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Washingtons Farewell Address - 1796 - Friends and Citizens:

The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United
States being not far distant, and the time actuall arrived when our thoughts must be emploed
in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper,
especiall as it ma conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that ! should now
apprise ou of the resolution ! have formed, to decline being considered among the number of
those out of whom a choice is to be made"
! beg ou, at the same time, to do me the #ustice to be assured that this resolution has not been
ta$en without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a
dutiful citizen to his countr% and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in m
situation might impl, ! am in&uenced b no diminution of zeal for our future interest, no
de'cienc of grateful respect for our past $indness, but am supported b a full conviction that
the step is compatible with both"
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the o(ce to which our su)rages have twice
called me have been a uniform sacri'ce of inclination to the opinion of dut and to a deference
for what appeared to be our desire" ! constantl hoped that it would have been much earlier in
m power, consistentl with motives which ! was not at libert to disregard, to return to that
retirement from which ! had been reluctantl drawn" The strength of m inclination to do this,
previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to ou%
but mature re&ection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our a)airs with foreign
nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to m con'dence, impelled me to
abandon the idea"
! re#oice that the state of our concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the
pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of dut or propriet, and am persuaded,
whatever partialit ma be retained for m services, that, in the present circumstances of our
countr, ou will not disapprove m determination to retire"
The impressions with which ! 'rst undertoo$ the arduous trust were explained on the proper
occasion" !n the discharge of this trust, ! will onl sa that ! have, with good intentions,
contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of
which a ver fallible #udgment was capable" *ot unconscious in the outset of the inferiorit of m
+uali'cations, experience in m own ees, perhaps still more in the ees of others, has
strengthened the motives to di(dence of mself% and ever da the increasing weight of ears
admonishes me more and more that the shade of retirement is as necessar to me as it will be
welcome" Satis'ed that if an circumstances have given peculiar value to m services, the were
temporar, ! have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to +uit
the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it"
!n loo$ing forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of m public life, m
feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep ac$nowledgment of that debt of gratitude which !
owe to m beloved countr for the man honors it has conferred upon me% still more for the
steadfast con'dence with which it has supported me% and for the opportunities ! have thence
en#oed of manifesting m inviolable attachment, b services faithful and persevering, though in
usefulness une+ual to m zeal" !f bene'ts have resulted to our countr from these services, let it
alwas be remembered to our praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under
circumstances in which the passions, agitated in ever direction, were liable to mislead, amidst
appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in
which not unfre+uentl want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constanc of
our support was the essential prop of the e)orts, and a guarantee of the plans b which the
were e)ected" ,rofoundl penetrated with this idea, ! shall carr it with me to m grave, as a
strong incitement to unceasing vows that heaven ma continue to ou the choicest to$ens of its
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bene'cence% that our union and brotherl a)ection ma be perpetual% that the free
Constitution, which is the wor$ of our hands, ma be sacredl maintained% that its
administration in ever department ma be stamped with wisdom and virtue% that, in 'ne, the
happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of libert, ma be made complete b
so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will ac+uire to them the glor of
recommending it to the applause, the a)ection, and adoption of ever nation which is et a
stranger to it"
.ere, perhaps, ! ought to stop" /ut a solicitude for our welfare, which cannot end but with m
life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion li$e the
present, to o)er to our solemn contemplation, and to recommend to our fre+uent review, some
sentiments which are the result of much re&ection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which
appear to me all0important to the permanenc of our felicit as a people" These will be o)ered
to ou with the more freedom, as ou can onl see in them the disinterested warnings of a
parting friend, who can possibl have no personal motive to bias his counsel" *or can ! forget, as
an encouragement to it, our indulgent reception of m sentiments on a former and not
dissimilar occasion"
!nterwoven as is the love of libert with ever ligament of our hearts, no recommendation of
mine is necessar to fortif or con'rm the attachment"
The unit of government which constitutes ou one people is also now dear to ou" !t is #ustl so,
for it is a main pillar in the edi'ce of our real independence, the support of our tran+uilit at
home, our peace abroad% of our safet% of our prosperit% of that ver libert which ou so
highl prize" /ut as it is eas to foresee that, from di)erent causes and from di)erent +uarters,
