VOWME UU PART l

JANUARY
THE
;JOURNAl..
OF THE
' ' '
' .
TB)D SIAM SOOlETY
His Majestytb'el{ing
Ber Maj(!sty the
Her Majesty B11rni
;Her the ,Princess o Songkhla
I,\:ip:g.FrederikJX of Denmark
''I ' ( !.'.:' '. ., . ,, , /"' ,< " ', :' ': '
VOWME LIII PART 1 JANUARY 1965
THE
J URNAL
OF THE
BANGKOK
2508
TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLU.!VIE LIII PART 1 ,JANUARY :l..IHH'i
Articles
H.G. Quaritch Wales
Professor Gordon H. Luce
John H. Brandt
Thamsook Nurnnonda
H.H. Prince Dhaninivat,
Kromarnun Bidyalabh
Phya Anuman Rajadhon
Larry Sternstein
Book Review
Larry Sternstein
Rece11t Siamese Publications :
Muang Bon, A Tawn of Northern Dvaravati
Dvaravatz and Old Burma
The Southeast Asian Negrito
The Anglo-Siamese Secret Convention of I 8D7
Hide Figures of the Ramakien
Notes : W at Sijum, Sriraja, Lavo
Data on Conditioned Poison
'K.rung K.ao' : The Old CajJital
of Ayutthaya
Text-Book Thailand
D.
318. Attributes of His Holiness Kromsanulecfna Param'iinujit
319. Letters to a friend during the state visit of
their Majesties to America
320.
Their Majesties' Official Visits to Pakistan and Malaya
321. The Story of the Sihala Image
Page
10
27
45
61
67
69
83
123
127
128
129
130
MUANG BON, A TOWN OF NORTHERN DV ARA v ATi
by
'J(.r:J. Qrwritdz, C(Q)alcs
In a previous article in this journal
1
I called attention to the
correct location of Williams-Hunt's supposed most easterly "metro-
polis", which is really situated ncar Ban Bon, on the left bank of the
Menam Chao Phya, some twenty miles south of Nnkhon Sawan
( Paknampo ). Further work with modern maps enabled me to plot its
position more exactly, as shown on the accompanying sketch-map
(Fig. 1 ). It lies about three miles south of r'yuhagiri, the main
north-south highway running alongside the other rampart. Con-
sequently it proved to be easily accessible. It is rather surprising that
it should have remained so long unknown, except or course to the Ban
Bon villagers, some of whom realized that the cat'lh works were the
ramparts of an ancient town.
MLiang Bon (Fig. 2 ), as the site may be called, has town status
by reason of its extensive outer enclosure, though it is smaller than I
had originally judged from the air photograph. The internal diameter
of the circular inner enclosure i:s only about 300 yards, that of an
average circular site on the Korat plateau, the total length of the outer
enclosure being about 1000 yards. Each enclosure has a moat,
now dry, averaging some 35 yards wide, and in the case of the outer
one often obliterated by agriculture. A small tributary of the Menum
running west of the outer rampart would have provided a good water
supply, and may have communicated with the moat. It would seem
that multiple moats and ramparts were not needed even i 11 the smaller
settlements of central Siam, as they were on the Korat plateau where
the people must have been much more exposed to the danger of attack.
It was during the first week of February 1964 that my wife and
I were enabled by the kind co-operation of Khun Dlmnit Yupho,
of the Fine Arts Department, to visit this site and
....... ---- --- - ---"----------
1 H.G. Quaritch "Wales, "An Early Duddhist Civilization in Eastern Siam ",
J.S.S., Vol. XLV. 1957, p. 5G.
2 H.G. QUAHITCH WALES
carry out some trial excavations. In this undertaking we were aided
by two members of the Department, Khun Mali Koksanfia and Khun
Raphisak Jaiwal, who proved most helpful.
The inner enclosure has a rampart outside the moat (Fig. 3 );
but not one inside it, as appeared from the air photograph, this ap-
pearance having been given by a ring of vegetation. The rampart,
some 20 yards broad at the base, stands at present about six feet higher
than the level of the ground in the enclosure. Traces of bricks were
seen at several places on the earth rampart when we walked round, and
at one point on the south they seemed to be of some depth, a trench
revealing laid bricks in two or three courses. I am unable to say what
was the purpose of this brickwork. Gaps indicated the positions of
former gateways at the cardinal points. The one on the south showed
earth abutments, jutting out from each bank of the moat, which would
have supported a bridge.
The interior of the inner enclosure was bare, except for occas-
ional trees and patches of scrub, most of it having been under bean
cultivation. Potsherds were frequently to be seen on the surface, and
were particularly abundant in the south-eastern part. So it was here
that I made arrangements with the owner of the land to make trial
excavations quite near to the moat, while about ten Ban Bon villagers
were engaged to work for us. Meanwhile we were shown a more or
less surface find, which had come to light when the ground was being
tilled in this area, and it certainly excited my interest. This was a
rather unusual terracotta votive tablet, a little over two inches high,
embossed on one side with a representation of the abiekha of Sri
(Fig. 4 A), a well-known Buddhist motif, which is found for example
on a Wheel of the Law from Nakhon Pathom. On the reverse of the
tablet (Fig. 4 B) there is a figure seated in the attitude of royal ease
which, despite its weathering, seems to show a laudable freedom and
mastery of design.
The owner of the land where we were to dig mentioned that
"enough beads to make a necklace" had been found after rain, but
he had given them to children who had lost them. From his descrip-
'
Fig. 1. Sketchmap showing position of Miiang Bon.
3
Mru;s
I
1
'I
c
I
I
I
..
Oo
/
31)
/
./
Fig. 2. Outline of Miiang Bon (based on an air photograph at the Pitt-Rivers Museum,
Oxford.) 1-4 positions of gateways ; A, inner enclosure excavation; B, outer
enclosure excavations; C, inscribed stone found here; lJ, approxnnate vusiuon
of stiipas.
Fig. :l. Miiang Bon: rnmpart and moat of inner enclosure. ( 1\uthor'N
Fig. 4. Votive tablet from inner encLosure of Mi.iang Bon. CFrom sketches made by f\:hun Raphisak).
Fig. 5. Mi.iang Bon: inner enclosure trial excavation. (Author's photograph)
Fig. 6. Examples of sherds. (Author's photograph)
\tijA\l; llll:\, .I TOll N OF \O!l!IIF!l\ 1>\ :i"ILIUJ'J :;
tion I should think they were common Kuala Sclinsing types, such as
have also been found at U T'ong.
A trial trench 23 feet long was dug at right nngles to the moat,
and ending 15 feet from it. Later this trench was extended right to
the moat and the pottery deposits were found to continue to within
six feet of the sloping edge of the moat. The upper six inches in the
trench consisted of soil disturbed by agriculture, with few sherds.
Below this was a layer of about 18 inches or undisturbed soil, with
potsherds, animal bones etc; that is to say the bottom of the habitation
level was about two feet beneath present ground level. A second
trench was then dug parallel to the first, about nine feet from it.
Then the intervening block (Fig. 5) was carefully cleared down to
natural soiL first the six inches of disturbed soil, then the 18 inches
with undisturbed deposits, which showed no stratification.
The slierds were of coarse reddish and wares, some
with simple impressed ornament (rigs. 6, 7, 8 ), while only a very
small proportion was cord-marked. The sherds were on the whole
very different from those previously found at the circular sites on the
Korat plateau.:; The site \vas probably not inhabited much af'ter the
Xth century A.D., since no gla;.cd pottery or porcelain was found.
ft is important to place sherds on record against the time when
documented material may be obtained !'rom many other Dvuravati
sites. Only then will it be possible to sec what conclusions may
emerge from their comparative st.udy. Besides the shcrds there were
also occasional pot-lid knobs, spouts and pottery counters. An iron
knife blade was found at a depth or 14 in., and another at 15 in. At
ll in. was found a small tin ring, probably f'rom a fishing net, and at
18 in. were found two broken portions of stone saddlc-qucrns and a
rubber, similar to others that have been found at Dvrira vali' sites.
Potsherds were also seen on the surface in many parts of the
outer enclosure. I decided to dig a trial trench (about 10 ft. long)
at a convenient spot some thirty yards south-east of the inner cnclo-
2
It may here be mentioned that at nnother D1:iravmi site, Ku B11a, I\atburi, a
collection of such glass bends, plus a few carnelian and other stone barrel
bends, all found locally, are now preserver! nt 'Vat Khan ( 18 ), Kij Bun,
3 J.S.S. Joe. cit., Figs. <1. G.
4 H.G. QUARITCH WALJ\S
sure rampart. The object was to see how the deposits compared with
those in the inner enclosure. We found a layer of similar sherds
extending from a depth of 6 in. beneath the surface down to 2H in.,
but within this layer the concentration of sherds was less than in the
inner town. From this one might be safe in drawing the conclusion
that, while the outer enclosure was added not long after the founding
of the original settlement, it was less densely populated.
At the bottom of the habitation level in this trench we were
fortunate in making a find such as is usually not to be expected in a
trial trench. This was the front half of an earthenware Roman style
lamp, the extant portion measuring 6 ~ in. long, ~ in. high, the mouth
still showing traces of blackening from a wick (Fig. 9 ). Apart from
the well-known bronze Roman lamp found at P'ong T'iik, there is a
complete earthenware one resembling the present one which came
from Nakhon Pathom, and is exhibited in the National Museum. Un-
fortunately such lamps cannot provide us with a date. Although
Roman prototypes in Italy may date from the first or second century
A.D., this type of lamp evidently became popular when introduced to
Dvaravati and may have been copied for centuries.
We were informed that lying by the border of a padi field in
the south-eastern part of the outer enclosure there was an inscribed
stone. We went to see this, and the owner of the field said that
formerly there had been two such stones, but the other one had been
destroyed. This one was about two feet high, roughly pointed at one
end (Fig. 10 ). It had evidently been a stele from which most of the
surface had flaked off, and only three or four isolated letters could be
distinguished. After it had been transported to the Bangkok Museum,
a rubbing was made which I subsequently sent to Monsieur Coedes.
He informs me that the style of the letters seems to indicate that they
date from about the VIIIth century A.D.
One day Khun Mali told me that he had heard of the existence
of six old stilpa-mounds, outside the town enclosure to the south-east,
and near to a modern wat. We went to inspect these and saw that
they were fairly large, the largest perhaps some forty feet in diameter,
and partly overgrown with vegetation (Fig. 11 ). The thorough in-
. . . . . ' .
I 3 INS----t
Fig. 7. Pot-rims I, :2 (above), :l, 1 ( belflw) C u t l u 1 1 ~ photograph)
Fig, 8. Sections of potrirns shown 111 Fig 7.
Fig. 10. The inscribed stone. (Author's photograph)
Fig. 11. Mi.iang Bon : one of the stiipa mounds. (Author's photograph)
Fig. 12. Stucco gures from a Miiang Bon stupa. (Author's photograph)
Fig. 13. Stucco dwarf caryatid from Mi.iang Bon stupa.
(From a sketch by Khun Raphisak )
Fig. 14. Dwarf earyatid from a Miiang Bon
stiipa. (Photo: Khun Raphisak)
Fig. 15. Stucco bead from a Miiang Bon
stfipa. (Photo: Khun Raphisak)
MliANG B O N ~ A TOWN OF NOBTUERN DV'ARAVAJ-1
5
vestigation of these would have entailed a larger task than I had
envisaged; hut I was later assured by the Director-General that their
excavation would be undertaken by the Fine Arts Department. For
the moment I was satisfied by the information I derived from the fact
that one of the stiipas had obviously been broken into, and some of the
objects that had been extracted were found to be in the possession of
another modern wat, situated not far away. These consisted of two
headless stucco figures of dancers or musicians, height 6! in. and 51,
in., (Fig. 12) two stucco dwarf caryatids, height 2ft., (Figs. !3, 14 ),
and a stucco head with foliage head-dress, height 14 in. (Fig. 15). All
these are unmistakably characteristic of Dvliravati art; but, on this
restricted amount of material, I should hesitate to ascribe objects
which may be rather provincial to a particular phase of it. However
the last mentioned object appears less stylized than rather similar
stucco pieces from P'ong T'!ik.
4
What appears to be certain is that
the st'llpas (five of them intact) are contemporary to MUang Bon, and
their full investigation may provide a wider range of material of great
interest.
Near the modern wat by the stlipa-mounds there was a rough
rectangular stone base measuring 41 in. by 21 in. Of a piece with it
were two stone feet, each 21 in. long, with sockets at the heels, on
which must have formerly stood a large image (Fig. 16 ). There were
several ancient bricks about, one measuring lOin. x ~ in. x 7in.
Here I will make mention of another circular village site, Ban
Thap Chumpbon, situated about three miles north of Nakbon Sa wan,
measuring under 300 yards in diameter and with moat and rampart.
l made only a superficial inspection of this place, and was shown the
spot where in 1961, in what appeared to be the remains of a brick
st'ii.pa, a number of Dvaravati style votive tablets bad been found, and
also some small votive stiipas, at least three of which were inscribed
with Buddhist credos. M. Coedes tells me that he has seen the rub-
bings of the inscriptions and that they date from the Vllth or Vlllth
century A.D. This evidence (bad it been published) might already
have been taken as sufficient to establish the northward extension of
Dvliravatr to this area; or again it might have been doubted, on the
4
Cf. P. Dupont, L'Archolof{ie M(;ne de DrOravari. Paris. 1959, page 113.
6
IT.G. QUAH!TCII VI'.\U:s
grounds that the Dvaravati objects could have merely been a hoard
placed there at some later time. Now, in view of the finds from
Miiang Bon, the material from Thap Chumphon certainly acquires
greater evidential value: indeed the two sites supplement each other.
It is not likely that Bon, which developed into a town, would be
situated right on the frontier. The stele we found there, probably of
the VIIIth century, was lying in the outer enclosure. Consequently it
seems likely that both Bon and Thap Chumphon were founded by the
end of the VIIth century. How much further north the authority of
Dvaravati extended it is not at present possible to say; but that that
distance was considerable is suggested by the legend that queen
Chammadevi from Lopburi evidently had to go as far afield as Lam-
phun to establish a new kingdom in the VIIIth century.
The archaeological and epigraphic discoveries made in recent
years both in central Siam and on the Korat plateau now give the
impression that the kingdom of Dvaravati, or at least its culture, was
virtually co-extensive with the subsequent kingdom of Siam, exclusive
of the Lao and Malay states. It seems to have controlled the Korat
plateau much longer than I thought when I wrote my previous article.
5
In this connection, I must, however, mention the apparently conflicting
deduction which M. Coedes draws from his study of two
that were recently found at Si T'ep. He has very kindly sent me a
proof of the section dealing with these two inscriptions, which will
appear in the seventh volume of his Inscriptions du Cambodge.
One of the new inscriptions ( K. 978) is a Sanskrit text of lhe
Vlth-VIIth century A.D., mentioning a King Bhavavarman, who
appears to be the well-known Bhavavarman I of Chen-la. From this
inscription we learn that he had enough authority in the Nam Sale
valley to set up Siva images on the occasion of his accession to
sovereignty. Incidentally this represents an abrupt change from the
religion of the former rulers of Si T'ep, who were Vai$l)avas. That
Bhavavarman I might well have made a raid, or temporarily extended
his power, into the Nam Sak valley in the disturbed times following
the break-up of Fu-nan is understandable enough. Briggs 6 has simi-
5 J.S.S., Joe. cit., p. 59.
6
r;.p. Briggs, Tire Ancifllf Kluner Empire, Philadelphia, 1951, p. 4::;,
1
larly taken the same king's comparable Tham Pet Thong inscription
in the upper Mun valley as indicating nothing more than the com-
memoration of a successful raid. Indeed Bhavavarman could well
have been the destroyer of old Si T'ep. For the next three centuries
r know of no evidence concerning SI T'ep, unless we can take the
recent finding of some large stone Dvaravati statues in a cave in a
mountain near Si T'ep as possibly significant. But Coedes concludes
with regard to this new Bhavavarman inscription ns follows: " L'im-
plantation de la puissance du Tchen-la, premier royaume khmer, au
moins a partir de cette epoque [early Vllth century A.D.], y est
d'ailleurs confirmee, d'une part par le fragment d'inscription K. 979
qui est en Khmer, et de l'autre par le l'existence des nombreux vestiges
khmeres signales par H.G. Quaritch Wales."
Now I did not record the finding of any Khmer remains at Si
T'ep which in my opinion were older than the XIth or XIIth century
A.D. The Khmer inscription K. 979, the second newly found one, in
script of the Xth century, can do no more than indicate the presence
of Khmer influence some time in the Xth century. Coedes has himself
recognized
7
the existence in the Karat region of a kingdom still
independent of the Khmer empire in the middle of the Xth century,
even if it employed the Khmer language in inscriptions as early as
the IXth. And he says of these Korat plateau inscriptions: ''Ces divers
documents epigraphiques assez disparates ont pour caraetere commun
d'etre etrangers au Cambodge, meme s'ils emploient la langue
khmere. Certains d'entre eux emanent peut-etre de pays ayant fait
partie, ou ayant reconnu la suzerainete, du royaume de Dvaravati. "
8
For the Khmers to have occupied the Nam Sak valley, while Dvaravati
dominated the Korat plateau and the Menam valley, would seem to
me to be a geographical and strategic impossibility.
7
G. Coedes, "Nouvelles donm!es epigraphiques Sllr de l'Indochine
centrale", Journal Asiatique, 1958, p. 127.
g ibid., p. 128.
DVARAV A Ti AND OLD BURMA
by
r]Jrofesso r o rdon r:H . ..uce
The so-called Burmese Era, dating from 638 A.D., should rather
be called the Pyu Era, for it is pretty certain that it was used, and
first used, by the Pyu of Sr"i (modern Hmawza, 4 miles S.E. of
Prome ).1 Indeed, I suspect that it is the date of the founding of that
city, the first capital of Burma in any large sense. Megaliths found
in the neighbourhood may well be older than that date; but I doubt if
anything Buddhist antedates it.
Old Mon inscriptions and late Burmese Chronicles lay great
stress on the founding; but the dates they give are far too early. In
the great Shwezigon inscription (c. 1100 A.D. )
2
the Buddha foretells
that the Rishi Vishnu (the future king of Pagan, Kyanzittha), "together
with my son Gavarhpati, and King Indra, and the (celestial architect)
Visvakarman, and Katakarma king of the Nagas, shall build the city
called Siszt" i.e. Sri Ksetra. The Chronicles
3
add that the Buddha
himself flew over and stood on Mt Po-u, north of the site, in order to
make his prophecy. Earth-convulsions, he said, would mark the
founding. The sea would retreat from its foundations (it is now 200
miles from the sea); and Mt. Popa, the 5000 ft. volcano in the heart
of Burma, would "arise like a cone out of the earth". Gavainpati,
the Rishi (Vishnu), Indra, the Naga king, Garur;la, Caqqi ( Di1rga)
and Paramesvara ( Shiva ), all were present at the founding. Indra
stood in the centre. The Naga king swished his head round, describing
the perimeter. The area enclosed by the walls, said to be 18 square
miles, is far larger than that of Pagan, whose walls, even allowing
for river-erosion, are barely 1 mile square. The difference lies in the
1. See C.O. Blagden. "The 'Pyu' Inscriptions", Epig. Indica Vol. XII, No. 16,
reprinted at J.S.R.S. Vol. VII Part l, PP 37-44 ( esp. pp. 42-43 ). The era was
used in the Pyu kings' urn-inscriptions, brilliantly read by Blagden. The period
covered .is from 3580, sc. 673-718 A.D. 718 is the last certain date in the history
of Pyu Sri K9etra.
2. Epig. Birm. I, II, Inscr. I, l'ace, A, ll. 30-33. The elate of the founding is given
in Inscr. III, l'ace C, 1.3: "in the year of my reaching ", i.e. 544 B.C.
according to Burma tradition.
3. See, e.g., Glass Palace Chronicle (trans!. from the ' Hmannan Yazawin' by Pe
Maung Tin and G.H. Luce, 1923, Oxford University Press) pp. 7, 14-15. The
date of the founding is given as 101 A.B., i.e. 443 B.C,
10
Gordon H. Lucc
presence or absence of ricefields. At Pagan there are none. At Sri
Ksetra, the northern half of the city, and much of the southern, is
ricefield.
All this fuss about the founding points, I suspect, to the fact
that it was the first strongly Buddhist capital in Burma. I used to
think that there was an earlier Buddhist capital. Chineses authors'
1
tell of plans made (but cancelled on his death) by Fan Shih Wan
(Sri Mara.), the great king of Fu-nan, to conquer the thriving port of
CHIN-LIN (or CiflN-CH'EN). This was near the beginning of the
3rd century A.D. Chin-lin was situated on a big bay over 2,000 li west
of Fu-nan. It was a populous kingdom, rich in silver and ivory. Chill,
the first syllable, means Gold, Suvanna. Two thousand li inland beyond
it, in a wide plain, was the kingdom of LIN-YANG (Liem-yang),
with an ardent Buddhist population of over 100,000 families, including
several thousand monks: "one goes there (from Chin-lin) by car-
riage or on horseback. There is no route by water. All the people
worship the Buddha". Two thousand li beyond Lin-yang, was NU-
HOU kingdom of "the descendants of slaves", over 20,000 families,
conterminous with Yung-ch'ang ( Pao-shan ).-There are some discre-
pancies in the texts, throwing doubt on whether .the ''great bay" was
the Gulf of Siam or the Gulf of Marta ban. I used to think the latter:
but now, in view of what we know about the antiquity of Dvaravatl,
and perhaps Haripunjaya, I incline to place Lin-yang in North Siam,
rather than in Central Burma. Lying equidistant between the sea
and Nu-hou Yung-ch'ang, it might be in either country.
Another reason that inclines me to place it in Siam is the re-
cent work of U Aung Thaw,
5
the energetic head of our present Burma
Archaeological Department. He has been excavating, 'Peikthano-
myo ', a large walled ruin at Kokkogwa, a hundred miles north of
4. For Chin-lin ( Chinch'en), ;#.!%" Lin-yang, and -:kll..,f!. Nu-hou, see
discussion at J.S.R.S. 1924, Vol. XIV, Part II, pp. 142-158; 1937, Vol. XXVII,
Part III, p. 2
1
10, n. I. The chief Chinese sources are Liang-shu, ch. 51 (Section
on Pu-nan ); Shui-ching-chu ch. 1, , 6 r
0
; T'ai-p'ing-yii-lan, ch. 787, f. 4 v
0
; 790,
f, 9 V
0
, 10 r
0

5. See Aung Thaw, Preliminary Report an the h";-;cavation at Peikthanomyo, 1959
(pub!. by the Asia foundation for the Archaeological Survey of Burma). A.S.S.
1959, PP 8-10 CBurmese), and Plates 1 to 28.
DVAHAVATI AND OLD 11
Sri It is certainly older than Sri U Aung Thaw has
revealed a number of large buildings and many interesting objects:
but, in spite of the name ("Vishnu City" ), hardly any Indian writing,
and little evidence of Indian workmanship, and none whatever of
Buddhism. Nor, I think, has he found megaliths. At Sri on
the other hand, almost everything dug up ( apart from megaliths )
shows the influence of India-whether Buddhist ( Hinayana or Maha-
yana) or Brahmanic ( Vaishnavaite ). The southern half of the city
is dotted with large cylindrical stupas, bell-like encased stupas, and
small vaulted temples with great variety of plan and sl1apc. There
are also cemeteries with pots of ashes ranged in terraces. The Pyu
kings still clung to megalithic customs: their ashes arc found in huge
stone urns, engraved with Pyu inscriptions, but otherwise 1 ike those
of the Plaine des Jarres in Laos.(i
Mr. Chairman, this is my first visit to Thailand. Let me admit
that I am appalled at my temerity in addressing Thailand's eminent
scholars about their antiquities. But with your permission, Sir, I
propose to try and compare the arts of Mon Dvuravati, as shown
especially in Dupont's book, with those of Burma: namely the Pyu of
Sri (7th-8th cent. ), the coastal Burma Mon (l(iima1l'iiadesa ),
and the inland Man/Burmese of Pagan ( 1 Hh--13th cent. ).
My first feeling, I confess, is how different they all arc-even
Dvaravati Mon and Burma Mon. There was little or no difference
between these Mons, either in language or race. The difference lay,
I suppose, in the different influences from India which informed them.
Dupont sees in Dvaravati Mon especially the influence of Amaravati:
and Ceylon. In Burma Mon, both architecture and sculpture, I sec
little Andhra influence except in the south. I only wish there were
more, for the Andhras were great sculptors.
I see hardly any Singhalese influence before the 11th century.
I see, on the other hand, the clear dominance of North Indian models,
at any rate at Pagan. Your ancient Buddhism was simpler and purer
than ours. It seems to date from before the wide diffusion of Shaivism
6. See M. Colani, Megalithe.\' du Haul-Laos, 2 vols., 1925 CParis, Ecole Francaise
d'Extreme-Orient). '
12
Gordon H. Luce
in Upper India. Our Buddhism, especially in the north (North Arakari,
Pagan and evenProme) had close contact with the Mahayanist, Tantric,
and Brahmanic schools of Pala and post-Pala Bengal. It was only, I
think, after 1070 A.D., with the obtaining of the full Pali Tipitaka
from Ceylon, that the great change to Theravada was finally possible
at Pagan. The chief agent in that change was King Kyanzittha, who
reigned from 1084 to 1113 A.D. Round about 1090, near the beginning
of his reign, he was building a Theravada temple, the Nagayon, on
one side of the road at Pagan, while his chief queen, (perhaps a lady
from East Bengal) was building a Tantric Mahayanist temple, the
Abeyadana, on the opposite side of the road. Kyanzittha's final
temple, the Ananda, which dates (I think) about 1105 or later,
7
marks
the final triumph of Singhalese Theravada in Burma.
LATERITE. Dupont says little about laterite architecture or
sculpture. At P'ong Tiik- one of your oldest site- Coedes noted plenty
of it:
8
buildings of brick and laterite, which foundations, round and
square, of laterite blocks, neatly arranged; high basement platforms
faced with laterite, with simple fine plinth-mouldings. My colleague,
Col. Ba Shin, who had the great privilege last year of visiting your
old sites under your guidance, thinks you may have here just as much
laterite-work as we have in coastal Burma. At P'ong Tiik, he noted
"huge laterite pillars and carved blocks for the waist and recesses of
the stupa". At the base of the Phra Fathom, "a lifesize torso-image,
a ten-spoke Wheel of the Law, 3 small stupas, a carved pedestal, a
large vase on a pedestal, and (perhaps) a litJga-all in laterite. Near
7. Dupont ( pp. 6, 57, etc.) follows Duroiselle (A. S.l. 191311, pp. 64-65) in giving
1090 A. D. as the date of the completion of the Anand a. I think this is much too
early. The Mon inscription cited by Duroise!le, which was later edited by Blagden
in Vol. III, Part 1, of Epigraphia Sirmmzica, records the building of the palace
( 1102 A.D.), not of the Ananda. The "Burmese oral tradition" that the king
"had the architect put to death, lest any similar edifice should be erected by any
of his successors", to which Harvey (History of Burma, P 41) adds the further
refinement that "at the foundation a child was buried alive to provide the building
with a guardian spirit", is just folklore cliche, not to say rubbish. It should not
be repeated in serious history, any more than Governess Anna's account of Gate-
in 1865 Siam -a libel finally exposed by Mr. A.B. Griswold in his King
Mongkut of Siam (Asia Society, New York, 1961).
8. See" The excavations at P'ong Ti.ik and their importance for the ancient history
of Siam", Joumal of the Siam Society, XXI, Part 3, pp. 195-209.
IlVAHAVATI AND OJ.IJ llllll\1\
Ratburi, "the Wut Mahathut built of laterite, together with its enclo-
sure-walls; also a seated Buddha image". At Lopburi, the Phra Prang
San Yot, "built entirely of laterite. with pediments and spires beauti-
fully carved"; and within the round-about across the railway-line,
'a ruin which looks like a hillock of laterite blocks, with two stone,
images of' Vishnu" (he thought). Finally, ncar Prachinburi to the
cast, " a huge laterite block, shaped like the m_I(la or a stupa ".
Was not Laterite the first native material. in the coastal regions
of both our countries, to be used for Buddhist and pre-Buddhist art'!
As for Burnt Brick, though hallowed by A ~ o k a s usc of it, it is a
foreign Indian word ( i!(haka) in nearly all our languages -Thai, Shan,
Mon, Khmer, Burmese, etc. Laterite was certainly the old building
and art-stone in Ramannadesa. It was used for drains, gargoyles,
square wells, ramps, pillars and pedestals, casings of relic-caskets; for
animal sculptures, platforms, city-walls and all the oldest Buddhas
and pagodas; for colossal monolith such as the Htamal6n seated Bud-
dha, 17 ft. 9 in. high. Such images soon lose their surface features,
but the beauty ol' their colouring (if not buried in paint unci plaster)
remains for centuries.
At Zolcthok
9
ncar our Keli:'isa, where some or the Rulqas turned
Buddhist and offered their "ropes of hair'' ( Mrm juk sok), they us-
sembled huge beams ol' laterite, artfully piled, to construct the pagoda.
All around there is a glorious congregation---all native monoliths or
reel iron claystone, skilfully carved: umbrellas with bead and tassel
fringes resting on octagonal posts, altars hour-glass shaped with double
lotus mouldings, knobbed pillars with table-tops, ends or ramps with
volutes, 'buds' for corner-posts with little niches for candles, four-sided
stupas, pinnaclcd, with four shrines for seated Buddhas, and all man-
ncr of carved stands with leaf-patterns. All arc in laterite. They
outblaze the noonday sun in April, yet keep their porous calm and
coolness. For sheer workaday beauty, what stone in the world can
beat it!
REREDOS. There is one great difference in iconology bet-
ween Mon and Pyu. The earliest Mon images, both in Burma and
9. Sec U Mya, Arch. Sun. Ind., Report 1934-35, pp. 51-52 and Plate XXI.
i4
Gordon H. Luce
(I think) Siam, were always in the round. With the Pyu, and usually
the Bunnans, they must be backed with a reredos (' tag,e '). It a
relic, I suspect, from megalithic religion. The oldest images at Sri
are massive stone reliefs, Buddhist or Brahmanic.L
0
But what
is massive is not the figure but the stone 'tage '. Right down to Pagan
times, even when both are made of brick, the 'tagt: ', often plain,
seems almost as prominent as the image. It has even recurred to me
that one could measure the decay of one religion and the advance of
the other by the relative thickness of 'tage' and image!
VAULTING. In the temples, the greatest difference between
Siam and Burma lies in the vaulting. From Pyu times (7th-8th cen-
tury), right through our Pag{m and Pinya periods, and (rarely) beyond,
the Radiating Pointed Arch has been the main, preserving feature of
Burma's architecture. No two Pyu temples are alike in plan; but all
employ the radiating arch. The graining of the four pendentives at
Sri Ksetra is sometimes crude and two-dimensional (e.g. the Bebe
shrine), but it can be perfect (e.g. the East Z6gu temple). This neg-
lected temple, as M. Henri Marchal realized,ll is a small masterpiece,
the prototype of Pagan.
Radiating arches have also been found in Old

but not
yet at Thaton. The Mons, even at Pagan, did not entirely trust the
radiating arch. At the centre of the arch way they usually insert a
lintel of carved or fossil wood. The original 'Mon' type of temple
appears to have been a square shrine, with elaborate plinth-mouldings
on the outer side, tall niches richly embossed above them, pre-
forated stone windows with pediments, dado, and Kirtimuldta frieze
and cornice. A lean-to corridor was later added, with perforated
windows on three sides, and a broad entrance-hall on the fourth. This
lean-to corridor had only a half -vault, which could not bear the shock
10. See, e.g., Arch. Surv. Ind., Report 1909-10, Plate L (r), "Stone Sculpture from the
Kyaukkathein Pagoda".
11. See his "Notes d' Architecture, Birmane, 1 o Est", with its excellent drawings
at B.E.F.E.O. t. XI, 1940, pp. 425-431.
12. See ].A. Ste.wart, "Excavation and Exploration in Pegu", J. Burma Research
Society Vol. VIr, Part I (Aprill917), pp. 17-18, 20. There are also radiating
arches in the modernized Theinbyu pagoda, N. NW. of Kamanat village, E.
of Pegu Old City.
DVAilAVATI- AND OLD BURMA
15
of earthquake, as full keystone vaulting could. That is why the
ridor roofs of so many of the' Mon' type of temples at Pagan, have
fallen in. The Old Bmmans, taught by Mon experience, avoided this
mistake: their fully vaulted temples have stood Lhe shocks of centuries.
Dupont is wrong in saying (on p. 125) that vaulting was not
used in Burma monasteries, partly because the spans were too broad.
There is great variety in plan of the brick monasteries of Pagan; but
all are vaulted. One monastery,
13
dated 1223 A.D. N.E. of
ethna temple, Minnanthu, has two large vaulted halls ( 44 x 20ft., and
40x 15 ft.), set at right angles to each other, with a mezzanine corridor
crossing between the spandrels. Sad to say, nearly all these daring
monasteries are in ruin, because the walls were too thin, quite
cal, and not buttressed; no allowance was made for the outward thrust
of the vaulting.
Where did the Pyu learn the art of vaulting?-Not, I think, from
the Chinese Later Han dynasty tombs in Tongking, as M. Henri
chal suggested;14 for there the style of bricklaying is quite different:
the brick's broad face being at right angles to the plane of the arch.l5
In Burma, as at Ni.i'landa
16
and in Central Asia,17 the brick's broad
face is always parallel to the arch-face. No radiating arches survive
in Eastern India, so far as I am aware, as old as those of Sri Ksetra.
But I expect the Pyu learnt their fine technique from North Indian
13. See Plate 5 of Mr. Braxton Sinclair's article, "The Monasteries of Pagan" in
J.B.R.S., Vol. X, Part T, reprinted at pp. 5858 of the Fiftieth Anniversary Pub-
lication No. 2. The Lernyethna dedications are recorded under date 585 s., in
Inscriptions of Burma, Portfolio I, Plate 73. The pillar is still in situ.
14. lac. cit .. PP 428, 435-6.
15. See, e.g., Q.R.T. Janse, Archaeological Research iulndo-China, Vol. I (f-Jarvard
University Press, 1947), Plate 7 (2), which shows "the undisturbed brick con
struction" of one of the Thanhhoa tombs. Or see G. Coedes. Les pe11p!es de fa
peninsule indochinoises (Paris, 1962), Pl. V Cbas).
16. Nalanda Monastery No. 1 (Granary) has two radiating barreJ.arches, between
vertical front and back walls, the bricks of voussoir being laid Cas in Burma)
parallel to the archface. Here wooden lintels are also usual. The date is thought
to be 9th cent. These vaults, says Dr. Ghosh, are "among the first specimens of
the true arch in ancient India": see his Guide to Nalanda ( Delhi 1959) p. 8.
17. See L. Bey lie, Prome et Samara (Paris, 1907 ), p. 99, flg. 71, for a sketch of an
8th cent. burrel-vault in Chinese Turkestan. Here too the broad face of the
bricks is parallel to the arch-face.
16
Gordon H. Luce
architects, whether from Bihar, Orissa or Bengal. Heavy rainfall and
earthquake may account for the disappearance of such vaulting, both
in Eastern India and at That6n.
MON PEDIMENT ( clec, clac).- For architectural ornament
the Pagan Burman was deeply indebted to the Mon. The Mon
pediment is the most conspicuous detail of Pagan architecture,
crowning or enclosing almost every arch and window. Sri, Goddess
of Luck and wife of Vishnu, is often seen in the top centre. This
goes back to the carved stone jambs and architraves of Buddhist
tora11as at Sanci,lS or to the entrance of the Jain Ananta Gumpha
Khandagiri, in Orissa. But the two elephants with trunks bathing
her, have passed at Pagan into floral arabesques. At the lower
corners of the pediment, there are spouting makaras. Sri and Makara
are, properly speaking, Vaishnava figures. King Kyanzittha, who
declared himself an Avatar of Vishnu, popularized the Mon clec at
Pagan, though it occurs earlier on the Nan-paya and the Nat-hlaung-
gyaung ( a Vishnu temple ). The word claco, a pure Mon word, oc-
curs in one of the Vat Kukut inscriptions at Haripunjaya;
1
9 and the
pediment itself crowns every tiered niche in that magnificent monu-
ment.20 Judging from photographs, I guess that the makams are
shown, but not the SRI. I do not know if the clac occurs in Dvara-
vati art. The two Mon words, K.yax Sri, ''Goddess Sri", have
passed into Burmese ' kyesthye ' as an abstract noun meaning
"splendour".
VOTIVE TABLETS.-Burma's art here comes nearest to that
of Dvaravati. For the origin of Votive Tablets-often shown by the
Buddhist Credo ( ye dharma hetuprabhava etc. ) stamped in Sanskrit-
Nagari, usually on the obverse-is clearly from N.E. India, especially
Bodhgaya. After comparison, not only with Dupont's book ( where
few tablets are shown), but also with Coedes' admirable article,
"Siamese Votive Tablets", published in the Siam Society's Journal,2
1
18. See e.g., H. Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asia, Plates Vol., Nos. 18, 27 CSanci).
19. See B.E.F.E.O. t. XXX, p. 97 (Vat Kukut Inscr. II, 1.4 ).
20. See The Arts of Thailand C ed. by T. Bowie, 1960 ), P 50.
21. J.S.S. Vol. XX (Part I,) 1926, pp. 1-23, with 15 plates. Reprinted in the
Fiftieth Anniversary Vol. I, pp. 150172 ( 1954 ),
AN!J OLD 17
also with notes made by Col. Ba Shin on his visits to the Bang-
kok and other museums, we have found 8 or 9 types of plaques in
Burma which arc exact, or close, copies of yours in Thailand.
( i) Coedes' Plate I (top) illustrates the First Sermon: the Bud-
dha seated between stupas in pralambanasana, dharmacalmnnudra, with
a Deer on either side of his footstool, and the Wheel of the Law below
it. Your plaque comes from P'ong Several variants, never
(I think) quite the same as yours but very similar, have been found
at

Sri

and Twant(!:!ri near Rangoon. A bronze
mould for such tablets has been found at Myinkaba, and is now in
Rangoon University Library.
( ii) A rare variety, from Nyaungbingan in Meiktila district,
shows the Buddha seated in the same attitude between two Bodhisat-
tvas, seated on the same throne in lalitasana.
21
i I do not know if
this variety is found in Thailand. But a third variety, oblong with
arching top, is shown in Coedes' Plate II, top, right und left corners.
Here the Bodhisattvas are standing, and three 'Dhyani' Buddhas arc
added at the top or the plaque. The plaques come from Budalung
and P'ra a! ready notes "an identical ta blct" from
Burma, "pictured by R.C. This comes f'rom Kawgun
Cave, 30 miles above Moulmein. There is a duplicate in the Indian
Museum, Calcutta, said to come from Sri Ksetra. We have a similar
oval plaque, also from Sri
(iii) Coedcs' plate III (centre) shows an oval plaque with
the Buddha seated in the centre preaching to 8 ( Coedes says 12)
22. Sec correction at J.S.LS. Vol. XXI. (Part :D, 192:3, p. lDG, n. 1.
23. See Thomann, Pagan, (Stuttgart, 192:.!), Abbildung 70 and P lOil. Bunn.
Archaeol. Neg. 2710 Cl92G-27). llrch, ,)'urv. lnd 1915, Part I, Plate XX (f),
and p. 24 U M ya, Votive Tablets of Burma, Part I, figs. 57 .(i2.
24. See U Mya, Votive Tablets of Burma, Part II, figs. 87 .88.
25. See A.S.I. 190G, Plate LIII, fig. 2, and p. 134.
26. Burm. Archaeol Neg. 2436 (1923-24). Arch. Sun1. Bun11. 1922, fh 11.
27. See Indian Antiquary 189t! plate XVI (top right).
28. See U Mya, V.T.B., Pnrt IT, figs. 53, 54.
is
Gordon H. Luce
persons, seated in ecstatic attitudes around him. It comes from Tharri
Guha Svarga. A good specimen of the same plaque, from Sri
is in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, and a worn specimen from the
same place is also shown by U Mya.
29
( iv) On the same plate (bottom right), coming from the
same cave, is a round Mahayanist plaque showing the Green Tara
(Syama or Khadiravan'i sitting in lalittisana, right hand on knee in
varadamudra. This also is in the Indian Museum, found at Sri


( v) Coedes Plate V (centre) shows a high triangular plaque
with the Earth-touching Buddha, royally adorned, mounted on three
elephant- heads, with many other Buddhas beside and above him.
This type was found at Bejraburi. Specimens have also been found
at Rangoon Tadagale.3
1
(vi ) Col. Ba Shin has a photograph of an oval plaque, show-
ing the Earth-touching Buddha seated between stupas within an arch
crowned with an umbrella. It is said to come from a cave in Khao
Ngu hill near Ratburi. The strong tall-torsoed figure with long arm
falling vertically, is found in East Benga1;:
12
but it is so characteristic
of Aniruddha's work at Pagan that I have ventured to call it 'the
Aniruddha type'. Aniruddha's own plaques have 2 full lines of San-
skrit/Nagari below the double lotus, containing the Icing's signature.:3:l
Others like yours, have 3 full lines, containing the Buddhist C1'edo.34
The former come from the Icing's pagoda, Pagan Shwehsanda w; the
latter from other sites at Pagan. A terracotta mould has also been
found.
(vii) Col. Ba Shin has 3 photographs of a plaque, squared at
the base, pointed at the top, which shows the same type of Earth-
29. V.T.B. Part II, :figs. 84, 85.
30. Cf. U. Mya, V.T.B., Part II figs. 86.
31. See U. My a V .T.B. Part I, Fig. 88.
32. e.g. N.K. Bhattasali, Iconograj)hy of Buddhist and Brahmanical Sculj>tures
in the Dacca Museum (Dacca, 1929), Plate IX (a).
33. See A.S.I. 1927, pp. 1623 and Plate XXXIX Ca); 1915, Part I, Plate XX (h).
U Mya, V.T.B., Part I, fig. 4.
:34. See U Mya, V.T.B., Part I, fig. 18, Mon Bo Kay, "Ye dhammii hetuppabhavii,"
Yin-yf:-lmm magazine, Vol. III, Part 9 (Feb. 1961), P 116.
DVARAVA'l'f AND OLD BURMA 19
touching Buddha, seated between stupas on a high recessed throne,
under an arch crowned with sikhara and stupa. They come, I think,
from Kaficanaburi.-This type, in Burma, we associate with Anirud-
dha's son and successor, 'Saw Lu ', whose title, stamped on some of
these plaques in Sanskrit/Nagari, is Sri Bajrabharava. These have only
I line of writing below the throne,3
5
while yours have two. Our Sawlu
plaques have been found so far only in the north, at Mandalay,
Tagaung, and Kanthida in Katha township.
(viii) Col. Ba Shin has also photographs of plaques, squared
below, arching to a point above, showing a similar Earth-touching
Buddha seated on double lotus, with 3 stupas below the lotus, as well
as 2 faint lines of what looks like Mon writing. They come from
Tham Rsi, Khao Ngu hill, Ratburi-Mr. David Steinberg of the Asia
found the lower half of a suntar plaque at Mokti pagoda,
at the mouth ofTavoy river. It is now with the Burma Historical Com-
mission. Several other plaques from the same site had Mon writings on
the back, showing that they were made by governors ( sambeit) of Tavoy
( Daway ), under king Kyanzittha (Sri Tribhovartaditya ).36
( ix) Finally, Col. Ba Shin has a photograph of a thick-rimmed
plaque from Uthong, Suphanburi, showing the Earth-touching Buddha
under an arch crowned with an umbrella, between 4 other small
Buddhas in two tiers. Below is a line of inscription in Old Mon
saying; "This Buddhamuni was made by Matrarajikar", governor of the
Madra, a people N.W. of India. Perhaps he was a minister of Kyan-
zittha who gave several of his ministers fanciful Sanskrit titles.-
Dozens of this type of plaque have been found at Pagan, E. of the
Mingalazedi.37 Often they have Mon writings on the rims. One is
to be seen in the Tresor at Pegu, Shwemawdaw pagoda.
THE EIGHT SCENES.-One large and important group of
votive tablets at Pagan, illustrates the Eight Scenes (
in the life of Gotama Buddha. These have a long history in Indian
35. See U Mya. V.T.B., Part I, fig. 38. A.S.B. 1918-52, Plate I (right).
36. See U Mya, V. T.B., Part I, figs. 79, 80. Cf. A.S.B., 1924, pp. 38-40; Ibid.
1959, Plate 31.
37. See U Mya, V.T.B., Part I, fig. 98.
20 Gordon H. Luce
art, from Gandhara onwards. At Old Nalanda one of the Pala kings
built a colossal image of the Earth-touching Buddha against a reredos
15ft. high and 9k ft. broad, showing the Eight Scenes.3
8
This, and
the many Pala carvings on black slate, must have spread the fashion
to both our countries. In Burma, at Sri only two fragments
of a votive tablet of the Eight Scenes have yet been found.
39
At
Pagan they are plentiful. They may be painted, as in Loka-hteikpan
temple, on a large scale, 18ft. in height.
40
They may be condensed
onto terracotta tablets barely 3 inches high. The finest are intricately
carved on what we call 'Andagu' stone, defined in the dictionaries as
Dolomite.
41
Not having previously seen mention of the Eight Scenes in
Thailand, I was delighted to read, in Artibus Asiae,
4
2 an artiCle by
Coedes: "Note sur une stele indienne d'epoque Pala decouverte i1
Ayudhya (Siam)". It is a small gilded stone, a little over 6 inches
high. The kind of stone is not stated; one would like to know whether
it is a stone common to Bengal and Thailand, or one peculiar to either:
for although the style is plainly Pa:la, the size is that of our 'andagu'
carvings, not of ordinary Pala black slate reliefs. The scenes shown
include the usual Eight:
1. Nativity,
2. Enlightenment,
at Kapilavatthu.
at Bodhgaya.
3. First Sermon, near Benares.
4. Great Twin Miracles, at Savatthi.
(bottom left corner )
(center)
( middle tier, left )
(middle tier, right)
38. See A. Ghosh, A Guide to Nalanda, PP 20-21. Burgess, The Ancient Monuments.
Temples, and Sculptures of India, Part II, fig. 226, Duroiselle, A.S.B. 1923, p. 31.
39, See L. de Bey lie, Prome et Samara, Plate V, fig. 2, and L'Architecture Hindoue en
Extreme-Orient, p. 245, fig. 198 (from the temple). A.S.I. 1910, Pl.
XLIX 7 and p. 123, (from the East Zegu). Col. Ba Shin reports that a complete
specimen (except for damaged rims) has been found 300 yds W. of the Li:!myet-hna,
Sri and is now in the library-museum of Shwehponpwint pagoda, Prome
h ;i" B d l
2
" Tl I 1
3 11
Town. He1g t 5 .t rea t 1 45 11c mess Th
40. See Col_ Ba Shin, Loka-hteikpan (Rangoon, 1962), pp. 10-12, and Plates 10, 13, 14,
16, 17a, 18a, 19a, 21.
41. See, e.g., A.S./. 1923, Plate XXXIII (d) and p. 123; 193034, Part I, p. 180 (items
4 and 5), and Part II, Plate C ( c, d). A.S.B. 1935, Plates 9 and p, 14.
42. Artibus Asiae, Vol. XXII 1/2, 1959, pp. 9-14,
5.
6.
7.
8.
IJ\'AHAVATI AND OLIJ II\ liMA
Descent from
Tavatin.1sa,
to Sarikassa.
Monkey's offering
of honeycomb,
ncar Vcs'iili.
Taming of Nata-
giri elephant, at Rajagaha.
Parini rvui.Hl, at Kusinagara.
(top tier. lef't)
(bottom right corner)
(top tier, right)
(top)
There are also 3 additional figures in the middle ol' the lower tier-the
Buddha sheltered by the Mucalinda Naga, flanked by two Buddhas
with outer hands on knee, and inner raised in abhayamzulra. Coedes
dates the carving 11th or 12th century, judging partly from the writing
of the Sanskrit/Pali Buddhist Credo engraved on the reverse.
The arrangement of these scenes is not rigid, except that the
ParinirvaJ}a is always shown at the top, and the Nativity at the bot-
tom; but the latter may be either on the left or the right, and the same
applies to the other scenes. Burma plaques sometimes add an extra
scene at the bottom centre; and several 'andagu' slabs udd, bet ween
the 6 side-scenes and the central Buddha, another series or 6 (or !:l )
scenes in intermediate relief', showing the Seven Sites'
1
:
1
in the ncigh-
boUJhood of the Bodhi tree, where the Buddha, according to the later
texts, spent the first seven weeks after the Enlightenment.
THE FAT MONK.- Dupont ( p. 87, and fig. 253 ) shows a re-
markable' votive tablet' from Wat P'ru Pat'on in which a Fat Monk,
seated with both hands supporting his belly (or is he in dhyamanuulra'!),
takes the place of the Buddha. rn one of his reports
4

1
Duroise!Ie men-
tions, without illustrating it, a similar plaque round in a mound near
Tilominlo temple, Pag{tn. Statuettes of the Fat Monk arc plentiful
in Burma, in stone, bron?.c, silver-gilt, bronze-gilt, plaster, terracotta
unburnt clay. They arc found frequently in old relic-chambers:
at Sri Rangoon, Pegu, Mandalay, Pagan etc., from the 7th to
the 17th Century. Perhaps the oldest is a stone statuette, once lac-
quered and gilded, found in the stone casket in the relic-chamber or
Kyaik De-ap ( Bo-ta-htaung) pagoda, Rangoon.
4
ii
'13. See, e.g., A .S.l. 193034, Part I, p. 180 (item 5 ), and Part II, Plate C (e): A .S.J.
1929, Plate LII (e) and p. 113; A.S.A. 1923, Plate llJ, f1g. 1, and pp.
44. A.S.!. 1928-29, p. 111.
45. A.S.B. 1948-52, Plate III a, o.
22
Gordon I-I. Luce
In Thailand, I believt< you call this Fat Monk K.acciJyana. -Is
this the 5th-6th century author of the first Pal i grammar, K.accayana
vyakarm.za? Or is it the eminent disciple of the Buddha, MalzUlwccana,
famous for his golden complexion? - The rich youth of Soreyya,
according to the Dhanunapada-auhalwtha (I, 324 ff ), wished that his
wife were like the latter: a prayer that seems improbable if he was
really so obese. In Burma we hardly know how to identify him.
Personally, I follow our venerable archaeologist, U Mya, in thinking
he is Gavainpati, patron saint of the Mons, and a sort of ' elder states-
man' in Buddhism, whose gilded images are mentioned in our in-
scriptions.46 But I know no text that says Gavatnpati was abnormally
fat. And Burmese scholars have suggested that the monk is the Great
Disciple of the Left, Moggallana, uncomfortably swelled by the
naughty Mara entering his belly, as told in the Maratajjaniya Sutta of
the Majjhinza Nikaya.41
THE DVARA VATI BUDDHA-IMAGE. - Our experts, Dr.
Dupont and Dr. Le May,
48
are pretty well agreed about the distinctive
features of the Buddha image in Mon Dvaravati. Dupont ( pp. 177-
185 ) defines three of them:-
( i ) the brow-arches are joined.
(ii) the figure seems almost naked, but sexless (''lc nu ascxue").
(iii) both hands tend to execute the same mudra.
For ( i ), Dr. Le May says "lightly outlined eyebrows, in the form of
a swallow springing ".
For ( ii ), he says "torso ... like a nude sexless body under a fine
diaphanous cloth".
For (iii), he distinguishes two types:-
( a ) the standing Buddha with right hand raised in abhaya
rnudra, or both in
(b) the image seated European wise ( pralambanl'tsana), either
in dharrnacakramudra, or with right hand raised, left in
lap.
46. inscrs. of Burma, Portfolio I, Plate 6, 11. 4-6, where gilded
tra C 1 ), Mokkallin C 1 ), and Gavathpati C 2 ), are mentioned.
47. See A.S.l. 192829, p. 110.
48. See LeMay, The Culture of Soutlz-J:,ast Asia (1954, London, Allen and
Unwm ), pp. 65 f,
He also adds other features:--
( iv ) spiral curls of hair, or abnormal size.
( v ) elliptical form of face.
( vi ) bulging upper eyelids.
(vii) the material never sandstone, but a hard bl uc-black
limestone.
How docs all this compare with our images in Burma.- I find
it difficult to say. Nearly all these features, except the last, occur in
some Burma images, both stone, bronze and terracotta. They arc
commonest perhaps at Pegu; but they occur everywhere from N.
Arakan to Sri And they do not exclude other, different feat-
ures. In many cases the images arc so old or damaged that \Ve can-
not be sure about the curls, the eyelids or the brow-arches. VIc can,
however, usually determine the mudrli and the "iisana. The Burma im-
age seated European wise, represents (with f'cw exceptions) tither the
First Sermon, or the Parileyyaka Retreat. In the former case hands
arc in r!lzannacahrannulra, with Wheel and Deer usually visible at the
base. But the j>ralamf)(mflsmuz is not obligatory in this scene. More
often the Buddha sits crosslcggecl in Indian fashion. In the Parikyyakll
scene he nearly always sits in Jmilambanasana, sometimes turned hulf-
lel't towards the Monkey in the right corner. He has usually almsbowl
in lap. The Elephant is generally shown in the lcl't corner, with un
irrelevant monk behind.
SJJJVIE MlJJ)lUI FOR FJ(J1'11 11/INJ>S. Images, seated or
standing, where both hands execute the same mudr7i, arc always, in
Burma, an;haic. Here I would readily admit Dvaravati influence:
with this difference, that standing images arc commoner in Dvaravati,
while seated images arc commoner with us. Here is a sunumuy ,of.'
the Burma evidence:-
From Sri come at least 4 such images, 3 seated cross-
legged, 1 standing; 3 in bronze, l in gold. All have both hands raised
in vitarkamudra. The gold image, seated right leg on left, was found
south of the Tharawady Gate, in a garden just outside it. 49 A beau-
tiful bronze, seated in much the same pose, comes from the octagonal
49. See A.S.J. 1929, Plate LI (g) and pp. 106-7. Burm. Arch. Neg. 3097, 3098
( 1928-29).
Gordon H. Luce
ruin at Kan-wet-hkaung-g6n.
50
Here the robe covers the left shoulder
only. A similar bronze image, much cruder in style, is clearly a Pyu
attempt to copy an Indian original, with features exaggerated, bulging
almond eyes, large hands propped on the robe, and legs awkwardly
superposed, right on left. It comes from a site west of Yindaik-
kwin.51 The standing bronze image, found by the Shwenyaungbin-
yo abbot near his monastery S. of Taunglonnyo village.
52
wears a
heavy pointed crown: but in all other respects he is dressed as a
monk, with an indented line across the waist, and plain robe spreading
behind the legs.
From the relic-chamber of a ruined pagoda at Twante, some
15 miles W. of Rangoon, comes a fine bronze image of the Buddha
seated in pralambanasana, his delicate hands raised from the elbow in
vitarkamudra. His robe covers only the left shoulder.
53
At Pagan, 3 bronzes and 1 terracotta illustrate this feature.
One small weathered bronze comes perhaps from Paunggu pagoda,5'1
now mostly fallen into the river, just N. of the junction of Myinkaba
Chaung and the Irawady. It is a Buddha seated cross-legged, right
leg on left, with large hands propped at the wrist, raised in abhaya-
mudra. With it was found another archaic bronze of the Pyu
Maitreya. I have a note also, written in Pagan Museum, of a similar
"small bronze of' Pyu' style, headless, with tiny round legs and feet
barely crossing, and both large hands in abhayamudra ". Another
bronze, from Pagan Shwehnsandaw,
55
shows the Buddha seated on
double lotus, right leg on left, with both hands propped at the wrist.
Here, I think, the attitude is vitarlwmudra. The Shwehsanclaw, built
by Aniruddha c. 1060 A.D. or earlier, contained some of the oldest
Pagan tablets and bronzes, including Pyu.56
--------------------------------
50. See A.S.l. 1928, Plate LlV ( b ) and p. 129 (item c). Burm. Arch. Neg. 3040
( 1927-28 ).
51. See A.S.J. 1929, p. 105, item ( v ). Burm. Arch. Neg. 3055 ( 192.8-29 ).
52. A.S.B. 1939, Appendix F, p. xii, no. 79. Burm. Arch. Neg. 4124 ( 1938-39 ).
53. See A.S.B. 1920, Plate II, figs. 1 and 2, and p. 25. Burm. Arch. Neg. 2179,
2180 ( 1920-21 ) .
54. It is now at Pagan Museum, oddly labelled as foui)d in a "stone mound W. of the
Myazedi, 4 furlongs W. of the main road". I guess that the reference is to
Paunggu pagoda.
55. Burm. Arch. Neg. 2721 ( 1926-27 ).
56. See Duroiselle, A.S.T. 1927, pp. 161-5 and Plate XXXIX (f).
iJVARAVATl AND OLD BURMA 25
The Hpetleik pagodas at Lokananda, 3 miles S. of Pagfm, are
probably older than Aniruddha. It was he, doubtless, who encased
them each with a corridor to hold 550 unglazed Jataka-plaques, the
finest in Burma. In doing so, he reorientated the pagodas so as to face
East, instead of North or West where the old stairways are still visible.
At the West Hpetleik, the North steps led up to the main niche in
the a1J{la or bell. Here a row of very antique bricklike tablets can
be seen, and 3 similar ones at Pagan Museum. They have long
tenons which ran back into the bell. Faintly visible in the centre is
a haloed Buddha of Dvaravati type, standing with Iarge
1
hands raised,
palms forward, perhaps in the pose of Argument ( vitarkamudra)
rather than Freedom from Fear ( abhayamudra). Of the three tiers
on each side, the upper one may hold stupas, the two lower ones
worshippers.
57
CONCLUSION.-Perhaps you will feel, as I do, that the really
distinguishing features of Mon, or any other art, are not really con-
tained in such rigid criteria. Useful as they are as workaday means
of identification, they do not contain the essence of works of art,
such as the many noble specimens from Dvaravati to which Dr. Le
May has introduced us. I do not think that we can rival these in
Burma. But our archaeological record of Ramai'ii'iadesa is far more
incomplete, I fear, than is yours of Dvaravati. And while we talk,
with some confidence, about the 'Mon' element in the early temples
of Pagan, we still write 'Mon' in inverted commas: for though we
see clearly that it is different from Burmese, we are not always
absolutely sure that it is Mon. To ascertain this, we shall have to
do much more excavation in Tenasserim.
57. See A.S.I. 1907, Plate L (d) and p. 127, where Taw Sein Ko suggested that
they represent "Dipankara ... prophesying that Sumedhn and Sumitta, a ilower-
girl, would respectively become Prince Siddhatlhu and his wife, Yasodhara.'' Cf.
A.S.B. 1908, pp. 11-12.
8 '' "''
ASIA
INDIA
.. KNOWN NEGRITO oR PYGHOID TYPES
0 OCEANIC NEGROIDS
AUSTRALOIDS
m INTER t-11;\E'D Ne:GRITIC PYGHOI DS
Ethnological distribution map of South Asi:J :;howing locations of I'ygrnoid, Negroid and Austr;tl.,id ral'ial t) I""'
.......
THE SOUTIII<:AST ASIAN NEGIHTO
Further Notes on the Ncgrito of South Thailand
by
/John r::n. q; ramlt
Professur Carleton S. Coon wrote in his recent publication
The Origin of Races", "One of the most controversial subjects in
human taxonomy is the classification of Pygmies, including principally
those of Africa, the Anclaman Islands, the Semang of the Malay
Peninsula, and the Philippine Negrito." In his reclassification of the
races he has placed the Asiatic Negri to in a grouping with the Austra-
loid proper, including as an additional race within the Australiod
subspecies of man, the Tasmanian and Papuan-Melanesian.
Negroids however, in the more traditional racial classifications,
arc usually divided into African Negroids and Oceanic Negroids, which
include the J>apuan-Melanesiun and the South East Asian Negroids.
Among the Asian Negroids arc the pygmoid Aetas of the Philippines,
the various tribal groups ol' the Andaman Islands in the Bay of Bengal
and the Semang Ncgrito uf' the Malay Peninsula.
Although a pygmoid type of' being, the Tapiro and the Aiome
Pygmy of Central New Guinea, the Bismark Mountains and the upper
Jimmi River, related by physical appearance and blood relationships
lo the Papuan has cvol ved, only the African Negro and the Negroids
o[' Asia ha vc produced true pygmo id versions of themselves. The
J'ormcr in the Bambuti Pygmies or the fturi Forest in the Congo and
other pygmoid groups extending into the forests or West Africa com-
prising some five known groups.
The Asian Ncgrito are today represented by surviving members
or some twelve tribal divisions consisting of approximately 2,000 in-
dividuals of the Andaman Islands where several tribes have already
ceased to exist or have been reduced to such low numbers that their
~ u r v i v l as a cultural entity is doubtful. The Andamancse Negrito is
probably one of the only pure examples of this subracc surviving to-
day since the Andnmans till very recent times have been completely
isulatccl from contact \\'ith the Asiatic Mainland. In the
roughly 25,000 Negrito li\e on several pf the larger islands ll(' the
;trchipelago. Some 3,000 Scmang Negrito, divided into seven known
bands, today inhabit the junglcd intcrinr of Northern Malaya and
northward on the Peninsula of Thailand as far N. Latitude. (Sec
Brandt 1962 ). Currently dwelling only in remote junglcd mountains,
the Negri to seem tu han: in the past also been lowland and
dwellers who were pushed into the interior by encroaching Malays or
Thai. The surviving tribes or the Andamans :-.till arc adept fisherman
and usc canoes in coastal waters.
At times the pygmoid bushman or the Kalahari desert of South
Africa is also classified among true pygmies.
The now extinct inhabitants or Tasmania have been described
as Ncgrito of medium stature with broad noses, thick lips, medium
racial protrusion, frizzly black hair and brachycephalic skulls in con-
trast to the present lnng headed, dolicocephalic, Australnid. h>r
Negritos to have reached Tasmania from the Australian continent, a
crossing or water at the Bass Straits would have been required by bual,
assuming a late migration southward from Asia proper. Even here
islands or the htrneaux, Curtis ami Kents would have facilitated such
a passage. Earlier migration from Asia could have been accomplished
by a short boat trip acrnss the straits scperating the Sunda and Sahul
shelves of present Indonesia which joined Horne(), Malaya, Sumatra
and Java in the former and Australia, New Guinea and Tasmania in
the latter, for some million years during the Pleistocene. An alternate
theory of Tasmanian origins by simple craft from the New I fcbrides
exists. However, more reasonable speculation is that Australia itself
was originally inhabited by Negrito people later replaced by Austra-
loids pushing south f'rum the Asian Mainland. Further support is given
this proposition by the facl that the Australian aborigine of today,
arc themselves divided into what appear to be three sub-types. One
a southern type with profuse body hair; a sparse haired dark northern
variety and a frizzly haired negroid stock from the rain forests of
Queensland, which intermixed and was largely replaced by the two
others. This Ncgritic element, it is suggested, is the remaining
nant of the original inhabitants.
The thidc wooly hair of t h t ~ Negrito has Parned him the name " Khon
Ngo" in Thai whieh likens his hair to the curly spincs on the outside of
tlw fruit 1\ambutan.
TIW .\SI\N NEI:lll"rO
Further cast, the Sahul shelf continued on to include several or
the larger Melanesian islands of the western Pacific. In tracing the
migrations or the Pulyncsians across the Pacific, Dr. Robert C. Suggs,
points out that there is reason to believe that some or the islands
reached by the Polynesians as early as P.OO BC were already occupied
by Negri to Pygmy or Negroid gruups. The place or '' Menuhenes ",
or small black forest dwarf's, armed with long bows dwelling in the
mountained interior of the islands is a living part or Polynesian and
Micronesian mythology and folk lore. The Negrito in all likelihood
moved into the island area on fool during the Pleistocene crossing
short distance of water with primitive craft where necessary.
During this early period, much or southeast Asia was occupied
by Negroids and primitive Paleo-Caucasoicl people. Which of' the
principle world races developed first is an unanswered question but
many authorities lean towards the Pygmy or Negrito as being one of
the earliest examples of primitive man although this is still not too
well documented by fossil remains. Contemporaneous development
or a perhaps slightly later origin is well for the Australoid
who has been described by Prof. E.A. Hooton an archaic form uf'
modern white man", or Puleo-Caucasoid. Mongoloid intrusion into
Southeast Asia is of a rather recent vintage and the area seems to have
been largely inhabited by a primitive caucasoid who derived wooly
hair and dark pigmentation !"rom whatever Negroid clements, probably
Negrito, that existed in the area at that time.
Evidence of an Auslraloid existence on the Asiatic Mainland
bas been purported by many physical relationships bet ween these
people and the remaining Veddalts of Ceylon as well as umnng several
hill tribes or southern India. It would he reasonable to include in
the Australoid classification all autochthonous Dravidian people of
south India. The Senoi ( Temiar and Semai) of' Central Malaya have
suggestions of certain primitive Australoicl characteristics as do the
Mokcn or Selung Sea Gypsies of Thailand's west coast centering in
the Mergui Archipelago of south Burma. Farther north such physical
types are found in the Hairy Ainu of Hokkaido, Sakhalin and the Kuril
Islands of Japan and in certain bearded Ainoid tribes of the Amur
River in Siberia. All of these are marginal people who seem to have
l'li'IWd h\ :Ill llllt:!llal pre;'.\!l't: [,, !ill' oltl!\:r Pl'llpiK'lY ut' !ltc
land ttLt,: .. :Ill individual<. jlr the lvpt
:1! the "''!'It:.: t.'\L't . .'Jll f,,r i.<dated t'\:lll!JdL:.
I lte .outltern Aw.tr:!ltdd \ariant. \lith
hllllld. quite prt,hahl;. dnl'ltped intn lhL: pre.ent Papuan. Tht:>t:
ph;. sit.:al pc r(lu;hly dat.d a < keanio. arL' cltaral'leri;ed
h;. d n:ry dtdicJcepllalic "ktdl, '' ith a indn v. ell ht.:lu\'. 75, a
deeply t'PIIt, Pl''!!nathi:.m am! ;1 :.kull \', iih
'itk' Skulh in han: been f'nund in :\mt.rica :1nd the
in l'a\'l>r i:; that the fir:;! prirniti
1
;L: 1t1 enter
'\urth America\ ia tilt.: Bering Strait:; were pf this mi\ed :\ustralnid-
'\letroid typl'. 1 were replaced at a tntH:h hy the
.\1onJ!tlltlitl ract v. hen it had den! oped It' it':' later :.tal!\: 111' Asian
dominance.
Btil.h .ft,,,. ;l!ld llaruld (il:tdwin in their writifl)!' un
tilt Jll'jllllatin:' .. r the l'<ntintnt the pll:;:-ihility uf
h;l\ inv the Ill'\\' \',ttl'ld. Thl: jli'C'>l'lll'l' or pygrnnid
t'ilaritcll:ri:.ti.:, in "me SPuth American Indian vr!IIIJ"' vaguely indi-
pu.:.ihk carl:. While tilt: rcmainill)' Auslra-
l(lid-0k!'l'>id V.Clc nradllally being pu:,hcd inl11 l ht: 11\llt:r Cd)!e:; of the
t'tllltinent. 111 hed. till: much later Mnllf'Ploith replal:ed them not
''nly in A'>1;1 h11t llli)rated on lP bccnrnc the Amerit.an \ll'
tlttLt\'.

