Kamarnava was also known as Anantavarman and Anantavarman Madhukamarnava and also as Jatesvaradeva. Probably Gonka II came into conflict with the Gangas in extending the bounds of his kingdom into Kalinga. According to an inscription of Gonka II dated 1132 A.D., he advanced as far as Cuttack and inflicted a defeat on Anantavarman and his uncle Panda and was praised in the courts of all kings, but it omits Cuttack(124). As attested by the inscription of Gonka II, his expeditions into Kalinga continued. An inscription from Nadendla dated 1143 A.D.(125) records the victories of Gonka II over the lord of Cuttack, Anantavarman. According to a record from Draksarama (126), he is said to have vanquished the lord of Kalinga and kept golden vessels on the temples of Srisailam and Puri. From two records (127) at Draksarama dated 1150 A.D. and 1154 A.D., it is clear that, as a result of his successes in Kalinga, Gonka claims to have ruled over the country between the Setu and the Narmada, and that the kings between Srisailam
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and Mahendragiri were all subordinates to him. Thus, the victory of the Velanatis over the Kalinga region is well attested by a number of stone records in Andhra country. Further, it is corroborated by a record at Simhachalam dated in the 5th regnal year of the Chalukya-Chola ruler Rajaraja II, corresponding to 1150-51 A.D.(128) She further continued, Though the Velanatis were victorious in their campaigns against Kalinga, the region towards east was not free of troubles. The Eastern Chalukyas of Beta Vijayaditya line(129) was ruling in this tract. Whenever an opportunity came they tried to throw off their allegiance to the Chalukya-Chola overlords and tried to become independent. This often resulted in rebellions in this region. From the time of Mallapadeva II, son of Vijayaditya II, great efforts were made in freeing the territory from the yoke of the Chalukya-Cholas. In this regard, his matrimonial alliance with the Haihaya rulers of Sagara-vishaya greatly helped him. But his efforts were not complete until the reign of only his son Vijayaditya III. With the help of the neighbouring chiefs and the Haihayas of Sagara-vishaya (130), Vijayaditya III was able to re-establish his kingdom in 1158 A.D. and he coroneted himself in that year, having his capital at Pithapur (131). Hence, his successors were known as the Chalukyas of Pithapur (132).
Kalinga wars
The inscriptions of Kulottunga speak accounts of two Chola invasions of Kalinga. The first invasion of Kalinga is mentioned in the inscriptions of the 26th year (133), and Nilakanta Sastri says that from the brevity with which this subjection of Kalinga is mentioned on this occasion, it can be concluded that this was the war in which Vikramachoda distinguished himself as a Youngman. It is thus said that Vikramchoda, in his short reign i.e. from 1118 to1132-33 A.D., conquered the Southern Kalinga from the yoke of the Chalukyas of Kalyani and the rulers of Eastern Gangas of Kalinga with the support of his Andhra feudatories. The second and later invasion of Kalinga comes from celebrated Parani of Jayangondar (134). It is also mentioned in the inscriptions of the forty-second and subsequent years. This is the invasion, which gave the occasion for Parani, and Vikramachoda apparently had no part in it. Jayangondar, the court poet of Kulottunga I, wrote a long poem which gave a graphic account of an expedition into the north Kalinga country conducted by Karunakaran, the Prime Minister of the Chola Emperor Kulottunga I.
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Karunakaran had the title of Tondaiman. The expedition describes the invasion on North Kalinga or Saptakalinga. The poem is very famous still known in Tamil country as Kalingattupparani.
First Kalinga war

The first Kalinga war seems to have been brought about by Kalinga aggression against Vengi. This thus resulted to the invasion of Kalinga by Kulottunga I and the southern part of the Kalinga country was annexed to the Chola empire(!35).The Southern Kalinga was apparently the territory between Godavari river and Mahendra mountain(136). This territory was part of the Vengi some years before the war of Vikramchoda(137). The Kolanu Chief, the modern Ellore near the Colair lake was evidently in the league with the rulers of Kalinga, and thus Vikrama Choda had to fight in both sides i.e. Colair lake and Kalinga southern. Pandya king Parantaka, who was a vassal of the Chodas in this war, assisted Vikramachoda. The inscriptions of the Parantaka Pandya, like those of Vikramachoda state that Kulam of the Telunga Bhima was captured and Southern Kalinga was subdued. Except this there are no details available on this first war against Kalinga. Nilakanta Sastri opines that this invasion seems to have been taken for the suppression of local revolts rather than for the conquest of fresh territory. A Tamil inscription of Kulottunga I at Simhachal dated A.D. 1098-9 and several others at Draksarama and other places attest the successful restoration of authority.(138).
Second Kalinga war

It took place about 1110 A.D. and has been detailed out in length in the Kalingattupparani (139). According to the inscription, the Chola army crossed the Vengi territory, destroyed the elephant corps and was sent by the enemy to oppose its march, spread fire across the enemy country of Kalinga, killed in fight many powerful leaders of Kalinga army whose heads rolled on the battle-field, packed by kites, and at the end subdued the Seven Kalinga. The account of the Kalingattupparani may be summarised as follows. When the emperor sat in darbar in his palace at Kanci, the tiru-mandira-olai announced to his master the arrival of subject kings who had vassals were then permitted to enter and exhibit their presents. At the end, the emperor enquired if there were
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any who had defaulted, and was informed that the king of North Kalinga had done so twice. The emperor forthwith issued the command that an expedition should be sent against Kalinga to storm the hill forts of Kalinga and bring its ruler as a prisoner of war. The valiant Pallava chieftain, Karunakara Tondaiman, lord of Vandai, offered to carry out the emperors orders and was accepted. The expeditionary force led by Karunakara soon started from Kanci. It crossed the Palar and the Ponmukhari rivers and reached the Pennar; among the other streams crossed by it before reaching Kalingam were the Mannaru, the Krsna, the Godavari, the Pampa and the Gotami. The Cola army began to spread destruction as it entered Kalinga, and territory between the Godavari and Mahendra mountains and this was already part of the Vengi province some years before the war of Vikramachoda. Possibly, the subordinate rulers whose territories were included in the Viceroyalty of Vengi conspired together and rose in rebellion when the young prince Vikramachoda was appointed to the charge of the province. The revolt was unsuccessful, and the entire province was restored to subjection. The suffering inhabitants fled to their king and reported to him what they had seen and suffered. Anantavarman, who had known no defeat before, made light of the whole business, as it was only Kulottungas army, not the emperor himself, that was advancing; one of his ministers, Engaraya, remonstrated with him and spoke of the great achievements that already stood to the credit of the Cola army. Nothing daunted, Anantavarman prepared for the fight. The battle that ensued ended in a complete victory for the Cola forces and Anantavarman sought his safety in flight. After a futile search for him, the victorious Cola army returned home with vast booty. Sastri, Nilakanta wrote, The invasion of North Kalinga, called the Seven Kalingas, and the part of Karunakara in it are thus well attested by the inscriptions and the poem. Only the poem gives the immediate cause of the war, namely the default on the part of the Kalinga king in the payment of the annual tribute. This king, Anantavarman Chodaganga, was the grandson of Virarajendra by his daughter Rajasundari. Dynastic connections, however, seldom availed to stop the course of political ambition, and it would seem that Kulottunga was the aggressor on this occasion. It is hard to believe that throughout the long and, apparently, prosperous reign of Anantavarman, the kingdom of Kalinga was a vassal state r emitting a fixed tribute annually to the Cola court. It may be noted that an inscription from Draksarama (140) dated Saka 1003 in the reign of Visnuvardhana (Kulottunga?) records a gift by the wife of a Pradhani of the TriKalingadhipati Rajarajadeva. If this is a reference to the father of Anantavarman,
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it would follow that Kalinga was such a vassal state at least for a time. The real cause of the war, however, is obscure; and the darbar held by Kulottunga at Kancipuram in the historic palace of the Colas in that city(141) and the report of Anantavarmans default made to the emperor by his secretary, may be, not history, but only a literary setting for the grand military enterprise described in the poem. It is clear that the expedition of Karunakara led to no permanent results. There is no evidence of a Cola occupation of Northern Kalinga (142). It may also be noted that a Kota chief Bhima is said, in an inscription of A.D. 1108(143), to have assisted the Cola in subduing the Kalinga country. This may be a reference to his part in the first or the second war.(144). After victory at Sakkarakottam, and the southern Vayiragram (Vajrakara), the present Bhairamgarh in Bastar district where Kulottunga I as a Yuvaraj seized herds of rutting elephants. He then unsheathed his sword, showed the strength of his arm so that the army of the spear-throwing king of Kondala (Kutala) retreated. I am of the opinion this is the Kondala is the present Kondagaon, north of Jagdalpur and between Nala Puskri (Podagada) and Gad Dhanora of W.Chalukyas. Thence Kulottunga I captured the eastern part to the Chakrakote where he stayed 7 years i.e. before stepping into the crown king of Chodas. This period as said by Nilakanta Sastri he had his independent country and he aided Virarajendra in his campaigning Chakrakote, possibly Kalinga and Vengi. The Kondaie of Umerkote, Raighar is possible the Kondai where the Choda Virarajendra met the W.Chalukyas.
Some Chola Inscriptions pointing to Koraput district

An inscription of Kulottunga Chola, found in the eastern wall of the Saiva temple at Tiruvidamarudur in the Tanjore district is of great significance and interest for Koraput district (145). It is in Tamil character and is of 11th century A.D. and is reported by V.Kanakasabhai Pillai, (1892) (146). He further wrote, The concluding portion of the inscription, which is in prose, records a deed of sale, executed by the Brahman proprietors of a village named Vanavanmahadevi Chaturvedimangnlam in Kumilinadu in Amurkottam in Jayankondacholamandalam. The property sold was a portion of the village, which was entrusted to be used as garden land for the Matha of Naminandi Adigal attached to the Saiva temple at Tirukkalukunram. Naminandi is the name of one of the 63 devotees of Siva, an account of whose lives is given in the Tamil Periyapurdram and the Matha was probably founded by him or by his descendants in his memory. The fact that the proprietors of the village met together is a
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Mahasabha or great assembly, and executed this deed of sale, is evidence of the ancient system of land tenure peculiar to the Dravidian people, under which the residents of each village were the common proprietors of all these parts of the village, which were not appropriated to any individual. Two taxes are mentioned, the peruvaram (great share) and silvuvari (expenditure tax). The first is the kings share, which is generally one-sixth of the produce; the second appears to be a local cess, levied to meet expenses incurred in the repair to tanks in the village. The Translation runs, ** and, scattering his enemies, erected on all the paths boundary-marks (of his territories) including Kottaru; who conquered the Kalinga-mandalam of embanked floods; whose valour and munificence shone like the gorgeous necklace and the garlands of flowers on his sharply shoulders; who, worshipped by the whole world, like Siva with Uma, and with Eliseriv allabhi, the mistress of the seven worlds, the most beauteous amongst women, like Ganga with Uma, and with the goddess Earth, - the deed in writing of a sale of land by the great assembly of Vanavanmahadevodalm. The land that we have sold and given, to be used as a garden for a Matha, to Chantia Chandesvaradeva of the temple of our lord Mahadeva of Tirukkalukkunram in SembiyanTirukkalukkunram, otherwise known as Ulagalanda-cholapuram, in KalatturKumilinadu is as follows: of the land which we have given in Kiraippakkam (a western hamlet) of our village, to be improved by cutting down the jungle and by removing the stumps of trees, the eastern boundary is Uromattu (P), the southern boundary is Talaivettu (P), the western boundary is Vigambam (P), the northern boundary is Tandurai (P). Within these four limits, the wet land and dry land, the trees over ground and the wells underground, we have sold to be used as a garden land for the Naminadi-Adigal-Matha in the madai-vilagam of this town, exempt from taxes, and we have received as the price achained kusu ten. This is a place in modern Nandahandi block of Koraput district, Orissa of the present day. The Kumuli is also located near the present Umarakote and also closer to the block. As denoted in the said inscription, the area (land) sold to Chantia Chandesvaradeva of the temple of lord Mahadeva of Tirukkalukunram (may be Tentulikhunti of present day). It is also now called Chantia Siva. The Kalattur-Kumilinadu may be the present Kamata and Kumuli. The Ulagalanda-Cholapuram may be the present An-Chola-gumma. The Amurokottam is the present Umerkote. The Nasminandi-Adigal-Math may be the Nandahandi Siva temple of present day. The boundary marked to Naminandi Adigal Math and the identified place is in Nowrangpur, Koraput in Orissa state has been given.
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The north boundary Tandurai may be the present Turunji; the eastern boundary Uromattum may be the Usiripadar. The south Tallaivetum to be present Tokigurha and the western Vigambam may be the Ekamb of present day; of course it in-between west-south. The author finds the Anchalaguma to be the past Ulgalanda-Cholapuram. This inscription speaks of the area and activities of Yuvaraj Kulottunga during his stay in Purvadesha. The Kumulinadu in Amurokottam in Jayankondacholamandalam are a very significant line in the inscription. This is thus the mandala of the Purvadesha of Kulottunga. The Kumuli is located near toBhairaba Singapur and on its hill there are Siva temple and it was one country or nadu and the Amurokottam is the present Umarkote, an important town, close to which is the Podagada where inscriptions of Nala dynasties have been recorded. Thus it can be concluded that from Umerkote to Borigumma, Jeypore and hill country of Nandapur, may be Dasmanthapur and Kashipur of Koraput district, Orissa was the Purvadesha or a part of it as evident from the inscriptions. As per the Nilakanta Sastri (147), the Masunidesam may be the Nagavamsi rulers country. It is western part of Purvadesha. Thus it can be the Bastar-KotapadKundra-Nandapur-Paschamalli hills (to Paschapetta Zamindari. This was a tributary to Rajendra I (Kulottunga I). The Maduraimandalam may be the present Kundra and adjacent area of Bastar and Koraput district; and the Namaniaikokonam may be the Konas of Koraput district i.e. Chati-kona, Kona etc., which is located western part of Laxmipur area. This may be contiguous patch to Bhabanaipatna of Kalahandi; Pancapalli may be the Panchamalli hills to Nandapur area down to Panchapetta that is opening to Eastern Ghats from the plains of coastal area the Salur. However another inscription (No.179 of 1894) is engraved on the south wall of the second prakara of the Vedagirisvara temple at Tirukkalukkunram. Mr.V.Kanakasabhai Pillai (148) had published before in a tentative manner. The date is the 42nd year of the reign of Kulottunga I. (1.11). The location identified by Pillai has relationship to our inference given as above --The inscription records that an inhabitant of Rajarajapuram (1.17) made over 10 kasu (1.14) to the temple authorities, who purchased for this sum from the villagers of Vanavanmahadevi-chaturvedimangalam (1.11) some land for maintaining the Matha of Naminandi-Adigal at Tirukkalukkunram (1.14). As stated by Mr.Kanakasabhai, the person after whom this Matha was named is one of the sixty-three devotees of Siva, whose lives are described in the Periyapurdnam.
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Vinavanmahadevi-chaturvedimangalam belonged to Kumili-nadu, a subdivision of the district of Amur-kottam (1.11). The land purchased was situated in Kiraippakkam, a hamlet in the west of that village (1.12), and was bounded in the east by Urodagam, in the south by Talaivedu, in the west by Uragambakkam, and in the north by Tandurai (1.13). Kiraippakkam is the modern Kirappakkam in the Chingleput taluka. East of it the map shows Oragadam (No.228), south of it Talambedu (No.266), and north of it Tandarai (No.233). The nadu to which these villages belonged is named after Kumili in the same taluka. The district of Amurkottam owes its name to the village of Amur near Mamallapuram, which belonged to the subdivision Amurnadu. From the Kondyata grant of Venkata II, it appears that there was another district which also bore the name of Amurkottam, but which was named after the town of Amur or Amhur in the Velur taluka of the North Arcot district. There is a large chunk of history associated with Virarajendra Chola and his nephew, later known as Kulottunga Chola I. As said above, as a Yuvaraj Kulottunga I conquered south Bastar i.e. and Chakkrakote; and then carved out an independent principality for himself called Purvadesha, close to the Chakkrakotta. During the same period, Virarajendra had conquered Kalinga, Vengi and Chakkrakotta. This was related to improve the influence of Chodas over Eastern Chalukyas and reduce the influence of Western Chalukyas in the region. Thus, both Virarajendra and Kulottunga I influenced the history in Kalinga, Kosala, Chakkrakotte, and Vengi, in this period. However in the inscription of Tirumalai it is mentioned that the village at the foot of the Tirumalai Hill bore the name of Vaigavur and belonged to Mugai- nadu, a division of the Pangala-nadu, which formed part of Jayankonda-Chola mandalam (149). The Cholas imposed their names on the provinces. They conquered and on the rulers who accepted vassal position in the empire (150). On this basis we explain the nomenclatures of Cholas in Koraput-Bastar. ii)
Pradhani Family of Nowrangapur and relation to Eastern Gangas and Chola
Sastri, Nilakanta wrote, The invasion of North Kalinga, called the Seven Kalingas, and the part of Karunakara in it are thus well attested by the inscriptions and the poem. Only the poem gives the immediate cause of the war, namely the default on the part of the Kalinga king in the payment of the annual tribute. This king, Anantavarman Chodaganga, was the grandson of Virarajendra by his daughter Rajasundari. Dynastic connections, however, seldom availed to stop the course of political ambition, and it would seem that Kulottunga was the aggressor
37
on this occasion. It is hard to believe that throughout the long and, apparently, prosperous reign of Anantavarman, the kingdom of Kalinga was a vassal state r emitting a fixed tribute annually to the Cola court. It may be noted that an inscription from Draksarama (151) dated Saka 1003 in the reign of Visnuvardhana (Kulottunga?) records a gift by the wife of a Pradhani of the Tri-Kalingadhipati Rajarajadeva. If this is a reference to the father of Anantavarman, it would follow that Kalinga was such a vassal state at least for a time. The real cause of the war, however, is obscure; and the darbar held by Kulottunga at Kancipuram in the historic palace of the Colas in that city(152) and the report of Anantavarmans default made to the emperor by his secretary, may be, not history, but only a literary setting for the grand military enterprise described in the poem. It is clear that the expedition of Karunakara led to no permanent results. There is no evidence of a Cola occupation of Northern Kalinga (153). It may also be noted that a Kota chief Bhima is said, in an inscription of A.D. 1108 (154), to have assisted the Cola in subduing the Kalinga country. This may be a reference to his part in the first or the second war. The above paragraph from Nilakanta Sastri is indicative that the Pradhani family of Tri-Kalinga had matrimonial relation to the Eastern Gangas. This most possibly refers to Mr. Khagapati Pradhani family of Patraput close to Ancholagumma in Nowrangpur who continued to stay as the Member of Parliament for 5 consecutive sessions.
38
References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5 6 7 8 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16 17. 18. 19. 20. E.I., No.38, Vol.XXI, p.220 ff. S.I.I. Vol.III, pp.64-7; E.I., Vol.IX, p.-179, n.1 and 2. Indian History Congress, Aligarh 1943, pp 161-2 A.S.I., 213 of 1911 and S.I.I., ii p.109 S.I.I.No.67, pp.95 ff, E.I.IX.No.31, pp.229ff Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta., The Colas.p.228. A.S.I.1922-12 p.172 n.1 Fleet Gupta Inscriptions p.192 n, 1; EI, IX, p.283. Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta., The Colas.p.228 Sathianathaier, R. Cholas p.234-253, HCIP, The Struggle for Empire, Bombay Ibid. S.I.I.No.67, Vol. Pp.95 ff Dr.Bahlers Vikramanikacharita, sarga iv, verse 30 Fleets Kanarese Dynasties, p.66 Odra Sanskrit Odras Beals Si-ky-ki, Vol.II, p.204 Ibid p.209 E.I.No.38, Vol.IX, pp 229 ff Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta has placed it as Madura mandalam destroyed in a trice. But we agree with Hultzsch. The translation here is based on the reading in 176 of 1923: (Kamidai valanagar Namanaikkonamum) As per Sastri, Nilakanta it is Masunidesa with its green fields. Another form has (Venjina Uirar for Venjlai-Virai) Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta reads it pasadaip - palana - masuni-desam (S.I.I. ii 20 1.5 & p.108) S.I.I, Vol.I, p.99 and E.I., p.232. Hiralal., E.I.Vol. IX.p.179 Ibid E.I., IX, p.230. Panigrahi, K.C., Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and the Somavamsis of Orissa.p.34-35. Ibid. p.13. Sathianathaier, R. Cholas p.240-241, HCIP, The Struggle for Empire, Bombay Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta Sastri, The Colas, Univ.of Madras, Madras, p.170 E.I.,.Vol.XXI, No.38, p.220-245
21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.
39
32. 33. 34. 35. 36 37. 38 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49
50.
51. 52. 53. 54. 55.
56. 57. 58
Travancore Archeological Serins,Vol.III, p.148, V.77 Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1918, p.145 No.83, Madras Epigraphical Collection for 1898 Prof.Hultzsch has translated the introductory portion on pp.36 ff of the South Indian Inscriptions, Vol.III Above XII, p.298 Ibid Ibid E.I.Vol.XXI, p.220-228 E.I.Vol.XXI, No.38, p-243 J.A.H.R.S., Vol.I, p.106ff and Krishna Kumari, M, The Rule of the Chalukyas--Cholas in Andhradesam.p.14. Krishna Kumari, M.op.cit. p.14. Gopal, B.R. The Chalukyas of Kalyana and the Kalachuris, K.V.Dharwad, p-222. Krishna Kumari, M.op.cit. p14-15. The Colas, p.292 cited by Gopal, B.R. op.cit.p-222. Krishna Kumari, M. Rule of the Chalukya-Cholas in Andhradesa, p.15-16. Ibid.p.16. Tamil Historical Texts (V.Kamakasabhai Pillai, No.4. The VikramaCholan-Ula, in 1893, p.141-150 (pp 149). Ganguly, D.C. (1989) Later Chalukyas and Kalachuris of Kalyana. The Struggle for Empire in the History and Culture of India People, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay p-172. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta The Colas. University of Madras, p.291-292. E.C.V. AK. 102 (a) syas that by order of the Calukya Cakravarti he caused the Cola king to wear leaves. Colikar annaleyam taliram udisi. Also VII, Sh, 64. E.C. Vii, Ci 33 calls him (Ra) jigo-Cola-manobhanga and says, perhaps with exaggeration, that he was ruling Nulambavadi 32000. VI. 90. Smaller Lieden Plate of Kulottunga I., E.I.XXII, p.269 The name of the king is taken from lines 59 ff. of the inscription. See Vol.I, p.97, and Vol.II, p.108. Two inscriptions of the 2nd year of the reign of Ko-Rajakesarivarman, alias Rajendra-Choladeva (i.e., Kulottunga-Choladeva I.) At Kolar and Tiruvorriyur read; (he) was pleased to take tribute which illumined (all) regions, from the king of Tara (Dhara; compare Ind.Ant. Vol.XIV, p.340, and Vol.XX, p.280 Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta.p.269 (see for detail) S.I.I., 44-5, Angavanpin Kavalpurindavani Kottonum Abhaya in this verse X. 18 does refer to Virarajendra cf.viii 29.
40
59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95.
S.I.I, iii 64-7, as corrected by Hiralal, EI, IX p.179 n.1 & 2 S.I.I.III.pp.142-146. X.V.25 See ante, Ch.xii Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed. pp.163-64. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd edition, pp. 165. Hiralal, ICPB, 163-64 E.I. X.25 ff JOR, V. pp.128 ff. S.N. Rajaguru O.H.R.J. Vol. Viii, No-I pp.65-75 S.I.I., Vol. III (part I & II) pp. 140-148 S.I.I., Vol. III (Part I & II) pp. 126 and 180 and SII. Vol. IV, Nos.1295, 1263, 1290 etc. Pillai, V.K. (1894) I.A., Vol.XXI, p.281 ff. Kumari Krishna, M (1885) op.cit. p 36-49. E.I.,. Vol. XXV, No.23 S.I.I., Vol.III (Part I & II). No. 80 page 186-190. S.I.I. Vol.III (Part I & II) No.80, p. 186-197. E.I.XXII, .p.140-141 Vrihatkodila Grant J.A.H.R.S, VIII. 40. E.I.XXII.p.141-142 Trav. Arch.Series.,Vol.III,p.148,V.77. E.I. Vol.XXI,p.243 Ibid. E.I.XXII, p.142-80. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid Iyer, Gopala, A. Kalingattupparani of Jayangaondar edi. in English, Madras 1924. Nos.246, 380,386,387,388,392,393 of the Madras epigraphical collections from 1896. Aiyar, K.V.Subrahmanya E.I. XXII, pp. 140-2 Drakshanrama inscription of Kulottunga I, 33rd year.E.I.XXII, p.145 E.I.XXII, p.269 (The Smaller Leiden plates of Kulottunga I) Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta (1975) A History of South India, 4th Edi. p.191 Ibid Ibid Ibid, p.192
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96 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110 111 112. 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134.
Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V, (1892) Kalingaattupparani translation. Ind.Ant.Vol.XIX.p.329ff. Ibid Pillai, V.K. (1894) Indian Antiquary, Vol. Xxi, p. 281 ff. A.R.E., 1905, Part II, para-5. Ibid. The rules of the Chalukya-Cholas in Andhradesha, pp.37. A.R.E. 1905, Part II, Para-18. Ibid. S.I.I. Vol. VI, 1144, dt. Saka, 1021. E.I. Vol. XXII, No: 23. Ibid. and Kumari Krishna, M. (1985). The Rules of the Chalukya-Cholas in Andhradesha p.38. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p.55. E.I., Vol. IV, No. 33, pp. 22-24. S.I.I. Vol. VI, No. 123. E.I. Vol. IV, p.226. Ibid. Kumari Krishna, M. (1985) op.cit.p.56 Kumari Krishna, M. (1985) op.cit. p.57. S.I.I. No. 1182, V.17. Ibid. Vol. IV, No.1141, Lines 8 and 9. Kumari Krishna, M. (1985) op.cit p. 62. S.I.I., Vol. V, No.1335. S.I.I., Vol IV, Nos. 1017; 1191; 1194. Kumari Krishna, M. (1985)op..cit p.63. A.R.E. 214 of 1892; E.I., Vol. VI, No. 4, p. 257, S.I.I, Vol. IV, No 662. J.A.H.R.S, Vol. VII, p.58. Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, p.55. Kumari Krishna, M. (1985) op.cit. p.63. S.I.I., Vol.VI, No.628. Ibid. Ibid Ibid Kumari Krishna, M., op.cit.p.70-71; S.I.I., Vol.VI, No.1174. Kumari, Krishna, M.op.cit.p.71 and 254. Sewell, R., Lists II, Cp.No.77, Part II. Ibid. E.I., Vol.IV, No.33, Vs.32, 122. Kumari, Krishna, M.op.cit.p.71-72. A.R.E., 1905, Part II, para18. Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V,. (1892)I.A. Vol., XIX, p.329ff.
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135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141, 142. 143. 144. 145.
146. 147. 148 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154.
Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta The Colas.p.321. Cunningham, Ancient Geography, p.591. Tekli platesI.83-Manneti-Mahendra-madhya-vartino.E.I.VI, p.335. 363 of 1899 cited by Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta., The Colas.p.338. Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V. (1892) Kalingaattupparani translation. Ind.Ant.Vol.XIX.p.329ff. I.A.181 of 1893; ARE.givesS.1002. Uttam Cola museum plates I, 13 (S.I.I.III, p.269) A.R.E. 1905 11, 18. 567 of 1925. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta. The Colas.p.322-323. Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V. (1892) Tamil Historical Texts, No.3, An Inscription of Kulottunga Chola I (Saiva Temple at Tiruvidaimarudur in Tanjore District). I.A.XXII., p.281-87. Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V,. (1892) Ind.Ant.Vol.XIX.p.329ff. S.I.I.Vol.III (PartI&II) No.75.Inscriptions at Tirukkalukkunram.p.164168. Pillai, V.K. (1894) Indian Antiquary, Vol.XXI, p.281 ff. C.I.I., Vol.I p.97. E.C.I, Intr.12-13; V Intr.VII. Uttam Cola museum plates I, 13 (S.I.IIII, p.269) A.R.E. 1905 11, 18. 567 of 1925. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta. The Colas.p.322-323.
43
SODIA PORAJA
The Sodia, Sodabissia or Bodo Chodia Poraja as the name implies were the subjects close to Chodas, thus the name still survives.Ramdas(1936)(1), Thusu (1965)(2) and Mohanty(1990)(3) have cited Bodo Poraja syn, Sodia Poraja in their work. The Sodia are Bodo, eldest, or senior, which signified relative status of Chodas. They have retained savisim cult and Bhogi of present day south Indian Pongal. It is the only tribe of Koraput, which celebrate Bhogi. Moreover, physically they are having typical Dravidian sharp features. More research in future can give a better linkage of the tribe to their roots in Tamil country. In Dasmanthpur, there is a hill named Tamil Mali, where annually all tribes men assemble to celebrate festival; moreover a Sodia village named Tamili still survives in the area. The word Tamili that possibly was carried forward from Choda period. Sodia Porajas live in small hamlets in between hills where adequate water from the springs is available. The tribe follows an elaborate process through religious ceremonies to identify auspicious site for house construction. This is general but serious process followed by all tribes in the district. The preceding chapter amply proves the fact that Chodas had long years of presence in Koraput-Bastar region. The present distribution of Sodia Poraja can be taken as the original tract where Chodas once ruled. Amliamguda, Siva temple is one important Siva temple of Choda period still survives; where a perennial stream is flowing over the Siva linga is unique.
Sodia Poraja men and women in Amliamguda village
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There is one clan among Sodia Poraja, named Phulu the word means flower that can be interpreted as Palvas of past incorporated within Sodias fold. The Chalukya Empire disappeared at the end of the twelfth century and the Chola tottered at the beginning of the thirteenth. Sodia porajas are dark complexion, medium height people. Many have curled hairs. The nose is broad and tip is pointed and old people develop wrinkles. They are muscular and have strong body. The Sodia have so far retained their cultural identity and can be called as a homogenous population; they have maintained their tribal identity and have avoided iner-tribal marriages with strict social discipline. Most remarkable is the ornaments of aluminum that they still use and some amount of brass rings that the married ladies adorn at the ear rim in row. The hair dressing is very specific with some hair clip like functioning iron pin ornaments at the hair bun is seen. The neck and wrist as well as ankle ornament are becoming obsolete. Men have sparing beards and mustaches. The men are mostly with bare body except for a loin cloth when they are in the village and important men wear some sort of turban on the head when they leave villages. The women wear saris upto knee length as that of Koraput original fashion. On the whole they are clean and tidy people keep their homes regularly painted with different colour soil even give golden soil paints. Every house tries to maintain a small back yard for regular plantation of vegetable plants. They keep pigs, poultry, sheep and goat along with cattle and buffaloes for agriculture purpose. The Sodia porajas are very shy type of people who avoid social contact with out side world and it is said in past years the communities used to go into forest at the site of the officials; still they hide in close doors particularly the communities located at remote villages.
Sodia Poraja traditional dress and ornaments
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Bodo Sodia Poraja has similarly the following social divisions. Janis. Mudli. Bhath Bhoie Nayak Chalan Kirsani Kirsani Chalan
They have three totem called phulu means Niali Phula or flower, Bagh means tiger and Nag or Nang means cobra snake. Ramdas (1936) (4) identified Bagh, Nag, Phula, Goru (cattle) and Matso (fish) to totems for Bodo Porajas The Sodia Poraja do not eat beef and in Dongar Puja that is celebrated once in three years in some villages, the buffaloes sacrificed is given to the Doms but they retain the sheep carcasses so offered; the heads of the sheep are offered to the Pujari, in such cases it can be the Paiko families of the area who have heredity rights. In years back they were perfuming purification rites at the death of cow/cattle at home; by disposing of all earthen cooking utensils and final purification on tenth day called dasa.This is very normal to some of the non-beef eater tribes in the region too. The tribe is fond of Landa, a drink prepared out of ragi or locally called mandia, a small millet; and Pendum that is prepared from the rice fermentation .The guests are treated generously with supply of plenty of food, meat and drinks, some time drunk relatives unable to walk are seen off from the boundary of villages. Gaon Hundi or Nisani is an important place for village subject where the village religious institution assembles to give the offerings. This is marked with flat stones and some erect flat stones lay in one corner of the village, During October month in one of the Thursday the village celebrate Hundi Puja. It is a collective village welfare ceremony. They offer one pig, one goat/sheep and generally two fowls of which one is white and the other is black. New stones are occasionally added to the shrine, so the Disari of the village gives the auspicious time and the people collect suitable stone from the near by stream or preferably the river. The Disari, Jani,Gurumai and the able body persons who have transported the said selected stones are given one piece of white new cloth and the Jani performs the rites by offering flowers,milk,puffed rice (lia)in five leaf plates, that is made of Siadi fresh leaves. The stone is transported on Harda wood only. The Jani and
46
Gurumai (Bejuni) will draw square jantri by mandia flour on the floor and the said leaf cups are placed before it in a line. No soru feeding is allowed here but only rice is cooked for food. Sodia tribe men can dine together with Rona, Paiko, Gonda, and Matia but not with Bhattra, Omnyat, Bhumia, Sano Poraja, Gadaba, Kondh and Kottia Paiko.Sano Poraja do eat food from the hands of Sodia porajas. The Kondh tribe lives north to Sodia pali, Sano Poraja in south the Gadabas are in the east and around them are the Paikos and Magadhia Goudas. The Sodiapali is the area demarcated in Kakrigumma and adjacent as the main concentration of Sodia Poraja; it along with the Pengo Poraja pati forms the Purvadesa of Rajendra II as has been discussed. Bell has reffered Sodabissia Poroja in his work. (5) The Sodias celebrate several festivals and village ceremonies that aim to build a healthy life with out interference of evils and assure good harvest and pleasant life (6). The Chait Parab is the main festival of summer that lasts longer than month in all around by all people in the Koraput district is very significant. This has a major part of hunting expedition which lasts for more than a week by excusive stay in the forest by all men of the village. The celebration is market by ample of drinks, songs, music and dances. Then it is followed by the initiation of agriculture through worship of the seeds. It is called Bihan Puja; it has a family celebration as well as one village collective ceremony. The village puja is celebrated at the Nissani mundi. They bring one Gadisha variety fish from the near by stream along with a crab. The fish is sacrificed but the crab is set free after puja. About two months after the rice planted starts the Badan Parab where the families collect twigs of about 5 types of plants and are erected straight in the center of each rice plot; that is to prevent the rice crop from pest attack. The new harvest eating festival is also called Diali Parab; and new rice along with other newly harvested vegetables of the year along with fish is cooks and placed in a bamboo basket. Little wine is also mixed to the food thus cooked and is fed to cattle in home including the bullocks. It is some kind of thanks giving to livestock who have assisted for the harvest by families. The tribe itself celebrates the Nua khia or first new harvest eating ceremony in Bhodo month, where they cook new paddy panicle along with ragi, pumpkin and tagra roots from forest with tamarind and thence the village is allowed to begin
47
eating the new crops. People do not eat the new crops until the said ceremony is complete. The Sodia celebrate Jankar puja like the Konds. In Asadh month they offer poultry and egg at the Jankar and the other is the Kandula Puja in Phalgun month. The Pigeon pea is harvested in green for the occasion and is roasted in where after they are allowed to pick Pigeon pea and cook. The have Semi or Creeper Beans Puja in their calendar. The Semi is roasted in Bhogi fire and thus the Bean eating ceremony concludes. These festivals are agriculture related once; even they do Wild Bottle Gourd puja that is specific to the tribe. Wild Bottle gourds of at least two shapes were used for decades as the utensils for serving food and transporting pej or the gruel. This was universal to all tribes of BastarKoraput but is fast replaced with the aluminum and now the brass and steel utensils. The earthen wares prepared by Komars were the cooking utensils in early years. Still the Sodia use the Wild Bottle Gourd for the purpose described after a brief ceremony and offer of poultry in Margasir month. The crops are harvested and thanks are given to mother earth and the snakes, frogs etc that have watched the crops for safe harvest, It is called Khola puja. The Sodia has a special affinity to Ragi crop and after the sowing operation of the year is over they bring few healthy Ragi plants from their respective fields home along with live crabs and sacrifice poultry; the crab is left unharmed and is followed by fish catching in the river or stream near the village to cook and eat there and then. Thus is end of the family celebration of Mutha Muklaieba. The Chait Seed ceremony is celebrated collectively by the village at Nissan mundi. The Pus parab is celebrated in Pus month full moon day with poultry offers. Young people go around the village calling Chera Chera and receive hand full rice from each of the families that the cook to enjoy a feast. The Pus is delighted with dance and music. The Dongar Puja aims at satisfying the upland hill gods for good crops, thus the buffaloes and sheep are offered; the tribe is environment conscious that the Hills are unhappy to goats so they are not offered so do the cattle.
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References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Ramdas, G. 'Porajas III', Man in India, vol.16, 1936, pp.243-258 Thusu, K.N. The Druwa of Bastar. Mohanty, S.C., 'Paroja' In: Tribes of Orissa, Harijan, Tribal & Welfare Department, Govt. of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1990, pp.221-229. Ramdas, G.op.cit. Bell, R.C.S. (1945) Orissa District Gazetteers, Koraput.p.72 Kornel Das. (1999)Livestock and Poultry Dynamics in Tribal Life (Koraput) pp.15-22
49
PURVADESA
Kulottunga I (Rajendra Chola) in Koraput-Bastar, 1069 A.D.
Rajendra Chola has been described as the conqueror of Purvadesam, Gangai and Kadram, which is reflected in several inscriptions of his reign and of the reign of his successors. An inscription of Virarajendra from Ramnad district refers to his father who conquered Purvadesh, Gangai and Kadram (1). The Purvadesam has been the most distant conquests of Rajendra, thus on this assumption Venkayya had suggested it to be Vengi country (2). However, it has been identified that Purvadesam to be east of Maikal range (3) and roughly corresponding to South Koshala country. Nilakanta Sastri gave the above account. At the time of his fathers demise, uncle Vijayaditya forcibly seized the throne of Vengi and Kulottunga or Rajendra, as he was then known who was in his teens was left out. His earliest Tamil inscription records certain facts that indicate how Rajendra engaged himself when he was thus kept out of his inheritance. The records of his second year state that, with the aid only of strength of his arms and his swords, he overcame the treachery of his enemies, captured many herds of elephants, levied tributes from the Nagavamsi king, Dharavars of Chakrakuta, and gently raised the earth resembling the lotus expecting the rise of the sun for blooming, as Visnu raised the Earth from the ocean in his boar incarnation, and started her, to her great pleasure under the shade of his parasol (4). His records soon came to describe these achievements as belonging to the period of his ilangp-paruvam, When he was still heir-apparent (5).Nilakanta Sastri wrote, if this view is correct, we must conclude that Rajendra spent the best part of the period A.D. 1063-70 in the region of the modern Bastar state, and possible even carved out for himself a small dominion beyond it in the Purvadesa, even if he did not gain complete control over the Charkrakuta state and annex parts of the Purvadesa to it, as his inscription imply. The records of Virarajendra state that, in the last years of his rule, Virarajendra marched upto Chakrakote. It can thus be assumed that possible Kulottunga I followed Virarajendra in his expedition to north. The reason why they conquered Chakrakote is not clear. In the literary work of Vikramadevacharita, Bilahana states that Vikramaditya VI had conquered Vengi and Chakrakote during the lifetime of his father Somesvara I. Possibly with the intention of regaining the countries, Cholas reconquered and met Chalukya forces at Chakrakote and defeated them (6).
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The following observation of P. Gopal clearly indicates the fact that Purvadesa ruled by Rajendra was different than Chakrakote country. He further wrote, However, that Vikramaditya and Vira Rajendra met on the battlefield near Chakrakuta appears to be correct. Soon after 1065 A.D., when Vira Rajendra extended invitation to deferred Vengi which he had determined to conquer, Vikramaditya must have proceeded there. The Chola records mention the defeat of the Chalukya generals and also Jananatha of Dhara. It is silent of Vikramaditya. At this period of time Rajendra (future Kulottunga I) was ruling Purvadesa, close to Chakrakote (12). There are also references to Purvadesh in many literatures, including Western Ganga inscriptions, which are detailed out in the later chapters. The earliest record so far known is grant by the second ruler of the line, MadhavaVarman I, the son of Konkani-Varman, recorded in the Sakarakota plates and relating to a brahmadeya (gift to Bramhanas) in the Paru-Vishya (7). The next genuine record as found in the Penukonda Plates of Madava-Varman II, the grandson of Madhava I, referring to a brahmadeya in Paruvi-vishya (8). As per Sastri the Paru and Paruv are clearly variants of the same name, and are represented by modern Pairgi, seven miles north of Hindupur in the Anantapur district (9).Sastri further wrote with reference to Gangas,The earliest rulers of the line, MadhavavarmanI, the son of Konkani-varman, recorded in the Sasanakota Plates and relating to a branch brhmadeya ( gift to Brahmanas) in the Paru-vishaya (10). The next genuine record is found in Penukonda plates of Madhva-varman II, the grandson of Madhava I, referring to a brhmadeya in Pruvivishaya (11) The local inhabitants of Koraput call Tamilians by name, Arua or Parua. The Parua is also the other name of Doves. If we take the later word and meaning, paruvadesa means country of doves, peaceful non-violent country. The Arua or Paruva can also be the Tamil Country. The other references to Puruva-desh are Gaudi language used in Purva-desh, i.e. the eastern country. (12). Bhaiksuki that was the writing of the Budha (i.e. the Buddhists) used in Udunpur in Purvadesa. (13) It implies thus that Purvadesha was in the present undivided Koraput district of Orissa and some area contiguous in the Bastar district. The Pengo porajas were known subjects of Chalukyas of Vengi and Sodia porajas were that of Chodas. In
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the context of Rajendra II (future Kulottunga I) who hailed from Chalukyas of Vengi royal family and Choda being his mothers family, and was later adapted into Choda ruling family had the opportune of ruling; the area originally inhabit by Pengo porajas as well as the Sodia porajas. The Pengo region was called Pengo Patti and that of Sodias was Sodia Pali; when both joined together it was the Purvadeasa of Rajendra II in Koraput-Bastar region of the past.
Reference
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. A.S.I., 1911-12 p.172 n.1 Fleet Gupta Inscriptions p.192 n.1; E.I. ix. p.283. S.I.I., iii p. 110 of 1908 S.I.I. III 64-7, as per Hiralal, EI. IX p.179 n. 1& 2. S.I.I., III p. 132 S.I.I. III, 68 E.I., Vol XXI, p.232-33, Ibid, Vol IX, p.179, n. 1& 2, ARE No. 125 of 1900 E.I. XXIV, 234-8 Ibid XIV, 331-6. Sastri, K.A.N. Gangas; in Majumdar,R.C. and Alter, A.S. (Edi.) The Vakataka-Gupta Ages, p.248 E.I.XXIV, p., 234-9. E.I.XIV, p.331-6 Sachu, Alberunis India, Vlo. I, P. 173. Bhaiksuki that was the writing of the Budha (i.e. the Buddhists) used in Udunpur in Purvadesa.
ANCHOLAGUMMA
Ancholagumma is a fairly large village is located in Tentulikhunti block of Nowrangpur in the district of Koraput. It is well known all around due to its large archeological remains. I am of the opinion that the village was founded by Rajendra Chola deva who was known in his prasastis as Ko-Parakesarivarman alias Udaiyar Sri-Rajendra-Chola-deva.the Cholas (1) and the name justifies them as well. It was the Ko-Chola-gumma of the past and is now known as Un-Cholagumma. We presume from the temple and ponds and other archeological findings that it was the former headquarters of the Chola Purvadesha of Rajendra I and Kulottunga I who ruled for about seven years as a prince ruler during their
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expedition of the east and invasion of Chakrakote.The fact that Rajendra I had conquered Chakrakote on his way to Ganges supports the hypothesis of Ancholagumma being the former headquarters of Rajenra I and later of Kulottunga I as prince.
Ancholagumma Bodo-bondho
Siva Linga on the bunds of Bodo-bondho .
Siva with Bull, typical Choda sculpture, Chitrakuta
Silahara Jimtavahahana, with Garuda?
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At the entrance to the village Ancholagumma, the first street is the Pujari sahi that has the ancient Siva temple having Panchamukha linga. I have come across two more Panchamukha Siva temples in Koraput district; one is in Jeypore, the other is in Kalyana Singapur. Ancholagumma has many ponds; but the twin pond located in the middle of the village is of significance. The stone paved large pond is called Bodo-bondho and may have been used by the royalty in the past, Over the bund of the pond has an ancient Siva linga made up of Black granite reminds of the past history. The other pond besides it is called Khajuribandha. One kilometer to the north of Ancholagumma is the village Chitrakuta, it is also known as Beriguda gaon. The village is historically significant and is close to River Indravati.The villagers report frequent unearth of swords and other weapons during tillering of the fields or during construction of new houses. The large sized ancient bricks as found in Podagada are also frequently noticed. The village has a beautiful carved Siva with standing bull behind along with another idol of warrior holding a child is still being worshiped in the village. The Siva idol is a beautiful granite piece and can be ascribed to Cholas. The warrior may be a Chola king or a Chalukya and very similar bust is seen in another village of Umerkote. The same village has a small pond and the villagers point out and say in good olden days the village was celebrating Chandana jatra that was mostly followed by Eastern Ganga kings. From Ancholagumma one can go to eastern direction and reach to Mengra Patraput. It is an old village of Paikos, Sundis, Gonds and the Pengo etc. This village to its northern end has one large jodi, one Siva temple and two more village deities. The north road leads to Podagada at Timanpur. As usual this is a raised flat ground now, there are trees, one small place with small stones raised and worshiped with a tantric pitha with animal sacrifice. Weekly twice worship is given here. The Jharigumma hill is visible to its east. This is also called Nitanipur. Over the Jharigumma hill is one broken fort, the entrance door still there. It is worshiped annually and is called Devipitha Godapadarani. This is having a good population of Pengo. The Pengo now identify into Jhoria, some call themselves Mudli and some Jani. There are inter marriages, but of less frequency. The Jani and Mudli are slowly segregating and do not like to be called Poraja also, and feel superior to Pengo.
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References
1. 2. S.I.I., Tirumalai Inscriptions. P.94-99. Sastri,K.A. Nilakanta., The Colas,p.206-08
ANCHALA
The village is located on the Borigumma-Nowrangpur roadside. It is postulated to be fund by Cholas, thus is named as An-Chola or Anchala as is called now. Before entering the said village there is a small hill, flat on the top, without stones, and slopping with a comfortable gradient. The top of the hill is a flat circular area connected with flat land behind. This hill is called Manda Kupli. There is one stone pillar of about three to four feet standing erect at its centre; this has been encountered as Siva linga but actually not. Before it the villagers have placed one small brusha. It is surrounded with 4 broken walls. The bricks are large size as seen in the ancient city of Podagada and elsewhere in the district. To the east of the Manda Kupli under low and deep ingredient lies the Anchola village, it has one large street going down like in gradient fall and then makes a loop and appears back. Halva or Pentia tribe mainly inhabitat the village. To the south and south-east, of the village there are twin ponds. One close to the village is called Bodo Bandha; another close to Kupli is called Mati Bandha. There is large granite Siva linga at the Bado- Bandha. This is styled like that of the south India.. There is Bodo Dangar hill to its south and Bhalu pahada to its northwest end. The north and northeast one jodi is flowing with perennial water. The hills of Bhairab Singhpur and Kumuli area are prominently visible from the Manda Kupli l to its east and in between are the plain paddy lands. The Kupli is in the centre of a large patch of plain land and villages. The scenery is so beautiful that one cannot leave the top place of the Manda Kupli so easily. It is most charming. The Anchola people can walk down to village Dubli, then Mundaguda, Murja and then to Kathargada.
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Manda Kupli top in Anchala village
A Brusha in Manda Kupli
Anchala village Siva temple Brushas view
Anchala village Siva temple Brusha, side
Anchala village Siva Linga Dorsal view of Brusha in Anchala. Manda Kupli Pillar?
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A warrior King is worshipped in between Papdahandia and Umerkote Villages. Name not known
The Manda Kupli reminds of the Kondapadumatis. They were subordinate to the Chalukyas of Vengi and later on to the Chalukya-Cholas. They had secured an important military success over the Kalinga and Telugu Chodas. Manda I , was a subordinate of the Kulottunga I.(1) Manda II was a military officer who on behalf of Velanti Rajendra Choda appears to have fought a battle with the Gangas of Kalinga (2).I am of the opinion that the Manda Kupli may have been named after Manda, the military officer as said above.
References
1. 2. Yasodha Devi cited 327 of 1932-33 A.R.1915,part II para 54
GUMMA AND HISTORY

The Chola invaded Chakrakote and ruled the area; later carved a kingdom in the area named Purva-desha which was ruled by prince Kulottunga I for 7 years of his stay. I am inclined to place the hypothesis that Cholas ruled all localities that has Gumma at pre and postfix in Koraput, Gajapati and Phulbani districts of Orissa. Thus, the possible entry of Chola army was from Godavari by crossing over Sileru river and ruled Kudumulu Gumma of Balimela region and it extended to Kotapad-Borigumma, Anchala. Anchala Gumma in Tentulikhunti close to Papdahandi (Nawarangpur) and then on the Eastern Ghat the Gumma village of Rayagada region well within the Kashipur circle only. Further it extended to Kakrigumma. There is existence of another Gumma block in the present Gajapati district, which is also close to another Kashipur. I think after successful invasion of Mahendragiri, Chola King Virachoda established principality close in Kalinga
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country. The said area has archeological, nomenclature and historical evidence along with its Dravidian subjects. It seems Semiliguda-Patangi-Nandapore did not come under Chola dominion of Purvadesha. Desia-Kondhs of Laxmipur area, on hills once in 3 years celebrate Gumma puja. It is in Magaha month. Gumma is a stone, standing erect like Linga. It can also be derived that Gumma is a Siva linga on hills. The Borigumma had innumerous Siva temples with a special type of Siva lingas, with deep in the soil still exist. These lingas are cylindrical and area about 2 to 3 ft. tall and most of it is inside soil. It is the same for all villages with suffix Gumma. The Chodas were close to Sodia Porajas where as the Chalukya of Vengi as well as the Chalukya-Chodas was closely allied to Pengo Porajas of Koraput. The Kondhs and Koyas came from South India to the district along with Chodas and settled here. The Kondhs did change their alliance between Chodas and Chalukyas along with the subordinate dynasty rulers who ruled the region subsequently. The Koyas and Madias of Bastar came in the trains of Rajendra Choda and settled here.
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KOYA
The Koyas live in the Malkangiri area of Koraput district, and even in neighbouring Andhra Pradesh and Chhattisgarh though in same or different names. They speak a distinct Dravidian dialect, and many Kerala officers serving in Dandakaranya Project were of the opinion that the language is close to Malayalam. Koya tribe, call themselves Koyiee. Taylor, 1862(1); Cain, 1876(2); Thurston and Rangachari, 1909(3), Grigson, 1938(4), Bell, 1945(5) have dealt the Koya society in one or another context. Kornel (2006) has extensively studied and reported the Koya tribe of Malkangiri, Orissa and changes in socioculture up till 2001(6).
Koya marksman
Origin of Koyas as from Folklores Most folk stories of Koyas are due to Elwin (1954) (7) and he wrote, When men were first born, they lived on an island in the middle of the sea. But soon they increased in number and had no rooms to live. So Deur made boats and took them across the sea to another land. This may be the Arabian ocean islands where the Koya Muslims of modern day live. Another story indicates that after the Koyas came down, the Doms, Paikas and Brahmins came and it grew to a big village. It is indicative that the Koyas were the first reach Malkangiri and other caste and tribes followed them.
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Koya women in traditional costume and hair style
Another story says that soon after men were created, the different caste went to live separately. Then children were born and men increased in number. The first men died and only the new men were left. They tilled the land and raised crops for food; for a long time they ate and drank happily. Then one day in the south country there was a great famine, which lasted 7 years. The stores of grains exhausted and there was no such great privation that many killed and ate one another. This story gives the glimpses as to why Koyas came from south to present locations.
Koya Society
Koyas of Malkangiri have the phratries named Madkami, Madhi, Sodi, Padiami and Kawasi. They are good-looking people. They are tall and have perfect physique. They have sharp nose, thin lips, broad shoulders and their muscular body attracts visitors. The women are sleek and smooth with well-built. Men use Bison-horn head dress during marriage and festival dances and are typical to the tribe. Menhir or Memorial pillar are constructed inside the village by wealthy Koya families on the name of the dead, generally a male member; it is an elaborate process with complex ceremonies where a simple wooden pillar or tall flat stone is placed in upright position. The rice gruel and maize or ragi gruel forms the bulk of the food along with available vegetables or animal products.
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Koyas are mostly plain land slash and burn cultivators also well known rice farmers in the area.
Koya Menhir inside the village
Wooden Menhir in Tamasa village
They followed primitive rice cultivator methods and gradually adapting modern techniques of farming from neighbouring Bangladesh refugees. The Koya economy stands around the Mahua tree. The flowers of Mahua are carefully collected; the fruit of Mahua called tolo is used for oil extraction by indigenous methods. The tolo oil is used for both cooking and hair dressing. Surplus is sold. Mohapatra (1992) was of the opinion that the Koya economy centers on cattle wealth. (8)
History and Koya of Malkangiri, Orissa

The Koya relation to medieval dynasties has been difficult subject. I am of opinion that Koyas have relation to Chodas who implanted them in the present Malkangiri and E.Godavari. They were originally subjects of Chera dynasty in Kerala who had lost war to Chodas. The neighbour, Bison-horn Marias of Bastar has one of the phratry named Chera, (Grigson) (9). The relationship can support our hypothesis of Chera relocation by Chodas. Rajendra I (A.D. 1012 1044) as per Tirumalai inscription, in 1018 A.D. deprived the Chera ruler also of his crown. (10). Under Rajaraja I and his successors, the Chola rule extended over the bulk of Chera country. The country revolted during the troubles preceding the accession of Kulottunga I whose conquest of and establishment of military colonies in South Chera country have been noticed above. (11) R. Sathianathaier wrote, The next military effort of Rajendra was the expedition of Eastern India, which was entrusted to his general. Crossing the Godavari and
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passing through Bastar and Orissa, the Chola army reached Western Bengal; defeated two rulers. and returned home.(12) Here, I am inclined to believe Rajendra Is army passed through Knodakamberu area of Malkangiri, Bondo hills to Jeypore Bastar valley. It is possible that in the similar vein I am placing Bison horn Maria or Madias to be the subjects of Chodas in Bastar; where as Murias and Raj Murias to be the subjects of Western Chalukyas. According to S.R. Nema the route of the army of Rajendra Chola march was through Jeypore, Kalahandi and Patna region for the conquest of Yayatinagar, which was the capital of Indrarath. (13)
Koya Traditional Marriage Snake Dance( Photo: S.B.Saxena)
Reference
1. 2. Taylor, Rev.W. Catalogue Raisonns of Oriental Manuscripts, 1862. Cain,J.Rev.(1876) The Koi, a Southern Tribe of Gond. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol.13,1881,p.410f.
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3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.
Thurston E. and Rangachari, K. Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, Vol. 1-7. Grigson, W.V. The Maria Gonds of Bastar. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1938. Bell, R.C.S., Orissa District Gazetteer (Koraput), Cuttack, Government Press, Kornel Das (2006). Tribal Culture Koya Tribe in Transition, A.P.H. Publishing Corporation, New Delhi Elwin,V. Speciemens of the Oral Literature of Middle India( Tribal Myths of Orissa).London. Mohapatra, C.R., Podu: An ecological Hazard, Adibasi, vol.32, no. 1, 1992, pp 20-29. Grigson, W.V. op.cit.p.306-7 Tirmalai Inscription of Rajendra CholaI, S.I.I.,Vol.I,pp98-99 ff. Sastri,K.Nilakanta. A History of South India.p.200. Sathianathaier, R. The Cholas. In The Struggle for Empire. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan., p.238. Nema, S.R. Political History of the Somavamsi kings of South Kosala and Orissa, 1978, p.220 cited by Jitamitra Prasad Singh Deo in Cultural Profile of South Kosala.p.197
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KONDH
The Kondhs are one of the largest tribal groups in Orissa. There are about 400,000 kuvi speaking Kondhs distributed on the hills of northern Koraput district; but it is interesting to note that Kondhs are found all through the district.. They have been spelled as Kond, Khond, Khand or Kondh, and Kandha. The word Kondh has come from the word Konda, means hills in Telugu. MacPherson (1863)(1), Campbell (1864)(2), Thurston and Rangachari (1908)(3) Bell (1945)(4), Niggemeyer (1964)(5), Banerjee (1969)(6), Boal (1982)(7) and Patanaik et al. (1982)(8) have reported most aspects of Kondh life and living. In recent years Jena et al. (2006) have described in detail the Kuttia Kondh in their title Forest Tribes of Orissa,Vol.2(9). The Kondh tribe as a whole can be classified under the following headings: Maliah Kondhs live in Phulbani and Ganjam districts. They speak Kui a Dravidian language. Kuttia Kondhs dwell in remote hills in the extreme south-west of Phulbani district and continue westward and descends to Ambadola of Rayagada and Bisamcuttack. Dongria Kondhs inhibit the steep hills of the Niyamgiri Range of northwest Koraput district bordering Kalahandi. Kuvi Kondhs villages spread over the hills and valleys of north Koraput district. Desia Kondhs are said to be migrant groups of Maliah Kondhs. Local population of non-tribes influences them. They are found mainly below the Eastern Ghats and the costal plains.
Jena et al. (2002) wrote, The Dongria Kondh live in mountain villages in higher altitudes and they move down for marketing and for attending office jobs. The Kuttia Kondh inhabits the foot hills and the Desia Kondh are plains men.(10).
Some Observations on Kondhs

The Kondhs believe their spiritual traditions as the foundation to their survival and development. McPherson in 18th Century gave a detail account of Khonds religious activities with reference to Meriah (human sacrifice) investigation and prevention. The first contact to Kondhs by British was in 1835, whilst engaged in military operations for the reduction of the Zamindary of Goomsur, in Ganjam district.
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Kondh lady with her traditional ornaments
Elwin (1954) remarked Deep in every Kond heart is the belief in the sacred and fertilizing power of human blood, and it is of course, for their practice of human sacrifices that they have become known throughout the anthropological world. There is extensive literature, ranging over a century, on the subject. Although the practice has long since been stopped officially, there can be little doubt that such sacrifices do sometimes occur, and a perusal of the stories collected will show how strongly Konds remain attached to them. Today, the usual substitute for a human being is a buffalo, which is called by the old name Meriah and in some of the remote villages; old human skulls are still used when the animal is offered to the Earth Goddess.(11) Boal (1982) wrote, Kondh relationship to their land is far more than economic. This will be seen more clearly regarding the central rite of the Meriah/Kedu (human/buffalo) sacrifice offered to the Earth Godess. This attitude has a direct result upon land tenure procedures. For instance, when new ground is broken, even a small hill-plot, eggs as a fertility symbol are offered to the hill Gods and as year succeeds years, an ear of grain set aside from the previous crop is offered. This is distinct from offerings made to ancestor spirits who constantly accompany one on such work-occasions.(12)
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Kondh Society
In general it can be said that Kondhs are simple, straightforward, believe in community sharing traditions, courageous and hard working people.
Desia Kondhs of Laxmipur
Each group is further divided into a number of exogamous lineages like Jakasika, Hauka, Prska and Kadraka etc. Lineage names are prefixed to their own name. The Kondhs have been living in most unyielding hilly terrains for centuries. After the most arduous clearing of forest during podu by all family members exposed to sun, rain, light and air, away from shadowing trees, these slope lands yield food through crops. The Kondh people are very well built, and their body attracts visitors. They take time to be friendly with outside people. The women equally work hard like men in gathering food and additional house care etc. The women do not take active
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part with men in group discussions, but stay as listeners and little away from the place of discussion.
Desia Kondh men, Chkrakote
Desia Kondh women in Eastern Ghats
Desia Kondhs and History

The villages with suffix kona are found in large number particularly in Rayagada region of Koraput district. They are Rapukona, Raiekona, Phulakona, Hapukona, Khalkona, Riveilkona, Chatikona and Khalkona etc. It also comes to the mind that this region was ruled by Kona dynasty of south, may be one branch of the dynasty retained their presence here. So it can also be said that Kondhs of the region were once the subjects of Konas. The fact can be corroborated to the following pages of history of Kona Haihaya dynasty,
Haihayas of Konamandala
The Haihayas of Kona held sway over Konamandala the deltaic region of river Godavari from the last quarter of the 11th century A.D. The Haihayas trace themselves from Kartavira belonging to Khtriya cast (13). The earliest Kona dynasty king Kirtiraja Haihaya vamsa (14) is referred in history. As per
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Pithapuram inscription Mummadi Bhima I is referred as the first ruler of Haihayas after Kartavirya (15). Mammadi had two sons Venna and Rajaparendu I. As these chiefs were ruling Konammandala or Konarashtra, they were known as Haihayas of Kona or Kona Haihayas. As per Velpur record dated 1108 A.D., Kota Bhimaraja was credited with conquest of Kalinga, whom he subordinated to Rajendra Choda (16). Probably Kona Potaraja attained the title Vengindra and the Vengi 1000 villages for his meritorious military services in the Kalinga campaign for Kulottunga I. (17). Probably Kulottunga conferred on him a small principality round about Rakuduru as a record for his services and this explains Rekame being called a mahishi. Probably Rakuduru was his capital (18). The present author believes it can be present day Rapukona, a village situated in Koraput district, from where a hill road leads to Narayanapatna and then to Bobili, The area was boundary to past Kalinga. After Kalinga campaign, Kulottunga I confirmed the insignia of royality to Velanti Cholas and Haihayas of Konamandala. (19) There were some Haihaya princes connected with the Chalukyas, the Rashtrakutas, and the Gangas of Kalinga and the many subsidiary dynasties in Vengi. The common bonds Sahasrarjuna and lordship over Mahishmati. (20)
The Political contains of South Kalinga and Vengi in the 11th century with relation to Haihayas
In the second half of the 11th century A.D. South India was divided between the Gangas in the east, the Chalukyas in the north and the Cholas in the south. The Ganga rulers were Vijrahasta V (A.D. 1038-1070) Devendravarman Rajaraja I (A.D. 1070-1078) and Anantavarman Choda Ganga (A.D. 1078-1146), Somesvara II (1068-1076 A.D.) and Vikramaditya VI (A.D. 1076-1126). The Chola and Chalukya Kingdoms were united in A.D. 1070 when Rajendra I of the Chalukyas of Vengi, succeeded to the Chola throne on the death of Adhirajendra I, under the name of Kulottunga I.(21) With Kulottungas accession, Vengi was naturally included in the Chola Empire and remained an important viceroyalty throughout his reign. While Kulottunga was busy in the south, Yasah Kranadeva of the Haihayas of Tripuri invaded the kingdom of Vengi and he defeated Vijayaditya VII. On the death of Vijayaditya
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after ruling for fifteen years, Kulottunga appointed his own sons one after another as Viceroys of Vengi-Rajeraja Mummadichoda (A.D. 1076-1077) Virachoda (1078-1088), Rajrarajachoda Ganga (1084-1089), Virachoda Ganga (1084-1089), Virachoda for second time (1089-1093) and Vikrama Chola (A.D.1093-1118)(22) During last years of Kulottunga II, the Haihayas of Konasima (deltaic region) tried to extend their dominions. They became the feudatories of Chalukyas of Kalyani, and soon after departure of the W.Chalukyan armies, the Haihayas of Kondmandala tried to rule their regions independently (23). After 1165 A.D. peaceful relation existed between the Velanadus and Kona Haihayas, who were subordinate to Chodas. Rebellions in Godavari Delta were completely quelled by Velanti Chiefs, as a result Haihayas lost much of their military strength. After this Velanti Chief attained glorious victory and subjugated the Chalukyas of Pithapur and South Kalinga. (24). Haihayas of Kona and Haihayas of Palnad, and Kota chiefs of Dharnikote present the unique feature of the dual kingship in Andhra country, viz. two kings ruling same country, to safe guard Andhradesa territory, from invasion due to Chalukyas of Kalyani and Gangas of Kalinga, and the families of Chodas of Velanti, Haihayas of Kona, Kota chief of Dhranikote who were the feudatories. (25) Keeping in mind the above, I am inclined to put the Kondhs living in the plains of Bisamcuttack extending up to Rapukona (Laxmipur region) down to Bobli region of Andhra Pradesh as the past subjects of Konas. The region as per political history and geographical demarcation falls into the Kona region. Chalukya of Kalyani had their presence in Kalyana Singapur of Koraput as can be seen from political history records mentioned in the present work and the geography pertaining to it.
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KUTTIA KONDH
The Kuttia Konds were born in Saphaganna-Kariya (Elwin) (26). This is in Baliguda block of Phulbani district in Orissa Apart from the Kuttia or Kottia Kondh, there are other distinct communities in Koraput who bear the title of Kottia Dora, Kottia Poraja and Kottia Paiko. The village headman in Kuttia Kondh community is called Samtha and the Chief priest is the Jani. The Bariko and Bara are the raito or large landholding farmers of the village who join to form the village committee.
Kuttia Kondh men
The position of the Jani is next to secular headman, and he is responsible for ceremonies conducted on the village land. Banerjee (1969), had given a list of family deities worshipped by Kuvi Kondhs, of which Amadei and Gangadei are principal and Miniaka clan Janis are hereditary owners (27). The Amadei is postulated to be the Amba of Jaina which is coming all along Kondh life and culture. Bali-jatra is observed in April-May to seek the blessings of the god of thunder for a bumper crop. The response of the deity is determined by observing the growth of the maize plant during the days of the festival. The religious and social set up indicates the Kuttia/Kuvi Kondhs had Jaina influence. There is tradition to believe
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that the Kotas as the Jaina kings or Jaina kinglets of Amaravati remarked Yashoda Devi but she opined it be a mis-statement (28). However from the present reports I stand to the remarks cited by former authors that Kota were Jaina Kings and the tinge of Jaina culture is till to be seen in the present Kuttia Kondhs. The Kuttia Konds might have derived their name and identity from Kota dynasty of South.
Kota dynasty
As per Yashoda Devi, the Kotas who ruled between A.D. 1100-1270 owed allegiance to the Chalukyan Cholas in the beginning and to the Kakatiyas towards the end. They held an important place in South India of the times and Vengi in particular. (29) Velpur inscription Bhimass Kalinga conquest was achieved by A.D. 1108. This must have occurred when he participated in the first Kalinga war against Anantavarman Chodaganga undertaken by Vikramchola in A.D. 1909, the Chola viceroy of Vengi in the reign of Kulottunga I. The Choda to whom Bhima claims to have made the king of Kalinga a subordinate refers to either Kulottunga I or Vikramachola. The fact is attested by Bhima in Kota records (30) as well as some Ganga records at Draksharama (31). Thus Kota Bhima owed allegiance to the Chola emperor Kulottunga and loyally served his master and distinguished himself in the Kalinga war along with many other local rulers in Vengi. His assistance to the Cholas in subduing the Kalinga may be a reference to his part in the first or the second war (32). Nothing is known of any events in the latter part of his reign. Thus based on the above fact I am inclined to put forth the hypothesis that present day Kotia Konds of Koraput Phulbani region are subject to Kota Bhima and had carved a small country for themselves. The Kotas and the Haihayas were political allies (33), so Desia Kondhs and Kuttia Kondhs living in close border to each other can be explained as being past allies. There is also the possibility of Kota relationship or ruling around Nandapur, Koraput. The very fact that there are Kotiapaiko and Kotia poraja in the vicinity of Nandapur, the former Capital of Suriavamsi kings of Jeypore;and the road junction leading to Malkangiri is till known as Kota junction.
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Reference
1. MacPherson, S. Charles. (1841)An Account of the Religion of the Kondhs in Orissa, Report by Agent for suppression of Meriah Sacrifice and Female Infanticide in the Hill Tracts of Orissa, London: Royal Asiatic Society, , pp.216-274. 1863 Campbell, John. (1864) A personal narrative of thirteen years service among the wild tribes of Kondistan, for the suppression of Human Sacrifice, London Thurston E. and Rangachari, K. Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, Vol. 1-7. Bell, R.C.S. Orissa District Gazetteer (Koraput), Cuttack, Government Press, 1945. Niggemeyer, Hermann. (1964) Kuttia Kond : Dschungel - Bauern in Orissa, Johann Wolfgang Goethe Universitat, Frankfurt-am-main. Banerjee, Sukumar. (1969) Ethnographic study of the Kuvi-Kondha. Anthropological survey of India, Government of India, Calcutta-13. Devi, Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country (1000-1500 A.D.)p.77 & E.I. IV No.10.p.89 11. 49-50. 148 Boal, M.Barbara. (1982) The Kondhs: Human Sacrifice and Religious Change. Pattnaik, N and Das Patnaik, P.S. (1982) The Kondh of Orissa.Tribal Harijan Research-cum-Training Institute. Jena, K.Mihir; Pathi Padmini, Dash Jagganath, Patnaik, K.Kamala and Seeland Klaus. (2002) Forest Tribes of Orissa.Vol.I. The Dongaria Kondh. Jena, K.Mihir, Pathi Padmini, Patnaik, K.Kamala and Seeland Klaus. (2006) Forest Tribes of Orissa.Vol.II. The Kuttia Kondh. Elwin Verrier. Speciemens of the Oral Literature of Middle India( Tribal Myths of Orissa).London. Boal, M. Barbara. op.cit. E.I. No.10, V.6, p.89 S.I.I.Vol.IV, 1011. E.I. Vol.IV, No.10.p.89&S.I.I., IV.1161. Ibid.Vol.X, No.64. S.I.I.Vol.IV, No.662 Devi Yashoda. op.cit.p.77 & S.I.I., IV, 1011. Krishna Kumari, M. The Rule of the Chalukya-Cholas in
2.
3. 4. 5. 6. 6. 7. 8. 9.
10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.
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20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33.
Andhradesa. p.43. Devi Yashoda. op.cit.p.77-117. Sastri, K.A.Nilakanta.The Colas, p.285 Devi Yashoda. op.cit.p.76. S.I.I. Vol.IV, No.1150; Ibid. Vol.VI, No.175. S.I.I. Vol.X, No.173. Devi Yashoda. op.cit.p.75-176 Elwin Verrier., op.cit. Banerjee, Sukumar. op.cit. Devi Yashoda. op.cit.p149. Devi Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country (1000-1500). p.148 567 of 1925. Devi Yashoda. op.cit, p.151 Sasatri, K.A.N. The Colas, II, I.p.38. Devi Yashoda. op.cit. p.155.
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MARIA TRIBE OF BASTAR

