1ournal of Ethnology and Anthropology

Volume 1, Number 2, April 2009

Publisher
Bucharest University, Faculty oI Foreign Languages and Literatures
Paideia Publishing House
Address of the Editorial Board
Paideia Publishing House
Bucharest,
15 Tudor Arghezi Street, sector 2
e-mail: antoanetaoyahoo.com, oIfcepaideia.ro
http://www.paideia.ro
Editors
Antoaneta Olteanu, Bucharest University
Nicolae Constantinescu, Bucharest University
Editorial Board
Otilia Hedesan, West University, Timisoara, Romania
Nicolae Panea, University oI Craiova, Romania
Narcisa Stiuc, Bucharest University, Romania
Vilmos Keszeg, ,Babes-Bolyiai University in Cluj-Napoca, Romania
Petru Ursache, ,Al.I. Cuza University in Iassi, Romania
International Editorial Council
Rajko Mursic, University oI Ljubljana, Slovenia
Eva Pocs, University oI Pecs, Hungary
Czeslaw Robotycki, Jagiellonian University, Cracow, Poland
S.M. Tolstaia, Institute oI Slavic and Balkan Studies, Moscow, Russia
Milos Tomandl, Charles Universiy, Prague, Czech Republic
ISSN 2067-5666
Revist de etnologie yi antropologie
1ournal of Ethnology and Anthropology
Volume 1, Number 2, April 2009
Cuprins/ Contents
Studii/ Articles ......................................................................................................7
Heather J. Murphy
Jirtually Human. Space ana Culture in the virtual Worla ...............................7
Alexandra Tttan
Reaaing the Apothropaic. Practices ana Mentalities of Defense ........................17
Bogdan Neagota
Aspecte aemonologice in culturile populare slave .......................................27
Antoaneta Olteanu
Ofranae rituale la popoarele balcanice ........................................................33
Carmen Drbus
Gastronomia, parte a memoriei colective
(Literatura popular aroman) .....................................................................51
Petra Novak
The Apostle Peter in the (Folk) Culture of Slovenian People .......................57
Gyz Zsigmond
Specihc Transylvanian Games ana Toys .......................................................67
Gheorghe Pavelescu
The Soul-bira in the context of Inao-European Culture .................................75
Anamaria Stnescu
The Image of the Turk in Romanian Folk Culture .........................................79
Spela Pahor
,Po molku ni kaf pisati`. Nekaf paberkov o pregovorih
in rekih na poarocfu aanasnfe Slovenske Istre ...............................................89
Recenzii/ Reviews .............................................................................................105
Autori/ Authors .................................................................................................113
7 Studii / Articles
HEATHER J. MURPHY
VIRTUALLY HUMAN:
SPACE AND CULTURE IN THE VIRTUAL WORLD
This research and the ensuing report was undertaken as part oI a Iour-week undergraduate research
project conducted between October and November 2008, with the theme oI space analysis Irom a cultural
perspective. She extends a debt oI gratitude to her co-conspirators Ior this project, Luke Buckley and Katie
Chapman, and also to Dr. Richard Baxstrom, Dr. Joost Fontein, and Akshay Khanna Ior their constructive
comments, keen eyes, and helpIul suggestions along the way. And oI course, none oI this would have been
possible without the advice, inIormation, and support Irom all oI the wonderIul Second LiIe residents who
contributed to this study.
Key words: Virtual Anthropology, Internet, Transnational, Embodiment, Gender, Proxemics
Cercetarea de Ia se constituie ca parte a unui proiect de cercetare studenesc pe o perioad de patru
sptmni, ntre lunile octombrie noiembrie 2008, avnd ca tem analiza spaiului din perspectiv
cultural. Mulumim celor care contribuit la realizarea acestui proiect, Luke Buckley si Katie Chapman si,
de asemenea, Dr. Richard Baxstrom, Dr. Joost Fontein si Akshay Khanna pentru comentariile constructive,
ochiul critic si sugestiile oIerite pe parcursul activitii. Si bineneles, nimic din tot ceea ce am realizat nu
ar f Iost posibil Ir sIaturile, inIormaiile si suportul tuturor locuitorilor din Second LiIe, care au contribuit
la acest studiu.
Cuvinte cheie: antropologie virtual, internet, transnaional, ncarnare, Gender Studies, proxemic
There is a aance oor, ana this aance oor is lit. On it lie small, equiaistantly spacea boxes, arrangea
in a gria pattern. The lights from the oor moaulate intensely, perhaps to compliment the bi:arre ana
eccentric movements that take place on its surface. There is structure to this place. no-one hangs
arouna aimlessly, or simply walks through, ana in each area of aancing, all are synchronisea, with
every arm, boay ana leg movement precisely co-orainatea. Every person in this club is partaking
in an activity, activities that follow strict rules, ana activities that are aesignea, hxea ana enforcea.
Like many rules, they only become apparent when they are broken. Suaaenly, a loua bang is heara.
a woman with a pet tiger runs through the club, ana a shea appears on the aance oor. In real life,
one might be rubbing ones eyes at this point, but this however, is not real life. The worla you have
enterea is aissimilar to any you are likely to have encounterea, you have enterea Secona Life.
Introduction
With technological advances enabling internet users Irom all over the world to interrelate with
each other on a much greater scale, and with virtual communication allowing ideas to be shared
and projects to be embarked upon without participants ever needing to physically meet in real
liIe`, as it were, it is oI no surprise that the internet has been a breeding ground Ior social
exchanges which may never otherwise have taken place. Internet users Irom the opposite side
8
oI the globe to each other can meet` online, enter conversation, and, over time, come to build a
legitimate relationship into which all parties oIten invest great amounts oI time and emotion. OI
course, there are many online platIorms Irom which such an encounter can occur, and each has
its own characteristics and principles which undoubtedly, iI unconsciously, attribute to the type
oI relationship that its users go on to establish with each other. Textual-based chat rooms, Ior
example, cause the participants to rely to a much greater extent upon the linguistic exchange,
as that is all they have to interact with each other. On the other hand, a more graphic virtual
environment not only relies on the textual exchange, but also on the way that a user chooses to
present their avatar literally, their virtual representation to other users. With this in mind,
then, it is arguable that the latter type oI platIorm has much more infuence on how its` users
interact, and as such may be thought oI more in terms oI a society group than the textual chat
room. And oI course, with that, come all the usual concepts and rules that we have come to
recognise Irom a society Irom the hierarchical power structures, to the etiquette rules, and
Irom the gender stereotyping to the unspoken taboos. I will examine how the virtual space
Second LiIe` (hosted at: www.secondliIe.com) has a very specifc culture oI its own, which
has been curiously produced through the merging oI cultures oI its international users, and how
space is construed in this ultimately space-less domain.
Second LiIe is a user-created virtual world, which enables 'users to build virtual lives, with
virtual bodies, virtual objects, and virtual homes, so that can have real tangible value ana
meaning (Jones 2008:4, italics mine). Indeed, Second LiIe is much more than a virtual space.
Its pixelated graphic environment, its use oI colour, and the participants` visible avatars all
make it a greater sensory Ieast than the standard online chat room. The in-game currency,
Linden Dollars, has a real world exchange rate with U.S Dollars, and as BoellstorII notes,
'virtual worlds are places in their own right (BoellstorII 2008:112). BoellstorII`s assertion
naturally bears an idea oI distinction between virtual space and real space, whereby although
in the grander scheme oI the internet, a domain space is entirely abstract and has no physical
location, it is on the other hand map-able` in the sense that it can be located on an abstract
map oI relations to other web spaces. This project will explore the space oI Second LiIe,
particularly in the context oI gender, proxemics & embodiment, to gauge the extent to which
the construction oI space in Second LiIe is dependent on culture in real liIe. Rather than being a
process oI disembodiment and distinction, as argued by scholars such as Nakamura (2002:39),
I will assert that participants in Second LiIe act in ways that are consistent with Western
cultures`, and that the cultural norms and spatial behaviour associated with real liIe (RL) are
actively maniIested in Second LiIe (SL). This will be contrasted with the way in which Second
LiIe as a transnational space is conducive to the synthesis oI culture and identity. Our aims are
perhaps best articulated by Hannerz`s thoughts on transnational space: 'These days, rather than
seeking out the comIortable intimacy oI village liIe, we debate the cultural distance between
ship and shore, and the ways oI traversing that distance (Hannerz 1997:2).
Methodology
The study oI Second LiIe presents unique methodological issues rarely Iound in other areas
oI anthropological enquiry. A key concern is one oI (selI) representation. In Second LiIe,
communication is with specifcally and intentionally constructed identities, and the link between
a Second LiIe avatar and a real liIe person is never made explicit, and is, I argue, irrelevant.
Succinctly, as one inIormant explained: .not all girly avatars are RL girlys |sic|`. This presents
9 Studii / Articles
a crucial methodological problem when attempting to gauge to what extent real (Western) liIe
is maniIested in Second LiIe. This problem was overcome by only linking Second LiIe and real
liIe in two circumstances; frstly, where the cultural ideal, and thereIore the link, is overt and
explicit, such as gender or racial representation, and secondly, where the link between Second
LiIe and real liIe was established in conversations concretely detailing this link (such as the group
discussion 'Are SL churches similar to RL churches?). The frst approach is supported by the
work oI Nakamura, who notes that 'the specifc ways in which internet users choose to represent
themselves online. reveal|s| a great deal about the cultural and ideological investments and
thus assumptions about both the other and themselves (2002:60). This approach was adopted
in light oI the scope oI the research project a Iour-week undergraduate project, rather than a
two-year doctoral feldwork , and by maintaining such a distinct methodological approach in
the establishment oI links between Second LiIe and real liIe, assuming that such a link existed
beIore the link was logically established was avoided.
A secondary issue with the study oI Second LiIe is its size. It cannot be emphasised enough
the extent to which Second LiIe literally represents a 'parallel world (Jones 2008:22), and
naturally a Iull consideration oI the world as a whole is Iar beyond our means! ThereIore, this
research Iocused on a specifc area oI Second LiIe, widely accredited by residents to give the
best example oI 'what SL is all about The Shelter.
As per standard anthropological research, I resolved to commit to participant observation in
The Shelter and its surroundings, conducting interviews in the manner oI inIormal instant
messaging, or local area chat. It was oI impetus that whilst such virtual research was dealing
with a rather new domain oI anthropological interest, it was crucial to remain IaithIul to
established methodology, just as iI Ior example it was an obscure alien tribe under scrutiny.
This was oI maximum importance as ultimately, it is only by using the methods that we know
best that any data can be meaningIully analysed later on. Furthermore, this Ielt harmonious with
Second LiIe`s status as a social application, and also allowed Iocus on a particular space without
undertaking too onerous a task in too short a time period. All oI the empirical research has been
virtual, and with the exception oI the methods detailed above to establish links between Second
LiIe and real liIe, the world oI Second LiIe was taken as it currently was at the time (October/
November 2008), and the accuracy oI residents` real liIe identities was not called into question.
This again takes a similar methodological approach to Nakamura, who notes, 'I did not try to
ascertain the real` |racial| identity oI the other players on the site. In any case, the veracity oI
this inIormation would always be in doubt, and it hardly seemed to matter, in a way (2002:53-
54). This approach is similarly adopted by BoellstorII (2008) and would appear perhaps to be
the only one possible in a virtual world where anonymity is a key principle. In this report, all
names have been removed, to ensure anonymity and confdentiality.
Limitations
Just as Larson writes about research methods when studying real liIe cultures, virtual
ethnographers are inevitably limited by their unIamiliarity with the behaviours oI those in the
society they are studying (1982:139). Some oI the initial interviews conducted were restricted
by a lack oI knowledge about acceptable topics oI conversation in Second LiIe; Ior example,
avatars were oIten reluctant to communicate openly iI too many questions were raised about real
liIe too soon aIter meeting. Furthermore, just as the presence oI an ethnographer can easily and
irreIutably infuence a situation, there were cases where the initiation oI a topic oI conversation
10
clearly infuenced the social exchange. However, by creating an avatar, becoming Iully and
legitimately involved in Second LiIe and keeping to inIormal interviews, such an impact was
kept to a minimum, in order to maintain as authentic an experience in Second LiIe as possible,
without research politics interIering. To this end, I did not actively seek to tell others upon frst
contact oI my research incentives, but all oI the relevant inIormation was publicly displayed on
the avatars` profles, should other users wish to read it. In total, the research team consisted oI 5
avatars (controlled by 3 users), who over the course oI the Iour-week feldwork period covered
all races and genders oIIered by the Second LiIe program. The research avatars operated in
Second LiIe at all diIIerent times throughout the day, in order to randomise the inIormant
spoken to, and one oI them even remained unclothed Ior the duration, in an attempt to identiIy
unspoken taboos which may convey Second LiIe/real liIe relations.
Space & the Transnational
An important question in the context oI the space oI Second LiIe is what kind oI space Second
LiIe actually is. As a parallel world, Second LiIe could be argued to represent any oI the
numerous categories oI space outlined by Low & Lawrence-Zuniga (2003), but that is beyond
the scope oI this project. Firstly, to tackle the concept oI Second LiIe as a transnational` space:
in BoellstorII`s study oI Second LiIe, the epithet oI resident` is employed to denote those who
use the program. This terminology, however, is neither unproblematic, nor neutral, and thereIore
merits examination. BoellstorII implies that as Second LiIe is, as Jones notes, a user-created
'parallel world (2008:22), residents` do not simply use Second LiIe, participate in Second
LiIe, or play Second LiIe; users live Second LiIe. It is thus, at least Ior some, a home, and as we
will argue later, it is not a realm that is entirely distinct Irom the real, with the cultural practice
oI real liIe users maniIesting in SL residents: 'Quite contrary to the belieI that cyberspace
oIIers a way to escape gender, race, and class as conditions oI social interaction . recent critics
suggest that online discourse is woven oI stereotypical cultural narratives that reinstall precisely
those conditions (Punday 2000:192).
A concise example oI this arose in a conversation regarding how to (acceptably) behave
in Second LiIe. The notion oI manners arose, and a resident was asked '.so are manners
important in Second LiIe? Her reply was: 'OMG |sic| the most important! Manners, oI
course, are culturally relative (Winkelmann 1999:4), and do represent a clear a link between
Second LiIe and the real world, as it is a users understanding oI manners that inIests a residents
expectations. This maintenance oI home ties while living abroad represents the frst use oI
the term transnational` (Schiller et al 1992:ix in Low & Lawrence-Zuniga 2003:27), and it is
thereIore clear that, according to this defnition, Second LiIe is a transnational space`.
Aihwa Ong takes a diIIerent approach, defning transnational spatial processes as 'situated
cultural practices oI mobilising that produce new modes oI construing identity and result in
zones oI graduated sovereignty based on the accelerated fows oI capital, people, cultures and
knowledge (1999, in Low & Lawrence-Zuniga 2003:26), and Second LiIe can be seen to ft
this defnition exactly. As one commentator indeed remarked, perhaps this example implored
the very essence oI '(n)etiquette. Indeed, by allowing people Irom all over the globe to
communicate in real time and providing an environment in which 'land |is| owned (BoelstorII
2008:94), Second LiIe rapidly accelerates the 'fows oI capital, people, cultures and knowledge
and is thus not only a vector oI culture, but a 'situated cultural practice that generates a process
oI mobilisation. Second LiIe also produces 'new ways oI construing identity in allowing the
11 Studii / Articles
construction oI an avatar and a potentially (un)representative selI. This is perhaps most apparent
in the context oI gender, whereupon 'Second LiIe provided an opportunity to refect upon
and transIorm |a resident`s| actual world gender (BoellstorII 2008:142). The identifcation oI
Second LiIe as a transnational space generates a number oI issues, particularly in the context oI
embodiment, as I shall explore.
Embodiment
The traditional boundaries oI this abstract anthropological concept are, to some degree, removed
when dealing with the virtual presence, which 'derives Irom our ability to separate embodiment
as perIormance` Irom embodiment as (proprioceptive) sensation` (Egoyan 2007). As Second
LiIe is ultimately a creative venture, (most) restrictions upon gender expression that we may
have in the physical world, in essence, disappear. Embodiment can also be examined in the
way in which we interact with space, and thus it is logical to engage in a discourse oI virtual
embodiment`.
But oI course, all oI this analysis presumes to some degree that the virtual world is an embodied
space. Nakamura disputes this by stating that 'cyberspace is a disembodied place; the need
to create a very clear, recognisable personality is thus a practical one (2002:39). II here,
'embodiment means a physical presence, and one accepts the assumption that the avatar is
abstract and therein cannot be a physical presence, then perhaps Nakamura`s view is arguable.
Through interaction with Second LiIe residents however, I am inclined to take a more holistic
approach to the term. As suggested earlier, I crucially understand embodiment to include
the decisive mental processes and interactive emotive conduct oI an individual that is to
say, cognition`. The avatars in Second LiIe are not autonomous characters, but are virtual
representations (the veracity oI which, as argued by BoelstorII (2008) and Nakamura (2002) is
irrelevant), engaging with a virtual environment. II one accepts that avatars are representations
(just as it may be argued, the human body is a representation), then one must similarly accept
that avatars are embodied to varying extents by the characteristics oI that which they represent.
This view can be maintained in light oI the strong emotional investment that is visible in
Second LiIe. Many residents relayed that physical pain experienced by the avatar is in many
ways coextensive with both emotional and physical pain experienced by the human user. One
resident, Ior example, told that they had been sexually abused, which seems bizarre when one
considers that a resident has the ability to teleport away at any time, and aIter all, the avatar
itselI is composed merely oI pixels. The user Iurther noted that this sexual abuse caused deep
emotional angst, which maniIested itselI physically as stress related illnesses. Here, it seems
that the incident reported is reminiscent oI the real liIe actuality, just without the physicalities.
This observation clearly raises a number oI questions which are beyond the remit oI this
project; however, it is clear that models oI transnational culture postulated by scholars such as
Baudrillard Iail to explain behaviour evident in our feldwork. Baudrillard claims that there is a
'generation by models oI a real without origin or reality: a hyperreal (in Poster (ed.) 1988:166)
in transnational spaces. This statement would lead one to assume that hyperreal spaces are
somewhat distinct Irom other spaces, yet Baudrillarrd`s Simulacrum identifes the essence and
the appearance, that is the stimulation and the reality, to be indistinguishable - a view which
virtual pain being (in certain circumstances) coextensive with physical pain seems to support.
Here, I take an understanding that the hyperreal directly concerns the realm oI representation,
yet is precisely the zone where distinction between the real and the represented is suspended
12
and in terms oI pain coextensivity, it is exactly the Irame oI hyperreality that oIIers itselI
up. Jones, similarly, asserts a view that would explain this coextensivity, arguing that 'the
boundary between the actual and virtual is not solid (2008:19), and this is something that this
research into Second LiIe appears to support. Furthermore, though, it must be noted that when
juxtaposed against physical pain, virtual pain may appear to be asocial, which simply cannot be
the case, as Iundamentally, pain and therein the body more generally must always necessarily be
experienced socially iI it is to be meaningIul. On the other hand, I must also acknowledge that
an accurate analysis oI such a boundary calls Ior a re-thinking oI the concept oI embodiment
which is Iar beyond the limits oI this project. It does however, merit Iurther study, and iI such a
discourse were to be entered into, I Ieel that it would oIIer insight to how much oI embodiment
is actually to do with perIormative Iunctions oI the entire social being, rather than just oI the
physical body.
A Iurther critique oI embodiment as per Second LiIe regards the methodology oI this very
research: as we sought inIormation through interviews within the very program, that itselI
limits the research to what inIormants say about their bodily experiences which is already
another register. Perhaps a more acute Iocus could be upon the materiality oI one`s existence in
the virtual realm, as oI course this is a group oI users sitting at computers, articulating bodily
and emotive experience through their fngertips, through a trained and articulate reading oI
(arguably unconscious) codes though this is grounds Ior a much greater research proposal.
Proxemics

The extent oI Second LiIe as another world means that all traditional ideas oI locality must be
ignored, as the abstract virtual Iundamentally has no physical anchor. In much ethnographic
work, such as Larson`s on the people oI Kilbroney in Northern Ireland, the local expectations
oI decency are examined in relation to acceptable proxemics (1982:132). In the case oI Second
LiIe however, new and diIIerent concepts oI decency are Iormed as original defnitions oI
local are no longer applicable. People Irom all around the world communicate on Second LiIe,
meaning that there is a simultaneous meeting oI diIIerent cultural values the very essence oI
the transnational. For example, a group conversation was entered into where the participants (or
at least, the residents!) were Irom Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Serbia and the UK. In order to
proceed with the intended communication, a compromise was reached and English was adopted
as the common language to enable interaction. Although Ior this exemplar conversation, an
agreed mutual language was spoken, the people behind the avatars would not share the same
real liIe experiences, and thus the same real liIe cultural norms. Instead, social norms oI the
new, communal space must be created in light oI users present, which are then adopted by all.
This was observed in multiple instances with, Ior example, it clearly being socially acceptable
to approach strangers and strike up conversation an act which oIten is not socially supported
in real liIe. Another notable rule was the RL taboo`; indeed, when the topic oI real liIe was
raised without having a strong prior relationship with another Second LiIe resident, our avatars
were usually ignored and oIten treated with scorn. This is a key illustration oI how in Second
LiIe, just as in real liIe, taboos and expectations go unspoken, and can only be understood
through behavioural observation.
Returning once again to localities, Hall`s theory oI proxemics (1963) is almost extraneous when
considering Second LiIe. It is important to take into account however, as the rules oI proxemics
in Second LiIe (iI indeed it is accepted that there are such rules) contrast sharply to those in real
13 Studii / Articles
liIe, it reinIorces that Second LiIe as a transnational space does indeed generate 'new modes oI
construing identity |resulting| in zones oI graduated sovereignty based on the accelerated fows
oI capital, people, cultures and knowledge (Ong 1999 in Low & Lawrence-Zuniga 2003:26).
Hall acknowledges that the distances between people in diIIerent social settings will vary in
diIIerent cultures (Rehm et al, 2005:128), but it may be argued, however, that no such distance
exists at all within Second LiIe. It was observed that to physically sit on top oI another avatar
was deemed not only acceptable, but actually, a Irequent occurrence. It is likely that such a
use oI space is acceptable due to the distance that the creation oI an avatar and the computer
screen places between the users. By having an avatar, a screen, and usually a distance oI up to
thousands oI miles separating the human users, thus the air oI danger or discomIort that comes
with an invasion oI intimate space is removed. This experience oI virtual space between users
is perhaps why a sense oI escapism is oIten associated with Second LiIe, as with much internet
social networking, and also why many who fnd Iace to Iace conversation challenging can
thrive in the virtual world.
These fndings contrast signifcantly with Bailenson`s conclusion that social distances
surrounding avatars in virtual worlds correlate with actual distances in the real world (Rehm
et al, 2005:129). A number oI social norms that one may expect to be refected Irom real liIe
are in Iact absent Irom Second LiIe culture as a whole. One such example is social taboos and
expectations surrounding appearance to others, whereupon it is commonplace, Ior example,
Ior avatars to wander around nude, with no comments to suggest that other users are oIIended
by this. OItentimes, when a resident approached our unclothed research avatar, they helpIully
oIIered advice on how to attain clothing, but never was this done IorceIully, and never was
any pejorative comment made to change the avatar`s appearance. Also worth noting was that
the nude avatar received no signifcant Iurther attention Irom other users; to contrast, iI a nude
young Iemale was to traverse the streets oI Edinburgh, taboo aside, it is Iair to assume that she
would receive a signifcant increase oI male attention!
When considering Hall`s arguments regarding proxemics in another way, however, it may be
arguable that the structure oI spatial distances does operate; but in terms oI the emotional rather
than the physical. To illustrate, whilst avatars can pile upon each other in the virtual physical`
sense, only those within a certain radius (oI 30 virtual metres) can communicate. Furthermore,
only those within eyesight can be engaged in (private) instant messaging, which brings a realm oI
exclusivity to the proxemical structure, particularly in reIerence to interactive communication.
Gender
As Second LiIe has indeed been consciously dreamt up by programmers, created by users,
and maintained by residents, it is a unique object oI anthropological study in that it is entirely
cognitive. Everything within the space has been consciously put there, be it to refect real liIe, or to
provide escapism Irom it (such as the inclusion oI avatar fight and teleportation). Therein, avatar
construction tends to conIorm to (Western) cultural standards oI what is considered attractive or
normative. One commentator acutely observed, '.only two genders? How unimaginative!
Jones reiterates this argument by saying that since the majority oI users oI online worlds are
(generally) male, white and bourgeoisie, their particular cultural view impacts the virtual space
(2008:23). We propose that this refects an inescapable aspect oI anthropological study, in that
whatever culture one may be studying, it can only ever be Iully understood or made sense oI
through the knowledge embedded in one`s own cultural Iramework.
14
In many ways, the avatar is a user`s opportunity to refect an ideal, even imaginary, representation
oI themselves or indeed, oI others to an audience who have also undergone the very
same new identity creation process. In Second LiIe, gender boundaries are to some extent
redundant, as they are completely cognitive constructs; many residents have commented that
their avatar Ieels more like them` than their physical body ever has done. This mental and
physical correlation oI embodiments can be perIected much more easily virtually than in real
liIe, because Ior example, it is Iree, painless, and doesn`t confict with any socially constructed
behavioural taboos which things such as gender reassignment may infict. In support oI this,
Jones asserts that 'the avatar becomes an opportunity to express deeper personal identities that
require radical reconfguration oI bodily space (2008:24). This echoes the fndings oI my own
research, and how I view the use and Iunction oI Second LiIe as a space in light oI this. In
turn, however, this issue then leads us to the need to Iurther reassess the concept oI embodiment
itselI, as addressed earlier.
It was observed that while multiple appearances were oIIered to users creating their avatars Ior
the frst time, with everything Irom contrasting hair styles and eye colour, to varying Iashion
items, strict restrictions were placed upon gender defnition. Upon creation, only the two
traditional ideas oI Western gender (male or Iemale) are made available, and in a signifcantly
standard Iorm`. To highlight this, one resident remarked, 'Not all girls are RL girlys (sic)
and the importance oI this remark lies twoIold. Firstly, it reveals that the dual gender split
is precisely that it only contains two initial genders, not even allowing Ior variation within,
let alone outwith. This line oI thought ties in with the very topical discourse on Iemininity
and masculinity appearing in the plural, as in the appointment oI the very frst ProIessor oI
Masculinities (Oystein Gullvg Holter, University oI Oslo). The second signifcance, that
said, is that ultimately there is no accurate way to know whether the genders oI real liIe and
Second LiIe do actually correlate. BoellstorII asserts that a 'male/Iemale binarism continue|s|
to predominate in graphical virtual worlds (2008:140), and this is in agreement with our
observations.
BoellstorII also writes that in virtual worlds, the Iact that a person`s true gender may never
be known actually provides that user a chance to 'refect upon and transIorm their actual
world gender (2008:142). This claim is supported by fndings Irom inIormal interviews, with
statements such as 'you nevr |sic| know iI a girls (sic) a girl, or a boys (sic) a boy`. Clearly, in
some cases real liIe males adopt Iemale characteristics, and vice versa, on Second LiIe. However,
reasons Ior this choice to adopt a contrasting gender can be contested. Stone argues that male
to Iemale cross dressers 'enjoy the attractive and pleasurable qualities oI being othered without
having to experience the oppression and disempowerment that are part oI its contribution as
well (in Star (ed.) 1995:253). The Iact that most oI the avatars observed had stereotypical
gender identities, however, can be argued to disagree somewhat with this statement. Further to
this, though, it must be acknowledged that any Iurther meaningIul Ioray into this arena should
be an inter-disciplinary one, inclusive oI psychology, sociology, and other disciplines besides
anthropology.
Most oI the male avatars encountered ftted a Western masculine stereotype with broad
shoulders, muscles and short hair. Equally, most Iemale avatars had distinctly Western Iemale
qualities, oIten dressing in provocative clothing. Thus, gender representations on Second LiIe
cannot be interpreted as Iully refective oI real liIe, in which gender stereotypes, although still
present, have arguably dissipated to a great extent oIten through the rise oI Ieminism and
metro-sexuality. ThereIore, even iI a Second LiIe cross-dresser does so with the intention oI
experiencing what it is to be a member oI the opposite sex, it is unlikely that they will ever obtain
15 Studii / Articles
an accurate experience. Instead, they exist in and contribute to a world where the Ieminine body
is objectifed to a similar extent as beIore Ieminism took hold in the West, and one wherein
any gender-related experience users may have are actually a result oI a conglomerate, creative
environment. Hegland and Nelson address this issue oI the adoption oI stereotypical gender
identities in their discussions on real liIe cross dressers, identiIying how male cross dressers,
'don all the trappings oI Iemininity, and appear to embrace bodily what many women have
been struggling against Ior decades the objectifcation oI the Iemale body (2002:156) an
observation which can be applied somewhat to Second LiIe, but only subjectively.
Such observations on how gender is constructed and interpreted in Second LiIe demonstrate
that although avatars do indeed 'conIorm to cultural standards oI what is considered attractive
or normative, (Jones 2008:23), they exist in an entirely diIIerent cultural context to that oI
contemporary Western society. BoellstorII reinIorces this point by stating that 'gender in
online worlds is also constructed through a range oI social practices (2008:143), indicating
that cultural conventions about gender in Second LiIe (as indeed any other social concept) are
Iormed through a creative and transnational process. Undoubtedly, though, the social practices
within Second LiIe cannot escape the infuence oI social practices in real liIe as aIter all, the
residents cannot escape the users - and so to return to Punday`s critique, activities in virtual
worlds do not in Iact provide, 'a way to escape gender, race, and class as conditions oI social
interaction, but actually reinIorce the conditions through, 'stereotypical cultural narratives
(Punday 2000:192).
Conclusion
Naturally, an ethnography oI the (not just) virtual` will always be a tough one, and there will
always be aspects that must be overlooked in Iavour oI others, and considerations that lie
beyond the remit oI such a task, but I have aimed to identiIy some oI the more interesting
questions raised in an attempt to drawn attention to this domain. Second LiIe and similar
virtual social platIorms are too oIten taken as the strange or the bizarre, and a penchant Ior
the disenIranchised` oI society. Indeed, this is a view taken by a minority oI its residents, it
occasionally being articulated that 'a lot oI people on here seem to do it because they can`t have
real Iace to Iace relationships. As a space, though, it is clear that Second LiIe can provide a portal
through which those uncomIortable with physical relationships can engage with people that
they would otherwise be unable to, and this is supported by consideration oI Hall`s proxemics.
This research however, has shown that this would be an extremely simplistic understanding.
Second LiIe is not merely an escapist space, but is truly a 'parallel world (Jones 2008:4),
where '|I|nternet users represent themselves within it solely through the medium oI keystrokes
and mouseclicks, and through this medium they can describe themselves and their physical
bodies any way they like (Nakamura 2002:35, italics mine). Nakamura would argue that this is
a process oI disembodiment, but contrarily I have Iound that the cultures oI real liIe are actively
maniIested in Second LiIe, a process that is particularly apparent in the context oI gender and the
proliIeration oI stereotypes, whereupon, 'virtual bodies in Second LiIe |represent| a tendency
oI the technology to refect the culture in which it exists (Jones 2008:26). An intrinsic element
oI Second LiIe is thereIore representation, and our research shows strong evidence that real liIe
and Second LiIe are not entirely distinct, but interweaved and co-dependent. Indeed, Second
LiIe is a transnational space that produces 'new modes oI construing identity (Ong in Low &
Lawrence-Zuniga 2003:26), and it can be argued that space in Second LiIe (Iundamentally, a
16
Ioreign` space) is embodied by the home cultures oI residents, thus representing the frst use oI
the term transnational` (Schiller et al 1992:IX in Low & Lawrence-Zuniga 2003:27). This then,
interestingly, simultaneously appears to both agree ana contrast with the notion oI hyper-real`
transnational space |as postulated by scholars such as Baudrillard (in Poster (ed.) 1988:166)|
in that it is at once separate Irom, but equated to, whilst also untouchably superior Irom, the
real. Conclusively, this research supports the claim oI Second LiIe as an embodied, engendered
transnational space, which Iundamentally links to greater theoretical issues such as what is
the body?` and what is physical experience?` in the context oI virtual space, that oI their own
accord do indeed merit Iurther study.
References
BoellstorII, T. 2008. Coming of Age in Secona Life. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Egoyan, M. Dec 9, 2007. http://embodiedresearch.blogspot.com/2007/12/virtual-embodiment.html Accessed
17:23, 03/11/2008.
Hall, E. T. 1963. A System Ior the Notation oI Proxemic Behavior. American Anthropologist (65) 5, 10031026.
Hannerz, U. 1997. Fluxos, Fronteiras, Hibridos: Padarras-Chav deux Antropologia Transnacional. Mana (3) 1:
7-39.
Hegland, J. and Nelson, N. 2002. Cross Dressers in Cyber Space: Exploring the Internet as a Tool Ior Expressing
Gendered Identity. International Journal of Sexuality ana Genaer Stuaies (7) 2/3.
Jones, D. 2008. I, Avatar: Constructions oI SelI and Place in Second LiIe and the Technological Imagination.
Gnovis Journal of Communication, Culture & Technology (6).
Larson, S. 1982. The two sides oI the house: identity and social organization in Kilbroney, Northern Irelend. In
A.Cohen (ed.) Belonging. Iaentity ana Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures. Manchester: Manchester
University Press.
Low, S. and Lawrence-Zuniga, D. 2003. The Anthropology of Space ana Place. Locating Culture. OxIord:
Blackwell Publishing.
Nakamura, L. 2002. Cybertypes. Race, Ethnicity, ana Iaentity on the Internet. London: Routledge.
Poster, M. (ed.) 1988. Jean Bauarillara. Selectea Writings. StanIord: StanIord University Press.
Punday, D. 2000. The Narrative Construction oI Cyberspace: Reading Neuromancer, Reading Cyberspace &
Debates. College English (63) 2.
Rehm, M. Andre, E. and Nischt, M. 2005. Lets Come Together - Social Navigation Behaviours oI Virtual and Real
Humans. In Proceedings oI INTETAIN. 336-336.
Stone, A. 1995. Sex and Death Among the Disembodied: VR, Cyberspace, and the Nature oI Academic Discourse.
In Star, S. The Cultures of Computing. OxIord: Blackwell Publishing.
Winkelmann, M 1993. The Evolution oI Consciousness. In Anthropology of Consciousness (4) 3.
17 Studii / Articles
ALEXANDRA TTRAN
READING THE APOTROPAIC:
PRACTICES AND MENTALITIES OF DEFENSE
This article addressed the relevance oI the apotropaic concept. When describing a type oI magical or religious
ritual, the term is able to express some oI its Iundamental coordinates: circumscription, demarcation, agency,
aggression. By the very means oI ritual as perIormative action, the apotropaic elements are made visible
and, to a certain extent, tangible. When describing a general human social or individual attitude towards
the surrounding world, the apotropaic is grounded in existential insecurity, anguish and a Iundamental
need to make sense whether we address the subjective mechanisms oI reconfguring one`s memory or the
social mechanisms Ior constructing identities. Articulated through a particular dialectics oI retrospection
versus projection, the apotropaic concept can Iunction as a prospective reading able to retrace not only the
inIernos, but also the culturally-represented paradises oI every society.
Key words: apotropaic; ritual; magic deIence; protection; analitical tool; Romanian religious holidays;
witchcraIt situations; acculturating Iear; liminarity
Lucrarea de Ia se doreste o scurt introducere a conceptului de apotropaic si a aplicabilitii sale generale.
Pentru a ilustra ideea de apotropaic, ncep prin evocarea a dou imagini-simboluri care pot Iunciona drept
chintesene ale acesteia: Cercul Magic si Capul Medusei. Din punct de vedere strict etimologic, termenul de
apotropaic provine din limba greac veche, cu sensul de: ,a te Ieri de ru, ,a alunga rul sau ,a-l ntoarce
din drum. n calitatea sa de concept si unealt analitic din cadrul a variate discipline, apotropaicul este
Iolosit pentru a denumi setul particular de gesturi, ritualuri, atitudini psihologice individuale sau dispozitive
materiale (precum amuletele sau talismanele) menite s previn si s protejeze de ru. Odat plasate n
cadrul mai general al modalitilor dinamice general-umane de raportare la supranatural si la toate lucrurile
necunoscute, riturile apotropaice sunt cele care scot n eviden o atitudine negativ Ia de exterior, din
moment ce practicarea lor echivaleaz cu o Iorm de securizare a indivizilor si comunitii prin evacuarea si
demonizarea supranaturalului. Una dintre multiplele Iee posibile de relaionare cu necunoscutul, atitudinea
apotropaic accentueaz modelul unei relaii de tip confictual. Ca Iorm de a culturaliza Irica si de a
negocia securitatea n orice societate dat, conceptul de apotropaic poate Iurniza un cadru analitic pentru
orice Iorm social sau cultural de includere/excludere, construcii identitare si diIerenieri.
Cuvinte cheie: apotropaic, ritual, aprare magic, protecie, instrument analitic, srbtori religioase
romnesti, cazuri de vrjitorie, aculturaie, liminaritate
The Magical Circle and the Medusa`s Head are two powerIul images evoked here as quintessence
Ior the idea oI apotropaic. The Magical Circle is commonly known as part oI witchcraIt or
sorcery rituals: the magician`s saIe zone is represented by a circle drawn or imprinted on the
foor, in order to protect the perIormer against the supernatural powers invoked. The Iorms may
vary, Irom cords around towns and churches to rings and bracelets as individual ornaments; yet,
the value and Iunction oI a magical circle is always the same: to protect within its limits Irom
outside menacing Iorces, may those be ghosts, epidemics, enemies or evil spirits. Medusa`s
Head embodies the very apotropaic principle oI fghting fre with fre, or using the horrible to
18
repel the horrible. As expressed by Marjorie B. Garber and Nancy J. Vickers (2003), Medusa`s
Head has over time been seen as the epitome oI the apotropaic object` (p. 2). Once attached
onto Athena`s shield, it becomes a powerIul means oI warding oII the very terror it aroused.
The main apotropaic values expressed through the symbolism oI the Magical Circle are: the
limit, circumscription, prevention, protection as demarcation. Its deIensive and rather passive
characteristics are juxtaposed by the aggression oI Medusa`s gaze, capable oI turning a man
into a stone. The apotropaic coordinates expressed through the symbolism oI the Medusa`s
Head are: the look/the sight as action, agency, and protection as aggression. Whether static or
dynamic, deIensive or oIIensive, both dimensions underlined by the symbolism oI the Magical
Circle and the Medusa`s Head are equally to be Iound in the apotropaic idea.
The word behind the image
BeIore considering it as a symbol, gesture, idea, ritual or concept, the apotropaic is a word.
Based on ancient Greek etymology, apotropaic` means to ward oII evil`/`to turn away Irom
evil`, Irom apo~ away Irom, oII` and tropos~ turning`. From a strict etymological point oI
view, then, it isn`t necessarily very clear iI the human agent turns himselI away Irom evil (as a
motrical back-turning or reIuse) or iI one acts directly to oppose and block the evil, Iull-Iacing
the attack. From a Iunctional point oI view, this diIIerence in human actor`s approach (which
resumes the relationship between the Magical Circle and the Medusa`s Head sketched beIore)
is only a matter oI shading, as long as the result is the apotropaic fnality oI keeping away and
apart Irom evil. The very idea oI evil is also something not directly present in the etymology
oI the word. Nevertheless, it belongs to the term due to its cultural and linguistic context oI
emergence. In ancient Greek language and culture, this turning away` was understood precisely
as a relation to and against anything defned as evil
1
. Addressing this specifc context, Jane
Ellen Harrison (1903) builds a system which describes the ancient Greeks` religion by opposing
the newer religion oI the Olympians, defned as ao ut aes: I give that you may give`, to the
darker elements oI a religious stratum primarily concerned with malevolent ahaimones, defned
as ao ut abeas: I give that you may go, and keep away` (p. 7). The distinction operated by Jane
Ellen Harrison (1903) goes as Iollows:
It is clear then that Greek religion contained two diverse, even opposite, Iactors: on the one hand
the element oI service (theraipeia), on the other the element oI aversion (apotrop). The rites oI
service were connected by ancient tradition with the Olympians, or as they are sometimes called the
Ouranians: the rites oI aversion with ghosts, heroes, underworld divinities. The rites oI service were
oI a cheerIul and rational character, the rites oI aversion gloomy and tending to superstition. (p. 10)
Forging the concept
Placed in the Iramework oI various disciplines, Irom European national ethnologies to
anthropology, archeology, literary criticism, philosophy and so on, the term apotropaic`
becomes a concept and an analytical tool, employed Ior denominating the particular set oI
rituals, gestures, psychological attitudes or material devices (such as amulets and talismans)
1
A good example is the defnition provided by William Smith (1870) Ior the proper noun Apotropaei: certain divinities, by
whose assistance the Greeks believed that they were able to avert any threatening danger or calamity` (p. 247).
19 Studii / Articles
meant to prevent and protect Irom harm. In regard to this conceptual usage, I Iollow the general
meaning consecrated in Romanian ethnology, where the term apotropaic` has a certain tradition
oI employment while distinctively lacking conceptualization. Observing various textual
contexts oI ethnological employment, apotropaic` is commonly understood as prevention
(ante-facto), distinct Irom other magical or religious approaches dedicated to therapeutic and
healing interventions (such as exorcism), oI post-facto character.
From an anthropological cultural critique`s point oI view, apotropaic` has to be acknowledged
as a name given to specifc meaningIul ensembles by a scientifc community. It represents a
conventional tool oI certain heuristic value; nevertheless, it is an elitist concept, as long as
the term doesn`t belong to the common actors` vocabulary, when describing their magical or
religious means oI deIense. The task (or the privilege) oI qualiIying various cultural and social
aspects as apotropaic` Ialls under the mastery oI ethnologists, in their particular dimension as
text creators
1
. On the other hand, the apotropaic seldom is a pure genre. As any other polarizing
meaning core, it maniIests itselI in vaster ritual contexts, where it coexists with other Iunctional
desired fnalities: propitiating, augural or Iertilisatory.
Exploring the meaning: the apotropaic dimension of human behaviour
The apotropaic has to be placed in the more general Iramework oI human modalities oI relating
to the sacred, the supernatural and all the things unknown. In this respect, Jean Cazeneuve
(1958: 7-10) portraits three major attitudes:
The frst one treats the sacred as something dangerous, ambiguous and threatening to the
established order oI things. This rather negative attitude inIorms the basis oI all apotropaic
actions, those in which human actors (individuals or collectivities) intend to oppose, repel or
evacuate the malevolent maniIestations oI the sacred.
The second one attempts to manipulate the supernatural and the hidden Iorces, to control and
command them according to the particular interests and needs oI the actors. This point loosely
describes the magical attitude.
The third attitude corresponds to religion, as a Iorm oI acknowledging a transcending reality
and accepting human`s conditioning upon the divine.
II we agree that each type oI ritual represents a specifc way Ior the human actor to relate to the
world, apotropaic rituals point out a negative attitude towards the exterior, as long as practicing
them equals with a Iorm oI securing the individuals and the community by evacuating and
demonizing the supernatural. As one oI the many possible Iaces oI human relating to the
unknown, the apotropaic attitude represents the pattern stressing out a conficting approach.
Any type oI magic is anthropocentrical, as long as magic defnes the human as the Iorce-center
oI its action, as cause and receiver/benefciary oI its eIIects. The apotropaic rituals particularly
highlight this statement about the centrality oI the human being. As a relation between the
human actor (individual or collectivity) and the evil that has to be warded oII, apotropaic rituals
emphasize the Iaces oI this evil, as being anything that contravenes the general human interests
and well-being. From mice to feas, Irom sparrows or scorpions to illnesses and epidemics,
Irom evil eye to evil spell, Irom hail to fre and strangers, enemies, ghosts or death, the list oI
1
As expressed by CliIIord Geertz (1973), the fnal visible product oI ethnographic work is the written text: In short,
anthropological writings are themselves interpretations. They are, thus, fctions; fctions, in the sense that they are something
made`, something Iashioned`. not that they are Ialse, unIactual, or merely as iI` thought experiments.` (p. 15)
20
these Iears oI` is potentially endless and has yet a single, uniIying meaning: they represent all
that is or might be contrary to human liIe, its security and prosperity.
The particular Iorms oI Iear, as well as the ritual or social modalities oI prevention/ protection/
deIense varied throughout time and space, in accordance with the particular social, cultural,
economical or historical circumstances. For instance, the ritual object known in Romania as the
plague`s shirt`
1
(cmaa ciumei) initially responded to the historical circumstances oI plague
and, later (19
th
century), cholera epidemics. The scorpion
2
, as menace and embodiment oI evil,
required protection and cultural devices Ior warding it oII only in those regions Iamiliar with
this particular arachnid. Acknowledging the culturally and historically-conditioned Iaces oI
Iear equals to ascertaining that the apotropaic is a conventional name Ior a constant dimension
oI human behavior in space and time, whether we reIer to psychological individual attitudes or
to socio-cultural mechanisms.
Reading the apotropaic in ritual contexts: Romanian religious holidays
In order to illustrate the dynamics and logic oI the apotropaic, I will briefy sketch a Iew ritual
exemplifcations, based mainly on Romanian material. I will selectively address some oI the
apotropaic rituals that marked a temporal, seasonal crossing, through the meaningIul moments
oI the calendar. Each one oI the apotropaic elements oI this context represents, in my view, a
statement regarding a border or a limit, explicitly assumed and oriented against any transgressions.
1he :twelve days' of winter
The period marked by Christmas (Crciun), New Year`s Eve (Anul Nou) and Epiphany
(Bobotea:) is known in ethnology as the cycle oI the twelve days` (Mesnil 1997: 272), an
apart allure conIerred by the popular belieI in the instability oI this period symptomatic Ior
the moments oI passage in general and Ior the renewals oI time in particular. The Christmas`
Eve traditional custom is, in Romania, going carol-singing Irom household to household.
Previously observed by strict ritualistic prescriptions
3
, the custom was considered to possess a
strong apotropaic dimension (Oisteanu 2004: 21), as part oI a wider complex oI meaning and
Iunctions, illustrated by a belieI Irom the Bucovina region: The devils do not wander around
only on Christmas and New Year`s Eve, nor does any other impurity, because they Iear the
young boys then carrying the carols` (Niculi-Voronca 1998: 66).
1
The plague`s shirt` is documented Ior the Transylvania region up to the beginning oI the 20
th
century. By that time, it was
employed in fghting oII any type oI epidemics aIIecting humans or domestic animals. As shown by Pavelescu (1998) Ior the
region oI Apuseni Mountains, the process oI its making was observed by strict ritualistic prescriptions: seven or nine women
(magic numbers) gathered around in a house where they had to complete the shirt in a single nighttime Irom spinning to
tissuing, tailoring and sewing it. The shirt thus obtained was placed somewhere at the village`s boundary beIore the dawn, so
that it may keep away the epidemics haunting neighboring villages (p. 52).
2
For Iurther reading upon powerIul apotropaic symbols in Muslim Iolklore and Byzantium, see Finbarr Barry Flood (2006)
and Jurgen Wassim Frembgen (2004).
3
Until the recent past, the role oI young male bachelors organized in age groups used to be highly important Ior the social liIe
oI every Romanian village. In the context oI Christmas Eve` customs, the spatial mobility oI this group (required to go carol-
singing in every household, throughout the night) was a normative part oI the ancient structure oI the custom. One dimension
oI the prescribed behavior on this occasion was the loudness oI the group. Whether it was a maniIestation oI cheerIulness or
acoustic expressions through specifc instruments (drums, bells), the noisiness oI the group had a marked apotropaic character,
due to the common belieI that the evil spirits are thus Irightened and kept away. The basic Iunction oI going carol-singing was
the magical Iocusing oI various ,expressions oI desires` (Brlea 1981: 269) in the spoken and sung words, a process intimately
linked to the perceived liminarity oI this temporal crossing, sought to dormantly contain all the Iuture possibilities.
21 Studii / Articles
1he Easter Cycle
The Easter Cycle consists oI three mobile-calculated religious holidays: Palm Sunday (Floriile),
the Easter (Patele) and the Whitsuntide (Rusaliile). The particular character oI these religious
holidays is the symbolic emphasis on the green branches` complex, signals oI springtime
arrival and considered to possess special magical virtues. In the case oI Palm Sunday, in the
past as well as today, the specifc Iorm oI these green branches are those oI the willow tree`s.
As Ior the Whitsuntide, the best-documented valorized plants are: linden tree leaIs, oak leaIs,
nut leaIs and garden plants, such as lovage and basil. Besides their Iertilisatory and augural
virtues, all these plants have in common an apotropaic value due to an inherent magical potency
oI warding oII evil. The green branches oI Whitsuntide were harvested on Saturday evening and
then strategically placed around the household, the stable and on all house entrances (Pamfle
1997: 21). Their apotropaic valorization is to be observed Irom these actions oI magically
circumscribing the domestic spaces, in order to protect in Iuture the territory thus cut out Irom
any exterior evil. The willow tree buds oI the Palm Sunday undergo a process oI being hallowed
in the church, during the specifc morning religious service. AIter being thus consecrated, the
willow tree buds are brought home, where their magical apotropaic eIfciency Iollows two
directions. On the one hand, the willow tree buds become a talisman, placed mainly under the
religious icon a passive generic protection projected onto the Iuture. On the other hand, it
becomes an active key-ingredient in more elaborated magical apotropaic actions throughout the
year, such as the simplest, most common Iorm oI kindling a willow tree bud under the threat oI
hail storm, a magical attempt oI keeping it away. This particular apotrope is one oI the many
cases that illustrate an interesting Ieature oI the magic-religion relation in a rural society: the Iact
that, outside the religious space (the church), the religious hallowing becomes an act oI magical
consecration, oI potentiating the special virtues that various plants and objects are considered to
possess. The Easter proposes a symmetry to this: the extraction oI certain objects oI religious
signifcance Irom this initial ritual context and assigning them various other supplementary
magical Iunctions. Such is the Easter candle, when used in the liturgical context oI Good Friday
or the Easter Sunday`s mass. Similarly to the Palm Sunday`s willow tree buds, this candle is
to be kept close to the house`s main icon throughout the year and kindled whenever there is a
danger approaching, may that be thunder storm or someone`s illness in the Iamily. The candle`s
initial role as key-object in a specifc religious context prologues itselI secondarily outside this
consecrating Irame, by taking over an apotropaic magical value Ior an extended temporal period.
Saint Ceorge
A religious holiday that voices, by contrast, the necessity oI the magical protection mainly Ior the
very moment oI the holiday, not (only) Ior an extended Iuture, is Saint George (23
rd
oI April). In
the evening preceding it, the locals oI Piatra Fntnele village, Transylvania region, make objects
known as Sangior:i`, consisting oI a small square sod with a branch oI hip rose pierced through
its middle. Each household places such a Sangior:` on top oI the Ience or gate pillars. The square
sod with grass addresses the seasonal context oI springtime arrival. The hip rose branch and the
placing on the household`s entrance are two elements oI apotropaic value. The cultural Irame-
scenario oI the Saint George`s holiday is the belieI that its eve is the most Iavorable moment Ior
mana theIts, carried out by a category oI evil beings known as strigoi`. The hip rose represents the
best documented apotrope Ior the Romanian territory in fghting-oII this category oI supernatural
beings. Placing it on the Ience or gate pillars is an action oI magically circumscribing and thus
securing the household perimeter. The threatened mana oI this period in mainly milk`s, but there
are equal preoccupations to magically guard the crops` mana.
22
These Iew examples oI apotropaic practices inscribed in the key-moments oI the calendar
and marking seasonal crossing point out, on the one hand, to a general dynamic cosmological
pattern oI Chaos versus Order (Oisteanu 2004: 15), particularly highlighted throughout these
liminal moments oI passage (Gennep 1996); on the other hand, they point out to an active
human involvement in trying to direct and infuence the hidden powers.
The 'text` of apotropaic rituals in the 'context` of contemporary Romanian society
The ethnological studies present the apotropaic rituals as part oI a larger socio-cultural modality
oI mediating the complex relation between human actors (individuals and communities) and
the exterior, the unknown, the strange. The ensemble represented by apotropaic, propitiating
and augural rituals as part oI traditional rural society seemed to Iunction as a protective screen,
as a space Ior circulating meaning and multiple negotiations. This organic vision might as
well represent an eIIect oI retrospective reading, as embedded in ethnological perspective.
Nevertheless, there is a relation established by Marianne Mesnil (1974) between the text` or
the scenario oI the unIolded events` and the context` or the social reality to which this text
belongs (p.7), which sustains an approach oI integrative vision upon apotropaic rituals, as part
oI a larger cultural Iramework. II we consider the already illustrated apotropaic rituals as text`
belonging to the context` oI a rural traditional agricultural society, we Iurther have to consider
this relationship varying in accordance with the transIormations oI the context` term. Romanian
contemporary society continues to undergo major economical and social changes, with obvious
eIIects upon the modalities oI conceiving evil and protection Irom it. These transIormations
continuously reconfgure the profle oI the Romanian rural society, to the extent that the split
between the socio-cultural reality and the text oI apotropaic rituals can no longer be absorbed
by the social dynamics` (Mesnil 1974: 42).
In order to illustrate this, I will exempliIy with a personal feldwork observation. In the summer
oI 2008, I documented the staging oI a particular apotropaic ritual in Reteag, a village in the
Transylvania region oI Romania. The ritual, occasioned by the Iact that the Iamily`s cow
delivered a calI, consisted oI knitting together three iron chains, and placing this knit onto the
stable`s threshold
1
. Neither the cow nor the calI was to leave the stable thus magically guarded
Ior an observed period oI time, and no strangers were allowed to enter. At the same time, no
object was to leave (as a loan) or to enter (as a giIt) the household. The Iamily perIorming this
ritual is agricultural, their main sources oI income being obtained through household animal
labor, potato crops, Iruit growing and occasionally day-laboring outside the household, by
means oI a horse-waggon. They are placed in a larger social context marked by a progressive
transIormation oI the village structure and profle. Some oI the neighboring houses, bought
or inherited, are being restored by city Iolks, as holiday or country-retirement comIortable
accommodations. The insidious conIrontation between two diIIerent ways oI liIe is best
1
This particular ritual has to be placed in the Iramework oI the complex agricultural scenario regarding the magical theIt
or loss oI the milk. For a comparative reading oI this scenario in Eastern Europe, see Marianne Mesnil (1990). Arnold Van
Gennep (1996: 158) documented the existence oI this ritual in Russia, occasioned by the cow`s fst exiting the stable in
springtime. Aurora Liiceanu (1996: 42) and Gheorghe Pavelescu (1998: 58) documented the same ritual Ior Maramures and
Apuseni Mountains oI the Transylvania region. Whether a chain or a crowbar, the apotropaic Iunction oI iron (one oI the
universally best-known apotropaic substances) and the specifc Iunction oI the threshold (illustrator par excellence oI the
liminarity principle) highlight a specifc display oI apotropaic ritual mechanics. The evil sought to prevent or expel also varies,
Irom premeditated witches` magical attacks to involuntary loss oI the mana` principle through a magical transIer, or the eIIects
oI the strangers` evil eye.
23 Studii / Articles
illustrated by the Iact that the neighbors encourage this Iamily oI agricultural sustenance to give
up some oI the domestic animals they keep, in order to reduce the labor volume and thus allow
themselves to start enjoying the very modern pleasures oI leisure` and holiday`. Needless to
say, most oI the neighbors disapproved the staging oI this apotropaic ritual, as something best
suited with the distant past.
In contemporary Romania, the whole way oI liIe grounded in agricultural rural type oI production
is changing. For the time being, it`s diIfcult to assert whether the outcome oI a genuine reIorm
is to be expected. The insuIfcient amount oI subventions, the lack oI an authentic support
Irom the state and the contradictory character oI governmental politics regarding agriculture,
are all elements sustaining a rather pessimistic attitude on behalI oI the rural actors. Adding to
these the natural catastrophes (foods and droughts) that compromised last years` agricultural
production, the new exigencies determined by Romania`s joining the EU in 2007 (whose logic
tend to dissipate and dilute somewhere on the sinuous track between the local authorities and the
individual producer) and the abandonment oI the villages by migration, we obtain the picture oI
a rural world still on a path oI (re)confguring the very basics oI its ways oI living.
Apotropaic dimensions of witchcraft situations: ritual gestures and internal memory
In order to address the apotropaic practices and mentalities in today`s Romania, I chose the
Iramework represented by witchcraIt situations. While conceding that the witchcraIt discourse
may not be the only relevant context oI analysis Ior the apotropaic today, it seems nevertheless
to be one oI the most coherently assembled. The particular motivation oI choosing the subject
lies in its extraordinary recurrence during feld investigations, compared to its weak illustration
in contemporary specialized studies. More specifcally, I came across numerous stories and
personal experiences regarding magical aggressions, witchcraIt and sorcery, during feld
investigations Iocused on the rather more benign pole that oI apotropaic magic embedded
in religious holidays and the moments oI passage. Discussing the apotropaic embedded in
witchcraIt accusations oI today`s Romania leads toward reassessing the complex relationship
between popular magic and the Orthodox Church which, as part and illustrator oI a continuously
changing society, still requires a great deal oI Iurther feldwork and theoretical consideration.
For the purpose oI this presentation, I will limit my approach strictly to the apotropaic elements.
In the particular Irame oI witchcraIt situations, the relevance oI apotropaic behavior takes not
only a ritual Iorm, but also the Iorm oI an individual psychological dimension: the subjective
interior relation to one`s memory.
The ritual aspect is inIormed by various typical elements oI magical deIense. The preeminence oI
red color, whether as a thread on the wrist or as a patch rapping up, with a talismanic value, other
apotropaic substances (garlic, pepper, Irankincense, silver) is largely common. The individual
protection requires constant wearing inside out oI any piece oI underlinen. There is also an
important individual protection provided by religious objects employed as bodily amulets, such
as small icons, crosses and Irankincense granules. The domestic space is protected by specially
Iorged talismans, as described above, placed mainly on the threshold. The generic protection
insured by the house`s main religious icon is supplemented by yearly religious hallowing oI
the interior space (especially on the Epiphany, the 6
th
oI January), repeated in times oI danger.
In contemporary Romania, all these mechanisms oI protection address, in rural as well as in
urban areas, the threatening possibility oI being bewitcheThe psychological dimension oI the
apotropaic behavior marks the actor`s entrance into the witchcraIt discourse. As E.R. Leach said
24
(1949: 163), the diagnosis oI sorcery is normally retrospective a kind oI symptom analysis`.
The key-moment oI assuming the diagnosis oI being bewitched, along with the motivation Ior
Iollowing a Iuture set oI necessary therapeutical actions, triggers the process oI what Kathleen
Marks (2002: 47) calls rememory`: a suspended moment oI retrospective rearrangement oI
happenings, discussions, interactions, reinterpreted as parts (signs) oI the current situation. As
in any selective re-memory, a set oI previously irrelevant elements become signifcant and,
in the particular context oI witchcraIt accusations, highly suspicious (a casual shake-hand, an
unexpected visit), so that the resulted coherent ensemble oI past events can sustain the diagnosis
oI being bewitched. In this discursive Irame, the apotropaic maniIests itselI as a tropos: a
turning, returning and fgure oI speech (metaphor), Ior a process oI (re)adjusting the memory.
The dialectics of social identitary constructions: the apotropaic dimension of belonging
and rejecting
As a Iorm oI acculturating Iear and negotiating security in any given society, the concept oI
apotropaic can provide an analytical Iramework Ior any social or cultural Iorm oI including/
excluding, identity constructions and diIIerentiations. Carlo Ginzburg (1996) reminds us that,
Irom a social point oI view, the dead can only be represented by those imperIectly inserted
in the social body` (p.305). The marginals oI every society whether they are women, lepers,
Ioreigners, minority ethnic groups, religious groups, vagrants, shepherds or homeless people
are those social groups concentrating, at various historical moments, the majority`s or the
dominant group`s cultural representations about dangerousness and the radical alterity. To put
it bluntly, the marginals oI every society or community are symbolically assimilated, in various
Iorms and various degrees, to the embodied Iaces oI the unknown, the very strangers within`.
Their social placement oI liminarity involves a position oI ambiguity: halI-way in (society,
liIe), halI-way out (death and the supernatural). This threshold defning the marginal situation is
the topos oI the apotropaic approach, as a tropos or turning away Irom the diIIerence. Frederik
Barth (1969) changed the perception about ethnic identity when he stated that the ethnic
boundary... defnes the group, not the cultural stuII it encloses` (p.15). Ethnicity (or national
identity, Ior that matter) could no longer be addressed as a reifed category Irom an essentialist
perspective. As with any other identity, ethnic identity is a process oI boundary-maintaining.
Defning oneselI is a matter oI relating, due to the internal Iunctional paradox embedded in
the very idea oI identity`: it represents the sameness` (to others in space and to oneselI in
time) and, at the same time, diIIerentiation (Heckman 1999: 5). ThereIore, it develops within
apotropaic limitations spatial and temporal manoeuvre zones Ior negotiations, transgressions
and evacuations.
The apotropaic refex as social mechanism contours the two Iaces oI the identity` coin:
belonging means, at one end, to be included (the Magic Circle`s circumscribed perimeter oI
saIety); to the extreme other end, to exclude (the Medusa`s Head aggressive stare repelling the
outside, the alterity and the unknown).
In conclusion, this article addressed the relevance oI the apotropaic concept. When describing
a type oI magical or religious ritual, the term is able to express some oI its Iundamental
coordinates: circumscription, demarcation, agency, aggression. By the very means oI ritual as
perIormative action, the apotropaic elements are made visible and, to a certain extent, tangible.
25 Studii / Articles
When describing a general human social or individual attitude towards the surrounding world,
the apotropaic is grounded in existential insecurity, anguish and a Iundamental need to make
sense whether we address the subjective mechanisms oI reconfguring one`s memory or the
social mechanisms Ior constructing identities. Articulated through a particular dialectics oI
retrospection versus projection, the apotropaic concept can Iunction as a prospective reading
able to retrace not only the inIernos, but also the culturally-represented paradises oI every
society.
References
Barth, Frederik (ed.) (1969) Ethnic Groups ana Bounaaries. The Social Organi:ation of Cultural Difference.
Boston, Little Brown and Company.
Brlea, Ovidiu (1981) Folclor romanesc, vol. I and II. Bucuresti, Minerva.
Cazeneuve, Jean (1958) Le Rites et la Conaition Humaine. Paris, P.U.F.
Flood, Finbarr Barry (2006) Image against Nature: Spolia as Apotropaia in Byzantium and the dr al-Islm. The
Meaieval History Journal, Vol. 9, No. 1, 143-166. Full-text |online|. SAGE Journals Online, http://mhj.
sagepub.com/ |Accessed 21
th
July 2008|.
Frembgen, Wasim Jurgen (2004) The Scorpion in Muslim Folklore. Asian Folklore Stuaies, Vol. 63, No. 1, page
number: 95. Full-text |online|. Questia Media America, Inc. Available Irom: www.questia.com |Accessed
15
th
January 2009|.
Garber, Marjorie B. and Vickers, Nancy J. (eds) (2003) The Meausa Reaaer. New York, Routledge.
Geertz, CliIIord (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures. New York, Basic Books.
Ginzburg, Carlo (1996) Istorie nocturn. O interpretare a sabatului. Iasi, Polirom.
Harrison, Jane Ellen (1903) Prolegomena to the stuay of Greek religion. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Hekmann, Susan (1999) Identity Crises: Identity, Identity Politics and Beyond. In: S. Hekmann (ed.) Feminism,
Iaentity ana Difference, London, Frank Cass, p. 3-27.
Leach, E. R. (1949) Primitive Magic and Modern Medicine. Health Eaucation Journal, Vol. 7, 162-170. Full text
|online|. SAGE Journals Online, http://hej.sagepub.com |Accessed 5
th
November 2007|.
Liiceanu, Aurora (1996) Povestea unei vrfitoare. Bucuresti, ALL.
Marks, Kathleen (2002) Toni Morrison`s Beloved and the Apotropaic Imagination. Questia Meaia America, Inc.
Full-text |online|. Columbia, University oI Missouri Press. Available Irom: www.questia.com |Accessed 8
th