rt:lnnam. ,,ftlw early mixed Au.,fraltid-I'h:gwid remains

;m.: in e; id..:tKc ''ll .. ,;vera I nf' t hL: 1 I : .. lands :.uch as among
the Tuala in till'< 'debe:; and alsP in Java. traces arc evident
in ',t:veral rc1rtainirw. lnd,mc;ian jungk people nn cast Sumatra and
lJ<ll'!lCI I <l' \\ 1.!J I.
( ln the ul' 1:1nn.:s in Indonesia, Dutch antllrupul11gists 111
l'J:\5 several identified a!; N!.!grito and
gave undocumented evidence of llll estimated age ul' 30,000 tu 40,000
years.
An 0lcgrito skull, which unl'ortunatdy cuuld not be
prupcrly dated. was discovered before 1921 under ten feet of alluvial
deposit beneath the Rio Pasig in Manila. Whatever the arrival date
TilE !:;tli
1
'I'IIEAST ASIAN NJo:t;){ITO :n
of the Negri to in this area may eventually pwve to he it appears his
extremely early presence seems i mlicutcd.
Going north into Southeast Asia, severn! Neolithic skulls and
fragments have been found indicating the early presence of' Negritos.
At Tam Hang and Lang-CLiom in Indochina a series of skeletal remains
excavated by French archaeologists have been iclcHtificd as Negrito.
Some indications arc that these people had started mixing with early
Mongoloids which apparently began filtering into the area in early
post-glacial times.
Dr. M. Abadie in 19:24 wrote that the Ho-Nhi tribes of Tong-
king had Ncgrito hair and a dark skin color. A skull found at Minh-
carn Cave in Annam has been identified as Negrito.
Early Chinese chronicles identify many or the dark skinned
jungle people or Indo-China as Negri to and called the people or Funan
(Cambodia) Negritos. Natives or the island of' Pulo Condorc, off
Vietnam, were identified as Negrito and ancient references identify
Negri to slaves in South China during the Seventh Century. Although
such evidence of Ncgritos is questionable due to lonsc interpretation
of the word "Negro'' the substantiated apparent intermingling or
Negroid, Paleo-Caucasoid and Mongoloid types in the Annamese area
seems to account for the dark skinned types which appears tn have
remained as late as the 'J"ang Dynasty ( 700 A.D.).
On the Thailand-Cambodian border, in the Cardamon Moun-
tains, dwell dark skinned jungle tribes called Piirr or Chong. Dr.
Jean Brengucs classified ulotrichi hair types among these people indi-
cating quite possibly the absorption or a Negrilo group into the now
predominantly Mongoloid population. Similm evidence of' Negroid
phenotypes throughout Southeast Asia indicate intermixture with an
earlier negroid type which existed in the area. LiLLie actual physical
evidence exists in Thailand and Burma of the existence of early Negri to
distribution patterns since little actual field exploration has been done
here. However, in many rural areas a strong negritic cast is evident
in remote communities of the western part of Thailand and continuing
south on the Peninsula through the isthmus of Kra.
,Iilli\ If. lii!ANilT
The May, Cuci and RuP tribes ul' the ut' <,luang-hinh
in Vietnam, though raci:dly mixed, show derm:nts in statme,
<.:.:phalk and nasal indi...:cs. sugge:-.ting :1 Ne!fritu
In India, the Kadar ut' the Anamalai !Jill ut' Cuchin and
Cuimhatore, a short dark PH'.muid aboriginal group strung negri-
tic clmracteristics. Based on physical and cultural the
anthropologists F.hrent'ds and Gulla have :-.uggcsted their atlinitics
with the Negritt,,d Malaya. Some suggested characteristics have also
been c>bser\'ed among the Naga ut' the Burma-India frontier area.
Still further afield in Taiwan, the researcher Tadeo Kano, has
uncovered traditions among Paiwan and Saisat aborigines
regarding former dark skinned dwarfs nn Taiwan. Certain areas ure
identified as Ncgritn burial sites and carry strong local taboos.
The question ul' whether a Negrilo is a separate :-.ub-spccitk
race a mutated Negm undergoing parallel in htl!h
Al'rica and Asia is still umcsolved. Certainly adverse living condi-
tions and iII nourishment will produce individuals of short stature
with examples the Mabri or Phi Tong Luang of north Thailand who
average for males 152.9 Cms. in height or just over the pygmy standard
ol' 150 Cms. The Veddahs, Lapps, some Eskimos and several jungle
tribes of Asia, At' rica and South America might he so calegori;t.ed where
because or poor rood and climate, through long selection, the tall
hereditary lines have gradually been clilllinali.!d producing a short
pygmoid type. 1 lowcvcr, it is also to be remembered that this is not
always true and equally unl'avorablc environmental conditions in other
instances permitted continuation of normal sized individuals.
The other possibility is that ur a specifit: mutation which was
then, through selective breeding or adaptability, developed to the
complete extirpation of the original normal size factor. '!'his would
lead to the ultimate development ot' a pygmy genotype. There is no
indication that a pygmy raised in normal surroundings would become
anything but a pygmy. Yet it seems peculiar that or all the divergent
varieties or man that only the Negroid would have produced a dwarf
version of itself. Perhaps others occured which proved unsuccessful
although no current evidence of such other experimentation on the
part of nature exists.
:u
ur man's relations amtlng the primates, the African Chimpan-
zee alsu interestingly has produced a pygmy variety of itself'.
The possibility of ateliotic or achondroplastic development due
to pituitary mal-function has been suggested as a reason for dwarfing.
Certain pygmoid groups, particularly the Bambuti or Africa, sho\\'
certain features associated with pituitary deficicnees such as dispw-
protionatcly large heads, flattened faces and distorted limbs. The fact
that the pygmy groups are related by blood gene frequencies tu the
non-negroid people around them rather than to euch other, has led tu
the speculation that pygmies have come about clue to parallel gene
mutations bringing on such characteristics. By contrast, however, the
Asian Ncgrito, generally exhibits normal body conformation and ba-
lance. Yet if parallel gene mutation is considered it must be remem-
bered that there is no evidence that full sized negroicls ever existed
on the Asiatic Mainland nor areas of the Philippines and Andamuns
where pygmies exist. The brachycephalic pygmies of' the Congo also
it has shown do not bear much physical relationship to their
dnlicoceplwlic neighburs in spite uf a demonstrated blood
Similar environments rnay produce similar characteristics over
a period of time due to natural sclcdion. Kinky negroid hair is such
a mutation having adaptive value although what this adltplution is, is
not fully unden;Lood. Yet such mutations, if adaptive, will become
rapidly established in small populatiorHi sw.:h as existed among primi-
tive man. It appears evident however that whatever gcnes were
responsible for producing pygmy slat urc types seem odell y connected
with the genes which produced wooly hair. There do not appear to
be any known pygmy types in which this characteri!;tic is lacking to
one degree or another. Since there is no evidence that any full sized
Negroes existed cast of Central Asia in early times little relationship
between Asiatic and African Negroids is postulated. Consequently,
whatever Negroid charncteristics exist in Southeast Asia seem due to
an archaic negritic strain that developed within the Negroid sub-type
along lines parallel to equatorial Africa having become established at
a very early time in the development of primitive man.
,l!lllN II. 111!\Nlll
II
Little recent "''rk ll:ts het.!n done the Sem:tllf
with the t:\L'l'ptilltl pf the publicatiuns 111' l::llhcr P:tul Sl'llt:'-he-.t:t ,., ht
anwng people in the mid-1920's, Pr,,r. Dr. llllt!ll lkrnallik
who visitl.:d the Tont!.a Negritu ,,r Trang .. Pattalung Prm irll'es (II Suuth
Thailand in I 'J2l: iV!r. l. II. N. Emn:-. who published mtmcwus
studies un the Nep,rito in the mid I(HO\ and Brandt in llJIJI. Other
rcl'ercm:es 111 the Negri to are included in variou-. publicati1Hh dealing
with f\laJayan aborigines, \'CI'y fc\\. of which art: uf date.
Twn groups or Negrito seem beyond the ul' study.
The Paya Scmang (Low ('ountry Negritn) reported living in South
Kcdah atH.I the i Jpper Krian Rinr in lVlalaya JHIW extinct.
In lWl I-1
1
JO.: Nelson Annanda lc and I krbert RPbinson reported
Negri to called Suku Pr I Iami Jiving in wllat now Yala Province,
South Thailand. A hricf tkscriptiun ol' thc:-;c pcopll' given at that time
indicated a unique cultural gruup unrelated tu the .lahai, Kintak or
Kensiu living in adjuining. areas to the south and Dart
cannistcrs silllil:tr l' those made among the Tonga to tlw Northwest
were described. This L!.rnup has also ccascd to since the first
early reports.
ln1955, Rodney Needham, made rel'erencc in the Bulletin or the
International ( :ommittcc un Urgent Anthropological and Ethno]pgit;al
Rcsca rch, No. 3, I ()60, l hat reports had been received (lj' an as yet
uncuntactcd group or wild Negrito rl.!ported living un tile Kenyam
tributary or the Tcmbcling River, running south-ea:>t f'rom the flank
nf Gunong ( Mt.) Tahan, Malaya. They had been seen once in 1930
and aJ though a !\CarcJl for l)H.:Jll proved llllslleCe);sf'ul, evidence of their
existence in the mea was supported by finding abandoned windscreens
and holes where the women had extracted tubec; not more than two
months earlier. What the sn called Tahan Negrito arc or their rela-
tionship to other known Ncgrito in the area is still undetermined.
During my studies of the Jahai Ncgrito living in Rengae Dis-
trict, Naratiwat Province, South Thailand, I received reports of another
band which ranged the drainage of the upper Saiburi River in Wang
District, Naratiwat. This band is reportedly in contact with Thai or
TilE SIHII'IIF.\ST \ ~ L \ ~ "'EI:HITO
Malay villagers ncar Tambnn Mamung which is about a six hour walk
over a 300 meter divitlc from Amphur '/lang. Earlier reports of this or
another hand rcpurtcd living ncar Kampong Balar or Kampang Lukac
which were reported to have moved across from Kelan tan, Malaya
ncar Kampong Jcli, could not be substantiated. Material arLiclcs ob-
tained from this hand through village headmen in Wang, now in the
American Museum ol' Natural History, included a blowpipe, durt
cannister, poison spatula, tobacco purse, women's hair combs and
plaited pack basket. On the basis of' dccorati ve patterns. on the blow-
pipe, in particular, I hesitate to identify this group. Design patterns
arc similar to those found on Tcmiar Scnoi bamboo pieces a con-
siderable distance to the south. 'Nhcthcr these items were traded
north to the Saiburi Ri vcr Negri to, as often happens, or i r these were
MuhtVan Negrito who moved north into Thailand during the Malayan
Communist insurrection is still unknown. Some aspects of their
material culture arc distinctly different f'rorn adjoining Negrito and
the rossibility exists that these are a distinct previously unreported.
band. Further investigation is called l'or.
On tl1c other side or the Malay Peninsula, in Thailand's Satun
Province, previously unrecorded Negri to were located during the 196!
investigation. The location of Ncgrito hands identified as the Tonga,
(Mos, Chong) has been established l'nr some time in the Kau Ban Tal
Mountains which is the southern hill extension or the Central
Mountain range running south l'rnm Burma and continuing on to the
mountains or Malaya. These 110111Hdk bands wandered iII the forest
separating Trang and Pattalung Provinces and have at various times
been reported living ncar Ga-C!Jong 1:alls, Trang and earlier in the
century ncar NaWong. Reports have also placed them on Ml. Rawn,
Mt. Mamtow and Mt. Mai Dam. They trade now ncar a village called
Lujangla, Tambon Tanwt, Kauchaison Distric;t, Pattnlung, on the cast
drainage of the mountains.
Bands of what appear to be 'T'onga arc reported ncar Toentck
Falls on Pu Kau Luang, Trang Province and near Pu Kau Sam Ngam
in Bali en District, Trang, as well as near Pha Ban Taket and Ban Trak,
near the west coast of Satun Province. These people appear to have
.Iilli:\ II. IIH\:'-llll
littlt: t:<Hllllllllllc<ltion with the bauds 1>11 the Pat!alung ul'
the lllOUntains.
In Jt)()j Negrito were repurtcd to me ncar the 1'-f:llay \'illagc ut'
Ban DPan. Tamh<lll Tung Nui in Satutl. [n\'estigati<lll n.:vcakd that
this hand which had reportedly numbered thirteen indh iduals as re-
cently us the past ten years \\'as now reduced tu one sunivin1: family.
an adult man, a woman and her child.
This band ranged in the Dong Chiiok Chang Forest which ex-
tends cast-west along the Thai-Malay f'runticr. The Ncgritu came
regularly to the village to beg for rice. old dothcs and salt in return
f'or which the Ncgrito brought in rattan or other jungle pwducts. In
return l'or food, the Ncgrito W(lllld climb t.:\H.:onut palms to udlect the
copra nuts. Nmw of the Ban Doan villagers had ever been tP the
Negritu's camp although the walking distance was nul great since the
i\iegrito's usually arrived by AM in the morning at tht.: village
every two or three days. The Ncgrito were cxl!'emcly reluctant ll>
point out their camp area and would refuse to enter the village if
strangers were about. I learned later that local Thais had offered ll
huy the Negrito's child and the Ncgriln had been told that it would
be :;tokn from them. The mother was extremely frightened in the
village or this possibility and <:arricd the child on her hip at all times.
Through the assistan<:c of Mr. I Iarold G. Lierly who resided at
Ban Doan during 1963 and <:arly 1964 \VC were able to establish con-
tact with this group and gather some basic inf()['mation regarding
them. Communication problems existed since the Negri to spoke only
very poor dialect Siamese. Due to the fact that the man
was the last male survivor of his group he had certain limitations as
a good source of' information. There wus of course no way to cross
check or verify the information received. Contact with the hand wus
sporadic for about a four months period during early 1964. The fol-
lowing information was obtained from the informant, Hew, a Ncgrito
male about thirty years of age, with a badly crippled leg due to an
early accident which caused extreme atrophy of the lower left limb.
The band we were told had originally came from the vicinity
of Kau Krai some 15 miles to the west. The band had however
Iltw. Tilt> last surviving 1111111 of a band of Ntgrito frorn :'aillll I 'rovi11n
holds a blunt J.ladtd spear and 11 tassclla;"lvd bon l'it'<lll<'r for his blllwpipt.
\Va, tilt last Nt'grito 1\'fllllan of tlw han I loan Band holds hl'r l'hild, Sarnni,
whidt ,illagt.'rs t l t n ~ l l t ~ n e d would J,e stolen or llf)llght from lwr.
1
.,;
c::
'v
'l)
,,
'.I
~ ~
c
~
~
'
The young Negrito child is often quite light when born hut gels gradually
The <'hild in tlw back wears a necklace of coins and trnde beads.
.\ 1\.cnsiu Semang Negrito rnan twists string. In the foreground a largt J.(Ollrd used for
watl'f. The 1aised plattorm prl!te"ts the sleeper from the tnni,t J.(I'OlltHI.
Seed beads and a rattan armband adorn t i ~ Kensiu Negrito girl. In her hair she wears a
decorated bamhnn hair cumh with magical designs to protect the wearer from illness.
A Semang Negri to woman of the Kensiu Band of Yala Province. South Thailand. Both mother
and child display the deep nasal root frequently observed while the child has an unusually
pronounced forehead.
An old Negrito woman in Yala plays a two string b<I!llboo musical instrument. The Negrito
also possess flutes and mouth harps.
A Negri to hunter displays his blowpipe and poisoned dart cannister. Both are t:ed
with magical incised to assure a successful hunt. The moutl1piece of the blow l=>i pe is
built up of wood and hardened pitch.
THE SOUTHEAST ASIAN NJ<:GRI'l'O
:17
wandered in it's present locality for over 20 years. The remaining
female of the group, a 22 year old woman named Wa, was born in the
vicinity of Ban Doan and villagers could remember her as a child.
The couple had one female child about 2 years old named Samoi. A
male child called Yiya had died.
The band had formerly consisted of nine others that could be
recalled; all now dead.
Name Sex Name Sex
1. I-Khaj Male 6. Isah Female
2. Auan Male 7. Timah Female
3. Aloj Male 8. Lamba Female
4. Sinang Male 9. Diwa Male Child
5. Iya Female
If the four couples had any other children they were not
remembered or reported. The Negrito advised us that they had had
no contact with other Negrito for this entire period although they
were a ware of the existence of other bands to the north. At one
unspecified time other Negrito of undetermined origin had come to
Ban Doan to contact this family but had been apparently unsuccessful.
The Negri to called themselves "Monik" which conforms with
other Negri to deviations of the word which refers to "The People'',
themselves. The words Mos, Chong, Tonga which had been applied
as Band names to this group were apparently unknown to them. None
of them had ever been to the main Thai trading centers at Sa tun 39
Kls. to the south or Rattapoom in Songkhla Province 65 Kls. north.
Negrito formerly traded at Rattapoom but it is assumed these came
from Tonga living to the west of the settlement.
Although reported by villagers to camp in caves near Tung Nui
as had been reported by Skeats and King Chulalongkorn among the
Tonga, our informant denied this. The Negrito camp was visited
after considerable bribing and after confidence had been established.
The crude wind screen of Bamboo and Palm fronds was located 35
minutes walk from the settlement near a small jungle stream. The
camp was on a rather percipitous slope. The horizontal sleeping
38 JOHN H. BRANDT
platform met diagonally with the slope of the mountain. A small
sheltering fence of palm branches surrounded the platform. This had
not been reported for other Negrito and may have been designed to
protect the infant since no other persons were in the camp which
might normally have been available to watch the child. Leaves were
used as bedding. Skeats had earlier reported green leaves on Negrito
sleeping platforms but Schebesta questioned whether Negritos ever did
this as he had never seen this during his long residence among them.
The Negrito had a small swing built on a branch of a tree which
is a previously unreported recreational device. It was also reportedly
used during courtship at which time love songs were sung. The camp
had dried salted river fish hung up which had been caught in the
stream. The preservation technique may have been learned from the
Malays since food preservation of any kind is not typical of the
Negri to. Shortly after this visit the Negri to broke camp and moved.
Attempts to visit the new camp site were unsuccessful.
Drinking water was stored in a joint of bamboo and cooking
was done in an old metal pot that had been obtained by barter. The
small storage baskets at the camp had also been obtained from the
Malay. The Negrito claimed food taboos against Tiger, Bear,
Elephant, Frog, Lizard, Duck, Pig and Deer. Villagers said the Ne-
grito refused beef as well. Pork was of course not offered in a
Moslem Malay village. The food taboos conform with those
reported for the Tonga who also will not eat Rhino. The group
maintained no special food taboos during pregnancy and both sexes
ate together.
Both Negrito wore discarded clothing obtained from the
Malays and the woman had a black sarong which she wore to the
village. The predilection of the Tonga for discarded clothing was
reported as early as the turn of the century. The child was naked ex-
cept for a necklace of old Chinese coins. A necklace of seed beads
was also worn at times. The Negrito attributed magical properties
to monkey bones as do other Negrito bands. The Negrito claimed
not to know how to make bark cloth from the Ipoh tree.
THE SOUTHEAST ASIAN NEC:HITO
The informant stated that the dead were buried approximately
15 inches under-ground wrapped in cloth or Banana leaves. The
head faced the west and the body was placed with the arms extended
at the sides. Mourning lasted for 5 days. A windscreen was built
over the grave and food offerings were made. This follows the
burial practice of the Jahai and Lanoh Negri to in Malaya. The grave
is not revisited. Ghosts were reported to appear white and human
although they did not eat. Ghosts also reportedly wore clothing.
The Tonga had reported to me that a spirit's face shines in the dark
but our informant could not confirm this. The Tonga concept of
heaven in the western sky to which a "soul" goes by climbing a Nipa
Palm and then jumping over a stream was not understood by these
Negri to although their "heaven" did lie in the west. This "heaven"
had no Tiger and Elephant as in the Tonga belief but the Negri to ad-
vised us that men and women go to separate heavens. No children
are born in heaven and families are not reunited after death. This
lack of reunification differs from the Tonga.
Although the Tonga normally pay a bride price of cloth or
trophies of the hunt the band claimed no bride price was necessary
and that residence was matrilocal. Children are delivered in a lying
position in contrast to typical Negrito parturition which is in a squat-
ting position. The informant stated that incestuous relations between
brother and sister were permitted.
The items of material culture were extremely limited. The
man carried a short stabbing spear with a heavy metal blade which
had been obtained from villagers. The blade was about 10 inches
long and the shaft about 4 feet long. A short stout digging stick
with a spatula shaped metal blade was U:sed to dig out edible jungle
tubers and other roots.
Weapons made by the Tonga Negrito are rather crude compa-
red to the beautifully decorated blowpipes produced by the Kensiu
and Jahai. The blowpipes made in Satun are undecorated as is
characteristic of the Tonga. Three blowpipes collected measured 4'
lO!r", 5' 7" and 7' 2". Each was made of a two piece inner bore
joined with a sleeve of bamboo covered with a hardened pitch. In
4o JollN H. BRAND'!'
blowpipe, Th-1390, the inner bore pieces measured 53" and
eluding a 4!" mouthpiece. The outer protective covering was made
of three pieces 38", 16" and 8lr" long. The last 19 inches of the inner
bore was uncovered but had apparently been covered at one time by
another extension of the outer covering. The joints were tightly
lashed with rattan and covered with hardened pitch. The ends of
the covering were similarly bound to prevent splitting. The joints
were made of extremely thin lightweight yellowish cane or undeter-
mined species of bamboo. The Negrito in the area do not have
access to a good grade of bamboo with long joints such as are ex-
tensively traded about among the Negrito in Malaya. The bore
diameter of the weapons ranged from 9 I 16 to 11 I 16 inches. The
outer bore diameter on blowpipe Th-1930 was 1 inch and on Th-1319
1 114 inches.
The mouthpiece was carved from bamboo and had a crown
built up or gummy pitch with a semi soft consistency similar to
modeling clay.
A unique instrument found among the band was a bore clean-
ing rod. This has been, I believe, previously unreported among any
Negrito. It consists of a 114 inch stick 55" in length. The head has
a backward bound tassel of split rattan fibres lashed fast with rattan
lacing.
The poison container was a joint of bamboo 17'' x 1 114".
The top was stoppered with a wad of leaves and contained a long
thin spatula. The Tonga made use of sap from the tree, Antiaris
toxicaria, for poisoning their darts. The hard chocolate brown sap
is collected by slashing the trunk of the tree and catching the sap
in a bamboo joint. The sap, originally a milky gray, turns dark
and hard upon drying. It becomes very brittle but can be softened
again by heating. The Tonga frequently mix this poison with cooked
sap from a creeper belonging to the genus Strychnos and add chicken
gall and bird fat to increase it's potency. The Satun band claimed
they added "other items" to the poison but would not elaborate on
what the "other" ingredients were.
Three dart containers were obtained from the group. These
measured x 3t, and x Another was 12 inches long.
I.
l. llan I loan l'kgrito. Blowpipe
ntadr of wood l'O-
I'I'J'<:d with pitch. Thr' wrnp-
ping i' of pitch l'OVcred rattan.
I L Tonga typt l1lowpipt of the
Ban l.loan Negrito showing
mtter IH>re ('nVl'ring and
mrnllhJlitce.
II L Tonga I ype l1low pipe shmving
inntr bore of two piet'eS joined
with sleeve of ham!Joo.
:V!outhpiece stem is attached
as a separate unit with a
ro!JIH!ed wooden !dock f()J' ;t
mouthpiece.
IV. Ban Doan poisoned
dart. The tip is covered with
I poh poison and is notched to
break off in a wound.
IL
rr.
Blowpipe bore cleaner rod collected among the Ban Doan Negri to in Sa tun
Province, South Thailand.
TllE S!Hi'I'IIEAS'i' ASI.IN Nl:t:HII'O
ll
All were made from large joints of bamboo. The first was a polished
joint bound ncar the top with rattan lashings to which were attached
a fibre cord and a piece of rag for binding the cannister around the
waist. The cannistcrs of the Kensiu and Jahai are normally LUcked
into a waistband without a separate strap. The bottom of the can-
nister on the outside had a heavy coating of the same soft gummy
material of which the blowpipe mouth pieces were built up.
Inside the larger of the cannisters were 22 individual tubes of
cane, each containing one poisoned dart. These were arranged around
the walls of the container. The core was packed with plant fibre
flocculence probably Caryota or Calamus. This is used as an air
seal behind the dart in the breech so in expelling the projectiles no air
is lost. The medium sized cannister contained 17 dart tubes. This
cannister was also of Bamboo from which the glazed outer coating
had been scraped. Both the Tonga and the now extinct Hami made
cannisters bound about the waist in which each dart was in a separate
container. Other Negrito bands usc small narrow cannistcrs without
tubes. The Tonga cannisters and blowpipes are also unique in that
they arc without decoration. Among other Ncgrito, decorative
patterns have important significance as attractants for game or to
prevent animals from being afraid of' the hunter through it's magic
properties. Most Negri to consider undecorated blowpipes as ineffec-
tive.
On the outside of' the larger cannister were two sharpened bone
awls, 5 3/4" and 4 1/4" long placed under the rattan binding. Al-
though their utilitarian purpose was quite probably otherwise, the
informant said they were used for removing splinters from his feet.
The rather hca vy darts were 14" long and made of what ap-
peared to be palm wood. 3 1/ 4" from the tip the darts were deeply
notched so as to break off in the wounded animal. On the upper end
was a conical cap of light pithy wood which was cut to fit the bore
diameter. The darts arc considerably heavier than the light splinter
like darts made by the Kensiu from Bertam Palm rib.
The Negrito claimed not to make musical instruments although
Jews Harps have been reported among the Tonga.
42 JOHN H. BRAND'i'
With only one informant, with whom communication and con-
tact was limited, the accuracy of acquired information is questionable.
The intelligence of the informant and his familiarity with some of the
aspects of his culture could not be ascertained. His long isolation from .
others of his kind may have dulled his recollection of some cultural
matters. The items of material culture described may be crude due to
poor craftsmanship rather than being typical of the group, recognizing
that all persons are not equally gifted craftsman. His lack of know-
ledge, i.e. regarding musical instruments, may be due to the same
reason.
The last contact with Hew, Wa and Samoi was on May 24, 1964.
Note: On April 17, 1964 a Malay woodcutter from Ban Doan
was approached in the forest by a powerfully built bushy haired nude
Negrito man carrying a blowpipe, dart cannister and a long sword like
machete. The Negrito asked in southern dialect Siamese for food and
clothing. The badly frightened Malay guided him to the village where
he was given a pair of old Khaki shorts. The Negrito did not know
apparently how to put on trousers and was instead given an old
pakoma (short wrap around sarong). He asked that food be placed
upon a rock in mid stream above the village for him. This was done
and the food was gone next morning. I visited Ban Doan on this
particular day and found the villagers extremely excited by their
jungle visitor. The Negrito did not return after the initial contact.
Ten days later an entire new band of Negri to, all nude, emerged
from the forest guided by the former visitor who had acted as recon-
naissance scout. This group consisted of three adult females, three
adult males, one male child of approximately 11 years and one male
child of 8 or 9. All asked for clothing and food and then returned to
the forest. The women wore head bands of twisted grasses over closely
cropped hair. The male scout, a powerfully built unusually tall
Negrito, wore long bushy hair. All members of the band wore red
dyed fibre neck cords called "gasai ", worn to prevent illness. No
earrings or bracelets were seen.
The new band soon joined the Negrito family of Ban Doan and
established a joint camp with Hew acting as group leader. The new
An unusually large bushy heudc:d Nel-(rilo acted as scout for his band nt
Tambon Tungnui, Satun Province and emerged from the forest with eight
other Negrito. He wears a 1<hirt giv<:n him by the Malay villal-(ers rtnd
holds a blowpipe in his hand. Around his neck is a red dyed string worn
to prevent sickness.
Two Negrito girls from the Satun Negrito band at Tambon Tungnui.
Twisted plant fibres are wrapped around their foreheads. The band
came from the forest to trade after having wandered for six years in the
Dong ChUok Chang Forest Tract on the Thai-Malay border.
TilE SOUT!IEASI' ASIAN NEC:HITO
comers were uninhibited and aggressive around the village in contrast
to the normal shy retiring character of Negri to. The two Negri to boys
particularly delighted in grimacing at the Malay children fully a ware
of the fears that the villagers had of the jungle people. All the men
were armed with blowpipes and poison darts. No permission could be
obtained to accompany them to their camp and they advised that they
would run away if any attempt was made to follow them.
The band informed us they had formerly lived near Kau Krai
(where Hew's band had also originated) but had been away from
contact with villages for over six years. On May 24, 1964 the group
visited Ban Doan and said they were tired of eating rice and were
going back into the forest to live. Apparently Hew and Wa joined
the new group which was the first of their race they had seen in a
decade. No Negrito has been seen in the village since their departure.
Where they have gone or where from the huge forests they will again
emerge, and when, no man knows.
THE SECRET CONVENTION OF 1897
(.ihamsook 9Vurnnonda
Faculty of Arts) Chulalongkorn University
1
The last quarter of the nineteenth century saw Siam became
the target of jealousy and rivalry between Britain and France, her
territorial neighbours on the west and east. Of these two strong
colonising Powers, the Siamese, in their best interests, looked to the
British Government for help. As King Chulalongkorn of Siam put it,
"We always rely on England as our support ".2 As regards the rela-
tions with France disagreement was always chronic, and periodically
developed into an acute form. Doubtless Siamese procrastination and
shuffling were to some extent responsible for this fact. But on the other
hand, Siamese hatred and mistrust for France were due to the aggres-
sion and hectoring tone of the French Colonial Party. The difficul-
ties over claims to territory on the left bank of the Mekong which
boiled up with the passage of the Menam by the French gun-boats
culminated in 1893 in a rupture of relation. It, however, brought
salvation to Siam since the Siamese cession of all territory to the east
of the Mekong made French possessions contiguous with the British
Protectorate on the Burmese frontier. Such a situation aroused a consi-
derable amount of mutual suspicion between England and France as
regards designs upon Siam, and led to protracted pourparlers, which
after some three years, resulted in the Anglo-French Declaration of
1896. Summed up briefly, this was to the effect that neither England
nor France should advance their armed forces, nor acquire any special
privilege or advantage within the region which roughly speaking might
be termed the valley of the Menam.
This settlement, though it guaranteed the independence of Siam,
gave a rather loose definition of the non-guaranteed portion of Siam,
the Malay Peninsula in particular. The Foreign Office and Colonial
Office both agreed that "Whoever holds the Peninsula must to a great
1. Mrs. Thamsook Numnonda is presently doing research on Anglo-Thai relations
190009, at the School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London.
2. Foreign Office Paper, hereafter cited as F.O. 422/56, Archer to Lansdowne, Sep-
tember 29, 1902.
THE SECRET CONVENTION OF 1897
(.ihamsook 9Vurnnonda
Faculty of Arts) Chulalongkorn University
1
The last quarter of the nineteenth century saw Siam became
the target of jealousy and rivalry between Britain and France, her
territorial neighbours on the west and east. Of these two strong
colonising Powers, the Siamese, in their best interests, looked to the
British Government for help. As King Chulalongkorn of Siam put it,
"We always rely on England as our support ".2 As regards the rela-
tions with France disagreement was always chronic, and periodically
developed into an acute form. Doubtless Siamese procrastination and
shuffling were to some extent responsible for this fact. But on the other
hand, Siamese hatred and mistrust for France were due to the aggres-
sion and hectoring tone of the French Colonial Party. The difficul-
ties over claims to territory on the left bank of the Mekong which
boiled up with the passage of the Menam by the French gun-boats
culminated in 1893 in a rupture of relation. It, however, brought
salvation to Siam since the Siamese cession of all territory to the east
of the Mekong made French possessions contiguous with the British
Protectorate on the Burmese frontier. Such a situation aroused a consi-
derable amount of mutual suspicion between England and France as
regards designs upon Siam, and led to protracted pourparlers, which
after some three years, resulted in the Anglo-French Declaration of
1896. Summed up briefly, this was to the effect that neither England
nor France should advance their armed forces, nor acquire any special
privilege or advantage within the region which roughly speaking might
be termed the valley of the Menam.
This settlement, though it guaranteed the independence of Siam,
gave a rather loose definition of the non-guaranteed portion of Siam,
the Malay Peninsula in particular. The Foreign Office and Colonial
Office both agreed that "Whoever holds the Peninsula must to a great
1. Mrs. Thamsook Numnonda is presently doing research on Anglo-Thai relations
190009, at the School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London.
2. Foreign Office Paper, hereafter cited as F.O. 422/56, Archer to Lansdowne, Sep-
tember 29, 1902.
46 Thamsook Numnonda
extent command the route to the Far East. Singapore is the turning
point in the south of Asia, but half the value of Singapore would be
gone if, to the north of it, a neck of the Peninsula were held by some
other Power." 1 Although Siam had, ever since the existence of
Anglo-Siamese relations, claimed the greater portion of the Peninsula
as a part of the Siamese dominions, her hold over these regions com-
prising the Stutes of Kelantan, Trengganu, and Kedah was of the most
shadowy and feeble description, and she would naturally be quite
unable to resist any penetration by foreigners under the pretext of
commercial enterprise. In addition, the Sultans of these States
refused to recognize Siamese authority but were too weak to do
anything about it. Britain was constantly threatened by the pos-
sibility that at some moment any one of these petty Rulers might be
enticed into relations either directly with some foreign Government
for the cession of a harbour or coaling station or by the grant of
land in their States to permit the establishment of large foreign
interests leading eventually to intervention in the Peninsula by a
non-British Government.
Subsequently Salisbury secretly sounded De Bunsen, the British
Minister in Bangkok, as to whether the Siamese Government would
be inclined to enter into an engagement not to part with any of the
territory which they claimed in the Malay Peninsula without British
consent.2 De Bunsen replied that he believed the Siamese Govern-
ment would willingly accept the proposal since thy were already
alarmed at the speeches of Sir C. Clementi Smith, the ex-Governor of
the Straits Settlements, hinting at the expansion of the Straits e t t l e ~
ments in a northerly direction.3 Governor Mitchell of the Straits
Settlements was also very anxious to settle the question of Siam's ex-
clusive rights in this region because he felt, "that these most astute
Asiatics are taking advantage of us, and the matter ought to be defini-
tely settled, in spite of our newly formed servile attitude to French
susceptibilities. 4'' Such an agreement, however, Mr. T. Sanderson, Under
1. F.O. 422/45, 0.0.-F.O., February 28, 1896.
2. F.O. 17/1293, Telegram, Salisbury-Bunsen, January 24, 1896.
3. F.O. 17/1293, Telegram, De Bunsen-Salisbury, January25, 1896.
4. F.O. 69/176, Sir Charles Mitchell-De Bunsen.
'L'l-i: ANGLO-SIAMESE SECRET CONVENTION OF 1897
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs argued would provide Siam
with a degree of security almost equivalent to the Anglo-French Treaty
of 1896 for the western portion of her territory which was outside
the Anglo-French Agreement of 1896.1 In actual fact, this question
had been raised in 1891, but it was considered useless to lay such a
request before the Siamese Government until the British Government
were prepared to concede something on their side.z The Foreign Office
then voiced the views of the Colonial Office as to whether the British
Government should recognise definitely Siamese sovereignty and con-
trol over Kelantan, Trengganu and Kedah. It was Salisbury's opinion
that if the Siamese claim was left vague, the protection afforded by
the Convention should become equally indefinite.:3 But before any
settlement was reached, Salisbm:y wrote another letter to Chamber-
lain expressing his readiness to forward to the British Minister in
Bangkok a draft of the Convention. He clearly stipulated his opinion,
"the result of the Convention, if concluded, will necessarily be to
acknowledge the rights of Siam over Kelantan and Trengganu, what-
ever view may be held as to their validity on historical grounds.4
On the 31st of May, 1896, the Convention was drafted which
embodied three principles-the King of Siam engaged not to alienate
to any Power other than England any of his territmial or suzerain
rights lying to south of Muong Bang Tapan, the British Government
engaged on her part to support the King of Siam in resisting any
attempt by a third Power and, the King of Siam engaged not to grant,
cede or let any exclusive rights within the specified limits to a third
Power without the written consent of the British Government. This
was communicated by Bunsen to Prince Devawongse, the Siamese
Foreign Minister, who appeared to be pleased and promised to forward
it at once to the King.5 In his 'verbal note' De Bunsen added that
this Convention aimed, among other things, at furnishing Siam with
1. F.O. 17/1293, Sanderson's Memorandum, March 2, 1896.
2. F,O. 422/45, C.O.-F.O., February 28, 1896.
3. Ibid., F.O.-C.O., March 14, 1896.
4. Ibid., F.O.-C.O., March 26, 1896.
5. f.O. 422/45, De Bunsen-Salisbury, May 7, 1896.
48
Thamsook Numnci:hda
an almost equivalent security as regards her territory oi.Jtside the
Anglo-French Agreement of 1896.1
The negotiation did not proceed satisfactorily on the lines
which were sketched. The King being quite disposed to admit the
principle of the proposed Convention, was not prepared to pursue it
without making some modifications. He suggested firstly, to allude
to the Declaration of 1896, secondly, to reduce the text to two
articles, as it contained only two substantial clauses, thirdly to sub-
stitute for the words "exclusive rights" of Article 3 the words
"special privilege or advantage" and lastly to make a Protocol
binding the two Governments to refer to arbitration "any contro-
versies which may arise respecting the interpretation or the execution
of any Treaties when other means are exhausted. "2
The object of the Siamese Government in proposing these
amendment was to disarm the French, who might otherwise think
England was trying to obtain a trade monopoly in the Malay Peninsula,
and so cause them to try to obtain a similar trade monopoly to the
west of the French colonies in Indo-China, and this privilege would
have to be granted to France without a 'quid pro quo', for no one but
France was likely to dispute with Siam the possession of those barren
regions, and France could therefore promise to assist Siam in pro-
tecting them from the attacks of a third party without any real pro-
spect of her assistance being involved.
The Siamese amended draft, in the above-mentioned sense with
two other striking substitutions was forwarded to De Bunsen. In it
the phrase "Siam engages not to cede certain territories to any other
Power" was used instead of " _____ to any Power other than
Great Britain" and also the word "sovereignty" substituted for
"suzerainty.''
The new reading, the Siamese Govennent believed, would be
less calculated than these in the original draft to convey an impression
to the sensitive French mind that England was tightening her hold on
1. F.O. 17/1293, Telegram, Salisbury-Bunsen, January 24, 1896.
2. F.O. 628/18/242, Prince Devawongse-De Bunsen, July 7, 1896.
the northern part of the Malay Peninsula. !!or if' France believed
this, she would certainly respond by asserting herself to at least a
corresponding degree in the eastern provinces of Sinm.l
The Foreign OHice and the Colonial Office fully supported the
Siamese Preamble and two ph ruses, "special privilege or ad vantage"
and ''to any other Power". The Foreign Office did not consider the
ambiguity of the latter important so long as the words "without the
consent of the British Government "were retained.2 HO\rcver, they
adhered to the more explicit form of Convention in three Articles.
Also they strongly advocated an Arbitration Protocol and demanded
the omission of the words "territorial or suzerain" to avoid further
discussion.::l
The renewed draft, the last made in the course of negotiations,
was referred back to the Siamese Government. Surprisingly, it was
received with much enthusiasm. The Siamese Government were
disposed to accept the adoption of the amended Convention reserving
for future discussion the question of arbitration.'1 But with a view to
securing secrecy they considered it advisable to continue the negotia-
tions in London where Prince Swasti of the Siamese legation in Paris
would be authorised to conclude the Convention.!:\
But two months passed and nothing was done. The King's
European tour was planned. A strong nnnour was running round the
British Consulate that the Siamese Government wished to put off the
negotiations. The were not yet sent to Prince Swasti. G
The sensitive Siamese Government harboured suspicions as to Brith;h
policy. Prince Devawongsc alluded to the Railway Convention
between China and Russia and thought that the Malay Convention
might lead to a British Protectoratc.7 This situation caused the
1. F.O. 628/2<12, De Bunsen-Salisbury, July 11, 1891i.
2. F.O. 17/1295, Memorandum, August 21, 189G.
3. F.O. 422/45, Bunsen, November 17, 189fl.
4. F.O. 69/176, Telegram, Archer-Salisbury, January 23, 1897.
5. F.O. 69/18fi, Archer-Salisbury, February 3, 1987.
6. F.O. 69/186, Archer-Salisbury, March 22, 1897.
7. F.O. (i9/!86, March 15, 1897.
50
Thaml;wok
Foreign Office no little anxiety. Salisbury prompted Archt:r the
British Minister to press the Siamese Government to conclude the
Convention before the King's departure to Europe.l
The misunderstanding, however, was relieved when the King
apologetically expressed his regret to Archer for the delay which was
due entirely to "the dilatoriness of Prince Devawongse. "2 It was not
his desire at all either to relinquish or retard the Convention but he
wished to have the third Article elucidated.3
In taking up the thread of the negotiations, the concentration
was now on the third Article. The Siamese Government renewed
their objection to it as calculated to clash with stipulations in their
existing Treaties with Foreign Powers granting them, under reason-
able conditions, the right to prospect for minerals and work mines.
Also the new Mining Regulation recently issued rendered the issue of
prospecting licences obligatory. For this reason the Siamese Govern-
ment desired the stipulation in Article 3 to refer only to large con-
cessions But the Foreign Office and the Colonial Office adhered to
their view that it should apply to all foreign concessions, whether small
or large, within the specified area. fo them, it was impossible to
distinguish between small and large concessions since the object of the
Convention might be frustrated by a grant, unknown to the British
Minister in Bangkok, of a concession to a foreigner which the Siamese
Government might consider small. 4 Then there was a request from
Prince Devawongse that in case Siam found herself bound by the
proposed Convention to refuse a concession in the Malay States to a
foreign subject and the foreign Power insisted, by virtue of Treaty
stipulations or the Mining Laws, Siam would not be left to meet the
possible consequences of a refusal 'single-handed '.5 In view of the
difficulties pointed out, the Foreign Office eventually decided to
interpret Article 3 in the most liberal manner by adding at the end of
1. F.O. 69/176, Telegram, Salisbury-Archer, March 23, 1897.
2. F.O. 422/47, Archer-Salisbury, April 7, 1897.
3. F.O. 69/186, Telegram, Archer-Salisbury, March 27, 1897.
4. F.O. 4'22/47, C:O.-F.O., March 12, 1897.
5. F.O. G9/17G, Telegram, Archer-Salisbury, April 3, 1897.
Tl:IE ANGLO-SIAMESE f:)ECRI>T CONVENTION OF ]897
51
that article the words "and Her Britannic Majesty engages to support
the King of Siam in the execution of this Article" as proposed by
Prince Devawongse.l The Convention was duly signed by the British
Minister and the Siamese Minister for Foreign Affairs on April 6,
1897. It reads as follows:-
Preamble.
Her Britannic Majesty having communicated to His
Majesty the King of Siam the two first Articles of the
Declaration signed between the Government of Great
Britain and France on the fifteenth day of January, 1896,
as giving evidence of England and France's joint solici-
tude for the security and stability of the Kingdom of
Siam, His Majesty the King of Siam and Her Britannic
Majesty, being desiwus of making further provision for
securing the mutual interests of Siam and Great Britain,
have agreed, &c.
Article 1
His Majesty the King of Siam engages not Lo cede
or alienate to any other Power any of his rights over any
portion of the territories or islands lying to the south of
Muong Bang Tapan.
Article 2
Her Britannic Majesty engages on her part to
support His Majesty the King of Siam in resisting any
attempt by a third Power to acquire dominion or to
establish its influence or Protectorate in the territories
or islands above mentioned.
Article 3
His Britannic Majesty having engaged by the
preceding article to support His Majesty the King of
Siam in resisting any attempt by any third Power to
1. F.O. 69/186, Telegram, Salisbury-Archer, April 5. 1897.
52 Thamsook ~ m n o n d a
acquire dominion or to establish influence or Protec-
torate in any of the territories or islands above men-
tioned, His Majesty the King of Siam engages not to
grant, cede or let any special privilege or advantage
whether as regards land or trade within the above speci-
fied limits either to the Government or to the subjects
of a third Power without the written consent of the
British Government.
Right from the very outset of the negotiations, the Foreign
Office, complying with the wish of the Siamese Government, took
every possible precaution to preserve the secrecy of the Convention.
Even the Straits Settlements Government were merely informed that
the British Government had received from the Siamese Government
assurances in regard to the Malay State which they considered satis-
factory.l
The Secret Convention brought satisfaction to both parties
concerned. The Siamese Government were happy since Siamese
sovereignty over the Malay States was no longer questioned. The
Resident-General of the Federated Malay States was warned against
"taking any action which could in any way be construed by the
Siamese Government as throwing doubts on the rights of Siam in the
States in question."2 As for the British, the fear of foreign intrigue
was set at rest.
The satisfaction, however, was short-lived. As the twentieth
century dawned, the interpretation of the Convention began to be a
constant source of discussion, friction, and discontent between the
two Governments. As might be expected, the clash of opinion sprang
from the third Article. It should be borne in mind that despite the
hurried conclusions of the Convention reached by both parties, the
real issues as far as the Siamese Government were concerned were:
firstly, the Siamese Government could not grant Concessions involving
the alienation or cession of any territorial rights, no distinction being
1. F.O. 422/47, F.O.-C.O., April20, 1897.
2. F.O. 422/47. Chamberlain-Mitchell, May 5, 1897,
THE ANGLO-SIAMESE SECHllT CONVENT!()); OF 1897 53
made between large or small concessions, secondly, the words "special
privilege or advantage" were exdusive of general rights already con-
ceded to Treaty Powers and, lastly, the terms of the Convention if
enforced would deny to other powers rights granted to them by the
existing Treaties negotiated in the 1850's and 60's. This result would
have been contrary to the proposed Convention.
The freedom of action left to the Siamese Government in dea-
ling with foreign applications presented the most complicated pro-
blem. The definition of Treaty rights of other Powers still remained
unanswered. So it was extremely difficult to distinguish purely com-
mercial enterprises from concessions 1 ikely to be of political import,
since a large agglomeration of foreign interests might probably lead
a foreign Power into using large vested interests and rights as a pre-
text for intervention.
The prevailing concession system was open to grave danger
inasmuch as the Rajas still bad the power to grant concessions and
then the concessionaires applied to the Siamese Government for rati-
:fication.l The Siamese Government whose policy was to strengthen
their control over and to raise revenue from all her Malay States, were
dead against this. For they found it difficult to deal with a 'fait ac-
compli'. Sir Frank Swettenham was right when he said, "Siamese
officials will dislike and oppose a concession obtained straight from a
Malay Ruler or Chief; firstly, because they think it weakens their
control, and, secondly, because they have no opportunity of deriving
any benefit from the grant of it.2'' Worse still, the British Govern-
ment with a policy of entirely exclusive enterprise encouraged the
Siamese Government to grant "reasonable concession to British sub-
jects, without making any embarassing concessions to Europeans of
other nationalities."3 But the distinction between concessions to
British subjects and concessions to the subjects of Third Powers
had not been kept sufficiently in mind. It was difficul for the Siamese
1. F.O. 628/29,1, Paget-Lansclowne, January 25, 1905.
2. F.O. 422/53, Swettenham -Archer, July 13, 1900.
3. F.O. 69/215, Archer-Lansdowne, March 26, 1901.
Thamsook Numnonda
to discriminate between bona :fide and bogus British Companies,
Syndicates or private applicants.
From the British viewpoint the undertaking that the British
Government would construe the Convention in the most friendly spirit
to Siam also left it open for them to consider in what cases their in-
terests rendered it inadvisable to refuse the consents to a concession
demanded by the subject of a third Power on the strength of his Treaty
rightsl As Paget, the British Minister in the early 1900's put it,
"whenever an application comes in for a prospecting license or mining
concession for a foreigner I am in doubt what to do as no regular rule
is laid down and there are no regular tests to guide one---".2 The
power of the Rajas to grant concessions also revealed the danger of
British interest. If therefore, foreign companies other than British
obtained concession directly from the Rulers of these States, they
might not consider themselves bound to submit their Agreement to
the Siamese Government for confirmation as, so far no other Power
had recognized the authority of Siam over these Malay States.3
Under such a confused concession system, the Convention in-
stead of being interpreted as having a purely political object came to
be utilized as a commercial arrangement, and its presentation virtually
meant the closing of the door to foreigners in the Malay Peninsula.
Whatever the other interpretation of this Article might prove
in other ways, it was difficulty to assume that it was indeed the pur-
pose of the British Government, whose policy in other parts of the
world was that of the 'open door ' to reverse this policy in Siamese
Malaya alone. The m i ~ u t of Salisbury on which the Treaty was
drafted showed that its object was to protect certain portions of Siam
from foreign aggression, and it appeared to be clear that the idea of
inserting Article 3 was not so much to secure trade advantages for
Britain as an object in themselves, but rather to prevent foreigners from
obtaining special leases of land and special trading rights as a means to
1. F.O. 69/215, Archer-Lansdowne, March 5, 1901.
2. F.O. 69/265, Paget-- Langley, Private, September, 1905.
3. F.O. 69/236, Memorandum, January 9, 1902.
TilE ANGLOSIAMESf!: SEC\E'I' CONVENTION OF 1897
an end. In other words, gradually to establish thereby political con-
trol in those regions. That it was so, was confirmed by the corres-
pondence that subsequently passed dealing with the difficulties inter-
posed by Siam before accepting the Article.!
However, it was obvious that the British Government naturally
preferred British enterprise to be predominant. Sir Frank Swettenham
expressed his view, "there might be objections to granting an island
or land on the sea coast to foreigners if it were possible that the land
might afterwards be used in any sense as naval station ".2 Anderson
even went beyond this view. He considered it advisable to exclude
all foreign commercial enterprise from that region. To both of them
the Convention should be termed a success because the large conces-
sions which the Siamese Government had given during the Conven-
tion's life were exclusively worked by British companies or British
capital.
This policy of wholesale discrimination against foreigners in
favour of British subjects, the Siamese Government complained,placed
them in an extremely embarrassing situation by obliging them to find
all kinds of pretexts for delaying a reply to application or concessions,
and ending, perhaps, by their having to refuse the concession when no
plausible ground existed. They simultaneously laid themselves open
to remonstrance and the accusation of non-compliance with Treaty
rights from other Powers. To take one example, the opposition and
delay experienced in dealing with the Cerruti and Kaulfuss conces-
sions in the early 1900's, though neither of these could be of any
political importance, caused the Siamese Government no little em-
barrasmen t. 3
The di-fficulties surrounding the question increased in con-
sequence of more constant and increasing demands for land in that
1. F.O. 69/265, Nicholas Ball's Memorandum, October 30, 1905.
2. F.O. 628/294, Paget-Lansdowne, January 25, 1905.
3. F.O. 69/265, Strobel's memorandum on the Interpretation of the Secret Convention
Agreement between Great Brit!lin and Siam, signed at Bangkok, April 6, 1897,
September 11, 1905.
56 Thamsooic Numnoncia
territory by foreigners, especially Germans. From time to time an
attempt was made between the two Governments to come to some
understanding as regards the question of concession. In 1905 they
agreed that the Rajas should obtain the assent of the Siamese Govern-
ment prior to granting any concessions to applicants. One year later
the British Government vested greater authority in the British Minis-
ter in Bangkok regarding the sanction of concessions .I None the less,
the attempts hardly came to anything.
Also the suggestion to publish the Secret Convention to put an
end to this distressing state was advanced as early as 1902, but on the
part of Siam the objection to such publication was the fear of fresh
demands from the French Colonial Party with respect to the provinces
in the east of Siam under-French influence.2 Again in 1904, in reply
to a question asked in Parliament by Sir C. Dilke, it was stated that
"the agreements entered into between Her Majesty's Government and
Siam with regard to the Siamese dependencies in the Malay Peninsula
are of a strictly confidential nature, and in deference to the strong
wish of the Siamese Government, it is not intended to make them
public ".3 In 1906 and 1907 when the question of the Malay Peninsu-
lar Railway was under discussion, the Colonial Office suggested the
advisability of publishing the 1897 Convention. The proposal was,
however, met by the renewed objection of the Siamese Government.
The Franco-Siamese Treaty of 1907 by which the French Go-
vernment transferred their Asiatic proteges to the jurisdiction of the
Siamese Courts in return for the eastern provinces, gave the hint to
Strobel, the Siamese General-Adviser, that the time had come for the
Siamese to forego her interest in the Malay States in order to free
herself from the 1897 Convention, 'the most deplorable document
Siam had ever signed'.4 Such was the payment by which Siam also
consolidated her position. Strobel saw in the feebleness of Siamese
administration in the Malay States a positive menace to Siam.
1. F.O. 422/60, Telegram, F.O.-Beckett, October 1, 1906.
2. F.O. 69/226, Lansdowne-Archer, October 23, 1902.
3. F.O. 422/66, F.O.-Inc\ia Office. August 14, 1911.
4. F.O. 422/62, PHget-Grey, April3, 1908.
'hiE ANGLO-SIAMEiilE SEChET CONVENTION OF 1897 5'/
in addition the Convention afforded Great Britain so stringent a hold
over that part as to render it practically valueless to Siam. There
was so much to be done in the heart of Siam that men and money
could not be spared to rule those outlying possessions with a strong
hand. If the present conditions were allowed to continue the day
vvould inevitably come when Siam would lose all her Malay posses-
sions to England without getting any return. From the point of view
of the British Government also, the Convention, though affording a
guarantee against a too rapid penetration by foreigners into these
States, was a constant source of trouble and anxiety.
At the very outset of the negotiations, simultaneously with his
request for the abrogation of the Convention, Strobel himself proposed
to make an Agreement of a purely political nature in substitution. I
Paget, striking for the best bargain, urged that, in addition to such an
agreement, the British Government required a provision similar to
Article VII of the Franco-Siamese Convention of 1904, which gave
the French Government the right to be consulted on public works in
their sphere of influence.2 To this suggestion Strobel strongly demur-
red. In his opinion the aims of the Siamese Government in making
a cession of territory were to retain absolute freedom of action within
the territories which remained to them. Thus a clause similar to the
one in the French Treaty might become an exceedingly irksome
restriction. A special Agreement was about to be concluded with the
British Government regarding the Malay Peninsular Railway, and this
was the most important of all works likely to be undertaken by the
Siamese Government. In view of this strenous opposition, the British
claim to such a provision was dropped.
The wording for an Agreement of a purely political character
which Paget first suggested to the Siamese Government was, that
Siam will neither in the Malay Peninsula nor in the
islands adjacent thereto, nor in the territories situated
in the immediate neighbourhood of British India cede or
1. P.O. 422/61, Poget--Grey, April 29, 1907.
2. F.O. 422/GI, Paget-Beckett, Telegram, 10 September, 1907
Tiwmsooic Numnonda
lease any territory of any description directly or indirectiy
to any foreign Government or Company to establish or
lease any coaling station, to construct or own docks, or
to occupy any harbour in a position likely to be prejudi-
cial to British interests from a strategical point ofview.1
While the matter was still only in the proposal stage, the sudden
death of Strobel occured. This sad circumstance delayed the negotia-
tion for the next twelve months. When the talk was resumed again
in 1909, the British Minister met with an altogether antagonistic
response from the Siamese Government. Westengard, the new nego-
tiator, raised several objections. Firstly, he was convinced that the
words, "territories situated in the neighbourhood of British India",
would extend the scope of the new Agreement to regions never con-
templated by the 1897 Convention. Furthermore, the expression was
vague, and might even be construed to cover Bangkok,-a contingency
which was naturally out of the question-. . Secondly, he regarded
the words "to construct or own docks" as implying some measure
of commercial restriction. Lastly he regarded the phrase "occupy
positions" unfavourable as being too indefinite and liable to miscon-
struction.
By this time the Siamese Government were commencing to
show a chilling lack of interest towards the negotiations. There was
already an outcry for the death or burial of the whole Treaty. 'Any
negative view on the British part would only endanger the success of
the negotiations. Paget had no option but to agree to all amendments
without a hitch. None the less, he succeeded in persuading the
Siamese Government to agree to publish the Declaration.
In estimating the relative value of the new Agreement as against
the wording of the abandoned one, both parties got the best of the
bargain. Siam was. relieved of all responsibility for the area covered
by the Convention. To England, the new Declaration, being public,
was a warning against pacific penetration. The much-vexed questions
------------------------------------
1. P.O. /122/Ci2, Pnget-Crey, .Tnnuary 1, 1908.
TilE ANGLO-SIAMESE S!i:CHlST CONVI':NTlON OF 1897 59
of concessions were set at rest, for the Britisch Government had no
longer the right of being consulted. As regards the northern portion
of the peninsula which still remained to Siam, it now stood on a dif-
ferent footing and formed an integral part of the Siamese dominions,
well under Siamese stronger control. It seemed impossible for Siam
to allow a foreign Power to establish a footing in those regions.
There was a question raised whether, in preparing a draft
Convention, the abrogation of the 1897 Convention should form one
of the documents for publication, or whether it should be considered
confidential.l The British Government had, after consideration of
the several agreements, decided that such abrogation should remain
confidential. In April, 1908, however, they expressed themselves to
be inclining to change their view, and enquired whether there would
be any objection on the part of the SiameseGovernment.2 Wcstengard
personnally favoured the idea, for such publication would be a com-
plete answer to the incredulous persistency of the German and Dutch
representatives, and take the wind out of their sails in the matter of
their request for a quid pro quo.1 He was, anyhow, unable to convert
the King to his own views although all the Ministers were favourably
inclined towards this being done. The King recoiled from the
accusations, to which he felt he would expose himself, and the irri-
tation that would arise not only on the part of Germany and the Ne-
therlands, but of France also, with whom his relations were then most
cordial, if a secret Agreement with England were made public. He
evidently looked on complaints as to the insufficiency of the quid pro
quo as more temporary and easier to meet, and therefore the least
disagreeable alternative, for after a month's reflection he gave his
definite decision against publication.4 This decision was notified to
the Foreign Office on May 21, 1909, and the secret Convention, with
the instrument of March 10 cancelling it, thus continued to remain
confidential.
--------------------
1. F.O. 422/62, Paget-Grey, January 11, 1908.
2. F.O. 371/522, Paget-Grey. May 5, 1908.
3. F.O. 422/65, Beckett-Grey, April26, Hl09.
4. F.O. 422/64, Beckett-Grey, May 4, 1909.
GO Thamsook Numnonda
Ironically, the abandoned Convention made its first dramatic
appearance in 1909 in the "Treaties, Engagements, and Sanads" pub-
lished in Calcutta by the Government of India. The Siamese Govern-
ment was caught by surprise. It sent an urgent enquiry to look into
this most regrettable occurence.l Grey, astonished and displeased,
pressed for reasons from the India Government. It appeared to be
due to pure oversight.2 But everything was too late. The secrecy
was no longer maintained. The English Government as well as the
Government of India could only greatly deplore the error which had
been committed.
1. F.O. <122/GG, Beckett-Grey, August 10. 19p.
2. F.O. <122/66, Grey-Beckett, September 6, 1911.
HIDE FIGURES OF THE RAMAKIEN
at the Ledermuseum in Offenbach, Germany
by
7Cis ':highness ~ p r i n e q)haninivat, Kroma,n1un Cf3id!;alabh
In the summer of 1963 I was kindly invited by the German
Government to inaugurate the Exhibition of Thai Art, which was to
take place in Munich. My commitments did not however allow me to
fix a definite date for some time; and by the time I arrived in Munich a
few days before the date appointed for the inauguration I found that the
Minister President of Bavaria had been invited to perform the duties
originally scheduled for me. After the exhibition had been inaugurated
we were invited to visit centres of German culture- Berlin, Hamburg,
Bonn, Rothenburg, Nilrnberg and Heidelberg, ending our tour with a
:visit to the Ledermuseum at Offenbach on the outskirts of Frankfurt
whence we flew to Paris.
At Offenbach the BLirgomeister invited me to visit the Leder-
museum where, under the enterprising leadership of the Curator, Dr.
Gall, an attempt had been made to exhibit every possible use of lea-
ther in any form by mankind all over the world. Here I was shown
the hide figures of our classical NmJ, of which some two hundred were
said to have been collected. The method adopted was to mount the
:figures on rails thus rendering them possible of being drawn out in-
dividually for exhibition in front of a cloth screen with a light behind
somewhat in the same way we show them in this country. In congra-
tulating the Curator for the enterprise and care in exhibiting these
figures I took the opportunity to suggest that their presentation
before the lighted screen could be improved if the figures could be
exhibited niore or less in accordance with the narration of the classic
Ramakien. The Curator then agreed to have them photographed and
sent to me in Bangkok later for due rearrangement.
Finding that the figures were still incomplete, I suggested that
I would write a note giving a consecutive story, at the same time fil-
ling up the' gaps with additional narrative according to the Ramalden.
This should enable the operator in Offenbach to present a sufficiently
HIDE FIGURES OF THE RAMAKIEN
at the Ledermuseum in Offenbach, Germany
by
7Cis ':highness ~ p r i n e q)haninivat, Kroma,n1un Cf3id!;alabh
In the summer of 1963 I was kindly invited by the German
Government to inaugurate the Exhibition of Thai Art, which was to
take place in Munich. My commitments did not however allow me to
fix a definite date for some time; and by the time I arrived in Munich a
few days before the date appointed for the inauguration I found that the
Minister President of Bavaria had been invited to perform the duties
originally scheduled for me. After the exhibition had been inaugurated
we were invited to visit centres of German culture- Berlin, Hamburg,
Bonn, Rothenburg, Nilrnberg and Heidelberg, ending our tour with a
:visit to the Ledermuseum at Offenbach on the outskirts of Frankfurt
whence we flew to Paris.
At Offenbach the BLirgomeister invited me to visit the Leder-
museum where, under the enterprising leadership of the Curator, Dr.
Gall, an attempt had been made to exhibit every possible use of lea-
ther in any form by mankind all over the world. Here I was shown
the hide figures of our classical NmJ, of which some two hundred were
said to have been collected. The method adopted was to mount the
:figures on rails thus rendering them possible of being drawn out in-
dividually for exhibition in front of a cloth screen with a light behind
somewhat in the same way we show them in this country. In congra-
tulating the Curator for the enterprise and care in exhibiting these
figures I took the opportunity to suggest that their presentation
before the lighted screen could be improved if the figures could be
exhibited niore or less in accordance with the narration of the classic
Ramakien. The Curator then agreed to have them photographed and
sent to me in Bangkok later for due rearrangement.
Finding that the figures were still incomplete, I suggested that
I would write a note giving a consecutive story, at the same time fil-
ling up the' gaps with additional narrative according to the Ramalden.
This should enable the operator in Offenbach to present a sufficiently
62 His Highness Prince J)haninivat, Kromamun Bidya]abh
consecutive narration. I planned in fact to give a trial exhibition in
a lecture to the Siam Society. This however has been delayed by
various circumstances.
The above note was shown to the Hon. Editor and the Director
of Research of the Siam Society who persuaded me to offer it for
publication in the JSS after having obtained permission from the
Museum who are the owners of the figures.
The classical1za?J was originally in the time of King Narai of
Ayudhya based upon the theme of the Samudaghos though in all pro-
bability on the story of Rama as well. It is not the same as the
southern variety called nmJ taluv, understood to have been a variety
coming from Patalul), an old seat of culture of no known date. The
Thai story of Rama, like most other south-east Asian versions of the
story of Rama, are neither translations nor adaptations of the Sanskrit
classic of the Ramayana attributed to Valmiki. Their sources might
have left India even before the Sanskrit Ramayana took shape. They
lack the clement of divinity, being merely literature or just a drama-
tic work. Jn any case it has taken a finn hold of the popular mind
and is known everywhere in east Asia and even beyond.
The photographs of these figures are marked on the back thus :
Siamesische Schattenspiel: Inv. Nr ...... .
platte Nr ...... .
In the following note each photograph will be referred to by
its i-nventory number.
The greater number of these plates relate the war waged by
Rama upon fosakanth, King of LolJkiT, apparently the most popular
section of the classic for the audiences of Bangkok and Siam. Rama,
eldest son and heir of the King of Ayodhya, honouring the pledge
given by his father to a younger wife, goes into exile with his wife and
brother Laksh and they meet with adventures including the forceful
abduction of his wife ~ fosakanth ( Ravana ), King of Lo!Jka (La!Jka).
Rama, acquiring allies from the aboriginal states of Jompu and
I(hidkhin, whose people are described as monkeys, wages war upon the
demon-king fosakanth. The war is usually the most popular episode
for the shadow-play as well as the Khon dances.
lliDE !<'JGUHES Cl!' Tim
""
Oa
i:;'rom these figures it is possible to reconstruct a fairly con-
secutive narrative, thus:-
No. 5383 depicts Rama bending the bow which may be the
action of the tournament at Mithilrt which won for him the hand of
Sida ( Skt. Sita) daughter of the King of Videha. To this may be ap-
pended the figure in which a prince, perhaps Rama, rides on a horse
4637 with a retinue of human soldiers of his own state 5344, 5346.
The figure of a female servant could be attached at this juncture 5376.
Figures of the demon side are Queen Aggi 5381, consort of
fosakanth; one of the two chief ministers 5367, or perhaps Pipek
( Skt. Vibhishana) brother of fosakanth who was later banished and
joined the enemy; a demon officer in a warlike attitude 5392 and
perhaps the park in which fosakanth kept Sida in captivity 9370.
Rama pitches his camp on the bank of the ocean opposite the
demon citadel of LoiJkiT and holds a council of war (no plate), at
which his generals sit. They are in single figures, : Laksh (Skt.
Lakshman) 5362 brother of Rama; Prince Pipek of LolJki:i, his ally
( Skt. Vibhishana) 5360; Sukrib ( Skt. Sugri'va) King of Khidkhin (Skt.
Kishkinda)5358; JompU.pan of Khidkhin(Skt. Jambavan)5099; Hanuman
( Skt. Hanuman) 5364; Ol)kot ( Skt. AlJgada) nephew of Sukrib 5411;
Nila-ek a monkey officer 5365. We also have single figures in warlike
attitudes of Sukrib 5349 and minor generals 5366 and 5374.
The scene is now shifted to Lo:Qld where the demon-king's
niece, Beilyakaya, 5370, 5371 disguises herself under 'fosakanth's
order as Sida to float midstream as if dead so that Rama would give
up the struggle. There is no figure illustrating this episode. The
ruse is discovered.
Rama decides to build a causeway to the island of LolJka, for
which task Sukrib is to superintend 5377, and two simian generals
Hanuman and Nilapat are assigned; but they quarrel among themselves
5318, 5335, 5336 and 5373. The quarrel settled, Hanuman takes sole
charge but fishes of the ocean under the direction of their leader,
Subarnamaccha, carry away the stones 4628.
64 His Highness Prince Dhaninivat, Eromamun Bidyalabh
The bridge is finally built. Indra sends the celestial charioteer
Matali 5375 to offer his chariot to RHma. We have here a picture of
Rama and Laksh mounted thereon 5323.
By way of courtesy according to protocol Rama sends O!Jkot
5380 to try to persuade the demon-king to agree to peaceful means of
ending the quarrel. Being refused admission into the citadel OlJkot
neglecting protocol demolishes the walls 5337 and fights the demon
officers who have been ordered by the demon-king to arrest him 5338.
Rama again presides over a council of war 5334. The single
figures of simian generals above may be brought in here again in an
exhibition of the shadow-play. Monkey officers and soldiers now
exhibit their prowess in exultation over the coming excitement of
fighting 5247, 5356, 5367, 5368, 5389, 5390. There is also a scene of
forage, 5357.
One of the first demon leaders in the war of LO!Jka is the
magician Maiyarab, King of the Netherworld and a nephew of the
demon-king of LolJka. He employs luminous sticks to feign stars in
heaven and a pipe through which he blows sleeping powder to put his
enemies to deep sleep. Our figures are: Maiyarab 5378, Maiyarab
wielding his luminous sticks 4623, Maiyarab using his blow-pipe 4624.
Kumbhakarn, brother of the King of Lol)ldi comes in next 3807. One
of the episodes of his battle is that of his stratagem in lying down on
the bottom of the stream whence the monkey army derives its water
supply and thus prevent flow of the 'precious liquid, from which
Hanuman is sent to drive him out 5324. His long sword sends Laksh
swooning on the battlefield (no plate), whilst Rama waiting in camp
comes out on hearing the news of his brother being wounded 4626 and
tries to pull out the sword without avail 5320. The sword has to be
pulled out by a mystic concoction which Pipek is prepari,ng 5354.
An episode which is more fully portrayed here is that of the bat-
tle of Indrajit, son and heir of the King of LolJka. We commence with
Tosakanth giving orders 5328 to a young nephew to summon Indrajit
to give battle, then a standing figure of Indrajit 5382 and a corpse of
the criminal who is instructed to portray Sida and beheaded in sight of
Prince Laksh at the head of his army. The picture here is that of the
HIDE l'IGUHES OF THE 1\AMAK!E:N 65
criminal who after death reverts to his demoniac form 5355. Then
in order to carry out his rite of vivification of his arrow undisturbed,
Indrajit gets a cousin Ma1Jkarakarna ( Skt. Makadilcsha ) to make a
delay action in which the demon prince, a skilled archer, shoots at
Rama almost piercing the latter's mail coat 3945 and then, finding
himself getting worsted, creates by magic numerous figures of himself
4622 but is finally killed. Meanwhile Indrajit performs his mystic
rites 5345 till frustrated by the enemy who got to know of it from
Pipek. Nevertheless he comes out to battle disguised as Indra on his
celestial mount Erawan and thus disguised shoots down the whole
army including its leader Laksh who lie as good as dead on the battle-
field. Hanuman however had dodged the mystic weapon and jumps
up to engage the pseudo god on the elephant with the result that he
drops down to the ground unconscious 3948 and is to be seen there
by the side of Laksh 5348. Rama who has not come out with his
army hears of it and hurries to the battlefield only to fall down faint-
ing from grief. The demon-king sends Sidfi. on a celestial chariot to
have a view of her dead husband and his brother but is assured by
her companion that they are not dead though unconscious for a time
for no widow can sit mid-air on this heavenly chariot 3808. Having
recovered Laksh is sent out again to battle borne on the shoulders of
Hanuman 5350. This time he shoots arrows and badly wounds
Indrajit5342 and engages in a duel3944 with him. Losing everything he
possesses Indrajit retires from the battle to bid farewell to his parents
and wife 3946 and comes out again next day to fight a duel 5340
before he is finally shot in the air and killed.
Several princes and allies of LoiJkfi continue the fight for a
long time. Two of them are represented here in the persons of Sat-
thasura who sits 5363 receiving orders from the demon-king, After his
death at the hands of Rama (no plate) another nephew of the demon-
king, ViruncambaiJ, coming out to battle on his war chariot 3949,
assumes invisibility and rides his black horse killing the simian hosts
5343; but finally disappears to hide in the ocean by the end of the
world. Hanuman is sent after him and got information from a young
maiden in a cave 5929 as to ViruncambaiJ'S whereabouts. On dis-
covering the demon they fight 3947 and the demon is killed.
66 His Highness Prince Dhaninivat, Kromamun Bhidyalabll
Now comes the last and most important stage of the war.
Though having taken shares in the fighting at intervals, 'i'osakanth,
now reft of most relatives and allies, engages the enemy in earnest by
leading successive attacks in person. Our figures at this stage show
Rama in battle 5388, 'fosakanth on his war-chariot 5332, Tosakanth
in a duel with Rama 5317 & 5322, i'osakanth, sole, in a fighting atti-
tude 5387, his officers in fanciful uniforms of a door-sentinel- dvarn-
pala- 5347 & 5353, Tosakanth in a fighting pose (the work of an ar-
tist similar in style as 5332, 5317, 5322) 5386, i osakanth and Rama
again in duel 4629; then the demon-king again on his war-chariot 5337.
Then the hermitage of Tosakanth's preceptor 5327, who believing in
Hanuman's good faith in asking to join the demon camp presents the
monkey general to the demon-king. At first naturally suspicious
i'osakanth comes to believe his old preceptor; and, bestowing high
honours on Hanuman makes him his heir 5331, 5379. As heir to the
throne of LoiJka Hanuman comes out to battle in full state on the
war-chariot of the demon court 5316. No. 5369 is a curious figure of
.Hanuman dressed as the Prince Royal of Lo!J lea bearing Ram a and
Laksh on either hand. The classic Ramakien of whichever version
has none such incident. The only explanation that occurs to the
writer here is that the figure conveys a visualisation of an offer which
Hanuman makes to the demon-king to bring the enemy and deliver
them into his hands. In the last but one battle of Tosakanth he is
badly wounded 5321, his head and trunk cut apart but by means of
his magic he is restored to normal. He retires into his citadel de-
jected and is comforted 5319 by his queens. After a night's respite
he takes leave of them 5326 and assuming the form of Indra the god
goes out to his last battle from which he knows he would never
return.
The remainder of the figures are mostly comic (5516, 5517)
which have no bearing on the narrative. They were probably used
to fill in gaps or complete ensembles in an exhibition of the shadow-
play.
5383
1637
5344
5346
5376
538l
fi361
5392
9:370 5::l62
5360
5358
5099
5364
:1411
5365
5349
5366
::mo
5371
5377
53tH
5335
5336 5:173
4628
5375
532:1
!i:380
5:lfifi
53G7
5368
5389
5390
:1807
5il2tl
1626
5320
s:J54
5328
5:JS2
5:355
:J945
1]622
5:145
3948
31!08
5350
5342
3944
3946
5:l10
5363
; i !l
4 9 ~ 7
5388
5332
5317
5322
5::387
5347
5353
5386
6 ~ 9
5377
5327
5331
:i3H')
5321
1. __ _
5319
532(j
5516
5517
NOTES
WAT SiJUM
In our notice of Recent Siamese Publications No. 299 { JSS
LII, 1 ), where it was mentioned that Prince Naris commented on the
significance of this name, we were inclined to accept the Prince's
belief that the name was an abbreviation of" Risijum ", i.e. an assem-
blage of risis or seers.
A reader has kindly drawn our attention to the fact that in the
north the word si is equivalent to the Po, or bodhi, tree. The name
therefore of Sijum has another quite probable alternative interpreta-
tion, that of an assemblage of Po trees.
SRIRAiA
As actually spelt now ( f!1'mf1) the name does not seem to
have any significance either from any linguistic or historical point
of view. Literally it would be translated as' The auspicious king'.
The locality has however never had any connection with royalty at
any time. It seems hard therefore to explain the name. Now, in the
village there is an old monastery in which stands an old Po tree of
large dimensions indicating its great age. Supposing that SI means a
Po tree as said above, it is tempting to imagine that Sriraja ( 1'1i'l1'lf1)
might have been a Sanskritised form of just SIRAJA, the 'King of
Po Trees' ~ l l l f l ; and the monastery might have taken its name in the
sense of the Monastery of the King of Po Trees and the village that of
the Village of the Monastery of the King of Po Trees. The name is often
written Srimahiira:ja but that is the same as the commoner name of
Sriraja. If this hypothesis is possible of being accepted the name
should be henceforth just SIRAJA, the 'Village of (the Monastery of)
the King of Po Trees'.
LAVO
The use of this name is confirmed by Chinese sources where it
is LOHOK dating from quite ancient times. Historians have been
inclined to suspect that the name was one of the Dvaravati culture.
Its meaning was doubtful and has not been explained.
We have however another source of its use. In the inscription
of Pra Khan (mid-fourteenth century) King Jayavarman mentioned
that he sent the images of the Jayabuddhamahanath which he had cast
on the occasion of the celebration of his victory over the Cham and
the rebuilding of the capital of Angkor and the erection of the Nagara
Jayasri (Pra Khan) to 23localities, among which were Lavodayapura,
Svarnapura Jayarajapuri, Vajrapuri etc. This was later than many of
the Chinese mentions of LOHOK. It could well have been Sanskritised
from an indigenous name.
This note comes to no definite conclusion but is intended for
scholars to make use of for further identifications.
rJJhani
25 April 1965
DATA ON CONDITIONED POISON
( A Folklore Study )
Cf>h!;a _.Anurnan Cff.ajadhon
Acting President, Royal Institute
"Conditioned poison" is a translation of the Thai word ya
sang meaning literally ordered or directed medicine, or in this
particular instance it means poison which, if taken, will become
operative only on certain conditions as ordered or directed in the
prescribed formula. If anyone inadvertently eats or drinks anything
in which there is such a poison, he will eventually die in a specific
period of time or when partaking certain specific food as conditioned
in the poison. I heard of this type of poison quite a long time ago in
my boyhood days. It was supposed to be prevalent somewhere in
outlying districts where rustic people lived. If a city or town dweller
intended to make a trip to such localities, he would be forewarned
by well-wishing persons to be careful about taking any food or drink
as offered. By a mishap he might be poisoned with ya sang
administered in the food or drink he was partaking. This was not
done by the folk in the to a sojourner through malice, but
only to make a test of the potency of the ya sang prepared by the
folk on a stranger. Normally the ya sang vvould be administered
solely in vengeance to a person who had done an injurious wrong to
the owner of the poison. Hence the formula of ya sang was well-
guarded and known to a few persons only. If by chance the secret
of the formula fell into unworthy hands and any misdeed was done,
the owner of the secret would be held to have sinned implicitly
as a party with the guilty one. If by necessity or otherwise the
owner of the formula had to impart the secret to someone, he
would demand the usual promise from the sharer of the secret not
to utilize the poison in an unworthy cause or to divulge the secret
to another person. Such was the information I had by hearsay about
the poison ya sang.
In the year 1952, I made a holiday trip to Karat, a chief
town in North-East Thailand some 250 kilometers from Bangkok.
One morning I and other members of the party were in Pak Tong
7o
PHYA ANUMAN RAJADUON
Chai some 20 kilometers from Korat and a district well-known for its
silk weaving industry. One of the party made a well-intentioned
remark to me to be careful in taking food or drink in the district
which had been known notoriously as a place where the poison
ya sang was prevalent. No one could be sure whether a food or drink
offered by the local people would not contain ya sang. At once my
memory of the poison of my younger days was revived and aroused
my curiosity. Here r was actually in the locality where the ya sang
was known in practice. I began to seek more information on this
famous or infamous poison. Fortunately the then Officer of Educa-
tion of Korat Province, 1 who acted as our guide, knew something
about the ya sang. Upon request he later on after the trip gave me a
typescript copy of the formula in his possession.
He said in it that the word ya sang was peculiar to Korat Pro-
vince for a certain type of poison which might be sub-divided into
three sub-classes, namely:
( 1) Ya pit ( l'llWfl) or" poison". It is made from certain
poisonous plants of the genus of wan plants, 2 powdered and mixed
with bones of a species of cobra called hao Jai ( lJ,'lvl=fire cobra).:l
Put a little amount of this mixed powder in spirituous liquor and
whoever drinks it will suffer great pain and die within 4 to 5 hours
if the right anti-dote against the poison is not in time.
(2) "Stomach-destroying poison" ( vnlnl1UTJH1Vll:t'ilm11)
This sub-class of poison is prepared with a certain kind of poisonous
wan plant which grows wild in a highland jungle. In fetching such a
wan plant there is a complicated ritual process.
4
If it is desired that
the victim should die after taking the poison when eating a specific
food, usually, for example, the ground bone or dried smoked flesh of
poultry to which the poisonous herb is added, the prepared poison
1. Nui Thawin Chan!awong, now Officer of Education of Uthaidhani.
2. See "Thai Charms and Amulets" IV Wan Ya by Phya Anuman Rajadhon.
:3. "Fire Cobra" is believed to be a highly poisonous snake. While moving over the
grass it leaves a scorched trace on the grass in its trail.
,!. The formula does not give a detailed ritual process. Probably it is similar to the
one given in my "Thai Charms and Amulets" for the three formulas for making a
nang kwak charm.
DATA POISON 71
will react fatally on the victim after a duration of time varying from
7 to 120 days and depending on the constitution of the victim, or to
the age or potency of the poison. If the right antidote is not admin-
istered in time, the victim will die or become impaired in strength
both physically and mentally throughout the rest of his life.
( 3) "Intoxicating or fumigative poison ( ).
The poison is also prepared from a certain zvan plant. It is mixed
with the food which the victim is partaking. The poison will react
detrimentally against the victim, putting him in a state of morbid
drowsiness or profound sleep within a specific time from one to lOhours
relative to the strength and the amount of the poison. Beyond
this limit of time the poison will lose its effectiveness.
If the poison is meant as a fumigator, the skin of a kind of
jungle toad called chong-kroang ( 1rl; ) is added to the poison.
This species of toad is the size of a man's palm in circumference, its
skin is rough and nodular, exuding a nauseate odor. It is to be found
wild on the banks of mountain streams and has as its abode a hollow
of a big tree in the highland jungle. Only the male species is required
and dried over the fire, the person preparing it being careful to avoid
inhaling the smoke during the process. Its dried skin is powdered and
mixed with the wan poison. Sprinkle a certain amount of the mixed
poison powder over a fire, and let the wind blows the poisoned smoke
towards the victim or victims.
As noted above, these three sub-classes of ya sang are made of
a certain kind of wan plant which has different names in various
localities, but by a collective name it is called merely wan ya sang i.e.
the conditioned poison wan. Only its root stalk is required; and it is
to be uprooted when the plant is in bloom. There are two varieties
of the root-stalk, white or reddish white in colour, the former one is
better but rare. The leaves of the plant when in bloom are poisonous,
harmful to the touch and give ulcerous pains. Most of the wild
animals through instinctive experience avoid coming in contact with
the plant in bloom.
The root-stalk after it has been powdered has a white, yellowish
or reddish white colour. If a quantity is mixed with an alcoholic
72 PHYA ANUMAN RAJADHON
drink, instead of impairing the quality of its taste, it will heighten its
intoxicating strength. The poison will retain its poisonous strength
for a period of up to sixty days, and beyond this limit it will lose its
potency. It is to be kept, completely hidden, in a cool place; but
generally the country folk keep it in a quill of a fowl. When in use the
hollow under a finger nail is utilized as a carrier, and secretly dipped
in a drink of any kind. The effect of the poison is instantaneous
after it reaches the victim's stomach. He will "feel sour in his
mouth" ( ltl;\mho l due to hyperacidity in the stomach, there will
be an abnormal flow of saliva in the mouth, nausea and swimming
of the head, continued pain and weariness of the jaws with subsequent
regidity of the jaws' movements abnormal cold in the belly area,
heavy sweating all over the body, vomiting with the characteristic
smell of the wan plant, quick pulsating of the heart, and a feeling
of weariness in all parts of the body, the leg joints becoming stiff
and bearing the body's weight with difficulty when rising or standing.
The victim will die soon after if no right remedy to counteract the
poison is found in time. However there are certain precautions
before taking any drink. Always keep the wan plant called rang-
chiit ( 1 J ~ \ ? 1 handy about onel or use a piece of ivory dipped into
a drink as a test to see whether it contains poison or not; or have a
cup fashioned from ivory to hold the ,drink. (Perhaps the ivory
functions as a neutralizer of poison ). On the other hand, if a person
shows a symptom of being poisoned as afore-mentioned there arc
three ways to counteract iL, namely:
( a ) To apply an emetic agent to the poisoned person in order
to make him vomit.
(b) Have a root-stalk of the "wan counteracting the poison"
(no specific name is given) rubbed with water on a hard material and
then mixed with alcoholic spirit. Pour the liquid down the victim's
throat.
1. Wan Rangchcit is a kind of climbing plant to be found sometimes grown in certain
houses in Bangkok. It is a well-known medicinal plant, as far as I know, for
counteracting certain poisonous agencies. Probably it is the same plant ventilago
calycu!ata (Rflatlllraceae) given in McFarland's Thai English Dictionary, Bangkok,
1941, under the word ra11g-darmg p. 707. McFarland does not give the word
rang-clriit in his dic.tionary.
I>A'.I'A UN CONDITIONED POISOl\
(c) If the victim suffer a rigidity of the jaws, have seven
fresh field-crabs pounded and mixed with water. Pour the mixture
forcibly down the victim's throat once only. The victim will revive
instantly. Have a cup of boiled ash-pumpkin or white gourdl
water given to the sufferer to drink, and he will be cured from the
poisonous effects. The above information is meant for the poison in
sub-class ( 1 ) "Ya-pit" only.
Now we come to the poison in sub-class (2), "Stomach-destroying
poison". It is mixed either with solid food or drinks. The country
folk call this sub-class of poison ya-yen (=cooling poison) or ya ngu-
luam ( = phython poison). The victim inadvertently taking such
poison will show a sign of the symptomatic effects after he has
eaten certain kinds of food as tacitly specified in the poison. He will
become giddy; there will be pains in the throat or on the back of the
neck, flatulence in the stomach with a hard mass felt in the abdomen,
continual high sensitivity of the teeth, abnormal falling of hair from
the head, the nails from both hands; the feet stop growing and start
shrinking gradually, there is yellowness of the eyes, white spots
appear all over the nails of the hands and feet, the edges of the
ear-lobes become red in colour and begin itching, and there is a feeling
of weariness all over the body.
The antidote is the same as in sub-class ( 1 ). If in doubt
whether one has been poisoned with the ya-sang, have a few drops of
the sap of sweet potato poured into alcoholic spirit or drinking
water and let the sufferer drink it. If he is really being poisoned
with this sub-class ( 2) of Ya-pit, he will show a sign of high per-
turbation or will eructate with the smell of the wan poison. Rub some
ivory with water and mix it with alcoholic spirit or lime juice. After
drinking such an antidote twice or thrice, the victim will revive and
finally be cured.
Stib-class ( 3 ), "Intoxicating or fumigative poison". The
victim of this poison will have a symptom of becoming sleepy, feeling
dazed before the eyes, giddy, with a headache and weariness all over
the body. If it is known that one is being poisoned, the first aid is to
l. e n i n c a ~ a cerifera ( Cucurbitaccae) -McFarland.
74 PHVA ANUMAN RAJADI-idN
inake the person vomit. Subsequently let him drink either boiled
ash pumpkinl water, boiled phak boong2 water, boiled sweet potato
water, or certain specific wan-ya boiled. He will be cured. As this
class of poisoh is not fatal, the victim will be in a stupor for a period
of time, but will gradually become normal in self even if no an-
tidote is used. The thing to do is simply to have plenty of rest,
Though all three of these sub-classes of poison as described
ate collectively called ya sang or conditioned it is sub-class
( 2 )
1
the stomach-destroying poison only that is relevant to the sub
ject I am writing about. I have translated the notes given to me in
full, for the reason that it is more or less informative for the study
of folk medicine.
Though ya-sang or conditioned poison is well-known, the peo-
ple know it only in name; no one as yet can enlighten me with a
satisfactory answer to verify the fact of the practice of this well-
known kind of poison. As Korat is geographically the main gateway
from lower Central Thailand to the North-Eastern part of the coun-
try, one naturally thinks the practice of conditioned poison must
have prevailed in some localities of the latter area. A friend of
mine
3
who was a Nai Amphur or district officer in Chaiyabhum, one
of the North-East provinces adjoining Korat, wrote me in answer to
my enquiry that during the past twenty-three years of his career as a
police and district official in many localities4 of the North-East Area
he had never come across any case relating to conditioned poison.
Only cases in connection with yang nong (upas tree poison) had come
to him in his official capacity. He further states that the ya-sang or
conditioned poison is to be found only as hearsay in Korat. The
people there told him that the ya-sang is made from a kind of animal
like a toad which has a skin the colour of a "newly-made em'thern
1. Benincassa cerifera ( Cucurbitaccae)- McFarland under the word Wfl p. 606.
2 Ipomoea aquatica ( Convolvu!aceae) -McFarland under the word p. 484.
3. Police Lt. Busya Chintana, now Deputy Governor of Udorn Dhani in the
North-East Area.
4. In the provinces of Nakhon Panom, Khan Kaen, Nongkhai, Udorn Dhani,
Cbaiyabh)lm.
DATA ON CONDITIONED POISON 75
pot" (whitish-red). Its name is Katangjai (m:;Yi'H'lvl). It has very
poisonous knobs on its skin. Have this katang fai dried and then
pounded into powder. Secretly put a certain amount of the powder
in a spirituous drink, and whoever partakes it will die within two or
three hours after drinking it. This is an ordinary poison in the simple
sense of the word, but there is another kind of poison named ya-sang
or conditioned poison. It is made with a certain kind of plant like
wan petchahung ( )
1
to be found on the mountains. This is
mixed with poison from a certain kind of poisonous animal, and it
has to pass through a magical process to arouse its potency by the
use of a spell or incantation. If the poisoner wishes his victim to
die conditionally when eating a certain kind of meat after a specific
number of days or months, such a kind of meat is to be added to the
poison. Have this poisonous mixture inserted into the mouth of a
cobra (dead?), cut the cobra's throat and bury its head for the same
number of days or months after which the poisoner desires his vic-
tim to die. The cobra's head is then dug up and pulverized into a
powder. Secretly mix it with food or drink and its effect on the
partaker of the food or drink is death if the victim eats certain meat
as specified by the poison after a certain conditioned time period.
Further enquiry from another friend, who was then district
officer of Aranyaprades,2 a border district adjoining Cambodia, elicits
the following facts :
The practice of ya-sang is to be found prevalent among the folk
in nearly all parts of the country. In some places it is called ya klom
nang non ( =medicine to lull a maiden to sleep). Pro-
minently it is to be found in certain parts of the provinces of
buri and Prachinburi.3
1. "A species of giant orchid ( Grammato phyllum speciosum )." McFarland, Thai
English Dictionary.
2. Nai Thiam Ajakul, now Deputy Director-Geneml of the Department of Public
Welfare.
3. These two provinces adjoin Cambodia on their north-eastern and eastern frontier
respectively. The localities where the practice of ya-sang is more frequently in
the province of Chantaburi are:- Ban (Village) Sam phan ta ( )
in Krabinburi district; Ban Nang Yai ( Ulll'l1ll'eNl'l1qj ), Ban Chong Kuin
( and Sre Or ( ll'llHJ'il) in Watana district; and !ambon (commune)
" 0 " 5I!
Klang Nam Sai ( in Aranyapades district.
76
PHYA ANUMAN RAJADI\ON
The ingredients of the ya-sang as practised by the folk are as
follows:-
( 1 ) Bile from a pea-fowl.
( 2) Ching-kroang ( ), a species of spider, smaller in size
than the common spider but with longer legs. It is found in a hole
in the forest or in a mountain cave. It moves slightly similar to
common spiders when approached by man. ( The word ching-kroang
and the afore-said chong-kroang- a kind of jungle toad-have nearly
identical pronunciation).
( 3) Bile from rnang-han ( ), a species of small caterpil-
lar which gives a severe smarting pain if touched.
( 4) Rang-hae.fungus ( 1 Hl! 11 ) to be found wild on the ground
with hangings like meshes of a net.l
( 5) Arsenic
( 6 ) Acid ( in liquid form)
Have ingredients (Nos. ( 1 ) to ( 4)) roasted separately and then
pulverized each into powder'. Mix these with the other ingredients
(No. 5 and 6) and store it in a glass bottle sealing it with a glass
stopper. The poison cannot be wrapped with paper or cloth for it will
corrode the wrapper. While preparing the mixture care must be taken
not to be against the wind lest the poison will be borne along with
the wind with harmful effect to a person nearby.
If it is desired that the intended victim should become sleepy
and then die in his sleep through the effect of the said ya-sang, add
roasted lampoang seeds2 and ganja.3 The victim will become mad
and subsequently die. The ya-sang can be used as a purgative by
adding a certain amount of quick-silver. The victim will have a
morbidly profuse discharge of blood from the intestines through the
corrosion of the poison in the stomach.
The ya-sang can become a conditioned poison when the victim
is eating a certain kind of food or fruit; in this case have such food
1. A species of fungus having poisonous or intoxicating properties- McFarland's
Thai- English Dictionary on word (rang lzae ).
2. Datura bojeri (Solanaceae) stra/monium- McFarland.
3. Cannabis Satha ( Urticaceae) -McFarland.
DATA ON GONDJ'l'JONED POISON 77
or fruit roasted and mixed with the ya-sang. The person will die
only after being poisoned when he .eats such food or fruit as con-
ditioned. The ya-sang can be secretly mixed with food or drink;
preferably alcoholic drink which has an instantaneous effect.
The victim will be in a state of perturbation within 3 hours
after having taken the ya-sang (with acid mixture) with burning pain
in the throat and breast, suffering from a colicky pain and severe
headache. If the ya-sang is mixed with quick-silver he will have
an acute diarrhea, deteriorate in mentality, becoming lean with
pale skin like someone with a chronic fever, and will vomit blood.
This is the ordinary symptom of being poisoned with the" uncondi-
tioned" ya-sang. If the victim is being poisoned with the "condi-
tioned" ya-sang, he will die after eating the conditioned food or
drink within 24 hours. The effect of the poison shows a symptom
of blood in the eyes and of urination also with blood.
To test whether a person is being poisoned with ya-sang, let
the poisoned person eat a ripe water melon. If he is relieved from
the symptom temporarily only, it is to be inferred that he has been
poisoned with ya-sang. If in doubt let the sick person eat taeng-ran
( 111m"1\.l- a variety of large sized cucumber) or he should drink a
,, "
mixture of nam sao Mao ( 1hli11'll1'J washing water from rice before
boiling) with a root of mayom ( .m:1JIJ - star gooseberry tree) majuang
( Carambola tree) rubbed with water. The above medicine
is not a curative agent against the ya-sang but to relieve the patient
temporarily only. If still in doubt have the leaves and roots of chUJnhet
khao l?hwai ( {fl'll '111fl111J )
1
or ordinary chumhet boiled as a decoction
and administer it to the patient. If he vomits or has a watery
discharge from the bowels instantly after drinking it, it .is a sign
that he has actually been poisoned. A remedy counteract the poison
is to be administered to the patient immediately.
There are many remedies counteracting the poison. Three of
them as revealed with reluctance by the owner of the secret are as
follows:
1. Cassia opp. McFarland's Thai- English Dictionary gives names of many species
of chumhet but not of above species.
78 PHYA ANUMAN RAJADHON
Remedy 1.
( 1) Root of praang-ja ( 1
( 2) Ya nang daeng (
Rub these with "washing water from rice before boiling" and
then mix it with alcoholic spirit, or have these two materials boiled
as a decoction.
Remedy 2.
( 1 ) Nguang chum ( -probably a species of herb'/)
( 2) Hua euang ( -the bulb of a kind of orchid)
( 3) Krachao Sida ( nnt'11"1ril'l1- a species of orchid with broad
leaves hanging from its stalk. It is commonly to be found in various
places both in a wild or domestic state.
These are to be boiled together for the patient to drink.
Remedy 3.
( 1) Root of no.tanong ( t1HI'VI1:1H probably lotanong
kind of tree ).
(2) Red Hang-lai ( ).2
( 3) Root of sihuat a kind of tree).
These are to be rubbed with "washing water from rice before
boiling" with gratings of gold, silver and lead added. This will have
a purgative effect instantly after drinking the mixture.
Method of examination to find whether a person is poisoned
by the ya-sang.
Squeeze the finger nails of a person and see whether the blood
runs to the bases of his nails. If, when releasing the pressure, the
blood runs back slowly, it is a sign that the person has been poisoned
by the ya-sang.
If the person dies his mouth will become swollen, the tongue,
and also the body, will become black in colour with spots on the
breast. And the belly will bulge out within 30 minutes after death.
1. Murraya Siamensis ( Rutaceae ) -McFarland.
2. Amarantus cruentas (Amaranthaceae)-McFarland.
DAtA ON C()NDl'l'IONED POlSON
'the writer further stated that he had the above information
from a certain Buddhist head priest who exacted a promise from him
that he on no account utilized the knowledge of ya-sang on living
beings either man or animal. For a breach of promise the divulger
of the secret would bear a burden of sin. The secret he gave was
knowledge for knowledge
1
s sake only. Psychologicaliy this is the
idea among the folk that they are not accomplices to any evil deeds
done, therefore there is no sin on their heads for whateVer secret
knowledge is divulged by them.
In one of the papers read at the Conference of Psychiatrists of
Thailand in Chiengmai in 1950
1
there is a topic on the ya-sang. The
belief of the folk as to the nature of ya-sang with its symptons affect-
ing a poisoned person, as related in the paper, save in a few minor
details, is fundamentally the same to what has already been described.
It classifies the ya-sang into three categories, namely:
( 1 ) Y a-sang relating to food. Particularly, it is called in ac-
cOtdance to the nature of the food or fruit which has been added as
an ingredient in the ya-sang> such as ya-sang-nua ( meat conditioned
poison), ya-sang niia khem (salted meat conditioned poison), ya-sang
kluay (banana conditioned poison) and so on.
( 2) Ya-sang wan (conditioned poison relating to days of the
week). A person will die after eating this class of poison within,
say 5, 7 or 15, specific days.
( 3 ) ya-sang ayu (conditioned poison relating to age). A per-
son partaking this class of poison will suffer a lingering chronic illness,
every now and then, throughout the span of his life.
The author says in his paper that he has tried to find out what
kind of herbs and plants are used as the principle ingredients of the
ya-sang, but failed to do so. Several people informed the author that
when they wanted a ya-sang made they got the desired herbs or plants
from jungle folk, or from people who lived far away from the general
populace, such as the Karen tribes or the Negritos.
1. l;'1l.J iu rm ml.J lin l'l'lfl' hw w. fl'. m
V'Ul'. i<o<tll<E:
'
so PHYA ANUMAN
Here are the ingredients and the process of manufacturing the
ya-sang so far as the mHhor has been able to find out.
(I) Certain kind of herbs or plants. (Informers would not
give their secrets).
( 2) Moss from a bate (Buddhist temple) or boundary stones
of the bote.l
( 3) Barks from various kinds of trees which spirits or geriii
inhabit such as takien tree,z habok tree.3 Oblation has to be made to
the genii of the tree before the bark can be stripped from the tree.
( 4) Have the above ingredient, I to 3 boiled until all the
water has evaporated to dryness and the substance becomes a powder.
There is a certain rite relating to the boiling of the ingredients.
They are to be boiled in the precinct of a cemetery and have human
skulls as supporters of the utensil over the fire-place. During boiling
the operator has to recite certain mantras or incantations throughout
the process.
If the right antidote is administered in time to a person who
has bee,n poisoned by the ya-sang, he may be cured. The remedy
is called ya-ton ( fl1tt'Ell4=nullifying medicine) which the owner keeps
secret. If pressed, he will divulge the secret only by saying that it
includes, unspecifically of course, certain kinds of medicinal herbs
and plants as the main ingredients. There is also a speCial incanta-
tion to invoke the potency and to assert their effect of such herbs and
plants ratifying their potency against the ya-sang.
The belief in the ya-sang is prevalent in the southern area
(Upper Malay Peninsula) of Thailand up to the present day,
dominating the mind of the folk, and in particular, among the pre-
literate people inhabiting the fringe of forests and jungles. The
ya-sang is very wide-spread in the Tapi River Valley in the province
of Surat, and also in the provinces of Nakorn Sri Thamarat and
Patalung.
1. It is worth noting that moss from a bote or boundary stones of a bote is also
to counteract love philter.
2. Hopea odorata CDiptero carpaceae-Mc!7arland.)
:3. Irvinga malayana (Simarubaceae-McFarland.)
DA'l'A ON CONDITJONED POISON
81
The author further states in his paper that he himself had been
an eye-witness to one case and also knew someone who was a witness
to another of persons who were supposed to have been afflicted with
ya-sang.
Case 1.
A young villager strong and healthy, 22 years of age, was in
love with a girl of another village. Before his death the young man
had eaten boiled pumpkin at the girl's village. A few days later he
ate some meat curry with rice in his own village, and had a con-
vulsion with stiff jaws. He died instantly. The young man, before
dying had confided to his friends that he was in love with a girl in
another village and had eaten boiled pumpkin, there. The dead man's
relatives suspected that the young man was poisoned by ya-sang
which had been sprinkled either on the pumpkin or on coconut shreds
(mixed with a little salt and sugar to be eaten with pumpkin as a
sweet-meat). The man who told this story was known by the author
for a number of years and the man's story was a bona fide one.
Case 2.
A man, an acquaintance of the author, living in the village
Kroot ( h u f l f l ~ ~ ) on the upper reaches of Tapi River, Surat Province,
came to consult the author for a certain ailment. He had a swollen
abdomen and could not be cured by folk medicine. The author failed
in his diagnosis of the disease. The sick man went to Bangkok as a
patient of a certain hospital, but later on came back as an incurable
and entered a hospital at Nakorn Srithamarat. Again as an
incurable he went back to his home and died there. The villagers
believed that he had been poisoned with ya.sang, and there was some
gossip to the effect that the man had been poisoned by a certain
person of that village. The dead man was the headman there and
had died through malice of one of the villagers. The author suspected
that the man might have died of cirrhosis through the hardening of
the liver. He might perhaps have taken something which was in-
jurious to that organism. Probably he might have drunk a large
amount of arrack or ardent spirit which is generally found in most
82 PHYA ANUMAN RA.TADHON
outlying villages in Thailand or he had actually been poisoned by
ya-sang. No one really knew.
The author summed up his opinion on ya-sang by saying that
it existed, but in the form of ordinary poison only. The strength of
such poison is variable for the reason that it is made from certain
poisonous herbs or trees which cannot be standardized by scientific
measurements. The effect of the poison is, therefore, variable too.
The victim of the poison may die instantly or have a lingering death.
In many cases the effect of the poison is on the liver, an organ having
a function to thwart and destroy poison. Some people may have a
strong constitution and the amount of poison may be relatively small,
or perhaps the poison is not up to the standard of strength, the poison
is, therefore, harmless to the partaker. In such cases the poisoner
may plead the excuse that the poison had lost its potency, or the
intended victim had been very careful of his food or drink and had
never taken such food or drink as conditioned by the poison. Perhaps
when the poison as taken, becomes active in function a man dies
merely by coincidence at the time when he has eaten certain food or
drink. It is the word sang meaning to direct or command which has
taken a strong hold on the country people who dread certain con-
sequences, which, in reality, come from only an ordinary poison,
nothing more nor less.
My subject on the ya-sang is still incomplete and what is
written here is meant as data for further studies only.
MUNICIPALITY
AYUTTHAYA
(
OF
1962
Figure 1.
CH.40
.