much pains will be ta$en, man arti'ces emploed to wea$en in our minds the conviction of this
truth% as this is the point in our political fortress against which the batteries of internal and
external enemies will be most constantl and activel 1though often covertl and insidiousl2
directed, it is of in'nite moment that ou should properl estimate the immense value of our
national union to our collective and individual happiness% that ou should cherish a cordial,
habitual, and immovable attachment to it% accustoming ourselves to thin$ and spea$ of it as of
the palladium of our political safet and prosperit% watching for its preservation with #ealous
anxiet% discountenancing whatever ma suggest even a suspicion that it can in an event be
abandoned% and indignantl frowning upon the 'rst dawning of ever attempt to alienate an
portion of our countr from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now lin$ together the
various parts"
For this ou have ever inducement of smpath and interest" Citizens, b birth or choice, of a
common countr, that countr has a right to concentrate our a)ections" The name of 3merican,
which belongs to ou in our sect capacit, must alwas exalt the #ust pride of patriotism more
than an appellation derived from local discriminations" 4ith slight shades of di)erence, ou
have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles" 5ou have in a common cause
fought and triumphed together% the independence and libert ou possess are the wor$ of #oint
counsels, and #oint e)orts of common dangers, su)erings, and successes"
/ut these considerations, however powerfull the address themselves to our sensibilit, are
greatl outweighed b those which appl more immediatel to our interest" .ere ever portion
of our countr 'nds the most commanding motives for carefull guarding and preserving the
union of the whole"
The *orth, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected b the e+ual laws of a
common government, 'nds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime
and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industr" The South, in the
same intercourse, bene'ting b the agenc of the *orth, sees its agriculture grow and its
commerce expand" Turning partl into its own channels the seamen of the *orth, it 'nds its
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particular navigation invigorated% and, while it contributes, in di)erent was, to nourish and
increase the general mass of the national navigation, it loo$s forward to the protection of a
maritime strength, to which itself is une+uall adapted" The 7ast, in a li$e intercourse with the
4est, alread 'nds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications b land and
water, will more and more 'nd a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad,
or manufactures at home" The 4est derives from the 7ast supplies re+uisite to its growth and
comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater conse+uence, it must of necessit owe the secure
en#oment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, in&uence, and the
future maritime strength of the 3tlantic side of the Union, directed b an indissoluble communit
of interest as one nation" 3n other tenure b which the 4est can hold this essential advantage,
whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection
with an foreign power, must be intrinsicall precarious"
4hile, then, ever part of our countr thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all
the parts combined cannot fail to 'nd in the united mass of means and e)orts greater strength,
greater resource, proportionabl greater securit from external danger, a less fre+uent
interruption of their peace b foreign nations% and, what is of inestimable value, the must derive
from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so fre+uentl
a8ict neighboring countries not tied together b the same governments, which their own rival
ships alone would be su(cient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments,
and intrigues would stimulate and embitter" .ence, li$ewise, the will avoid the necessit of
those overgrown militar establishments which, under an form of government, are inauspicious
to libert, and which are to be regarded as particularl hostile to republican libert" !n this sense
it is that our union ought to be considered as a main prop of our libert, and that the love of
the one ought to endear to ou the preservation of the other"
These considerations spea$ a persuasive language to ever re&ecting and virtuous mind, and
exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primar ob#ect of patriotic desire" !s there a doubt
whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere9 :et experience solve it" To listen
to mere speculation in such a case were criminal" 4e are authorized to hope that a proper
organization of the whole with the auxiliar agenc of governments for the respective
subdivisions, will a)ord a happ issue to the experiment" !t is well worth a fair and full
experiment" 4ith such powerful and obvious motives to union, a)ecting all parts of our countr,
while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticabilit, there will alwas be reason to
distrust the patriotism of those who in an +uarter ma endeavor to wea$en its bands"
!n contemplating the causes which ma disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern
that an ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties b geographical
discriminations, *orthern and Southern, 3tlantic and 4estern% whence designing men ma
endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real di)erence of local interests and views" ;ne of the
expedients of part to ac+uire in&uence within particular districts is to misrepresent the opinions
and aims of other districts" 5ou cannot shield ourselves too much against the #ealousies and
heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations% the tend to render alien to each
other those who ought to be bound together b fraternal a)ection" The inhabitants of our
4estern countr have latel had a useful lesson on this head% the have seen, in the negotiation
b the 7xecutive, and in the unanimous rati'cation b the Senate, of the treat with Spain, and
in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how
unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a polic in the <eneral <overnment
and in the 3tlantic States unfriendl to their interests in regard to the =ississippi% the have been
witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with <reat /ritain, and that with Spain, which
secure to them everthing the could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards
con'rming their prosperit" 4ill it not be their wisdom to rel for the preservation of these
advantages on the Union b which the were procured 9 4ill the not henceforth be deaf to
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those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them
with aliens9
To the e(cac and permanenc of our Union, a government for the whole is indispensable" *o
alliance, however strict, between the parts can be an ade+uate substitute% the must inevitabl
experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced"
Sensible of this momentous truth, ou have improved upon our 'rst essa, b the adoption of a
constitution of government better calculated than our former for an intimate union, and for the
e(cacious management of our common concerns" This government, the o)spring of our own
choice, unin&uenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation,
completel free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting securit with energ,
and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a #ust claim to our
con'dence and our support" ?espect for its authorit, compliance with its laws, ac+uiescence in
its measures, are duties en#oined b the fundamental maxims of true libert" The basis of our
political sstems is the right of the people to ma$e and to alter their constitutions of government"
/ut the Constitution which at an time exists, till changed b an explicit and authentic act of the
whole people, is sacredl obligator upon all" The ver idea of the power and the right of the
people to establish government presupposes the dut of ever individual to obe the established
government"
3ll obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever
plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular
deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental
principle, and of fatal tendenc" The serve to organize faction, to give it an arti'cial and
extraordinar force% to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a part,
often a small but artful and enterprising minorit of the communit% and, according to the
alternate triumphs of di)erent parties, to ma$e the public administration the mirror of the ill0
concerted and incongruous pro#ects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and
wholesome plans digested b common counsels and modi'ed b mutual interests"
.owever combinations or associations of the above description ma now and then answer
popular ends, the are li$el, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, b
which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the
people and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroing afterwards the ver
engines which have lifted them to un#ust dominion"
Towards the preservation of our government, and the permanenc of our present happ state,
it is re+uisite, not onl that ou steadil discountenance irregular oppositions to its
ac$nowledged authorit, but also that ou resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its
principles, however specious the pretexts" ;ne method of assault ma be to e)ect, in the forms
of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energ of the sstem, and thus to undermine
what cannot be directl overthrown" !n all the changes to which ou ma be invited, remember
that time and habit are at least as necessar to 'x the true character of governments as of other
human institutions% that experience is the surest standard b which to test the real tendenc of
the existing constitution of a countr% that facilit in changes, upon the credit of mere hpothesis
and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variet of hpothesis and opinion%
and remember, especiall, that for the e(cient management of our common interests, in a
countr so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect
securit of libert is indispensable" :ibert itself will 'nd in such a government, with powers
properl distributed and ad#usted, its surest guardian" !t is, indeed, little else than a name, where
the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to con'ne each member of
the societ within the limits prescribed b the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tran+uil
en#oment of the rights of person and propert"
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! have alread intimated to ou the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the
founding of them on geographical discriminations" :et me now ta$e a more comprehensive view,
and warn ou in the most solemn manner against the baneful e)ects of the spirit of part
generall"
This spirit, unfortunatel, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions
of the human mind" !t exists under di)erent shapes in all governments, more or less sti&ed,
controlled, or repressed% but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest ran$ness, and
is trul their worst enem"
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened b the spirit of revenge, natural
to part dissension, which in di)erent ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid
enormities, is itself a frightful despotism" /ut this leads at length to a more formal and