The Maria tribe was the largest population followed by Maria, Bhattra, Gond, Parija and Gond in Bastar district (census) (Grigson, 1938) (1). The Marias have been divided into two divisions, the Marias of the Abhujhmar mountains, and the Bison-horn Marias. The Bison-horn Marias are also called Dor Koitor, Hatiya Koitor or Kalpatti Koitor, all meaning lowland Koitor.
Maria tribesmen in a weekly market
The Marias are ordinary Gond type, dark skinned with straight coarse black hair, little or no beard and moustache, platyrrhine nose, prognathous, wide, downward carving month, thick lips with squat but fairly proportioned body was the description of Grigson loc.cit. (2). They have five phratries and are Marvi (Goat), Kuhrami or Kadiari (Cuckoo) Sodi or Odi (Tiger) Markami, (Tortoise) and Kawasi or Wanjami (Tortoise). The Marvi has 9, Kuhrami 10, Sodi has 3, Markami has 21 and Kawasi has 8 clans as per Grigson loc.cit (3)
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Maria women in work house
The ornaments, hair style and dressing, dress is very similar to Koyas as has been described in the earlier chapter. The Marias also use head dress made up from Bison-horns and is very special to Bison-horn dancers of Koya and Marias and they are well known in the world of anthropology. Both the tribe share Menhir memory pillar construction through elaborate ceremony in the name of the dead. The Menhir pillars are made up of wood and are well carved with all the activities that the dead person was fond of; but now-a-days, they are painted with varnish paints from the market with beautiful drawings of nature and their life also imaginations they have. Menhirs are planted outside the village, on the roadside. However, the Hill Marias have strikingly different primitive culture and life living than plains Marias. This has been well described in comparative terms by Grigson loc.cit in his study and publication. The Hill Marias are now classified as a distinct primitive tribe and various initiatives have been taken by governments and NGOs to improve their living standard and mainstream them with education. The Hunting and food gathering from forest still forms a major part of living.
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Bison horn Maria drummers
Marias in Dantiwara and (i.e. South Bastar) Jagdalpur use small millets as their staple food and followed by rice that depends on availability. They have subsistence type of agriculture and livelihood is supported partly by forest products. Marias in total stand as a very special and distinct tribe culturally and materially and Grigson (1938) followed by Elwin have brought up the details singularly.
References
1. 2. 3. Sir Grigson,Wilfrid(1938) The Maria Gonds of Bastar.p.37 Idid.p.61. Ibid. p. 306.
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MENHIRS IN BISON-HORN MARIAS IN BASTAR
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KONDA PORAJA OR CHELLIA PORAJA

Bell (1945) had showed existence of Konda Poroja on hills of Koraput. The Konda Poraja are also known as Chellia Poroja. The Chelli means goat thus the community does not like the title as respectable and prefer to be called as Konda Poroja. (Mohanty, 1990) (2). I have only come across few persons of Konda Poraja community who admit as Chellia Poroja. Pillai (1890) had translated Kalingattu-Parni from original Tamil to English with possible explanation and has mentioned the word Chelias, as the Pandyas. (3) It may thus be reasonably be derived that the Konda or Chellia Poraja of Koraput were the people of the past Pandya dynasty.
Konda Poraja Family
The Konda Porajas are distributed in Sonbaie Panchayat, Pukali Panchyat extending to Pottangi and Nandapur blocks. The Konda Poraja villages are located on hills (Eastern Ghat) most concentration is around Pukali and then extending into Sunki; in the later area the villages are located around steep and tall hills. Some important villages of Konda Poraja are Badaguda, Dayanaykguda, Sisaguda, Pukali and Phatu etc. The Konda Poraja is from Dravidian stock and speaks a language of their own. They have medium height, thinly built, dark complexion people. The tribe has sharp nose, thin lip and straight hair. In general they are slow to take friends in, but are cheerful and friendly people. The ornaments is changing along time scale and show outside influence. The women wear nose rings in both ears and nasal septum, which is typical. The elderly of the tribe still wear olden day Chellia ornaments. They are wrist, arm,
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ankle and neck ornaments made up of aluminum; however except for wrist and neck ornaments others have become obsolete. Younger generation has retained nose ornaments but wrist metal armlets have been replaced with glass bangles. The ankle and arm ornaments that were common in the past have become obsolete. The villages are locating on upland surrounded by mango and tamarind trees. Entry to the villages is generally through bunds of paddy fields.
Konda Poraja Gurumaie
House walls are made up of mud, and roof is thatched with jungle grass or paddy straw. Houses are small with two rooms and they face each other leaving a narrow street in between. Generally, the streets are paved with stones. Houses where enough space is available, they have boundary walls made up of small stone layers that stand 3 to 4 feet high. Generally, villages are surrounded by paddy fields, and where streams available, they are effectively used for irrigation. The tribe has the following phratries; they are

Hantal Nag (cobra snake) Khora Sun Khilo Bag or tiger Dhusuri Nag Pangi a type of bird Burudi Gunta log
Some claim Gumel and are also Hantal as separate phratry.
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The Village has the following traditional community members who look into day to day issues. The Nayak is the chief of the village, mostly hereditary in succession but can be elected if required. Sisa is village pujari who generally have jolted long hair, and perform puja in the village Gudi. The Gudi is a small isolated place in the village with stone slabs, where village deity lives and takes care of welfare of the village subjects. Members can be more than one; they are selected on the basis of their landholdings. Gurumai can be a nuke or a lady, preferably elderly one. They have jolted hairs on most cases and are important in assisting the Bali ceremony and the Bat Viva to remove the evil spirits from sick patients. The Chellias celebrate the following festivals: Mudni Parab: It is celebrated in Pond month (November-December), where the village celebrates the first harvest of some forest grass that is used to thatch the houses and is an important component in the life of the hill tribe. Villages offer a swine, which is a sign of high fertility. After the said ceremony the men then go to forest and bring shoulder loads of tightly bundled Somme grass. Bodo Parab: Bodo means eldest. The Bodo Parab is also known as Semi Parab; where Semi or beans are harvested for the first time and the village people are allowed to eat beans thereafter. As the name implies it is the most important village parab that is celebrated by all households under the leadership of Village Nayak and Sisa. Pusa Parab: Pus parab is an important tribal festival of Koraput. The village celebrates Pus by paying their thanks to cattle and buffaloes for their contribution in agriculture. Rice, vegetables cooked are offered to them. Pus is both family and village celebration. The village Herdsmen gets their New Year contract award in a meeting called by the village members. Nayak heads the committee. Chait Parab: The Chait Parab is universal for all tribes of Koraput all subjects of the village from all caste and tribe groups join the celebration. The process followed in Chait Parab is more or less the same for all. The Chait Parab lasts for 9 days with other hunting expeditious, stretching it all to a month long festivity.
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The Parab is celebrated during peak summer (Marc-April), a kind of preparation to get into new calendar of the year starting with agriculture. Suana Puja: In the menthe of Asadha (June-July) small millet (Suana) of short duration is harvested. They are dried on large flat dry stones carefully, because the rains are also at peak during the period. The suana is the first crop of the New Year agriculture cycle of hill Chellia Poraja. The families get relief from temporary food scarcity at home. They mix pumpkin; tamarind, rice and sauna and cook for the puja and pray for good food harvest for all. Bali Puja: The Chellias celebrate Balipuja in Chandaka village; it lasts for 15 days and is celebrated annually. The Rona, Poraja and Dora tribes also join the Bali celebration with Chellias.
Chellia Poraja or Konda Poraja and History

They are prominent community of Eastern Ghat and Nandapur region. The history is silent with reference to Konda Poraja/Chellia Poraja. But from my studies I believe that the Chellia Poraja are extension of the Porajas living around Sileru river of Malkangiri, During the construction of Balimella Dam over the River Sileru, few idols of Hindu deities were unearthed and they are still conserved in the find village. It gives the impression of Southern dynasty. As the Western Chalukya camped in Koraput-Bastar region followed by immediate incursion of Chodas to the said region Chakrakote war; it can well be postulated that the Pandyas also had occupied some land around the Sileru River extending into the Nandapur and Salur ghats. There in no hard historical evidence to this effect as of now. The Pandya soldiers and Generals were engaged in Kalinga war by Kulottunga I as is evident from records.Nilakanta Sastri wrote, A vassal of the Cola Emperor from the distant south, the Pandya King Parantaka, took part in the war( refers to Kalinga war) and assisted Vikramacola. The inscription of Parantaka Pandya (4) like those of the Vikramacola,state that Kulam of the Telunga Bhima was captured and that South Kalinga was subdued(5) He again continued, The valiant Pallva Chieftain, Karunakara Tondaiman, lord of the Vandai, offered to carry out the emperors order and was accepted. (6). This Kalinga war was against Ananta Chodaganga.So it can well be concluded that there was presence of Pandya King himself and Pallava Chieftains of Tamilnadu in the context of Kalinga wars and there is strong possibility that they have rehabilitated their population after loss to Cholas in hills of Trikalinga.
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The earlier Pandyas were Jainas and Kun Pandya converted to Saiva by Saint Sambandar. The Chellia Poraja had a strong pointer being Jainas of the past as seen from their present rituals and ceremonies (Kornel and Gamang, 2010) (7) The Pandya King Maravarman Rajasimha I had conflict with Pallava King Nandivarman Pallavamalla. . Pandyas conquered the Kaveri region and lay siege Nandipura and the Pallavas were rescued by their great general Udyachandra. (8). In future the historians need to see the relevance of Nandapur in Trikalinga to Nandipura siege by Pandyas.The fact is becoming still stronger due to the presence of Palliva Jaina temple in Nandapur close to Koraput town. It can be seen from the Tirumalai Inscriptions that was translated by Prof. Hultzsch (9) as pointed out in earlier chapters, remarked that the Maduraimandalam to be different than the capital of Pandya kings, Madura. I am of the opinion that the Maduraimandalam in the context of Rajendra Chola I is the Pandya king ruled mandala in Koraput- Bastar; that implies the reasonable connection to Chelia Poraja and Pandy dynasty.Nilakanta Sastri with reference to Kalinga War wrote, A vassal of the Cola Empire from the distant south, the Pandya King Parantaka, took part in this war and assisted Vikrama Cola. The inscription of Parantaka Pandya (10) like those of the Vikrama Cola state that Kulam of the Telunga Bhima was captured and that South Kalingam was subdued.(11) As per Yashoda Devi ,An important dynasty in South Kalinga, the Matsyas ruled over the Matyadesa i.e. Oddadivishaya (A.D.1200-1470) with capital at Oddadi, 16 miles from Anakapalle in Vizagapatnam district for a period of two and half centuries from about A.D. 1200 to 1470. Their ancestry goes back to the 5th century A.D. The Matsyas had their own crest seal and coinage and two Matsyas i.e. double fish was their emblem.(12) .They may have had some connection with the Pandyas is postulated by Yashoda Devi; whose emblem was also fish. (13). There is another aspect Sircar mentions that there war rivalry between the Pandya and Kalinga factions in the Ceylonese court. (14).
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References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Bell, R.C.S., Orissa District Gazetteer (Koraput), Cuttack, Government Press, 1945. Mohanty, S.C., 'Paroja' In: Tribes of Orissa, Harijan, Tribal & Welfare Department, Govt. of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1990, pp.221-229. Pillai, V.Kanakasabhai (1890) The Kalingattu-Parani. I.A., p.333. T.A.S.,I,p.22,I.8 cited by K.A.Nilakanta Sastri.The Colas p.321 Sastri, K.A, Nilakanta The Colas.,p.338 Ibid. p.322 Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar (2010) Lost Jaina Tribes of Trikalinga. p.237. Santhianathaier, R., Dynasties of South India: The Pallavas. In The Classical Age. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.p.267-268. E.I.IX, p.232 T.A.S., I, p.22, 1.8 Sastri, K.A, Nilakanta. The Cola I. p.338 Sastri, K.A, Nilakanta. The Pandyan Kingdom. pp.11, 15. Yashoda Devi. The History of Andhra Country: The Dynasties in South Kalinga. p.307 Sircar, D.C. Ceylon. In The Struggle for Empire. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.p.261.
Konda Poraja women in traditional ornaments
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BALIMELLA DAM ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS
Ganesha
Lord Visnu (damaged)
Saptamatrik
Unidentified
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Brusa
Top Lord Visnu
Siva Parvati Siva Parvati
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Lord Visnu
N.B.The Balimella photographs were due to Sri Bahubalenra Raju of Jeypore
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BONDO
The Bondos are known to themselves as Remo; are a small tribe about 5,000persons and are classified as Austro-Asiatic. May (1873)(1) Henderson (1911)(2), Thurston and Rangachari (1909)(3), Furer - Haimendorf (1945)(4), Elwin (1950)(5), Das, (1956)(6)and Patnaik et al., (1989) )(7) gave a good account of the Bondos. The work of Elwin is detailed one. He had taken considerable efforts and dedication to study the tribe; as the tribe is well known for their hostile behaviour.
Bondo tribe women in traditional dress
Bondo Hills
Elwin (1950) has geographically classified the Bondo settlement in three groups. They are Bara-jangar group, the Gadaba group and the plains group. Jangar or Bodajangar is one of the names of Mundlipada, or Serayen, the capital of the Bondo country, which is one of a group of twelve villages, the bara-jangar, from which the Bondo country is sometimes called Bara-jangar-des. It is in Mundlipada that the Bondo race came into being; it is about this village and its grooves that the most ancient and is subsidized and supported in his position by the Maharaja (of Jeypore State). The Naiko has under his jurisdiction Mundlipada itself, Krisanipada, Tulaguram, Bandapada, Bandiguda, Basupada, Salanpada, Gokurupada, Pinnajangar, Kichchipoda, Dattipada and the low-country
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Pandraguda, each with its own Naiko who owes him allegiance and must bring him tribute three times a year.
These twelve villages are said to be the original Bondo settlements; some say that each was founded by one of twelve brothers. Among them there is a certain degree of cultural homogeneity. Their citizens, and only they, attend the worship of Pat Khanda Mahaprabhu; they are the most devoted to the Maharaja. Yet although the oldest of the villages, their comparative proximity to the Mundaguda bazaar and the Mattili police station has caused a certain modernization of ideas, definitely in advance, if that is the right word, of the outlook of Andrahal and Dumripada. The villages outside the bara-jangar group look on it with some derision, and call the people Didayi Bondos, a little that is indignantly rejected. But Didayi influence is certainly stronger than Gadaba in this part, and the gibe has some point. The Bara-jangar Bondos do not usually make mats or baskets. The Gadaba group of villages includes Andrahal, Dumiripada, Katamguda, Antamguda, and to some extent Bodoballe and Bodapada. These are the most difficult and the most attractive of the Bondo villages. They have come under Gadaba influence, which has modified their language their vocabulary differs in many respects from that of the Bara-jangar villages taught them to make mats and baskets, and given them the name of Gutob Remo, or Gadaba Bondo. This group of Bondos does not acknowledge the authority of the Naiko of Mundlipada; it has no interest in the cult of Pat Khanda Mahaprabhu; and it may even keep its festivals on different dates.
Bondo hunters in Annual Hunt Ceremony
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The third group comprises the plains villages to which I (Elwin) have already referred. The Bondos here have been in close contact with large numbers of lowcaste Hindus for years.(8)
Bondo life and Society

The Bondo live on top hills, and express that sea was coming so their ancestors did so (Elwin, 1950). (9) Elwin (1950) wrote, The Bondo is a difficult person and his is a hard unyielding country. He has brought to a higher degree of efficiency the technique of keeping himself to himself. They have thus retained their distinct socio-culture features. (10) The Bondos have been distinguished due to their distinct dress, particularly among the females where every one has shaven head. Women wear a small coloured hand woven skirt.
Bondo women marketing Forest produce
Bondo young men fun drinking
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The Bondos are an endogamous community divided into two totemic clans (bonso), namely Ontal (cobra snake) and Killo (tiger). These are further divided into a number of exogamous lineages (Kuda). They are

Bodonaik, Challan, Dangra-Majhi, Dora, Jigri, Kirsani, Mandhara, Mundli and Sisa.
The members of the Kuda are related through a common mythical descent and remain together under a common leader and magico-religious head. The youth dormitories play an important role in the selection of wife. When a boy puts a brass ring on the forefinger of the girl of his choice and the girl accepts it, he gives his final consent then the marriage negotiations are further pushed. Bondo are unique culturally, temperamentally due to their isolation on hills. Mr. C. A. Henderson states, Their people (Bonda) live in the western portion of Malkangiri taluk, along the edge of the hills, probably penetrating some distance into them. The elder men are not in any way distinguishable from their neighbours. Young unmarried men, however, tie a strip of Palmyra leaf round their heads in the same way as the women of their own tribe, or of the Gadabas. The women are very distinctly dressed. They all shave their heads once in a month or so and faster a little fillet, made of beats or plaited grass, round them. The neck and chest are covered with a mass of ornaments, by which the breasts are almost concealed. These consist, for the most part, of bead necklaces, but they have also one or more very heavy brass necklaces, but they have also one or more very heavy brass necklace of various designs, some being merely collections of rings on a connecting circlet, some massive hinged devices tied together at the end with string. They wear also small ear-studs of led. Apart from these ornaments, they are naked to the waist. Round the loins, a small thick cloth is worn; this is woven from the fiber of the rings (Oriya sitkodai gotsho). This cloth measures about two feet by eight inches, and is of thick texture like gunny and variously coloured. Owing to its exiguity, its wearers are compelled, for decencys sake, to sit on their heels with their knees together, instead of squatting in the ordinary native posture. This little cloth is supported round the waist by a thread, or light chain of tin and beads, but not totally confined thereby. The upper
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edge of the cloth behind is free from the chain, and bulges out, exposing the upper portion of the buttocks, the thread or chain lying in the small of the back. It is noted by Mr. Sandell that, the cloth at present used is of comparatively recent introduction, and seems to be a slight infringement of the taboo. The original cloth and supporting string were undoubtedly made of jungle fiber, and the modern colouring is brought about with cotton threads. Similarly, the Bonda Poroja necklaces of cheap beads, blue and white, must be modern, and most obviously so the fragments of tin that they work into their chains. The women are said to wear cloths in their houses, but to leave them off when they go outside. It seems that the taboo is directed against appearing in public fully clothed, and not against wearing decent sized clothes, as such. The party I was mostly unmarried girls, but one of them had been married for a year, when not posing for the camera, or dancing, she tied a small piece of cloth round her neck, so as to hang over the shoulders. This, as far as I could make out, was not because she was married, but simply because she was more shy than the rest. The wife is always much older in age than the husband. The Bondo are generally monogamous. Divorce is allowed from both sides, widow re-marriage is permissible.(11) The nuclear type of family is the rule. The women play various roles in social, economic and religious affairs. Elwin wrote, work is shared by men and women, but the women labour more, and for longer hours in addition to work in the field or cleaning, they have to fetch water and cook and care for the children and whenever they are free they must be at the loom.(12)
Origin of Bondo tribe and Folklores

There are several folklore still living with Bondo, tribe which point out to sea relation. They question is how come Bondo, an isolated tribe know Sea. Another story say, Mahalaxmi grew frightened, for she went back to her hill and prepared to run away to the country by the sea. She felt very angry with them and kicked the roots right away into the sea. Another story speaks of one Soma Bodnaik who was born long ago on Bali Hill. (13) As said above Bondos are known among themselves as Remo; there is also another Austro-Asiatic tribe, Ramo in Arunachal Pradesh. (14) However, except for both Remo Bondos and Ramo tribe of Arunachal Pradesh closely resemble physically but no known relationship can be derived at this stage.
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The other one can be that they originally immigrated from Banda Acehe of Indonesia can be postulated, because in one of the folk stories recorded by Elwin speak that sea can wash them so they are making house on the top of the hill. Is it they have come down due to Sunami? Some former authors have expressed their opinion that Bondos are offshoot of Gadaba tribe; some authors write them as brother tribe of Gadaba and Parenga Poroja (Henderson, 1911) (15). Similar view expressed by Thurston and Rangachari (1909) (16). But deny this relationship. Furer-Haimendorf pointed out that the languages of the Bondos and Gadabas, though of the same family, are so different that they do not mutually understandable. Bondo tribes, however, he adds, recognize a fundamental relationship, partake of each others food, and on rare occasions even intermarry. In spite of many divergences in material, possessions social customs and individual religious beliefs, and a certain difference in appearance accentuated by dress and ornaments; there seems to persist among Gadabas and Bondos a similar cultural atmosphere and we can hardly doubt that they are both representatives of ancient Austro-Asiatic culture. (17) The north-east the Bondo country merges into that of the Gadaba and the Bondo of this area sometimes called Gutob Bondo or San (little) Gadaba. (18) They employ services of Gadaba Dissari Shamans. They are many Gadaba words (Furer-Haimendrof) (19). Elwin (1950) wrote, the origin and affiliation of the Bondos are obscure. But we may accept the possibility that they are members of a group of very old AustroAsiatic tribes which at some remote date look shelter in the wild Jeypore-Hills, when they came, there is no evidence to say, although most of their affinities are with the north-east, nor can we tell how they feared during the centuries they must have lived in their present home. There are no records, no remains, and even the Bondos own legends seem to me to be of comparatively recent date. But there is very reason to support that the Bondos have changed very little during their long history and in them we have a chance of studying a type of character and its material expression that may be millennia old. Furer-Haimendorf, in fact, suggests that the Bondos belong, not only in language but also in culture, to that large group of Austro-Asiatic peoples who in Neolithic times developed and advanced and complex culture characterized as it seems by the shouldered-stone cult, rice cultivation on terraced and irrigated fields, the art of weaving, the keeping of cattle for purposes of slaughter and sacrifice, and the erection of
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megalithic monuments in the shape of menhirs, stone-circles and dolmens. It is the culture which to some extent still survives among such Austro-Asiatic peoples as the Gadabas, Saoras, Mundas and Khasis and has close affinities to the Austronesian civilizations of the Malayan Archipelago.(20) There is some oral evidence that Bondo tribe was much closely affiliated to Queen named Nnagladevi. I assume her to be the famous queen mother of Somesvara I of Nagavamasi dynasty. This has no inscription base. If it is true then Bondos had joined hands with Somesvara in invading the Vengi Country. But I was surprised to find the Tirumalai inscription which mentions about the brave fighters of Mudira-bada which as per the topography mentioned is very close to present Bondo Hills and the detail is given as following Rajendra Chola ruled from 1012 to 1044 A.D. He is known for his great military expeditions. During the second phase of the campaign his army marched through Kalinga and Odda to the Ganges and Rajendra himself advanced to the Godavari and beyond to protect the rear of his army(21) .The same transactions have been described in the Tirumalai Inscriptions, the translation by Prof.Hultzsch (22)stands as follows: It is stated that ; Sakkara-kottam (belonging to) Vikrama-Vira; Madura-mandalam with the fort of Mudira-bada; Namanaikkonam, which is surrounded by dense groves; Panchappalli (belonging to) Vengilai-Viraj the good Masuni-desa, where leaves and fruits are green; the large heap of family-treasures, together with many (other) treasures, (which he carried away) after having, in a fight which took place in the hall (at) Adinagar, (a city), which is famous for its unceasing abundance; Odda-vishaya, whose copious waters are difficult to approach; the good Kosalai-nadu, where Brahmanas assemble; Dandabutti (i.e., Danda-bhukti), in whose gardens bees abound, (and which he acquired) after having destroyed Dharmapala in a hot battle; Takkannaladam (i.e. Dakshina-Lata), whose fame reaches all directions, (and which he occupied) after having forcibly attacked Ranasura; Vangala-desa, where the rain does not last (long), and from which Goundachandra, having lost his fortune, fled; elephants of rare strength (which he took away) after having been pleased to frighten in a hot battle Mahapala of Sangu-Kottam(?), which touches the sea; the treasures of women(?); Uttiralandam (i.e., Uttara-Lata) on the great sea of pearls; and the Ganga, whose waters sprinkle tirthas on the burning sand:Sakkarakkottam has been identified with Cakrakotya which finds mention in a Nagavamsi copper plate grant from Bastar dated A.D.1065, and its modern representative is probably Citrakuta or Citrakota, 8 miles from Rajapura where the copper plate were found. Rajapura, the capital of Bastar, is itself 22 miles northwest of Jagadalpur, on the bank of the Indravati river .Sakkarakkottam and the
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places that follow up to Masuni-desam have thus to be sought in the territory contiguous to the Vengi Kingdom to the north-west of it. Masunidesam literally means the land of the snakes; the king of the Chindaka family represented by the Rajapura plates, called themselves Naga-vamso-dbhava (born of the cobra race), and Bhagavati-pura-varesvara (lord of Bhagavati, the best of the cities); in a later stone inscription of Saka 1140, one of them is called Sri-bhujagavara-bhusanamaharayuler the maharaja who was the ornament of the race of the best of serpents. It is perfectly reasonable to support that Masuni-desam is meant the land ruled by these kings. On this assumption, Maduraimandalam, Namanikkonam and Pasncapalli must be sought in the same region and held to be parts of Masunidesam. It may be noted that Chakrakota is itself called a mandala like Madurai-mandalam, and that the donor of the Rajapura plates is called Madhurantaka. (23) I fully agree to this argument and identify Madurai-mandalam with the fort of Mudirabada, to the present day Mudlipada located on the Bondo Hills of Khairput block in Koraput district of Orissa. The Mudlipada is still the head village to Bondo tribe Chief. The Bondo tribe villages are located on top of hills, scattered over on a chain of hills, that which has been described in the Tirumalai inscription as Madura-mandala whose forts (bore) banners ( which touched) the clouds. The Bondo tribes men still carry bows and arrows and are known for their ill temper and people fear for their high homicide rate and lethal bowman ship. The description that Madura-mandalam whose forts (bore) banners (which touched) the clouds; fully justifies the ground reality of Bondo hills. There is evince that Konda Dora and Bondos had a ferocious war where the later lost and moved eastwards (Elwin, 1954) (24).It may be concluded that there was Rajendra Is army and Konda Doras may be allies in the invasion.
Reference
1. 2. 3. 4. May, J.A. (1873) Notes on the Bondas of Jaypur.The Indian Antiquary, Vol II.p.236. Henderson C.A, quoted by J.C. Monoly, Census India, Vol.12, no.1, 1911, p.164.. Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, pp.207-222. Furer-Haimendorf, C.Von, Megalithic Ritual among the Gadabas and Bondos of Orissa, Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol.9, 1943, pp.149-78. Elwin, Verrier, (1950). Bondo Highlanders, Bombay: Oxford University Press,
5.
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6. 7.
8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.
Das Patnaik, P.S. and Mohanty B.B, Dongria Kondh of Orissa - Then & Now, Adibasi, vol.30, no.2, 1990, p.28-41..II.p.236. Patnaik, N.Chowdhury, B.and Das Patnaik, P.S.The Bondos and their response to Development. Tribal & Harijan Research cum Training Institute, Bhubaneswar. Elwin, Verrier op.cit.p.4-7. Ibid.p.1-4. Ibid. Henderson, C.A. cited by Thurston et al. op.citp.207-222. Elwin, V. op.cit Ibid.p.1-4. Dhasmana, M.M. The Ramos of Arunachal. Concept Publishing Co., New Delhi. Henderson, C.A. cited by Thurston and Rangachari, K.op cit.p.218-219. Thurston, E and Rangachari, K. op.cit. Furer-Haimendorf, C.Von, op.cit. Ibid Ibid. Elwin, V. op.cit Sastri, K.A, Nilakanta, The Colas.p.206-09 E.I.IX, p-232 S.I.I. Inscription at Tirumalai near Polur.p.94-99 Elwin, V. (1954) Speciemens of the Oral Literature of Middle India (Tribal Myths of Orissa).London.
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BONDO DOWN HILLS ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS
Memorial Stone to a Warrior, Khairput
Old Kudumulugumma Warrior
Religious Snake slab, Kudumulugumma
Religious Snake slab
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Sati Stone, Khairput
Old Siva temple ruins in Kudumulugumma
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EASTERN GANGA
In about 500 A.D. a new kingdom named Trikalinga was evident from the Jirjingi copper plate (1). J.K.Sahu (2) wrote, The ruler of the Eastern Gangas was established in the hilly region of Bastar after the fall of the Nalas at the close of the 5th century A.D. The dynasty is so called because Indravarman, its founder, belonged to the Gang ruling family of Karnataka which after this came to be known as Western Gangas. Indravarman like Sarbhraja was probably a General in the army of Harisena Vakataka and was allowed to rule the hilly region which was the original country of the Nalas. He asserted independence after the sudden fall of Vakataka power. This has been also indicated by Patel (3) who wrote, The argument of many scholars that Vakataka Harisena uprooted the Nala family in the same epoch and transplanted the Western Gangas, in their territory is untenable. The Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara, traced their descent from the Western Gangas who claimed belong to Ikshvaku family ; perhaps of Nagrjunikonda (4).The founder of the Western Ganga line was Kongunivarman or Madhava I who probably ruled 300-400 A.D. with his capital at Kolar (5) Durnvita (540-600) conquered Punnad ( South Mysore) and Kongudesa and maintained friendly relation with Chalukyas.(6). N.K.Sahu has cited B. Misra, Orissa under the Bhauma Kings and has mentioned the marriage between Santikara I of Bhauma king of Orissa and Tribhuvana Mahadevi, daughter of Rajamalla I of Western Ganga dynasty of Mysore, who ruled from 817-835 A.D. Prior to this inscription the relationship of Bhauma Kings and Western Gangas is well established. (7). However, the Kukkanur plate of Marasimha I during 968-69 indicates the presence of Western Gangas in Dhavala visaya and Gangapati-(8)
Map showing Jerjinga village in Umerkote region of Koraput
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Western Chalukya Pulakesin Is son Kirtivarman I (566-7) expanded the kingdom by wars against the Kadambas of Banavasi, the Mauryans of Konkan and the Nalas who probably ruled over a fair sized kingdom in the region of Bastar and Jeypore agency (9). Before hand Nalas ruled this territory. They had their capital at the modern Podagada, located near Umerkote of Nowrangpur, Koraput district. Kirtivarman I s son, Pulakesin II received first the submissions of South Kosala and Kalinga and then made his younger brother Vishnuvardhana yuvaraj leaving him incharge of the capital, he started an extensive campaign of conquest in the Eastern Deccan (10) The northern part of Koraput district and eastern part of Bastar district including southern Dakshina Kosala area was under the Mahakantara and Kantar zone. Thus in 4th century itself, Samudragupta Maurya crossed the kingdom during his southern military expedition. A detail political history has been given in the Nala chapter of this book. However, it can be said in short that, there has been speculations as regards the identification of the enemy who defeated the Nalas and destroyed Puskari, who was afterwards destroyed by Skandavarman. As there was apparently a struggle between the Nalas and Vakataka of the main branch and the enemy was identified with Prithvisena 11, who claims to have twice restored the fallen fortune of his family. Skandavarman may also have been the Panduvamsi king Nanna of South Kosala who had occupied the whole of Western Madhya Pradesh and is indicated in an inscription at Bhandak. The Chalukya king Kirtivarman I (AD 567 to 597) who claims to have subdued the Nalas some times represented his old enemy of the Chalukyas and to destroy their residences (Nilaya) (11) and thus possibility it has got its name Podagada. In the Aihole inscription (12) of Kirtivarmans son, who can hardly be expected to have supposed the glorious achievements of his father, Kirtivarmana I is described as the night of destruction to Nalas, Mauryas and Kadambas, and also as having broken up a confederacy of the Kadamba Kings. G.Ramdas of Jeypore was the first to publish his classical work Chronology of the Gangas of Kalinga(13).However, it is certain from Jirjingi plate (14) which is the first copper plate source for the first evidence of Trikalinga and the Ganga king named Indravarman was assumed the title of Trikalingadhipati (Lord of Trikalinga).J.K.Sahu wrote(1997).Jijjika in Vonkhara-visaya donated in the Jirjingi plate of Indravarman I refer to village Tunganna in Rupygvati-visaya and the village identified with Tung near Tekkali. So both Vankhara and Puspyavati were in Tekkali estate (15).I have examined the Jirjingi plate,No.2 published by S.N.Rajaguru and edited by R.Subba Rao,1928 and inclined to read it as Bododongar-visaya and Jijika village but not Vonkhara district as mentioned. Again, I identify the reference village with present day Jijingi village in north
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Umerkote close to Podagada of Nala dynasty reference and Bododongar in Bastar district. (Enclosed Map).
Political history during the period of Indravarman

After strengthening his position, Indravarman wanted to expand his territory. To the northeast of his kingdom was the Sarbhapurias of South-Kosala. His relationship was cordial with them. To the east was the Kingdom of Kalinga, which was ruled by Vasisthas. The Vasisthas had ascertained their sovereignty after the fall of Matharas. The Vasistha king, Antavarman was Kalingadhipati. In the south, the Visnukundins were the rising power. The East Godavari was the immediate neighbours of Indravarman, and was ruled by Prthvimula as a feudatory of Visnukundins (16). Prthivimula soon declared independence, which annoyed Visnukundin king Indrabhattaraka. Thus Prthivimula invited to lead the confederacy against the Visnukundins. The Godavari plate (17) gives a graphic description of the war between Indrabhattaraka and joint army of Indravarman and Prithimula. Indrabhattaraka lost the war. As a result of the said war Indravarman emerged as a powerful ruler. The Vasisthas of Kalinga lost their political entity. Indravarman thus occupied a large portion of south Kalinga and established his position from Dantapura and issued his Jirjingi plate of 537 AD claiming the title of Trikalingadhipati.
Samantavarman
The victory of Indravarman did not last long. King Indrabhattaraka avenged enmity. His Ramatirtha plate, issued about 553 AD describes him as a great conqueror against his enemies (18). It registered the grant of a village in Palkirastra, which is identified with Pakky in modern Srikakulum district. However, the authors identify the place to be in central Koraput district (details described elsewhere). It is assumed thus that during the period of the invasion Indravarman was not alive and his son Samantavarman was ruling. The inscription Ponnuturu (19) of 562 AD (Ganga year 64) was only one after 25 years of the Jirjingi plates of Indravarman. This grant was not issued from Dantapura of Kalinga but from Saumyavana apparently in Trikalinga. We believe the Saumyavana is the modern Sombartuta of Jeypore, Koraput district in Orissa where the old palace and fort of Nandapur dynasty of Jeypore Zamindars was located and the ruins are still can be seen. Thus the Saumyavana mentioned in the Eastern Ganga is located in Koraput district. Donor of Dharmalingeswara Plate, Anantavarmana, who was son of Dvendravarma and brother of Jayavarman, has also indicated this name. Inside the boundary of Nilakantheswar temple in Sombartuta of Jeypore, a large well carved stone Sun god with his horse chariot as in Konark is housed. This
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idol has relevance to the presence of Eastern Ganga kings who were well known for Sun God worship.
Hastivarman
Hastivarman succeeded Samantavarman. He is considered to be the founder of the Ganga rule in Kalinga. He defeated Vigraha King of north Kalinga. Then Hastivarman assumed the title of Sakalakalingadhipati. The Trikalingadhipati was disowned. There are two plates of Hastivarman; Narasimhapalli (577 AD) and the Urlam Plates (20) (578 AD). These plates describe his battles to achieve Kalinga. He then changed his capital from Saumyavana of Trikalinga to Kalinganagara. It is assumed to be the present Mukhalingam on the bank of Vamsadhara in modern Srikakulam district. The city continued to be the capital of Eastern Gangas for a long time.
Indravarman 11
Indravarman 11 succeeded Hastivarman. He is known from copper plates of Achyutapuram plates (21) (558 AD), the Santabommali plate (22) (585 AD), the Paralakhemudi plates (23) (589 AD) and the Urjam plates (595 AD) (24).
Ranka Jayavarman and Svetaka Gangas

There are no records of Gangas of Kalinganagar for 30 years i.e. 595 AD to 626 AD. But, a Ganga ruler named Ranka Jayavarman issued a charter in Ganga Samvat 100 i.e. 598 AD from Svetaka. He had used the prasasti of the Ganga Royal family. J.K.Sahu concluded that the Ganga family of Kalinganagara faced a political calamity and as a result of which they were driven out of Kalinganagara and a branch of the family ruled from Svetaka and acknowledged the over lordship of Bhauma-Karas (25). The Svetaka Kingdom comprised of Badakhemundi, Sanakhemundi and Seragada in the present Ganjam district. J.K.Sahu (loc.cit.) wrote; Many scholars confused Ranka Jayavarmandeva of the charted dated in Ganga Samvat 100 with Maharaja Jayavarmandeva who issued the Ganjam or Badakemudi charter in his regnal years (sometimes taken as Bhauma Samrat) as a feudatory of the Bhauma king Unmattakesari (Sivakaradeva I). The time difference between the two grants is more than 150 years. Jayavarmandeva of the first grant assumed the title of Ranaka and his queen was Trikalingamadadevi. Jayavarman of the later grant was a Maharaja and his queen was Prthimahadevi. The names of the officers in the two grants are also different. Ranka Jayavarman founded the Svetaka kingdom as feudatory probably of Prthivimaharaja, Maharaja Jayavarman received it as a feudatory of the Bhaumas.(26)
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From the records of Svetaka Gangas, a queen named Trikalinga Mahadevi is found in Jayavarman. This grant was issued in Samvat 100, which is taken as Bhauma-Samvat and is placed at 836 AD. It is certain that Gangas ruled the Trikalinga at least upto the time of Samatavarma of G.E.64. (27) However, Jayavarmana brother of Anantavarman I as denoted by Rajaguru has not been indicated in the Genealogy of Gangas by. J.K.Sahu. The Burnells account on Jayapura Plate (of present Koraput) of Rajendravarman given by George Sewell denotes that Jayavarman was the grandfather of Rajendravarman. No much details of this inscription could be known, as per Rajaguru. This inscription means lot to the Jaypura and thus building the Koraput relation to Eastern Ganga history. Rajaguru (28) gave the following remarks on the Jayapura plate of Rajendravarman.
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When we compare the above genealogical table with the above we find that it agrees with our table from Anantavarman to Satyavarman except the name of Anantavarmans father and his date. Our third question relates to the date of Devendravarman son of Anantavarman, (No.32) and that of Satyavarman (No.33) who is the son of Devendravarman. The dates of these two inscriptions (Nos. 32 and 33) were wrongly put by the engraver as 51 for 351. This mistake was detected as the phraseological terms used in there were considered to be the later development. Dr.Fleet remark, These grants of Devendravarman and Satyavarman are shown, by the characters in which they are engraved, to be of later date than the three grants of Indravarman. Consequently, the fifty first year, which is quoted is one of the grants of Devendravarman and the grant of his son Satyavarman cannot be referred to the same epoch with the dates of 91, 128 and 146 of Indravarman. And, partly because of this, and partly because in each instance the year is mentioned without any specification of the month and the lunar day, I am inclined to look upon it as some conventional expression, which cannot be just now explained, and to consider that on the year 254, in connection with which we have the specification of both the month and the lunar day, is a correct date for Devendravarman, and that is may be referred to the same era with the date of Indravarman whatever the era might be.(29)
Indravarman III
About 5 copper plate characters of Indravarman III have been found. It is around 662 AD (30). Not much is known about the political condition of Kalinga from these inscriptions, but the Chinese traveler Hiuen-Tsang visited Kalinga, and good account is available from his work dated 639 AD. There are no records of Gangas between 652 to 681 AD.
Devendravarman I
The Devendravarman I Chicacole plate it is known that in 681 AD he was ruling Kalinga. There are three more plates issued by Devendravarman I issued from Kalinganagar. They were Dharmalingesvara (31), Trilinga charter (32) and grant of Devendravarman I (30).
Anantavarman I
The Dharmalingeswar plate, which was issued, by Anantavarman I, G.E.204, son of Devendravarman I is of significance to Koraput region. This plate speaks of Somavatika, Kongadaparbat, and Pamphulli etc. This has been described separately.
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Nandavarman and Devendravarman II

Anantavarman I had two sons, Nandavarman and Devenravarman II. The sons became kings successively. The Santabommali character of G.E.221 (34) was issued by Nandavarman where as Devendravarman II issued Chicacole plates (35) (749 AD) and the Vizag plates (36) (752 AD).
Rajendravarman I and Anantavarman II

Rajendravarman I succeeded Devendravarman II. Rajendravarman I was referred in the character of his son Anantavarman II as Maharaja and Maharajadhiraj. J.K.Sahu loc.cit wrote that during second half of 8th century AD, the BhaumaKaras of Tosala Kingdom showed rise and growth. They were the immediate neighbours of Kalinga kingdom. The Sailodbhava power, which concentrated around Chilika Lake, was liquidated and Kongoda was annexed by Bhauma Kingdom. Even the Svetaka branch of Gangas threw off allegiance to Kalinganagar and claimed themselves as the real lord of Kalinga under the suzerainty of the Bhaumas. Historians acknowledged it to be a critical time to Gangas of Kalinga. (37)
Devendravarman III
Anantavarman II died in about 803 AD (his last known character was in 802 AD) (38). His son, Rajendra II was a minor, thus his brother Devendravarman III succeeded him and issued character in 804 (39), 806(40) and 808 AD (41) besides the undated Chicacole plates (42).
Rajendravarman II and Anantavarman III

The rule of Devendravarman III came to end in about 810 AD. In 811 AD the queen mother Lokamahadevi issued Podali (Pattali) charter (43), on behalf of her son Yuvaraj Rajendraverman II. He was described as Maharajadhiraj, Paramesvara and Paramabhattaraka. Rajendraverman II ruled Kalinga upto 840 AD. He was succeeded by his brother Anantaverman III who donated Tekkali grant (44) in 856 AD.
Bhupendravarman, Anantaverman IV and Devendraverman IV

The next Kalinga king was Bhupendraverman alias Marasimha. It is known from other grants that he had two sons, Anantaverman IV alias Vajrahasta and Devendraverman IV who became one after another the king.
Anantaverman Vajrahastadeva V
The history of Eastern Gangas for 895 AD to 1038 AD is not systematically known. The copper plates of Anantaverman Vajrahastadeva V (45) (1038 AD-
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1069 AD) gives the names of eight kings who preceded him with their reign periods. After careful study of the available copper characters of Gangas and topography named thereon it is concluded that, the Gangas did rule Koraput, Bastar region. The fact is well known from the following: 1. The Jaypura plates of Rajendraverman II, son of Anantaverman and grandson of Jayaverman are direct evidence to this effect. (46) 2. The Dharmalingeswar plates of Anantaverman I (47) 3. The Chicacole plates of Devendraverman III (48) 4. The Khillingar plates of Kalyandevi of the time of Ranka Danarnava of Ambavavadi Mandala (49) It is clearly evident from the above plates that, from Anantaverman I (G.E 204) (50) once again uptill Satyaverman G.E. 351, the Koraput, Bastar region was under the direct control and administration of Gangas. The Jaypur plate speaks of Jayaverman as the father of Anantaverman II, where as Jayaverman does not appear in Genealogy of succession in Gangas. It can still be concluded that Jayaverman, son Devendraverman I ruled the Tri-Kalinga part because his successors are indicated in Jaypur plate.( 51).I am of the opinion that the name Jeypore, the capital of Suryavamsi kings of Nandapur/Jeypore has been named after Jayaverman, the Eastern Ganga King. It is also evident that Bhaumas became powerful in second part of 8th century AD the E. Gangas concentrated in Tri-Kalinga part.
The Saumyavatika and Saumyavana of Eastern Ganga

The interest with relation to Saumya vatika or Saumyavana is real. We find this also as Saumyavana in some texts. 1. The Eastern Ganga founder was Indravarman. After his death, his successor and son Samantavarman issued Ponnuturu plates during 562 AD. This grant was issued from Saumyavana apparently in Trikalinga; but it could have been issued from Dantapura, the capital of Kalinga. 2. The Dharmalingeswara plates of Anantavarman (GE 204) the donor was Anantavarman, the son of Devendravarman and brother of Jayavarma. It was issued from Kalinganagar. The topography description of the plate includes Samvataka. The other names are Phupalli Devaparbat, Kongaparbat and Korakonta that are
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situated in the Koraput district, now agreed by many as the part of Trikalinga. 3. Hastivarman, the powerful king who became the Lord of entire Kalinga, transferred his capital from Saumyavana to Kalinganagar.Narasimhapalli (577 AD) (52) and Urlam plate (578 AD) (53) are the two plates, which refer to his velour in battles. Ponnuturu plates of Samantavarman (GE 64) (53) Samantavarman has been referred as Trikalingadhipati Maharaja in the plate. The topography refers to i. Dagha Panchalli (district)( may be the present day Digapur, an ancient Jaina village near Jeypore) ii. Saumyavan (village) (Sombartuta of Jeypore) iii. Pratisthapur (village) (Not known yet) M.Somasekhara Sarma (54) wrote, The inscription pertains to Samanta Varman (1.29) or Mahasamanta Varman (1-7) of the Ganga dynasty of Kalinga. It is issued from Saumyavana, the abode of the Goddess of victory. (it means Jayapura.) The original runs as 1st plate; 2nd side Swati (11) Jaiasrunibasat Somayavana schara charagurorah (:) This can also be concluded as Somyavana of Jayapura. The nibasat has been wrongly mentioned as Sreenivasa. The Dharmalingeswar plate of Anantavarmana (GE 204) (55) 830-831 AD is a significant and important finding with relation to present Koraput (JeyporeBastar) region. This plate was first edited by S.N.Rajaguru (56) and re-edited by R.K.Ghoshal (57). As per Rajaguru, the actual donor seems to be Jayavarmadeva. The place of issue is Kalinganagara. The plates are three in number, each measuring about 63 . They are attached to a ring bearing the royal seal containing the emblems of a lying bull, a conch shell and a chawrie, as usually found in the Ganga grants. The topography: Kostrukavartani (may be Kathargad), Talatheravillage,Kamarupa (Kambeda Panchayat in Korkonda) visaya, Srungatikagrahara, Devaparvata (Kalyan Singpur), Hemasrunga ( Near Bejungwada of Balimella), 2nd plate Tru (thro) Kuta, Suruli, Bastapur, Kongodaprbate, Phumpalli, Somavataka, Dharavataka, Balmi, Salmti, Tatapur.
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The second plate topography is related to Jeypore-Kotpad-east Bastar region. The Tru (thru) Kuta is the Chitrakuta of Bastar; Surli is the river flowing west of Kotpad, in between Bastar and Koraput. The Bastapur is the present Bastar or may be Bastanar of Bastar (Chhattisgarh); The Somavataka is the Somavartuta, the past capital of Jeypore/Nandapur dynasty. Phampulli is the present Phampuni, near Jeypore. The third plate is the area between Mathili-Kundra and Bastar (Chhattisgarh). The Salmili is the Salmi of Mathili (Koraput) on river Saberi and Kolab, Balmi, I am not sure, and it may be the Balia village on the banks of Kolab river. The Kokonta may be Korkonda of Koraput or Konta of Bastar, which to my view is the Kantakavarttani region of Antatavarman Chodagangadeva. The first plate, the Devaparbata is the present hill temple of Kalyana Singapur. The Kostruka vartani is not yet identified, but I think it is the Katharagada on river Muran, the gateway to Kalinga from Nowrangpur-Bhairaba Singapur of Jeypore. It was an ancient place of Buddhism, Savism in Kalinga. The Dharmalingeswar plate, which as per Rajaguru the donor was Jayavarmadeva, and the plate is topographically, speaks of Koraput-Bastar region; on this light the Jayapura plates of Rajendravarmana, which speaks of Jayavarmana and his successors Anantavarman. The other plates of Ganga kings of interest to Koraput-Bastar region are
Pedda-dugam plates of Sri Sattrudamanadeva (58): The place of issue

was Simhapura. The topography speaks of Girikalinga-Vardamanagrahara, Juhagrama (village), Vasuvatika, and Patuvagrama. It refers to Vardhamana agrahara in the Giri-Kalinga district. This can be safely placed to hill portion of Kalinga, in Trikalinga. This can well refer to the Jaina culture center of Vardhamana. This plate was edited by Sri V.Bhanumurti (59) and re-edited by D.C.Sirkar. The other way, the Duhagram is the Dudhari; Patuvagram- may be present day Padua or Pottangi. This is located in the Nandapur region, one the headquarters of politics and people. The Bhadaliguda of Jeypore town may be Vardamangrhara. But informants claim that there is a village named Vardamana in Balimella region but I have not confirmed it. The other plate of importance to the region is Khillingar plates (60) of Kalyanadevi of the time of Ranka Danarnava of Ambavadi Mandala. The donor was Kalyanadevi. She was mother of Ranka Darnava. His father was Rajendravarmana, who was son of Narendravarmana.
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The topography was Ambavadi Mandala (Province), Nayandi Vishaya (district), Gondherni, and Lonipataka and Khilladangara. The Ambavadi Mandala is the area close to Kotpad, Kolaba river flows with a branch from Ambabhalli river. This is one ancient seat of Jainism. The Amba of Jaina pantheon is standing on a large stone slab, in an ancient temple still being worshipped by Bhattra tribal priests. The Nayandi Siva temple is famous. The Nayandi village is close to it. It is close to Bastar border. The Gondharni and Khilladangar are to be identified. Rajaguru mentioned under the remarks that the Ambavadi Mandala is known for its location. However, this name is mentioned in the grants of Chodaganga Anantavarmadeva (61). The other plate of interest to us is No.26 Chiracole plates of Devendravarman (62). The donor was Devendravarman; the son of Rajendravarman and place of issue was Kalinganagara. The topography mentions of Pushkarni Vishaya (district), Virinika (village), Morda village, Pushkarila (village) and Kumarikabhatta (village). The character records the gift a village named Biriaika in the district of Pushkarni-Vishaya by the Ganga king Devendravarma to one Chhetilakayavya, son of Bilichi. The boundaries of the village are as follows: In the east the village Marda (and) the boundary bridge and the woods; in the south the boundary of Pushkarni the forest, in the west the boundary bridge of Pushkarni- gram (and) the row of forest. The Pushkarni name and place exists in Nala inscription. The location has been identified at Podagada of Umerkote by G. Ramdas and has been seconded by Rajaguru and N.K. Sahu. This is being identified as the place of Pushkarni visya of Gangas.
Eastern Gangas and Western Gangas in Trikalinga

In order to examine the relationship between Eastern Ganga and Western Ganga the study of inscriptions issued by both the dynasty is vital and it can shed some light. K.V.Ramesh (1984) (63) has studied in detail the inscriptions so far discovered pertain to the Western Gangas of Mysore where as S.N. Rajaguru has compiled the inscriptions of Eastern Gangas of Orissa. The following Western Ganga inscriptions need attention:
108
Sl. No. 1. 5. 8. 50. 2. 12. 14. 25. 22. 29. 46. 53.
Inscription
Date
Name of the Territorial Division Paruvi-visaya Paruvi-visaya Paruri-visaya Paruvi-visaya Kulungijyarajya Korikundavisaya Korikundavisaya Kovalalavisaya Kovalalavisaya Kovalalavisaya-300 Kovalalavisaya-300 Kovalalavisaya-300 Kovalalavisaya-300 Kovalalavisaya-300 Kovalalavisaya-300
Sub-Division
Villages in the SubDivision Velputtoru Kuru-uru Paruvi (tank) Paruvi Girubagara & Kandasala Cennelkarani Pulli-uru Nattalam Paralkunde
Sasanakota Plate Velputtoru of Madhavavarman year 1 Bendiganahalli Plates of Vijaya- Krishnavarman year 1 Penukonda Plates of Madhava II Simhavarman Kottimba grant of Narasimha year 3 Yuvaraja
4th 5th AD 4th 5th AD 4th 5th AD 799-800 AD 4th 5th AD 5th AD 5th AD 5th AD 6th AD 7th AD 767-68 AD 8th AD 8th AD 8th AD 8th AD 8 AD
th
Perti-bhoga Korikunda bhoga -
Nandi Plates of Kandasala Grant of Madhavavarman Nonamangala Plate of Kongani Varman Haskote Plates Konganyadhiraja year 12 of
Madhavavarm
.Nallalam Grant of Durvinita, year 40 Diveagar Plates of Durvinita year 24 Bedivur grant of Bhuvikrama year 25 Melagani inscriptions Sripurusa, year 42 Aralasandra Sripurusa Aralukote Sripurusa Bissanahalli Sivamara inscription of of
54. 55. 58. 69.
inscription inscription
of of
Dimbala inscription of Sivamara Madival inscription of Sripurusa
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Sl. No. 79. 69.
Inscription
Date
Name of the Territorial Division Kovalalavisaya-300 Pulvaki-nadu1000 Konga-naduvisaya
Sub-Division
Villages in the SubDivision
Nivalai inscription (of Sivamara II) year 17 Madivala inscription of Sripurusa
9th AD 8th AD 10th AD
121.
Honnenahalli fragmentary inscription of Ereyapparasa
The inscriptions with Paruvi-visaya as mentioned in Western Gangas need attention. It is known from Choda records that Chola Kulottunga I ruled the Paruvi-desha, when he was a prince. He had carved out a small state in KoraputBastar region and ruled for about seven years. The Perati-bhoga as mentioned in W.Ganga inscriptions given above may be the present Parata village of Nandapur region. This was a Jaina village and still houses Jaina idols all around. The Korikunda visaya may be identified with present day Korakunda, contagious to Nandapur. The Pulli-uru village may be the present day Baghra village in the Koraput block. The word pulli in Telugu and Kanada means tiger. Close to it is the Kachella Jain monastery. This was one important center of ancient Jainism evident by depleted temples and images. The Kovala visaya, as noted during 6 A.D. has the village Paralkunde. This Paralkundi I believe it to be the present day Paralakhemundi. Uptill date no such name in any inscription has appeared, or else late Rajaguru could not have left any stone unturned. The Cururu may be another village in the same area. The other inscriptions, which denote Kovalala visaya, or 300 post fixed to it, has any village name to further identify it. The Kukkanur Plates of Marasimha II, 968-69 A.D (64). is of greater significance to Orissa. Marasimha II had also issued the Kudhur Plates, 962-63 A.D. It contained 7 plates. Both the plates contained the heroic deeds of the king upto 1-118 lines and references of wars. The ruler described in Kukkanur Plates as Nitimarga-Kongunivarma-Dharmmamahadhiraja Paramesvara having Punnseya-Ganga for his first name as KaliyugaBhima.
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Verse 42: His fame had incessantly spread in all the quarters and Verse 43: As far as the rivers Mandakini and Kalinda; The river Mandakini is the present day river Indravati flowing from Nowrangpur through Bastar (K.D.Vajapayee ref: Mandakini cited by Kalidasa in his Raghuvamsa). It is evident from the inscription that Marasimha, the Western Ganga king was ruling over the entire Dhavala-visaya and Gangapati-96,000. He was constantly worshipping the Lord Jina Verse 44: His elder sister was Kundanasami Verse 45: Her husband was the king Rajaditya who belonged to Calukya lineage and who was the nephew (sister-in-law) of the king Jayadattaranga Verse 206-211: To that Kalapargya-bhatta was given by Kundanasami, the moon in the ocean of the Ganga family . who was the follower of Batuga etc., on the occasion of Uttarayana Samkranti in the cyclic year Vibhava in Saka 890, the village of Addavurage, situated on the north of Kukkanura agrahara and to the west of Rajapura- agrahara in Dhavala-visaya after obtaining it from her younger brother Ganga-Kandarappa (i.e. Marasimha) when he was ruling over the entire Dhavala-visaya and Gangapati 96,000. The Dhavala-visaya is well defined in the history and is the region close from north Koraput district of Orissa.. The Gangapati is close to it only. How can he rule two countries located at different length, so the Gangapati may be the Koraput district. (Kandarapasundri of Orissa).
111
References
1. JAHRS, IX, pf. 3, pp 23f. 2. Sahu J.K. Comprehensive History and Culture of Orissa: Minor Dynasties. p..142 ff. 3. Patel, C.B. Dynastic History of Nalas.p.85. 4. The Classical Age, The Western Gangas. p.268 5. Ibid p.269 6. Ibid. p.269. 7. H.C.I.P., Vol.IV, p.160 cited by Panigrahi, K.C.: Chronology of the Somovamsis of Orissa: B. Misra, Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings.p.29. 8. Kukkanur Plates of Marasimha II, Western Ganga.,. A.R.Ep., 1969-70, No.A 5 and Inscriptions of Western Gangas, Ramesh, K.V. No.159, pp.494-513ff 9. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta. A History of South India.p.148. 10. Ibid.p.149 11. Ibid 12. E.I., Vol.VI, pp 4ff. 13. Ramdas, G.J.B.O.R.S., Vol. IX, Pt.3&4, p.398-415 14. Jirgingi plate of Indravarman I.J.A.H.R.S., Vol.III, Pt.I, pp.49-53ff 15. Sahu, J.K. op.cit.142ff 16. Narayan, Sankar. S. The Vishnu Kundins and their Times.pp.45ff. 17. Godavari Plates set I, Text lines 5 18. E.I. XII, pp. 134f. Text line 5 19. Ibid, XXVII, pp. 216 ff. 20. Ibid. XVII, pp 330f. 21. Ibid, III, pp. 127 f. 22. JAHRS, IV, pp. 21f. 23. IA, XVL, pp. 131 f. 24. Urjam Plate, Ind. Arch. (19-54); p.12 25. Sahu,J.K. op.cit..p.144. 26. Ibid.. 27. Ponnuturu plates of Samantavarman,E.I.XXVII,pp.216-20ff. 28. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa,Vol,II,p.351-52. 29. I.A.Vol.XIII,pp.273-6ff& SewellsArchaeological Survey of South India,Vol.II,pp.183ff. 30. Tekkali plates of Indravarman 154 E.I. XVIII, pp. 307 f. 31. IAHRS, II, pp. 275-76; E.I, XXVI, pp62f 32. IHQ, XI, pp 300f. IHQ, XX, p. 232f. 33. Sidhantam plates of Devendravanman, E.I.XIII, and pp.212-16ff 34. IAHRS, II, pp. 185f. 35. IA, XIII, pp. 273f.
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36. 37. 38. 39.
Ibid, XVIII, pp. 143f. Sahu, J.K. op.cit. Almanda plates of Anantavarman, E.I.III, pp. 117 f. Salantri plates or Musunika Grant, JAHRS, XVIII, pp.115f. E.I. XXX, pp 23f. 40. Badakhemundi or Indian Museum plates E.I.XXIII, pp. 73f. 41. Tekkali plates, E.I. XVIII, pp. 311f.. 42. IAHRS, VIII, pp. 185f. 43. E.I; XXXII, pp. 201 f. 44. E.I. XXVI, pp. 174 f. 45. E.I, IV, pp. 183.f 46. Elements of South-Indian Palaeography (London,1878);cited by J.F.Fleet in I.A. Vol. XIII,p.274. 47. J.A.H.R.S. Vol.II,pp. 275 ff and E.I. XXVI,pp.62-5ff 48. J.A.H.R.S. Vol. VIII,pp.185-7 ff and J.A.S. letter No. LVIII,No.I(1952) pp. 17-20 49. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol.II.p.232-239 50. Dharmalineswara plates of Anantavarma,J.A.H.R.S.Vol.IIPts.3&4pp.271-6ff & E.I.XXVI, pp.65-8ff. 51. Elements of South-Indian Palaeography, op.cit 52. E.I.XXIII,p.62-7.ff 53. E.I. XVII,pp.330-34 54. Ponnuturu plates of Samantavarman, E.I. Vol.XXVII,pp.216-20ff Ed..Sarma, Somasekhara, M. 55. Dharmalineswara plates of Anantavarma, op cit. 56. J.A.H.R.A. Vol.II pt. 324 pp 271-6ff 57. E.I. XXVI, pp 65-8ff. 58. Pedda-dugam plates of Sri Sattrudanadeva, E.I. XXXI,pp.89-93ff 59. J.A.H.R.A. Vol .XXI, p.159ff. 60 Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. II, p232-239 .61. Ibid.p.232. 62. J.A.H.R.S. Vol. VIII, pp.185-7 ff, J.A.S. letter Vol. LVIII. No.I. pp.17-20 63. Ramesh, K.V. Inscriptions of Western Ganga. 64. A.R.Ep., 1969-70, No.A5
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ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS RELATED TO EASTERN GANGA IN DANDAKARANYA
Lord Surya in Nilakantheswara temple premises in Sambartuta, Jeypore
Garuda in the same temple
Lord Visnu, Goriahandi, Kundra
Lord Visnu in Narayana temple, Jeypore
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Lord Surya in Narayana temple, Jeypore
Lord Narayana, Narayana temple, Jeypore
Lord Visnu in Narayana temple, Jeypore
Garuda in Narayana temple, Jeypore
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Papdahandi Siva temple
Images on the walls of Papdahandi temple
Sri Chaitanya? In Papdahandi temple
Kartikaya, Papdahandi temple
116
Lord Surya in Paikapada
Lord Surya in Paikapada
Eastern Ganga King ? performing Asuamedhayajya
Ganga King with Queens
117
King with Queens in Paikapada
Visnu and others in Paikapada
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Ganga King ?in Paikapada
Chodagangadeva in Paikapada
Chodagangadeva in Ambavalli , near Kotpad
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Ganesha
Sarveswara Siva temple, Nandapur
Idols from Kalyana Singapur Siva Temple
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RONAS
The Ronas (also known as Rona Paika) are an Oriya speaking caste found mostly around Koraput town and Nandapur area of Koraput district. According to their tradition Seven brothers, their ancestors, came long ago to Nandapur, then the capital of the Jeypore country, and took military service under the Raja there. Rona means battle and Paiko Sepoy bearing retainers under the Maharaja1.Whatever may be the story of their migration; the Ronas are a section of the great Paika caste found in large number in Koraput (1). Choudhury has described the Ranas of Koraput in detail in his study-report. (2) Subdivision Other castes close to Rona are (a) Barhatika Paika, (b) Putia or Dhulia Paika, (c) Katia or Kutia Paika. Among these sections, the Barhatika Paikas occupy the highest position in the social hierarchy. The Ronas and Kutias have the same status next to Barhatika Paika. But the Ronas do not relate themselves to either with the Barhatiks Paikas or Putia Paikas. However they not only take food in the hands of Kutia Paika but also have marital relationship. The Ronas do not accept food from any other caste or tribe except Brahmin, where as the Barhatika Paikas do not accept food and water from any other caste and tribe and even the Brahmins. The Putia Paikas in the past were beef-eaters and thus are classified under the lowest rung of the social order.. Both the Barhatika and the Rona wear sacred thread and style themselves as Khtriya. At present these sections behave like distinct castes rather than as the sections of the main Paika caste.
Folk Stories and origin