February 2009|.
Mesnil, Marianne (1974) Trois essais sur la Fte. Du folklore a lethno-semiotique. Bruxelles, Editions de
l`Universit de Bruxelles.
Mesnil, Marianne (1990) L`Europe des Aires Culturelles. In. Premier atelier europeen sur la culture orale
europeene. Strasbourg, Conseil de l`Europe, p. 206-217.
Mesnil, Marianne (1997) Etnologul, intre arpe i balaur / Marianne Mesnil and Assia Popova Eseuri ae
mitologie balcanic. Bucuresti, Paideia.
Niculi-Voronca, Elena (1998) Datinile i creainele poporului roman, aaunate i ae:ate in oraine mitologic,
vol. I and II. Iasi, Polirom.
Oisteanu, Andrei (2004) Oraine i Haos. Mit i magie in cultura traaiional romaneasc. Iasi, Polirom.
Pamfle, Tudor (1997) Srbtorile la romani. Stuaiu Etnograhc. Bucuresti, Saeculum.
Pavelescu, Gheorghe (1998) Magia la romani. stuaii i cercetri aespre magie, aescantece i man. Bucuresti,
Minerva.
Smith, William (eds) (1870) Dictionary oI Greek and Roman Antiquities. Ancient Library Web Site. Full text.
|online|. London, C. Little and J. Brown. Available Irom: http://www.ancientlibrary.com/smithbio/index.html/
|Accessed 12
th
March 2008|.
Van Gennep, Arnold (1996) Riturile ae trecere. Iasi, Polirom.
27 Studii / Articles
BOGDAN NEAGOTA
ASPECTE DAEMONOLOGICE
N CULTURILE POPULARE SLAVE
The present presentation emphasises several aspects regarding the similarities and the diIIerences in the
origin, role and Iunctions change oI mythical fgures, iterative in the cultures oI the Slavic peoples, aspects
supported and / or criticized by critics such Bystron, Brukner, Niederle. In order to understand the early
religiosity oI Slavic peoples, we shall emphasize the historical and cultural context in which the Slavic
peoples converted to Christianity.
Key words: Slavic Ethnology, demons, ritual, religion
Expunerea puncteaz cteva aspecte privind similitudinile si diIerenele n ceea ce priveste originea, rolul
si schimbarea de Iuncii a unor fguri mitice reperate n culturile popoarelor slave aspecte susinute si/
sau criticate de critici precum Bystron, Brukner, Niederle. n scopul nelegerii religiozitii timpurii a
popoarelor slave, este punctat si contextul cultural- istoric n care popoarele slave s-au convertit la crestinism.
Cuvinte cheie: etnologie slav, demoni, ritual, religie
ConIorm teoriei clasice lansate de Bystron
1
, n tradiiile slavilor septentrionali (polonezi,
cehi, ucraineni, rusi) apar ndeosebi daimonii Ieminini kourotrophi (boghinke, mamune,
a:iwo:one
2
), specializai n Iurtul si schimbatul copiilor, prin substituirea cu odraslele
proprii, n vreme ce, la slavii meridionali, sunt invocate mai mult fguri mitice absente de
tip roafenice/ suafenice, similare Parcelor grecesti
3
si infuenate de acestea. Acestora li se
pregteste o mas cu mncare si butur n prima noapte dup nasterea copilului. Teza nu
se susine ns, ntruct Parcele sunt atestate si la slavii septentrionali
4
, n contextul religiei
populare a vechilor rusi, asa cum apare aceasta consemnat n Preaicile ruse si n Cronicile
ruse, n care e criticat persistena credinei n Rodjanice si a sacrifciilor aduse acestora chiar
n rugciunile adresate Maicii Domnului. Polemici similare apar si n alte texte medievale,
precum Preaica ae la Chrystolubiec (despre rugciunile nlate unor diviniti pgne wile,
Roa, Ro:anice s.a.
5
), Cuvantul aespre cum pganii aaorau iaolii (catalog al divinitilor slave
1
J.St. Bystron, Riti familiari slavi, Cracovia, 1916, p. 53.
2
D:ivo:ony si Mamuny boginki Iur copiii oamenilor, nlocuindu-i cu ai lor ap. T. Pamfle, Mitologie romaneasc. I, Dumani
i prieteni ai omului, Bucuresti, 1916, p. 205.
3
cI. Nornele scandinave.
4
vezi Aleksander Brkner, La mitologia slava, Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna, 1923, pp. 166-167.
5
,Non solo per ignoranza Iacciamo il male (poco prima si legge: avendo promesso di servire il Cristo, perch serviamo i
diavoli?`), ma mescoliamo certe nostre pure preghiere col maledetto culto degli idoli, la Madonna, tre volte santa, con le Ro:anice,
alcuni preparano soltanto la mensa di Natale, ma altri anche le trape::e (tavole, mense) del pranzo rituale, che e poi una tavola
sacrilega, oIIerta a Roa e a alle Ro:anice per oIIendere Iddio Sermone ael Chrystolubiec, ap. Brkner, op. cit., p. 168.
28
pgne
1
) si n alte documente ecleziastice
2
. Peste tot e atestat existena, la slavii septentrionali,
a meselor si banchetelor rituale consacrate Ro:anice-lor: popieliny (cenus), popielec (ziua
cenusii), popielinki (la polonezi), kolaciny (la huuli), aawia:ywanie (dezlegare), klast w
kas:u ('punerea n tre, adic strngerea banilor pentru moas la rusi), babc:yna kas:a
(babka e moasa la bielorusi), banii pentru ,tre (na kasicku la cehi)
3
. Roa:anicele
sunt entiti Ieminine legate de nastere, atestate n diIerite culturi slave Roa, Ro:anice
/ Roa:anice (la sloveni), Suafenice, Sofenice, Suaicke (la cehi), Orisnice (la bulgari)
si care nsoesc omul nc de la nastere, find deopotriv bune si rele. Bystron propune
identifcarea, n acest context, a aluatului ritual si a trelor cu pruncul si echivalarea
botezului cu ceremonia de primire ce sIrseste prin ingerarea plcintei rituale, care l-ar
reprezenta pe noul-nscut. Ipoteza e ns criticat cu argumente de Brkner:
Il Iato dunque non esisteva, ma sulla sorte del neonato vegliavano le buone e le cattive divinita del
parto; e queste si supplicavano con sacrifzi, nella convinzione che esse stesse venissero a segnare
la sorte, fssando il corso di tutta la vita. In seguito, nel corso della vita stessa, bisogna ancora
invocare altre divinita, conIorme ale circonstanze, ecc. (...) Soltanto di un Iato cieco non vi puo
esser questione, poich altrimenti a che pro` servirebbero i sacrifzi propiziatori? E naturale che il
culto delle divinita del parto si conservasse piu a lungo tra le donne, e non era per caso che a loro si
rivolgevano i popi colle loro domande del conIessionale
4
.
Totodat, Brkner respinge si interpretarea lui Niederle despre conceptul de destin la slavi
ca rezultat al infuenelor grecesti (via bulgari)
5
, susinnd caracterul genuin si originea
protoslav a divinitilor Roa (cI. roaiti, a naste) si Roa:anice / Rofenia (mam, matc,
soart), atestate la toi slavii
6
si n texte medievale: Procopius din Cezareea, observnd
concepia slavilor despre destin, propunea, n buna tradiie a apologeilor crestini o
hermeneutic fzicalist a divinitilor panteonului slav
7
, iar Helmold, mai trziu, interpreta
crestinizant panteonul pgn slav, n contextul hermeneuticilor medievale
8
. Rofeniele sunt
1
,In conseguenza i Greci erano soliti a sacrifcare ad Artemido (!) ed Artemisia, cioe a Roa e alla Ro:anica. (...) (Dopo il
santo battessimo aderirono a Cristo, ma anche ora nel contado pregano di nascosto Perun, ecc), non riescono ad abbandonare
il maledetto uso, cominciato nel paganesimo e durato fno ad ora, di apparecchiare una seconda tavola, dedicata a Roa e alle
Ro:anice, colla quale cosa scandalizzano i Iedeli cristiani, oIIendono il santo batessimo e suscitano l`ira di Dio. Dopo il
santo battessimo i popi, dediti al ventre, stabilirono d`introdurre il tropar (canto ecclesiastico) della Nascita della Vergine nel
banchetto delle Ro:anice, nella quale occasione si Iacevano doni ai popi. SiIIatti preti sono parassiti e non servi di Dio. E la
domenica, dipinta una donna di Iorma umana, la pregano, la salutano, la baciano, benche non sia che creatura ap. Brkner,
op. cit., p. 169.
2
,Apparecchiando la tavola a Roa (oppure a Rod a alle Rozanice`) e mescendo stupidamente le bevande alle Ro:anice
(demoni); ,tagliano i primi capelli ai bambini, e cuociono il tritello per la congrega delle Ro:anice. 'A che scopo tagliano
pane, Iormaggio e miele per le Ro:anice? Pronunziando una grande bestemmia disse gia Isaia: guai, a coloro che danno a bere
e a mangiare alle Ro:anice! Sreznievski, ap. Brkner, op. cit., pp. 169-170.
3
ap. Brkner, op. cit., p. 169.
4
Brkner, op. cit., p. 174. cI. Anicikov, Testimonian:e e aocumenti aella mitologia russa., pp. 267, 281 despre obligaia preotului
de a ntreba Iemeile la spovedanie dac nu a svrsit acte cultuale ctre daimonii Ieminini pagni: ,Non hai compiuto colle donne
i peccati riprovati da Dio? Non hai pregato le Wile e Roa e le Ro:enice e Perun e Chors e Mokos:, non hai bevuto e mangiato?
Tre anni di digiuno con inchini per penitenza. (.) Hai pregato i diavoli con le donne, cioe la Ro:anica e le Wile ed altri simili?
(.) Ancora avendo commesso colle donne i peccati odiosi a Dio, pregare le wile ap. Brkner, op. cit., pp. 174-175.
5
L. Niederle, O mythologii slovanske (Zivot starich Slovanu, II,I) La mitologia slava, Praga, 1917, p. 69 ap. Brkner, op.
cit., pp. 181-182.
6
Brkner, op. cit., pp. 182-183.
7
Procopius, Historia, III,23 sq.
8
Helmold, Preaica sulla aomenica. ,cio che e peggio di tutto si e apparecchiare la tavola alle Roa:anice e ogni altro servizio
diabolico, il sacrifcare alle wille e l`adorare le creature ap. Brkner, op. cit., pp. 171-172. cI. Marinov, La creaen:a popolare
e le usan:e religiose bulgare, 1914.
29 Studii / Articles
,epiIanii sau ipostaze ale vechii Zeie-Mame chtoniene, Mati sira :emlia (Mama rn-
jilav`)
1
, al crei cult a supravieuit pn n secolul al XIX-lea
2
.
Mai mult, entiti similare wile-lor si roa:anice-lor sunt atestate si n culturile populare vecine
din spaiul baltic, ca diviniti ale celei de-a treia Iuncii (n lectur dumzilian
3
): Laima este, n
tradiiile religioase lituaniene, o divinitate Ieminin a destinului, care patroneaz existena uman
nc de la nastere, n vreme ce, n religia vechilor letoni, ea guverna deopotriv cstoria, belsugul
vegetal si animal, intrnd ulterior n sincretism cu Fecioara Maria
4
. Laume, cealalt divinitate
lituanian, toarce si deapn frul vieii, asemenea Parcelor, dar avnd conotaii erotice.
Tot legate de complexul ritual al nasterii si de imaginarul copilriei, trebuie menionate si o
serie de entiti demonice de tipul bau-bau, specializate n Iurtul somnului si a linistii pruncului,
precum Buba (la polonezi), nrudit cu termenii care denumesc sperietoarea (bobo, bubak,
bubac: / bobak) si sperietoarea pentru copii din tradiiile lituaniene baube, baubas, baubo:ius,
derivate probabil din acelasi radical (*bu
5
). Ali daimoni Ieminini se remarc n Iurtul propriu-zis
de copii umani nebotezai si n schimbarea acestora cu propriile odrasle: Bogienca (n tradiiile
ucrainene), D:ivo:ony / Mamuny boginki (din Iolclorul polonez)
6
. Practicile apotropaice
utilizate pentru aprarea pruncilor de agresiunea daemonic sunt nrudite cu cele din spaiul
cultural romnesc
7
(vezi supra).
Entitile nimIoide sunt amplu documentate n perimetrul slav (bereghinie, vile, rusalke,
mawke). Bereghiniile sunt cele mai vechi ,nimIe slave, acvatice sau montane ( sl. bereg,
br:eg
8
), atestate n epiIanii colective (n numr de trei sau de nou) si conIundate uneori cu
vampirii (upirie, pol. upiori)
9
.
Jilele / Wilele (rus. vila, ceh. vila, bulg. vili, polon. wilawa) sunt entiti arhaice
10
plurale (sunt n
numr de 30), atestate iniial la toi slavii si ocultate sau ,nghiite ulterior, n contextul dinamicii
politeiste, de alte semidiviniti: n Iolclorul rus, de exemplu, numele lor originar (wile), a Iost
uitat, vilele find nlocuite cu alte entiti (mawke, nawke, rusalke), n Iolclorul bulgar vila
e identifcat cu sufetul unei Iete moarte si nengropate, iar n tradiiile slavilor occidentali
vilelor li s-au substituit a:iwo:onele (atestate n Polonia si Boemia
11
, unde numele vila ajunge
s nsemne ,broasc rioas, prostnac). Ipotezele etimologice propuse nu ajut prea mult la
clarifcarea Ienomenologiei acestor entiti (lat. aies violae, srbtori de primvar, celebrate
pe cmpuri si n pduri; dup Veselovski, lit. veles
12
, germ. Jal-holir, gr. elysios). Examenul
comparativ le leag ns invariabil de elementul acvatic (izvoare, Intni
13
) de practicile rituale
1
Mati sira :emlia e srbtoarea solstiial de var (cI. Snzienele si Rusaliile n.n.), constnd n aprinderea ritual de Iocuri, o
scald colectiv, si conIecionarea unui idol de paie (kupala), sprijinit de un copac sacru (mesteacn), tiat si curat de crengi
si de Irunze de ctre Iemei. (Marija Gimbutas, The Slavs, London New York, 1971, p. 169. cI. M. Gimbutas, Ancient Slavic
Religion. A Synopsis, n 'To Honor Roman Jakobson. Essays on the Occasion oI His Seventieth Birthday, The Hague Paris,
vol.I, 1967, pp. 738 sqq.).
2
Mircea Eliade, Istoria creainelor i iaeilor religioase, vol.III, Editura stiinifc si enciclopedic, Bucuresti, 1988, pp. 37-38. cI.
Evel Gasparini, Il Matriarcato Slavo. Antropologia aei Protoslavi, Firenze, 1973. Vladimir Propp, Feste agrarie russe, Bari, 1978.
3
Enrico Campanile, La religione aegli Slavi e aegli Balti, n 'Storia delle religioni (a cura di Giovanni Filoramo),
vol.I (Le religioni antiche), Editori Laterza, Gius, 1994, p. 602.
4
Eliade, Istoria creainelor i iaeilor religioase, vol.III, p. 33.
5
Brkner, op. cit., p. 184.
6
ap. Pamfle, Mitologie romaneasc, pp. 194, 205.
7
,Tot astIel si slavii, care cred n vile, Zne rele ale codrului, Iac la Iel. Gh.F. Ciausanu, Superstiiile poporului roman in
asemnare cu ale altor popoare vechi i nou, Bucuresti, 1914, p. 289.
8
cI. germ. Berg (munte, mal, coast, rm).
9
Brkner, op. cit, p. 175.
10
n sec. al IX-lea, clugrul medieval Hamartolos identifca Vilele cu Sirenele.
11
H. Machal, Nakres slovanskeho bafeslovi (Disegno aella mitologia slava), Praga, 1891 ap. Brkner, op. cit., p. 178.
12
Despre interIerenele religioase balto-slave, vezi Brkner, op. cit., pp. 133-134.
13
Un document polonez din sec. al XIII-lea menioneaz existena unei Intni a wilelor, wilski klaae:.
30
pentru provocarea ploii
1
si de cultul ,apelor vii (mbierile cu fnalitate curativ
2
): ,Le wile e
le bereghinie appartengono al culto delle acque dei fumi, delle sorgenti, delle Ioreste e delle
montagne: culto non senza importanza accanto a quello del Iuoco. Si sacrifcava alle sorgenti e
ai pozzi per Iar scendere l`acqua dal cielo, sopratutto dunque nei periodi di molesta siccita; ma
a loro si sacrifcava altres per curare - non solo per lavare gli occhi
3
.
Rusalki sunt ,succesoarele medievale ale arhaicelor bereghinie si wile, mai ales ncepnd
din secolul al XVI-lea, n Rusia
4
, find asociate apelor. Etimologiile cele mai Irecvente deriv
numele rusalcelor din lat. aies rosae, rosalia si, implicit, din numele srbtorii Rusaliilor ( rus.
Rusalifa)
5
. Excepie Iace ipoteza lui Niederle, care asociaz termenul sl. rusla, curs de ap
6
.
Speculaiile istorico-religioase Iormulate la nceputul secolului al XX-lea, viznd identifcarea
originii rusalcelor, suIer ns de tarele cognitive tipice acestui tip de demers. AstIel, D. Zelenin,
plecnd de la credina popular c sufetele copiilor mori nebotezai se transIorm n Rusalke,
ncerca s explice caracterul nociv si ostil al Rusalki-lor prin integrarea lor n clasa sufetelor
copiilor si Iemeilor mori de o moarte nenatural
7
. Niederle extinde ipoteza pn la a susine
caracterul ,manistic al rusalcelor, acestea find sufetele oamenilor ngropai n muni, n
pduri, n ape, de-a lungul drumurilor
8
: ,Tutti questi esseri, le nawke, le rusalke, le Ianciulle e le
donne silvestre, in parte anche le wile, il cui carattere poetico ci e noto dalla tradizione popolare,
quanto alla origine loro non sono nient`altro che anime di bambini, ragazze e donne (specie le
fdanzate) deIunte, e che vanno vagando in riva ai corsi d`acqua o lungo le strade silvestri
9
.
El distinge vilele atmoIerice, ,spiritualizri ale meteorologiei de vilele-rusalce, apariii
Iantomatice ale morilor nempcai
10
. Teoria sa va f susinut pn trziu de unii cercettori
11
,
din pcate Ir a se ncerca o analiz de tip stratigrafc, pe nivele morIodinamice (deopotriv
morIologice si istorice) de semnifcaie. Brkner respinge att ipoteza unui cult al strmosilor
ct si pe cea a cultului pruncilor nebotezai (care aparine stratului crestin al religiozitii slave),
cu att mai mult cu ct teoria lui Niederle opereaz o distincie arbitrar ntre sufetele brbailor
deIunci si sufetele copiilor/Ietelor/Iemeilor moarte
12
. El se mulumeste s constate solidaritatea
1
,Presso i Serbi, in tempo di siccita, si portava in giro una Ianciulla vestita di Ironde, spruzzandola d`acqua e accompagnando
l`azione con una cantilena che aveva per ritornello oi' aoao' oi' aoaole, onde la Ianciulla stessa era chiamata Doaola. (Brkner,
op. cit., p. 178); cI. Paparuaa, Drgaica, Mumulia ploii din tradiiile populare romnesti.
2
,In primavera, dopo i primi Iulmini, comincia questo singolare pellegrinaggio k kluc:am (verso le sorgenti`), in certi giorni
da tempo prestabiliti, per san Giorgio, san Nicola, l`Ascensione, il D:iewiatnik (nono giovedi dopo Pasqua) ecc. Prima della
domenica delle rose non si prende acqua altro che per bere; dopo questo giorno prendono anche bagni, abberevano e bagnano
i cavalli, sia per guarire da una malattia che per preservarsene in avvenire. Non e lecito sputare nell`acqua, specie nell`acqua
corrente (Brkner, op. cit., p. 178).
3
Brkner, op. cit., p. 178.
4
Niederle, O mythologii slovanske (Zivot starich Slovanu, II,I) La mitologia slava, Praga, 1917, pp. 53 sqq. ap. Brkner,
op. cit., p. 179.
5
,Cuvntul exist n paleoslav sub Iorma rusalifa si la ceilali slavi din aproprierea romnilor: la rusi rusalfa nealfa,
rusalnafa sau rusalka, toate cu semnifcaia de sptmna Rusaliilor`; la ruteni rusali, aproape cu aceleasi sensuri ca n limba
romn: 1. Rusalii, 2. Srbtoare cu jocuri si dansuri n prima zi a postului sfnilor Petru si Pavel. Alturi de aceste semnifcaii,
la ambele popoare, asa numitele Rusalki (ca si Rusalci la bulgari) joac acelasi rol cu Rusaliile si ielele de la romni S.
Goicu, Termeni cretini in onomastica romaneasc, Editura Amphora, Timisoara, p. 82); cI. srb. rusalna nealfa (Sptmna
Rusaliilor) ap. Romulus Vuia, Originea focului ae cluari, n ,Dacoromania II, 1922, p. 224.
6
Niederle, ibia.
7
ap. Brkner, op. cit., pp. 179-180.
8
Niederle, op. cit., p. 57.
9
Niederle, op. cit., p. 53 (cap. 'Il culto degli avi e i demoni che ne ebbero origine)..
10
,Le wille dell`aria sono semplice personifcazione delle Iorze naturali atmosIeriche, a quanto pare, piuttosto una, anzi che
anime dei trapassati trasportate sui venti e sulle nuvole, mentre invece le altre wile presentano maniIestamente la stessa origine
e gli stessi caratteri che le Rusalke, con le quale coincidono (Niederle, op. cit., p. 59).
11
,(Rusalcele n.n.) reprezint duhurile Ietelor moarte nainte de logodn. Locuiesc n palate, n Iundul apelor si i atrag pe cei
imprudeni n ap, silindu-i s triasc cu ele (ap. Goicu, op.cit., p. 82).
12
Brkner, op. cit., pp. 180-181.
31 Studii / Articles
dintre rusalce si elementul acvatic, precum si relaia cu srbtoarea Rusaliilor: ,Ele (rusalcele
n.n.) triesc n ap de toamna pn n duminica trandafrilor (prima dup Rusalii). Atunci ies
si se aseaz pe crengi, n special pe cele de mesteacn, si se leagn, strignd ctre cei ce trec:
omule, hai s te legeni!`'
1
Imprudentul e constrns s suporte gdilitul pn ce moare. Totodat,
n aceast perioad sunt postulate si unele interdicii legate de scldat, datorit primejdiilor
pricinuite de prezena activ a rusalcelor: mbolnviri neasteptate sau nec (cel ce se scald e
tras la Iundul apei si necat de Rusalki). n tradiiile Iolclorice bulgare, rusalki (sg. rusalka) sunt
prezentate ca samodive, nimIe sau zne acvatice, silvestre ori cmpenesti, a cror proximitate
e asociat unor toponime. Prezena unor nume de localiti ca Rusalifite / Rusalskite Grobista
este legat de credina popular c samodivele joac n timpul nopii
2
.
Navki / mavki, iniial daimoni Ieminini ai munilor si stncilor, avnd o Iuncie adjuvant n
gestele eroice balcanice, srbe si bulgare (Cantecele funaki-lor, vitejilor), sunt asimilate, n
interpretatio christiana, motivului deIunctului nempcat (sufetele copiilor nebotezai si ale
Ietelor nemritate se transIorm n navke navi, cadavre). n Balcani se pstreaz att numele
lor arhaice, vile (la bulgari) si samovile (la srbi si la croai), ct si motivul mitico-choreutic
(vilino kolo, cercul/hora vilelor
3
).
Complexul mitico-narativ al Babei Iaga
4
, specifc Iolclorului rus, e integrat n contextul mai larg
al riturilor pubertare Ieminine si al iniierilor eroice
5
: Baba Iaga ca Mam teribil
6
, izomorI cu
Mama Paurii (din tradiiile orale romnesti
7
), Buschmutter (la sasii din Tranilvania)
8
, Sima-
Simodina
9
, Vila (n Iolclorul srb
10
), Bogienca (la ucraineni
11
), Dzivozony, Mamuny boginki (la
polonezi)
12
.
n elaborarea demonologiilor Iolclorice slave nu e exclus si o component dualist, cu att mai
mult cu ct, dup datele Iurnizate ndeosebi de lingvistica istoric (A. Meillet, E. Benveniste,
R. Jakobson), se pare c exist o conexiune strns ntre lexicul religios slav (e vorba despre
comunitatea etnic slav dinainte de migraie) si cel iranian (terminologie ritual, nume de
diviniti etc.), nc din mileniul I a.Chr.: ,Che queste congruenze Ira il lessico religioso iranico
e quello slavo siano da interpretarsi in termini di infusso culturale dell`Iran sulla Slavia e
mostratto in tutta chiarezza dalla vicenda di *aeiwos. Il passaggio di questo termine, inIatti, da
dio` a demone` ha la sua giustifcazione non nella cultura slava, bensi in quella iranica, ove
1
A.E. Bogdanovici, Pere:ytki arewnfago miro:ercanifa u Biolerusow Resiaui aellantica conce:ione ael monao presso i
Biancoruteni, Grodno, 1895, p. 77 ap. Brkner, op. cit., p. 177.
2
Konstantin Popov, Mestnite imena v Ra:lo:no, Sofa, 1979, p. 149.
3
Brkner, op. cit., pp. 176-177.
4
Aleksandr AIanasiev, Fiabe popolare russe, tr.it., Grandi Tascabili Economici Newton, Roma, 1994.
5
A se vedea interpretarea istoricist a lui V.I. Propp, Racinile istorice ale basmului fantastic, Editura Univers, Bucuresti,
1973, cap. III (Paurea misterioas), pp. 49-127.
6
Gh. Musu, Din istoria formelor ae cultur arhaic, Editura Stiinifc, 1973, pp. 87-101 (Baba Iaga). cI. Erich
Neumann, The Great Mother. An Analysis of the Archetype, Bollingen Series XLVII, Princeton University Press,
|I.a.|.
7
A se vedea, inter alia, motivul gardului cu capete umane: ,n jurul bordeiului Babei-Iaga erau nfpi 12 pari cu cte o cpn
de om, numai al 12-lea era gol. (Bruyere, p. 67); cI. Vuk, p. 35 (basm srbesc): ,Numai un par striga: babo, d-mi un cap!
ap. L. Sineanu, Basmele romane in comparaiune cu legenaele antice clasice i in legtur cu basmele popoarelor invecinate
i ale tuturor popoarelor romantice, Bucuresti, 1895, pp. 640-641.
8
Pamfle, op. cit., p. 205. cI. Sineanu, op.cit., p. 994.
9
Dumitru Sandru, Folclor romanesc, Editura Minerva, Bucuresti, 1987, p. 437 (Descntec de sperietur, Muntenia).
10
Vuk SteIanovici Karadjic, Cantece populare sarbeti, Editura Minerva, Bucuresti, 1977, pp. 283-289 (Legenda cetii Skadar:
Jila Paurii ain munte saboteaz zidirea cetii Skadar, cernd jertIa uman: gemenii Stoian si Stoiana, de negsit si prima
soie de mester care va aduce a doua zi merinde), 307-308 (Balada srbeasc despre zidirea orasului Skodra). cI. Ciausanu, op.
cit., p. 289.
11
ap. Pamfle, op. cit., p. 194.
12
Driade care Iur copiii oamenilor, nlocuindu-i cu ai lor ap. Pamfle, op. cit., p. 205.
32
la rivoluzione religiosa di Zarathustra aveva ridotto le antihe divinita indoiraniche al rango
di demoni. Cio signifca, dunque, che l`innovazione nacque in Iran e di li passo nel mondo
slavo
1
. Pentru ilustrare, ne vom reIeri la Mokosi, o divinitate slav minor, de provenien
indian (demonul indian Makhas), probabil mediat de scii, Ir a se putea exclude ns o
derivare direct dintr-un analogon iranian, neatestat nc. Succesorul etnografc, atestat n
cultura popular rus, al lui Mokosi, este Mokosa, un duh domes tic cu cap mare si brae lungi.
n acest context, ar f vorba despre un dualism sui generis, de inspiraie zoroastrian, ale
crui date Iundamentale sunt transmise de populaiile slave n migraie si pe care se vor altoi
ulterior elementele specifce dualismelor tardo-antice (maniheism, paulicianism) si medievale
(bogomilism). Dincolo de limitele cognitive proprii istoricismului, teoria ar putea ns explica
n ordine istorico-religioas succesul relativ mare pe care l-au avut ereziile dualiste n rndul
populaiilor slave abia ncrestinate, att la cele din sud (bulgari, bosnieci, srbi), ct si la slavii
septentrionali (ucraineni, rusi). Pentru nelegerea religiozitii populare specifce populaiilor
slave timpurii, nu trebuie uitat contextul cultural-istoric n care s-a Icut ncrestinarea, nu prin
convertiri individuale, ci prin conversiuni colective, impuse n general de puterea central:
moravii n 863, bulgarii n 885, polonezii n 966, rusii n 988. Ultimele grupuri de slavi nc
pgni sunt suprimate cu violen si, n 1168 e distrus cetatea balto-slav de la Arcona, care
constituia bastionul vechilor credine
2
. Problema infuenei zoroastriene, relativ clar n termenii
lingvisticii indo-europene, se complic ns atunci cnd se trece la examenul istorico-religios,
dat find srcia surselor pentru religia slavilor n primul mileniu, respectiv inexistena unor
texte indigene din perioada precrestin
3
. Or, bazele istoriciste ale ipotezei sucomb tocmai aici,
pe Iondul precaritii verigilor intermediare probate documentar si arheologic.
1
Enrico Campanile, La religione aegli Slavi e aegli Balti, n 'Storia delle religioni (a cura di Giovanni Filoramo), vol.I (Le
religioni antiche), Editori Laterza, Gius, 1994, pp. 588-589. cI. Gherardo Gnoli, Le religioni aellIran antico e Zoroastro. La
religione :oroastriana, ibid., pp. 453-565. G. Gnoli, Zoroasters Time ana Homelana. A Stuay on the Origins of Ma:aeism ana
Relatea Problems, Naples, 1980.
2
Campanile, op. cit., p.587. Andr Vauchez (a cura di), Storia ael cristianesimo, vol.5, Edizioni Borla/Citta Nuova, Roma,
1999.
3
'Se le cose sono abbastanze chiare dal punto di vista linguistico, manca pero, sul piano documentario, una conIerma
specifca di tratti iranici nell`antica religione slava; e cio dipende dal Iatto che le nostre Ionti poverissime (...) e talora anche
contraddittorie non ci permettono di rispondere nemmeno alla domanda che pur sarebbe Iondamentale in materia d`infusso
ianico, se, cioe, vi siano elementi di dualismo nell`antica religione slava (Campanile, op. cit., p. 589).
33 Studii / Articles
ANTOANETA OLTEANU
OFRANDE RITUALE LA POPOARELE BALCANICE
The present article is intended to emphasize some aspects oI the ritual oIIerings similarities and diIIerences
in the context oI Balkanic area , oIIerings regarding the representations oI diseases (plague, smallpox etc.)
and also representatives oI the human world.
The oIIering, in its diIIerent Iorms, is a ritual instrument by which it is attempted the communication oI the
actual world with the world beyond, in order to obtain a balance, a harmony between the two worlds, by
calming the spirits Irom the world beyond, to protect the actual world.
We shall analyse the ritual practice oI giving oIIerings oI the Balkan peoples (Romanian, Bulgarian,
Serbian, Greek), in terms oI spatial and temporal, the importance oI the individualisation in space and time
being wellknown.
From the temporal perspective, the oIIering covers the period oI the important celebrations, days oI saints
(the infuence oI the Christian common practices oI the Balkan peoples), mosi, known as the moments oI
connection between the two worlds and magical practices conductive. Particular attention is given to the
oIIerings given in the so-called alms in honor oI the spirits oI the dead, perIormed by all Balkan peoples.
In these alms and beyond, the space coordinate is very important, as it individualizes and strengthens
the practice oI ritual. In places as the cemetery, the grave, ,Apa Smbetei' gets a particular signifcance,
being emphasized by the role assigned to particular objects brought as oIIerings (Iood, clothing, always
accompanied by the ritual ring bread and the candle).
Key words: comparative ethnology, slavic mithology, demons, ritual oIIer, popular believes
Articolul si propune s puncteze cteva aspecte legate de oIrandele rituale diIerene si similtudini n
contextul spaiului balcanic , oIrande care vizeaz att reprezentrile bolilor (ciuma, vrsatul etc.), ct si
exponeni ai lumii umanului.
OIranda, sub diverse Iorme, se constituie ca un instrument ritual prin care se ncearc comunicarea lumii de
aici cu cea de dincolo, n sensul obinerii unui echilibru, a unei armonii ntre cele dou lumi, prin mbunarea
spiritelor de dincolo si astIel, protejarea lumii de aici.
Se analizeaz practica ritual a oIeririi oIrandei la popoarele balcanice (romni, bulgari, srbi, greci), n termeni
spaiali si temporali, find cunoscut importana circumscrierii spaiale si temporale a oricrei aciuni rituale.
Din punct de vedere temporal, oIranda se circumscrie perioadei marilor srbtori, mai ales religioase
(infuena practicilor crestine find comun popoarelor balcanice), Mosilor, cunoscute ca momente de
legtur ntre cele dou lumi si propice practicilor magice. O atenie deosebit se acord oIrandelor oIerite
n cadrul asa-ziselor pomeni n cinstea spiritelor morilor, ofciate la toate popoarele balcanice. n cadrul
acestor pomeni si nu numai, important este coordonata spaial care circumscrie si ntreste practica
ritual. n acest sens locuri precum cimitirul, mormntul, ,Apa Smbetei capt o semnifcaie aparte,
find potenat de rolul atribuit obiectelor aduse ca oIrand (alimente, obiecte vestimentare nsoite mereu
de colacul ritual si de lumnare).
Cuvinte cheie: etnologie comparat, mitologie, oIranda ritual, credine populare
Cnd vorbim de oIrande aduse de ranii romni, ne reIerim la dou situaii n care este vorba
de ritualuri ndreptate spre fine din alt lume. Avem, pe de o parte, reprezentri ale bolilor
(n principal, ciuma, vrsatul) care pot aciona nemijlocit asupra viilor, producnd neplceri
34
sezoniere considerabile, si, de cealalt parte, exponeni ai lumii umanului care, prin moarte,
s-au mutat n lumea cealalt, din care revin periodic pentru ,ntreinerea contactului cu rudele
lor rmase n via. Datoria Ia de ei este mai degrab moral de suport material al lor n
lumea cealalt, n care trebuie s se acomodeze si s duc un trai ct mai aproape de cel de acas
, dar nu putem scpa din vedere nici practicile apotropaice, ntruct nemulumirea lor (venit
mai ales din partea celor decedai nainte de vreme) se putea maniIesta Ioarte neplcut Ia de
semenii lor vii.
n ceea ce priveste analiza comparativ a oIrandelor n regiunea Balcanilor, n studiul de Ia, Ir
ndoial, Ir pretenii de a f exhaustiv, vom Iace reIeriri la tradiiile bulgresti pentru a scoate
n eviden, comparativ cu materialul romnesc, anumite diIerene. S nu uitm c n spaiul
balcanic religia ortodox este predominant, asa c, n mare parte, oIrandele tradiionale aduse
morilor sunt infuenate de prescripiile religioase, asa c nu vom insista asupra acestor elemente.
Ofrande aduse demonilor bolilor
n reprezentrile populare romnesti de sIrsit de secol al XIX-lea si nceput de secol al XX-
lea, demonii redutabili, pstrai n memoria popular n numeroase credine, sunt ciuma si
vrsatul. Sub infuena crestinismului, le-a Iost alocat un sInt patron sau mai muli (aceiasi si la
bulgari si la romni), n zilele crora se si perIormeaz rudimentele de ritual sacrifcial. Selecia
noastr, desi ntmpltoare (sau determinat numai de numrul mare de credine si practici
rituale pstrate) este susinut de o credin romneasc interesant: SI. Haralambie, se spune,
,strnge toate bolile din lume, iar SI. Varvara le ine nchise sub o piatr mare
1
.
Ciuma era marcat pe 18 ianuarie, de SI. Atanasie, si pe 10 Iebruarie, de SI. Haralambie. Ca la
toate pomenirile rituale, se Iceau colaci, sfnii la biseric, sau azime simple, calde, mprite
apoi vecinilor si celor din cas; pentru mbunarea sIntului si a bolii, ,ca s se ndure sIntul
si s nu dea drumul ciumei din lan
2
, pinile puteau f unse cu zahr, miere sau cu unt
3
; se
putea da de poman coliv, mai ales trectorilor. Cu aceast ocazie, din colacii sfnii, se puteau
obine remedii pentru tratamentele viitoare: o parte din pinea ritual era pstrat si Iolosit cnd
apreau cazuri de boal. Printre remediile Irecvente se numra si agheasma, obinut n aceast
zi: ,n aceast zi se obisnuieste s se Iac agheasm, adic pltesc preotului ca s le sfneasc
ap, care e bun pentru Ielurite boli; o parte din ap este but, cu o parte se spal, parte o dau
vitelor de but sau stropesc cu dnsa vitele, grajdurile, surile, iar restul l arunc prin Intni
4
.
n cazuri extreme, cu practici ce amintesc de trecutele jertIe sngeroase, chiar umane, se tia
o gin care era preparat si dat de poman n cinstea sIntului. n vechime ns, oamenii nu
pregetau s-si sacrifce un semen pentru a scpa de molim (n cazul de Ia, holer): ,ntr-un
sat, dac a vzut c nu mai scap de holer, oamenii au luat un biat voinic, i-au Icut o groap n
pmnt, adnc ct el si strmt, asa ca s poat sta un om n picioare. Au luat apoi biatul, l-au
pus n groap si au pus pmnt peste el de viu, si el a murit acolo. Asa a scpat satul de holer
5
.
Reminiscenele credinelor populare mai vechi, bulgresti si srbesti, Iac reIerire la cium sau
holer vzute ca niste personifcri ale destinului. Asemeni ursitoarelor, demonii atac numai
oamenii menii s se mbolnveasc, evident, n urma unor greseli de ritual Icute. Ciuma si
1
Th.D. Sperania, Rspunsuri la chestionarul ae srbtori pganeti, B.A.R., 1907., VI, I. 181.
2
Iaem, VI, I. 179.
3
Ibiaem, I, I. 286; II, I. 40 v., 111v; III, I. 11v.; VI, I. 15 v.; 154.
4
Simion Florea Marian, Srbtorile la romani, I, Bucuresti, Editura Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucuresti, 1994, p. 194.
5
I.A. Candrea, Folclorul meaical roman comparat. Privire general. Meaicina magic, Polirom, 1999, pp. 141-142.
35 Studii / Articles
atac victimele cu sgei sau le taie capul cu o coas. Ea are o list de nume (tefter) ale
persoanelor pe care trebuie s le atace cnd se apropie de sat. De regul se opreste la hotar,
lng o Intn; i ntreab pe oamenii venii la ap despre casele pe care le caut; vine numai
dup cei pctosi (,Dac e primit cu cinste sau dac se pzeste curenia si nu se Iac pcate,
atunci nu omoar. De aceea, cnd se aude de cium, fecare se grbeste s-si curee curtea,
casa, cosarele si pivniele, se Iereste de a Iura sau de a mini, iar brbatul nu umbl dup
Iemeie n vremea ct colind ciuma
1
). La srbi, de asemenea, ciuma are la gt o carte, n
care sunt scrise numele celor care trebuie s moar
2
. Tot o asemnare cu demonii destinului se
poate Iace si n urma mesei speciale pregtite pentru ea, pine, vin si sare, ca un obol adus din
partea credinciosilor. Credinele grecilor, asemntoare, sunt mai mult dect convingtoare:
,ciumele sunt n numr de trei: prima are n mn o Ioaie mare de hrtie, a doua, o pereche
de IoarIeci, iar a treia, o mtur. Prima nscrie numele n catastiI, a doua si rneste victima,
iar a treia o mtur
3
.
O credin interesant, izolat, la bulgari, e aceea reIeritoare la cium vzut ca un gardian
al cureniei. Asa cum am vzut mai sus, i predepseste cu precdere pe oamenii care nu-si
cur gospodria n cinstea ei; mai mult, nevoia de a-si pstra curat copilul care o nsoeste
pretudindeni i-a Icut pe oameni s-i pregteasc o oIrand mai puin ntlnit: ,n fecare cas
se pregteste cte o albie si un pieptene, si n fecare sear se toarn n ea ap cald, pentru ca,
noaptea, cnd va sosi ciuma cu copilul ei, s-l poat sclda
4
.
Jrsatul, bubatul era prznuit ntr-un ciclu de trei zile, ntre 4 si 6 decembrie (acelasi lucru se
ntmpl si la bulgari). SI. Varvara, ca patroan principal, dar si SI. Sava si Nicolae erau patronii
bolii, care cunostea, n reprezentrile populare, trei Iorme uzuale, fecreia dintre ele alocndu-
i-se cte o zi. Ca si n cazul credinelor balcanice reIeritoare la cium, vrsatul era trimis, n
mentalitatea popular, ca urmare a nclcrii unor interdicii, ca pedeaps pentru necuviin
s.a. n ceea ce priveste cuplul Iormat, credinele romnesti oIer inIormaii interesante: Varvara
si Sava (se spune uneori c Varvara e sora sIntului Nicolae sau SI. Varvara si SI. Sava sunt
prinii sIntului Nicolae)
5
sunt dou sfnte ce umbl cu vrsatul din sat n sat, din cas n cas,
si celor care n-au inut aceast srbtoare li se trimite boala copiilor
6
.
Asa cum am spus, la romni se crede c n aceste trei zile serbate se mparte bubatul (vrsatul):
mare, mic, mijlociu
7
. Aceasta e si reprezentarea bulgarilor care, mai conservatori, vorbesc
concret de personifcarea bolii si nu de o aparen crestin a ei. Vrsatul este cunoscut n
medicina popular sub mai multe nume Sarka, Baba Sarka, Blaga-Medena , find ipostaziat
ns de trei surori: Edria, Brusnia, Sipania. Ziua consacrat lor este ns 9 martie, dar oIranda
ritual este turta uns cu miere, mprit rudelor si vecinilor. Si aici sunt reIeriri la o jertI
animal, care trebuie preparat numai n condiii speciale: pn nu se vindec bolnavul si nu se
conving c nu se va mai mbolnvi nimeni se interzice s se farb n cas gina-oIrand. Dac
jertIa este oprit, atunci va f oprit si duhul bolii, care, de durere, l va omor pe bolnav. De
aceea jertIa se ferbe n vecini
8
.
1
Iaem, p.136.
2
V.V. Slasciov, Sravnitelnafa characteristika persona:ef ukrainskof naroanof aemonologii i aemonologiceskich persona:ef
serbov, cernogorcev, chorvatov, musliman, MGU, 1992, p. 219.
3
Candrea, op.cit., p. 136.
4
E.M Nazarova, Bolgarskafa mifologiceskafa leksika v etnograhceskom i etnolingvisticeskom osvescenii, MGU, 1986, p. 175.
5
Sperania, op.cit., II, I. 132 v; VII, I. 191 v.
6
Ibiaem, III, I. 219.
7
Iaem, I, II. 309 v; 69 v; II, I. 34 v.
8
Nazarova, op.cit., p. 155.
36
Ritualul de mbunare si de protecie cuprindea, la romni, mai multe episoade:
realizarea oIrandei rituale, de regul turte cu nuc, unse cu miere (barburii), oIerite direct
demonului, n locuri de trecere, consacrate reprezentanilor lumii celeilalte (,Femeile care au
copii Iac dou turte n acea zi si una se pune la streasina casei. Se spune c vrsatul, cnd
trece pe lng acea cas, se abate, mnnc din turt, bea ap si apoi pleac nainte, la alt
cas)
1
sau druite, ca mprtsanie, chiar copiilor din cas. O alt oIrand, asociat si ea,
asemeni colacului, lumii morilor, este apa lsat peste noapte, pentru a f consumat de demon.
Lng cas se mai pune o coI cu ap, n credina c, atunci cnd va trece vrsatul, s mnnce
din turta pus la streasin, s bea ap din coI si s plece mai departe, la alt cas. Tot ca o
reminiscen a meselor de poman pentru mosi, de care vom vorbi mai jos, ntlnim si reIeriri
la oIrande complexe: Iemeile mpart pine (trei turtie necoapte), o strachin de Iasole nefart,
o sticl cu vin si un caier de ln sau de cnep. Aceasta ca s fe Bubatul bun ca pinea si ca
vinul, moale ca boabele de Iasole si ca lna
2
. La bulgari, de SI. Varvara, apreau reprezentri
asemntoare cu cele ale romnilor. Ca si n cazul Ciumei, Baba Sarka (de aceast dat sor a
SI. Nicolae, alturi de Sava), putea f suprat pe oameni dac n cas nu era curenie; nevoia
ei de curenie se explic si prin prezena, n cadrul oIrandei, a sticlei cu ap si stergarului. Ca
si la romni, se prepara o mncare pe baz de boabe ferte (varvarka), de gru sau porumb. Sunt
prezente de asemenea turtele unse cu mierea
gesturile magice de ungere a copiilor, cu valoare aprotropaic, dar mai ales de propiiere,
de mbunare a duhului bolii: ,Mamele obisnuiesc s-si mbrbureze copiii, ungndu-i pe Ia
cu miere, cu ap n care s-a topit zahr etc., ca s fe Ierii copiii de vrsat sau de Iriguri, sau,
dac s-au mbolnvit, boala s fe dulce ca mierea, ca zahrul s.a.m.d. n apa cu care se spal
copiii s-a splat n prealabil o icoan, pentru ca Iaa copiilor s fe curat ca icoana
3
. Practici
asemntoare se Iceau si de SI. Marina (17 iulie), tot pentru protecia mpotriva vrsatului:
,Este obiceiul c se Iace pine cald si se unge cu miere, si unge si copiii pe Ia cu miere, ca
s nu dea vrsatul peste copii
4
.
Ofrande aduse morilor
OIrandele aduse morilor pot f disjunse n jertIe oIerite nemijlocit la nmormntare sau n
perioada consacrat transIerului total al rposatului pe lumea cealalt, respectiv sacrifcii din
cadrul cultului general al morilor, n care erau mbunai nu exponeni izolai ai morilor Iamiliei,
ci ntreaga comunitate.
nmormntarea find unul dintre actele ce presupunea implicarea activ a ntregii comunitii,
nu e de mirare c si la actele de pomenire se presupunea participarea nu numai a Iamiliei
lrgite, ci a neamului, a vecinilor, a satului ntreg. Fie c e vorba de nmormntare sau de Mosi
(raaunia), oIrandele erau, n principal, constituite din aceleasi elemente impuse de ceremonialul
Iunerar. Aceasta si pentru c prima poman Icut pentru mort putea s nu f Iost sufcient sau
corect realizat, si atunci pomana din cadrul Mosilor putea ndrepta unele omisiuni importante.
n rndurile ce urmeaz ne vor reIeri aproape exclusiv la materiale romnesti, Icnd cteva
reIeriri la credinele popoarelor nvecinate numai cnd sunt elemente diIereniatoare.
1
Candrea, op.cit., p. 170
2
Sperania, op.cit., II, I. 211.
3
Tudor Pamfle , Srbtorile la romani. Stuaiu etnograhc, Ed. Saeculum I.O., Bucuresti, 1997, p. 234.
4
Adrian Fochi, Datini i eresuri populare ae la sfaritul secolului al XIX-lea. Rspunsuri la chestionarele lui Nicolae
Densuianu, Ed. Minerva, Bucuresti, 1976, p.191.
37 Studii / Articles
a. Primele oIrande aduse rposatului erau nc acas, nainte de nmormntare. ,Masa de sicriu
se Icea n ajunul nmormntrii, noaptea, cnd era ncrcat masa cu bucate si lsat asa pn n
zori, pentru ca sufetul mortului s poat mnca n voie. Uneori aceast mas era ntins pe toat
durata priveghiului (cele trei zile). Credine din Maramures spun nc c aceast mas se punea
si pentru ursitoare, care apreau astIel pentru ultima dat n viaa rposatului, la cptiul lui:
,Atunci cnd moare cineva, se punea pe mas un pahar cu horinc, mncare pentru ursitoare.
Vin si cnd moare un om, da nu le vede nimeni n cas, pn dimineaa a treia zi
1
.
OIrandele aduse la nmormntare nu se deosebesc Ioarte mult de cele druite la srbtorile
specifce. Nu lipsesc lumnarea si colacul, indispensabile sufetului mortului n drumul spre
lumea cealalt, banul sau banii oIerii, apa, lsat n cas, peste noapte, sau slobozit (crat de
o Iat timp de trei pn la patruzeci si patru de zile la vecinii rposatului, mai apoi la sase luni,
un an sapte ani...), tmierea si, nu n ultimul rnd, oIrandele alimentare tradiionale: coliva,
alimentele de post sau de dulce, butur. n general, colacii nu aveau reprezentri variate. Totusi,
n Banat, de exemplu, se Iceau, de Florii, colaci ornamentai cu aluat, n diIerite fguri, pentru
toi membrii Iamiliei, de mrime diIerit, n Iuncie de vrsta fecrui membru al Iamiliei
2
.
Nu lipsesc nici vesmintele oIerite de poman, spre a-l mbrca, pe lumea cealalt, pe mortul
proaspt disprut (toate acestea oIerite, de regul, la patruzeci de zile de la moarte, cu ocazia
parastasului Icut atunci). Cnd pomana se Icea acas, dup nmormntare, n aIara meselor
pentru oamenii venii, se mai amenaja o mas special pentru rposat, de regul, rotund, pe
care se punea mncare, butur, colac si lumnare. Lng aceast mas se punea si un scunel,
precum si un toiag (uneori o creang de mr mpodobit).
b. Moyii
b.1. Condiionarea temporal: Cele mai multe meniuni din secolul al XIX-lea atest, n
satul tradiional romnesc, urmtoarele zile consacrate pomenilor rituale: Mosii de Crciun,
Mosii de iarn (smbta dinaintea Lsatului de Sec), Mosii de primvar (de Sntoaderi), Mosii
de Sfni (Mucenicii), Mosii de presimi, Mosii de Florii, Mosii de Joimari, Mosii de Pasti,
Pastele Blajinilor, Mosii de Sngeorz, Mosii de Ispas, Mosii de Rusalii (Mosii de var), Mosii
de Rusitori, Mosii de Snziene, Mosii de Sn-Petru, Mosii de Snt-Ilie, Mosii de Schimbarea
la Ia, Mosii de Snt-Maria Mare, Mosii de Ziua Crucii, Mosii de Smedru, Mosii de fori de
mrisor, Mosii de schimbarea patronului casei, Mosii de curastr (din laptele muls a treia zi
dup ce Itase vaca).
Momentele cnd se putea stabili o legtur ntre lumea noastr si cealalt, a morilor, le
constituiau, Ir ndoial, marile srbtori, hotare temporale recunoscute ca atare si Iolosite si
n numeroase practici magice. Acum erau recomandate cu deosebire oIrandele alimentare, care
puteau ajunge cu siguran la destinarii ce prsiser de mult lumea alb. Momentul era extrem
de important, cu att mai mult cu ct gestul magic Icut acum avea un impact semnifcativ pe
lumea cealalt: ,La Mosii de Var si de Iarn toi rposaii ntru Domnul mnnc si se satur
bine din aburul ferturilor date de poman, asa c poate s le ajung pentru un an ntreg;
,Lumnarea pe care o dai n aceast zi si masa nu se vor mai sIrsi niciodat
3
.
Dintre toi acesti mosi, unii aveau un caracter mai general, de pomenire a tuturor morilor
Iamiliei, cunoscui si uitai. La Mucenici, de exemplu, exista obiceiul Iacerii unor colcei
1
Florica Lorin, Mariana Kahane, O iposta: a ursitoarelor in creaine i ceremonialuri, n Folclor literar, II, Timisoara, 1968,