permanent despotism" The disorders and miseries which result graduall incline the minds of
men to see$ securit and repose in the absolute power of an individual% and sooner or later the
chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this
disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public libert"
4ithout loo$ing forward to an extremit of this $ind 1which nevertheless ought not to be entirel
out of sight2, the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of part are su(cient to ma$e it
the interest and dut of a wise people to discourage and restrain it"
!t serves alwas to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration" !t agitates
the communit with ill0founded #ealousies and false alarms, $indles the animosit of one part
against another, foments occasionall riot and insurrection" !t opens the door to foreign in&uence
and corruption, which 'nds a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of
part passions" Thus the polic and the will of one countr are sub#ected to the polic and will of
another"
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful chec$s upon the administration of the
government and serve to $eep alive the spirit of libert" This within certain limits is probabl true%
and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism ma loo$ with indulgence, if not with favor,
upon the spirit of part" /ut in those of the popular character, in governments purel elective, it
is a spirit not to be encouraged" From their natural tendenc, it is certain there will alwas be
enough of that spirit for ever salutar purpose" 3nd there being constant danger of excess, the
e)ort ought to be b force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it" 3 're not to be
+uenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a &ame, lest, instead of
warming, it should consume"
!t is important, li$ewise, that the habits of thin$ing in a free countr should inspire caution in
those entrusted with its administration, to con'ne themselves within their respective
constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach
upon another" The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments
in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism" 3 #ust estimate of
that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is
su(cient to satisf us of the truth of this position" The necessit of reciprocal chec$s in the
exercise of political power, b dividing and distributing it into di)erent depositaries, and
constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions b the others, has been
evinced b experiments ancient and modern% some of them in our countr and under our own
ees" To preserve them must be as necessar as to institute them" !f, in the opinion of the
people, the distribution or modi'cation of the constitutional powers be in an particular wrong,
let it be corrected b an amendment in the wa which the Constitution designates" /ut let there
be no change b usurpation% for though this, in one instance, ma be the instrument of good, it is
the customar weapon b which free governments are destroed" The precedent must alwas
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greatl overbalance in permanent evil an partial or transient bene't, which the use can at an
time ield"
;f all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperit, religion and moralit are
indispensable supports" !n vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor
to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these 'rmest props of the duties of men and
citizens" The mere politician, e+uall with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them" 3
volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicit" :et it simpl be
as$ed: 4here is the securit for propert, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious
obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of #ustice 9 3nd
let us with caution indulge the supposition that moralit can be maintained without religion"
4hatever ma be conceded to the in&uence of re'ned education on minds of peculiar structure,
reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national moralit can prevail in exclusion of
religious principle"
!t is substantiall true that virtue or moralit is a necessar spring of popular government" The
rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to ever species of free government" 4ho that is a
sincere friend to it can loo$ with indi)erence upon attempts to sha$e the foundation of the
fabric9
,romote then, as an ob#ect of primar importance, institutions for the general di)usion of
$nowledge" !n proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is
essential that public opinion should be enlightened"
3s a ver important source of strength and securit, cherish public credit" ;ne method of
preserving it is to use it as sparingl as possible, avoiding occasions of expense b cultivating
peace, but remembering also that timel disbursements to prepare for danger fre+uentl prevent
much greater disbursements to repel it, avoiding li$ewise the accumulation of debt, not onl b
shunning occasions of expense, but b vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge the debts
which unavoidable wars ma have occasioned, not ungenerousl throwing upon posterit the
burden which we ourselves ought to bear" The execution of these maxims belongs to our
representatives, but it is necessar that public opinion should co0operate" To facilitate to them
the performance of their dut, it is essential that ou should practicall bear in mind that towards
the pament of debts there must be revenue% that to have revenue there must be taxes% that no
taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant% that the intrinsic
embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper ob#ects 1which is alwas a choice of
di(culties2, ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the