.

Poilu 1
._
' .
'KRUNG KAO' THE OLD CAPITAL OF AYUTTHAYA
by
cSternsiein
The Australian National University
Canberra
In the Chula era 712, the year of ihe tiger, on Friday the six!h of the
waxing fifth month, at 9.54 a.m., the foundation of Ayudtlhya was !ai1l*
At the same time as he formally announced the assumption of
sovereign kingship ( styling himself Somdetch Phra Ramadhipatil )
Phra Chao U Thong dedicated the side of his capital-' Krungthep
Dvaravati Sri Ayuddhya '.
2
Three years earlier he had arrived at
the site, encamping on the west bank of the Chao Phraya immediately
south of the present municipality- that place now occupied by Wat
*
1.
'Phra Rajaphongsavadan Krung Kao Chabab I-lluang Prasot ', that is, Luang
Prasot's History of the Ayutthayan Period, tr. Frankfurter as 'Events in Ayuddhya
from Chulasakaraj 686-966 ', Selected Articles from the Siam Society Journal,
vol. 1 (1904-1929), 195<1, p. 46. The corresponding date on the Gregori:m calendar
is the 19th of March, 1350. Variation which this date has suffered in European
accounts need not be considered seriously and any disbelief which its exactness
may excite should be dissuaded by the knowledge that such details were necessary
for astrological computations. See Col. G.E. Gerini's review of M. Aymonier's
book in which this date is Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 2, part 1,
1905, pp. 84-100.
Transliterations of Thai, Pali and Sanskrit names are many. 'Phm Chao U
Thong' and 'Somdetch Phra Ramadhi11ati' are equivalents proffered by the
foremost scholar of Thai history, H.RH. Prince Damrong-see 'The Foundation of
Ayuthia ', Selected Articles from the Siam ::lociety Journal, vol. 3 Early History
and Ayudhya Period, 1959, p. 199.
2. The derivation of' Dvaravati Sri Ayuddhya' (' Krungthep' means' divine capital')
has been rather exhaustively investigated by H.H. Prince Dhani Nivat (see 'The
City of Thawarawadi Sri Ayudhya ', Selected Articles from the Siam Societ,y
Journal, val. 3, Early History and Ayudhya Period, 1959, pp. 229-235 ). He
concludes that both ' Dvaravati' and 'Ayuddhya' are derived from the Indian
epics-the former from the capital city of Krishna, the latter from that of Rama,
while' Sri' is' a mere eulogic expletive'. 1-I.R.H. Prince Chula Chakrabongse
(Lords of Life, 1960, p. 27) suggests that ' Dvamvati ', was included 'Probably
to remind people that his ancestors had once conquered a city of ancient Dvaravati . .'
and Quaritch Wales C 'Some Notes on the Kingdom of Dvaravati ', G1eater India
Society Journal, val. 5, 1938, p. 26) implies that the title was included to honor
the kingdom that formerly exercised suzerainty over the area; but, in fact, the
term' Dvuravati ',to designate the ancient Khmer state which occupied the lower
Chao Phraya basin and adjacent areas, was introduced by Coedes ( Recueil des
Inscriptions du Siam, val. 1, 1924, p. 1 ) 'provisionally ... to the ldngdom of
134
Larry sternstcin
Buddhaisawan (see figure 1) which he afterwards erected to consecrate
his temporary residence.
3
Apparently, both the consolidation of
the kingdom ( which, at the time of accession in 1350, appears, even
from the most grudging appraisal, to have included the whole of the
basin of the Chao Phraya and the lands to both east and west as far
as the frontiers of the Khmer and Burmese dominions, as well as the
States to the south, including much of the Malay Peninsula )
1
and the
preparation of the site of the new capital, occupied this three-year
period. It seems unlikely that, as has been suggested, this interval
was spent anxiously awaiting the propitious moment to openly deny
allegiance to the then all but powerless suzerain of Sukhothai.!i While
3.
-!.
5.
Indian civilization and Buddhist religion which has left in the southwest of Siam
archaeological traces characterised by pronounced archaism and a rna nifest reselll
blnnce with Gupta art'. Coedcs notes further that, ' This name, Dviiravati,
mentioned in the 7th century by I-Isuanchuang and I-d1ing ... seems to have
been borne at first by a town situated in the neighbourhood of Subarnapuri
[ Suphan Buri] or of Brah Pathama [ Nnkhon Path om], and then npplied to
Ayudhya ... ',though Pelliot (as quoted by Luce, G.H., 'Countries Neighbouring
Burma', Burma Research Society .Joumal, val. 14 ( 2 ), 1925, p. 181) subscribes
to' the opinion of M. Aymonier according to which Dvaravati must have formerly
been Lopburi ', dismissing what, in truth, must be considered n presumptuous
siting by Colonel Gerini 'on an island in the Menam, at the height of t\yuthia '.
See II.R.H. Prince Damrong, 'Siamese History Prior to the