p.181.
2
Valer Butur, Cultur spiritual romaneasc, Ed. Minerva, Bucuresti, 1992, p.343.
3
Sperania, op.cit., V, I. 345 v, VIII, I. 33 v.
38
antropomorf, numii branauei, braaoi, unsi cu miere, oIerii n general copiilor. n unele
locuri, n aIara lor, se mai Icea un colac special, mai mare, numit, semnifcativ, uitata, pentru
sufetul morilor care n timpul anului ar f Iost uitai nepomenii. Colacul era jucat de copii n
jurul Iocului din curte, uns mai apoi cu miere si consumat
1
. Painea uitailor se Icea si de Joia
Mare o turt de Iin, crestat pe margini
2
.
Altele dintre aceste pomeniri intrau n categoria pomenirilor sezoniere. nainte de a se bucura
de buntile aduse de fecare anotimp, cei vii erau obligai s aduc mici oIrande specifce
morilor, pentru a se putea delecta mai n voie de consumul respectiv. Asa erau Mosii de fori de
mrisor, primvara, cnd se druiau bucheele de fori de primvar (ghiocei, aglice, micsunele);
Mosii de Sngiorz lapte, cas; Mosii de var cirese; Mosii de Snziene, Sn-Petru si de SI.
Ilie presupunea mprtsirea cu mere dulci, castravei (Mosii de SI. Ilie: La SI. Ilie morii vin
pe la casele lor. Femeile cheam copii strini de prin sat si, adunndu-i sub un mr nescuturat,
l scutur pentru ntia dat, ca s culeag copiii mere, iar morii s se veseleasc. Femeile n
vrst nu mnnc mere pn n aceast zi, iar acum, mprind pentru sufetul rposailor,
mnnc si ele
3
), de Schimbarea la Ia sau SI. Maria se ddeau de poman struguri (coliv de
struguri) sau porumb s.a.m.d.
n aIara acestor mari srbtori ale mosilor, smbta (anumite smbete din an sau orice smbt)
era consacrat morilor si mai ales pomenilor aduse acestora. Credinele romnesti reIeritoare
la caracterul Iunerar al acestei zile a sptmnii sunt numeroase: ,Ce dai n ziua ei, vezi pe
ceea lume. Smbta orisice dai e poman. Poman s Iaci toat sptmna, dar, dac n-ai Icut
smbta, nu-i primit. Smbta cerul e deschis, atuncia asteapt sufetele si se uit, oare le-a
trimis ceva, de pe ast lume. Dac nu li s-a dat nimic, se supr si se roag la sufetele celea,
crora li s-a dat de acas; acelea stau la mas cu ceea ce li s-a dat dinainte. ,mprumut-mi
si mie pn smbt, zice sufetul, c poate mi-or da si i-oi da napoi!' Dar dac si smbta
viitoare nu capt, atunci sufetul cruia i-i dator vine si-l pisc si cere: ,D-mi ce-i al meu!!'
Sufetul plnge si blestem: ,S dea Dumnezeu pn la anul s vin si ei aici, neamurile ce
are, s vad cum m necjesc eu!'
4
. Exist o explicaie pentru preIerina necondiionat pentru
aceast zi:
Raiul numai smbta e deschis si atuncea sufetele intr. Sufetele trebuie s stea n iad pn ce-si
Iac canonul, si dac ies peste sptmn stau pn smbt la SI. Petru si smbt dimineaa, pe la
rsritul soarelui, cnd prind cucosii a cnta, raiul se deschide si sufetele intr, iar iadul se nchide,
cci dracii nu pot suIeri s aud cucosii cntnd. Iadul numai ct smbta si duminica e nchis.
Smbta, cnd dm noi aici de poman, si duminica, cnd se roag preoii
5
.
b.2. Condiionarea spaial: Nu ntmpltor, tot acum se credea c sufetele morilor, mai
ales n ajunul srbtorii, coboar n lumea aceasta, pentru a se mai bucura o dat de ea
6
, sau,
1
Butur, op.cit., p.341.
2
Iaem, p.343.
3
Pamfle, op.cit., pp. 131, 132
4
Elena Niculi-Voronca, Datinile i creainele poporului roman, aaunate i ae:ate in oraine mitologic, Ed. Saeculum vizual,
Bucuresti, 2008, I, p. 270; II, p. 217
5
Niculi-Voronca, op.cit., I, p. 318
6
Cei care vedeneau de Crciun rmneau pe pmnt pn la Boboteaz, iar, n cealalt jumtate a anului, soseau la Joi-Mari si
plecau de Smbta Mosilor, nainte de Rusalii. n unele locuri, Iemeile, n preajma Pastelui, mergeau la morminte si le tmiau,
invitndu-i la plecare pe mori s revin n sat cu ele (,Sculai, sculai/ si acas-aidai! (Butur, p.344). Morii mai zburau la
cer si de Ispas, de aceea atunci se ddeau de poman pentru ei azime calde, ceap verde si rachiu, ca hran de drum (Butur,
op.cit., p.345).
39 Studii / Articles
dup altele credine, stteau la poarta raiului, unde asteptau cu nerbdare oIrandele ce li se
cuveneau. De aceea se recomandau Iocurile rituale (ca la Joi-Mari, SI. Dumitru, de exemplu),
la care spiritele se puteau nclzi, si, nu n ultimul rnd, mesele lsate ntinse si peste noapte
(ca la Crciun, Anul Nou, Lsatul de Sec s.a.), din care se nIruptau si rposaii (uneori, la
srbtori mai mici, era sufcient s se lase pentru ei pe mas un pahar cu ap si un colac;
n alte situaii, asteptarea lor se Icea cu Iast: pentru ei se scotea aIar o mas, pe care se
puneau colaci si ap, dar se aduceau si scaune, pe care s se odihneasc
1
, ca, de altIel, la prima
poman, dup nmormntare). n unele situaii, reprezentarea nu Icea reIerire la prezena fzic
a sufetului mortului pe pmnt; n locurile sacralizate, cum erau cimitirul si chiar mormntul,
se putea realiza cu siguran un transIer mai bun, de aceea, mai ales n perioada srbtorilor de
primvar, se obisnuia datul de poman peste mormnt (Joi Mari, Paste, Ispas).
De asemenea, un alt loc/ instrument sacralizat ce asigura o legtur necondiionat cu lumea
cealalt era Apa Smbetei, vzut, mitic, ca o ap ce, nconjurnd pmntul, sIrseste pe lumea
cealalt, dar si orice ap care, n ziua de smbt, putea s devin un mesager: ,cnd nu se putea
da cuiva un lucru de poman, se arunca pe ap smbta, n credina c atunci sunt mai bine
primite, c astIel ajung n apa Smbetei, care le va duce n locurile cuvenite
2
. ntruct cea de-a
doua cale era mai complicat si era mai difcil ca pomana s ajung unde trebuie, exista obiceiul
de a meni pomana, de a indica persoana creia i se destina. Oamenii spuneau: ,Pomana trebuie
s-o menesti, c, dac nu-i numit, nu se atinge sufetul mortului de ea
3
.
Punctul de destinaie al apei Smbetei era Valea cu Dor, cum era numit, metaIoric, inutul
morilor. Cteva rspunsuri din chestionarul lui Sperania precizeaz mai bine ce se ntmpl cu
pomana adus morilor la Mosii de Rusalii:
n aceste zile se desteapt toi morii si se duc pe Valea cu Dor. Acolo gsesc tot ce li s-a dat de
poman n cursul anului. Cine nu gseste nimic ia rn n poal si se ntoarce mhnit. Oalele se
mpart, pentru ca cei mori s aib cu ce bea ap pe lumea cealalt. n zilele de Mosi se lucreaz
orice, dar nu se toarce, cci se crede c se ntorc colacii de la mori ndrt. Acum nu se dau lturile
aIar, c bieii mori stau cu gurile cscate n aceast zi, asteptnd colaci, si lturile le dau n gura
lor. Nu se mtur, c se d praI n ochii morilor, care stau dup us, pn a doua zi, cnd, dup
terminarea liturghiei, si iau zborul ctre cer
4
.
b.3. Implicarea comunitii: Pentru morii Iamiliei sau pentru propria persoan
5
, de poman se
putea da oricnd considera de cuviin omul. Existau ns zile din an n care ntreaga comunitate
instituionalizase pomenirile, din dorina de a se asigura c nu vor f situaii de nerespectare
a memoriei celor disprui si satul ntreg va f Ierit de eventuale nemulumiri ale morilor
neamului. Cele mai simple pomeniri constau dintr-un colac si o lumnare, mprite vecinilor
sau strinilor, accesibile oricui. n unele cazuri se organizau si mese pentru ntreaga comunitate,
de regul n curtea bisericii, cnd fecare Iamilie venea cu pomana, pe care o punea fe pe mese
special conIecionate, pstrate la biseric, sau pe Iee de mas puse direct pe pmnt. Din puinele
descrieri ale acestor obiceiuri, afm c masa (amplasat pe latura sudic sau nordic a bisericii)
1
Butur, op.cit., p.340.
2
Iaem, p.345.
3
Apua Ion H. Ciubotaru, Marea trecere. Repere etnologice in ceremonialul funebru ain Molaova, Ed. Grai si sufet Cultura
naional, Bucuresti, 1999, p.196.
4
Sperania, op.cit., II, I. 106 v; III, II. 14 v; 169 v; V, I. 26 v.
5
n Moldova de Jos era obiceiul ca oamenii s dea de poman, pentru propria persoan, ntr-o zi de smbt, tot ce le va trebui
pe lumea cealalt (Butur, p.345).
40
era ,alctuit din dou grinzi masive Irumos cioplite si mprite, prin linii transversale, n
sectoare reprezentnd neamurile. Uneori streasina acoperisului bisericii era prelungit, pentru
a oIeri adpost mesenilor
1
. La cele mai multe biserici, mesele erau cioplite din piatr, rotunde
sau dreptunghiulare, afate sub cerul liber, nsirate unele dup altele, pe neamuri (cum se poate
vedea n Iaa bisericii de lemn din Surdesti).
n aIar de mesele organizate la Mosi, romnii mai Iac mese colective si cu ocazia hramului
bisericii din localitate, srbtori de si mai mare amploare, la care sunt invitate rude din alte
asezri, chiar ndeprtate, precum si locuitori ai satelor nvecinate. Masa de la hram seamn
oarecum cu ceea ce se ntmpl n ntregul spaiu balcanic. Spre deosebire de bulgari, de
exemplu, sau de srbi, care Iac kurban sau slava, masa presupune sacrifcarea unui animal sau
a mai multe, dar Ir un ritual specifc, n care se s fe implicai nemijlocit donatorii. Mai mult,
n fnalul petrecerii, pus integral sub semnul Iunerarului, nu se admit dansurile colective, de
nici un Iel. Hora, chiar si Iunerar, este o raritate n spaiul romnesc, spre deosebire de bulgari,
unde si avea un rost bine consfnit de tradiie: ,la biseric, de nedeie, se Icea pomenirea viilor
si morilor; pe vremuri se Icea si hor. inea o zi si o noapte
2
.
Spre deosebire de pomenirile individuale eIectuate n curtea bisericii, unde fecare Iamilie
si expunea oIrandele, pe care le schimba mai apoi cu constenii sau pe neamuri, la hram
alimentele erau puse si consumate la comun. Toate Iamiliile din sat contribuiau cu ceva la
prnzul care se punea pentru mori, la hram, n curtea bisericii. La SI. Gheorghe, de exemplu, la
hramul bisericii se asezau mese n curtea bisericii si se Icea o mas comun pentru tot satul. Se
pregteau bors cu peste, sarmale, pilaI, Iriptur, brnz. Se Icea colac si coliv. La SI. Maria
Mare se Icea mas pentru strinii din alte sate, apoi pentru cei din sat. Nu era obligatoriu ca
cei din sat s mnnce. n ograda bisericii sunt mese si scaune Icute de oameni. De vreo 20-30
de ani, doi, trei oameni strng banii de la toi, se duc la Iasi si cumpr ce trebuie. Se strngeau
Iemeile la o cas alturi de biseric si pregteau bor, sarmale, chiper (ardei) umplui, perje cu
carne, pilaI. Acum se pune brnz, msline, mezel, Iriptur, prjoale, cozonac
3
. Caracterul de
oIrand este dat si de Iaptul c, n multe locuri, donatorii pomenii trebuia s-i serveasc pe cei
invitai la hram, ei nsisi mncnd mai apoi acas, la un mini-hram n Iamilie. Singura excepie
o constituiau cele mai srace persoare din satul ce organiza hramul, care erau invitate si ele la
mas. De Iapt, este general la romni credina c pomana e mai bine primit dac este dat
unor strini si unor sraci, nu rudelor rposatului sau celor care o oIer.
Asa cum am menionat mai sus, hora ritual la pomenirilor romnilor este o excepie. Nu este
vorba nici de o consfnire a ceremoniei sau de valoare apotropaic, asa cum se ntmpl la bulgari.
Pentru pomenirea morilor se Icea hor la Spasovden. Dup revenirea de la cimitir, oamenii se
adunau n piaa satului si jucau hora, orientat spre stnga, n cinstea morilor. Hore speciale
pentru mori se Iceau, la romni, mai ales de Paste, o hor special nainte de hora propriu-zis a
viilor, comandat de membrii Iamiliei care dorea s-si pomeneasc membrul decedat:
n prima si a doua zi de Pasti se Iace hora de poman, la care morii vin si privesc pn asfneste
soarele. Celui decedat, fcu ori Iat, i sunt menit trei hore. Familia mparte n timpul jocului ou
rosii, dulciuri, butur, bucheele de fori, batiste, legturi de cap, prosoape, stergare etc. Pe alocuri
se mpart si pui de mr. Un fcu duce pomul la casa celui decedat la locul unde se desIsoar hora,
urmat de Iamilie, care poart oIrandele; alaiul este nsoit si de lutari
4
.
1
Butur, op.cit., p.349.
2
Srbtori i obiceiuri, I, coord. I. Ghinoiu, Ed. Enciclopedic, Bucuresti, 2001, I, p.225.
3
Iaem, IV, 2004, p.328.
4
Marcela Bratiloveanu-Popilian, Obiceiuri ae primvar ain Oltenia. Calenaarul ortoaox i practica popular, Ed. Constantin
Matasa, Piatra-Neam Bucuresti, 2001, p.174-175.
41 Studii / Articles
Iniial, hora se Icea numai pentru morii necstorii, acum se Iace si pentru cei tineri, de pn
la vreo 40 de ani, indiIerent dac au murit cu sau Ir lumnare:
Acum se cumpr un brad de hrtie, se aduce acas, vin lutarii, cnt; dac mortul e dnac, pomul
este dus de un biat, iar dac mortul a Iost nsurat, este purtat de un brbat. Lutarii cnt acas si
pe drum, pn la locul cu hora, se ntorc si iau si ceilali pomi, iar cnd s-au adus toi ncepe jocul.
nainte joac cel ce a adus pomul, urmat mai apoi de mai muli biei, neamuri, de ali biei, Iete,
neveste, brbai etc. Se Iace trei ani la rnd
1
.
Tot n aceast categorie trebuie incluse si dansurile Iunerare interpretate la srbtorile consacrate
morilor. Vom exemplifca, n rndurile de mai jos, cu Lioara, practicat de obicei de Iete n unele
cimitire din Bihor a doua zi de Paste, n Duminica Tomii sau de Rusalii. Mai poate f numit Jocul
pe morminte, Moara, Mioara, Milioara, Jocul Felegii. Ceremonialul ncepe n cimitir (jocul pe
morminte), nconjoar biserica si apoi se continu prin antrenarea si a altor persoane, pe uliele
satului, peste cmpuri, spre satele nvecinate. n timpul jocului, rolul suratelor din lumea de
dincolo, care poart nume de fori (Lioara, Viorica, Milioara s.a.) este interpretat de suratele lor
din lumea de aici. Dansul se compune din mai multe secvene ceremoniale; mprirea suratelor
n dou cete inegale (una din cete are o surat n plus); aranjarea suratelor lor de o parte si
de alta a mormntului; trecerea suratelor din ceata mai mare n ceata mai mic, cte una, n
ordinea textului rostit sau cntat de participante sub Iorm de dialog (Ietele din ceata mic sunt
invitate s-si aleag o surat din ceata cea mare) cu scopul, subneles, al reIacerii echilibrului
ntre lumea de aici si lumea de dincolo; constituirea perechilor (o surat de aici cu o surat de
dincolo); construirea podului, un tunel prin ridicarea braelor suratelor perechi care se in de o
nuia, batist, nIram; trecerea pe sub pod (tunel) dintr-o lume n alta a persoanelor nsoite
2
.
b.4. Coninutul pomenii: n Iuncie de anotimp si, desigur, de pregtirea material a
gospodarilor, coninutul pomenii era diIerit. Indispensabile erau colacii, lumnrile, pe cnd
variabilele erau sarmalele, carnea de porc, crnaii, piItiile (iarna), Iasolea, prunele uscate s.a.
Coliva, un aliment pus n legtur exclusiv cu lumea morilor, era prezent Irecvent la Mosii
de iarn, Mosii cei mari (SI. Dumitru). Se Icea din boabe de gru fert ndulcit cu miere, n
care putea f amestecat nuc pisat. La Mosii de iarn, de exemplu, cu o sptmn pn la
Postul Mare, se mpreau vase de lut cu sarmale, rcituri, lapte cu tocmagi. Pe ulcioare se
puneau colaci. Dac ddeai sapte ulcioare cu ap puin ndulcit si o lumnare, Iormai un izvor
pe lumea cealalt. Aceasta era valabil pentru orice srbtoare. Se mai ddea cte un obiect de
mbrcminte: o cmsu, o bucic de pnz, la casele mai srace. La Mosii de Rusalii se
mpreau strchini, ulcele de lemn, linguri de lemn; pilaI, sarmale, tiei cu lapte, orez cu lapte,
Iriptur. n vase se punea lapte, vin, ap. Se puneau trandafri la coada cnii. nainte se puneau
si Iragi, cinci, sase cnie, ci mori aveau. De cni se legau cu a colacii
3
.
Srbtoarea prin excelen a morilor o constituiau Mosii de Smedru (Mosii de toamn,
Mosii cei mari). n aIara Iocurilor rituale ce se aprindeau pentru nclzirea sufetelor morilor,
oIrandele alimentare cuprindeau Iructe de sezon (mere, pere, prune, nuci), colaci sau covrigi
(eventual pine cald), gru fert, eventual lapte, brnz si, bineneles, lumnarea
4
. n aceast zi
se invocau spiritele mosilor pentru sntate, belsug, spor n cas: ,Voi, mosi strmosi,/ S-mi
1
Iaem.
2
Ion Ghinoiu, Comoara satelor. Calenaar popular, Ed. Academiei Romne, Bucuresti, 2005, p.91-92.
3
Srbtori, IV, p.336, 340.
4
Butur, op.cit., p.348.
42
fi tot voiosi,/ S-mi dai spor n cas,/ Mult pe mas,/ Cu mult ajutor/ n cmpul cu fori!
1
. La
Mosii de ajun, un alt moment ritual important, pe lng alimentele specifce (turte nmuiate n
ap cu zahr, presrate cu miez de nuc pisat sau cu semine pisate de cnep, blide umplute cu
bob Icluit si prune ferte, colaci, vin rosu, gru fert, ndulcit cu miere sau cu zahr), morii
primeau acum colindeele bee din lemn de alun, decorate romburi albe si negre ce alternau
, date de poman sau nfpte n morminte, lng cruce, ,pentru a f morilor la ndemn n
noaptea de ajun, cnd se deschid mormintele (n unele locuri se mai atest si astzi punerea n
groapa mortului a unui toiag sau b).
Apa dat de poman aprea la Mosii care presupuneau mprirea de recipiente (Mosii de
Iarn, de Rusalii, Joia-Mare, Ovidenie). Ritualul cel mai elaborat se Icea de Joi-Mari (cte
trei cobilie de ap, vrsat pe iarb, parte pentru mori, parte pentru Iertilitate; ap era vrsat
si pe mormintele morilor), de Rusitori (Marea morilor), cnd avea loc obiceiul slobozirii
apelor, unde o Iat nrudit cu mortul ncepea s care ap la casele vecinilor de sufetul morilor.
n trecut, n Joia Pastelui se desIsura obiceiul Joiele, la care participau Ietelor ntre 13 si 15
ani (nainte de a se prinde n hor), care continua sase-opt sptmni dup Pasti, n fecare joi.
Fetele Iormau grupuri de cte sase-opt si fecare Iat avea ,joia ei. Ritualul are un pronunat
caracter Iamilial si Iunerar. Obiceiul dura nou ani. Dup ce o Iat care l-a nceput crestea si se
mrita, era continuat de alt Iat din Iamilie si tot asa pn la nou ani, pn se umplea Intna
morilor. Miercuri, naintea Joii Mari, la asfnit, fecare Iat, Ir a f vzut de nimeni, si spa
,joia ei, adic un san n Iorm de cruce, ncadrat de un dreptunghi cu colurile rotunjite. n
Joia Mare, la rsritul soarelui, se Icea prima udare. Fiecare ,joi se uda cu trei cobilie (sase
glei) de ap. Apoi fecare Iat ducea trei cobilie de ap btrnilor si bolnavilor. Timp de sase-
opt joi la rnd, dup Pasti pn la Mosii de var, Ietele procedau la Iel. De Mosi, la prima udare,
Ietele schimbau ntre ele dou vase umplute cu ap si acoperite cu custuri de pnz. Pe toat
durata ritualului, stenii aveau grij s nu calce ,joiele spate, stiind crei Iete i aparine
2
.
n sIrsit, un element ntlnit, dup stiina noastr, mai rar n spaiul balcanic, l reprezint
pomul de poman. n satele romnesti, la nmormntri, pomul de poman (de regul, un brad)
se Icea numai pentru morii tineri, nelumii. n regiunea Transilvaniei se ntlnea ns pomul se
ntlnea si la pomana de dup nmormntare, Ir a se Iace reIerire la vrsta celui rposat: ,pe
lng bucatele ce se af (la masa de comnd n.n. A.O.), care, de obicei, sunt sup de tiei si
Iriptur, se pune un colac mare n care se mplnt un copcel ncrcat cu mere, turte, covrigi,
prune si nuci si apoi, cnd cnt preotul ,unde umbreaz darul tu, Mihaile Arhanghele, toi
mesenii salt si leagn colacul cu copacul
3
.
Pe lng oIrandele alimentare, n pom se mai puneau o scri si porumbei din aluat (impostazieri
ale ascensiunii, respectiv ale sufetului), un stergar si o can cu ap, precum si numeroase
alte fgurine de aluat (sgeat, stea, luceaIr, lun, IoarIec s.a.). Dac bradul era un Iel de
pereche a celui mort, menit s-i fe nsoitor pe lumea cealalt, pomul de poman avea cu totul
alte semnifcaii: putea f simbolul vieii pmntesti pline de belsug, pe care mortul trebuia si
dincolo, umbra la care s se odihneasc, lcas de odihn si adpost al sufetului sau loc din care
acesta si lua zborul fnal. Asa cum atest inIormaiile din regiunea Moldovei, nu era vorba de un
simulacru, si de un pom adevrat, scos din pmnt cu tot cu poamele lui, si rsdit mai apoi la
mormnt. Sunt mai puine situaiile cnd pom de poman devine un pom din livad, umplut cu
1
Simeon Mangiuca, Clinaariu fulianu, gregorianu i poporalu romanu... cu comentariu pe anul 1882, Oravia, 1881, p. 140.
2
Lucia Berdan, Feele aestinului. Incursiuni in etnologia romaneasc a riturilor ae trecere, Ed. Universitii ,Al.I. Cuza, Iasi,
1999, p.53
3
Teodor T. Burada, Datinile poporului roman la inmormantri, Ed. Saeculum I.O., Bucuresti, 2006, p.29.
43 Studii / Articles
alimentele si obiectele druite, netiat sau nersdit ulterior, care rmne ns n custodia celui
ce-l primeste
1
. Participarea ntregului neam la alctuirea pomului era un semn de omagiu adus
decedatului, dar si o contribuie personal pentru sufetul propriu: ,toi ci sunt de Ia ajut la
mort, pun cte o poam la Icut, s aib si ei parte pe ceea lume
2
.
Pomul de poman se realiza si cu ocazia diIeriilor mosi. n Joia Mare, n Bucovina, era dus la
biseric pentru sufetul morilor. n el erau puse mere, poame, colcei si turte dulci
3
; de Paste, n
reg. CalaIat (nuc, portocal, mr): se obisnuia s se duc pom la biseric, pomul mortului. Se
ducea o ramur din care se prindea poame, covrigei, foricele cocosi turte. Azi se duc Ir
pom, pe stergar. Lucrurile se mpreau la cei ce slujesc la biseric, preot, diacon
4
. Explicaia
apariiei lui la srbtorile calendaristice o poate da inIormaia de mai jos:
Fceau pom numai cei ce au avut mori n Iamilie n acel an. Se ducea o creang de porumbel (este
mai rotund ca prunul) sau prun si se mpodobea cu mere, portocale, biscuii, pur ntr-un ciur n care
se aseza un merindar (stergar), nou Ieluri de colaci, numai din ap, sare, Iin, o IarIurie, o can,
o Iurculi, o lingur. Cine a vopsit ou punea si ou. n pom se puneau turte, nuci, prune uscate.
Preotul l slujea. O parte se mprea la copii, restul se lsa preotului. Cei nou colaci: colacul,
arhanghelul, pupza, SI. Maria, trei crestue si patru colcui
5
.
Nici de ziua patronului sufetelor morilor, Arhanghelul Mihail, nu putea lipsi o asemenea
oIrand:
La Arhanghelii Mihail si Gavriil se Icea mare pomenire Hrhanger. Se Iceau pentru toi morii
din Iamilie pomi la biseric ncrcai cu turte. Se Icea o mas lung, pe care puneau pausele: canceu
cu vin, colac pe canceu si lumnare. Tot pe mas se puneau pomi ncrcai cu turte, turt dulce.
Pomul era o creang de prun, nfpt ntr-un colac, fxat pe Iundul unui cos. Restul cosului era plin cu
colaci, care se mpreau la sraci. Copiii primeau turtele. Popa si cantorii primeau colacul de paos
si vinul. Dac erau pomenini mai muli mori, pentru fecare se Icea cte un pom
6
.
Bibliograe
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Moscova, Indrik, 2002
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Cuza, Iasi, 1999
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Ed. Constantin Matasa, Piatra-Neam Bucuresti, 2001
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Cultura naional, Bucuresti, 1999
0
Ciubotaru, op.cit., p.171-174.
2
Niculi-Voronca, op.cit., p.286.
3
Butur, op.cit., p.344.
4
Srbtori, III, p.302.
5
Srbtori, III, p.303.
6
Srbtori, III, p.292; Srbtori, IV, p.254.
44
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Bucuresti, 1999
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1881
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Mesnil, Marianne, Popova, Assia, De la moi la nou-nscui. painile celor patru:eci ae mucenici, n vol. Eseuri ae
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46
Dat ae poman, Cupeni (foto Felician Stean)
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47 Studii / Articles
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48
Masa moilor, Cupeni (foto Felician Stean)
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49 Studii / Articles
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Pasc i colaci ceremoniali, Cupeni (foto Felician Stean)
51 Studii / Articles
CARMEN DRBUS
GASTRONOMIA, PARTE A MEMORIEI COLECTIVE
(Literatura popular aromn)
Le papier La gastronomie, partie ae la memoire collective. La litterature populaire aroumaine se propose
a analyser la signifcation de la rcurrence des ralits alimentaires dans les anecdotes de Lanthologie ae
prose aroumaine transpose est prsente par Hristu Cndroveanu. On observe une Iorte infuence orientale-
mditerranenne dans les ingrdients de base et mme dans la maniere de prparation. Forcs plusieurs Iois
par les malheurs de l`histoire a dmnager, ils ont gard des particularits de leur culture, mais ils ont pris,
d`une maniere alluvionnaire, des coutumes des autres, parmi ils ont vcu. Toutes les anecdotes de cette
Anthologie ont la nourriture comme prtexte des vnements, dans l`environnement rural, ou la distance
entre la nature et la culture n`est pas encore brusquement coupe. Les rois, les paysans, les gitans ; les
paresseux, le vilains et les perspicaces tout rcit moralisateur se tourne autour des lments Iondamentales
dans les divers tapes de la nourriture (et de la civilisation) le lait, le miel, le bl et la pain, le riz, le vin et
pas beaucoup de viande, dans l`esprit de la cuisine mditerranenne.
Mot clefs: anthropologie gastronomique, procc alluvionaire, communaute en mouvement
Articolul dezbate semnifcaia recurenei realitilor alimentare pe baza Iolclorului aromn. Sunt discutate
particularitile specifce ale acestei culturi, inclusiv infuenele sudice, mediteraneene. n spiritul buctriei
mediteraneene, sunt analizate att materiile prime, adesea cu valene rituale, sacre, utilizate n buctrie,
ct si preparatele secundare, indiIerent de mediul social din care proveneau persoanele implicate n proces.
Cuvinte cheie: antropologie gastronomic, proces aluvionar, comunitate n miscare
Necesitate si ritual n acelasi timp, mncarea este element al antropologiei generale,
particularizat n Iuncie de structurri si reprezentri socio-antropologice. ConIorm lui Claude
Lvis-Strauss, din punct de vedere antropologic cantitatea este semnul barbariei culinare, n
timp ce rafnamentul calitativ este semnul ,domesticirii mncrii si a actului de a mnca, desi
Poirier spune: ,ca s existe un echilibru dietetic chiar si empiric realizat, e nevoie de o oarecare
abunden; aceasta condiioneaz alegerea alimentelor, alegere ce rmne limitat pentru destule
popoare.
1
Oricum, obiceiurile culinare componente ale unui cod cultural - ajung s refecte,
fe si parial, o istorie a comportamentelor umane prin Ielul n care se raporteaz indivizii unii
la ceilali, dar si la univers.
Toate anecdotele din Antologie
2
, cap. Literatura popular, au mncarea ca pretext al ntmplrii,
ntr-o lume n care mediul rural se situeaz n continuitatea celui natural, Ir rupturile bruste
ale urbanului. Fr a avea posibilitatea (doar ntr-o msur prea mic) s-si dezvolte Iorme culte
de literatur, literatura popular a comunitilor lingvistice devine depozitarul sublimat estetic
al unui mod de via: ,Este cunoscut predilecia aromnilor pentru basm, ca si pentru specii
1
Jean Poirier (coord.), Ethnologie generale, Gallimard, Paris, 1968, p. 855, trad. aut.
2
Antologie ae pro: aroman, Ed. Univers, Bucuresti, 1977, selecie de texte, transpunere si prezentare de Hristu Cndroveanu.
52
nrudite cu basmul, freasc avnd n vedere att arhaitatea, simplitatea vieii lor n mediul
montan, ct si absena unei literaturi culte n dialect, nainte de ultimul ptrar al secolului al
XIX-lea, cu puine excepii.
1
AstIel, n mentalitatea arhaic, ritualizarea vieii cotidiene este
(sau cel puin a Iost) puternic, actul de a mnca are Iuncii simbolice exemplifcatoare sau care
evit ruptura dintre concret si abstract.
Laptele matern hran primar strns legat de apariia si finarea omului, este elementul
salvator n snoava Fata ager la minte. Privarea de mncare este asimilabil suspendrii vieii;
mpratul cel ru din poveste cere nchiderea unui om, poruncind ,s nu i se dea nimic de
mncare, s-l lase asa, s moar acolo de Ioame (p.21). naintea vizitelor permise ficei sale, o
tnr vduv luz, aceasta era atent controlat de teama c ea ar putea ascunde mncarea care
i-ar ine tatl n via. Ingenioas, ea i d tatlui su lapte matern; aici laptele matern si lrgeste
semnifcaia antropologic, de la freasca legtur mam-copil la cea de copil-printe, viaa find
aIect si intelect n acelasi timp: ,Cu o dragoste Ir margini, artat ttne-su, si cu mintea ei
ager, a izbutit Iata asta s-l scape de la o moarte sigur pe om! (p.29). Asociat cunoasterii
2
,
laptele este viaa vesnic secondat de nelepciune, abunden si Iertilitate, component a
spaiului paradisiac unde ,curge lapte si miere. Tot din seria alimentelor primare Iace parte
si mierea. Asa cum observa Lvi-Strauss, ,metaIorele inspirate de miere sunt printre cele mai
vechi ale limbii noastre si ale altor limbi, care au precedat-o n timp. Imnurile vedice asociaz
intenionat laptele si mierea care, conIorm Bibliei, vor curge pe Pmntul Fgduinei
3
. n
Lupul i vulpea, Cumtrul-Nicola si Cumtra-Mara pornesc la vntoare mpreun, dar gsesc
o oal cu miere. Lcomia celor doi se maniIest diIerit, traducnd, la nivelul Iabulei, naturi
umane diIerite: lupul, agresiv, nestpnit doreste consumarea imediat a przii; cu nimic mai
puin lacom, vulpea propune temporizarea evenimentelor, pentru a pune mna pe ntreaga
prad. InIormaii despre pinea sfnit, prescura, n ritul ortodox (aromnii find covrsitor
majoritari ortodocsi) gsim tot n aceast snoav: ,Popa se nturna de la biseric spre cas, cu
mgarul ncrcat de prescuri. Ea l vzuse de departe si se-ntinse lng crare, preIcndu-se
moart (p.21). Trimind lupul la moarte sigur prin sIaturi manipulative, Cumtra-Mara l
nvinge pe Cumtrul-Nicola n raportul Ior fzic/viclenie. Cele dou simboluri mierea si
prescura Iuncioneaz simbologic n drumul de la natur la cultur. De altIel, Lvi-Strauss
observa Iaptul c miturile care au n centru mierea ,evoc timpurile n care omul ignora
agricultura si se hrneau cu Irunze, cu ciuperci de copac, cu lemn putrezit, nainte ca o Iecioar
celest, transIormat n sarig
4
, le-a revelat existena grului
5
. Trecerea de la natur la cultur
se Iace lin, pentru c, iniial, n unele mituri grul avea aparena unui arbore slbatic care crestea
n pdure. Diversitatea culturii umane este legat tot de acest arbore mitic, dobort de oamenii
care i-au recuperat smna; astIel, apare ,pe de o parte, diversitatea speciilor cultivate (la
origine, ele erau reunite toate pe acelasi arbore), si, pe de alt parte, acelea ale popoarelor, ale
limbilor si ale obiceiurilor, rezultant a dispersiei primei umaniti
6
. Mitul mierii se plaseaz
ntr-o perspectiv anti-neolitic pentru c pledeaz n Iavoarea unei economii ,de colect,
de recoltare creia i mprumut vestmintele varietii
7
. Circulaia miturilor, a legendelor dintr-un
spaiu cultural n altul este una din premisele apariiei literaturii universale si comparate.
1
Hristu Cndroveanu, Cuvant inainte la Antologia., p. 8.
2
J. Chevalier, A. Gheerbrant, Dicionar ae simboluri, vol. II, Ed. Artemis, Bucuresti, 1995, p. 198.
3
Claude Lvi-Strauss, Mythologiques 2, Du miel aux cenares, Paris, Plon, 1967, trad. aut.
4
Specie de opossum.
5
Iaem, p. 60, trad. aut.
6
Ibiaem.
7
Ibiaem.
53 Studii / Articles
O povestire mitic din America de Sud, de Iapt, legenda unei liane numit tripes ae renara st,
conIorm lui Lvi-Straus, la originea aventurilor vulpii n cutare de miere. n lupta cu celelalte
vieuitoare (pasrea, soprla), ea moare blestemat si se transIorm ntr-o lian consumat de
indienii aborigeni. Povestirea vulpii n cutarea mierii circul n mai multe variante n triburile
amazoniene. De altIel, tot Lvi-Strauss consider c, spre deosebire de America de Sud, care a
pierdut ,gustul mierii n Iavoarea tutunului, Europa l-a pstrat, chiar si dup ce a prins gustul
acestuia; mierea si tutunul au valori de semantic antropologic opoziional, att sub aspect
diacronic, ct si sincronic. Mierea rmne o constant semantic puternic a spaiului european
n antropologia gastronomic.
Dup osmoza aIeciunii cu inteligena, n care laptele matern este vehiculul ntlnirilor,
complementaritatea teoriei si a practicii este probat tot printr-un simbol culinar castronul
urias plin cu pilaI dulce. Element de baz al buctriei balcanice, preparat n nenumrate Ieluri
mai austere sau mai complicate, orezul este, la Iel de important precum grul n cele europene,
ndeplinind Iuncii ritual-simbolice similare. Asa cum cultivarea grului este trecerea de la
natur la cultur n civilizaiile de extracie european, n cele asiatice difcila cultur a acestui
aliment semnifc iesirea din armonia cosmic, ruperea relaiilor dintre cer si pmnt. El mai
are si semnifcaii pe care le are laptele, acelea de belsug si puritate. Dup ce savanii mpriei
s-au chinuit s gseasc soluii pentru a putea mnca pilaIul cu lingurile imense, un supus cu
puin stiin de carte gsi soluia: la un capt al lingurii va sta cineva care o va ridica plin
din castron, ca altul s o poat mnca. Actul mncrii este ales pentru a proba necesitatea
Iuncionrii teoriei cu practica. Aliment ptruns din gastronomia turceasc n cea european,
intermediarul geocultural find Balcanii, orezul a ptruns fresc n buctria aromn, veche
tritoare n acest spaiu.
n Cei trei lenei Mitu, Pitu, Chitu , mncarea este pretext al descrierii unei atitudini Ia de
via. Dup ce gsesc o lir n rn si Iac un mare eIort comun s o ridice, cei trei ajung la
un han, ducnd, la Iel de chinuit, mpreun, moneda; eIorturile par a-i coplesi, strnind hazul
celorlali. Ei comand hangiului ,Plcint, carne, vin, iaurt, oIerind inIormaii despre obiceiurile
culinare, dar si despre ceea ce se putea gsi la un han ntr-un anumit timp si loc; de altIel, si n
ziua de astzi, plcinta (burekul, pita) cu iaurt este o mncare tradiional n Balcani. Ct despre
meseria de hangiu, ea era practicat n mod tradiional de aromni: ,Hangiul, diavolul, nu le-a
prea stat n preajm; a auzit ce vor, puse s le Iac plcinta, le ferse carne, le-a umplut o coI cu
vin |tot butur iniial tradiional mediteranean| si le-a adus si IarIuria cu iaurt (p.23). Cum
nici unul nu se decide s se miste (dup ce luaser hotrrea c primul care va vorbi ori se va
misca va tia plcinta), un cersetor, atras de aroma mncrii gtite, se apropie de masa celor trei
rmasi imobili si ncepe s mnnce plcinta, ,mai nti Ioaia de deasupra, apoi urzicile cu ou,
brnz si lapte din ea, apoi marginile si Ioaia de jos nimic n-a lsat, nicio Irmi (p.25).
Iat, asadar, o plcint Icut din aluat Ioi, specifc spaiului balcanic. Dup ce termin plcinta,
carnea si vinul destinate celor trei, mnji Ieele celor trei lenesi cu iaurt, iar un cine de pripas
le linge iaurtul de pe Ia si-l musc pe unul de ureche, moment n care grupul reia contactul
cu realitatea, dar prea trziu. Uleiul si vinul sunt alimente de baz ale spaiului mediteranean,
intrnd n diverse ritualuri, asa cum se ntmpl si n cultura ebraic.
Nastratin-Hogea, personaj aluvionar al spaiului balcanic, nu putea lipsi din Iolclorul aromnilor.
n snoava De-ale lui Nastratin-Hogea, hangiul Dimache devine expresia lcomiei n a crei
capcan va cdea. Trei drumei prinsi pe drum de vremea rea se ntorc la hanul abia lsat n
urm, petrecnd noaptea n osp. Cum mncarea s-a terminat spre diminea, hangiul le ferbe,
pentru merinde, zece ou, pe care uit s le treac n nota de plat. Dup trei ani, drumurile i
poart la acelasi han si, dorind s fe cinstii, i amintesc hangiului de datorie, intenionnd s o
54
citeasc, ba chiar cu dobnd. Hangiul pretinde o sum exorbitant, o mie de Iranci, pentru c
cele zece ou ar f scos pui care ar f Icut ou, la un moment dat, apoi ali pui etc. Cltorii l
solicit pe Nastratin-Hogea, celebrul avocat, care ntrzie s apar n sala de tribunal. Aprodul
trimis s-l aduc, ,l gsi ferbnd niste gru (p.41); anunul lui c va merge la tribunal dup
ce grul fert va f trimis pe cmp si semnat! strneste stupoarea aprodului si a judectorului,
care apoi se amuz de o asemenea explicaie si d cstig de caz cltorilor: asa cum grul
fert nu ncoleste, nici oule ferte nu puteau Iace pui. Interesant este aici Iolosirea a dou
alimente cu caliti germinative, ca argument si contraargument oul si grul. Ideea c oul este
germenele lumii este regsibil att n culturile europene, ct si n cele asiatice, doar aspectele
privind maniIestarea find diversifcate. Ct despre gru, el este vzut ca un produs metaIoric
al ,snului terestru
1
, asa cum laptele este produs al snului matern. Ptruns n Europa din
spaiul mediteranean, el este, n antropologia culinar, victoria culturii asupra naturii, moartea
si renasterea, ciclul etern al vieii victorioase. Grul sfnit, ca bob sau preparat, este parte a unor
numeroase ceremonialuri religioase n toate cultele mari, simbol esoteric n misterele eleusine
si-n ceremonialuri dedicate lui Dionysos si Osiris, el este permanenta iniiere la care este supus
Iptura prin nastere si nviere.
Pentru a atrage atenia mpratului asupra calitilor sale, un stean simplu se autoinvit la masa
mpratului, aducndu-si de acas ,o gin umplut cu fsticuri, stafde, orez si altele (p.32);
preparatul pare rafnat pentru omul simplu al spaiilor etnoculturale n care aceste ingrediente
sunt exotice si scumpe, dar n anecdota Steanul i gina sunt Iolosite de ctre o persoan de
condiie aparent modest, traducnd obiceiuri culinare de evident infuen turco-greceasc.
Comunitate supus de istorie dislocrii destul de Irecvente, si-a pstrat elemente identitare, dar
a si absorbit cutume ale celor alturi de care a trit. Contaminrile la nivel de gastronomie sunt
fresti, pe de o parte, date find materiile prime afate la ndemn ntr-un anumit spaiu, iar, pe
de alta, gradul sporit de socializare al Iemeilor cu Iemei din alte comuniti etnice. Porionarea
ritual a ginii umplute traduce un ntreg sistem de semnifcaii privitor la ierarhiile sociale:
,Steanul lu un cuit si o Iurculi si mpri gina: capul l dete mpratului, aripile le ddu
bieilor acestuia, picioarele slugilor, iar mijlocul plin l opri pentru sine si ncepu s mnnce
(p.32-33). Aparent, deciziile nu par potrivite n raport cu calitatea bucilor distribuite, ns
explicaia sa oglindeste o continuitate ntre natur si cultur: ,i ddui capul, pentru c esti
capul nostru; filor vostri le ddui aripile, c ei v sunt ca niste aripi, ajutorul vostru; mai detei
slugilor picioarele, c slugile nu Iac alta dect alearg n sus si n jos. Pentru mine, care sunt
om de mijloc, mi oprii mijlocul. (p.33). E de observat c adesea n anecdotele aromne cel
care supune la ncercri este mpratul nelept, tolerant, cu simul umorului sau, dimpotriv,
,abras (ru, violent); mncarea este, ntr-un Iel sau altul, elementul de mediere ntre acesta si
supusii si.
n anecdota etnic Cum ae nu-s iganii haiauci, iganul Tmie, nsoit de fii si, Colta, Culaie
si Albul, stui de umilina cersitului, ,si umplur tristile cu pine (p.33) si se retraser n
muni, atrasi de mitul haiduciei, care le-ar putea conIeri demnitate si aur de viteji. ns nu
pornesc la drum nainte de a-si lua alimentul de baz, consumat destul de repede, la umbra
copacilor la care-si Iceau planuri. Temporar, drumul le oIeri un cmp de mure, dar Iructele
abia le potolir temporar Ioamea. Ajungnd la o moar, anun, cu Iast, morarul c sunt haiduci
si doresc o turt mare; Ioamea si lipsa experienei haiducesti anuleaz orice vigilen, moara
e nconjurat de ,jndari, sIrsind cu toii sub cuitele acestora. Nu doar c nu-si pot depsi
condiia, dar nu-si pstreaz nici vieile.
1
Chevalier, Gheerbrant, op.cit., p. 115.
55 Studii / Articles
O reconfrmare a condiiei neIericite a iganului, datorat unui comportament ancestral deIectuos
prin insensibilitatea Ia de suIerina aproapelui, exist n unica povestire moralizatoare cu
pretext biblic (Iisus nainte de a f rstignit) De ce fur pstorii. Pstoritul este o ndeletnicire
tradiional a aromnilor si ea nu poate f dect pozitiv valorizat n literatura lor popular. Un
pstor afat n trecere pe lng Mntuitorul afat lng cruce n asteptarea rstignirii si vznd
piroagele cu care urma s fe intuit, le Iur, spernd c-l va scpa e chinuri. Un igan lie, afat
din ntmplare pe acolo, Iace rapid altele (stiut find Iaptul c se ndeletniceau cu ferritul),
astIel c iganul este blestemat s fe menit nenorocului, pe cnd pstorului ,S te vd mereu
mbrcat si stul, iar de Iurat s nu te lasi, si nici necazuri s nu ai din asta (p.37). A f stul este
o component a norocului divin, cu btaie lung pn n zorii crestinismului.
Snoavele creeaz o atmosIer tipic Iolclorului aromn, optimist si reIuznd nIrngerea, aplicnd
sanciuni tarelor morale, ,tonic si mereu constructiv, nviorat potenat permanent de spiritul
ironic, persifant, sntos al omului din popor
1
. Din textele avute n vedere, lipseste vntoarea,
fe n scopuri alimentare, fe ca plcere, relaia lor cu universul find una Iundamental blnd,
iar violent numai cnd circumstane inevitabile o cer. Si la nivelul gastronomiei, ,aromnii au
reusit s mbine particulariti ale propriei identiti cu identiti naionale ale populaiei din
rile-gazd, dar nu si-au pierdut constiina fletic naional
2
. Buctria aromn este puternic
infuenat, evident, de cutumele oriental-mediteraneene, Iapt fresc, datorit ariilor culturale
n care au trit, iar istoria asimilrii lor n aceste spaii a Iacilitat trecerea de la contaminare la
inserie. Asa cum observ Poirier
Iaptele reIeritoare la alimentaie Iurnizeaz, Ir ndoial, exemplele cele mai clare de imbricare
a Ienomenelor materiale n ansamblul culturii; problemele mediului natural si problemele tehnice
find, desigur, strns legate. Alimentaia este, adesea, condiionat att de valorile admise de ctre o
societate dat concepia sa despre lume, religia sa etc., ct si de resursele de care dispune
3
.
Ceremonialul gastronomic, limbaj non-verbal, traseaz puni ntre realitatea accesibil si cea
inaccesibil, mediind trecerea de la Natur la Cultur, raporturile omului cu alimentaia urmnd,
succesiv ori analogic, calea transIormrii si a conservrii mediului natural.
Bibliograe
Anovska, Kleanti, Sociolinguistic aspects in the Aromanian folk tales n vol. The Romance Balkans, Serbian
Academy oI Sciences and Arts, Institute Ior Balkan Studies, Belgrade, 2008
Antologie ae pro: aroman, Ed. Univers, Bucuresti, 1977, cap. Literatura popular, Selecie de texte, transpunere
si prezentare de Hristu Cndroveanu
Chevalier, Jean, Gheerbrant, Alain, Dicionar ae simboluri, vol. I, II, III, Ed. Artemis, Bucuresti, 1995
Ethnologie generale, volume publi sous la direction de Jean Poirier, col. Encyclopdie de la Pliade, Gallimard,
Paris, 1968.
Kahl, Thede, Istoria aromanilor, Ed. Tritonic, Bucuresti, 2006
Lvi-Strauss, Claude, Mythologiques.1.2,Le cru et le cuit, Paris, Ed. Plon, 1964. Du miel aux cenares, Paris, Ed.
Plon, 1967
Msnil, Marianne, Popova, Assia, Dincolo ae Dunre. Stuaii ae antropologie balcanic, Bucuresti, 2007, trad. de
Ana Mihilescu si Mariana Rdulescu, PreIa de Vintil Mihilescu
1
Cndroveanu, op.cit., p. 8.
2
Thede Kahl, Istoria aromanilor, Ed. Tritonic, Bucuresti, 2006, p. 55.
3
Poirier, op.cit., p. 929.
57 Studii / Articles
PETRA NOVAK
THE APOSTLE PETER IN THE (FOLK) CULTURE
OF SLOVENIAN PEOPLE
The article talks about diIIerent types oI occurrence oI Apostle Peter in Slovenian culture. First his
biography is presented and appearance oI his name in diIIerent terms and matters is summarised. It has
been ascertained that St. Peter is a patron oI several proIessions that can be associated with his operation
or proIession, and to some that that kind oI a link can not be established. Frequency oI variations and
descriptions oI personal and geographical names is listed as well as the number oI parish churches and
succours churches named aIter St. Peter. There are 62 that kind oI examples on Slovenian territory. There
are also some belieIs associated with St. Peter, most oI them associated with his name day 29 oI June.
Involvement oI the society in European cultural space, development oI language and culture is clearly
refected in diIIerent words, also in words that do not mean people`s names, and in terms and phrases as
a part oI a general lexis St. Peter`s name can be Iound as a name or a part oI a name Ior a plant, a Iruit,
clothing, a doll, housing in the barn and also in certain phraseology and Iolk derisions. At the end an
analysis oI Christian stories in which St. Peter occurs is briefy presented.
Key words: Saint Peter, spiritual and material culture oI Slovenian people, religious tales
Articolul aduce n discuie diversele apariii (imagini) ale Apostolului Petru n cultura sloven. nainte
de toate este prezentat biografa acestuia si se Iace o trecere n revist a apariiei numelui su n diIerite
materiale. Este bine cunoscut Iaptul c SI. Petru este patronul ctorva bresle care pot f asociate cu meseria
sau aciunile lui, dar si cu altele cu care nu se poate stabili o conexiune anume. Sunt enumerate variaiile de
nume proprii si nume geografce, precum si un numr de biserici numite dup SI. Petru. Sunt 62 asemenea
exemple pe teritoriul Sloveniei. Exist, de asemenea, cteva credine asociate cu SI. Petru, cele mai multe
find asociate cu ziua lui din calendarul crestin 29 iunie. Implicarea societii n spaiul cultural european,
dezvoltarea limbii si culturii se refect clar n diIerite cuvinte, chiar si n cuvintele care nu denumesc nume
ale oamenilor, ci n termeni si expresii aparinnd lexicului general numele SI. Petru poate f ntlnit ca
nume sau parte dintr-un nume dat unei plante, Iruct, unei piese de vestimentaie, ppusi si, de asemenea, n
anumite Irazeologii si bancuri populare. Articolul se ncheie cu o analiz prezentat succint, a unor povesti
crestine n care apare SI. Petru.
Cuvinte cheie: SIntul Petru, cultura material si spiritual a poporului sloven, povesti religioase