government in ma$ing it, and for a spirit of ac+uiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue,
which the public exigencies ma at an time dictate"
;bserve good faith and #ustice towards all nations% cultivate peace and harmon with all" ?eligion
and moralit en#oin this conduct% and can it be, that good polic does not e+uall en#oin it 0 !t will
be worth of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to man$ind the
magnanimous and too novel example of a people alwas guided b an exalted #ustice and
benevolence" 4ho can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan
would richl repa an temporar advantages which might be lost b a stead adherence to it 9
Can it be that ,rovidence has not connected the permanent felicit of a nation with its virtue 9
The experiment, at least, is recommended b ever sentiment which ennobles human nature"
3lasB is it rendered impossible b its vices9
!n the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate
antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be
excluded% and that, in place of them, #ust and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated"
The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some
degree a slave" !t is a slave to its animosit or to its a)ection, either of which is su(cient to lead
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it astra from its dut and its interest" 3ntipath in one nation against another disposes each
more readil to o)er insult and in#ur, to la hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haught
and intractable, when accidental or tri&ing occasions of dispute occur" .ence, fre+uent collisions,
obstinate, envenomed, and blood contests" The nation, prompted b ill0will and resentment,
sometimes impels to war the government, contrar to the best calculations of polic" The
government sometimes participates in the national propensit, and adopts through passion what
reason would re#ect% at other times it ma$es the animosit of the nation subservient to pro#ects
of hostilit instigated b pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives" The peace
often, sometimes perhaps the libert, of nations, has been the victim"
So li$ewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variet of evils"
Smpath for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginar common interest in
cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other,
betras the former into a participation in the +uarrels and wars of the latter without ade+uate
inducement or #usti'cation" !t leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied
to others which is apt doubl to in#ure the nation ma$ing the concessions% b unnecessaril
parting with what ought to have been retained, and b exciting #ealous, ill0will, and a disposition
to retaliate, in the parties from whom e+ual privileges are withheld" 3nd it gives to ambitious,
corrupted, or deluded citizens 1who devote themselves to the favorite nation2, facilit to betra
or sacri'ce the interests of their own countr, without odium, sometimes even with popularit%
gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for
public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition,
corruption, or infatuation"
3s avenues to foreign in&uence in innumerable was, such attachments are particularl alarming
to the trul enlightened and independent patriot" .ow man opportunities do the a)ord to
tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to
in&uence or awe the public councils" Such an attachment of a small or wea$ towards a great and
powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter"
3gainst the insidious wiles of foreign in&uence 1! con#ure ou to believe me, fellow0citizens2 the
#ealous of a free people ought to be constantl awa$e, since histor and experience prove that
foreign in&uence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government" /ut that #ealous to
be useful must be impartial% else it becomes the instrument of the ver in&uence to be avoided,
instead of a defense against it" 7xcessive partialit for one foreign nation and excessive disli$e of
another cause those whom the actuate to see danger onl on one side, and serve to veil and
even second the arts of in&uence on the other" ?eal patriots who ma resist the intrigues of the
favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause
and con'dence of the people, to surrender their interests"
The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial
relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible" So far as we have alread
formed engagements, let them be ful'lled with perfect good faith" .ere let us stop" 7urope has a
set of primar interests which to us have none% or a ver remote relation" .ence she must be
engaged in fre+uent controversies, the causes of which are essentiall foreign to our concerns"
.ence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves b arti'cial ties in the ordinar
vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinar combinations and collisions of her friendships or
enmities"
;ur detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a di)erent course" !f we
remain one people under an e(cient government" the period is not far o) when we ma def
material in#ur from external annoance% when we ma ta$e such an attitude as will cause the
neutralit we ma at an time resolve upon to be scrupulousl respected% when belligerent
nations, under the impossibilit of ma$ing ac+uisitions upon us, will not lightl hazard the giving
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us provocation% when we ma choose peace or war, as our interest, guided b #ustice, shall
counsel"
4h forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation9 4h +uit our own to stand upon foreign
ground9 4h, b interweaving our destin with that of an part of 7urope, entangle our peace
and prosperit in the toils of 7uropean ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice9