The Ronas as their folk stories claim have come from Raipur area, in search of land to Nandapur-Jeypore. These are the same Rauts of the Chattisgah, a cultivator caste later claiming to be Khtriya or fighter castes. Thinly build, flexible body, light to four complexion, intelligent people love to live in clusters. Very much like to be staying in groups. They feel very superior to all except the Paikos and say to be near to the level of Paikos. The Ronas are distributed along Nandapur. Semiliguda-Jeypore belt. As I think Ronas have come from the Central India, a Maharastrian origin may be Bhonsla warriors and later served Maharaja of Jeypore. Rona society has got nine exogamous clans. Each clan is again sub-divided into several sub-clans (3). The names of the clans and sub-clans are given below:
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Clan. 1. Khila 2. Khara
Meaning Sub-clans Tiger Sun Duru, Masti, Matam, Majhi, Malik, Mukhi Paradhni and Podal. Badam, Dalapati, Domsuni, Dumka, Darli, Eringal, Khada, Kichae, Kanteri, Khurdi, Majhi, Patar, Pujari, Paradhani, Sagri. Pali and Diari Machria and Majhi Dalpati, Pujari, Tamli, Tangul. Machh, Majhi, Pardhani Naenda (Nauria) Sengarbi
3. Hantal Snake 4. Khinbudi or Bear Kinbudi. 5. Bardi Goat 6. Gunta Fish 7. Sukri Cow 8. Pangi Kite 9. Golari Monkey
Families use the names of clans and sometimes that of sub-clans and sometimes that of sub-clans as surname of their respective belonging. Similar Clans names are also found among the Putia Paika, Kutia Paika, Barhatika Paika and Dom. The Ronas are primarily cultivators, but landless families work as daily wage earners.
Religious Practices
Festivals observed by the Ronas are in accordance with the local communities. In the month of Asadha (June-July) the festival of Ratha Yatra is celebrated collectively in the village and people attend the festival in Jeypore Zamindary, but is now celebrated in all most all large villages.. A small car is made from simili tree wood and is taken to the outskirt of the village. The village priest, Pujari pulls the said car to a site where a shed of twigs and leaves was built to perform the ceremony. A she goat is sacrificed, and festive meals are prepared and taken. Bandapan is a ceremony performed by Ronas and other communities on the Ammavasya day of Asadha (June-July) to ward off all pests damaging the prospectus of rice cultivation. Every individual plant Kendu, Bhalia, and Chatrenga twigs in the center of the paddy plot that stays till the end of the season. Some who can afford do sacrifice a fowl or offer a cocoanut in the paddy fields for a bumper crop.
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In the moth of Bhadrava (August-September) the New Year fist rice eating is celebrated. The upland rice is ready for harvest, thus families harvest small amount and dehusk them at home and cook for the festival. The eldest member of the lineage offers the new rice to ancestors and there after every one in the community is free to eat the new rice. In the month of Kartika (October-November) they perform the Diwali parab. All the families perform the pitru sradha in the house of the eldest member of the lineage. They call by name o all ancestors of the lineage or family and offer a small hillock of newly harvested rice. Next day early morning a woman of the lineage will fetch water to cook food. The cows and bullocks are fed with the cooked rice and other food items that is the thanks giving to the livestock for their contribution in agriculture. The occasion is celebrated by sumptuous food, beer and wine. The Pus Parab is observed on full-moon day of the month of December-January. Bhogi fire is lit in the night and youths are allowed to steal food and wood articles. The villagers buy a goat and give sacrifice at the village shrine and distribute the share of meat to all members.. The whole night is spent in dance and songs. Along with all tribe members of Koraput the Ronas celebrate the Summer festival, Chait parab. It is a month long celebration in March-April and is mostly the Hunting expedition A meeting of the village elders is conveyed and subscription is collection from each family to meet the expenses of the ceremony. The Dissari declares the auspicious time and every member of the family assemble with some sample seed collected from respective home seed store to the shrine. The Pujari performs the puja of the seeds thus collected and offers the sacrifice of a male goat of choice as per the village tradition. There after the seeds are distributed back to the families and is thus purified for better agriculture prospective. Next morning, all able body men go for hunting with the leader identified by the Dissari. If successful in hunting the parties roasts the animal outside the village and eat. This is followed by mock hunting expedition in the village. Next day the villagers go for actual hunting. The village offers an egg to Bana Durga (Forest deity) for success in hunting and then they proceed to the forest. On return from the successful hunt, women of the village greet men with garlands of flower and accompany the hunt with dance. The animals killed are carried to
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the place of village Thakurani and the Pujari performs a puja; there after meat of the animals are distributed in equal share to all. During these days the villagers both men and women remain mostly drunk and continue dance during nights. There after starts the arduous cycle of agriculture.
Reference
1. Bell, R.C. (1945) Koraput Gazettes p. 19 2. Choudhury, B. (1964) Notes on the Ronas of Koraput, Adivasi 2: 51-56p 3. Ibid. .
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PAIKO
It was noted by Yule (1) and Burnell under the heading Paik or Pyke that Wilson gives only one original of the terms so expressed in Anglo-Indian speech. He writes, Paik or Payik, corruptly Pyke, Hindi., etc.( from S.padatika) , Paik or Payak, Mar., a footman, an armed attendant, an inferior police and revenue officer, a messenger, a courier, a village watchman. In Cuttack the Paika formerly constituted a local militia, holding land of the Zamindars or Rajas by the tenure of military service. But it seems clear to us that there are here two terms rolled together: a) Pers, Paik, a foot-runner or courier; (b) Hind. Paik and payik (also Mahr.) from Skt. Padatika, and padika, a foot-soldier. The Greeks cavalry in India used a hand instrument called Pykus it was spear like and possibly the Paik got their name from Pykus. Thurston and Rangachari (1909) wrote, In the Madras Census Report, 1891, Paiko is defined as rather an occupational than a caste name. It means a footsolider, and is used to denote the retainers of the Uriya Chiefs of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. These men were granted lands on feudal tenure, and belonged to various castes. They are now ordinary agriculturists. Some are employed in the police, and as peons in the various public departments (2). In the Vizagapatam Manual, 1869, various castes are referred to as being all paiks or fighting men. Formerly they were a very numerous body, but their numbers are much diminished now. That is as fighting men, for the old army used to be paid, some in money, and some in grants of land. Now there are very few paiks kept up as fighting men; those discharged from services have taken to trading with the coast, and to cultivating their pieces of land. The fort at Kotpad on the Bustar frontier always had a standing garrison of several hundred paiks. They are gradually being disbanded since we have put police there. The men are a fine race, brave, and capital shots with the matchlock (3) Paikos have been recorded in the past census as a synonym or sub-divison of Rona and Paikarayi occurs as a title of Badhoyis (4). Other castes close to Rona are (a) Barhatika Paika, (b) Putia or Dhulia Paika, (c) Katia or Kutia Paika(5). Among these sections, the Barhatika Paikas occupy the highest position in the social hierarchy. The Ronas and Kutias have the same status next to Barhatika Paika. But the Ronas do not relate themselves to either with the Barhatiks Paikas or Putia Paikas. However they not only take food in the hands of Kutia Paika but also have marital relationship. The Ronas do not accept food from any other caste or tribe except Brahmin, where as the Barhatika Paikas
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do not accept food and water from any other caste and tribe and even the Brahmins. The Putia Paikas in the past were beef-eaters and thus are classified under the lowest rung of the social order.. Both the Barhatika and the Rona wear sacred thread and style themselves as Khtriya. At present these sections behave like distinct castes rather than as the sections of the main Paika caste. Bell (1945) wrote, The Paikos are found in every taluk of the district, but the Oriya Paikos of Gunupur taluk are more advanced economically and educationally than their relatives elsewhere, probably because they have been not so isolated from the Oriya culture of the plains. The men of this caste are descendants of the military caste who maintained the prestige in battle of the Gajapati kings of Orissa in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Their social customs are similar to those of the Ronas; and like the later many of them are in the Maharajas services (6).
References
1. Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district 2. .Thurston, Edgar and Rangachari, K Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras.p. 458-459. 3. Vizagapatam Manual, 1869 4. Thurston, Edgar and Rangachari, K. op.cit. 5. Choudhury, B. Notes on the Ronas of Koraput.Adivasi, 2. p.51-56 6. Bell, R.C.S. Orissa District Gazetteers, Koraput.p.82
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KOTTIA PAIKO IN KORAPUT

The Kottia, are also known as Katia, Kottiya, Khatia or Kutia. They are a little known and numerically small tribe found mostly in Koraput, Kalahandi and Phulbani districts of Orissa. They are mainly distributed in Koraput, Jeypore, Boipariguda, Ramagiri, Mathili, Machkund, Nandapur, Pottangi till Salur, Paduwa, Machput, Kolab are the villages. Now most of them have been displaced by the Kolab dam and have gone to the plains of Jeypore also and to other places. Madras Census (1901-1902) reported the community as a section of the Oriya cultivators found in Vizagapatnam Agency. (1) Kottiya Paik are the descendants of Rona Paikos and women of the hill tribes. On the other hand Pattiya paiko are the descendants of Kottiya Paikos and women of the hill tribes (2) The Kottia Paika are classified as a caste close to Rona. Other castes classified near close to are (a) Barhatika Paika, (b) Putia or Dhulia Paika, (c) Katia, Kottia or Kutia Paika(3). Among these sections, the Barhatika Paikas occupy the highest position in the social hierarchy. The Ronas and Kutias have the same status next to Barhatika Paika. But the Ronas do not relate themselves to either with the Barhatiks Paikas or Putia Paikas. However they not only take food in the hands of Kottia Paika but also have marital relationship. The Ronas do not accept food from any other caste or tribe except Brahmin, where as the Barhatika Paikas do not accept food and water from any other caste and tribe and even the Brahmins. The Putia Paikas in the past were beef-eaters and thus are classified under the lowest rung of the social order. Both the Barhatika and the Rona wear sacred thread and style themselves as Khtriya. At present these sections behave like distinct castes rather than as the sections of the main Paika caste (4). They say they had a war with Doras and the Kottia Paikos were defeated and their enmity maintained with Kondhs and Doras and they do not pull on well with each other. They equate themselves with the Upper class like Rona, Paiko, Dulia with whom men can take food, but the women do not. They will not eat with Kumbhar, Mali, Gadaba, Parenga, Poraja, Kondhs, Bhumia, Matia, Dom, and Jangia. In the Kottia Paikos with composite village condition with Gadabas, Paikos, Ranas, Bhumia, Matia and Doms. They have their own street in the village away from the Dom community from the village and others. They share the public places of the village with other communities. They have the phratries of Kottia Paiko are,
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1. 2. 3. 4.
Khilo Khora Gutta Hontal
Bhago or Tiger Sun Sit Cobra snake
The Kottia are described as identical with Kutia Kondha, it is not true rather are mare akin to Bhumias (5). According to 1991 Censuses the total population of Kottias in the state is 28,607. The Kottia speak corrupt form of Oriya Bara wrote, The traditional ornaments of the Kottias constitute Kadu and Pahnri made of brass and aluminum which are now placed by gold and glass bangles. Nanguli, their nose ornaments is no more in use. It is replaced by Khanja and Phuli. Nothu and Dandi are mostly made of gold. Kala sorisamali and Nanpatti are used as neck ornaments. Pahnri is worn at the ankle. The practice of tattooing is not common among them. (6) Kottia male use sacred thread at the time of marriage, but it is not compulsory to use it later on. The same tradition is followed by Bhumias also. They believe in re-birth and follow elaborate ceremony to wade off evil spirits. On attaining puberty, three days seclusion is observed by the girl. The maturity ceremony is called Ear boring Ceremony On the 4th day she is given bath and new cloths. A pandal of 4 pillars is constructed before the house of the girl and is covered with mango, jamun twigs with leaves; and the pillars are tied with Banana trees. Before marriage ceremony commences the family arranges 100 or more new earthen pots filled with water. The girl is made to stand under the pandal and water is poured on her from her head. This makes the mud pasty locally called Kado on which the men and women start playing with volleys of mud. The play is mostly limited to a special relation ship called Tapra loak that has a potential marriage relationship or have the prerogative to cut jokes. These includes wife sisters group, paternal aunts daughters and nice and other marriageable clans. After this kado ceremony, the girl is taken to the close by river or the stream. The girl is given bath and unnoted with amba kasa and oil, this is to ward off the evils. Simultaneously, the materials of the temporary pendal are laid into the flowing river stream. This ends with a grand feast, given to all relatives and the maternal relations of the girl. .
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Widow and divorce marriage is allowed by them. A divorcee also can remarry. Marriage with the maternal uncles daughter and maternal aunts daughter is allowed in Kottia society. Nayak is the hereditary village headman is consulted in matter of social disputes and conflicts. He is assisted by the Chalan. The priest is known as Pujari. The Disari acts as the man to predict auspicious day and time also diagnose diseases from evil spirits etc.
Festivals
Chaitraparab is the most important festival of the Kottias like any other tribe of Koraput. It is observed for a period of seven days with great joy. The Disari fixes a date during the month of Chaitra (March-April), for the celebration. During this festival they eat mango for the first time. Another important festival is Nua-Khia which is observed on any Monday during month of Sravana (July-August).
Bada Bibha or Wealthy Marriage

It is rich peoples marriage function. A chamunda (temporary pandal) with four pillars is constructed and at the center one more pillar is fixed. The roof of the pandal is covered with twigs of mango and Jamun tree. Each of the pillars is tied with at least 20-30 empty new earthen pots that stand till, the top end of the supporting pillars of the pandal. The whole event is instructed by the Disari. At the central pillar, rice mixed with lia, gur, dhoop and some vermillion is laid on the floor; and over it a large earthen pot tied with banana leaves is fixed. The Groom sits over the pot at the direction of the Disari, the bride then asked to sit over his lap. The Disari then enchants mantra telling to bless the married and asks the center pillar to bless for good life. He then pours water from one of the pots. A mango twig is taken around the couple four times and after pouring over water on the couple they are declared husband and wife. Some gifts are also given to the Disari as well as to the couple. After the marriage the Grooms brother will ask, who will kill the Goat? The Brides family members take the challenge and stand up. Generally a small male goat is offered with the condition that it is to be lifted by mouth and then to be thrown such that it cross the chamunda (pandal).It is a difficult task and after repeated attempts and laughter one of the Brides family members raises the goat, holding its legs and will demand Rs.50-60 to the grooms family, and the money thus goes for the common feast in the marriage. It is aver peculiar function in the marriage ceremony and well enjoyed.
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The Divorce is allowed to women. Over a small pot one mango and Jamun leaf is laid and over it is a sum of Rs.5 is placed. The lady in question shall stand before him and the husband will pour water on her folded palms and will say, you seize to be my wife from this day, I will not go to her and she shall not come to my house. This needs to be attended by all social functionaries of the community. This ends the divorce procedure
References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Madras Census Report, 1901-1902. Hayavadana Rao, C. Rona: inThurston, E and Rangachari, K (1909) Castes and tribes of Southern India. Choudhury, B. Notes on the Ronas of Koraput. Adibasi, 196465.No.2.p.51 Ibid. Bara, F. Kotia. Tribes of Orissa.p.199-202.citedAdibasi (63-64 182.) Ibid.
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GUTOB GADABA
The Gutob tribe main concentration is at Lamatapat, Nandapur and Semiliguda blocks of Koraput district. They still adhere to their old culture values like celebration of Gotar ceremony and eat beef; where as the Gutob Gadaba tribe in Jeypore, Kundra and Koraput block like to differentiate themselves as Bodo Gadaba or Bhoie or Gadba.
Gutob Gadaba Women
Gutob Gadaba men and children
Gadaba or Gadba tribe is a primitive Austro-Asiatic tribe. They live in Koraput and Kalahandi districts of Orissa, also in Srikakulam and Visakhapatnam districts of Andhra Pradesh. Ramdas (1931)(1), Furer-Haimendrof (1943)(2), Bell (1945)(3), Bhattacharya (1957)(4), Thusu and Jha (1972)(5) and Roychoudhury (1989)(6) have classified the tribe in various ways. Kornel (1999c)(7) had detailed out studies on Gutob Gadaba of Koraput They have been classified under AustroAsiatic group. Thurston and Rangachari (1909)(8) first classified Gadaba tribe under the following sections. They are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Bodo or Gutob Parenga Otaro Kaththiri or Kaththara Kapu
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The Bodo Gadaba are known as Gutob Gadaba on the hills and are called Bohie Gadaba in plains of Jeypore because of their former position as palanquin bearers to Jeypore Zamindars. The Gadabas are cheerful and friendly people, mostly fair complexion, medium height, well built, muscular men attract the by-passers, so also the Gadaba women who are equally well built and strong. In old age numerous facial wrinkles do appear. Similarly, no more are their large ear rings adorn women or Kerang around the head and their original home made Kerang clothes to be seen. They dress like any other people around.
Gutob women weaving on traditional loom
Gutob Gadabas in Gotar Ceremony
The buffaloes are being used as religious beast of burden in ceremonies like Jenkar and Gotar. They eat beef and flesh of other livestock and poultry, whereas the Bohie Gadabas of Jeypore have come in contact with the officials, various other people serving the Zamindars of Jeypore for a century thus their culture and life has been influenced in total. They do not eat beef any more; feel offended if this question is asked. The Gutob Gadaba tribe is well known for its Gotar celebration. It is an elaborate ceremony where the family members of dead prepare passage of the sole of the dead to the other world on buffaloes as vehicle. The similar concept is also seen among tribes of Indonesia. They have striking similarity in the process of celebration, where a large number of buffaloes are offered as gotar buffaloes to the dead as well as for the grand feast of relatives and friends. It is wild feast with drinks and dance. The proud family opens a healthy buffalo for the crowd assembled in the gotar ground and the young men run mad with axes and knives to capture the running buffaloe amidst crowd for its life. The buffaloe can be
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captured alive or dead by any group in the crowd and then it belongs to them. This act looks like a battle field and even people receive serious injuries and even deaths are known. It appears as if the savage act of cattle theft long known among pastoral communities of past has reappears alive.(9) Apart from carrying out domestic chores, the women participate in economic activities, particularly in agriculture. They do take decision in all spheres of family life. Guttas: Another family of petty chiefs living in this area, who gained some prominence in the history of Karnataka in the 11-12th century A.D., lent their support to Jainism. These were the Guttas of Guttal. This is gathered from an inscription found at Gutti in the Haveri taluk. The epigraph, dated in A.D. 1162, refers to the rule of the Mahamandalesvra Vikramadityarasa of the Gutta house and registers a gift of land made by him to the temple of Parsvanatha constructed by Ketisetti. The record also mentions two teachers, Somesvara Pandita and Maladharideva of the Pustaka gachchha. (10) This is the only word that has close resemblance to the word Gutob.
Origin as of Folk stories

Elwin (11) had reported in detail the folk lores of Gadaba tribe and they are cited here. There were twelve Gadaba brothers living on the Surawali
Gutob Gadaba Traditional Dress and Ornaments
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Mountain. They had no proper food to eat, but she-goat fed them with its milk. The other story goes twelve Gadaba brothers were born in the Godavari region, when they grew up they came to Jeypore in search of wives. Then the eleven brothers said to the eldest brother, Now you have a wife and children, you stay here. The children of the Asurin were real Gadabas. The eldest brother later took another wife and her children were Parenga tribe. We say now that we are children of the same father, but sons of different mother. Another reference speaks, the twelve Gadaba brothers were born on the banks of Godavari river, and another folk story depict, a merchant had a very lovely daughter. One day he took his daughter and bullocks to Nandapur and camped there. Form there two were born the Gadabas and Parenga, the Gadabas is the elder and the Parenga is the young brother. The above folk story prevalent among Gadaba has a commonality that they came over from Godavari.
Sodor in Gutob Gadaba Village
History and Gutob Gadaba Tribe

Kornel (2006) had recorded Gangaridae clan among Gutob Gadaba tribe of Koraput.(12). But Measthenes, early Greek writer referred to a territory called Ganaridum, Calingarum Regia and further wrote that river Ganges formed the Eastern boundary of it (13). Pliney gave a comprehensive account of Kalinga by dividing that territory into three regions, viz. Ganarides Calingae, MaccoCalingae and Calingae (14). Pliny also suggested that the Cape Calingae identified by Yule with Point Godavari, at the month of the same river (15).The particular area of Bengal that was inhabited by the Gangaridae is indicated not
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only by the Periplus of Erythraean Sea ( Circa 80 A.D.) but very d efinitely also by the Geography of Ptolemy (Circa 145 A.D.) (16) Further the following literature cited does speak on Gongaridae. They have explained the relationship of the word to people, region and country. As per D.C.Sircar, the Chinese versions where these authors have subscribed, Kiu-kia-to-na, which supposes an original Gogardana, the second translates youhi, Bull-joy which restores Gonandana, the third referes you-ts oie, Bullcompress, that is, Gomardara,(17). However, Makarasankranti is also celebrated in the Srikakulam district and most part of Andhra with religious Bull worship and is called Gangaradiae in Telugu D.C. Sircar wrote, The people called Gangariae are usually located in Bengal. They therefore represented one of the various tribal elements constituting the socalled Pracya people. The separate mention of the Gangaridae and the Prasu (who apparently included the Gangaridae) indicates the importance of the former among different elements of the Pracya people under the Nandas (who may have belonged to that tribe) in the fourth century B.C. The name Gangaridae is sometime taken as a Greek corruption of Sanskrit Ganga-rastra, Ganga-radha or Ganga-hradaya.(18) Early Greco-Roman writers represent the emperors of the Nanda dynasty of Magadha as the rulers of the Prasu and the Gangaridae and speak of Palibothra (i.e. Pataliputra) near modern Patna, Bihar.(19). Early European writers sometimes represent the people of the south Bengal (Gangaridae) as a branch of the Kalinga people. (20) I have not come across in other reference that shed light on Gutob Gadaba with regards to their history. However it can safely be said that they had some kind of affiliation to Eastern Ganga because of their close proximity in linguistic sense to Savars.I have not gone deep into the history of Kadamba in Orissa and that needs attention with regards to Gadabas in future.
References
1. 2. Ramadas, G., The Gadabas, Man in India, Vol.11, 1931 pp.160-173. Furer-Haimendorf, C.Von, Megalithic Ritual among the Gadabas and Bondos of Orissa, Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol.9, 1943, pp.149-78. Bell, R.C.S., Orissa District Gazetteer (Koraput), Cuttack, Government Press, 1945
3.
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4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18 19. 20.
Bhattacharya, S., Ollari - A Dravidian Speech, Memoir No.3, Calcutta: Anthropology Survey of India, 1957. Thusu, Kidar Nath and Jha Makan, Ollar Gadaba of Koraput, Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, 1972. Roychoudhury, A.K. Different Stocks.Genetics. pp.22-26. Kornel Das, Tribal cultural heritage and cult Gutob Gadaba Tribe of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, Orissa: Modern Book Depot, 1999c. Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, pp.1. Kornel Das., op.cit.p.61-72 An. Rep. (op cit.), No. 51 Elwin, Verrier. Specimens of the Oral literature of Middle India (Tribal Myths of Orissa) Kornel Das op.cit.31-37.. McCrindle, Ancient India p.137 Pliny, Natural History, Vol. II, pp. 42-44. McCrindle, Ibid, p.144. Sircar, D.C. Geography of Ancient and Medieval India.p.214 Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India. p. 265 Ibid. pp213-224ff. Ibid p. 168 Pliny, History. Nat., VI.21ff
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JHODIA
The word Jhodia is well known to Historians. Many different tribes in BastarOrissa region do identify themselves with the name Jhodia and Jhorias. But clarity on Jhodia is lacking. Jhodia is possibly relevant to a region and also to a group of tribe possibly inhabitated in that region in early times and thus carry forward the name. Hislop says In Bastar, the Madias are also called Jhorias, probably from Jhodi, a brook (1) Dalton derived the word Maria from the Gondi term from a tree, mara, says the Maria are also called Jhoria, from Jhodi, a brook (2). The word Jhoria is found as the name of the wilder sub-divisions of several tribes in the Central Provinces, and there is a section of the Poroja of Orissa called Jhoria (3). Elwin wrote, I visited some Jhoria villages in Koraput district in 1944. They are attractive people, but they bear no resemblance to the Bastar Jhoria (4). The villages in Bastar and Koraput area, mostly of forest and hill locations are always along the flow of perennial water called Jhori or Jhodi. The best such locations are distributed at present with hill Kondhs and Malis in Koraput district. This is certainly the most ideal situation to locate a village. The vegetable grower, Malis are always located in such localities, under the hills. This is an advantage they have in comparison to their neighbours. This may be one reason, how the terminology of Jhodia has come to being.
Jhoria Muria
Glasfurd to whom he described as Jhoorias, he says (para 86) The Jhoorias are found principally in the north-western parts about Narayenpoor and Purtabpore, and extended towards Kakeir (Kanker); they are a numerous class, and subsist partly by cultivation and partly by hunting, and on the fruits of the forest. Their dress resembles that of the following caste, the Marias, with whom they may be said to constitute about a third or more of the population of the Bustar dependency, and whom they resemble in customs and appearance.(5) I am tending to believe that Jhodia are some way a syn. of name of Western Chalukyas. The Jeypore region was also known as Jharakhanda and in 18 th century was known as Jhodia Jeypore. Kings of Jeypore state were using title of Jhadakhand raja. The Jharkhanda, newly formed State in central India has lot of Jain religion and Western Chalukyas invaded this region in the past.
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Grigson wrote, By Marias he (Glasfurd) meant primarily those whom this book terms the Bison-horn Marias, from whom he rightly distinguished the Marias of the Abhujmar mountains, whom he designated Marees. His remarks on Jhorias are fairly true if is borne in mind that it is the Abhujmar Marias whom they resemble, not the Bison-horn, and that he is wrong in extending this country to include north Antagarh around Parotabpur as well as the country around Narainpur. The name Jhorias is not as the country around Narainpur. The name Jhorias is not ordinarily used in conversation, since all Koitor in Bastar who have raised them socially above the Muria standard now days call themselves Murias. Here it is revived as a convenient term for that very distinct type of Muria living around Narainpur and Benur, and the lower valley of the Gudra from a little north of Chhota Dongar to the Indrawati. It strictly speaking applies to the inhabitants of the parganas of Jhoria and Ghat Jhorian; but almost all of Ghat Jhorian was depopulated when the bulk of the pargana was included in the Matla Forest Reserve. I should now define as Jhoria Murias or Jhorias the Koitor inhabiting the south of the Kolur pargana, the Ghat Jhorian, Jhorian, Baragaon, Narainpur, Dugal, Kurangal and Benur parganas, the plains villages of the Chhota Dongar pargana of Antagarh, and the Mardapal pargana of Kondagaon, which lies to the east of the Chhota Dongar pargana. On the ethnographic map all Murias have been shown by the letter D, and the Jhorias by the letter G; in my view the Jhorias are really Marias who have descended from the hills and come into contact with Koitor from the north, the Murias of northern Bastar.(6) Elwin wrote, Unfortunately the word Jhoria is no longer in use, for it would have been a convenient term to describe this distinctive and delightful people. At the present time, some eighty years after Glasfurd wrote, the Muria of Partabpur do not seem to be properly classed with the Jhoria, nor showed the world Naryanpur be used in this connexion. Both in the Partabpur Tahsil and the immediate vicinity of Naryanpur, alien influence has been too strong; the characteristic signs of the Jhoria are there, but they are sadly weakened. At the present time, there are Jhoria living in the Ghat Jhorian, Jhorian, Baragaon, Narayanpur (except near the town), Dugal and Karangal Paraganas, the west of the Benur Pargana, the east or plains area of the Chota Dongar Pargana and the Mardapal, Chalka and a few villages of the Sonawal and Bamni Pargana in the Kondagaon Tahsil.(7) The word Jhodia in Koraput by Jhodia or Sano Porajas signifies to mean a type of tree, which belongs to the Ficus genera and belongs to specie called Jhodia ( Ficus infectoria). Every Jhodia village has a Nissanmundi, the sacred place with few pieces of flat stones laid vertically and few flat; and invariably they plant a Ficus infectoria or Jhodi tree at its end. The Jhodi tree concept and holiness to the
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Jhodia tribe is same as Hindus adorn to Ficus religiosa (Batagacha) and Ficus pipal (Pippal gacha). The Jhodi tree has oozing of milk like Ficus genera. The leaves are dark green stay thus round the year. During February, it sheds its leaves, and quickly within a week the tree is full with tender green leaves again. The fruit is like the shape and size of Ficus religiosa but is bright yellow in colour. The chicken of the village eat the ripen berries fallen over the floor. I believe due to the religious attachment of the Jhodi tree the said tribal group of Porojas is known as Jhodia Poroja. The Jhodia tree is the Kevala tree of Jain Tirthankars. Jhadesvana: Jhadesvana is identical with Jhade of Kasikhandam, said to have been subdued by Alladas son Vema. It means a great forest. Even at the present day the rulers of the Jeypore estate are known as Jhadkhand-padashahs, the lord of Jhadkhand. It has been a little of the kings of Nandapura, Kommaji Somanatha, the protg of Dhanamjaya Dhatraja, King of Parvatipuram, states, in his work Vichitra Ramayana, that his patron obtained royal honors from Vikramadeva Gajapati (of the 19th century), the Jhadkhand-padushah of Nandapur. Jhadesavana or Jhadkhand is identical in the ancient Mahakantara ruled by Vyaghraraja who is referred to in the Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (8). This Jhada comprise the modern talukas of Parvatipuram and Babbili and at least a great portion, if not whole, of the Jeypore state. It is said that Nandapuram in the Pottangi taluk was the ancient capital of Jeypore, and the name of the dynasty which ruled over it was Silavamsa. Nandapuresa, who is said to have been defeated by Allaya Vema in the Sivalilavilasam, was therefore the king of Jhada (Jhadesavana) and belonged to the Silavamsa. The existence of the dynasty is known only from six or seven records which registered gifts of its member in two holy places, one at Simhachalam and the other at Srikuramam. It was the king of Jhadesvana or Nandapura who was defeated by Allada Reddi and his son, Vema Reddi.(9) As seen from the above it can also be concluded that the Porajas inhabited in Jhadesvana has derived the name Jhodia along with their past ruler.
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JHODIA PORAJA OF KORAPUT

The Bodo and Sano Porajas physically closely resemble to each other. They are distinct from Austro-Asiatic people like Gadaba and Sabara. Strikingly they differ from neighboring Kondhs. In some populations of Jhodia Porajas they have somewhat light skin complexion but generally they are all dark skin complexion people. The population shows homogenous physical features.
Jhodia men
Jhodia women
They are medium in height. The head is long. The nose is broad but sharp at the tip. The mens chest is hairless. The beards and mustaches are like mongoloid pattern. The hair on the head is straight but curly types are also met. The elderly people show wrinkles in face, near eyes and sometimes at forehead. The women are slim and sleek. The thigh and calf are well developed. The women are attractive with bright large eyes and smiling. The innocent smiling woman is captivating and elderly women are full of love. They are warm people to friends and relatives. Mohanty (1990)(10) have recorded exogamous totemic septs (clans) such as Bagh (Tiger), Kachhim (Tortoise), Bokada (Goat), Netam (Dog), Gohi (Lizard), Pandki (Dove), Bedia, Moria, Sodria, Haikaria, Chemia and so on. They highly respect their respective totemic species and observe taboo The Jhodia Poroja have the following divisions in their society based on duties (11), which were allocated since ancient period when the tribe group started developing. They are: Jani Mudli
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Bhalodi or Bhoie Kirsani Narangi, some claim, Karanjia Bodonayak Nayak Pujari
. They live in Koraput hills that includes the northern end of Koraput block, with contagious to Kakrigumma of Laxmipur block. The main concentration village is Naranga, Karta, Alnamundi, Anchalguda, Bhatriguda, Doliambo, Lenduruguda, Tolomali, Kusaguda, Jholajaniguda, Puki, Tamili, Bilanseel, Podaieput, Bekanigal, Chottaguda Bandaguda, Lalgeda, Aktaguda, Barguda, Sukataput, Mujang, Bakdaguda, Khajariput, Bhilaput, Podagad, Punjiseel, Litiguda, Bodomaliguda, Chakali, Mainamal, Bariguda, Purimund, Batseel, Dengajaniguda Khajariput, and Bhilaput etc. Jhodia villages do exist in plains of Jeypore. I know personally several of them are married in Jhodia community on the uphill of Kolab Dam and vice versa. There is another large concentration of Jhodia Porojas around Kashipur region of present Rayagada district. This group proudly identifies, as Jhodia Poraja and now they are fighting for their Schedule Tribe status. The Porojas are approved Scheduled Tribe but not as Jhodia Poroja.
Jhodia village Sodor with stone plates
Jhodia houses and a street
The Jhodia Poroja of Girli area, Damanthpur call them Barang Poroja and dont like to be referred as Jhodia Porojas. There is some settlement of Barang Poroja
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north of Nandapur region and contiguous to Padua. Thurston and Rangachari loc.cit. referred them as Barang Jhodia Porojas and have described few interesting notes on them.(12) However, both Ulaka (1965) (13) and Mohanty (1990) (14) have placed argument that accounting the economic status the Poroja are divided into two sections, as Bodo and Sano Poroja. The former group claims higher position in social ranking over the later. This is no more valid after this study.
Jainis to celebrate Nandi puja
Dhemsa dance of Jhodia women
The Jhodia construct village on an elevated place and close to water point. The settlement pattern in the village is as a rule independent of any kind of status or position. The regular streets are narrow, based on availability of space and land; mostly paved with stones to facilitate the regular flow of rain water. The houses are constructed as wall to wall close to each other in a row and the space in front forms the street. Generally it can be two rows of houses having a common street but one-line houses forming a street in front is also not uncommon. Behind the house there is little space which serves the cattle byres and sheep-goat close sheds. However, pig sty is built under the veranda with wooden planks or even at a corner if a small space is available. This is to make sure that pigs are protected from predators. The houses are made up mud wall, but now a day they use bricks and roof is thatched with rice straw or forest grass lay over bamboo frame. The roof slants in gradient equally on both the sides that is efficient to drain rainwater. Now days the roof is due to asbestos, tile or tin sheets. The housing pattern indicates that Poraja are very individualistic in family life but live in single community structure. The village has comparatively large number of dogs moving open. The tribe has special affinity to dogs and so finds a responsible place in Nandipuja celebration,
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which is strange. The usual site in a Poraja village is free moving dogs, pigs and poultry in streets and if it is winter season then kids and lambs are around.
Village Institutions
Ulaka (1976) (15) wrote, there are mainly two important places in each Poraja village. One is known as Berana Munda and the other Nisani Munda. A constellation of some circular stone slabs lying at the center of the village is called Berana Munda. The Poraja denote this place as Mandu Dand, which lies in front of the house of village Headman. The people of the village gather at Berana Munda or village assembly and discuss matters relating to the village and the festival observed in the village. The village sanctuary in which the deity called Hundi debata is installed is called Nisani Munda. It is made up of stone slabs and encircled by Menhers, which are fixed erect on the ground round the shrine. Hundidevta consists of an earthen pot and a chopping tool made up iron and an iron pole, which is fixed, into the ground ever since the village was established. The iron pole is kept fixed and undisturbed in its original position. But the earthen pot and iron chopper are replaced with new once thrice in a year, once in the month of Srabana), and once during any Nuakhia (new harvest eating) ceremony or just before Chaita Paraba, and finally at the end of the year in accompaniment with proper rituals and ceremonies. The main element of the ritual complex consists of offering to the deity of animals such as fowls, goat and pig which are sacrificed with the help of the new iron chopper. The other village institution that is special to the tribe is dormitory for unmarried youths, the boys dormitory is called Dhangda Basaghar and for young ladies is Dhangadi-Basaghar. All adolescent unmarried boys and young women, sleep in their respective dormitory, but girls sleep under the supervision of an elderly widow. Divorced and young widows also join the dormitory. On the onset of evening the young people come together and play drums and dance in front of the dormitory (Berana Munda) and then retire to sleep. This event is very common in all seasons except rains. The Porajas love to sing songs and skilled to make poetry. A question and answer type of song competition (Laga Gita) with one another in a group of young men and women is common to the tribe.
Social Structure
The administrative structure of Jhodia Poraja village consists of Jani
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Muduli Disari Gunia Gurumai and Bhatanayaka
Jani is the hereditary village priest. The eldest son of the Janis takes over the position when it is vacant. He is also the custodian of the village welfare and responsible for village based religious ceremonies. They are very responsible people and act patiently in a team. The team organization is set up on common understanding arrived by the community. Muduli is another village chief. He is in charge of all affairs concerning village and community. He is the leader and the center to all villages activities. The Muduli is also hereditary position. Chalan is a responsible person who acts as per the guidance of by Jani and Muduli and peruses the community, to follow or implement as the case may be. Disari is the chief diagnostic personnel who prevents the evil spirits and harm there of to village subjects. He can work for other villages on request. They work for such issues at family level also. Disari predicts auspicious dates and times for village community celebrations and social functions to families. Gunia is a sorcerer and also medicine person. They utter mantras to relive evil spirit, pain on subjects, even work on the advice of Disari. He tries to cure the illness by herbal medicine. But I have also seen the Disari doing same practices. They even work on sick patients and trickily show them how they have removed bones, glass etc, from the body of patients. They charge some amount of fees, rice, chicken and wine etc. to the patients for their services. Gurumai is an elderly women priest, most have jolted hair and people pay respects with fear. They perform Bat Viva an elaborate ceremony. The patient and his family reach out skirt of the village and wait at the junction of roads. She does the marriage of the evil spirit of the patient or village with another, a good spirit, and thus orders them to leave the patient and make promise that they shall not disturb the village subject and allow peace to prevail. The Gurumai also take up small puja assignment in homes of the families. The Gurumai can be more than one in a village. They are important in Nandi Puja performance of Jhadia Porajas. People respect her but some kind of fear is seen. Many men do not like that their wives to be Gurumai. I have seen in one Nandi, a Jhodia person beating his wife to refrain her joining the group of Gurumai, but she defied him.
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Memorial pillars for women in Jhodia Poraja
Famous Dhemsa Dance of Jhodias
Hill puja of Jhodia Porajas
Bat Viva ceremony swing
Bhatanayak: a cluster of village may have one Bhatanayak. The office of Bhatanayak is only to induct those members of the community who were debarred by they respective community and declared out caste. When a person is out caste it implies to all members of his or her family. Outcasting is due to marriage in another caste or tribe, beaten by Domb caste person, bitten by dogs, or injury by tiger, maggot wound on the body etc. The Bhatnaik readmits the person into the community by performing purification rites. In addition to the cost of rites the outcastee has to contribute one pig, a goat, fowls, rice and some cash, which is spent for a village feast. All village people join and work together for the feast. The following steps are followed in purification rites. The Bhatnayak takes the outcaste to a river or stream as available close to the village. The head of the
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person is clean shaved. There after Bhatnayak sprinkles cow dung diluted water over him, and bathes him in the river water. After that, the person is asked to touch a hot gold ring with his tongue. This ritual finally allows the persons him readmittance into the caste and society. The Bhatnayak first eats the feast food and all follow him. A five rupee is placed underneath the leaf plate on which food in served to Bhatnayak. This money is a gift to Bhatnayak. In turn Bhatnayak receives one piece of new clothe, ten rupees, one kg each of rice and ragi from the concerned person for his religious services. Moda dhangada: In poraja villages there are hereditary position to families who are allowed to perform certain last rites to community members and they are four such members. They join together and remove the dead person from the house and later they do all that skills required to burn or otherwise bury the dead.
Reference
1. 2. 3. Hislop, Stephen (1866) aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, R. Temple ed. Nagpur. Dalton, E.T. (1872) Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, Calcutta. Bose, P.N. Chattisgar: Noted on its tribes, sects and castes.JASB., Vol.LIX9 1890).Part I, p.283 (cited by Verrier Elwin in Muria and their Ghotul, p.15)& G.Ramdas.Porojas.Man in India., Vol.XI.p.247. Elwin V. (1954) The Muria and their Ghotul.Oxford University Press.p.14-19. Glasfurd, C.L.R. (1862) Report on the Dependency of Bustar. Grigson, W.V.The Maria Gonds of Bastar, Oxford University Press.p. 4447. Elwin, V. (1954) Tribal Myths of Orissa. Oxford University Press. Fleets Gupta Inscription.p.7, 1, 19. Sharma, M.Somasekhar (1933) History of the Reddi Kingdoms. Trinethra Publications, Srisailam. p.137. Mohanty, S.C., 'Paroja' In: Tribes of Orissa, Harijan, Tribal & Welfare Department, Govt. of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1990, pp.221-229. Kornel Das. (1999)Livestock and Poultry Dynamics in Tribal Life (Koraput) pp.15-22 Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, Vol.1-7, Poroja p 207-222.
4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.
11.
12.
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13 14. 15.
Ulaka Rama Chandra (1976). The Social Life of the Paraja. Adibasi. Vol XVI, No.2, July 1976. p. 21-32. Mohanty, S.C., 'Paroja' In: Tribes of Orissa, Harijan, Tribal & Welfare Department, Govt. of Orissa, Bhubaneswar, 1990, pp.221-229. Ulaka Rama Chandra (1976). op.cit.
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Background and History behind Jhodia Porajas

We are of the opinion that the Jhodia is one of the oldest cultures of Koraput and may have come through the time along with Sabaras. Russell and Hiralal are of the opinion that the Parjas ( of Bastar) appear to represent the oldest Gond settlers who were subdued by later immigration of the rest.(1) Glassfurd (1862) had indicated two main concentration of Tugara and Parja in Bastar State (2).Brett (1909)said, The two sub-tribes of the Parja or Dhurwa, namely,Peng and Mundra, removed to Jeypore( included under Koraput district of Orissa)(3).This statement is also confirmed by Russell and Hiralal(1916) who mention that out of three divisions of the Parja tribes, only Tagra or Thankar is found in Bastar(4). He was of the opinion that the Parja is the oldest inhabitants of Bastar and later others replaced their territory. The other part of the history may have a linkage to Ikshvakus in Koraput and may have associated for long time with Western Chalukyas. The Western Chalukyas with whom the title insignia Jhodia must have traveled with history. It may have traversed through Jharkhand, Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar and Bastar settled in Trikalinga region of past. It must have also seen the good days with Eastern Chalukya and then went along with Nolambos and Western Gangas and some how settled peacefully for some period along with Eastern Gangas. It did not go well with Chodas and preferred the title Sano Poraja and until Kulottunga I reigned. Along the historical settings of Jhodia Porajas, Jainism persistently remained and still glimpses of it continue after centuries. Good people as they are often referred timid for goodness live and dance and sing the life and live peacefully; gentle civilized with plentiful of humanity with great poetry with them. They have enriched the name, civilisation, and Koraput.
References
1. 2. 3. 4. Russell, R.V. and Hiralal. Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India.Vol.III.p.62 Glassfurd, C.L.R. (1862) Report on the Dependency of Bustar, Tribes and Castes. Brett, E.A.de. C.P. Gazetteer- Chhattisgarh Feudatory States (Bastar) pp.25-70. Russell, R.V. and Hiralal. Ibid.
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WESTERN GANGAS, EASTERN GANGAS: KALINGA AND TRIKALINGA, KOSALA AND KONGA COUNTRY
Some important inscriptions related to Earlier Eastern Gangas in Koraput district (Jeypore)
Burnell (1) has mentioned that some inscriptions of the 10th century found at Jaypur in the Ganjam District (?) (Jaypur is the present day Jeypore now in the Koraput district of Orissa) belonging to a dynasty which seems to have been established by fugitives of the Vengi family in the 7th century A.D. and to have risen to power again for a time with Kalinganagara as the capital during the anarchy that existed from A.D. 977-1004 in Vengi. From these inscriptions he picks out three names, Jayavarman, his son Anantavarman in A.D.985 and his son Rajendravarman (2). This indicates the dynasty of Gangas or related who had relationship with Jeypore of present Koraput district in Orissa and the relationship of it with the Kalinga history has not been brought out. The inscription was further given valuable information on dating of Anantavarman and Eastern Gangas, which can be seen from the following. Regarding the view of Burnell on Jaypur inscription Dr.Fleet remarks, If Dr.Burnells date of A.D. 985 for Anantavarman is correct (which, however, I have no means of testing, I do not now think that this can be done, said Rajaguru)(3) Rajagurus opinion, for the date of Devendravarman would thus be A.D. 1010, and then, referring the recorded date of the year 254 for Devendravarman to the same year with the dates of 91, 128, 146 for Indravarman to a later period than is indicated by the paleographical standard of them (4). Again Rajaguru says, I had already suggested that, on historical as well as paleographical grounds, Indravarman may be referred to about Saka 579 (A.D. 657 to 660-661). Taking 136 as the mean between the two certain dates of Indravarman, and taking this as equivalent to Saka 580, this would bring Devendravarman to about 696 (A.D. 774-775). And this is about the latest period to which, on paleographical grounds, this grant of the year 254 can be referred(5).
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Rajaguru further on the Jaypur plates said, As the date of the above character of Devendravarman (of G.E.51) is wrongly incised as 51 by the engraver, instead of 351 on paleographical and historical grounds, it ought to have been corrected as 351 G.E.(6) The grant of Maharaja Satyavarman of G.E.51 should also be treated likewise(7). The Jaypur plates of Rajendravarman, who was the son of Anantavarman and grandson of Jayavarman. Unfortunately, no text of these plates has so far been available (8). Unfortunately, Dr.Burnell does not throw any light on the source of his information while he arrived at the conclusion as stated above along with the date of Anantavarmadeva, the son of Jayavarman and father of Rajendravarman, as A.D. 985, equal to 907 Saka year. Any way, we cannot ignore the value of this little information, since it due to a renowned epigraphist like Mr.Burnell, who gave a definite date for Anantavarman, was remarked by Rajaguru (9). It might be that he himself examined a set of copperplates, discovered somewhere near Jeypore, which have not yet come to light, but preserved somewhere either in India or abroad. We are, therefore, neither able to reject nor accept the date relating to the Anantavarman, mentioned in Dr.Burnells book was remarked by Rajaguru (10). In this connection, the following remarks of Robert Sewell who wrote, Later on, we come to the descendants of this Indravarman in the tenth century. After the Chalukyan conquest in the seventh century, we hear little or nothing of the Kalinga Gangas till about the year 917 A.D. At that period, there ensued a period of anarchy in the Eastern Chalukyan territories which lasted for 27 years at least, and the Kalinga princes again rose to power for a time at Kalinganagara (11). However, Sewell thinks that Satyavarman, the son of Devendravarman, who issued a grant in the 51st Samvat, might have used an era which was probably started by Jayavarmandeva, the first Ganga king of this branch. The following table given by Sewell bearing on Burnells report:
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Jayavarman | | Anantavarman(reigning in AD 985 | | Rajendravarman | Devendravarman | Satyavarman
The above notes of Dr.Burnell and Robert Sewell in later course was remarked by Rajaguru that it at present partially true, for any historical purpose. The Bangalore copperplates of Devendravarman, the son of Rajendravarman of G.E. 310, were found in the office of the Inam Commissioner, Bangalore (Mysore State) (12). Mr.Rice adds a brief note on this inscription, stating that the date of the grant is 700 A.D. It is rather strange how he could ascertain the date without referring to the starting period of the auspicious era of the Gangas since the learned editor did not properly edit this inscription and Rajaguru requested the Maharaja of Parlakhemundi in 1947 to bring a photocopy of the document for decipherment. The Maharaja was pleased to bring the same for examination, to Rajaguru, and after reading the text from these photographs studied and published the text.
Relationship of Western Ganga and Eastern Ganga

The plate of Devendravarman of Bangalore is a very important record so far the emblem and the royal seal as found on it are concerned. Rajaguru studied this aspect and reported (14). The seal of the plate contains the figure of an elephant, which is not usually met with in the inscriptions of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga. The royal emblem in the Kalinga plates is usually a lying bull. But, the Western Gangas adopted the emblem of an elephant, which was borrowed by the donor of this grant, i.e., Devendravarman. Why this has occurred and why Devendravarmans grant was found in a distant place like Mysore, are the questions still hidden in obscurity. But, after going through the text of the grant, we find that his Guru was residing in Srisaila, which is not very far from the kingdom of the Western Gangas. Probably, the capital of the religious Gurus of the Gangas was in Srisaila, when the original line of the Gangas was living in Daksinatya. After they left their homeland and migrated to Kalinga, they had a
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similar centre on the summit of the Mahendra, which they referred to in each and every grant they issued in Kalinga. This is an important clue to consider where the original home of the Eastern Gangas was. The Western Gangas, in their epithets, mention the on the top of Srisaila. A similar epithet was also used by the Eastern Gangas of the Svetaka branch who called themselves as worshippers of Nandagirinatha; and both the branches established Kolahala as their headquarters. For these reasons, it is quite evident that the Eastern Gangas and the Western Gangas originally belonged to one homogeneous stock. We believe that they migrated from the west a region known as Konkana of the Bombay Presidency (15). It is no less important to have a comparative study of the relations between the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga and the Western Gangas of Mysore. From their inscriptions, we learn that both the branches used some common names in their records, viz., 1. Gangavamsa (dynasty), 2. Gangavadi (country), 3. Kolahla or Kolahalapura (town), 4. Gokarnesvara (family-deity), 5. Nandagirinatha (deity). So there is a coincidence in the names of their places and also their deities (16). It supports their collateral integration. The following passage may be cited from the Habbal inscription of Marasimhadeva of the Western Ganga family from lines 3-5:Svasti(1)Satyavaka=Kongunivarmma=Dharmmamaharajadhiraja=Kolalapuravaresvara=Nandagiri-natha-(Sri)mat Permmanadi=Vutayyange..(17) According to Rajaguru comparing the above passage with the following Prasasti, quoted from an inscription of the Gangas of the Svetaka branch of Kalinga Sva - bhuja - bala- Parakramakranta - sakala-Kalinga-dhirajyah, Paramamahesvara, mata-pirt-padanudhyato,Gangamala-hulatilakah,Srinandagiri-nathah, Kokalavalapura-pattana-vinirtata, Kamvalyavaraya-ghosa-Maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-paramabhattaraka-Sri Indravarmmadevah....(18).
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The phraseological terms, such as Kolahalapura-varesvara Nandagirinatham in the former inscription and Sri-Nandagirinatha-Kolahalapurapattana in the later are significant and they suggest the collateral contact of both the lines (19). Apart from the main line of Kalinganagara, some collateral branches of the Gangas were ruling over different parts of Kalinga. They established their own capitals from which places they issued their characters in favour of Brahmanas and deities. One of the branches was ruling from the city of Svetaka, which was within the precincts of the Ex-Zamindaries of Badakhemundi, Sanakhemundi and Cikali in the modern district of Ganjam (20). Only fifteen copper plate inscriptions have so far been discovered revealing their rule. We get a panel of names of the Gangas of Svetaka from their records. These kings used a different type of Prasasti in their inscriptions, although they used to worship the same god Gokarnasvamin of the Mahendra Mountain like the Kalinganagara branch. Their Prasasti runs as follows: Om. Svasti Svetak-adhisthanad=bhagavatas=caracaraguroh-sakalaSasankasekharadharaskya sthity-utpatti-pralaya-karana-hetor bhattarakasya caranakamal=aradhanavapta-punya-nicayah saktitrayaprakarsanuranjit=asesa-samanta-cakra sva-bhuja-bala-parakram=akrantasakala-Kalingadhirajyah-parama-mahesvaro matapitr-padanudhyatah Gangamala-kula-tilakah........(21) Ganga rule in Kalinga commenced in or about 626-27 A.D., where they introduced their family era. Regarding the original place of the Gangas, before they came to Kalinga, we get no information from the records (22). But, in connection with the Western Gangas of Mysore, B.Lewis Rice wrote, According to the inscriptions, the progenitor of Kalinga Gangas was Bhagadatta, between whom and his brother, Sridatta; their father Visnugopa divided his kingdom giving Kalinga to the former, and the ancestral kingdom, with the elephant, to the latter.(23) It is interesting to note here that the elephant emblem is used in the Bangalore plates of Devendravarman as said above. The Gangas used this emblem as long as they were the followers of Jainism. But, in Kalinga, they adopted Saivism (24). So, they used the emblem of the bull in the place of elephant is the argument appearing. This fact can well be seen as we think that Ka-linga, the linga suffix is Saivism and when this is prefixed in later course as Sri-Ka-Kula to Ka it symbolised to Saivites. The Sri is prefixed to Vaisnavite places like Srikhetra, Srisaila, and Sripura etc.
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Regarding the migration of the Gangas from Gangavadi and Kolahalapura, we get some description in the Korni and Vizagapatam plates of Anantavarman Codagangadeva (1077-1147 A.D.). The following verse is mentioned in these grants:Asid=eka-sit=atapatra-tilakaKsonibhrd=asy=atmajo Vira-Sri-vanita-svayam vrta-patir= Devas=sa kolahalam Nirmmay=orjjita-Gangavadi-visaye Kolahalakhyam puram Yascakre sura-sadma-viksana-rasaPratyuhamaksnam hareh (25) In the records of the Imperial Gangas of Orissa, the same tradition was maintained with a modification of the verse as quoted below:Dhana-kanaka-samrddho Gangavadih prasiddhah Sakala-visayabhutah Svarga-vargopabhogyah(26) Kolahalapura, while the Gangas of Kalinga hailed from Kokalavalapura or Kolahalapura. Hence, we have to consider if the Gangas had come from the south. According to a traditional account of the W.Gangas, they (W.Gangas) migrated from Ayodhya. One branch of them lived in Kalinga and the other branch proceeded to the South (Mysore), as per inscriptions of a Jaina guru, named Simhanandi. In this connection, B.Lewis Rice, writes, The origin of the Gangas is derived from Iksvaku and traced back to Ayodhyapura. Under Visnugupta the seat of government was moved to Ahichhatra, which it is hinted as Vijayapura. To this is attributed the separation of the two lines of the Eastern and Western Gangas, those of Kalinga and Mysore, respectively. With the arrival of Dadiga and Madhava in the south, at Ganga-Perur, and the establishment of the Gangavadi kingdom in Mysore aided by Simhanandi, we seem to come to historical events... (27). It is, therefore, not conclusive that the Gangas had come to Kalinga from the south. According to Rajaguru, Now, according to our assumption, namely, that Kurala of the time of Samudragupta might subsequently have been called Kolahalapurapattana, our attention is attracted to the regions of Gumsur taluk in the Ganjam district and its adjoining district of Phulbani, (situated between the
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countries of Mahakantara and the Mahendra-mountain), which we can identify with the kingdom of Kurala of the 4th century A.D. That was probably the original homeland of the Gangas, who, afterwards, called it Trikalinga. From the inscriptions of the Somavamsi kings of Daksina Kosala, who ruled the country from Suvarnapura (the modern Sonpur in the Bolangir district), we learn that they used the title of Trikalingadhipati for a considerable long period. Presumably, they could capture the Phulbani and Gumsur area as these tracts were contiguous to their kingdom, which he supported with Tirthankara and Parsvanatha Jaina sculptures of Gupta style of the 4th century A.D. discovered from Phulbani. It is, therefore, quite probable that the Gangas, who embraced Jainism, worshipped these images in the Gupta period in these remote hill tracts of Kalinga. The religious conception of the Gangas was subsequently changed from Jainism to Brahmanism in Kalinga, while in Mysore, the original faith remained in tact for a considerable long time. Further against relationship of W.Gangas and E.Gangas by inscriptions record of their gotras as per records like Vajrahasta and Anantaverman of 12th century belonged to Atreya gotra and W.Gangas as Iksvaku lineage and Atreya gotra (28). The W.Gangas of Mysore seems to have established matrimonial alliance with the Bhauma Karas of Tosali (29). According to Dharakota plate (30) of Subhakaradeva, the Paramasaugata, his queen, Tribhuvana Mahadevi, is the daughter of one Rajamalla, who belonged to the family of Nagodbhava or Ganga and an important figure of the southern countries. While editing these plates, Rajaguru identified Rajamalla with Rajamalla Satyavaka of the W.Ganga family of Mysore. In this connection he pointed out that Satyavaka Rajamalla had distinguished himself in the battle of Semiya and overcome the kings of Vanga, Pundra, Magadha, Kosala and Kalinga. Satyavaka Rajamalla ruled from 870 A.D. Therefore, he is a contemporary of either Nandavarman of G.E. 221 or his successor, Devendravarman of G.E.254. Anyway, it is quite clear that the W.Gangas established matrimonial and political contact with the Ganga kings of Kalinga and the Bhauma Kara kings of Tosali. It is not surprising that a copperplate grant of Devendravarman (vide No.30) was discovered from Mysore and that the elephant-emblem was adopted in that inscription (31).
Eastern Gangas of Kalinga

The Gangas of Kalinga who were divided into several branches and ruled in different parts of Kalinga. So far as we know from their epigraphically records, the Gangas ruled as important royal branches of Dantapura and Kalinganagara, situated in the southern parts of the Mahendra Mountain and from Svetaka in the northern parts of the same mountain.
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According to some inscriptions of Anantavarman Codagangadeva (1077-1147 AD), Kalinga was divided into five parts, each of which was ruled by one of the collateral branches of the Ganga family. In the Korni and Vizagapatam plates of Codagangadeva, statement is made regarding that five brothers came to the Mahendra-region from Gangavadi and ruled over Kalinga after portioning it into five parts amongst them namely, (1) Kalinga, (2) Kanthikavandhurakantha, (3) Amvavadi-Visaya, (4) Soda Mandala and (5) Kantaka-Varttini which were ruled by the five brothers namely, (1) Kamarnava, (2) Danarnava, (3) Gunarnava, (4) Marasimha and (5) Vijrahasta respectively (32). This fact is corroborated by the following verse, mentioned in the inscriptions of Vajrahastadeva (1038-70 A.D.):Oyrvan bhupatibhir=vibhajya vasudha Ya pancabhih pancadha huktva bhuri-parakramad=bhuja-valat= Tam=eka eva svayam ekikrtya vijitya satrnivahan Sri Vajrahastas=catus= catvarimsatam=aty=udara-caritah Sarvvan=araksit ksamah(33) From this verse of a later period, we understand that the Gangas used to rule in Kalinga like the Guptas who adopted the system of ruling their country by distributing the territory among their own brothers. (Sarvesu-desesu vidhayagotrin) Rajaguru wrote, Although the traditional version of the eleventh century speaks that the kingdom of Kalinga was originally divided into five parts among the five brothers of the Ganga princes, actually we get two collateral branches of the Gangas in Kalinga, which are known through epigraphically sources as the branches of Kalinganagara and Svetaka. We have copperplate inscriptions, numbering more than sixty, which have been issued from Kalinganagara and Svetaka. Therefore, either the above description of five branches was a myth or the information about the other three branches has not yet come to the ken of epigraphy, although the places named Kantakavarttini and Ambavadi-Visaya are known from some C.P. epigraphically sources. It is interesting to note here that the royal prasasti used in some of the grants is not the same as the prasastis found in the grants of either the Kalinganagara line or the Svetaka line of these kings. We may, therefore, conclude that a third branch of the Gangas who issued these grants have adopted different type of prasasti. For want of further evidence, we cannot arrive at any definite conclusion at present on these issues.(34)
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Regarding a general description of Kalinga at the time when the Chinese pilgrim, Yuan Chwang, visited this country, we quote below from Thomas Watters On Yuan Chwangs Travels in India, Vol.II, p.198.
The Western Gangas and Koraput district

The author of this volume studied the inscriptions of Western Gangas and the following inscriptions of Western Gangas are related with Kalinga, Kosala, Konga, Tripuri (Dahala country). They are as follows:1. 2. 3. 4. Keregodi - Rangapur Plates of Rajamalla in 9th Century A.D. (35) Kerhalli Plates of Nitimarga Ereganga (36) Kudlur Plates of Marasimha, 962-63 A.D. (37) Kadalur Grant of Marasimha, 962 A.D. (38)
The Keregodi-Rangapur plate of Rajamalla Satyavakhya-Konganivarman of Western Ganga was deciphered Narasimhachar and summary of the 5 plates are given by K.V. Ramesh (39). The script was in Kanada.. The achievements of Western Ganga king Rajamalla is given as; There were the hostile kings of the Vangas, Paundras, the Magadhas and the Kosalas; and these the hostile kings of the Kalingas, Andhras, and Dravidas - thus did the people praise his velour as shown in the battle of Samiya (Verse 14). -his younger brother was Butuga, who had harassed the Pallava family by his prowess -Abbalabba, daughter of Vallabha (i.e. Rastrakuta emperor) got married to Butuga. The Kerehalli Plates of Nitimarga Kongunivarma alias Ereganga was a Jaina himself. The plate denotes the achievements of the king as following. He routed in battle the confederate army of the Vallabha teeming with quality elephants, studs and soldiers and led by great kings of the Pallava, Rastrkutas,Kuru,Magadha,Malava,Cola,Samvalla and dynasties (Versus 10) These were the hostile kings of the Vangas, Paundras, the Magadhas and the Kosalas and these the hostile kings of the Kalingas, Andhras and Dravidas; thus did the people praise his velour as shown in the battle of Samiya (Verse, 12)
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Map showing Kabai Konga in Koraput-Bastar border
The Kadlur plates of Marasimha indicate: Pandiya mahimandaleno swavogantokrita Konga Kalinga Kosaladi bisaya bisesand bijialaxmilakabysyatha Here the indications of Konga Kalinga mean Konga as well as Kalinga to be contiguous patch along with Kosala. We believe that this is Kobai Konga of Bastar-Koraput (Umarkote) as well as the Konga mutha of Jeypore sub-division of Koraput itself. Recently I have discovered a magnificent Jaina Temple in Konga of Jeypore block that is worshipped by Omanatya priest of the village and assisted by Gadaba priest from the other mutha village. The Konga Mutha has 32 villages excluding the hamlets and celebrates Bali jointly in every 3 years. The Jaina temple is in the habitat of Konga where mainly the Doms are now residing. The Omanatya are strict Saivities and worship Bhairaba; but how came they have taken the charge of Jaina temple. It was possibly an agreement in later period to respect the culture and belief of neighbours and the Jaina Mahavira has thus been regarded as Siva. But in all these Western Ganga inscriptions there is mention of Chitrakote. This may be because it was under Chalukyas who were related to W.Gangas on matrimonial ways. Jakamba, the daughter of king Nijagali of the Calukya family was married and Satyavakya was born ( Verse 17). This we shall discuss soon. The Kadlur Plate again reads, Rahalls younger brother Butuga, who had gone to the king Baddega in Dahala country and has then duly married his daughter along with the maiden of eloquence at Tripuri, on Baddega to the heavens as if to grab Indras sovereignty, Butuga recovered from Lalleya the elephants, horse, the
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white umbrella and the throne and restored them to the king Krishna (Verse 2223). Butagas son was Nitimarga (Marula) married the daughter of Krishna, who had destroyed all his enemies and whose feet was worshipped by the Magadha, Kalinga, Pandya and Cola kings (verse 28). Nitimargas younger brother Guttiya-Ganga (i.e. Marasimha) or Krishna - RajaDeva, who took possession of the whole Cola country, who brought under his control Simhala and various islands and the Kerala, Pandya, Konga, Kalinga, Kosala and other countries. The inscription mentions Konga and Kalinga separately but still in contiguous patches; thus Konga may be derived from the name of Kongunivarman to a place of significance. Kadalur Grant of Marasimha, 962 A.D. says: Of the king Jayaduttaraya (i.e. Butuga II), the queen was Kallabba, daughter of Simhavarman of the Calukya family, to them was born the king Satyavakya Marasimha, the brother of the king Marula (Verse, 34). The summary note indicates clearly the patronising Jainism by queen Kallabba. We are inclined to think that the following names in the Western Ganga inscription have much to do in relation to Koraput-Bastar Jainism. They are Nandagiri, Kongunivarman, Konga country and queen Kallabba of the king Jayaduttraya with the existing name of the places and rivers of Koraput. The findings clearly indicate that Jainism persisted in between the Kolab river and Indravati river doab and both join at different points in Bastar district of Chhattisgarh to form the Godavari river that flows down in Andhra Pradesh., The Nandapur was one of main pithas of Jainism in Koraput, and was the ancient capital of the Jeypore state. There is one large single granite stone Elephant, beautifully carved on the banks of Isani Ganga at Nandapur. This was probably the first capital of Western Gangas where Jaina temples were prevalent. It is agreed by all that the existing all Jaina idols of Kalika temple of Jeypore was all from Nandapur which were transferred after the shift of capital to Jeypore. This lone elephant is like the one at Gulbarga museum in Karnataka.
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Elephant in Nandapur
Elephant in Gulberga Museum, Karnataka
There is no written inscription on Western Gangas; discovered from Koraput as it is. This may be due to the fact that the land being under occupation of ruling or allied Dynasties may be Chalukyas and Rastrakutas; and Western Gangas were only interested in making Jainism influence. The other aspects also that subsequent king erased out all evidences to this effect. We believe that it was the queen Kallabha, wife of king Jayaduttranga (Batuga II) and mother of Satyavkya Marasimha of Western Ganga dynasty who had established the Jainism through teachers and mulasanghas all over Nandapur, Jeypore sub-division and the great river flowing from Nandapur down to Bastar is named after her and since known as Kolab river. The Nandapur as it may run for various historical findings, it looks to be Western Ganga capital in this part and ruled by one branch and is described out of Nandagiri title, which Western Gangas used to bear. There is no concrete evidence yet. The Nandapur Jaina temple was totally destroyed and in ruins, we dont have its history may be the Cholas have destroyed it after their occupation. In A.D. 105152 Rajadhiraja, seized Kollapuram, burnt down many invasion Jain temples and damaged the Jain sanctuaries. Thus the idols were placed under earth and elsewhere, which subsequently surfaced out in small temples like Subaie and Jamunda, and elsewhere. The ruin mounds of the said temple in Nandapur and Jamunda need excavation and history shall appear. There is evidence to bring that in most Jaina temples the present Siva temples were erected. This can be evident from many places of Koraput district itself. This is the case atBhairaba Singapur as well as at Paknaguda also. The Chalukya, Somesvara I was a Jaina. His general Chamundaraja, Governor of Banavsi, was
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probably responsible to establish Jamunda Jaina temple near Jeypore of Koraput district.
Rastrakutas and Western Gangas: Kalinga, Chitrakuta and Eastern Chalukyas