1.1 ST. PETER`S BIOGRAPHY

A Iew words about him, the leading Christ`s disciple. Apostle Peter was born in the fshing
village oI Betsajda (Galilee). He got married and moved to the city oI Capernaum. He was a
fsherman and the Bible emphasizes the importance oI this proIession a lot. He received an
invitation to Jesus` company by Jesus him selI (Come to me and I will make you a fsherman
oI the people and 'Do not be aIraid, now you will fsh people! (Luke 5, 3-11)
1
. Jesus taught
1
The Bible says that Jesus called Peter and his brother Andrew when they were throwing nets into the sea, and said to them:
'Follow me and I will make you fshermen oI people. They leIt the nets and Iollowed him (Mk 1, 16-18).
58
the crowd that was in Peter`s boat and that meant that Peter would be a mediator between Christ
and other people in Church. The task oI 'fshing people was entrusted to him not by his own
will, but by the God`s power. Christ also changed Peter`s name: you are now Simon, the son oI
Jona: you are going to be named Cephas. Jesus Christ himselI clearly stated the signifcance oI
this name:
1
'You are Peter (a rock), and on this rock I will build my church and inIernal doors
(the power oI hell and time) shall not overcome it and I will give you the keys to the heavenly
kingdom... (Mt 16, 13-17). Peter was not ready Ior this plan that goes beyond human power
yet. He needed persistent cultural education to obtain strong Iaith. The condition Peter had to
Iulfl in order to get this job was to unconditionally believe in Christ`s divine power. He oIten
proved himselI still being too humanly enthusiastic, but Jesus never reIused his dedication and
ambition, instead he perseveringly spoke to him to count on God`s purposes. Peter soon occupied
a high position in Jerusalem and with Jesus` power and help made a number oI miracles. He was
preaching with enthusiasm and he set out Ior several missionary trips. BeIore he came to Rome,
Peter operated particularly successIully in Antioch and Asia Minor. In Rome he was stopped
by Nero, who ruled the Rome at that time. Nero sentenced him to death with crucifxion in the
year 64 or 67. Peter died with the words: 'to be crucifed with the head down, because he was
not worthy to die like Jesus Christ (Schauber, Schindler 1995: 323).
1.2 ST. PETER AS A PATRON
2

St. Peter was chosen as a patron by diIIerent Popes, diocese oI Osnabruck, butchers, glassworkers,
carpenters, watchmakers, locksmiths, blacksmiths, people who worked in smelteries, potters,
bricklayers, brick makers, builders oI bridges, stonecutters, tailors, millers, fshermen
3
, fsh
merchants, ship owners, castaways, penitents, people who go to conIession, virgins (Schauber,
Schindler 1995: 322).
People turned to St. Peter also when they had troubles with snakebites, Iever, rabies, obsession,
pain in the legs and wolves.
1.3 PETER AS A NAME
4
The Church had a major infuence on giving names to people and so it was only natural that
Peter as the beginner oI Church or the frst Christ`s successor is put at the top oI the name
list. The voice image oI names changed over time, Slovene language, as well as other Slavic
1
Peter answered to Jesus` question, who is the Son oI man, at the source oI river Jordan under the mighty cliII: You are Christ,
the Son oI the living God. Peter said only what God revealed to him, and so expressed his will to be a messenger oI not only
human but also God`s truth.
2
Jesus predicted that Peter would deny him shameIully three times. Peter was still claiming that he would not.
3
Every Christian is given a name oI a saint when baptised, and this saint becomes his guardian, deIender and a role model.
When a young man chose the proIession later in his liIe in order to survive, he again chose a patron Ior protection. The
city where he lived also had a patron saint, and patron`s fags were worn on various occasions trough the streets in solemn
processions. II there was a threat oI any kind, people asked the saint to perIorm a miracle. The reason Ior the choice oI a saint as
a patron is usually Iound in the miracle that has happened in his liIe, sometimes the reason is Iound in details oI his martyrdom
or it can even be a voice association oI his name and a Iunction that should be carried out.
4
A word or more words used Ior distinguishing and defning people: to name a child (SSKJ 1995 : 295). Birth names, hypocoristic
and nicknames oI Alpine and Pannonic Slavs are listed in registers Irom the 7
th
century and are comparable with other Slavic
names. This heritage preserved only in surnames, house names and geographical names, because once it was Iorbidden to give
names that were not saintly. (Snoj 2002 : 37)
59 Studii / Articles
languages, had its own abbreviations, reductions and other lexical changes. Foreign names that
were similar in voice to our names, could became our names (Petrus Peter).
The name Peter is frst listed in 9
th
century (in year 847) in the second book oI Material for
the history of Slovene people Petrus is mentioned and in Vipava land register in the year 1499
Slovene version Peter Tupelshhakh, the Iarmer Irom Planina, is registered.
The name Petra is a Iemale version oI the name Peter. It appears in 18
th
century and is used
much less Irequently. The name Petra was modern in years 1980 and 1994 (Keber 1996: 390).
Today
1
the Irequency oI usage oI both names is as Iollows:
Peter is the name oI 13.146 men (or 1, 3 oI all men). Among male names Peter is in tenth
place when ordered by Irequency.
Petra is the name oI 9.192 women (or 0, 9 oI all women). Among Iemale names Petra is
listed in fIteenth place when ordered by Irequency.
Peter in French is Pierre; in Spanish Pedro, in Italian Pietro, Piero, in Dutch Pieter, in German
Peter, in English Peter, abbreviated Perry, in Danish Peer and Per; in Russian Petr; in Polish
Piotr; in Croatian and Serbian Peter. Diminutives oI the name are Petrac, Petrc, Petrc, Petric,
Petriha, Petrik ... (Keber 1996: 394).
1.4 SURNAMES DERIVED FROM THE NAME PETER

The name Peter was one oI the most Irequent names when surnames started to Iorm in Slovenia.
It is why it can be concluded that the surnames derived Irom that name are quite common:
Petric, Petric, Petrus, Peterlin (ger. morpheme -elin) and also Petrl, Peterle, Peterlic, Petrlic.
Other surnames derived Irom Peter are Peterca, Peterec, Peterca, Petercic. When suIfx -in
or -ina was added: Peterin, Petarin, Petrin, Petrinec, Petrinic, Petrincic; suIfx -ica: Petric,
Petrca; suIfxes -ik,-ka,-ko: Petrik, Peterka, Petrka, Peterko, Peterkovic, Petrak; -n-Peternac,
Peternanec, Peternik, Peternel, Petrnel.
1.5 LOCAL GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES DERIVED FROM NAME PETER
As the names are a rich source Ior Iorming surnames, so are they Ior Iorming geographical
names. Keber divides local geographical names into two groups; St. Peter could be Iound in the
second group in which the name oI the place was given aIter the name oI the church (the church,
however, was probably named aIter a saint that was chosen Ior its patron). Many places or
parts oI places were named aIter churches and they usually start with S., St., Sent- or S-. These
names repeat the saint`s name and all its attributed value. In Carinthia names oI places start
with St- (Sent), Ior example: St. Peter at St. Jacob`s in Roz; St. Peter near KlagenIurt; St. Peter
near Grabstanj, St. Peter near Velikovec. Saint`s name assimilated in a local name oI Sempeter
near Gorizia, Sempeter in Savinjska dolina. In one local name the epithet shortened to extreme:
Speter, dialectally Spieter.
When it comes to names oI settlements St. Peter is a dominant Iorm oI the name eighteen
places in Slovenia are named that way.
Petric is a name oI six settlements (near Dravograd, Podvelka near Sostanj, on Pohorje, near
Horjul, near Sava).
1
internet: www.stat.si (3. june 2009)
60
Following names are also derivations Irom the name Peter: Petrusnja village near Grosuplje;
plural Iorm Peterlin a small village near Ajdovscina; Petercek (a small village on Pohorje),
Petrin (a small village on Haloze), Petrina (a small village near Kocevje); Petrinci near Ribnica;
Petrinova saw is a village near Breginj: Petrena (a small village in Slovenske Gorice); Peternel
(a village in the valley Kozce, three very small villages near Globasnica, Cerkno and Vojsko);
At Peternel`s (a small village in Hlevnik in Brda); Petrinje near Kozina; Petrerej near Pliberk;
Petrinjska vala; Petrinjski kras; Petrovc a name oI a mountain village near Ljubelj and Litija;
a village Petrovo (Spodnja Kapla and in Pohorje); Petrovsek (a village near Vrhnika); Petrova
vas near Crnomelj; Petrovo brdo; Petrovski potok (a leIt tributary oI Baca); Petrovce near
Zalec; a village Petrovo selo near Celje.
Pavel also appears next to Peter, a name oI a village St. Peter and Pavel in Brda. In one case next
to Peter there is also a place determinative: St. Peter on Kronska gora in the Misllinja valley. St.
Peter is also a name oI a mountain in Bela krajina (Merku 1996: 110).
When national consciousness started to rise at the end oI 19
th
century, old Slavic names gradually
started to appear. This phenomenon continued during 2
nd
World War and even strengthened
aIter it. This happened because many immigrants came Irom other republics oI Yugoslavia.
Most oI the names were not related to saints.
1.6 PARISH
1
AND SUCCURSAL
2
CHURCHES OF ST. PETER

People started to name the churches aIter their saints or even started building churches to honour
them. They had to trust the saint and believe in him and only then could he become their patron.
The place where the saint is buried or where he worked is the centre oI his worship - in Peter`s
case that place is Rome, Vatican City. From there the worship spreads to all directions and iI we
pinpoint all the places we get a circle around the saint`s tomb. There are 27 parish
3
churches and
35 succursal
4
churches oI St. Peter in Slovenia. That makes 62 altogether. There are 20 churches
(9 parish and 11 succursal) named aIter both St. Peter and St. Paul (Plesec 1983: 60-63).
1.7 BELIEFS AND SAYINGS ASSOCIATED WITH ST. PETER OR WITH HIS NAME
DAY
Believes listed in this chapter tell us that common people knew how to create, deepen and
strengthen their lives and made them richer perIorming the rituals on the St. Peter`s name
day in the summer according to the calendar and in the holly time according to the Church
1
Parish the smallest unit oI catholic church (SSKJ 1995 : 1712).
2
Territorial unit oI catholic church that does not have its own priest and is subordinate to the parish (SSKJ 1995 : 876).
3
12 LJ: Ljubljana Sv. Peter, Blagovica (Lukovica near Domzale), Komenda, Naklo, Preddvor, Radece, Radovljica, Selca,
Spodnji Log (Stari trg next to Kolpa), St. Peter Otocec, Crnomelj; MB: Bocno next to Dreti, Buce (Smarje near Jelse), Gornja
Radgona, Sv. Peter on Kronska mountain, Sv. Peter on Medvedje selo, Sv. Peter under Sv. gorami, Sv. Peter near Maribor, Sv.
Peter in Savinjska valley, Zice, Zavodnje; KP: Gabrovica (Komen), Ilirska Bistrica Sv. Peter, Klanec (Kozina), Sempeter
Pivka, Sempeter Gorica, Temnica (Kostanjevica in Karst) (Plesec 1983: 60-61).
4
14 LJ: Kamni vrh near Ambrus, Gora above Begunje in Gorenjska, Studenc on Bloke, Dolenje Jezero (Cerknica), Stankovo
(Brezice), Korita (Dobrnic), Prigorica (Ribnica), Zaudlje (Dragatus), Kamniska planina, Drasici (Metlika), Dvor near Polhov
Gradec, Koritnice (Raka Krsko), Loz (Stari trg near Loz), Psata (Sv. Jakob next to Sava), Zunovec (Sentrupert), Dob near Sentvid
near Sticna, Bodovlje (SkoIja Loka), Gorenji Mokronog, Jezero (Trebnje), Vrh above Zelimlje; MB: Ribicje (Gortina Muta),
Sv. Rupert above Lasko; KP: Odoline (Hrpelje), Grgar (a cemetery), Gorice (Hrenovice), Izola, Ovcje (Kosana), Perati (Livek),
Osek (above the village), Piran, Loje (Podmelec Most over Soca), Brezovo Brdo (Hrpelje), Dobravlje (Vipavski Kriz), Raven.
61 Studii / Articles
year. People held on to Christianity, but never reIused pre-Christian way oI thinking. This
proves that liIe in Iormer historical periods was rich. Even though time has changed, not
much disappeared Irom Iolk tradition (Kuret 1989: 5). Some sayings listed bellow, are also
connected to this.

1.7.1 Weather
,Petrovo` (June 29) is also an important day Ior the weather. According to the calendar we
celebrate it in the middle oI the ripening oI the grain crops. Farmer`s concern Ior the harvest
included weather observation and so some sayings, thoughts and believes emerged:

'Rye should be already mature on the St. Peter`s day. (Dolenjska, Raka); Reapers are waiting
Ior the day aIter St. Peter and Paul`s and Ior rye only in the morning, in the aIternoon it should be
ready Ior harvesting and they go and harvest it (Krsko polje), Millet has to be, on St. Peter`s day,
already so large that the crow can hide in it (surroundings oI SkoIja Loka).
According to this believes a cuckoo bird should also fy Irom our places, when it sees in the
feld a bunch oI rye. 'ThereIore when the cuckoo aIter St. Peter`s day cuckoos, it won`t be a
good year (Kuret 1998: 498). The summer heath must start on the holiday oI St. Peter and
St. Paul`s, so 'St. Peter puts the wood on the fre, in contrast to St. Jacob, who 'puts on
stumps (Lj-Polje). 'St. George puddle and St. Peter drought make a good year. Farmers
should be aIraid oI rain during this period. 'II it rains on St. Peter`s day, the wheat will
be brown was believed in Dolenjska and Bela krajina. Elsewhere Peter`s rain promised
rotten walnuts (Stajerska, Spodnja Kranjska), or bad nuts (Bela Krajina), or small chestnuts
(surroundings oI Ljubljana, Dobrunje). 'When there is thunder on St. Peter`s day, there are
no nuts and walnuts that year (Stajerska region) (Kumer 2006: 52). In Koroska they say
that 'buckwheat goes to kost
1
, iI it rains on St. Peter`s day, so they look Iorward to rainy
day that day.
In phraseology, there are words that name specifc weather: Rozec, St. Peter`s horn (Prekmurje)
'rainbow; Petrus`s meint`s gut (German) 'the weather is nice, it has improved; Petrus
blinzelt (German) 'thunder and lighting; Petrus SchiII (German) 'it is raining cats and
dogs; Petrovo sunce (Serbian) 'sweltering heath, very hot.
1.7.2 Believes, customs
1.7.2.1 The res
People believed in their simple way, that they can make the Sun`s power greater with magic.
The magical tool was fre; fre`s magic power would not only help the Sun. but the people and
their stock, too (Kuret 1989: 383).
Deity whose worshipping is interweaved with worshipping oI St. Peter`s is closely connected to
worshipping oI the Sun and in Sun`s honour big ceremonial fres were lit. The tradition did not
die and so St. Peter`s fres are known in mainly in western Slovenia; in Beneska Slovenija, in
the valley oI Soca, around the town Most na Soci, in Slovenian Istria, as well as in Notranjska
region (around Logatec) and even in the Dolenjska region. A connection with bonfre-rituals is
represent also in Bela krajina, where on the morning oI Peter`s day they collect fowers Irom
the rooIs beIore the sunrise and lay them on the road. The wheels take away all diseases and the
house is saIe (Kuret 1998: 496 ).
1
It means there is going to be a good harvest (Plesec 1983 : 61-63).
62
1.7.2.2 Climbing on the tree
There is a belieI that iI you climb a tree on St. Peter`s day, there is a great danger oI dying. The
belieI comes Irom times beIore St. Peter. It is spread throughout Slovenia and diIIers only in
phrases:
Prekmurje: 'II you climb a tree on St. Peter`s day, especially a cherry tree, you Iall oII. 'Anyone that
climbs a cherry tree on St. Peter`s day certainly Ialls oII and kills themselves (St. Jurij on Scavnica);
'On this day you can not go on the tree, because there are snakes on it (Slovenske Gorice St.
Andraz); the same is believed around Lasko.
Dolenjska: 'On the St. Peter`s day man should not go on the cherry tree, because he ,Ialls down` (Krsko);
'On this day you must not climb a tree, especially a cherry tree, because St. Peter kicks you oII
(Zagradec).
Gorenjska region: 'On the St. Peter and Paul`s day the snake is wrapped around the tree; iI one still
dares to climb it, one should know that there are 99 bad lucks on the world. So the presumptuous
one can get hurt. (Cerklje)
Koroska region, Podjuna and Roz: 'St. Peter`s day is so holly that even the snake hides on a tree.
Whoever picks cherries that day, surely Ialls oII (Kuret 1998 : 496).
1.7.2.3 Drowning
Believe that iI you go into the water on St. Peter`s day you drown, is spread mostly in Stajerska
region and around Ptuj and Ormoz. Also in Krsko you must not go in the water, otherwise you
drown.
In Bela krajina (Crnomelj) they slaughter the master` cock that ran the chicken Iamily and
reached the age oI a year and a halI. This custom represents the memory oI the cock that (aIter
Luke`s gospel) sang three times beIore Peter denied Jesus Christ (Kuret 1998: 497).

1.7.2.4 Saying good words for the last hour
Saint Peter is strongly weaved in peoples believes and their imagination and it is suggested that
it is so because oI the people who spread Christianity. People wanted to say some good words
Ior themselves in their last hours, because Peter has the keys to the heavenly kingdom.
I myselI have more than once heard that people, who were clinically dead, said that they had
already seem Saint Peter and that he awaits them at the door oI the heavenly kingdom
1
.
1.8 NAMES OF OB1ECTS AND OTHER THINGS ASSOCIATED WITH THE ST.
PETER`S NAME

Involvement oI the society in European cultural space, development oI the language and culture
are all refected in diIIerent words that derive Irom people`s names and are names Ior other
things in liIe and are a part oI general lexis (Keber 1996: 49).
1.8.1 Plants
Keber says that almost all Iamous names are represented in the names oI plants. It is so
also with Peter ex. the name oI a fower Petrov kljucek (Peter`s key), a healing plant with
Ieathered leaves and purple red clustered blossom (SSKJ 1995: 1181). Names deriving Irom
saints` names are also Iound in naming Iruits that mature at the time that a saint has its name
day. The name Peter is related Iollowing terms: petrovka (a pear which matures at the time
1
Oral source oI Petra Trojar (1998).
63 Studii / Articles
oI St. Peter`s day June 29; a tiny pear greenish-brown colour which ripen in early July
(SSKJ 1995: 839); petrovac (early potatoes) Kostel at Kolpa // petruha (Eastern Stajerska);
petrovaca an apple or a pear which ripens around St. Peter`s day (Keber 1996: 55, 394).

1.8.2 Animals
The bira of St. Peter reIers to the original Peter`s (Simon`s) proIession. AIter Erjavec Pletersnik
listed it in his dictionary
1
(2006:358). Also reIerring to St. Peter is St. Peters ear, a sea animal,
haliotis turbeculata in Latin
2
(Keber 1996: 395; Pletersnik 2006:707). It is a snail that has no
curves and is in a shape oI a bowl. It lives in the sea and is pasted on a rock. (SSKJ 1995 : 575).

1.8.3 Objects
We describe everyday objects with names that derive Irom people`s names. Peter is no exception.
Hypothetically we could assume that the suit worn by the French character Pierrot, is indirectly
linked to Peter when he was learning Ior God`s work.
The character oI Pierrot is a humorous character in French pantomimes, a deceived lover or
crazy servant. And that is where the name Ior the suit comes Irom pierrot. Russian Petruska
'a puppet, the main comic character oI Russian theatre is also connected to that. A night bowl
(a bolt) is named aIter the Spanish Peter (Pedro), but no connection to the St. Peter could be
Iound there. Peter is also the name oI the housing in the barn on which they thresh corn, and
the space above that foor. Originally it meant some sort oI scaIIolding that was related to grain
drying and threshing (Slovenian ethnologic lexicon 2004: 413). Many legends are connected to
threshing corn.