of Ayudhyn',
tr. Crosby, Selected Articles from the Siam Sou'ety Journal, vol. :l, Early
History and Ayudhya Period, 1959, p. 100.
'At the time of the foundation of Ayut'ia ... King Rarna Tibndi probably held
sway over the districts of Ayut'ia [ Ayutthaya]. Lopburi [Lop Buri ], Sup' an
[Suphan Buri ], Ratburi [Rat Buri ], P'etchaburi [ Phet Buri ], N:1 k'on Srit'arnmarat
[ Nakhon Si Thammarat ], Singora [ Songkhla ], Chantahun (conquered from
Cambodia ) [ Chantaburi] Tenasserim and Ta voy. He had even ex tended his
as far as [the position of?] Malacca ... ' (Wood, . ,1 History
of Siam, 192,1, p. 64 ).
See Phya Boranrajadhanin, 'Ayutthaya ',-Annals: .-1 Compilation (in Tbai)
pt. 63, P and Damrong, 'Siamese History Prior to the Pounding of
.
0
P czt .. P published by the Fine Arts Department as
a of stud1es, Phya Boranrajadhanin's work has enjoyed but
a limited edttlon wluch was distributed I th m . I I
. . , . on y to ose o !CUI s present at the authors
cremation. See also fn Amatyakul, The Thai Guide Boo' . 1 l/ 19"7 6
1 ] d 11 d , rc . ' YI!C 1 va, .J , p.
anc t 1e 1 enhca y war ed Guide to Ayu.dhya and Baug-l'a-In, l957, p. 7; for
the most part these are poor partial t a ] t' f PI
. r ns a wns o 1ya Boranra]adhnnm s work-
winch source goes unacknowledged. The original st d b 1 1 1 bl
and, moreover, couched in rather complicated Tl u. Y ebmg on y rda.re y a 'lei
f lai, SU Sequent JSCUSSIO!l WI
contam re erence, where possible, to the relevant f T A k I'
twin condensation; however th b . wns m n matya u s
' e as1s for argument m these dual references
always stems from the scholarly uncertain Ph a B . dh .
Y oranra]a anm,
'KHUNG KAO': Tlll\ OLD CAPITAL OF AYUTTITAYA 85
under Rama Kamhaeng U Thong was merely one of a large number
of feudatory states;
6
but the empire-building activities of Phra Chao
U Thong and his predecessor during thirty years following the end
of Rama Kamhaeng's reign, about A.D. 1317, leaves little doubt con-
cerning the independence of the Kingdom of U Thong-rather, it im-
plies no small contempt for the rapidly waning power of the King-
dom of Sukhothai. The Annals of Ayutthaya even includes Sukhothai
among those states subject to Ramadhipati upon his accession
7
Tradition has it that Phra Chao U Thong shifted the capital
from U Thong, near the present town of the same name, to Ayuttha-
ya when a terrible pestilence, resulting from a scarcity of water
caused by the silting up of the Nam Chorakhe Suphan, forced him to
flee the former citadel. Though legend is often found to proceed
from fact, in this instance that the city was not wholly abandoned,
that Phra Chao U Thong, in fact, appointed his brother-in-law ad-
ministrator of the old capital,
8
argues against such an unpremeditated
departure. But even allowing the abandonment of U Thong to have
been forced in this manner, this 'explanation' fails to account for
the choice of the new site, some seventy-five kilometres almost due
east from U Thong, save, perhaps, by the implication that the area
was well endowed with the requisite resources-which, of course, is
true. Damrong offers an additional explanation, which may be
considered basically tenable: 'The land from Ayuddhya upwards
consisted in great part formerly of low and marshy ground near the
sea ... [and] all the principal water-courses of the region met together
at that place, which thus derived importance as being situated at the
mouth of a river and as being the gateway to the whole of the North
from Sukhodaya up to Chiengmai'
9
- in other words, the site was a
potential centre of communications.
6. In retrospect, Damrong ( ' Siamese History Prior to the Founding of Ayudhya ',
ojJ. cit., p. 97) believes it to have been a fairly large one, but this appears an
untenable conjecture; certainly its area was rather closely circumscribed, if, as
Damrong himself believes (ibid., p. 79) it was surrounded by the vassal states of
Ayutthaya, Suphan Buri, Rat Buri and Tavoy.
7. See Bishop Pallegoix's translation as quoted by Bowring, Sir J ., The Kingdom
and Peoj>le of Siam, voi. 1, 1857, p.' 43.
8. See Damrong, 'The Foundation of Ayuthia ', op. cit., PP 2012.
9. Damrong, 'Siamese History Prior to the Founding of AyLlclhya ', oj>. cit., p. 99.
86
Larry Stcrnstcin
Considering, however, that the effective administration of the
recently subjected States to the east (in the basin of the Chao Phraya
and beyond) and south would demand a more strategically sited
capital, it would be difficult to attempt to explain logically the choice
of a position other than that at the confluence of the Chao Phraya,
Lop Buri and Pasak rivers, in the centre of the fertile basin of the
Chao Phraya, far enough from the sea to preclude, or at least dis-
courage, marauding pirates, yet near enough to permit an efficient
all-water connection with the States spaced along the littoral of the
Gulf.
Throughout, it has been tacitly assumed that the founder of
Ayutthaya was previously the King of U Thong. Though the ar-
gument for this belief as presented by Damrong
10
appears irrefutable,
is eminently logical, has been endorsed by the Historical Research
Society of Siam and accepted by modern European historians
11
none
of the five versions of the History of Ayutthaya offers any substan-
tiating evidence. The 'official ' view is that Chao Phya U Thong
migrated to Ayutthaya from Traitrung or Pep, which was located im-
mediately south of the present town of Kamphaengphet.
12
Obviously,
however, the basic argument as presented does not depend upon an
exact positioning of the former capital; though it would suffer if
Kaempfer's suggestion (accepted by Anderson )
1
:1 that ' This City in
ancient times stood at the place, which is now called Bangkok ... from
whence it was afterwards removed to the place, on which it now
stands ... ,ltl be regarded as proceeding from other than a misinformed
or misinterpreted source.
Moreover, the already defensible site, a westward jutting
tongue of land formed by a meander of the Chao Phraya to the west
10. See' The Foundation of Ayuthia ', op. cit., pp. 69-74 and' Siamese History Prior
to the Founding of Ayudhya ', op. cit., pp. 97-100.
11. See, for D.G.E., A History of Southeast Asia, 1960, p. 151 and
Wood, ojJ. ctt., p. 63.
H.R.H. Prince,_ 'The Story of the Records of Siamese History',
:::Jclected :1rtzcles from the Szam. Society Jo
1
,rnal val 1 ( 190,1-29) llJr:4
82-98. ' . ' c) PP
13. See English Intercourse with Siam in the Seventeenth Century, 1890, P 17.
14. Kaempfer, E., History of Japan, tr. Scheuzer val 1 1727 ? 3
PP
'KHUNG KAO': 'l'HE OW CAPITAL OF AYUTTHAYA 8'7
and south, the Lop Buri to the north ( the present 'City Canal' see
figure 1 ) and the Pasak to the east, could be rendered 'impregnable'
by simply cutting through the narrow neck ofland between the Lop
Buri and Chao Phraya rivers, and heaping up the mud so excavated
(and that dug from other channels within the site) around the
perimeter of the island created thereby, thus forming a base upon
which to erect the stockade. Since no mention is made of these im-
portant works in the official histories of Ayutthaya, thougl1 several
constructions of like import are noted in the years following the
founding of the capital, it appears likely that they had already been
accomplished when Phra Chao U Thong declared himself Somdetch
Phra Ramadhipati; certainly they were completed within his reign,
that is, prior to A.D. 1369.
15
Unlike its better known and undoubtedly more spectacular
Cambodian and Burmese counterparts
16
the Thai centre has not
excited the enunciation of underlying geomantic principles, despite a
very' similar, if not identical, Brahmanic-Buddhist/Indo-Chinese
heritageP But that this 'magical symbolism which combined long
experience with intuition, leading in the end to very practical results'
18
did, indeed, guide construction in a number of instances, is indicated
when allusions to associated ritual
19
are coupled with an examination
15. See Phya Boranrajadhunin, oj>. cit., pp. 13-17, Tri Amatyakul, Guide to Ayudhya
and Bang-Pa-In, oj>. cit., pp. 7 and 14 or The 'Thai Guide Book, J\yudhya, oj>.
cit., pp. 6 and 12, and Wood, op. cit., p. 64.
16. See the references cited by Wheatley, P., 'What the Greatness of a City is Said
to be', Pacific Viewj>oint, vol. 4, no. 2, 1963, pp. 163-88 and, more particularly,
V.C. Scott O'Connor's Mandalay and Other Cities of the Past in Bur111a, 1907
and Coedes' fascinating little volume Pour miel!.T comj>rendTe !lngkor, 1947,
made even more pleasurable when read in conjunction with B. Groslier and
J. Arthaucl's remarkable pictorial study ilngkor, J11't and Civilization, 1957.
17. See Heine-Geldern, H .. , Concej>tions of State mul Kingship in Southeast Jlsia,
Data Paper Number 18, Southeast Asia Program, Department of Far Eastern
Studies, Cornell University, 1956 and Quaritch Wales, H.G., Siamese Stale
Ceremonies, 1931, particularly pp. 12-25.
18. Gutkind, E. A., Revolution of Environment, 1946, p. 20.
19. See Quaritch Wales, Siamese State Ceremonies, oj>. cit., pp. 302-7.
88
Larry Sternstein
of contemporary town layouts,
20
or, more particularly, with late-17th
century plans of Ayutthaya (see figures 2-7 ). Sinhalese Hinayanistic
influences first appear in Thailand in about the 12th century and the
mass conversion of the Thai from Mahayana Buddhism appears to
have occurred during the 13th century.
21
While the Mahayana
theory of divine incarnation requires that a temple occupy the centre
of the capital, the Hinayana sect, recognising the king merely as a
representative of the divine, requires that the palace occupy the
centre.
Invoking what might be termed a first principle of geomancy,
22
then, that the palace should be sited in the centre of the walled area
(the ruins of What Phra Sri Sanphet now mark the site of the original
palace,
23
which was immediately south of the position noted on
late-17th century maps, (see figures 2-7), this north-south cut or moat
should have occupied a position coincident with that of the present
Maharat Road ( see figure 1 ) which is shown as a canal on both the
'French Engineer's' plan of Ayutthaya of 1687 and Kacmpfcr's plan
of 1690. Such a position would also appear to allow for the 'exterior
moat ... in addition to the already existing moat',
2
1 dug about 1550;
20. See the maps of Kanchanaburi, Chaiyaphum, Chiang Rai, Chiengmai, Nakbon
Pathom, Nakhon Ratchasima, Phrae, Roi Et, Buri, Lop Buri, Lamphun,
Sisaket, Sakhon Nakhon, Sara Buri, Surin, Ubon and, of course, Bangkok and
Ayutthaya, in i1laps of the Caj,ital Districts of the ['roviwes of Thailand, in
Thai and on various scales, Royal Thai Survey Department, 19fj0.
21. See Quaritch Wales, Siamese State Ceremonies, ojJ. cit., p. Hl.
22. An appreciation of the philosophy of geomancy, implications and applications,
may be gleaned from the most interesting expositions of Mircea Eliadc in l'allems
in Contcm.pormy Religion, tr. Sheed, 1958, chap. 10. pp. 369-82, and ( 'osmos a/Ill
History, tr. Trask, 1954, 1, pp. 6-21, ] .] .M. de Groot in The Religious
System of China, val. 3, book 1, part 3, 1897, chap. 12, pp. 935-J05G, and Heine
Geldern in Conceptions of State and Kingshij> in Southeast !lsi a, oj>. cit. tind
'Weltbild und Bauform in S"d t ' TV l' -
_ u os as1en ,, zcner )Citrage :::ur l\.111/StIOUL
ll.siens, val. 4, 1930, pp. 28-78, and from the many citations in
Gutbnd, of' czt., pp. 125 and 291-333.
:!3. See Phya of). cit., p. 86 and Tri Amatyakul, The Thai Guide
1301
2
'1.
9
1
: ilyudhya,
0
1' cit, P 26 or Guide to Ayudhya and Bang-Pa-In, of' cit,
p. 0
:.!4. Wood, oj. <'it., p. 1ltl.
An apparently reasonable impression of late-17th century Ayut-
thaya may be obtained by combining that which is of value on each of
the following representations; from the 'French engineer's' plan of
1687, the disposition of the city's main streets and waterways, most of
the important places, and scale and orientation; from Kaempfer's plan
of 1690, the configuration of the 'Island' and its environs, and the loca-
tion of a number of noteworthy sites; from the French plans of c. 1690,
and c. 1685, a general indication of the use of the land and the distribu-
tion of the population; and, finally, from the Dutch views of c. 1725,
an appreciation of the form of the city's more important structures.
Note: A thousand paces equal c. 1.5 km.; a thousand Toise equal
c. 2.0 km.; and a Lieu Germanique, apparently the old English league,
equals c. 4.8 km.
A 'French Engineer's Plan of Ayutthaya; 1687
From: The Siam Society's map collection.
Figure 2. Since, as is likely, the 'French engineer' is Father Thomas Valgarneira (an
Italian serving with the French Jesuits), the designer and supervisor-of-construction of
the new fortifications erected at Ayutthaya late in the 17th century (begun in 1675 and
here shown completed), and as the configuration, size, orientation and the disposition
of the city's lineaments are remarkably consistent with present remains, it appears that
this plan must be considered the most accurate representation of Ayutthaya available
from this period. Note that the letters of a number of places cited in the legend are
either missing from, or cannot be distinguished on, the map proper.
'1 .,._'
, ............ ...
,;f4<0;:
'* . ~ ~
........ ,','!'
Q
Kaempfer's Plan of Ayutthaya; 1690
From : Kaempfer, op. cit.
Figure 3. A commendable, if somewhat stylized ground-plan of the city; showing a
remarkably accurate configuration, correct orientation and size, and a nice disposition
of lineaments as determined from a comparison with the remains of these works. All
places especially noted on this plan and also that of 1687 have identical locations.
.
' {.
. A. L.r f"ih' .
B. L 4 P,/.uj. .
C' l.r P<Jrt: ,
D . ,fe.,..
French Plan of Ayutthaya; c. 1690
From: La Loubere, op. cit.
' J
Figure 4. Though the configuration and scale of this plan seem reasonably accurate,
its orientation is slightly awry and the disposition of streets and canals differs markedly
from that shown on either the 'French engineer's' or Kaempfer's plan. Apparently,
La Loubere, thinking to combine what he judged to be the virtues of two previous
French maps, accommodated the arrangement of streets and canals and the distribution
of structures as shown on the plan of c. 1685 on the general configuration and scale of
the plan of 1687. The result is neither as accurate nor as comprehensive as might be
desired, but a fairly good impression of the whole is presented, and the general
distribution of the city's population indicated.
: t
French Map of Ayutthaya: c. 16B5
From: Choisy, op. cit.
Figure 5. Despite the misshapen eastern half of the 'Island' and the rather
ill-disposed streams, scale and orientation, and the distribution of most of the major
features shown (though several important places have been omitted and several mis-
placed) compares quite favorably with contemporary descriptions and what remains
at present. The real value of this map, however, lies in its pictorial presentation,
which, if somewhat overdrawn, gives a good general impression of the distribution
of the population-making evident the vast amount of open space within the city
walls. Note: Though this map is dateless, an are ally abridged version, reproduced in
M. Garcon's introduction to the Paris Edition of Choisy'sjournal, op. cit., carries that
o1686-a date which agrees with that of c. 1685 deduced from several features shown.
Dutch Oblique Plan-View of Ayutthaya; c. 1725
From: A recent color reproduction after the original in Valentyn, F., Beschryving
van Oud en Nieuw Oost-Iizdien, Vol. 3, 1726.
Figure 6. Though this view is hardly of a standard attained in Europe a century
before, as, for example, in the civitates orbis terrarum, it appears an honest, if
somewhat misguided, attempt at portrayal. Failing this, it yet succeeds, quite
vividly, in depicting the great number of temples, their general architecture, as well
as that of the palaces, and the large areas devoted to these structures.
f. .
!!."
r-
1 .
l !,t. .. .
'
Portion of a Dutch Map of the Chao Phraya; c. 1725
From: After Hutchinson, Adventurers in Siam in the Seventeenth Century, op. cit.,
which is after a portion of the original in Valentyn, op. cit.
Figure 7. Obviously, a woefully inadequate 'map', but the architectural form of the
principal structures shown (though here indistinct) is remarkably fine and well worth
scrutiny; and the general emptiness of the area is made readily apparent. Note:
Hutchinson labels this view 'seventeenth century', considering, no doubt, that that
shown is based upon information gathered during the late 1600's.
'KHUNl; KAO': THE OLD CAPITAL OF AYUTTHAYA
89
the latter occupying a position coincident with the channel of the
present Makam-riang canal, about half-way between Maharat Road
and the Pasak River to the east (see figures 1 and 2 ). However, the
'official' view seems to be that the original moat, known as
'Khu-na' ( literally ' front arch ' ), 'branched off from the Lop Buri
river [the present much diminished channel of which is occupied by
the so-called 'City Canal'] at the locality of Hua Raw [the north-
east corner of the 'island'], and joined the Bang-kacha river at Pom
Phet fortress ( the southeast corner of the ' island' );
25
a position ap-
parently coincident with the channel of the present Makam-riang
canal. While offering no indication of the correctness of either
position, that the eastern wall was ' pulled down and re-erected near
the river bank '
2
6 in A.D. 1580, seemingly confirms one of them, but
the assertion of a simultaneous widening ( to twenty metres ) and
deepening ( to six metres ) of this moat ( by then well within the
walls) seems illogical; certaintly it was not undertaken for defensive
purposes, as has been suggested.
27
On the most recent official plan of Ayutthaya ( 1:4000, dated
1956) the short stretch of water trending northwest-southeast between
the 'City Canal' and the Pasak River (see figure 1 ) is regarded as a
portion of the latter, but an alternative name is also given in recogni-
tion of common usage : the 'Khu-na' stream. This might, not too
unreasonably, be interpreted as the persistence of a tradition having
a basis in fact, for it appears quite logical, from present maps, to
assume that the founding fathers would have simply cut through the
narrow neck of land between the then wide Lop Buri and the Pasak
rivers, rather than the relatively wide neck between the Lop Buri and
the Chao Phraya. However, though at that time the Lop Buri ('City
Canal') was a much larger stream, the Pasak was much smaller ; the
width and depth of the present Pasak River at Ayutthaya have increa-
25. Tri Amatyakul. The Thai Guide Boo/1: Ayudhya, oj>. cit., p. 6 or Guide to
Ayudhya and Hang-Pa-In, 0}1. cit., p. 7, after Phya Boranrajaclhanin, ojJ. dt.,
p. 32.
26. Frankfmter, oj>. cit., p. 58.
27. See Phya Boranrajadhanin, op. ct., p. 32 and Tri Amatyakul. The Thai Guide
Boo!l: Ayudhya, op. cit., p. 6 or Guide to Ayudhya and Bang-Pa.[n, op. cit.,
pp. 78.
91J
Larry Sternstci11
sed greatly as the water of the Lop Buri has been redirected into its
Channel. Given that the area enclosed was to be kept at a defensible
maximum, it would have been folly to negate the strategic advantage
of a wide band of water to the north, west and south by an unneces-
sarily long, narrow ribbon of water to the east. Cutting a direct north-
south channel from the Lop Buri to the Chao Phraya would not only
reduce the length of an obviously vulnerable eastern perimeter but
enhance the value of the Pasak as an outer 'moat'. It is possible that
this cut was enlarged in 1580, but it appears more likely that the moat
widened and deepened when the wall was moved to take advantage
of the development of the Pasak channel (in 1688, Gervaise noted that
'The great river laps its ( Ayutthaya's) walls on the southern, eastern
and western sides28 (my italics) and in 1690 la Loubere stated that
The King's Palace stands to the North on the (my italics))
was the short one between the Lop Buri and Pasak rivers-a new 'front
arch' or 'Khu-na'.
The advantages of this site being evident, it must be assumed
they had long been realised. But beyond a Khmer inscription of A.D.
937 which cannot certainly be considered as in situ,3 the evidence-the
large Buddha image in Wat Phanan- choeng, on the east bank of the
Chao Phraya immediately below the confluence of the Pasak (see
figure I), which was erected in A.D. 13243
1
and the head of another
in a pre-Ayutthayan style, now enshrined in the Ayutthaya Museum32
-permits of only conjectural, if logical, sitings prior to the 14th centu-
ry, or, rather, prior to the ascendancy of the Kingdom of Sukhothai
under Rama Kamhaeng (A.D. 1275-?1317 ), when, it appears (in the
28. Gervaise, N., Histoire Naturelle et Polit.ique du Siam, 1688, tr. O'Niel as
Mcmvires de Siam, 1929, p. 15.
29. Ia Loubere, Simon de, A New HistoricaL Relation of the Kingdom of Siam,
tr. S.P., 1693, p. 6. .
30. See Coedes, G., 'Une nouvelle inscription d'Ayuthya ', JoumaL of the Siam
Society, vol. 35, 1944, p. 73.
31. See Frankfurter, op. cit., p. 46.
32. See Tri Amatyakul, The Thai Guide Ayudl '" 't 6 G 'd t
'1 dl z .ya oJc .. cz ., p. or Jill e o
.- yu zya 11/1( Bang-Pa.Jn, op. cit., p. 7.
'KRUNG KAO': THE OLU CAPITAL OF AYU'I'THAYA
9i
absence of any mention of the place) the occupation of so strategic a
site by any considerable centre was not tolerated.33
Some three hundred and fifty years after its founding, Ayut-
thaya34 was still the centre of a kingdom, albeit a restive one, that
comprehended much the same dominions claimed in 1350, plus those
of the former Sukhothai Kingdom proper which had been wholly
annexed by 1438.3
5
But the Kingdom had hardly remained static during
the intervening period.:
36
Ayutthaya itself had been forced to capitulate
to the Burmese following investment in 1568, thereby allowing the
33. The meagre evidence for the existence of the !dngdom o Dvaravati which appears
to have occupied the basin of the Chao Phraya by the 7th century and possibly as
early as the 4th century (see Coedes, G., Les Etats liindmdses d' Indochine et
d' Indonesie, 1948, p. 131 and e c t ~ e i l des Inscriptions du Siam, op. cit., val. 1,
p. 1; Briggs, L.P .. 'The Ancient Khmer Empire', Transactions of the American
PhilvsojJhical Society, New Series, val. 41, part 1, 1951. p. 48; Luce, G.I-1.,
'Countries Neighbouring Burma', 13urma Research Society Journal, vol. 14 (2)
1925, p. 181; and Majumdar, R.C., !limlu Colonies in the Far East, 1944, p. 222
and Ancient Indian Colonisation in 5'outh-East ilsia, 1955, p. 32) and Phya Boran-
rajadhanin's C ojJ. cit., p. 32) carefully qualified conjecture concerning a prior
settlement on the site of Ayutthaya has deterred neither casual acceptance of a
long period of prior occupation (see, for example, Damrong, 'The Foundation
of Ayuthia ', oj>. dt., p. 201 and Wood, op. cit., p. 53) nor remarkable assertions
to this effect (see Graham, A.W., ,)'iam, vol. 1, 1924. p. 28 and Tri Amatyakul,
The Thai Guide Boull: llyudh:ya, oj>. dt ., pp. 4-5 or Guide to llyudh:ya and
BangPa-In, oj>. cit., pp. 56 ).
34. 'Ayutthaya' is the official modern English equivalent of the Thai name. In
addition to the many variants which resemble this rendering C e.g. ' Ayulhia ' or
'Ayuddhya' ), 'Odia' (occasionally Odiaa' ) '.Tudela' C occasionally' Judea',
'Judia ', 'Juthia ', 'Juthya ',or' Hudia') 'Iudia' C occasionally misprinted C?)
' India ' on maps ) and ' Siam ' ( occasionally ' Siaam ' ) were used by European
writers of the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries. A number of infrequently used
variants gleaned from the maps of this period are given by Wheatley (see The
Golden K.hersonese, 1961, p. 235, footnote 3 ), and Anderson ( oj>. cit., p. 18)
includes a partial list of early works in which several of the principal variants are
to be found.
35. See Frankfurter, op. cit., pp. 4G8 and Wood, a}' r/t., pp. 71-2 and 81..
36. See, for example, Wood, of' cit., chaps. 5-1.4.
92 Lari' y Sternsteiti
extension of Burmese suzerainty throughout the Kingdoi11 durirtg the
period A.D.l569 to c.1585;
37
and had been reduced to a 'second capital'
under Phitsanulok during the period A.D. 1463 to 1488 after constant
incursions from Chiengmai prompted Rama Boromo Trailokanat to
establish the capital in a position from which retaliation was more
easily effected.ss Further, to the bloody intrigue involved in the
enthronement of twenty-seven kings was added the diplomatic crises
which developed from the cut-throat competition of Indian, Arab,
Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Dutch, English and French factors as
their governments' everchanging interrelationships.3
9
However, though
the cumulated construction of three and a half centuries had wrought
37. Important, though unsuccessful sieges were engineered by the Burmese C Peguans )
in A.D. 1549, 1564, 1568 and 1586; the Cambodians also laid siege in 1570 and
1575. See Frankfurter, op. cit., jmssim, Wood, oj;. cit., pp. 108-57 and Hall,
Oj>. cit., pp. 207-23.
38. See Frankfurter, oj>. cit., pp. 49 and 5!, Wood, op. cit., p. 88 and Hall, oj>. cit;.,
p. 157.
39. The seizing of Malacca in 1511, then a nominal vassal of the Thai king, led to a
treaty in 1516 which permitted the Portuguese to trade at Ayutthaya and several
of the peninsula ports. The Dutch East India Company did notbegin trading at
Ayutthaya until almost a century later, in 1608 (though their factory at Pattani.
a nominal Thai vassal, was opened in 1602 ), by which time Portugal had been
united with Spain for some thirty years and their efforts in the East seem to have
developed a more religious, less commercial bent. C Though a Treaty of Amity
and Commerce between the Spanish Crown and Thailand was concluded in 1598,
nothing seems to have come of it). Four years later the English East India
Company was permitted to trade at Ayutthaya, being granted a plot of land close
to that occupied by the Dutch Company. The Japanese, in the main religious
refugees, had been allotted a 'quarter' by King Ekat'otsarot about five years
previously. The first visit of French clergy in 1662, though unpremeditated, led
to the establishment in Ayutthaya of the French Catholic Mission's headquarters
for the propagation of the faith in the East, in 1664. Though the Mission attempted
at the outset to interest the French Court in a trading venture at Ayutthaya, the
French East India Company did not settle agents there until 1682, at which time
political circumstances were such that they were especially favoured by being
granted a' ramshackle house on the south side of the island', that is, within the
city walls. (See Hutchinson, E.W., Adventurers in Siam in the Seventeent:h
Century, 1940, chaps. 2 through 4; Wood, op. cit., chaps. 7 and 11 through 13;
Hall, op. cit., chaps. 12 and 18 ). Arabs appear to have been trading at Ayutthaya
in the 16th century (see Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese, OfJ. cit., p. 235 ) ,
and Indian and Chinese merchants were probably in residence when the city was
founded-a Chinese section apparently being recognizable early in the 16th century
(see Skinner, G.vV., Chinese Society in Thailand, 1957, p. 3 ).
'KiiUNG KAO': !'HE OLD CAPITAL OF AYUTTHAYA
93
massive change in its appearance, that much had been, if not
unaltered, but little affected during this period, is evident from
contemporary description.
In fact, brief general descriptions of Ayutthaya, while not
numerous, are available from about the mid-16th century,4 but only
three eyewitness accounts merit especial attention: Fernao Mendez
Pinto's of about 1545;
41
Joost Schouten's of 1636;42 and John Albert
de Mandelsloe's of 1637.
43
Pinto's description gathers value more
from its antiquity than from its content-in truth, there appears to
have been no attempt to describe the town per se-but in several in-
stances what has been noted is useful in endeavouring to indicate the
evolution of late-17th century Ayutthaya. Mandelsloe's description is
useful for several remarks concerning the inhabitants, remarks which
will be referred to during the discussion of the Ayutthaya of a half-
century later, but, otherwise his observations follow those of Schouten
so closely as to arouse the suspicion that the latter's contribution was
40. See, for example, Balbi, G., 'His Voyage to Pegu, and observations there, gathered
out of his own Italian Relation, A.D. 1583'. Punolws His Pilgrimes, vol. 10,
1905, chap. 5, p. 163; Chevalier de Chaumont, A., Relation de l'ambassade de
1\1.onsieur le Chevalier de Chaumont ala Coil/' d1t Roy, 1G86; Tavernier, J.B.,
Tavernier's Travels in India, tr. from the French eel. of 1676, val. 2, 1889,
chap. 18, pp. 288-96; van Vliet, J.. 'Deseription of the Kingdom of Siam', tr. von
Ravenswaay, .Journal of the Siam Society, val. 7, 1910, pp. 12-19 and82-3.
41. In the 1558, but particularly in a long letter written in 1554 from
Malacca to the Society of Jesus in Lisbon-Christovam Ayres, Fern7w Mendez
Pinto, Subsidios etc., Lisbon, 1904, Appendix B. See The Voyages and
Adventures of Ferdinand Mende.z Pinto, The Porlt(guese, tr. of the PeregTinaqam
by H. Cogan. 1663, abridged version, 1890; M., The Grand Pereg1ination,
1949; de Campos, J., 'Early Portuguese Accounts of Thailand; Selected Articles
front the Siam Society .Journal, vel. 7, 1959, pp. 211-37.
42. Schouten, J. and Caron, F., A True Descrijtion the Mighty Kingdoms of
.lajJan and Siarn, 1671, pp. 12425.
43. de Mandelsloe, J.A., 'The remaining Voyages of John Albert de Mandelsloe,
through the Indies, including his Descriptions of Countries, historical Remarks
upon several Nations, and his Observations on the Commerce of the Portuguese,
English, and Dutch at that Time, HaTris' Comj>lete Culleclion of Voyages and
Travels, 1744, pp. 781-82.
94
Larry Sternstein
firmly in mind. Schouten, resident at Ayutthaya for eight years and
manager of the Dutch East India Company's factory from 1633 to
1636 saw 'The City of Iudica [Ayutthaya_], the Metropolis of the
King and his chiefest Nobles ... situate upon the River Menam !:Chao
Phraya]' as
... a little round Island, encompassed with a thick stone wall,
about six English miles round ... [with] Suburbs ... on the
other side of the River, closely builded, and full of Temples
and Cloysters, lying in a flat fruitful Country. The Streets of
the walled Town are many of them large, straight and regular,
with channels running through them, although for the most
part of small narrow Lanes, Ditches, and Creeks most con-
fusedly placed; the Citizens have an incredible number of
small Boats ... which come to their very doors, especially at
floods and high water. The building of the Houses is ... slight,
and covered with Tiles; but the City is beautified with more
than three hundred fair Temples and Cloysters, all curiously
builded, and adorned with many gilded Towers, Pyramids, and
Pictures without number. The King's Palace is seated upon
the River, resembling a little Town apart great and magnifi-
cent, many of its Buildings and Towers being entirely gilded.
and he thought the city 'admirable', 'perfectly well seated' 'populous
to a wonder' and 'impregnable as not to be besieged but six months in
a year, by reason of the inundations of the River .... '
41
Schouten's
exuberance doubtless owes something to his most successful term as
manager, during which he directed construction of the permanent Dutch
factory; a structure which, while basically similar to other such estab-
lislunents, appears to have been as sumptuous as those of the Ayut-
thayan nobility:
There is an excellent building, rather large, with high ceilings,
roomy and well-designed store-houses behind it. The building
itself has a double gabled front with a lot of carved wood
decorations over doors and windows .... protected by bars
against robbers! The walls are of baked bricks and .... thick,
4 ~ . Schon ten, of' cit., pp. 1 2 ~ 2 5 .
'Kl\UNG KAO' :THE OLD CAPITAL llJ<' AY\J'I'THAYA 95
the woodwork is carved and looks much like oak. A double
staircase leads to the dining hall behind which, on each side,
are smaller rooms. Here lives the manager to the right and
the assistant to the left. Besides, the higher employees are
accomodated [sic] here, according to their rank.
Behind the main building there are several rooms for
the other assistants, the surgeon, the bottler, the cooks, the
trumpeter, the wood-carvers, carpenters, two blacksmiths and
several sailors, among them bookbinders, bakers, horse-grooms,
and others. All the rooms are adequately equipped and
furnished for the various purposes. Only the barbers -seven
in number-have to content themselves with their boats as
home, as they have to watch them at the same time. The
jactorij is surrounded by a high bamboo fence along which are
[sic J built the bottling-rooms, the kitchen, storage rooms,
and a mess, the prison, however, is built of stone. There are
also stables for about 12 horses. On the other side of the
fence are more stables for sheep which are bred here for ex-
port; further stables for goats, chicken, ducks, pigeons and
even cranes. The last we found running around the lawn ....
The bamboo fence is made safe against scaling by a wide and
deep moat that has a broad outlet under a fortified gate. At
the landing on the Bank of the river Chao Phya there is a wide
pier for loading and unloading, with comfortable benches to
sit and enjoy the river view. Through a wide gate under the
main building we reach the ware-houses and beyond, across a
wooden bridge, a green field. In the ware-houses are large
amounts of timber spread for seasoning. The stone buildings
are covered with Siamese glazed tiles; only the stables and the
bamboo-huts are covered with palm leaves.
Entering the main building from the waterfront, we find
a fine room with a tiled floor, airy with its many windows ...
Behind the storehouses there is a small garden with a few
lemon-, orange-, and grenade-trees; but it looked quite
untidy and abandoned today, as some pagodas were under
construction there.
45
45. Dr. Gybert Heecq's description of 1655 quoted by de Voogd in The Dutch111en in
Ancient ,1yuthiya, tr. I.E. Eisenhofer, 1956.
96
Larry Sternstein
Fifty years later, descriptions of Ayutthaya offer more details,
but indicate no basic change .
. . . the City of Siam [ Ayutthaya] is not only become an Is-
land, but is placed in the middle of several Islands, which ren-
ders the situation thereof very singular.
16
This Island, with
the City upon it ... hath about two German Miles in circum-
ference.-17 It is situate in a Country all flat . . .. on a low
ground, which is cut through by many Canals coming from
the River, and by them divided into so many Isles and squares,
that one cannot go far without the help of Boats ... Divers
great Canals go out of the River quite through the City some
from East to West, others from North to South, and abundance
of smaller Canals being derived from the great ones, Ships
may come from the River up into the Town, and put on shore
near the principal Houses and Palaces.
48
It is another Venice
so to speak.
49
It is surrounded with a Brick wall, which on the South and
North is four fathoms and a half [about nine nwtcrs] high,
clean, well condition'd and adorn'd with Battlements, but the
rest of it is lower, neglected and decayed. This wall is open
in many places, where there are small gates towards the River.
On the inside there are ramparts rais'd against it at different
distances for placing Cannons upon them. At the lower end
of the City appears a large bastion advancing into the water,
46. Ia Loubt!re, op. cit., p. 6.
47. Two German miles equal approximately 14.8 kilometres. Schouten's earlier
estimate ( op. cit , p. 124) of six English miles ( about 9.6 kilorneters) appears
much the better approximation and the 11.4 kilometres for this d isla nee on the
'French Engineer's Plan of 1687 (see figure 2) seems remarkably accurate, as
I ''I I''
t
1
e ts anc s present perimeter approximates 11.7 kilometres, while the distance
around via U Thong road, (see figure 1 ) which follows or lies imtnediately beyond
the former ramparts, is about 10.9 kilometres.
-18. Kaempfer, oj>. cit., p. 42.
-19. Gervaise, oj>. cit., P 15. A number of observers have, quite naturally, compared
Ayutthaya and then Bangkok. with the canalized Adriatic port. Pinto appears to
have been the first; referring to the Thai capital as the ' Venice of the East' in a
letter to the Society of Jesus in Lisbon in 1554 (of>. cit.,),
khUNG KAO': 'l'HE OLD CAPI'I'AL OF A\'UTT!IAYA
besides several small ones. The first is furnished with Can-
non against the Ships coming up.
50
All vessels moor there
because at that point the river forms a wide basin extremely
useful and convenient for repairing ships ...
51
To fence the
City-wall against the wasting of the current, a narrow bank,
or key is left, which is built upon in many places.5
2
The first siege of Ayutthaya, in 1549, though unsuccessful,
apparently stimulated preparations for another. Immediately after-
ward work began on a wall and fortifications of brick and mortar,
which to judge from the description that ' The brick formed the
surface while the inter spaces were filled with mud and broken
brick '
53
- apparently encased the previous, perhaps raised, wall of
mud. While Wood
54
and Chakrabongse
55
maintain that these
defences were dismantled following the successful attack by the
Burmese in 1569, Frankfurter,
56
Phya Boranrajadhanin
57
and Tri
Amatyaku1
58
indicate that they were not; however, whatever the
case, King Maha T'ammaraja convinced the Burmese, then suzerains
of Ayutthaya, of the necessity for the erection of new fortifications
in order to withstand Cambodian attack. A major feature of this
renovation, which occurred about 1580, was the re-erection of the
east wall nearer the west bank of the Pasak river, eliminating a strip
of land which had previously been of service to besieging forces.
Ayutthaya's fortifications ( as well as those of several other centres )
were being remodelled at the time of the above description, that is,
late in the 17th century, under the capable direction of a member of
50. Kaempfer, ojJ. cit., p. 42.
51. Gervaise, op. cit, p. 16-17.
52. Kaempfer, oj>. cit., p. 42.
53. Tri Amatyakul, The Thai Guide J3ooll: Ayudhya, op. cit., p. 12 or Guide to,
flyudhya and Bang-Pa-In, oj>. cit., p. 14, after Phya 13oranrajadhanin, op. t'ii.,
p. 33.
54. Op. cit., p. 126.
55. Op. cit., p. 43.
56. Op. cit., p. 58.
57. Op. cit., p. 32.
58. The Thai Guide Boo!1: Ayudhya, op. dt., pp. 12-13 or Guide to Ayudhya and
Bang-Pa-In, op. cit., pp. 1415.
98
tarry Sternsteiri
the French Jesuit Mission-the Italian, Father Thomas Valguarneira-
to incorporate elements of more sophisticated European design; in
particular, bastions were erected to command the river approach-see
figure 2.
59
Considering the bigness of the City, it is not very populous
60
... scarce the sixth part thereof is inhabited, and that to the
South-East only. The rest lies desart where the Temples only
stand61 ... [and] there are abundance of empty spaces and
large gardens behind the streets, wherein they let nature work,
so that they are full of Grass, Herbs, Shrubs and Trees, that
grow wild.
62
The Streets run in a straight line along the Canals; some of
them tolerably large
63
.. and in some places planted with
Trees, and paved with Bricks laid edgewise ....
6
'
1
but the
greater part very narrow, and all, generally speaking foul and
dirty: some also are overflow'd at high water ... and towards
the South by reason of the morassy ground ... people make
shift to get upon planks, or paltry bridges ... The first Street
upon entering the City [from the bastion at the southeastern
corner] is that which runs Westward along the turning of the
Wall: it bath the best Houses, amongst which are those, that
formerly belonged to the English, Dutch, and French ... The
middle Street, which runs North towards the Court, is best
inhabited, and full of shops of Tradesmen, Artificers ... Han-
d
. f 65
rcra tmen ... and squares for the markets. These markets
are held every day, in the evening and in the morning. They
are especially full of fish, eggs, fruit, vegetables and innumer-
able other merchandise ... Crowds of people so throng these
59. See Wood, op. cit.; pp. 195-96 and Hutchinson, OjJ. cit, p. 91.
60. Kru:mpfer, OjJ. cit., _P 42. The two independent estimates of the population in
168D-500,000 from mformation contained in de Voogd, ojJ. cit. and 250,000 to
500,000 quoted by Gervaise, op. cit., p. 17-may be considered either remarkably
similar or dissimilar, but even the most divergent figures are of the same
magmtude; and though an estimate of close to half a million may appear
tmmod_erate, one of less than a quarter of a million seems improbable. However,
th:se have resulted from a great deal of supposition frorn a 1neagre amount
of mformat10n.
61. !a Loubere, ojJ, cit., p. 6.
63. Kaernpfer, oj>. cit., p. 44.
G:l. Ibid., p. 42.
fi1. Ia Loubhe, oj>. cit., p. 6.
5. Kaempfer, oj>. cit., pp, 42-44.
'KHUN(; KAO': THE OLD CAPITAL OF AYUTTHAYA
99
market places that, at times, it is almost impossible ... to pass
along.66 In both these Streets are seen above one hundred
Houses belonging to the Chinese, Hindostanians, and Moors
[Arabs] ... They are all built alike of Stone, very small, being
but eight paces [twelve meters?] in length, four [six meters?]
in breadth and of two Stories, yet not above two Fathoms and
a half [four meters] high. They are covered with flat tiles,
and have large doors ... The rest of the Streets are less inhabited,
and the Houses of ordinary Inhabitants are but mean and poor
cottages, built of Bambous ... and boards, and carelessly cover'd
with Gabbe' Gabbe', Branches and leaves of Palm Trees ... 67 but
surrounded with pretty large Grounds... The Piles on which
they are erected to avoid the Inundation, are Bambous as thick
as one's Leg ... There never is more than four or six, on which
they do lay other Bambou's across instead of Beams. The
Stairs are a Ladder of Bambou, which hangs on the outside ...
And by reason that their Stables are also in the Air, they have
Climbers made of Hurdles, by which the Cattle enter therein.6S
The Mandarins or Ministers of State and Courtiers live in
separate palaces, with Courtyards to them, which are very
dirty. The Buildings in general, though rais'd with Lime and
Stone are but indifferent, and the apartments neither clean, nor
well furnisb'd. The booth, or Shops of the town are low, and
very ordinary, however they stand in good order, and in a
straight line, as the Streets are.69
One single story sufficeth them; and I am persuaded that this
manner of building is more commodious to them than ours;
seeing that they are not strained for room ( ... and they take
it where they please) and seeing they build with those slight
materials, which every one takes at pleasure in the Woods, or
which he buys at a low rate of him that has been there to take
them. Nevertheless it is reported that the reason why their
Houses have but one Story, is that no Person may be higher in
66. Gervaise, Oj>. cit., p. 17.
67. Kaempfer. of' r'it., p. 44.
68. Ia Loubere, of' cit .. p. 29.
69. Kaempfer, oj>. cit., p. 44.
]()l)
Larry StertHltt:in
his own House than the King of ,<.,'iam, when he passes thro the
Street mounted on his Elephant; and that further to assure
themselves that they arc all lower than this Prince when he
goes either by Water or by Land, they must shut all their
Windows, and come into the Street, or into their nalons (boat)
to prostrate themselves... For it is not true, that the Houses
erected as they arc on Piles, arc lower than the King on his
Elephant; and it is less true, that they arc not higher than the
King in his Balon. But what they doubtless observe, is that
their Houses arc less exalted than the Palaces of this Prince.
Moreover his Palaces consisting only of one story do sufficiently
evince, that this is the Phantasie of the Country in their
Buildings .. :m
If every House stands single, 'lis rather for the privacy of the
Family, which would be discovered through such thin Walls,
than for fear of Fire: For besides that, they make their little
Fire in the Courts and not in Lhe Houses, it is impossible for
them in any case to consume any great matter. Three hundred
Houses which were burnt at Siam [.Ayutthayal in our time,
were rebuilt in two days.71
The EurofJeans, Chinese, and Moors ... build with Brick, every
one according to his Genius; for that they alone will be at the
expense, as I conceive, or that they alone have the Liberty
thereof, as it is reported. At the side of their Houses, to keep
off the Sun and not hinder the Air, some do add Penthouses,
which are sometimes supported by Pillars. Others do make
the bodies of the House double, which do reciprocally receive
the light one from the other, to the end that the Air may pass
from one to the other. The Chambers arc large and full of
Windows, to be the more fresh and airy ... two Brick Houses
which the King ... had built, one for the Ambassadors of
France, and the other for those of Portugal ... are not finished;
by reason perhaps of the little probability there was, that they
would be frequently inhabited ... this Prince begins several
70. Ia Loubere op. cit., p. 30.
71. Ibid., p. 29.
101
Brick huildtll1',' ;and t'l.'l'. lht reason ol' which I know
rwt.:
The P;ll;l\:t: .... md ,c. cral . ur f'empks arc likewise of
BriL'k. hui P.lla\.'1.':; an: hj1 .... nt.l nwre than one story ... and
the arc tltl! high cnuugh in proportion to their
... hnu'lr llP exkrinr Ornament ... Save in the
Rouh. whkh thl'Y

with ... Tin ... ur with Tiles varnished

with But tl111 there appears not any Gold in the
Palace of Siam tin the Htbide, and there is but little gilding on
the iw;idL:. yt:! tilt:y fail not l!l call it ... the Golden Palace,
bccathe tht:y pivc ptilll!Hllls name.' to every thing which they
horwur ... Tl!at whkh ... makes: their! real dignity ... is that
althu tiler\.' i: ll' than one st11ry, yet they arc not all level...
The Ronf:; art: all highridu.ed, but the one is lower thun the
uther: as it a part luwa than another. And a lower
Rout' :icenh lu cunJL: PUt rr,,m a higher Roof'. and the highest
to bear , 111 the 1 ike a Saddle, tlw J'orl:-bow of which
bears on the himl-pan of another ... this inequality of the
Ruul"s ... grandcm, in lh<tl it .,upposes an inequality
PI' parts... The )'l'l:at will have three parts, one higher
than anuthcr. which ;m: divided hy three Roofs ol' different
elevatim: But ... the Palace ... :;even Roofs proceeding
unc t'rum under anuthcr ... As to the l'agodas ... I observed
llllly tlJH .. ... bl'l'on:. and anutller behind. The highest
Roul' is that under which the ldul stands ... But the Principal
of the h tu be accompanied, as generally
they arc, with Pyramids of' Lime and Brick, the orna-
ments of which arc very grossly pcrl'urmcd. The highest arc
as high as nur ordinary Steeples, and the lowest not exceeding
two Fath1lt11 1 f'uur meters\. They arc all round and do little
diminish ... as they rise; so that they terminate like a Dome .. .
Some ... diminish and grow thkk again four or five times .. .
so that the Profile of them goes waving ... 7:1
72. Ibid., I' I' :HJ.:ll.
73. Ibid .. pp. :H-3:!.
102
There arc Rnyal ill th i ,, City. The tir!;t is the
new palace built by the late King on the NPrth.itk ltl\\ards the
middle of the Town. It consists pj' a large with several
sub-divisions, and many building'. i. litwre s .. .'IIi thin the
walls of' the Palace as well as witlwul. an.: ... IPng Stables, in
which some hundred of Elephants in a [(lng rnw magni-
ficently hurnass'd ... The second pahu.:c, ta !I'd t
palace, is situated in the North East part uf the City towards its
extremity. It is of n square figurl', but not nc;tr :,u large as the
first ... it is inhabited by the Prince RDyal ... the third ... Palace
is smaller than any of the two, ami situated in the West and
least inhabited part of the City. In this li\'es ... a Prince ol' the
Royal Blood ... 71
As each of twenty-eight kings had addcd or rcJHIV<ttcd
structures in the royal compound, it had he corm: full ()f i !llposing
buildings when, in the latter half of the 17th century, t wu addilh.mal
palaces were built: the Chandra-kascm Palace f\ 1r the Cruwn Prince
and the Wang Lang Palace for other royal prirH.:c:.. The former,
located in the northeast corner of the t:ity, W<b \lin iou:;ly an integral
part of the general strengthening ul' dcJ'enl!c7> undertaken during the
reign of King Maha T'ammaruja and, through gC(I!ltantic allusion,
was popularly referred to as 'V/ang Na ', that .. tlw 'palace in front'
of the Royal Palace; the latter, located along the wt:slcrn wall, was
less formidable, but its name, meaning the 'palace behind', that is,
behind the Royal Palace, suggests that its l'uw.:tiun w:1s to defend
against an attack from the rear.7!i
... what contributes most to the beauty and of' this
city is the panorama of over five hundred pagodas i
The Temple and the Convent do take up a very great piece of
ground, cncompnst with nn Inclosure or Bambou. In the
_____ ?.!. _ the Temple, as in the
7.1. Kacmpfer, of> cit., pp. 4 5-Mi.
75. See Phya Boranrajadhanin, of' .-it .. Jlp. ll'lH:'. nncl l<!UHiiJ, ;l!ld T1i Amatyalwl.
The Thai Guide Book: .c.\yudhya Of>. <'ft .. Jll' H(!fi or ( ;uit/
1
to ,\yudhya ancl
Bang-Pa-In OjJ. cit., pp. 1728.
76. Gervaise. ap. cit . p. 17.
.
The Rllyal !'a lace at :\yutthaya, 1 (,<;();from Kaempfcr, Ojl. cit.
Figure X. The plan of the roval palace of Siam, wherein 1\ is the late K.ing's palace,
togethn with tht hall of audie;tce. ll, The old royal palace. C, The dining hall.
d d d, Several temples. r r c, t'll'. Sen:ral centry-hoxcs about and within the enclosure
of the palace walk f, The house wlwre they keep the King's plate, with the royal
ornaments, and the fmnitttl't' of the royal palace. g, The King's wardrobe. h, Stables
for the elephants. i i, Two houses where the Mandarins meet to consult about the
all'airs of the Kingdom. h, The apartment of the King's physicians. I, The Secretary's
ofl\ce. Ill, '!'he royal armory. 11 11, Two ponds for the horses and elephants. o, The
royal treasury. ]
1
, A large place for running of races. Q, The Seraglio, or apartment
of the womLn. R., The court of the white elephant. S, Gardens. . .... These points
show what way the French ambassadors were conducted to audience.
:\ vVat: from Ia Lmtht\n, lifl. rit.
Figure <J. The wat area: tht.: 'bot' housinJ.( the B11ddha \Cillt'!Td and sacred plot
upon which it stands demarcated hy eight 's:mas' lhtn: !td so as to appear
'chedi'); the low inner wall omitted) this area from
rest of wat; the regularly arranged cells of tht' talapoins along !11rimeter of wat grounds;
the outer wall defining this an:a from profane arl'a ntll.sidl': tlw whole orit:ntcd
cardinally.
'J'hepalact.:arca: (fig. H) oriented cardinally and to tht!royal
house within the maze of 'partitions': Ntthdi,isions Ol'CUpicd by
one or more of the various State or otlwrwist !'H.rving the King's pltasurc.
The French ambassador:>' (1685-H()) approach to thl hall of audicrtvc pitfalls
awaiting an uninitiated intruder.
The underlying geornantic principles may h(: readily apprcltc:ndcd 1n these
stylized plans.
. IWl :-<1. 1\ \0' TllJ.: Ul (I (II' AYl 'ITIIAY:\
the nw:>t ... and at the t:orners of this ground,
and ahlng the Hambou Inclosure arc ranged the Cells of the
... and sometimes the Rows thereof arc double or
triple: Thc:>c Cells arc little single Houses, erected on Piles,
and thut ut' the Supcrim is uftcr the same manner, but a little
larger and higher than the rest. The Pyramids stand near and
quite round Temple: and the ground which the Temple and
the Pyramid:; take up, besides its being higher, is inclosed
between four Walls: but from these Walls to the Cells there ...
remains a great void tlf ground ... !see figure 9]77
The many Canals occasion a great number of bridges. Those
which me laid O\'Cr the great Canal arc of Stone, but as there
are no Wagguns, nor Carts in this place, they are narrow; in
the middlt: they are high and eighty paces long; but the Bridges
over the by Canals arc ,H made of canes ... so narrow and
unsubstantial that it is difTil:ult to puss over them without ...
dangcr:
1
there is a by which alone ... People may go
out of the City without crossing the water.HO
Round the City lie many Suburbs and Villages, some of which
of inhabited Ships. or Vessels. rather than Houses; con-
taining two, tlm.!c, or more Families each; they remove them
!'rom time to time, and float them particularly when the waters
arc high, where Fairs arc kept, to sell their Goods there and
get their Li vclylwod by it HI along the long canals under shady
trees ... j arc! tong rows of lloating houses which \.look] rather
shabby f'rom the outside, hut jare'\ clean insidc ... The Houses
in the common Villages, that stand upon firm Ground, are
generally built of Bambous, reed, planks, and other ordinary
stuff; some or the !louses in the Villages along the banks of the
--- . stand on poles a_ high, that the
77. Ia Louhi:,n, uf. 'it . p. 11:1.
78. of. t'it., p. '11.
79. Gervaise, nJ.I'it., p. 17.
80. Ia Lnubt::m. o}'. ,i/., p. 1).
81. Kaempfer. of. cit., p. HJ.
82. Choisy as CJUOted by M . SiaiiWS(! \\'hitu, 19:35, p. 47.
io4
Lany
waters, which overHow the Country fnr some mnnths, may freely
pass under ... Each House furnbh'd with Stairs, or a Ladder,
to come down in dry weather, and with a boat, to go about it
at high water. Other Villages stand on higher and dry ground,
and consequently not being subject to those inundations their
Houses want neither such stairs or boats. On these eminences
also stand Temples, Convents, burying and yards where
they burn their bones and ashes, where they bury their dead,
and erect costly Pyramids over them. On the Southside, at a
small distance down the River, the Dutch have their Factory
and Magazines very splendidly and conveniently built on dry
ground. Lower down on the same bank arc other villages in-
habited by Colonies of Japanese ... Peguans and Malaccans. On
the opposite side of the River a village inhabited by a
Portuguese race begot on black Women and farther down
stands a Church, dedicated Lo St. Domingo, to which belong
the Fathers of the Dominican Order. Behind it stands another
small church ... kept by two Fathers of the order of St. Austin ...
Not far from hence, on the same plain, stands a Jesuit Church
nam'd St. Paul, after the ClliefChurch at Goa ... South West of
the City, opposite to that side of the River, where it lets out
the branch Klang Nam Ja (now called Khlong Ta Khian'] the
Metropolitan Bishop ... had caus'd a stone Palace to be built,
together with a fine Church, which is now lock'd up since his
Imprisonment. The Roman Catholick Ecdesiastics in Siam
have assur'd me, that there live above three six
hundred Christians in the neighbourhood of Judia (Ayutthaya],
who are past seven years of age .. ,ttl
Though lacking even rudimentary attributes of the contem-
porary western capital, the 'city' was not without a certain oriental
'urban grandeur', and might well have moved a sensitive European
83. Kaempfer, op. cit,, pp. 5052. The cantonment. whieh had stood
between those of the Dutch and the Japanese (the Freneh, us previously noted,
had only recently arrived and were housed within the walls of the city ) is not
noted as it was abandoned following the total destruction of tlw factory by fire in
1682; the English East India Company withdrew its agency from Ayutthaya
shortly thereafter (see Hutchinson, Oj>. cit., pp. 7385 ).
'hili'\, h \tl' HIE 111.11 C.\I'Jl,\l. IIF .IY\ITTII:IYA
lOG
soul tn a declaration similar tn that with which the Abb< de Choisy
suught to convey hi:i appreciation of its immediate environs: '1 have
never seen anything fairer, the fact that the temples mark the
only departure frum unsnphisti<.:atcd nature '.HI Admittedly, at this
time (that is, during the last few years ot' King Narai's reign, 1657-
88) the court was virtually in residcm:e at Lop Buri, only returning
to Ayutthaya fur t \HI or three nwnths during the rains or for a
ticularly important ceremoniaL
r:rom cunwmporary m:t.:ounts it appears that the court moved
to Lop Buri as a conscqm:ncc of King Nanli's contentment there;H
5
but recent investigation, seeking more rational causes
considers that French engineers directed all phases of construction
and 'suggests a pawllcl with the artifieial splendour of Versailles
8
6
or that Ayutthaya 'was tllo easily accessible from the sea B7 and
therefore exposed to anticipated Dutch naval attack.
Whatever the the development of replete royal quarters
at Lop Buri must have diverted energy and expenditure from
Ayutthaya; the removal from tht: capital, en masse, of the large body
of royal retainers conceivably a sizeable proportion of the city's total
population no dmtbt dampened urban' activities; and, in the absence
of the court the t:api tal ccrtai nly lost much of its a wcsome atmosphere;
but, in truth, the wlwlc affair cmmot he considered more than a brief
cxcur!'>ion. An ill-f'umishcd urban sucnc might well have been anti-
cipated i rrcspct:Li of the court's temporary sojourn; for though
enwallcd Ayutthaya was at once the kingdom's foremost political,
HL Tliit. pa.:;agt, whidt '"'''til'!< ttll p:t'"W w:> C entry for tlw 2'/th Ot:tobcr) of the
,/ounwl du l't'Ygf If, Sicrm, fait t'll /1)8/} ami 1r.'8U, Paris edition.
l!I;JU, Ita,. v;uinw.ly iu ll'anNiation; !Iutchiuson'tl rendering ( ildlcnturers
in Siam In till' S,,,uflntlt ( 'cntury of rit,. !1 Hi l gin:11 above, rcquircH no
:unenluwut.
8fi, Sec (iillin. H.\V, l.vpburi, l'w;t uwll'n:!wnt, ',<.,'c!t:<'lt:tl Artidesfnmt the Siam
Sociely Jounw/. l'oL II, Lophuri, Bangkok. l.lhukct. }!JG\:1, [l[l. n:J-iJ2, Lop Buri
is described during tltb :hortlivt:d asct:ntlant period by a compilation of ahstmcted
quotations.
86. Hutchinson, ojJ. cit,, p, !(i.
87, Wood, (Jp, cit., p. HW and HCC Danu:ong, II.R.H. Prince, 'The Introduction of
Culture in Siam ' :.,'elertcd Artidas from the Siam Society Juumal,
vol. '/, Rtlationship with Portugal, and the Vatican. 1959. p. 3,
J06
Larry StcrnHtein
cultural and commercial centre, the kingdom was sea reel y more than
a loose confederation of politically independent or scmiindepcndent,
largely self-sustaining agrarian states. and the basis (If the capital's
prosperity and pre-eminence, as previously noted. devol vcd rather
from the domination of the fertile basin of the Chao Phraya -the
largest and most populous coherent area in the' confederation'. -than
from an in-pouring of produce from all quarters nf the Kingdom.
Food, housing materials, agricultural and domestic implements
and dress being simple, almost wholly of lot:al origin and very simi-
lar, if not identical, throughout the kingdom, internal trade must be
reckoned negligible (though the distribution of certain localized
essentials, particularly salt, was, of course nf great importance);
while the small populace who led 'a miserable Life, by reason that
Provisions are so cheap ..... they can't gain anything by their
Labour ',
88
possessing (apparently through necessity) a 'simplicity
of Manners, which ... makes them ... to slight most of the commo-
dities ... necessary to the Europeans' ,HIJ could, hard! y offer other than
a meagre market for foreign produce. In fact, in the absence of
domestically marketable items, with the except ion of lnd ian textiles
which were apparently of some consequence in home cnnsumpli<m,!.lo
the royal monopolists of foreign tmdc received either treasure or
goods for which treasure was readily rcdccnmble in foreign markets
(as, for example, Japanese copper in return for the variety or crudely
processed local products exported. Among the more important of
the latter appear to have been rice, deerskins. sapanwood, saltpetre
and tin. Obviously a most favourable balance of trade but certainly
of no direct, and little indirect, benefit to the publi<.: weal.
Royal trading monopolies were formally inaugurated earLy in
the reign of King Prasat T'ong ( 1630-56 ). Earlier, under King
Songt'am ( 1610-28 ), all trade passed through the Treasury, but, in
all probability, royalty had enjoyed special truding privileges for

88. de Mandelsloe, oj>. cit:. p. 782.
89. !a Loubere, ojJ. cit . p. 71.
90. English and Dutch factors in Thailand ware able to little else besides
various Indian 'cloths' ; see letters quoted by Hutchinwn. op. cit . p. 51 and
Nunn, W . 'Some Notes upon the Development of the Commerce of Siam.'
Jott,nwl of the Siam Society, vol. 15, part 2. 19!!2, p. 21<1.
107
Sl)metime The. system operated until the mid-19th century.
However, from inception, it was diluted both by the granting of
monopolies in Gcrtain items or the products of certain areas to
European ami :\ siat il. factur:-., and the rclati ve freedom of trade
allowed the Some writer:;, among them early observers,
have attributed the p1Jor state of Thai trade at various periods to the
evils of the ruyttl trading but others, in retrospect, have
pointed nut that though such monopolies do indeed impede trade
they were in the East and did not prevent a flourishing ex-
change where desired were available.
92
After quoting
L'Abbt de Choisy's brief description of a Thai home-
'lie ... passed between rows of wooden houses perched on
posts, very shabby-looking outside, but, as we were to find,
dean within.
1
1/c entered one of them prepared to sec the
peasants in rags, but all was spick and span, the floor covered
with mat;, Japanese coffers and screens everywhere. Hardly
inside the door. they offered us teu in porcelain cups.m;
Collis, however, explains that the 'was looking at ... the dis-
tributell dividend of the \,!\last trade '.\'
1
Unfortunately, there is no
evidence of ' the distributed dividend other than this interpretation
of the Abbes vision. Certainly the suspicion may be entertained
that one of' Louis XIV's more remarkable courtiers% and a member
of the French Embatisy to the Thai Court was looking at a' model
home'.
Even it' but a fraction of' Ayutthuya's estimated population of
several hundred thousand be considered 'urban', two short streets
()!, Set: van \'lit>t, .f,. 'llt"Tiptiuu n( 1lw I<infJrlmn of Siam', tr. von Ravcnswany,
Tlw.!ourn,tlu( tlw Siam So, ictv, ,o!. 7, part L 1910, pp. IJO and H:3. Ia L()ubllre,
of . .-it . p. n :md Howriug, uf;. cit .. I'Ol. 1. p. :]11
!l:!. SeP \'an d(r I J .1 [., ' The I:C.onomiml Develnpmenl of Siam During the
IIalf Centmy ', .!rmnm! uf tlw Siam ,'l'orit:ty, vol. 3. pml 2. 1900, p. nJ and
Nunn, "/'<it .. p. :!11.
9:J. Collis. Siame,,,: 1\'hitc, tif tit .. p. 4'/, quoting from the .AbbC'R .llil,ll'llill du
Vo_,agc de ,)'itzm. Hltl'l-the passag(! seems to ha\'e been onutted from 'the 1930
vcr:;ion.
94. Ibid.
95. See 'The Abbe de Choby ', Sdu<'icd ll1lidcs from the Siam Society Journal,
vol. 8, Relutirmship with Fnmce, England and Denmark, 1959, PP 116.
1()8
Lany StcrnHtein
containing, 'above one hundred Houses belonging tu the Chinese,
Hindostanians, and Moors', one of which wa:> apparently predomi-
nantly residential, can hardly be considered other than a paltry
'commercial core'. However, it may well have been adequate con-
sidering the peculiar nature of Thai trade.
By way of introduction to his study nl' the et:lHlOmy of Thai-
land during the past century, Ingram considers the economy in 1850
and remarks that
Siam appears to have occupied the position of an entrcp(lt for
the trade of the South China Sea. Goods were collected and
shipped to Bangkok from the Malay Peninsula, India, Cambo-
dia, Manila, and other ncar-by places, after which they were
shipped out again to China and Japan. Similarly, gouds from
China and Japan were brought to Bungkok and then distributed
to other countries ... We can only conjecture about why and
how Siam came to fill this role. The sailing range or the
junks may have had something to do with it, and so might the
attitude or the Chinese toward foreign trade. In any case, the
picture of Bangkok as an entrep!it .even in a minor way .".offers
a startling contrast to her lutcr p ~ s i v c role in foreign
trade.
96
If Bangkok's role as an entrcpM in the mid-19th century causes
surprise, that Ayutthaya previously performed this function even in
a minor way-must verge on the inconceivable. But Ayutthaya's
reputation as an ' emporium of the East ' ( however ill-deserved )
rests largely upon her role as a focus for the truns-shipmcnt uf goods
between Europe/India and China/ Japan during the fairly frequent
and relatively prolonged peaceful interludes of the 16th and 17th
centuries; further, this function appears to have been fulfilled, albeit
in a minor way and intermittently, from the very inception of this
capital which, of course, was coincident with the abandonment of
overland routes following the deterioration of Mongol power. The
nature of the Chinese junk traffic appears a major factor in the
development of the Ayutthaya entrepot; the continued importance of
95. Ingram, J.C., Economic Change in Thailand Since 1850, 1955, p. 26.
[()\)
this at mid-lllth l.:'cntury must cunlirm Ingram's conjecture
regarding fullilhm:nt 111" this same role.
Long hcfurl.' cnntrul over the basin of the
Cluw Phraya and hue! been developed
across the hthmian Plrtitn nr the ,\!a lay Peninsula which conveniently
reduced the uracn dangcntu:-o, \'oyagc through the Straits of
Malacca. In attempting t11 Ptillcmy's 'Takola' with a place
'in the ncighbuurhuud 1Jf tile present Rani:ing', Gcrini!l'/ first 'fairly
well that Takula' was a mart and seaport 'from the very
beginning nf the Chri:-tian Era', and then quotes Chinese chronicles
of the Wu dynasty which record t.hc passage tlf an embassy from Fu-
nan to India bi.!t wcc:n A. D .. !IO aml 2t5 the peninsula remarking
that
It would llu:n sct.:m but natural thut the embassy ... instcad of
taking tht;.: lnng wa-wutc round the southern extremity of the
should prucccd ..... to C'hump'hun, and thence across
the Kra bthrnus to the mouth ufthc Pfik-chan, lo embark at the
famous port of Takola un its journey to India. This is no
doubt the usual rnut.c ... andently followed by a great part of
the trade between and the Gulf of Siam, in order to avoid
the diflit.:ulty and dangers uf a long sea navigation through the
Straits.!
1
i
More recently rak(ila' hm>lwcnlinked with 'lung Tlik ... a small island
or high sand lnmk situated <tllhc mouth of the Takuapa rivcr ... (which)
was probably in the early years of the Christian era a part of the
Whcatlcy,H"' however, con!)idcrs that archaeological
evidence 'prohibits the idcntificution or any particular site as that of
Talw!Cl'. noting, in passing, that 'Dr Wales's claim to have discovered
archacologicul confirnution that Talwla was situated on a small island
97. 1.111 l'tnh<my',, ( lt>ugraphy uf )';;wtc:ru i\Hia ', Asiath Society llfono
;:raphs., I, 1!11!!1, pp. rl:i-!lil.
98. Ibid., pp, 9:1.!).!.
99. Giles, F.IL ' (Ill the Land 1\rl\lte:i ncruss the l\Ialaya Peninsula', The
Journal of the .'>'iam ,','odcty, vol. ?.H. JI;Lrt 1. 1 0::!5, pp. 70-HO; see also Scott's letter
to Giles on pp. 8:.!.:j,
lOO. T/u! Golden Khcrsmwsc, oj1. dt., p. 272.
110
off the mouth of the Takuapu Riverllll seems to be better known than
his subsequent retraction of this hurdly surprising, in
that the former nrc rather lengthy and convincingly well-written, while
the latter is but a short unobtrusive note. occashmcd by the rcscar<:hcs
of Sir Roland Bntddcl1.103 In fact, Wheatley holds all argument pro-
posing 'this or that particular site' to be 'conjectural und almost cer-
tainly illusory' ; concluding finally (as did Braddell earlier) that
'The most we can say is that Tolwla was a port on the north-west coast
of the Malay Peninsula and, on the Ptolcmak evidence, was probably
in the neighbourhood of Trang',I0-1 The implications of 'Ptolemaic
evidence' being particularly responsive to the theories of' the investiga-
tor, convincing argument would appear dependent upon murc tangible
evidence. Either Wheatley is una ware or Scott's intriguing informa-
tion and the argument stemming therefrom as claborutcd by Giles or
he has dismissed, without comment, what appcms to he a most remar-
kable deposition .. However, he allows as 'extremely possible' a
crossing of the Peninsula 'at one point or another' by Chinese ambas-
sadors during the reign of Wu-ti, 140-87 B.C., toll his own
conjecture as to where this passage was made,liHi ami believes that
there 'is some guarantee that the trans-peninsula route was known und
used before the fourth century' !O'i' by trading junks, whil:h were cer-
tainly taking regular advantage of isthmian by-ways during the 7th
century.l08 Were documentary support lacking, however, early usc
of these routeways could be reasonably assumed both l'rom their
well-established use in the 16th century. AndcrsonW!I in describing
d' Albuquerque's second delegation to Ayutthaya <.:. 1512, notes that
101. See Quaritcl1 Wab, '1\. I{uuw of Arwit:n! lndia11 Cultural
Expansion '1 Indian Arts and vol. !), no. 1. pp. I.:Hi and 'J'mmrds
.Anglwr, 1937.
102. See Quaritch 'A Note on Tnkola1 l.nnglwhulm and K11tnhn
Joumal of the Jl..ialayan Brandt 1!( the Royal .'lsiali Sod,ty. vl)l. :2:1. pt. L
19501 pp, 1523 o
103. See ' Notes on Ancient in Malaya
1
I Jount<d of tin: :\f,dtt,Y<lll /!ranch of
theRoyalAsiaticSodet.y, vol. 22, pt.1.1Q,J9, pp. 1'7.
104. The Golden Klwrsunese ojJ, dt., p. 272.
105. Ibid. I p. 11.
106. Ibid., p. 9.
107. Ibid., p. 288.
108. Ibid., pp. 1521 and figure 47.
109. op, cit., p. 26.
'flltl''>' h\11': I'IIL 01.11 C:\l'ITAI. OF HI'TTllAYA
Ill
They proceeded by sea in the first instance to Taranquc, and
thence by l;tnd with horses and draught-oxen to the city ofSiao
(Ayuttlwya), and nn their return they reported that the penin-
sula \'i:ry narmw on that side where the Chinese make
their navigation, and that from thence it was only ten days'
journey to the coa);t of' Tenasserim, Trang, and Tavoy.
Nunnl Ill that
The records of (early 16th century) traffic, through Tenasserim,
het ween Siam and the West, extending as far as Bengal and
Cape Guardafui, urc fairly full; and it is certain that the Por-
tuguese were not long in making usc of their establishment at
Malacca tn take their share in the trade
-a view which is confirmed by de Camposill and A
comprchcnsi\'C description or the various trans-peninsular routes
through the Tenasserim region is given by Smyth.ll:l Briefly, from
Mergui the main route went through the town of Te11asserim and then
northwards up the Great Tenasserim Riverton place now 'lost' called
'Jelinga' (or some ncar-sounding variant) crossed the watershed shortly
thereaf'tcr and then fanned out to lead to several small ports along
the eastern littoral from Phct Buri in the north to 'Cham' or 'Xam'
{ Prachuap Khiri Khan'!) in the south; the journey to Ayutthaya being
completed in small boats. A seldom used overland route also led
!'rom Tenasserim to the capi Lal.!I'l A less-frequented route followed
the Little T<!mtsscri m River from Tenasserim to the southeast where
the low pass of Kno Maun gave ready access to the east at about
11"50'N, (the position of the ptesent harbour of Kaw Lek ). If the
River were followed yet f'urtllcr southwmds, relatively easy crossings
could be made to Bangtaphan or Cllumphon, the latter being also the
eastern terminus of a short route from Kra Buri across the narrow
no. OJ dt . I' :no.
111. OJ. cit., p. !!32.
112. Oj>. fit., pp.
113. Fin: yt'ars in ,'>'iam, vol. :!, 189fl, pp. 4752.
114. Sec Tavernier, ].B . 'J'a,crnicr'sTracds in India, tr. from French eel. of 1676.
vol. 2, 188!1, p. 2HG.
112
La1-ry Sttrn!\tl'in
waist of the Isthmus. Further south. on the authority of Ciilesl!ii
rather than Gcrini, tl!i an anciently important rllltt' led l'mm Tung Tiik
(near the present Takuapa) up the Tak uapa R i vcr. acruss a watershed
of but a few miles and down the Laung River to ( 'haiya or Bandon,
Chaiya was also eastern terminus of a route from 'Pun-pin' nppositc
the island of Phukct, while further southward along the Peninsula
tracks led from Trang to Nakhon Si Thammarat ond from Kcdah to
Songkhla or Pattani, and a number of' important passages crossed the
wider Malayan area.ll7 Martaban, the terminus llf several important
overland routes from the north, apparently also received cargoes from
Ayutthaya destined for points at the head of the Bay of Bengal via
the Three Pagodas Pass.lt ii
Further a return trip from a port in China to, say, the
Coromandel Coast, via the South Chinn Sea and the Bay of Bengal,
could not possibly occupy much less than the full year, leaving little
or no time for even a most ctncient transfer of L'argncs and a necessary
overhaul before the waning of the northeast monsoon. But, in fact,
the Chinese 'navigator' much preferred an interminable coasting round
mainland Southeast Asia to the relatively short out-or-sight-of-land
voyage, and junks were manned, not by 'cflicienl' seamen, hut by so
many independent entrepreneurs engaged in time-consum-
ing 'deals'. The year was fully employed in gaining the Peninsula's
east coast.WJ Consolidation of the Ayutthayan kingdom, which late
in the 16th century included the entire isthmian portion of the Penin-
sula, would not only provide conditions favourable to trade but
would naturally induce much trans-peninsular traliic to t'orsuke more
southerly crossings in favour of those convenient to the cupital and
115. Oj1. cit .. p. 81.
116. on Ptolemy's Geography" oj. ,it., I' !ll.
117. See Anderson, of' cit., p. 27.
118. See Collis, The Grand Peregrination of' .:it . p. 1 (j(i. Wheadcy provides on
illustrative catalogue of the main trans peninsula routes in Tit,: ( ,'o/dtn Khtr
sonese, oj1. cit., p. xxvi.
119. Gutzlaff ( as quoted by Bowring, oji. cit., vol. 1. pp. ) provides a most
detailed, yet interesting, account of the more intimate features of the Chinese
junk traffic.
t\ Iii ,, ij, \II' llll llllt I \l'l'l .\I. !ll \) t:TIIIA) A
n:1
hrmnd for h!.!rn ports, like Pattani, to take
advantage of tr:tding. !)tlssihilitics \It Ayutthayu by a simple detout'
ulong the twi:-.ting Chan Phraya. Wlmtcver effect the royal trading
moiwpolic) (intrndmtd timing the reign of King Prasat T'ong, 1630-55)
had upon the level 11r trade, that certain commodities, for example,
tin, had to he dep11:-.itcd in the king's storehouses at Ayutthaya prior
to e.xporn::
1
nn douht l'mthcr the re-routcing of traffic to
the capital.
It was to tap the China trade that the Dutch, and the English
after them, first set up f:ttl\lt':> in Ayutthaya early in the 17th cen-
tury. Furni\'al's 'The English, like the Dutch before them, were
tempted tu explore the Irrawaddy route to China, but found it
unattractive. The main interest of both English and French wus in
Siam, where they cmlld lwpc to cut into the China trade and could
join forces with the native pirates and smugglers of spices ',
121
while
uneonccrncd with of fact presumably in the interest of
brevity yet contains a germ of truth. Blankwaardt after what np
pears to have been an c:xhaustivc survey of Dutch/Siamese relations,
notes that, in I MU. the Dutch wen: well cstnblishccl in Patnni, which
was conliidercd ... the " Door for China and Japan", and they were
thinking nf making it their general rendez-vous". It was known
however that the King uf Siam ... was doing a lively trade with Chinn
and principally with the object 111' getting in touch with that country,
we find in I (,()J, the Manager of' Pattani ... on a tour of investigation
in Ayuthia. and the next year Admiral van Warwyck himself went
there to !ieck the as\'iistancc'.
1
:!:!. The Minutes of the Dutch
East India Cwnpany fur the 5th September 1609 provide the record
of u resolution ' by the I.\lrds Seventeen that this fleet shall embark
the Embassy from King of Siam ... to the end that a trade may
fostered with China thmugh the favtlllr of the King ?f Siam '.l<!:l
120. Scu Skimar, "/'tit .. 1' !1.
121. Fumivall I. J .S., Tlw Ttopit:al Far East uml Wurlclllistory ', The .Journal
of the Sitl/11 ,'-,'o,il'ly. vol. :l!l, part 2, l!Hi2, p. 1,12.
122. lllankw:tardt, W., on Rdatiuns Between Hollnnd and Siam'
,)'dectl!d .:lrtidt:s fram the ,'t'iam Sodt:ly .lmmwl, vol. 7, Relationship with
Porlugnl. Holhmd, and the Vatican, 1D59, PJl 17-Ul.
123. As quoted by ;lthcnturus in Siam in the Seren/eenth
Oj>. cit., (l. :a.
!.any
The English having followed the to Paltani, where
'The traffiquc ... yeildcth no special Mutters uf it sclfc, but is all
brought in from other places and because of tlw sc:ituation of the place
there is great shipping for diucrs places, whereby much marchandize
is brought hither, cspeciallie of Chinu \VUres .. .' were not 5low in
following on to Ayutthaya where ' there might bee hope to gett
footing in China, because of the amitie, it is bctwccnc China and
Siam .. .'
12
'
1
The French, as Hutchinson maintains
1
:;;) appear to have
been most concerned with linking up the trade of Siam, chiefly
saltpetre and pepper, with that of France and the Madrus coast, but
that they were cognizant of the ' China trade ' is evident from
remarks contained in a manuscript of 1686 entitled 'Observations on
Trade for the instruction of King's Envoys to the King of Siam':
'it would be possible to draw thereto [Songkbla and Ligor"l ull the
traders of China, Japan, Borneo and Tongking, tlso the Moors, and
to trade in freedom from those same ports to China and Japan by
means of two or three ships with greater than from (the city of)
Siam'.l
26
Though the inadequate profit to be derived therefrom, nnd
from any other tmde for that matter, soon became all too obvious, the
Dutch East India Company by maintaining u factory here ( not with-
out difficulties which, in several instances, necessitated brief' with-
drawals ) assured Batavia's l'ice supply: and the E;:nglish Cwnpany,
seemingly honour-bound, reoccupied its cantonment repeatedly
despite financialloss.1
2
i Initially both Agencies were located ncar
124. Maxwell. W.G., 'A Letter of fmm the ludinu Company to its
Agent, eire. 161,! '1 Journal of the Straits Hranch of tit' Noyal :biatir' Soddy.
number 54, Jan. HllO, pp. 81 and H4.
125. See ' Four French State MnnuscriptB ', ,.\,tid,sfnl/lt th, Siam Srwil'fy
Joumal. vol. 8, p. 102.
126. Ibid., pp. 14956.
127. Though, to be sure, profit motivated both companics,.:hdr al'tiviti(s to thiH end
having been chronicled in studies by AnderBon ( oj. ril. ) Blanlnva:mlt ( of. tit. l
Collis C Siamese Hl hitc, op. cit.) and Hutchinson ( llthtntwtrs in ,\'iam intlte
Seventeenth Century, op. cit.) - the Dutch maintahlc'd throughout, as had Joost
Schouten Cop. cit., p. 151) the Dutch Compnny'H during the H530's,
that' the Company indeed hath not profited tntwh, by of severalmisfor
tunes by this traffic', enthusing instead, aH Joost had, that they had 'gained
more reputation that any Europians besides, by the grcut and corre
spondence which is betwixt them and the King; and also huve bud the benefit of
transporting great quantities of ull sorts of provisions in Bntmnia ...
1
When,
early in the 18th century, losses were such that the Company's directors
'KH1''1\\l0' l!H:IIlli.\1'11\I..OI'.\YIIlll\\'.\ llt)
one anuthcr \\ithin the \\,db; the eity, but in 1633 the Dutch nego-
tiated a f'aV<Hirahk. il' trading eontract which included
rights to a situated piece. t)f lund ... with a ... frontage
of some 300 feet': alnng the cas. tern bank nt' the Chao Phrayu im-
mediately to the and abnut 167R, after at least two unsuccess-
ful appcab for u new 'factory' one to Surut in 1661 and another
to Bantam in l!'l71i' :l tiw Company's factor at Ayutthaya
seems to ha vc accepted the generous offer of a conveniently
located cantonment and the use of a large warehouse.J:Hl Certainly
there Hj1pcars no evidence for the suggested expulsion
from the t:nwallcd area PI' either of these agencies or Europeans
generally,
1
q though :-.uch a policy may be logically inferred in that
the lands pwfcrrcd the J:nglbh and Dutch were well under the guns
commanding the southern <tpproaches to the city,
1
:
12
and the earlier
grant was made snon after the expulsion of the JapaneseP:
1
urwtl with.!r;p::d, Ht!!'.f;t tqli...t 'th;t they were dependent upon rice from
:-iiam; and tb;t! mn. !.h ... 1!wr n;tlion, .. I might llllakc it impo:;sible ... to gel
rt fwlliug i!}:,in ' t ll!.mbv.nnh, "!', t/., !' :!8 ). The English. reviewing their
Hporiidi, ;rdivilit tlw l',.'th crt!<uy. ('fl!H:huh;d that 'Syam never did nor
will t!w Cmnl>:HW two p!'lli'(! hut 111any thousands of pounds
ln;: ( l!h.'! l:n;n l.<mdnn 111 :Vf;l!lra:. IHth February. Hi!ll quoted by
Ilutddw:tm .. 1,/,,nfwn ., 111 Si.un in till' S,nn/ccnth C'i'll/111)' uj>. cit .. p. 190 ).
Lwt h;t\in: IH'I'n tvitlttH flnm tlw would have been
!l riHr hu 1 h<'!' ' ' had it w I that ' tlw withdmwal uf
a fnrturv. Lr il 11."U1 .o nw .. tll ;t tltl:t!. clj,;\:n:tlits nur Iltmuuntblc
autltli.lt:!h !hir !;.ult in thn.t.'!arli: while tlw Dutch, enemies
in tradt rdm tbtutat, ;wd d11 nlwayli mab mr of our to thcJir own
\. dtti.iuu l:tlwn hy :ht llantarn Agem:y 1:. HiRO, quoted by Blank
wan nlt. ''/' , it., !' :!i 1.
12tl. "/' '''" p. :!l.
12!). ,\ndl'r.mr, "/', '', !I' awl 1.1'/.
l:l\l. //oi,/., I' l'il l'lw .ugg:.r.d nf thi:i at an earlier date (sec
llutchintlll, . LJ,.,.,Iflllt'l'.! in Si,wl in t/11' St'l'l'lllt'l'lll!t Century, oj. cit., Jl 2H)
iiJii'l';lf'H l'llllill'!lil''
lill. dt: Vtong.l ... , . I it. :VItlrt'I!\'C!t', !->ldmwr ( lij. cit., p. J:l) notes thnt 'before
JllKfl tlw Fn:w:h. Engli-,h. and I lutrh , , . lnttl a ft\W Hcattcrecl residences in the
dty pl'Op1r ', tlu. Frem:h Ea. I India Company':; ns noted previously,
was within the walls.
132. Ort at lea,;t one ( in during the reign of King Prasat T'ong ),
Duteh activity pmvoked the threatened destruction of their factory by these guns
(see of' cit., p. lR2 ),
Ibid., p. 176.
116
The Chinese pnsition, while less than that nf her
European and Asiatic rivals, was not without iusL:curity, particularly
during the earlier decades of the 17th century. llnwcver, they were
not only favored in the conduct of ftHcign trade hy the 'general
course of events ... Lin which l the Japanese, English,
French and Dutch, each in tum ... was forctd tu quit yH but,
together with a few ' Moors' they constituted the small <.'Orps of
domestic traders and shopkeepers -.apparently the only 'sizable'
foreign element, housed within the walls of Ayutthaya. Skinner
considers the Moorish and Chinese settlements within the walls to
have been 'extensive '.
1
:
1
r' His assumptions .:nnccrning the Chinese
clement, despite the absence of documentary support, arc positively
stated: 'The bulk of immigrants were certainly anonymous
Chinese traders