During the middle of 10th century A.D. the Rastrakutas rose into power under Krishna III. With great vigor and he reattached the territories of Kanchi and Tondaimandalam in the Chola kingdom. After this, he turned towards Vengi and Kalinga. In the Deccan he received full support from Viratunga, a powerful king of the Western Ganga family. Viratunga married the sister of Krishna; consequently, his alliance with the Rastrakuta king helped the latter to extend his sway as far south as North Arcot. As a prince, Krisnas activities in the north confined in the Chedi kingdom in spite of that he had matrimonial relationship with the rulers of that country. He occupied the fortress of Kalanjar and the forts of Vindhya Mountain and Chitrakuta, which belonged to the Chandelas. We are inclined to identify Chitrakuta in Bastar district of Chhattisgarh. In the later part of his reign, he moved against the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi and the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga. His conquest in a lighting speed caused great confusion amongst all those principalities that faced his aggression. Although he died in A.D. 968, the political repercussion due to his war activities did not desist from Deccan. Recently, a set of copper plate inscription of Chamara Vigraha of the Rastrakuta dynasty was discovered from Baragarh in Sambalpur (Orissa) (40) edited by Dr.D.C.Sircar which support to this view. Hostilities between the Rastrakutas and the kings of Kalinga seem to have started long before Kamarnava Bhupendravarman came to the throne. The Chicacole plates (41) of Anantavarman probably refer to these Rastrakutas as quoted below:...Devendravarmma-sunuh Sri Anantavarmmadeva kusali. Kantaka-varttanivisaye Rastrakutan raja-karanadikan esikan vastavyadin janapadan...dvisipadi mahyarpana bhavata... It is a grant made by Sri Anantavarman, the son of Devendravarman. A village named (?) In Kantakavarttani-visays was granted on the occasion of a lunar eclipse to some Brahmanas. The significance of the charter is that the granted village was situated in border countries, which were some times under the possession of the enemies of the donor and his family. So, it is called Dvisipadi as mentioned in the record. While editing the copper plate inscription of the Eastern Gangas, Rajaguru (42) discussed this question as follows:-
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The question is, why and under what circumstance the auspicious era of the Gangas of Kalinga, which was in vogue for a long period covering 400 years, was abruptly ended in the beginning of the 11th century A.D.? -----------It is not improbable to say that the continuation of this ceremony became intermittent on account of some foreign interference, which I suppose, must have taken place during the reigning period of Kamarnava Bhupendravarman, whom we have already identified with the Kamarnava (I), A.D.943-975. There is no wanting of evidence to prove that he was involved in some political troubles relating to the kingdoms of Vengi on one side and those of the Rastrakutas-cu-Somavamsi Kings of Kosala on the other. Kalinga, being situated in a strategic position contiguous to these kingdoms, could not escape any political struggle started in the neighbouring countries.
Trikalinga, Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi

Since their adversity started in the 10th century A.D. the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi seem to have used Kalinga as a place of shelter in times of danger. Their alliance with the Gangas must have encouraged them to turn towards Kalinga when foreign aggressions threatened their own security. But, the writers of the Chalukyan Prasastin the later days depicted these unhappy events in such a fantastic way for which reason scholars had to arrive at wrong conclusions regarding the Eastern Chalukyas holding a portion of Kalinga under their own sway. But, actually it was not so; because they (the Eastern Chalukyas) indulged in the habit of using the dense forest tracts of Trikalinga as their hiding place, was remarked by Rajaguru. From the Masulipatam plates (43) of Amma I of A.D. 918-925, we learn that he ruled over a portion of the forest of Trikalinga (44). In the Kolavennu grant (45) of Chalukya Bhima II (A.D.925), it is stated that he ruled over the country of Trikalinga. Kamarnava I came to the throne of Kalinga in A.D. 943 and ruled for 25 years. Then, his brother, Vinayaditya, held the throne for three years only. After him came Vajrahasta, the son of Kamarnava alias Bhupendravarman. Now, serious political confusion prevailed in the neighbouring tracts of Vengi owing to the Rastrakuta interference. Amma II (A.D. 945-970) of the Eastern Chalukya family fought with great vigour against the Rastrakuta king, Krisna III. In his inscription it is stated that in the 12th regnal year, i.e., in A.D. 947, he proceeded to Kalinga appointing his brother, Danarnava, as the regent of Veng(46). It is further stated that he waged war against Krisna III. Most probably, Kamaranava supported Amma. Otherwise, why should he proceed towards Kalinga to check the Rastrakuta inroad? Probably this time, Krisna III led a big invasion against Kalinga and Vengi that caused some internal troubles in the Chalukyan territory.
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In the Arumbaka plates of Badapa, it is mentioned that Amma II at first ruled over Gengi with Trikalinga; but, later on, proceeded to Kalinga where he lived as long as fourteen years, i.e., from A.D.956-970. But, in the Mangolu grant, it is stated that Ammas brother, Danarnava, actually ruled over Kalinga after A.D. 970 when he deprived from the throne of Vengi. Careful examination of these events will show that both Amma and his brother, Danarnava, took shelter in Kalinga from 952-973 A.D. under the protection of the Gangas. What induced Kamarnava to take a risky course can be elucidated from the study of the foreign policy, adopted by the Gangas of Kalinga. In the year 970 A.D., Amma II died and Danarnava came to the throne of Vengi. But, his rule did not exceed three years. One Badapa, a collateral aspirant of the Chalukyan throne, revolved with the help of Jatachola Bhima of the south, who, not only killed Danarvana but also boasted of having victories over Kamarnava and his brother, Vinayaditya of Kalinga, as stated in his Kancipuram inscription. The broken passage of that inscription runs thus:Citram suduram-api caruku - Umantam Kamarnnavandivam-ani U-U-U bhutam vyaktam vyasisma pata-tsvati vaiparitya Kamarnnavam bhuvinayan UU-U- UU-UU Vinayad-anya-bhupateh................sa Sriman-jatacolabhimanrpatih(47) We have already stated that Kamarnava V ruled up to A.D. 968. So, there is about 3 years difference between the dates of the death of Danarnava of Vengi and Kamarnava of Kalinga. Probably, during this time, Jatachola Bhima made a huge preparation to wage war against a powerful kingdom like Kalinga. Pedda-dugam plates of Sri Sattrudamanadeva (48) remarks, The donor of this inscription seems to be a subordinate king, posted at Simhapura, most probably under the Gangas of Kalinga who captured the country after the extinction of the Matharas from that region. The term Giri-Kalinga might have been used for the hill portion of Kalinga. I believe it to be the present day Koraput district. A detail study of the Western Ganga inscriptions reveal many villages and places of present day Koraput district .They are cited as following, however at this stage not much opinion can be formed with the available evidences. 1. Bendiganahalli Plates of Vijaya-Krishnavarman (Mys.Arch.Rep.,p.40) of the 5th century A.D. mention Madhavavarman I, of Western Ganga at his victorious camp of Kavaipada, made a gift of the village Kuru-uru in Perati-bhoga, a subdivision with in Paruvi-visaya, to Matri-sarman. The Perati-bhoga may be the present day Perta village of Nandapur; and Paruvi-visaya may be the Paruvi-desha ruled by Kullotunga I as a prince in Koraput-Bastar.
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2. Mercara Plate of Aviinita,of 9th Century A.D(.B.R.Gopal et al.:E.C.Vol.I,No.I.) There was the Desiagana and Kondakund-anavya, (the preceptor) Ganacandrabhatra his disciple was Abhayanandi-bhatra;his disciple was Silabhdra-bhatara;his disciple was Jayanandi-bhatara;his disciple was Gunanandi-bhatar;his disciple was Candanandi-bhatara; --------This has relevance to present Koraput region;Bhattra is still used a suffix to Bhattra tribe found in Nowrangpur and Bastar, there is the villages with suffix nandi and Kornel and Gamang (2010) have shown the relevance of Desia culture and Jaina monastery order of Desiagana in Koraput.There is the village Chandahandi in Nowrangpur, Jainnagar near Jeypore,Bhadrasila padar in Umerkote and the Kondakund may be the Kondakumbru in Malkangiri-Nandapur. 3. Mnanne Plates of Marasimha of 798 A.D. It mentions Kondakonda lineage and his disciple, who was a scholar and the foremost member of his gana was Puspandi; this Jaina temple was built for the sake of his disciple Prabhacandra (Verse 19) Puspandi is a Poraja village in Koraput block and the reference to Kacchva tank in the inscription looks like the Kecchala Jain temple in Koraput. 4. Kottimba Grant of Yuvaraja Marasimha of 799 A.D. It speaks of Kottimba village given as gift by the prince and mentions villages like Kurulamgala, Komaramamgalakkere (may be Komarganjanna of Nandapur )Pupadin-paduvay-olbe may be Paduva;Kodavappadi may be the Kotapadi; Okkodala may be the Ankadali. The Kuruvale-visaya in Paruvi-visaya may be Thiruvali in Rayagada of Koraput.
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Reference
1. Burnell, A.C. (1878) Elements of South Indian Paleography. 2. Ibid. 3. Fleet, J.F. I.A. Vol. XIII, p.274. 4. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. II, pp.330-372ff 5. Ibid, p.352 6. Ibid, p.352 7. Ibid. 8. Rajaguru, S.N. (1960) Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol.II, p.108 9. Ibid 10. Ibid 11. Sewell, Robert, Archaeological Survey of South India, Vol.II, p.183. 12. Ep. Carnatika, Vol. IX, p.33 13. Rajaguru, S.N. (1960), Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. II. p. 113-117ff. 14. Rajaguru, S.N. (1968), History of the Gangas, Part-I pp.111-112ff. 15. Ibid. 16. Rajaguru, S.N.(1968) op.cit. pp. 19-23ff 17. Inscription Orissa; Vol. I, Part-II, pp. 18-45ff. 18. I.O., Vol.II, p.298ff 19. Mysore and Coorg from inscriptions, p.32. Imp. Gaz. Vol. XVIII, p.359 and History of the Gangas, Part I, p.9-10. 20. E.I.XXIII, pp.267-9, Badakhimedi plates of Jayavarmadeva. 21. Ibid. 22. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Part II. p.341. 23. Ep. Carn. Vol. IX. Introduction. pp. 9 ff 24. Rajaguru, S.N . (1968) History of Gangas, Part I. pp.111-112ff. 25. J.A.H.R.S. Vol. I, pp. 113; I.A. Vol. XVIII. pp. 165 ff 26. O.H.R.J Vol.V, No.I, pp. 7 ff 27. E.I. XXVIII, pp 175 and Ins. or. Vol I, Part II, pp.13ff. 28. Rajaguru, S.N. (1960) Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol. II. pp.345. 29. J.A.H.R.S. Vol. IV, pp. 189-94ff. 30. Ibid 31. Rajaguru, S.N. (1960) Inscriptions of Orissa Vol. II, p.346-347ff. 32. Ibid.p.347 and E.I.IV, pp.183ff. 33 E.I. in pp.183ff. 34. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa.Vol.II.p.340 35. Narasimhachar, R. Mys.Arch. Rep., pp.21-24 and plates between pp.28 &29. 36. Gopal, B.R. et.al Vol., Ch354 and plates XIII-XVI. 37. Narasimhachar, R. Mys.Arch. Rep.,pp.8-16 and plates between pp.18 &19
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38. A.R.I.S.E. No.23. G.S.Gai, E.I.XXXVI, pp.100-109 39. Narasimhachar, R. Mys.Arch. Rep., pp.21-24 and plates between pp.28 and 29. 40. E.I.XVIII, 41. J.B.O.R.S. Vol.XVIII, p.272-295 42. J.B.R.S., XXXV, parts 1&2 (1949) 43. Masulipatnam plates of Vijayaditya III, p.126. 44. E.I.Vol.V, p.133 45. S.I.I.I, No.37, p.46. 46. C.P.No.15 of Madras E.R.from 1916-17; A.R.M.E.., 1917-18Atp.A No.I.G.O..,(Home)Dated 10-8-17.p.8 47. E.I.XXXI, pp.29-34; J.A.H.R.S., Vol.X, pp.17-60ff. 48 JAHRS, Vol.XXI, p.159 ff, Re-edited by D.C.Sircar in E .I. XXXI, pp.8993 ff
Mahavira, Konga Jaina temple, Jeypore Block, Koraput
Tirthankara, Konga
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Ajitanatha and Sreyamsa,Konga
Yaksa Gomedha and Yaksini Ambica, Konga
Umbel Jaina Temple ruins, Nandapur
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PARENGA TRIBE
The tribe is referred in literature as Parenga, Peranga and Parenga poraja by authors.Hayavadana Rao first reported on Parenga poraja of Koraput(Thurston and Rangachari,1909) (1).They are austro-asiatic. The women are beautiful with fair yellow skin. The face is long, prominent lip, long small black eyes; well build body of women, muscular men. When grow old wrinkles in the face gradually appear. They are medium height, war like people but gentle and well behaved are intelligent.
Parenga couple
The women now days prefer to wear long saris which is longer than porajas and is well below the knee; but couple of years back like Gadaba women they were also using Kerang woven clothes from home. They believe they have comedown to the present habitat through Jolaput area. They are distributed in the following Gram panchayats of Nandapur; as well as have extended into Arku valley of Andhra Pradesh. -Badel, Belaput, Otunda, Thuba, Paroja bodopodor, Hikmiput, Bheja and Kularsingh. The Parenga villages are Kularsingh, Ourda, Bodela, Bodpoda, Rasel Bodopoda, Poroja bodopoda, Hatunda, Samalai, Arngi, Tapgonda, Horgond, Attavi (near Jolaput), Honyirpent (Thuba jar),Kanti,Tintur,Khijorba,Petal,Raising,Magsel,Bodliguda,Bheja,Koraiput,Godip ut, Musli, Silpondi and Jantaput etc
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Villages are mostly located on highlands and preferably on foothills, which imparts good drainage of rainwater. Most village streets and house front yards have pavement of stone slabs. Parenga houses are small cozy, like any other neighboring tribe. Walls are clay paste layered, and most houses have two rooms with a single entry door with no windows. The spacious raised veranda serves multi purpose need of the households and guests. Men idle and gossip in leisure over the veranda where as women does the core work of preparing grains, grinding ragi and sauna etc. Underneath it lays pig stye with strong door to save them from predation. Poultry in most cases is housed here. Some households also make small bamboo fence around for their privacy space. Families dry harvested grains in the open space before the veranda and it then serve the space for evening dance. Almost all houses have spacious boundary wall made up of small stone layers that stands about three to four feet in height. Cattle byre is located before the house but is little to the corner.
The Parengas have the following phratry: Khilo Nag Khora Golari Bagho or Tiger Cobra snake Sun Hanumankad or Indian Langur
The Parenga tribe has the following clans: Mudli, Sisa, Kirsani, and Gamel Daten, Pujari Majhi and Rungda Hanjole or Ongole they come under Bagh or Khilo they come under Nag they come under Golari they come under Sun or Surya or Khora
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Jaina Temple remains in Parenga village, Umbel
Jaina Temple, Umbel
The village has the following social divisions and they are: Nayak is the chief of the village and is a hereditary position Pujari may or may not hereditary, can be elected to perform village regular pujas and offerings. Disari does the cerimonies to satisfiy the evil spirits and diseases there from. Gurumaie plays vital role in bali celebration and does the BatViva of evil spirits for families on request. Bodo roito are those with large land holdings. Dang gamel dhangda is the village appointed annual village livestock herd grazer Chalan is the person acts as messenger. Sisa/Jani does the puja also.
They go for major promise offers to get child, relief from diseases etc. to Kendupada.They go to Simanchal, near Visakhapatnam on pilgrimage also.
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Festivals
Parenga tribe observes the following festivals. They are: Bali celebration: They celebrate Bali continuously three years and discontinue for 3 years. The Bali celebration lasts for 12 days. The celebration is like any other tribe of Koraput ( Kornel and Gamang, 2010) (2). Asadha jatra: They go to Jeypore to pull the Jaganath Rath, each house contribute five rupees to purchase a goat which they sacrifice before leaving village and join at Jeypore. Bandapan jatra: Maize, and Biri, a pulse are very significant in the puja. Pig/ poultry are offered in puja. Nisamandi sapling where wanted is placed with an animal sacrifice. Dasara puja: Mund dhoni of Raja ghar. This has again relevance to Jeypore King who was well known and proud to celebrate Dashara puja and was compared to Mysore. Otherwise it is the month when the tribe celebrates New Year harvested food to eat in a ceremony. Pumpkin, new rice, tamarind, saru forms the bulk food in the day of puja.
Diali parab: Podh mar jatra or Cheliimara jatra. The name signifies sacrifice of buffalo bullock and or goat. The Diali celebration is mostly a celebration of significance to Schedule caste, though Parenga do celebrate. Halajatra of Phagun: where cattle are worshiped for the services they have rendered in crop production to the community. They claim to celebrate mundo holopoda first at Perta village and take the family to join the Nandapur or Jeypore holopada. The mundo means origin or main. This signifies the importance of Perta village to the tribe.
Chaitra parab: The chait parab is long duration festival, where village sacrifices a goat, and seed setting for New Years starts, after a brief ceremony. The chait parab celebration is similar to Guttob Gadaba, described by Kornel 1999 (3). Bodo Mahaprabhu, Bramhana devata, village puja. Bichoh / Bindu concept is prevalent in some village. They utter the name of Ganga raja and use thread woven tiny umbrellas made up of bamboo is used in puja and K.C.Panigrahi (4)
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has shown the use of such umbrella in puja as symbol of Jaina and Buddhist culture. Whole Parenga villages celebrate Pusa parab during Hindu calendar Pausha month full moon. The village Gouda or cattle grazer takes the lead in the celebration. A thanks giving ceremony to livestock is given for their hard labour in the family endeavour to grow crops for food. Cooked newly harvested food of rice, ragi, suana, alsi, rat meat, dongar siadi, seed, nangal kasda, pit kanda, fish, biri, jhudung, rice bean and pendum - Khicdi feed is prepared to feed large ruminants in every family. Pitha or bread from rice are tied to the neck of each large ruminant, that is picked by village children and enjoy. It follows with events of contracting the cattle grazer etc. Pus parab is an elaborate affair to the village, which runs for nine days like the Gadaba celebration. The village pujari brings the Mahaprabhu and is being worshipped by a group of Pujaris and members from the village and in the evening the village people assemble at the puja site to witness the different processions taken out to honour the Mahaprabhu. It is more of a fertility concept. The detail celebration has been given by Kornel, 1999 (5) Cher Chera, is a part of the celebration, where children go door to door and collect rice and ragi to make grand feast. They each holding a stick and go around the village dancing and shouting Cher Chera and enjoy the full moon night. I was also a part of these parties in my childhood, but I never knew why they call Cher Chera. Now presume it is possibly the Chola victory on Cheras and from them and their follower tribes have been continuing the victory till today. These people have good sense of poetry. Parengas are debarred of Ragi beer. This is possibly for food security reasons. Sorubhaie concept is prevalent; panjiabhaie concept is not well defined. The concept of Sourbahie and Panjiabhaie in Gutoba Gadaba has been detailed out by Kornel (1999) (6).
Parenga Poraja and Peramandi Kings of West Gangas

The Parenga tribe may be the past subjects of Western Ganga and possibly have derived their tribe name from Permandi title of Western Gangas and continued being called Peranga or Parenga. The Parenga tribe villages are located around a small river called Issani Ganga or Gangeshani in Nandapur region and possibly the river had derived its name from the ruling Western Gangas. This is a sacred river and is called Dakhina Kasi (Southern Benares)
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The Parenga Poraja tribe and Guttob Gadaba tribe live close by villages; and Guttob consider superior to Parenga Poraja, and the fact is admitted by both tribes. Both tribes share festivals; similar culture and language also are from Austro-Asiatic stock. Satyavakya Kongunivarma Nolambakul-antaka Permmanadi was also known as Guttiya-Ganga (7). The Guttob name of Gadaba tribe may have come from Guttiya-Ganga. The Western Ganga king were bearing the title of Dharma-maharajadhiraja, lord of Kovalapura, master of Nandigiri, the illustrious Satyavakya-Kongunivarma Permandi or Eregangadeva who ever meditating at the feet of the god Arhat.(8) This is evident from several Western Ganga inscriptions. Western Ganga presence in Koraput-Bastar region is postulated to be there for the following reasons and facts. 1. Kukkanur plates (9) of Marasimha II (968-69 A.D.) indicate in one of the verse that: "His fame had incessantly spread in all the eight quarters as far as the rivers of Mandakini and Kalinda (verse 43); moreover, he was constantly worshipping the Lord Jina and ." River Mandakini is the present River Indravati, which has origin and flowing through present Koraput district, and then join Godavari river after passing through Bastar district of Chhattisgarh. The plate is with reference to Western Ganga ruling Dhavala visaya and Gangapati - 96,000. 2. The presence of Nolambo rulers in Nandapur region of Koraput is established beyond doubt. Kabbanahalli inscription (10) for Satyavakya - Nolambakulantaka-Permandi (A.D. 972-73) denoted, 'When the illustrious Kongaunivarmma was ruling over the 96,000 country after annihilating all Nolambas'. Nitmiarga Ereganga, western Ganga King routed the army of the Vallabha (the Rastrakuta emperor, of Amoghavarsa I, (814-80 A.D.).Ereganga was a great devotee of the Jina. (11) His son Satyavakya- Racamalla II succeeded him. A claim is made for him that he had got the better of such an array of rulers as those of Vanga, Paundra, Magadha, Kosala, Kalinga, Andhra and Damila in the battle of Samiya.(12) His younger brother, Buttuga defeated Mahendra (probably the Nolambo-Pallava ruler of that name) in battles fought at Biriyuru, Sururu, and Samiya. (The Sururu may be prevent day Saluru and Samiya may be present day Chamiya). Besides, he
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is also described as having defeated the Kongas (probably the rulers of the Konga country in northern Tamilnadu was pleaded by Ramesh 1984 (13)) and to have captured their elephants. The above facts prove that Nolambo were vassals of Western Ganga. The Konga referred is different than Konga; we are inclined to put the fact that UmerkoteRaighar region is known as Kavai-Konga. Dhavala visaya was contiguous to this region. The relevance can be drawn in future. 1. There is a village, close to Jholaput in Nandapur-Padua region named 'Erenga'. The village has an ancient shrine of 'Adinath', Jain deity. It is proposed that Erenga name may be due to from Nitimarga Ereganga, king of Western Gangas.Nitimarga-kongunivarman alias Eregangadeva who ever meditating at the feet of the god Arhat (14). 2. The other reference is the part played by Ereyanga in the war against Kulottunga has been noticed in the inscription of his grandson Narasimha which calls him the strong arm of the Chalukya Kings and ascribed to him victories won against Malepas (mountain chiefs), Chakrakuta, Kalinga and Dhara, besides his success against Cholas (15) 3. The major river in Nandapur is Kolaba. There is also one large village of Jhodia Poraja named Kolaba, on the banks of Kolaba river. The relevance of Kolaba name may be as followings, Kadalur Grant (16) of Marasimha (962 A.D.) indicates that "of the king Jayaduttaranga (i.e. Butuga II), the queen was Kallabba, daughter of Simhavarman of the Chalukya family to them was born the king Satyavkya Marasimha, the brother of the king Marula (verse 34)". So Kollaba river and village may have been named after Western Ganga queen Kallaba. 4. There are four inscriptions due to Western Gangas that denote Paruvi visaya. They come from 4th century A.D. to 799-800 A.D. inscriptions (17). We are inclined to take Paruvi-visaya as the same Paruva-desa, which was ruled by Kulottunga I, as a prince for 7 years in Koraput-Bastar occupation. The reference of Paruva visaya comes from the following inscriptions of Western Gangas. 1. 2. 3. 4. Sansanakota Plates of Madhavavarman, year I (18) Bendiganahalli Plates of Vijaya-Krishnavarman, Year I (19) Penukonda Plates of Madhava II Simhavarman (20) Kottimba grant of Yuvaraja Marasimha, Year III., (21)
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The Jain temple remnants in Umbel and Tentliput in Nandapur region is still worshiped by Parenga Pujari since time unknown strengthens the ruling of Western Gangas in the region. Kukkanur Plates of Marasimha II of W. Ganga has at Verse 60 that speaks, "To that Kalaparyya-bhatta was given by Kundanasami, the moon in the ocean of the Ganga family, who was unequalled in beauty, calmness, intelligence and prosperity, who was the follower of Butuga, etc., on the occasion of Uttarayana-Samcranti in the cyclic to the west of year Vibhava in Saka 890, the village of Addavurage, situated to the north of Kukkanura agrahar and Rajapura - agrahara in Dhavala - visaya after obtaining it from her younger brother Ganga - Kandarppa ( i.e Marasimha) where he was ruling over the entire Dhavala - Visaya and Gangapati - 96,000" (22) The above verse, reference to Dhavala - Visaya points to Kalahandi - North Koraput ( Nabarangpur ) region. The place Rajapura can be the one in Umerkote region or may be of Chhattisgarh. The Kukkanura may be the present Koksora of Kalahandi district in Orissa. The last lines which speaks Marasimha ruled entire Dhavala - Visya and Gangapati - 96,000, means both were contagious patch. The Dhavala visya later was in S.Kosala and Koraput ( Nabarangpur region ) to be Gangapati.
Reference
1. .2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Rao Hayavadana, C cited by Thurston, E and Rangachari, K. Castes and Tribes of Southern India.Madras, 1909. p.209 Kornel, Das and Gamang, Giridhar. Lost Jaina Tribes in Trikalinga 2010., .p.202 Kornel Das.Tribal Cultural Heritage and Cult- Gutob Gadaba of Orissa.p.80-83 Panigrahi, K.C. Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and Somavamis of Orissa.p.56-57 Kornel Das. op.cit.p.73-79 Kornel Das. op.cit. p.31-37 Ramesh, K. V. Inscriptions of the Western Gangas p. 429,456 and 511f E. C., Vol..IV, Ch.134 & No.94 Anchavadi Inscription p301-302 EC, Vol.XIV. YI, 88; Ep.Carn. Vol.IV (Revised) YI, 183 and Krishnapur Inscription No.122 p381-82. Kukkanur Plates of Marasimha II (968-69 A.D.) A.R. Ep. 1969-70, No. A5. Rice, B.L. EC, Vol. XII, pp. 103.
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11. 12. 13. 14. 15.
16. 17.
18. 19. 20. 21. 22.
Inscription of the Western Gangas.p.lxi. Kerchalli Plates of Nitimagra Erenga p. Ibid. No.113, KeregodiRangapura plates, p 340-49. Kadalur Grant of Marasimha ARISE, 1934-35) No. A.23, G.S.Gai: EI, XXXVI, 97-100, ad 100-101, 104-105 and 108-09. Kerehalli plates p.377; Inscriptions of the Western Gangas. EC.VII, SH, X 64; V. BI. 58; also A.K. 177 on the Malwa campaign. Taken from Murari Krishna (1977) The Chalukyas of Kalyani. Concept Publishing Co., Delhi. p.130. Kadalur grant, No. 139 in Inscriptions of the Western Gangas; EI, XXXVI, p 97-109. Inscriptions of the Western Gangas, Bendiganahalli plates, p.15-18 & Mys.Arch Rep1914-15 & No.8 Penukonda plates,p.26-29;EI,XIV,p33140. Sansanakota plates of Madhvavarman in Inscriptions of the Western Gangas, p. 1-3. Bendiganhalli plates, op. cit. Penukonda plates of Madhava II, op.cit. Kottimba grant of Marasimha Inscriptions of the Western Gangas. p.20616. Kukkanur plates of Marsimha II, op .cit.
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SOMAVAMSIS AND KORAPUT

The chiefs of the dynasty of Soma-kula in inscriptions ruled initially in the Western Orissa, but extended gradually over large part of Orissa. There are definite indications that they were closely connected and probably belonged to the Pandu-vamsa, which had ruled Kosala country for nearly one and half centuries. Both the Vamsas trace their ancestry to lunar line. The Somavamsins are also referred as Kesari kings in the late medieval Orissa Chronicles, Madala-panji. N.K.Sahu (1954) (1), K.C.Panigrahi (1961) (2), Bina Kum.Sarma (1983) (3) and Ajaya Mitra Shastri (1990) (4) have delt the Somavamsis of Orissa at length. A brief political history is given below. The Somavamsis portion, related to Bastar-Koraput shall be dealt at length, possible.
Sivagupta
He is the first recorded member of Somavamsis. He was the only one without the epithet of Trikalingadhipati.
Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya (880 to 920 A.D.)

His first and last records were from Suvarnapura (5), which has been identified with modern Sonpur in the Bolangir district. His plates indicate that he was ruling over Sambalpur-Bolangir region, which was the eastern part of the South Kosala. He assumed for the first time the title of Trikalingadhipati. Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya appears to have been involved in a series of hostilities with the Kalachuris of Dhala (Baghelakhanda region of Madhya Pradesh) whose capital was Tripuri (modern Tewar in Jabalpur district). There is evidence from Brahmeswar temple (Bhuhaneswar) inscription that Janamejaya had captured the glory of the Odra king, after spearheading him and being thus killed. The Odra or Orissa was at that time under Bhauma Karas and Tribhuvana Mahadevi was on throne. He further conquered some adjoining territories to justify his assumption of the title of Trikalinadhipati, and thereby placed the Somavamsis on a firm footing and made them a power in the eastern Indian politics.
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Mahasivagupta I Gayati: (920-955 A.D.)

His son Mahasivagupta I Yayati succeeded Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya. He continued aggressive policy towards Kalachuri ruler called Durgaraja. Mahasivagupta I Yayatis success against the Bhanjas and the Bhauma-Karas made him the undisputed lord of Orissa and Kosala as well. He is highly eulogised in the local traditions embodied in the Madalapanji.
Mahabhavagupta II Bhimaratha (955-975 A.D.)

His son Mahabhavagupta II Bhimaratha succeeded Mahasivagupta I Yayati. He maintained the territorial inheritance intact against the aggressions of Kalachuris of Dhala. He had number of sons of whom at least three came to power one after the other after him.
Mahasivigupta II Dharmaratha (975-995 A.D.)

His son, Mahasivagupta II Dharmaratha, succeeded Mahabhavagupta II Bhimratha. The Eastern Chalukya kingdom was torn by internal feuds on the issue of inheritance of throne. The Telega-Choda chief of Jata Choda Bhima of Pedakallu (Kurnool District) slew the E.Chalukya Chief Dharnava and occupied the lotus kingdom from 973-1000 A.D., which later was occupied by Saktivarman I with the help of Rajendra Chola I(6). It seems that Dharmaratha also fished in these troubled water and carried out a raid. The Banapur plates of Indraratha, a step brother of Dharmaratha, got the viceroyalty of Kalinga. It is evident thus Dharmaratha thereof conquered that coastal Kalinga or a substantial part. But how long it remained with them cannot be assumed.
Mahabhavagupta III Naghusa (Nahusa) (995-1010 A.D.)

Mahabhavagupta IV Uddyotakesarin and Mahasivagupta Karna (7), Dharmartha was succeeded by his step-brother Naghusa (Nahusa). The Banpur plates record Indraratha had defeated the king of Udra in a battle and captured his fortune (8). As already seen, Udra was within the dominion of Somakula right from the time of Mahasivagupta I Yayati. Thus it is concluded
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that Naghusa after the death of Dharmaratha succeeded to his throne, and soon he was deprived of his possessions in Udra. Indraratha rushed from his viceregal province of Kalinga and killed Abhimanyu in the field. Thereafter with the approval of the Brahmanas he assumed kingship and occupied firmly the ancestral capital Yayatinagara, from where he had issued the Banpur plates. He controlled three kingdoms (9), which possibly includes Kosala, Udra and Kalinga. Indraratha achieved glory as a ruler; at least in 1022 A.D. when he was defeated by Rajendra Chola I at Yayatinagara in course of his Gangetic expedition. According to the Choda records, Rajendra I carried away large heap of family treasures together with many (other) treasures after having captured Indraratha of the ancient race of the moon and seized Odda-visaya and Kosala-nadu (10). This expedition seems to have taken place primarily to thwart the activities of Indraratha who had aligned himself with later Chalukya king Jayasimha II Jagadekamalla (1015-1042 A.D). The Chalukya king, Jayasimha had placed Vijayaditya VII Vishnuvardhana on the throne of Vengi and set aside the claims of Rajaraja, the nephew of Rajender I (11). It is further mentioned that the good Kosala-nadu Brahmin received him (Rajendra I). It means that Bramhins of Kosala were displeased over the Bramhin of Yayatinagara who had enthroned Indraprastha after he killed Abhimanyu, thus they received Rajendra I after he came defeating and capturing Indraratha from Yayatinagar. He was captured with all his family and later said to have been killed. Indraratha had to face invasions from Parmara king Bhoja (1000-1047 A.D.)(12), Gangeyadeva (1015-1041 A.D), the Kalachuri king of Tripuri (13).
Mahasivagupta III Candihara Yayati alias Candihara Yayati (1022-1040 A.D.)

According to Choda records, Rajendra Choda took Indraratha captive together with his family, thus none of his family members were left to inherit his throne. Now Abhimanyus son Yayati alias Candihara (14) claimed the throne of Somakula, after reappearing from self-imposed exile (15). He freed Kosala and Utkala from enemies. His records show Chola inclination as he described himself the burning fever to Karnataka, Lata and Gujara kings.
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Mahabhavagupta IV Uddyotakesarin (1040-1065 A.D)

Mahasivagupta III Yayati alias Candihara was succeeded by his son Mahasivagupta IV Uddyotakesarin. He maintained his hold over Kosala, Udra or Utkala (16)(17). Some records of his reign are available on the Khandagiri hill of Bhuhaneswar (18). Uddyotakesarin was credited with military success in the Bhubaneswar inscriptions of his mother, Kolavati. It is stated that he vanquished all the hostile forces of Dahala, Udra and Gauda (19). Rajadhiraja I (1018-1052 A.D), Rajendra II (1052-1064 A.D) and Virarajendra (1063-1070 A.D) were the Chola contemporaries of Uddyotakesarin. But his claims of victory over Chodas dont seem to be true (20). The Kelga plates of Kumaradhiraja Somesvar that Uddyotakesarin appointed one Abhimanyu as his sub-king in Kosala (21). Abhimanyu may be his brother. This was to check the invasion of Kalachuris of Dahala and Chindika Nagas of Chakrakuta to south Kosala, as Uddyotakesarin remained in Utkala to protect the onslaught of Gangas. Kumaradhiraja-paramesvara Somesvara followed Abhimanyu. Udoyotkesarin observed religious catholicity and appears to have extended it.
Mahasivagupta IV Janamejaya: (1065-1080 A.D)

His son Mahasivagupta IV Janamejaya replaced Uddyotakesarin. Ratnagiri plates by his nephew Karana, speak of his victory over a Naga chief (22), who may be identified with Chindika-Naga chief Somesvara I (1069-1097 A.D) of Chakrakuta (Bastar). The Chindika Naga Somesvara I, also claimed to have own a victory over the Udra king and captured six lakhs and ninety-six villages of Kosala (23). The recently found Nuapatna plates of his reign state that a certain Yuvaraja Dharmaratha, who enjoyed the titles of Paramabhattaraka and Mahakumaradhiraja Paramesavara acted as his sub-king in Pascima-Kalinga (24), which does not admit of a proper identification, but may have denoted some area on the west of Kalinga (25). His exact relationship with Janamejaya cannot be ascertained, though not improbably he may have been his son, remarked Ajaya Mitra Shastri (26).
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I am inclined to believe that Pascima-Kalinga here means the valley of Jeypore in Koraput district. The postulation that the Kosala-portion of Somavamsin Kingdom with Pascima-Kalinga is not tenable, as suggested by K.S.Behera in Administrative system under the Somavamsis (ed.D.C.Sirkar) 89-90. This is based on my finding that Bhumia tribe of Koraput-Bastar are subjects of Somavamsin rulers and archaeological remains in this part of the Koraput district, which is most remarkable and akin to Somavamsins of Bhubaneswar group. The said tribe also claims their migration from Bhubaneswar, till date. During the period the Gangas at the south end of Soma Kula kingdom threatened them and Kalachuris of Kosala and Chindaka-Nagas on the west. The Ganga king Rajaraja I Devendravarman (1070-1078 A.D), son and successor of Vajrahasta V Anantavarman, claims that his general Vanapati defeated the kings of Utkala and Kosala. The Kalachuris chief Prithvideva I (1065-1090 A.D) also probably achieved successes against Somavamsis as he assumed the title SakalaKosaladhipati in the Amoda plates 1069 A.D.(27).
Mahabhavagupta V Puranjaya (1080-1100 A.D)

Mahasivagupta IV Janamejayas son and successor was Mahabhavagupta V Puranjaya. There is only one inscription of his brother and successor Karna, which depicts of him (28). At this time Anantavarman Chodaganga (1078-1142 A.D) and Chindaka-Naga Somesvara I was supreme in Kalinga and Bastar, respectively. They were constantly encroaching upon the Somavamsin dominion.
Mahasivagupta V Karna
His younger brother Mahasivagupta V Karna succeeded Mahasivagupta V Puranjaya. He was the last king of the Somavamsins. He was first defeated by Pala king Ramapala and finally lost his country to Anantavarman Chodagangadeva, the Eastern Ganga king, thus he became the undisputed king of Udra (lower-Orissa) sometime between 1108 and 1115 A.D. This is evident from the Mukhalingam plates that first Anantavarmana after defeating the Utkala king, reinstated him, but the second plates by his Lingaraja temple and Puri (Markandesvara temple)(29) inscriptions which clearly indicate his final occupation of the region. The Somavamsi rule in the eastern part of South Kosala was wiped out in the early 12th century due to Kalachuri, Chindaka -Naga and Telugu-Choda encroachments. It is noted above; the victory of Kalachuri Jajalladeva I over Somesvara as well as the Chindaka-Naga occupation of Kosala was carried out through their Telugu-
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Choda feudatories. The Telugu Choda, Yasoraja, during middle of 11th century is credited with the occupation of Kosala. His great-grandson Somesvara II was described as the lord of entire Kosala, and issued his Patna Museum (30) and Kumarsimha (31) plates from Suvarnapura (Sonepur in the Balangir district). This was also the capital of Kosala for Somavasins. Thus the Somavamsins were totally wiped out both from coastal Orissa and eastern part of South Kosala in the first quarter of 12th century. The coastal Orissa came under Ganga king Anantavarmana Chodagangadeva, the Kosala portion to Kalachuris and the Chindaka-Nagas aided by their feudatories TeluguChoda (32).
Kathargada and Somavamsis

Kathargada is located on Muran near Kamata village in close proximity to Bhairaba Singapur. The village has some valuable archaeological remains well maintained by the villagers. There is no old temple structure that exists today in the place. Most of the remains points out to Orissan sculpture like Papadahandi of Nowrangpur.This was also one of the center for Sakti puja along with Deolguda of Borigumma, Bhairaba Singapur, Jeypore etc.The mantras that are referred to important Saktipithas of Castal Orissa, may have been the influence of the Somavamsis.
References
1. Sahu, N.K. (1954) History of Kosala and the Somavamisis of Utkal OHRJ Vol. III, No.3 pp127-136. 2. Panigrahi, Krishna Chandra (1961) Chronology of the Bhauma -Karas and the Somavamsis of Orissa. Publisher not known 3. Sarma, Bina Kumari (1983) Somavamsi Rule in Orissa, Purthi Pustak, Calcutta 4. Shastri Ajay Mitra (1990) Inscriptions of the Sarabhapuriyas, Panduvamsins and Somavamsins (Part I & II) Indi.Council 1961 of Hist.Res. New Delhi & M.Banarsidass, Delhi 5. No.IV: 1 and XI 6. Yazdani, G (Ed) Early History of the Deccan, 486-487. See also.Majumdar, R.C (ed.) HCIP, IV: The Age of Imperial Kanauj, 139-140 7. No.IV: XXII, XXVII, Verse 6; IV; Suppl. Inscr.111, Verse 6 8. No.IV: App I, Verse 12 9. No.IV; App I, Verse 14 10. Sastri, K.A .N .The Colas, 207
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11. Ibid 12. E.I, I, 235, Verse 19 13. C.1.1, IV, XC, CXX-CXXI 14. In IV; XXII, XXVII and Suppl.Insc.III, Verse 8 15. No.IV; XXVI, Verse 6 16. No.IV; XXIV 17. No.IV; XXII 18. No.IV; XXIII and XXV 19. J.R.A.S., Letters, NII, 1947, pp.63-74 20. EI; IV. 191, text line 41 21. No.IV; XXVIII, text line 4-5 22. No.IV; XXVII, Verses 12-13 23 No.IV Suppl.Inscr.IV. Text lines 9-10 24. J.O.R.S. (1981).pp.29-30 &No.IV, Suppl.Inscript.IV, text lines 9-10 cited by Shastri, Ajaya Mitra, p-219. 25. Sircar, D.C. Edi.Behera, K.S Admi.Syst.Under the Somavansis. Early Indi.Polit & Adm.Syst.89-90 26. Sastri, Ajaya Mitra, Inscriptions of the Sarabhapuriyas, Panduvamsins and Somavamsins Part I 27. C.I.I., IV, 400 text line 5; 406, text line 24 28. No.IV, Suppl.Inscr.IV, text line 41 29. E.I.XXXIII, 184-85 30. Ibid, XIX, 97ff 31 Journal of the Kalinga Historical Res.Study by iii 29ff 32. E.I., XXVIII, 324 & E.I. XXVIII, 286-289
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BHUMIA TRIBE
The Bhumia tribe is mainly concentrated in Jeypore subdivision, mostly in Jeypore, Kundra, Boipariguda, Ramgiri, Mathili blocks and a small number also in Nowrangpur subdivision. The population of Bhumia tribe is about one lakh in number They speak Oriya; unlike Bhottodas they do not enjoy high position in the social scale but the fact is denied in many quarters.. Thurston and Rangachari (1909) said, The Bhumias are an Oriya caste of hill cultivators, found in Jeypore Zamindari. According to a tradition, they were the first to cultivate the land on the hills. In the Central Provinces (i.e. present Madhya Pradesh) they are said to be known as Baigas, concerning whom Captain Ward (1870) writes that the decision of the Baiga in a boundary dispute is almost always accepted as final, and, from this right as children of the soil and arbiters of the land belong to each village, they are said to have derived their title of Bhumia, the Sanskrit bhumi meaning the earth. (1)
Bhumia lady in a village in Boipariguda, Koraput
Thurston and Rangachari continue to say. For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The Bhumias have septs, e.g., bhag (tiger) and naga (cobra). A man can claim his paternal aunts daughter in marriage. The marriage ceremonial is much the same among the Bottadas. The jhotta tonk (presents) consist of liquor, rice, a sheep or fowl, and cloths for the parents of the bride. A pandal (booth), made of poles of the sorgi tree, is erected in front of the bridegrooms house and a Disari officiates. The remarriage of widows is permitted and a younger brother usually marries his elder brothers widow. If man
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divorces his wife, it is customary for him to give her a rupee and a new cloth in compensation. The dead are burned, and pollution lasts for nine days. On the tenth day a ceremonial bath is taken, and a feast, with copious supplies of liquor, is held. In parts of the Central Provinces the dead are buried, and two or three flat stones are set up over the grave.(2) At present the main concentration of Bhumias; are the plain lands of Ramgiri, Baipariguda, Jeypore, and Mathili, part of Malkangiri, Nowrangpur and Kotpad. During British administration the Bhumias had revolted against the oppression of Doms at Ramgiri and Baipariguda area. Russel and Rai Bahadur (1975 reprint) (3) Bharia, Bharia-Bhumia described them as a Dravidian tribe numbering about 50,000 people and residing principally in the Jubbalpur (present Jabalpur) district, which contain half of the total number. The other place where they found is in Chhindwara and Bilaspur. The proper name of the tribe is Bharia, but they are often called Bharia-Bhumia, because many of them hold the office of Bhumia or priest of the village gods and of the lower castes in Jubbalpur and the Bharia prefer the designation of Bhumia as being more responsible.
Bhumia priest performing puja
Bell (1945) said, they do not possess traditions regarding the countr y from which they migrated to Jeypore, nor the time when their migration took place, but maintain that they are sons of the soil.(4) Peace loving people have produced the great son like Sri Laxmana Naik who sacrificed his life in gallows in fight to end the British rule of India. They wear thread like Brahmins and worship Birkhomba god, 2 km from Baipariguda.
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The Bhumia divide them as Bodo and Sano groups, the Sano Bhumia are also known as Buri Bhumia or Matia who mostly live in Ramgiri and north of Malkangiri including Kudumulgumma. Now-a-days, couple of marriage between both Sano and Bodo Bhumias does take place, which some years back was forbidden. The Bhumia are tall dark complexioned thinly built people, considered handsome men and beautiful women by neighbouring tribes. They are hard working settled agriculturists. On the whole, they are quite intelligent and wise people, who show cool behaviour. They show a very highly collective and disciplined behaviour in their society and pursuance towards living. The Bodo Bhumias have the following bonso or clan and are: Nag Bagh Surya Cobra snake Tiger and Sun
Among the Nag bonso the sub-clans are Kakalpadia, Ratalia, Kaudia, Boliputia, Sandaepadia, Gundlia, Dorapatia, Jurjia, Minorbalia, Kendu, Kotia, Rampuria, Chandrapadia, Digapuria, Karlia, Masia, Serkia, Bergia, Giuria, Kandki, Pujari, Majhi, Sa no Majhi, Kandli, Mahalia, Udalbadia, Balia, Sindia, Bodopadia, Bagdiria etc. Generally in a village, families of one Bonso only reside and marriage in interbonso or clan is allowed but not in intra-clan. The Bhumia ladies have a good say in family decisions and take active part in meetings and express boldly their opinion. They control the expenditure part of the home, and take care of the poultry, home vegetable garden and livestock
Bhumia women in white cloth on way to attend the 10th day death ceremony of a relative
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The Bhumia are hard working agriculturists. They do well in dry land cultivation. The ragi and rice are the staple food. They are good in rice farming. They grow kandulo and khedjona in their fields. The backyard farming is well maintained by women. Fruit trees form a larger part of living, particularly the jackfruit. They prefer sheep, poultry and duck; however, cattle and buffaloes are there in the system. They quickly follow and adjust new development in agriculture sector. The personal hygiene is well maintained, even the village hygiene.
Bhumia and History

Bhumia claim to have come from Bhubaneswar in the past. They do not have any other support to describe their allegiance to any dynasty at present. In Kundra block, particularly the tribe has good presence; the Goriahandi, Phupugaon villages have Jaina temples of the past and Bhumia are the priest. The Pujari family of the Goriahandi narrated to me that their ancestors would live without cloth in caves of near by Phampuni. The village Phampuni was an important place for Jains, may be Buddhist and now Sakti. There is a Durga idol lying in close by forest. Phampuni is now populated with Kurumas who were past subjects of Kuruma branch of Sweata Gangas of Kalinga and have migrated from Ganjam. Bhumia are closer to Somavamsis rulers and I am of the opinion that the relation that the tribe is placing to Bhubaneswar is very close to the hypothesis. They were originally Jains and later took to Savism and adapted Visnu cult as can be seen from a old Bhumia settlement in Goriahandi, located on the bank of Kolab and is closer to Phampuni village.
References
1. Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, Vol.1-7. 2. Ibid. 3. Russel, R.V. and Rai Bahadur Hira Lal. The Tribes and castes of Central Provinces of India, Four Volumes, London. 4. Bell, R.C.S., Orissa District Gazetteer (Koraput), Cuttack, Government Press, 1945
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BHUMIA VILLAGE GORIAHANDI, KUNDRA, KORAPUT
Visnu Temple, Goriahandi Visnu, Goriahandi
Gaja-Laxmi, door of the Jaina temple, Phupugaon Tirthankara Jaina, Goriahandi
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Unfinished Lion, Goriahandi Siva Parbati, Siva temple, Goriahandi
Siva linga, Goriahandi
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JAINA TEMPLE BHUMIA PHUPUGAON, KUNDRA
Mahavira Jaina shrine, Phupugaon, Kundra
KATHARAGADA ORISSAN ARCHAEOLOGY
Gaja Kesari
Bhairaba
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Tandava Siva
Maheswara and Parvati
An Elephant
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Devi Durga
Siva and Parvati
Siva and Parvati
Ganesha
Ruins of a temple, Kathargada with images
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Siva linga
Siva linga
Uma and Parvati
Buddha in Pakkanaguda near Kathargada
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NAGA OR CHHINDAKA DYNASTY OF CHAKRAKOTA

The learned authors D.C.Sircar (1957) (1), Rai Bahadur Hiralal (1907) (2), Prof.V.V.Mirashi (1939) S.N.Rajaguru (1959 & 1980), (3) (4) K.C.Panigrahi (1959) and Mrs.S. Tripathy (5) (1984) have given a good account of Naga or Chhindaka Naga-vamsis of Chakrakota. The Chakarakota has been known as Sakkara-Kottam Sacrakota, Chakrakotta, Chakrakuta etc. in various literatures and from a number of inscriptions discovered from former Bastar State of present Chhattisgarh since late 9th Century and 10th Century Chalukyan records of this has been identified with the valley of Indravati river, the present Bastar district and part of Koraput district as well as part of Kalahandi district of Orissa. A number of inscriptions (6) of rulers belonging to the Chhindaka family of the Naga race have been found in Bastar State of Madhya Pradesh. They appear to have ruled from Barasur (Modern Barasur about 140 kms from Jagdalpur). The following text of a stone inscription of Someswara (A.D.1208) incised in A.D.1108 was found from the Bastar State, gives a clear idea of Nagavamsi: Om Swasitha sahasrafana mani kirana birasura Nagavansodhava Bhogabatipurabrasava sabatasya byaghra lanchan Kasyapagotra prakotokrita ghosana bisba biswambhars parameswara parama bhattarak maha maheswara charan kabaja kijalak pujya pibjarita bhramayamana manonata Srimanikyadevi padapadmardhkya parabala sadhaka Sri Jagadeka maharaja Sri Someswaradeva Further the name Chakrakota was found in the Chalukyan record of the 9th Century A.D. In the Pithapur-inscription (7) of Mallapadeva it is mentioned that the Eastern-Chalukya King Gunaga Vijayaditya (849-892 A.D) defeated the king of Chakrakuta. Prof.Mirashi has also identified Chakrakotya with the Central part of the Bastar-State (8). While editing the Rajapura-Copper Plate grant of Madhurantakadeva (Saka 987) Rai Bahadur Hiralal writes the name of Chakrakota was probably an alternative name of Chakravotya, which seems to survive in Ghumra, a name given to the fall of the Indravati at Chitrakuta. (9). K.Suryanarayana (1986) (10) wrote, One inscription of Chalukyas of Vemulavada of Vikramarjunavijayam captured a fort called Chitrakuta which was inaccessible. His son, Arikesari I, is said to have conquered the kingdom of
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Vengi and Trikalinga during the period of Rastrakuta king Nirupama Dhruva, 780-793 A.D. (Kllipara plates). He further wrote, the inaccessible fort of Chitrakuta, which Vinayaditya is said to have captured is not identified. As there are a number of forts with that name in North and Central parts of India which played a prominent role in contemporary history, its identification bristles with difficulties. Here one need to be careful about Chakrakote and Chitrakuta and both denote different identies. The Naga or Chhindaka had the family crust of tiger with cub and carved the banner with emblem of a snake. They belong to the Kasyapa-gotra and assumed the title of Bhogavatipura Varesnara, the lord of Bhogavatipura. Their tutelary goddess was Manikyadevi or Manikeswari. The daietyBhagavati of Jeypore was shifted from Kotpad region to the present location. She may be the tutelary goddess of Naga dynasty. The name of Chhindaka and the story of their origin as recorded in their epigraphies indicate the line of these rulers had close relationship with the Sindas of Sindavadi in Kanada country of about 8th Century A.D. who also claimed Naga lineage and the royal title of the lord of Bhogavatipura, the best of cities. The land of the Sindas was called Sindavadi and comprised of northern parts of Mysore, Bellary, Dharwar and is mentioned in a record of A.D.750. D.C.Sirkar (11) has observed, There is no doubt the family name of Chhindaka preferred by Nagavansis of Bastar is the same as Sinda of Kannada country. It is perhaps, during the last part of 10th Century that the Chhindakas entered the Bastar region in the train of the expeditions lead by the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani to the Eastern Chalukyas Kingdom of Vengi. There was bitter struggle between the Cholas and W.Chalukyas over the kingdom of Vengi that continued for a long time. It seems that the Telugu Chodas of Bastar also migrated to Bastar in the train of Western Chalukyas. B.V.Rao (1973)(12) said, The province of Chakrakuta appears to have formal part of the country known as Tri-kalinga, and throughout the range of the ancient history, remained the bones of contention between the Chalukyas of Vengi, the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga, and lastly the Haihayas or the Kalachuris of Chedi. Each dynasty successively and sometimes contemporaneously, from the days of Rajaraja, claimed the ownership over this unfortunate province. The City of Bhogavatipura was the capital town of the Nagavamsi Kings of this area; and it was located in Bastar State. So also the ancient name of Kalahandi was Karunda or Karunda-Mandala as is seen from a copper plate inscription preserved in the Madras Museum (13). In that inscription we find that the Nagavamsi Kings migrated from a place Dharnimba, but we are not in a position to offer any
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tangible suggestion. The Nagavamsi-family, history speaks of a place known as Svatiamba as the first seat of the Naga kings was remarked by Rajaguru (14)
Map showing Charakot, Chindaraja villages, Chindirijori riverlute and Narigachha and Barigachha villages along with Muran River in Koraput district
The Sanskrit Kavya Navasahasanka-Charita of Padmagupta is a very important literary work, which throws light on the history of the Naga Kings of the Bastar Kalahandi region. Messrs. Zachrae rendered a descriptive account of this Kavya and Buhler, an English translation that was published in the Indian Anti-quary, Vol. XXXVI (1907).
Epigraphic records of Nagas or Chhindaka dynasty

The following list of epigraphic records relating to Nagavamsi Kings is helpful to study their historical importance and their kingdom of Chakrakota,
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1.
A fragmentary record from Errakot, about 25 kms from Jagdalpur and the name of the Chhindaka-Naga king mentioned which cannot be fully read, but may be Nriptibhushana (or Kshitibhusana)(15) The inscription bears a date in Saka 945 (=A.D.1023) An inscription from Barsur, which bears a date in A.D.1060, refers to the reign of a Chhindaka-Naga king named Maharaja Dharavasha alias Jagadekabhushana (16). Rajapura copper plate inscription of Madhurantaka, bearing the date A.D.1065 records the grant of the village of Rajapura (find spots of the record, 55 Kms north-west of Jagdalpur) in the Bhramanakotya (Bhramanakotta)-mandala, probably as a compensation for supplying victims for human sacrifices. The Bhramarakotta-mandala was either identical with Chakrakotta or a part of the later (17). The fragmentary Dantewara inscription of A.D.1061 belongs to Dharavarsha or Madhurantaka. Dharavarsha son Somesvara I whose earliest known date is A.D.1069 soon ousted King Madhurantaka from the throne (18). One of the two Kuruspal (55 Kms from Jagdalpur) inscriptions of Dharanamahadevi, the second queen of the Chhindaka-Naga king Somesvara I, bears a date in the Khara Samvatsra, which fell in A.D.1069. The other inscriptions of the reign of the same king, one from the Kuruspal and other from Gadia, are dated in A.D.1097.(19) The fragmentary inscription from Kuruspal (20), the most important record of the reign of Somesvara I. This epigraph mentions the kings son Kanhara and seems to have been engraved late in his reign. Through the grace of the goddess Vindhyavasini, Somesvara is said to have acquired the sovereignty of Chakrakuta (Chakrakotta). He is further stated to have killed king Madhurantaka, the ruler of Chakrakote of which Somesvara I claimed to have been the hereditary king. The record also edits Somesvara with many other military activities such as the burning of Vengi, the subjugation of Bhadrapattana and Vajra and the seizure of the six lakhs and ninety-six villages of Kosala (south Kosala).
2.
3.
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6.
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7.
The Narayanapal inscription (21) of A.D.1111 mentions Gunda-Mahadevi who was the queen of Dharavarsha, mother of Somesvara I, and grandmother of Kanhara. It stated that Kanhara was ruling after the death of his father. Thus Somesvara I had ended his reign some time before A.D.1111. A Barsur inscription (22) dated Saka 1130 (A.D.1208), mentions GangMahadevi as the queen of the Chhindaka-Naga king Somesvara, who may be identified with king Rajabhushana Somesvara II from his Gadia inscription (23). From Dantewara inscription, undated Rajabhushana-maharaja is known (24). The Jatanpal inscription of A.D. 1218 and Dantewara inscriptions of A.D.1224 speak of a Chhindaka Naga king named Jagadekabhushana Narasimha (25)
8.
9. 10.
It is said by historians that Maharaja Jagadekabhushana mentioned as the worshipper of goddess Manikyadevi (modern Danteswari of Dantewara temple) as mentioned in inscription of Bhairamgarh (26) is same as Jagadekabhushashan Narasimha. 11. The Barsur and Potinar inscriptions of A.D.1060 speak of Mahamandaleswara Maharaja Chandraditya, ruler of Ammagrama, as the feudatory of the Chhindaka-Naga king Dharavarsha Jagadekabhushana, who had his headquarters at Barasur (27). 12. The undated Sunarpal inscriptions mention another king of ChhindakaNaga family, named Jayasimha, whose relationship with Jagadekabhushan Narasimha is unknown. The Tammara inscription of A.D.1324 mentions king Harischandra of Chakrakota probably a later member of the Chhindaka-Naga family. (28)
13.
Coins of Nagas
Further to this evidence of inscriptions, discovery of gold coins of Nagavamsi dynasty have given new dimensions in this direction. Rajaguru (29) and Mrs.
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Tripathy (1984) have studied and reported the Naga dynasty coins especially of Orissa find (30). They are as following:
Seals
Kodinga hoard of 28 gold coins from Koraput district, Orissa
As per Rajaguru (1959)(31) during May 1957 Bipin Bihari Ratha, OAS, Addl.D.M. Koraput informed Govt. that 28 thin disc like gold coins were received. It was 6" inside soil, inside an earthen pot, covered with stone over it. Lolithabathi, D/o Debo Jani, Singiguda village, Dumadei Reserve Forest in Kodinga P.S, found it. The coins were almost equal in size. Old Telugu scripts over the coins. On paleographical grounds assigned to 11th & 12th centuries A.D. At 6 O clock, on every coin, there is an emblem bearing either the figure of a sword or a Siva-lingam, flanked by a few dotted marks. Each coin contains a second emblem at its centre. It is in each case, the standing figure of a tiger which is the royal insignia of the Nagavamsi kings of Chakrakota Out of the total number of 28 coins, 26 contain the name of Rajabhusana; one contains Prapaganda-Bhairava and one Ranabhushana. We meet with the names of Rajabhushana and Prapaganda-Bhairava among the Nagavamsi kings of Chakrakota. The name Prapaganda-Bhairava, which is mentioned in some of the stones of Nagavamsi kings. Pratiganda-Bhairva is the cognomen of Somesvara Deva, who was a powerful ruler of the family. Similarly, the second name of Ranabhushanana if known from any epigraphic record was found in the Bastar area. Some think Ranabhushana is also a Nagavamsi king of that locality, as the emblems, employed in his coin, are corresponding with those of the other coins of the hoard. Anyway, the present hoard contributes this new name (Ranabhushana) to the genealogy of the Nagavamsis.
Sonsari hoard of gold coins, Bilaspur district, Madhya Pradesh