!t is our true polic to steer clear of permanent alliances with an portion of the foreign world% so
far, ! mean, as we are now at libert to do it% for let me not be understood as capable of
patronizing in'delit to existing engagements" ! hold the maxim no less applicable to public than
to private a)airs, that honest is alwas the best polic" ! repeat it, therefore, let those
engagements be observed in their genuine sense" /ut, in m opinion, it is unnecessar and
would be unwise to extend them"
Ta$ing care alwas to $eep ourselves b suitable establishments on a respectable defensive
posture, we ma safel trust to temporar alliances for extraordinar emergencies"
.armon, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended b polic, humanit, and
interest" /ut even our commercial polic should hold an e+ual and impartial hand% neither
see$ing nor granting exclusive favors or preferences% consulting the natural course of things%
di)using and diversifing b gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing%
establishing 1with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to de'ne the rights
of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them2 conventional rules of
intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporar,
and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall
dictate% constantl $eeping in view that it is foll in one nation to loo$ for disinterested favors
from another% that it must pa with a portion of its independence for whatever it ma accept
under that character% that, b such acceptance, it ma place itself in the condition of having
given e+uivalents for nominal favors, and et of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving
more" There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to
nation" !t is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a #ust pride ought to discard"
!n o)ering to ou, m countrmen, these counsels of an old and a)ectionate friend, ! dare not
hope the will ma$e the strong and lasting impression ! could wish% that the will control the
usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto
mar$ed the destin of nations" /ut, if ! ma even &atter mself that the ma be productive of
some partial bene't, some occasional good% that the ma now and then recur to moderate the
fur of part spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the
impostures of pretended patriotism% this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for our
welfare, b which the have been dictated"
.ow far in the discharge of m o(cial duties ! have been guided b the principles which have
been delineated, the public records and other evidences of m conduct must witness to ou and
to the world" To mself, the assurance of m own conscience is, that ! have at least believed
mself to be guided b them"
!n relation to the still subsisting war in 7urope, m proclamation of the twent0second of 3pril,
!CE6, is the index of m plan" Sanctioned b our approving voice, and b that of our
representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continuall governed
me, unin&uenced b an attempts to deter or divert me from it"
3fter deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights ! could obtain, ! was well satis'ed
that our countr, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to ta$e, and was bound in
dut and interest to ta$e, a neutral position" .aving ta$en it, ! determined, as far as should
depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and 'rmness"
E
The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessar on this
occasion to detail" ! will onl observe that, according to m understanding of the matter, that
right, so far from being denied b an of the belligerent powers, has been virtuall admitted b
all"
The dut of holding a neutral conduct ma be inferred, without anthing more, from the
obligation which #ustice and humanit impose on ever nation, in cases in which it is free to act,
to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amit towards other nations"
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to our own
re&ections and experience" 4ith me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to
our countr to settle and mature its et recent institutions, and to progress without interruption
to that degree of strength and consistenc which is necessar to give it, humanl spea$ing, the
command of its own fortunes"
Though, in reviewing the incidents of m administration, ! am unconscious of intentional error, !
am nevertheless too sensible of m defects not to thin$ it probable that ! ma have committed
man errors" 4hatever the ma be, ! ferventl beseech the 3lmight to avert or mitigate the
evils to which the ma tend" ! shall also carr with me the hope that m countr will never
cease to view them with indulgence% and that, after fort 've ears of m life dedicated to its
service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as
mself must soon be to the mansions of rest"
?eling on its $indness in this as in other things, and actuated b that fervent love towards it,
which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for
several generations, ! anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which ! promise mself
to realize, without allo, the sweet en#oment of parta$ing, in the midst of m fellow0citizens, the
benign in&uence of good laws under a free government, the ever0favorite ob#ect of m heart, and
the happ reward, as ! trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers" - Geo. Washington.
1" Summarize 4ashingtoonFs thoughts on nationalism" Cite an example from the text" 4hat
theme is best represented here9
-" Summarize 4ashingtonFs views on the new government under the Constitution" Cite an
example from the text" 4hat theme is best represented here9
6" Summarize 4ashingtonFs views on political parties" Cite an example from the text" 4hat
theme is best represented here"