and 'The bulk of the Ayutthaya Chinese comu-
nity was, of course, made up of merclwnts and traders, hut other
occupations were represented as well '.
1
:'
1
' Other occupations' in-
cluded artisans of various types, at:lors, (scvcrul troupes
being employed), scholar-oillcials, und 'prohuhly' vegeta-
ble gardeners but, ' Whether there yucn. any numual lall/lzm.n is
unlmown '
138
(my italics). Earlier, Skinner takes pains to show that
la Loubere ( whom together with van Vliet, he considers ' the most
accurate of the visitors' ) was referring to Ayutthaya when estimat-
ing the Chinese' at Siam' at some three or four thousand.l:l!l Now,
lacking definite assurance that most Chinese were traders, it nppears
that they were not, for the trading community seems to have been
more modest than even the ' bulk' of scvcwl thousand celestial!;;
and, lacking definite information concerning the number of non-
trading Chinese within the walls, it appears as if' three or four
thousand' would be easily accommodated within the large exterior
cantonments allotted them both south and cast of the city ( see
figures 4, 5 ).
Allotting specific exterior cantonments to the. more populous
national groups- Cochinchinese, Japanese, Macassars, Malays, Pe-
134. Skinner, Oj>. cit., p. 11.
135. Ibid., p. 13.
136. Ibid., p. 5.
137. Ibid., p. 14.
138. Ibid., p. 15.
139. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
117
gunns and ftll' example (see figure 4), implies an awareness
of their pntcnlial danger tu the crown, but that there appear to have
been no extensive sections within the walls may possibly have
resulted simply i'rtllll a lack of space. For much of the site
was occupied or pre-empted for the more than ' five hundred pago-
das', while a large pMtion of the remainder was either perennially
submerged or swampy ( the result of natural conditions aided by the
practice or lmrrowing' mud from one place to build up another);
circumstances which would appear sufficient explanation for the ab-
sence of native as well.
Certainly late-17th century Ayutthaya evidenced accord with
Buddhist Ct.l!>llH'Ingical concepts und canons regarding the delimiting
of sacred space from the profane: the wats, each more or less oriented
to the cardinal points and surrounded by a wall of sorts within which
the ' bot ' is centred, picketed by eight 'semas' and in many
instances, huilt atop a terrace and surrounded by a low inner wall
(sec figure 9 );
1
:o the Grand Palace, a carefully ordered en walled
area, subdivided by ' parlitions' trcn ding strictly north/south or
cast/west, cat:h containing structures similarly aligned and, if
of especial importance, facing cast (sec figure 8 ); the city itself, en-
circled by a mas;i vc baltlcmcntcd wall,
1
'
11
crossed by cardinally
1.1(), F .. r au analylir li h'l'lijtinu of Thni wat, sc:c; Silpa Bhirusri'H informative
JWnphlet : ' Tlmi llllldhi .. t .\r! ( :\r.:hiteetun;) ', Thai ('ttl lure, New Series
No. :J,ll.l':. 1. I(J:i':J l.
141. Thuugh n1lmlwr of gahs :>hownonlaw-l7th century plunH and views (sec
fignn; :!-'i l I' a I <'oll'\idtl'flhly, accurntt! p](lnfi, those of the 'French
;uui 1\.at'lll!'fr, indicnh' llllll'!l than do the others -twenty und seventeen
Tit: luthr iH that nrorded hy van Vliet (of' dt., p. 19) in
lli:M wiiiHI tltt 1\inu wrwwed tlt,,m all ... ' According lo the 'Topographic
nf 1\ run11, Sri ,\yulllmylt ' ( Dammnl-(- sec l'hyu Bornnrajadhanin'
of' t'il., p. uu t:Yitlt:nc(;, tentatively credits this work to King
Narni, :\.ll. w:i7HH) whkh rc:produccd in and fmms the lmsis for Phya
Bonunajadhanin'r; Mucly (ibid., Jll' llfiHH) there were no than 23 large
( i.t:. gatts tlt;H ro:.t) aiJOvt: the Juapct) and 6Lsmall gates (i.e. gates that
die! not aho\''! llw Jarap<:l J or IH in n11 (ibid., pp. 11923 ). According to
<Short < ;uidc to ;\yudhya, WilD, p. a) the woll built during the
reign of King Maha Chakraphat ( 151969) had 36 gates. There appears no
ready conned ion ht:lween any of these numbers and one of cosmological signi-
fit.:ancc, but the rwtwork of major streets and canals in that portion of the city
initially en walled (see figures 27) allows a conjectural twelve-the number
genernlly prescribed.
Wl
Larry Slt.ru'ltein
directed main streets and canals, and ecntrctl by a laq11! ruyal wat
(see figures 2-7). However, Wat Phm Ram. appruximatcly in the centre
of the capital in the late-17th century, was not begun until 1369.
11
:!
It appears that, as has been suggested, the pahtt:c initially uceupicd
the centre in accordance with Hinttyanistic principles, hut, when a
more substantial structure wus raised immediately to the north
(about a hundred years later) the areu of the original r\lyal residence,
being consecrated ground, was given over lll '//at Phra Sri Sanphet.
Thus, in effect, the lay-out of the capital conformed to iv1ahayana
precept (not surprising in that the court was responsive to Brahnm-
nical doctrine) from about the mid-fifteenth century onwards for
when the wall was moved eastward in 1580, Wat Phm Ram main:.
tnined the illusion as it happened to occupy a pmition approximately
coincident with the new centre.
A.B. Griswold, now preparing an cxhausti\c survey of all that
is known about archaeological sites in Thailand, has, in conversation,
stated his belief in the purposeful centntliz.ation of Wat Phra Ram:
pointing out that a portion of the canal system slww n on Phya Bomn
rajadhanin's 'Map of Ayutthaya Ha clearly outlines u ncar-perfect
square centred on this temple. Allowing thh> map as incontestable
(though, obviously, M.L. de Lajonquitre's 11 t criticism or woeful in-
completeness and illusory precision based upon much i.:unjecture is
warranted) and disregarding the prior erection or the palace, one is
yet at a loss to attempt to explain the possible signilicancc of a cen-
tral location within this square, as it is coinddcnl neither with the
walls of the palace, nor, seemingly, with any prior position of' the
outer enceinte. Griswold, realising this, is forced to ussumc that the
walls of the city once lay along the inner margins or these water-
ways, and, further, to interpret the movement or the wull in 1580 as
one which affected not only the eastern side but the entire perimeter.
The former conjecture has no tangible basis whatever; the latter
necessitates the umeasonable generalization of a specific allusion.
142. Sec Frankfurter, Oj>. cit., p. 46.
143. Oj>. cit., fold-out to rear.
144. 'Essai D'Inventaire Archeologique Du Siam, ' 1Julleti
11
de Ia Con/lnission
Archeologique de l' lnclochine, 1912, p. 43.
11\l
huthcr, t:arlicr c:unjecturc concerning the initial
lay-otlltlf lhl: city. if phtn its of a
celestial md1c!} pc \H'fll hy tontcm porary foreign ob-
servers. wab and i he ubiquitous talapt>in lld could admit
of hardly a th1ubt :o. til the capital's "anctity. ()bvious variation from
the ideal di:>crcpam:ic.;, bci\\Ccn a c:apital as cuntci\'ed in Buddhist
doctrine am! thc lhai capital appear to have evolved more from the
ll" privr gcum;m!ic dccbions, in consequence of site
peculiaritil's anti the milieu, than from any gross inability
to confirm these prim:ipks or indif(crcncc. Yet, even Ayutthuya's
carefully yin-yang Wa)o. shaken by a stubborn Burmese in-
vestmcm, maintained. dc;pitc tlnml periods. for nearly two years, and
finally. during, the the 7th of April 1767 the capital was
taken.Hi But
In the mid:.l tf cnjnymcrll in celebration of the conquest
... the cummandcr-in-t:hicr Ncmyo Thihapatc, .. [informed]
his ttfficcrs that new; had been rct.:civcd that the Chinese Em-
perm had a \'a:..t army. , . to invade Burma; and that their
lHi. !:kh .. uttn ( "/', ,f,, L: li!HI 11111 '""'Itt hit, vt:Hr' tarlier. in thp ltarly 1()30'H,
liw mmlw "' m t\'illl!lwy:t at than thnK' hunclncl'
1111'1 tllf d 'a! Jr,lol (oil' !'U!ICIII"Ii
1
II}> d/.,
p. ) , .vi 11 k llarmhwa l Sn' ,I, . ''IIIII 1:/ the 'I lwlits, \ul. :!, I !J:lO, p. 8H )
111 A::nllli:tv;l 111 1'."11.1. t, k"nnl lli.11 llw!' Wt'll' '1w h.so; thau fifty tlwusnnd
.. , 111 ,!Uri i!l.!i,Jl tlw t 'it:.' .
l'Jii 1Jmll1g tb IJHil!,j t!n,,,. 11! ,,,,,.ll!lli'Y pnrviou that h<, following the
l'hallrnu !,;,,,, '' I.; !I 111 tlw 1'/th r"tHI!tP,', f:ur"l''';m n111lat'l with Thuilnwl
nrlwd II .H., r ou!'; tlw I''''"" lwpt 11p rlw Mmhlance of nn
1\)tmh.tym illlll !11.11 t iwJI.uL<I iflhrvab. ! For a dt<St:ription of this
Jlf.,'ri;d .,,.,. \Vnl, / :t., tJ. ::lliill l. 'IIH' hnwPVr}r, apparently
lll11illt;tilltd, il loll! "' u;.d!. lllfll"\'t.d rhtil ( M't< Skiniii'J', oji. t'il., PP
tn.:;o), t!uuhtl.,,., \o>lllllllj.\ If qUI dtt:l <'li'Cd I! roll\jJ('fitiOII what WaS lost
thrnugh ou.tdd ,,,.whrhm-:. lllt lorCaptnin Ilmnilton'Hdt:;t:ription uf Ayutthnya
iul'/1!1 (of, .it., \'t1l. :!,Jill,
yLmm bdon mal Tm pin\ un:omn ( lli,tut')' pf Siam
1
tr. from the Paris eel. of
177! in Piuhr tun, J. .I ( t"lll r.1l ( '11/lci/iou 1/w Utsl ami Most Intcrestiug
and 'l'nl< d, in ,dl .1\trh U the l\ 'or/d, IIlli. voJ. H. pp. fi?57S) which
:\) ullhaya imnwdiatdy hdmc: tim Burmese as ' composed of
wrctdu:d huilt withwH or r:onvenicnce' and ' not to a quarter
of l.ondun ur Purls' ( ihid., I' !:178 ), tin.thnnd de;;cription would appear to be
entirely tn judf:t: fmm aceount Ayutthaya remnined
unclumgt:d during this
lzo
Larry SlL'I'IHitdu
brother generals und officers at the capital were distinguishing
themselves and winning royal fa by sw .. n.:pclling
the invasion ... He nddcd that as they had most stH.:cessfully
accomplished their mission by the capturt:: tll' the Siamese
capital ... it behoved them to return as quickly as possible,
after demolishing the city, moats, and all defensive and offei1
sive works, as commanded by their Sllvcreign, so that they
might be in time to take part in the fighting against the
Chinese and share the honours or war in that field also.
1

17
Barely two months later the Burmese army had withdrawn.HH Ad-
mittedly, in their haste it is probable that' The victors behaved like
Vandals .1
49
To ascribe their actions to a 'sucriligious lust for des-
truction !50 or the ' blind rage of ... barbarians '
1
;;
1
ur even to sug-
gest that' They were naturally enraged by the relentless resistance
which the T'ais had shown Ui;! nevertheless appears unwarranted.
Perhaps more destructive and denudativc was authorized {and, of
course, unauthorized) ' treasure-farming ' after the Burmese with-
drawal and the wholesale removal of bricks and other building
materials to the new citadel at Bangkok.
1
;;:J Obviously much booty
had gone undiscovered by the for operated
on a grand scale for at least fifteen ycars,H" und though the defensive
1-17. Luang Phraison Salurak, 'Intercourse Iktw<!<m Burlllil awl Siam a;, l<t!t'IJrdcd in
I-Imannan Yazawindawgyi ', Selected tlrtidt,, fmm tilt' "'iam ,..,,,.:itly .Tmrmal,
vol. Ci, Relationship with Burma-Part!.!, Hlfi!J, pp. iii!!. i\ rhtailtrl an:ount f){
the siege contained in this tniJJRialitm of tlte Bumn.H; ,\ nnal!;, ,:t!t' pp. !!!l!:lli.
lAB. Ibicl., p. 53.
1119. Wood, oj1. cit., p. !!49.
150. Ibicl.
151. Turpin, op. cit., p. ()52.
152. Chalmtbongse, op. cit., p. GB.
153. See Wood, oj1. cit., p. 27il, l'hya Horunrajacllwnin, "/' rir., p. lO:i and Tri
Amatyakul, 1'/w Thai Guide Book : Jlyuclhya, op. , it., pp. l().J I or ( iuida to
Aymlhya and Bangl'tr .. Jn, op. cit., p. I:!.
154. See Wood, oj1. cit., p. 270 und Tri i\matyakul, The 'j'fl,ri (in it/, IJIHIIi: ;1yudhya,
oj1. cit., p. 10 or Guide to ,1yudhya and UanKl'a-ln of' dt. p. But that
there is good in all things is certain, for Skinner ( oj>. dt., p. ) that
' According to a French Catholic missionary in Siam nt the tinw, the rapid reha-
bilitation of the Siamese economy .. was made possible by the local Chinese,
who 'In 17681769 ... went through the ruinH with a fme-tootbt:d C(lmb and
recovered uncounted treasures from the debris and interiors of pngodas'-
assuming, of course, that pagodas were rec(Jgnizably ruined.
'KHUN<: K,\0': TilE OI.IJ CAI'ITAJ. OF AYUTTIIAYA
12i
works had been dismantled and the city fired apparently much
remained usable. Further, in that it appears a substantial number
of people-. perhaps as many as 100,000 families- were 'allowed or
induced to ransom themselves >1:3S among them the 'many members
of the Royal Family'
156
whom Phya Tak found at Ayutthaya when
he 'liberated' it but six months later, the city may well have been
depopulated more as a result of the decision to relocate the capital
than from losses suffered during siege and removals effected by the
Burmese.
155. Luang Phraison Salurnk, uj. cit., p. 5:J. The Burmese historians' figure for the
number of families removet! .. -HHi,lOO-is contested' because even calculating the
modest average of three personR to a family, the number ... taken away would
amount to :Hl:!,:JOO souiH'; an incredible figure, particularly in that the
version contends that 'about 200,000 died during the two years'
... induding thnRc killed . . . ancl those who died of disease w1d
', so that ' tlwn! could not possibly have been u very large population
ldt in the l'ity '. Further, 'The Siamese history admits that about 30,000
pdsoncrH of wur ... were talwn awuy, which figure is more reasonable ... '
( i/1id., pp. 11:!.:l ). However this argument appears, during times uf
siege the mu'l'ourHiing populatiun and rniscd in other parts of the kingdom
were gathen!d in and immediately around the capital, so that an almorrnully large
number of would have been at 1\yutthnya. How 'abnormally large', is,
of wurst!, not known, but in thut Burmese historians' total is based upon the
upportioning of to <!ach man according to rank, it is quite conceivable
thut the numlrer of Thai WlHI fairly substantial. It seems probable, however,
that most prisonerH of war valuables in their stead. Considering the
problems involved in transporting :;everal hundred thousand hall-starved men,
women and \:hildrcn ( purticulary when withdrawing rapidly), self-ransoming
would app,wr allraetive to the conquerors us to the conquered. Tentatively
nediting both the Burmese and the Siamese sources then ( since the degree to
which the Burmese figure is exaggerated cannot be gauged by the Siamese
figure, itself a suspected minimum ) about 100,000 families would have remained
in nnd around Ayutthaya, though a considerable portion of these may have
dis11ersed shortly thereafter.
156. Wood, oj>. dt., p. 252.
BOOK REVIEW
Text-Book Thailand
Unlike E.H.G. Dobby ( So.utheast Asia, University of London
Press Ltd., London, 7th Ed., 1960, 415 pp.) C.A. Fisher has not expli-
citly stated that the aim of South-east Asia (Methuen & Co. Ltd.,
London, 1964, 831 pp.) was to 'provide the student with a basic text
and at the same time stimulate the sociologist, the administrator, the
politician and the businessman to see the relation of their work to the
general field'. Perhaps the author believed-and quite rightly-that
Soutlz-east Asia's 'text-book' character being self-evident, a statement
to this effect could scarcely fail of being redundant. Certainly anyone
who has satisfied even a casual interest in this fascinating part of the
world previous to a reading of Professor Fisher's book will come
away from it more in wonder than in wisdom.
In general plan South-east Asia is much the same as Southeast
Asia: first the 'region is considered in broad physical and cui tural
aspect, each political unit is then discussed in greater detail and
finally, this hazy corner between India and China is placed in world
perspective. Consequently, both books grant Thailand the benefit of
an appreciation on several levels of generalization. The 'expert', of
course, pales at the grossness of even that consideration given Thai-
land as an entity unto itself, but to damn these contributions for fail-
ing to titillate the informed is hardly warranted if, as seems obvious,
this was not the audience intended. Indeed, criticism, if it is to be
constructive, must be concerned with the value for the layman. And
the synthesis of a great mass of unobtainable or too technical litera-
ture into a clear and comprehensible,' widely disseminated essay must
be accounted n signal service-the worth of a 'text'. Unfortunately,
the Dobby and Fisher syntheses, being based almost wholly upon
available readable secondary sources-in the latter's text this reliance
reaches remarkable proportions and even readily obtainable statistical
data are so referred-cannot lay claim to such an accomplishment. In
fact, Fisher goes so far as to express his conviction in the likelihood of
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development's A Pub-
lic Development Program for Thailand (Baltimore, 1959, 301 pp. )-as
121
Lnny StcrnHtein
glossy a study as could be imagined rt.'maining a maj,,r work of
reference for many years'. Despite thcst.: slwrtcoming};, however,
both authors ha vc presented fairly decent rcsum<:s ... p Dobby
more in the treatment of the physical scene and Professor Fisher more
for recent political machinations; rcsumt's which, despite several
lamentable errors of fact (and in this regard it is astt:iunding that all
maps or Thailand in Dobby's book--.he a 'Sometime Profes!ior of.
Geography at ... --proceed no further south than approximately the
parallel of eleven degrees north; certainly convenient. but obviously
inaccurate) must be reckoned as required reading for the uninformed;
and, as such, both Southeast Jlsia and South-east .'.lsia must enjoy many
impressions.
As might be anticipated Thailand receives an even more
generalized treatment in Professor Dobby's more recent effort Jllonsoan
Asia (Quadrangle Books, Inc., Chicago, 1961, 381 pp. ); but here the
author has suceeded in eclipsing even his mvn brutal code, '!>election
nwst be ruthless to be brief', and Thailand neatly disposed of on
both sides of scarce a dozen pages. However, with this brief com-
pass Dobby somehow manages to so vary the' mood' that the reader's
interest never wavers as he is shuttled from the inocuous to the absurd
and back again with remarkable pace. Indeed, I must confess that
this snappy swipe was prompted (and, I hope, may he excused) by
an attempt to analyze an involuntary grin which bubbled up and onto
my upon a reading of the author's assertion (possibly innocent)
that being' Written from inside Asia', this U!Ho-datc geography is not
focused on any one Asian nation, and it should enable Asian students
no less than Western students to sec their national problems in rela
tion to those of others! Apparently, in a most improbable moment of
lucidity, it became quite clear that 'Written from inside Asia' referr-
ed to the fact that the text had been partially written ut the Univer
sity of Malaya; 'up-to-date' was warranted in that 'factual data' had
been obtained from the very 'latest United Nations 'not
focused on any one Asian nation' described the fractured presentation,
by 'landscape types', of countries considered as belonging to the
several 'regions' delimited- a format which, having served its some
what oblique purpose, has been abandoned (necessarily) when econo
mic and political aspects were under discussion; and 'enabling Asian
lt:XT BOOK 'l'IIAILANI>
125
students no less than Western students to see ... .' had relied largely
upon that eerie ability students (of whatever race, creed or color)
possess or seeing only that which is presented.
Occasionally, an author's opening remarks arc so temerous, so
audacious - no, outrageous - however, that they invoke not the
rather gleeful derision reserved for comrades in toil but rather hot
indignation. The preface to Thailand (its People, its Society, its Cul-
ture)- Human Relations Area Files, Inc., New Haven, Connecticut,
1958, 528 pp, --states, complacently, that the book's 'Research and
writing arc done with the aid of u new research guide and in accor-
dance with new procedures for interdisciplinary team research', that
'Both guide and procedures were specifically developed to ensure
that analysis undertaken within the context of any one discipline be
informed by the theories and findings of the others; and that the
resulting interpretations of the several disciplines be refined and
integrated through a process of challenge and synthesis'; and claims,
calmly, that the Survey 'examines in depth the sociological, political,
and economic aspects of a whole society' in order to 'define basic
cultural and institutional patterns, and to identify dominant values
and attitudes'. Thailand (its Peajlle, its Society, its Culture) is simply
a decent round-up of readily available information presented in
staccato sing-song.
The suspicion must be entertained that Professor Dr. Wilhelm
Crcdncr's Siam, das Land dar Tai ( J. Engelhorns, Stuttgart, 1935,
422 pp.) owes some of its 'sacred cow ness' to both its unavailability
and its german, but, Mvertheless, it is unquestionably the least con-
temptuous of the attempts at overall coverage- the more remarkable
for being based on but two years personal observation ( 1927-29 ).
Woefully inaccurate (most of the statistical data used have since been
found wanting) and flushed with rhapsody (where information was
scanty or entirely absent) as it is- premature as it is- Siam, das
Land der Tai must remain the 'text' model for any future attentpts
(though, unfortunately, it has not been so used in the generation srnce
its publication). Had Professor Dr. Credner been content to confine
himself to one aspect of his 'Landeskunde'- the sections on the
physical landscape are exemplary- however, he surely would have

precluded the suggestion of a Wordswnrthinn l'ipcness. And, simi-
larly, had the American Geographical Society :-;mtght ,,, honor the late
Dr. Robert L. Pendleton it might better have collected and published
his relevant works as Thailand: Aspects l.tmdscapc and l4t' (Duell,
Sloan and Pearce, New York, 1962, 321 pp. ) instead or completing
the Handbook after his death in 1957 with' the assistance of Robert
C. Kingsbury and others'. For, with the exception nf those portions
bearing the hallmark of Dr. Pendleton's lucid pen (this despite editing)
this is a poorly written round-up of seemingly anything that came to
hand which could be encompussed under the headings adopted. The
simple clarity with which Pendleton treated complex subjects further
obscured by a lack of basic information resulted from a life-time of
intimate association; the simplicity which characterizes the remainder
of Thailand: Aspects of Landscape mzd l,ije has resulted either from
the unrealistic apportioning of space or from sheer naivity. And,
although Dr. Pendleton's contribution is obviously in a dass apart, it
demands a good measure of self-control to restrain a natural impulse
to cut away the rest.
'Text' has been used herein as a derogatory term, f'or this
written form has been so abused as to he almost synonymous with
mediocrity. But a true text- surely the rarest of volumes presents
nn author with one of the most difficult tasks in writing: a clear,
coherent synthesis following incisive analysis of a mass of informa-
tion of varying quality. Obviously, a would-be text writer must
first be possessed of sufficient information. Should basic data be
unavailable for any reason--- and the author's inability to conduct an
adequate enquiry is certainly not the least of such reasons-- it is
not enough to gather together and ( in a <.:lever new form,
of course) that,, which is readily available from other secondary
sources; it would, in fact, be better simply to rel'er the reader to
these sources while acknowledging that inadequacy which becomes
so painfully apparent from a reading.
Much basic work- painfully slow sl<>gging research --remains
to be done in Thailand. Humbly, I enter a plea for a bit of silence
whilst the job of providing this basic information proceeds. Such
forbearance must be rewarded by a sophisticated generalization- a
texjt in the true sense- at some future elate.
Larry Sternstein
U11iversity of Hawaii
Honolulu
RECgNT SIAMESE PUBLICATIONS
318. DharmakosaeiTrya, the Ven. Pra: Attributes of His Holiness
Kromsomdecfmz Paramanujit 1'i "J:;Ln 1rrfi111 1 u nn <i1
memento of the dedication of the late Prince's
'
effigy in December 2507 at his seat in Wat Pra Jetupon, Prayurawo!Js
Press, Dhonburi, 2507 p. 174
This is undoubtedly a creditable presentation of a genuine
appreciation of the greatest of mid-nineteenth century poets, who has
been ranked as a litteratem of the greatest calibre, writing not only
inspiring prose but also epic as well as romantic poetry despite the
fact that he had been brought up from childhood within the austere
walls of a Buddhist monastery. One detects certainly inspiration from
his tutor and preceptor who also wrote poetry and was a well known
and authoritative historian; but his works have been excelled.
Like the object of his appreciation the author of the volume
under review also studied in Wat Pra Jetupon in the prime of his life;
he has made a name up to now as a scholar and an organiser though
perhaps much less experienced than the object of his study in this
book, making up however with a push which was not so evident in
the character of the Prince. The contrast makes the reading of this
work all the more interesting. The author states that it was the
present Lord Abbot of the Wat who pursuaded him to undertake this
work, himself contributing a preface mentioning that he bad been
entertaining great admiration for the Prince Paramanujit but did not
feel himself capable of doing full justice to the great poet. Then it
appeared to him that the author would be such a man as would be able
to write in the way he thinks fit.
It looks as if Pra Dharmakosacarya set out originally to write
just the Attributes of the Prince which in fact forms the first chapter.
This is a biography occupying pages 1-28. Naturally he would turn to
the Prince's writings which would give us characterisation of the man.
So we have the literary criticism of what our author considered to
have been his chef d'oeuvre) the poetical romance of Samudaghos. This
criticism emphasizes the Prince's eloquence and romantic imagination
l\ECEN'I' SIAMESE l'lltlLlCYI'III.!'IS
combined with an extensive knowledge of the standttrd Pali classics
of the time. A full analysis of the romance is given and commendation
of the poem's eloquence is freely given. It should be noted that the
author's realisation that the Prince's ability to appreciate mediaeval
romance was a feature of the romantic poem. ( pp. 28-l-!6) The most
famous of the Prince's works is then examined--the Tal('y ['iii-or' the
Defeat of the TalelJs '. It was then a mistaken idea that the people
whom we defeated were the Mons in league with the Burmese. In
whatever case this epic poem remains still alive on the lips of school
children; is still quoted by those who love epic poetry young and old
of the present generation and it seems evident that our monastic author
is still carried away by its patriotic eloquence ( pp. 87-178 ).
One cannot help remarking that another poem of eloquence
which is almost as popular as The Advice of Krislma to her Sister
has not been included in this book. Inspite of its somewhat unnatural
theme it should be in here for its eloquence is well known.
To sum up the work under review is something worthy of
attention.
319. Vibhavadi Rangsit, Princess: Letters to a friend during the state
visit of their Majesties to. America,
Pracand Press, Bangkok, ill. 2503, pp. 148.
These letters, written by a woman, are not made up of female
gossip, fashion notes etc; but contain, under u veneer which may seem
to suggest such topics, much that the average reader \vould find that
he or she could 'read, mark and learn' from the wealth of graphic
description of the topography, the scenery, the life and the social aspect
of the great nation on the other side of the oceans. They contain
moreover interesting information on the economic development and
enterprises and at the same time do not neglect to give us a view of
the human side of the American ideal of life. All through the book
one realises the hard work entailed in writing this book for the author
was attached to the royal suite, participated in all the social and
ceremonial happenings that go to make up a state visit, served not
only as the Queen's lady-in-waiting but also very often as the sover-
eign's secretary and at the same time had to do packing and repacking
12!l
every lWP llr three days of the reully journey of over a
month covering mnrc than the of an air journey round the
world, in prntncPl required changes of dress l!Uitc often if not
as exucting as if the trip Wit!; thrt:Htgh Europe.
As to the American continent it is so well known to the world's
reading public that the author's general description of it would not
command as much attention us it might deserve. The state of Hawaii,
on the other hand, by reason nf its having been an independent kingdom
up to quite recently and ofits position midway between the continents
of America and Asia. is a topic of interest from both the historical and
botanical aspects. The rest of the United States nevertheless offers
much interest in point of their being the home of great enterprises in
industry and commerce and the home of a people which have been
particularly friendly to us on this side of the Pacific especially since
we have become the vanguard against an aggressive political move-
ment that may in time bridge the ocean on her either flank.
320. Vibhlivadi Rangsit, Princess: Their i'irfajesties' Ofjicial Visits to
A fll D AlA. IV'
Palustan and Jlalaya,
Pracnnd Press, Bangkok. 2505. ill. pp. 142 etc.
The account is written in the form of a diary. It has, more
than most travcliJ!!,liCs, observations or a literary and historical nature
a feature which may be pcrhups attributable to the long line of her
ancestors noted for their literary attainments. The author has already
made her name in fiction, her books being widely read aiL over the
remotest parts of' the Kingdom. She has now enlarged her field of
activity by writing m:count:-> uf' the state visits in which she has had
the unique opportunity Df close observation and access to the highest
quarters. We find here therefore not only descriptions of the lordly
mansions initiated by the British Raj when it had charge of the
destinies or this part of the world which are now inherited by the
Pakistani government nnd offered to the guests of the state, but also
of the present government's observation of international courtesy and
protocol. One cannot help remarking upon her attention paid to the
traditional Siamese nomenclature of places and personalities, once
widely known in Siam but since given up in favour of the dreadfully
1:10
HEt:l:N'I' ::ii.\\IE::il: l'l!UI.IC \TJII:\:;
distorted versions adopted by the badly int'llt'!llCd intelligentsia of British
rulers, such for instam:e us the Anglo-Indian Muttra fnr Iv1uthurii, and
the Greek-based name of Patna for Pi.Ttaliputra, the Greek-based names
of Menander and Taxila for the widely known Thai Milinda and
Takkasila. Peshawar, however, though in dnsc pro.\imity with the
fanner capital of the Gandb'ftra kingdom, is not that capital but the
Sanskrit Purushapura. The capital has now been identified with a
group of ruins at the village of Charsadda, which muy be believed to
have been the old Pushkaravati, the :;cat uf Emperor Kanishka's
government. West Pukistan indeed covers a ground of that Indian
Buddhist culture which inspired our own Buddhist traditions. Its
connection with the Jatalw and the story of Ri.Tma was considerable.
The reviewer, for example, noticed in the maps to the west of lower
West Pakistan a name of the ancient capital Si bi, the scut tJf the bod hi
suttva's kingdom. On enquiry however he was told that Sibi was known
to be an old site but nothing else was known of it. Sibi is nevertheless
well known here in our country by name because of its connection
with the story of Prince Vessanturu, an apostle of liberality; though we
have never looked upon the name qs a possible archeological renlity.
As might be expected the Princess devotes considerable attention
to food and delicacies of the table as well as to the interior decoration
of houses. As for general descriptions the author has not neglected
to present the more important data, such as the observation that while
East Pakistan is thickly populated, exceeding West Pakistan by some
eight millions, her extent is only one sixth of the latter. She feeds
moreover the whole country including the Western partner.
Although Malaya-beforc the days of 'Malaysia' .. ,. appears in
the title of the book, there is only a skeleton programme of the visit
which is however copiously illustrated.
321. The Story of the Sihala Image Pali text by the
Yen. BodhiralJsi, new translation into Siamese by Dr. S. Manavitun
with critical notes, ill. Sivaporn Press, Bangkok, 2506, pp. 79.
The author was a resident of ChielJmai ( The
"story" consisted of eight canto in prose scattered with verses and
HECENT SlA.\IESE l'll!ILICATIONS
131
entitled the ,)'ihiyganida11a. It was translated into Siamese in 1906 by
Lual) I'rasrocth, well known through the History of Siam of the reign
of King Narai which he presented to the National Library. It has
been published now and then since as the Tamnan Pra Buddha Sihivga
but without the Pali text. The present publication of Pali text and a
new translation into Siamese owes its origin to the initiative of the
Director-General of the Fine Arts Department and was intended
primarily for presentation to monks who visited the Museum during
the festival of the Sol)krant of 2506 ( 1963).
The book under review contains photographs of each of the 3
Sihala Images claiming to be the original one of the name. The verdict
on these claims has not yet been given.
According, then, to the story of the book under review, a
meeting took place 700 years after the pari11ibbana of Our Lord the
Buddha between royalty and 20 saints ( arahats) which discussed what
the Buddha looked like. A naga turned up from nowhere who claimed
that he knew the likeness of the Lord. On the invitation of the
assemblage he transformed himself through miraculous powers into a
likeness but disappeared within a short time. The assemblage then
helped one another to create a likeness as far as they could remember
and naming it the Sihula Buddha set it up to worship. The fame of
the Sihalu Image became widely spread and the King of Sukhodaya in
conjunction with the King of Nakorn Sridharmaraj sent a mission to
the King of Sihala to beg to share in the worship of the famous image.
The request was acceded to but on the way across the ocean it was
shipwrecked; but through its supernatural power it floated to its
destination. The King of Nakorn Sridharmaraj in paying great respect
to it prayed the image to give some manifestation of its sanctity.
Thereupon the image ascended into the sky, radiating a halo of glory
all over the landscape. At that time the valiant Pra Rual) of Sukho-
daya was present on the scene. He prayed the image to move to his
state of Sukhodaya; where he held high festival and adored it. The
narrative mentions here a glaring historical inaccuracy, for it says
that this valiant King by the name of Pra Rual) was succeeded by his
son Ban Mtial), who in turn was succeeded by his son Lidaya, whose
son Ltidaya succeeded him later. All these kings adored the Sihala
~ 2
Image. It was then taken to the sou them !>tate by 'RITma of Ayudhya
1
,
Then followed further peregrinations bet ween Kami)f'Qpcj, Chievmai,
ChieiJrai, in between which time a model or the venerated image was
made. Finally there remain a Sihala Image in Chic9nuti, another one
in Bangkok, and u third in Nukorn Sridharmuraj
One cannot but feel in reading the above jumble of traditions
that the main objective of the story was not a historical narrative but
an eulogy of the Silulla Image. From the historical point of view
the first period in Ceylon is not substantiated by Singhalese history.
Not even a mere mention of its name occurs in the long winded Maha-
vaysa. One might note the statement that when the Silulla Image was
in Nakorn Sridharmaraj it 'ascended unto the heavens'. The implication
seems to be that it returned to earth and was taken to Sukhodaya. Could
we take this to mean that there were already two images'! The third
one would surely be the 'model' made during the peregrinations in
the north. The suppositions above arc admittedly 'tall'. In any case
it is not the duty of a humble reviewer to solve the problem of the
genuine image. Perhaps it now remains a problem for the historian
of plastic art. From the point of view of the average reader one must
bear in mind the remarkable sanctity attached in each locality to
their individual Sihala Image. After all they arc representative of
an ideal of hallowed memory and a highly respected personality.
PUBLICATIONS 01'' 1'HJi.l SIAM SOCIETY
1. The Journal.- per number
The Journal- back numbers before 1946
2. Index to the Journal, Volumes I to XXV
3. Index to the Journal, Volumes XXVI to XL . .
4. Florae Siamensis Enumeratio- per number . ,
5. The Natural History number .
6. John Black, F.R.G.S.: The Lofty Sanctuary of Khao Phra Vihar .
REPBINT VOLUMES lX
7. 'l'he Commemorative Publication issued on the occasion
of the Society's 50th Anniversary;
One set (Vols. I & II),
One set (Vols. I & II), paper-bound
Vol. III, paper-bound, Early History and Ayudhya
Vol. IV,
1
, , Lophburi, Bangkok, Bhuket
Vol. V, u , , Relationship with Burma Part 1
Vol. VI, ,,
11
, Relationship with Burma Part 2 . ,
Vol. VII, , u , Relationship with Portugal,
Vol. VIII, ,
Holland, and the Vatican
, , Relationship with P'rance,
England and Denmark ,
Vol, IX, n , The Coinage of Siam
Vol. X, ,, , , Studies of old Sinmese Coins
8. Erik Seidenfaden.: The Thai Peoples .
9. Charles Nelson Spinks: Siamese Pottery in Indonesin
10. Gunnar Seidenfade.n and Tem Smitinnnd:

. ..
...
The brehids o.f Thaihtnd: A Preliminary List, 1959, Part I
...
. ..
Part II, 1
Part II, 2
Part Ill
Part IV, 1
11. Monograph?No. 1
(iord!;)n The Hill Tribes of
NorthernThailar,ld, 2nd. ed. 19Q2 . .
, Ptinee Da((irorig Rajunubhab; .
:A: .Xiistocy of. Buddhist ,Monuments in Siam ill, 1962
'.1 '' ' ', ' : . '' I I
., . . ,' , ,'

Ii:l$ M'ajeaty tbo King
.!Itt M:oj6Sty
MaJosty.QUMU bmbll Bml
HigW.It Pr:ins ot Sr.tnJ,khla
.tti:S Majesty King CX.ot
()O'()'Ncti.. "U.fllWt tJU
w
. lliomatntta Bidfllabh
VOLUME LUI PART 2
THE
JOURNAL
OF THE
SIAM SOCIETY
(JS S)
BANGKOK
2508
July 1965
TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME LUI l'AU'l'
JULY 1UG5
Articles
Page
Phya Anuman Rajadhon A Study on Thai Folk Tale 133
Professor Gordon H. Luce Rice and Religion 139
Nicholas Tarling Harry Parkes' Negotiatians in Banghok in 1856 153
Christian de Saint-Hubert Rolin-]aequemyns (Chao Phya Aphay Raja)
and the Belgian Legal Advisors in Siam at
the Turn of the Century 181
Alastair Lamb A Stone Casket from Satiypra:
some Further Observatt'ons 191
Rece11t Siamese Publicatio11s :
D.
322. Gazetteer of Thai Geography 197
323. Yiipo, D.: Traitriys, U-r8
0
and Ayodhya 198
324. Yupo, D.: An Excursion into Nav Pim's Country 200
325. Mementos of the cremation of Momcaoying Vimol-padmaraj
Chirapravat 202
326. A Memento to the late Momchaoying Dibyaratna-prabha Devakul 203
327. Vajiranan, His Royal Highness Kromapraya: Autobiography 205
328. Navsu Sanuh 206
329. Damrot]> His late Royal Highness Prince: To my eldest daughter 207
330. Customs of Daily Life 208
331. Fine Arts Department: Chino-Siamese Relationship 209
332. Debafianakavi, the Ven.: A Handbook for the Practice of
Buddhism and Other Topics 209
333. Boriraks-boiavalanj, Khun: Memento at cremation 211
334. The Ven. Debavarabhorn: Colour in Visual Education 211
335. Kittisobhana, His Holiness the Patriarch : Tradition of the
Kathin, and religious practice 212
336. Coedes, G.: Thai art of the Sukho.daya period 213
337. Scientists of the Department of Mineral Resources:
A Trip to the 'Wondrous Island of Gems'
Accessions to the Siam Society's Library
Annual Report fol' 1964
213
215
237
A STUDY ON THAI FOLK TALE.
by
... Anunum CR.aja.dho/1.
Ayudhya the former capital of Thailand preceding Bangkok,
was founded by King Ramadhibodi I in 1349 A.D. Before he became
the first king of Ayudhya, Ramadhibodi was a ruler of the city of
U-t6IJ. succeeding his father-in-law the then ruler. U -f6IJ is now
an amPJwe (district) of the same name in the Province of Sumnburi
some 130 kilometres by road north-west of Bangkok. Who was the
father of Ramadhibodi and where did he come from'? History does
not tell.
King Ramadhibodi is known popularly in folk tales as fao
U-t6IJ; a commonly bestowed on all rulers of U-i6IJ by
storytellers. Tao means in one sense "king" in romantic tales, and
u-lu?J means a cradle made of gold which Ramadhibodi had in
tradition as his cot when he was a child. A well-known legendary
tale gives the following account.
Once upon a time there was a miserable man in an abject state
coming from nowhere. He lived in a hovel in the city of Traitri.iiJS
Where TraitrLiiJS was no one knows for sure except it must be one of
the ruined cities somewhere in Central Thailand, of which there are
many. Traitrii?JS means the thirty-three chief Vedic gods which Bud-
dhism had adopted in its mythology; it therefore also meant the "city
of gods" or heaven.
Now, this man had fleshy knobs all over his face and body. He
was therefore, nick-named Sen-pont meaning a hundred thousand
knobs. To eke his scanty living the man grew vegetables for the
market. In one place nearest his hut he planted makhua.l He planted
and watered it with his urine as fertilizer. The plants thrived and
bore abnormally large fruits. The king of the City of had
a beautiful daughter; One night she dreamt through the inspiration
of Indra, the chief god of the Buddhist pantheon, that she had eaten
a wonderful and delicious "makhiia" fruit. To fulfil her dream the
princess' maid went to market but found no such wonderful thing.
1. Name for a species of eggplants or brinjals, of which there are many varieties. Its
fruits are often dipped in certain kinds of Thai sauce nam .. prik, etc.
I'IIYA A \liM AN l<.H\UIIIlN
At last came to hear ot' it; he pi'C$Ciltt:d the princess through
her maid with one rruit fwm his abnorrnalmahhiiu plant.
Many months passed by and the princess became pregnant af-
ter partaking of' the maldliia fruit ami a male child was subsequently
born. The king on hearing the news was very angry, for the princess
could not explain who the !'ather ot' her child was. Indeed, no one
could enlighten the king about this my!itcry. At la!it the king com-
manded that a proclamation be publicly made to find out the identity
of the child's father. "Let all the men in the dty each bring a piece
or sweetmeat and hand it to the child," so the proclamation run Tf
the child accepts readily anyone's sweets, he will be recognized as the
child's father and become a royal Everyone failed for
the child never accepted any nt' the sweets handed to him. The last
person to come was SDn-pom whn had no sweets to present to the
child. The only thing he had with him was a piece of cold cooked
rice (hhao ycn)l which he handed tn the child who readily uceeptcd
it. The child's acting in such an undreamed of nmmwr made the k1ng
very furious, but he could not do otherwise than what he had promised
as a king, so he gave the hand of' the princess to SCn-pum and ut the
same time banished SCm-pom and his newly won bride with her child
from his city.
Sen-pom with the princess and child had to leave the city im
meditttely. After wandering for sometime, the three came to a forest
and settled there. Now, as is usual for the hero and heroine in Thui
folk tales, Indrn, the chief or the gods, felt uneasy, or in the Thai
idiom felt hot when any unusual thing was happening und dcmnnding
the god's attention. He looked down on the earth with d1v1nc
eyes and saw the plight of whn was destined to become a
king later on. Transforming hirmelf into a monkey at'Ler descending
to earth he presented a magic drum to Sen-pom and told him that
whoever beat the drum would have his wishes instantly realized. But
the drum would have effect thrice only and no more. After havtng
given the drum and the instructions to Scm-pom the divine monkey
disappeared.
Sen-pom beat the drum wishing firstly that all the fleshy
knobs on his face and body would disappear; and lo! all the blemishes
---- .. .. --- - -- .
1. Khao 'Yen is the remainder of cooked a pot nftcr one hns eaten one's meal;
hence it is a leflover fit only as beggar's food.
:\ ST\IDY ON 'l'll:\1 FOLK TALE
135
on his face and body were gone instantly. He became a handsome
young man. He beat the drum again for the second and the third
time wishing for a city and gold and they came true even as he wished
them. He named the city Thep Nakhorn or "the god's city" and
ruled it as its first king with the royal name of Siri Jai of Chie9sen.l
As for the gold, he built a cot for his child who subsequently suc-
ceeded him as King U-tcitJ ( =-"gold cradle or cot), and who also
was, historically, the founder of the old capital of Thailand,
Ayudhya.
Now, There arc two motifs relevant to my study of this
folk talc, i.e. the person JJith a hundred thousand fleshy knobs and the
three vislzes. In a Mon story there was a person with warts all over
his body who afterwards became a Mon king. I heard the story
orally from a Mon priest and scholm
2
some twenty years ago but
unfortunately I have forgotten the story, for at that time I was not
interested and did not take notes of it. It is a historical fact that the
central part of Thailand, the Menam Basin, a thousand or more years
ago were peopled by a Mon-speaking race who later mixed freely,
racially and culturally, with the Thai, late comers from North Thai-
land and beyond. Historians tell us that the Mons at those times
were a relatively civilized race as compared to the Thai and other
neighboring races. Probably the Thais got the story of Sen-porn
from the Man; and no doubt the Mon, chronologically in turn, got
their story of a person with numerous warts from India, for the Mons
were the first bearers of Indian civilization, especially Buddhism, to
this part of the world. Only this year, 1963 A.D. I met a noted In-
dian folklorist,:! who had made a suggestion in reply to my enquiry
for some traces of the story of Sen-pom. l-Ie said that it might ori-
ginate from u certain episode concerning the god Indra as depicted
in Hindu mythology. The story runs thus:
--------------------
1. Traditionally Thep Nakhorn City was built by King Siri Jai of in 1319
A. D. and King his son, succeeded him in 1344 A.D. Undoubtedly the
legendary tale of King U-tdl) bears some traces of historical .fact, but it is so
mixed up with fiction that it is hard to unravel. It is still a moot point among
Thai historians. King Vajiravudh ( Rama VI) had in 1913 A.D. written a,
theatrical play entitled i'ao SenjJom in which he offered certain historical
suggestions. Thai history is outside the theme I am writing on and my aim is a
comparative study of Thai folk tales only.
2. Sumedh Muni, late abbot of Wat Jana So11krum. Bangkok.
3. The late Dr. Kali .
t:lll
PIIYA !I:\L\1.\\ lt\J\!11111\
"According to the Mahabhnrata he (!mira ) seduced, or en-
deavoured to seduce, Ahalya, the wire ur the saJ!C (iautama. and that
sage's curses impressed upon him a thousand marb resembling the
female organ, so he was called Sa-yoni; but these marks were after-
wards changed to eyes, and he is hence called .... "the thousand
eyed" -John Dowson, Classical Dictionary of Hindul\Tytholngy unci
Religion, etc, ).
The noted Indian folklorist further informed me in reply to
my question that in the story of' Indra as tuld by the !"olk, the
thousand-eyed marks on Indra were changed inl\l a thousand fleshy
protuberances.
The resemblance between the idea of' a hero having a hundred
thousand fleshy knobs (which simply means "very numerous" in
the Thai idiom), and the story of the Indian god Inclra having, in-
eidcntally, a thousand eyes on his body thruugh a curse i:-; very ob-
vious. Presumably such a motif in the story is of Indian origin, and
perhaps the story of Sen-pom is a development of the former one.
Naturally the story adopted has its modification:-;; names arc some-
times altered, scenes are changed, and certain eircumstanccs arc added
or omitted to suit local surrounding and tradition.
The next motif, the three wishes, is to be f'uund also in one of
the Thai droll stories orally narmted among young men in their
social company. The story is humorous but bnrders (HJ vulgarity
and offends propriety. It is therefore not to be found in print.
However, the gist of the story can be told here at tile sncrif!cc ol'
certain humour. Naturally, a story with !-luch crude humour found
ready hearers among the young people iflef't cxdusively to themselves.
The story runs thus :
A man of a humble class recei vcd a magical ubjcct as a present
from a supernatural being in return for the man's gocldwill. This
magical object had a certain potency for the owner by which he
could make successively only three wishes for things he desired.
After the three wishes had been fulfilled, the magical object would
lose its potency. Like many other tales of the type protraying a low
estimation of the weaker sex, the man divulged the secret of the three
wishes to his wife. She like her kind, wanted him to wish for too
A STUDY !l:-1 TIIAl FOLK TALE
137
many things pertaining to the adornment of the fair sex. There
was, of course, a disagreement and high words passed between the
two. In a fit or anger the man invidiously wished for numerous male
generative organs to adorn his body. Instantly his body became
studded with the ob.iccts he had wished for. He was very frightened
by the consequence and so was his wife. Both of them were now
in a sober mood and thought of a way to get rid of the obnoxious
objects. The wife proposed that the man make a second wish for
the disappearance of these unpleasant things. He agreed and at once
all the unpleasant things on his body were gone, together with his
own natural one too. He was compelled to make the third and the
last wish recalling by right his own identical characteristic to be
re-instated as a man. The magical object then lost its potency and
the man was no richer than before.
In the Booh of Sindibati
1
there is a story of a "holy man who
spent all his time in devotion, and had a peri for his constant and familiar
companion for many years. At length the peri was obliged to leave
him, word having been brought her of the illness of her rchildren.
On parting, she taught him the 'Three Great Names' (of God), on
pronouncement of one of which, on any great emergency, his wish
would be immediately granted. One night the sheikh communicates
the circumstance to his wife, who dictated to him what he is to wish
for. The result shows the folly of consulting with women; but is
unfit to be repeated. It is sufficient to say that the talc is similar to
that of the "Three Wishes", by La Fontaine, to Prior's 'Ladle', and
to that given in Syntipas (Greek version of the Book of Sindibad).
1. The !look of Sinrlihad or, tlw Story of the King, his sons, the ch1msel, and the
Keven vizirs, hy W.f\. Clouston, pp. 7Hl7, privately printed 1884. There is an
old version of this Book in Thai which bears the name of Paduma Jntaka.
In appendix XV of the Book of Sindibacl, W.A. Clouston says:
It may interest some students of comparative folk lore to know that the
Persian version of this story (the Peri and the Devotee) the First Wish of the devotee
is similar to that in the:old Castilian version, Lilnv de los Engannos et los Asaya-
mentos de los Mugeres, appended to Professor D. Comparetti's most valuable
Ricerche intorno al Libro di Sindibacl. And it is perhaps worthy of note that
the Turkish rendering of the story agrees, in this respect, with the Persian and old
versions: which seems to show that the Ottoman translation of the
Thousand and One Nights was made from (t different text from the Calcutta or
the Bulac1.
RICE AND RELIGION
a study of Old Mon-Khmer evolution and culture.
by
[Jordon <:Jf . .f!.uce
A year ago, when we had the privilege of showing Their High-
nesses, Prince Dhani Nivat and his sister, around Pagan, His Highness
suggested that we should come and tell the same story to the members
of the Siam Society. I need hardly say that we were delighted at
the prospect; and look forward, not only to talking about Burma, its
art and history, but also to hearing from you about the art and his-
tory of your great land. Already we have some idea of the great
debt which Burma owes to Siam; it seems likely that that debt is
greater than what either Thai scholars or Burmese are apt to recognize
or claim.
One cannot talk intelligently about Pagfm, the first Burmese
Capital ( 11th-13th Cent. A.D. ), without first mentioning Sri
or Old Prome, the earlier Pyu capital (7th-8th Cent.). One cannot
talk intelligently about Sri without first mentioning Dvaravati,
the contemporary or rather older Mon kingdom of Siam. In 1912
Finot, the great French scholar and founder of the Ecole FranQaise
d'Extrihne--Orient, while editing some of the earliest Pali inscriptions
of Sri commented as follows ( I translate from the French):
1
"This coastal region" ( Prome to Pegu) "professed Tberavada
( Buddhism ) 6 or 7 hundred years before it first appeared on the
banks of the Lower Mekhong. It is not impossible that Siam bor-
rowed it from Pegu, and then transmitted it to its eastern neighbours;
and thus the inscriptions of Maunggan and Homawza" (i.e. Sri
" were indirectly the first ancestors of the modern Buddhism of
Camboja."
1. .Journal Asiatique, t. XX. juillet-aout 1912, pp. 122136; "Un Nouveau Document
sur le Bouddhisme Birman". The passage quoted is on p; 136.
I doubt ir he would put it quite like had he heen alive to-
day. Thanks to his own labours, and thtlSe of' l\1. Cieorgc Coedes:! and
other scholars of' the French School, thanks ttl the Siam Snciety, and
thanks finally to the solid work ol' the late-lamented Dr. Dupont,:l we
know much more now about the date, n:liginn and art ut' Dvaruvati.
My own work (mainly un the languages and imeriptions) leads me,
quite definitely, to the view that your lcounlry. rather than Burma,
was the main radiating centre; and that we uwc chiefly to Dvaravati,
not only the Burmese type or Indian but also the first model
or Theravada Buddhism, which ultimately triumphed in Burma, and
on which much of our later civilization has been based. This happy
early period, not of war, but or mutual influence, intimacy, and
friendship, led each country to its first diion:sccm:c 1)f Buddhi:-;t art,
and to a brave dcrnonstratiou ol' a new society, guided and governed
by the D!wmma.
What did it all rest on '?"Materially speaking, I should say on
RICE. And this is the subject of my paper. In trying to con-
vince you of tl1e fact, I hope also tu give sume glimpses of the vast
field involved: not only our two countries, but almost the whole of
Further India, and a large part of India besides.
Then let us start with RICE .. -
In itself, it stiU has the nature ul' a Rcligiun amung the
Austric-spcaking hill-tribes of South-East ln 1954 M. and Mme.
Proux devoted a book of 134 pages to ''The Soul or Rice", /,' ;lme
du worshipped hy the matrian.:hal 1Ul"J1JE ol' the Darlac
plateau in the Annamitc Chain. An Indonesian pcoplt:, akin to the
Cham, the Rhade stilt number about HO,OOO. " Tlte staff of life at
Darlac is an excellent mountain-rice ........ Rice is the essential
food. Rice comes from the Gods. Rice is God." ( p. 144 ).
.. s ian1 :- , .. _ !!.1 11 e I j' ,,-.f i e : I" s ,: ri/:;t
/Jvaravati, de ct de L(nw, ( Ed., Siam Stx:it,ly Wiil ). Edited and
by G. Coedes.
:l. L' Archeologie ll1one de Dvaravati par Pierre Dupont, 2 V\Jk and l'httes
Cpublishecl by the Ecole Fran1:aise d'Extrcme-Orient, l9G(i).
4. L'::ime du Riz par Albert Maurice et Gco!'ges Marie l'roux W.S.J<:.I., N.S., Nos.
23, 9154 ).
tUCfo: ANil HELIGION
141
In his book on the JAMET of Northern Laos, the Swedish
scholar, Mr. K.G. L'.ikowitz, has also much to say about the Soul of
RiccJi Tho Lamct are said to number less than 6,000. They live
close to the borders, both of Burma and of Thailand. They talk a
Mon-Khmer language of the Northern Group, closest to Khamuk.
"Rice" says the author, "posseses a Soul, Mpu, just as a human being
docs. . .. If the soul of rice escapes ... famine will follow. . .. It is
a very ethereal thing which can easily vanish into other parts.
Therefore it must be led and enticed on to the right path, and when
it once is got hold of it must be fastened with stones, exactly as a
human being is fastened to the grave. . .. No other plant has klpu.
1t is reserved only for human beings and rice." ( pp., 243-4. )
Now it is easy to smile at such curious superstitions, but they
deserve rather our respect. They are the first steps of a primitive
people on the road to civilization: the first attempt to take stock of
life, and give it a meaning and a purpose. They open the door to
philosophy, religion, literature and art. They are a result of the
first growing of Rice, or perhaps irrigated Rice-one of the great
economic discoveries in the history of humanity. Irrigated Rice is
the prime product of South-East Asia. It is our first contribution to
civilization.
What do the botanists tell us about the origins of Rice.-! quote
the following from the article on ORYZA in I.H. Burkill's Dictionary
of the Economic Products of the Malay Peninsula (Vol. II, P 1592
follg. ).
" The genus is most strongly developed in a wild state in
Africa, but it must have been in Asia that the cultivated rice had its
remotest origin." ( p. 1592 ). . .. ''Man can have invented the wet
rice-field only after he had long grown rice as ... a dry-land crop.
The parts of the world, therefore, where it is so grown, taken
together with the physiological requirements of the parents, indicate
within what rather wide limits wet-rice cultivation must have arisen.
The Asiatic species which have been pointed out as parents 0. fatua
5. Lamet, Hill Peasants in French Indochina by Karl Gustav hikowitz ( Gi:iteborg,
1951 ). See especially pp. 243247. ,
14:'.
l'rofe;>f>OI' norflnn II. l.un:
and 0. miuuta .occurs in moist place}, fr11tn the llimalaya tu
Ceylon and from the snutllcrnnHISt cdgc ul' Chilla tlHIHl).'li Burma and
Indo-China to .Java, Bnrncn, and the Philippine and where
they grew, dry-land cultivation is It wuuld be within
these limits that the first wa)l undertaken"
( p. 1595 ).
Compare this with Dr. C. 0. Blagden's memurahlc WllHls about
the Sakai of' the Malay Peninsula.
11
I Ic is dispnl\'ing. mainly on
linguistic grounds, the old view that they owe their planting of dec
to Malay influence:--
" 'fhe true inference, in my opinitlll, is that, like many of the
ruder Mon-Khmer tribes, some nf the wild tribes ut' the Peninsula
have from time immemorial planted rice in their jungle-clearings.
But they have never made the great advance ttl pla11ting in irrigable
swamp-land: that, in South-East Asia, is the Ruhic(ln whit:h a bar-
barous tribe must cross before it can fulfil the cuntiitiolls precedent
to real civilization, first in the material ami ultiutatcly in its
social, moral, and ollwr connotatiull\\" ( pp .. ).
That Rubicon was certainly crossed, al an early date, by the
more advanced Mcm-Khmer !.peaking peoples nol'th ol' the N!alay
Peninsula. But at what date:
In treating ol' such ancient penples as the spcakcrs ur Mon-
Khmer, it is important tu di5Linguish Race and I .anguage. The oldest
known people who have pa!-ised through Burma and ( l Siam
(generally from north to south), arc llwught tn have been in race
Negrito, their present-day descendants being the inhabitants of the
Anclmnan islands, and, on the mainland, the .'->'RM;JNG of the Thai-
land/Malayan border, iiOuth of the isthmus or Kra. Little or no Mon
Khmer influence has yet been traced in Andamun languages; so we
assume that they reached Lhci r islands before the coming of the Mons.
Nor is there clear evidence of common oril'in bet ween Andamanesc
""
and Semang languages.? The Semang Negritues arc the later comers.
G. Pagan Races of the Mala_y Peninsula by W. W.

and(;,(). J',]agden, vols.