The same coins of Kodinga along with the coins discovered from Sonsari hoard in Bilaspur district of Madhya Pradesh were studied by Dr. (Smt) S.Tripathy (32) and reported during 1984, she wrote:
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Four coins supposed to be the issue of the Naga kings of Chakrakotta were found among the coins of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur, in the big Sonsari (33) hoard discovered in the Bilaspur district of Madhya Pradesh. L.P.Pandeya earlier identified these coins as the coins of the Kalachuris of Ratanpur (34), but later on they were attributed by B.C.Jain to be the Nagas of Chakrakotta (35). But it is interesting to note that the coins of both the finds are totally different so far as their typology is concerned, though it is now known that the same rulers issued them the Naga family, as we shall see presently.
Description
The four coins of Sonsari are circular in shape, contain on their obverse, within the dotted border, the figure of a tiger standing to right facing left, forepaw raised from the ground and before it a dagger with its point resting on ground; above the animal, Sun and Moon are represented on its right and left respectively. The reverse contains within dotted circle, legend in three lines in Naari characters reading: 1. Srimad - So 2. me sva ra3. deva sya The weight of each coin, according to Jain is 59 grains and 7 cm in diameter. The general fabric of the coins closely resembles those of the Kalachuri coins of Ratanpur. The Kodinga hoard of 28 gold coins are thin, broad and circular in shape, measuring 3.7 cms each, excepting one which is slightly bigger having the diameter of 4.3 cms. Each coin weights 3.840 gms and the bigger one is 3.878 gms in weight. The devices and legend are punched separately on one side only, having striking similarity with the Eastern Chalukyan and some of the Chola gold coins. Due to the thickness and heavy punches on the coins, they have become cup-shaped. As regards the device adopted, they may be described as follows: In the centre, are punched a tiger facing right, surmounted by Sun and Moon represented by dots. The legend in Telugu-Kanarese letters are shown around the edge, each letter being punched separately beginning with the letter Sri and ending with the device of a dagger pointed to the ground, or it may be a symbol for Siva - Lingam as suggested by Rajaguru. Of the total 28 coins 27 pieces
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have the legend in Telugu-Kanarese, reading the name Rajabhushana and the solitary bigger coin has the legend Prapa (ti) ganda-bhairava. (36) Rajaguru has doubtfully read the legend in one of the coin from 27 pieces as Ranabhushana. But the letter na read by him after Ra (a), is infact, Ja, if it is minutely examined. Thus this coin also belongs to Rajabhushana. In fact, as we shall presently see, no king of this family with the epithet Ranabhushana is known so far from any source.(37) But again she (Mrs.Tripathy) said, the attribution of the Kodinga hoard of E.Chalukya type coins described above to Dharavarsha by Rajaguru, does not seem to rest on convincing ground. The legends on these coins also do not support this view. It is known from the epigraphic records that Dharavarsha had the epithet of Jagadekabhushana. Moreover, it is known that Dharvarsha and his predecessors were not as powerful as his successor Somesvara I and they were busy in consolidating the Naga Kingdom in Bastar which was raised by Rajendra Chola during his northern expeditions. Further she was of the opinion that the fabrics of the coins had some influence of Chola emblem of tiger on it, which may be due to the political influence of Kulottunga I on both Cholas and Eastern Chalukyas.(38) There are both epigraphic and numismatic materials to suggest that the Chhindika Naga occupation of the Bastar region during the last part of the 10th century or early part of the 11th century they entered in the train of the expedition laid by the Western Chalukyas of Kalian to the Eastern Chalukya kingdom of Vengi. Some historians do claim that the Nagas came along with Rajendra Choda to Bastar.
Genealogy
It is apparent that Sindhuraja, father of Bhoja, had matrimonial alliance with the Naga-Ruler of Bhogavatipura in Chakrakota. Prof.Mirashi admits, The Princes of Chakrakotya called themselves Nagavamsis and Lord of Bhogavati. He also says this dynasty produced some powerful kings towards the end of the 11th and the beginning of the 12th Century A.D. Their capital Chakrakota was a place of strategic importance. He then suggests what was the object of Sindhuraja in forming the matrimonial alliance recorded in the Nabasahasanka Charita? We have seen that soon after his accession Sindhuraja found a favourable opportunity to regain the lost territory from the contemporary Chalukya King. In 1008 A.D.Satyasraya died. His successor, Dasavarman V, Vikramaditya V and Ayyana, who regained for a short period of seven years (from 1009 to 1015 A.D.) do not seem to have been sufficiently powerful. There was thus no danger of the Paramara Kingdom being invaded by the Chalukyas. But the weakness of the
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Chalukya kings had added to the strength of Rajaraja the Great and his ambitious successor, Rajendra Chola I. It was probably to check the onward march of the Chola king that Sindhuraja entered into the matrimonial alliance with the King of Chakrakotya.(36) At about this time the Naga King of Chakrakota was called Brupatibhushana (Ornament of the Kings) as mentioned in the Errakot inscription of Jagdalpur of A.D. 1023.(39)
Political History
As mentioned above the Chakrakotte name was found in the Chalukyan records of 9th century. In the Pithapur inscription of Mallapadeva it is mentioned that the Eastern Chalukya Gunaga Vijayaditya (849-892 A.D.) defeated the King of Chakrakotte. The army of Rajendra Chola of the south invaded Chakrakota in the year 1022-23 A.D. and occupied it (40). Although the decisive outcome of the invasion is not clearly known, but it is clear that Chakrakota came under the sphere of influence of the Cholas. No other records of Chhindaka Nagas till 1060 A.D. have come to light. The next king to the dynasty Dharva alias Jagdekabhushan alias Dharvarsha, has been referred to Barsur inscription of 1060 A.D. (41). The Barasur inscription was laid by Telugu Chola feudatory chief Mahanadaleshwar Chandraditya Maharaja. The Telugu Cholas who entered into Bastar-Koraput region during the military campaign of their king Vikramaditya VI about the middle of the 11th century A.D. settled in that region as the feudatories of the Chindaka Nagas. The Telugu Choda chief Chandraditya Maharaja who was a Mahamondaleswara and the lord of Ammagama was a feudatory of the Chindaka Naga king Jagadeka Bhushana. The Chindaka Nagas of Chhakrakota were in conflict with the Bhanjas of Khinjali comprising parts of modern Ganjam and Boudh Khondmal districts of Orissa. The Bhanja king Yusobhanja defeated and very likely killed Jagadeka Bhushana in 1060 A.D. In his Antarigama plates Yasobhanja assumes the proud title of Jagadekamalla Vijayi. (42) Another king of the dynasty named Madhurantaka is known from the Rajpur inscriptions dated in Saka year 984 (AD 1065). Madhurantaka was related to deceased king Jagadekamalla. Someswara, the son of Jagadeka Bhushana claimed the throne and a civil war broke out in Chhakrakota, which lasted for more than 5 years. Kulottunga Chola I, the ruler of Vengi, helped Madhurantaka while Chalukyas of Kalyana supported the cause of Somesvara. Madhurataka was subsequently defeated and killed in the battle sometime after 1056 A.D. and
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Somesvara acquired suzerainty over Chakrakota mandala through the grace of Vindyavasini (43) as per Kuruspal fragmentary inscriptions. The new king Somesvara after his accession continued the fight against the Chola king, Kulottunga I of Vengi. Both of them claimed victory over each other in their respective records in the form of inscriptions. He also fought with Somavamsis of Utkala and Kosala and attempted to occupy the Kosala portion of the Somavamsi Kingdom. The Telugu Choda Chief Yasoraja, father of Chandraditya (the lieutenant of Jagadeka Bhushana) was a great source of strength for him and occupied Kosala about 1070AD where he ruled as a Governor of his Chhindaka Naga overlord. (44) According to the Kuruspal stone inscription of Gunda Mahadevi, the queen of Dharavarsha, it is her son Somesvaradeva who possessed the titles of Pratigandabhairava and Rayabhushana or Rajabhushana, as the case may be. He is complimented with a glorious Prasasti having been described as the monarch who killed the king of Odra, defeated Virachoda and the princes of Lanji and Ratanpur, it is further stated in it that he killed one Madhurantaka and burnt the country of Vengi, just like the great Kiriti (Arjuna of the Mahabharata war who burnt Khandava, the celestial garden). He destroyed the city of Bhadrapattana where he defeated a king called Vajra. He acquired the entire Kosala (apparently Dakshina-Kosala) country, containing six lakhs and ninety-six villages. Unfortunately, that inscription is damaged, otherwise, more achievements of him would have known to us. (45) During the period of ruling of Chhindaka Nagas over Chakrakota, which comprised the southern part of Kalahandi in Indrabati valley, the northern part of Kalahandi was under the control of the Somavamsis. This part of the modern Kalahandi district together with a portion of Koraput was then known as Trikalinga or Tirukalinga meaning Hilly Kalinga (or Giri Kalinga). The Somavamsi monarchs from the time of Janamejaya I (850-885 AD) till the time of Karnadeva the last ruler of the dynasty who was defeated by Chodaganga Deva in 1110 AD all claimed themselves as lords of Trikalinga country. Chodaganga Deva conquered Utkala after defeating the last Somavamsi king Karnadeva in 1110 AD. Somesvaradeva cultivated friendly relationship with the Gangas led him to be an inveterate enemy of the Kalachuris of Ratnapur and Dahala who were a rival power of the Gangas. In 1114 A.D. the Kalachuris King Jajjalla Deva crushingly defeated Somesvara Deva the Chhindaka Naga king and imprisoned Bhujavala of Suvarnapura who is identified with the Telugu Choda Chief Somesvara Deva of Kosala. This resulted in the collapse of the Chindaka Naga rule over Chakrakota and the Telugu Choda rule over South Kosala.( 46 )
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Influence of Rastrakutas and Chalukya is evident from the fact that Naga king personnel names having Dharavarsha and Kanhara would suggest its original subservience to the imperial house of the Rashtrakutas, while the popularity of name Somesvara in this dynasty and also among the Telugu-Choda feudatories seems to indicate that both of these houses acknowledge the suzerainty to Chalukya monarch Somesvara I Ahavamalla (A.D.1043-68) of Kalyana. This could also be due to expedition led by Vikramaditya VI, son of Ahavamalla, against countries of Eastern India during his fathers reign.(47) About this kingdom we gather another important piece of evidence from the Sanskrit Kavya - Vikramankadeva Charita - composed by the famous writer Bilhana. In the 4th Chapter of that work it is recited that Vikramaditya VI, the hero of that Kavya, went of Chakrakota and Kalinganagara in order to form a triple alliance of the kings of those countries to check the progress of the Cholamonarch, Virarajendra.(48)
Relation between Kalinga, Utkala, Dakshina Kosala, Dahala, Chedi and Nagavamsi
Now let us examine the then existing diplomatic relationship between the countries of Kalinga, Utkala, Dakshina Kosala, Dahala, and Chedi. In the Kharod inscription of Ratnadeva (49) it has been mentioned that Kokallas son Gangeyadeva (Vikramaditya) had defeated the Utkala King (50) who was defeated by Kamalaraja, son of Kokalla II,(51) while editing the Rewa inscription, of the time of Karna. Prof.Mirashi suggests in Gangeyadevas war against the King of Utkala he was helped by the subordinate branch of the Kalachuri (52) family established at Tummana. The Amoda plates of Prithivideva I state that Kamalaraja vanquished the King of Utkala and gave his wealth to his lord, Gangeyadeva. The King of Utkala was one of the Guptas of Dakshina Kosala, perhaps Mahasivagupta Yayati who called himself Lord of Utkala and Trikalinga.(53) Rajaguru is said to have obtained victory over the Chaidyas and devastated the Dahala region. The war seems, therefore to have continued for sometime and victory sometime leaned to one side and some times to the other. If Gangeyadeva was ultimately victorious, he might have assumed the title of Trikalingadhipati after his success. We know that his son Karna mentions the title in his first grant issued just a year after Gangeyas death. (54) This Gangeyadeva was ruling till A.D.1040". According to the Goharwa plates Karnadeva used the title of Trikalingadhipati and claimed to have defeated the Asvapatis, the Gajapatis and the Narapatis. (55)
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It is not out of place to mention that according to the ancient topographical nomenclature the portion of land that was ruled by the Nagavamsi kings was known as Dahala or Mahakantara. The latter name is found in Allahabad inscription of Maharaja Samudragupta.
Somesvara I and Janamejaya II of Kalachuri and Telugu Chodas

It appears from the Ratnagiri plates of Karnadeva that Janamejaya II came into conflict with a Naga King.(56) The Naga King Somesvara I of Chakrakuta, who ruled from 1069 to 1110 A.D., was also credited as above with having waged war against Udra (Orissa).(57) Thus, as per K.C.Panigrahi there is therefore little doubt that the Somavamsi Kingdom and the Naga kingdom were at war in the reign of Janamejaya II, but the war ended in the victory of Naga king. A TeluguChola family thus was holding a feudatory status of Chakrakuta, established itself in the Sambalpur-Sonepur region as its capital.(58) In the Nabasahasanka Charita it is stated that there was a Asura King named Vajrankusha whose capital was Ratnavati Prof.Mirashi suggests that Vajrankusha may be identified with the King Vajjuka of Komma-Mandala, who gave his daughter Nonalla in marriage to Ratnaraja, the Chedi Ruler. (59) This Ratnaraja was the son of Komalaraja. There was a conflict between Janamejaya II and the Naga King Somesvara of Chakrakuta (Bastar). The Naga king Somesvara succeeded wrestling Kosala, from the Somavamsi King. In occupying Kosala the Naga king was helped by a Telugu-Choda family that ultimately ruled this newly acquired territory with their capital at Sonepur. Before this happened there appears to have a short period where one Kumar Somesvara, was allowed by the Naga king to rule the Kosala, for his own political purpose to serve. Though the Naga king made Kumar Somesvara the ruler of Kosala but still kept him under the control of his trusted Telugu-Choda lieutenants. Ultimately, the Telugu-Choda family who also helped the Naga King invasion of Kosala occupied the throne after ousting the ruler Kumar Somesvara.(60) The Telugu-Choda were a feudatory family ruling over a small principality with their capital at Barsur of present Bastar and owing thus allegiance to the Naga kings of that State (61) and continued up to (1069 to 1110 A.D). D.C.Sircar has done valuable work by re-editing and elucidating the copper-plate records of Kumara Somesvara (62) and of the Telugu Choda
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Defeat of Naga kings in the hands of Jajalladeva I of Kalachuri

But in the later part of the reign of Somesvara III, the Telugu-Choda relationship with Chakrakuta appears to have changed. It was after the death or defeat of Somesvara I at the hands of Jajalladeva I, the Kalachuri King of Ratnapur; the Somesvara III would have changed his relationship with his over lord family. Prof.Mirashi has described the defeat and humiliation inflicted on the Naga king by Jajalladeva in the following words: These conquests brought him into conflict with Somesvara, the Nagavamsi king of Chakrakotya. The latter was a foe worthy of his steel. He (Somesvara) had defeated the rulers of Udra (Orissa) and Vengi, and had carried fire and sword into Lanji and Ratnapura. He is said to have captured six lakhs of villages together with the tract called Shannavati (96 villages) of Kosala and assumed the imperial titled Maharajadhiraja and Paramesvara. The Kuruspal inscription described him as a huge elephant, which destroyed the lotuses, namely the towns, Lanji and Ratnapura. Jajalladeva was not slow to take revenge. He marched against the Naga king, slew his immense army and took him captive together with his wives and ministers. Ultimately, at the bidding of his mother, Jajjaladeva set them free. His Ratnapura inscription proudly asks, Have you seen or heard of such a prince in this earth? This event must have occurred sometime before 1110 A.D. which is the approximate year of Somesvaras death.(63) Thus it is after the defeat or death of the Naga king Somesvara that the TeluguChoda Somesvara III changed his feudatory titles and assumed the imperial title Chakravartin. But his semi-independent status did not last for long and, as known he was defeated and perhaps killed by the Kalachuri king Jajalla deva I in about 1119 A.D. This led to the extinction of the Telugu Choda rule in the Sonepur region.
Rashtakuta Kings in Dahala and Chakrakotte

Rajaguru wrote, As for the name Dahala we may cite the Sanjan plates of Amoghavarsha, the Rashtrakuta King whose ancestor Govinda III captured many kingdoms of Northern-India in the early parts of the 9th Century A.D. After completing his conquest for the North India his army marched against Kalinga, Vengi, Dahala, Odra and Malawa, beginning from the bank of the Narmada.
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In the verse No.20 of that inscription it is described that Rashtrakuta king possessed a second name-Tribhuvana Dhavala. In the Madras Museum plates of the Nagavamsi kings of Karunda-Mandala (Kalahandi) we come across the following passage:Om Kindara singhae I Sri Narendra dhavala rajae I Karunda mandalae I Dharimba benisutra I Nagabamsa sambhad Sri Mudha suta Sri Bikarh--------etc. The above text reveals the name of one Narendra Dhavala, who is described as the over-lord of Karunda-Mandala. As there is coincidence in the names of Tribhuvana Dhavala and Narendra Dhavala we suspect that the Rashtrakuta supremacy extended over the Naga Kingdom. The corroborate this we (Rajaguru) may cite here a newly discovered copper plate inscription of Bargarh (Sambalpur) which mentions about a Ranaka belonged to the Rashtrakuta dynasty and claims to be the ruler of Patakas (64) of Gondrama or of the aboriginal tribes. (65) Most probably this part of Orissa was invaded by the great Rashtrakuta king Govinda III during his expedition over the Northern India, and left here a branch of his family to keep this tract under his subjugation. Now coming across the narration made in the Navasahasanka-Charita with regard to the Asura king, Vajankusa of Ratnavati, who was a great rival of the Naga principality, S.N.Rajaguru said, we are not able to share the suggestions put forth by Prof.Mirashi and continued. We believe that Vajrankusa is an imaginary name used by the author Padmagupta. But, the real enemy of the Nagas was the contemporary Rashtrakuta king who belonged to an alien race, and therefore described as an Asura king. It needs to be pointed out that the famous Rashtrakuta king Kristna III started trouble in the central India. In the middle part of the 10th Century A.D., he processed to the South India as far as Kanchi and Tondai-Mandalam of the Chola territory. Then he turned his attention towards Vengi and Kalinga. His activities in the Central India were centered in the Chedi kingdom inspite of the fact that he was entangled with the Haihayas with matrimonial relationship. In the later part of his reign he conquered the fortress of Kalanjar on the slopes of the Vindhyan Mountain. He also subjugated Chitrakuta belonging t the Chandelas. Finally he attacked Vengi and Kalinga.(66). Under such circumstances it can be well presumed that he brought Dahala or Province of the Nagas under his control, which might have lasted till the Paramara king Sindhuraja, came to help the Snake-king of Bhogavatipura as, described by Padmagupta. Some are of opinion that the Asura King Vajrankusa might be a Gond-king. S.N.Rajaguru said, we couldnt reject this opinion without giving any credence to it. For, tradition goes that in some remote age this part of land belonged to one
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Gosinga, who constructed some forts still called by the name of Asura -Gada or the fort of the Asuras.(67)
Reference
1. Sircar, D.C.(1957) The Nagas or Chhindakas. The struggle for EmpireThe History and Culture of Indian People; Bharatiya Vidya Bhaban, Bombay. pp.214ff. Hiralal Rai Bahadur. Inscriptions of C.P. and Berar; and E, I.IX.p.160, 174 and 311. Rajaguru, S.N.(1959) A New Hoard of Gold Coins of the Nagavamsi Kings of Chakrakota Rajaguru, S.N.(1980) The Naga dynasty of Chakrakota, OHRJ.Vol.XXIV, XXV & XXVI, p.25-24 Tripathy, S.Mrs (1984) A Note on the coins of the Nagas of Chakrakotta, OHRJ Vol.XXIX (4), p.49-56 Hiralal, Inscriptions of C.P. and Berar; E.I.IX, p.160, 174 and 311. List of C.P. inscriptions, page 150 E.I.Vol.IX p. 179 E.I.Vol.IV, p.226 to 238 Suryanarayana, K (1986) History of the Minor Chalukya Families in Medieval Andhradesa.p.19 Sircar, D.C.(1957) The Nagas or Chhindakas. The struggle for Empire- The History and Culture of Indian People; Bharatiya Vidya Bhaban, Bombay p.215 Rao, B.V. (1973) History of the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi.p.344. Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit.,p.40 Ibid. Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed.p.166 (No.285) Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd.ed.p.158-59 Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed. p.163-64 Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed. p.165 Inscriptions from Kuruspal and Gadia, A.D.1097 Inscription from Kuruspal (E.I.Vol.X, 24 ff) Narayanapal inscription (E.I.Vol.IX.311 ff, 161-162) Barsur inscription (E.I.IX.162) Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed.p.170 Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed.p.166
2. 3. 4. 5 6. 8. 9. 7. 10. 11. .
12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.
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25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 43. 44. 45. 46 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60.
Hiralal, 164p Hiralal, E.I.Vol.X.40, p. 169 Ibid. p. 158-59 Ibid. p.165 Rajaguru, S.N.(1959) A new Hoard of Gold coins of the Nagavamsi Kings of Chakrakota, OHRJ Vol.III, p.73-82 Tripathy, S (1984) A note on the coins of The Nagas of Chakraoktta, OHRJ Vol.XXIX (4) p.49-56 Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit.p.73-82. Tripathy, S.op.cit.p.50. JNSI, Vol.XII, Part II, pp.117ff Pandeya, L.P. Coins of the Kalachuris of Ratnapur, JNSI, Vol.VIII, Part.II, pp.117 ff Jain, B.C. JNSI, Vol.VII, Part II, pp.54 and plate, VII, Nos.12-15 Tripathy, S. op.cit.p.50 Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit.p.73-82 Tripathy, S. op.cit.p.50 Indian Antiquary, Vol.LXII, p.105 Hiralal, ICPB, 2nd ed., p.166 (No.285) Hiralal, op.cit. 163-64 Kuruspal fragmentary Inscription Epi.X, 25ff Sircar, D.C.op.cit.p.217 E.I.Vol.XXVIII, p.285, pp, 321ff Panigrahi, Krishna Chandra. Chronology of the Bhauma-Karas and the Somavamsis of Orissa. p.38-42 Sircar, D.C. op.cit.p.215 Krishna Kumari, M (1985) The Rulers of Chalukya-Cholas in Andhradesa, p.15 Ibid.Vol.XXI, page 161 Ibid, Vol.XI.page 142 Inscription in C.P. and Berar, Page 122, No.203 E.I.Vol.XXIV, p.101 JASB; Vol.I, p. 4 E.I., Vol.II, p.309 E.I.Vol.II, p.309 E.I., Vol.XXXIII, P.266 fn.3 HCIP, Vol.V, pp.216-18 Panigrahi, K.C. Chronology of the Bhauma-Kara & the Somavamsis of Orissa, pp.40. Hiralal, R.B. List of C.P. Inscriptions, 2nd Edition.p.166 Panigrahi, K.C.op.cit.p.40
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61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67.
HCIP, Vol.V, P.219 Sircar, D.C.(Ep.Ind.Vol.XXVIII,P 321 ff) and Telugu Choda HCIP,Vol.V.P.219 ff Mirashi, Corp.Ins.Ind., Vol.IV, Part I, pp CXXIII, CXXIV The Cholas Vol.I, page 250(3) Ep.Indi.Vol.I page 32 CP inscription awaits publication (Rajaguru, 19) The Karahad plates of Kristna III, Ep.2nd.Vol.IV, and p.278 Rajaguru, S.N. op.cit, p.41
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NAGAVAMSI CHAKRAKOTE AND ITS LOCATON

About the beginning of the eleventh century, a family of kings of Nagavamsis ruled over Chkrakuta mandala which was the ancient name for the modern Bastar State. (1) The province of Chakrakuta appears to have formed part of the country known as Trikalinga, and throughout the ancient history remained the bone of contention between the Chalukyas of Vengi, the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga and lastly the Haihayas or the Kalachuris of Chedi.(2). The Chodas of Tamilnadu were also involved in the politics and occupation of Chakarakote. Most authors in the past have pointed out Chakrakote to be some where in Jeypore-Bastar, the former princely States. Hiralal was of the opinion that Chakrakote is in Bastar, close to Jagdalpur. (3) Many historians have opined that Chakrakote has been mentioned in various literature and time, thus it is difficult to pin point which Chakrakote it refers to. (4)
Chakrakote ruins
Chakrakote ruins of the Fort
Nagavamsi ruled from Chakrakote and the place was under seize by Cholas and Chalukyas and even several others, which has been detailed out in the book in various relevant chapters. I am of the opinion that Chakrakote that is referred with reference to Chhindika Naga kings is located in hills, in the Dasmathpur area of Koraput subdivision, Orissa. Chakrakote has been referred in many inscriptions of Cholas, Chalukyas and many more. Chakrakote now stands totally demolished, only known to the
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local people and except for its name in the Indian survey map. The place is between Chhabili river and Muran river. An ancient pathway from Borigumma plains to Chakrakote is still being used. The villages close to Chakrakote are Arliput and Domjori. The fact that the present find place Chakrokote, is the Nagavamsi Chakrakote is further strengthened by the fact that,

About 2 Km. from Chakrakote, Chindirijori, a small revolute and village of same name is known. Close to Chakrakote, Chindarja a village inhabited by Porajas in Dindariji hills is located. Potasil is another village which is inhabited by Sodia Poraja is closely located here.
Names like Chindirijori and Chindaraja around Chakrakote strengthens the evidence that the find place is the Nagavamsi Chakrakote, because Nagas were also well known as Chhindika Nagas from their inscriptions. After centuries, Barigachha village on the bank of Aundari nadi (river) and Narigachha on the bank of Muran close to Chakrakote are the only two remnant of gaccha of ancient Jain sect is surviving here in these remote hills. Chhindika Nagas were Jainas. However, Bodo or Sodia Porajas, a dominant population in and around the locality of Chakrakote signifies the past occupation of the place by Chodas. Desia Kondhs are next to them followed by Magada goudo, Kausilia Mali, Kamars and Paikas. The entry path to Chakrakote is through village Admunda to Nandigaon, then to Sugli and then to Sunajam Domjri and finally, Chakrakote. Very close to Sunajam Domjori village on the bank of Bakda Nal, Chakrakote village remnants lie dormant with its history. Still the place is called Chakrakote; the local claim there was a village once upon a time. Now, only large number of stones of various sizes are scattered around, possibly they were once in part of the walls of the houses and fort. Chakrakote joins to a hill named Podpuja to its northeast. On the east is Mundlipable parbat stands. Western end has Malguni parbat and has another parbat called Kotyal. The word, Parbat means hills. A small heap of stone in Chakrakote called Nisanmundi, still being worshipped by local villagers. The hill Podpuja that means Buffalo (male) worship is evident over the crown of hill. It is steep train, stands high and there are few stones assembled, where local villagers assemble once in three years to offer their worships.
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The Pithapuram inscription of Mathapadva report that Gunaga Vijaditya III of Eastern Chalukya, slew Mangiraja, burnt Chakrakuta, tesited Sankila, residing in Kiranpura and joined by Kishna, restored his dignity to Vallabhendra, and received elephants as tribute from the King of Kalinga.(3) Somesvara I of Western Chalukya of Kalyani with his feudatory, the Kakatiya Prola, raided Kosala and conquered Chakrakota in the Bastar State, after defeating a King of the Naga Dynasty. It is not unlikely that he came into clash with Virarajendra and Rajendra Chola II at Chakrakote.(4) B.R. Gopal wrote, As a prince Vikramaditya VI started on a digvijaya after obtaining the permission of his father He finally conquered Gangakund, Vengi and Chakrakuta (5) Nilakanta Sastri wrote, At the time of his fathers death and the forcible seizure of the Vengi throne by Vijaditya mentioned in the Ryali plates, Kulottunga, or Rajendra, as he was then known, must have been a young man in his teens. For considering he lived on to have a long rule of fifty years from A.D. 1070, it is hardly likely that about A.D. 1062 he was more than twenty years of age. His earliest Tamil inscriptions record certain facts that seem to indicate how Rajendra engaged himself when he was thus kept out of his inheritance. This records of his second year (6). state that, with the aid only of the strength of his arms and his sword, he over came the treachery of his enemies, captured many herds of elephants, levied tribute from the Nagavamsi King, Dharavarsa of Chakrakuta, and gently raised the Earth resembling the lotus expecting to rise of the sun for blooming, as Visnu raised the Earth from the ocean in his boar incarnation, and seated her, to her great pleasure under the shade of his parasol (7). His records soon came to describe these achievements as belonging to the period of his ilangop-paruvam, when he was still heir-apparent (8). It this view is correct, we must conclude that Rajendra spent the best part of the period A.D. 1063-70 in the region of the modern Bastar state, and possibly even carved out for himself a small dominion beyond it in the Purvadesa, even if he did not gain complete control over the Chakrakuta state and annex parts of the Purvadesa to it, as his inscriptions imply. Possibly this northern extension of the influence of Vengi, so closely allied to the Colas, was the cause of Vikramadityas expedition against Vengi and Chakrakuta, counteracted by the campaign of Virarajendra culminating in the battle of Bezawada. It will be remembered that in the course of this campaign, Virarajendra is said also to have marched up to Sakkarkkottam (9). (10)
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Triummukkudal inscription implies (11) an important fact that the Vengi region was under the hold of the Chalukyas of Kalyani and the Vengi ruler Vijaditya VII was under subordinate position to W. Chalukyas. Tirumukkudal record, Vira Rajendra corresponding to 1069 A.D., further describes the advances of the Chola army close to the city of Vijayawada, which caused the armies of the enemies to drink the water of the Godavari. On the banks of Krishna, in a decisive battle Vira Rajendra inflicted a crushing defeat on the Western Chalukyan. After this the Chola army and Vir Rajendra marched across Kalinga upto Mahandragiri mountain and then beyond to Chakrokottam (or Chakrakutan). Vir Rajendra then bestowed free Vengi on Vijayditya. (12) As stated, Vir Rajendra passed through Mahendragiri mount to Chakrakuttam (13).This means Cholas passed through Gunupur and then Chakrakottam. This can be through the present Rayagada area to Kalahandi or through the hill paths of Kathargad to Nowarangpur area. The other alternate path was through the Kakrigumma and thence to Katharagad or Bhairaba Singapur. But this is a hilly walking path. As Vira Rajendra was moving with his army, cavalry and elephants he may have taken the path from Koraput to B. Singpur through Borigumma. Later a battle was fought at Kondai in Chakrakottam in the Bastar region. Chola and then they owned this battle erected one victory pillar these. In there exploits the Chola appears to have been assisted by his nephew Rajendra, the future Kulottunga I(14). The battle was fought between Vikramaditya VI and Virarajendra was assisted by Rajendra II. As per literary work Vikramakadeva Charita of Bilahan; Vengi and Chakrakottam were conquered by Vikramaditya VI, during the time his father Somesvara I was ruling. The Chola Virarajendra and Kulottunga I marched into Chakrakutam region and defeated Vikramditya VI (15). Records of Virarajaendra Chola (1086 and 1069 A.D.) refer to the Chola attack of Kalinga and Chakrakottakam region (16).Hereafter Virarajendra gave his daughter to Vikramaditya VI. Someswara I of the W. Chalukya of Kalyani with his feudatory, the Kakatiya Prola, raided Kosala and conquered Chakrakota in the Bastar district, after defeating a king of the Naga dynasty. It is not unlikely that he came into clash with Virarajendra and Rajendra at Chakrakota.(16). A.C.P. grant from Rajapura in Bastar State gives a list of achievements of Vikramaditya VI.(17) N.B. See Chakrakota location map in Koraput district vide page number 195
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References
1. 2. 3. 4. Rao, B.V. History of the Eastern Chalukya of Vengi (610-1210 A.D). p.344-45 Ibid Hiralal Rai Bahadur. Inscriptions of C.P. and Berar; and E, I.IX.p.160, 174 and 311 Ganguly, D.C. Struggle for Empire. p.172; A.C.P. grant fro Rajapura in Bastar State gives a list of achievements of Vikramaditya VI.; E.I.IX, p.108. E.I. IX.p.108 S.I.I.IIIp.64-7& E.I. IX., p.179n.1.22 Venkatarama Aiyar. (1943) Indian History Congress, Aligarh, .pp.161-2 S.I.I. III.p.68 A.R.E. 1914, II 10; S.I.I. III., p.128 Sastri, K.A.N. The Colas.p.291-292. E.I.XXI, No. 38.p.220 Ibid.p.243., S.I.I. Vol., No.30 Ibid.p.220; S.I.I.vol.III., No.30. E.I.XXI, pp.232-33, E.I.IX.p.179 n.182& A.R.E.No.125 of 1900. Krishana Kumari, M. The Rule of the Chalukya-Chola in Andhradesa.p.15. Ganguly, D.C. In Struggle for Empire.p.172 E.I. Vol. IX, 108
5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.
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GAD BODRA AND NARAYANPAL IN BASTAR

Many dynasties came and left their foot prints in the fertile land of Bastar, in the heart of Dandakaranya. It was one of the ancient path way links, between north and south India apart from the one along coast line of Kalinga. Many preferred the forest route of Dandakaranya than the powerful Kalinga country to pass through. The river Narangi and Indravati join together near Chitrakote, a place very close to present Jagdalpur town. River Narangi on its configuration has the village Narayanpal, is mostly inhibitive by Bhattra tribe. The name of Narayanpal has been due to its large 'Narayana or Vishnu' temple still standing on the bank of Narangi. We believe the name 'Narangi', for the river was derived from the name Narayani or Narangi and from Indrani the Indravati. This temple is one magnificent with a beautiful Narayana being worshipped. There is a large stone inscription in the temple called Narayanpal Inscription of Gunda Devi, of Nagavamsi dynasty. The other side of the river Indravati is the village Lohandiguda, which is just 8 to 9 Kms. from Jagadalpur town towards Chitrakote. At the configuration of rivers Narangi and Indravati is a patch of triangle land, stands on it, damaged fort 'Gadh or Gad Bodra. In the past it was surrounded by deep water of the river; by now north side of the islet is closing up with soil. There is also a demolished ancient small temple with idols of Lord Vishnu and of Bhairaba well embedded in the boundary wall. At about 200 meters from the temple is the north boundary wall of the fort and on it has one Parsavasnatha idol, well placed and maintained. It is now located on stone piles at the gate way of the fort. It is about1.6 ft. length and 10 inch width; still being worshiped. I believe 'Bodra' name to the fort is derived due to major tribe of the area the 'Bhattras'. Coming towards the village Narayanpal from the God Bodra there is one shrine named Gudi. It is a Bhairabi shrine. It has a small yard with a wooden gate to enter in. The yard has a thorny swinging with open nails embedded on a wooden plate where on occasions of celebrations, lady priest climbs over the thorny plate and swings. Kuruspal village is located at about 2 Kms from God Bodra. It is a village inhabited by Gond tribe. Some years back one of the families during ploughing unearthed an idol of 'Mahavira' nicely carved out on granite stone. The image is being worshiped by the villagers and is with the family who had discovered it.
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The Bhiraba Gudi signifies the past historical linkages to Jaina. Then there after was the advent of Vasinavism, and that was well established along with the Narayanpal temple. This chapter is taken from Kornel and Gamang (2010) Lost Jainas of Trikalinga. Reference 1. Kornel Das and Giridhar, Gamang (2010) Lost Jaina Tribes in Trikalinga. p.257
GAD BODRA AND NARAYANPAL REMAINS IN BASTAR
Indrabati river bank, Gad Bodra
Gad Bodra and temple
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Mahavira, Narayanpal, Bastar
Parsvanatha, Gad Bodra
Ganesha, Gad Bodra
Visnu, Gad Bodra
218
Tantric Sakti pitha, Gad Bodra
Unidentified image, Gad Bodra
Narayana Temple, Narayanpal, Bastar
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Narayana, Narayanpal Temple
Narayanpal Inscription
No.49- Narayanpal Stone Inscription of Gunda Mahadevi.

The Saka Year 1033 By Hira Lal, B.A., M.R.A.S., Nagpur. Naryanpal is a village 23 mile north-west of JaGdalpur, the capital of the Bastar feudatory state attached to the Chhattisgarh Division of the Central Provinces. It is situated on the right bank of the splendidly picturesque Indravati, one of those minor rivers of India than which none is more interesting.(1) It traverses the most untrodden regions of the peninsula. Here in the deepest recesses of the wild forests which cover the Mardian hills, is the home of the Gond races-one of the aboriginal Dravidian peoples, whose origin is indistinct; a people who still erect rude stone monuments and use stone implements, unwitting of the procession of the centuries and the advance of civilization to their borders. And yet the very place which has with any of the civilized provinces of those times. At least such seems to be the irresistible conclusion from the discovery of the antiquarian remains left by the forgotten Nagavamsi kings of that little known state. Narayanpal is one of those places which enjoyed celebrity in their times, a place to which people of various countries restored, and which instead of
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having a long row of wooden peg gods, which now adorn the village turf, possessed the temple of Narayana, and the basket of the gems of knowledge which no doubt the residents duly picked up. The Indravati was to Bastar what the Narmada has been to India, the separating boundary between the Aryan and the Dravidian peoples. Our inscription being found in Narayanpal on the north bank of the river is therefore in Sanskrit characters. Its discovery is due to the efforts of Rai Bahadur panda Baijanath, B.A., who kindly sent me five impressions. Another impression has since been prepared by Mr. Venkoba Rao of the Madras Archeological Survey. I have made use of all these materials for my edition. The inscription is engraved on a stone slab, standing near the temple of Narayana, to which it belongs. In this temple there is still an exquisite image of Narayana, 2high. Above the ground the slab measures 7 4 x 2 3, and the writing covers a space 5/ 9 x 2/ 2, including the imprecatory figures and the additions to be referred to presently, but leaving out the top Sri Maha. The original inscription apparently contained only 35 lines, beginning with Svasti Sahasra-phanamani and ending with mamagala maha-sri, underneath which the usual imprecatory figures of a cow and a calf, the dagger and shield, the sun and moon and the Siva linga, the meanings of which I have elsewhere explained, were carved. The language of the inscription is Sanskrit prose, except the two imprecatory verses in lines 33 to 35, and the characters as stated before are Nagari. They are boldly written but the size is not uniform throughout. While in the top line Srimaha, they are as big as 21/2, the average size in the first four lines is 1 5/8. The inscription records the grant of the village Narayanapura to the god Narayana and some land near the Kharjuri tank to the god Lokesvara, and it is dated in the Saka year 1033 on Wednesday, the full moon day of the Karttika month in the Khara samvatsara, corresponding to the 18th October 1111 A.D. The donor was Gunda Mahadevi, the chief queen of the maharaja Dharvarsha, the mother of Somesvaradeva and the grandmother of Kanharadeva, who was then ruling after the death of his father, as stated in line 17. The dynasty claims to be Nagavamsi of the Kasyapa gotra and to have a tiger with a calf as their crest and to be the lords of Bogavati, the best of cities. There can be little doubt that it was connected with the Sinda family of Yelburga. The birudas of the two are strikingly similar. The Sindas also claim to be Nagavamsodbhava, born of the race of the Naga (cobra), and the lords of Bhogavati, which city is a mythical place in the nether world. The discoveries hitherto made show the existence of the rule of the family at the diagonally opposite corners of this state, viz. south-west and northeast. I feel confident that if we could explore the serpent city well, We
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should find at least a replica of it somewhere is the Nisams dominions in a position intermediate between these two points. The Ramayana seems to confirm this, for Ramas route to Lanka lay between the two and passed through Bhogavati. Text. Sri Maha. Om1 Svasti sahasra(sra)-phanamani-kirapa-nikar-avabha {su). ra-Nagavams-odbhava-Bhogavati-puravar-esvara-savasta-vyaghra-lamchhana-Kasya (sya)pa-gotra-prakati-kritavijaya-ghoshana-lavdha(bdha)-visva-visvambhara-paramesvara-paramabhattaraka-Mahesvara-charana-kamja-kimjalka-pumja-pimjaritabhramarayamana-satya-Harischamdra-sa(sa)ran-agata-vajra-pamjara-srimad-rajabhushapa-maharajaDharavarshadeva-pad[a]nam pattamahadevi jagad-eka-mata sa(sa)sana-patta-dara nama namats(to) Gamga-jala-[dhau]ta-parama-pavitra-krit-ottamamgi-Dharavarsha-mahesvarArddhangi-pa[rthi]vemdra-kul-amgana Parvvati-bhasura charu-bha[gira]thi paramapativarta chara(ru)-Aramdhuti(Arumdhati) Saujanya-Sarasva(sva)ti-sa(sa)ranagatarakshamani va(ba)madhu-chintamani sauviney-abhina[v]a-Savitri ksha m-odara-dharitri srimad-G[u]ndamahadevi asam putra-namna sahasra-phan[a]-mani-kirana-nikar-ava[bha]sura2 Nagavams-o dbhava-Bhogavati-pura[var-esva]ra-savatsa-vyaghra-lam[chha]naka[sya](sya)pa-gotra-prkati-krita-[vija]ya-ghoshana-[lavdha](bdha)-visva-v[I]svambharaparamesvara paramabhattaraka-Mahesvara-charna-kamja-kimjalka-pumja-pimjaritabhramarayamana-satya-Harischamdra-sa(sa)ran-agata-vajra-pa[m*]jara-prati[ganda]2 bhairava-srimad-rayabhushana-maharaja-Somesvaradeva(ve) sva(sva)r-ggate tesham putrasya asam nap[tuh] samsta-rajavali-vi[rajyama]na-[sr]imad-vira-Kanharadevasya kalyanavijaya-rajye Saka-nripa-kal-atite dasa-sata-trayat[ri]ms-adhike3 Khara-samvatsare Kartti-
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.
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20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 39.
ka-paurnnamasyam vuddha(budha)-va[re] samsara-samudr-o[t*]taranataramdaya jn[a*]na-ratna-karamdaya svargg-arggal-odghatana-karaya srima[n-N]arayana-devaya srimadGundamahad[e]vya sakalam=a[n] ityam=adhruvam=asa(sa)svatam drishtava svargg-arggalodghatan-arthe Narayanapuro nama gramo nana-desiya-jan-[a]kirnnas=chamdr-arkka-sthity-udadhikalam yavat pradattah tatha sri-Lokesvaradevaya Kharjuriva(ba)madha-samipastha bhumih pradatta Srimat-pregada Adityamapenna4 bhattanayaka Prontiyo5 karana6 [Ku]driyamaVirama nayaka Somana nayaka Ramanakasana nayaka M[a]raya bhamdari Aitana sadhu Vakomaraya Etesham bhu[mih] akarena pradatta [Sa]mara-sreshthi7 Chha[dru] vamaua8 sreshthi Ghughi Sridhara sadhu Nanu kosa[ja] Pala[su] Padmasinivira mali Goi[m]dapratra9 tail[I]ka [Ja]sadhavala vavu(babu) Milapi navejanam [du] pala[ghi]ka sa[mri]darana Dhavala m[a]niya[sthi] sri-V [a]sadeva etair=[griha-ve]taka-r[u]peuna sriman-Narayana-deva-padeshu sada sth[a] tavyam karam cha datavyam sri(i)mat-pamdita-Purushottamaya grama-nilaya-nada-sarvva-va(ba)dhapariharena chamdr-arka-kalam pradatta Savadattam paradattam va yo hared9reta0=vasumdhara[m] [ *] sa vishthayam krimi(mir) [bhu]tva kulajai[h] saha sidati I Tadaganam sahasre (sre)na as(as)na cha [I*] ge(ga)vam koti-pradanena bhumi-hartta na su(su) dhyati II Mangala maha sri a. Suradhara Ranaviraya Bhumi pradatta a. Skarena. b. Adhikari Chhadrukasya bhumi akarena b. data KK Brahmau [jha}kasya bhumi data sasa(sasa)b. nam akarena Ma[ha]ndakab. sya tatha [Kanharasai] b. Nagak[u]la[madhva]ra eb. tesham bhumi akab. rena data pri(pri)thuna c. Bhattara
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40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46.
c. ka Bhava. c. [de] vaya c. bhumi akarena data d. Savsti Sri-Dharana-mahadevi-[varyya] sarvva-va[dha]-pariharena aka(re)d. ua bhumi data deva-sri-Narayanasy=arthe Mahanaka Devadasa d. [Jaggati] kk Sadhu Himasutta de[dunanita ?] Lakhmana Chaudhri d. [sri]-Dharana-mahade bhumi [dataru ara sri de sasana datta9] bhumi data k akarena Reference:
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
Expressed by a symbol Perhaps dandaRead Saka-nripa-kal-atite dasa-state trayasteri Perhaps Adityamayena Perhaps Kuttiyamavirma Perhaps Kagarametti Expresseed by a symbol Perhaps dandaRead Saka-nripa-kal-atite dasa-sate tryastri Perhaps Adityamayenna Perhaps Kuttiyamavirama Perhaps Kagarametti Perhaps Chhadd bradhmana Probably Govindapatra [or Govindaputra.-S.K.] This perhaps stands for data akarena sri-sasana-devya dattd.
(Lines 1-6) Hail. The patta-mahadevi of the Maharaja Dharavarshadeva, who was born of the Nagavamsa, resplendent with the mass of rays of thousand hoodjewels; who was the lord of Bhogavati, the best of towns; whose crest was tiger with a calf; who was of the whole earth; the Paramesvara, Paramabhattaraka; who was like a bee rendered yellow by the collection of pollen of the lotus feet of Mahesvara; who was a Harischandra in truthfulness; who was an adamantine cage (of safe reguge) to those who sought his protection, a glorious ornament among kings; (LI. 7-11) (she who was) the only mother of the world, called the turbaned queen consort (chief consort); whose head was wholly sanctified by being washed in the water of the Ganges; who was (as it were) half the body of Dharavarsha (just as
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Paravati is half the body of) Mahesvara; a noble lady of royal birth; resplendent (like) Parvati; beautiful (like) the Ganges; who was exceedingly devoted to her husband; a lovely Arundhati, a Sarasvati of goodness; an amulet for those who sought her protection; a magical gem to her relatives; a new Savitri of good breeding; capable of liberal support like the earth (was) Gunda-mahadevi. (LI.12-17). After the Maharaja Somesvaradeva, who was known as her son; who was born of the Nagavamsa, resplendent with the mass of rays of thousand hood jewels; who was the lord of Bhogavati, the best of towns; whose crest was a tiger with a calf; who was of the Kasyapa gotra; who had made his shout of victory universally known; who had acquired the whole earth; the Paramesvara, Paramabhattaraka; who was a Harischandra in truthfulness; who was an adamantine cage (of safe refuge) to those who sought his protection; who was terrible to the refractory (or, rivals), a glorious ornament amongst kings, (LI. 17-24) had gone to heaven; in the auspicious and victorious reign of his son, and her grandson, the illustrious hero Kanharadeva, resplendent in the row of all kings, when (the year) ten hundred increased by thirty-three of the eara of the Saka king had expired, in the Khara samavatsara, on the day of full moon of Karttika, on a Wednesday, the village Narayanapura, full of people come from various countries, was given by the illustrious Gunda-mahadevi for so long as the moon, the sun, the earth, and the ocean endure, to the glorious god Narayana, who is a very for crossing the ocean of transmigration, who is a basket (full) of the gems of knowledge, who opens the bolt of heavens (door), seeing that everything is transient, unsteady and inconstant, in order to open the bolt of heavens (door). Likewise the land near the Kharjuribandha-tank was given to the glorious god Lokesvara. (LI.25-33) The illustrious minister Adityma Penna, the bhattandyaka Proutiyo, the Karna Kudriyam Virama1, the nayaka Somana, the nayaka Ramanakasana, the nayaka Maraya, the bhandari Aitana, the sadhu Vakomarya. The land of these was given revenue free. The sereshthin Samara, the brahmana Chhadru, the sreshthin Ghughi, the sadhu Sridhara, the kosaja (cocoon producer) Nanu, the mali Palasu Padmasinivira, the oilman Govinda-patra, the babu Jasadhavala, Milapi . . . . the glorious Vasudeva : these should always remain at the feet of the glorious Narayana as grihavetakas, and the tribute should be paid to the illustrious pandit Purushottama. The land has been given free from all obstructions incumbent on the village, the nilaya, and the nada, for so long a time as moon and sun endure. (Here follow two imprecatory verses.) L.35. (Let) great happiness (attend). Hail.
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Li. 36a-37a. Land is given to the sutradhara Ranavira, free from taxes LI, 36b-42b) The land of the adhikarin Chhadruka is given, free from taxes. (Also) that of Brahamaujaka as a grant, free from taxes. The land of Mahandaka, Kanharasai, and Nagakulamdhvara is given, free from taxes. Li.39c-42c). To bhattarka Bhavadeva land is given free from taxes. LI. 43d-46d) Hail. The illustrious Dharana-Mahadevi gave land for the sake of the god, the illustrious Narayana free from all obstructions, and free from taxes. (Witnesses are) Mahanaka, Devadasa, Jaggati, the sadhu Himasutta . . . . . Lakhmapna, Chaudhari. The land was given by the illustrious DharanaMahadevi free from taxes. The land was given by the queen consort free from taxes. Kornel and Gamang (2010) are of the opinion that the above descrition is close to Narayana Temple complex located in Jeypore, Koraput instread of Bastar as suggested by Hira Lal.There are two Khajuribandha in undivided Koraput district,one is at Ancholagumma and the other is at Jeypore.Locally the word bandha mens pond.Close on the western bund of Khajuribandha still stands the famous Lokesvara Shiva Temple.About 500 yards from the place, to the west is the Narayana Temple Complex with Bhagavati Temple located in it. (2)
Reference 1. Narayanapal Stone Inscription of Gunda Mahadevi.No. 49. E.I. Vol.IX.,

2. 311 ff, 161-162. Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar (2010) Lost Jaina Tribes of Trikalinga. .p.269
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NARAYANA TEMPLE, JEYPORE
Bhagabati in Narayana temple complex., Jeypore Ganesha in Lokanatha Siva Temple, Jeypore
Lokanatha Siva Temple and in front Khajuribandha, Jeypore Kartikeswara in Lokanatha temple
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Unidentified person with Siva Linga, Lokeswara temple. Images not identified, Lokeswara temple
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BARASUR IN BASTAR DISTRICT

Barsur in ruins was an important place in the history of Bastar. It is located to the west of Jagdalpur town and is about 135 Kms. The most important ruins of Barsur are the Siva temple along with others. The Siva temple had two sanctuaries having a common mandapa and was supported on 32 pillars in four rows. In each of the sanctuaries there is a linga and a Nandi.Another Siva temple has mandapa with 12 pillars in three rows and the third is called Mama-Bhanja ka Mandir. It is distinct by the carvings on the inside walls in the shape of bells suspended from chains. Little away in the open is the idol of Ganesha and is about 7 to 8 feet high and the circumference is about 17 feet. Similar size Ganesha idol is also seen in the Nandapur, of Orissa. Both resemble to each other, however, the history behind is not yet clear. There are also numerous small images collected and preserved in a iron grill fenced place at the site. Hira Lal had reported a well carved Vishnu of about 4 feet height. One image of Durga is inscribed. These temples are made up of stones with out lime and have been classified as medieval Brahminic style temples by Hira Lal. I am of the opinion that the Siva temple is of Southern Indian style and the Mama Bhanja temple is in Orissan style.
Dantwada in Bastar district

Dantwada is about 50 Kms and south of Barsur. The village around have sculptured stones lying about some of them are five hooded cobras and some are intercoiled snakes. The intercoiled snake is very uncommon in the region except for one that is located in Paikapada temple complex, in Koraput, Orissa. The Dantwada has the shrine of Danteswari, well known as the tutelary goddess of the former Bastar ruling family. The temple is built on the junction of two rivers, Sankhini and Dankini. It was ill famous for its Human sacrifice activities in the past. The victim used to be decapitated besides the goddesses Mahishasuramardini with eight arms and in act of killing the demon and the buffalo. She is known to be the Danteswari as said before. The temple houses images of Visnu, Ganesha, Kartikaya and others. They seems to have been collected from the ruins of Barsur.There are five inscriptions, of which three are inside the temple, one is just out side the temple and the other is in the Bhairamgudi. There is very close relation to the Bansuli temple near Kotpad so also to the Phampuni Mahishasuramardini that is now located in the forest of the village. It may be that the deity was also worshipped in the past with Human sacrifice and in later course when it was stopped the deity was placed in isolation with out any worship. Similar is the Mahishasuramardini in Podagada ruins in the Umerkote
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area. The Jeypore Kalika temple and the Kanaka Durga of the Jeypore Palace had the very similar history. So at a point of time these temples of the Kings of Bastar and Jeypore had the tradition of Human sacrifice in annual terms and it got spread all through the muthas except for the Sabara tribe who did not believe in the concept. Hira Lal wrote, For the support of the e, an estate consisting of several villages is attached--. Danteswari templ Bhairamgarh is about 70 miles west of Jagdalpur and has three or four temples, together with the remains of a fort and a ditch and several tanks. There is an inscription on a pillar, and at Potinar, a village near Bhairmgarh, there is a slab inscribed on four sides (This has been now removed to a roadside place called Jangla, six miles north of Potinar, for easy access.). Gadia is 20 miles west of Jagadalpur and has a stone temple with no idols, but built in the same style as those of Barsur. About 400 yards away there is a big inscription and a linga was found buried in a brick mound. Narayanpal and Kuruspal are quite close to each other, the former being situated on the river Indravati. Near these villages are the forts of Rajapur and Bodra, and not far away the beautiful falls of the Indravati at Chitrakut, present a magnificent appearance. Narayanpal is only 6miles from the Gadia and has an old temple, an image of Vishnu, and an inscription. Sunarpal and Chapka are with in 12 miles from Narayanpal.Chapka has number of Sati pillars, several of which are inscribed. Tirathgarh also contains some temples and relics. Dongar is a place where according to custom the present Rajas go to be crowned. Here on of the queens, whose fingers were chopped off by royal orders and who ventured to inform her father, writing the letter with the blood so wantonly split, was buried alive. The pit which is still pointed out was once disturbed by a greedy Raja of the same family, who also brought down the temple of Narayanpal and some others in search of supposed buried treasure.
Reference
1. Hira Lal. E.I. Vol. IX. p. 161.
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KALACHURIS OF TRIPURI
The Kalachuris of Tripuri are also known as the Kalachuris of Dahala. They came from country around Jabalpur of Madhya Pradesh that became very powerful and famous during Gangeyadeva, who assumed the title of Vikramaditya. Mirashi, however believed that these two dynasties are related (2) Kalachuris came to be known as the chaidyes or the lord of the Chedi country (3). He made a confederacy with Paramar Bhoja and Rajendra Chola and invaded Deccan who was ruled by Chalukya Jayasimha II, but the later succeeded in dispensing Gangeyadeva (4). Gangeyadeva came to the throne before A.D. 1019. He then invaded Kosala and defeated king Somavansi Mahasivagupta Yayati. After victory over the Somavansis Gangeyadeve he reached seashore over running the Utkala (5). He was assisted in that expedition by Kamalaraja of the Kalachuri family of Tummana (6).
Kalachuris of Ratnapur (7) and invasion of Chakrakota and South Kosala

Kalingaraja, a remote lineage to Kokalla I, founder of Kalachuri of Tripuri, conquered South Kosala and established his capital at Tummana, modern Tuman of Bilaspur district in Madhya Pradesh during early 11th century (8). His son Kamalaraja helped his overlord Gangeyadeva in conquering Utkala (9) He was succeeded by grandson Ratnaraja, then grandson Prithivideva and the great grandson Jajalladeva I succeeded him in A.D. 1114 who became independent from Kalachuris of Tripuri when they began to decline. He took Somesvara I, the Naga king of Chakrakota (Bastar), who had occupied a part of Dakshina-Kosala (10). He invaded Orissa and defeated Bhujavala, the Chief of Suvarnapura now Sonepur. He claims have received tributes (11) from the chiefs of the mandalas of Dakshina-Kosala, Dandakapura, Nadavali and Kukkuta , Khimidi of present Ganjam district, Orissa. Jajalladeva was succeeded by his son Ratnadeva II before A.D. 1126. He had repulsed an attack of Anantavarman Chodaganga (12) and Ratnadeva II before A.D. 1128 and 1141. His minister, Jagapala conquered the forts of Saraharadh, Mavakasiha (va) and Bhramaravdra-desa, and took Kantara, Kusuma-bhoga, Kandase (hav) ra, and Kakayara-desa. His younger son Jajalla II succeeded him after A.D. 1158 (13). The Kalachuri presence in Bastar - Koraput region is known from two villages that still bear their name. A Kalachuri village is on way to Jagdalpur from Bastar
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village; another Kalachuri village name is found near Kolab village in Koraput block of Koraput district. Recent Kalachuri coins finds in Koraput district and Bastar district attach more significance. However, the Koraput Kalachuri coins await study and report. The Telugu Choda family that helped the Naga king of Bastar in conquering Sonepur region, at the end ousted the Somavamsi prince Somesvara from the region and made themselves the master of it. They were feudatory family ruling over a small principality with the capital at Barasur, modern Barsur in Bastar and owing their allegiance to the Naga kings of that State. In the later period of region of Somesvara III their relationship with Bastar appeared to have changed. It was noticed that Somesvara III changed his feudatory titles and even assumed the imperial title of Chakravartin. The Telugu Choda chiefs were under the Naga king Somesvara I who was a very powerful monarch and had a long reign from 1069 to 1110 A.D. It is after his death or defeat at the hands of Jajalladeva I, the Kalachuri king of Ratnapur, that Somesvara III would have changed his relationship with his overlord family. Thus at the defeat and death of the Naga king Somesvara that the Telugu Choda Somesvara III in his semi-independent status did not last long and he was defeated and probably killed by the Kalachuri king Jajalladeva I in about 1119 A.D., which led to the extinction of the Telugu Choda rule in the Sonepur reign. There was a long battle between the rulers of Ratnapur and the Ganga kings of Orissa for the possession of the Sonepur region, which Gangas claimed as the successor of Somavansis of Orissa.
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References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Ray. H.C., Dynastic History of North India, pt. 11, p.75 C.I.I, IV, pt. Ip.IXVIII. Sharma, R.K. The Kalachuris and Their Times pp. 9ft. Kulenur Inscription; E.I. XV.p. 330, Also IA, V.p.17. C.I.I, IV. Ins. No. 50, V, 17 and 51, v.18. Ins. No. 76, I.B C.I.I, CIF, Iv ins. No.76, Ibid. Ins. No. 77.V.7. Ibid. IV. Ins. No. 76, V.9 Ibid IV, Ins. No. 77. Ibid IV. Ins. No. 93 V.5. E.I. XIII, Ins. No. 88 v. 15-17. C.I.I. IV. Inse Nos. 107 and 108
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KOLOIE POROJA
They believe that they are offsprings of Parenga men with other castes. They came down through Andhra Pradesh to the present habitat. In Jolaput area, still a large number of Koloie poraja live. They identify relationship to Gadaba, Parenga Poraja even to Bondo tribes and describe their relationship as belonging to brotherhood. They are considered lower rank to Poraja tribe. They consider Pengo as most superior; they know Kashipur Pengo and another Hill Pengo called Saunar Pingo as superior one.
Koloie Poraja family
They have bonso named Khilo, Goleri (hanuman) Sukri (cattle), Pangi (ducks), Hantal (tiger), Hanu, Darli, Kantari, Koda, Sagri, Bhalu (Tingudi) Bagha, etc. They are a small population in Koraput, especially live in Badel and Hikimput Gram Panchayats. The important villages are Badel, Pangiputa, Musvi, Sagara, Kumiput, Chauput, Kochana, Porta, Gagdapondi, Jantaput, Mahipaliput, Bodipondi, Gulpondi, Patropndi, Gaudoput, Hikimput, Lenjing, Mudliput, and Badel komra. Koloie are medium to tall in height. Their skin complexion varies. Some are very dark, some very fair skin like Gadaba feature, and wrinkles in some. It can be
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concluded that it is a mixed race. The Koloie are intelligent, do analysis well. They are war like people The soil is sandy loam. They are poor cultivators. Koloie are very traditional society, fear to live in forests. The Koloie Poraja possibly the prajas of Kalachuri rulers, who had invaded Bastar-Koraput region. Near Kolab there is one village called Kalachur and another village of the same name is on the highway road between Bastar to Jagadalpure. Many coins of Kalachur as well inscription have been discovered and are still waiting reporting in both Koraput and Bastar region.
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TELUGU CHODA IN CHAKRAKOTA AND SOUTH KOSALA

The Cholas in the Telugu country are heard of from early times. A branch of Telugu Cholas of Konidena A.D. 1050 to 1300 ruled in Kammanadu with its capital at Konidena, now modern Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh. The Konidena record says that Karikala was the greatest of his line. They were from solar race and Kasyapagotra. Rai Bahadur Hiralal, V.V.Mirashi, D.C. Sircar, R.D. Banerji K.C. Panigrahi and P.K. Nayak have given detail account of Telugu Chodas history in their respective works. A Telugu Choda line ruled in Chakrakota (Bastar) and later South Kosala. The following inscriptions are relevant to them: The Kumarisimha, (1) Patna Museum plates (2) issued from Suvarnapura that had been previously the capital of Kosala Somavansi describe that Somesvara II, a king of Telugu Choda who belonged to Kasyapa gotra and the Chola or Choda family, which is described as the race of sun. He was a devotee of Siva as well as Vishnu and is described as the worshipper of the god Vaidayanath whose temple is situated on the river Tel, about 30 km from Sonepur. The Somesvara II appears have flourished about the first quarter of the 12th century and have been responsible for the final expulsion of the Somavansi Kumara Somesvara from Suvarnapura (1059 A.D.). The Barsur and Potinar inscriptions (3) of A.D. 1060 showed Mahamandalesvara Maharaja Chandraditya was the ruler of Ammagrama, as the feudatory of the Chhindaka Naga King Dharavarsha Jagadekabhushana whose capital was Barasur of present Bastar. The present Dasmantpur on the eastern side of Bhairaba Singapur of Koraput district was the placed named after him as Yasmantpur that became Dasmantpur or Dhasmantpur in due course of time is postulated. The stone inscription of Dantewara cited by Bell (4) indicates that a Nagavamsi king of Bastar had purchased a site at Borigumma from its owner to donate to a temple. It is possible that the feudatory king of Telugu Choda were the one to do so because their overlord was a worshipper of Vishnu thus being Saivas they had to purchase; and do it at personal level. Moreover, the large Ganesh of Barsur and one at Nandapur of Koraput also suggest it that the former was under the rules of Telugu Chodas for some time. .
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The last ruler Somavsavara III, known as Bhujavala in the Kalachuri records, was driven out from Sonepur by Jajalladeva (1090-1120 A.D.) , the Kalachuri king of Ratnapur (5). Chandraditya, at Barsur (present Barasur of Bastar district), the capital of his over lord Chhindika Nagas, had built a temple of the god Chandradityesvara and excavated at tank called Chandradita- samudra and planted a garden in his name as Nandanavana (6). The Telugu Chodas of Bastar and South Kosala had the same gotra and clan of origin from solar race, like that of Telugu Chodas flourishing in different parts of Andhra during the period. Thus it can safely be concluded that the Telugu Chodas came to Bastar from south. They owned allegiance to the Chalukya emperors of Kalyana; it is not unlikely that Challam or his son entered Bastar country in the train of Vikramaditya VI who is known to have led an expedition against the eastern countries some time during the resign of his father Somesvara I Ahavamalla (A.D.. 1043-68)(7). Another Mahada plate (8) according to D.C. Sircar reads Somesavara Dharalladeva-Varman Somesvaradeva-Verman (Somesvara III) The Telugu Choda rule in Sonepur began with the conquest of the tract by Naga king Somesvara I of Bastar and continued to exist for a period of about 10 years after his death (9). The occupation of Sonepur by Kalachuris of Ratnapura is indicated by occurrence of their gold coins in that region (10). An interesting episode about the defeat of Somesvara, the Nagavansi ruler of Chakrakotya (Bastar-Koraput), in the hands of Jajalladev I, have been described in verse 22 of his Ratnapur stone inscription. Welcoming to it, the (Jajalladeva I) who is possessed of all the sever kinds of fortune; (by whom) was seized in battle Somesvara - was burnt by him after slaying (his) immense army; and by whom was capture and then released at his mothers words, the group of (his) ministers and wives; - say have you seen or heard of such prince on earth. Jajalladeva attack on the Chhindka Naga feudatory of Chakrakotya (BastarKoraput) and defeat of its ruler, Somesra followed in retaliation of the laters conquest of a part of the territory of Dakshina Kosala, the claim about which has been made in the Kuruspal stone inscription (11) His son Ratnadeva II succeeded Jajalladeva before A.D. 1126. He had repulsed an attack of Anantavarman Chodaganga and his feudatories Ratnadeva II succeeded
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by his son Prithvideva II between A.D. 1128 and 1141 (12). His minister, Jagapala conquered the tracts of Saraharagadh, Mavakasiha (va) and Bhramaravdradesa, and took Kantara (may be north Koraput part), Kusumabhoga (may be Kusumi), Kandase (hav) ra, (some with as Konda dongra) and Kakayara-desa (may be Kakrigumma). He was succeeded by his younger son Jajalla II after A.D. 1158. (13) The Telugu Choda family, which helped the Naga king of Bastar, in conquering the Sonepur region, at the end outsted the Somavamsi prince Somesvara from that reign and made themselves the master of it (14). They were feudatory family ruling over a small principality with the capital at Barasuru, modern Barsur in Bastar and owing their allegiance to the Naga kings of that State. In the later period of reign of Somesvara III their relationship with Bastar appeared to have changed. Dr. D.C. Sircar has noticed that Somesvara III changed his feudatory titles and even assumed the imperial title of Chakravartin (15). The Telugu Choda chiefs were under the Naga king Somesvara I who was a very powerful monarch and had a long reign from 1069 to 1110 A.D. It is after his death or defeat at the hands of Jayalladeva I, the Kalachuri king of Ratnapur, that Somesvara III would have changed his relationship with his over lord family (16). Thus at the defeat and death of the Naga king Somesvara that the Telugu Choda Somesvara III, in his semi-independent status did not last long and he was defeated and probably killed by the Kalachuri king Jajalladeva I in about 1119 A.D., which led to the extinction of the Telugu Choda rule in the Sonepur region (17). There was a long battle between the rulers of Ratnapur and the Ganga kings of Orissa for the possession of the Sonepur region that Gangas claimed as the successor of Somavansis of Orissa (18).
Genealogy of Telugu Chodas of Bastar and South Kosala

While Patna Museum plates indicate, Challama Yasoraja I Somesvara I-b Chadraditya
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Chandraditya Yasoraja II Somesvara II (1069-1088 A.D.) Dharalladeva (1088-1095 A.D.) Somesvara III (1095-1119 A.D.)
ARCHAEOLOGY REMAINS OF BASTAR
Barasur Mama Bhanja Siva temple
Barasur Siva temple- Siva linga
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Barasur ruins
Barasur Siva temple
Ganesha, Barasur
Archaeological Remains, Barasur
Barasur twin Siva Temple
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References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. I.K.H.R.S.I, pp. 229 ff. E.I. XIX, pp. 97ff. Rai Bahadur Hiralal, Inscriptions of Central Provinces and Berar. pp. 158 ff. Bell, R.C. (1943) Gazetteer, Koraput. Panigrahi; K.C. Chronology of the Bhauma. Kara and the Somavamsis of Orissa. E. I. XIX, pp. 97 ff. Sircar, D.C. Some Southern Dynasties in Madhya Pradesh and Orissa, pp. 7-11. E.I.XX VIII, pp. 283 ff. Ibid. and E.I. XXVIII, pp. 283 ff C.I.I. IV, Pt. 11, pp. 404-416 and Orissa Hist. R.J.; Vol. I. pp. 36 ff and the plate. E.I.X, p. 25 and IX P 28, Hiralal, ICPB, No: 273. Panigrahi; K.C. op.cit. pp. 43 ff. E. I. VoI. XX VIII. pp. 288-289. E. I. Vol. XXVIII, p. 286. N.A.H.O., 1, p.21 and N.K. Sahu (History of Orissa, pp 198-203. Mirashi, Corp. Ins. Ind. Vol. IV, Part 1, pp. CXXIII-CXXII. I.A.S.B. Vol. 1, 1905, pp. 19ff and Banergi, R.D. History of Orissa, Vol.1, p. 261 ff. E.I. Vol. XXIX, p.125.
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KONDA DORA
A brief account of Konda Dora has been given by Thurston and Rangachari (1909)(1) who cited the observations of Surgeon Major W.R.Cornish (1871)(2), H.A. Stuart (1891)(3), W. Francis (1901)(4) and also unpublished observations of C. Hayavadana Rao (1909)(5) Bell (1945)(6) reviewed the above-published reports and gave a brief account of Konda Dora.
Konda Dora person, Rayagada
The Konda Doras, a Scheduled Tribe of about twenty thousand population in Koraput district as per Census reports. They are not so numerous in Koraput district, but in the hill areas of Vizagapatam district. They are tribes in the eastern part of Koraput district on 3,000-foot plateau, which has obvious affinities with the Kondhs. The Konda-Doras (literally in Telugu lords of the hills) The KondaDoras are a caste of hill cultivators. Surgeon-Major Cornish (1871) writes, contrasting strangely with the energetic, patriarchal and land-reverencing Parja (Poroja), are the neighbouring indigenous tribes found along the slopes of the Eastern Ghats. They are known as Konda Doras, Konda Kapus and Ojas. Bell says, In spite of their high sounding title they are generally underdogs and the lordship of the hills in the area which they inhabit belongs to Muka Dora and (in Vizagapatam) the Bagats. The Konda Doras have a language of their own, which has been described in Madras Census Reports as the Konda language and which is clearly allied to Kui, the language of the Kondhs. Members of this tribe all speak Telugu, sometimes exclusively, some times in addition to their own language. It should however be mentioned that the Konda Porojas appear to be identical with Konda Doras and these are Oriya speakers. It appears to be well established that the Konda Doras are a section of Kondhs who, after centuries of
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separation from the main stock of their race, have acquired some distinctive characteristics.(7)
Konda Dora family, Malkangiri
Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao says, There are among the Konda Doras, two well defined divisions, called Pedda (big) and Chinna (little) Kondalu. Of them, the former have remained in their old semi-independent position, while the latter have come under Telugu domination. The Chinna Kondalu, who have been living in contact with the Bhaktha caste, have adopted the Telugu system of intiperulu, as exogamous septs, whereas the Pedda Kondalu have retained the totem divisions, which occur among other hill castes, e.g. Naga (cobra), Bhag (tiger) and Kochchimo (tortoise).(8) It is interesting to note that the Chinna Konda Doras of plains are outcasted by Hindus due to beef eating and are a notified criminal tribe during British India whereas the Konda Dora of hills has not the free and confident bearing of the Kondh, but he is an honest cultivator with no leaning to crime. The fate of his cousins in the plains is a warring of what may happen when aboriginal tribes are left to find their feet among more intelligent and industrious people was the opinion of Bell.(9) A riot took place in 1900 at the village of Kuravanivalasa in the Vizagapatam district due to a Konda Dora who pretend to be superman and called himself Swami and his little son Krishna to drive out the English and rule the country himself which was put down with reserve police under D.M. from Vizagapatam, Parvatipur and Jeypore.(10) The word Konda means hills and Dora means, their chief. My research could not point out the allegiance of Konda Dora to any known dynasty who ruled the
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region. During my investigation I came across Dora among Chagis, who were having some relation to agency areas of Vasakhapatnam and Koraput, thus I have proposed Konda Dora relationship to them. However, Chagis dynasty seems to be the one close to Konda Dora. There were three Chagis and are described as following,
Konda Dora and History Relation The Chagis or Tyagis