1.8.4 Games
Black Peter is a game oI cards, where the looser is the one who ends up with a Black Peter
card in their hands. Children`s game 'Is Peter home? where the adult touches child`s
nose and asks: 'Is Peter at home?. Why do this games have such names is still unknown.

1.8.5 Phraseology
3
Very rich phraseology that is closely connected to St. Peter, his liIe and experience was Iormed
mainly because oI long Christian tradition. Keber says that the everyday usage led to a loss oI
connection with the Bible itselI and so may terms can not be linked to the Bible at all (Keber
1996: 65). It seems to me that it is the same with St. Peter.
Phraseology in which the onset oI the name Peter: Slovenian: Peter or Paul 'anyone; German:
Dem Peter nehmen una aem Paul geben 'to take or borrow Irom someone and give it to someone
else; Serbian: Kostati kao svetog Petra kafgana 'very expensive; German: Petreskopf haben
'be stubborn; Croatian and Serbian: Na lifevo Petrovo 'indefnitely, an indefnite period oI
time; English: Petrov novcic, Peters penny 'voluntary giIts to the church.
Petrinar is a secular priest in opposite to monk, Ior example Jesuit. The Spanish term: ni aon
Pearo ni Periquillo 'neither fsh, fesh nor Iowl and phraseology como Pearo en su casa
'without any consideration, ruthless, bold; German: Der Blaue Peter // English: Blue Peter is a
term that denotes departure oI a ship; Italian Gabbare San Pietro 'to leave priesthood (Keber
1996: 394-395).
1
St. Peter`s bird die Sturmschwalbe (thalassindroma).
2
Gemeines Seeohr, die knotige Ohrschnecke (haliotis tuberculata), u. St. Peter`s.
3
Fixed term, whose meaning is entirely predictable.
64
German Maister Peter means 'executor, miesepeter 'moody person, miesepetrig as 'grumpy,
moody. Similarity to grumpiness could only be seen when comparing it to some legends oI St.
Peter, where Peter is grumpy when he does not understand Christ`s deeds and keeps reminding
him oI his (human) illogicality.
In other situations, it suggests people`s derisions (by Keber): 'Peter in Pav sta pila bokav
'Peter and Paul were drinking a cup; 'Peter Peter ma rit na veter 'Peter Peter has his bottom
on the wind; 'Peter, Set` r, kokosar. Goni zabo na vrsaj 'Peter, Set`r, poulterer. Chases a
Irog on a haystack; 'Ka je zaba tusta, Pet`r jo pohrusta 'When the Irog is Iat, Peter eats it
(Keber 1996: 394).
The research made in 2007-2008 showed that St. Peter is represented in Christian stories
throughout Slovenia. I acquired a collection oI 155 notes oI the mentioned stories Irom the
whole territory. Legends, which I gathered, are Irom the entire Slovene ethnic territories,
within the borders, and partly Irom areas oI ethnic minorities outside the borders oI Slovenia.
All Slovene Dialectal groups are covered, with the diIIerent number oI legends (in terms oI
individual dialects within the dialect group). I ascertained that there are some areas in which
legends are more widespread in areas where they are not traced at all. Here are fve areas in
which the legends are most Irequent: Pohorje, Karst, an area southeast oI Ljubljana, Goriska
and Porabje. In no other period oI Slovene literature was there published so much Iolklore
material (in my case also legends) than in 2
nd
halI oI the 19
th
century.
The type that is represented the most is the one that sits on variants oI (jokes) Christ and St.
Peter walking through the land or oI creation oI the world. In my research the land is Slovene
territory and each local area introduced their own characteristics, Ior example names oI places
(Bovec, Tomaj, Koroska, Pohorje ...), or any other characteristics oI the area, Ior example
wine growing areas the wine, Karst people smoked ham or a drought problem, areas oI Soca a
problem with cold, etc.
In the legends one can see Slovenian Iolk culture: the activities with which people dealt, craIts,
trade, transportation and everyday people`s liIe Iood habits, clothing and housing and barns
and stables. As most important the (hard) liIe oI Slovene Iarmer is presented that refects
historical and political reality. Mostly the agriculture is mentioned and also some diIIerent
variants oI it: the work in the feld, harvest, helping to work on the feld. Furthermore, stable and
pasture animal breeding is represented. Viticulture is only mentioned in legends that originate
Irom the wine-growing areas.
Among the craItsmen landlord and blacksmith are mentioned, both mostly with negative
qualities. Trade is rarely mentioned. Among the means oI transport only carriages are
mentioned in the legends (connected to drivers) and boats (connected to boatmen), but rarely.
OI all the dishes most Irequently bread and diIIerent variants oI it occur. Most oIten it is the
social status that is emphasised with the bread (poverty, luxury). Only water and wine are
presented as drinks. All three courses that support our culture are presented (breakIast, lunch
and dinner).
Despite the Iact that the dress defnes social background, it was rarely mentioned, probably
because oI the lack oI Iairy people (Princes, Queens, etc.). Usage oI linen as the only material
to make clothes Irom indicates that there was nothing else to use as a clothing material in the
2nd halI oI the 19
th
century and in the 1st halI oI the 20
th
century in Slovenia rural areas.
Farmers grew fax, they separated seeds Irom the rest oI the plant, dried it and crushed it.
Houses and places people lived in are not described in legends, they are only mentioned.
Social status is described mostly with adjectives that stand beIore nouns (example: poor, very
beautiIul ...).
65 Studii / Articles
As Christ summarised Peter`s conversion with the words: 'Simon Simon, Satan wanted to have
you and siIt you like wheat, but I begged Ior you so that your Iaith does not Iade, so can Peter`s
learning be a support to people in their personal growth. Many legends that were created much
later on show us that at the beginning the missioners
1
praised as the frst oI all saints him, the
frst among Christ disciples, the keeper oI heavenly kingdom`s keys.
Probably as a result oI this the image oI apostle Peter in (Slovenian) material and spiritual
culture is despite the modern trend still very much alive. That enables diIIerent aspects oI
research in ethnological and Iolklore felds.
References:
ENCIKLOPEDIJA SLOVENIJE (1987). Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga.
KEBER, J. (1996): Leksikon imen, izvor imen na Slovenskem. Celje: Mohorjeva druzba.
KUMER, Z. (2006): Od Florjanovega do velikega smarna. Celje: Celjska Mohorjeva druzba.
KURET, N. (1998): Praznicno leto Slovencev: starosvetne sege in navade od pomladi do zime. Ljubljana: Druzina.
LETO SVETNIKOV, 2. zvezek (2000). Celje: Mohorjeva druzba.
MENCEJ, M. (2001). Gospodar volkov v slovanski mitologiji. Ljubljana: FilozoIska Iakulteta, Oddelek za
etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo.
MERKU, P. (1992): Svetniki v slovenskem imenoslovju. Trst: Mladika.
OROZEN, M. (2006): Slovenske narodne legende v prozi: globinsko pomensko sporocilo in povrsinska jezikovna
ubeseditev. In: Slovenska kratka pripovedna proza. Irena Novak Popov, ur. Ljubljana: FilozoIska Iakulteta,
str. 605618.
OVSEC, D. (1993): Danes je tvoj god, ime je znamenje. In: Gea, 3 (10), str. 48-49.
PLESEC, C. (1983): Pregled cerkvenih zavetnikov (v Sloveniji). Ljubljana: C. Plesec.
SCHAUBER, V., SCHINDLER Hanns Michael (1995): Svetniki in godovni zavetniki. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga.
SLOVAR SLOVENSKEGA KNJIZNEGA JEZIKA (1995). Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU, DZS.
SLOVENSKI ETNOLOSKI LEKSIKON (2004). Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga.
SNOJ, M (2002). O etimologiji osebnih in zemljepisnih imen na Slovenskem. V: Jezikoslovni zapiski 8 (2), str.
37-40.
STANONIK, M. (1999): Slovenska slovstvena Iolklora. Ljubljana: DZS.
http://www.biblia.net
VORAGINE, J. (1999): Die Legenda aurea. 13. izdaja. Gtersloh: Gtersloher Verlaghaus.
http://www.stat.si
SVETO PISMO STARE IN NOVE ZAVEZE. Slovenski standardni prevod. (2007). Ljubljana: Svetopisemska
druzba Slovenije.
1
At the time when European nations were converted to Christians. German apostle St. BoniIace had the big oak
hallowed to God Donar cut down and on the same spot he then built a church in the honour to St. Peter. Ovsec
thinks that other missioners were doing similar things with other people (1993: 48).
67 Studii / Articles
GYZ ZSIGMOND
SPECIFIC TRANSYLVANIAN GAMES AND TOYS
The author treats the play culture oI Hungarians Irom Transylvania. First oI all he talks in detail about
some Transylvanian toys made oI a special material and about some interesting popular card-games. In the
introduction we have a short history oI the research, then the presentation oI two toys made oI mushroom
(the raw material oI the tinder ball and oI the tinder mouse is Tinder Iungus, Fomes fomentarius) and
several not or barely known card-games which are parts oI some customs. The explanation oI rules is
completed by allusions to the social environment, to the Iunctions oI mentioned games, to their role in
the community. For example it is mentioned that one card-game (ass:onyfogas `women`s capture`) is one
kind oI communication which is above languages: playing this card-game one greets and talks to the other
gypsies speaking diIIerent languages but knowing this game in the same way. So this card-game is one
expression oI their aIfliation to the same great community. The study is Iocused on adults` games and toys.
Key words: hungarian Iolk toys and games, popular customs, Transilvania, beech spunk toys, playing cards
Autorul prezint rolul jocului si a jucriilor n cultura popular maghiar din Transilvania. nainte de
toate d detalii despre jucrii Icute din materii prim mai special si despre jocuri de cri populare mai
interesante. n introducere se Iace un scurt istoric al cercetrii si apoi prezentarea a dou jucrii Iabricate
din ciuperci (materia prim a mingii de iasc si a soricelului din iasc este iasca de Iag (Fomes fomentarius),
si apoi a ctorva jocuri de cri (variante) Ioarte puin sau deloc cunoscute n literatura de specialitate
(hlcul, 21) care sunt pri integrante ale unor obiceiuri. Explicaia regulamentelor este completat de
aluzii la mprejurri (socio-culturale) si la Iunciile jocurilor menionate n comunitatea respectiv. De
exemplu se menioneaz despre jocul de cri numit ass:onyfogas `prinderea (ducerea) Iemeilor` este un
Iel de comunicare translingvistic: rromii care l exerseaz se salut si vorbesc n limbi si dialecte diIerite,
dar joac la Iel acest joc, n acest mod, jocul de cri devine si o expresie a apartenenei lor la aceeasi mare
comunitate.
Cuvinte cheie: jocuri si jucrii populare maghiare, obiceiuri populare, Transilvania, jucrii din iasc de
Iag, jocuri de cri
Introduction
There are considerable gaps especially in the feld oI research on the games oI adolescents and
adults. However, the world oI the games oI bigger children and oI grown-ups is also a rich and
interesting feld oI research. In what Iollows I will make a presentation oI games other than
children`s games in the frst place. I will approach my subject matter by examining more deeply
a certain segment oI it.
Can the Hungarian ludic culture oI Transylvania I`m thinking here oI both traditional and less
traditional games be considered a special one nowadays? I think yes.
There is a great variety oI people and languages in this area, and this has an impact on the world
oI Transylvanian games as well. That is why, Ior instance, people Irom the mother country fnd
it peculiar when they hear oI Szeklers playing ofna. Oin is the name oI the popular sports-
game a kind oI meta (ball-game) played especially by Romanians in our region. I mentioned
68
thus a sports-game, but I don`t intend to dwell on this topic. In the frst place, I would like to
speak about some specifc Transylvanian toys made oI special material as well as about some
popular card-games.
Playing is an ancient and universal characteristic not only oI man but also oI many other
creatures. Its importance is indisputable, although this is not always refected in research. Most
oI the time the concept oI the game was identifed with the concept oI children`s game and this
decreased the interest in it (Niedermller 1990: 531), contributing to the Iact that so Iar Iolklore
studies have Iocused on children`s games.
One oI the best-known old books, in which we fnd data about Transylvanian games, is Pter
Apor`s Metamorphosis Transylvaniae Irom 1736. The scientifc research started in the 19
th

century. In the frst volume oI the Collection of Hungarian Folk-Poetry, published in 1872,
already appeared popular games, among them the Nativity play ('betlehemes) Irom Csikszk
(collected by Balazs Orban). The frst volume oI collections on Transylvanian popular games,
Ferenc Trk`s work entitled The S:ekler Worla of Chilaren after One Thousana Years was
published in 1896 in Saint George. Elek Benedek published Szekler Children`s Songs and
Game-Songs and Puzzle Stories already in 1882 (together with Job Sebesi), his bigger collection
was published in 1898. Aron Kiss`s Collection of Hungarian Chilarens Games Irom 1891 is oI
major importance; this is the only complete monographic work on games up to now.
The research on children`s games and on popular games in general doesn`t have its proper
theoretical and methodological Irame; it is mainly restricted to publication oI data. The research
on the Hungarian tradition oI games is characterized by serious lack oI proportion. For instance
we have a considerable amount oI collected material in the feld oI singing and dancing games
but there were hardly any publications on popular card-games Ior a long time. In the 20
th

century the frst sign oI a qualitative change in this respect is represented by Maria Kresz`s
general work published in 1948. This was Iollowed in respect oI publication because the
material is earlier by JozseI Bakos`s work entitled Chilarens Games from Matyusfla which
has as its worthy and successIul Transylvanian continuation Klara Gazda`s book entitled The
Worla of Chilaren from Es:telnek, published in 1980.
1. Games and mushrooms. Toys made of tinder
Not a very long time ago, in 1994, was published Lajos Istvan`s interesting little book, called
Chilaren instruments from Korona. This book it is about instruments made oI diIIerent materials,
especially about ones made oI tile, considering that Korond (Corund) is the Iamous village oI
potters.
In this zone called the Salt zone (Sovidk), there exists a unique Iolk trade called toplas:as
('tindering). The people dealing with tinder make the toy Irom their own special material.
Mice and even balls are made oI beech-tinder (Fomes fomentarius).
Adolescent girls and boys play with the mouse. It was oIten utilized in the fonos (social
gatherings when people spinning and entertainment went together). Today boys use it in balls.
They scare the girls with that. They try to throw the mouse into the girl`s blouse. This kind oI
playing has another aim, too. It helps them get closer to the girl they like, because they try to get
the mouse out Irom the girl`s blouse aIter throwing it in; slowly, patiently, not to hurt the girl,
but continuing dealing with her. II the girl, aIter trying to look angry, decides to put the mouse
on her blouse, this is considered a victory; it shows that this game is not only one which needs
materials and demands skill it is not only a devilry, as I heard Irom the 90 years old Vince
69 Studii / Articles
Math but it`s also a kind oI mate fnding game, a Iunny game. It would be interesting to fnd
out iI the pine-cone-mouse Irom the Museum in Szolnok was used Ior the same purpose as the
tinder-mouse. The making oI the mouse is a playIul work Ior the tinderer. They don`t sell them
Ior much money, but they usually make many oI these cheap articles. This is a good opportunity
Ior the tinder to be used, so, this way nothing is thrown away.
Vince Math and his daughter, Julianna, explained the making oI the mouse. The exterior oI
the mouse-body is made oI the pickings oI the tinder; the interior is made oI clay brought Irom
the watercourse. This is burned out. There is a Iorm (a casting mould), the mouse is made out
oI clay, and they put the toplo (tinder) on it. The moustache is made oI human hair or out oI
goat hair. It is stamped with glue. The dry clay is burned in the oven. The tale is made oI rubber
(Irom the tyre oI the car). An ironed yellow rag or tinder it is glued to the inIerior part oI the
mouse. While the metal (the clay) it is still raw, they put the pin in. When the mouse is ready
they curve the base. They draw the eyes with 'duko paint, which is on a matchstick. They
make more glue with four and water.
The tinder ball (toplolabaa) is also a toy made oI beech-tinder. This is made only oI mushrooms,
not like the mouse. Tinder balls are no longer made. They consider that it is a waste oI material,
and it isn`t worth making it. A woman Irom Zagon (Szeklerland, county oI Covasna) told me in
1992, that she once got a tinder ball Irom her grandIather. I asked a lot oI people in Korond iI
they still make tinder balls and usually I got negative answers. The oldest tinderer, Vince Math
remembered that in the time oI the rag balls they used to make tinder balls, but only then, never
aIterwards, except those, which were made Ior me having this unique opportunity by Andras
Molnos. I tried them with his grandchildren. It is a good Ieeling playing with that ball; it Ieels
good to touch it. But their time is over. Children no longer play with it, modern balls replaced
them, and the tinder is used Ior other purposes. Nowadays it is an interesting museum piece,
which when touching it Ieels like velvet.(Zsigmond 2006: 60)
2. Card Games from Transylvania
1
The game called hlko is the most important traditional game in my hometown in Aranyosszk
(region between Turda and Aiud). It competes with the American seven (hetes) and the game
called sixty-six (hatvanhatos). The event to which it is linked is the carnival. The hlko Irom
Aranyospolyan it is usually played at carnival. Sometime the hlko could have been a game oI
keeping awake, oI the watcher as in Kalotaszeg and Udvarhelyszk (Szkelyderzs). The games
Ior keeping you awake were played on the Hungarian speaking area, but we also know that
Romanians Irom Bihar (Bihor) also used to play it (Ujvary 1982: 145-153). Until now only
Imre Katona (1962), Klara Gazda (1980) and Zoltan Vasvari (1996) were the ones who dealed
with card-games. The latter speaks about card-games in his book Cara-game in the 20
th
century
in peasant culture.
The elementary use oI cards is Ior Iun, Ior playing. The card-games were once war games, like
chess. Especially the card-games in which hands are important kept this Ieature. The hlko is also
a war game between city and town, peasants and lords. Maybe because oI this characteristic
the ladies were not allowed to play cards Ior a long time. Some games are played even today
only by men (in Aranyosszk the twenty-one, on the Nyiko`s Valley the hlko, on the Kis-
Kkll`s Valley the so called one-hundred-two). The spending oI time is exactly the role oI this
1
See also: Zsigmond 2000.
70
card-games (hlko and twenty-one). Both oI them belong to well defned in some cases ritual
times, occasions (carnival, watcher). The passion Ior the game is not very important, because they
are played especially on some events. This is also proved by the Iact that these games are only played
in winter, when there is less work on the felds. The hlko was oIten played when someone was
travelling. This became a habit among those who were oIten travelling, among the commuters. The
infuence on social liIe, social gatherings are important in this game as in the twenty-one too. The
ones who play are Iriends or relatives. We know games were the players belong to diIIerent groups,
they even do not know each other. The game which is played by the gypsies in Sepsikrspatak is
a kind oI touching, a net system oI signs above language beyond language, named ass:onyfogas
catching the woman`, it`s a game oI understanding each other between gypsies. Istvan Pakular
was telling that iI in Hungary diIIerent gypsies meet in a place, they all play this game because they
understand it better than any other language they know, they speak.
The Ieeling oI fghting Ior the prize remains true Ior the hlko and the twenty-one. Who plays
cards well and who works hard: they don`t exclude each other. Moreover, the man who is at
the same time good, hardworking and a good player is more appreciated. The one who is a
good mate in the game can also be a good mate in working. The Iun and competition can be
more exciting when there is some punishment Ior the one who loses. The one who loses in
Csikszentimre has to put on a hat. In Szkelyderzs (Dirjiu) the losers knock on the table to the
servants mentioning to them that 'they should take the kids out, because they were disturbing
the game. In the case oI aura, who had it, was cleaned on the hands, and they used to make him
nervous by cleaning, rubbing the table.
In a closed place (train) the one with the switched hat was the loser, iI we look Ior example
at the players Irom Szolokma (near Szovata / Sovata), where they played one-hundred-two
(Pter Jakab inIormed me, a 42 years old worker in 1997).
The estimation oI the hlko and twenty-one lately has changed in the studied communities. The
games, which make liIe easier, are more, are highly appreciated. The Iortune-games are not so
much liked (see the case oI the twenty-one). Still, the latter is more common (more popular)
than the hlko. Because the hlko is the old generations` game, and the younger generation are
not given the opportunity to learn the game because frst oI all the TV took the place oI the
card-game. A new research since 1998 shows us, that the hlko is played near Torda and
Aranyosgyres (Turda and Cmpia Turzii) by Romanian workers
1
.
Let me tell you some details about hlko. I couldn`t fnd the description about the Transylvanian
hlko game not even in the Encyclopedia oI Playing Cards (Berend 1993). It`s not the same as
the games named in those books: the upper (felss). It diIIers a great deal Irom those. In our
playing the lordship must be achieved; to be not a servant you have to have more than two
tens and aces at the end oI the hand. The one, who did not take, did not catch anything, that`s
the sus:ter (shoemaker`) he is not only a simple servant; this is the worst possible deIeat (In
Bogdand it is puszta,
2
in Derzs it has a aura as they say).
This is a game with tricks (hands), in which the most precious card is the hlko (the ranking is:
clubs, green, red, diamonds; each oI them is considered a trump), the Iurther order is: ace, ten,
king, queen, jack, nine, eight, seven. It is not obligatory to beat. Color requires the same color, iI
one doesn`t have any, then he has to put a trump). The trump is determined by the one who has
a bigger binding` (ktes). The word means: hlko or more hlkos (queens`) and other cards oI
the color required by the trump. The binding (a ktes) is determined depending on the number
1
The hlcu is played mainly while waiting (while doing nothing in particular). The the terms oI the cards are directly translated
Irom Hungarian into Romanian.
2
InIormant: Sipos Laszlo (1948).
71 Studii / Articles
oI trumps in someone`s hands, iI this person says the trump; and depending on the smallest
card that he has oI this color. For example, iI someone has three red ones (the smallest is jack),
two hlkos, then the name oI his binding is: fve jacks (t also). Binding is possible only iI you
have a hlko and a farba in your hand. Farba means that the player cannot have only trumps, he
cannot have six bindings. He has to have at least one card (one or more), which is not part oI
the binding, and this is the farba. That person who has more bindings determines the color oI
the trump and he can call Ior help by naming one card. Who has the named card will be the help
(segitseg) oI the caller; they will make together with the binder (kt) the town.
The other three players represent the village (falu), which has to fght against the town (varos).
The one who doesn`t take the three tens (ten is considered the ten-card itselI and the ace),
becomes the servant (s:olga) and the other one becomes the lord (ur). Then the servants have to
take at least six tens and aces to Iree themselves. Until then as a punishment they mix and
they divide the cards. They have to give three three cards twice in the direction in which they
stir the samp (the hominy) , the player beIore the divider has to cut. This game is played with
Hungarian cards, but they don`t use all the thirty-two cards. At the beginnings oI the game they
take out two sevens (they show which two), they won`t use them Iurther on. It is usually played
by fve players, but it has a version, which is played by Iour or three players (at Szkelyderzs
even with six or eight players). In the version with Iour players the ones who sit opposite to
each other Iorm a team and they have to take as much as possible together. Filko in three means
that the Iourth player is not a person, his cards are put in one heap and they take out oI it one by
one when it is their turn. The putyi or mutuf (at Aranyosszk he is called the dumb` (nema), in
Kalotaszeg mutyi in Maramaros vak blind`, at Derzs in Udvarhelyszk santa lame`) is always
with the binder, with the town. In Iour or in three they use only 24 cards, taking out the sevens
and the eights. At Csikszentimre and in the villages around, according to Sz. A, who used to
play hrko, as they call it, only the game in Iour or in three is known.
The Iresh` (frisseles) is played only by the best hlko-players. This can be announced only aIter
dividing the three cards in a game oI fve (at Szkelyderzs only that one can play Iresh` who
is not a servant, who aoesnt have kias, who took at least three tens). In such cases all the three
cards only aIter that). They have to start with a trump. In some hlko or ace is taken with a bigger
hlko and there at the beginning the hlko doesn`t take.
The Transylvanian hlko is known in Aranyosszk, Kalotaszeg, Udvarhelyszk and Csik as well.
As Iar as I know, it is not known in Haromszk, and there are no recordings in Maramaros either
(see Vasvari 1996: 122-123); I cannot speak about the situation in other regions because oI the
shortcomings oI research.
The Ieast oI the hlko, the celebration with playing the hlko is the carnival
1
. At such times people
didn`t only get dressed and wore masks, surprising especially their relatives, but they also went
to one another to play games. Better said, to play hlko. At least they used to ten-twenty years
ago. Nowadays playing hlko is no longer so well known, it is played not so oIten. Instead, they
play the seven, the sixty-six or in recent times the `calI` (bornyu, borfu). Or they just chat, eat
and drink. The elderly people like playing hlko nowadays too. In the meantime they have a
talk, which gets more and more intense while playing. In order to reach the goal, they oIten use
tricks, which are punished, condemned other times, but in such times they are only disapproved
1
At Szkelyderzs they used to play cards a lot in the fonos (social gatherings when people spinning and entertainment went
together). I quote B.B.: In carnival time they usea to go to the fono, until Shrove Tuesaay. We went in turn to the neighborhooa.
After playing the hlko, before going home we aiant miss to talk about politics, about farming ana to chat for a while. The
participants usea to eat ana to talk together they often cookea corn , they playea caras, they wore masks. At this time men
ana women, boys ana girls usea to play caras too. During the last week, when hnishing the spinning the women playea night
music for men.
72
but tolerated. They even say that in this game you are allowed to cheat, iI you do it unnoticed,
while in chess or in twenty-one you are not. This aspect strengthens the celebrating Ieature oI
playing hlko. As an exception, what is Iorbidden in other times is allowed in carnival time.
Over the past decades the opportunities oI celebrating together with the relatives have become
rarely. We can say that it is only the baptism, the confrmation, the wedding and the Iuneral
that brings relatives together. And oI course the carnival hlko-game, when they mixed, divided
the cards until 'they smelled oI garlic (expression: Ior a long time`). However, they didn`t
get bored about it. Various, colorIul, Iunny and mocking arguments made the game even more
entertaining. Most oI the players want to be with the town, iI so, it is more likely Ior someone
to become a lord. However, most oI the time they support the village, especially iI its members
Iell down, became servants and now they are trying to set themselves Iree.
Playing the game means the time oI celebration: that oI Ireedom, it spices up the common
weekdays, works oII the tensions oI hard work and helps to overcome the troubles. Consolation,
encouragement is never missing. Unluck in caras, luck in love. Dont worry, maybe it will be
better for you' This servantry is fust a game' Dont give up, Abrincs' Look, Nas:tas:ia plays
well, she fust aoesnt have luck' OI course, there is no Abrincs, no Nas:tas:ia among the players,
but they can have a good laugh at these names.
Among the Ieasting players there are men and women too, mixed up, adults most oI them. They
let bigger children play this game so that they should learn the hlko, but not the cheating. They
almost never play until late into the night. They say, they have to Ieed the animals the next
morning, they have to get up in time.
In Aranyospolyan / Poiana-Turda the hlko used to have its prime time about thirty years ago, when
there were no or hardly any TV-sets. Especially since Hungarian channels could be watched on
television, the hlko has been played more rarely and as a consequence the opportunities, which
used to strengthen up and make people aware oI their relationships, Iriendships unIortunately
have become more rare too.
In the end oI my paper I will mention one oI our dramatical carnival games. We have data
about it especially Irom Csik. This is a game oI competition. It is not hard to guess the names
oI the heroes. At Epiphany it is Spoils king (Konc kiraly) that wins, on Shrove Tuesday it is
Cibere (one kind oI soup without meat and Iats) voivode. The spoils mean juicy bone and it
is usually to wrangle over. Cibere is a sour soup made oI Iruit and bran eaten during the Lent.
Making the meanings oI the words clear, guessing the word puzzle may have helped to a better
understanding oI the custom. It happens so in the case oI language or literary games and puzzles.
We know the authors oI one part oI our language and literary games. I would like emphasize
the name oI Janos Arany and oI Frigyes Karinthy. However, many language and literary puzzles
appear as a genuine Iolklore creation: without name. Those who popularize them don`t know
their authors and they have no intention oI clariIying the question oI publications, oI smaller
oI bigger collections oI language-, literary or logical puzzles. Most oI the time there is not
clear a border between popular and non popular games oI language and literature (at least Irom
the chosen point oI view). That`s why I end my paper on special Transylvanian Games with a
puzzle, which is in some way connected to Transylvania.
This is a literary picture puzzle. You have to attribute a word or words to the picture or drawing
or to the elements oI the picture or drawing so that the word or words would result in the
solution oI the puzzle. In the case oI a literary picture puzzle most oI the time the title oI a
literary work is hidden on the picture. You have to give the title oI the literary work and the
name oI the author!
1

1
Aron Tamasi: Abel in the woods, the puzzle in German (Abel in aer Wilanis) and Hungarian (Abel a rengetegben)
is correct, isn`t in English.
73 Studii / Articles
References
Apor Pter 1978 Metamorphosis Transylvaniae. Bukarest
Bakos JozseI 1953 Matyusflai gyermekfatekok. Uj Magyar Npkltsi Gyjtemny VII. Budapest
Benedek Elek 1898 A magyar nep multfa es felene. I-II. Budapest
Berend Mihaly (szerk./editor) 1993 Kartyalexikon. Budapest
Danko Imre 1996 Ke:mves fatekok es moaellalas. In: Vesszparipaink. A Magyar Jatktarsasag Kzlemnyei 3.
Jatk Rend Szerek. Kecskemt-Budapest, 50-60.
Gazda Klara1980 Gyermekvilag Es:telneken. Bukarest
Gulyas Eva 1996 A folklori:mus es a nepi gyermekfatekok. In: Vesszparipaink. A Magyar Jatk-tarsasag
Kzlemnyei 3. Jatk Rend Szerek. Kecskemt-Budapest, 96-111.
Istvan Lajos 1994 Koronai gyermekhangs:erek. Kecskemt
Janko Janos 1892 Kalotas:eg magyar nepe. Budapest
Katona Imre 1962 Kartyafatekok. Kartya:as kubikmunkan. In: Nprajzi Kzlemnyek VII. 3-4, Budapest, 91 100
Kiss Aron 1891 Magyar gyermekfatek-gyftemeny. Budapest
Kresz Maria 1948 A magyar gyermekfatek-kutatas. Budapest
Niedermller Pter-Lazar Katalin 1990 Magyar nepi fatekok. In: Magyar Nprajz VI., Budapest, 529-647.
Trk Ferenc 1896 A s:ekely gyermekvilag e:er ev multan. Sepsiszentgyrgy
Ujvary Zoltan 1982 Halottvirras:toi fatekok. In: Halottkultusz. Elmunkalatok a Magyarsag Nprajzahoz 10.
112-127. Bp.
Ujvary Zoltan 1990 Farsang. Debrecen
Vasvari Zoltan 1996 Kartyafatek a hagyomanyos paras:ti tarsaaalomban a XX. s:a:aa soran. In: Vesszparipaink.
A Magyar Jatktarsasag Kzlemnyei 3. Jatk Rend Szerek. Kecskemt Budapest, 112-127.
Zsigmond Gyz 1994 A gomba helye nepi kulturankban. In: A Kriza Janos Nprajzi Tarsasag vknyve.
Kolozsvar, 22-58.
Zsigmond Gyz 2000 Kt kartyajatk s jatszasuk nnepi alkalmai. SzkelyIld, IV.vI.3.sz., Csikszereda, 107-
114.
Zsigmond Gyz 2006 Tinder polypore and birch polypore in Hungarian popular tradition. Moes:ia. Eraelyi
Gombas: III. vI. 3.: 51-61.
74
Toys maae from Fomes fomentarius in Coruna (Photos maae by the author)
75 Studii / Articles
GHEORGHE PAVELESCU
THE SOUL-BIRD IN THE CONTEXT
OF INDO-EUROPEAN CULTURE
Romanians in Transylvania have retained the custom oI placing a pillar with a carved blue wooden bird
on the grave oI a young unmarried man, symbolizing the soul oI the deceased. This tradition can be Iound
today, especially in the mountain villages. The custom also includes placing a newly-cut fr tree upright
beside the pillar. The fr tree is carried Irom the mountains with a special ritual and its height in meters
shows the age oI the deceased. The practice used to be more widespread among Romanians but today it is
gradually disappearing. Having an ancient Indo-European origin, this custom is prooI oI the roots that tie
us to the ancient civilizations oI the Euro-Asiatic world and oI the traditionalism oI Romanian Iolk culture.
Key words: Indo-European culture, carved and painted wooden birds, Soul-bird, Romanian Iolk culture,
Comparative mythology, Symbolic attributes
Romnii din Transilvania au pstrat obiceiul de a pune, la mormntul unui brbat tnr necstorit, un stlp
avnd n vrI o pasre albastr cioplit n lemn, simboliznd sufetul celui decedat. Aceast tradiie este
pstrat si n prezent, ndeosebi n satele de munte. Obiceiul include, de asemenea, si asezarea lng stlp
a unui brad proaspt tiat. Este adus din muni urmnd un ritual special, nlimea acestuia indicnd vrsta
celui decedat. Aceast practic era Ioarte des ntlnit n cadrul obiceiului de nmormntare la romni,
ns acum este pe cale de dispariie. Avnd origini antice, indo-europene, acest obicei reprezint dovada
rdcinilor care ne leag de civilizaiile antice ale lumii euro-asiatice, precum si dovada tradiionalismului
culturii populare romnesti.
Cuvinte cheie: cultur indo-european, psri din lemn sculptate si pictate, pasrea-sufet, cultura popular
romneasc, mitologie comparat, Iuncii simbolice
The idea oI this study was inspired by the carved and painted wooden birds that I used to fnd
in the graveyard oI my native village, Purcrei (Alba County), and by some oI Lucian Blaga`s
writings. The grave birds were painted sky blue. The term the blue bird has its origin in my
Iavourite reading as a youth, nearly three-quarters oI a century ago: 'Maurice Maeterlinck`s
'L`Oiseau bleu' and Ervin Rohde`s 'Psych'. That is why the oldest oI my reIerences, Irom 14
XI 1939, has the title 'The blue bird. The reIerence is accompanied by an image a pen and
ink drawing representing a village graveyard, with wooden crosses, a pillar in the middle oI
it and a wooden carved bird on the top oI the pillar.
In the Iollowing year, 1940, I did some research in the Southern Transylvanian counties oI Sibiu,
Alba and Hunedoara. I had Ion Muslea`s support (he was the Folklore Archive`s manager) and
I also used inIormation gathered Irom teachers and pupils in Fgras, Sibiu and Orstie. Based
on this research, I published the frst article: 'The Soul-Bird. Contributions to understanding
the Romanian cult oI the dead in Southern Transylvania. The article describes the custom oI
placing a pillar carved with geometrical motiIs and a wooden bird at the top on an unmarried
young mans grave. The bird was usually a dove. These two distinguishing marks, the pillar and
the bird are usually accompanied by a third: the Iuneral tree.
76
Our article received compliments and some additions were made. Among these, we have to
mention frst the review published in French by the Iolklore expert Petru Caraman (1898-1980)
and that oI the literary historian Harald Krasser (1906-1981), published in German. From
these reviews, and Irom other inIormation which I had Iound in the meanwhile, I published an
additional article in the Iollowing issue oI the Annual Folklore Archive. Romulus Vulcnescu
and Mihai Coman who have researched Romanian mythology, and some art historians who
were specialists in Brncusi`s sculpture ('The Birds and 'The Infnite Column) commented
on my study.
In my frst article (1942), I specifed the structure oI the custom and its spread across southern
Transylvania, and in the second one (1947), using new inIormation, I Iound that the custom was
more widespread than originally thought, spanning Irom the Lombards a German population
who settled in northern Italy in the 6
th
century AD to Cheremishes, a Finnish population on
the Olga river, and to the Iar East, in China and Japan.
Although at the end oI my article, I had promised a more advanced study oI the subject, this
promise couldn`t be Iulflled during the years that have passed since its publication. That is why,
recently, I thought it necessary to publish the materials regarding 'The Soul-Bird on which
our 1947 article was based, so that possible Iuture experts oI this custom may use this material.
The present book