( 1906 London, lviacmillan). See Vol. II, pp.
7. "Their relationship must be considered hypotl
11
::tical. The :HrucltHCS and
grammars of the at the present day ure quite (Blagden, cp.
cit., Vol. II. p. 'tG3 ).
HIC:E ANIJ HEI.fGION
lt13
Though not basically Mon-Khmcr, the Scmang dialects arc so deeply
penetrated with Austric vocabulary, that they must have lived for a
long time, in Burma and/or Siam, in close contact with Mon-Khmer
speakers.
These last were presumably the SAKAI tribes, who now live
on the higher central parts of the Peninsula, between the Kra Isthmus
and Malacca. Sakai speakers arc of mixed race: some look more
than hall Ncgrito; others might be taken for Mongoloid; but in the
main they arc classed as Australoid. Apart from a very few pre-
Mon-Khnter survivals, such as the older names for the numerals 1, 2
and 3, the purer Sakai dialects arc shown by Dr. Blagden to be
thoroughly Man-Khmer, although in race the speakers are clearly
different rrom, and older than, the Mons of Burma and Siam today.
A new and conquering set of numerals, 1 to 10, with a much
less primitive vocabulary, was brought in later by new waves of Man-
Khmer speakers, who spread, quite rapidly, over an enormous area-
from the China Sea to Central India. These 4 specimen Charts
(Chart I-74 words)- show two main lines of diffusion:
T A and B, radiating South-West from Tongking, as far as the
Nicobars.
I A and B cont., the same words reaching far to the West
through the Northern Group ( WA-RIANG-PALAUNG ), reappearing
in K!UlSI, south of the Brahmaputra in Assam, and finally in the
MU NDA languages of lndia.f\ These scattered Munda languages, now
spoken south of the Ganges valley, reach west as far as KURKU
in Central India, and south as far as SAVAH.A and GADABA north
of Madras. Munda languages have subsequently been greatly changed
by Indo-Aryan influence in the north, and Dravidian influence in the
south; but their primitive Man-Khmer basis is still in certain evidence.
Similarly the Man-Khmer basis of Tanking Annamite is still plain,
though now largely submerged by the Southern YVEH (Vl$TNAM)
conquest of the Tongking plain, once the home of Austro-asiatic
speech.
8. See George Grierson, Linguistic Stitvey of India, Vol.lV Cpp. 239 ff.), "Mund11
Languages ".
111
PrClftHl'Hlr Oonlon II. !.lie
How did this extraordinary diHusiun come about.? The only
likely, or even possible, explanation seems !11 he RICE.
Asia is the homdand of Wet-Rice cultivatinn. Dr. Blagdt:n has shown
from their vocabularies that while the Scmang tribes were mainly
hunters and food-gatherers, the Sakai made the fir:-.t adYancc tu the
growing or hill-rice-petty 'taungya' cultivation, as call it in Bur-
mese. The main, enormous advance came later, with the gwwing of
wet rice in well-watered, monsoon, level, delta an:<ts. led inevi-
tably to a great cxp[()sion of population, and consequent migration to
other deltas, where wet-rice could also be grown. It was this, then,
which led the Mon-Khmcr (or Mon-Annam, to usc the ulder term)
pioneers of Tongking, under pressure or numbers, tn follnd new rice-
growing centres ncar the mouths of the Mekhong ( Cochin-China ), the
Menam (now Thailand), and the Irawady ( Ramaiiiiadda ).
Meantime, we may assume, there was pressure on the
Tongking plain from east and north-east. Hereabouts was the original
home of Malayan peoples, whose Indonesian languages arc distantly
related to Mon-Kbmcr.u Perhaps under double pressure the Y0Bfl
( T!Jf.;T) of Kuangtung, and the or Tongking took to the
sea; and like the Vikings of the North, became Vikings
of the Sottlh, infesting the islands and the coast of South-East Asia.
Their main coastal range was from Tongking to the mouth nf the
Tra wady, their island range from beyond Fiji to Madagascar.
The Tongking plain was finally overrun by the and this
led to muss rnigru.tion, or a rupid drift, by the Wet Rice cultivators,
in search of new rice-fields. Where were they to go'! The other
Deltas were crowded. Many of the weaker tribes clustered, and still
cluster, round the few rice-plains of the interior-Kcng-tung, fn[(>, etc.
(sec Chart IV). But the majority went, up the Red River, into
Yunnan and beyond.
Davies in 1909 ( Yiinnan, pp. 311, 316) said that "The principal
crop of Yi.innan is rice," but there is never enough for export. Fan
9. Mr. P.I(. Benedict connects them also with Thai; nrtide "Thu1, Kaclai,
and Indonesian: a new alignment in Southeastern Asia" Cilmt:rican Anthrofolo
gist, N.S. 44, 19t12, pp. 57G-GO 1 ).
HICE ,\NE HEI.ICION
U5
Ch'o in 863 A.D. ( Man-slm, Ch. VIT) mentions rice as only one among
several Ytinnan \.Tops---hemp, glutinous millet, paniclcd millet, barley,
etc. In 2000 B.C., I doubt if much except hill-rice was grown on the
cold, high plateau of Central Y\.innan. It was then very likely peopled
by the Northern Mon-Khmers, WA-RIANG-PALAUNG, speaking
cognate but different languages.
Perhaps the Tongking rice-growers had heard of the plains of
N.E. India. In India Rice is never mentioned in the Rigveda. It
first occurs in the Atharvaveda. The word is Vrihi, from which Greek
6ruza and English 'Rice' are thought to derive. The word Vriha
occurs in a Khmer inscription of 1003 A.D., perhaps in the general
sense or 'grain'; and Coedes cites, as possibly connected, the]aruy
word for Rice, breh.IO
The Tongking emigrants, escaping west, seem to have followed
the course of the Red River to its source, S. of Ta-li; descended thence
lo the Ira wady swamps ncar Myitkyina; crossed the Chindwin and the
runge N. of Manipur; and so reached their next centre, KHASI, in the
plains of East Assam. But the main body moved on to the vaster
Ganges plain, where they multiplied exceedingly. But in the 1st
millcnium B.C., the Aryan penetration ofthc middle and lower Ganges
valley must huve steadily driven the MUNDAS south of the river,
into the hills of Central and Eastern India; while soon after, the Mikir
Naga and Tibeto-Burman invasions in the northeast, drove the Khasis
south of the Brahmaputra, into the Khasi Hills W. of Manipur, where
they still survive. After all their losses, in the 1921 Census, Khasi
speakers still numbered over 200,000, and Munda speakers nearly four
million. In Burma, the total of Mon-Palaung-Riang- Wa speakers was
then barely 350,000.
For centuries before and after the time of Christ, the Malayan
Vikings of the South maintained a series of footholds along our coasts.
Their main centres and settlements were in Champa and Sumatra.
Perhaps owing to the dearth or islands at the head of the Gulf of Siam,
they were less of a menace to you than they were to us; and that is
why Man Buddhist culture flourished earlier in Dvaravati than it did
W. See Inscriptions du Cambod[Je, Vol. II, P 113, n. 2.
in Burma. Our cna:-.lal penple li\l'd in kt wr tt' their raids
I' rom the se;1, and l':tlled lht!!l1 N.ahsa.w, 'C:llmi h;d lkmnn, '. When
the first Buddhist thcras l'llma .. :n: in B.C.('!),
al'tcr the 3rd Buddhist Council, tn l they anivcd just
when a raid of the was in lht: n;nnL'
has an old application in Burma lP the rq.!hrl annuHI ;'\lt. 1\.cliisa,
Burma's Gibraltar, some 30 miles N. nr 'I i\hlflg this coast
one can still sec old f'urtrcsscs, with treble \l;db and llH':tts, guarding
the entrances to rivcrs.t:1 The first name ot' 1 h;\!.,11. as givt!ll in Bur-
nut's olclesl Mon inscriptions, was Ral:.\'lljltJI'II, "Cit) td. !111.' I ).:mons". 11
It was perhaps only in the lOth or early 11 til ( tint it wa:; renamed
Sud!wmma, "City or the Good Law". b i.<dand opposi tc
Moulmcin is still called 'Bilugyun ', Lkm<'ll hl;ntd. The KEN
sea-gypsies, the SELUNG ( SAU)N) or !he Archipelago, who
a Malayan language. arc PI' the 1 >!d still cling-
ing to the southernmost l'ringe of Burma.
In the Old Mon language or Hmma tln:rL i:. n!' Malayan
words (not only Malay), some goin.i!, hack, it tn th<: t'(lllHnon
origin of' b11Lh suh-fnmilics, other:; pwhnhly due t.u anl'itnl Malayan
II. l'ir:;t llll'llliom; of Jlli,, i1111 in !lt }',It l ;,,,.,., l '. ,f ' ,.,..J.,n, rlw ltli <'1'111
l.icjll'l'<llil.la (VIII and tlw l :dl '' l I .!1 ),
Tilt! llllllilf'<'" ki111: 1\y:milllta prhal<l\ H'i::q.J,.,j \lt. l:,h ,, II: It t.t L!!lil!' uf
iu l:itrll.il: fu lw ldt I'-':" r lid :>,.!,.,, in.'ti!'li<!l ill t!w
rhl<'<llll\ll\ ,\.1 J. fino, tlw /\yvuhiJllil "1"111' :11 liw l'lt d tlw tll'llllll:lin.
no\\' in l<at'li""'' I lni,r:rity ( ,,.,. n:,
1
11. I. II, In n. V. !. !H, "lilt'
rl'ti of J..:y(i/; Ta!w!" ). Tlu: nllittl' j,; ::I ill in .1i11t ;I! K;::.il: I"'V' tl.1, :: mit<; N.
of Tuungzun (or 111M I'. t!( !lwma, l'ortJ.,Ii" V, 1'1. I, .j;,, "!Ia /Jtll,ld.t 111 till'
t(reat rt:lie nf Satih" ). In tl:t l:ith 1'<."111\lt} t,lllrl'll l':ii:i 'llo:iw (Shin Sawbn)
and" lwr nwu s111" Nwniidhijali r
1
tuind 1111' Ji:<J!.da of dtt: I lair
relies 111 the top nf !l,e lllflll!ltain, Tlw hirtJ(' !\Ji,1tllr !.lrJ11 in:tiplillll, hrolw1 hut
olill in situ iH dat<:d HH:'ili (it has not hll Prliutll. ill in hie; l'r:gu Kalyiil)i
in":ription, he has ldt a atiCOIIIll uf tilt: mi:.,inn anclthr! :itt.:: 'ee Taw '::irin
Ko, Indian !lnti<JIIary ( li>U:l, Bombay reprint) .. tlw l'.lli I.'!.; I; C.U. Bla(.(d(n,
J:j.(g. lJirm. Ill, 1!, p. 185 -the Mon tel:t.
n. e.g. Mutbin, at the mouth of Hilin River.
14. See lnscrs. of Burma, Portfolic IV, Plat(';; :1:;;.;>1, :1:,,,,1 (uppt:r in<l'r.l, .. 1:1 (lower
inseT.). D.tte c. lOfi(} A.D.
14'7
settlements along our coast. Doubtless the pirates conscribed the
local aborigines, such as the Scmang Negritoes, and the few coastal
Sakai tribes, such as the Bcsisi of Malacca, who, in turn, contributed
not a l'ew words to Old tv1on which are hardly found elsewhere in
Mon-Khmer. These ancient Malayan pirates, whatever the Mons
may have called them, were not savages. In some ways they were more
than a match for the Mon-Khmers. They gave many of the peoples
of' S.E. Asia their words for metals,--gold, silver and iron; also for
shipping. Their prowess as early navigators is second to none in the
history of the world. Curiously enough, they seem to have ignored
the Nicobarcsc, who lived so near Sumatra. The languages of the
Nicobars arc not Malayan, but Mon-Khmer-all ancient and peculiar
varieties. They are the only Austroasiatic languages spoken on the
islands.
My analysis or Old Mon vocabulary (mostly taken from our
11th--12th century inscriptions) shows a large number of borrowings
from fndo-Aryan: the older forms taken from Sanskrit rather than
Pali. But Old Mon never sinks to the level of a secondary language,
as Khmer docs in the pre-Angkor inscriptions of Camboja, where the
Khmer passages arc mostly confined to lists of slaves, lands, and ob-
jects dedicated. The true Mon vocabulary in our inscriptions shows
several strands of' origin. Of the 153 words listed in these Charts, not
counting the more dubious cases, I reckon that half (nos. 1 to 74) are
widespread or almost uni versa!. Over 60 occur in Khasi; over 40 in
Munda. In Vietnamese perhaps 50 survive. In Kinner over 100, in-
cluding 50 found in pre-Angkor inscriptions ( 600-800 A.D.). In the
Annamitc Chain practically all the words in Charts I and II are found
(Nos. 1 to 117): but hardly any in Chart III.
The oldest strand in Mon includes words shared only with the
South-with Sakai, Besisi, Semang, the Nicobars, and sometimes
Khmer; they arc not found, so far as I know. in the Annamite Chain.
Then there are a lot of common words of varying antiquity (e.g.
smiil "king") which seem to be confined to Mon or Burma Mon.
Closest to Old Mon-rather closer than Khmer-are the central dia-
lects of the Annamite etc, Their
[.lfl l'rof\:Ht\tl!' (;nr;lon il. l t\l'<
words nul t:\llllllHlll to the South a in culture
beyond the Scmang/Sakai level. Their lim: f l'Pnta..:t \\tth Burma
must have crossed the heart of J'urthcr India. V/Jwn nne Ctllllparcs
the early megalithic stone nr the Plaine de .. LatiS,l. with
the 7thHth century inscribed st\lnc nl' the u kinp. at Sri
this confirms the evidence, namdy that anL"icnt L"ultmal in-
!luences crossed the S.E. Asian frnm Ill West, as well
as from North to South. This sl\11\\ n in ('hart IV by thick
cluster or diale<.:ts still extant t11tlay, arnund Kcngtung, Inlc, and other
irrigated rice-plains in the heart of Furtht:r India. Chart III a
North and South strand, more or less tlf the Eust. North
west of Bahnar, we make a sh(lrt jump to 1"k.\'U and Kll.l.Hl
7
K.. cas-
tern outliers of the Northern Group. \!/hen the first e:wdtUi to India
had passed, this distinct Northem Gn1up. !Jtl doubt under pressure
from the north, descended from the )'iinnan plateau to the Shan States.
This of'tcn caused a break in the links hctwt:cn the Annamite Chain
and fndia. Thus the older word:-; fur Eye, Water, Tigcr, !louse, etc.,
hardly occur in the Nnrthem (irnup; but tht:y reappear in Khasi
or Munda. Another notabh: t'a<.:t is that the Plder languages to
the South have practically nothing in commnn with Chinese or
Tibcto-Burman, ancllittlc, I think, in cnmmon with Dai languages,
though here there may be cx<.:eplions. The nnly word I know
ill Old Mon <.:ommon to Sino-Burmau, b; tlw WPI'd fur Elephant
)0. Mon r[
--dil, clzah hsiang \. <.>. Burm. rof,
\(). Chinese if-
northernmost languages.
a \Vurd conlincd to the
This Mon-Khmer clement, l suggest, is at the ru11t of nwch of
our civilization. In return for RICE, India gave us IHJDDH!SM.
The mission of So1,1a and Uttara may have had only temporary suc-
cess. But from the latter half of the lsl Cent. A.D. other missiona
rics, Brahmanical but also Buddhist, began to arrive from all parts of
India.
'
lfi. :;ec Madeleine Colani, ill(.galithes du Jlaut-Laos, 2 vols. l!l:.tii, puhl. by the Ecole
Fran1:aisc d'Extreme-Oricnt, Pmis.
HICE AND H ELIGlON 149
To conclude the subject of Mon-Khmer, may I give a brief
summary of the earliest Mon inscriptions.-
( i) Much the oldest Mon writing comes from Dvaravati king-
dom, which, according Chinese accounts, was at its height in the 7th
century A.D. In 1952, at Vat P'o Rang in the P'ra Pathom group,
Nagnra Pathama, a stone fragment with two different inscribed faces
was found. In editing it, Coedes describes the script as "identical
with that of the oldest inscriptions of Caniboja: it points to the begin-
ning of the 7th century, perhaps even the end of the 7th. The language
is unquestionably Mon."t6 The subject is ,Buddhist. The writing,
though fragmentary, is clear. 16 or 17 words are about all that are
legible. Nearly all are common to 11th Cent. Burma Mon; and the
spellings arc almost identical.
( ii ) The next important Mon inscription (really 4 short Bud-
dhist dedications) has been often edited.l7 It is on the octagonal
pillar from Vat Sal Sun at Lopburi, now at the National Library,
Bangkok. Apart from proper names, it contains only about 24 different
Mon words. The writing is continuous and fairly legible. In 1925
Coedes dated it palaeographically "not earlier than the middle of the
8th Century". -Round about 1000 A.D. this Theravada Buddhist
kingdom of Dvaravati fell into the hands of the Khmer rulers of
Angkor.
( iii ) The earliest Mon inscriptions of not yet edited
in print, come from Thaton, and Kawgun Cave on the Salween, 30
miles N. of Moulmein.l8 They date probably from the middle of the
11th Century, shortly before Aniruddha's capture of Thaton (c. 1057
la -fondation de l' Fram;aise .d' E:ctreme-Orient.
Seance du 21 mars 1952, pp. 27-31. See also G. Coedes, Recueil des Insc1iptions
du Siam. Part II, Inscrij>tions cle Dvamvati, 2nd Ed., Siam Society, 1961, Pl1mche
XVIII.
17. See Coedes, BE.F.E.O., t. XXV, 1925, pp. 106-8. Recueil des Inscrij>ti01zs du
Siam, Part II, 1st Ed. 1929, pp. 1719 (French text), and Planches I Cleft side)
and XIII C Inscr. XVIII); 2nd Eel. 1961, XVIII, pp. 7-9 C French text), and
Planches III, IV. R. Halliday, "Les Inscriptions Mon du Siam", B.E.F.O.E.
t. XXX. 1930, pp. 81-85, and Pl. VIII.
18. See Inscriptions of Burma, Portfolio IV, Plates 358360.
l;iO
(ionlnn tl. Luct'
A.D.). They are Buddhist: and of them h partly written Ill
high--t1own poetical style.
( iv) The bull: of thi: Burma stune bd<,ng to the
reign or Kyanzittha 113 A.D.). \\iti1 a f..:v: nwrc extending
bcfurc and after, ch1wn to ahout the middle ot' the t:)th (\ntury. [v1ost
of them have been edited hy Dr. Blagdvn in HpignLf'lzit1 1Jimwnica.19
But many short glos;cs, especially below t'rcscucs and Pn terracottas
and votive tablets, remain to be published. With the of
Ca'iisii II ( Nmapatisithu, 117+ A.D.) the period nt' C)ld l\1('11 writings
in Burma abruptly ends.
( v) For the final stage of' Old l\'Ion, we rctum to Siam--the 7
inscriptions of' llari{Jilnjaya, Lamphun, 20 miles ot' Chicng
Mai. Six have been edited in the Bulletin ut' the l'n.:IK'h SdwnJ.::u
Their dates appear to fall within the first half pf the 13th Century.
Haripunjaya finally !'ell to tvWngrai and the Thai, c.

A.D.
'I'he stages of Old Mnn orthography, un thili Table,
cover a period or six hnndrcd years; and even the earliest shows no
signs of immalmity. The inscriptions come from fum distinct king-
doms: DvumvatT, ThatGn, Pag!m and llaripu!ijaya. Eviden<:c is
perhaps meagre: but from what there is, ouc mw.t, I think, conclude
that there is remarkable unil(.ll'!nity, pninting to a literary
tradition and a common source at the beginning. And the linguistic
Charts prove the high antiquity and stability of much of this Mon-
HI. J.:jig. !Urm. Vol. I, f'illl I, 1!110, l'l' ;;:l-li!<. ha, 1lw :>.ln be; of !lw HH'all(d
'Myaz1:di f11Scription' n:nlly tlw ;'-.!yi
11
k;
1
J,a 1\!!1>;::
1
tih,!yi iw.oTiptiow uf Riijn
kumiir, 1:. 111:1 !\.)). pinm,;r n.:<<lill;\'' <>f tl11 f:u' tli< h:,,j,. of :1ll
work on thi:; old

an t(ivtn in th .lrllll'lltli 1{ the Uoyal

!\sialic So . icty 1.909, pp. anc11!110, 1'1' 1-:fig. Hirm. Vol. I,
Part Il ( lD:!O) anrl Vol. III, T\ut I ( 1!1:(:1) :trt d-.trl maink tu K:,;m<,ittlw'H
inscriptions. !Jirm. Vnlll (!:!part;;), l!t:n, by C. J),,roj;elle, dcab
with the upper lcrrrttotla plaqtWH on tlw Ananda (f'lllpk, l'agan (c. 1 lOG 1\.D. ),
with their Mon glosses th(; Mahiinij,iJ!a .liita/m. For otlwr plates of
Old Mon in;:criptionH, see !users. of Burma, !'tJrtfolio:i [!I Plate., :Hiil, :101; IV,
362; V, 5rJI:lb lu 55-1.
20. B.E.F.R-0. t. XXV 1!12/i, pp. 1H9-l!JG and Pls. XVIlTw XXVII (l'nedi:!;); ibid.
t. XXX 1930, pp. SG-lOfi <Halliday).
HICE \:'ill HFLII:ION
151
Khmer \'(JL:ahulary, extending from the China Sea to the Malay Penin-
sula and Central India. The beautiful script of Sabbadhisiddhi's
inscription:> at l!aripuii.jaya, clearly derives in the main from that of
II th lo I 2th Century Burma. But that of Burma probably derives
from that of 7th Ccmury Dvaravatl. It is very different from the 7th
Ccn tury Pyu script of Sri Ks;:;tra. The 8th-9th Century Pyu (of Halin? ),
according to the i'v'!"Z1J T'ang Tlistury,zt claimed suzerainty over the
Lower Burma iv1ons. Perhaps this was an idle or outdated claim.
Anyho\\', in the 7th Century, the western boundary of Dvaravati' is
said in the Old T'ang llistory to have been the ocean.22 If so, it
reached the Gulf or Martaban. M. Coedes and Dr. Dupont have
shown the remarkable extent and uniformity of this Theravada Bud-
dhist kingdom. If the excavations at Sri prove, as it seems,
that the Pyu, with their usc of the radiating arch, were the better
architects, the Mons always appear to have been the better sculptors.
And since not only the Theravacln, but also the Mahayana and Brah-
manism were strong at Sri while in Dviiravati the Theravacla
dominated, it seems probable that in religious matters, the latter in-
fluenced the Ji:mner rather than vice vers'a. The Old Siam religion, no
less than the Old Siam script, ultimately tnumphed in Burma.
But the final collapse of this ancient and stable Old Mon literary
culture came with extraordinary suddenness in both countries. In
Lower Siam, after 1000 /\.D., it seems to go out like a lamp. In Burma,
after the !'all or Pagan, an independent Mon kingdom revived in the
south, from the end or the I 3th Century. But Mon inscriptions
("Middle Mon") :::: start ag'ain only in the middle of the 15th Century;
21. l1sin.t'an1:sl111 d1. on P'iao.
Chiu-t'ang-shu t:h. J!l7, Section on To-ho-lo kingdom.
:!:l. For published Middle Mon inseriptions, sec E.)if.f T3irm. Vol III, Part II and
( lfJ2H) "The Inscriptions of the Kolyal).'lSirna, Pegu ";and VoL IV, Parts
l and U (plates), 193,!.36, "The Mcdiaevnl MCn Records"- both by Dr.
Blagden. Sec also the of the Suj;erintendent, Archaeological Su1vey
13urma for the year 19::18-39, pp. and Plate VII " An Imcription at the site
of the Mui'icalinda Pagoda Pcgu " by U Lu Pc Win; ond Bulletin of the School of
Oriental ancl African Studies, London, 1958, xxi/2, PP 3617, "The Kyaikmaraw
",by H.L. Shortq.
11i2
ProfcnHnr Gordon II. l.ucc
and then, owing to phonetic breakdown and Burmese infiltmtions, it
looks almost like a different language.
Old Mon has a strength and beauty all its own. Perhaps, as
in Indonesian, the normal word was originally dissyllabic. When the
first syllable decayed through loss of accent, it was wonclerfull y revived
in Old Mon writing to provide an cffccti ve Syntax, based on prefix,
infix and reduplication. It was soon adequate for the gigantic task of
translating the Tipitaka. But what strikes me most, is its grave beauty
and imaginative range. It was no primitive language struggling to
express thoughts too deep for it. Even in prose, it is always poetry.
Even the words of the Buddha. translated into Old ivhm, Jose little in
the process.
A U.S T R 0- A S I A T I C L A N G U A G E S. CHART I (A). TO THE S.'w'.(TONGKING iO NICOIARS).
ANNAMIT CHAIN KHtJER MO N MALAY PENHtSlJLA HAlAYAN NICOSAR
VIET-NAM.r.:; . -..,(OU ....------"---
. BAHNAP. MNDNG-GAR SRE(+\OHO). !HAT. STIEP'iG: 'OOi Mo.!=n N ..
- - --- ,._
Lf!SH ka h {c. kn 6 -< .,_ b' AA kU t\-.tk..T, tSJ.
2. LEAF tO. Mn. nlw. TJ..u n'h.a ill !J.J b!.n CJ:.h 0."cJJ.
3.EARTH,LAHDQat t.:n -tU1 t.iJ.. mh teh tt tJ.' ti..tfl..,tf.tri_,ti.tet n:.t:!.YtdSrrdii.
lb .. .d.;.
4. RAT,HOUSE x
5. THREE k
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16.DRAM
17. STONE X
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i 9. BETELtLEAF) tiD.u.
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21. HousE-FLY Jlum
22. -to CHOOSE
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BREAST
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AUSTRO- ASIATIC LANGUAGES. CHART I (A) eont. SPREAD TO THE \JEST(TONGKING TO CENTRAL INDIA).
P'U-HAW. ,
h . !NG c ..

KAH!.l WA PAL ,.8UNG !liANG-lANG. KHASI. MY...NDA l?..,f-
N.M+H"AN" ,..,.,. ; ..
1. FISH k'c
1.lM' lJa
3. {'
R-\r,Ho:;s..r
S.THkEr
G. NEw
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B. JurtGi.E;'Wtul
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10.DAY;SuN
11.LOUSE INMAIR
12. PAm,DtSI'AS dUL
13.f:"IG TREES
14. HAND rlt\
15. GOAT -p.i.e
16. JlREAM
17- STONE '!TU11)
18. TREE;'w'OOD z{e

20. HARE
21. HousE-FLY
'22. to CHOOSE
23.CHANELEON;
LIZARDS
24.0NE x
25.lJOG
26. GRAf\IJlCHIL])
27. :fuRuNAWAY
28. toSucKSucKLE;
!lEAST
29- SiX t'o.n
30.LAZY
31.tJSwEEP;
BRooM
32. MUSHROOM;
FUNGUS
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34.DEEP
3 5. FOAM, FROTH
36.SEVEN
3JNOSE
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1
AUSTRO- ASIATIC t..ANGUAGES.
CHART 1 (.B)
S?UJ\ll TO 1Ht S';.!. 1"0 .,cCOBARS).
A1>i!'iAMlT( Cl-lAlN
V!ET NAM. , , _ .";,,;;.,,, ,..
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AUSTRO- AS lA TIC LANGUAGES. ,;B;=: SPRE=THE WEST TO CENTRAL INOJ
P
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AUSTRO-ASIATIC LANGUAGES.
CHART IL
EASTERN RANGE.
ANNAM!TE CHAIN KH1"1ER MON MALAY P(lilNSULA MALAYAN
VJ[TNAM./ _ _...__
Ret.
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76. TIGER
77- THORN
78.HousE nil.
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81. RAIN
82. HoRs
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101. lDW1PE.RuB c\ULi.
101.

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110.EIGHT U-m.
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AUSTRO- ASIATIC L.UJSUAHS.
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WOilTH - SOUTH Rt..NH.
4 T'Etl!>. t .. 1 "!"'' '"'" u- MH.I.fl<k
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AUSTRO-ASIATIC LANGUAGES. NORTH-CENTRE CLUSTER (KENGTUNG,INLE
" . - , ..CHART ff . '
MON. DANAW. AMOK. MONGLW ANGKU. J>AAANG. RUHAr:-- W&. LA. WA. EN. SON. TAHOI(t..&<.-t:IJT} lEM( T. P !.H1AN.
J.,!i cofX-+4 otn .. ....
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66. CH!LD fwm. Mwn
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ONE
T\VO
THREE
FOUR
FIVE
SIX
SEVEN
EIGHT
NINE
'I' EN
(multiplicand)
HUNDRED
THOUSAND
LO\\'EH SlAM.
Nugarn
c. 600 A.D.
moy
duri1poh
cwas
klam
OBJECT OF kyak
REVERENCE
BUDDHIST
MONK
OLD MON ORTHOGRAPHY
--
Lopburi
775A.D
moy
pi'
LO\VER BURMA.
Thntoq
c. 1050 A.D.
moy
f?ar
pi', pi
CENTRAL BURMA.
Pagan
c. llOO A.D.
moy

pi
pan [1098 A.D.] pan
turow
duthpoh

[1098 A.D.]
din cam
[1098 A.D.]
cwas
[1098 A.D.]
klam, klamm
li1im, lriim
kyak kyak
guinm-ir

musun
turow

dincam
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LORD
.. rlla
jturla', trila',
ttrala'
{
tirla', tarla',
tirla, tarla
SLAVE
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gik, gik.
TABLE A.
UPPER SIAM.
Lamp hun
c. 1220 A.D.
moy, moyy
qar
pi' pi
pan

musun,

turow
!
durhpoQ, dum-
poh,
duinmpoh
dine am
dine it
fcwas, cwass,
lcawass
klam, klamm
lnim, lnim
kyak
mir(=to becotlle
a monk)
tarla, trala
c;lik
I, lVIY
PERSON
NA:VIE
CATTLE
J TRUNK:,
1 BEG INN IN C1
EARTH
STONE
SILVEi-t
TillS
OTHER
RELATIVE
PRONOUN
IN
BY, WITH, 'rO
WI'l'II, AND
to MAKE
to (;IVE A \VA Y,
OFFER
to GET
to D\VELL
CART
CLOTHES
COCONUT
LOWEH SJ:\M. 1.0\HH Bl'H\L\. t.E\IHAL JH lt\1\.
Nagara h1!hnma ! Lnplmri T lwt:111 Pagan
tiOU A.D. I 775A.L>. v. 111[;0 :\.!J.
lltJU .\ D.
tarh
ti
sran
awo'
cJcy
braw
ey ey ey
nab nal;lh nal;lh
yamo' imo' tmo
jlovv jlow
ti' t i
tmo' i tmo'
srafi [I 09X A. D.]!{ sran,
1
sran (
wo'
wo'
\\'()I
rnun
ma'
rna, mun
na'
na'
na
ku'
ku
kandatrl . kindaril, kindam kindaiu, karH.lar'n
Ll O()H A.D.J !
jun
go' go'
kwel
glik
jin
i ,
I go
I .
! taw
I
!
I.Jkwil, kwil,

I
I glik, glik
braw (?)
t l'I'EH
I.amphun
1220 A.D.
ey, eyy

Jhimo' sima',
lyamo'
jlow
ti,, ti
tmo'
sran, sren
wo'
man, mun, rna
cJey,
na', na
lw',ku
jan
go'
bdiw
HARRY PARKES' NEGOTIATIONS
IN BAN(iKOK IN 1856
by
Nicholas Tarling, M.A., Ph. D., F.R.A.S.} F.R. Hist. S.
Sir John Bowring had written enthusiastically to his son Edgar
about the treaty he was making with Siam in April 1855. "The
country will be absolutely revolutionised by the change,-and in a few
years I doubt not there will be an enormous trade ... " Much, here-
cognised, was due to his "auxiliaries", his son John and Harry S.
Parkes, the Consul at Amoy. "Parkes with his admirable tact,-John
with his great commercial aptitude and knowledge ... " He had
u decided that Parkes shall take home the treaty. His services
have been invaluable. I hope the government will confer upon
him some mark of honor. He truly deserves it-And so does
John. I never would have accomplished what I have accom-
plished without auxiliaries so active, intelligent and trustworthy
... I can lll afford to spare him,-but it is so important the
government should be thoroughly informed of all that has taken
place here ... "(1)
Parkes was thus sent home to secure the ratification of the treaty and
convey his "mass of valuable knowledge" about a country with
which so great a trade was to develop. "Moreover I discovered that
there was a strong feeling that the Letters and Presents of the two
Kings to Her Majesty the Queen, ought properly to be conveyed by
the highest functionary at my disposal, and my appointment of Mr.
Parkes has been a particular gratification to them ... "(2)
Parkes reached London, after an exceptionally rapid journey,
on July lst.<8> During his stay in Britain, he busied himself with a
AprillBsS:iinglish niss. 1228/125,
Rylands Library, Manchester. For the negotiation of the treaty, see Nicholas
Tarling, "The Mission of Sir John Bowring to Siam'', TlzeJoumal of the Siam
Society. L, Pt. 2 <December 1962), pp. 91-118. For the text of the treaty, see
John Bowring, The Kingdom and PeojJle of Siam; "With a Narrative of the
l'I.Jission to that Country in 1855 (London, 1857). ii, pp. 214-226; F.O. 97/368,
Public Record Office, London; Bomd's Collections 171870; p. 15; India Office
Library, London.
(2) Bowring to Clarendon. 25th. April1855, no. 140. F.O. 17/229.
(3) S. Lane-Poole, The Life of Sir Hm-ry Parkes (London and New York, 1894),
i. p.:l95.
1S4 Nicholtt!'l Tnrling
number of activities. Vlith the help of he drew up a map of
Lower Siam based on rough by resident American missi<ma-
rics.<O He also presented a paper to the Rc>yal Geographical
Socicty,<!i) and travelled in the Highlands with Sir Roderick Mur-
chison.(6) Back in the south, after recruiting at Malvern,
moved to London, and met r;anny Plumer at the hnU!)C of some of the
Alcocks' friends. Six \Vecks later he married her on New Year's
Day. Nine days after this they left for the Far
Meanwhile Parkes had ahll<'St thrcmghout his in Britain
been working on Foreign Office business, in the course of \Vhich he
added to the impression he had made on Edmund Hanunond, the
Permanent Under-Secretary, and improved acquaintance with the
Foreign Secretary, Lord Clarendon.<H> St)rne the work related to
the Siam treaty and to the proposed misginn to Vietnam. Early in
August, for instance) Parkes produced u number mcnH>randa on the
trade of Siam, Vietnam and Cambodia, and t;allcd attention to the
problem of Chinese piracy in the Gulf nf Siam, a matter which had
been brought up in the Bangkok

He als<> prepared, at
the Foreign Office's request, a memorandum on the opiurn cluuse in
Article 8 of the Bowring treaty. This allowed of the
introduction of opium, prohibited in the Burney treaty t)f I 826, pro-
vided it was sold to the opium farmer-,, in fact repeated the regulations
issued by Mongkut in 1851 and, as Parkes pt)inted <>ut, the farm pro-
vided some compensation to the Chinese farmers for the loss of other
monopolies.ClO) Lord Shaftesbury and leaders uf the anti-opium
movement had accused Bowring of betraying his principles in intro ..
(4) t<> Hammond, Gth. July, .2:.!nd. Dtt:Nnlwr ta:v,. P.O. 17/!?Nfi.
(5) "Geographical Note!'! on Si,tm't, Journal of the ( Sm:iet.,,,
xvi (l85t)), p. 7Iff.
(6) Lane -Poole, OJ>. cit, i, p. 196.
(7) Ibid., i, pp. 197-198.
(8) Ibid., i, p. 195.
(9) Parkes to Hammond. 3rd. August 1855. and enclosures. F.O 17/28(). On
Chinese piracy, see Tarling, J.S.S., L, Pt. 2. p. l0i3; and Nicholas Tarling,
Pimcy and Politics in the Malay World (Melbourne, Sydney, Canberra;
Singapore, 1963), pp. 214ff.
ClO) Memo., enclosed in Parkes to Hammond. 9th. August 1855. F.O. 17{286
IIAHtn PAUI\I:s IN llANt;Kol< IN 1856 155
clueing the clause.n n Even after Parkes' explanation, Clarendon
could not see why the regulation had been made into a clause in the
Parkes also had to deal with the criticisms of the treaty
offered by one of the Government's law officers. The discussion
illustrates the developing system of extraterritoriality and the use of
China and Turkey as bases of reference.
The Queen's Advocate had been asked to comment on the
treaty, although, as he said, he was ignorant of "the political, legal
and coxnmercial system in Siam ... " Firstly, he thought article 2 vague,
in providing that the new consul was to enforce British subjects'
observance of all the provisions of this treaty, and of" such of the
former treaty negotiated by Captain Burney in 1826 as shall still
remain in operation,,; it omitted to set forth what did remain in
operation. Article 2 also covered the rather different subject of con-
sular jurisdiction, providing that "any disputes arising between
British and Siamese Subjects shall be heard and determined by the
consul, in conjunction with the proper Siamese officers H. This, the
Queen's Advocate thought, was
"so vague as to be scarcely intelligible. I presume the
intention of the article is to provide for the Erection of a
bunal of which the Consul shall always be a Member, having
exclusive civil Jurisdiction in all cases in which a British Subject
may be either Plaintiff or Defendant, but if so this is not very
distinctly expressed. I would further suggest that the number
01) G.F. Bartle. Sir John Bowring and the Chinese and Siamese Commercial
Bulletin of tlze .John R.ylands Library, xlii C March 1962 ), p. 306.
Mr. Bartle notes that opium was a delicate question with Sir John, not only
because of his principles, but because of his peri::ional obligations to the great
finn of Jardine Matheson, of which the younger John was a partner. Bowring
wrote to the Foreign Office: 'If it be the opinion of any one that the severest
regulations will prevent a supply of opium from some source or other, where
there is an active demand for the drug, I can only say that such an opinion
is not warranted by my observation and experience. I avoided however
discussions on the subject in Siam." Bowring to Clarendon, 27th. September
1855, no. 311. F.O. 17/238. See also Bowring to Fredk. Bowring 4th.
October 1855. English MSS. 1229/205.
(12) Note by Clarendon, 9th. August 1855. F.O. 17/236. The clause had been
suggested by the Siamese Commissioners. See, under the date April. 12th., the
journal of the mission, Enclosure No. 15 in Bowring to Clarendon, 28th. April
1855, no. 144
1
F.O. 17/229.
156 Nic:lwlalii Tnrling
and description of persons wllC) are to C(Hlstitute the Tribunal
in questi()n should be defined, and some provision made for
preventing a majority of Siamese otlkers always overruling
the decision of tht Consul, and deciding ad\"ersely to British
litigents. I presume that it is also intended to exempt British
Subjects from the Siamese Criminal Jurisdiction in all cases
without so as to place them in the same peculiar posi-
tion in Siam as that which they occupy in Turkey; but
if so, there are no words securing them any such complete
exemption in all cases without exception. n
The Queen's Advocate also questioned a dause in article 5, stipulating
that British subjects should not leave Siam, "if the Siamese authorities
show to the British Consul that legitimate objections exist to their
quitting the country., How was the legitimacy of the objections to
be determined'? H Debt, the existence c:>f a Criminal charge, the pen-
dency of a Civil Suit, intenti<>n to evade legal process, and various
other objections will all be relied upon as legitimate objections."
Difficulties could arise if the Consul were to exercise a discretionary
power to detain British subjects against \Vh<>se departure the Siamese
Government offered objections he deemed legitimate, or if he could
allow them to leave despite such objecti<:,ns. The article should be
" more precise" in its terms.
The Queen's Advocate also suggested there were important
omissions. Firstly, there were uno provisior1s for the protection of
British subjects, their dwellings, offices, warehouses, and ships from
arbitrary search, or arrest without any judicial proceedings or formal
Secondly; "the question of the liability of British
Subjects and their Property in Siam (whether real or personal) to the
Civil Jurisdiction and process of Siam appears to be left undeter-
mined., Thirdly, "no provision appears to be made for securing to
British Subjects the right of disposing freely .of all real Estate which
they may acquire under Article 4; or the right of succession, or ad
ministration to real or personal Property in Siam including the
lection and securing of debts due to the Estate of a deceased person
either by the Consul or otherwise." Fourthly, there was Hno
ficient provision for protecting British Subjects against any indefinite
amount of taxation or public burden of whatsoever kind." Fifthly,
there were "no provisions for Cases of wreck, or for securing to British
IlAHRY l'ARKI-:S' NEt;O'J'IATIONS IN BAN<;KOK IN 1856 157
Subjects a sufficient period for winding up their affairs, and for de
parture in case of a rupture with Siam .... <13>
In turn Parkes was invited to comment on the Advocate's re
port. OH He argued that Bowring had "secured as complete and ad-
vantageous conditions as the opportunity afforded. A single fortnight
-being the interval between the spring- tide which floated H. M.S.
'Rattler' up to Bangkok and the succeeding one which enabled her to
quit the river-was the whole of the time which His Excellency could
command both for state ceremonies and negotiations., (15) Half of
this time elapsed before the Siamese really got down to business, (lG>
~ a n d a few days only remained when they met Sir John Bow-
ring's propositions with numerous conditions of their own<
17
),
few of which were found admissable in respect either to form
or subject, and on others relating to details it appeared unwise
to treat while our local information and experience were so
very limited. Care was however required that the Siamese
Plenipotentiaries should not be led by the too summary rejec-
tion of their proposals to offer similar opposition to those of
Sir John Bowring, but they were eventually satisfied with the
adoption of a few only, and those in a modified shape, by His
Excellency's representations that the consideration of details,
and of other subjects put forward by them which had no im-
mediate connection with the scheme of a Commercial Treaty,
would be much more conveniently reserved for a future occa-
sion.
"These circumstances added to the slowness of the
Siamese Plenipotentiaries to concur in, or apparently to under-
stand many of the new measures submitted to them, and the
difficulty of intercommunication in a language wholly unknown
to every member of the Mission, convinced Sir John Bowring
of the necessity of confining his negotiations to the simplest
and most essential points."
03) Harding to Clarendon, 12th. September 1855. F.O. 88/2249.,
(14) Parkes to Hammond, 8th. October 1855. F.O. 17/286.
(15) The presence of the Rattler at Bangkok was important to the negotiations,
Bowring realised. Delay beyond a fortnight would mean, however, delay of a
month: a tide was needed to take the steam sloop over the bar. G.F. Bartle,
Bulletin of the John Rylands Librmy, xlii, p. 305.
(16) The Rattler crossed the bar on April 2nd. The Plenipotentiary :first met the
Siamese Commissioners on April 9th. But a number of points had been
discussed in the interim. Tarling, J.S.S., L, Pt. 2, pp. 96, 103.
07) This was on the evening of the 11th. Ibid., p. 106.
HiR Nicholas TarlinR
His proposals thus concerned the appoint mcnt uf n and his
jurisdiction, freedom to houses and land. exercise
of the Christian religion, abolition of measurement dues and establish-
ment of a tariff, abolition of certain monopolies und inland taxation,
access to the interior, most-favoured-nation treatment, irlterpretation
of the treaty by the English version, the right of in ten years.
The treaty secured all these points,

and if are ob-

servable in the \vorking of some of its or if c>ther desirable
stipulations have necessarily been omitted, it wiil that an op-
portunity has been provided for remedying these de fie icncies, which
are attributable .... to the obstacles a'bove set forth .... H
The Advocate objected to the vague over previous
treaties. The Burney treaty and agreement, Parkes explained, had
long been held to contain stipulations disadvantageous to British com-
mercial interests. Bowring did not, feel authorised to cover
the political questions which the Burney treaty also dealt \Vith: he
could therefore, propose the abrogatic:>n of the entire treaty;
''and to avoid an inconvenient subject of discussion, His Excellency
considered it advisable to omit the enumeration oft he several articles
,.. or passages annulled or affected by the present Treaty, the general
rule being understood by the Siamese that all C(>nditions of the old
Treaty that arc opposed to those <)f the new, are cunceUcd by the
latter ... ," The Siamese about the Malay trihutury states,
one of the issues in the Burney treaty, about a redefinition of the
Menam Kra boundary with the British pn:>vinces in 'fenasserim, and
about restricting British Burmese subjects travelling in Siam to the
area west of the Memun lest they were attacked by ignorunt Laos and
Cambodian tribes, all these proposals were referred to the Governor-
General of India. (IS} This reference might lead ttl new negc>tiations,
Parkes suggested, in which, if thought desirable, a more specific
abrogation might be secured of parts of the Burney treaty, care being
taken to preserve in sotne way the stipulations <)ver assistance in case
of wreck and over the administration of property contained in
article 8.
Parkes defended the clauses over consular jurisdiction,
taining that they secured all the Queen's Advocate They
(18) Ibid., pp. 102 -:1, 106-8, 111-2.
H\HftY I'AltKES' NE(:OT!A.TJONS IN BANGKOK IN 1856 159
were, he said, "framed \Vith the design of placing British subjects
under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Consul in all cases civil and
criminal in \Vhich British subjects are Plaintiffs and Defendants, and
also in all cases civil and criminal in which natives of Siam are Plain-
tiffs and British subject Defendants; precisely the same effect being
aimed at as that of the corresponding stipulations of the Chinese
treaties, with the conditions of which the Siamese are perfectly fami-
liar .... '' This was covered, it was thought, by the leading stipula-
tion of the article, that ''the interests of all British subjects coming to
Siam shall be placed under the regulation and control of the Consul",
and that the consul should henceforward "give effect to all rules and
regulations that are now or may be hereafter enacted for the Govern-
ment of British subjects in Siam, the conduct of their trade, and for
the prevention of violations of the laws of Siam." Bowring felt,
hovvever. that it was desirable
"to promote .... a cordial cooperation between British and
Siamese Authorities in all cases in which both British and
Siamese interests might be involved, and that the investigation
of complaints, whether preferred by Siamese against British
Subjects, in the Consular Courts, or by British subjects against
Siamese, through the medium of the Consul, in the Native
Courts, should as far as possible be conducted by British and
Siamese officers acting conjointly with or mutually assisting
each other, but without either of these functionaries relinqui-
shing the right of decision which they would severally retain in
their respective courts. The principal object in view is to give
the Consul a right of access to the native Courts, and the means
of watching, and, to a certain extent, taking part in the
proceedings in cases where British subjects are Plaintiffs and
Siamese Defendants. Owing to the irregular practices of native
Courts some check of this nature becomes indispensable to
ensure due consideration or an impatial hearing by the native
judges of the claims or charges of a British subject; and w h n ~
ever the Consul may be called on to hear and determine the
complaint of a Siamese against a British subject, the presence
of a Siamese officer would not only facilitate the investigation,
but would otherwise be desirable as affording the Siamese
Government the most open means of satisfying themselves on
the impartiality of our proceedings. "
160 Nicholas
The Queen's Advocate had also objected to a clause in article 5
dealing with the departure of British subjects from Siam. This, how-
ever, was something the Siumese negotiators had especially urged.
"Feeling that they had surrendered all control on British subjects and
being inclined probably to estimate the good faith of foreign officials
by their own imperfect standard, they sought ... in this stipulation an
additional guarantee that British offenders or defaulters should not
have it in their power, by suddenly fleeing the country, to escape the
puTI>uit of justice." The "legitimacy H of Siamese objections would
presumably be ascertained by suit or prosecution in the consular court,
and the presence of Siamese authorities at the hearing would demon-
strate the equitable character of the consul's decisions.
As for the first two omissions the Queen's Advocate noticed,
Parkes thought his remarks had already shown ''that no arbitrary
interference of this nature or liability to Siamese Jurisdiction is con-
templated or allowable on the part of the Siamese". If, however, the
exclusive jurisdiction of the consul over British subjects needed to
"be more explicitly set forth H, Parkes suggested H that the Siamese
Authorities be induced to subscribe to certain Judicial rules or other
Agreement which would place this point beyond question. H
The omission of a provision securing British subjects the free
disposal of real estate was partly remedied by article 7 in Burney's
treaty which provided that "whenever a Sian1ese or English merchant
or subject who has nothing to detain him requests permission to leave
the country, and embark with his property on board any vessel he
shall be allowed to do so with facility". The clause might at least
provide the basis for negotiating something more explicit. Another
article of the Burney treaty, the eighth, covered other omissions men-
tioned by the Queen's Advocate, namely the right of succession and
the case of wreck, except that it did not explicitly deal with the
recovery of debts due to the estate of a deceased person. But by
article 6 of the Burney treaty the Siamese were bound to endeavour
to recover the debt of a living creditor, and they were pledged by
article 8 to restore property to the heir. "It may be hoped therefore
that the Siamese Authorities will not refuse to agree to any amplifica-
tion or amendments in these provisions of Captain Burney's Treaty,
UA!IHY 1*;\!U\ES' NE<:OTJATIONS IN BAN<:KOK IN 1856 161
that in the opinion t)f the Queen's Advocate will render them better
adapted to present requirements."
The fourth omission had indeed been made: but, on the other
hand, H no right of levying public burdens on British subjects has
been conceded to the Stamese, and I presume that in Siam as in China
the Government will look to receive 110 other impost from foreigners
than the authorised customs on their trade, and the ordinary ground
tax on the lands of ~ l h i c h they may acquire possession.
As for the final objection, it was doubtful if the Siamese would
observe a stipulation about the departure of British subjects in case
of a rupture; " there also exists the risk,- which would be common
to all oriental nations wholly unacquainted with the conventionalities
of European international law,- that a clause of this nature would
be misconstrued, or at least regarded by the Siamese with suspicion
as betokening a likelihood of quarrel,, hardly compatible with the
perpetual peace and frienship envisaged in article 1 of the Bowring
treaty.
Bowring) Parkes concluded, knew that "many arrangements
are stilt needed to give effective operation to the entirely new system
conternplated by the present Treaty H. Hence the insertion in article
9 of the provision that the Siamese authorities and the consul " shall
be enabled to introduce any further regulations which may be found
necessary in order to give effect to the objects of this treaty". The
way was thus open for the introduction of amendments in this way,
as well as by further negotiations.
Parkes' comments were sent to the Queen's Advocate, who al-
so discussed the treaty with him. The Queen's Advocate thought
that an explicit definition was required of the Burney articles that
were still operative. The language of the clauses on consular juris-
diction also needed to be more explicit. Parkes' explanation of the
fifth article, however, seemed satisfactory, "and no addition or al-
terations need be made therein ". As for the omissions, much
depended on the retention or otherwise of the Burney articles, and on
the views of'' persons acquainted with the ideas and habits, and the
system of law and of local administration existing in Siam". Parkes'
reasons for omitting a provision over "rupture" appeared adequate,

however. The doubtful pnints might regula-
tions under article 9. It would be consider
whether, before the Ratifications arc definite agree-
ment or understanding should be come tu by the
as to the contents of such (future) Regulations
and as to the Burney treaty.
for Parkes' opinion. otJ>
Parkes thought that proposal to alter the text of the new
Treaty \:Vould probably be met with strong on the part of
the King and the Siamese Ministersn; but " SCi!llC or ttlf nf the extra
conditions or explanations" might be secured in additi1nmt articles" if
it can be shewn to them that these additions invnh c no revocation of
the original provisions of the but arc in with its spirit
and intent". Precedents might be fnund in surplcment to the
Burney treaty and in the treaty supplemental to the of Nan-
Idng.C20> The Siamese could nlso be referred tn article 9 of the
Bowring treaty, and to their own pr\lposals f\r n:placing political
clauses in the Burney treaty as submitted to the
Indeed, probably the best way of dcnling with the first
objection was to annul the Burney treaty* from it such
articles as still appeared useful. As for nmjt)r objection,
the want of distinctness in defining it was at
least as distinct as the provisions in the In the
Chinese furthermore, the definition was included in the sup-
plementary trade regulations, " and the Siamese Gc;wernment being
inclined to be guided by the precedents which these Treaties furnish,
might see in this circumstance a sufficient reason for admission
to an additional article or regulation in which the exclusive authority
of the Consul could be more fully set forth ".
Thus the additional stipulations could cover: the entire abro-
gation of the Burney treaty and agreement) or of the agreement and
the first ten articles, in the former case relations with the Malay
(19) Harding to Clarendon, 12th. November 18:,5, and nntt: 8N/224.9.
Wodehou::;e to Parkes. 14th. November 1855. 17/2/Jfi.
(20) See W.C. Costin, Great Britain and China .J8fW ( Oxfnrd, 19S7 ), PP
105ff.
IIAHHY I'AI!KES' NIWOTIA'fiONS IN IN 1856
states being covered by a new article; "a clearer definition of the
exclusive Jurisdiction of the Consul over British subjects in all matters
civil and criminal, and the complete exemption of their persons,
premises and property from Siamese process, or interference of any
the right of freely disposing of all real estate acquired under
article 4; and the right of succession to property, including the
recovery of debts due to the estate of a deceased person. Fifthly,
"\Vith the exception of the taxation leviable on lands, the amount of
which should be defined", British subjects should be "entirely freed
from public burdens ... And saving the land tax aforesaid and the
Import Duties ... , no Custom House or other Siamese officer to be
allowed to demand the payment of fees or charges of any kind". If
the Burney treaty is cancelled, the provision over wreck might be
transferred to new agreement. A provision that debtors should be
liable to their respective nationalla ws might be included when article
6 of the Burney treaty was transferred: Siamese laws were said to
be severe. Another article should provide for " Protection in Cases
of Piracy, and for the recovery of the persons and property of British
subjects captured by pirates. Piracy is very prevalent in the Gulf of
Siam, and the Siamese Authorities would be glad to find the British
Government disposed to cooperate with them for its suppression." <
21
)
Clarendon was not prepared, even in order to secure the im-
provements in additional articles, " to raise doubts, which would
probably be the case, in the minds of the Siamese as to the good faith
of H.M's Govt., nor indefinitely to postpone the ratification of the
Treaty .... " In any case full powers would be required for signing
additional articles, and these were held by Bowring. But when
Parkes went to Bangkok with the British ratification, he might fully
explain the Government's objects " in proposing such additional
stipulations and ... point out that they involve no departure from the
Treaty ... ; and ... if you find a disposition on the part of the Siamese
to assent to such adoitional stipulations, Sir John Bowring might at
some future time go to Siam to se.ttle the matter ... ," C
22
) Parkes
thought this course the one best calculated to give the Siamese con-
C2D Parkes to Wodehouse, 20th. November 1855. F.O. 17/286.
(22) F.O. to Parkes, 23rd. November 1855. F.O. 17/236.
161 Nichnlas Tarling
fidence in British good faith "and thereby dispose them to eventually
agree to the additional provisions which I Ier Majesty,s Advocate-
General deems so .... It was H not unlikely that our in-
terests in this respect may be in some measure promoted by the
movements t)f the French and United States Governments. \vho alive
to the great advantages of Sir John Bowring's Treaty, have already
appointed their respective Commissioners to proceed to Siam to
negotiate for similar privileges ".c::n At Singapore, \vhere he heard
of the moves of Montigny and To\vnsend Harris, Parkes expressed
more doubt on this last point. The Siamese might wish to avoid any
further innovation.<
24
)
At Singapore Parkes also received sorne additional instructions
from Bowring in Hong Kong. These related to the matters that had
been referred to the Governor"Gencral. On two of these, he had
been able to come to some decision. Fc\v British Burmese subjects
traded beyond the Bangkok river, and if this was meant by the u Me-
nam ", no inconvenience could be anticipated from an order restrain-
ing them from crossing it. The Kra boundary should be held to, but
it could be defined. The third matter, involving the Siamese claims
over the Malay states, had been referred to London. Bowring told
Parkes he could discuss the first two.t
2
5>
It had been arranged that Parkes en route for China,
carry the ratification to Bangkok, together with the presents and the
letter from Queen Victoria that King Mongkut had been so anxious
to receive.t
26
) He was to take the January mail and pick up a steamer
of the Royal Navy at Singapore. The February mail would have left
only a small margin before the treaty came into effect-fixed by
(28) Parkes to Wodehouse, 7th. December 1855. 11:0. 17/2Sfi. Hence the instruc
tions to Parkes, 2nd. January 1856. P.O. 17/25f..
(24) Parkes to Clarendon, lst. March 1856. F.O. ().9/.5.
(25) Bowring to Parkes, lOth. January 1856. B.C. 190807. p. 4. Bogle to Beadon,
18th. Augustl855; Dalrymple to Bowring. 28th. Novemberl855, B.C. 171870,
pp. 33, 49.
(26) Tarling, J.S.S . L Pt. 2, p. 109. Neither Brooke nor Bowring had carried
royal letters to the Siamese kings, though they had full powers.
B \HRY PARKF:S' NE(;OTIATlONS IN BANGKOK IN 1856
165
article I 2 for April 6th (
27
) -and Parkes thought that he or someone
"should be on the spot to see how the Siamese carry out the new
arrangements .... (28)
The voyage was marked by contretemps. The route was over-
land to Marseilles and thence to Alexandria. But the presents for
the Kings of Siam, as well as the Parkes couple's baggage, were on a
steamer from Southampton, which had not reached Alexandria by the
time the Marseilles steamer arrived. <
29
> Next the journey was over-
land to take another steamer at Suez. Parkes decided not to risk the
ratification for the sake of the presents, that is not to miss the Suez
steamer by waiting for the one from Southampton. In the event the
presents arrived in time and by January 31st all were aboard. <
30
) At
Singapore a more serious mishap occurred. H. C. Steamer Auckland
was to convey Parkes up to Bangkok. A boat carrying the presents
out to it sank. Most of the packages were recovered (
31
); "but with
the exception of three only, the contents were completely saturated
spoiled ... nt
32
>. But there was some good news, definite news of
(27) Bowring had originally proposed that the new tariff should date from the
signature of the treaty, 'but ns those important provisions relative to the
abolishment of the Firms, Monopolies, etc., could not come into operation
before the expiration o the year for which the licences had been renewed only
a few .days to the Plenipotentiary's arrival'', it was deferred Jor that
year. See, Ullder the date April 13th., Endosute No. 15 in Bowring to Claren-
don, 28th. April1855
1
no. 144. F.O. 17/22.9.
(28) Parkes to Hammond, 27th. October 1855; Hammond to Wodehouse, 31st.
October 1855. F:O. 17/2/Ui.
(29) Parkes to Hammond, 22nd. January 1856. F.(). 6.9/5.
(80) Parkes to Hammond, 31st. January 1856.