Yashoda Devi (11) has given a good account of Chagis dynasty (A.D. 1000-1477) The Chagis or Tyagis were the rulers of the Natavadi. Chagi dynasty owed nominal allegiance to the Cholas, perhaps the Kakatiyas and the Gajapatis (12). The family name of the Chagis was Vipparla.(13) Muppa I is the first historical member of the Chagi dynasty. As a warrior he received regal insignia from king Rajendra Choda 1 i.e. Kulottunga I. (A.D. 1070 1118) (14). Dora II A.D. 1190-1199 son of Pota I by Rajembika, Dora I ascended the Chagi throne in A.D. 1190. His earliest inscription mentions him as Chagi Dorayarajulu. (15)
The Chagis of Vinukonda

This Ganna owed allegiance to the Gajapati viceroy Ganadeva at Kondapalle and through him to Gajapati Kapileswara and Purushottama. No sons and successors of Chagi Ganna are heard off. (16)
Other Chagis
Yashoda Devi wrote, An undated epigraph at Penuganehiprolu, (17) mentionsDora son of Bhimaraja ruling over the Natavadi country and granting lands of the Munna, Probably this Dora was a brother of Manna, Chagiraju of A.D. 1268 whose father was also Bhimaraju.(18) If so Dora must have ruled in conjunction with Manmachagi about A.D. 1268. About A.D. 1215 a Velananti Sagi Dorayaraju is heard of from an epigraph at Yenamala- kuduru. The prefix Velanandu is significant probably indicating some victory of Doraya over Velanadu Prithvisvara and annexation of some tracts to the Chagi kingdom. The identity of this Dora, whose data falls in the reign of Pota II and Ganapaya l1199-
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1230 A.D.) is not known. Gannaya Sagi Baicha of Vipparlakula is said to have possessed velour, captured Vellanki, took, Rama its ruler captive and killed him. (19) This prince's relationship to other Chagis is not known. Another Ganna is identical with Ganna of Vinukonda (20) Baicha may have lived about A.D. 1477. An inscription from Yenikapadu (21) mentions Mahamandaleswara Chagi Doryaraja. Probably he is identical with Doryraja of Kancherla epigraph. (22). If, so Dora figures in all these inscriptions was remarked by Yashoda Devi. The above genealogy of the Chagis has the title Dora in all their genealogy; thus I am of the opinion that the Chagis are the present Konda Doras.
References
1. Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, Vol.1-7.p.349-356 2. Cornish, W.R. (1871) quoted by Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, pp.1-7. 3. Stuart, H.A.1891 quoted by Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, pp.1-7. 4. Francis, W., Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam District, vol.I, Madras, 1907. 5. Hayavadana Rao, C, The Gonds of Eastern Ghats, In: Thurston, E., Caste and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: vol.1-7, 1907-9. p.351 6. Bell, R.C.S., Orissa District Gazetteer (Koraput), Cuttack, Government Press, 1945 7. Cornish, W.R. (1871) op.cit. p.349 8. Hayavadana Rao, C. op. cit. p. 351 9. Bell, R.C.S., op.cit. 10. Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., p.354
11. Devi, Yasodha The History of Andhra Country.p.118-133 12. Ibid.p.118 13. 283 of 1924 14. 300 of 1924 15. Ibid. 16. Devi., Yasodha op.cit.p.127 17. 259 of 1924 18. Velugotivarivamsavali Ms. 15-5-32 in Or.Mss, Lib 19. 527 and 528 0f 1913 20. 262 of 1924 21. 159 of 1913 22. 264 of 1924
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JHADI TELENGA OF BASTAR

Jhadi Telenga is a small caste found in Bastar district of Chhattisgarh. It is believed that the caste has origined from Lower caste Telugu and the Gonds. They are also known as Jungly Telugus and in plains as Mandar Telugus (1). In 1901 they were only 5, 000 in population and in 1931 they were11, 662. Grigson is of the opinion that the Telugu must have infiltrated into Bastar earlier to the Mohammedan conquest. Of that infiltration the strongest remaining signs are the groups of Telenga villages that still survive like islands in the heart of the Bisonhorn Maria, and Koya tracts, chiefly in and around the administrative or religious centers of the old Telugu kingdoms such as Dantewara, Barsur, Bhairamgarh, Bijapur and Jaggergonda. They were cutoff from the Telengana when the south of the state was abandoned to Maria and Koya tribes as a barrier against the Mohammedan. They have forgotten Telugu and speak Gondi or Halbi; they observe most of the Maria customs and festivals; in fact there is little to distinguish them from their Maria and Koya neighbours, and they are rightly known as the Jhadi (i.e. jungly) Telenga caste, under the article described by Russell et al.(2). But they still provide the priest and servitors of the tutelary deities of the old dynasties, such as Manikeshwari at Barsur and even Danteswari and Peddamma at Dantewara, and keep up old ritual in a degraded form. The Marias of Abhujmar hills seem to be the most primitive and isolated aboriginal race of the Central provinces; yet only a few miles of mountain and forest separate their habitat from these old centers of Telugu civilization(3). Grigson referred the Nagavamsi chiefs of Barsur, Bhairamgarh, Dantewara, Kuruspal as Telugu Nagavamsis in his work. This has relevance to the Jhadi Telengas in direct terms. (4)
Jhadi Telenga Divisions in Bastar

Jhadi Telenga have three divisions and they are known as Purait, Surait and Pohni. The Purait are pure and the senior. The children born of Purait and women of the tribes are the Surait and the children due to Surait parents are Pohni (5).The Purait does not accept food and water from any of the other groups. They have the following exogamous septs (6). 1. 2. 3. 4. Kudumulwadu from Kudumul, a rice preparation. Kolmulwadu from Kolmul, a treasure-pit Lingawadu from Linga emblem Naguluwadu from a ploughman
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1. 2. 3. 4.
The second groups of septs are Kodmajiwaduhunter and tapers of animals Wargaiwadumakes ropes Paspulwaduone makes turmeric Bhandarwadua rich man etc.
The Jhadi names of individuals has sept name at the suffix. The marriages are between the septs. They marry and admit Brahmin, Rajput and Halba into their caste. The cross-cousin marriage is the rule.
Religious Beliefs
The Kondraj of Santosphur, Chikat Raj of Bijapur, Kaunam Raj of Gongla in the form of pillars and stone are worshipped by the Jhadi Telengas. The Jangam or devotee of Lingayat sect is the usual priest to the community. Jangam priest purifies the out-caste subjects. They are poor and poor cultivators. They are lazy cultivators is the opinion of the past authors. They are good hunters is the reputation they have.
References
1. Russell, R.V and Hira Lal. Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India. Vol.III.p.238-242. 2. Grigson, Sir Wilfrid. The Maria Gonds of Bastar. p.5 3. Ibid. p.5 4. Ibid.p.4 5. Russell, R.V. and Hira Lal.op.cit. 6. Ibid.
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TELUGU IN DANDAKARANYA
More reasonable is the view that the Andhras lived in Eastern Dekkan between the rivers Godavari and Krsna. A critical evaluation of the information supplied by the Asokan Edicts leads us to locate the Andhras only in the above region was the opinion of B.S.L. Hanumantha Rao (1). Satavahans had founded their empire in West Maharashtra who were of Andhra or Telugu stock, thus identified. (2) P.T. Srinivasa Ayyangar thinks that the Andhras were a Vindhyan tribe and that they extended from the west to the east down the Godvari and the Krishna valleys (3).I shall limit my discussion to the theory forwarded by D.R. Bhandarkar, who observed: The Telugu country lying between the rivers Krishna and Godavari is called Andhra-desa at present. But whether or not it was the original home of the Andhras, has been called in question. One Buddhist (Serivanija) Jataka, however, speaks of two traders going form the Seriva kingdom to a town called Andhrapura situated on the Telavaha river. Andhaura certainly corresponds to the Sanskrit Andhrapura, and as pura is invariably used in early Pali literature to signify a capital town, Andhrapura must mean the capital town of the Andhra kingdom. The river Telavaha is either the modern Tel or Telingiri both not far distant from each other and flowing near the confines of the Madras Presidency and the Central Provinces. This, indeed, locates the original Andhra country which must, therefore, have comprised parts of both these provinces. (4)
Map showing origin of Telnadi from Koraput district
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River Telingiri is flowing in Bhairaba Singapur area of Borigumma and joining the river Indravati in the Koraput district of Orissa that joins river Godavari flowing down south.
Andhri
Bastar-Koraput-Kalahandi region with the capital, at Podagada in its centre was the cradle of culture and early home land of Nalas (5). The village Keselaka of the Kesaribeda grant of Nalas has been identified with the present village Kesaribeda, the find spot of the grant, in the Umerkot taluka of Koraput district and is located at a distance of 25 kms to the nort-west of Puskari near the source of the river Tel. (6) The find spot of Kesaribeda charter and its vicinity is full of ruins. G. Ramdas (7) who visited the site in 1944 repots the existence of 5 mounds of rubble and pieces of bricks and a tank of 100 yards. ------- There is a village named Andhri, one mile away from Kesaribeda and at the source of the riverTel.(8)This river Tel, a tributary of Mahanadi, is originating from Umerkote area of Koraput district which is flowing at present near the borders of present Chhattisgarh and Orissa, but not very far from Andhra Pradesh. Basing on the geographical presentation of the river Telivaha with reference to the Serivanija Jataka (9) I am of the opinion that the Andhri village with its rich archaeological finds may be the Andhranagari of the past. However, Raychaudhuri is inclined to identify the Telivaha with river Krsna (10).
References
1.
2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.
Hanumantha Rao, B, S.L Archaeological Series No. 69. Religion in Andhra. p.13 Chattopadhyaya, S. Some Early Dynasties of South India.p.2. I.A. 1913, 276-78 I.A. 1918, 71 Patel, C.B. Dynastic History of Nalas.1990. p. 45. Ibid. p.74-75 E.I.XIX, pp.100-104, Lines13 and 14. Ibid. P.168 Cowell, C.B. Jataka Book, I, No.3. Smith, V.Early History of Deccan.p.27
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TRILINGA AND TELINGA IN BASTAR-KORAPUT CONTEXT

Trilinga, Telinga as a geographical term have been of interest to the historians since long. The Trilinga, Telinga review and sequences basing on epigraphic sources and others have been detailed by and Acharya (1952) (1). I have reviewed extensively the literature and available reviews on Telingi and Trilingi in the Chapter, Trilinga, Telinga and Trikalinga in Bastar-Koraput Context. However I am giving the glimpses of it once again for the reference of the reader The assumptions of earlier scholars that the territory of Trilinga comprises three parts, viz, Northern, Central and Southern parts of Orissa and also by others that it meant three contiguous regions, such as Kalinga, Utkala and Kangoda have now proved to be wrong, as said by Tripathi, 1985. (2). On the other hand, scholars have taken it to mean a separate region suited to the western part of Kalinga. The inscriptions of Amma I clearly indicates that it was a forest country. So it can definitely be said that this region forms southern border of the South Kosala kingdom of the Somavamsis, the South-eastern border of Tripuri kingdom of the Kalachuris, the northern border of the Vengi kingdom and western side of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinganagara. This hilly and forest regions of Koraput and Bastar which are even in the present day covered with dense forest, some of its areas are still inaccessible were considered to be one of the most important strategically important units. This was also one of the reasons given by the historians that the enmity between the Kalachuris of Tripuri and the Somavamsis was possibly their respective claim over the possession of the Trilinga and Trikalinga region. In verse 2 of the Bahmesvara inscription Janamejaya has been described as lord of Trilinga (Trilingadhipati) and the conqueror of Odradesa. But Janamejayas copper plate grants mention that he had the title of Trikalindhipati and not Trilingadhipati. (3). He was ruling between 880 to 920 A.D. The Trilinga has been identified and cited from the following epigraphic sources. Akkalapundi grant of Singaya-Nayaka (4) of the year 1368 AD mentions Desastrilinganama and Trilingadesadhipat.
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Srirangam plates of Mummandi-nayaka (5) of the year 1358 AD gives the boundary of Tilinga, which is to the West and the East, two famous countries Maharastra and Kalinga; to the south and the north Pandya and Kanyakuvja, it is that country which is called Trilinga. The above two inscriptions belong to the same family. Purle plates (6) of Indravarman the lord of whole Kalinga (Sakala Kalinga) mentions that the donee came from Tilinga and got land in Kalinga. The date of this plate was assigned to 631 AD (7). These inscriptions give a history of Trilinga from the 7th Century onwards upto 14th century AD. The Trilinga has been mentioned in Puranas and in Sankrit literature in Markandey Purano, Vayu Purano. According to Acharya, the Trilinga cannot be taken as a mistake for Trikalinga (8). G.Ramdas has quoted a verse from a work called Trilinga Gramma belonging to the 12th Century AD (9). The Thana plate (10) of Ram Chandra of the year 1272 mentions the defeat of Tilingas (Tlingatunga-tarunmulana-damatavala).
Trilinga from foreign sources:

Taranatha wrote Caldwell repeatedly designates the Telugu country Trilinga and describes Kalinga as a portion of Trilinga and Kalingapura as its capital (14). Taranathas Tibetan History of the propagation of Buddhism in India was written in 1573 AD (11). The Arab and Persian authors write Tilong and Tilingana (12). Ptolemys (c.150 AD) writing has been translated as Triglypton or Trilingon. But it is bit surprising that only after the year 1000 AD the name of the country was met after Ptolemy. The above reference clearly shows that the antiquity of Trilinga is well established for a period of 1500 years from 15 AD from the time of Ptolemy to Taranatha. Cunningham suggested that the Sankrit equivalent of the Greek Trilingon is Trikalinga and Trilinga (13). But Caldwell very rightly doubted this identification and wrote General Cunningham thinks Telinga derived, not from Trilinga, but from Trikalinga, but this derivation of the word needs to be historically confirmed Kalinga and linga may probably in some way be connected, but the nature and history of connection have not as yet been made out(14). Again elsewhere he writes the foreign name Trilinga
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must have been the name by which the place was called by the natives of the place, whilst Triglypton or Trigly-phon must have been a translation of the name which had come into use amongst the Greeks. Hence the antiquity of Trilinga, as the name of the State, or of the capital city of a State, situated somewhere in India in Ptolemys time must be admitted to be established (15). McCrindle fully agrees with Caldwell and writes The Andhras and Kalinga, the two ancient divisions of the Telugu people are represented by Greeks and Gangetic nations. It may be taken as certain that Triglyphon, Trilinga or Modolinga was identical with Telingana or Trilingam, which signifies the country of the three lingas. Pliny and Ptolemy fix the Telugu name and language as near the mouths of the Ganga or between the Gangas and the Godavari. Modo or Modogas equivalent to mudu of modern Telugu means three (16). McCrindles Ptolemy was published in 1885 and Yule and Burnells Hobson Jobson was first published in 1886 and from the following note on Telenga, it appears that the authors had not the occasion to take advantage of McCrindles views because this note seems to support the views expressed by Cunningham in his Ancient Geography of India which was published in 1871 was remarked by Acharya, P. (17). The McCrindles researches on Ptolemys Geography were confined to the study and identification of places in India alone, but Girinis researches on Ptolemys Geography were extended to further India and Indo -Malayan Peninsula. Girini writes that the Andhras of Orissa and Telengana in conjunction with their near relatives, the Kalingas, founded, it appears, in that region, kingdom consisting of three districts or separate communities called Tri-Kalinga or Trilinga, a name from which the town Telengana was derived and employed to designate the country of Kalinga proper, on the western side of the Gulf of Bengal, as well as the country of Mons or Telenga (Talaings) on the opposite shore, which had been colonized by them(18). The identity of Trilinga with Trikalinga as said in the extract is attributed to the influence of Cunningham on Girini. There is no direct reference to or even tradition of Trikalinga, has been recovered in any of the works on this subject of the further India up till now. The Burma colonisation by the people of Kalinga or Trilinga of India proper is forgotten to the extent that in Eastern India the traditions are even silent. The study of history in Burma, Siam, Cambodia, Java etc. has dispelled the obscurity of the then history of Eastern India has become
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brighter now. Kalinga is mentioned as a civilised country in the Dhauli edict of Ashoka and the title of Kalingadhipati of Kharavela is found from Hatigumpha inscription (19). The coast of Kalinga appears to be that of the continent which commences with the Archipelago at an early date and emigration thither was most ripe; and the name appears to have been in great measure adopted in the Archipelago as the designation of India in general or of the whole of the peninsular part of it. Throughout the book of Malay historical legend called Sijara Malaya the word Kalinga or king is used for India in general but more particularly for the southern parts(20). Acharya wrote, The geographical and ethnical names such as Sriksetra (21) Utkala (22) Kalingarattah (23) and Tilanga (24) in Burma shows the influence of the people of eastern India on the western side of the Bay of Bengal who established their colony there before the Asokan period. But we have not yet got any reference from Indian sources to Trikalinga in that period. The remark of the reviewer of the Gazetteer of the Pegu district is worthwhile quoting here in this connection.
The only city of Pegu is referred to in inscriptions of the eleventh and twelfth centuries as Ussa Pegu and the identification of Ussa with Orissa have been placed beyond doubt in Mr. Duroiselle, the Government Epigraphist. The long debated question of the origin of the name Talaing may also be looked upon as settled. According to Mr. Stewart the non-inhabitants of the country were confounded by the Burmese with Indians from Kalinga (Taleing) and Orissa (Ussa) (25). The assumption of the title Tri-Kalingadhipati by the Somavamsins, who also called themselves Kosal-endra or Lord of Kosala, would show that Tri-Kalinga. It must be remembered in this connection that the Panduvamsins, who were lineal ancestors of the Somavamsins, also ruled over South Kosala and when under pressure from other powers they were forced to shift eastward and southward, they naturally moved towards the Kalahandi-Koraput-Bastar region. For some time they could have continued to hold a part of Kosala together with the adjoining area. And lastly, the assumption of this title by some later members of the Kalachuri dynasty as well as the continuation of its use by the later Eastern Gangas would show that it was a bone of contention among them as well as the Somavamsins and the Eastern Calukyas. (26) He further continued; The above is only a very rough indication of the areas comprised in the three Kalingas, and it is impossible in the present state of
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disinformation to be more precise. Perhaps, none of the kings who assumed the title Tri-Kaling-adhipati controlled at any time of their rule the whole of TriKalinga; but even capture of a part of it, temporary or permanent, was thought enough to justify the assumption of this title. This was true of the Somavamsins also as they could control only a part of Orissan region of Tri-Kalinga adjacent to South Kosala, viz., Koraput-Kalahandi-Bastar (27). R.Subba Rao writes that Trikalingas are Utkala or north Kalinga, Kalinga proper and Tel Kalinga or South Kalinga and Trikalinga country extended from the river Ganges in the north to the river Godavari in the South (28).
Garh Dhanora and Telingi

The Garh Dhanora is located 8 kms from Keskal; one has to take left turn after traveling 3 kms from Keskal, towards Jagdalpur in NH 43 road and after 5 kms comes the Garh Dhanora village. The ruins of temples in terms of mounds are located about 1.5 kms from the said village. More precisely, its location is on the banks of Lingdarha Nadi or river flowing from Telin Ghatt of Keskal. The river derives its name Lingdarha from the Sivalingas of Garh Dhanora.Inbetween Garh Dhanora and Upar Murwend is the Semla located amidst the dense forest.
Map showing Garh Dhanora, Telin Ghat, Lingdara Nadi and Semla
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There are three Siva Lingas.Larger one still in place over the mound. It is made up of finely polished granite stone and it is about six feet in length and equal in girth. The other two smaller Lingas are called Bamhanin Devi. I wish to impress upon the fact that the words with post fixlinga always indicative of a name related to Siva linga, thus the name of the temple and thence the name of the site has been derived. There are specific examples as Kimling, Khaling, Kotilingi, Tsrling, Dhobalinga, Odilinga etc. So Telingi is no exception to it. Acharya said, Regarding the location of Trilinga or Trikalinga, it is difficult to say anything definite on the point. From the epigraphic references it appears that it extended from Godavari in the south to river Tel on the north along the western border of Kalinga and Tosala, and the south borders of Dahala and south Kosala. It roughly included the ex-States of Kanker; Bastar, Kalahandi, the hilly portions of Ganjam and Koraput and some portions of the M.P. roughly comprising Jhadakhand or Gondwana of the Mughal period(29). However, as of now, the boundary of Trikalinga has been well defined by historians. On the above light, I am of the opinion that the Trilinga region refers to Bhongapal Buddhist Chaitya and neighbouring Telin ghatt of Keskal in Bastar and extending upto Telingiri river of Borigumma in Jeypore plains of Koraput district in Orissa. . This has Saiva, Vaisnava and Buddhist relevance and has been discussed in detail.
Reference
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Acharya, P (1952) Trilinga, Trikalinga, Kalinga, Odra and Utkala, OHRJ Vol.I (1) 93ff. Tripathy, S. OHRJ, XXXI, Nos. 2, 3 and 4, p. 143 ff. OHRJ, Vol. XXXI, No. 2, 324 pp 143 ff E.I. Vol. XIII, p.362 E.I. Vol. XIV, p.90 Ibid, Vol. XIII, p. 199 & 202. Ibid, Vol. XIV, p.362 JAHRS Vol. VI, p.79. OHRJ. Vol. I, No. 1 p.93 ff.
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10 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29.
I.A. Vol. XLII, 1925, pp 35-37. Ibid. p.9 Pre. Arya and Pre-Dravidian. p.76. Ancient Geography of India, 1924, p.524. Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Language 1913, p. 29. Ibid. p.77 Ptolemys Ancient India by Mr. Crindle, 1927, p. 234 Acharya, P. OHRJ, Vol.I (1), p.98. Gerinis Research on Ptolemy's Geography of Eastern Asia, p.139 Hobson Jobson, kling, p.488 Goromo p.66 Ibid.p.73 Ibid. 32 Ibid.p.30 JRAS, 1918, p.150. The Ancient Geography of India, 1924, p. 594. Ibid. p. 184. E.I. V, 133, text-line 17. I.H.Q Vol. VIII p.29. Acharya, P. OHRJ, Vol.I (1), p.116.
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DYNASTIES IN SOUTH KALINGA

There were several small kingdoms in South Kalinga after 12th Century. Yashoda Devi wrote, Southern Kalinga in the medieval period consisted of many a small kingdom ruled over by many a local dynasty. Such were the Matsyas of Oddadi, the Gangas of Jantarnadu, the Pallavas of Virakuta, the Silas of Nandapura etc besides the Chalukyas and the Haihayas. All these dynasties had allegiance to the Eastern Ganga emperors whose control over Trikalinga or the Kalingan empire was never effective in this period and was definitely on the downward move in the latter part the local dynasties grew stronger as the central power grew weaker. Kalinga especially South Kalinga was the invading ground for the conquerors from the south, west and north the Cholas, the Chalukyas and the Muslims respectively.(1) This sounds natural for the names of some of the dynasties for instance the Gangas, the Matsyas, the Chalukas, the Konas and the Pallavas are exactly same as those some of the major dynasties and subsidiary powers in South-Indiasuggesting, obviously their southern origin, though it is not possible to see when and how they separated from the major dynasties migrated (2) and settled down in South Kalinga. Present works on the subjects of dynasties in South Kalinga after 12 th century has given the glimpses of it but more work on the aspect is required in future.
Political condition in South Kalinga at the end of the 12th Century

The Ganga emperors in this period were---- Anantavarman Chodaganga till A.D.1148, his son Kamarnava (A.D. 1148-1158), his brother Raghava (A.D. 1156-1170) and Rajaraja II, the third son of Anantavarman (A.D. 1170-1190) his younger brother Anangabhima II or Aniyankabhima (A.D. 1190-1198) and Rajaraja III (A.D. 1198-1212). With the accession of Rajaraja III a new era begins in Orissan history (3). The rulers between Anantavarman and Rajaraja III were not powerful. Consequently the political atmosphere was conducive for the rise of new dynasties. And one such was the Matsya dynasty of Oddadi.
The Matsys of Oddadi A.D. 1200-1470

An important dynasty in South Kalinga, the Matsyas ruled over the Matsyadesa i.e. Oddadivishaya (A.D.1200-1470) with capital at Oddadi, 16 miles from Anakapalle in Vizagapatam district for a period of two and half centuries from about A.D. 1200 to 1470. Their ancestry goes back to the 5th century A.D. The
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Matsyas had their own crest seal and coinage and two Matsyas i.e. double fish was their emblem. They may have had some connection with the Pandyas whose emblem was also fish. (4). The Matsya kings were great warriors and had important military successes to their credit. They contracted alliance of marriage with the Pallavas of Virakuta, the Gangas of Jantarnadu etc. Occasionally, the Matsya expeditions reached Draksharama. Sources and origin Inscriptions all stone records except the Dibbida copper plate grant in the Madras Museum (5) form the main sources for the history of the Matsyas. References in the records of the Pallavas of Virakuta, Gangas of Janturnadu and the Reddis give some additional but important details. The Mythical ancestry of the Matsyas is as follows It is opined that the first rule of Matsya line ruled at the place Matsyakhuna in the vicinity of modern Kompagude (Kuphgudu) in Jeypore estate( present day Koraput district).(6) After Satya martanda, a long line of Matsya rulers ruled over Oddadi. A Matsya family is mentioned in the Chipurupalle plates (7) of Vishnuvardhana ( (A.D.632) of the Eastern Chalukyas. Atavi durjaya of this family was the executor of the grant of Kalvaganda in Dimilishaya in Sarvasiddhi Taluq to two Brahmans. Chipurupalle is in Vizagapatnam district. Probably Atavi durjaya was one of the successors of Satyamartanda, and served Vishnuvardhana or else he belonged to a collateral line of the Matsya. The names Matsya kings Bhima, Vallabha, Yuddhamalla, Ganga, and Kokkila of kings seem to suggest their allegiance to the Eastern Chalukyas, but the name of other kings Gang etc. and the location of the kingdom perhaps show that the Matsyas must have ruled Oddadi as feudatories of the Gangas of Kalinga. It may noted here, that the Kadambas in Kalinga (8) landlords of Panchavishaya alias Panchapatravishaya had also Matsya lanchana. Whether the Matsyas are related to them is not known. The Matsyas of Oddadi ere subordinate to Eastern Gangas mentions the name of Rajadhiraja (9) Other and Later Matsyas A record of Chodavaram(10) A.S.1391 speaks of Viratapasingaraju, son of Oddadi Prastapasingaraju. Pratpavallabha, a mahamandaleswara made grants for the increase of his sovereignty and the Matsyas chief in A.D1392 at
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Zuttada(11).In the third year of the Bhimraja of Matsyavamsa, some Settis made grants at Zuttada(12). The relation of Bhima to main branch Matsya is not known. Matsya kingdom ended with Sinraju in A.D.1471 and was replaced by Puspati of Viziangram and Madgole Zamindars owing allegiance to the Gajapatis. The Madgole Zamindars claim decent from the Matsyas of Oddadi and bear the title Bhupatis of Oddadi. The Zamindars of Gudda call themselves lords of Oddadi. The Bhupatis of modern Madgole became extinct in the present family of Jeypore owing to the failure of the male line in their family. The family lived in Bhupati street of Jeypore till date. The above chapter is heavily taken from Yashoda Devis work.
References
1. Devi, Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country: The Dynasties in South Kalinga.p.306-07. 2. Ibid. 4. Sastri, K.A. Nilakanta. The Pandyan Kingdom. Pp.11,15. 3. Banerji, R.D. History of Orissa pp. 11-15. 5. EI. V. No: 14 Kielhorn: Hist. of Inscriptions p. 104 No. 600 Ins. Mad. Pres. III VG 51. 6. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p.308 7. K.I. V. p.108 fn 3. 8. Bharati V-I pp. 321 374 9. Singh Deo, K.B. cited J.O.A.Vol.I, pp26-30, Capt. Owens Diary of Expedition to Jeypore in 1855. 10. Sewell, Robert. Antiquities I p. 17 11. Mack, Ms. 15-6-26. ElliotsInscriptions No. 58. 12. 6 of 1929-30. Yashda devi has given full account of Matsyas of Oddadi from 1200-1470A.D. in her work.The History of Andhra Country-1000A.D.-1500A.D.. She was of the opinion that as per the names of the Kings of Matsyasof Oddadi it suggests of their alleigiance to Eastern Chalukyas; and the names of subsequent kings points to Matsyas of Oddadi as feudatories of the Gangas of Kalinga. The relations of Matsyas of Oddadi to Kadambas of Kalinga is also postulated but not clear as the later had also Matsya lanchana.
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DIDYAI TRIBE
The Didayi are a small number primitive tribe who live on hills of about 4,000 feet plateau of the Eastern Ghat range in Koraput district. The plateau is a continuation of Bondo hill. Elwin (1950) (1) described Didayi as a wild tribe and Haimendrof (1945) (2) had described them as the stratum of primitive semi normadic shifting cultivators. Mohapatra (1963) (3) and Chowdhury (1990) (4) and have given brief account of the tribe respectively.
Didayi tribe men and women There are in total 37 villages where Didayi tribe live, of which about ten villages are located on hills and rest are on both side of down hills. Approach to the villages is extremely difficult as the 4,000 plateau stands as a steep hill and thus one has to climb the path. The only easily accessible village is Orangi lying at a distance of 10 kms. east of Kudumuluguma located on the main road from Jeypore to Balimela. One has to climb from Orangi, Kondakamberu range of the Eastern Ghat mountains to reach the hill villages. Didyai are comparatively tall, thinly built but are muscular people. The women are comparatively tall with sharp, pointed nose and then tips. The face is long, hair curled in all most all eases. Most men have facial wrinkles; skin colour is both dark to light. They have very strong calf muscle because of frequent climbing of hills.
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The women wear three nose rings, both at the lateral nares and at the nasal septum. This is specific to Didayi tribe, like Sano Poraja woman. The ear rings are common. The elderly lady populations have aluminum rings at wrist and at the arm, but younger generation have dispersed it off. The necklace is made up of aluminum may be one or two. The women have full grown hair and well dressed with castor oil and a bun makes it more convenient and beautiful. The women are dressed with sari; the younger generations have adopted jackets. The sari is upto knee length, and is convenient for climbing steep hill. The woman carry good head load as well hand load while climbing and stepping down the steep hill. The Didayi speak a dialect closely that is resembled to the Gadaba dialects and Bondo; hence it belongs to Mundari group. The plains people have absorbed many Telugu words into their language. The hill people are comparatively with regard to their dress, habits, and mostly keep long locks of hair known as Gunagbo; but in recent years it has been influenced by societies living down hills. Exogamous segments, which may be equated with moiety, each, containing totemic group called Gta. One moiety namely, Mkhoo (Tiger) is composed of one totemic group and other possesses four totemic groups viz. Mala (cobra), Goe (bear), Musali (crocodile) and Gei (tortoise).(5)
The Clan
Mohapatra (1963) wrote, The Didayi system is based on two distinct exogamous clans known as Ghia and Nta. Ghia Sig, Gudia, Majhi, Muduli, Surma and Sisa constitutes the Ghia clan and Nta, Mleh, Gushuwa, Golpeda, Patasi and Kswa constitute the Nta clan. The groups of each clan are exogamous and can have marriage relations only with any of the groups of the next clan. The clans have their respective totems. Malabu-Bais or Nag Nku-Bais or tiger is the totem of Ghia clan.(6) But Chowdhury (1990) reported, One of the characteristic features of Didayi social organization is the existence of moiety system. Their society is divided into two Didayi kinship system is based on two exogamous clans, mothers sisters children and fathers brothers children are considered to be brothers and sisters. Preference is given to fathers sisters daughter and mothers brothers daughter who are called Marraseboi. Generally, three forms of marriage are prevalent in the Didayi society like any other Koraput tribe.(7)
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The hill Didayi practices shifting cultivation whereas the plain people have adapted to settled agriculture. Both the groups cultivate ragi and suana extensively, which is their staple food. Paddy is major crop where irrigation or suitable land for the crop is available.
Folk Stories on Origin of Didyai Tribe

The Didyai folk study speaks on the origin of the tribe and say, the first Didayi boy was alone in the world wandering between Andrahal and Patroputtu. The Bondos caught him. The other one is, in olden days, when the Didayis were first living in Godavari there was no gourds and no grains, which signifies their past relationship to Godavari.(8) The tribe is well known for their wiseness, patience and has continued living under the wilderness of Bondo tribesmen behaviour. Equally they show courage and act swiftly in combating Bondo wild behaviour and outrage. The murder rate among Didai is comparatively higher than neighbour plain land tribes but lower than Bondo tribe.
History and Didayi

The low lands Didayi were influenced by several southern dynasties including the Eastern Gangas. As said earlier Bondo, their immediate neighbours were influenced by Nagavamsis of Bastar-Koraput. The Didayi language is like the Mundari but physical features are some what resemble the Dravidians. It was difficult preposition to connect Didayi with history. I am of the opinion that they are connected to Silavamsis and the Matsyas of Paderu-Nandapur. The name Didayi may have relation to the famous Dibbida Agraharam in Vizagapatnam district that refers to Dibbida plate of Arjuna, the famous king of Matsyas. It is said that the founder of the Matsya family had descended from a fish, married a daughter of the King of Orissa and was appointed to rule the Oddavadi country.(9)
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Reference
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Elwin, V. (1950) Bondo Highlanders, Oxford University Press, Bombay. Furer Haimendorf, C.Von (1943) Megalithic rituals among the Gadabas and Bondos of Orissa, JRAS, IX p. 149. Mohapatra, P.K. (1963-64) The Didayi - A hill Tribe of Orissa. Adibasi p.63 Chowdhury, B. (1990) Didayi, In: Tribes of Orissa H & TW Department, Bhubaneswar p. 97-102. Mohapatra, P.K. op.cit p.63 Ibid. Chowdhury, B. (1990) op.cit .p.97-102. Elwin, V. (1950) op.cit. E.I.V.p.108.
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PALLAVAS OF VIRAKUTA
A dynasty of the Pallavas ruled in South Kalinga with capital at Virakuta or Viragottam for four centuries from the 11th to 14th. They owed their allegiance to the Cholas and the Eastern Gangas, except when they had to acknowledge the supremacy of the Chalukyas of Kalyani. The kings were independent, had their own coinage and Khatvanaga on their banner and were well known warriors and led expeditions of conquest. The Pallavas contracted alliances of marriage with the Silas, the Gangas of Jantaranadu etc. (1).
Sources and Origin

The inscriptions of the dynasty found in the temples at Drakshrama, Simhachalama. Mukhalingam and Srikurman formed the chief source. The record of the Gangas of Jantarnadu was another source that gave some references to the Pallavas of Virakuta. The Prasasti of the kings shows that the Pallava claimed their descents from Trinetra Pallava and the moon. However, the relationship of these Pallavas to the Pallavas of the south, and the time when they separated and settled in Kalinga is not apparent.Yashoda Devi wrote, It may be surmised that when the Pallavas in the south were at the zenith of their power, a collateral branch migrated to the southern Kalinga, established a Kingdom and lived for centuries together of the Pallavas in the south ceased to exist. Unlike the records of the Matsyas of Oddadi, the records of these Pallavas do not give a mythological origin of the dynasty. Neither the relationship of these Pallavas to the Telugu Pallavas in Vengi is known from record.(2). Suraparaju A.D 1112-1132 The King Surya or Suraparaju was an earliest member of the family as is known from records His only record is from Draksharma dated A.D 1112 and the 43rd year of Tribhuvana Chakravarti Kulottunga Chodadeva bearing the Chalukya prasasti Sarvalo-kasraya etc.(3) Surapas reign may have lasted till AD. 1132 the earliest date for his successor Bayyaraju. His Political Relations It is likely that Suraparaju was subdued by the Cholas during the first or second Kalinga wars. Consequently he acknowledged Chola suzerainty in his
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Draksharama inscription was the opinion of Yashoda Devi (4). It was Ananatavarman Choda Ganga of Eastern Ganga was the contemporary of Suraparaju. It is also postulated that Suraparaju maintained friendly relations with the petty kingdoms in south Kalinga e.g. The Matsyas, the Silas, the Gangas, the Chalukyas etc. Bayyaraju A.D 1132-1157 Bayyarajus relationship to his predecessor Suryaraja is not known. His earliest inscription (5) is from Draksharama dated A.D 1132 and C.V 57 registering gifts by his queen Kommidevi. His next inscription (6) is from Draksharama dated A.D 1157 mentioning gifts by his queen Lakshmi. Bayyaraju and the Chalukyas of Kalyani Bayyas first record of A.D 1132 is dated C.V 57 (7). After that date there appear no signs of Pallava loyalty to the Chalukyas which is in keeping with the fact that the Chola suzerainty was restored in Vengi soon after by A.D 1139(8). Bayya and the Cholas None of Bayyas records are dated in the regnal years of the Chola emperors Kulottunga II and Rajaraja II. Bayyas titles show that he must have fought some battles. This must have been on behalf of the Cholas against the Chalukyas. (9) Purushottama A.D 1187-1226 Mandalika Purushottama made gifts at Mukhalingam in A.D 1157 and the 22nd year of Anantavarmodeva (10) of the Gangas. It is assumed that he was a Pallava but his relationship to Bayyaraja is not known. Through none of Purushottamas later records are available; his reign may have lasted till A.D 1226- the earliest date for Bayyaraju, his successor. Purushottama A.D 1308 1348 Purushottama was the son of a valiant King whose name is lost in the record and Sriyadevi alias Sriangalakshmi. His earliest inscription (11) is at Simhachalam dated A.D 1308, registering gifts by the queen mother. His Political Relations Viragottam was invaded about A.D. 1346 by Chalukya Lakumaraja and his success was short lives as seen from later inscriptions of Pallava Narasimha are available from A.D 1348. Simhachalam record of A.D 1346 mentions
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Sarvalakasraya Vishnuvardhana maharaja alias Lakumaraja of Viragotta, son of Vinjamadeva and his queen Sriadevi (12). So Purushottama no doubt opposed the Chalukya armies and suffered reverse. Purushottama would have maintained friendly relations with the local powers in Kalinga except the Chalukyas. Again, Purushottama suffered a reverse in the hands of the Reddis of Kondavidu, before A.D. 1335. The date of Chimakurti c.p charter 91 of Prolaya Vama Reddi, speaking about his successes in Kalinga is indicative. The Ganga contemporaries of Purushottama were Bhanudeva II and Narasimha III, to whom his loyalty is not seen from records (13) Narasimha A.D 1348 1400 On his accession to the throne in A.D 1348, Narasimha made grants at Simhachalam for the increase of his country, kingdom, fame and prosperity etc. The similar records and purpose was noted by the king in A.D 1352. In a Simhachalam record (14) of A.D 1356, Purushottama of Virakuta, a moon to the ocean i.e. Pallava Kula and a destroyer of his enemies and his priya Mandanarekha, figure, Narasimha, Purushottama and Lakumadevi, the queen of Narsimha are mentioned in an inscription at Srikurman (15) dated A.D 1357. As it is Narasimha did not lead any expeditions of conquest; but had to face the Reddi armies under Katayavema, general of King Kumaragiri by A.D 1390, for Katyavema claims to have conquered Viraghotta in his Kumaragirirajiya (16) which, is attested by records (17) of the Reddis. Saubhagyadeva A.D 1400-1420 Saubhagyadeva was the son of Purushottama and a brother of Narasimha. His succession presupposes the death of Purushottama. (18) No sons and successors of Saubhagyadeva are heard of; and the Pallava territories must have come under Kapilesvara Gajapati, soon after the fall of the Ganga empire after Bhanudeva IV. It may he noted here that Sirigottam mentioned by Sewell is a mistake for Viragottam which becomes clear form a study of the Pallava records and Sewells notice of them in his Antiquities was remarked by Yashoda Devi The History of Andhra Country.(19). The above chapter is the extracts taken from the work of Yashoda Devi The History of Andhra Country and the interested workers can refer to her original work in detail from her book.
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References
1. Devi, Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country: The Dynasties in South Kalinga.p.321 2. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p321-322 3. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p322 4. Ibid. 5. 338 of 1893; S.I.I. IV 1220. 6. 328 Ibid. 1209 7. 338 of 1893; S.I.I. IV 1220 the Colas II, p.58 8. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p322-323 9. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p323 10. 180 of 1896; S.I.I. V1005. 11. 322 of 1899; S.I.I.VI 991. 12. 321 Ibid. 989 13. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p.325 14. 280 of 1899; S.I.I. VI 795 15. 275 and 276 of 1896; S.I.I. V 1154, 1155 16. Introduction to Sakuntalavyakha cited by Devi, Yashoda, p.349 17. J.A.H.R.S. XI Anaparti C.P. grant of Kamaragiri Text p.204 & 27-38 18 Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p327 19. Ibid.
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GANGAS OF JANTARNADU
A Ganga dynasty ruled over Jantarnadu (1) for about two centuries from A.D 1270 to 1461. it has been suggested that Jantranadu is perhaps the modern name of Dantapuranadu. The Dantapura was the early capital of Gangas. (2) These Gangas were one amongst the important dynasties in South Kalinga. Their Kingdom Jantarnadu was seldom the largest of may an invader-the Reddis, the Matsyas and so forth.(3) The Gangas owed allegiance formally to the Imperial Gangas and contracted alliances of marriage with the Matsyas and the Silas.(4)
Sources and Origin

All the records of the Gangas of Jantarnadu dynasty except for one inscription at Boni are in Simhachalam. The records of the Gangas of Kalinga and the Matsyas give some reference to the Gangas of Jantarnadu besides the literature and inscriptions of the Reddis. (5). The Gangas prasastis were not elaborate like the Matsyas and the Pallavas. The records did not furnish details regarding their ancestry and early history. The Gangas were of Surabhikula, Gatsama dagotra and Gamgavamsa is known. The term Jantarnadu indicating the country of their rule is prefixed to the names of the kings of the dynasty. (6) No mythical ancestors of the Gangas are known. The early members of the dynasty are referred to in a general fashion in a single record which says that in Gangavamsa were born several kings (7). No details about them available. Narasimha A.D 1272 1285 Narasimha the earliest known ruler of the dynasty is known from his Simhachalam records dated A.D 1272. In same year, his minister Sachiva Ganesvara Chamunatha, son of Somisvaranayaka, made grants for the increase of wealth, health, valour, fame etc of the king (8). Probably Narasimh as reign lasted upto A.D 1285, the earliest known date for his successor Ganguraju was opined.(9) His Political Relations Some of the rules contemporary with Narasimha were Narasimha I, Bhanudeva I and Narassimha II of the Gangas, Choda I of the Panchadhara, Haihayas, and Mallapa II of Elamandchili Chalukyas, Arjuna I of the Matsyas, Bayyaraju of the
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Pallavas of Virakuta, and Rajaraja I and Vijayadiya II of the Chalukyas of Srikurmam. (10). There no signs of allegiance of Narasimha to the Gangas. Gangraju A.D 1285-1319. The relationship of Gangaraja to Narashimha is not known, probably he was the son. (11.In A.D 1285 Janatranta Gangaraju made gifts at Simhachalam for the increase of this kingdom, wealth and health (12) Pratapa Gangaraju A.D 1319 1368 Pratapagangaraju became ruler in A.D 1319 but his relationship to Gangaraja is not known. His earliest inscription is from Simhachalam dated A.D 1319 and the 13th year of Devadideva Srijagamnatha deva (13).So Gangarajula reign lasted upto A.D 1368. His Political Relations Pratapa Ganga had a reign of fifty year. The Eastern Ganga emperor Bhanudeva II i.e. Jaganatha reigned from A.D 1307 to 1328. (14) Gangarajus record dated in Jaganathas regnal years shows his allegiance to the Ganga throne. The statement in the record that the queen of Gangaraju made the gift in charge (authority) of Sankaradesa mahasenapati (15) shows that the part of Ganga Empire in which Jantarnadu was included was in the charge of Viceroy Sankaradasa, Pratapagangas loyalty to the Ganga throne must have continued in the reigns of Narasimha II (1328-1353 A.D) and Bhanudeva III (1352 1378) (16). Gangaraja must have come into conflict with the Reddis of Kondavidu in defensive warfare. For Prolaya Vema Reddi claims to have disturbed Jantarnadu by A.D 1335 as the title Jantarnatarayahallakallola (17) indicates. Gangaraja suffered a reverse in the Reddi hands during the laters campaign in Southern Kalinga about A.D 1334.
A King A.D 1368 -1398 The name of the successor of Pratapa Gangaraja is not known. His rule must have lasted till A.D 1398- the earliest date for his successor, Sangamaraja. A record of A.D 1387 mentions Jantarnati Satyamuhadevi making gifts for the satisfaction of her desires (18). She was evidently the queen of Prataparajuna of the Matsyas of Oddadi.
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The later kings of the dynasty were Sangamaraju A.D. 1398-1420, Gangaraja, A.D. 1420-1440 and Singaraja and Pratapa Kumaraja, A.D. 1440-1461 ruled. It is evident from inscriptions found from Simhachalam. (19). The above chapter is the extracts taken from the work of Yashoda Devi The History of Andhra Country
References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. E.I. XXIp.268 Ibid. Devi, Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country. The Dynasties in South Kalinga. p.328 Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. 242 of 1899; S.I.I.VI 693 242 of 1899; S.I.I.VI 693 Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p.328 Ibid. op.cit. p.328-329 Ibid. op.cit. p.329. 251 Ibid.713. 252 Ibid.714. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p. 330 252 of 1899: VI 714. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p.330 The Chimakuati e.p. Chapter E.I. XXI, No. 41 A Text p. 272 17. 283 Ibid. 820. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit. p.332
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OMANATYA
The Omanatya, a tribal primarily living in Jeypore-Borigumma-Nowrangpur belt of Orissa are also known as Omaitos, Omanaitos, Amanaitas or Omanatya or but they pronounce as Omnyat. They are spread into South Bastar. Reference to Omanatyas does appear from Nepal also. They are Saiva pujaris. I have come across lone Virasavite stone slab in Bhairaba Singapur, which has its roots of origin from Karnataka and came across Andhra and Kalinga country. Omanatyas are Saivites, who brought cult to Koraput plains, I assume they are the once who preached Saivism against Jainism.
Omanatya family in Borigumma
According to Bell wrote, (1945) (1)interdining with the Bhottodas is sometimes permitted and the customs generally resemble those of the caste, except that it is said that an item in the marriage ceremony is a free fight with mud for missiles. Like Bhottodas the Amanaitas are divided into two endogamous divisions named Bodo and Sano. Thurston and Rangachari (1909) said, The Omanatya or Omaitos are an Oriya cultivating caste. According to a tradition the ancestor of this caste was one Amatya, a minister of Sri Rama at Ayodhya. The caste is title is usually Nayak, but the more prosperous take the title Patro.(2) The tribe is divided into two endogamous sections called Bodo and Sano. The former claim on higher social scale than the later ones. The Sano are said to have born out of Bhattra, Gond and other tribal women and Bodo men group. The Omanatyas have the following clans:
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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.
Surja Naga Bagha Cheli Turinja Macha Kaiencha Kumuda Lau Kukur Silabonso Khirbonso or Dudha bonso Sua
... Sun ... Cobra ... Tiger ... Goat ... Fish (Turinuja variety) ... Tortoise ... Cucurbita maxima or Pumpkin ... Bottle-gourd ... Dog ... Stone ... Milk ... Parrot
The family is patrilinear. Nuclear families are the chief social units. The number of joint and extended families are few. They also live in a heterogeneous village society and maintain homogenous socio-economic ties with the other communities living there. The other communities living around are Poraja, Gadaba, Bhattra, Pentia, Kumar, Dom (SC), and Tantis (SC) etc. They have both row and cluster arrangements of houses in villages. The Omanatyas speak Oriya. They do not eat beef, rabbit, pork and dead animals. They do not eat from higher caste Brahmins.
Omanatya Pujaris after Bali celebration, Konga
Tirthankara in Konga village
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Comparatively the Omanatyas have more numerous festivals and ceremonies in their life than other neighbouring tribes. Omanatyas came with Savite tradition that too the Bhairaba cult to the area as evidenced from the duty and responsibility distribution at the Borigumma Deulguda temple the Jangam priests are worshipping the Siva-linga and the Omanatya priest of Old Borigumma is in charge of Bahairaba puja in the same temple; possibly they replaced the Jain faith in the area. The Jangams are Saivites who probably came with the Western Chalukyas from Karnataka and are seen in Koraput, Bastar and Andhra Pradesh. At the same time you can find the Mali, Bhumia, Bhattra and Omanyats etc as priests to Siva Temple in the district of Koraput.
Reference
1. Bell, R.C.S., Orissa District Gazetteer (Koraput), Cuttack, Government Press, 1945 2. Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, pp.1-7.
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BAGATA
A small number of Bagata tribe, live in Padua region of Koraput, Orissa extending into Andhra Pradesh. Culturally and through heritage they identify themselves with inland fishermen community. Their main concentration is in Sundergarh district, but small population in Koraput, Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar and Sambalpur has been recorded in the census reports. In 1991, total Bagata population in Orissa was 4802 only. (1)
Bagata women, Padua
Thurston and Rangachari (1909)(2) cited Hayavadana Rao who wrote, the Bagata is divided into different exogamous septs (intiperulu), some of which also occur among the Kapus, Telugus and Vantains. The Bagatas also account for their name as Bhakta by referring to the tradition that they secured with great devotion (Bhaktis) to the then rulers. During that period they were influential and ideal farmers and later shifted to fishing livelihood.
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A.C. Sahoo (2004) has given a brief account of Bagatas in Orissa.(3) Thurston and Rangachari (loc. cit) said, on the Dasora day they worship, the fishing baskets and also a kind of trident.(4) The said trident might be the instrument to hook down the fishes. Bagatas in Kotpad area of Koraput practice shift cultivations / cultivations where as in Cuttack and Balasore they are still living on fresh water fish catching as main livelihood. Bagatas has two sections, one are Saivites the other Vaishnavites.
History and Bagatas of Koraput-Visakhapatnam

The Bagatas are the official priest for the Matsyas or Bhupatis of Madgole Zamindary. Capt.Owen in his Diary of Expedition to Jeypore in 1855 mentions ---------- However, the later Matsyas or Bhupatis of Madgole Zamindary had great regard for the Fish pool or Matsyakunda near Paderu, and they very jealously protected from harm the Mahseer(fish) in it. It is curious pool the Macheru or Matsya river near the village of Matam, six miles north west of Paderu. A barrier of rocks runs right across the river, and the stream plunges into a great hole and vanished beneath this, reappearing again about a hundred yard lower down. Just where it emerges from under the barrier, it forms a pool which is crowded with Mahseers of all sizes.-----------At Sivaratri festival occurs at a little thatched shrine nearby (the Pujari at which is a Bagata) and part of the rituals consists in feeding the sacred fish(5). The Matsy rulers of Oddadi were coroneted at Paderu on a stone throne. They used to carry a figure of a fish in their State banners, and the picture of fish was their family emblem. (6)
Reference
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Census Report, Orissa 1991. Rao, Hayavadana, C. (1909) cited by Thurston, E and Rangachari, K (1909) Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Sahoo, A.C. (2004) Bagata: Tribes of Orissa, SC&ST Research and Training Institute, Bhubaneswar. p.57-58. Thurston, E and Rangachari, K (1909) op.cit. Singh Deo, K.B.(1932) in Nandapur( A Forsaken Kingdom) Part I p. 3-4 cited Description by Mr. J.A.Sandell, Superintendent of Police, Jeypore & J.O.A.Vol.I. pp.26-30. Ibid p.3.
6.
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NANDAPUR
Nandapur is located on the banks of the river Isani Ganga or Gangeshani. This river has been regarded as sacred and compared to Kasi of north and has been called as Dakshina Kasi locally. There are numerous archeological remains left in the place, notably the Batrisha singhasana, innumerous Jain vestiges in and around the place. There are no direct evidences so far from inscriptions, what ever is known has come from other sources and places. People are of the opinion that much of the present idols and deities reported from Jeypore was due to Nandapur and were transferred during shift of capital. There is evidence that at least twice the Nandapur was capital of Suryavamsis and was shifted once to Narayanapatna and the last to Jeypore. K.B.Singh Deo (1938) had given a detail account of Nadapur Kings, later known as Jeypore Zamindars in his book entitled, Nandapur- A Forsaken Kingdom (1). He has given a detail account of the archaeological remains, history related to the Sankara Dynasty and their relation to Silavamsi Kings and the Bhupatis of Madgole of Oddadi. He has given a detail account of the Sankara Dynasty of Nandapur from Vinyako Deo who succeeded by marriage to the only daughter of last Silavamsi King of Nandapur in 1443 and assumed the title of Nandapur Bhupati; ruled upto 1476 (2).
Uma-Parbati in Nilakantheswara Temple, Jeypore
Sarveswara Siva temple, Nandapur (believed to be of Sankara Dynasty)
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There are several views on the relationship and origin of Sankara Dynasty; Mr. Oram speaks. Ramamachandra Deo, Raja of Nandapuram, is descendent of a Rajah, formerly a servant and favourite to an ancient king of Jagannatha and sovereign of these northern circars, who gave him a daughter in marriage and bestowed this tributary principality upon him(3). It was early in the 15th century that the plain lands of Orissa and the northern circars passed from the sway of the Ganga dynasty to that of the Gajapati kings of Cuttack, belonging to Solar race. As the change of dynasty occurred simultaneously in Nandapur and as the new line of kings obviously to have been Oriya descent, it is extremely likely that the kingdom was concurred by Kapileswara Deva, the first of the Gajapatis as a mark of favour on one of his following--- (4)Orams theory is thus probably correct. A third theory is advanced by the author of a Sanskrit work called the Gangavamsa Charitra, which seems to have been written about the middle of the 18th century. This states that the eldest son of the Bhanudeva IV, the last ruler of the Ganga kings of the Kalinga, after the usurpation of his kingdom by Kapileswara Deva, went southwards and founded a kingdom at Gudari (near Gunupur) and that subsequently the Gudari Kings became masters of Nandapur. The story lacks confirmatory evidence, and is in any case suspect as the aim of the historian was confessedly the glorification of the Ganga line of Kings. This is all as per the statement given in Koraput District Gazetteer by R.C.S. Bell (1941) (5).
Brusha in Sarveswara Temple, Nandapur
Brusha in Nilakantheswara Temple, Jeypore
The other version is due to Vadivelus Ruling Chiefs, Nobles and Zamindars of India that traces the descendent to ancient Kings of Kashmir and Jamu.Vinayaka Deo second son of Kambiraja Deo, the Jammu King and a descendant of
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Kankasena of the Solar race, was on pilgrimage to Benares and God Visweswar directed him to proceed to Nadapur to take up the kingdom (6). Vinayaka Deos family, the Sankara Dynasty of Jeypore/Nandapur ruled from 1443 A.D. to Indian Independence from British during 1947.
Silavamsi Kings of Nandapur as per Inscriptions

Vinayaka Deo married the only daughter, Lilavati of the last Silavamsi king of Nandapur and occupied the throne of Nandapur in 1443 as said above. K.B.S.Deo (1938) (7) informed that there is meager account of the Silavamsis of Nandapur; but in recent days there has been significant progress in the direction by historians; and good account can be read from the work of Yashoda Devis The History of Andhra Country-1000 A.D. to 1500 A.D. (8) The Silavamsa may have got their identity from the Sila river that flows close to the old fort of Nandapur.The same river then flows through Madgole, the land of the Matsya kingdom is called as Matsya or Macheru river. The Macheru or Machkund rises in the Madgole hills at about 3000 feet and then through the Padwa valley it flows down. The Paderu village is located by the side of the upper portion of Matsya or Maccha river was once the seat of the old Matsya Kings of the Oddadi country. There is a stone in the shape of Fish that was the seat where the Matsya kings were installed over as kings (9). The Madgole kings were known as Bhupatis and the Madgole family became extinct due to lack of male line (10). Paderu is now a large settlement was formerly the seat of the Old Matsya kings of Oddadi. The word Oddavadi means the beginning of the Oriya (11).
Map showing Nandapur, Narayanapatna and Jeypore
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Silavamsi or Silas as they were known ruled from middle of the 14th century to middle of the 15th century only. Their capital was at Nandapur and Bobli (12). They had acknowledged the suzerainty of Gangas of Kalinga (13). They had continued marriage alliances with Matsyas and the Pallvas (14). The Sila were the originators of the Jeypore Estate. There is no record as to the origin of the Silas except that they were Silavamsa and Silavemsa gotra of Nandapur. Ganga ruled1300-1353 A.D. and as per inscription of Simhachalam dated 1353 A.D. (15) Visvanatha succeeded Ganga. His rule lasted till A.D. 1370 and Bhairvaraju his successor ruled from A.D.1370-1427. He is known from Simhachalam inscription dated A.D.1396. He was also known as Bayyaraju. He was then succeeded by his son, Gangaraju A.D.1427-1435 also as per Simhachalam inscription. He was also known by name Pratap Gangarajugaru.His earliest record was from Simhachalam followed by next record from Srikurmam dated 1435. He was a feudatory of Kapilesvar, thus Ganga with Gajapati support must have succeeded his enemies. Matsya contemporary of Gangaraju was Pratapavallabha the successor of Arjuna III. The Silas and the Matsyas were connected by alliance of marriages. For king Gangas mother, and queen of Bhairava was the daughter of Jayanta of the Matsyas and sister of Singaraju(16). Possibly the Silas were helped by the Matsyas in extending their country. A king Visveswara raju of Silavamsa A.D. 1427 is known from the Srikurmam inscription (17). He was the son-in-law of Jayanta of the Matsyas; so the Silas and Matsyas were in terms of alliance in this period. Pratapa Gangaraju of the Sila had a daughter Singama. She was married to Khajjalabhanu alias VinayakaDeva, the founder of the kingdom of Gudari. On the death of Pratapa Gangaraju in A.D.1443, the two kingdoms of Nandapur and Gudari were reunited under Vinayaka Deva. (18) Vinayaka Deva is said to have been of the Ganga family of Cuttack. According to the Jeypore Chronicle (19), Vinayaka Deva was the 33rd descendant of Kanakasena of the Solar race. He was a general and feudatory of the king of Kashmir. Left for Benares, pleased Visveswara by his penance and was directed by the God in a dream to go to the kingdom of Silas of which he would become the king. This was the findings from Yashoda Devi (20). The daughter of Pratap Gangaraju has been mentioned as Lilavati and Singama, respectively in two above reports. Nandapur Suryavamsi dynasty was born from mid fifteenth century. As I am dealing this work from BC to 1250 A.D is not with in the scope of the book to continue information on Nandapur Suryvamsis.
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The history of Nandapur has remained obscure before Silavamsa and Matsya of Oddai, because of lack of proper inscriptions and records. It is well documented fact that Koraput-Bastar remained part of the Trikalinga and the subject has been detailed out in one of the chapters. Again the history reveals the ploy of Chakrakote which comes under the geographical location of Trikalinga had remained the bone of contention for many of the Dynasties especially in the 9th and 10th century. These events are well documented in the book. The Trikalinga historical events do not specifically refer Nandapur but the Chakrakote is referred in all events. The archaeological evidence, especially the Jaina monuments do give a historical prospect to the Nandapur and is definitely earlier days to 9th century. The Eastern Ganga had played major role in Trikalinga and I have postulated the role of Western Ganga in this region and have been detailed out in one of the chapters. But though the region came under the sway of Eastern Chalukyas and the Chodas had occupied Koraput-Bastar so also the Western Chalukyas they did not leave any significant event in Nandapur and seems to have remained in the Nowrangpur and Kakrigumma tract extending into Kalinga. There can be three dimensions to investigate the history of Nandapur before 14th Century. One can be from the records and inscriptions base The second can be reconstruction of the history based on archaeological find in and around Nandapur Third can be the people, the castes and Tribes in Nandapur region and their affiliation to the history if any and finally reconstruction of history based on all these lines and corroborating with the history of neighbours along with linking of routes. They are given as following,
Hathigumpha Record and King Nanda

Hathigumpha record in l. 6 lines states , And, in the fifth year ( His Majesty) caused the aqueduct that had been excavated by King Nanda three hundred years before, to flow into (Kalinga) nagari through Tanasuli (very likely Tosali). (21) King Nanda is identified with Nandivardhana (22) Jayswal and Banerji (1929-30) wrote, Again, we have the definite datum that Alberuni found in use in his time an era with the initial year 458 B.C., which goes back to the time of the first Nanda King (Nanda Vardhana) (23). The year 103 of the Nanda era would correspond to 335 B.C. when the Tansulia canal, which
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Kharavela extended to the capital in the fifth year of his reign, was originally excavated. If we take this Nanda to be the last Nanda, Kharavela would be referring to (325 B.C.-103=) c.222 B.C. and not to any later year. (24) There is standing controversy on Nandavardhana. It is not Nandavardhana but Mahapadma Nanda who is said to have brought all under his sole sway and uprooted all Ksatriyasor the old ruling families. So we should identify Nandaraja of the Hathigumpha inscription, who held possession of Kalinga either with the all-conquering Mahapadma Nanda or one of his local king of Kalinga, but the view goes against the internal evidence of the Hatigumpha inscription. As Nandaraja is said to have ruled some 300 years before Kharavela, the latter evidently flourished at the second half of the first century B.C., or somewhat later (25) The Nanda age confirms the fact that the Nandas extended their empire beyond Magadha. Unfortunately, the boundary of the Nanda empire cannot be precisely determined. H.C. Raychaudhury mentions that from the sources assignable to the commencement of Gupta Age, we may tentatively fix the southern boundary of the Nanda empire, or at least the arena of its political and military activities, at the river Godavari (26). The presence of Magadhia Gaudo in Koraput, especially around river Muran and Nandapur as well as the Nanda Gaudo in Kalhandi-Koraput region strengthens the above theory.
Pravhavati Gupta and Nandapur-Nandvardana

The Pravhavati Gupta, the daughter of Chandragupta Vikramaditya II had married to Rudrasena II of Vakataka dynasty (c.375-414) (27) and their country was extended up to Krishna; and their capital was Nandapur-Nandivardana. It is established her kingdoms capital at Nandapur which is probably the same as Nandapur township in Koraput district (28). Rudrasena II passed away leaving two young sons, the eldest being 5 years of age. So his wife and queen Prabhavati-gupta ruled the kingdom until her second son took the regin.Ramagiri-svami was highly revered by the Vakatakas and Prabhavati-gupta made her last grant in his presence. It is not likely that Kalidasa too may have visited Ramagiri (Ramtek) several times in the company of his wards and their mother, and that it may have been during one of these visits that the idea occurred to him make this hill the place of the exile of his Yaksha in the Meghaduta? (29) There is a literary tradition that the poem Setubandha was
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composed by king Prvara-sena II of Kuntala soon after his accession and was later revised by Kalidasa (30). This has been well discussed in Ramagiri chapter in this book.
Nanda or Nandodbhava family Ruling Jeypore-Nandapur

Majumdar and Altekar wrote, One many point out in this connection that a king of the Nanda dynasty of Pataliputra is associated with Kalinga in the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela and that a Nanda or Nandodbhava family is known to have ruled in the Jeypore Nandapur region of Orissa, at least from the ninth century A.D. (31) Jadumani Mohapatra in his The Mandala Kingdom cites Gayada Tunga; his Talcher Grant No.1 (32) was issued from a place called Jayapura Kotta which has been identified by some scholars with the political headquarters of the Nandodbhavas of Airavatta Mandala (33). Gayada Tunga was from Tunga dynasty was ruling Yamagaratta Mandala. It is said that in the process of amalgamation of Utkala with Kalinga, Chodoganga possibly destroyed the power of the Mathra rulers of Yamagartta Mandala (34) He further mentions, Jayapura was the royal metropolis of Airavatta Mandala. It seems that the capital city was named after the founder of the Nadodbhav ruler. Jayanda, and can be identified with a village of the same name in the southern part of Dhenkanal district (35). Further he says, It is the epigraphic records the rulers of Airavatta have claimed themselves as Nandodbhavas or as belonging to Nanda kula. N.Tripathi and D.C. Sircar subscribing his view hold that the family of Jayananda was an offshoot of the imperial Nanda family of Maghada (36). There is another ruler family, Varahas also known as Mauryas because of their peacock emblem claim that Uditavaraha, the first rulers of Bonai, the family had hailed from Chitrakuta. This Chitrakuta has been interpreted to Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh etc. J.K.Sahu concluded that they have origined from aboriginal tribal stock (37). D. C. Sirkar wrote, Another king of the same family (Pitibhakatas) seems to have been Maharaja Nanda- Prabhanjana-varman whose Chicacole Grant bears the word Pitibhakta on its seal. The king is described as the lord of the entire Kalinga Country. His charter was issued from his vasaka at the victorious Sarapallika. Although Nanda- Prabhanjana-varman is associated with the Pitibhakta of Simhapura, it is tempting to suggest that his name indicates Prabhanjana-varman
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of the Nanda family to which he may have been related on the mothers side. We know that a ruler of the Nanda dynasty of Pataliputra is associated with Kalinga in the Hathgumpha inscription of Kharavela. A Nanda or Nandodbhava family ruled the Angul-Dhenkanal region of Orissa from the ninth century, and another branch of the family flourished probably in the Jeypore- Nandapur area of the Koraput District at a later date.(38) The remarks of Bell are, The Savara language is said to be very similar to that of the Juangs, a primitive tribe inhabiting Keonjhar, Pal -Lahara and Dhenkanal States as also to that of the Pareng Porajas of Pottangi Taluk (Koraput District). (39). This has relevance, because in most of the literature the Easter Chalukyas have referred the Eastern Gangas as Savara Chiefs. We have proposed in this book that the Western Gangas are the lords of the Parenga tribe of the Koraput and one special chapter has been devoted to this effect. Historically, Western Ganga were related through marriage alliance to the rulers of Dhenkanal (Bhauma Karas of Tosali) is well established. Thus the linguistic relation with Savara and Parenga sheds the light that the Savaras as Eastern Ganga and the Parenga the Western Gangas are closely related even though they now live in distant places and have no relation what so ever. This confirms the historical hypothesis that exits till date. On the other hand the sharing of linguistic closeness between Juang, Savara and Parenga tribe; means they may have common inheritance and in past and relationship between Pal-Lahara and Dhenkanal, Anugul and the Nandapur region cannot be ruled out. This confirms the theory proposed by Sircar as indicated above.
Nandivarman Pallavamalla and Nanndigrama