presents additional inIormation concerning both the geographical area oI

'the bird and more than that, a deeper study, in ancient cultures oI Europe, Asia and elsewhere,
Irom the historical point oI view.
The image oI 'The Soul-Bird is Iamiliar to the majority oI ancient people, even in Australia.
To travel to the other world, the soul oI the Greeks had an absolute need Ior guides, such
as animals or birds, as the road to the other world 'was neither simple nor isolated. It had
numerous crossroads as Plato himselI expressed in the dialogue Phaeton.
Seen Irom the perspective oI comparative mythology, the dove points to an ancient history and
a varied palette oI symbolic attributes.
In the Rig-Jeaa, it appears as a Iuneral messenger, while in 'Panciatantra it is an emblem oI
love. In the poem 'The Argonauts, the dove becomes a guide-bird, and in 'Aeneid, it shows
Aeneas the road to the Golden Branch. On ancient Iuneral stars, its presence symbolizes the
soul oI the deceased. Echoes oI these values reverberate throughout European Iolk culture,
including oI course Romania.
The use oI a bird image to represent the soul still occurs. We can fnd it in the ritual loaI, shaped
as a bird, called in Transylvania 'hoopoe (pup:) which can be Iound at wedding rituals,
in the days dedicated to praying Ior the dead or in the image oI the carved wooden birds which
people still place on Iuneral pillars in Transylvania.
A saying reIerring to the soul and the body is: 'I have a small box / and there is a little dove in
it; II the little pigeon fies, I won`t know what to do with the box (the soul and the body).
Ivan Evseev in 'The Dictionary oI the Cultural Symbols and Archetype' (1994) asserts that
many stages may be noticed in the evolution oI the symbolic meanings oI the dove. Some oI
the meanings date Irom the pagan epoch, others were brought by the spread oI Christianity. The
oldest representations oI the dove date Irom the 5
th
and 6
th
centuries BC (Mesopotamia). In the
Aramaic religion, the dove is dedicated to Anat and Ishtar, the goddesses oI love and Iertility. In
Greece and Rome, the bird is devoted to Aphrodite (Venus) symbolizing happy love.
For many people, a pair oI doves constitutes an example oI shared love or oI marital harmony.
In Christianity, the dove assumes on the one hand a Mediterranean meaning oI love (in a refned
Iorm) while on the other it continues a Jewish tradition which presupposes that it was once a
totemic bird.
77 Studii / Articles
Consulting Jean Chevalier`s 'Dictionary oI Symbols, we fnd that the bird also appears
Irequently in AIrican art, especially in masks. The bird stands Ior power and liIe. It is oIten a
Iertility symbol. The Jakuts, a population Irom Eastern Siberia, believe that at death, both good
people and sinners ascend to the sky where their souls take the shapes oI birds. Indeed, the soul
birds settle on the branches oI The Tree oI the World, The Tree oI LiIe or The Cosmic Tree.
In Egypt, a bird with a head oI a man or a woman symbolizes the departed soul or a god visiting
the world. The idea oI the Bird-Soul and the identifcation oI death with a bird have already been
studied in the archaic religions oI the Near East. 'The Book oI the Dead, Irom ancient Egypt,
describes death as a fying Ialcon. In Mesopotamia, the deceased are represented by the shape
oI birds. The myth is older than that, Chevalier writes. On the prehistoric tombs oI Europe and
Asia, the Cosmic Tree is shown with two birds on its branches. In spite oI their cosmic value,
these birds seem to symbolize the souls oI the ancestors. Indeed, in central Asiatic mythologies
(Siberian and Indonesian) the birds which settle on the branches oI The Tree oI the World
represent the souls oI the dead.
The Romanian ethnologist Romulus Vulcnescu believes that 'the representation oI the soul
as birds originates Irom an old animistic belieI in the migration oI the human body Irom the
real world to the mythical one. According to Romulus Vulcnescu the soul-bird represents the
vehicle that transmigrates the soul; it is a psychocarrier-bird. We understand by a psychocarrier-
bird the image oI a bird which is considered sacred, and whose mission is to carry the soul to
the other world, 'to Paradise or Hell. In 'The Soul Bird in the Ponto Baltic region, Romulus
Vulcnescu elaborated his comparative-historical study oI the mythology oI death. AIter he
establishes the presence oI the mythical bird at all levels oI mythology and in all thematic
spheres concerning belieIs, customs and traditions connected with death, he analyses Indo-
European paleontological material Irom the Ponto-Baltic regions. These people used the bird
oI the soul as a Iuneral mark, to highlight the primary meaning and the developed sense oI the
bird oI the soul.
Thus, the author distinguishes two complementary aspects oI representations oI dead souls: the
bira as a soul and the soul as a bira. The bird as a soul is the material duplicate oI the deceased
soul in this world. The soul as a bird is the ornithomorphic image oI the soul that is always
wandering in this world during an apparent death, or aIter a real death, until the soul passes to
the other world. Romulus Vulcnescu was especially interested in the idea oI the bird oI the
soul as: 'the image oI the vehicle that transports the soul to the other world. In other words, the
bird oI the soul is a psychocarrier responsible Ior carrying the soul oI the deceased to the other
world, to Paradise or Hell. In this respect, the soul oI the bird is similar to the psychocarrier
horse which appears in Romanian Iuneral songs.
Commenting upon the two morphological aspects oI the Iuneral bird, the same author asserts
that the bird with Iolded wings is 'the psychological receptacle oI the soul`s duplicate, shaped
as a bird and the one with open wings, ready to fy is 'the celestial image oI a bird as a soul.
At the end oI these considerations, Romulus Vulcnescu mentions the Bird-Souls which appear
on the pillars oI cenotaphs or empty graves oI those who died Iar Irom home. 'The memorial
ceremony oI the pillar with a dove placed on the cenotaph aimed to attract the vagrant soul oI
the dead person Irom the other regions to the place where the relatives have decided he will be
buried. We have met such kind oI practice with the 6
th
century Lombards in northern Italy.
From the examples given in this paper and our own materials, we can draw the Iollowing
conclusion: Romanians in Transylvania have retained the custom oI placing a pillar with a
carved blue wooden bird on the grave oI a young unmarried man, symbolizing the soul oI the
deceased. This tradition can be Iound today, especially in the mountain villages. The custom
78
also includes placing a newly-cut fr tree upright beside the pillar. The fr tree is carried Irom
the mountains with a special ritual and its height in meters shows the age oI the deceased.
The practice used to be more widespread among Romanians but today it is gradually
disappearing. Having an ancient Indo-European origin, this custom is prooI oI the roots
that tie us to the ancient civilizations oI the Euro-Asiatic world and oI the traditionalism oI
Romanian Iolk culture.
(Translatea by Amalia Pavelescu)
79 Studii / Articles
ANAMARIA STNESCU
THE IMAGE OF THE TURK IN
ROMANIAN FOLK CULTURE
The aim oI this article is to present an approach oI the 'imaginary Turk specifc to the traditional Romanian
mentality. As objectives, we enumerate: the evolution oI the multiple meanings that the term 'Turk has
in the Romanian culture, the construction oI his portrait, as the Romanian sees, believes and understands
him (Oisteanu, 2001:9), based on a corpus oI texts Iormed oI Iables, legends (mythological, hagiographic,
geographical and historical), proverbs, anecdotes, jokes, The Other seen as alien and a parallel between the
ola enemy and the present friena.
Key words: imagology, image, the Turk, portrait, Romanian Iolk culture, Ottoman Empire, Iolk text,
(Iairy) tale, legend, epic song, anecdote, proverb, the Other, alien, national imaginary, stereotype, pagan,
barbarian, stranger, Christian
Obiectivul acestui articol este de a prezenta o abordare a ,turcului imaginar, specifc mentalitii tradiionale
romnesti. Iat cteva din obiectivele acestui proiect: evoluia sensurilor multiple pe care termenul ,turc
le are n cultura romn, construirea portretului su, asa cum este vzut si neles de romni (Oisteanu,
2001:9), bazat pe un corpus de texte Iormat din Iabule, legende (mitologice, hagiografce, geografce si
istorice), proverbe, anecdote, bancuri, Cellalt vzut ca strin si o paralel ntre vechiul auman si actualul
prieten.
Cuvinte cheie: imagologie, imagine, turc, portret, cultura popular romn, Imperiul Otoman, text Iolcloric,
basm, legend, cntec epic, snoav, proverb, banc, Cellalt, strin, imaginar naional, stereotip, pgn,
barbar, crestin
According to the explanatory dictionary, the word 'Turk comes Irom the Turkish trk and
points to that person which is part oI Turkey`s base population or who originates Irom there. By
extension, it can also indicate a person oI Mohammedan religion. Its semantic feld illustrates
a pejorative vision that the Romanians have oI the Turks: (inv. and pop.) irreligious, (inv and
pop.) ciutac, (inv.) osman, osmangiu, osmanlau, Ottoman, pagan, (ir.) shalwarsman, Turkish,
(inv.) osman, osmanic, osmanlau, osmnesc, Ottoman, pagan (Seche, 1997:1036).
Analyzing the term Irom a diachronic perspective, I have noticed that in the old Iolklore texts
the Turks were named varvari, the regional version oI the term barbarian (it comes Irom the
Latin barbarus or the French barbare). The name barbarian was given by the Greeks and the
Romans, in the Antiquity, to any individual who was not a Greek or a Roman. Barbarian were
the people that invaded Europe at the beginning oI the Middle Ages and they were labeled
uncivil, wild, rude, cruel (Mazilu, 1999:107). The Turks, who settled on Romanian territory,
although they were marginalized, they were the representatives oI a sovereign nationality. They
were called la:i and they were not allowed to build prayer houses in the Romanian Christian-
Orthodox space (Mazilu, 1999:119).
80
I have noticed that the appellative Turk corresponds in a better way to the historic-ethnical
realities Irom the 14
th
and 15
th
century and that the name Ottoman complies with the Iollowing
centuries. By Ottoman we understand the notion oI 'Ottoman dynasty and by extension all
the elements oI this period. For the period comprised between the 14
th
and 19
th
century it is
necessary to use the term 'Ottoman (The Ottoman Empire) because in this period we cannot
talk oI a Turkish national state, but oI a multinational, cosmopolitan and theocratic empire
in which the name 'Turk was considered oIIensive (Maxim, 1990:28-29 apua Bodea). Still,
the Europeans have used the Iorm 'Turk to reIer to the Ottoman power; the name 'Turk`
corresponas to the political concept of Ottoman. The Ottoman history is part of the Turks
history. Nevertheless, the Turkish character of the Ottoman power cannot be aeniea (Gemil,
1991:14-15 apua Bodea).
Using as a support the corpus oI texts Iormerly mentioned, in which I have identifed the image
oI the Turk, we shall put Iorth his specifc Ieatures as they result Irom the listed popular creations,
starting Irom the premise that 'the discourse about the past oIIers a subjective, incomplete,
simplifed and distorted vision (Boia, 1997:5).
In the Iable, the Turk is identifed under the appearance oI a pasha, as it Iollows Irom the
Iable 'The Lost Child, a version oI the type 'The Found One, Irom Ardeal (Pop-Reteganul,
1957:157 apua Sineanu):
The third night aIter a child was born, a pasha put up at an old man`s house. Over the night, he
heard one oI the Fates saying: 'This child will kill the pasha and will marry his daughter. The next
day the pasha bought the child Ior 9000 lei and on the way he threw him in a waterway, where, at
frst, he was Ied by a goat and then he was Iound by a peasant. As the boy grew bigger, the pasha
passed by those places again and he was lodged at the peasant who told him the story oI the boy. He
wanted to kill him again by sending him with a letter to his wiIe, but on the way, as he was sleeping,
a blackmoor replaced it with another in which it was said to receive him with all the ceremony and
to marry him to their daughter. Returning home and seeing all oI his plans Ioiled, he thought oI
another way: he ordered a blacksmith to kill with a sledge hammer the one whom he would send
asking Ior work. And in the evening he told the boy to go to the blacksmith. But the pasha`s son went
instead and got killed and the boy came back with the thing which he was asked to bring: it was the
head oI his son. Then he ordered to the coachman to kill him at night, but the pasha, who had gone
to see what happened, was killed instead. This is how the words oI the Fate came true (Sineanu,
1978:103-106).
This Iable underlines the myth oI the malefc child and the one oI the abandonment oI a child
on water, drawing attention upon the implacable character oI destiny. The belieI in Iatality,
an oriental infuence, is deeply rooted in the collective conscience oI the Romanian people,
the Christian element overlaying the pre-Christian pagan conception on Iatality (the Hellenic
destiny ruling over gods, as well as people).
In the majority oI the mythological legends, the Turks are associated with Iantastical beings
called Cpcuni, Ctcuni or Cpcluni (glutton). These were small people with a fat nose, a
big head, with one eye on the Iorehead and another at the back, with two huge mouths. They ate
Christian meat (they baked Christians) and that is why people used to hide in the woods. They
disappeared going to 'the Turkish Land, over the Danube (Bodea, 1998:81)
In the hagiographic legends, the Turk is depicted as an icon proIaner in the Romanian Christian-
Orthodox space. At the Neam Monastery the legend says that a Turk stabbed an icon portraying
The Virgin Mary with InIant Jesus. In Bessarabia the eyes oI the saints painted on the walls oI
the churches were pulled out with spears by the Turkish soldiers. The success that the legend oI
the desecration oI the icon had in the Romanian space is due to the interdiction oI destroying
81 Studii / Articles
an icon, no matter its age or how deteriorated it is. According to popular belieI, the icon must
not be thrown away, but taken to a running water, on a holiday, Irom where it will fow in 'Apa
Smbetei (Saturday`s Water) and Irom there to the land oI the mythical ancestors (Oisteanu,
2001:203).
The Turks are also present in the geographical legends, where the heroines are victims oI rape.
From 'The Legend oI the Mamaia Beach we learn that:
Mamaia was the wiIe oI a Moldavian dignitary who was enslaved by a pasha; aIter the Turks killed
her husband, the pasha leIt her at Constana (according to another version the place was Silistra).
But Mamaia had a little girl. The girl was beautiIul and Iair and the two were inseparable. The bey
oI Silistra, who Iancied Mamaia, decides to steal her. He elopes with the mother while she was doing
laundry in the lake. The girl ran aIter the boat in which her mother was, calling: 'Mamaia! Then,
the mother begged God to help her regain her daughter and she was transIormed into a sand beach,
on which the little girl walked calling her mother.
Hence it Iollows that the Turk is the violator oI Romanian women, destroyer oI Iamilies and
murderer. The ravishing actions through violence or deception are not accepted by the Romanian
traditional norms and this is why they are hindered through a miraculous intervention or with
the help oI a divine Iorce (Bodea, 1998:6).
Through the historic legends we can distinguish a series oI connections between the
autochthonous elements and the Ottoman ones: the relations between Romanian rulers and
the Ottomans and the fght against the invasion oI the Ottoman Empire. In 'The Murad Tsar
and Radu Voivode, the sultan Murad crosses the Danube to conquer Walachia and Moldavia.
Realizing that he cannot deIeat the voivode Radu in a Iair fght, the sultan Murad asks him to
give him his country and to pass to 'the Turkish law in exchange Ior halI oI his kingdom.
ReIusing to go to aringrad because he was aware oI the trick, he was made drunk by the bishop
Ali and taken to Murad. The brave Romanian succeeds in escaping and deIeats the sultan. As he
returns home, he dresses up as an outlaw and asks the bishop oI Dii to conIess him. This is the
way he can kill him, to punish him Ior betrayal. In the legends about Constantin Brancoveanu,
who would rather see himselI and his sons tortured than ceding his country to the sultan and
denying his Iaith in God, the tragedy oI the fghts between the Romanians and the Ottoman
invaders is marked by an extraordinary heroism.
These relations are much more obvious in the heroic epical songs and in the domestic ballads.
The heroes oI the Romanian epic have reacted diIIerently in their contacts with the Ottoman
power, depending on the mentality and the interests oI the respective historic stage. Thus, there
is a Iolklore dedicated to the anti-Ottoman fght and there is also a Iolklore specifc to the zone
oI interIerence with the Ottoman Empire, the Danubian heroic epos and the Ottoman Danubian
ballad occupying a special place in this respect. The Danube`s sacred river characteristic can
be especially deciphered in the Danubian epic, where the historic events related to Turks are
lionized. Seen Irom a diIIerent perspective they demonstrate the real side oI the Turkish-
Romanian relations, which are not relations between oppressors and oppressed, but between
temporary occupiers and rebels, in which both Iorces acknowledge and respect each other.
The Danubian epic song, according to Sabina Ispas, is part oI the system oI versed narratives oI
the medieval chivalrous age, which express the fght between the vassals and the seigneurs. Thus,
we distinguish three categories oI lionized relations: the respect Ior the brave enemy (Ireedom
and liIe are given to the fghter taken prisoner), the reward Ior bravery (the hero marries 'the
daughter oI the cadi or oI 'the Turkish emperor) and the recognition oI the qualities oI virtue
and honesty oI the deIeated and subdued hero.
82
In the heroic epic song 'Stnislav and Vlcan the two powerIul 'anti-Ottoman fghters are
betrayed by the cunning servants and given to the Turks. They 'didn`t want to hang them, 'nor
to perish them by sward, but to throw them in the Danube with a rock around their necks. The
rock ,had over fve hundred kilograms.../ And in the Danube they would Iall. Stnislav saves
himselI ,swimming like a fsh /Because the Danube knows him or he is miraculously saved
by a ,...crawfsh coming along / with a big claw / And he took him by a nostril / So he cam
out oI the waters / Swimming like a little trout / Along with the little rock. Impressed by the
miraculous event, the Turks grant them their lives and Ireedom and the treacherous servants are
punished, Ior ,The Turk is evil, because he is a pagan, / but he does not sell his master / It is
written in his book / That it is a sin / To sell an innocent man.
In 'Novac`s Crane, young Novac, a merchant, arrives at the daughter oI 'the Turkish emperor
on the pretence oI selling some jewelry. He 'steals her Irom the garden oI aringrad and they
run away to Romanian land, being chased by the Ottoman army. Old Novac stops the Turkish
army, standing in their way with a wedding canteen proposing to the girl`s Iather to clink
together as in-laws. Although Novac pleads Ior reconciliation, Crane and the cadi fght, the
latter being killed. Thus, the hero marries the cadi`s daughter who passes to 'Romanian law.
In the version oI the songs about 'Badiu, a group oI Turks who want to capture the Danubian
hero is presented. Badiu, who was a dreaded enemy, was caught because he was betrayed by
his wiIe; she has remorse and announces Nicolcea, Badiu`s brother, to come and save him.
Nicolcea asks the Turks to Iree the hero. Acknowledging his boldness and courage, the Turks
grant him his Ireedom: ,The Turk is a pagan / Then he is merciIul / Calmed by God / Seeing
him on his knees / Granted him his Ireedom / Neculcea searched himselI / His kniIe he took out
/ He cut a thread oI silk / Badiu was Iree.
In the domestic ballad 'Ilincua Sandrului, Sandru`s daughter, whom is known Ior her beauty,
is depicted: ,Green leaI oI bean / Up on the shore oI the Olt / At Sandru`s house / Rich Sandru /
|...| / Sandru has a daughter / BeautiIul as a fower / Straight as a candle / What was her name?
/ BeautiIul Ilincua / The Turks died Ior her. As she was going to get water or sweeping the
yard, Ilinca sees the Turks in the distance coming to ravish her. She tells her parents who hide
her and tell the Turks that their daughter is dead. A small ana cunning Turk discovers the trick
and Iorces the mother to tell him oI the hiding place. Ilincua is kidnapped. As they cross the
Danube she asks the Turks to untie her Ior an easier undergoing oI the trip and throws herselI in
the water, Ior she would rather die than being part oI a harem: ,Hey you Turks, you noblemen,
/ Untie my hands / So I can cool my breasts / And redress my braid, / For the odalisks will see
me! / |... | /They untied her hands / She put her Ioot on the kayak / Her song she sung: / Then
slave to Turks / And nurse Ior the odalisks/ I`d rather cool the crawfsh / And Ieed the fsh / |...|/
Straight in the Danube she jumped. The theme oI marriage through ravishment also appears in
the ballads 'Niculca and 'Ana Ardeleana.
Adrian Fochi distinguished a series oI epic songs with a strong historic content on the theme
oI the 1877 war, which deal with the attitude oI the Romanian people eager Ior independence.
Certain texts immortalize the movement oI the soldiers` leaving Ior war. In the version 'I Am
Preparing Ior War, the motive 'the time has come Ior me to go is predominant: ,The time
has come Ior me to go, /Towards the flthy Turk! / No more plough and oxen today / And I am
preparing Ior war. / I leave my court and home / And I am heading Ior the enemy. The historic
epic song also captures the moment oI the Romanians` entering war at Russia`s plea Ior help
to deIeat a strong enemy as Osman-Pasha: ,Plevna is a strong Iortress / Where Osman sits on
his horse. / Green leaI and a tulip, / But what was the news? / The Turks deIeated the Russians
/ Chased them to the Danube / They were crying Ior our help. / Come on brothers / Lets deIeat
83 Studii / Articles
the enemy.
The Iantastic ballad 'The Song oI Marcos-Pasha tells the story oI the fght oI the Ottoman
army, led by Marcos-Pasha and Criv (North Wind), which was caused by the Pasha. This
Iorce oI nature miraculously helps the Romanian army: Pasha`s soldiers make a fre with their
weapons and vainly try to protect themselves in the horses` bellies: ,Last night / Marcos, old
Pasha / Found himselI there and halted / |...| / What did the North Wind do? / He blew ice /
Froze them up through the chimney / The entire army was amazed.
In the Iantastic epic song 'Vidu the Peasant the hero extricates his death thanks to his horse,
thus succeeding in deIeating the Turks. In this case, help comes Irom his loyal animal, as it
happens in the Iables.
The anecdote exposes the negative aspects oI the Turk (slyness, cheat, selI-praise, Iolly) through
its moralizing Iunction based on the principles oI popular ethic, as it results Irom the Iollowing
texts, 'The Frocked Turk and 'The Turk`s SelI-Praise:
What was a Turk thinking, passing to our law and suddenly seeing himselI a Christian he made a
monk oI himselI, changing his name Irom Mahomed to Paisie. He went to a monastery, taking in his
cell a rooster named Bean. Passing with diIfculty through the Iasting period, one day he chopped
the rooster and boiled it. The abbot catches him:
'What are you boiling in the pot, brother? the abbot asks him
'Bean, the Turk answers
'What do you mean bean? The brother said it was a rooster
'Yes, a rooster, but his name is Bean and I, having a taste Ior beans, I boiled him
'Aren`t you aware that we aren`t allowed to eat meat, yet?
'I know, but I haven`t eaten meat but Bean. I couldn`t care less iI he was a rooster or a hen. I know
his name is Bean and as you changed my name to Paisie, so I changed his name to Bean. And as I am
not the one whom I was beIore Irocking, nor is him a rooster, but Bean; and what are you supposed
to eat during Iasting iI not beans? the Turk angrily answered going to his cell. (The Frocked Turk,
Stroiescu, 1984:86)
'In our country everybody is rich and very smart! a stingy Turk was praising up.
'But the cows, who guards them? the Romanian asked him puzzled
'Ho-hoho, in Turkey, Ior this job, there are a lot oI people like you and me! (The Turk`s SelI-
Praise, Stroiescu, 1989:87)
The characteristics oI 'the imaginary Turk can also be deduced Irom jokes, which, in their
capacity oI comic narratives, replace the anecdotes since they are the oral popular species with
the widest distribution in present times. We can notice jokes with a historic subject in which the
sovereignty oI the Turks, 'heroically thwarted by the Romanians, is illustrated in an ironical
manner:
'Your Majesty, your Majesty, the Turks are coming! a soldier who came in haste tells Stephen the
Great
'How many are they?
'1000 Turks
'Good, bring me my red shirt, so my soldiers won`t see iI I am wounded in battle, iI my blood drips,
so they will keep fghting. Stephen the Great wins the battle. The next day:
'Your Majesty, your Majesty, the Turks are coming!
'How many are they?
'5000 Turks
'Bring me my red shirt so my soldiers won`t see iI I am wounded in battle. Stephen the Great wins
this battle as well. The third day:
'Your Majesty, your Majesty, the Turks are coming!
84
'How many are they?
'A lot your Majesty, as much as there is grass on this earth, over 10000 Turks.
'Good, bring me my red shirt and my brown pants.
The humorous image oI the Romanians deIeated by the Turks, but who come oII victorious,
Iollows Irom a diIIerent type oI jokes:
Stephen in a Iountain: AIter loosing a battle, Stephen runs away by himselI Irom the Turks. At one
point he comes across a drained Iountain and, having no other choice, jumps in it. Sinan-Pasha
comes to that place as well, stops near the Iountain and begins to think out loud. Stephen Ieigns the
echo so as not to be suspected:
Sinan-Pasha: 'Where is Stephen? Could he be in the felds?
The echo (Stephen the Great): '...in the felds, in the felds...
Sinan-Pasha:Could he be on the hill?
The echo (Stephen the Great): '...on the hill, on the hill...
Sinan-Pasha:Could he be in the Iorest?
The echo (Stephen the Great): '...in the Iorest, in the Iorest...
Sinan-Pasha: 'Could he be in the Iountain?
The echo (Stephen the Great): '...in the Iorest, in the Iorest...
There are also jokes that depict the ingenuity oI the Romanians who are capable oI anything to
gain their independence and to protect their lives:
Ion and Gheorghe during the independence war.
'Gheorghe, let`s kill these Turks, how about it?
'Yes, but how?
'Well...let`s call them by their names and as they answer Irom behind the redoubt, we shoot them.
'Ok
'Hasaaaan! (bang), Osmaaan! (bang), Suleimaaaan! (bang). The Turks begin to get desperate!!!
'Let`s kill them, too!
'But how?
'In the same way, we call them by their names and as soon as they answer we shoot them!
'Ok, but how do we call them?
'Ion, this is their national name! And the Turks yell: 'Ioooon!!!
But Ion Irom behind the redoubt says:
'Go check who`s calling Ior me, Gheorghe!!!
The victory oI the Romanians against the Turks and the harsh punishment Ior them is made
evident in a sarcastic way in a diIIerent type oI jokes: ,For his birthday, the noblemen prepare
a surprise Ior Vlad the Impaler, arranging three impaled Turks in Iront oI his window. In the
morning, Vlad wakes up and looks with delight at the noblemen`s giIts, but notices that one
oI the Turks is mumbling something. He gets closer and listens to what he whispers: Happy
birthday!
Polygamy, specifc to Moslems, had a deep impact on the Christian-Orthodox` view on
monogamy, which was materialized through repulsion towards the exotic harem and it was also
badged through jokes that suggest carnal, vulgar eroticism: The acme of baa luck. To fump from
an airplane ana reali:e that your parachute is at the Turks' The old popular laws Iorbade 'the
mix oI blood which is produced through the joining oI a Romanian woman and a Turk. II she
had sinned, she would loose her soul and be condemned to death.
An image oI the Turk is outlined through proverbs, but this image is reduced to a synthesis oI
relations between the Romanians and the Turks, both synchronically and diachronically. The
85 Studii / Articles
Iollowing proverbs reIerring to the Turks are specifc to the Romanian traditional mentality: As
is the Turk, so is the gun. (as is man, so are his actions, his Iriends); Its not as if the Turks are
striking (or coming). (it is said to moderate someone`s haste); To be a Turk (or as a Turk). (to
be very stubborn, not wanting to understand, not minding anything); The Turk pays. (it is said
about someone who is Iorced to pay somebody else`s loss or expense); The Turks chase the
rabbit with the cart. (it is said about someone who does an impossible action); The Turk beats
you, the Turk fuages you (being above the law); The Turk aoesnt try to catch a horse with an
empty bag (not wasting time in vain); You give money to the Turk ana take out his eyes. (being
avaricious).
'The fghts against the Turks are strongly imprinted in the national conscience. Beyond the
Romanian-Turkish antagonism, the integration oI the Romanians into the Ottoman system,
during time, has to be remarked. All oI these outline the myth oI the fght Ior independence.
The Turkish domination and infuence can only be judged in a negative manner in the collective
memory oI the Romanian people, although the Greek intermediary appears to be guiltier than
the Turkish ruler. Thus, at the level oI the Romanian Iolklore, a striking anti-Turkish attitude
can be noticed.
The Romanians` past is understood in a disaccording way, both military and religious, the purpose
being ethnical and state survival. In the traditional mentality The Stranger, who includes another
system oI values, diIIerent Irom the autochthonous one, is perceived with a high intensity by the
Romanians. When The Other is perceived as danger (enemy, rival), as is the case oI the Turk, he
is identifed in his quality oI alienus, not alter, because he has a medieval, aggressive and pagan
nature (Ferrol, Jucquois, 2005:16).
The Turks` pressure, Irom inside or outside the country, has reached high levels in the national
imaginary sphere and has generated the complex oI 'besieged city which is typical oI the
Romanian`s mentality Ior the last two centuries. The Turk placed inside 'the Romanian city
oIIers much more Ieatures oI decaying and stimulates to a grater extent all sorts oI anxieties
than the one Irom Outside, which led to the deterioration oI the interethnic confict (Boia,
1997:251-261).
Thus, the reaction oI a rural civilization, somehow isolated in the Balkan space, as is the case oI
Romanians, which until the 19
th
century was part oI the oriental cultural space, can only have a
xenophobe nature: all that goes wrong does not come Irom a wrong orientation or Irom the poor
Romanian administration; responsible Ior this are the Turks: those who robbed us and altered
our spirit (Boia, 1997:181).
The stereotypical image oI the Turk and its signifcations, oIIer a valuable instrument to those
who want to manipulate the Romanians, because anything can be drawn out Irom history. This
is why, when it comes to Turkey, a paradox is established: The pupils learn in school about the
Romanian-Turkish aaversity ana the political hgures emphasi:e the frienaship between the two
nations' (Boia, 1997:207). On the one hand, the Turks are our ola enemies who invaded us and
oppressed us and whom the Romanian voivodes deIeated several times:
Every Turkish habit borrowed, every Turkish custom borrowed used to introduce, in our soul, the
seed oI corruption and sloth that degrades and degenerates nations. |...| The shalwars, a pair oI
pants, as we know, very large, with the seat that was long and had foating sleeves, on top oI which
another clothing was put which had split sleeves or the giumbea with large and short sleeves, all
oI these bearing the seal oI a liIe oI sloth. This clothing was purposeIully made to stop any activity
and to accustom man to an empty liIe, a liIe oI continuous rest and torpor, to a sleeping liIe and
easy passing. |...| Even iI our ancestors had wanted to break away Irom their liIe oI indiIIerence,
oI sleeping torpor, even iI they had wanted to wake up and work, to start something, this clothing
86
would have stopped and discouraged them. With large, long and split sleeves it is impossible to be
active and energetic (Drghicescu, 1995:262 apud Boia).
On the other hand, the Turks returned at present with capital, merchandise and with political
projects and are welcomed by the Romanians; but to tolerate the Turks doesn`t necessarily mean
to accept them, nonetheless to integrate them in the Romanian community (Boia, 1997:183).
Still, an improvement oI the interethnic confict can be remarked, because this hospitality oI the
Romanians implies the treatment oI the Turk as aliua, with the generic sense oI guest, whom,
according to the monotheist dogmas, you are Iorced to receive (Ferrol, Jucquois, 2005:17).
Thus, the Turk can wear the mask oI our present friena, depending on the interests oI the
Romanian national state and oI the socio-politic context. The two perspectives oI approach
could Iuse, although they are contradictory, because in the common history oI the two countries,
not only conficts, but a collaboration as well has been noticed.
The images spread during war time are even more 'colored, more varied and hostile encoded.
They render what the Romanians think oI the Ottomans with whom they had contact and are
engraved on the spectrum oI death and destruction. The clichd Ieatures oI 'the imaginary Turk
are frstly Iound in the popular mentality, being caused by mythological belieIs, by legends, by
superstitions, by Christian texts, phobias, preconceived ideas, by wrongly digested knowledge,
but they also food the intellectual environment through refection.
The expansion oI the Ottoman Empire, has divided the Europeans in two extremes, Irom a
conIessional point oI view: Christians and pagans. On the other hand, Ior the Romanians, the
ancient law (orthodoxy), has superposed Ior a long time over the idea oI identity, which led to
a deterioration oI the conficts. The bigger the distance between 'the imaginary Turk and the
portrait oI 'the real Turk, the weakest Turko-phobia gets. Thus, the equation oI image science
is extremely complicated, having many variables caused by the Romanians` ease oI letting
themselves subdued by mythologies built on history.