6'9/5.
(81) Later there was question of the remuneration to those who tried to recover
them. The amount paid was 500 dollars, "and when it is seen that this sum
in dudes fifty one Dollars for the hire of boats and forty nine Dollars paid to the
English Engineers leaving therefore only fottr hundred Dollars to be divided
among 109 ntltives at an average o fifteen shillings per head, this not
appear an exorbitant rate of remuneration for a night's exposure to a storm,
and three days' subsequent labor .. " Parkes to Bowring, 5th. July 1856.
F.O. 17/248.
(32) Lane-Poole, op.cit., i, p. 299. Some of the damaged articles, according to
Mongkut, included ''Digby Wyatts industrial Arts two volumes highly illumi
nated", "a collection of coloured diagrams illustrative of Physiology, Machin-
ery, Natural History. etc.'', ''a complete set of charts of the Indian and China
Seas''. some "philosophical apparatus", a polar clock and an arithmometer.
A model steamer, a model locomotive, an air pump, a "solar gun", were all
safely received, as also, apparently, an inkstand, two globes, some coloured
engravings of Victoria's coronation, a revolver, an eye-glass, and a camera.
Mongkut did not blame Parkes: ''such the unforeseen accident is in difficulty of
human power to promptly prevent ..... " Mongkut's receipt, 7th. May 1856.
F.O. 69/5.
166 Nicholas Tarling
the end of the Crimean