Early in his reign Rajasimha formed an alliance with Chalukya a Vikramaditya II, espoused the cause of Chitramaya, and after inflicting a number of defeats on Nandivarman Pallavamalla besieged him in a place called Nandigrama i.e. Nandipuram, near Kumbakontam. The able Pallava general Zidayacondra, who encountered the Pandya forces in many battles, raised the siege of Nadigrama, beheaded Chitramaya, and thus made the Pallava throne secure for his monarch. He also delt with other enemies of Pallavamallha like the Sabara King Udayana and the Nisdha chieftain Prithivivygara who were probably acting in collision with Chalukya Vikramaditya II.(40). The Nisadha and Sabara king point out to Koraput-Kalahandi region, so Nandigrama here can mean the Nandapura of Koraput.
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Paliva in Nandapur is a well known Jaina monastery as evident by ruins of Jaina temple (41). The name Paliva is also indicative of the Pallava presence in the region. This requires further study.
Bhatiporlu inscription and Nandapuram

Bhatiporlu inscription of 2nd A.D. (from Krishna District of Andhra Pradesh) in its 3rd Stanza Manjusa denotes the nameNandapuram (42)
Vyghraraja in Jeypore forest tract

Majumdar and Altekar are of the opinion that Vyghraraja ruled in Jeypore forest (in orissa) which is referred as Maha-Vana, a synonym of Mahakantara, in and old inscription.(43)
Some Jaina Inscriptions and Trikalinga

The Peddaperappadu plates of Vishamasiddhi (East Godavari dist) (44) was issued by Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi is of interest to Koraput district, Orissa. King Vishmasidhi (i.e. Vishnuvardhana II) had issued the copper plates during 7th Century A.D. It is in Sanskrit and Telugu scripts. J. Durgaprasad in Bharati published the inscription during October 1983, February 1985 and October 1984. All three sets of copper plates refer to Chalukya king Vishnuvardhan II (i.e. Vishamasiddhi) who resigned from AD 673 to 683. These plates only indicated the Vengi kings leaning towards Jainism. Jawaharlal wrote The register a gift of land to Jain temples given to Sri Kanakanandi acharya who belonged to yapaniya sangha by Sri Vishamasidhi (i.e. Vishnu-Vardhana-II). Further the gift of land is stated to have been given to Jain temples, situated at Kakandiparru (modern Kakinada, East Godavari District) Turangu (i.e. area around Turangesvara temple near Kakinada) Koyyuru (modern Kovuru, near Kakinada, East Godavari district.) Pottapi Vishaya may be identical with Pottapinadu or Virachoda inscription found at Pithapuram, East Godavari district. The other villages like Nadipur, Induru, and Partipaka of the plates are not identifiable at present. These plates throw a flood of light on the existence of Yapaniya-sangha in East Godavari district during the 7th century A.D. itself (45). I am of the opinion that the Pottapi refers to Pottangi of Koraput that is in close boarder to Eastern Ganga. N. Venkataramanaya was of the opinion that the Pottapi-nandu and Nadupuru are located in Southern Kalinga; a detail account of is given in the following chapter.
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Second plate
Second Face.
15. Masiddhi-maharajah-vriksha-mula (i) Yapaniyagana-tilaka. 16. Sya- Bhagavatah Kanakanandyacharyashya- Dharmopadesa-naka 17. sumishtitaya- senalayasya Bhagavata- mahatma-ba 18. li-vaisyadeva-navakaramma-saranardham-svadharmabhividdha19. potupa-vishaye yelinadya rrpurvata- Jamannurevu- grama20. ddakshine- Nadupura-gramat pacchame- isturu gramat 21. uttare-chapan madhye partipaka gramat- data I am inclined to give identification of the places as following: i. ii. Here Potupa-vishaye yelinadya means Putura river and village Jamannurevu grama is Jamunda village, which is located on the bank of Putura River in Jeypore block. iii. iv. Dakshine Nadupura gramat is south located Nandapur Paschima Isturu gramat not yet identified but it may be Ispur village on bank of Indrabati v. vi. vii. Uttare Chapan means Champa village of Koraput block.????? Madhye Partipaka grame means Partigumpha and Puki village Moreover, these villages incidentally still continue to be important places of Jaina deities.
Chalukyas of Vemulavada and Subaie (Nandapur)

It is equally interesting to learn from an inscription engraved on the wall of the Durgapancha cave that Vimaladityas (AD 1011-22) religious guru Trikalayogi Siddhantadeva of the Desiagana paid homage to Ramakonda with great devotion. No doubt, at first Ramatirthan was a strong hold of Buddhism during the early centuries of Christian era, for numerous Buddhist remains have been unearthed here (46).
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The inscription support to Jainas in Trikalinga is one yet to be established from the available findings (47). The last member of the Chalukya of Vemulavada royal family, Baddega had very strong leaning towards Jainism. Arikesarin III, son of Baddega II was also a Jaina. In his Parbhani plate Arikesarin III (A.D. 930955) had given a gift of village Kuttamvritti-Vaanikatupulu in the midst of Repaka-12 in the Sabbi thousand to Somadevasuri who was the sthalapati of Subhadhama jinalaya. (48) Present Subaie (Sabbi) Jaina temple close to Nandapur has references from Arikesarin II and III, who were the Chalukyas of Vemulavada.The following are some of the inscriptions referring to Kalinga and Vengi as well as Sabbi desa in Rupaka.
TEXT
3. Arikesarin III and Parbhani plates of 966 A.D is in Sanskrit. He was from Chalukyas of Vemulavada. The inscription states that the gift given by father Arikesarin consisted of Repaka-12 in the Sabbi-Thousand, was given to Jaina divine Somadevasuri, Sthanapati of the said Jinalaya.It is also said that in the Gauda-sangha there arose a great sage called Yasodeva, his pupil was Nemideva, who had several disciples of whom Somadevasuri was the most important. So far from our studies we have come across only the above inscription which is referring to Sabbi desa (Kornel and Gamang, 2010) (49). The present Subai Jaina temple has been identified to Sabbi desa of the past. It has one Chakresvari asta bhuja to which there is reference in Arikeasarins inscription as mentioned above. At Kachela Jaina temple ruins a stone slab called dhangdi pakna is there which may be sidhasila because barren women come and dance on annual puja to be blessed .Again the reference to Kalinga and Vengi in the same inscription strengthens the view. Surprisingly, a Gouda family still worships the Jaina deities of Subai and claims it to hereditary succession. The same has relevance to Somsekharasurideva who belonged to Gaudosangha of Jainism.
Patasivaram inscription of the Chalukya king Tribhuvnamalla Vira

Patasivaram inscription refers the reign of the Chalukya king Tribhuvnamalla Vira Somesvara IV and mentions his feudatory Bhogadeva Cholakmaharaja as ruling from Henjery. This inscription is dated 1185 A.D (50). Further, it refers to Padmaprabha Maladhari, disciple of Viranandi- Sidhanta Chalkravartideva belong to Desi gana, Pustaka gacchha and Mula Sangha. There is a village called Maldha near Honjore of Nandapur, similarly Virahandi is a village amidst Jaina Temples in Kotpad region and is famous for its Siva temple. Kornel and
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Gamang loc.cit. have identified the same Henjery to Devta Honjore of Nandapur.
Kalachuris of Tripuri as Trkalingadhipati

The Kalachuris of Dahal, the country around Jabalpur was ruled by Kalachuris of Tripuri.Karna ascended to throne between A.D.1034 and 1042. He was one of the greatest generals of his time. He assumed the title of Trikalingadhipati (51).
Kalachuris of Ratnapur and Nandavalli

Kalingraja, a remote descendant of one of the sons of Kokalla I (52), the founder of the Kalachuri dynasty of Tripuri, conquered South Kosala and established his capital in Tummana in Bilaspur of Chhattiasgarh. He was a feudatory to Kalachuris of Tripuri. His son and successor Kamalaraja helped his overlord Kalachuri Gangeyadeva in conquering Utkala.The tribals in Jeypore refer the Mathili region as Kamalraji; this may have been derived due to Kalachuri of Ratanpur. One of the successive kings, Jajalldeva I took the Naga King of Chakrakote (Bastar) Somesvara prisoner and released him on request of Someswars mother. He invaded Orissa and defeated Bhujavala, the chief of Suvarnapur the modern day Sonpur.He claims to have received tributes from the chiefs of the Mandalas of Andhra, South Kosala, Khimidi, Vairagara, Lanjika, Bhanara, Talahari, Dandakapura, Nandavalli and Kukkuta. (53) The Nandavalli may be the Nandapur and Valli may be the Bali Mutha or Mandala. Ratnadeva II successed Jajalladeva I before A.D.1126. He repulsed an attack of Anantavarman Chodaganga at Talahar-bhumi, not far from Sheorinarayan.He was successor by his son Prithvideva II and his minister conquered several forts including Machka-Shiva and took Bhramavadra, Kantara, Kusuma-bhoga, Kandas(hva)ra and Kakayaradesa(54).He established a new city named Jagapalapura. The Machka-Shiva may be the Machkund, Kantara is Kalahandinorth Koraput, and Kusuma-bhoga may be the Kusumi close to Kotpad, Bhramavadra, is identical with Bhramarakotya mandala in the Bastar district. The Kakayara is the Kanker of Bastar district. Jagapalapura may be the present district head quarters of Bastar district in Chhattisgarh. Prthvideva II defeated the mighty Chodagangadeva and his feudatory Gokarna. (55)
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The Bilaigarh plate of Prthvidevas reign in E. 896 indicates that by devastating Chakrakotea, he overwhelmed the illustrious Ganga king with anxiety-------(56)
Krishana Deva Raya of Vijayanagar Empire in Nandapur

I had come across Bisna Sisa family in Nandapur. As for the Bisna Poraja who play vital role in performing the age old Holpoda celebration of the Nandapur past dynasty is well documented. (Kornel, 1999) (57). There is mention of Bisnaga King and Bisnaga city in chronicle of Fernao Nuniz, 1535-37, that is cited by Robert Sewell (1900). The Bisnaga is referred to Narsymga i.e. Narasingha Raya of Vijayanagar (58). Nandapur had fallen in the hands of Vijayanagar Kings in the past. According to Robert Sewell, Krishana Deva Raya (Bisnag king) of Vijayanagar was present in Symamdry, the present day Simhanchalam and halted for six months. (59).He mentions the city of Modogal in the context (60) but is not clear whether it is the same Modogal of Visakhapatnam. However Singh Deo (61) has wrote,---------- and marched to Simhadri, and after erecting a pillar of victory at Pottunur in the very heart of Kalinga country, he performed Mahadanas------ and thence returned to Vijayanagar (via) Rajahmundry. (62) The said hill route is located in Konam in Motto Pradesh. Mottu is known as KambaMottu in Malkangiri of Jeypore Zamindary. After conquering the hill forts in Nandapur or Jeypore, Krishna Deva Raya occupied Madgol. Oddadi and neighbouring forts and posted a stone slab with an inscription (Now illegible) in Rayavaram in Sarvasidhi Taluk (Visakhapatnam), in commemoration of his victory of the Jeypore country (63). (Vide Sewells Antiquities. Vol.I in Rayavaram in Sarvasidhi Taluk (Visakhapatnam)
Nandapur from Peoples Account

Bell wrote, Oriya castes such as Gaudos, Ronas and Paikoas, who are now settled as cultivators in considerable numbers, still enjoy a prescriptive right to certain services under the Rajas of Jeypore and no doubt they originally entered the district as soldiers and servants of the earliest Rajas.(64) The Malis in Nandapur came from Allahabad and the Magadhia Gaudos are certainly from Magadha.This is also indicative that there was influence of Guptas in this part of the country, though hard evidence is lacking. Pandya Dynasty and Chellia Poraja or Konda Poraja in Koraput
District
The Chellia Porajas or Konda Poraja are prominent community of Eastern Ghat and Nandapur region. The history is silent with reference to them. But from my
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studies I believe that the Chellia Poraja are extension of the Porajas living around Sileru river of Malkangiri. During the construction of Balimella Dam over the River Sileru, few idols of Hindu deities were unearthed and they are still conserved in the find village. It gives the impression of Southern dynasty. As the Western Chalukya camped in Koraput-Bastar region followed by immediate incursion of Chodas to the said region Chakrakote war; it can well be postulated that the Pandyas also had occupied some land around the Sileru River extending into the Nandapur and Salur ghats. There in no hard historical evidence to this effect as of now. The Pandya soldiers and Generals were engaged in Kalinga war by Kulottunga I as is evident from records.Nilakanta Sastri wrote, A vassal of the Cola Emperor from the distant south, the Pandya King Parantaka, took part in the war( refers to Kalinga war) and assisted Vikramacola. The inscription of Parantaka Pandya (65) like those of the Vikramacola, state that Kulam of the Telunga Bhima was captured and that South Kalinga was subdued(66) He again continued, The valiant Pallva Chieftain, Karunakara Tondaiman, lord of the Vandai, offered to carry out the emperors order and was accepted. (67). This Kalinga war was against Ananta Chodaganga.So it can well be concluded that there was presence of Pandya King himself and Pallava Chieftains of Tamilnadu in the context of Kaling wars and there is strong possibility that they have rehabilitated their population after loss to Cholas in hills of Trikalinga.. The earlier Pandyas were Jainas and Kun Pandya converted to Saiva by Saint Sambandar (68). The Chellia Poraja had a strong pointer being Jainas of the past as seen from their present rituals and ceremonies (Kornel and Gamang, 2010) (69) The Pandya King Maravarman Rajasimha I had conflict with Pallava King Nandi-varman Pallavamalla. . Pandyas conquered the Kaveri region and lay siege Nandipura and the Pallavas were rescued by their great general Udyachandra. (70). In future the historians need to see the relevance of Nandapur in Trikalinga to Nandipura siege by Pandyas.The fact is becoming still stronger due to the presence of Paliva Jaina temple in Nandapur close to Koraput town. It can be seen from the Tirumalai Inscriptions that was translated by Prof. Hltzsch (71) as pointed out in earlier chapters, remarked that the Maduraimandalam to be different than the capital of Pandya kings, Madura.I am of the opinion that the Maduraimandalam in the context of Rajendra Chola I is the Pandya king ruled mandala in Koraput- Bastar; that implies the reasonable connection to Chellia Poraja and Pandy dynasty.Nilakanta As per Yashoda Devi ,An important dynasty in South Kalinga, the Matsyas ruled over the Matyadesa i.e. Oddadivishaya (A.D.1200-1470) with capital at Oddadi, 16 miles from Anakapalle in Vizagapatnam district for a period of two
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and half centuries from about A.D. 1200 to 1470. Their ancestry goes back to the 5th century A.D. The Matsyas had their own crest seal and coinage and two Matsyas i.e. double fish was their emblem.(72) .They may have had some connection with the Pandyas is postulated by Yashoda Devi; whose emblem was also fish. (73). There is another aspect Sircar mentions that there was rivalry between the Pandya and Kalinga factions in the Ceylonese court. (74).
Eastern Gangas in Trikalinga

The Eastern Gangas were ruling Trikalinga and then started ruling the Kalinga. The Trikalinga remained as an integral part of Kalinga till the Eastern Chalukya king Gunga Vijaydity III occupied the region and thence it was changing hands and many dynasties invaded and ruled the region.
Eastern Chalukya in Trikalinga

We have dealt here some important events that took place in Trikalinga by some Vengi rulers, the Eastern Chalukyas. Gunaga Vijayaditya III (844-888A.D.) B. Venkatakrishna Rao wrote, Gunaga Vijayaditya III seems to have marched against the king of Dahala and defeated him (75.) Dahala was another name for the kingdom of Chedi which lay in the Central Provinces. The king of Dahala at this time was Kokalladeva I, father-in law of the Rastrakuta king Krishna II (76). Having defeated him Vijayaditya III burnt his city Achalapura and captured his herds of elephants and levied tribute (77) the lord of the Trikalinga, who was tributary to the King of Chedi. His capital Chitrakuta, which corresponds to Chakrakuta, in the Bastar State (78), was the reduced and the whole country was subdued and annexed to the kingdom of Vengi. Thus he was the first Eastern Chalukya king to hold the title of Trikalingadhipati and the family continued the title till close of 10th Century A.D. (79) Vijayaditya IV Kollabhaganda (922A.D.) Vijayaditya IV is said to have ruled only over the Trikalinga-atavi or the forest tracts belonging to Trikalinga in addition to his ancestral kingdom of Vengi (80). This indicates clearly the Vijayaditya IV was ejected from the whole of Kalinga with the exception of the forest tracts attached to it. It was probably to re-establish his supremacy over that country that he led an expedition to Kalinga. Vijayaditya
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is generally credited to have won victory at Viraja, but the Inangaru Grant of Rajaraja II, no doubt, a late document of the Chola-Chalukya period, states that Vijayaditya captured the city named Viraja and departed to the world of the Gods (81). The Trikalinga-atavi country was probably lost and gained by Kalingas, as a consequence of their defeat and the death of their leader in the battle at Viraja; and Vajrahasta II made himself the master of the entire Trikalinga country without much trouble. Amma I, Vikramaditya II and Yuddamalla II (922-935) After a rule of seven years Amma I died. Vikramaditya II appears to have been an energetic ruler. During the short period of his rule, he brought under his control not only his ancestral kingdom, Vengi, but also Trikalinga, which was lost after the death of Chalukya Bhima I. Though a doughty warrior, and the hero of a hundred battles, he was notable to keep himself in power for more than eleven months (82). According to the Digubarru Grant of Chalukya Bhima II, the only record that refers to the event, Vikramaditya II was attacked by Bhima, the son of Amma I, who killed him in battle, and occupied the throne for a period of eight months (83). And Yuddamalla II, the eldest son of Tala I, overthrew him in his turn. Danarnava (A.D. 970-71 to 972-3) Danarnava celebrated his coronation in 892 Saka corresponding to A.D. 970-971. Nilakanta Sastri wrote, The Canjeevaram inscription of Jatacoda Bhima states that he slained Danarnava and his allies and took procession of the Chalukya dominion until 1002(84) till thrown out by Saktivarman I, with the help of Rajaraja (85). N. Venkataramanaya wrote, The death of Danarnava did not result in the submission of Vengi. The Samntas and other adherents of the dead monarch still held out. They fall into three groups. First, there was the Vaidumba king. Ganda Trinetra whom Danarnava had recently reduced to subjection. He was the hereditary enemy of the Telugu Cholas, and he was not disposed to accept Bhima, whom he must have regarded as an equal, as his overlord and sovereign. The clash between the two became inevitable. The Vaidumba was presumably worsted in the contest and had to acquiesce in the supremacy of the Telugu Chola. Next come the Samntas, Manyas, and the wild tribes dwelling in the jungles in the east. The hilly regions situated in the Madhya or Central Kalinga corresponding to the present Agency tracts had already been the home of warlike savage tribes who showed no inclination to submit to authority. It was not an easy task to keep them under control, and the Chalukya rulers of Vengi had to adopt special measures to enforce their authority. They assigned estates to their nobles in this region; and
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one of the branches of the royal family migrated early to this district and settled down there permanently. No wonder that the Samntas and Manyas at the head of the jungle tribes, confident of the natural strength of their mountain strongholds, held out against Bhima and defied his authority. Bhima was a brave warrior and capable leader. Undaunted by the numerous difficulties that beset his path, he led an expedition against them and put them down with a stern hand (86). He further said, The war with the eastern Samntas and Manyas involved Bhima in a war with Kamarnava, the Eastern Ganga king of Kalinga. The causes of this war are not difficult to surmise. Danarnava was related, through his mother, to the Kalinga royal family and Kamarnava might have been naturally desirous of avenging the death of his cousin, and restoring to his children their patrimony. More important than this was, perhaps, his ambition to re-establish the sovereignty of his family over the Central and the Southern Kalinga, this had remained in the possession of the Chalukyas since the time of KubjaVishnuvardhana. Kamarnava was not, however, destined to achieve his ambition. Though he held out for a while against the Telugu Chola, he had to succumb ultimately. Notwithstanding the great distance which he had to traverse, Bhima, it is said, marched at the head of an army to Kalinga and after some hard fighting put to death not only Kamarnava but also his younger brother, Vinayadiya who, on his death, succeeded him on the throne of Kalinga.(87). He further said, The Kalinga war was not an easy walk over to Bhima, as the language of the Kailasanatha temple inscription seems to suggest. He had to spend several years fighting with the Eastern Ganga princes in the hilly tracts of Kalinga. Though he slew Danarnava and took possession of his kingdom as early as A.D. 972-3, it was not until A.D. 981, some eight years later, that he was able to overcome the opposition of the Kalingas. Kamarnava seems to have offered stubborn resistance until he fell heroically fighting against the enemy in A.D. 978. The task of defending the realm seems to have then devolved upon his younger brother. Vinayaditya, who carried on the fight for three years longer, until he too laid down his life on the battlefield. With the death of Vinayaditya in A.D. 981, the backbone of the opposition was finally broken, and Kalinga submitted. Bhima having thus successfully destroyed all his enemies became the undisputed master of the kingdoms of Vengi and Kalinga and his authority was not seriously questioned until the end of the century.(88).
Nadupuru in Pottapi-nadu
During Ganga Vijayaditya III, a Eastern Chalukya kings period; the Eastern Ganga, the Vaidumba, the Nolamba and the Telugu Cola Chief were all involved in internecine warfare. (89)
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The Vaidumbas ruled Pottapi-nadu that extended across the Eastern Ghats from Rajampeta in the Cuddapah district to Kalahasti in Chittore district. Bhubana Trinetra Vaidumba Maharaja ruled Kadapa -twelve and neigbhouring country from his capital (Vidu) at Pottapi in Paka-nadu in AD 972 (90) is known for his Madras Museum Copper-plate Grant. His authority extended over Western Cuddapah district is known from Upparpalle on Cuddapah-Pusphagiri Road, dated 972-3A.D (91) N. Venkataramanaya said, An element of doubt, however, creeps in, on account of the existence of another tract of territory known also as Pattapi-Nadu in a different part of the Telugu country. An epigraph at Calukya-Bhimavaram in the Cocanada taluk of the East Godavari district dated A.D.1027 registers the gift by a certain Sankyaraja, an illegitimate son of Nungananti Semmarangirija of Nagavamsa, of the village of Nadupuru in Pottapi-nandu. It is obvious that the village of Nadupuru and Pottapi-nandu in which it was included must have been situated some where in the neighbourhood of Calukya-Bhimavaram. (92). He further continued, Though these inscriptions (An epigraph at CalukyaBhimavaram and Akkaliapundi Grant dated A.D. 1368) are late in date, it is not unreasonable to belie on the strength of their evidence that there was in South Kalinga a district called Pottapi nandu corresponding to apart of the East Godavari district. This might very well have been the district of Pottapi-nandu which Danarnava granted as an appanage to the Mudugonda Calukya chiefs, Malliyaraja and Gondyaraja.If this definition of Pottapi-nandu and the Pampa river as correct, there are no grounds for supposing that Danarnava ever subjugated the Pottapi- nadu in Southern Telugu country, and came, as a consequence, into conflict with Colas of Tanjore.(93) I am of the opinion that the Pottapi-nandu is the present day Pottangi area of Koraput district and the Nadupuru is the Nandapur located in Pottangi area and are well with in the South Kalinga region as pointed out by Venkataramanaya.
Western Gangas in Kalinga (Nandapur) and Konga

Western Ganga kingdom as whole is mentioned in Epigraphic as Ganga- rajya, Gangeya-rajya, Gangapati and Gangavadi, but from 8th Century onwards they were referred with suffix 96,000, Gangavadi-96, 000, Ganga- 6000 and Gangapadi- 32000. The Madviala inscription of Nitimarga-Permanadi shows that , when illustrious Kongonivarman-Dharmma maharajadhiraja, Paameswara, the master of
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Nandagiri, the chosen lord of the city Kovalal, Nitimarga-Permanadi was ruling over the earth (by) governing Gangavadi-96,000 When the illustrious hero of the Pallava family, the lord of the goddess wealth and the goddess earth, Nolambadhiraja, who was entitled to the band of the five great instruments was ruling Ganga-6000.(94) This indicates clearly that the Gangavadi-96000 and Ganga-6000 are two different countries or two different administrative-geographical locations. The Pallava were friendly subordinate rulers to the Western Gangas. The Husukuru inscription of Rajamalla-Permandi (870-71 A.D.) indicates that Satyavakya- Konganivarma Rajamall-Permandi, the lord of Kovalapura and master of Nandagiri was ruling over the earth, and when Butarasa, anointed as the Crown-prince, was governing Kongal nadu and Pu-nadu on the boarder of Permadi ( i.e. the ruling king).(95) As mentioned in early chapter, Kuknur plates on Marasimha II, A.D. 968-69, states that he was ruling Dhavala-visaya and Gangapati-96000.We are of the opinion that the Gangapati was contagious to Dhavala-visaya in South Kosala. So Gangapati is a part of the Gangavadi-9600. (96) Marasimha, having conquered all the feudatory kings; was ruling the entire Ganga-mandala. (97) In some inscriptions there is mention of Gangakuta. B.V. Rao (1973) writes, He also stated to have cut off the head of Mangi, drove the Gangas of the south i.e. the Western Gangas to flee before his armies and take refuge on the top of the hill Gangakuta, which apparently a fugitive expression meaning the capital of the Gangas, humbled Baddega and defeated the Rashtrakuta Krishna on the battle field. (98) Vikramaditya VI, W. Chalukya prince conquered Gangakunda? Vengi and Chakrakuta. (99) The southwest of Vengi-mandala was invaded by Western Gangas is a valuable indication. During the period of Vijayaditya III, the Trikalinga was occupied by the Vengi rulers. So, the South-west of the Vengi can be the Trikalinga portion also. However it is not very clear.
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The Kudlur plates of Marasimha, the Western Ganga king (962-63 A. D.) speaks of his victory over Kerala, Pandya, Konga, Kalinga, Kosala and other countries. (100) Kadalur Grant (101) of Marasimha, 962 A.D. says, of the king Jayaduttaraya (i.e. Butuga II), the queen was Kallabba, daughter of Simhavarman of the Calukya family, to them was born the king Satyavakya Marasimha, the brother of the king Marula (Verse, 34).(102). The summary note indicates clearly the patronising Jainism by queen Kallabba (103). We are inclined to think that the following names in the Western Ganga inscription have much to do in relation to Koraput-Bastar Jainism. They are Nandagiri, Kongunivarman, Konga country and queen Kallabba of the king Jayaduttraya with the existing name of the places and rivers of Koraput. The findings clearly indicate that Jainism persisted in between the Kolab river and Indravati river doab and both join at different points in Bastar district of Chhattisgarh to form the Godavari river that flows down in Andhra Pradesh., The Nandapur was one of main pithas of Jainism in Koraput, and was the ancient capital of the Jeypore state. There is one large single granite stone Elephant, beautifully carved on the banks of Isani Ganga at Nandapur. This was probably the first capital of Western Gangas where Jaina temples were prevalent. It is agreed by all that the existing all Jaina idols of Kalika temple of Jeypore was all from Nandapur which were transferred after the shift of capital to Jeypore. There is no written inscription on Western Gangas; discovered from Koraput as it is. This may be due to the fact that the land being under occupation of ruling or allied Dynasties may be Chalukyas and Rastrakutas; and Western Gangas were only interested in making Jainism influence. The other aspects also that subsequent king erased out all evidences to this effect. We believe that it was the queen Kallabha, wife of king Jayaduttranga (Batuga II) and mother of Satyavkya Marasimha of Western Ganga dynasty who had established the Jainism through teachers and mulasanghas all over Nandapur, Jeypore sub-division and the great river flowing from Nandapur down to Bastar is named after her and since known as Kolab river. The Nandapur as it may run for various historical findings, it looks to be Western Ganga capital in this part and ruled by one branch and is described out
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of Nandagiri title, which Western Gangas used to bear. There is no concrete evidence yet. The Nandapur Jaina temple was totally destroyed and in ruins, we dont have its history may be the Bhairaba cult and Virasaivites entry through the advent of Jangamas and Omanatyas may have attributed to it. (104). Thus the idols were placed under earth and elsewhere, which subsequently surfaced out in small temples like Subaie and Jamunda, and elsewhere. The ruin mounds of the said temple in Nandapur need excavation and history shall appear. More ever, there are several place names that are common to Koraput district, especially the Nandapur region with that of the Western Ganga Inscriptions and have been enumerated for future scholars to look into it. They are as following. The Hosakote Plates of Konganyadhiraja (5th Century) mentions, under the great tank in the village of Pulli-uru in division (bhoga) called Korikunda. (105) The Pulli-uru is the Bhagra; Pulli means tiger in both Telugu and Kanada. The Korikunda may be the modern Korkunda of Koraput. The Mercara Plates of Avinita (9th A.D.) speaks of places like Badanaguppe, Dasnur and Polma also Kottgara. (106) In Koraput, near Semiliguda a Poroja village called, Polma does exist. The Dasnur may be Daspur, and Kattgara may be the Kottragdha. The Manne plates of Marasimha (798 A.D.) says of places like Puli-tank, Kacchava tank, Kondakonda lineage, Salmali village, Jaina Gana: Puspandi etc.It is all in Ganga-mandala.(107) The Kacchava may be Kacchala, Salmali may be the Salmi village in Koraput, and the Jaina Gana Puspandi may be the Putpandi Koraput block village. The Kudulur Plates of Marasimha King Raja mall----such was the Dharmamaharajadhiraja Paramesvara Nitimarga-Konguni varma who had the first name of Rajamalla [ he was also known as ] Kacceyaganga(.108) The village Kecchala in Nandapur rejoin, close to Koraput town is one of the magnificent Jaina monuments of Koraput district. This may have relevance to Kacceyaganga?
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Foot Note: Verse II of the Kerehalli Plates, describing Satyavakya Rajamalla, son of Nitimarga Ereganga does find a place in this charter, So also, the epithet Komaravedenga ( the prince charming) attributed to Nitimarga Ereganga in line 72 of the text of the present charter, is found omitted in the Kerehalli plates.(109) Further, it is mentioned, Nitimarga -Kongunivarma alias Eregangadeva who ever meditating at the feet of the god Arahat. (110). There is one Jaina temple in Kumaradevaganjana in Nandapur and another at Erenga village in Jolaput area of Koraput. The first may be the Komaravedenga and the second may be due to Eregangadeva who as ardent believer of Jaina Arhat may have constructed the temple or named after them. Vinayacandras Kavyasiksa, e.g. mentions Parta70, 000 villages along with Surastra, Lata-desa, Gujara-desa, Dahal etc. (111). In Bendiganahalli Plates of Vijaya- Krishanavarmaman (5th A.D.) is stated, He , on the 13th day of Asvayuja in the first year of his prosperous reign, when he was at the victorious camp of Kavipada, made a gift of the villages Kuru-ura in Perati-bhoga, a sub-division within Paruvi-visaya to Matrri-sarma.(112) With reference to the above, the village Parata in Nandapur seems to have some historical connection and has been described in Western Ganga chapter. It is the opinion of the author that an attempt has been made here to narrate the literature that speak of Nandapur and has nearly close proximity to Nandapur of present Koraput. The interaction of major dynasties like Eastern Ganga, Eastern Chalukya, Choda, Western Chalukya and Chindaka Nagas even the minor dynasties of South Kalinga needs attention with relation to Nandapur history. The future research in the topic will be useful.
References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Singh Deo, K.B. (1938) Nandapur (A Forsaken Kingdom), Vol.I.p.1-11. Ibid. Singh Deo, K.B. (1938) op.cit. p.10. & vide Orams Report on Nandapuram or Jeypore A.D. 1784 cited by Singh Deo, K.B. Bell, R.C.S. (1945) Orissa District Gazetteer, Koraput.p.22. Ibid.p.25 Singh Deo, K.B. (1938) op.cit. p.9. Ibid.p.22-25. Devi Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country 1000A.D.-1500 A.D. Singh Deo, K.B.op.cit, p.1-3
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10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.
43.
Ibid.p.7 Ibid.p.1. Devi Yashoda.op.cit.p.332 Ibid Ibid. 289 of 1899; S.I.I.VI 891. 309 of 1899; S.I.I. VI 950 281 of 1896; S.I.I. V.1162 JAHRS, VI.p.13 Vizagapatam Gazetteer.p.26; Vizag District Manual.p.284. Devi Yashoda. Op.cit.p.336-337 Ibid. E.I. XX.p. JBORS.IV.p.91ff JBORS, Vol.XIII.pp.237, 241; Sachau, Vol.II.pp5-7 E.I. XX.p75 Sahu, N.K. Kharavela. P.35-41 H.C. Raychaudhury India in the Age of Nandas: in K.A.N.Sastri Edi. Age of the Nandas & Mauryas.p.26-27. Majumdar, R.C and Altekar. The Vakataka Gupta Age. p.110-111 Singh, R. L. India- a regional Geography. p.776 Majumdar, R.C and Altekar, A.S. op.cit p.112 Ibid. Ibid. op.cit E.I.XXXIV, p91ff. Roy, R.K. Feudatory States of Medieval Orissa, Sambalpur University Thesis, PhD.Thesis.Un-published. p.103. Mohapatra, Jadumani. Mandala Kingdoms. Comprehensive History and Culture of Orissa.Vol.I.p.276 Senapati, N.et.al (Edi) Gazetteer of India: Orissa, Dhenkanal i/c 1972, p.52. JBORS, XVI.p.459ff; E.I.XXVII, p.325-30 Sahu, J.K. et al. History of Orissa, Cuttack, p.139 Sircar, D.C. The Classical Age: Bharatya Vidya Bhavan,p.212. Bell, R.C.S.op.cit.p.58 Sastri, K.A.N. A History of South India. P.155.. Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar (2010) Lost Jaina Tribes in Trikalinga. Tripathy, Sunderlal. Meghaduta burnit Ramagiri ki Bhogalika Punarbichar (in Hindi). (1974) ANC IND.History and Archaeology, Sagar University, Madhya Pradesh. p.29 Majumdar, R.C. and Altekar, A.S. op.cit.p.146 and JAHRS.I, p228.
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44. 45. 46. 47. 48.
49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65.
Pedda purappadu Plates of Vismagiddhi, Bharti, Oct. 1983, 1984 and May 1985. Jawaharlal, G. Jainism in Andhra As depicted in inscriptions. 29B. Peddapurappadu Plates of Vismasiddhi. p. 225-230 A.S.I, AR, 1910-II, pp.78-87 SII, IX, Pt. I, No.278 Kurkyala Inscription of King Arikesarin II was found in Karimnagar taluk in Karimnagar district. The King was from Chalukyas of Vemulavada. It also records the installation of the images of this family deities, the Adyanta (the first and the last) Jinas and Chakresvari on the Siddha-sila (the rock of the Siddhas) and the construction of a basadi called Tribhuvanatilaka, a tank Kavitagunarnava by Jinavallabha, son of Bhimapayya and Abbanabbe who are said to have belonged to Kamme Brahma caste and hailed from Vamgiparra village in Venginadu. Cited by Jawaharlal, G. Jainism in Andhra As depicted in Inscriptions. 37. Parbhani Plates of king Arikesarin III. p.253-257. Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar (2010) op.cit. N. Venkataramanayya, Chalukyas of Vemulavada, pp.92-98 Ray, H.C. DHNI, Pt.II, p.751; C.I.I. Vol IV.Insc. No. 51. Sharma, R.K. The Kalachuris & Their Times: The Kalachuri Imperialism at Its Zenith. Chapter III, p.21-29. C.I.I.IV.,Ins.No.77 E.I.XIII., Ins.No.85 E.I.XIII, Ins.No. 100, V.8 E.I.XIII., Ins. No.89, V.11. Kornel Das (1999) Tribal Cultural Heritage and Cult. The Gutob Gadaba Tribe of Orissa. p.5. Sewell, Robert. (1900) A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar) London. p.291 Ibid.p.319 Ibid.p.354 and 355 Singh Deo, K.B.op.cit.p.6-7 474 of 1919 Madras Epigraphy Report. Sewell, Robert. Antiquities. Vol.I Bell.R.C.S.op.cit.p.25. K.A. Nilakanta, Sastri. The Colas. p.338
66. 67. 68. 69.
Ibid. Ibid. p.322 Sathianathaier, R. The Classical Age: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan: The Pandyas, p.268. Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar op.cit. p.237.
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70. 71. 72. 73.
Santhianathaier, R., Dynasties of South India: The Pallavas. In The Classical Age. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.p.267-268. E.I.IX, p.232 Sastri, K.A, Nilakanta. The Pandyan Kingdom. pp.11, 15. Yashoda Devi. The History of Andhra Country: The Dynasties in South Kalinga. p.307
74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85.
86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102.
Sircar, D.C. Ceylon. In The Struggle for Empire. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.p.261.. E.I. Vol.IX, p.45. I.A.Vol. XII, p.263 JAHRS.Vol.V, p.101&E.I. Vol. V, p.305 E.I. Vol.X, p.27 Rao, B.V. History of the Eastern Chalukya of Vengi (610-1210 A.D). p.196. E.I. Vol. V.p.133 Cp.23 of 1916-17 & N.V.p.154 S.I.I. No. 37,p.45 I.A. XIII,p.214 E.I. vol.XXI,p.29 K.A.N.Sastri, The Colas.pp.218-19
Venkataramanaya, N. The Eastern Calukyas of Vengi.p.203-05 Ibid Ibid E.I. XXIV, No 26, p.183f; JOR, XII, pp.196 f Cp .7 of 1935-36 325 of 1905, A.R.E. 1935-36, Part II, p.58. S.I.I. V.55. Venkataramanaya.N. op.cit. p.305-06 Ramesh, K.V. (1984) Inscriptions of Western Ganga. Madviala inscription of Nitimarga-Permanadi No. I. p.316-17. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) Inscriptions of Western Ganga. Husukuru inscription of Rajamalla-Permandi.No. 102. p.318-319 Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit. Kukkanur Inscriptions of Marasimha II.p.490-513 Ramesh, K.V. (1984) Ibid. Rao, B.V. op.cit. p.185 E.I. Vol. V, p.122. Buhler (Ed.) Vikramankadevacharitam (1875). Introduction p.31. Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit Kudlur plates of Marasimha.No.138. p.411 Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit. Kadalur Grant of Marasimha.p.430
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103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112.
Ramesh, K.V. (1984) Ibid.p.447 Rao Hanumantha, B.S.L.Religion In Andhra.p.197-202 Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit Hosakote Plates of Konganyadhiraja.p.15 Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit. Mercara Plates of Avinita.p.65 Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit. Manne plates of Marasimha.p.204 Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit. . Kudulur Plates of Marasimha.p.427 Ibid.p.427 Ibid.p.377 Rajsekharas Kavyamimamsa G.O.S. ed. Pp.284-49 of. Nos.6, 10,25,29,37 and 38 of the Skanda Purana list quoted Ramesh, K.V. (1984) op.cit Bendiganahalli Plates of VijayaKrishanavarmaman p.17.
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NANDAPUR ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS
Remains of Sati Stones and others
Elephant half above ground, Jaina?
Sati Stone, Nandapur
Lateral view of the elephant
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Sati stone, Nandapur
Bhairaba, Nandapur
Laxami, Nandapur
Subaie old Jaina temple door, Nandapur
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Ganesha idols, Nandapur
Batrisha singhasana, reconstructed
Sati Stone or Hata pakana
Chakreswari, Subaieoriginally from Umbel
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Paliba Jaina temple remains
Fore view from Pitaiegumpa of Mahavira
Front view from Pitaiegumpa of Mahavira
Umbel Jaina temple, Nandapur
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Ardha-Siva, Banamaliput, Nandapur
Honjore, Jaina temple remains
Tirthankara Subaie Jaina temple
Siva Linga, Banamaliput, Nandapur
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Amba, Jaina temple, Umbel
Visnu, Banamaliput, Nandapur
Visnu, Banamaliput, Nandapur
Jaina Temple Remains in Umbel
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DHURWAS IN KORAPUT
The report on the Dependency of Bustar by Capt. Glasfurd, the then Deputy Commissioner of Sironcha (1862) was the first person on record, who has mentioned about Tugara and Parja.(1) Brett (1909) said, the two sub-tribes of the Parja or Dhurwas, namely Peng and Mundra, removed to Jeypore now in Koraput district.(2) Russell and Hiralal (1916) mentioned that out of three divisions of Parja tribes, only Tagara or Thakara is found in Bastar. (3)Thusu (1965) has extensively studied the Dhurwa tribe of Bastar and opined that Tugara (Tagara) or Takra (Thakara) albeit Parja, none of them would prefer to be known at present by any other term than that of the Dhurwa. (4)
Dhurwa women and children
Dhurwa man
The word Tagra means basket. The Dhurwa group consciousness is reinforced by their speaking a common language which has been called Parji (Burrow and Bhattachary, 1958) (5). This language is independent member of the Dravidian linguistic family, closely related to the two languages spoken by the Ollar and Koya tribes of Koraput. Dhurwa are found in Bastar and extends into Koraput district of Orissa. Thusu (loc. cit.) said, The Dhurwa occupy, at present, the central -eastern portion of the Bastar district, but they are also found to overflow in some directions beyond the
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Kolab-Saberi river in the contagious district of Koraput (Orissa). The Dhurwas tract in Bastar extends towards the north from the (old capital) village of Bastar and stretches below the river Indrawati across the Kanger Reserve forest right up to Sukma in the south-thus covering roughly a distance of 80 miles road.(6) Almost all Dhurwa villages in Bastar as well as in the-adjacent parts of Koraput (Orissa) are referred by the Dhurwas by distinct term of their own as against the official designation has been mentioned by Thusa (loc. cit) (7), they are like, Bandapal is called Kidia-nand Barkapl is called Venk-nand Ellangnar is called Elub-nand Kodripal is called Kotro-palli etc. The post fix word nand means country in Tamil and Telugu. On the whole Dhurwa are well built handsome, medium to tall, muscular body people. The complexion is mixed. The Koraput Dhruwa tribe of Gupteswar region, since 2004 are recognized as Scheduled Tribe members in Orissa state. The following cleans are found among Dhurwas (Thusu loc. cit.)(8) Nags Da (Bhag) Kovva (Kacheem) Bokara Konda(Gaunr) Rami Cobras Tiger Tortoise Goat Bison A bird
The Dhurwa men almost except for loin-cloth-cum-waist cloth (Kangru) remain bare-bodied. The Kangrai is a white cloth with brown border and is even called as dhoti. The decorated Kangrai is used for dance and special occasions. Dhurwa men while going out of village wear a turban called peta. Now-a-days shirts are common. The Dhurwa women wear cotton saris called ganda or dhoti. The Mahar, caste people prepare and sale ganda. Necklaces (Kandil) made up of coloured beads is common to men and women; bracelets made up of brass and German silver called cindup, men use one bracelet and women wear two in either arms. Spiral shaped rings, often form aluminum alloy locally prepared is the finger rings (vat) and by men and women. Most Dhurwas women wear the brass or German silver anklets (pedil) in both the anklets, which arches over the ankle bones. Armlets called boutale is held arms.
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The wrist is filled with glass bangles. Some young women use circular shaped ear rings at lobes, which are made up of silver. Women keep bamboo or wooden combs in their hair. Both men and women wear the amulets (Chakar or Kardoli) round their necks or arms made up of copper or alloy. The women tattoo body. The mother is secluded after delivery, on 7th day. She smears the house with cow dung paste and takes bath and there after by a brief ceremony is followed to allow her to resume daily work at home. They believe in rebirth of deceased elderly people, which is confirmed by means of peeking of a chicken in the name of the deceased once from the hands of the new born is prevalent. The name giving ceremony is preformed after fortnight or so of the birth of the child. In some cases, the hair cutting ceremony of the newborn is performed on that day.
History and Dhurwa tribe

Brett (1909) has noted a local tradition which is still current in Bastar. It runs, e.g. Peeta Bhatras, Kusiria Rawats etc. accompanied the Raja of Bastar (Chakibans ?), perhaps, as retainers when he migrated from Warangal. (9) According to Russell and Hiralal (loc. cit) (10), the Parjas were the original (Gond) inhabitants and rulers of the country (of Bastar), while Grigson (1938) has shown that a Paraja priest would often be required to arbitrate in boundary disputes in the Bastar villages, which indicated that that they were the original settlers who had been displaced by latter immigrants. (11) The history of Dhurwas has two dimensions, one when you see them as Tagara Poraja the other one when you look them as Dhurwa. The later points out to Rastrakutta, where Dhurwa played most significant role as mentioned earlier in ruling the country of South Kosala.
Mahalakshmi of Nandapur
But when Tagara Poroja is considered the following history is seen behind the term. I am of the opinion that the Tagara poraja are the subjects of Silaharas of Konkan. They were the feudatories to Rastrakutas and have later derived their
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identity as Dhurwa from the Rastrakuta king Dhruva. The Silaharas ruled from the city Tagra and had the title Tagarapua-varadhisvara.(12) Mahalakshmi was their tutelary deity.Accordind to an epigraphic record the Silaharas family were descendent from Jimtavahahana, the lord of the Vidyadharas,son of Jiutaketu, who gave his life to Garuda.(13). As per records, the first of these dynasties, founded about the middle of the ninth century; and the third Silahara family was founded in the tenth century A.D. by Jatiga with his capital in Karhad. History speaks of Silas or Silavamsa of Nandapur in the present Koraput district of Orissa that ruled 1350 to 1430 A.D. It is not clear whether these two dynasties Silahra
Silahara Jimtavahahana, with Garuda? Near Ancholagumma
and Sila have any relationship. The Silas are said to be the originators of past Jeypore State as per Yashoda Devi (14). They acknowledged the suzerainty of the Gangas of Kalinga. They had contracted alliances of marriage with Matsyas and the Pallavas. In about middle of the 15th century the Silavamsa got merged into the Jeypore dynasty of which Nandapur continued to be the capital. In the last quarter of the sixth century A.D. the Sailodbhavas were ruling in Kongoda, a kingdom that extended from the Chilika Lake to Mahendragiri and reached the west to the hills that form the western boundary of the Kalahandi state.
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Majumdar (15) wrote, In conclusion reference may be made to hypotheses usually assumed about the Sailodbhava dynasty. A copper-plate grant found at Ragholi in Balaghat district, Madhya Pradesh, gives a short account of a royal family called Sailavamsa founded by Srivardhana I. His son Prithu-vardhana overran the country of the Gujaras. In his family was born Samvardhana, one of whose sons conquered Paundra (N.Bengal) and another took Kasi.----------.Rai Bahadur Hiralal who edited the grant (16), thinks that this Sailavamsa is most probably identical with the Sailadbhavas. He also suggested that the Sailavamsa was a branch of the Gangavamsa. Both these conjectures are plausible, but cannot be definitely proved. It has also been suggested that the Sailendra dynasty, which established a powerful empire in the Malay Peninsula and Malay Archipelago in the eight century A.D., and probably migrated from Kalinga, was connected with the Sailas or Sailadbhavas (17). But this, too, must be regarded as a mere hypothesis lacking definite evidence, N.B. The Nandapur of Koraput district was once the capital of Silavamsis followed by Sankara dynasty. A deity, Laxmi is located close the stream called Isani Ganga is worshipped by locals annually and is taken in procession round Nandapur and is forbidden to be taken through the streets of Konda Doras.Laxmi in Nadapur may have the relation to Silaharas of South; future work will be needed.
References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. Glasfurd, C.L.R. 1862 Report on the Dependency of Bustar. Brett, E.A.de. C.P. Gazetteer-Chhattisgarh Feudatory States (Bastar), p. 25-70. Russell, R.V. and Hiralal 1916. The Tribes and Castes of Central Provinces of India., Vol.IV, p.372. Thusu, Kidar Nath., The Dhurwa of Bastar.Anthropological Survey of India. Calcutta. Burrow, T. and Bhattacharya, S. The Parji Language-A Dravidian Language of Bastar Thusu, Kidar Nath. op.cit. Ibid. Ibid. Brett, E.A.de. op.cit Russell, R.V. and Hiralal. op.cit.p.6-15.
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11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.
Sir Grigson, Wilferd. The Maria Gonds of Bastar. Majumdar, S.C.The Silaharas: In The Struggle for Empire, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. E.I. III.p.292 Devi, Yashoda. The Dynasties o in South Kalinga: in The History of Andhra Country. p.332 Majumdar, R.C. Orissa: in The Classical Age. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. p, 146-147 E.I .IX. 41 Majumdar, R.C. Suvarnadvipa, I.p.226.
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OLLAR GADABA
Gadaba tribe has played significant role in the services of Jeypore Zamindars and considered most faithful. Thurston and Rangachari (1909) (1) divide the (Gadba) tribe into five sections, namely, (i) Bodo or Gutob, (ii) Parenga, (iii) Otaro, (iv) Kathathiri or Kaththara, and (v) Kapu. According to them, the last two sections were found by them to be settled in the plains, originally belonged to the Bodo (Gutob) and Ollaro Gadba, having migrated from the hills. The Ollar Gadaba are also called Hallari and Ollari. Furer-Haimendorf (1943) (2) wrote, The Bodo Gadba living in the vicinity of the Dudma Falls of the Machkund River are distinct from the Olla(r) Gadba of the Lamtaput and Nandapur areas.
Ollar Gadaba women
Bell (1945) (3) has revised the old editions of the District Gazetteer. However, he has noted three sub-divisions of the Gadba in the district of Koraput, namely, the Bodo, San and Ollaro. He has further mentioned that other types (of the Gadba) are found in small numbers inhabiting the fringe of the ghats in Vizagapatnam district from Salur southward to Naraspatam. The Ollaro Gadbas are described by him to be a small community, who speak a Dravidian language, but to all outward appearances they are similar to other Mundari-speaking Gadbas, whose own name for themselves is Gotub. Some of the important Ollari villages are Kudili, Jamuguda, Beriameta, Girliguda, Marla, Bhitra, Durgigogla, Putapadu, Godaghati, Suparigudaand Pondei etc. Thusu and Jha have shown that the two linguistically related groups of
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people, namely, the Dhurwa and the Ollar Gadaba, overlap and inter-mingle territorially. Thus, the whole stretch of territory appears to form continuous tract which starts from Ralliguda, encompasses Pottangi, Nandapur,Semiliguda,Lamtaput,extends beyond Salmi, Mohappadar etc., into the districts of Bastar. The houses are built on the lower slopes of the hill range. A separate are called Sodar is available for meeting place to all villages. Ollar have the following phratry (4),
Phratry Durka
Lenja
in Oriya and English Bagh or Tiger Nung or Cobra snake Matsya or Fish Gish or Valture Bhalu or Bear Sun
Clan names
Muriatil,Manji,Saratil,Segakor,Konya,Leya and
Ontal Meen Kisavale Jani Ilij Kora
Guga, Pombul, Khota, Mundagadia,Khodria,Korrekor Khosratil, Supaktil, Supia, Durla, Servatia, Supratil Tharub, Nandi, Chimetka, Sakia
The village committee has Naiko who is village head, Palas is the hereditary religious head and Disari performs evil and disease treatments. The other members are Begunis and chief Raitas. They celebrate Pus Parab, Kalin-vate Kegintam in the harvesting floor, Nandi Vate, Chait Parab. However, Bat Viba and Sani puja is performed to treat diseases. Thusu and Jha (1969) wrote, the Ollar Gadaba believe that all persons possess the soul, locally called jive. It cannot be seen by eyes but finally departs from the body when the person dies (5) They perform Nandi Vate. It has Nandi Bhoji or feast and Nandi Nanch (danu). In Gugaguda the Nandi Vate was performed by Mundagaria Sanyasi. The Sanyasi word has tinge of Jaina culture. It seems Jhodia Poraja Nandi is reflected in life and culture of Ollar Gadaba and is in changing mode due to influence of other religious. Kornel and Gamang (2010) (6) have described Ollar Gadaba as Jainas of the past, based on the fact that they still continue to have; Jani institution and follow Nandi puja like Jhodias. They have still a pujari named
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Palas is also indicative that the Ollar Gutob had linkages to Pallava dynasty. The tribe has derived its name Ollar or Hollar from Haihayas and we have placed them with the Panchadharala, because the present distribution of the tribe is as per the political history of the said Haihayas but not to other Haihayas like Kona etc.
Ollar Gadaba and History

The Haihayas of Panchadharala A.D. 1200-1043 The Haihayas of Panchadharala ruled as a defecto independent power during the 13th and 14th centuries over the Simhachalam and Panchadharala regions in South Kalinga.The dynasty consisted of five kings who called themselves lords of Mahishmati and claimed descent from Arjuna Kartavirya. The name Kona is refixed to the names of its rulers, but the connection between these Haihayas and those of Konamandala in the north and in the south the Haihayas of Panchadharala, played a rather significant role in the history of south India for one and half centuries. The political achievements of these rulers were remarkable and at one time their kingdom extended over the entire Madhyadesa from the Vindhyas to the ocean i.e. Bay of Bengal. (7) Choda I. A.D. 1242-1300 Choda I was the ruler of the Kona Haihaya kingdom of Panchadharala and it is not known how he come to be in possession of a kingdom. Probably he served the Ganga emperors and secured the kingdom as a reward, or taking advantage of the lack of control by theGangas over southern Kalinga, carved out a kingdom for himself independent of the Ganga authority.(8) His inscription dated A.D. 1442 at Simhachalam (9) and the Panchadharala pillar inscription of Choda III (10) are the only material for Choda Is reign. In the former Choda is mentioned as Kona Chodaraju born in Sahasrabahavama or Kartaviranvaya, belonging to Atreya Gotra and a man of great prowess. Yashoda Devi further remarked, In extending and consolidating his kingdom, as a result of aggressive warfare, Choda I came in to conflict with the chieftains of the hill tribes on the north and west of his kingdom-in the region forming the boundary of Kalinga and Bastar area beyond. Chodas title Manniyakshmapalamrigaventakara means hunter of the mrigas i.e. (here) manne
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chiefs. (11) Who exactly these Manne chiefs were the inscription does not specify. But no doubt they were the hill chiefs on the Kalingam border who gave no end of trouble from time to time to the Ganga emperors, the local rulers in south Kalinga and the rulers inVengi by constant incursions into their kingdoms. So Choda I hunted them out of Kalinga, which appears to have been an important achievement for it was on the results of this, his kingdom extended up to the Vindhyas in the north and west (12). Probably Choda maintained friendly relations with other rulers in Kalinga the Chalukyas, the Natsyas, the Silvansis and others. As for his relations with the Ganga emperors, it is not known what exactly the position was. Choda did not date his only record in Ganga era or regnal year of the Ganga emperors.(13)
References
1. Thurston, E and Rangachari, K (1909) Castes and Tribes of Southern India. p. 242-252 2. Furer-Haimendorf, C.Von (1943). Megalithic Rituals among the Gadabas and Bondos of Orissa.J.R.A.S.,VolIX.p.149 3. Bell,R.C.S.(1945) Orissa District Gazetteer, Koraput 4. Thusu,K and Jha,M (1969) Ollar Gadaba of Koraput.p.53-60 5. Thusu, K and Jha, M. op.cit. .p.102. 6. Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar (2010) The Lost Jaina Tribes of Trikalinga. 7. Devi, Yashoda. The History of Andhra Country.p.92 8. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit p.93 9. S.I.I. VI 1181:365-XIVof 1899. 10. E.I.XIX No.25:210 of 1899:S.I.I. VI 657 11. E.I. XIX No 25 p.159 V4.11 21 &22 12. Ibid. V3 11 16-17 13. Devi, Yashoda. op.cit p.94
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BHAIRABA SINGAPUR
There are two Singapurs in Koraput district and both are having archaeological importance remains; one is Kalyana Singapur and the other is Bhairaba Singapur. These Singapur as spelled in present days is actually Simhapur of the past. It is with reference to the context of the above Simhapur the possible linkage and reference can be drawn with ample evidence as following. The Bhairaba Simhapur got the prefix title of Bhairaba, mostly after the Bhairaba sect who attained superiority in the region. Jogi and Omanatya are the two sects who came possibly from the Karnataka in the remote past with the urge Bhairab cult of Saivities and further propagated. These communities are still to be seen in the region and the former Jogis are still in-charge of the important Siva temples in the district. The present day Bhairaba Singapur is located east to Borigumma under the west foot hills of eastern ghat. The Bhairaba Singapur was the gateway ancient city to Kalinga and Vengi that is to the coastal region of eastern India; thus probably the name has been derived. The other version is also there that the famous Jain teacher Simhandadini preached and passed to south from this place. This is also a great seat of Jainas (Digambars) from ancient period, which is a well documented fact (1). There is very scanty information except few Sanskrit inscriptions about this place of interest. The details of the archeological finds have been dealt by several authors. The other pathway is Kathargad which is located close to the river Indravati and Murian configure which is another gateway to the Eastern ghat hills and both the walking paths i.e. B.Singapur also lead to Dasmanthpur and thence to Kakrigumma and is about in 3 hours of walk to plains of Narayanpatna which leads to Babli and thence to coastal belt. This Bhairaba Singapur is the second capital of Kalinga, is postulated by the present author. The Pedda-dugam plates of Sri Sattrudamanadeva (2) Place of issue: Simhapura and Topography Giri-Kalinga. The donor of this inscription seems to be a subordinate king, posted at Simhapura, most probably under the Gangas of Kalinga who captured the
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country after the extinction of the Mathras from that region. The term Giri-Kalinga might have been under the hill portion of the Kalinga. Dantavaktra near Chicacole in the same district at Kalinga-nagara, modern Mukhalingam in Srikakulam district; and the second capital at the old city of Dantapura, identified the Easter Ganga capital. (3) The Kalinga kings about 5th-6th century are known for their charters. A royal city named Simhapuram, modern Singupuram near Chicacole is mentioned in some of these records, but finds no mention in the Allahabad inscription and thus may have flourished after the middle of the 4th century. Pitribhktas of Kalinga also issued grants from Simhapura. (4) Some Mathra kings of Kalinga also issued grants for Simhapura, but they were ruling simultaneously with Pitrabhaktas from their capital at Pishtapura. (5) D.C. Sirkar (1988) wrote, When the Pitribhaktas were ruling from Simhapura in Central Kalinga, the royal family of the Matharas had their capital at Pishtapura in the south. The Ragolu Grant of the Mathara Maharaja Sakti-varman, which records a gift of land near Chicacole, was issued in the kings 13th regnal year from the city Pishtapura. The king bears the title lord of Kalinga. This shows that the Matharas of Pishtapura conquered the heart of the Pitribhakta kingdom in Central Kalinga. This is also supported by the fact that the Sakunaka Grant issued in the 28th regnal year of another Mathara king named Ananta-Sakti-varman, who enjoyed former capital of the Pitribhaktas. Maharaja Ananta-Sakti-varman was one of the immediate successors of Sakti-varman of the Ragolu grant. This is suggested by the fact that an official mentioned as Amatya Arjunadatta in the Ragolu grant of Sakti-varman, has been credited with a higher official designation and called Desakshapataladhikrita-Talavara Arjunadatta in Ananta-Saktivarmans record. The Amatya was probably raised to higher offices during the latter part of his life. According to some writers, the name Ananta-Sakti-varman actually indicates Ananta-varmans son Sakti-varman. It has also been suggested that Ananta-Sakti-varman was a successor of Sakti-varman, a third king named Ananta-varman probably intervening between the reigns of the two. (6) At present, there is a good population of Omanatya at B.Singapur of Koraput district. These Omanatya as they call themselves are also found in Ganja district of Orissa. It thus gives evidence that B.Singapur and Kalinga region had some kind of linkage from the past This locality has much more historical evidence above and under the earth. The ancient Jain images scattered around Kumuli, Pakanaguda, Narigaon, Borigumma
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and Khebdi depict of a rich history of the region which Kulottunga I s inscription described it to be the Jain hills.. (7) The capital of Kalinga before Gangas was at Simhapura. (The Gangas did not prefer to have their headquarters there. So, for the purpose of administration they kept out-post at Simhapura by appointing a member of the royal family as their sub-ordinate (vide Pedd-duggam plate). The Gangas had their capital at Dantapura at the beginning of the rule. Maharaja Indravarman issued his grant in G.E.39 from Dantapura. But in Samanta-varmans grant the royal seat is called Srinivasa. We cannot say it refer to Dantapura of Kalinganagar. (8) It is known form classical Greek writers like Diodorus, Curtius and Plutarch that the last Nanda King Agrammes or Xandrammes (Augrasaniya) who was ruling at the time of Alexanders invasion, had suzerainty over Phasii (Magadha) and Gangaridae. (9) Only the Gangaridae portion described by Megasthenes as Gangaridae Calingarum Regia continued under the last Nanda ruler. (10)
References
1. Kornel Das and Gamang, Giridhar (2010) Lost Jaina Tribes of Trikalinga (Under publication) 2. JAHRS Vol XXI, p.159 ff., E.I.XXXI pp.89-93 ff. 3. Pedd-Dugam Plates.No.52: Inscription Orissa, VilIi,p-237. 4 Sircar, D.C. (1988) The Pitribhaktas, II Kalinga. The Classical Age, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay. P-212 5. Ibid. 6. The Matharas. HAIP- The Classical Age, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay. p213 7. Inscription of Orissa Vol.I. pt. II, pp.59.62 8. Rajaguru, S.N. Inscriptions of Orissa, Vol II. P-338 9 Mc Crindle, Invasion of India by Alexander, pp.221 and 228 10. Mc Crindle, Ancient India. P.137
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ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS IN BHAIRABA SINGAPUR
Pair of Feet in Bhairaba Singapur Siva Temple
Rsabhanatha
Bhairaba in Bhairaba Singapur
Parsvnatha in Bhairaba Singapur unearthed from Siva temple
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Visnu in Bhairaba Singapur
Virasaivite holding his head