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Iacob, Luminia Mihaela, Etnopsihologie i imagologie, Ed. Polirom, Iasi, 2003
Ispas, Sabina, Cantecul epic eroic romanesc in context sua-est european. cantecele peirii, Ed. Minerva, Bucuresti,
1995
Maxim, M., Pentru o aboraare interaisciplinar i comparatist a relaiilor romano-otomane, n ,Caietele
Laboratorului de studii otomane, nr. 1, 1990, p. 28-29
Mazilu, Dan Horia, Noi aespre ceilali. Fals tratat ae imagologie, Ed Polirom, Bucuresti, 1999
Muntean, George, Apa trece, pietrele rman. Proverbe romaneti, Ed. pentru Literatur, Bucuresti, 1966
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Bucuresti, I.a.
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Stiinifc si Enciclopedic, Bucuresti, 1997
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Bucuresti, 1971
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popoarelor invecinate i ale tuturor popoarelor romanice, ediie ngrijit de Ruxandra Popescu, preIa de Ov.
Brlea, Ed. Minerva, Bucresti, 1978
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Nicolae Constantinescu, Ed. Vitruviu, Bucuresti, 1996
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www.Iunoline.ro.
89 Studii / Articles
SPELA PAHOR
,PO MOLKU NI KA1 PISATI1.
Nekaj paberkov o pregovorih in rekih na podrocju
danasnje Slovenske Istre
Prispevek obravnava pregovore in reke v Istri, v mestu Piran in njegovem zaledju. Temelji na zbiranju
gradiva na terenu ter na zapisanih pregovorih in rekih iz zapuscine zgodovinarja dr. Miroslava Pahorja,
ustanovitelja in dolgoletnega ravnatelja Pomorskega muzeja v Piranu. Gradivo je uredila avtorica
prispevka, ki je tudi napisala spremna besedila k pregovorom. Po uvodnih poglavjih, v katerih obravnava
raziskovanje slovstvene Iolklore v Istri, knjizna dela o pregovorih ter zgodovinske in kulturnozgodovinske
podatke o Istri, obravnava zbrano gradivo, ki ga razdeli glede na kraj zapisa (Piran, zaledje) ter glede na
obravnavane teme (ribistvo, ljubezen, zdravje, kmetje, vreme, vsakdanje zivljenje). V poglavju Paberki so
zapisani pregovori, ki jih je slisala mimogrede v pogovorih.
Kljucne besede: Istra, Slovenska Istra, Piran, slovstvena Iolklora, pregovori, reki, ljudske modrosti,
zbiranje gradiva na terenu, rokopisne zapuscine, zgodovinar Miroslav Pahor
Proverbs and sayings represent that part oI orally transmitted literature, which is intended Ior everyday
use: they are interweaved into everyday discourse, when we wish to give emphasis to an idea, give advice,
communicate an experience, wisdom. As such, they are typical oI all cultures and probably all periods. Some
communicate valid truths, others are the product oI domestic conditions, other still are momentary imagination.
Istrian proverbs and sayings do not diIIer Irom others in this respect. Their particularities are a special dialect,
intercultural infuences and a special way oI living, Irom which arose: the lives oI fshermen, sailors, salters
and Iarmers. And perhaps a sparkle oI humour as well, which has redeemed the Istrian human in all distress
and burdens oI his hard liIe.
Numerous old fshermen`s and salters` proverbs oI the city oI Piran can be Iound only in books and sets oI
manuscripts; the new epoch has brought new people with a diIIerent culture to the seaside towns. The same
has happened on the countryside, yet to a smaller extent: aIter World War II, many peasants have migrated to
cities and only gradually liIe is returning to the villages; olive groves, vineyards and felds are revived. The
dialect, which was even prohibited in its spoken usage aIter World War II, is regaining signifcance. Fanciers
and experts are trying to recognize and revive old habits, the local people are becoming more selI-confdent
and proud, with the increased awareness oI their own roots.
Some proverbs which can be heard on Istrian ground, are universal and several thousand years old, they can
be Iound, Ior example, in the Scriptures, yet they are still known today, in a somewhat rougher Iorm. Others,
especially concerning the weather, the product oI hundreds oI years oI observation oI the changes in nature,
are more connected to the Istrian territory.
Some proverbs are generated, according to Marko Terseglav, Irom momentary experience. On book shelves
in libraries all kinds oI proverb publications are multiplying, Irom Ioreign ones to domestic, even in multiple
languages. Yet it seems that the wisdom, which is hidden in the proverbs, cannot be Iound to such an extent
in the world any more.
And to wisdom belongs also statesmanship. For the moment, iI we say it plainly, the countries are still more or
less unifed national and language communities. And, since there are quite a Iew state institutions Iunctioning
in Slovenian Istria, which should study the area in a universal scientifc manner, perhaps the individuals
in these institutions should be reminded to devote a part oI their time to the research on Slovenian literary
1
Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957.
90
Iolklore in Istria. Children in kindergartens and schools should become acquainted with it. It is likely that the
Iamiliarity with our own tradition and care Ior the language will be important
in a Iuture community oI states.
Key words: Istra, Slovenian Istra, Piran, Slovene Floklore, Proverbs, Sayings, Folk Wisdom, Field work,
archive material, Miroslav Pahor
Pregovori in reki so del slovstvene Iolklore, namenjen za vsakdanjo rabo. Z njimi podkrepimo svojo
misel, damo nasvet, sporocimo izkusnjo ali modrost. Poznajo jih vse kulture in vsi casi. Nekateri
pregovori sporocajo povsod veljavne resnice, drugi so plod lokalnih razmer, tretji so trenutne
domislice. Posebnost istrskih pregovorov je njihovo narecje. V njih najdemo odsev medkulturnih
vplivov in odraz nacina zivljenja ribicev, mornarjev, solinarjev in kmetov. Za nekatere je znacilna
humorna nota, ki je istrskega cloveka resevala v stiskah in nadlogah trdega zivljenja. Veliko starih
ribiskih in solinarskih pregovorov je ze slo v pozabo, v rabo pa so prisli novi, ki so jih s seboj
prinesli novi priseljenci z drugacno kulturo. Nekateri pregovori, ki jih slisimo na istrskih tleh, so
univerzalni in zapisani ze v Svetem Pismu. Predvsem vremenski pregovori so plod stoletnega
opazovanja sprememb v naravi in so vezani na istrsko podrocje. Nekateri se rodijo iz trenutne
izkusnje. V danasnjem casu, ko sta v evropski skupnosti drzav poznavanje lastnega izrocila in
skrb za materin jezik se kako pomembna, se kaze potreba po poglobljenem zbiranju, zapisovanju,
preucevanju in posredovanju slovstveno Iolklornega gradiva, tudi pregovorov.
Poslovice i izreke u slovenskom dijelu Istre
Poslovice i izreke su onaj dio usmene knjizevne, koji je namijenjen svakodnevnoj upotrebi.
Uplicemo ih u svakodnevnim razgovorima, kad zelimo potkijepiti svoje misljenje, dati savjete,
prenjeti svoje iskustvo, mudrost. Kao takvi, svojstvene su svim kulturama, vjerojatno u svim
vremenima. Neke prenose svima poznate istine, druge su rezultat domacih uvjeta, trece su
trenutacne dosjetke.
Istarske poslovice i izreke se u tome ne razlikuju od ostalih. Njihova specifcnost je poseban
dijalekt koji se razvio u toj multikulturalnoj i viseetnickoj sredini. Utjecaji su to razlicitih
kultura i specifcnog nacina zivota ribara, mornara, poljoprivrednika i radnika u solanama. A
mozda i tracak humora, koji je istarskog covjeka rjesavao u svim nedacima i teskocama zivota.
Puno starih piranskih poslovica i izreka vezanih za zivot ribara i radnika u solanama mozemo
pronaci tek u knjigama ili rukopisnim zbirkama. Nova vremena su u gradove uz more dopeljala
i nove ljude razlicitih kultura. Isto tako, ali svakako u manjoj mjeri se dogadalo i u ruralnim
podrucjima zaleda. Nakon drugog svjetskog rata velik broj stanovnika obliznjih sela migriralo
je u gradove. Sada se polako opet vraca zivot u sela, ozivljajo maslinici, vinogradi i polja.
Dijalekt, koji je bio nakon drugog svijetskog rata u skoli cak i zabranjeno govoriti, ponovno
postaje aktualan. Ljubitelji i strucnjaci nastoje otkrivati i ozivljavati stare tradicije i obicaje.
Domacim ljudima vraca se samopouzdanje i ponosni su na svoje korijene. Neke poslovice koje
mozemo cuti na istarskom tlu, su univerzalne, stare i nekoliko tisuca godina te ih mozemo
pronaci vec u npr. u Bibliji, u nesto vise robatom obliku kao sto su one poznate danas.
Druge, osobito one sto se odnose na vrijeme, posljedica su stoljetnog promatranja godisnjih
promjena u prirodi i vise se odnose na istarsko podrucju.
Neke se poslovice, prema misljenju etnologa Marka Terseglava, radaju na osnovi trenutnog iskustva.
Na knjiznim policama u knjiznicama mnoze se svakovrsna izdanja zbiraka poslovica i izreka,
od stranih do domacih, cak i visejezicnih. Medutim, cini se da je mudrosti koja je skrivena u
izrekama i poslovicama u svijetu sve manje.
91 Studii / Articles
Ka mudrosti treba pribrojiti i onu drzavnicku mudrost.
Do sada su zemlje, ako kazemo pojednostavljenim rijecnikom, jos uvijek manje ili vise
homogene jedno nacionalne i jezicne zajednice. Buduci da u slovenskoj Istri djeluje nekoliko
drzavnih institucija, kojim je zadatak ovo podrucje svestrano znanstveno istrazivati, mozda bi
trebalo pojedincima u tim ustanovama skrenuti paznju i na ovo podrucje slovenskog knjizevnog
Iolklora. Sa time bi vrijedilo upoznati vec dijecu u vrticima i skolama. Vjerojatno ce poznavanje
vlastite tradicije i briga za svoj jezik u buducnosti zajednice vise drzava biti i tekako vazna i
znacajna.
1. Uvod
V prispevku obravnavam se neobdelano gradivo, ki sem ga zbrala v casu, ko sem bila studentka
etnologije in ga skrbno hranim. Leta 1982 je namrec dr. Marija Stanonik, sodelavka Instituta
za slovensko narodopisje SAZU v razlicnih casopisih in revijah objavila pobudo za zbiranje
slovstvene Iolklore na terenu. Takrat sva se s prijateljico Marino Jurkota prijavili na ta oglas,
ki je vabil k zbiranju ljudskih pripovedk. Obrnili sva se na Pomorski muzej Sergeja Masere
v Piranu in na Pokrajinski muzej v Kopru. Tu sva lahko pregledovali gradivo, ki so ga zbirali
raziskovalci etnoloskih ekip Slovenskega etnograIskega muzeja po vaseh Slovenske Istre v
obdobju po 2. svetovni vojni oziroma po letu 1950. Gradivo, ki sva ga nasli v terenskih zvezkih
in na terenskih kartonih v etnoloskem oddelku Pokrajinskega muzeja v Kopru, je bilo zapisano
po spominu ali nareku. Vcasih so zapisi nepopolno dokumentirani in je pripovedovalec neznan
ali manjkajo podatki o zapisovalcu in pripovedovalcu, letnica ali kraj zapisa. Vendar se da o teh
manjkajocih podatkih sklepati na podlagi drugih zapisov.
Gradivo sva v muzeju prepisovali v zvezke in doma pretipkali na obrazce ISN.
S terenskim delom in zbiranjem gradiva sva zaceli najprej doma in pri druzinah prijateljev.
Pozneje sva obiskali kar nekaj vasi v okolici Kopra, Izole in Pirana. Sprasevali sva, ce je kje
kdo, ki se zna pripovedovati stare storije. Vcasih so naju res do koga napotili, sicer pa
sva inIormatorje izbirali nakljucno. Zapisali sva veliko pravljic, povedk, basni, ugank, pesmi,
pregovorov in rekov, smesnic, anekdot, spominov, kletvic, zbadljivk in nagajivk. Gradivo sva
snemali s kasetoIonom. Kasete sva doma prepisali dobesedno. Zapise sva nato pretipkali na
obrazce ISN. Nekaj enot sva zapisali po spominu, nekaj so nama jih narekovali. Majhen del
tega gradiva je bil objavljen v knjigi J aeveti ae:eli, vecji del pa v knjigi Mrak eno futrnfa.
Odlocila sem se, da bom v tem prispevku pisala o pregovorih in rekih, ki sva jih takrat zbrali,
saj tega gradiva doslej se nisem obdelala. Zbrano gradivo sem dopolnila se s pregovori, ki sem
jih nasla v ocetovi rokopisni zapuscini ali sem jih sama zapisala kasneje. Rokopisno zapuscino
mojega oceta, dr. Miroslava Pahorja
1
, hranimo doma v druzinskem arhivu. Pregovori so zapisani
na listkih in opremljeni z imenom pripovedovalca oziroma inIormatorja, ponekod tudi s krajem
zapisa. Nasli smo jih v modri kuverti, oznaceni z napisom Pregovori in z letnico 1963.
1
Dr. Miroslav Pahor se je rodil 5.11. 1922 v vasi Novelo na Krasu. Leta 1951 je diplomiral iz zgodovine na FF v Ljubljani. Leta
1965 je tu doktoriral z disertacijo Socialni boji v obcini Piran od XV. Do XVIII. Stoletja. Sprva je delal v Studijski knjiznici v
Kopru, od leta 1954 pa v Piranu, kjer je ustanovil Pomorski muzej Sergeja Masere ter obnovil delovanje arhiva, knjiznice in
spomeniske sluzbe. Muzej je vodil do svoje smrti ter za muzejsko delo leta 1974 prejel Valvasorjevo nagrado. Raziskoval je
starejso zgodovino obalnih mest in pripravil izdajo piranskega statuta. Ukvarjal se je tudi z zgodovino slovenskega pomorstva.
V delu Stare piranske soline je opisal delo v solinah in nacin zivljenja solinarjev. Jamborno pot in vkljucevanje slovenskega
zaledja v pomorstvo je obdelal v knjigi Po jamborni cesti.v mesto na peklu. Okrog 150 razprav in strokovnih clankov je
objavil v razlicnih revijah in zbornikih. Umrl je 25.4.1981 v Ankaranu.
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Vse zbrano gradivo sem razdelila glede na kraj zapisa (Piran, zaledje, paberki od vsepovsod),
znotraj krajevnih dolocil pa glede na tematske sklope (ribici, o ljubezni, o zdravju, kmetje,
vreme, vsakdanje zivljenje) ter napisala pojasnila k pregovorom.
2. Raziskovanje slovstvene folklore v Istri
Zanimanje za slovensko slovstveno Iolkloro, kamor uvrscamo tudi pregovore in reke, sega
pri nas v obdobje romantike, ko so ljudska besedila zapisovali Valentin Vodnik, Emil Korytko,
Stanko Vraz in mnogi drugi. Ustno slovstvo so kasneje pogosto obravnavali tudi slovenski
etnologi. Vendar to ne velja za podrocje Slovenske Istre. V casu, ko se je nasa etnologija ukvarjala
s preucevanjem slovstvene Iolklore, je bilo podrocje danasnje Slovenske Istre pod Italijo in so
ga slovenski raziskovalci odkrili takorekoc sele po zadnji vojni. O ljudskem slovstvu Slovenske
Istre je pisal Milko Maticetov, ki je v istrskih vaseh kot clan etnoloske ekipe Slovenskega
etnograIskega muzeja zapisoval slovstveno Iolkloro in rezultate objavil v Zborniku kongresa
Iolkloristov v Porecu
1
. Nekako sredi osemdesetih let so se zaceli posamezniki intenzivneje
ukvarjati z istrsko Iolkloro. To lahko opazujemo tako na podrocju raziskovanja in ozivljanja
istrske glasbe (posamezniki, na primer Rozana Kostial, Rozana Speh, Dario Marusic in drugi
ter glasbene skupine Istranova, Savrinke, Savrinske pupe en ragaconi, Vruja in druge) kot tudi
na podrocju ljudskega pripovednistva. Z zbiranjem ljudskega slovstvenega izrocila se je med
drugimi ukvarjal tudi pisatelj Marjan Tomsic in gradivo objavil v knjigi Noc fe mofa, aan fe
tvof in v slikanici Zacarana hisa. Za narodopisno podobo Slovenske Istre so dalje pomembne
Savrinske :goabe Marije Franca ter Cubefske :rfavice in Lepi mof aomcek, ceprav te fe samo :a
en loncek RaIaela Vidalija. Danes slovstveno Iolkloro zapisujejo in objavljajo tudi Leda Dobrinja
in pisateljica Nelda Stok-Vojska, Milan Gregoric, proIesorica slovenscine in etnologinja Rozana
Kostial, Ivan Novak, Danilo Vodopivec in drugi. Mnogi ljubitelji slovstvene Iolklore objavljajo
svoje prispevke v revijah Osapske storfe in Bra:ae s trmuna. Z zapisovanjem ljudskega blaga
se je dolga leta ukvarjala tudi danes upokojena uciteljica zgodovine in zemljepisa Nada Morato.
Gradivo mnogih zbirateljev je objavila v knjigi Mrak eno futrnfa. Istrske pravlfice pisatelja
Franja Francica so leposlovne priredbe, narejene po zapiskih v hrvaskem jeziku
2
. Nasteli bi
lahko se mnoge druge, pa tudi tiste, ki jim je Slovenska Istra navdih za ustvarjanje leposlovnih
del v knjizni slovenscini ali v narecju.
Podrocje hrvaske Istre je bilo bolje raziskano. V okolici Pazina je v prejsnjem stoletju vecje
stevilo pripovedk zapisal slovenski duhovnik Jakob Volcic. Ohranjeni sta zbirki Naroano
blago in Istarske poveaice i pfesme i: Kastavscine iz leta 1869. Slovstveno Iolkloro hrvaske
Istre so kasneje zapisovali se Ernest Jelusic Strkov, Stjepan Ziza, Ceh JoseI Ptasinski, Ante
Flego in drugi. Med leti 1952 in 1957 so pripovedno gradivo zapisovali raziskovalci in zunanji
sodelavci Instituta za narodnu umjetnost. V osemdesetih letih je Iolklorno gradivo zbirala Lidija
Nikocevic. V delu Istarske naroane price je avtorica Maja Boskovic - Stulli podala sistematicen
prikaz slovstvene Iolklore v hrvaski Istri. Zapisi, v katerih nastopajo mitoloska bitja, so izsli v
delu Storice oa strig i striguni avtorja Draga Orlica. Nekaj ljudskih pripovedi je zapisal Jakov
Mikac in jih objavil v narodopisnem delu Istarska skrinfica.
Zapisovalci in zbiralci ljudskega blaga med italijansko govorecimi Istrani so bili Francesco
Babudri, Giuseppe Vidossi, Achille Gorlato, Predonzani Elio in drugi. Leta 1969 je Giuseppe
1
Nada Morato, Spela Pahor: Mrak eno jutrnja. Ljubljana 2002
2
Vir: Cobiss in osebno poznavanje navedene literature, ki jo hranijo obalne knjiznice
93 Studii / Articles
Radole v Trstu izdal knjigo ljudskih pravljic Fiabe istriane. Giacomo Scotti je leta 1976 izdal
delo Storie istriane. Kasneje je izslo se delo Fiabe istriane avtorja Antonia Ive. V Trstu sta
1985 in 1986 Luciano Santin in Roberto Danese izdala dve knjizici zbadljivk na racun Istranov
z naslovom Istria comicissima
1
.
Seveda je takih in podobnih izdaj v slovenskem, predvsem pa v hrvaskem in italijanskem jeziku
vec, a omejila sem se predvsem na tista dela, ki so laze dostopna tudi slovenskim bralcem.
3. Pregled nekaterih del o pregovorih v Istri
Podobno usodo je dozivljalo zbiranje pregovorov na tem podrocju. Prve zapisane vremenske
pregovore je Slovencem zapustil Primoz Trubar. Ozbalt Gutsman je zapisal priblizno 150
pregovorov. Prvo samostojno izdajo je pripravil Fran Kocbek leta 1887, naslednjo pa Ivan Saselj
1934
2
. Leta 1970 je zbirko pregovorov izdal Stanko Prek. V delu Pregovori, :ivlfenfske resnice
je Marija Makarovic zbrala in komentirala veliko slovenskih pregovorov. Med zadnjimi je v
urednistvu Bojane Rogelj SkaIar izsla knjiga Pregovori in reki leto in aan v slovenski lfuaski
moarosti
3
. Mnogo pregovorov je se raztresenih v slovenskih leposlovnih in drugih knjigah ali
pa krozijo med ljudmi.
Ze bezen pogled v vzajemno bibliograIsko bazo podatkov dovolj zgovorno prica o skromni
zastopanosti Slovenske Istre na tem podrocju. Za primerjavo: ce v iskalna polja vtipkamo geslo
pregovori in izberemo slovenski jezik, je zadetkov kar 440, ce pa se omejimo le na monografje,
je zadetkov 239. Ko pa iscemo pregovore pod geslom Istra, dobimo le 15 zadetkov, v slovenskem
jeziku le 4 zadetke. Seveda nam iskanje v Cobissu ne more dati prave slike, saj knjiznicarji
zapisov mnogokrat ne opremimo z ustreznimi gesli.
Med knjigami, ki jih najdemo v vzajemni bazi, je zopet vec italijanskih: Giuseppe Radole,
Proverbi istriani, Predonzani Elio, Proverbi e aetti popolari aellIstria, Giacomo Scotti, I mesi
aellanno nei proverbi istriani in druge. Koprski advokat, ceprav proitalijansko usmerjen, je
ze leta 1859 predlagal zbiranje tako italijanskih kot slovenskih pregovorov. Dvajset let kasneje
se je dela lotil zgodovinar Giuseppe Vatova in v nekaj naslednjih desetletjih zbral sedem tisoc
italijanskih pregovorov. Izdali so jih posthumno, leta 1954, pod naslovom Raccolta ai proverbi
istriani
4
. Vecino omenjenih knjig hrani Osrednja knjiznica Srecka Vilharja v Kopru. Ni znano, ali
se je kateri od italijansko govorecih raziskovalcev na Combijev poziv lotil zbiranja slovenskih
pregovorov. Na zalost pa se niti Slovenci niso trudili v tej smeri.
Za hrvasko Istro verjetno velja, da je knjig o pregovorih precej, le da v nasi bazi niso dostopna.
O teh sem v slovenskem vzajemnem katalogu zasledila le prispevek raziskovalke Danice Skara
z naslovom Prilog proucavanfu usmene traaicife u Istri.
Istrske pregovore lahko najdemo tudi v mnogih delih, ki sicer obravnavajo kako drugo
temo. Nekaj solinarskih pregovorov v italijanscini je tako zapisanih v knjigi Stare piranske
soline avtorjev Miroslava Pahorja in Tatjane Poberaj. Nekaj slovenskih istrskih pregovorov
je med kuharske recepte kot zacimbo dodal Albert Pucer v knjigi Istrska kuhinfa, vec pa jih
omenja Rozana Speh v knjigi Supeter fe na lepa vas :birka lfuaskih pesmi i: Slovenske Istre.
Pregovore omenja tudi novinarka Natasa Hlaj v prispevku Riba mora plavati trikrat. Morda so
1
Vir: Cobiss in osebno poznavanje navedene literature, ki jo hranijo obalne knjiznice
2
Milko Maticetov: Pregovori in uganke. V Zgodovina slovenskega slovstva. Ljubljana 1957.
3
Vir Cobiss in osebno poznavanje navedene literature, ki jo hranijo obalne knjiznice
4
Vir Cobiss in osebno poznavanje navedene literature, ki jo hranijo obalne knjiznice
94
slovenski istrski pregovori objavljeni se kje, vendar mi zaenkrat to ni znano. Zato mislim, da
je za Slovensko Istro toliko pomembnejse zbirateljsko delo upokojene sociologinje Nelde Stok
Vojska, ki je nekaj pregovorov natresla ze v narodopisnem delu Mofa aestra Istra, vec pa v delu
Istrani pravifo, ki nosi zgovoren podnaslov lfuaski i:reki in moarosti in v katerem je zbrala in
po abecednem redu uredila okrog 1500 pregovorov, izrekov, rekov in rekel.
4. Nekaj kulturnozgodovinskih podatkov
Za razumevanje vseh kulturnih in jezikovnih posebnosti istrskega podrocja je potrebno vsaj
okvirno poznati nekaj zgodovinskih podatkov. Zgodovina tega majhnega koscka zemlje, Istre,
katerega del je tudi danasnja Slovenska Istra, je burna in pestra. Ce na kratko povzamemo
stevilne zgodovinske in kulturne premike, ki so se tu zgodili v tisocletjih, bi bila podoba nekako
taksna: Istra je bila naseljena ze v 2. tisocletju pred nasim stetjem. V 13. stoletju pred nasim
stetjem so to podrocje naselili Veneti. V 11. in 10 stoletju pred nasim stetjem so se priselili
Histri, v 5. in 4. stoletju pred nasim stetjem so se jim pridruzili Kelti. Leta 178 pred nasim
stetjem so Istro zasedli Rimljani. V 5. stoletju so zacela vdirati barbarska ljudstva (Vzhodni
Goti), v 6. stoletju je prisla Istra pod bizantinsko oblast. V 7. in 8. stoletju so se tu zaceli
naseljevati Slovani, o cemer med drugim prica tudi Rizanska listina iz leta 804. Konec 10.
stoletja so se istrska mesta zacela vse bolj navezovati na Benesko republiko. Leta 1420 so si
Istro razdelili Habsburzani in Benecani. Leta 1797 je Istro in Dalmacijo dobila Avstrija. Sledila
je krajsa Irancoska okupacija, zatem druga avstrijska zasedba. Po 1. svetovni vojni je bila
Istra dodeljena Italiji. Do velikih sprememb je prislo po 2. svetovni vojni. Zaradi nove drzavne
meje se je izselila velika vecina italijanskega prebivalstva, v mesta pa so se zaceli priseljevati
prebivalci sosednjih vasi, iz notranjosti Slovenije, kasneje pa tudi prebivalci iz juznih republik
bivse Jugoslavije.
Na nacin zivljenja v Istri je predvsem v zadnjih stoletjih vplivala blizina Trsta, ki je bil
gospodarsko, politicno in kulturno sredisce. Znacilnost obmocja, kjer zivi ze stoletja slovensko
in italijansko prebivalstvo, je dvojezicnost. Italijanski prebivalci zivijo predvsem v mestu.
Slovenska Istra je torej narodnostno precej pisana. Mesanje razlicnih kultur je opazno v vseh
sIerah, tako tudi v ustnem slovstvu. Med pregovori v moji zbirki je vecina takih, ki so jih
pripovedovali domacini, Italijani in Slovenci. Nekaj sem jih zbrala tudi pri ljudeh, ki so se sem
priselili po 2. svetovni vojni. V oklepaju pod vsakim pregovorom je na prvem mestu oznacen
kraj, kjer so inIormatorji ziveli, oziroma kraj zapisa. Vendar pa se kraji zapisov pogosto ne
ujemajo s kraji rojstva pripovedovalcev, saj so bile migracije in mesanje prebivalstva, kar je
bilo v Istri vedno prisotno, pogoste posebno v letih po 2. vojni.
InIormatorji so bili obeh spolov, razlicnih starosti in poklicev, bili so iz mest in vasi. Mlajsi so
bili solarji ali studentje, starejsi pa kmetje, gospodinje, delavci, upokojenci, usluzbenci, ribici.
Avtohtoni slovenski prebivalci, ki zivijo v vaseh v zaledju, govorijo slovensko istrsko narecje.
To pa sega na severu do Trsta, na jugu pa do reke Mirne in cez. Zato naj na tem mestu tudi
pojasnim, da je Slovenska Istra geograIski pojem in oznacuje del Istre, ki je v drzavi Sloveniji,
medtem ko pojem slovenska Istra pomeni obmocje, na katerem se govori slovensko istrsko
narecje, ki je del primorske narecne skupine. Obsega dva govora: rizanski in savrinski govor.
Za oba so znacilne mnoge romanske izposojenke, za savrinski pa se hrvaske narecne prvine.
Veliko inIormatorjev pa je uporabljalo pogovorni jezik, ki se je izoblikoval v mestih v Slovenski
Istri po 2. svetovni vojni. Italijansko govori italijanska manjsina, posebno v obalnih mestih, pa
tudi v nekaterih drugih krajih, na primer v Strunjanu. Jezikoslovci uvrscajo jezik, v katerem so
95 Studii / Articles
v preteklosti govorili romanski prebivalci Istre, v istroromanscino (te pa ne smemo zamenjevati
z istroromunscino). Pravijo tudi, da je najlepse istrsko romansko narecje piranski govor,
istrobenescina, ki je v Istro prisla v casu Serenissime. Ta se je najdlje ohranil med solinarji in
ribici. Danes ga govori le italijanska manjsina in piranski ezuli v Trstu.
Zanimivo je, da so nekatere slovstvene enote dvojezicne, v slovenskem in italijanskem jeziku;
nekaj pa je tudi pregovorov, ki prihajajo iz hrvaske Istre.
Vse pregovore sem zapisala tako, kot sem jih slisala. Pri ze zbranih pregovorih pa sem v vecini
primerov upostevala prvoten zapis.
5. Kaj pravijo istrski pregovori
V tem poglavju bi rada predstavila pregovore, ki sem jih nasla v rokopisnih zbirkah in na terenu.
5.1. Piran
Zacela bi v Piranu, kjer sem doma. To je pac kraj, ki ga od vseh krajev na svetu najbolj poznam,
saj tu zivim ze od rojstva, ceprav so tudi moji strasi priseljenci.
Po pripovedovanju domacinke je bil v casu pred drugo svetovno vojno:
Piran razdeljen na dva dela: Marsiano, Trg in Obalo, kjer so ziveli bolj nobel ljudje, ter na Pusterlo in
Punto, kjer so ziveli kmetje in ribici. Ti niso imeli veliko. Ribici so leto za letom cakali na ciplje, od
tega so ziveli. Tudi kmetje, ki so ziveli na Kampolinu in gor po hribu, niso imeli veliko. Rib je bilo
ogromno. Vsak dan so jih prodajali na kamnitih mizah. Ogromno rib in zelenjave so prodali tudi v
Trst. V mestu je bila tudi ribarnica.
5.1.1. Med ribici
Med ribici je nastala vrsta pregovorov, ki izhaja iz njihovega nacina zivljenja, dela, opazovanja
narave. Danes te pregovore morda poznajo le se redki starejsi ribici.
To so pregovori o vremenu, ki so ga morali ribici pri svojem delu dobro poznati, ce so hoteli
biti uspesni in tudi, da so se izognili nevarnostim na morju, v katerem nikoli ne manfka voae.
Vedeli pa so seveda tudi, da po dezju pride sonce.
Bora scura, poco la dura.
Bora a trati xe quela che bati.
Tre calighi Ia una piova.
Bora che sbraia xe Iogo de paia.
Se lampa in ponente, lampa per gnente.
Co l`aqua balbeghea, no se sera la peschea.
Aqua in mar no manca mai.
Dopo calighi e nuvoli devi tornar el bel (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Ribicev osnovni pripomocek je poleg mrez seveda coln. Z razbitim ali preluknjanim colnom se
ne da delati, ce je coln cist, pa pomeni, da ni v uporabi, torej ne prinasa zasluzka: A barca rota
no ghe vol sessola. Barca puliaa no guaaagna (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Nekateri ribici so imeli svoje male colne, na primer batane, drugi so se udinjali lastnikom
vecjih bark. In tudi o tem nam pripovedujejo pregovori. Lahko jih razumemo dobesedno ali v
96
prenesenem pomenu bolfe biti prvi v lastni hisi, kot arugi v tufi: Meio esser paron ae una sesola
che servi ae una nave. Meio esser paron ae barca, che capitan ae vapor (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap.
M. Pahor, 1963).
Za upravljanje colna je bilo potrebno kar nekaj spretnosti in tega se je ribic naucil z vsakodnevnim
delom. Tudi to so znali domiselno povedati v pregovoru: Se el porco lanaassi in barcheta, tutti
i pesci ghe cavaria la bareta (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963).
Z ribolovom so se ukvarjali samo moski. Menili so, da zenska, ki stopi na barko, prinese
nesreco, pegolo. Vendar lahko naslednji pregovor razumemo tudi v prenesenem pomenu, da
pac ni primerno krivde zvracati na druge: Meter piegola su la barca ae altri, no convien. (Piran,
P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Ko opazujemo stare piranske razglednice, lahko vidimo
pristanisce, kjer se ena ob drugi gnetejo barke in manjsi colni na jadra. Motorje so ribici zaceli
uporabljati sele po drugi svetovni vojni. Dokler pa je plovila poganjal veter, ga je bilo potrebno
poznati in obvladati: Bisogna navigar seconao el vento. Col bel vento tuti sa navigar. (Piran, P.
Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
O vetru so pa med drugim znali tudi takole povedati: Chi pissa soravento, se bagna le braghe.
(Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Od vremena in od letnih casov je bil odvisen tudi ulov: Per San Jiao la menola no val un hgo.
La menola co la vien, la saraela co la va.(Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Na morje so odhajali v ranem jutru, da so vrgli mreze, pozno popoldan pa so jih sli dvignit.
Zato je nastal naslednji pregovor, ki pa ga lahko prenesemo tudi na druge poklice in bi mu v
slovenscini ustrezal pregovor rana ura :lata ura: Chi aormi, no ciapa pesse. Chi aorme, non
piglia pesci. Le ore ae la matina ga loro in boca' (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Ko so povlekli mrezo na coln, so ribe, ki so se vanjo ujele, eno za drugo prijeli v delu, kjer so
skrge in jih potegnili iz mreze, nato pa vrgli v posode, ki so bile v ta namen pripravljene na dnu
colna: El pesce se lo ciapa per la gola. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Seveda so bili najbolj veseli dobrega ulova, velikih rib. Te, bele ribe, so pomenile najvecji
zasluzek: El meio pesse xe quel che ga la testa assai lontana ae la coaa.(Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap.
M. Pahor, 1963)
Velike ribe so najveckrat prodali, da bi zasluzili, majhne pa so nesli domov, za druzino. Grenke
socialne razlike so znali lepo ubesediti tudi v pregovorih: Ghe xe pessi pei sciori e pessi per el
povaro. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
O ribicu, ki ni ulovil nic, so rekli, da je ostal s polnimi rokami vetra: Restar co le mani piene ae
vento. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Vcasih se je zgodilo, da se je ribic vrnil v pristan z raztrganimi mrezami: Co el mariner va fora
ae note, el torna a casa co le reae rote. Co el pascaaor va fora ae note, el torna a casa co le
reae rote. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Najbolje je bilo seveda loviti z mrezami. Kdor bi se zanasal samo na zasluzek od lova z ostjo,
bi imel bolj prazne zepe. Takega ribica so primerjali z revnim goslacem: Pescaaor ae fossena
e sonaaor ae violin no ga mai un quatrin. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Vedeli so povedati tudi marsikatero modro o tem, kako zdrava je ribja prehrana ali kako se ribo
pripravi in kako najbolj tekne: El pesse xe per el cervel, la carne pel stomigo. Quanao el pesse
fa bianco locio, xe bon segno che xe coto. Ostrighe sensa vin, xe un corpo sensa anema. I pessi
bisogna negarli nel vin. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Razmisljali so tudi o zmernosti pri jedi: La meio ora ae magnar xe quela ae la fame. Chi tropo
magna, la pan:a ghe aiol, ma chi magna poco, lavorar no pol. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M.
Pahor, 1963)
97 Studii / Articles
Morje je znalo biti nevarno, bolje je bilo ostati na kopnem ali pa te ni smelo biti strah valov
in ko si se enkrat odpravil na morje, si moral zapluti. V tem poklicu so bili ribici vsak dan
izpostavljeni nevarnostim, a navdajal jih je tudi stanovski ponos, saj so se zavedali vsakdanjega
truda in svojega pogumnega premagovanja strahu in tezav: Il mar xe fachin ae la tera. Loaa el
mar, ma tiente la tera. Chi vol navigar, no aevi aver paura ae le onae. Chi xe in terra, giuaica,
chi xe in mar, navega' (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
O cloveku, ki se ni mogel nauciti plavanja, so rekli, da je kot sidro, ki je vedno v vodi, pa se
nikoli ne nauci plavati: El xe come lancora, che la sta sempre in mar e no la impara a nuaar.
(Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Kako zelo je ribiski poklic in z njim povezan poseben nacin zivljenja vplival tudi na metaIoriko,
s pomocjo katere so izrazali svoja obcutja in razmisljanja, pa pricajo naslednji pregovori: El
pesse granao magna el picolo. Sara sta un pesse ae april. Co lu no ga taca il pesse ae april.
(Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
V nekaterih na veselo vizo obrnjenih pregovorih govorijo ribici tudi o svojih zenah: Jiva la
moglie ael pescaaor, mentre lui pesca, lei fa lamor.
Po drugi svetovni vojni je vecina italijanskih ribicev odsla v Italijo. Priseljenci, ki so se po
vojni ukvarjali z ribistvom, so bili najveckrat Dalmatinci. Ti so s seboj prinesli svoje Iolklorno
izrocilo: U ribaru mokre gace, :a veceru ne :na, sta ce. Hvali mora, ar: se krafa. (Piran, M.
Maraspin, zap. S. Pahor, 1982)
Dalmatinci so se ob metanju mrez v morje priporocali zavetniku ribicev, Svetemu Andreju: U
ime Svetoga Anarefa, vr:emo' Po drugi svetovni vojni so tisti priseljeni dalmatinski ribici, ki so
delali v drzavnih ribiskih zadrugah, rekli le se: Gotovi, vr:emo'
Danasnji ribici so vsi potomci priseljencev in zgoraj nastetih pregovorov v taki obliki ne
poznajo. Pravzaprav sem redkokdaj slisala od njih sploh kak pregovor, razen tu in tam kak
vremenski, pa se ta v italijanscini, ali tak, ki govori o slabem polozaju ribica: Rosso ai sera, bel
tempo si spera. Drio il scoio, bonasa come loio. Mlaa ribic, star prosfak. Jsak posten ribic fe
reve:. Noben ribic si se ni graail hise. Jse, samo ribic ne. (Piran, razlicni, zap. S. Pahor, 1983)
5.1.2. O ljubezi
In ze smo pri pregovorih, ki pripovedujejo o ljubezni in o stvareh, ki so povezane z njo: o
zaljubljenosti, zakonskem in samskem stanu, nosecnosti, otrocih. Nekatera mlada dekleta so
bila predstavnikom moskega spola tako vsec, da bi jih pofeali s polfubi. Rekli so tudi, da se fe
tista, ki se fe roaila lepa, roaila porocena. Zerte creature le xe cussi cocole, che te vegnaria
voia ae magnarle ae basi. Chi nassi bela, nassi mariaaaa. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor,
1963)
Ljubezni se ne da skriti, pot do srca izbranke pa vodi preko ljubezni in spostovanja njene
mame: Lamor e la tosse no se pol sconaer. Chi vol la ha, basi la mama. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap.
M. Pahor, 1963) Ob snubitvi so kar nekam grobo naturalisticno in robato rekli: Un non sbusa,
xe in uso aognun, nol scota, nol brusa, nol copa nissun. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor,
1963). Najbolj so bili srecni seveda tisti, ki so se porocili iz ljubezni. Poroka iz preracunljivosti
ni prinasala srece. Vseeno pa se je bilo za dekle bolje slabo porociti kot priti na slab glas; ali
se celo veckrat porociti, kot beraciti: Chi se sposa per la roba, se impica per la gola. Meio mal
sposaaa, che puta compassionaaa. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Meio ae mari a
mari, che ae porta in porta. (ni podatkov)
Ce sklepamo po naslednjem pregovoru, je bila moska ljubezen mesanica neznosti in grobosti:
La novissa a Piran, co la se sposava, la ciapava aal sposo un baso e un sciafo' Questo se
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ciamava parlar ciaro' (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Brez poljubov ni ljubezni.
Amor sensa basi xe pan sensa sal. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) .seveda pa se stvar
ne ustavi le pri poljubih. Lamor xe come la nosela, chi no la rompi, no la sa gustar. (Piran,
P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) .to pa prinese posledice. Iz rastocega trebuha nosecnice so
takole sklepali o spolu prihajajocega dojencka: La ga pansa hn ai oci. Pansa a tonael un bel
putel, pansa apuntia una bela ha.(Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
Kaj pa otroci? Seveda so jih najprej krstili, saf nikoli ne ves, kaaf bo to prav prislo.Potem
so se pa jezili, da mazejo hiso. La feae ae batesimo xe una carta che servi sempre. (Piran, P.
Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Fioi e colombi sporca le case. (ni podatkov)
O ljubezni so rekli, da je najbolj zdrava od vseh bolezni in da stara ljubezen ne zarjavi, medtem
ko nova pride in gre: Lamor xe la pi sana ae le malatie, e prima o aopo auti la gavemo. Amor
vecio no ciapa rusene' Amor novo va e vien, amor vecio se mantien. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap.
M. Pahor, 1963)
5.1.3. O zdravju
Zdravje ni :lato in se ga ne aa placati, so rekli. Kdor je imel dobro prebavo, se mu ni bilo treba
bati smrti. Kar nekaj bolezni so zdravili z domacimi zdravili, na primer z oljcnim oljem.
La salute no xe oro che la paghi' Per ogni aolor, per ogni malora oio ae aentro e oio ae fora.
Chi caga auro e pissa forte, no ga paura ae la morte. Se fa anaar via lor:o on:enaose locio
con loio ae lume. Oio ae ossi ae persego per el mal ae orecie. Chi ga el cagoto no pol vegnir
fora ae casa. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
5.1.4. Kmetje
Naslednja skupina pregovorov je prav tako iz zbirke Miroslava Pahorja. Za nekatere od teh
pregovorov nisem nasla podatkov, kje tocno so bili zapisani in kdo je bil inIormator. Sklepam,
da jih je zapisal v sestdesetih letih, v zaledju Pirana. Nekateri so bili zapisani v Bujah in
Motovunu, torej na obmocju, ki je nekoc skorajda mejilo na piranski komun. Pregovori iz te
skupine so vezani predvsem na kmecka opravila in pridelke. Ker so tudi v Piranu ziveli kmetje,
ki so imeli svoja polja izven mestnega obzidja, pa menim, da so jih poznali tudi v Piranu.
Tudi v kmeckem okolju so poznali vremenske pregovore.
Vreme, dolzino dneva, letne case in letino tu napovedujejo svetniki: Santa Lucia el pi picio
giorno che sia. De Santa Lucia a Naaal le cressi per una peaiga ae gal, aa Naaal a Pasqueta
le cressi ae unoreta. Se piovi per Santa Bibiana, quaranta per ela e vinti per su :ermana. Per
i Santi tira fora i guanti. San Loren:o gran calura, San Jincen:o gran freaura, luna e laltra
poco aura.
Za dez so rekli: Se la vien par San Loren:o, la xe ancora in tempo, se la vien par la Maaona, la
xe ancora bona, se la vien par San Bartolomio, el caso xe speaio.
Martinovo je bil pomemben praznik, saj je takrat iz mosta nastalo vino: Per San Martin ciapa
el saco e va al molin. San Martin se imbota ae vin. Par San Martin ogni mosto vin.
Mraz se je zacel ob Vseh Svetih: Per i Santi se vesti tuti quanti, per San Martin anca el povarin.
Za sejanje zita so rekli: Fina i Santi me:o pugno, aopo i Santi pugno pien.
Tudi drugi kmecki pridelki in opravila so imeli svoje case: Per San Luca loio trabuca.
San Giovani brusa, San Piero taia. Per Santa Ana el sorgo va in pana. Per Santa Maria
Maaalena, la nosela xe piena. Per San Jiao la saresa ga el mariao.
O stvareh, ki niso trajale dolgo, so rekli: La aura aa Naaal a San Stefano. La aura aa San
Stefano a la hn ae lano.
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Bujski in motovunski pregovori: Marso suto, april bagna, beato el contaain, che ga semena.
(Buje) La neve marsolina la aura aela sera a la matina. (Buje) Se piovi per lAsensa, per
quaranta giorni no se resta sensa. (Buje) Jal pi una piova ae avril che San Marco col su
campanil. (Buje) Chi no bevi vin e rakifa, no veai ne Dio ne Maria. (Montona)
Osel je bil v Istri tovorna zival. Z njim so pripeljali drva v mesto. Na danasnji avtobusni postaji v
Piranu so se danes ohranjeni kamniti stebricki, ob katere so privezovali osle, vozicke z dracjem
in drvmi pa so do trznice peljali rocno. Postaji so takrat rekli la sta:ion aei mus. Na oslih so
potovale jajcarice, Savrinke, o katerih pise tudi Marjan Tomsic. Po vaseh dalec v notranjosti
Istre so kupovale jajca in jih nosile v Trst prodajat. Ceprav je danes v Slovenski Istri morda
le se kak osel, pa je bila ta zival v preteklosti pomemben clovekov spremljevalec, s svojimi
znacilnimi lastnostmi pa tudi vir navdiha za razne primerjave.
Najveckrat so oslovsko trmo primerjali neumnosti, tudi cloveski: Chi xe nato mus, aevi aver
paron. Farghe la barba al mus, se perai laqua e el savon. Tanti mussi se someia. Meio un mus
vivo, che un aotor morto. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Liga el mus aove el paron
comanaa.
Moj najljubsi pa je ta, ki pravi o studentu, da fe (v svet, po znanje) oasel uosu in se vrnil osel.
Xe anaa mus e xe torna asino. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963)
5.2. SLOVENSKE VASI V ZALED1U
Pregovore v naslednji skupini so zapisali clani etnoloskih ekip SEMa med leti 1949 in 1957.
Zapisovali so jih v slovenskih vaseh v zaledju. Nekateri inIormatorji so tu in tam kak pregovor
povedali v italijanskem jeziku. V oklepaju je pod vsakim pregovorom ali skupino pregovorov
naveden kraj zapisa, inIormatorjevo ime oziroma priimek, ime zapisovalca in datum zapisa.
Podatki niso vedno popolni.
5.2.1. Vreme
Tudi slovenski istrski kmet je bil odvisen od vremena, zato je veliko pregovorov vremenskih.
V njih ugotavlja, od kod piha in kaksno vreme prinasa veter: bo nevihta ali temporal, bo dovolj
ali premalo dezja? Tudi takrat so bili nekateri ljudje vremenski, obcutljivi na vreme.
Pa se prakticne napotke so dajali vremenski pregovori kratke in jedrnate, pa malo posmehljive:
Ce priae ae: oa morske strani, fe temporal. Ce priae ae: oa severa, fe ae: oa burfe. Ce priae
oa fuga, :moci :a ava pluga. Piova ai montagna non bagna la nostra campagna. (Nova vas, I.
Vuk, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1953) Ce priae : fuga, :moci :a ava pluga,
ce pride s severa, je dez od burje, ce pride z murja, bo temporal. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec,
1957) N`ben vuk ni se pojo zime! (Krkavce, J. Petaros, zap. ?, 1954) Kar se cut tlak, fe gotov
ae:. (Krkavce, B. Brec, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1954) Kar gres v nfive, v:emi faketo s sabo, tua ce
fe fasno, c pa fe oblcno, saf nse slep. (Krkavce, B. Brec, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1954)
Slovenski kmet je v vremenske pregovore prav tako vkljuceval svetnike ali se ravnal po drugih
cerkvenih praznikih. Nekateri svetniki so odganjali ali prinasali mraz, drugi napovedovali dez
ali opozarjali na primeren cas za kako kmecko opravilo. Hudic pa je prisel prav, ko je bilo treba
povedati, kaksen hud mraz je: Za svecnico priae fa:bec pogleaat, kaksno vreme fe. ce fe lepo, fe
:alosten, ce fe slabo, fe pa vesel. Ce fe lepo vreme ao Marife svecne, bo v prihoanfe mra:. Sveti
Matifa lea ra:bifa, ce ga ne nafae, ga nareai. (Krkavce, J. Petaros, ?, 1954) Per San Martin si
cerca per tutte le botte vin. (Centur, A. Krmac, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1954) Sveti Jure crve vre.
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Sveta Marifa glevnfena :aboae glavnfico v :emlfo. ali vpahne ali vsahne. Sveti Fabfan :a enih
kresi aan, Sveti Jalentin pa :a aveh in an kvartin. Devica Marifa gora, :ima fora. San Giorgio
papa, ronaini passano acqua. Sveti Grgur fe sel iskat materi ko:uh. (Pomjan, J. Hlajka, zap. Z.
Vatovec, 1950) Sveti Ivan ferma cok, Sveti Peter ga potakne, Sveti Urh ga :agori. (Sveti Peter,
?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) De:fa ni treba proset, : Sveti Simon bo prisel ae: in petfac. (?, ?, zap.
D. Vodopivec, ?) Tam so mra:i :a huaica. (Pomjan, F. Bernetic, zap. Suhadolnik, ?)
Pregovori lahko napovedujejo tudi, kaksen bo pridelek: Agosta pisan gro:a, oktober gro:a
aober. (Centur, A. Krmac, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1954)
Tudi luna pove kmetu marsikaj koristnega: Ce se saai v mlaai luni, aobro raste, a ne obroai.
Stara luna fe nafbolfsa luna. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1957)
5.2.2. Ljubezen
Razmisljanja o ljubezni nam povedo, kaksen odnos so imeli do zakona, do Iantov, deklet in zen:
Ce fema an fnt piacer a ane pupe, priae vefe u hiso in fi se vec kepe. Pamet, kratke roke, aolge
noge in preavsem veliko pamet mora imeti vsako posteno aekle. Ja: sem bila cista oa vsega. (?,
?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Enkrat oa stariga, ko so cule aekleta, aa pofefo fanti, so se poskrile,
aenes pa same tecefo :a nfimi. (Marezige, B. Babic, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Lep ko ulfe. (Glem,
J. Kocjancic, zap. Suhadolnik, ?) Rece osabno aekle. Ce nisi ti, so arugi tri. (Marezige, T.
Babic, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Zenska aota fe moska :mota. Zenska fe senca.
(Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957)
Tako so rekli o novoporocencih, ce sta se takoj drugi dan po poroki skregala: Ne bofo pofeli tri
polente skep. Ne bofo pofeli eno kilo soli skep. (Krkavce, I. Glavina, ?, 1954)
O otrocih pa: Ta, ki ima botra, aobi tuai kolac. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) Frska ne
paae alc oa aebla. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Tuai i: slabe psenice aober kruh' (Sveti Peter,
?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957)
5.2.3. Vsakdanje zivljenje
Zivljenje istrskega kmeta je bilo trda in tezka borba za vsakdanji kruh. Delali so od jutra do vecera.
Ceprav so bili Istrani menda zelo vrazeverni, so se po pomoc zatekali tudi k Bogu. Njihove
izkusnje so bile veckrat zelo trpke, vseeno pa je v teh pregovorih cutiti neko potrpezljivost in
sprijaznjenost z usodo: Ce ne bos aelal mlaa, bos aelal star. (Tinjan, L. Bizjak, zap. B. Orel,
1949) Treba fe molit, aa nam Buh i Sveti Duh po:egna. Lehko fe Boga molit, se le:fe fe mucat.
Stiri stvari cloveka. smrt, soa, peku, ref nebeski. (Sveti Peter, T. Gorela, zap. ?, 1957) Tak,
ki ni bil se bolan, niti Bog ne ve :anf. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1957) Samo smrt fe
pravicna. (Tinjan, L. Bizjak, zap. B. Orel, 1949) Za vsakega priae vrsta in krsta. (Krkavce,
D. Pegan, 1954) Dobro se caka, slabo nikaar ne uiae. (Marezige, T. Babic, zap. S. Bencina,
1950) Nuc fema svofo muc. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Ano arevo se ne hiti aol : enim kolpom,
tuai navaait se ne more se en bot. (Sveti Peter, T. Gorela, zap. ?, 1957) Koaer sonce tece,
kruh se pece. (Krkavce, M. Kapel, zap. M. Krasovec, 1954) Jsaka stvar ima :cetek in hnitek.
(Krkavce, M. Deluk, zap. ?, 1954) Z malo se :ive, : nec se mre. (Krkavce, A. Petaros, ?, 1954)
Pregovori o revezih in revscini so zelo nazorni, s kanckom humorja zabeljeni. Ker so imeli malo,
so morali biti skromni: Oni, ki fe ubog, ima samo sonce in pot. (Krkavce, M. Kapel, zap. M.
Krasovec, 1954) Bofo feali kamne, boao srali arva. (Marezige, A. Grisnolah, zap. S. Bencina,
1950) Je vboh a fma v hise kakor prea hiso. Tako fe ubog, aa ima v hisi toliko kot prea nfo. (?,
?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Je ubog, aa ima prea hiso kot v hisi. (Krkavce, D. Pegan, zap. ?, 1954)
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Oni, ki nima osla, fe osel, oni, ki nima prasica, fe prasic. Oni, ki nima osla, fe sam osel in oni,
ki nima prasica, fe sam prasic. (Krkavce, M. Kapel, zap. M. Krasovec, 1954) Usta so mafhna,
a aosti po:refo. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) Krpa ar:i kmeta gor. (Bernetici, I. Koren,
zap. P. Strukelj, ?) Klobuk serve vec kot :an ae:. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?)
Morda so bili tisti, ki so kaj malega znali, na boljsem? Ta, ki pise, gre ven i: hise. (Sveti Peter,
?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957)
Kot povsod, so bili tudi tu ljudje zelo razlicnih znacajev. Med cloveskimi lastnostmi so Istrani
najmanj cenili obrekljivost, skopost, domisljavost, hudobijo, tudi vdajanje pijaci. Spostovali pa
so delovne ljudi: Pet prstov na roki ni enakih, tako niso niti lfuafe vseh vrst fih fe. (Sveti Peter,
?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) Prea svofo hiso pometi smeti, pusti na miru aruge lfuai. (Krkavce, J.
Reja, ?, 1954) Ano fanfe superbo niti svofe matere ne :i:i, ano fanfe poni:no pa tuai ave. (Sveti
Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1957) Ta k aalec leta, bli:ek paae. (Marezige, B. Babic, zap. S.
Bencina, 1950) Je sleb a ne b aau Bogu nu:ica : vraga ubt. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Je
slab, da ne bi dal Bogu nozica za vraga ubit. (Krkavce, D. Pegan, zap. ?, 1954) Usca, una ne aa
huaicu nusca. (Marezige, ?, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Ni aobro imeti samo grablfe, treba fe imeti
tuai vile. Jec kot pifes, manf viais. (?, zap. M. Pahor, ?) Disciplina, aisciplina :aslu:i kruha in
vina in ce fo ne ar:is, sam sebe :apustis. (?, B. Kirin, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?)
O cloveku, ki se prevec muci, so pa rekli, da Se matra : pestet auso. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?)
Vcasih se vascani dveh sosednih vasi niso gledali ravno prijazno. Tako so v Marezigah nekomu,
ki ni slisal dobro in je prosil, da mu besede ponovijo, imeli navado reci: Na Tnfanu se govori
avakrat. Na Tinfanu se pove avakrat. (Plahuti, M. Sabadin, zap. S. Bencina, 1950)
Ko ni denarja, so dobre tudi drugacne mere za placilo: Dvakrat en trebuh vina, ene neare hh.
(Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?)
Pa tudi zapestna ura ni tako zelo potrebna, kot to mislimo danes, saj so mere za cas lahko tudi
bolj preproste: Ko fe sonce :a eno kvarto visoko. Ko fe sonce :a enega mo:a visoko. (?, ?, zap.
D. Vodopivec, ?)
Je ta stric se imel kaj zob v ustih? Bog ve, ali je njegova zaga rezala dobro ali slabo! Re:e kot
mofi :obfe.(Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1957)
Kaj pa italijanski sosedje? Na Slovence so gledali zviska, ti pa so se jim tako oddolzili: En
Avstric fe su po ceste in fe pucu po eni frituli oa vosla in fe prsu vn Lah. Sklep je torej vec kot
jasen: Talfan fe prsu i: ene fritule oa vosla. (Rojci, B. Kovac, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1950)
Casi se spreminjajo. Priznati moram, da teh pregovorov res ne razumem! Bo treba na teren
ali pa vtakniti nos v kako knjigo: Ce fe :ena bosa, fe fucu bosa, ce fe mo: bos, fe nanic bos.
(Marezige, ?, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Tisti, ki aela luno, fe Marko Kovac. (Rojci, B. Kovac, zap.
D. Vodopivec, 1950) Jsak fi svof vle' (Krkavce, B. Brec, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1954) J aobri
nfivi fe grana. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) Ukraaena macka ne be:i oa hise. (Krkavce,
D. Pegan, zap. ?, 1954)
5.3. PABERKI
V to skupino sem uvrstila pregovore, ki sem jih slisala mimogrede, v pogovorih z ljudmi v vaseh
v zaledju ali v obalnih mestih. Vecina jih je iz osemdesetih let, nekaj pa je novejsih. Ker sem
takrat zbirala predvsem daljse enote slovstvene Iolklore, se nisem osredotocila na pregovore
in reke, zapisala sem le tisto, kar sem nakljucno izvedela. Vseeno pa je tudi ta skromna bera
zanimiva.
Predvsem v obalna mesta (nekaj pa tudi v bliznje vasi) se je priselilo precej prebivalcev iz drugih
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krajev: iz notranjosti Slovenije, tudi iz hrvaske Istre, kasneje tudi iz juznih republik nekdanje
drzave Jugoslavije. Tako na primer v Piranu poleg majhnega stevila pripadnikov italijanske
skupnosti, ki so po drugi svetovni vojni zeleli ostati v svojem kraju, zivijo se priseljenci iz
Slovenske ali hrvaske Istre, celo iz istroromunske vasi, Stajerci, Dolenjci, Krasevci, Brkinci,
Gorenjci, Korosci, pa Hrvati, predvsem Dalmatinci, Srbi, Albanci, Makedonci in Crnogorci.
Ce pristejemo se posamezne pripadnike drugih narodov, na primer nekaj Rusov, Francozov,
Nemcev, Madzare, Americana, Iracana, Roma, Cehinjo, Azerbejdzanca, Nepalko in morda
se koga, potem vidimo, da je etnicna struktura Pirana zelo pisana. Vsi ti ljudje so prinesli s
seboj svojo dediscino, navade svojega kraja, izrocila, ki so jih poznali od doma. Seveda so se
prilagodili vecinski kulturi, a ce bi jih le malo blize poznali, bi gotovo spoznali, da vsak od njih
v sebi se vedno nosi delcek svojega prejsnjega okolja, znanja in izkusenj, ki si jih je pridobil
doma.
Prav zanimivo bi bilo prisluhniti vsem tem razlicnim ljudem in zapisati pregovore, ki jih poznajo.
Vendar je to ze tema za kako drugo nalogo. Za zdaj pa naj zadostuje teh nekaj primerov, ki kljub
majhni kolicini kazejo vsaj to, da je danasnja Slovenska Istra, predvsem kraji ob morju, res
postala dom ljudem od vsepovsod.
V vec narecjih ali jezikih: Ni fe riti, ki ne fe hiti. Jal piu una score:a che un cucfar ae meai:ina.
(Strunjan, D. Marusic, zap. S. Pahor, 1984) En praec fe :a aeset aohtarfev (Piran, I. Pahor,
zap. S. Pahor, 1984) Lep po:arav i: Notranfske. (Piran, G. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 2004) Se te vol
imparar bestemiar, compra te la cavra. Ku ces se naucit klet, kupi si ko:o. (Koper, A. Jurkota,
zap. M. Jurkota, 1985) Bo:ic puli soncic, va:am puli ognfic. Bo:ic poli soncica, va:am poli
ognfica. (Strunjan, A. Marusic, zap. D. Marusic, 1984) Nol au balcon, Paques aux tisons.
(Piran, L. Rousse, zap. S. Pahor, 2003) Mi fe ra:bifala skatle na glavi. Kaksna rompiskatola.
Rompiscatola. (Koper, L. Bojanic, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Non rompere le scatole. (Koper, ?, zap.
M. Jurkota, 1985) Mislis, aa sem Bolaho? (Piran, M. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 1986) Tam so bili
Mikac, pa so jim rekli Bolaho. Bolaho so rekli zato, ker je bolj bogat. In so rekli, da ima banco
ai Bolaho v Trstu. (Sared, V. Ivancic, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Leva ruka, aesni a:ep. (Piran,
razlicni, zap. S. Pahor, 2000) La fame viene mangianao. Chi va piano, va sano e va lontano.
(Lucija, M. Merljak, zap. S. Pahor, 2004)
Narecni: Chi non piscia in compania, o xe laaro, o xe spia. (Izola, Z. Marencic, zap. S. Pahor,
1983) Spo:a banfata spo:a fortunata. (Koper, M. Jurkota, zap. S. Pahor, 1986) Jsak sparovc
cirovca nafae. (Piran, I. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Si trmast ko istrifanski vosu. (Koper, T.
Krmac, zap. M. Jurkota, 1983) Ki ne pife vina ni rakife, ne viai Boga ni Marife. (Koper, A.
Jurkota, zap. M. Jurkota, 1985) Duga sanfa, puna ret spanfa. (Koper, M. Jurkota, zap. S. Pahor,
1990) Ima velika vsta i mafhen pfat. (Piran, Z. Muzinic, zap. S. Pahor, 1986) Oni so tasne sorte
lfuafe, ki imafo velika usta :a vprasat in mafhno roko :a aat. (Piran, Z. Muzinic, zap. S. Pahor,
1986) Glaa fe tat. (Izola, M. Kleva, zap. S. Pahor, 1983)
Istroromunski: Jreme tot vence. (cas vse premaga) Nigra vaka ab lapte are. (crna krava belo
mleko ima) (Strunjan, D. Marusic, zap. S. Pahor, 1984)
Pogovorni in knjizni jezik: To fe tuai i: riti privleceno. (Koper, Z. Zuzek, zap. S. Pahor, 1983)
Samo metla stofi :a vrati. (Piran, E. B. Tome, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Kaor pofe, avakrat moli.
Okoli riti v :ep. Ima aolge prste. Ce: aevet let vse prav priae. Jsaka stvar fe :a nekaf aobra.
Jabolko ne paae aalec oa arevesa. Pesem mu fe sla ao srca. Previanost fe mati moarosti. Je:ika
se ne sme sparati. Lepa beseaa lepo mesto nafae. Ce ne gre :lepa, tuai :graa ne bo slo.
Kakor si bos postlala, tako bos spala. Pocasi se aalec priae. Svet Matifa lea ra:bifa, ce ga ni,
ga pa nareai. Ce hitro aas, avakrat aas. Imas samo velike oci. (Piran, I. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor,
1999) Ne :aupati niti mrtvemu konfu. Delati s kako stvarfo kakor svinfa : mehom. Beseaa ni
103 Studii / Articles
konf. Ne hvali aneva prea nocfo. (Koper, M. Hrs, zap. S. Pahor, 1999) Oa :aa licef, oa sprea
mu:ef. (Piran, M. Krizanec, zap. S. Pahor, 1999) Imeti velike oci in mafhna usta. (Piran, Z.
Muzinic, zap. S. Pahor, 1986) Dobra roba se sama hvali. Lastna hvala se poa mi:o vala. Hiti
pocasi. Botra Klara ponoci siva, poanevi para. O mrtvih vse aobro. (Piran, M. Jelercic, zap. S.
Pahor, 1990) Kar fe aano, fe v :lato :emlfo :akopano. (Piran, M. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 1999)
Sem aoma tam, kfer fe Bog s pra:nim :aklfem mahal. Smola se me ar:i. (Izola, M. Cerin, zap.
S. Pahor, 2004) Imas vec srece kot pameti. Clovek cloveku volk. Imas krompir. Pusti gaaa, ubif
Krasevca. (Piran, M. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 1980)
6. Zakljucek
Pregovori in reki so tisti del ustnega slovstva, ki je namenjen za vsakdanjo rabo: vpletamo jih
v vsakdanje pogovore, kadar hocemo podkrepiti svojo misel, dati nasvet, sporociti izkusnjo,
modrost. Kot taki so lastni vsem kulturam in verjetno vsem casom. Nekateri sporocajo povsod
veljavne resnice, drugi so plod domacih razmer, tretji so trenutne domislice.
Istrski pregovori in reki se v tem nic ne razlikujejo od drugih. Njihova posebnost je posebno
narecje, medkulturni vplivi in poseben nacin zivljenja, iz katerega so se rodili: zivljenja ribicev,
mornarjev, solinarjev in kmetov. In morda tudi iskrica humorja, ki je istrskega cloveka resevala
v vseh stiskah in nadlogah njegovega trdega zivljenja.
Veliko starih piranskih ribiskih in solinarskih pregovorov najdemo le se v knjigah in rokopisnih
zbirkah; novi casi so v mesta ob morju pripeljali nove ljudi z drugacno kulturo. Prav tako,
vendar gotovo v manjsi meri, se dogaja tudi na podezelju: po 2. svetovni vojni se je veliko
kmetov izselilo v mesta in le pocasi se v vasi ponovno vraca zivljenje, ozivljajo oljcni nasadi,
vinogradi in polja. Narecje, ki ga je bilo po 2. svetovni vojni v solah celo prepovedano govoriti,
zopet pridobiva na veljavi. Ljubitelji in strokovnjaki si prizadevajo spoznati in ozivljati stare
obicaje, domacinom se vracata samozavest in ponos ob zavedanju lastnih korenin.
Nekateri pregovori, ki jih slisimo na istrskih tleh, so univerzalni in stari vec tisoc let, najdemo
jih na primer ze v Svetem Pismu, v nekoliko bolj robati obliki pa so znani se danes. Tak je
na primer svetopisemski. Bolfsa fe :elenfavna fea, kfer fe lfube:en, kakor pitan vol, kfer fe
sovrastvo (Prg, 15, 17), ki danes zveni takole: Bolfse en krompir v miru, kot pa :re:ke v prepiru.
(Piran, M. Jelercic, zap. S. Pahor, 1990)
Drugi, predvsem vremenski, ki so plod stoletnega opazovanja sprememb v naravi, so bolj vezani
na istrsko podrocje. Tako Miroslav Pahor pripoveduje v knjigi Stare piranske soline o solinarju,
ki je takole modroval: La sa, fe aefal, anca questo xe un proverbio: I nostri veci i stava cento
ani col culo soto la piova, prima ae far un proverbio. (Veste, tudi to je pregovor: Nasi stari so
stali sto let : ritfo na ae:fu, preaen so napravili en pregovor.)
Nekateri pregovori pa se po mnenju Marka Terseglava rodijo iz trenutne izkusnje. Prav zivo si
zato lahko predstavljam poredne iskrice v oceh inIormatorja, ki po dolgem razgovoru za nekaj
trenutkov umolkne; ko opazi, da v tem casu tudi zapisovalcu zastane pero, slednjic hudomusno
rece: Ja, ja, po molku ni kaf pisati.
Na knjiznih policah v knjiznicah se mnozijo vsakovrstne izdaje pregovorov, od tujih do domacih,
celo vecjezicnih. Kljub temu pa se zdi, da je modrosti, ki so skrite v pregovorih, na svetu vse
manj. Tako vsaj potrjuje zakljucek pogovora med devetdesetletno zenico in njeno nekoliko
mlajso vrstnico. Ja, ja, pravijo, da na mlaaih svet stofi, pravi ena in druga brz odvrne: Ja, ma
kako stofi? Na glavi' Najbolj zaskrbljeni pravijo celo mille, mai pi mille in napovedujejo
konec sveta. Morda pa le ne bo tako hudo, ce bomo v:eli pamet v roke, saj nam tudi kralj
104
Salomon v Prg 2,11 zagotavlja: Preuaarnost te bo varovala, ra:umnost te bo ohranfala.
Potem bomo vendar lahko se kaj pisali.
Da pa ne bodo zakljucki presplosni, naj dodam, da k modrosti spada tudi drzavniska modrost.
Zaenkrat so drzave, ce povemo cisto enostavno, se vedno bolj ali manj enotne narodne
in jezikovne skupnosti. In ker v Slovenski Istri deluje kar nekaj drzavnih ustanov, ki naj bi
vsestransko znanstveno preucevale to obmocje, bi morda kazalo posameznike v teh ustanovah
malo podrezati, da bi del svojega casa namenili tudi raziskavam slovenske slovstvene Iolklore v
Istri. Z njo naj bi se seznanjali tudi otroci v vrtcih in v solah. Verjetno bosta poznavanje lastnega
izrocila in skrb za jezik v prihodnji skupnosti drzav se kako pomembna.
Ceprav spostujem tudi tuje kulture in jezike, pa le ne bi rada cez nekaj let poslusala in zapisovala
le se, kako ljudje recejo mega, ful, kul, super, spon, :ur, ce bi radi povedali, da je nekaj lepo,
krasno, cudovito ali da se imajo dobro, v nasprotnem primeru, ko bi bili zalostni ali potrti, pa
bi rekli da so tok u aepri, aa b se kar : rufa aol skenslali. Ali kako imajo tisti, ki so rojeni pod
srecno ali nesrecno zvezdo, le se aobro ali slabo karmo.
Viri
Zbirka pregovorov v rokopisni zapuscini Miroslava Pahorja (1963). Arhiv druzine Pahor.
Terenski zapiski Spele Pahor in Marine Jurkota (1982 1986). Arhiv Spele Pahor.
Terenski zapiski etnoloskih ekip SEM. Arhiv Pokrajinskega muzeja Koper (1950 1956).
Spela Pahor, Privatno ribistvo v Piranu od konca druge vojne do danes. Seminarska naloga. Piran, 1982.
Zapiski s predavanj dr. Marka Terseglava Folkloristika 1 in 2, 200?
Literatura
Nelda Stok Vojska, Moja destra Istra. Marezige, 1998
Nelda Stok Vojska, Istrani pravijo. Marezige, 1998
Miroslav Pahor, Tatjana Poberaj, Stare piranske soline. Ljubljana, s.a.
Stanko Prek, Ljudska modrost trden je most. Ljubljana, 1974
Sveto pismo Stare in Nove zaveze. Ljubljana, 2000
Slovar slovenskega knjiznega jezika. Ljubljana, 2002
Vilko Novak, Slovenska ljudska kultura. Ljubljana, 1960
Milko Maticetov, Pregovori in uganke. V: Zgodovina slovenskega slovstva. Ljubljana, 1957
Nada Morato, Mrak eno jutrnja. Ljubljana, 2002
Rozana Speh, Supeter je na lepa vas. Ljubljana, 1999
Marjan Tomsic, Noc je moja, dan je tvoj. Ljubljana, 1989
Mitja Skubic, Romanski jeziki. Ljubljana, 1988
Albert Pucer, Istrska kuhinja. Ljubljana, 2003
CristoIoro Pasqaligo, Raccolta di proverbi veneti 1-3. Venezia, 1857-1858
Pirano un`immagine. Pirano, 1994
Slobodan Simic Sime, Piran na robovih stoletij. Piran, 2000
Recenzii / Reviews
ANTOANETA OLTEANU
Marianne Mesnil, L'Ethnologue entre le dragon et le serpent. Etudes d'ethnologie europenne] ` Marianne
Mesnil, Assia Popova, Essais de mythologie balkanique, avant-propos de Paul H. Stahl, traduit en roumain
par Ioana Bot et Ana Mihilescu, ditions Paideia, Bucarest, 1997, 394 p.;
Marianne Mesnil, Assia Popova, Au-del du Danube. Etudes d'ethnologie balkanique, prface de Vintil
Mihilescu, traduit en roumain par Ana Mihilescu et Mariana Rdulescu, Editions Paideia, Bucarest,
2007, 368 p.
Les Editions Paideia oIIrent aux lecteurs roumains deux importants volumes d`ethnologie et anthropologie
balkaniques compares, runissant les tudes de deux chercheurs spcialistes de cette zone. Excellentes
connaisseuses des ralits locales, Marianne Mesnil et Assia Popova rassemblent dans ces volumes de vritables
joyaux hermneutiques portant sur des aspects signifcatiIs de la mythologie balkanique.
La premiere tude de Marianne Mesnil, publi dans l`dition de 1997, LEthnologue entre le aragon et le
serpent. Etuaes aethnologie europeenne, traite des aspects gnraux de l`ethnologie europenne, tout en insistant
sur le statut de l`ethnologue (Lethnologue entre le aragon et le serpent, Entre le rationalisme et le romantisme.
enfeux et premisses ae lethnologie europeenne), ainsi que des moments importants de certains rites de passage
dont elle surprend la dimension sacre (Entre len-aea et lau-aela. mythes et rites europeens ae la naissance et
ae la mort) selon une approche incitante, qui Iait appel aux concepts lvi-straussiens de cru et de cuit, de passage de
la nature a la culture (les enIants naissant dans les choux, la cuisine de la naissance, etc.); retenons les contributions
consacres au statut du magicien dans l`espace roumain (Entre revenants et magiciens, Jampirisme et traaition
orale en Roumanie. Les sources populaires aun mythe litteraire, Un aossier meaical au vampirisme au sicle
aes Lumires, Une saison aes errances ae lame. lhomme-loup, Temps subi, temps masque), riches d`analyses
contrastives synchroniques et diachroniques. Retenons galement les tudes de cas ou les motiIs mythologiques
analyss sont inventoris dans plusieurs cultures (par exemple, le conte dont le hros est Piprus/Poucet Les
Avatars europeens ae Pipru Petru).
La seconde partie du volume, Essais ae mythologie balkanique, ralise en collaboration, constitue une
contribution importante a la description cohrente de l`univers de la mythologie balkanique, trop peu aborde
en raison des diIfcults que d`autres auteurs eurent a se mouvoir dans les aires mythologiques locales des
Balkans. Ce monde trange, en quelque sorte aux antipodes, que sont les Balkans conserve des reprsentations
intressantes dans le domaine de l`imaginaire imagologique. Le premier de ces essais, Des etrangers ae toutes
les couleurs ou comment aesigner lAutre, oIIre une analyse mythologique de l`Etranger redoutable avec lequel
entraient en contact les populations locales (croyances lies aux cannibales, aux muets, aux personnages poilus,
pas rass, estropis, etc.). D`autres tudes sont consacres a des Ites populaires reprsentatives, reposant sur une
base mythologique bien articule (Saint Anare, lours et le cornouiller; Survacka/ Sorcova. la langue ,crue`
ae la baguette, Des anctres aux nouveau-nes. les pains aes quarante martyrs), mais aussi a des personnages
mythologiques que d`autres peuples connaissent galement (la belette et sainte Vendredi: Sois belette et tais-toi'
ou la megre repuaiee, Demone et chretienne. sainte Jenareai).
Le dernier volume, Au-aela au Danube. Etuaes aethnologie balkanique, paru en 2007, est une continuation
de l`tude prcdente des deux auteurs et Iait suite aux recherches comparatistes entreprises sur les deux rives du
Danube. Le premier recueil d`impressions ethnologiques appartient a Marianne Mesnil et donne un aperu de l`aire
culturelle en question du point de vue de l`anthropologue occidental et contemporain, plongeant dans des cultures
et des poques perdues dans la nuit des temps: Avec Dracula, le temps aun cafe, Le charme aiscret aes Balkans,
Homo Balcanicus, un portrait ethnologique sont les jalons fxs par un auteur qui, revenant dans cet univers au
bout de plusieurs annes, essaie de comprendre le spcifque local, justif par une histoire a part, d`vnements
passs et prsents. En parlant de la rvolution roumaine de 1989, tlvise en direct (Au pays ae Dracula. faux
macabres et usage ae faux. Revolution en airect ou meaiatisation ae lhistoire?) ou des confits sanglants
du Kosovo, vus comme des bombes a retardement d`un modele politique occidental dans les Balkans (Kosovo
1999.), Marianne Mesnil souligne l`engagement proIond de l`ethnologue dans cette aire culturelle extrmement
complexe, encore mconnu par les historiens et les anthropologues occidentaux, toujours marqus par le choc
des civilisations . Bucarest Iait l`objet d`une belle analyse (Bucarest ou le corps retrouve), a partir des notes de
106
voyage du Iranais Ulysse de Marsillac. Les strotypes concernant les Balkans et leurs habitants ne sont pas
abandonns (Toi aussi tu es Balkanique '). S`y ajoutent des analyses tres pousses, issues de l`examen attentiI
d`objets a premiere vue banals mais auxquels l`auteur trouve, au terme d`une sorte d`archologie spirituelle, des
valeurs ignores des proIanes d`aujourd`hui (Bagages pour toutes sortes ae voyages observations ethnologiques
sur le thme ae lobfet), dont la plus extraordinaire nous semble celle consacr a La verseuse ou la ceremonie au
cafe, continue, d`ailleurs, dans une autre tude plus ample (Le temps aun cafe), dans le mme volume. Cette
culture du caI est, pour l`auteur, l`occasion d`un voyage (a la mode) de l`Orient vers l`Occident, avec des haltes
aux Irontieres et ou le crmonial du caI connat une richesse et une popularit particulieres.
La derniere partie du volume, intitule Transaanubiennes, runit des tudes communes des deux auteurs (Les
au-aela au Danube (1), Les hironaelles qui font le printemps . le retour aes oiseaux migrateurs aans les Balkans,
Le four mobile, image au monae), ainsi que des tudes individuelles (Petit periple en Transaanubie. Le Pays
aes abeilles, de Marianne Mesnil, ou Les hls au temps, d`Assia Popova, consacr a la structure des calendriers
populaires). Le territoire situ de part et d`autre du Danube, conventionnellement appel Transdanubie (bien
que l`acception gnrale Iasse rIrence a la Roumanie), permet aux deux auteurs de se limiter a certaines zones des
Balkans ou elles entreprennent leurs recherches monographiques. Nous remarquons l`intrt des tudes compares
consacres aux couvercles d`argile et au royaume des abeilles ; ces tudes partent des socits traditionnelles
Iortement infuences par le christianisme (populaire), pour construire des reprsentations mythologiques archaques
dans la pratique de certaines occupations, mais portant en leur sein des chos de cosmogonies archaques. Nous
retiendrons galement l`tude qui part des croyances populaires lies aux retour des oiseaux au printemps, pour
examiner ensuite dans le dtail les pratiques rituelles rattaches au mois de mars, a la Ite des Martyrs et a la
coutume du Mrisor.
Il ne nous reste qu`a saluer encore une Iois la publication de ces volumes qui constituent des contributions
majeures a l`difcation d`une mythologie balkanique qui attendait d`tre couche sur le papier.
AMALIA PAVELESCU
Tereza Stratilesco. O ambasadoare a culturii tradiionale romneyti n spaiul anglo-saxon. From Carpathians
to Pindus, Pictures of Roumanian Country Life, Londra, 1906, 379 p.
n 1906, a aprut la Londra, From Carpathians to Pinaus, Pictures of Roumanian Country Life
1
de Tereza
Stratilesco, un volum de 379 de pagini, cu dou hri si 63 de Iotografi, reprezentnd diIerite aspecte ale civilizaiei
populare din Romnia. Volumul priceps, legat n coperi cartonate, mbrcat n pnz de culoare maro-bej, cu litere
aurite, a Iost retiprit, tot n ediie de lux, si peste ocean, la Boston (W. Luca, 1907) si New York (AMS Press,
1981 si 1991), probabil de romnii americani, care purtau cu ei dorul de ar. n 1907, ,Revista de Geografe' a
Societii Regale de Geografe din Londra public o recenzie a acestei cri
2
. Lucrarea e Irecvent citat pe Internet,
ca surs bibliografc pentru prezentarea romnilor din Pind (aromnii), sau ca posibilitate de achiziionare prin
anticariatele on line, preul variind de la 50, pn la 200 $. n Romnia, cartea se af rar n bibliotecile publice, iar
numele autoarei abia a nceput s fe cunoscut, datorit domnului Iordan Datcu
3
.
Tereza Stratilesco s-a nscut n localitatea Tarcu din judeul Neam. A Icut studiile liceale si universitare
la Iasi. A Iuncionat, n acest oras, ca proIesoar de istorie, dar si directoare a Liceului ,Oltea Doamna', timp
de 25 de ani. n anii 1894-1896, se af n Anglia, obinnd o burs de studii, propus de A.D. Xenopol. Audiaz
cursuri n Londra, OxIord si n alte centre universitare; cerceteaz, din nsrcinarea lui Titu Maiorescu, organizarea
si Iuncionarea nvmntului din Anglia, materiale pe care le public n ,Convorbiri literare' (1894-1896).
nsusindu-si bine limba englez si Icndu-se cunoscut n unele medii intelectuale, Tereza Stratilesco a primit
comanda de a scrie o carte despre romni.
n scurta prezentare a crii From Carpathians to Pinaus, Pictures of Roumanian Country Life, ne servim de
un exemplar, adus de la Iasi de Ivonne Urziceanu, reIugiat la Sibiu, n 1940, unde a Iuncionat ca proIesoar
de limba romn la Liceul ,Domnia Ileana'. n 1955, proIesorul Gh. Pavelescu a achiziionat de la doamna
Ivonne Urziceanu mai multe volume din opera lui Simion Florea Marian si Elena Voronca, dar si volumul Terezei
Stratilesco (1862-1931). Este posibil ca exemplarul de la Sibiu, s f Iost procurat de la un anticariat din Iasi,
ntruct este indicat preul, 27,50 si semntura, C. Rdulescu. ,Aceast carte, scrie autoarea n preIa, se adreseaz
1
London: T. Fischer, Unwin, Adelphy Terrace. MCMVI
2
,The Geographical Journal', vol. 29, no. 4, (Apr. 1907), p. 453.
3
CI. Dicionarul etnologilor romani, Ed. Saeculum, 2006, p. 834-835.
107 Studii / Articles
n primul rnd cititorului britanic, care, n timpul sederii mele n Anglia, m-a impresionat prin interesul artat
pentru cunoasterea romnilor, despre care stiau Ioarte puine lucruri'.
Volumul ,nu este o carte de propagand', precizeaz autoarea n aceeasi preIa. ,Ea urmreste doar s descrie
partea cea mai interesant si mai autentic a naiunii romne, care este rnimea'. De aceea, pe Ioaia de titlu a
crii, fgureaz ca ,motto' cuvintele rostite, n Parlamentul Romniei, de ctre Al. Lahovary: ,ranii sunt partea
cea mai numeroas si mai interesant a poporului romn'. Prin aceste cuvinte, Tereza Stratilesco si motiveaz
opiunea de a prezenta ara noastr, prin istoria si civilizaia sa tradiional, adic prin cultura ranului romn.
Tot n preIaa crii, Tereza Stratilesco justifc apariia volumului n anul 1906, cnd romnii au srbtorit
optsprezece secole de romanitate n regiunea Carpatic, patruzeci ani de domnie a regelui Carol I, a treizecea
aniversare a Independenei si a douzeci si cincea aniversare a tnrului Regat al Romniei. Cu aceast ocazie, s-a
organizat, n 1906, si o mare expoziie naional, deschis la Bucuresti, pentru a demonstra progresul Romniei,
n ultima jumtate de secol.
Volumul prezint, la nceput, o descriere geografc a regiunii dintre Carpai si Pind, un scurt istoric al poporului
romn, indicnd evenimentele si fgurile reprezentative (SteIan cel Mare, Mircea cel Btrn, Mihai Viteazu, Unirea
de la 1859 si Rzboiul pentru Independen), apoi pe ranul romn, n legtura sa cu statul, religia si pmntul.
Bun cunosctoare a tradiiilor populare, Tereza Stratilesco prezint colindele si teatrul popular de la Crciun si
Anul Nou, obiceiurile de var, cu cntecele de Iertilitate (Paparuaa) si cele privitoarea la ciclurile vieii (nasterea,
cstoria si moartea), sau lirica popular, cu toate speciile ei (doina, cntecele de dragoste si dor), precum si baladele
populare (Coareanu, Bufor, Toma Alimo, Punaul Coarilor, Mihu Copilu), toate exemplifcate cu texte din colecia
lui Vasile Alecsandri. Nu lipsesc nici reIerinele la povesti si snoave, la dansurile populare (hora, btuta si brul), sau
la instrumentele muzicale populare (cobza, tilinca, trisca, fuierul, cavalul, naiul, buciumul si cimpoiul).
Sensibil si bun cunosctoare a sufetului acestui popor si a creaiilor sale, Tereza Stratilesco citeaz n text
numeroase proverbe: ,D-mi, Doamne mintea moldoveanului cea de pe urm'; ,Dreptatea iese ca undelemnul,
deasupra'; ,Banu-i ochiul dracului' ,Corb la corb nu-si scoate ochii'; ,Cine poate oase roade, / Cine nu, nici carne
moale' ,Averile de Irunte sunt ca un izvor de munte: / Astzi curge si neac, / Mine scade si apoi seac'. Sau
aceast Iormulare n versuri, pline de nelepciune flosofc: ,Cnt-mi cuce numai mie / Pn` la anul cine stie /
De triesc, o dac mor: / Omul este trector'. Ori: ,Mult m mir eu de cela / Care nu stie cnta: / Cum si petrece
lumea / C eu cnt, zu, tot mereu / Si-o petrec destul de greu'. Desigur, nu putea lipsi nici elogiul dorului: ,Cine
n-are dor pe vale, / Nu stii luna cnd rsare, / Si noaptea ct e de mare. / Cine n-are dor pe lunc / Nu stii luna cnd
se culc / Si noaptea ct e de lung', pentru ca, n fnal, autoarea s ncheie cu Iuncia catartic a ,Doinei': ,Cine
mi-a strnit doina, / Ars i-a Iost inima / Ca si mie acuma'.
La Iel de importate sunt si ilustraiile crii, semnate de Jules Cazaban, D. Cdere si Antoniu, care constituie,
de asemenea, surse importante pentru istoria civilizaiei tradiionale din secolul al XIX-lea, n special din Moldova.
Unele ilustraii sunt att de relevante, nct par a f Iost realizate de etnograf califcai. AstIel, prima Iotografe,
intitulat ,Pereche de btrni', ne prezint o Iemeie de la munte, mbrcat cu Iot lung, de culoare nchis, cu
vergi verticale, cmas de pnz alb, cu ,pumnasi' strnsi pe mn, cu ,ciupag' n Ia, mbrobodit cu maram
neagr, care i ncadreaz chipul de Iorm oval. n picioare este nclat cu opinci Ir gurgui, cu ciorapi de ln,
crosetai manual, peste care sunt nIsurate mai multe rnduri de ,nojie', probabil, din pr de capr.
,Brbatul', Iotografat Ir plrie sau cciul, este cu barb mare, care se uneste cu prul lung, lsat pe spate.
Are pe el o cmas alb, lung, care-i acoper genunchii, iar peste ea poart un pieptar nIundat, Ir mnec si
Ir broderii. n picioare are si el opinci Ir gurgui, ciorapi de ln, pn la genunchi, nIsurai cu nojie. Ambele
personaje au privirea vioaie, puin meditativ.
Simion Mehedini, n recenzia crii, publicat de Tereza Stratilesco (1907), subliniaz, de la nceput, ,o calitate
preioas': ,descrierea n aceste pi c t ur e s nu e n genul ieItin si inutil al impresionistilor, care ncarc paginile
cu multe culori si detalii, asa-zise pitoresti. Autoarea a avut ideea original de a descrie, pe ct se poate, pe ran
prin el nsusi, adic prin poezia popular, Iolosind versuri din volumul Poezii populare ale romnilor (1867), de
Vasile Alecsandri', citate Irecvent, att n original, ct si n traducere englez.
Tereza Stratilesco descrie apoi, pmntul romnesc si ocuparea acestui pmnt: colonizarea roman, eclipsa
perioadei nvlirilor barbare, retragerea si coborrea din muni, ntemeierea Principatelor si toate luptele de mai
trziu ale lui SteIan cel Mare, Mihai Viteazu, Unirea din 1959, rzboiul pentru Independen, luptele noastre cu
vecinii dinspre toate hotarele.
Pas cu pas, povestirea se aproprie de timpurile mai noi: drile, serviciul militar, scoala, biserica, toate find
descrise prin exprimarea plastic, refectat de imaginaia poporului. ,n totului tot, ncheie S. Mehedini recenzia,
lucrarea d-rei Stratilesco Iace impresia unei picturi curate: nici trist cu intenie, dar nici luminoas din prtinire.
Lipsa total a notelor subpaginale arat c n-a voit s fe o oper de erudiie, ci o ncercare original de a prezenta
poporului englez o icoan sincer a vieii noastre'. ,Si credem c scopul a Iost deplin atins. Nu numai oamenii
de societate, dar si literaii, oamenii politici, Iolcloristii |...| vor putea lua inIormaii preioase asupra neamului
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romnesc, si anume a acelei pri, care este cea mai numeroas si interesant, rnimea dup cum s-a exprimat Al.
Lahovary. Ca atare, opera d-rei Stratilesco este dintre cele mai vrednice de laud, si merit toat recunostina din
partea publicului romnesc' (,Convorbiri literare', 1907).
Dar, si cititorii spaiului englez au utilizat inIormaiile oIerite de cartea Terezei Stratilesco. Dm un singur
exemplu: doamna Agnes Kelly (1879-1829), cstorit cu geologul romn proI. George Munteanu-Murgoci, a Iolosit
inIormaiile din cartea autoarei romnce, pentru studiile sale despre spiritualitatea popular romneasc, tiprite n
celebra revist englez ,Folklore'. Si, tot datorit crii pe care o recenzm, vice-presedintele Societii Folklore
din Anglia, Arthur R. Write, a declarat, ntr-o conIerin inut la Vlenii de Munte, c ,Romnia este poate cea mai
interesant ar din Europa, n ceea ce priveste credinele si datinile populare' (CI. ,Lamura', An II, p. 965).
Amintind aceste aprecieri, ne gndim, cu regret, ct de puin am contribuit noi, romnii, la cunoasterea
Iolclorului romnesc peste hotare, nct, ntr-o oper de mari dimensiuni (15 vol.) cum este Creanga ae aur a lui
I.G. Frazer, nu suntem amintii dect de dou ori, dar si atunci, prin intermediul lui Manhardt (Wala una Feltkulte,
Berlin, 1875), care, la rndul su, a luat inIormaiile de la un Iolclorist saxo-romn, W. Schmidt (Das Jahr una
Seine Tage, Sibiu, 1866).
Mai trziu, Marcu Beza (1882-1949), macedonean de origine, Consul General al Romniei n Anglia (1920-
1932), public la Londra, n 1928, Paganism in Romanian Folklore (Pgnismul n Iolclorul romnesc), n care
prezint un bogat material romnesc, macedonean si balcanic, cu Irecvente trimiteri la mitologia greco-roman si
comparaii cu eposul si dansul popular englez, dar si obiceiuri si tradiii legate de srbtorile de iarn la romni.
Ct priveste traducerile n limba Irancez, amintim pe lng cele ale lui Artur Gorovei (1864-1951) despre
datinile de la nastere si nunt, publicate n ,Revue des traditions populaires', considerate de Ovidiu Brlea ,cri de
compilaie si popularizare' (Istoria folcloristicii romaneti, 1974, p. 390) si volumul lui Mihail Vulpescu (1888
1954) intitulat Les coutumes romaines perioaique, Paris, 1927, care, desi preIaat de Arnold Van Gennep (1879-
1957), a Iost aspru criticat, de data aceasta de Petru Caraman (1899-1980), n brosura Datine romaneti in limba
france:. Contribuie critic asupra folclorului roman in strintate (1934, 110 p.).
Dar, si mai regretabil este Iaptul c n-am stiut s apreciem oIerta lui Arnold Van Gennep de a crea la Universitatea
din Bucuresti o Catedr internaional de etnografe si istorie comparat a civilizaiilor si de a organiza n capitala
rii noastre, cel de-al doilea Congres de etnografe si Iolclor. ,Prin ntinderea teritoriului su si prin mrimea
populaiei spunea, Arnold Van Gennep, Romnia ar putea si ar trebui s ncline balana de partea sa si s devin
n Orient, centrul de raliere a Iorelor intelectuale, ce se ramifc din alte centre europene'. Dar, n-a Iost s fe asa,
desi Arnold Van Gennep s-a oIerit s vin la Bucuresti cu toat Iamilia si biblioteca sa, promind c va nva ntr-
un an si limba romn. (CI. contribuia proIesorului Gheorghi Gean privitoare la corespondena si proiectele
lui Arnold Van Gennep, publicate n revista ,Ethnologica, 3/1983, p. 34-44). n ncheierea studiului, publicat
n limba Irancez, dl. proI. Gheorghi Gean l aseaz pe Arnold Van Gennep n seria marilor amici Irancezi ai
poporului romn, alturi de Jules Michelet, Emm. de Martonne, Henri Focillon si muli alii.
Apreciind contribuia adus de Tereza Stratilesco la cunoasterea identitii noastre naionale, putem constata
evoluia societii din Romnia de-a lungul unui secol. E adevrat, au disprut casele cu pereii de paiant si
acoperisurile de paie, dar Moldova a rmas pn astzi cea mai srac provincie a Romniei, iar n anul intrrii
noastre n Uniunea European, nu ne-am nvrednicit s publicm mcar un vaaemecum sau ghid de inIormare
pentru cei care ar dori s ne cunoasc. Nici Sibiul, declarat ,capital cultural a Europei pentru anul 2007', nu are
un astIel de ghid. Oare, cum si justifc activitatea ambasadorii si consulii, ori ali ,Iuncionari' ai Ministerului de
Externe, remunerai cu valut Iorte?
NICULINA CHIPER
Estudos de Literatura Oral (E.L.O.), nr.7-8, 2006-2007, Centro de estudos Atade Oliveira, Universitatea
din Algarve, Portugalia
Una dintre cele mai importante publicaii pe plan internaional, Estudos de Literatura Oral (E.L.O.), apare
la CENTRO DE ESTUDOS ATADE OLIVEIRA de pe lng Universitatea din Algarve, Portugalia. Creatoarea
acestui Centru de cercetare si directoarea revistei, doamna Isabel Cardihgos, este autoare a numeroase artciole
si studii de specialitate (cel mai important find In ana out of enchantement.blooa symbolism ana genaer in
Portuguese fairy tales, editat n Finlanda, Helsinki, n Folklore Felows Commnunication nr. 260, 1996). Directorul
adjunct al publicaiei, domnul J.J. Dias Marques, a participat la cea de-a XXXI-a ConIerin a Baladei, organizat
de Universitatea Bucuresti, n anul 2000.
Volumul dublu nr.7-8, 2006-2007 din E.L.O. este orientat spre relaia Iolclorului cu literatura cult, spre
zcminte Iolclorice necunoscute; de asemenea, spre o arie geografc extrem de larg:pe lng Europa, nregistrm
109 Studii / Articles
Iolclor sud-american si asiatic. Colaboreaz la revist renumii cercettori si proIesori din Peninsula Iberic, Statele
Unite ale Americii, Germania, Marea Britanie, Danemarca s.a. Indicele tematic cuprinde trei seciuni:articole,
recenzii si inIormaii adresate colaboratorilor.
Din bogata si variata colecie de studii mi-a atras atenia cel al lui Carlos Nogueira (de la Centrul de Tradiii
Populare Portugheze ,ProIessor Manuel Viega Guerreiro pe lng Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea din
Lisabona) despre structura stroIei tradiionale de patru versuri (quaara) n Iolclorul portughez (p. 207-230), studiu
ce antreneaz poetica si prozodia; n rest, contribuiile au mai ales, caracter aplicativ. Dintre acestea, se detaseaz
cercetrile lui Alejandro Arturo Gonzalez Terriza, din Madrid, despre Jeronica, la virgen ael Espefo y Las Tiferas
(p.131-160), apoi cea a cercettoarei Monserrat Amores din Barcelona despre La Ballena ael Man:anares (p.7-
24) care conin analize implicnd superstiiile privind oglinzile, ca spaii ale lumii de dincolo ct si consideraii
despre conotaiile numelui Jeronika sau cinci versiuni ale povestii despre balena miraculoas ce cltoreste pn
la Madrid; se valorifc astIel motivul celuilalt n Iolclorul spaniol.
n aceeasi zon a percepiilor contemporane asupra motivelor arhaice se nscrie si studiul Mariei del Mar
Jimnez Montalvo despre motivul grului si al aurului (El trigo y el ainero) care prezint o strveche disput
ncheiat cu victoria grului(p. 161-172), motiv prelucrat cndva de Francisco de Quevedo, ntr-un poem celebru
Poaeroso caballero es aon Dinero.
Unele dintre cele mai interesante articole ale revistei ELO urmresc actualitatea unor teme literare, transIormate
apoi n Iolclor si ajunse pn n teritorii extrem de ndeprtate. Poate c cel mai spectaculos rmne cel scris de
Manuel Da Costa Fontes (de la Kent State University, Ohio-SUA) despre epopeea popular RONCESVALLES
(secolul al XIII-lea) si ptruns, prin intermediul romanticului portughez Almeida Garrett, pn n Brazilia zilelor
noastre (A Morte ae D. Beltro). Tot n aceast arie se nscriu contribuiile lui lui Paco Moncebo Perales (Universitatea
Complutense din Madrid) despre El Romance ae la Aaultera en Hispanoamerica. Analisis ae variantes (p. 187-206),
vast analiz a elementelor comune si diIereniatoare n cele patruzeci si dou de versiuni ale baladei iberice La
aaultera si apoi identifcarea a dou tipuri ale cror granie sunt trasate cu o surprinztoare precizie.
Semnalm, de asemenea, studiul lui Jos Manuel Pedrosa (de la Universitatea Alcala de Henares, Spania),
consacrat tradisiilor orale si culte legate de motivul prizonierului, mergnd de la cele mai vechi atestri Iolclorice
la mari poei ai secolului al XX-lea, precum RaIael Alberti (Balaaas y caciones ael Parana), Justo Alejo (Alciar) si
Antonio Burgos (Romance ael Mitin:o), ajungnd pn la parodiile de tip politic (care satirizau guvernul socialist
din Spania anilor 1992 ori guvernul conservator al anului 2000 si chiar un Ioileton care circula pe hrtii colorate,
intitulat Correccion ae examenes febrero 2000 en aepenaencias y horarios ohciales.
Relaia dintre Iolclor si literatura cult ocup un loc important n arhitectura general a revistei. Studiul The
Contes of Mme aAulnoy ana M. Perrault (p. 45-62) lui Ruth B. Bottigheimer (de la State University, New York)
investigheaz povestile lui Charles Perrault, comparndu-le cu cele semnate de Mme dAulnoy n ceea ce priveste
sintaxa, morala si tratamentul magicului.
Antropologul lisabonez Francisco Vaz da Silva ntreprinde o lectur simbolic n articolul The Girl ana the
Wolf (p. 257-276), examinnd att textele culte care conin motivul Scuhei roii, ct si versiunile orale despre
Little Rea Riaing Hooa, sugernd existena unui model stabil de-a lungul secolelor si al genurilor literare n care
predomin imaginea Ietelor n rosu ce se ntlnesc cu lupii.
Raportul dintre Iolclor si literatura cult n viziunea unor scriitori si gnditori din secolul al XIX-lea Iace de
asemenea obiectul studiilor Mariei Tereza Cortez (Teohlo Braga e Aaolfo Coelho auas posies face aos Irmos
Grimm a coleco Kinaer una Hausmrchen, p. 79-94) si Enrique Baltanas (Folk-lore, Politica y Literatura
ppopular en el siglo XIX, cartas ineaitas ae A. Machaao y Alvare: a Teohlo Braga, p. 25-44).
Seciunea de recenzii a revistei ELO este extraordinar de bogat si de un nivel stiinifc remarcabil. Isabel
Cardigos semneaz cele mai multe recenzii. Directoarei publicaiei i se adaug o echip de cercettori cu preocupri
variate si cu o notabil deschidere ctre toate teritoriile antropologiei, etnologiei si Iolclorului.
Conceput ca jurnal internaional de literatur oral, ELO se adreseaz deopotriv cercettorilor, proIesorilor si
studenilor.
ANNA-MARIA SZALMA
Ttszegi Tekla: Satul tradiional vzut prin obiectivul lui Denis Calloway. (Transilvania, Partium, Banat,
Bucovina) Argonaut, Cluj-Napoca, 2008
n 2008, la Cluj-Napoca a aprut volumul Satul traaiional v:ut prin obiectivul lui Denis Galloway redactat
de Ttszegi Tekla, care prezint un numr de 300 de Iotografi din mostenirea lui Denis Galloway, afat n arhiva
Muzeului Etnografc al Transilvaniei. William Albert Dennis Galloway, pictor-IotograI a trit ntre 1878-1957, a
110
petrecut o perioad ndelungat (ntre anii 1926 si 1950) n Romnia. n aceast perioad, la solicitarea Muzeului
Etnografc al Transilvaniei (directorul muzeului ,Romulus Vuia) cu resedina din Cluj-Napoca, el a Iotografat
n diIerite localiti din Transilvania istoric, Banat, Partium si Bucovina. Volumul dezvluie o resurs Iotografc
neretusat, contextualizat de o introducere n limba romn datat minuios, si rezumate n limba maghiar si englez.
Prezentarea acestui album poate f deodat si usoar si grea. Usoar, pentru c volumul n mare parte (pe aproape
200 de pagini) este compus din Iotografi, nsoite de scurte texte cu inIormaii eseniale. Si totodat grea, pentru
c acest material vizual deposed ,cititorul de punctele de sprijin oIerite de interpretarea textual, de posibilitatea
de a aproba sau a intra n discuie cu ideile Iormulate, verbalizate. Editorul, Ttszegi Tekla (muzeolog-etnograI la
Muzeul Etnografc al Transilvaniei), nu ne oIer nici un ajutor, rmnnd modest retras de-a lungul volumului.
Totusi, cele trei pri componente ale Introaucerii ne oIer o ndrumare precis si substanial n legtur cu
biografa si opera IotograIului (William Albert Dennis Galloway, ,Domnul Denis Galloway, pictor engle:.),
cu relaia dintre artist si Muzeul Etnografc al Transilvaniei, cu geneza si istoricul coleciei Iotografce, cu relaia
dintre artist si populaia localitilor parcurse de el (,. in serviciul instituiei noastre. si ,... a mai fost un
aomn pe la noi, care a fotograhat tot i apoi a i:bucnit imeaiat r:boiul). Introducerea succint, sprijinindu-se
si pe literatura de specialitate, parcurge sumar problematica care se poate ivi n cursul editrii sau rsIoirii acestui
album: Iotograferea si utilizarea Iotografei (de ctre populaia rural sau n context stiinifc), problematica
articulrii n spaiu si timp a regiunilor etnografce. Rezumatul n limba englez, respectiv maghiar este urmat
de un registru al arhivei Galloway (n numr de 647 negative pe sticl), si o list a (numerelor de nregistrare a)
negativelor grupate pe localiti. Cele 294 Iotografi alb-negru, realizate ntre anii 1926-1936 si cele 14 Iotografi
colorate realizate ntre 1930-31 sunt grupate pe regiuni, si n cazurile indicate, nsirate n ordine cronologic.
Unitile compuse din Iotografile unei regiuni sunt completate de cte o hart a regiunii, pe care sunt marcate toate
localitile Iotografate. Textele atasate de Iotografi ntregesc inIormaiile vizuale care se pot ,citi de pe Iotografi
(uneori aceste texte doar reproduc inIormaiile care sunt scrise si se pot desciIra parial sau n ntregime chiar de
pe negative): denumesc tema Iotografei, locul si timpul Iotograferii, inIormaiile tehnice necesare si numrul de
nregistrare al negativului pe sticl. Aceste scurte texte se potrivesc Ioarte bine cu Iotografile: nu distrag atenia,
dar adaug inIormaiile indispensabile. ,Cititorul se poate adnci n studierea Irumoaselor Iotografi, care de altIel
captiveaz atenia. ntrebarea Iormulat chiar la prima ntlnire cu acest volum de ce sunt necesare, cu ce scop
se nasc aceste publicaii, albume de Iotografi devine aproape irelevant. Aceast ntrebare nicidecum nu trebuie
interpretat ca o critic. Nu pune sub semnul ntrebrii nsusi publicaia, ci Iormuleaz ntrebri legate de nevoile
la care rspunde acest album, de persoanele, instituiile care se pot identifca n spatele acestor nevoi, ntrebri
legate de delimitarea grupului int, publicului potenial al volumului. Dup cum am mai pomenit, cel mai evident
rspuns ar f: pentru c Iotografile sunt Irumoase, rsIoirea albumului Iace plcere cititorului; valoarea estetic a
volumului nu necesit explicaii aparte. Estetica volumului este consolidat pe de o parte de Iotografi, ludndu-l
astIel pe IotograIul Dennis Galloway. Dar nu este secundar nici activitatea redactoarei, crieia i putem mulumi
compoziia clar si armonioas a ntregului album. ntrebarea noastr ns are tangen cu o abordare mai complex
si mai proIund a tematicii. Acest volum poate f interpretat si ca memento unui specialist, o amintire minunatului
IotograI si pictor Dennis Galloway.
Se pare c Iotografa a reusit s atrag atenia diIeritelor discipline (stiine istorice, etnografe, antropologie,
sociologie) (si) ca tem de cercetare. Dar ce stim despre autorii acestor Iotografi? ,Orict de muli au Iost ei, care
au pndit si au perpetuat momentele cele mai particulare, att de puin stim despre ei, despre Iotograf ca oameni.
Asa ni se pare, c nvelisul negru nu a nchis doar lumina de la sticla opalin a aparatelor de Iotografat, ci a ascuns
de privirile noastre si creatorul, IotograIul |.| Ct de misterios este puterea magic a pozei, att de enigmatici
sunt pentru noi si acesti Iotograf. (Romsics 2000:79)
1
spune etnograIul maghiar, Imre Romsics, reIerindu-se la
autorii Iotografilor din arhiva Muzeului Viski Karoly (Ungaria). Prin aceast publicaie avem ocazia s aruncm
a privire sub un astIel de nvelis negru. n introducerea volumului este prezentat biografa si cariera lui Dennis
Galloway. S-a nscut la data de 5 martie 1878, la CardiII (Marea-Britanie), a obinut califcare n arhitectur, ca
ofer de marin, apoi n arte plastice. ntre anii 1926 si 1950, cu mai scurte sau mai lungi ntreruperi, a trit n
Romnia, si a creat ntre altele si Iotografile publicate n acest album. A decedat n 1957, dup ce n 1950
s-a ntors n ara lui natal. Mergnd mai departe, aceste Iotografi completeaz biografa cu inIormaii aditive de
tip vizual, adaos, care poate arta pe de o parte mai mult din biografa IotograIului, iar pe de alt parte, oIer o
alt perspectiv, una vizual. Putem obine o imagine n toat puterea a cuvntului despre ce consider Galloway
important, demn de a pstra, de a arta n / din locurile parcurse de el. n mod evident, astIel devin vizibile si
punctele Iocus a etnografei din acea perioad, ce este considerat ca tipic al satului tradiional n acea perioad.
1
Romsics Imre: Fnykpek a Viski Karoly Muzeum gyjtemnyeiben (Fotografi n arhivele Muzeului Viski Karoly). Nprajzi
Ertesit LXXXII, 2000, 79-90.
111 Studii / Articles
Introducerea si cele 300 de negative pe sticl prezentate mpreun, aduc mai aproape si creatorul, nu doar
mediul satelor tradiionale contemporane. Tocmai cum ne promite titlul: satul tradiional vzut prin obiectivul lui
Denis Galloway. ,Nu este ntmpltor, c ochiul IotograI care substituie ochiul uman, si sistemul de lentile din care
se compune a primit numele de obiectiv (Bazin 1977:515)
1
, cum nu este ntmpltor nici titlul incontestabil
de potrivit al volumului, care ne invit repetat la cutarea rspunsului la ntrebarea noastr iniial aducnd
alte aspecte n prim plan. Valoarea documentar a materialului vizual publicat subliniaz dreptul la existen a
volumului. ntrabarea ns naste alte ntrebri: ce documenteaz Iotografile? Dup cum am amintit (si cum ne
promite titlul volumului), aceste Iotografi sunt pe de o parte documentele unei culturi (segmente vizuale ale
culturii) reprezentaii ale satului tradiional, iar pe de alt parte documentele concepiei lui Denis Galloway despre
satul tradiional. Nu ne putem ns opri aici, deoarece n Iundalul negativelor pe sticl si al volumului editat
se ascund straturile mai proIunde si eIectele stimulente ale Ienomenului. Fotografile eIectuate documenteaz si
concepia contemporan a Muzeului Etnografc al Transilvaniei (si implicit a conducerii instituiei, a directorului
Romulus Vuia), care la rndul nu este independent de infuena atitudinilor, concepiilor stiinei etnografce
(romne) contemporane. Totodat, n context si mai larg, are reIerine si la (trans)Iormarea artelor vizuale de
la sIrsitul secolului al XIX-lea, prima parte a secolului al XX-lea, de exemplu la acel Ienomen din ce n ce
mai Irecvent ntlnit n aceast perioad, care este n strns legtur cu apariia si democratizarea Iotografei,
Iotograferii: din ce n ce mai muli pictori opteaz pentru aparatul de Iotografat lng / n loc de pensul. Albumul
publicat nu documenteaz doar contextul temporal a genezei negativelor, ci refect si unele aspecte ale atitudinii
din prezent a stiinelor (istorice si etnografce) Ia de cuantumul imens al materialelor, din ce n ce mai ample
corpusuri vizuale (Iotografi si flme) din zilele noastre: explorarea materialului, asigurarea accesului publicului
(larg sau mai strns-proIesional) la arhive, diIerite resurse. Din ce n ce mai multe instituii cu colecii de materiale
auditive, vizuale trebuie s se nIrunte cu ntrebarea: ce soart pot avea aceste arhive? Ce Iel de metodologie de
depozitare, arhivare, documentare, utilizare, accesare necesit aceste materiale extrem de valoroase? Acest album
se poate intrepreta ca un rspuns la aceste ntrebri.
Cercetarea Iotografei, Iotograferii este considerat un domeniu relativ recent n literatura de specialitate de
etnografe, antropologie, n ciuda Iaptului c aceste domenii stiinifce si-au ndreptat atenia ctre vizualitate
de la bun nceput si ntr-un mod intens. Aceast afnitate nu a rmas Ir rezultat: se pare, c literatura de
specialitate a reusit s elaboreze un cadru teoretic clar, multilateral si durabil n explorarea Iotografilor. Dup
defnirea Iotografei din multiple perspective, dup clarifcarea diverselor aspecte ale interaciunii dintre Iotografe
si societate, etnograIul, abordnd o tem legat de Iotografi, poate s aib senzaia, c aparent s-au spus
toate naintea lui n acest domeniu. n ce msur nu este asa, este dovedit pe de o parte de evoluia (tehnic),
metamorIoza spectaculoas al acestui mediu, iar pe de alt parte de lipsa unui sir de cercetri, care abordeaz
aceast tem dintr-o perspectiv mai flantrop (pornind de la utilizarea individual a Iotografilor). Prin aceasta
se poate nelege individul sau grupul care utilizeaz (colecteaz, pstreaz, comand, druieste, i atribuie diIerite
narative) Iotografa, sau individul care este creatorul Iotografilor, n cazul acestui volum, Denis Galloway.
n concluzie, s ne ntorcem la ntrebarea noastr iniial, apropiindu-ne dintr-o nou perspectiv: pentru cine
poate f de Iolos aceast publicaie? Rspunsul banal si generalizator ar f: pentu oricine. ntr-o Iormulare mai
adecvat, nuanat: acest volum poate f un material promoional distins si reprezentativ pentru Muzeul Etnografc
al Transilvaniei, care pstreaz arhiva Galloway; Ioate f o resurs valoroas pentru specialistii diverselor domenii
stiinifce (istorie, istoria Iotografei, istoria artelor, etnografe, antropologie, sociologie etc.), n timp ce nu trebuie
s respingem nici rspunsul nostru banal, conIorm cruia acest album poate f o experien estetic pentru oricine,
cine l rsIoieste.
1
Bazin, Andr: A Inykp ontologiaja (Ontologia Iotografei). In: Eichenbaum, Borisz (ed.): A hlm es a tbbi mves:et (Filmul
i celalalte arte). Budapesta, 1977, 510-518.
Despre autori / About the authors
Niculina Chiper - Ph.D. in Ethnology, researching the structure oI the Iolk tales. Monograph in Romanian
,Representations oI Destiny in Romanian Folklore (2006). (niculinachiperyahoo.com)
Carmen Drbuy (b. 1966) - Associate ProIessor Ph.D. at Faculty oI Letters, North University in Baia-Mare,
Romania. Research areas: Comparative Literature, Imagology, European Cultural Studies. Groups and Ethnic
Relations, Public administration. Lector oI Romanian at universities in Skopje and Novi Sad. She published a lot
oI articles in the feld and monographs, Comparatism a meeting point of Cultural Spaces. Appliea researches
(2008), Iaentity ana Communication. Case stuaies (2008), in Romanian. (carmendarabuspavelgmail.com)
Heather 1. Murphy - MA student in Social Anthropology at the University oI Edinburgh, Scotland. Other
researches: 'Virtually Human. Nota Bene Journal oI Arts and Social Sciences, '2009 (Forthcoming) Into the
(Battle)Field: Soldier or Scientist? (h.j.murphysms.ed.ac.uk)
Bogdan Neagota (b. 1969) - Lecturer at the Faculty oI Letters, Department oI Classical Philology, ,Babes-Bolyai
University in Cluj-Napoca, Romania. Ph.D. in Philosophy oI the Culture, Values and History (,Intermediating
patterns oI the sacred: the Daemones. Comparatve Approaches). Field researches Iocused on vegetal rituals
in Romanian Folk Culture and Spring agrarian cermonies. Folk collections and monographs, in Romanian:
,Bogomilism and Dualism in the Popular Romanian Culture. Historical and Ethnological Approaches, ,On
Demons, spirits and other Fantastic beings. A comparative historic-religious approach (2004), ,The Tales oI
Porumbasu. Gipsy Oral Traditions Irom Chelinta, Maramures (2004), and, in collaboration, ,The Tales Irom
Rosia Montana. Mythic-Narrative Traditions Irom Apuseni (2004), ,Italian Historicism and History oI religions,
,Travellers between this World and the Other World. Chamanism and WitchcraIt in the Peasant Romanian society
(bogdanneagotayahoo.it)
Petra Novak (b. 1978) - MA in Folklore, at the Department oI enthology and anthropology oI University
in Ljubljana, Slovenia. Researches in Folklore, education on Gypsies in Slovenia and on cultural legacies oI
December`s Iestivities. Articles on Christian stories, refection oI economy in Christian stories (petra.trojar
guest.arnes.si)
Antoaneta Olteanu (b.1968) Iull ProIessor oI Russian Culture and Civilization at the Faculty oI Foreign
Languages and Literatures, Bucharest University. Ph.D. in Comparative Mythology. Fields oI interest: Comparative
Ethnology, Anthropology, Imagology, Contemporary Russian Literature, Russian Civilization.
Thirteen monographs in the feld (in Romanian): ,Comparative Mythology (1998), ,Hypostases oI Evil in Magic
Medicine (1998), ,Metamorphoses oI the Sacred. A Dictionary oI Folk Mythology (1998), ,School oI Solomon.
Divination and WitchcraIt in Comparative Context (1999), ,Romanian Folk Calendars (2001), ,Homo balcanicus.
Some Ieatures oI Balkan Mentality (2004), ,Dictionary oI Mythology. Demons, Genies, Spirits (2004), ,The
Myths oI Classical Russia (2004), ,Days and Demons. Russian Folk Calendar and Mythology (2008), ,Days and
Demons. Bulgarian Folk Calendar and Mythology (2008), ,Space Representations in Romanian Folk BelieIs
(2009), ,Russian Contemporary Novel (2005, 2008). (antoanetaoyahoo.com)
Spela Pahor - Ethnologist, University oI Ljubljana, Slovenia (spela.pahorguest.arnes.si).
Amalia Pavelescu (b. 1957) - Associate ProIessor Ph.D. at the Department oI Sociology and Ethnology oI
,Lucian Blaga University in Sibiu, Romania. Field and archive researches mainly on Mrginimea Sibiului area.
Monographs (in Romanian): ,Ritual and Ceremonial Poetry Irom Marginimea Sibiului (2001), ,Capricorn.
Ethnological studies and researches (2003), ,Folk Thesaurus Irom Marginimea Sibiului. I. Folklore Irom Saliste
and neighbour villages (2003). (amaliapavelescuyahoo.com)
Gheorghe Pavelescu (b. 1915 d. 2008) Iull proIessor oI Ethnology and Social Anthropology at ,Lucian
Blaga University in Sibiu, Romania. Monographs: ,Mana in Romanian Folklore (1944), ,Researches on Magic
at Romanians in Apuseni Mountains (1945), ,Folk Ballads Irom Southern Transylvania (1971), ,Studies and
researches in Folklore (1971), ,The Soul Bird (2009).
114
Anamaria Stnescu - MA student at Bucharest University, Department oI Ethnology (stanescuanamaria85
yahoo.com).
Anna-Mria Szalma Ph.D. student at ,Babes-Bolyiai University in Cluj-Napoca, Romania, Department oI
Hungarian Ethnology and Anthropology. (szalmaancsayahoo.com)
Alexandra Ttran Ph.D. student in Anthropology-Ethnology, Faculty oI European Studies, 'Babes-Bolyai
University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania. (alexandratataranyahoo.co.uk)
Gyz Zsigmond (b. 1959) Iull ProIessor and head oI Department oI Hungarology al Faculty oI Foreign
Languages, Bucharest University. Eight monographs in Hungarian ,Studies in Ethnography and Folklore (1997),
,Political jokes Irom Transylvania (1997), ,Stars and Folk Tradition (1999), ,Hungarian Folk names oI stars and
constellations (2005) and French: ,Trois petits chats dont deux sont communites. Blagues politiques transylvaines
1977-1997 (to be published) and over one hundred articles. (gyozo1959yahoo.com)