(The head was reconstructed recently)
Bhairaba Singapur Hill needs exploration and opening of the cave
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Bhairaba from Bhairaba Singapur
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CHANDELLAS
A schedule caste, named Chandalas are found in Jeypore sub-division i.e. Borigumma, Kotpad area extending into Bastar district of Chhattisgarh. The noted villages are Kamta, Ranaspur, Bondaguda, Mulasar etc. The clans are Naga, Surya, Chandra, Bhalu, Bagha, Saharia, Sundarabaria, Dhangia, Baunsosulia, Kumaria etc. These people are professional weavers, and famous for their special skills. Chandalas and another schedule caste called chamars of Kotpad are distinct in their racial features. They are white, with coloured retina (eyes) and sharp features. They seem to have close resemblance to western world, possibility they are the descendent of Greeks who came down to these forest first as invaders or defeated past rulers who adorned untouchable schedule caste status.
Chandella man with coloured ratina
Chandella couple
The following history as depicted by D.C. Ganguly clearly indicates the presence of Chandella dynasty in Dahala; so I conclude in later course of time they have entered to Bastar and Koraput districts of the present day. D.C. Ganguly wrote, The Chandella king Dhanga, who raised his family to the rank of the principal ruling dynasties of the age, was succeeded by his son Ganda some time after A.D. 1002 (1). Later Trailokyamalla, from the same dynasty inflicted a severe defeat on the Muslims at Kakadadaha, modern Kakadwa, south-east of Bedwara, some time before A.D. 1205, and recovered all the territories including Kalanjara. His inscriptions, which bear dates from A.D. 1205 to 1241, prove that Lalitpur, Chattarpur State, Panna State, Ajaigarh State, and Rewah State were included in his kingdom. In A.D. 1211-1212 he wrested Rewah, in Baghelkhand, and probably the whole of Dahala-mandala from the Kalachuri Vijayasimah.
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Kielhorn identifies Bhojuka with the father of Abhayadeva, who is known to have lived in the neighbourhood of Ajaigarh in or before A.D. 1268 during the reign of the Chandella Viravarman. Vasekas brother Ananda, who was in charge of Jayadurga, claims to have established peace and order in the kingdom of Trailokyavarman by subduing the wild tribes of the Bhillas, Sabaras and the Pulindas. Karna, Kalachuris of Tripuri assumed the title Trikalingadhipati. He built a temple at Banaras and founded a city near Jabalpur. He married Avalladevi of the Huna family, who gave birth to a son Yasahkarna. In his old age Karna seems to have abdicated his throne in favour of Yasahkarna shortly before A.D. 1073. In the early part of his regin Yasahkarna led two aggressive campaigns, one against Champaranya, modern Champaran in North Bihar, and the other against the Andhra country, which was then ruled by Vijayaditya VII of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty. He had to fight a number of battles in deference of his kingdom. Jayasimha, younger brother of the Chalukya Vikramaditya VI, raided Dahala before A.D. 1081, while Chandradeva of the Gahadavala dynasty wrested Allahabad and Banaras. Paramara Lakshmadeva plundered his capital Tripuri, and encamped on the Reva for some time. The Chandella Sallakshanavarman claims to have defeated a king of Chedi, who was in all probability Yasahkrana. All these successive foreign invasions weakened the foundation of the Kalachuri kingdom. His son Gayakarna succeeded Yasahhkarna some time in the first quarter of the twelfth century A.D. D.C. Ganguly wrote, Somesvara I and his feudatory, the Kakatiya Prola, raided Kosala, and conquered Chakrakota, in the Bastar State, after defeating a king of the Naga dynasty. It is not unlikely that he came into clash with Virarajendra and Rajendera Chola II at Chakrakota. Prola killed Gonna, the chief of Purakuta. Vajrahasta V, king of Kalinga, suffered defeat at the hands of Somesvara I (2).
Reference
1. 2. Ganguly, D.C, The Chandellas. The History and Culture of the Indian People: The struggle for Empire. Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, p-58. Ibid p.172.
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GOND
The Gonds are the most eminent tribal community that inhabits the largest mountainous tracts of central and southern India known as Gondwanaland. It includes the Satpura plateau and sections of the south and west. There is, however, no district or state in Central India that does not contain some Gonds. The population of Gonds in Orissa according to 1991 Census is 7,01,139 or 9.97 per cent of the total tribal population of the state and is next to Kondhs in number. Of the total Gond population majority are in Kalahandi, Koraput,Sambalpur and Balangir followed by Sundargarh,Kenjhar, Dhenknal and Phulbani districts in Orissa.
Gond women (Photo: Jaganath Chauhan)
Mohapatra wrote, The generic term Gond encompasses several endogamous and linguistically distinct groups. The derivation of the term Gond is uncertain. The Gonds are neither racially, culturally nor linguistically a homogeneous group. The cultural, material and physical differences are so great that one wonders why they should be grouped under the same tribe. They call themselves Gond or Koitur(1). Furer-Haimendorf had classified Koya tribe to be Gonds(3).The Gond population of Bastar, Raipur and Durg Districts Chhattisgarh as well as the undivided Kalahandi, Koraput, Bolangir, Ganjam and Phulbani districts of Orissa, and the entire Gond population of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka
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constitute the southern Gonds of India. These Gonds differ in both language and custom from those living in the northern region.(4) The Gonds of Kalahandi and Koraput Districts along with Chhattisgarh boarder villages are primitive in respect of having their distinctive dress, habits and culture. The Pannabeda mutha in north of Nowrangpur has high concentration of Gonds in Koraput district. They speak Gondi a dialect belonging to the Dravidian family. The acculturated Gonds live in villages inhabited by other castes and tribes. They especially live together with the Bhattra, Kondha and others . Gonds are very individualistic and bold in their opinion and are egoistic people and demand respect. They are progressive agriculturists in the Raighar region of Nowrangpur. They adapt themselves to the advance of civilization with out loosing their primitive virtues has been observed. They still part of their livelihood from forest. Gonds believe their origin to four brother phratrires. Gonds worship Bara Deo or Badiyal Deo as their supreme god along with the Earth god, Dharti mata. On the whole The Gond society is more so Hinduised.
History of Gonds
The term Raj Gond is considered to have been derived from the princely status that the Gonds enjoyed for a long period as the rulers and chieftains of the famous Gondwana, with Chanda as the principal seat of Gond rule, and Manikgarh, Sirpur and Utnoor as vassals, where ruins today stand witness to the once flourishing Gond rule. The term Raj Gond is also attributed to the racial admixture due to the impact of the Rajput rulers who sometimes entered into affinal relationships with the Gonds and migrated to these tracts between the 11th and 15th centuries. (5) R.V. Rusell- theory of a Gond incursion into Madhya Pradesh from the south between the 9th and 13th century A.D. (6)This probably goes too far says FurerHaimendrof (1979) and is not supported by ethnological evidence; in solving the language problem it is not even necessary to assume a wholesale migration of all the Gonds from Dravidian lands south of the Godavari to Madhya Pradesh and the hill tracts of Bastar.(7) Thus he proposed that most probably it seems that the Muria Gonds, with their close culture and racial affinities to the Austro-asiaticGadabas of Orissa, were subject to a change of language than that they emigrated from district parts of south India.
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Grigson (1938) said, Early history of the Gonds is scarce and not until Muslim times do Gond States figure in contemporary chronicles of the work of historians. Ancient and medival times of larger part of the Gond country east of Berar remained a land of vast forests and poor communication. There is scant information from few foreign travelers, the Buddhist exaggerated wildness found in their relics of the period. In Chanda district, neighbour to Bastar district for instance. Bhandaknear the Wardha river seem to have been a centre of Buddhism and various authorities identify this place with the old Kosala capital visited in the 7th century by Hiuen Tsang (Beal, 1906).(8) The Gonds came under Muslim rule from14th century; by 1749 A.D. Raghoji Bhonsle of Berar conquered Chanda. Russell (1908) described Gonds under Maratha rule. The Gonds were driven to take refugee in the inaccessible high lands, where the Marathas continued to pillage and harass them, until they obtained an acknowledgement of their supremacy and the promise of an annual tribute under such treatment the hill Gonds soon lost every vestige of civilization and became the real treacherous savages depicted by travelers of this period.(9)
References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Mohapatra, P.K. Gond: Tribes of Orissa.Bhubaneswar. p.135-140. Ibid.p.135 Furer-Haimendrof .Gond in Andhra Pradesh Ibid. Mohapatra, P.K. Ibid.p.135 Russell, R.V.and Hiralal. (1916) The Tribes and Castes of Central Provinces of India. Vol.I4. Furer-Haimendrof .Ibid Sir Grigson, Wilferd (1938) The Maria Gonds of Bastar. p.. Russell, R.V. and Hiralal .Ibid.
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DOMBS
Domb are an unfortunate scheduled caste (SC) community who have been abused and mistreated since centuries. I am of the opinion that SC communities are the defeated prajas of past dynasties of different times and the winners forced them to take up menial jobs including horse caretakers, palanquin carries etc.
Oriya Dombs
The name Domb or Dombo is said to be derived from word Dumba meaning devil, in relevance to the thieving properties of the tribe (Thurston & Rangachari, 1909) (1). Mr. H.A. Stuart (1891) (2) writes, Dombas are a Dravidian caste of weavers and menials, found in the hill tracts of Vizagapatam. This caste appears to be an offshoot of the Dom caste of Bengal, Bihar and North-Western provinces. Like the Doms, the Dombs are regarded with disgust, because they eat beef, pork, horseflesh, rats and the flesh of animals, which died a natural death, and both are considered to be Chandalas or Pariahs by the Bengalis and Woiyas. Bell (1945) said, closely allied to the Dombs are the Paidis of Vizapatam, the Panos of Ganjam and the Gondas of Sambalpur (3). Mr. F. Fawcett (1901)(4) writes, The Dombs are an outcaste jungle people, who inhibit the forests on the high lands fifty to eighty or a hundred miles from the east coast, about Vizagapatam. Being outcast, they are never allowed to live within a village, but have their own little hamlet adjoining a village, proper, inhabited by people of various superior castes. It is fair to say that the Dombs are akin to the Panos of the adjoining Khond country, a Pariah folk who live amongst the Khonds, and used to supply the human victims for the Meriah sacrifices. Indeed, the Khonds, who hold
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them in contemptuous inferiority, call them Dombas as a sort of alternative title to Panos. The Paidis of the adjoining Savara or Saora country are also, doubtless, kinsmen of the Dombs. The same man is said to be called Paidi by Telugus, Dombas by the Savaras, and Pano by the Khonds. It is noted in the C ensus Report, 1881, that the Pano quarters in Khonds villages are called Dombo Sai (5). According to Bell (1942) the Gandas of Sambalpur are also closely allied to Dombs (6). Missionary Gloyer (1901) (7) noted that the colour of the skin of the Dombs varies from very dark to yellow, and their height from that of an Aryan to the short stature of an aboriginal, and that there is corresponding variation in facial type. It is generally noted that the Dombos are thinly and weak built. The children at birth mostly have stray red hairs, which gradually change to slightly blakish tinge. This type of hair pattern is mostly seen among the nomadic tribes of Northwestern regions.
Musicians of Borigumma
Domb lady preserving rice seeds
There are folk stories among tribes of Koraput that the Dombs came later to their country along with Brahman, Paiko and others. As per Madras Census Reports, 1891 (8), the following sections of the Dombs are recorded:
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1. 2. 3. 4. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
Onomia Odia Mirgam Kohara The sub-divisions seem to be are Mirigani Kobbiriya Odiya Sodabisiya Mandiri Andiniya
I am of the opinion that the Odiya sub-division relates to Eastern Ganga and the Sodabisiya to the Chodas of Tamilnadu who were ruling this part of the country. There are also various septs in Odiya Dombs, of which the following have been recorded: Bhag (tiger) Balu (bear) Nag (cobra) Hanuman (the Indian languor) Kochhipo (tortoise) Bengri (frog) Kukra (dog) Surya (Sun) Matsya (fish) & Jaikonda (lizard)
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Domb traders in weekly market
Domb Mahuria
s
Domb musicians playing for Bali celebration
Mr. Fawcett (9) noted with regards to the Domb, Monkey, frogs and cobras are taboo, and also the Sunari tree (Ochna squarrosa). The big lizards, cobras, frogs and the crabs which are found in the paddy fields, and are usually eaten by jungle people, may not be eaten. According to Bell (loc.cit)(10) there appears to be two main sub-divisions among the Dombs namely the Oriya Dombs and Miriganis. The former who are more numerous are further subdivided into Kuppias, Maggulis and Mandiris. Among the Miriganis there are also three sub-sects, namely Kobbiria, Vodillia and
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Andiniya. All these steps are further subdivided, as is usual in the Agency, into exogamous totemistic steps. Oriya Dombs habitually kill cattle and eat beef, while the Miriganis do not approve of the killing of cattle, but are not averse from eating the flesh of animals that have died a natural death. The Miriganis generally regard themselves as superior to the Oriya Dombs and in fact are their betters both in economic status and social customs. In generally they earn a livelihood by cultivation and weaving and are not to any great extent addicted to crime. In the north of the Nowrangpur taluk live a related caste, the Ponakas, but intermarriage with the Dombs does not seem to be permitted, and the Ponakas can perhaps be regarded as Hindus rather than aboriginals. According to Mr. Hayavadana Rao (11), the Dombs are the weavers, traders, musicians, beggars, and money-lenders of the hills, some own cattle and cultivate. Bell (loc.cit) (12) said, By profession they are drummers, weavers or village watchmen in Koraput district. To the last-named occupation, they are entitled, as is frequently the case in India, by their hereditary aptitude for theft which involves a similar proficiency in its detection. Bell further continued, Though occupying a position so low in the social scale as to justify their inclusion among the depressed classes, their lot is far from being the unenviable one of outcaste in villages of the plains. In intelligence the Domb is easily superior to the aboriginals in whole midst he lives, and is usually able to earn a comfortable livelihood by his wits. In some of the wilder and remoter parts of the district the position of the village watchman or bariki is one of the great influences. Where the Savaras and Kondhs know language besides their own tribal tongue they rely upon the bariki not only for interpretation but advice, whenever circumstances require a visit to the Sowcar, the police station or the Magistrates court. Manual labour is not much to the taste of the Domb and he finds it more profitable to huckster in the weekly market and pick up commissions on the transactions, which he puts through on other behalf. Most of the cattle trade in the district is conducted by the Dombs(13). This holds still today good. There is a certain code of conduct of practice among Scheduled Tribes (STs) and other classes living with the Dombs in Koraput district. The STs are careful in their talk and transaction with Dombs and avoid them as far as possible. But they make a point to avoid conflict at any case when the Dombs eagerly try to entangle them. So the Tribal societies have a concept of untouchables in the form to ovoid physical fight with Dombs. If a Domb beats a tribal person, he is immediately out caste by his society and to get back into his community, he has to spend a large sum in shape of fine and feast. This however has lot of pressure and fear in his
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mind and they thus try to be away from Dombs as far as possible and avoid the consequences. Most interesting fact is that even though the tribal know clearly the tricks and cunningness associated with unreliability of the Dombs, still they fall prey to them and easily get exploited, cheated in trade in money-lending and get into the exploitation rings of lawyers and other dishonest officials through Dombs as middlemen. What is most surprising is that the tribals do forward the village bariki on their behalf to negotiate with the Government and agencies in order to obtain social and economic development benefits and they carry the words opinion of the Bariki or the Dombs. In other words in many instances the Dombs occlude the exclusive ST development programmees with their wits and easily misled them because they as SCs have no stakeholdership in such event. The Dombs till date has profitably utilized the taboo of outcaste among all the tribals and some other society of the Koraput due to physical fight or beatings received from Dom. This needs readdressed in the modern world logic and thinking and both Government and NGOs to institute awareness progragammees to eliminate this harmful haterdnesss and age old taboo and ensure healthy and respectful living for both. The Dombs are widely distributed in villages of Jagdalpur area of Bastar district, adjacent to Kotpad areas of Koraput. They speak Oriya and perform the same duties as in Orissa. Thus it can be derived that Dombs have migrated from Orissa region into Gond tract of Madhya Pradesh. There are postulations that Dombs are originally from central Asia. The Dombo children have almost red hair at birth, which later becomes dark colour as said above. The Mihirkula of Hunas may be the present day Mirigani Dombs of Koraput. The Sodabisia Dombs are very dark complexion people, found living close to Sodia Poraja hamlets. The physical features of Sodabisia Dombs suggest that they have come down here from South with Chodas, thus derive the name Soda bisia (bisia means in Oriya subject). The Soda means Choda which has been discussed in Sodia Poraja. We can relate the Sodabisia Dombs to Pandyas, who had lost to Chodas in down south. The Mihirkula of Huna relation to Marigan Dombs is due to the following (14), The Huns, a band of nomad savages, lived originally in the neighbourhood of China. As regards Indian records we have first the Eran inscription (No.68), referred to above, dated in the first year of Maharajadhiraja Tormana. Next, this is an inscription at Gwalior, dated in the 15th regnal year of Mihirkula (No.69). The
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name of his father is mentioned, but only the first two letters Tora can be read, the rest being utterly lost. Toramana was succeeded by his son Mihrakula who probably ascended the throne about A.D.515. According to Hiuen Tsang his capital was Sialkot and he ruled over India.Rajatarangini, the chronicle of Kashmir, refers to Mihirakula as a powerful king who ruled over Kashmir, Gandhara and conquered Southern India and Ceylon. Mihirakula was taken as prisoner by Baladitya-raja of Magadha but was released by him.
Vaidumbas and Dombs

Bell said, A tradition in the Agency, current among others besides the Dombs, has it that the Panos of Ghumsur in Ganjam District proved themselves so obnoxious to the people by their criminal habits that the Raja issued an order that any Pano should be killed wherever he should be found. In fear of this edict the men of the tribe scattered and some of them sought refuge in the hills of Jeypore. Soon after their arrival one of their member succeeded by a trick in inducing the Kondhs of the locality to accept him as their king. Observing that the Kondhs were in the habit of worshipping certain bija tree this man concealed himself in the tree and suddenly leapt from it when the Kondhs were performing their devotions, announcing that he had been sent to them to be their king. Simultaneously he summoned some of his fellow- refugees who had concealed themselves nearby and declared that they were his retinue. The Kondhs believed that a king had been given to them by the tree as a reward for their devotions and accepted the ruler thus sent to them. They built forts for him at a number of places, of which the remains of one near Sembliguda are still clearly visible and are known locally as the Domb fort. A period of terror and anarchy followed during which the Raja and his followers came to be called Dumbas or devils, which name was later changed to Domb. The tradition further narrates that the region of the Domb kings was ended by a boy, who was found in a forest guarded by a cobra and a peacock and fed by a goat, and was brought up by the foster-parents who discovered him. After overthrowing the Dombs he established a kingdom at Narayanapatnam, which was later moved to Nandapur. One of the successors of this Raja had no male issue and at the bidding of the god Sarveswara, who appeared to him in a dream, married his daughter to a certain youth who has come to his kingdom, also at the direction of the gods, and from this union sprang the present family of the Rajas of Jeypore.(15)
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Villages as Rajubidai, Bidai and Semiliguda and few more in the present Semiliguda block of Koraput were known as Domb kings fort and village. There is only one correlation that can be postulated with Dombs is the Vaidumbas, a dynasty that ruled South of Andhradesa in the past. Vaidumba were vassals of E Chalukya.The matrimonial relationship between Vaidumbas and Eastern Gangas would appear to have begun from two generations prior to Kamarnav II, who had married Vinaya-Mahadevi, a prince of the Vaidumba family, and Anantavarmadeva V alias Vajrahasta II was born to them. (16) During Ganga Vijayaditya III, a Eastern Chalukya kings period; the Eastern Ganga, the Vaidumba, the Nolamba and the Telugu Cola Chief were all involved in internecine warfare. (17) The Vaidumbas ruled Pottapi-nadu that extended across the Eastern Ghats from Rajampeta in the Cuddapah district to Kalahasti in Chittore district. Bhubana Trinetra Vaidumba Maharaja ruled Kadapa -twelve and neigbhouring country from his capital (Vidu) at Pottapi in Paka-nadu in AD 972 (18) is known for his Madras Museum Copper-plate Grant. His authority extended over Western Cuddapah district is known from Upparpalle on Cuddapah-Pusphagiri Road, dated 972-3A.D (19) N. Venkataramanaya said, An element of doubt, however, creeps in, on account of the existence of another tract of territory known also as Pattapi-Nadu in a different part of the Telugu country. An epigraph at Calukya-Bhimavaram in the Cocanada taluk of the East Godavari district dated A.D.1027 registers the gift by a certain Sankyaraja, an illegitimate son of Nungananti Semmarangirija of Nagavamsa, of the village of Nadupuru in Pottapi-nandu (20). It is obvious that the village of Nadupuru and Pottapi-nandu in which it was included must have been situated some where in the neighbourhood of Calukya-Bhimavaram. He further continued, Though these inscriptions (An epigraph at CalukyaBhimavaram and Akkaliapundi Grant dated A.D. 1368) are late in date, it is not unreasonable to belie on the strength of their evidence that there was in South Kalinga a district called Pottapi nandu corresponding to apart of the East Godavari district. This might very well have been the district of Pottapi-nandu which Danarnava granted as an appanage to the Mudugonda Calukya chiefs, Malliyaraja and Gondyaraja.If this definition of Pottapi-nandu and the Pampa river as correct, there are no grounds for supposing that Danarnava ever
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subjugated the Pottapi- nadu in Southern Telugu country, and came, as a consequence, into conflict with Colas of Tanjore.(21) I am of the opinion that the Pottapi-nandu is the present day Pottangi area of Koraput district and the Nadupuru is the Nandapur located in Pottangi area and are well with in the South Kalinga region as pointed out by Venkataramanaya. N. Venkataramanaya wrote, Dananrava, E Calkya king took advantage of the weakening of the Rastrakuta power about AD 970 and invaded successfully the Vaidumba territory, which was on his southern frontier and entrusted the administration to Mudugonda Chalukya family.(22) He further said, The death of Danarnava did not result in the submission of Vengi. The Samantas and other adherents of the dead monarch still held out. They fall into three groups. First there was the Vaidumba king, Ganda Trinetra who Danarnava had recently reduced to subjection. He was the hereditary enemy of the Telugu Colas (23); and he was not disposed to accept Bhima, whom he must have regarded as an equal, as his overlord and sovereign. The clash between the two became inevitable. The Vaidumba was presumably worsted in the contest and had to acquiesce in the supremacy of the Telugu Cola. Next came the Samantas, Manyas, and the wild tribes dwelling in the jungles in the east. The hilly region situated in the Madhya or Central Kalinga corresponding to the present Agency tracts had always been the home of warlike savage tribes who showed no inclination to submit to authority. It was not an easy task to keep them under control, and the Calukya rulers of Vengi had to adopt special measures to enforce their authority. They assigned estates to their nobles in this region; and one of the branches of the royal family migrated early to this district and settled down there permanently. No wonder that the Samantas and Manyas at the head of the jungle tribes, confident of the natural strength of their mountain strongholds, held out against Bhima and defied his authority. Bhima was a brave warrior and capable leader. Undaunted by the numerous difficulties that beset his path, he led an expedition against them and put them down with a stern hand. (24) It is thus clear that the Vaidumbas of the down South who were related on matrimonial ground to the Eastern Gangas came to Kalinga and possibly settled in the wild forest tract of Trikalinga. Their migration to the north probably took place shortly after the usurpation of their power and territories by the Nolambas in the 9th Century A.D.(25) The present day Dombs may be the Vaidumbas of the past.
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References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, Vol.1-7.pp.173-185. H.A. Stuart (1891) cited by Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras: 1909, pp173-174 Bell, R.C.S., Orissa District Gazetteer (Koraput), Cuttack, Government Press, 1945p.79-82. F. Fawcett (1901) Man. cited by Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., op.cit. pp174-175 Madras Census Report, 1881 Bell, R.C.S., .op.cit. Missionary Gloyer (1901) Jeypore, Brekium. cited by Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., op.cit. p176 Madras Census Report, 1891 F. Fawcett (1902) Man. cited by Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., op.cit. p 182-183 Bell, R.C.S., .op.cit. Rao, Hayavadana, C. cited by Thurston E. and Rangachari, K., op.cit. pp176 Bell, R.C.S., .op.cit. Bell, R.C.S., .op.cit. Majumdar, R.C. The History and Culture of Indian People, The Classical Age: The Huns.pp34-39 Bell.R.C.S., op.cit. p.80 Venkataramanaya, N. The Eastern Calukyas of Vengi. P.332 & Ganguly, D.C. The History and Culture of Indian People, The Struggle for Empire. p. 205. E.I. XXIV, No 26, p.183f; JOR, XII, pp.196 f Cp .7 of 1935-36 325 of 1905, A.R.E. 1935-36, Part II, p.58. S.I.I. V.55. Venkataramanaya.N. (1950) The Eastern Calukyas of Vengi. p.306-06 Venkataramanaya, N. Ibid.. Chapter, p.198 Vaidumba prabhriti raja-rajanya-rajita pithastham of the Kailasanatha Temple inscriptions cited by N. Venkataramanaya, The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. ChapterXVI, p.203 Venkataramanaya, N. The Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi. Chapter, p.203 Ibid.p.332
17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23.
24. 25.
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BOIPARIS
The Boiparis are also called Lambadis, Lambari, Brinjari or Banjari, Sugali or Sukali, Labhani, Labani and Vali Sugriva in other parts of the country, Thurston and Rangachari (1909) (1). Mr. G. A. Girerson (1907) (2) writes, Lambardi are the well known tribe of carriers who are fond all over Western and Southern India. In the Madras Census Reports (1891) (3) the Lambadis are described as a class of traders, herdsmen, cattle-breeders, and cattle lifters, transporters in hills and forest tracts difficult of access, and in places they have settled down as agriculturists. They have as yet been only partially reclaimed from criminal habits. The Lambadis or Boiparis of Bellary have a tradition among them of having first come to the Deccan from the north with Moghul camps as commissariat carriers. Captain J. Briggs (1813) states that, as the Deccan is devoid of a single navigable river and has no roads that admit of wheeled traffic, the whole of the extensive intercourse is carried on by laden bullocks, the property of Banjaris. Mr. Francis writes, they used to live by pack-bullock trade and they still remember the names of some of the generals who employed there forebears. When peace and the railway came and did away with these callings, they fell back for a time upon crime as a livelihood, but they have now mostly taken to agriculture and grazing, (4) Bishop Heber (1825) noted that, we passed a number of Brinjarees, who were carrying salt. The all had bows, arrows swords and shields.(5) Orme mentions the Lambardis as having supplied the Comte de Bussy with store, cattle and grain, when besieged by the Nizams army at Hyderabad (6). Toward closer of eighteenth century, Moor writes, the Banjaris associate chiefly together seldom, seldom or never mixing with other tribes. In times of war they attend, and are of great assistance to armies, and, being neutral, it is a matter of indifference to them who purchase their goods (7). Of Lambadis in time of war, the Abbe Dubois*, said, They attach themselves to the army where discipline is least strict. They hire themselves and their large herds of cattle of whichever contending party will pay them best, acting as carriers of the supplies and baggage of the army. They were thus employed, to the number of several thousands, by the English in their last war with the Sultan of Mysore. The English, however, had occasion to regret having taken these untrustworthy and iII-disciplined people into their service, when they saw them ravaging the country through which they passed, and causing more annoyance than the whole of the enemys army (8). At the time when human (meriah) sacrifices prevailed in the Vizagapatam Agency tracts, it was the regular duty of Lambadis to kidnap or purchase human beings in
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the plains, and sell them to the hill tribes for extravagant prices (9). A person, in order to be a fitting meriah,had to be purchased for a price. It is recorded by Francis (1901) that not long after the accession of Vinayaka Deo to the throne of Jeypore, in the fifteenth century, some of his subjects rose against him, but he recovered his position with the help of a leader of Brinjaris. Ever since then, in grateful recognition, his descendants have appended to their signatures a wary line (called valatradu), which represents the rope with which Brinjaris tether their cattle (10). The Banjaris are principally found south of Jeypore, who are called as Baiparis. The tahasil headquarters one at Baipariguda is named after the Baiparis. The Baipari villages are still located in Mathli, Malkangiri sub-divisions and till today they have lived with their culture and customs intact. They dominate over Koyas and local tribes and dictate in most of the place to the Pedas of Koya villages. They are feared for their ability to converse with outer world and their litigations in the courts. Principally the Boiparis were the only salt traders uptil recent 60s in the JeyporeMalkangiri area, who used to carry the salt on their cattle as in ancient past. The principal route of Boipari movement was probably in most from North India was via the Gondi Kingdom and were passing through the Bastar district (Jagdalpur area) through Konta to Hyderabad and down south of Deccan. Still on these routes Banjari villages are located. Rev.J.Cain (1879) said, That in some places the Lambadis fasten small rags torn from some old garment to a bush in honour of Kampalamma (Kampa, a thicket). On the side of one of the roads from Bastar are several large heaps of stones, which they have piled up in honour of the goddess Guttalamma. Every Lambadi who passes the heaps is bound to place one stone on the heap and to make a salaam to it (11). C. Hayavadana Rao inferred Thurston that. The attacks of tigers, if the take certain precautions (12). Abbe Dubois wrote, when they wish to perform horrible act, it is said, they secretly carry off the first person they meet. Having conducted the victim to some lonely spot, they dig a hole, in which they burry him up to the neck. While he is still alive, they make a sort of lump of dough made of flour, which they place on his head. This they fill with oil, and light four wicks in it. Having done this, the men and women join hands, and, forming a circle, dance around their victims, singing and making a great noise till he expires. (13) It is seen still that the whole Koraput district is free from trypanosomiasis among cattle, but it can be found only in Malkangiri sub-Division where Boiparis are still living and once upon a time was the main concentration of Boiparis. This disease
340
must have come through cattle herds enroute from north to south; there is also existence of Anthrax only in this area. There is one peculiarity in Malkangiri-Motu area that the local Koya tribes keep only cattle and goats with pigs and poultry, very seldom buffaloes are seen so also the sheep. The cattle rearing as main occupation among Koyas may be the gift of Boiparis to them. Senapti and Sahu (1966) wrote, An old trade route between the coast and Chhattisgarh passed through Kashipur. Brinjaries and other traders used to frequent this route with caravans of pack bullocks and it is known that they were paying Rs.6/- towards transit duties at Kashipur for every one hundred laden bullocks while on their way to Chhattisgarh. As other routes opened to Madhya Pradesh this route through Kashipur is no more in use (14). The other route the Boiparis were using to reach Hyderabad/Godavari was from Jagdalpur (Bastar district, Madhya Pradesh) to Kotpad, Jeypore, Boipariguda, Mathili, Malkangiri, via Anantapur to Motu and Konta then to Godavari. This is proved due to the existence of name of village Boipariguda and the Boipari village existing in the Malkangiri sub-division.
References
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Thurston, E and Rangachari, K. Castes and Tribes in Southern India.p.207-232 Grierson, G.A. Linguistic Survey of India.IX, 1907 Madras Census Report, 1891 Briggs, J. (1813) cited by Thurston, E and Rangachari, K. Castes and Tribes in Southern India.p.217 Bishop Heber (1844) Narratives of a journey through the Upper Provinces of India. Orme Moor, Narratives of the Operations of Littles detachment against Tipoo Sultan, 1794. Dubois, Abbe.Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies cited by Thurston, E and Rangachari, K. Castes and Tribes in Southern India.p.213. Fawcett, F. Gazetteer of Vizagapatam. Francis, W. (1901) Gazetteer of the Bellary district. Rev. Cain, John (1879) Ind, Ant. VIII. Rao, Hayavadana, C. cited by Thurston, E and Rangachari, K. Castes and Tribes in Southern India.p.215. Dubois, Abbe.Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies cited by Thurston, E and Rangachari, K. Castes and Tribes in Southern India.p.229. Senapati, N and Sahu. Gazetteer of Koraput district, Orissa
341
ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS OF (BANSULI) DEORLI, KOTAPAD
A Yogni Stone
Bhairaba
Murtahandi White Siva Linga
Deorli Siva Linga
342
Rasabhanatha, Deorli
Ambika, Deorli
Rasbhanatha Temple, Deorli
Jaina Ambika
Rasbhanatha Temple, Deorli
Jaina Ambika
343
ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM, JAGDALPUR
Visnu in Bastar Museum, Jagdalpur
Visnu in Bastar Museum, Jagdalpur
344
Garuda
Hanumana
345
Visnu
Sankara
346
Gaja-Laxmi
Siva- Parvati
347
INDEX
Abhujhmar mountains, 73 Acharya, P, 251, 254, 255 Adhirajendra, 14, 67 Aiyar, K.V.Subrahmanya, 40 Akkalapundi grant, 249 Ambavadi Mandala, 106, 107 Amurkottam, 33 Amvavadi-Visaya, 155 Anangabhima II, 256 Ananta Chodaganga, 80, 288 Anantavarman Chodaganga, 11, 12, 24, 32, 36, 70, 180, 230, 236, 256, 286 Anantavarman I, 101, 102, 103 Anantaverman IV alias Vajrahasta, 103 Anantaverman Vajrahastadeva V, 103 Anchala, 54, 55, 56 Ancholagumma, 37, 51, 52, 53, 310 Andhri, 248 Andiniya, 330, 332 Arikesari I, 193 Arikesarin III, 285, 298 Arunachal Pradesh, 90 Bada Bibha, 128 Bagata, 273, 274 Bagh, 45, 168, 185, 314 Bali Puja, 80 Bali-jatra, 70 Balimella, 80, 105, 106, 288 Banda Acehe, 91 Bandapan jatra, 170 Banerjee, Sukumar, 71, 72 Banerji, R.D, 258 Bangalore copper plates, 150 Banpur plates, 177, 178 Bansuli, 228 Bara, F., 129 Barasur, 193, 197, 201, 231, 235, 236, 238, 239 Barhatika Paika, 120, 121, 124, 126 Barsur, 196, 197, 201, 204, 207, 227, 228, 229, 231, 235, 236, 237, 245 Barsur inscription, 197, 201, 207 Bastar, 1, 3, 5, 7, 10, 15, 17, 25, 33, 35, 36, 43, 47, 48, 49, 50, 57, 60, 61, 62, 73, 75, 80, 81, 92, 97, 98, 99, 104, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 172, 173, 176, 179, 180, 193, 194, 195, 198, 200, 201, 204, 210, 212, 213, 214, 215, 217, 218, 219, 227, 228, 230, 231, 234, 235, 236, 237, 245, 246, 248, 249, 252, 253, 254, 261, 270, 272, 279, 286, 288, 289, 294, 307, 308, 309, 311, 312, 314, 315, 323, 324, 333, 339, 340 Batrisha singhasana, 275 Bayyaraju, 263, 264, 267, 278 Bell, R.C.S, 62, 71, 82, 125, 134, 186, 244, 272, 296, 297, 337 Bendiganahalli Plates, 162, 173, 296, 300 Bhagavati, 5, 93, 194 Bhairaba Singapur, 3, 106, 181, 213, 235, 248, 270, 317, 320, 321, 322 Bhanjas, 177, 201 Bhatanayak, 144 Bhath Bhoie, 45 Bhatiporlu inscription, 283 Bhattacharya,, 135, 311 Bhauma-Kara, 208 Bhimesvara temple at Draksharama, 20 Bhogavatipura, 194, 200, 206
348
Bhramanakotya, 18, 196 Bhramarakotta-mandala, 196 Bhramaravdra-desa, 230 Bhumia, 46, 126, 180, 183, 184, 185, 186, 272 Bhupendraverman, 103 Bihan Puja, 46 Bishop Heber, 338, 340 Bisna Sisa, 287 Bisnaga King, 287 Bison-horn Marias, 60, 73 Boal, M.Barbara, 71 Bodo Gadaba, 130 Bodo Poraja, 43 Boiparis, 338, 339, 340 Bondo(s), 6, 61, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 233, 259, 260, 261, 262, 316 Borigumma, 35, 54, 56, 57, 181, 211, 213, 235, 248, 254, 270, 272, 317, 318, 323, 329 Bose,P.N., 145 Brett, E.A.de., 147, 311 Briggs, J, 340 Brinjari, 338 Burnell, 101, 124, 148, 149, 150, 164, 251 Burrow, T., 311 Butuga II, 158, 173, 294 Cain,J.Rev, 61 Campbell, John, 71 Chagis dynasty, 243 Chagis of Vinukonda, 243 Chait Parab, 46, 79, 314 Chait Seed ceremony, 47 Chakkarakottam, 8, 10 Chakrakota, 4, 5, 93, 193, 195, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 207, 208, 212, 213, 230, 235, 324
Chakrakote, 1, 8, 12, 18, 33, 49, 50, 52, 56, 80, 194, 196, 210, 211, 212, 279, 286, 288 Chalan, 45, 128, 169 Chalukya Bhima II, 161, 290 Chalukya of Kalyani, 68, 213 Chalukyas of Badami, 1 Chalukyas of Lata, 1 Chandalas, 323, 328 Chattopadhyaya, S, 248 Chedi, 160, 194, 203, 204, 206, 210, 230, 289, 324 Chellia Poroja, 77 Chelluru plates, 27 Chera Chera, 47 Chhattisgarh, 1, 58, 106, 158, 160, 172, 174, 193, 219, 245, 248, 286, 294, 311, 323, 340 Chhindaka Naga, 193, 197, 202, 235 Chicacole plates, 103, 104, 160 Chitrakut, 229 Chitrakuta, 53, 106, 160, 193, 206, 281, 289 Chitramaya, 282 Choda I., 315 Chodas, 11, 27, 31, 33, 36, 43, 50, 56, 57, 60, 61, 68, 80, 179, 194, 204, 210, 211, 235, 236, 237, 279, 288, 330, 333 Chodia Poraja, 43 Cholas, 1, 2, 3, 6, 8, 11, 12, 23, 24, 27, 28, 30, 36, 38, 39, 41, 49, 51, 53, 54, 56, 62, 67, 70, 72, 81, 159, 173, 194, 200, 201, 208, 209, 210, 213, 235, 243, 256, 263, 264, 288, 290 Choudhury, B, 123, 125, 129 Chowdhury, 94, 262 Conjeeveram, 19, 22 Cornish, W.R, 244 Cowell, C.B, 248
349
Cunningham, 4, 42, 250, 251 Dakshina Kosala, 98, 203, 236 Dalton, E.T, 145 Danarnava, 104, 106, 155, 161, 162, 290, 291, 292, 335, 336 Dandakapura, 230, 286 Dandakaranya, 58, 215 Dankini, 228 Danteswari, 197, 228, 245 Dantewara, 196, 197, 235, 245 Das Patnaik, P.S, 71, 94 Dash Jagganath, 71 Desia-Kondhs, 57 Devendravarman, 11, 13, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 67, 102, 103, 104, 107, 148, 149, 150, 152, 154, 160, 180 Devenravarman II, 103 Devi, Yashoda, 71, 72, 258, 266, 269, 296, 297, 312, 316 Dharalladeva, 236, 238 Dharalladeva-Varman, 236 Dharavarsha, 12, 14, 18, 25, 196, 197, 200, 202, 203, 221, 223, 235 Dharmalingeswar plates, 104 Dhasmana, M.M, 94 Dhavala, 97, 110, 172, 173, 174, 206, 222, 293 Dhobalinga, 254 Dhulia Paika, 120, 124, 126 Dhurwas, 307, 308, 309 Diali Parab, 46 Disari, 45, 128, 143, 169, 183, 314 Domb, 328, 329, 331, 332, 334, 335 Doms, 45, 58, 126, 157, 184, 328 Dongar Puja, 45, 47 Dongria Kondh, 63, 94 Dora II, 243 Draksharama, 22, 24, 25, 70, 257, 264 Dubois, Abbe, 340 Dvendravarma, 99
East Godavari district., 283, 292, 335 Eastern Chalukyas, 1, 2, 8, 30, 36, 160, 161, 194, 200, 207, 257, 258, 279, 283, 289, 337 Eastern Ganga, 99, 150, 264, 268, 282, 291, 335 Eastern Gangas, 10, 11, 29, 30, 36, 37, 97, 100, 103, 107, 148, 150, 151, 154, 160, 194, 210, 249, 252, 257, 261, 263, 282, 289, 335, 336 Elwin, Verrier, 71, 72, 93, 94, 135 Elwin,V, 62 Ereganga, 156, 172, 173, 296 Ereyanga, 173 Fleet, 38, 51, 102, 112, 148, 164 Francis, W, 244, 340 Furer-Haimendorf, C.Von, 93, 94, 134, 262, 316 Furer-Haimendrof, 91, 130, 326, 327 Gad Bodra, 215, 216, 217, 218 Gadaba, 46, 86, 87, 91, 126, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 157, 167, 170, 171, 172, 174, 233, 260, 271, 298, 313, 314, 315, 316 Gadia, 196, 197, 207, 229 Gajapatis, 203, 243, 258, 276 Gamang, Giridhar, 82, 174, 297, 298, 316, 319 Gang, 97, 152, 197, 257 Ganga, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 13, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 34, 50, 53, 67, 68, 70, 92, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104, 105, 106, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 118, 134, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 162, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 180, 181, 231, 237, 251, 256, 257, 264, 265, 267, 268, 275, 276, 278, 279, 282, 283, 287, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296, 299, 311, 315, 316, 318, 330, 335
350
Gangaikondachola, 4 Gangas of Jantarnadu, 256, 257, 263, 267 Gangas of Kalinga, 30, 56, 103, 160, 162 Gangas of Mysore, 1, 107, 151, 152, 154 Gangavadi, 151, 153, 155, 292, 293 Gangeshani, 171, 275 Gangeyadeva, 6, 178, 203, 230, 286 Gangraju, 268 Ganguly, D.C, 39, 214, 324 Gaon Hundi, 45 Garh Dhanora, 253 Gauda-sangha, 285 Gidrisinghi, 19 Giridhar, Gamang, 216 Glasfurd, C.L.R, 145, 311 Godavari, 3, 11, 21, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 32, 56, 60, 66, 68, 92, 99, 111, 133, 158, 172, 213, 247, 248, 251, 253, 254, 261, 280, 283, 292, 294, 335, 340 Gokarnasvamin, 152 Gonds, 53, 62, 75, 145, 244, 245, 246, 312, 325, 326, 327 Gondwana, 254, 326 Gonka II, 29 Goomsur, 63 Gopal, B.R, 39, 164 Goriahandi, 186, 188 Govinda III, 205, 206 Greeks, 124, 251, 323 Grierson, G.A, 340 Grigson, 58, 60, 62, 73, 74, 75, 245, 246, 309, 312 Grigson, W.V, 62, 145 Gumma, 56 Gunaga Vijayaditya III, 289 Gunarnava, 155
Gunda Mahadevi, vii, 202, 219, 220, 225 Guptas, 155, 203, 287 Gurumai, 45, 79, 143 Gurumaie, 78, 169 Gutob, 87, 91, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 174, 298, 313, 315 Guttas, 132 Haihayas of Kona, 66, 67, 68 Haihayas of Panchadharala, 315 Halajatra, 170 Harisena, 97 Hastivarman, 100, 105 Hathigumpha, 1, 279, 280, 281 Hayavadana Rao, C., 129, 244 Henderson C.A, 93 Henjery, 285 Hieun-Tsiang, 4 Hill Marias, 74 Hira Lal, 219, 227, 228, 229, 246 Hiralal, 38, 40, 51, 147, 193, 207, 208, 210, 214, 235, 240, 307, 309, 311, 327 Hislop, Stephen, 145 Hiuen Tsang, 327, 334 Honjore, 285 Hultzsch, 4, 5, 6, 38, 39, 81, 92 Human sacrifice, 228 Hunas, 333 Indrarath, 61 Indravarman, 97, 98, 99, 100, 102, 104, 111, 148, 149, 250, 319 Indravati, 5, 53, 92, 110, 158, 172, 193, 215, 219, 229, 248, 294, 317 Indravati., 215, 229 Iyer, Gopala, A., 40 Jabalpur, 176, 184, 230, 286, 324 Jagdalpur, 18, 19, 33, 75, 193, 196, 201, 210, 215, 227, 228, 230, 253, 333, 339, 340 Jain, B.C, 208
351
Janamejaya I, 202 Janamejaya II, 204 Jani, 45, 53, 69, 169, 198, 314 Janis, 45, 69 Jawaharlal, G, 298 Jayangondachola-mandalam, 10 Jayangondar, 17, 26, 30 Jayankondacholamandalam, 33, 35 Jayapura Kotta, 281 Jayapura plate, 101 Jayasimha II, 6, 14, 178, 230 Jayavarman,, 99, 148 Jena, K.Mihir, 71 Jenkar, 131 Jeypore, 35, 53, 61, 71, 86, 91, 98, 99, 104, 105, 106, 120, 121, 126, 130, 131, 133, 148, 149, 157, 158, 159, 160, 163, 170, 180, 181, 183, 184, 194, 210, 226, 228, 242, 254, 257, 258, 259, 270, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 281, 282, 283, 284, 286, 287, 294, 296, 307, 310, 313, 323, 334, 337, 339, 340 Jha Makan, 135 Jhadesvana, 138 Jhadi Telenga, 245 Jhodia, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 147, 173, 314 Jhodia Poraja, 173, 314 Jhoria Murias, 137 Jirjingi copper plate, 97 Kadalur Grant, 156, 158, 173, 175, 294, 299 Kadamba, 98, 134 Kadambas, 98, 257, 258 Kakatiyas, 70, 243 Kakayara-desa, 230, 237 Kalachuri, 6, 177, 178, 180, 199, 203, 204, 205, 230, 231, 234, 236, 237, 252, 286, 298, 323, 324
Kalachuris, 6, 39, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 194, 199, 202, 208, 210, 230, 232, 236, 249, 286, 298, 324 Kalahandi, 8, 19, 35, 61, 63, 126, 130, 174, 193, 194, 195, 202, 206, 213, 248, 252, 253, 254, 282, 286, 310, 325, 326 Kalidasa, 110, 280 Kalinga, 1, 2, 3, 8, 11, 13, 14, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 56, 67, 68, 70, 80, 81, 82, 92, 98, 99, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 133, 134, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 172, 173, 177, 178, 179, 180, 182, 186, 194, 202, 203, 205, 206, 210, 212, 213, 215, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, 257, 258, 263, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 270, 276, 278, 279, 280, 281, 283, 285, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 294, 296, 299, 310, 311, 312, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 324, 335, 336 Kalingam, 2, 10, 11, 21, 22, 32, 81, 316 Kalinganagara, 23, 97, 100, 105, 107, 148, 149, 152, 154, 155, 203, 249 Kalingattupparani, 17, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 31, 40 Kalingraja, 286 Kalyana Singapur, 53, 68, 106, 119, 317 Kamalraji, 286 Kamarnava, 29, 155, 160, 161, 162, 256, 291 Kanaka Durga, 228 Kandula Puja, 47 Kantaka-Varttini, 155 Kanthikavandhurakantha, 155
352
Karandai, 9, 10 Karunda-Mandala, 19, 194, 206 Kathargada, 54, 181, 192 Kavi, 8, 10 Kavi-Konga, 8 Kelga plates, 179 Kerala, 4, 58, 60, 158, 294 Keregodi - Rangapur Plates, 156 Kerhalli Plates, 156 Kesaribeda grant, 248 Keselaka, 248 Keskal, 253, 254 Khajuribandha, 53, 226 Khaling, 254 Kharavella, 1 Khillingar plates, 104, 106 Kimidi, 19 Kimling, 254 Kirtivarman I, 98 Kobbiriya, 330 Kodinga hoard, 198, 199, 200 Kokalla I, 230, 286 Kokalla II, 203 Kolaba,, 173 Koloie Poroja, 233 Komalaraja, 204 Kona Chodaraju, 315 Konamandala, 27, 28, 66, 67, 315 Konda Dora, 93, 241, 242, 243 Konda Poroja, 77 Kondhs, 57, 63, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 126, 211, 241, 332, 334 Konga, 10, 109, 156, 157, 158, 173, 271, 292, 294 Kongunivarman, 97, 158, 294 Koraput district, 1, 6, 10, 33, 34, 35, 46, 50, 53, 58, 63, 66, 67, 93, 98, 99, 105, 110, 120, 130, 148, 156, 159, 162, 172, 180, 193, 195, 198, 231, 235, 241, 248, 254, 257, 259,
280, 283, 292, 295, 307, 310, 311, 317, 318, 332, 336, 339, 347 Kornel Das, 48, 62, 82, 135, 145, 174, 216, 297, 298, 316, 319 Korni plates, 11, 23 Kosala,, 36, 154, 156, 172, 178, 179, 204, 230, 324 Kosalai, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 92 Kosalai-nadu, 4, 5, 6, 92 Kota dynasty, 70 Kotilingi, 254 Kotpad, 106, 107, 118, 124, 184, 194, 228, 274, 285, 286, 323, 333, 340 Kottia, 46, 69, 126, 127, 128 Kottia Dora, 69 Kottia Paikos, 126 Kottia Poraja, 69 Kottimba grant, 108, 173, 175 Koyas, 57, 58, 59, 60, 74, 339, 340 Krishana Deva Raya, 287 Krishna Kumari, M, 39, 40, 41 72, 208, 214 Kudal Sangama,8, 10 Kudlur Plates, 156 Kukkanur Plates, 109, 111, 174 Kulenur Inscription, 232 Kulottunga I, 3, 8, 12, 13, 14, 15, 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 30, 31, 33, 35, 36, 39, 40, 49, 50, 51, 56, 60, 67, 70, 80, 109, 173, 200, 202, 213, 243, 288, 319 Kumilinadu, 33, 34 Kuntala, 10, 16, 17, 19, 20, 23, 28, 281 Kuruspal, 19, 196, 202, 205, 207, 208, 215, 229, 236, 245 Kusuma-bhoga, 230, 237, 286 Kutia Paika., 120 Kuttia Kondh, 63, 69, 71 Lambadis, 338, 339
353
Leiden plates, 15, 40 Lingdarha Nadi, 253 MacPherson, S. Charles., 71 Madgole Zamindars, 258 Madhurantaka, 6, 18, 19, 93, 196, 201, 202 Madhurantakadeva, 193 Madhya Pradesh, 14, 98, 176, 183, 193, 198, 199, 230, 240, 297, 311, 333, 340 Madras Museum Copper-plate Grant, 292, 335 Madras museum plates, 19 Madras Presidency, 247 Madura-mandalam, 4, 5, 6, 92, 93 Magadhas, 156 Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya, 176, 177 Mahabhavagupta II Bhimaratha, 177 Mahabhavagupta IV Uddyotakesarin, 177, 179 Mahakantara, 98, 154, 204, 283 Mahalakshmi, 310 Mahalaxmi, 90 Mahanadi, 4, 248 Mahasivagupta I Yayati, 177 Mahasivagupta II Dharmaratha, 177 Mahasivagupta III, 178, 179 Mahasivagupta IV Janamejaya, 179, 180 Mahasivagupta Karna, 177 Mahasivagupta V Karna, 180 Mahasivagupta Yayati, 203, 230 Mahendra mountain, 11, 31 Mahendragiri,, 23, 56 Mahipal I, 7 Mahishasuramardini, 228 Mahua, 60 Majumdar, R.C, 181, 297, 312, 337 Maladhari, 285
Malkangiri, 58, 59, 60, 61, 71, 80, 89, 163, 184, 185, 242, 287, 288, 339, 340 Mama-Bhanja ka Mandir., 227 Manda I, 56 Mandakini, 110, 172 Mandala Kingdom, 281 Mandar Telugus, 245 Mandiri, 330 Marasimha, 97, 103, 109, 110, 111, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 163, 172, 173, 174, 175, 293, 294, 295, 299, 300 Marasimha I, 97 Maria tribe, 73 Masuni-desam, 5, 93 Matsya dynasty, 256 Matsyakunda, 274 Matsyas, 81, 256, 257, 258, 261, 263, 264, 267, 268, 274, 278, 288, 310 Matyadesa, 81, 288 Mauryas, 98, 281, 297 May, J.A, 93 Mc Crindle, 135, 251, 319 Meghaduta, 280, 297 Meriah, 63, 64, 71, 328 Mihirkula, 333 Mirashi, 193, 200, 203, 204, 205, 206, 209, 230, 235, 240 Mirgam, 330 Mirigani, 330, 333 Mohanty, S.C, 48, 82, 145, 146 Mohapatra, C.R, 62 Mohapatra, P.K, 262, 327 Mudirabada, 6, 93 Mudli, 45, 53, 168 Mudlipada, 6, 93 Mudni Parab, 79 Muka Dora, 241
354
Mukhalingam, 100, 180, 263, 264, 318 Mummadi Bhima I, 67 Muran, 106, 181, 195, 211, 280 Murias, 61 Nadavali, 230 Nag, 45, 78, 168, 185, 260, 330 Naga, 5, 19, 93, 179, 180, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210, 212, 213, 220, 230, 231, 236, 237, 242, 271, 286, 323, 324 Nagavamsi, 5, 12, 14, 15, 18, 19, 35, 49, 92, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 210, 211, 212, 215, 219, 220, 235, 245 Nalas, 97, 98, 111, 248 Namanaikkonam, 4 Nanda, 134, 279, 280, 281, 319 Nandapur, 35, 70, 77, 80, 81, 99, 104, 106, 109, 119, 120, 126, 130, 133, 158, 159, 162, 163, 167, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 227, 235, 261, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 292, 294, 295, 296, 306, 310, 311, 313, 314, 334, 336 Nandapur Suryavamsi dynasty, 278 Nandavalli, 286 Nandavarman, 103, 154 Nandipuram, 282 Nandivardana, 280 Nandivardhana, 279 Nandivarman Pallavamalla, 282 Nandodbhavas, 281 Nangili, 16, 20 Nanndigrama, 282 Narangi, 215 Narasimha, 108, 173, 197, 264, 265, 267, 268 Narayan, Sankar. S, 111
Narayanapal inscription, 197, 207 Narayanapal Stone Inscription, 225 Narayanapatna, 67, 275 Narayanpal, 215, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220, 229 Nayak, 45, 79, 128, 169, 235, 270 Nema, S.R, 62 Niggemeyer, Hermann, 71 Nissanmundi, 137 Nitimarga Kongunivarma, 156 Niyamgiri, 63 Nowrangpur, 3, 10, 34, 37, 51, 54, 98, 106, 110, 163, 181, 183, 184, 270, 279, 332 Nua khia, 46 Oddadi,, 81, 256, 263, 288 Oddadivishaya, 81, 256, 288 Odda-vishaya, 4, 5, 92 Odilinga, 254 Odiya, 330 Odra, 20, 21, 25, 27, 38, 176, 202, 205, 254 Ollaro Gadba, 313 Omanatya,, 270 Onomia, 330 Orissa, iv, v, i, ii, v, vi, 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 10, 19, 34, 35, 38, 48, 50, 56, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 69, 71, 82, 93, 94, 97, 99, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 125, 126, 129, 130, 134, 135, 136, 145, 146, 147, 148, 153, 160, 164, 174, 176, 177, 180, 181, 186, 193, 198, 201, 204, 205, 206, 208, 210, 227, 228, 230, 231, 237, 240, 244, 248, 249, 251, 252, 254, 258, 261, 262, 270, 272, 273, 274, 276, 281, 282, 283, 286, 296, 297, 298, 307, 308, 310, 312, 316, 318, 319, 325, 326, 327, 333, 337, 340 Paiko, 45, 46, 69, 120, 124, 126, 329 Paliva, 283, 288
355
Pallavaraja, 21, 23, 25, 27 Pallavas of Virakuta, 256, 257, 263, 268 Panchappalli, 4, 5, 92 Pandava-Perumal temple, 19 Pandeya, L.P, 208 Pandya, 1, 4, 6, 8, 16, 19, 23, 26, 31, 80, 81, 158, 250, 282, 287, 288, 289, 294 Panigrahi, K.C., 38, 111, 174, 208 Panigrahi, Krishna Chandra, 181, 208 Papdahandi, 56, 115 Paralakhemundi, 109 Parata village, 109 Parbhani plates, 285 Parenga, 91, 126, 130, 133, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, 233, 282, 313 Patasivaram inscription, 285 Patel, C.B, 111 Pathi Padmini, 71 Patnaik, K.Kamala, 71 Pattnaik, N, 71 Pedda-dugam plates, 106, 112, 162, 317 Peddaperappadu plates, 283 Pengo, 46, 50, 53, 57, 233 Penukonda Plates, 50, 108, 173 Perati-bhoga, 109, 162, 296 Phupugaon, 186 Pillai, Kanakasabhai, V, 41, 42, 82 Pillai, V.K, 40, 41, 42 Pitribhktas, 318 Pliny, 133, 135, 251 Podagada, 33, 35, 53, 54, 98, 99, 107, 228, 248 Potinar inscriptions, 197, 235 Pottapi Vishaya, 283 Pottapinadu, 283 Pottapi-nadu, 291, 292, 335
Pradhani Family, 36 Pratapa Gangaraju, 268, 278 Pravhavati Gupta, 280 Prithivivygara, 282 Ptolemys, 250, 251, 255 Pulakesin II, 98 Purle plates, 250 Purushottama, 224, 243, 264, 265 Purva desam, 3 Purvadesa, 3, 12, 15, 18, 46, 49, 50, 51, 212 Purvadesha, 3, 35, 36, 50, 51, 57 Pus parab, 47, 79, 171 Pushkarni Vishaya, 107 Puskari,, 98 Putia, 120, 121, 124, 126 Rai Bahadur Hira Lal, 186 Raj Murias, 61 Rajabhushana-maharaja, 197 Rajadhiraja I, 3, 7, 179 Rajaguru, S.N, 111, 112, 164, 207, 208, 209, 319 Rajaraja I, 1, 3, 8, 10, 15, 23, 24, 60, 67, 180, 268 Rajaraja II, 29, 256, 264, 290 Rajaraja III, 256 Rajendra Chola, vii, 4, 7, 12, 28, 49, 51, 61, 81, 92, 177, 178, 200, 201, 212, 230, 288 Rajendra I, 2, 3, 6, 7, 14, 15, 35, 51, 60, 61, 67, 93, 178 Rajendra II, 3, 7, 15, 46, 51, 103, 179, 213 Rajendravarman, 101, 103, 107, 148, 149, 150 Rajendraverman II, 103, 104 Ramadas, G, 134 Ramagiri-svami, 280 Ramatirthan, 284 Ramdas, G, 48, 111 Ramesh, K. V, 111, 112, 174
356
, 299, 300 Ramgiri, 183, 184, 185 Ramo, 90 Rangachari,, 58, 62, 71, 93, 94, 125, 129, 135, 145, 174, 186, 244, 272, 274, 316, 328, 337, 340 Rangachari, K, 62, 71, 93, 94, 125, 129, 135, 174, 186, 244, 272, 274, 316, 337, 340 Ranka Jayavarman, 100 Rao, B.V, 207, 214, 299 Rao, Hayavadana, C, 274, 337, 340 Rashtrakuta, 205, 206, 293 Rashtrakutas, 1, 67, 203 Ratnadeva II, 230, 236, 286 Ratnagiri plates, 179, 204 Ratnapur, 202, 205, 208, 230, 231, 236, 237, 286 Ray, H.C., 232,298 Rev. Cain, John, 340 Rice, B.L, 174 Ronas, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 129, 287 Roychoudhury, A.K, 135 Russell, R.V, 147,186, 246, 311, 327 S.N. Rajaguru, 40, 107 Sabbi thousand, 285 Sahoo, A.C, 274 Sahu J.K, 111 Sahu, N.K, 181, 297 Sailodbhava, 103, 311 Sakkara-kottam, 4, 5, 92,193 Samantavarman, 99, 100, 104, 105, 111, 112 Samudragupta Maurya, 98 Sangam, 1 Sankara Dynasty of Nandapur, 275 Sankhini, 228 Sano Poraja, 46, 137, 139 260 Sansanakota Plates, 173
Santhianathaier, R, 82, 299 Sarma, Bina Kumari, 181 Sastri, K.A, Nilakanta, 38, 39, 42, 72, 82, 94, 299 Sastri, K.A.N, 51, 214, 297 Satavahans, 247 Sathianathaier, R, 38, 62, 298 Satyavarman, 102, 149, 150 Saubhagyadeva, 265 Saumya vatika, 104 Semi Parab, 79 Senapati, 297 Seven Kalinga, 31 Sewell, R, 41 Sewell, Robert, 164, 258, 298 Sharma, R.K, 232, 298 Shastri Ajay Mitra, 181 Silaharas, 309, 311, 312 Silas of Nandapura, 256 Silavamsa, 138, 277, 278, 279, 310 Sileru, 56, 80, 288 Simhachalam, 27, 30, 264, 265, 267, 268, 269, 278, 315 Simhapura, 106, 162, 281, 317, 318, 319 Sindas, 194, 220 Singama, 278 Singh Deo, K.B, 258, 274, 296, 298 Sir Grigson, Wilferd,75, 327 Sircar, D.C, 82, 135, 182, 207, 208, 240, 297, 299, 319 Sivagupta, 176 Skandavarman, 98 Smaller Lieden Plate, 39 Smith, V, 248 Soda Mandala, 155 Sodabisiya, 330 Sodia Poraja, 43, 44, 45, 46, 211, 333 Somavamsis, 38, 176, 180, 181, 186, 202, 208, 240, 249
357
Sombartuta, 99, 105 Somesvara, 3, 7, 12, 14, 17, 18, 19, 28, 49, 67, 92, 132, 159, 179, 180, 196, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 212, 213, 230, 231, 235, 236, 237, 238, 285, 286, 324 Somesvara I, 196, 197, 203, 205, 324 Sonepur, 181, 204, 205, 230, 231, 235, 236, 237 South Kalinga, 80, 253, 256, 288 South Kosala, 1, 19, 62, 98, 176, 180, 181, 202, 230, 235, 236, 237, 249, 252, 253, 286, 293, 309 Southern Kosala, 3, 4 Srirangam plates, 250 Srisaila,, 150, 152 Stuart, H.A, 244 Suana Puja, 80 Sunarpal inscriptions, 197 Sundara, 1 Suraparaju, 263 Suryanarayana, K, 207 Suvarnapura, 154, 176, 181, 202, 230, 235 Svetaka Gangas, 100, 101 Tagara Poraja, 309 Takra, 307 Tamil, 1, 2, 4, 11, 15, 20, 23, 24, 27, 31, 33, 39, 42, 43, 49, 50, 77, 212, 308 Tammara inscription, 197 Tanjore inscription, 2 Taylor, Rev.W, 61 Tel, 8, 235, 247, 248, 253, 254 Tel river, 8 Telavaha river, 247 Telin Ghatt, 253 Telinga, 249, 250 Telingiri, 247, 248, 254 Telivaha, 248
Telugu-Choda, 180, 181, 203, 204, 205 Tentulikhunti, 34, 51, 56 Thana plate, 250 Thurston E, 62, 71, 93, 135, 145, 186, 244, 272, 337 Thurston, Edgar, 125 Thusu, K.N, 48 Thusu, Kidar Nath, 135, 311 Tirathgarh, 229 Tirumalai Inscriptions, 5, 54, 81, 92, 288 Tirumalai rock, 3, 6 Tirumukkudal inscription, 8 Tiruvalangadu grant, 3 Trailokyamalla,, 323 Tramiradesaanghatam., 1 Tribhuvana Mahadevi, 97, 154, 176 Tribhuvnamalla Vira, 285 Trikalayogi Siddhantadeva, 284 Trikalinga, 81, 82, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104, 105, 106, 107, 154, 161, 162, 174, 194, 202, 203, 210, 216, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, 279, 283, 285, 288, 289, 290, 293, 297, 316, 336 Trikalingadhipati, 28, 98, 99, 100, 105, 154, 176, 203, 286, 289, 324 Trilinga, 102, 249, 250, 251, 254 Trilinga,, 249, 250, 251, 254 Tripathy, S, 208, 254 Tripathy, Sunderlal., 297 Tripuri, 6, 67, 156, 157, 176, 178, 230, 249, 286, 324 Tsrling, 254 Tugara, 307 Tyagis, 243 Udayana, 282 Utkala, 6, 7, 178, 179, 180, 202, 203, 230, 249, 252, 253, 254, 281, 286 Uttama Chola, 1
358
Vaidumbas, 292, 334, 335, 336 Vajrahasta II, 290, 335 Vajrahastadeva, 103, 155 Vakataka, 51, 97, 98, 280, 297 Vayiragaram, 16, 19, 20, 25 Velanti Rajendra Choda, 56 Vengi, 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28, 31, 32, 33, 36, 49, 50, 56, 57, 67, 70, 92, 93, 148, 160, 161, 162, 178, 194, 196, 200, 201, 202, 205, 206, 207, 210, 212, 213, 214, 249, 263, 264, 283, 285, 289, 290, 291, 293, 299, 317, 336, 337 Vijayaditya IV, 289 Vijayaditya IV Kollabhaganda, 289 Vijayaditya VII, 6, 11, 13, 18, 23, 25, 67, 178, 324 Vijayanagar Empire, 287 Vijrahasta, 67, 155 Vikrama Chola, 26, 27, 28, 29, 68 Vikramaditya, 4, 7, 12, 13, 14, 17, 19, 20, 27, 28, 49, 50, 67, 200, 201, 203, 212, 213, 214, 230, 236, 280, 282, 290, 293, 324
Vimaladitya, 2, 15, 284 Vinayaka Deva, 278 Virachoda, 56, 68, 202, 283 Viranandi- Sidhanta, 285 Virarajendra, vii, 3, 8, 11, 12, 13, 14, 17, 23, 32, 33, 36, 39, 49, 179, 203, 212, 213, 324 Vishamasiddhi, 283 Vizagapatam, 11, 28, 124, 125, 153, 155, 241, 242, 244, 256, 297, 328, 338, 340 Vrihatkodila grant, 23 Vyghraraja, 283 Western Chalukya, 3, 4, 8, 10, 14, 19, 80, 98, 212, 288, 296 Western Gangas, 97, 107, 109, 111, 150, 151, 152, 153, 156, 158, 159, 160, 171, 173, 174, 175, 282, 292, 293, 294, 295 Wild Bottle Gourd, 47 Yasoraja, 237, 238 Yayatinagar, 6,7, 61, 178 Yazdani, G, 181
359
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Culture Heritage History and Historiography in Dandakaranya

Culture Heritage History and Historiography in Dandakaranya

ISBN 978 81 909364 4 6

Published by Das Kornel, 2010 kornel_das@yahoo.com

CHOLAS OF TAMIL COUNTRY IN KALINGA, CHAKRAKOTE, VENGI AND DAKSHINA KOSALA

Cholas of Tamil Country

Chola Rajendra I (A.D.1012-1044)

Rajendra I the Conqueror of Purvadesa

Rajendra I and Indraratha of Somavamsin

Rajadhiraja I as joint ruler (A.D. 1018-1052)

Virarajendra and Eastern Ganga

Virarajendra and nephew Prince Rajendra Chola of Eastern Chalukya in Chakrakotam

Battle between Virarajendra and Vikarmaditya in Chakrakuta

Kulottunga I left Vengi to Vijayaditya VII, paternal uncle

Jayasimha II of Western Chalukya and Sakkarakottam

Adhirajendra (A.D.1068 to 1070)

Kulottunga Chola I and his stay in Koraput-Bastar Region

The smaller Leiden plates (53) of Kulottunga I Translation

Kulottanga Is sons ruling Vengi

Vikram Chola in Vengi Country

Rajaraja II, Velanati Chief Anantavarma Chodaganga

First Kalinga war

Second Kalinga war

Some Chola Inscriptions pointing to Koraput district

Pradhani Family of Nowrangapur and relation to Eastern Gangas and Chola

51. 52. 53. 54. 55.

146. 147. 148 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154.

Sodia Poraja men and women in Amliamguda village

Sodia Poraja traditional dress and ornaments

Siva Linga on the bunds of Bodo-bondho .

Siva with Bull, typical Choda sculpture, Chitrakuta

Silahara Jimtavahahana, with Garuda?

Manda Kupli top in Anchala village

A Brusha in Manda Kupli

Anchala village Siva temple Brushas view

Anchala village Siva temple Brusha, side

GUMMA AND HISTORY

Koya women in traditional costume and hair style

Koya Menhir inside the village

Wooden Menhir in Tamasa village

History and Koya of Malkangiri, Orissa

Koya Traditional Marriage Snake Dance( Photo: S.B.Saxena)

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Some Observations on Kondhs

Kondh lady with her traditional ornaments

Desia Kondhs of Laxmipur

Desia Kondh men, Chkrakote

Desia Kondh women in Eastern Ghats

Desia Kondhs and History

Kuttia Kondh men

MARIA TRIBE OF BASTAR

Maria tribesmen in a weekly market

Maria women in work house

Bison horn Maria drummers

MENHIRS IN BISON-HORN MARIAS IN BASTAR

KONDA PORAJA OR CHELLIA PORAJA

Konda Poraja Family

Konda Poraja Gurumaie

Some claim Gumel and are also Hantal as separate phratry.

Chellia Poraja or Konda Poraja and History

Konda Poraja women in traditional ornaments

BALIMELLA DAM ARCHAEOLOGICAL FINDS

Lord Visnu (damaged)