While he was in England, Parkes had learned of some changes
in the political situation in Bangkok since the signature of the treaty.
Late in May the Somdct Ong Yai had died, a senior member of the
great noble family of which the Kralahom was the most ambitious
member. The Kralahom, wrote Parkes.
"seeks for unbounded sway over the Senior King. To the execu"
tion of this design he has an opponent in the second king, who
wishes to maintain the independence of his brother, but has a
difficult part to perform in consequence of the Kralahom having
worked with some success upon the jealous feelings of the first
king, and caused him to become envious both of the ability of
the second king, and the precautions he has taken to secure his
own safety and position by organising an efficient military
force.,
The late Somdet did not concur and so the Kralahom's high aims were
held in check during his lifetime. His death put the First King in a
more precarious position. The conflict was urged on by the personal
enmity of Knox, the Second King's agent, and Joseph, an American
in the Kralahom's service, principal interpreter in the Bowring nego-
tiationsJH) Bowring had expressed a very high opinion of the Kra-
lahonl.\:35} He had also suggested that Parkes; estimate of him did
"not quite agree with mine .... ,,- Perhaps, indeed, the Kralahom
aimed at the throne.tH6) Parkes and Bowring were thus agreed as to
the Kralahom's ambition. Possibly they differed as to the advisability
of his success.(a7) The ...
(33) Parkes to Hammond, 5th. Marc:h 1856. l/0. fW/:i.
(34) on Siamest.! polities. loth. 1R55. P.O. 17/lt:W.
thought Joseph was "a nutive of Calcutta though he calls hinu;el a Dutl'h
subject". Elsewhere he is dt!l:iCribc:tl as Pmtugu(!5e. R Adey Moon:, ''An
Early Briti::;h Menhant in Bangkokf\ .J.S.S., xi, Pt. 2 (19145), P :17.
(35) See, e.g., Bowring, oj>.cit., ii, p. 804.
C36) Bowring to Fredk. Bowring, 2nd. September 1855. J.,'nglish J.l1S5'. 1229/20-t.
(37) As for relations between the First and Second Kings, u recent Thai writer has
suggested that they were not as strained as has sometimes been made out.
though there were resentments. On his death-bed Isaret told Mongkut that
his army was maintained f.or protection against the Kralahom. Neon Snid-
vongs, The development of Siamese relations tvith Britain and France in the
Reign of Malw. ,1\:tonglwt, 1851-1868 (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Univen;ity
of London, 1961), pp. 247 8.
llAitHY l'AHKF.S' rmc:nTIATIONS IN BAN,:KOK TN 1856 167
since 1855. So perhaps had the way the British negotiator looked
at
On the 12th. March the Aucl?land arrived off the bar with
Parkes, his wife, and the salty remnant of the presents(
39
l. But it was
the arrival of the Queen's letters to the two kings that caused most
excitement, according to Parkes, "and lengthy deliberations were
directly commenced as to the mode of delivering these letters". The
pleased Mongkut wrote to Parkes, in reply to a letter of announce-
ment sent in the hope of "opening a direct communication with the
Palace, which I was able to maintain during the whole period of my
stay, and although private in its nature, it proved of great advantage
to me". Parkes considered that the entry of the Auckland into the
river was necessary to ensure the deli very of the letters "in a becoming
and suitable manner, and to give me the support of her presence in
my transactions with the Siamese Government". Thus he asked for
aid in lightening the steamer so as to assist her across the bar at the
next high tide, and requested permission meanwhile to go to Bangkok.
The "conservative party", opposed to delivering the letters "in any
other than the derogatory mode prescribed by the old regime", were
opposed to this course. Five days elapsed before the King's yacht
arrived to take Parkes to Bangkok, and it was then intimated that he
was to take the ratification and letters with him. But he did not take
them, and simply looked on the state boats "as a personal compli-
ment".
Parkes believed he had to contend not only with a rift between
Mongkut and the Kralahom, but also with conservative influences,
which made supplementary arrangements more essential. At the time
of Bowring's visit, he recapitulated, the two Sorndets represented the
conservative party; the Kralahom and the Phraklang, though sons of
the Somdet Ong Yai, were ''favourable to innovation, while the Prince
Krom Hluang, a half brother of the first King, occupied, in opinion,
a middle position between both these parties, but submitted in a
siderable measure to the influence of the Kralahom .... '' The Ong
C38) It has to be remembered, however, that Parkes played a considerable part in
the negotiations of 1855.
(39) Parkes' account of his mission, drawn on below, is i!l his despatch to Clarendof!
9
f ?2nd. Mar 1856. F.O. 69(5. '
168 Nicholas Tarling
had died, but the power and influence t)f the Ong Noi uppeared
to have increased.
As for the estrangement of the King and the Kralahom, Parkes
reported some of the latter's "occasional remarks.H
" He had resigned, he informed me, the lead he had taken and
maintained in the negotiation of the Treatyt and \Vhich had
contributed so greatly to its success, for the reason that his
counsel was no longer sought or listened to by the Kingt whilst
those who advocated a less friendly course, were received at
Court with marked favour. None of the measures necessary
to give effect to the Treaty had yet been taken, he said, by the
Government, and strong language and action would be needed
on my part to secure the faithful performance of the new en-
gagements .... "
The King had seen the Japanese convention '
4
0> and blamed the Krala-
hom-so he said-for
"the disparity ... between the wide concessions of Siam and the
restrictions maintained by Japan. He was also. added the Kra-
lahom, dissatisfied with British policy in C()Chin China(
4
ll, the
Government of which country had made the Treaty the subject
of a taunt towards that of Siam, and independent of these ex ..
terior His Majesty, whose expenditure, particularly
on the female inmates of his palace, was daily becoming more
profuse, was not favorably inclined towards any measure cal
culated to interfere) though only for a time, with the State in-
come .... H
Presumably Stirling's convention of 14th. CJctoher 1854, reprinted in
Berudey, Great Britain and the Otnminp. of Japtzn 18.'f.!f.J8fN (London, 1H51),
Appendix A. This followed the treaty mndt. by the ;\rnt:>rktul Commodore
PerryJ opening Shimoda and. Hakodate M port! of refuge ft)r American
providing for the protection of Atneri<:an nnd the apJ)f)intment of a
consul, but doing "practically nothing tc> trudeu. [hid .. , p. 111.
Townsend Harris, after concluding his treaty in Btmgkok, w r(>te to Perry :
"Your expedition to Japan was one of the great that led to the English
and American Treaties with Siam." Mario E. Cosenza, editor. 1'he Complete
Journal of1'oumsend Harris (Rutland and Tokyo. 1959 ), p. 164 n. But this
seems a doubtful statement.
(41) Mongkut had indeed laid some stress on Bowring's going to Hue after his visit
to Bangkok. He sent Thomas Wade to announee his advf'nt. but the Hue
Government were clearly opposed to any negotiations. See Nicholas Tarling.
"British Relations with Vietnam, 1822-1858". to appear in the Jomnal of the
Ro)Jal Asiatic Societ)' 2italayan Branch in l9l5,
HAHH\' PARKES* NF.f:OTIATIONS IN BANGKOK tN 1856 169
Parkes wondered if the Kralahom's feelings had not been "awakened
by some check given by other acts of the King to his ambition or
desire for power". He saw reason in all this for measures to ensure
the effective execution of the treaty, but not for coercion.
A further result of the Kralahom's attitude was that the Prince
Krom Hluang "leant more than before to the opinions or wishes of
the Somdet Ong Noi, whilst the Phraklang, as greatly the junior both
of the Prince and the Somdet in years and station, could seldom be
induced to pronounce an independent opinion of his own, if it involved
any opposition to those of his superiors". It was these parties, with
the Yomarat, or Minister of Justice, that Parkes had to negotiate.
Constantly they referred even trivial matters to the First King (the
Second took no part ).
"This being the case the Commissioners constantly replied to
my protest against difficulties and delays, whenever these arose,
by attributing them entirely to the :first King, and disclaiming
f<>r themselves any responsibility; but the personal kindness
with which the :first King always honored me, the access to his
person which he frequently allowed me both by letter and by
private audience, contrary in some instances to the wishes of
his Ministers, and the favorable attention which he often gave
to the questions I submitted to him, all induced me to receive
these statements of the Commissioners with some reserve, and
to dispose me, in the end, to place more confidence in His
Majesty than in them."
In other words the conservatives fought some sort of a delaying ac-
tion; but Mongkut disproved the accusation of the Kralahom. Parkes
had no doubt been inclined all along to work through the First King.
The first few days after his arrival in Bangkok itself on the
17th. Parkes used in endeavouring to arrange the delivery of the letters
and exchange of ratifications and in introducing, as carefully as pos-
sible, the notion of a further definition of details. Nothing had been
arranged when on the 21st. Parkes rejoined the Auckland for the cros-
sing of the bar. The Siamese authorities, he found, bad- not kept
their promises over the lightetrs but, after he had hinted that a delay
till the next tide would delay the Queen's letters also, a number of
boats appeared, and the bar was crossed on the 24th., the last day it
tlo
Nidwla!i Tuding
\VUS practicable. So the letters and the .lucldmul went up to the
capitaL Having used them to get the steamer over the bar, Parkes
sought now to use the letters again in improving his relations with
the King, the line that his O\Vn a:-; well us the
Mongkut rift and the conservative influences$ pointed out.
"What I now sought to obtain \Vas un interview with the first
King, at which I hoped to arrange, with ntcility than with the
Ministers, the manner of delivering the Queen's letters, and to prevail
on His Majesty to interest himself in the mea"ures which appeared to
me needful for the execution of the Treaty." The Ivfinisters had
proposed that Parkes should surrender the letters for examination
and "translation", "this being the pursued with the missives
received from the Sovereigns of Burma and Cochin China''. There
was little fear that the Queen's letters would be altered, but Parkes
objected to the ordinary mode Clf delivery as " ''. The
mode of delivery, he declared, should be respectable "not only in the
eyes of the Siamese but in those of the and people of
European States". He thus declined tt) surrender the letters before
the public audience and claimed the right to deliver them then. At
an interview with the First King, gave hirn a copy <>f the
Queen's letter,
"and had the pleasure of the genuine stttisfaction
that its contents afforded him at a nunnent when in the absence
of his Ministers and courtier:.; he had occasi<m for dis-
sembling his real feelings. To be as he believed the first
sovereign in Asia to receive a letter frcnn Her Britannic
Mujesty, to be styled by Her not only 'an affectionate friend'
but 'sister' also, and thus to be adrnitted unreservedly into the
brotherhood of European royalty, and lmve his position as a
King thus clearly recognised by the Scrvereign .,as it may pro-
bably appear to him-of the most powerful European State,
was indeed an honor and a satisfaction which at once touched
his heart and flattered his ambition. H
At the same interview) Parkes explained the accident to the presents,
and obtained Mongkut's "assent to the publication of the Treaty by
Royal Proclamation, and to the examination of those points on which
explanations appeared desir'\ble ... n At the subsequent public audience,
ll \Rl!Y 1'"\lH\Es IN BA:"H;KOK IN 1856 l'i'l
Parkes put the letter in Mongkut's hands, and on April 2nd. there was
a similar audience with the Second King.
On April 5th. the ratifications were exchanged, a delay having
allowed the King to cast a special seal in imitation of the Great Seal
attached to the "Queen,s ratification. Mongkut's ratification was
characteristic. It included a promise to try to enforce the treaty
H according to our power and ability to govern the people of
this half civilized and half barbarous nation herein being of
various several races languages religion etc for which nations
we are still afraid that any one individual or party among such
the nation being very ignorant and unfrequent of civilized and
enlightened custom usage, etc., may misunderstand of any
thing and things contained or expressed in the Treaty and do
according to his or their knowledge which may be contradictory
to some clauses of any article of Treaty, yet we will observe
accurately and command our officers of State to correct the
wrong as soon as possible when the British Consul might com-
plain to our officers of State directly with whom our officer
will be joined in justice ... ''
The ratification also expressed a wish for direct communication with
the British Government rather than via a colony or marine power.C42)
This was indeed the point Mongkut kept steadily in view: he was
concerned to secure the recognition of Siam as an independent state
on a parity with European states. This was his "ambition".
It is not clear from his narrative at what point Parkes intro-
duced the discussion-which he had seen as a means of introducing in
turn the supplementary negotiations -of the points referred to India
in 1855 and referred back to Bowring. On one of them at least
Parkes could be fairly accommodating. The Siamese Commissioners
indicated "more clearly than they had done before on a Map which
they supplied to me the course of the River beyond which they desire
the travels of Burmese and British subjects shall not extend. This
River wends away so much to the Eastward that no injury can in my
opinion result to our interests from a compliance with the proposition
of the Sia1nese ... ,, On the frontier question, he had to urge the
maintenance of the existing line, and found the Siamese indisposed
(42) Ratification, 5th. April 1856. F.O. 69/5.
Nichohui
in consequence to pursue the matter further. The Siamese apparently
did not urge the third point referred t{> India in \Vhich related
to the p(.>sition of the northern Malay while Parkes had
nothing to propose.
Anxious to introduce the supplementary negotiati<ms courteou-
sly, Parkes thought it well tu begin with the definitiQn {lf the articles
of the Burney treaty still in force. As neither party, it is clear, had
anything to urge) this made a smooth beginning. 'fhe Siamese) he
reported in his narrative, were opposed to its total abrogationt Hpartly
because they are satisfied with certain of its provisions, and partly
because they have not yet been distinctly ussured that the Imperial
Government is able to release them frorn the they have
concluded with that of the Honorable East Indiu C<nnpany "; and
Parkes sought simply for an enumerati<.m of the articles not abrogated.
These were reckoned to be articles 1, 2t 3, 8, 11, 12, 13 and 14, w1th the
clause in article 6 dealing with the recovery of debts and that in article
8 covering assistance in cases of wreck. The latter covered two of
the other points Parkes had to urge, and he determined not to seek a
distinct stipulation over protection in cases of piracy.N14> This left
five points to gain.
ideas
On consular jurisdiction Parkes found the Commissioners'
"neither clear nor satisfactory. Their own Courts are very
rudely organised, and their mode of procedure, according to
their own admission, is most partial and irregular. Some
indefinite idea as to their Authorities having concurrent
Jurisdiction with the Consul appeared to be floating in their
minds, but they had determined on nothing in reference to the
practice or the offic.ers who were to ct>nstitute the Court, the
unsuitableness of which could not fail to be felt in a country
where the Consul would find his colleagues so venal, capricious,
and ill-informed as the Siamese, and himself always in a
minority.,,
('13) Parkes to Bowring, 7th. July 1856. F.O. 17/248. The boundary was finally
settled in the 1860s. Snidvongs, op.cit., pp. 3634.
(44) Parkes does not explain why. Perhaps he was conscious of the legal difficulties
the British might face in attempting to carry out such an undertaking, for
instance in Singapore, or on the high seas. See Tarling, l'iracy and Politics,
PP 2235.
li \Hln I'Atu\.b:s \F.Lt.llJ.\llU:-1-S BA:'-4t;h.l)[\. IN l8[:iG 1/:.5
Parkes was glad to secure an article admitting an exclusive consular
jurbdictit)n1 civil and over British subjects, as defined by the
Queen's Advocate. He also secured a satisfactory agreement over
the free diJ.;posul of real property and the right of succession or
adrninistmtion to real and personal property.
Another point, "the exemption of British subjects from public
burdens or taxes t1ther than those contemplated in the Treaty", needed
u time and labour'' to settle. According to article 4 of the Bowring
treaty, lands purchased by British sujects \Vere liable to the taxation
levied on Siamese subjects. amount of this taxation had there-
fore to be ascertained, and here I found that in matters of finance the
Siamese evinced the same utter \Vant of certainty and method, com-
bined with much more complication of detail than that I had already
noticed in reference to their Jurisprudence ... " Only the Somdet
scerned to kno\v about the subject, but even he
"spoke on it with reluctance as if he feared that the interest
he has in the Revenues might thereby be in some manner pre-
judiced. The labour involved in the arrangement of this and
all other questions relating to Taxes or Revenues, which are so
directly affected by the Treaty, amounted in fact to a recodifica-
ticm of their Financial System with which I had to make myself
familiar. A schedule of the Land Taxes was at length finished,
and an Agreement concluded that these Taxes and the Import
and Export Duties oft he Tariff are the only charges that British
subjects in Siam can be called upon to pay to the Government."
The Parkes negotiation was significant in giving practical effect
to some of the revolutionary implications of the Bowring treaty. In
the course of it, the legal a11d taxation systems actually assumed
much of the shape they retained till the turn of the century. The
system of consular jurisdiction, more especially its application to
Asian proteges of the European powers,C45) became a spur to the
Europeanisation of the judicial administration and to codification. C46)
, ............. _ .. _ .................... _, ..................... ---
(t15) One of the artic:.:l,es proposed by the Siamese Commissioners in 1855, but not
accepted, had related to
41
the protection to be given to Chinese and others
daiming the privileges of British subjects". See, under the date April 11th.,
Enclosure No. 15 in Bowring to Clarendon, 28th. April 1855, no. 144. F.O.
17/22.9.
(16) See Detchard Vongkomolshet, The Administrative, Judicial and Financial
Reforms of King Ohulalapgkorn 1868-1910 (Unpublished M.A. thesist
Cornell University, l958), pp.
The negotiations and ugrl!emcnts or 1 !'lCt the in
a mould it was difficult to break, till the Siamese h) acquire
tariff autonomy as a means to finance the f1.1rlhcr nHldcrni:mtion of the
stutc.( t:')
Yet a rurthcr point was lhc establishment tJf' u custum lhmsc.
This Parkes urged and the Somdcl opposed. ''He, us the firm sup-
pl)ftl!r or ail exclusive privileges, wished to Farm the Duties on the
r-:orcign a measure which must have proved as. injurious to the
King's Revenue as to the Foreign Commerce t<) the former by the
smallness of the sum which vvould be realized by the Treasury, and
to the lntter by the virtual monopoly of the Export which it
would confer upon the former." More despatch wus rC(.fUired in the
issuing of passes and port clearances, delayed by indolent Siamese
officers. Parkes also sought a promise of prior notification of the
prohibition on rice exports. With the udvantngc or direct cummuni-
calion with Mongkut, he secured the establishment of u
but the Somdet secured the superintendence uf it. Parkes secured a
limit or twenty-four hours on the delay in issuing passes and port
clearances, and the notice of a month for the prohibition of rice ex
ports. All this took time: so did the preparation of the written under-
standing on the vari<:ms points, and of proclamati,ms making the people
that they could dispose of land and houses to British subjects.
This process was "not expedited by the King putting the printers into
irons to mark his dissatisfaction at the imperfect manner in which
they executed their work."
On 18th. April Parkes was told at the King's Ct>mmand that it
would be impossible to issue the proclamation on the sale of land until
the boundaries permitted were defined. Acc<>rding to article 4 of
the Bowring treaty, British subjects could buy or rent hc>uses or land
within twenty-four hours' journey of Bangkok by Siamese boat; except
that they could not purchase land "within a circuit of 200 sen (not
more than four miles English) from the city \valls" until they had
resided in Siam ten years or obtained special authority. Parkes had
hoped he would soon be able to get away, but felt there were good
(47) See J.C. Ingram, Economic.: Change in Thailand since 18/'iO (Stanford. 1955),
pp. 177-8.
llAilffl I' \HKEl:l' IN B.\N! :KOK IN 1856 1'15
ft>r defining these limits. The task might have been left to
the new consul, but it was not clear when he would arrive. On the
other hand, H.M.S. Sart:tcen was surveying the Gulf, and some pro-
fessil.mal assi::>tf.mce might be secured in measuring the circuit from
the city \Valls. The Commissiotiers "agreed to be content with the
measurement of four lines, each of' four miles in length, drawn due
North, South, East and from the city, provided that the points
where the circle cuts the river \Vere also correctly ascertained- this
latter consideration having a most important bearing on the settlement
of all water frontage lots." With Siamese working parties and officers
from the Suracen and Auckland, the "survey" was completed by April
30th. "Several rainy days added to the difficulty of the work which
had to be carried over ground thickly intersected with canals or
ditches, and covered in many parts vvith dense jungle or rank vegeta-
tion, penetrable only by means of the track which had to be cut for
the ;, Parkes had also to insist on four miles as the limit:
that amounted in fact to no more than 159 sen. As for the twenty-
hour journey, he found his geographical knowledge useful. In the
Commissioners' opinion "nothing less than actual travel, with all its
contingent accidents and uncertainty, was to be adopted as the means
of taking the length of the journey; and it was not until I successfully
argued the point with the King, that I persuaded them to accept five
miles as a fair average rate of one hour's travel by boat, and to agree
to the multiplication of this rate by twenty-four to obtain the total
length of the twenty-four hours' journey." Then, guided by this
culation, the negotiators chose various well-known localities to define
the lin1its. The area measured comprised "a 'very large portion of
the fertile delta formed by the four rivers which flow into the head
or the Gulf.', <
48
>
C4H) Purkcs apparently did rather better here than Bowring had envisaged. The
Kralahom had proposed the restriction-no doubt somewhat on a Chinese model
-on April 9th. 1855. The boats of the Country, it was explained, could travel
"a considerable distance" in twenty-four hours, and the Kralahom "mentioned
that it would be held to include the old capital Ayuthia which is fifty four
miles distant from Bangkok. The Plenipotentiary agreed to these limits".
Enclosure No. 15 in Bowring to Clarendon, 28th. April1855, no. 144. F.O.
17/22.9.
Nicholas Tarling
Meanwhile the written arrangements on the other points had
been drawn up in Siamese and English and sent to the King for ap-
proval on April 25th. He retained them for a week. " During this
time I heard through the Prince Krom Hluang that His Majesty de-
sired the addition of various articles relative to the regulation of the
Trade that might spring up at the Siamese outports, the shipment of
produce that might be grown by English settlers outside the Port of
Bangkok, ahd the mode in which English ships, and men-of-war in
particular, should obtain supplies when navigating or cruizing in the
Siamese Gulf." Parkes managed to persuade King and Prince that
any arrangement required on these points could be made later by the
consul. Then Mongkut returned the agreements, but stated he wanted
a new Siamese version made out. And,this would take time.
Already the Auckland had been running short of provisions, and
in the resulting difficulty perhaps lay the source of one of the King's
rejected articles.
"The obstacles in the way of obtaining supplies of fresh pro-
visions rested chiefly on religious grounds, the Siamese viewing
the slaughter of animals as an offence against both their laws
and religion, and individuals not of the national faith hesitated
to purchase for us bullocks and other stock, until I had obtained
from the Phraklang an assurance that they would incur no pun-
ishment nor other inconvenience by doing so. It is creditable
to the Siamese Government, as instancing their liberality in
matters of religious opinion, for me to add that live supplies
were eventually furnished us in ample quantity and at very rea-
sonable rates. "
Parkes had hoped to leave at least on the 7th. or 8th., and catch the
homeward mail passing through Singapore on the 17th. He now asked
Mongkut to agree to the execution of the agreement in English alone.
Two days later, on the evening of the 4th., came a message of
assent, but requiring also a new stipulation over rice exportations,
''which he wished made conditional on a special permission to be
obtained in each instance by the shipper from the King." Parkes
could not agree to stipulation which would "convert the trade in this
staple into a Royal monopoly", and he told the Commissioners it
would be a departure from the treaty. These remarks he made (he
IIAHRY PAJUCES' NEr;O'l'IAT!ONS JN JJANCIWK IN 185B 1'77
thought) in a friendly way, but could not say "whether they were
referred to the King in the same spirit." Next morning the king again
demanded the re- translation of the agreement. But the following
day the king sent to say that this demand had been made without his
authority and again assented to the execution of the English version.
Parkes "felt greatly obliged to His Majesty for this mark of his con-
fidence, which had not however met with the approval of the Com-
missioners, if I may judge from a slight coolness on the part of the
Prince, and the absence of the Phraklang, who reported himself ill,
from all proceedings for a week afterwards."l
491
On the 6th. Parkes sent the Prince a fresh copy oft he agreement
for the King's approval, including the two articles over the four-mile
circuit and the twenty-four hour journey. The agreement was finally
concluded on the 13th. The Siamese bound themselves to give the
agreement the same force as the treaty whenever Bowring called upon
them to do so. On the 15th., after a royal audience of leave, Parkes
was able to leave for Singapore, just before the AucMand)s provisions
ran out.
The instructions to Parkes do not seem to have envisaged an
actual agreement such as he secured. But he had suggested it, and on
his arrival he had been confirmed in his vi,f(W that it was desirable.
Verbally it seems that he was authorised to secure an agreement if he
could. Thus, at the conclusion of the negotiations, he wrote to
Hammond :
''My patience was a good .deal tried at Siam, and I assure you
no little amount of labour was needed on my part to get what
I did out of the Siamese. I trust you will approve of my having
waited so long, as I think you ,will see that I have succeeded in
settling all questionable points, as well as others that I did not
think would have fallen to me. I bore in mind, throughout,
what you told me on my departure that it would be better for
(49) According to Townsend Harris, the American envoy, who had arrived in Bang
kok some three weeks previou,s]y, ''a grand row" had taken plnce on the 5th.
'about the business of Mr. Parkes who had so wearied the King by his letters,
etc .. that he got enraged, blew up all his court and ended by closing the palace
gates against all the world ... " Cosenza, op.cit,, P 139. It seems possible
that the King was rather enraged with his court for so confusing (and thus
expnnding) the business of Mr. Parkes.
N'icho!a!:l Tariing
me to stay in Siam and settle matters there, than return in haste
to Canton, where my absence for a short time would not be
missed. You will perhaps be surprised, looking to the short
time in which the Treaty was negotiated-that I could not
secure on this occasion equal despatch, but it often takes a
much longer time to settle details than to determine a principle,
and the very fact of their having been so hurried in the first
instance by Sir John Bowring has made the Siamese determine
that they will never expose themselves t.o the same incon-
venience again. "
The details
"required almost endless discussion-the great difficulty being
to get the Siamese Ministers-who appear altogether irrespon-
sible-to agree to anything-they will talk over a matter from
day to day-but when you want to effect any positive arrange-
ment they shift the responsibility from one to another and
declare they can settle nothing-that the king must do every-
thing, whilst His Majesty on the contrary refers you to his
Ministers. They have a great deal to learn in the way of
business, and they require a firm but patient and considerate
instructor to overrule their pride ignorance and indolence.
The J.st. King is undoubtedly far in advance of all his Ministers,
but he is also very capricious and sometimes puerile, and is
often checked. by his Court in his good endeavours-He is
certainly the best'friend we have in the country, and I have no
doubt that while he continues so, everything will go on well,- a
few years will suffice for the new system to take a deep enough
root for it to stand thenceforward by its own strength."
Parkes was glad the question of consular jurisdiction was settled.
Judging from his instructions to the new consul, Bowring appeared
after all "to have had in view a kind of mixed Court''. But this most
probably would not have worked.(50) Bowring in fact approved the
agreement and had it published in the Hong Kong Gazette.C5D
The U.S. Plenipotentiary hac! been in Bangkok a month, Parkes
noted, "and bad got on slower than I did." He aimed at securing
(50) Parkes to Hammond, lOth. June 1856. F.O. 69/5. Bowring to Hillier, 5th. May
1856. F.O. 17/247.
(51) Bowring to Clarendon, lOth. June 1856, No. 189, F.O. 17/247. Same,
18th. June 1856, no. 192. F.O. 18/248. The agreement is printed in Bowring,
oj.cit., ii, pp. 230-47.
IL\HH\ l'AHKES' NfWOTL\.TIONS IN BA:'-/GKOK JN 1856
17()
some additional advantages: "they will cost him time to obtain if
indeed he do succeed. They are such as settling at a greater distance
in the country, opening mines, etc ... " Time and patience were indeed
consumed, and towards the end of May Townsend Harris was writing:
"The proper way to negotiate with the Siamese is to send two or three
men-of-war of not more than sixteen feet draft of water. Let them
arrive in October and at once proceed up to Bangkok and fire their
salutes. In such a case the Treaty would not require more days than
I have consumed weeks ... "<52) But no extra privileges were secured
either by Harris or by his French successor Montigny.<53) The Siamese
had made their bargain with the strongest power in Asia: as Prince
Krom 1-lluang had put it in 1855, "they trusted ... that should cause
J'or disagreement at any time occur, the British Government would
not hastily have recourse to forcible measures, but would treat their
Govemment with indulgent consideration, and would also extend to
them the protection of England in the event of the American, French,
or other foreign nation making additional or unreasonable demands
with which they would be unable to comply .... "<
54
) Similar treaties
with other Western powers would, on the other hand, give the Thais
a wider access to the outside world and might thus restrain the
predominant power. This was no doubt the significance of the sug-
gestions allegedly made to Harris that the Americans should act as
mediators in any dispute between Siam and another nation.<
55
l
The Singapore merchant, W.H. Read, told Montigny before he
went to Bangkok how discontented the King was with the English.
Parkes had treated the Ministers "de haut en bas", and Mongkut
disliked him even more than on the 1855 visit<
56
). Parkes' impatience
(52) Cosenza, ojJ.cit., p. 153.
5 ; ~ ) It has been mistakenly suggested that Montigny originated a clause prescribing
a warning of the prohibition of rice exportation. Charles Meyniard, Le Second
Empbe en Indo-Chine <Siam-Camboclge-Annam). L'Ouverture de Siam au
commerce et la convention du Cambodge (Paris, 1891), p. 264.
(5t1) See, under the date April 19th., Enclosure No. 15 in Bowring to Clarendon,
28th. April !855, no. 144. F.O. 17/229.
(55) Cosenza, op.cit., pp. 111,114,121. See also W.M. Wood, Fankwei; or, the San
Jacinto hz the Seas of India, China and Jaj>an (New York, 1859), p. 176.
(56) H. Cordier, !'La Politique coloniale de la France au debut du second empire
{Indo-Chine, 1852-1858)", T'oung Pao, Series 2, X (1909), pp. 1889.
180
Nicholas Tar ling
does indeed come through his official report. He was at pains to
emphasise in it that Mongkut had wished to confer nobility on him
and appoint him agent at Canton, which showed " that I remained
until the last on friendly terms with His Majesty ... " Indeed, some-
what predisposed against the ambitious Kralahom, (
57
l and finding that
in any case he did not apparently wish to assume a leading role, Parkes
had concentrated on the First King. His impatience came rather
from having to deal officially with ministers no longer guided by the
Kralahom, having to defer to the King, and influenced by the Som-
det's conservatism. Mongkut, whom Harris saw as ''pedantic beyond
belief, and that too on a very small capital of knowledge"C
58
l, Parkes
saw as "really an enlightened man. His knowledge of English is
not profound, but he makes an excellent use of what he has acquired .
. . . It is scarcely a matter of surprise that he should be capricious
and at times not easily guided; but he entered into the Treaty well
aware of its force and meaning, and is determined, I believe, as far
as in him lies, to execute faithfully all his engagements, which are
certainly of the most liberal nature."C
59
l
C 57} The
about n: the dyn.asty", to "the real republican sentiment that Kings
who claun the1r tltle by nght of birth, often forget they originated from the
people and don't lend an ear to the sufferings of their subjects,-so there
was often a cJ;ange at the fourth generation of princes of the same dynasty .. ''
Cosenza, opclt., p. 115.
<58} Ibid:, p. 145.
(59) Lane-Poole, op.cit., p. 215.
1.-ROLIN-JAEQUEMYNS <CHAO PI-IYA API-I A Y RAJ A), General Advisor
to the Siamese Government ( 1892-!90:2 ).
ROLIN-JAEQUEMYNS (CHAO PHYA APHAY RAJA) AND THE
BELGIAN LEGAL ADVISORS IN SIAM AT THE TURN
OF THE CENTURY
by
C%ristia.vt de cSaint-:lhtbert
"Once upon a time ..... " thus begins Prince Damrong's
"Story of Chao Phya Aphay Raja", in his delightful "Tales
of Olden Days".
But who was Chao Phya Aphay Raja? In 1892, a Bel-
gian lawyer and statesman, Gustave Rolin-Jaequemyns, was
invited to Siam by King Chulalongkorn as his General Advisor.
He served Siam well and faithfully in her hour of greatest need,
when her independence was gravely threatened. He also was
instrumental in implementing the Reforms which were to trans-
form old Siam into modern Thailand.
Here is his story and the story of a number of Belgians
who helped him in this great task.
*
*
To the first Kings of the Chakkri Dynasty befell the duty of
reconstructing a Kingdom devastated by decades of almost continuous
warfare. As to King Mongkut, his main role was probably that of
opening Siam to the world at large by establishing relations with the
main maritime and trading nations of his time.
The great and wise King Chulalongkorn realised that it was
imperative for Siam to modernize her institutions, not only for domes-
tic reasons but also as the only way to retain her independence.
Through Chulalongkorn's far-sightedness, Siam became one of the few
nations to r m ~ i n independent in the whole of Asia.
King Rama V had already conceived some important reforms
in the first years of his reign: the abolition of slavery is, of course,
one of the most important royal reforms of this period.
By 1890, however, the King realised that Siam needed a far-
reaching policy of reforms if the monarchy was to survive. It may
182
Christian de Saint-Hubert
be remembered that Great Britain and France were then acquiring
territories in South-East Asia and Siam consequently found herself in
a rather uneasy position between these two great powers.
So, when Prince Damrong went to Europe in1891, he was asked
by the King to :find someone with integrity and high ability who would
be willing to come to Siam as adv.isor in international law and foreign
affairs.
In his delightful "Nit han Borankhadi" ("Tales of Olden
Times") Prince Damrong recalls how his quest for a suitable person
had not been successful until he reached Egypt, on his way back to
Bangkok.
He was there introduced to a Belgian gentleman, Gustave
Rolin-Jaequemyns who had recently been appointed as Attorney
General by the Egyptian Government. Prince Damrong was im-
pressed with Rolin's bearing as well as with his knowledge and past
experience.
At their first meeting, he offered him the post of Advisor in
Foreign Affairs. Rolin-Jaequemyns accepted the proposal provided
he could free himself from his obligations vis-a.-vis the Egyptian
Government. A correspondence ensued between King Chulalongkorn
and Khedive Abbas; the latter finally agreed to part with Rolin-
Jaequemyns' services when Rama V pointed out that Egypt was closer
to Europe, and it would thus be easier for him to find another
European Attorney General than for Siam to acquire the services of
another man of Rolin's calibre.
Rolin-Jaequemyns arrived in Bangkok in September 1892 and
King Chulalongkorn was soon convinced that Prince Damrong's jud-
gement was excellent. The King saw that Rolin's past experience-
both in legal and in administrative matters-made hirn the ideal man
to foster and coordinate Siam's Policy of Reforms. Rolin-Jaequemyns
thus became the country's first General Advisor, an appointment he
held until his death in 1902.
In fact, the General Advisor's work was twofold : his part in
Siam's foreign relations and his work connected with the Policy of
l{OLIN.JAE<)UEMYNS AND Tf-IE BELGIAN LEUAL ADVISORS IN SIAM l!l::l
Reforms. In this second aspect his influence was indeed very exten-
sive, dealing with the judicial, the administrative, the financial, even
the military aspects of the country's modernization.
*
*
Gustave Rolin-Jaequemyns was born in Ghent in 1835 into a
family of lawyers and politicians (for a number of years, his father
was Minister of Public Works in the Belgian Cabinet).
After graduating from the University of Ghent, Rolin-Jae-
quemyns was called to the Bar and was later appointed professor at
the University of Brussels. He soon became interested in interna-
tional law and, in 1869, founded the "Revue de Droit International et
de Legislation comparee" which is still published and is considered
very authoritative in matters related to public and private interna-
tional law. Four years later, Rolin set up the "Institute of Interna-
tional Law", the 90th anniversary of which was recently celebrated.
Rolin's work in this field made him famous and both Oxford and
Cambridge Universities gave him honorary doctorates in law.
Roli11-Jaequemyns also entered the political arena. He was
elected to the Belgian House of Representatives and then appointed
by the King as Minister of the Interior, a position he held for six:
years ( 1878-1884)
Two "leitmotif" can be perceived in Rolin-Jaequemyns'
speeches and in his writings as a professor, an authority in interna-
tional law and a member of the Cabinet: the importance of interna-
tional arbitration as a means to settle differences between states and
the equality among states, i.e. that small states have equal rights vis-
a-vis international law as the big powers.
After Rolin had become Siam's General Advisor these two
principles were to be the mainstays of his dealings with foreign
powers.
On the other hand, his past experience in public administra-
tion-acquired during his years as Minister of the Interior of Belgium-
184 Christian de Saint-Hubert
provided him with a good stead in his work of modernizing Siam's
public institutions.
Lastly, from a Siamese point of view, another favourable factor
was that Rolin was a citizen of a country which had no territorial
ambitions in Asia. Belgium was then following a policy
of neutrality and was thus not linked to any of the big European
Powers.
Rolin-Jaequemyns once wrote to a friend :
"My position here is somewhat strange. I do not possess
the least bit of executive power, nor do I care for it. For
instance, I am not entitled to give instructions to a mere
policeman. All my authority is the advice I give which is
generally followed and the confidence which the King and
the Princes have in me. I also have daily proof that this
confidence is shared by the people at large."
"When the members of the Cabinet wish to bring some
new measure to the attention of the King, they usually ask
me to speak to him on their behalf. In this way, all important
affairs of the various Ministries pass through my hands".
This quotation shows that the General Advisor's powers were
based entirely on the personal trust granted him by the King and by
the three great statesmen who helped him to transform Siam into a
modern State : Prince Dam rang, the Minister of the Interior, Prince
Devawongse, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Prince Rabi of
Rajburi, the young and efficient Minister of Justice who had recently
completed his law studies in England.
All through service to Siam, this confidence
in him always continued.
*
*
Rolin-Jaequemyns contributed, in no small measure, to the
preservation of the independence of his country of adoption. He also
laid the foundations of Thailand's present policy of legality in inter-
natiol.lal dealings.
HOLIN.TAEQliEMYNS AND THE llELGlAN LEGAL ADVISORS lN S l t \ ~ l B ~
He secured this by making Siam conscious of her national
rights: by providing the arguments of international law which could
be opposed to those who threatened Siam's independence and terri-
torial integrity; and by initiating the process of judicial reforms which
were to allow the gradual elimination of extra terri to rial restrictions
to Siam's sovereignty.
When Rolin arrived in Bangkok the tension between Siam and
France, which had been building up since 1888, was about to reach
its climax.
The Paknam Incident, the blockade of the Chao Phya River and
the Treaty of 1893, by which Siam renounced its rights to the terri-
tories on the western banks of the Mekong River are well-known
historical events.
The General Advisor did his best to prevent the clash, but in
vain. On the other hand, he was not able to use his knowledge of
international law and his diplomatic skill on behalf of Siam during
the ensuing negotiations, for the French plenipotentiary refused to
allow him to take part in them.
After the crisis, the General Advisor's first thought was to
prevent a recurrence of the events of 1893.
Taking into account the military aspects of the question, he
requested General Briahnont to draw up plans for the defense of
Bangkok. Brialmont, a famous Belgian military engineer, had recently
built Belgium's defense system. He was the inventor of a type of
concrete fort, al'med with retractable steel gun-turrets, which was
then the last word in modern fortifications. The plans, provided for
the building of three forts at the first bend of the river above Paknam.
They were duly handed over to Prince Svasdi, in Brussels, in 1895.
On the other hand, Rolin spent several months in Europe in
1895, during which he had many meetings with Lord Salisbury, then
Foreign Minister, and a number of influential British politicians and
jurists-many of them his close friends. The General Advisor also
went to France and held talks with Hanotaux, the French Minister of
Foreign Affairs, and other statesmen who were then shaping France's
foreign policy.
C!Histian de Saint-Hubert
In this way, Rolin contributed to pave the way for the Treaty
which Britain and France signed in January 1896. By this Treaty the
two Powers agreed to respect Thai sovereignty upon the territories
comprised in the Chao Phya River basin. Bangkok and the richest
and most densely populated regions of Siam were thus protected by
an international guarantee.
Border incidents did continue to take place along the Mekong
and other" affairs" originated in the vast number of French-protected
persons of Asiatic origin living in Siam. Never again, however, did
the tension rise to boiling point as it had in 1893. Due to Rolin's
efforts, these differences were settled amicably.
Siam's relations with France gradually became friendlier as
efforts made by Rolin and the Siamese Government were being met
halfway by French statesmen who opposed the exaggerated claims of
the "parti colonial".
In 1897, King Chulalongkorn visited a number of European
countries. France was among them and he was well received there.
Two years later, the Governor-General of French-Indochina, Paul
Doumer (a future President of the Republic) paid an official visit to
Siam, whereupon, he was received in stately welcome by the King
and the Court. On this occasion, important talks were held in which
Rolin took an outstanding part.
When the General Advisor died, in 1902, the Treaties of 1904
and 1907 which were to open a new era in Franco-Siamese relations
were only a little way off.
The relations with France were by no means the only aspect
of Rolin's activities in Foreign Affairs. n d ~ r his auspices, amicable
solutions-mainly through arbitration-were found to a number of
differences with other foreign nations. Such were the "Railway
Arbitration Case", with Great Britain, and the Cheek and Kellett
Arbitration Cases, with the United States.
The General Advisor's experience was also invaluable to Siam
at the time of the negotiations which culminated in the Treaty of
1898 with Japan. Rolin, at the time, journeyed to Japan to iron out
HOLTN.JAEQUgMYNS AND THE llliLGIAN LE(iAL ADVJSOH<l lN SIAM 187
some last-minute difficulties. This Treaty can be considered as Siam's
first step towards the gradual abolition of extra-territorial privileges
since, for the first time, the disappearance of extra-territoriality was
formally linked to the setting up of a new legal and judicial system in
Siam.
*
* *
While Rolin was dealing with Siam's foreign relations, he was
also active in directing Siam's Policy of Reforms. He was helped in
this task by a number of advisors and technicians of various nationali-
ties, among whom was Rivett-Carnac, the gifted British Financial
Advisor.
The General Advisor saw that the reform of the country's legal
and judicial systems was probably the most urgent one-not only for
internal considerations but also because these reforms would deprive
foreign governments from many excuses for intervening in the internal
affairs of the country. On the other hand, these reforms were linked
to the elimination of extra-territorial privileges.
It should not be thought however that Rolin's views were to do
away altogether with all the venerable laws of Siam. Time and time
again, he stressed the point that an introduction of a purely western
legal system in a country possessing such a high degree of civilization
as Siam would be a folly. There was thus no attempt to displace
Siamese law by European law but rather to leaven up existing legisla-
tion by interpretation according to the principles evolved in Western
countries.
To help him i ~ this work, the General Advisor recruited a
number of young and enthusiastic jurists, most of them Belgians, about
whom a few details are given further on. The first of them to arrive
here in 1894, was Kirkpatrick who was soon appointed Legal Advisor
to the Siamese Government while his colleagues were styled Assistant
Legal Advisors.
Their first task was to dispose of cases that had not yet been
tried. In short time, four thousand cases were disposed of in Bang-
188 Chdstian de Saint-Hubert
kok alone. This special procedure was deemed so successful that it
was extended to the provinces with special powers to institute inquiries
about negligent judges. Great popular respect was thus won for the
new reforms.
Next, foreign Assistant Legal Advisors were appointed to each
of the main newly reorganized courts. Their job was not to judge
but to help the Siamese judges to apply the new laws.
These laws were being prepared by a Codification Committee
where the same Assistant Legal Advisors set under the chairmanship
of the Legal Advisor. As seen above, their work consisted in blen-
ding, so to speak, the old Siamese laws with modern legal principles.
They did a good and fast job of it: a Code of Civil Procedure was
issued in 1896 and a temporary Code of Criminal Procedure in 1897.
A Civil and Commercial Code was also being drawn up, while
the preparation of a Penal Code was rushed ahead, since it was usually
in penal matters that the trouble with "protected" Asiatics cropped
up.
These legal reforms at the turn of the century were to bring
Thailnnd's legal and judicial systems to the high degree of perfection,
they have now reached. These reforms also constituted Thailand's
most valid argument for requesting that extra-territoriality should be
done away with: this gradually became effective between 1907 and
1937.
*
*
The General Advisors' activities also extended to other do-
mains. His hand can be seen in many measures, taken during that
important decade, to modernize the country: the establishment of an
annual budget, which contributed to a sound financial situation; the
abolition of the corvee system and the setting up of a paid govern-
ment labour service; the first mining and forestry regulations; the
pawnbrokers Act., etc ...
In 1900, the Legal Advisor (Kirkpatrick) and nine out of the
eleven Assistant Legal Advisors were Belgians. The other two Assis-
tant Legal Advisors were Patijn, a Dutchman, and Masao, a Japanese.
2.-DR. E. REYTTER CPHYA PRAS!RTSATR DAMRONG ), physician to King
Chulalongkorn from 1895 until the I<.ing's demise ( 1910 ).
3.-The General Advisor and Mrs. ROLIN-JAEQUEMYNS with a group of Belgian Legal Advisors.
4.-Dr. and Mrs. REYTTER, with a group of Belgian Legal Advisors at Wat Arun in 1899.
HOLIN.!Agc)UICMYNS AN!l THE BELc:JAN LE!:AL A!IV!SUHS IN SlAM 189
A few words about each of these men: .. ,
Kirkpatrick served Siam from 1894 to 1900, when he returned to Europe
on sick-leave and soon died. During Rolin's trip to Europe, in 1895,
Kirkpatrick successfully exercised the functions of Acting General
Advisor, and, as a reward, was promoted to Legal Advisor. In 1896,
Kirkpatrick married Rolin's eldest daughter and the "Bangkok Times"
for May 9th 1896 wrote that "the Protestant Church was yesterday
the venue of the prettiest wedding that Bangkok has seen for a long
timc,-with Prince Damrong, Prince Devawongse and Prince Bhanu-
rangsi acting as witnesses at the ceremony".
Schlesser succeeded Kirkpatrick as Legal Advisor. His contribution
in the preparation of the Penal Code was great.
Orts was the General Advisor's " Chef de Cabinet" and dealt mainly
with legal cases concerning Siam's relations with foreign powers. He
later entered the Belgian Diplomatic Service, and, after a distinguished
career was appointed Secretary General of the Belgian Foreign Office.
Three other Assistant Legal Advisors, Dauge, Symons and
1'ilmont, served both in Bangkok and in the provincial towns where
International Courts had been set up ( Phuket, Pitsanuloke, etc ... ).
After leaving Siam, they also entered into the Belgian Diplomatic
Service.
Jottrand served in Bangkok (at the "Borispah ", the International
Court and on the Codification Committee) and in Karat. He later
wrote a delightful book on Siam which is full of the flavour of those
times. Mr. Jottrand is still living in Brussels and, at the ripe age of
93, enjoys speaking about "good old days" in Bangkok. We thank
him for the photographs appearing here and on other pages.
When Their Thai Majesties visited Belgium in 1960, They gra-
ciously received the surviving members of Bangkok's Belgian Com-
munity at the turn of the century (Mr. Jottrand, Mrs. Kirkpatrick and
Miss Rolin-Jaequemyns) as well as Mrs. Polain, (widow of a Belgian
diplomat who represented his country here for many years and was
the negotiator of the Treaties of 1926 and 1927 between Thailand and
Belgium).
uJo
Christian cic Saint-Hubert
Other Belgian Assistant Legal Advisors were Cattier (later an
important financier) Henvaux, Robyns, De Busscher and Baudour.
After the relations between Siam and France had improved,
the French Government requested that French jurists should also be
appointed as Legal Advisors. The Belgian Advisors were gradually
replaced by Frenchmen. However, one Belgian Legal Advisor, Rene
Sheridan, stayed on and served Thailand for 25 years; until his death,
in Bangkok, in 1927. In recognition of his services, the title of Phya
Vides Dharmamontri was given to him by King Vajiravudh.
As we have seen, the General Advisor's powers were based
solely on the trust which the King and the Princes placed in him. As
a token of this trust and of his pleasure with the services rendered by
Rolin, King Chulalongkorn bestowed upon him the title of Chao Phya
Aphay Raja, in 1896. Rolin-Jaequemyns thus became the only
"farang" ever to be made a Chao Phya with the sole exception of
Constantin Phaulkon (Chao Phya Wijayen) in the 17th century.
The General Advisor was also appointed one of the five mem-
bers of the Council of Regency which governed Thailand during King
Chulalongkorn's trip to Europe in 1897.
By 1901, Rolin's health was very poor and he had to leave
Bangkok to recuperate in Europe. On this occasion, the King knew
how to show his affection for a man who had worked tirelessly at the
expense of his health and without ever thinking of personal agrandize-
ment: He called on him at his house and placed the royal yacht
"Maha Chakkri" at Rolin's dispo,sal to take him and his family to
Singapore.
Thailand's loyalty to the memory of her late General Advisor
is shown by a commemorative bust placed at the Bangkok Law School
(now at Thammasat University), in 1928. On that occasion, King
Prajadipok graciously paid hommage to the memory of Siam's" most
devoted and loyal friend whose help was so valuable to the country
in its hour of greatest need".
l. The Pondicherry copper casket, a cube measuring 9 X 9 X 9 inches approximately, and at present kept in
the Pondicherry public library. (Photo : A. Lamb)
2. View of the Pondichery copper casket with lid open, showing the 25 compartments. (Photo: A. Lamb).
A STONE CASKET I<ROM SATlNPRA:
J
SOME Ji'URTHER OBSERVATIONS
by
.Alastair J3amb
Australian National University
In the July 1964 number of the journal of the Siam Society Dr.
H.G. Quaritch Wales pointed to some interesting parallels between a
stone casket from Sati!Jpra, now preserved at Wat Majjhimawas, So9-
khUi, and some caskets from Kedah, Malaysia, of which Dr. Wales
excavated two damaged specimens just before the 2nd World War and
I recovered six intact specimens in 1958 and 1959.
1
Dr. Wales also
drew attention to similarities between the Sati!Jpra casket and Ceylon,
in the process commenting on my " tendency " to " magnify the im-
portance of ' Indonesian' as against Indian influences in the ancient
cities and routes of the Malay Peninsula". As an example of this
tendency, Dr. Wales pointed to my use of the word chandi to describe
the Kedah temple whence came the eight caskets mentioned above.
In all this, I think, Dr. Wales has somewhat misrepresented my argu-
ments: and it is for this reason that I venture to make these observa-
tions.
Both the Kedah caskets and the specimen from SatilJpra are the
product of an Indianised civilization, that is to say a civilization much
influenced by the religions, philosophies and cosmologies of India.
This does not mean that in either case they were, of necessity, the
product of Indians. I have no doubt at all that what Dr. Wales calls
"multi-chambered foundation deposit receptacles" (I have generally
used the term " reliquary" as being shorter ) have an Indian origin in
1. II. G. Quaritch Wales, 'A sl!me casket from Sati11pra ', JSS Lll Pt. 2, July 1964,
pp. 217221. Simultaneously with Dr. Wales, it now transpires, I published some
account of the Satil)pra object. See: A. Lamb. 'Notes on Satingphra', Journal of
the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Society, XXXVII, Pt. 1, July 1964, pp. 7487.
Dr. Wales' two Kedah caskets are described in his paper, 'Archaeological
Researches in Indian Colonization in Malaya', Journal of the Malayan Branch of
the Royal Asiatic Society, XVIII Pt. 1, 1940.
The 6 Kedah caskets found in 1958 and 1959 are published in detail in A.
Lamb, Chandi Buldt Batu Pahat, Singapore 1960.
192
Alastair Lamb
that they are the product of a scheme of religious thought that derived
from the Indian subcontinent. I cannot see, however, how the state-
ment of this fact advances particularly our investigation of any speci-
fic object or structure. It really is very like observing, after much
scholarly discussion, that a Buddhist temple is Buddhist. In this
context a typological, rather than metaphysical, approach might per-
haps be more useful.
It has been in an attempt to establish typological relationships
that I have compared the Kedah caskets with specimens of similar
objects from Java: and there can be no doubt that here parallels of
some possible significance can be drawn.
2
The Kedah caskets are
small stone boxes, rectangular in plan, virtually without decoration.
The boxes are provided with simple feet at the corners of the base,
and with lids, likewise plain except for chamfered edges and a hole
pierced right through their centres. Inside the boxes, on their floors,
are nine circular depressions, being eight smaller depressions arranged
around a larger central depression. To these objects the Javanese
parallels are very close, though by no means perfect. Javanese caskets,
of which a number are preserved in the Indonesian National Museum
at Jakarta, are stone boxes, often extremely plain, with 9 depressions
either in their floors or in a block which is then located inside the
casket. The Javanese lids are frequently pierced as in the case of the
Kedah specimens. I saw no Javanese casket with feet on the Kedah
pattern; but, with this exception, the Kedah caskets could easily lose
themselves among the Javanese caskets in Jakarta. The same cannot
be said for other categories of "multi-chambered foundation deposit
receptacles" from Ceylon and Sduth East Asia.
The yantra-galas from Ceylon, to which Dr. Wales draws atten-
tion, are either structures or are containers in significant ways different
from the Kedah caskets. We need not concern ourselves here with
the structures. Another type of yantra-gala, of which there is an
excellent example from Pabulu Vehera, Polonnoruwa, on display in
2. See: A. Lamb, Chandi Buldt Batu Pa!zat: th1ee additional notes, Singapore 1961,
and A. Lamb, ' Miscellaneous Papers on early Hindu and Buddhist Settlement in
Northern Malaya and Southern Thailand', Federation l'viuseums Journal, (New
Series ) VI, Kuala Lumpur 1961.
A STONE CASKET FHOM SATI":(J%\: SOMI<: FURTHicR OBSEHVATIONS 1!13
the National Museum, Colombo, certainly invites comparison with
the Kedah caskets. It is, however, significantly different. It is not,
in fact, a cashet at all: rather, it is a slab of stone with 17 depressions
cut into its upper surface. It was originally covered with a rough
stone block and buried in the centre of the foundation of a stupa.
Also slabs rather than caskets are the wide variety of deposit recep-
tacles, foundation deposit holders, sacred deposit holders located at
the bases of lingga and so on, which have come to light from Khmer
sites. All, one imagines, are related in the last analysis to the deposit
holders in early Indian stupas, from Amaravati for example, which
are rough slabs with a single depression to hold the crystal relic con-
tainer and covered with a further rough slab.'l Neither the Khmer
examples, to which Dr. Wales does not refer in his article, nor the
examples from Ceylon are anywhere as close to the Kedah caskets,
typologically speaking, as are the Javanese examples. This is the
gravamen of my suggestion of a possible relationship between the
Kedah and Javanese caskets. As for Dr. Wales' point about the use
of the Javanese word chandi to describe the Kedah temple on the
Sungei Batu Pahat, here it is worth remarking in passing there is no
attempt to magnify Indonesian influences. Chandi, which may have .
originally meant tomb, has aquired in Indonesian usage the meaning
"a stone temple"; and, when the reconstruction of the Sungei Batu
Pahat structure was in progress, we thought that it was a more elegant
word to use than the Malay "rumah berhala ", literally meaning
" idol house ". t1
How does the Satirypra object fit into the scheme of things ?
It is, of course, as Dr. Wales' photograph makes clear enough, not
really a casket at all, but rather a stone block with depressions cut in
to its upper surface. In this respect it is indeed closer to the Khmer
and Singhalese deposit holders than to the Kedah caskets and those
from Java. However, in its external dimensions and shape, both of the
base block and of the lid, the obj_ect does indeed resemble
3. There an admirable example of this class of object in the Madras Museum.
4. As for the notice on the site o[ the partially reconstructed Bukit Batu Pnhat Tem-
ple, which Ur. Wales appears 10 lay to my door, I must disclaim all responsibility.
It was composed and erected by the Malayan Director of Museums witbout con-
sulting me.
1\H
Alastair Lamb
very closely the Kedah caskets, though tt 1s much more crudely
executed than the Kedah examples and is without feet. It may be,
perhaps, that the a t i ~ p r a object was made at a later date than the
Kedah caskets when the detailed ritual behind the Kedah caskets had
been forgotten. On the other hand, it may be much earlier than the
Kedah specimens. We simply do not know; and we are extremely
unlikely to know until the site from which the Sati!Jpra object came
has been located and systematically excavated. It is to be hoped that
this is a task which Thai archaeologists will undertake in the near
future.
In his article Dr. Wales points to my negative results in a quest
for typological similarities between the Kedah caskets and India.
This, it seems, Ceylon apart, has also been Dr. Wales' experience. Of
course, the main interest in the quest for Indian parallels lay in the
light that this might throw on Dr. Wales' hypothesis that the early
settlement of Kedah was the word of "Pallava colonists" from Tamil-
nad. The failure, in this context, to find Pallava parallels for the
Kedah caskets appeared to me to be another argument against Dr.
Wales' theory which was supported by singularly little concrete evi-
dence. Since the publication of Dr. Wales' article on the a t i ~ p r a
casket in the journal of the Siam Society I have been obliged to con-
clude that it may be necessary to modify this negative conclusion.
While travelling in South India in January 1965 I came across a cop-
per casket in the Pondicherry public library which may well ha vc to
be taken into consideration if the casket problem is to be further
illuminated.
Two photographs of the Pondichcrry casket arc reproduced
here, and, so far as I know, for the first time. The object is made up
of copper sheets. It is a cube with all dimensions measuring about 9
inches. The lid has a single hinge at one side and is provided with
a simple hasp at the other. Inside, the floor of the casket is divided
into 25 compartments by means of copper strips arranged much as
are arranged the partitions of an egg box. This casket, it seems, was
discovered a few years ago during the course of well digging in a vil-
lage on the edge of Pondicherry territory. I was unable to obtain any
A S"I'DNI, CASKKl' FI\OM SOME FURTHER OBSERVATIONS 11>
precise details about the circumstances of its discovery beyond the
fact that this did not occur within the discernable context of any
structural remains. There is a possibility, so my information would
suggest, that the casket; when discovered, contained a number of gems
and other substances along the lines of the intact Kedah caskets I
found in 1958 and 1959; but, if so, then the contents of the Pondicherry
casket have by now disappeared. I was able to learn nothing about
the Ponclicherry casket from the Indian Archaeological Survey in
Madras, and the Madras Museum appeared to be unaware of its
existence. The Pondicherry casket, therefore, remains yet another
mystery to be solved in the quest for a full explanation of the origins
of "multi-chambered foundation deposit receptacles", of which the
SatilJPW casket is a fascinating example.
RECENT SIAMESE PUBLICA 'fiONS
3J2.:. of Thai Geography: 'il.U'tJ"mf-
uwnmnHllH Pracand Press, Bangkok 2506. 376-693 pp. Octo, atlas.
The idea of a Gazetteer of Thai Geography was conceived by
the Dictionary Commission of the Fine Arts Department as far back
as 1932. It then came under the Royal Institute of the Ministry of
Public Instruction, which was later transfered to the Office of the
Prime Minister. After some 20 years it has taken a concrete from and
offered to the public in three volumes of an introduction and two of
the lists of names. The writing was entrusted to various expert in
respective fields, thus:
Introductory Volume: 1 general treatment under the name of (a)
geography by Praya Anuman Rajadhon, (b) mountains and
(c) waterways by Major-General Khun Sri Smitakar;
2. Meteorology by Admiral Cari:ifi Vijayabhai Bunnag;
3. Flora by Krasin Suvatabandh ofChulalongkorn University;
4. Fauna by Joti Suvathi of Kasetsastra University;
5. Natural Wealth, divided into sections of minerals by
by T. Paniumasen, of the Department of Mineral Re-
sources, forestry by Kid Suvarnasuddhi agricultural expert,
and aquatic animals by Joti Suvatthi, Dean of Fishery in
the Kasetsastra University;
6. Communications by J. Indusobhon, former UnderSecretary
of the Ministry of Communications;
7. Races of Man by Praya Anuman Rajadhon; and
8. Manners and Customs by Careen Indukset.
Volumes II and III of 1963 pages contain the gazetteer proper, names
being arranged in an alphabetical order.
The addition of an atlas is praiseworthy. It is made up of a general
map of physical features, a map showing islands in Thai
waters, one indicating rainfall, one showing the comparative
density of population, one of political boundaries within the
Kingdom, one indicating mineral resources, one of forestry,
one of communications and finally the existing railways as
well as those being planned.
The pioneer effort deserves to be highly commended.
198 1\ECEN'l' SIAMESJO: PUI3!"1CA'l'IONS
Apart from the technical material under the care of experts
whose names are wellknown in academic circles, the topics of more
general interest are well written. The note on the boundary line of
the Dongrak range ( p. 24 of the Introduction ) is pertinent.
Within the Gazetteer proper under the name Nakorn Fathom
( pp. 531-534) it is stated that about B.E. 1600 King Anurudh of
Pagan conquered Lava from the Khmer and 'probably advanced to
take possession of Nakorn Pathom as well'. It was therefore, it
goes on to say, for this reason that the Burmese took from here
Mon architecture to Pagan, rather than from That6n which supplied
no architectural link of that age. The notion of Anurudh of Pagan
conquering the area now forming Nakorn Pathom finds no confirma-
tion in Burmese history. One cannot help imagining that if they
really took it what a prize the territory must have been for the vic-
tors who were not likely to neglect mentioning it. What they took
from us was of course parts of Ui:nnathai, which incidentally Pagan
records called Siam. The attribution of Anurudh's conquest of lower
Siam occurs again under the name of Kancanaburi ( p. 44 ).
The name J(rabi ( pp. 15-17 ) is again doubtful. The off1cial
spelling, meaning a sword and often mispelt kabi, a monkey, is ob-
viously meant to he the Sanskrit kapi. It is hard however to imagine
what the reference to the sword or the monkey can be accounted for.
The English transcription, no doubt from a Malay spelling, is Gherbi.
On enquiry on the spot I got the explanation that it referred to a ber-
ry commort to the locality. If the derivation frbll1 the berry is ac-
cepted, it should then be nbt the vowel beirtg ar and not ra,
thus Karbi, or as in the Anglo-Malay way Gherbi.
323. Yiipo, D.: Tmitrivs, U-Tero and Ayodhya,
Sivaporn Ltd., Bangkok, 2506, w. maps, plans & Illns. 72 pp.
sexa.
The recent clearing of growth in what had been vaguely sus-
pected to be an old site of Thai history resulted in the discovery of .
a considerable grbup of ruins which is now definitely identified with
the city of U-T6lJ-the Cradle of Gold once looked upon with in-
credulity as to its identity. In presenting to the public this prelimi-
RECENT SIAMESE PUBLICATIONS
199
nary result of the archeological discovery pending a fuller report
from M. Boisselier, the Director-General has gathered material
which should compliment the elucidation of the history of Thai
migrations leading l,lp to the formation of the state of Siam around
Ayudhya in the middle of the XIVth century. In view of the present
lack of sufficient inforrnat ion on the subject it is proposed to give a
fuller review of this unpretentious brochure.
According to the standard history of Siam, already discredited
in the last half-century with regard to this part of it, a' Prince Sirijai
of ChieiJsen' migrated from ChieiJrai to the south about 550 of the
Minor Era ( 1188 of the Christian Era) and founded somewhere near
the present town of Kampei)pej his city of TraitriiJS, where he and
some four generations of his descendants ruled for 160 years. Then
came the King who had a lovely daughter who had a son by an
unknown father that turned out to be a deformed villager. The
three of them were banished in disgrace. The deformed man became
cured of his deformities and founded his new city of
( Devanagara ) by miraculous powers which he seemed to have been
in possession of. Their prosperity was great that the baby son was
nursed in a golden cradle and became known as the ' Prince of the
Golden Cradle '. This Prince later succeded his father as King; but
driven by an epidemic led his people to found a new city nea;r
an older settlement. He gave the name of Dvaravati-Sri-Ayudhyij
to his new city; and commenced a new state which became the.
nucleus of the state of Ayudhya ( Cf also supra pp. 133-5)
By comparing this with an old treatise called the Tamnan Sin-
hanavati the author finds that the King who migrated from the north
and founded TraitriiJS was named Jaisiri; but the standard history's
statement that he came from Chiengrai was insupportable because
CheiiJdii had not yet come into existence having been founded by
the famous Me9rai of Lannathai. Regarding TraitriiJS, he says, the
late Prince Damrong was more inclined to identify it with that group
of extensive ruins where the modernNakorn Pathom now stands be-
cause the site mentioned above was too near the growing power of
Sukhodaya which could not have tolerated a new usurper of a state
near. Rama VI qn tlw other hand thouht that a
200
RECENT SIAMESE PUllLICATJONS
leader from the far north was not likely to choose a ruined site to
build a new nucleus of his rule. He offered the suggestion of Sanka-
buri further up river especially in view of the identity of the meaning
of the names of TraitriiJS with that of Sankaburi ( Svargaburi ).
Making allowances for copyists' errors in chronology and even
in naming the leading figures Dr Yupo accepts the evidence of the
Tamnan Sivha.navati that Jaisiri migrated south in 366 of the Little
Era ( 1004) and founded his new capital of TraitriiJs near the modern
town ofKampel)pej; and from him four generations of rulers descended
till we have the father of the 'Prince of the Golden Cradle.' He too
might have borne the name of Jaisiri. Our author also accepts the
identification of Tepanakorn with U-1'6IJ 'the Golden Cradle.' He
goes on then to accept the original site of Ayodhya which was often
enough mentioned by this name in old documents; and points out the
justification ofthe name given to his capital by the 'King of the Gol-
den Cradle', Dvaravati-Sri-Ayudhya, who adopted the classical Hin-
du tradition by styling himself Ramadhipati, the Lord Ram a.
324. YutJO, Dh.: An Excursion into Nav Pim'scauntry,
Government Press, Bangkok, 2508, ill. pp. 56 sexa.
In February 1965, the Fine Arts Department organised a tour
of historical sites in Supan, the locale of the best known romance
in Siamese Literature that is indigenous -the Khun Chav Khun iWen.
The trip was in anticipation of the report to be written by J. Boisselier
on the ruins of the old Dvaravati city of U-T6I] on the road between
Supan and Nakorn Pathom.
The gist of the story is prefaced by a few lines of the standard
sebha of the same name, thus :
" Let us now recite the romance
Of Khun ChaiJ, Khun PMn and the beauteous Pim.
It all happened in the year hundred and forty-seven,
Their parents were subjects of the King of Men.''
Dr Yiipo then takes up the problem of chronology and upholds
the surmise of the late Prince Damrong that the date given of 'hun-
dred and forty-seven' dropped out one word in front. lf V(e insert
RECENT STAMESE PU!H.TCATIONS 201
'eight' before hundred the dating would fall, within the reign of King
Boroma Trailokanath and therefore concur with the Statement of the
Man from Kruykao already published elsewhere.
As for the plot the author quotes Prince Damrong who was
inclined to believe that the main theme of the story as it originally
existed was as follows :
The figures in the love triangle consisted of Khun ChalJ, an
ugly bald-headed son of a well-to-do family in Supan, Plai Keo young
and dashing son of another member of the Supan gentry who had in-
curred the wrath of the King and been confiscated of all property
leaving the family very poor and the beautiful Pim, also of a Supan
family. The whereabouts of their homes have been identified in this
brochure. Ptai Keo, later known as Khun Phen, had been in love
with Pim, his childhood's playmate. He was then conscripted into
the army and sent away to a distant part of the kingdom for such a
long time that Khun Chill), his rival in love, spread abroad the story
that he had lost his life in war. Pim's mother, with her eyes on his
riches more than in sympathy with her daughter's inclinations, at
once agreed to the match and they were duly married. Pliii Keo then
returned from the war; and being still in love with the thirct'party
Pim who returned his affections, eloped together. The husband
pursued but was worsted in a fight which ensued. He appealed to
the King who sent officials to arrest the pair but they were killed by
Keo, thus incurring the guilt to majeste. The eloping pair wan-
dered about till Pim would have to confine herself in expectation of
the child. They therefore approached the Governor of Picit,. The
Governor, advising an appeal for the King's mercy, sent them down
to Ayudhyii.
<1- Prince Damrong was of the opinion that the story ended here.
The subsequent incidents of the bitter quarrels between the triangle
and the final verdict pronouced upon the heroine as well as the
further adventures of the next two generations were added on later.
The author here to try to identify the localities of the
poem with actual sites. A map is attached showing the whereabouts
of the three ho:rnes; where the incioents of their loves and
202 RECENT SIAMESE PUBLTCA'l'IONS
quarrels took place; where the direction of the journey of elopement
was; many of these scenes are illustrated by photogravure. His
sketches of the character of the personalities of the drama are
substantiated by apt quotations which enable us to visualise these
personalities with regard to their thought, their ambition, and their
reasoning. We thus have the beautiful Pim, later called Wan T61), a
charming girl of the gentry with a natural amount of heart who
could not decide between her love for the young and dashing hero
and the well-to-do if ugly and uncouth lover who gave all for her.
325. Mementos of the cremation of Momcaoying Virnol-padmaraj Chira-
pravat, Pracand Press, Bangkok, 2508.
Diary of the last year ( 1868) of the fourth reign with the initial
days of the fifth reign, 41 pp. sexa. and
The name of Nalwrn]aisri 24 pp. sexa.
Of the four volumes published to commemorate this occasion,
one a cook book and the second a legal treatise from the pen of LualJ
Saranai are technical and obviously outside the scope of the Siam
Society. The other two enumerated above are however worthy of
some interest.
The Diary hitherto unpublished is a contemporary document of
the time it covers. The period has certainly been written about else-
where by historians better qualified to deal with the period; but this
brochure is nevertheless interesting as being a contemporary record
by an unknown person who as will be seen later was in a way well
qualified to write on the topic. The anonymous writer was probably
an official of the Court who had access to records even important ones.
He probably did not mean to hide his personality, having merely jotted
down his notes which he never thought of getting published in the
way of modern writers. He was certainly close to. the King if one is
to judge from his very full recording. If his literary attainments bad
been better one would be tempted to make a guess that he was a Pri-
vate Secretary to His Majesty. From the knowledge he possessed of
the Kings inclinations and movements one must be content to imagine
he was perhaps a Grand Chamberlain of the ca<;lre of Praya Buru$
Ol;;CEN'l' SIAMESE PUllLICATlONS 203
who was later raised in the next reign to the rank and title of Chao-
praya Mahindra.
It should be noticed that he referred to the successor of King
Mongkut as Pra Chulaldao, which is not known to have been used at
all. He also called the heir of His Majesty Pra Pink lao of the Palace
to the Front Somdec Prachao Landhoe, again a title which has not
been met with elsewhere, for this personality is usually known as .the
Krom PrarajwalJboworn.
The second brochure, Nakorn j aisri, is a revised version of what
the reviewer had written on the topic some 15 years previously under
the title of "The Origin of the Name of Nako.rnjaisri" (in Siam). In
the earlier brochure it was left to the decision of the reader to solve
the proposition thus raised. In the brochure under review now it is
definitely suggested that the name, having no connection with the
Khmer citadel now usually referred to as the '' Phra Khan" of Ankor,
might have been coined from the name of the almost mythical leader
who led his people down south to form the settlement now identified
with G-T61J, which was later incorporated with the province of Nakorn
Jaisri, for the name of that leader was Sirijai of ChielJsen. Though
more recent theories attribute the founding of U-folJ to a Sirijai, the
great- grandfather perhaps of the better known namesake who was the
maternal.grandfather of the traditional "Prince of the Golden Cradle"
who migrated east to found on the site of the older Ayodhya a new
state called Dvaravati Sri Ayudhya, the nucleus in the following four
centuries of the Kingdom of Siam.
The mention of the Nagara Jayasri of the Khmer at Ankor here
was not meant to suggest its connection with King Chakrapat's new
township of Nakorn Jaisri. It is merely a point of interest to be aware
of a parallel in name, especially when the latter gives rise to other
names of the western country proving their existence in those media-
eval times.
326. A Memento to the late Momchaoying Dibyaratna-prabha Devakul,
edited by H.S.H. Momchao Prididebya Devakul,
1 mlJW"l::tJ1L m::1.Jfl1l nlnn, Pracand Press,
,
Bangkok, 2508, ill. pp. 132. Octo.
204 HECENT SIAMESE PUBLICATIONS
The memento planned and edited by Momchao Prididebya,
Devakul brother to the deceased, consists of the customary biography
from the pen presumably of the editor; a sermon delivered by the
Ven. Pradhannapamokkh ofWat Rajaphatikaram at one of the weekly
services in honour of the dead, dealing with the subject of pu'iina, or
merit, introducing material that tends to illustrate the meritorious life
of the deceased in trying to shape her life as a good Buddhist; then
follow two interesting features, a biography of His late Royal
Highness Kromaprayii Devavongs, father of the deceased and head of
the gifted Devakul family, probably written by the editor himself
and excerpts from the diary of the late Prince Devavongs covering a
period in his long and distinguished life first as the King's Private
Secretary and then as Minister of Foreign Affairs in which last post
he remained for 37 years without interruption.
From these materials one can see how the average working
man in the time of King Chulalongkorn devoted his life to the King
and state. Prince Devavongs, for instance, to quote a part of his
diary:
February (B. E. 2425) the first:
Got up at 10 a.m., took breakfast with Sana. Went at
noon into the Palace. Between 20 and 30 people were waiting
to see me, not all of them having anything in the way of state
business but wanting to ask for this a.nd that help. At 2 p.m.
the King came out to the east wing.
At 3 p.m. General John Haldemeyer, United States
Minister, came in; I introduced him into the royal presence.
The King was asked when the Siamese envoy would be arriving
in America; be said that he would like to send one very soon
but t h ~ r was still a good deal to be done with England and
France yet. The Minister enquired about the Chinese claim to
have tribute from us, to which H.M. said that there could be
no question of our acquiescing since we are independant of
China ....... the audience lasted about half an hour and the
Minister took leave. W. Newman the acting British Agent and
Consul General was then received in private audience. H. M.
llECENT PUBLICA'i'!ONS
2os
asked him to help solve the problem of the sale of liquors, the
Agent undertook to see to it that no Chinese should henceforth
sell liquors which was not a good thing; he then informed H.M.
that the British Government approved of the proposal of the
company to work at telegraphs. H. M. then retired. Iti the
evening the King gave a general audience, retiring about 9 p.nL
.... returned .home past ten, took dinner, then read a bit and
went to bed at 1 a.m.
It only remains to be added that the wotk has been inost
full edited and the sections-newly written though bearii1g no name
of an author has been well written and are obviously from the pen of
the Editor, Prince Prididebya Devakul.
327. Vajiranan, His Royal Highness Kromaprayu: Autobiography
King Mo!Jkut Academy Press, Bangkok, 2508, ill.
pp. 85. Octo.
This is a new edition of an old publication. It is now reviewed
because it has never been noticed before in the JSS, the original having
been published long before the days we review works in Siamese.
Prince Vajiranan was one of the younger sons of King MolJkut, born
some nine years before the King's death, but he has been able
collect many interesting incidents of his infancy. Being by nature
one of a studious inclination he received many marks of affection
from his royal sire. One of his favorite sports was riding; the military
spirit of royalty is here manifested in such passages as "I was
tunate in never having been a soldier as my royal birth should have
entitled me; I used to look with envy at some of my brothers in their
military uniforms." One of the men with whom he came in close
contact with was Dr Peter Gowan, a scotch doctor whose age might
have been between 25 and 30. He was by inclination what one
cribed as a ' young hermit'. The Prince was interested in him because
he was a farang and had a kind heart. Through his influence the
Prince gave up his wild flights of adolescence when about the age of
17; but his failing which continued was that of senseless spending of
money.
206
ilECENT PUBLJCATION::i
From quite an early period he became interested in religious
matters. The contact with Dr Gowan's honest and simple life prepared
him for a monastic career. Further contact with the monastery pro-
moted this interest. The King, his brother, noticed the trait and
tacitly encouraged it. At 18 he served in the King's Private Secretariat
in the legal adviser's section. When he came of age he joined the
monastery as was the custom for young men to do. At the commen-
cement of the vassa period His Majesty visited the Prince when to his
surprise the King, his sovereign and brother, bowed low on the ground
as if the young prince was a senior monic. This courtesy made the
Prince determined to stay on in monastic life instead of leaving it after
the season as most others did, though he did not say so till the second
year. His description of monastic life is interesting. It shows up his
character and determination which became useful assets in later years
when he was entrusted with the administration of the clergy and the
organisation of monastic life and the national education.
The work under review was published to commemorate the
cremation of Colonel M.C. NivaddhavoiJS Ksemsant, a closely related
nephew of the Prince Vajirai'Htn. The deceased had been trained in
the Imperial Czarist army of Russia and had to give up that training
on the breakout of the Revolution which put an end to the Empire of
the Romanovs.
328. Navs'i'i Sanuk Sociological Society Press, Bangkok,
2508, pp. 199. Octo.
We are not sure as to what caption in English would be nearer
to the original intention of the editor of this book. Possibly we should
have labelled it Diversions. That would be a more or less conservative
paraphrase. Other captions might be more exciting. e
In any case the volume under review consists of writings of the
past century or more. They form an anthology covering a wide field
of topics of varied interest in prose as well as in poetry. The topics
range from varied aspects of sociology, history, manners, customs,
literature and fiction; and of course the arts, pictorial, decorative and
culinary.
1\I':Gl\NT SIAMESE l'UilLl<.:ATIONS
207
The editor points out that the idea of such a volume arose from
the apparent lack of reading material which could promote a better
appreciation of the ideals of the Siamese language, because our national
medium of expression seems to be deteriorating into an ugly bilingua-
lism-English and Siamese-of second-rate translators.
The reviewer would like to add that things intellectual have
been drifting into a state of affairs usually to be met with in nations
I
ruled by foreigners who are better acquainted 'Yith their own culture
such as we see around us.
329. Damro1]> His late Royal Highness Prince: To my eldest daughter
n \ l v 1 ~ ~ 1 VICd: Sociological Society Press, Bangkok, 2508, pp. 286.
These letters were written by His late Royal Highness Prince
DamrolJ to His eldest daughter, Princess Chongchitra, on his trip to
Europe in 1930 and during his exile in Penang between 1933 and 1942.
They demonstrate the ability of the daughter to carry out the social
obligations of her popular father during both of the above periods;
they also demonstrate the remarkable vitality and versatility of the
aged Prince, who having been accustomed to do a great deal of writing
in his administrati.ve as well as intellectual work in the 'good old
days', could hardly refrain from the occupation of writing in the
latter days of his exile. It is a well-known fact that his writings con.
tinued to multiply much more copiously now that he was unemployed.
The letters here published covering the latter period of 9 years
are especially interesting since they were written at a time when world
war II was threatening and then brokeout with considerable violence
in the Straits Settlements, as this territory was known then. One
can almost detect what mental trials there must have been for the
septuagenarian Prince, separated from many who were dear to him,
himself liable to hardship from war conditions and to the uncertainty
of the future. The Prince of course maintained a stoic silence in his
correspondence; but one can easily read between the lines and realise
to some extent the mental agony of being estranged from the land he
loved and devoted his life to.
lO!l J{lo;CENT SIAW;SE l'UBLIC:ATIONi:\
.d ...I ..........
330. Customs of Daily Life by vanous authors and
published under the direction of the Fine Arts Dept., Bangkok,
2507, pp. 80.
The contents are custom in merit-making, the form of
liberality, mental dedication and miscellaneous aspects; the
custom in bringing up a child; the custom of ordination in
monastic life and the custom of marriage. It is stated in the
preface that a fifth part in the original draft has not been in-
cluded-that of honouring the dead.
To the average Siamese householder the custom or
merit-making in the first part comes as a matter of course.
The essential characteristics of the way to make merit is fami-
liar to all. It is in fact liberality. Under the more economical
circumstances of modern society that is becoming difficult es-
pecially since western ideas of a social life has become adopted
side by side with the traditional requirements of a social life
or a generation ago. The average member of a cultivated
Thai society would be liable to appeals for the support of
monasteries, would feel somewhat about his own lack of
generosity were he not to respond to the usual request for aid
given to the immediate circle of his dependants in the family
and the household; and at the same time he is equally expected
to respond to the numerous appeals in the more modern forms
of charity such as and balls which might drain his purse
just as heavily as the old-style methods of liberality. And,
as a rule he is required by courtesy to respond to both the
old and the more modern forms of generosity. But this is
beside the point for our book does not touch upon Stlch topics.
A pertinent remark in the introduction defines the
average man's attitude about moral standards of life. Merit
and demerit are tantamount to good and bad action. The
question arises as to whether mere abstention from demerit
would qualify to be considered as merit. The author here
answers in the negative for abstention is merely inaction. To
acquire merit one would need a positive action. Hence merit
making at various stages of life has been identified with
ltEGENT t;IAMI:SE PUBLICATIONS
209
liberality, with mental dedication (bhavana) and so on. One
is tempted to remark that a work written in modern days like
the present time might, either under the heading of mental
dedication or even ordit1ation, give some emphasis to the im-
portance of studying intelligently the Master's teaching. It
was this emphasis which was the key to success of the reformer
Prince, later King, Mongkut; and it is this aspect of Buddhism
which shines out now as the high light of modern Buddhism.
The general tone of the description of Buddhist ceremo-
nial and custom of present-day Buddhism follows the usual
type as practised nowadays. It leaves nothing out in the way
of ceremonial details, though many of these are fast becoming
obsolete.
33l. Fine Arts Department: Chino-Siamese Relationship ( in the
" "' l: ..
early Bangkok period)
lil Bangkok: 2507', pp.
49. Oct.
The publication, dedicated to the memory of Mr. Joti
Le9suwan has been sponsored by his daughter, Citra and her
husband Mr. Thwalya Kama9svasti, Secretary of the Thai
Embassy in Rome. It deals for the most part with diplomatic
correspondence promoting amity and friendship between the
two countries. The first is a draft of the royal autograph of
the King of Dhonburi addressed to the Cheng Emperor of
Pekin, prefaced with an interesting introduction, setting out
the circumstances leading up to the resumption, after the fall
of Ayudhya, of diplomatic relationship initiated by the King
of Dhonburi in 1781. Obviously the courtesy of acquainting
friendly state of the change in the headship of a state was
taken by China to indicate the informer's status of a tributary.
332. Debafianaka vi, the Ven.: A Handboak jar the P1'actice of Bud-
dhism and Other Tapics ff1l'fni! LLt'l:: U1H1fllli a memento of the
cremation of the remains of Police Major Suriya. Bunnag, King
.MoiJkut University Press, Bangkok, 2508, pp. 141.
2LO
l\ECENT SIAMESE l'UUL!CA'I'JONS
Buddhism consists not only of its high philosophy but
also of monastic and lay practice. The handbook under
review treats of the latter almost exclusively for that after all
is the one that concerns the majority of its adherents. Bud-
dhism in fact is a high ethical frame a great deal of which
requires personal attention of the individual adherent. It is
nevertheless not equally apparent as the practice. It ,is sum-
med up very shortly in a series of headings without much
elucidation. Volumes certainly exist dealing with this side
of the Buddhist religion and philosophy; but, as a rule, they
are written not so much to educate as to codify the the Mas-
ter's teachings. The numerous sermons which are from time
to time published especially as cremation mementos are hardly
conducive towards attracting the layman's interest in what
after all he should be better informed.
It was with the hope of supplying this want that the
late King Prajadhipok initiated the awards of prizes for such
manuals every year. These were then published and placed
within reach of the educational authorities for dissemination
as reading books for the young. The one judged best received
monetary prizes. Though these prize essays are still continued;
volume is published every year and some hundreds of copies
are offered to the educational authorities, the public hardly
ever comes across them and less so the school children for
whom they were intended.
Turning now to the main contents of the volume under
review, they are ceremonies of everyday life in a Siamese
Buddhist household. As a rule they are not observed in full
as stated in the book; but if observed they follow more or less
this ruling. They are summed up as those for the living and
those for the dead. Minute details are given for the proper
conduct of the ceremonies. But, after all they arc social
customs hardly having any claim to be considered as Buddhism
save that they are combined with the chanting of Buddhist
texts and stanzas of blessing or admonition. They give the
..
IlECENT S!AM!lSE l'lli!LICATIONS 2ri
reader a picture of the typical life from time to time of the
Siamese Buddhist. They deal with the rearing of children,
customs of marriage, birthdays, anniversaries and house-warm-
ing; whilst those connected with the dead described the succes-
sive memorial ceremonies up to cremation and the disposal of
the crematory remains. The topic is deemed here so important
that it forms the first part of the book whilst what little to be
said of the ethical side of life is relegated to a later place.
333. Boriraks-bofavalanj, Khun: Memento at cremation, Pracandra
Press, Bangkok, 2506, pp. 62.
As the customary memento of such functions, there
were published
(a) The Story of Votive Tablets, by G. Coedes ( pp. 1-18)
0 A i
prof. ill. This is a very well-known and reliable
handbook which has been published several times.
(b) Art in Thailand by H.S.H. Prince
Subhadradis Diskul, (pp. 19-48) also well illustrated, containing
accurate information which is both up-to-date and reliable.
The material formed a series of lectures delivered by the
author.
...
( c ) Story of the Buddha's Footprint in Saraburi L
,
by Luan9 Boribal Buribhand (49-64), which has also
been published elsewhere before. It is based upon the tradi-
tional account of the most popular monument in mediaeval
Siam. The theme of this post-canonical but romantic Punno-
vada Sutta is fully examined and discussed.
The deceased to whom the dedication is made was an
official of the provincial administration .
334. The Ven. Debavarabhorn: Colour in Visual Education
..
'\l'lnn, King Mongkut Academy Press, Bangkok, 2508. pp. 21 sexa.
How many visitors to the main chapel of Wat Bovoranives
ever take the trouble to note the six pairs of big pillars of different
colours with frames on each depicting the livelihood of man? Most
of us enter the chapel either to hear the weekly sermons which by the
2t2 Rli:CENT PUBLll:A'floNS
way are above the average of such deliveries elsewhere otto be iost iii
admiration of that wonderful piece of plastic art of the Sukhodaya
period visualised into the sublime calm of expression on the visage of
the principal image, the Pra jinaszha, the 'Victorious Lion' (of men).
According to the pamphlet under review the source of this
scheme can be traced to the Tipitaka. Once upon a time the Buddha
was in residence on the Vulture Peak of Rajagaha. Ananda told him
that according to the theorist Pi:irnakassapa men were to be divided
into six categories through their livelihood, such as black for those
engaged in occupations which were harmful to life, blue for beggars
and mendicants, then red, dark yellow, light yellow and white in
progression of the scale of livelihood and professions. The Buddha
replied:
" No, Ananda, one should not classify people by their calling,
or livelihood, or birth, or wealth, or raiment, but rather by
their action which reflect the colouring of their mentality."
It is in the spirit of the Lord's teaching that the author of the
pamphlet under review has drawn quotations from the dharma to
illustrate his point. Thus the first pair, as one goes in, bear decora-
tive designs on a black background. The plate on either depicts
hunters and fishermen; the next pair, in blue, though not painted with
beggars and mendicants contain representations of officials who in
their corruption are taking advantage of innocent people etc.
335. Kittisobhana, His Holiness the Patriarch: Tradition of the Kathin,
and religious practice, dedicated to the late
King Chulalongkorn 2507, 70 pp. octo.
As stated in the preface, the work under review has been revised
from the Custom aj the Visakha and Kathin by the same author with
the addition of some allied material by the Very Rev. Pra Dharmakit-
tisobhon, his disciple and successor to the Abbotship of Wat Benca-
mabopit. As it is made up now the volume is comprised of the
original treatise on the origin and significance of the Kathin ceremony,
its practice at the Wat mentioned, where it is a combination. of the
former Mahanikai tradition with the more rational Dhammayut
practice-the former one being one of the older Mahanikai sect. It
ih;c PUBLICA Tld:-<S
ihcludes also the sermon delivered in the presence of His late Majesty
King Chulalongkorn on the subject of the Kathin on the occasion of
the royal ceremony in that reign.
The volume is brought up at the end by the Pali texts in use at
a Kathin ceremony as revised at the instigation of that monarch with
a special blessing sung at a royal Kathin to this day with a few modifi-
cations as to the name of the King who would be officating thereat.
Added also to the above are certain texts recited on the occasions of
the Visakha, Magha and Asalha festivals.
336. Coedes, G.: Thai art of the Sukhodaya period
tr. by Momcao Subhadradis Diskul from the original French in Arts
Asiatiques (Tomes I, 4 & III, 4 ), profusely ill. 90 pp. sexa.
The material being already accessible to foreign readers for
whom these notes on Recent Siamese Publications are intended, it
will not be necessary to discuss it beyond mentioning that the little
volume has been well translated and artistically illustrated, the
translator's footnotes being worth while the attention of scientific
readers for they bring them up to date in the latest information. It
was published and presented to those attending the inauguration of
the Sukhodaya Museun by the King in 1964. A guide-book to the
Museum by Prince Subhadradis accompanied it.
337. Scientists of the Department of Mineral Resources: A Trip to
r ...J .... ,., .., "" ""'
the vVonclrous Island of Gems' \ 'Yitl1l m:;LLfi1'1'll'lfl17fiUnJlJ'I11WEJ1fi':i1i'it\l.
Pramod Press, Bangkok, 2508, ill. maps. 113 pp. sexa.
We again welcome another volume-the 14th- of this popuhH'
series of scientific travelogues, an annual publication now issued to
mark children's day for the fourth time. In 1960 it was A Tour of
W at Po with children which we reviewed as no. 264 of the Recent
Siamese Publication in JSS XLIX, part 1. In 1961 it was A Tour of
Pim7ti with children, reviewed as no 284 of the Same series of Recent
Siamese Publications in JSS L, 1; in 1962 the tour was made to Saiyok,
no 288 of the same series in JSS L, 2 and in 1963 it was to Ratzov, the
tin country on the west coast of the peninsula, no 306 of the series
JSS LII, 1. Although the name of the department responsible for the
publication has been changed to that of the Department of Mineral
~ 4 RECENT SIAMBSI: l'UBLICA'l'IONS
Resources the committee of authorship remains almost the same with
the addition of an expert on submarine geology.
Relying again on the romances of Suniorn Phil the book takes
its name from the locality of i)hu's imagination of the Wondrous
Island of Gems, which goal turns out to be the luxuriant island
of Samui off the east coast of the southern peninsula. Beginning
with a quotation from a lullaby of sailing from King Rama Il's lnao
the travelogue introduces us into an atmosphere of sea breezes and
marine life, the descriptive eloquence of which passage is unexcelled
anywhere. The romance of Inao has been maligned for its acceptance
of Indonesian social habits of polygamy thereby ignoring its gems of
descriptive poetry lying at the bottom in' purest rays serene'.
Turning now to the contents, the volume is as usual full of
scientific information, brightened from time to time by gems of poetry.
The principal topic of the volume under review being marine geology,
due attention is given here to the importance in a relative sense of
water although the world as a whole has been regarded as the EARTH
from time immemorial. It is pointed out here that as a matter of
fact the surface of the earth above water was no more than a quarter
of the whole surface. The authorship goes on then to describe each
of the four coastlines of our country, that of Phuket on the west of the
Southern Peninsula where the evidence of geology points to the islands
which scatter along this coast having formed parts of the mainland.
The east coast from Huahin to Sol)khla, on the other hand, is less
indented. Only two islands of considerable sizes are found-that of
Samui and Pa-l)all. The third coast is that of Samuda-prakar, or
Paknam, consisting of the alluvial soil in mud which drains from the
several rivers of the centre of the country. The fourth coastline is
that of the east bank of the Gulf of Siam from Jolaburi down. This
is the starting point of their trip this year which ends however at the
Wondrous Island of Gems at Samui off the coastline east of the
southern peninsula. The scientific account of their sea trip is fascina-
tingly told with references to allied topics which are not scientific. It
is as usual well worth reading whether for old or young.
..
ACCESSIONS TO THE SIAM SOCIETY'S LIBRARY
from cfluly to CDecember 1964
Agrawala, Vasudeva S.
Agriculture, Minbtry of
Ahmad, H. Manzooruddin:
Ayer, Margaret
Bailey, H.W. (translator) :
Beckmann, Frank Harrison:
Bloch, Jules and Others
Border Patrol Police and:
The OSOM Public Safety
Division
Boo lis.
A Catalogue of the Brahmanical Images
in Mathura Art (1951).
Mathura Museum Catalogue, Part III:
Jaina Tirthankaras and other miscella-
neous figures (1963).
Mathura Museum Catalogue, Part. IV :
Architectural pieces in Mathura Museum
(1963).
Miscellaneous Soil Report of the Royal
Irrigation Department, Agriculture De-
partment and Rice Department.
Thailand Land der Freien (1943).
Made in Thailand (1964).
Indo-Scythian Studies: Being Khotanese
Texts Vol. IV: Saka Texts from Khotan
in the Hedin Collection, (1961).
(Presented by the author).
Son of Siam (1939).
Canon Bouddhique Pali (Tipitaka): Sut
tapitaka Dighanikaya (1949).
The Civil Action Program of the Border
Patrol Police and the USOM Public
Safety (1963) .
Boribal Buribhand, Luang: The Buddha's Footprint in Saraburi Pro-
vince (1964).
Bradshaw, Rhoda and
Others
Bryner, Edna
Budget Bureau, Office of
the Prime Minister
Pattani Malay Dictionary (1962).
(Presented).
Thirteen, Tibetan Tankas (1956).
Budget in brief. Fiscal Year 1963.
(1963).
216 ACGI.,SS!ONS TO TilE SIAM SOCI8TY'S Llfli\ARY
Cernuschi, Musee Tresors d'Art de Thailande (1964).
(Presented by M. Coedes.)
De Chabert and Gallo is, L. : Atlas General de L'Indochine Francaisc
(1909).
Chaya, Prem
Chotimon, Adul and
Kebruksa, Udon
Coedes, George
Cort, Mary Lovina
Cowan, C.D. (editor)
de Croizicr
Deignan, Herbert G.
Delaporte, L.
Doehring, Charles
Taiwan(l964). (Presented by the author)
Soil Survey Reports of the Land Devel-
opment Dept. No. 23 Report on the Soil
Survey of Thawat Chai Tanh-Irrigation
Area ( 1964).
(Presented by Land Development Dept.).
Origine et Evolution des Diverses formes
du Theatre Traditionnel en Thailande
(reprinted from Bulletin de la Societe
des Etudes Indochinoises, Nouvelle Seric
-Tome XXXIII, 3-4) p. 491-506.
(Presented by the author).
Lc Siamois l'Ecole Nationale des Lan-
gues Orientales Vivantes. (1964).
(Presented by the author).
Siam or the Heart of Farther India,
(1886).
The Economic Development of South-
East Asia; Studies in Economic History
and Political Economy. (1964).
Bulletin de la Societe Academiquc Indo-
Chinoise de France. 2nd Serie, Tome 3
(1890).
Checklist of the Birds of Thailand(l963).
(Presented by the author).
Les Monuments du Cambodge; etudes
d'Architecture Khmere. (1923).
Art and Art-Industry in Siam, Vol. I:
Lacquer-works in black and gold. Text
(n-d)
Art and Art-Industry in Siam, Vol. II :
Lacquer works in black and gold. Text
(n-d),
..
ACCI<:StHONS TO Tl!lo; SIAM SOCmTY'S f,!BJ\ARY
217
Evans, G.P.
Ever:>, Hans-Dicler
Evers, ll.D. and Others
Big game shooting in upper Burma.
(1912).
(Presented by Mr. V.F. Hemmingsen).
Buddhistische Gesellschafsordnung und
buddhistischer Wohlfahrtsstaa t-religions
-soziologische Grundlagen des Cey-
lonesischen Nationalismus. (reprinted
from " Zeitschrift flir vergleicbende
geistesgeschichtliche und Sozial wissens-
chaftliche Forschung, Part 3, 1963.
(Presented).
Die Geographischen Grundlagen der
wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung Thailands.
(reprinted from Zeitschrift fiir Wirts-
chaftsgeographie, 4. Jg, 1960, Part 6 )
(Presented).
Erziehungswesen in Ceylon, Israel und
Nigeria (1962). (Presented).
Fine Arls Department, the: Archaeological map of Thailand. (1959).
(in English and Thai).
For bin
Foreign Area Fellowship
Program, the
Fourncrcau, Lucien and
Porcher, Jacques
Fowkc, W.H.
Frantz, Jr., Donald H.
Gjellerup, Karl
Memoires du Comte de Forbin Chef
d'Escadre (1656-1710). (1934).
Directory Foreign Area Fellows, 1952-
1953 2nsl Ed. (1964).
(Presented by The Foreign Area Fellow-
ship Program, New York).
Les Ruines d' Angkor. Text. (1890).
Les Ruines d' Angkor. Plates. (1890).
Christ Church Bangkok, a Jubilee Book-
let, (1954).
(Presented by Mr. V.F. Hemmingsen).
Sonnets and Lyrics to the Siamese. (n-d)
pamphlet. (Presented).
Der Pilger Kamanita (1950).
(Presented by the German Cultural
Institute.).
218
ACCESSIONS TO THE SIAM SOCIETY'S L TBHAHY
de Glasenapp, H.
Gonda, Jan
Griswold, Alexander B.
and Others
Haags Gemeentemuseum
Hall, D.G.E.
Hanks, Jane Richardson
Hanks, Lucien M. and
Others
Hastings, James (editor)
Heangsun, Sok
van Heekeren, H.R.
van Der Heide, H.M.
Heimbach, Ernest E.
( compiler)
Henderson, M.R.
Hoontrakul, Likhit
Hooykass, C.
Les Cinq Grandes Religions du Monde
(1954).
Les Religions de L'Inde, I: V edisme et
Hindouisme Ancien. ( 1962).
Burma, Korea, Tibet. (1964).
Kunst uit Thailand (1964). (Presented).
A History of South-East Asia. (1964).
2nd Ed.
Maternity and its Rituals in Bang Chan.
(1963). (Presented by the author).
A Report on Tribal Peoples in Chiengrai
Province, North of The Mae Kok River
(1964). (Presente.d by the authors.).
Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics
12 Vols, Index. ( 1908 ).
L'Hemoglobine e au Cambodge ( 1958 ).
A Tentative Investigation of the Sai Yok
Neolithic Pottery in Thailand.
Reprint, p. 42-49. (Presented by the
author).
An Analysis of blood grouping data
collected in Indonesia and in the
Netherlands ( 1963 ). (Presented.)
White Meo to English Dictionary ( 1963).
(Presented by the author).
Malayan wild flowers ( 1959 ).
The Historical Records of the Siamese-
Chinese Relations. ( 1964 ).
Love in Lenka (reprinted from Bijdragen
Tot de Taal-, Land-en Volkenkunde)
p. 1-16.
(Presented by the author).
On some Arthalankaras in the Bhatti-
kavya X (reprinted from the BSOAS,
1957, XX) p. 351-363. (Presented by the
author).
.. ,
AGGESSIONS 1'0 TilE SIAI<l socitrrY'S LIBitARY
219
Hooykaas, C.
Hummel, Siegbert
Indian Committee
for Cultural Freedom
Jacobs, M.
The Jesuit Fathers
Judd, Laurence C.
Kantabutra, Bundhit
Kim, Won-Yong
Ki ttayarug, Si richai
Konow, Stcn
Kruijt, Alb. C.
Kunst, J.
Lafont, Pierre Bernard
The Paradise on Earth in Lenka ( re-
printed from Bijdragen Tot de Taal-,
Land-en Volkenkunde, deel 114,) (Pre-
sented by the author).
Geheimnisse Tibetischer Malereien
( 1949 ).
Lamaistische Studien ( Geheimnisse
Tibetischer Malereien. Band II) ( 1950 ).
Proceedings 2nd Annual Conference
Madras. ( 1953 ). (Presented).
Juglandaceae ( reprinted from Flora
Malesiana, ser. I, Vol. 6, 1960).
(Presented).
The Genus Crateva (Capparaceae).
Presented by the Rijksherbarium,
Lei den
The Catholic Directory of Thailand
( 1963 ).
(Presented by His Grace John Gordon).
Dry Rice Agriculture in Northern Thai-
land (1964). (Presented).
The Economy and National Income
( 1959 ).
KoreanArts,Vol. HI: Architecture(1963).
Soil Survey Reports of the Land Devel-
opment Dept. No. 2 7 Report on the Soil
Survey of the Huai Kut Kaen Tank-
Irrigation Area (Roi Et Province). (1964).
(Presented by Land Development Dept).
Kautalya Studies ( 1945 ).
I-Iet Animisme in den Indischen Archipel
( 1906 ).
Een Overwalsche Bloedverwant van den
Javaanschen Gamehm. (reprinted from
Nederlandsch-Indie, Oud en Nieuw) n-d.
Bibliographie du Laos ( 1964 ).
TO rHt: SIAM sclcmTY
1
s LiBRARY
Macshane, Frank Many Golden Ages Ruins, Temples &
Monuments of the Orient ( 1963 ).
M 1 G C
An Introduction to Malayan Birds.
ac oc, ...
( 1956 ).
Maclrolle, Cl. Guide du Voyageur: IndocChine, Canal
de Suez, Djibouti et Harar, Indes, Cey-
lan, Siam, Chine Meridionale. ( 1902 ).
Majumdar, R.C. Hindu Colonies. ( 1963 ).
Mallerct, Louis L'Archeologie du Delta du Mekong.
Tome Quatrieme : Le Cisbassac. Texts
avec Index et Planches ( 1963 ).
Masselman, George The Cradle of Colonialism. ( 1963 ).
(Presented).
Max Weber The Religion of China; Confucianism
.. and Taoism. ( 1951 ).
Modelski, George (editor): SEATO, six studies. ( 1962).
Moormann, F.R. Miscellaneous Soil Reports of the Royal
Irrigation Dept., Dept. of Agriculture and
the Dept. of Rice No. 1 Report on the
Preliminary Soil Survey of the Mae Klang
Irrigation Project Area (1 96!/).
(Presented by the author).
Mousny, Andre
Muller, A.
Soil Survey Reports of the Land
Development Dept. No. 20 Note on the
Soils and Landuse in the .Hills of Pro-
vince ( 1964 ).
(Presented by Land Development Dept.).
The Economy of Thailand: an Appraisal
of a. liberal exchange policy. ( 1964).
Health Status of Sisal Plants (Agave
and Sisalana) As Related to Soils and
the Mineral Composition of their Leaves.
(reprinted from the Journal of Science
of Food and Agriculture No. 2, p. 129-
132 ).
NationaleHandelsbankN.V.: Some Facts and Figures on Trade with
Thailand ( 1963 ).
Noss, Richard B.
: Thai Reference Grammar. ( 1964 ).
Accl'!ssiONS TO THE siAM sociETY's LIBRARY
221
Nuttonson, M.Y.
Omakupt, Manu
Ministerie van Onclerwijs, :
Kunst en en W etenschappen
(Pub.)
Parmentier, Henri
Van der Plas, C.C.
Painton, A.C.
Poomvises, Vira and
Others
Prabha, C.
Prem Purachatra, Prince
Public Administration
Div., USOM
Department of Public
Welfare
The Physical Environment and Agricul-
ture of Thailand; A Study based on Field
Survey Data and on Pertinent Records,
Material and Reports. ( 1963 ).
(Presented by U.S.I.S. ).
Soil Survey Reports of the Land Devel-
opment Dept. No. 22 Report on the Soil
Survey of the Kut Daeng Tank Irrigation
Area ( Roi Et Province). ( 1964 ).
(Presented by Land Development Dept. )
Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde. (1961).
(Presented).
L' Art Architectural Hindou dans L'Inde
et en Extreme-Orient. ( 1948 ).
Tonkin 1644/45: Journal van de Reis
van Anthonio van Brouckhorst. ( 1955 ).
The Bombay Burmah Trading Corpora-
tion Limited, 1863-1963. ( 1964).
(Presented).
Miscellaneous Soil Reports of the Royal
Irrigation Dept., Dept. of Land Develop-
ment and the Dept. of Rice No. 26 De-
tailed Reconnaissance Sail Survey of the
Lam Phra Ploeng Irrigation Project ( Na-
!lhon Ratchasima Province) ( 1964 ).
(Presented by Land Development Dept.).
Buddhist Holy Days and State Ceremo-
nies of Thailand ( 1964 ).
(Presented by the author ).
Introduction to Thai Literature ( 1964)
(Presented by the author).
Organization Directory of the Govern-
ment of Thailand, 1963 (1963). 1964
(1964). (Presented).
Report of the Survey of
the Hill Tribes in Northern Thailand
( 1962 ). (Presented).
22Q ACCESSIONS 'i'O THE SIAM SOCIETY'S LIBRAR'r
Quirino, Carlo Philippine Cartography ( 1320-1899 ).
(Presented by Mr. N.lsrael, Amsterdam)
Rao, T.A. Gopinatha
Rassers, W.H.
de Reinach, Lucien
Reisenfeld, Alphonse
Elements of Hindu Iconography. Vol. I,
Pts. 1-2, 1964; Vol. II, Pts. 1-II, 1916.
(Presented by Mr. James H.W.
Thompson).
Panji, The Culture Hero. ( n-d ).
Lettres d'Indochine, 1893-1899. ( n-d ).
The Megalithic Culture of Melanesia
( 1950 ).
Religious Affairs, Dept. of: Pali-Thai-English dictionary. Vol. 4-8
( 1962 ).
Robins, R.H. and Others
Rowland Jr., Benjamin
Royal Irrigation Dept.
Ruhle, George C.
Saihoo, Patya
Linguistic Comparison in South East
Asia and the Pacific. ( 1963 ).
The Evolution of the Buddha Image
( 1963 ).
A Souvenir of His Majesty the King's
Performance of the Dedication
Ceremony of the Bhumiphol Dam on
17th May 1964.
(Presented by H.S.H. Prince Ajavadis
Diskul ).
Advisory Report on a National Park
system for Thailand, 1959-1960 ( 1964 ).
(Presented by the author).
The Hill Tribes of Northern Thailand.
( 1963 ).
Saint-Hilair, J. Barthelemy: Le Bouddha et sa Religion. ( 1860 ).
Scarpa, Antonio Medicinal dances. ( an article in Ras-
segna Medica Magazine, n. 6-XXXVII-
1960) p. 306-309.
(Presented by the author).
La Medl.cina Tradizionale del Siam
Secondo un Manoscritto su Scorza
d'Albero. (Presented).
Nozioni di Etnoiatrica, ( 1962 ).
( Presented).
ACC8SSIONS TO THE SIAM SOCIETY'S LIURAUY
Scarpa, Antonio
De Schacck, Ivan
Schweitzer, Albert
Secretariat, Ninth Pacific :
Science Congress; (Pub.)
Shrader, W.D.
Silhi-Amnuai, Paul
Smalley, William and
Others
Smith, Malcolm
Suriyabongs, Luang
Telford, J.H.
Thong, Thor Peng
Tongchuta, Tanit
Seduta inaugurale dell'Ethnoiatrice
Study Group of Thailand, October 1963.
(Presented).
S.A.I. le Grand-Due Boris de Russie aux
Fetes du Siam pour le Couronnement du
Roi. 2nd ed. ( 1914 ).
Indian Thought and its Development,
( 1936 ).
Proceedings of the Ninth Pacific Science
Congress of the Pacific Science Associa-
tion. Vol. II : Forest Resources. ( 1958 ) .
(Presented).
Miscellaneous Soil Reports, Royal Irri-
gation Dept. No. 6 Landclassification for
Agricultural Production of the Chao Phraya
Project. ( 1964 ).
(Presented by Land Development Dept.).
Finance and Banking in Thailand; a
study of the commercial system, 1888-
1963 . .( 1964 ).
Orthography Studies: Articles on New
Writing Systems. ( 1964 ).
(Presented by the author).
A Physician at the Court of Siam. ( 1946)
.(Presented by Mr. J.N. Wurtz).
Gedichte aus Thailand ( n-d ). Presented.
The Fundamental Teachings of Thera-
vada Buddhism.
(Presented by Mr. V.F. Hemmingsen).
Handbook of the Lahu ( Muhso)
language and English-Lahu Dictionary.
( 1938 ).
La Thalassemic au Cambodge. ( 1963 ).
Soil Survey Reports of the Land Develop-
ment Dept. No.. 18 Report 01t the Soil
Survey of the Proposed Land Settlement
Area at Nam Phong ( J{on K.haen Province)
( 1964 ).
(Presented by Land Development Dept.)
224 TO THE SlAM SOCIETY'S LIBRARY
Tricon, A. and Bellan, Ch. :
University of Chicago
Valentyn, Francois
Vallibhotama, Manit
Viennot, Odelte
Wells, Margaretta B.
Wenk, Klaus
Wyatt-Smith, J. imd
Wycheley, P.R. (editor)
Chansons Cambodgiennes. ( 1921 ).
Encyclopaedia Britannica. Vol. 1-24.
( 1947) (Presented by The British Council).
Beschryving and Oud en Nieuw Oost-
Indien. ( 1726 ).
Guide to Pimai and Antiquities in the
province of Nagara Rajasima ( Khorat ).
( 1962 ).
Les Divinites Fluviales Ganga et Yamuna
aux Portes des Sanctuaires de 1' Inde.
( 1964 ).
Guide to Chiengmai. ( 1964 ).
( Presented by the author).
Thai Fairy Tales. ( 1964 ).
(Presented by the author).
Die Verfassungen Thailands. ( 1964 ).
(Presented by the author).
Nature Conservation in Western Malay-
sia ( 1961 ).
"Original Accounts of " Siamese White"
White, George
Tench, Nathaniel
Davenport, Francis
Anonymous
Weltden, Anthony
and Others
Reflections on a Scandalous Paper, In-
tituled the Answer of the East-India
Company to Two Printed Papers of Mr.
Samuel White: Together with the True
Character of Francis Davenport ( 1689 ).
Animadversions upon Mr. George White's
Reflection on the Answer of the East-
India Co., 1688.
An Historical Abstract of Mr. Samuel
White, 1687/8.
To the Right Honourable the Knights,
Citizens and Burgesses Assembled in
Parliament, 1688.
Fort St. George. January 30th 1687-1688;
A True and Imp'artial Narrative. 1687/8
... .
AGCESSIO!'IS TO THE SIAM SOGlETY'S LIBUAHY
Periodicals
Acta Asiatica Bulletin 6, 1964.
Acta Biologica Venezuelica, Vol. 3, Arts. 25-29 1963 V 1 4 A 1
1964. ' ' o . ' rt. '
Acta Geologica Taiwanica, No. 10, 1963.
Allan Hancock Foundation Publications, No. 26, Pt. II; No. 27, 1964.
American Anthropologist, Vol. 66, No.3, Pts. 1-2; Vol. 66, No.4,
Pts. 1-2, 1964; Vol. 66, No.5, 1964.
American Museum of Natural History, Bulletin of the, Vol. 126,
Arts. 1-3, 1964; Vol. 127, Art. l, 1964.
American Philosophical Society Year Book January 1, 1961-December
31, 1961. (Presented by The American Philosophical Society).
Archiv fi.ir Volkerkunde, Band. 16, 1961.
Arcbiv Orientalni, Vol. 32, Nos. 1-2, 1964.
Area and Culture Studies, No. 11, 1964.
Artibus Asiac, Vol. 26, Nos. 1-2, 1963.
Asian Bibliography, Vol. XIII, No. 2, 1964.
Asian Perspectives, Vol. 7, Nos. 1-2, 1963.
Asian Studies, Journal of the, Vol. 23, Nos. 3-4, June, 1964; Vol. XXII,
No. 4, 1963; Vol. XX, No.3, 1961.
Asiatic Society, Journal of the, Vol. IH, Nos. 3 &4, 1961; Vol. IV, No.2,
1962.
Asiatique Journal, Tome CCLI, Fasc. No. 1, 1963.
Australian Museum, Records of the, Vol. 26, Nos. 5-10, 1964.
Baessler-Archiv, Neue Folge, Band XI, Heft. 2, 1964.
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Annals of the, Vol. XLIV,
Pts. 1-4, 1964.
Bibliography of Scientific Publications of South & South East Asia,
Vol. 10, Nos. 8-9, 11, 1964.
Bijdragen Tot de Taal -,Land-En Volkenkunde, Dee1120, Nos. 1-2,
1964.
Bonner Geographische Abhandlungen, Heft. 33, 1963.
Breviora Museum of Comparative Zoology, Nos. 200-207, 1964.
Burma Research Society, Journal of the, Vol. 46, Pt. 1, 1963.
U6
ACCI!:SSIONS TO THE SlAM SOCmTY'S I.!BHAI\Y
Chesapeake Science, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1964.
China Quarterly, the, No. 18, 1964.
Confrontation, Jahrgang 4, Heft. 2, 1964.
Cornell Extension Bulletin, 1125, 1128, 1129, 1130, 1964.
Current Anthropology, Vol. 1, Nos. 1960; Vol. 2, Nos. 1-5, 1961;
Vol. 3, Nos. 2-5, 1962; Vol. 4, Nos. 1-5, 1963; Vol. 5, Nos. 1-4, 1964.
Delta, Vol. 6, Nos. 3-4, 1963-1964.
Deutsche Kulturnachrichten, Jahrgang, Heft. 3-4, 8, 1964.
Ecole d'Extreme-Orient, Bulletin de 1', Tome UI, Fasc. 1,
1964.
Florida State Museum, Biological Sciences, Bulletin of the, Vol. 8,
No. 3, 1964.
Ford Foundation Annual Report 1963, the.
Foreign Affairs, Vol. 42, No. 4, 1964. (Presented by the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs).
France-Asie/ Asia, Nouvelle Serie, Vol. XIX, Nos. 180-181, 1963.
Geographical Review, Vol. LIV, No. 4, 1964.
Geographical Society of China, Proceedings of the, No. 7, 1963.
Hemisphere, Vol. 8, Nos. 4-6, 9, 1964.
Hitotsubashi, Journal of Economics, Vol. 5, No. l, 1964.
Institut Royal des Sciences Naturelles de Belgique, Bulletin, Tome
XXXIX, Nos. 14, 18, 20-21, 23-25, 28-29, 40, 1963.
Institut Royal des Sciences Naturelles de Belgique, Me-
moire Nos. 150-151, 1963-1964.
Institut Royal des Sciences Naturelles de Belgique, 2e Serie, Fasc.
75-76, 1963-1964.
Institute for Oriental Culture, the Memoirs of the, No. 31, 1963.
Jahrbuch des Museums fur Volkerkunde zu Leipzig, Band 20, 1964.
Japanese Journal of Botany, Vol. 18, No. 3, 1964.
Japanese Journal of Ethnology, the, Vol. 28, Nos. 1-2, 1964; Vol. 29,
No. 1, 1964.
Maha Bodhi, the, Vol. 72, Nos. 5-7, 1964.
Malayan Nature Journal, the, Vol. 18, Nos. 1-3, 1964.
ACC.ESSIONS TO THE SIAM SOCIET'r'S LIBRAilY 227
Mie Medical Journal, Vol.XIII, Nos. 1-3, 1963-1964.
Mitteilungen aus dem Museum fiir Volkerkunde zu Leipzig, Nr. 1,
1964.
Museum National d'Histoire Naturelle, 2e Serie, Bulletin du, Tome 35,
No. 6, 1963; Tome 36, No. 1, 1964.
Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard Universityj Bulletin of
the, Vol. 131, Nos. 3-10, 1964.
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Bulletin, Vol. LXII, Nos. 327-328, 1964.
Muslim World, the, Vol. LIV, Nos. 3-4, 1964.
Nachrichten 92, Dezember, 1962.
National Research Council of Thailand, Journal of the, Vol. 3, No. 3,
1962.
Natur und Museum, Band. 94, Heft. 5-8, 1964.
Ninth Pacific Science Congress of the Pacific Science Association,
Proceedings of the, Vol. 1-5, 7-10, 12-13, 15-19, 1961.
Nytt Magasin Botanikk, Vol. 11, 1964.
Objets et Mondes, Tome II, Fasc. 2, 1962.
Oriens Extremus 10 Jahrgang, Heft. 1-2, 1963.
Oriental Art, New Series, Vol. X, Nos. 1-3, 1964.
Oriental Institute, Journal of the, Vol. Xlll, No.3, 1964; Vol. XIV,
No. 1, 1964.
Pacific Science, Vol. 18, Nos. 2-3, 1964.
Philippine Agriculturist, the, Vol. XLVII, No. 8, 10, 1964.
Royal Central Asian Journal, Vol. LI, Pts. 1-4, 1964.
Sarawak Museum Journal, the,, Vol. XI, Nos. 21-22, 1963.
Sawaddi, Vol. 2, No. 6, 1964; Vol. 3, Nos. 1-2, 1964.
School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Bulletin
of the, Vol. 27, Pts. 1 ~ 3 1964. "
SEATO Record, Vol. 3, Nos. 4-5, 1964.
Siriraj Hospital Gazette, (Thai), Vol. 18, Nos. 5, 8, 11, 1964.
Societe des Etudes Indochinoises, Nouvelle Serie, Bulletin de la, Tome
XXXVIII, Nos. 3 & 4, 1963.
Southeast Asian History, Journal, Vol. 5, Nos. 1-2, 1964.
228
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'lO,
ACCESSIONS io THE SIAM SOCIETY'S LIBRARY
Stuttgarter Beitrage zur Naturkunde, Nrs. 108-124, 1963.
Sumer, Journal of Archaeology, & History in Iraq, Vol. XVIII, Nos.
1 & 2, 1962.
T'Oung Pao, Vol. 50, Livrs. 1-5, 1963; Vol. 51, Livrs. 1, 1964.
Tamil Culture, Vol. XI, Nos. 1-2, 1964.
Thai National Documentation Centre, Journal Holdings of the, List
No. 1, May, 1964.
Thailand Travel Talk, Vol. 4, Nos. 7-10, 1964.
Tohogaku, No. 27, 1964.
Tropical Abstracts, Vol. 19, No. 5, 1964.
Tulane Studies in Zoology, Vol. 11, No.5, 1964; Vol. 12, No.1, 1964.
United States National Museum, Bulletin 236, 1964.
United States National Museum, Proceedings of the, Vol. 116, Nos.
3494-3501, 1964; Vol. 115, No. 3493, 1964; Vol. 114, Nos. 3475, 1964.
University of California Publications in Entomology, Vol. 37-38, 1964.
University of California Publications in Zoology, Vol. 73, 1964 .
..
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229
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ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1964
The Annual General Meeting of the Siam Society terminating
the year 1963 was held at the Society's Home, 131 Asoka Road (Lane
21 ), Sukhumvit, Bangkok, on Tuesday, 24th March 1964 at 8.15 p.m.
with His Highness Prince Dhaninivat, Kromamun Bidyalabh, Presi-
dent, in the Chair. The Meeting was a attended by nearly 200 mem-
bers and guests including the following members of the Council:
H.H. Prince Prem Purachatra Senior Vice-President
H.E. Chao Phya Sri Dharmadhibes Vice-President
H.S.H. Prince Ajavadis Diskul Vice-President and Honorary
Secretary
Mr. J.J. Boeles Honorary Librarian and Direc-
tor of the Research Centre
Mr. Kenneth J. MacConnac Honorary Editor of the Journal
H.E. Mr. Ebbe Munck Honorary Editor of the Natural
Mr. Ariyant Manjikul
H.S.H. Prince Piyarangsit Rangsit
Mr. J.H.W. Thompson
History Bulletin
The Meeting by a unanimous resolution re-elected the Council
en bloc with His Highness Prince Dhaninivat, Kromamun Bidyalabh,
as President. The Meeting was followed by a lecture by Mr. W.A.R.
Wood, the oldest British resident in Siam, on the subject of "OLD
TALES RETOLD".
The Council upon taking office re-elected the following standing
committees for carrying on the activities of the Society:
1 ) Finance Committee
The Senior Vice-President ( H.H. Prince Pre111 Pura-
chatra ), Chairman
The Honorary Secretary
The Honorary Treasurer
238
ANNUAL REPOI\T FOR 1964
2 ) Editorial Committee
The Honorary Editor of the Journal ( Mr. Kenneth J.
MacCormac ), Chairman
H.H. Prince Dhaninivat, Kromamun Bidyalabh
H.E. Mr. Ebbe Munck
3) National History Committee
Lt. General Phya Salwidhan Nidhes, Chairman
H.E. Mr. Ebbe Munck
Mr. Ariyant Manjikul
H.S.H. Prince Piyarangsit Rangsit
4 ) Exchange Committee
H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul, Chairman
Phya Anuman Rajadhon
H.H. Prince Sukhuma Paribatra
Mr. J.J. Boeles
5) Travel Committee
Mr. Sanya Dharmasakti, Chairman
H.S.H. Prince Ajavadis Diskul
H.S.H. Prince Subhadradis Diskul
Mom Rajawongse Sumonajati Swasdikul
6) Research Committee
H.H. Prince Prem Purachatra, Chairman
Mr. Kenneth J. MacCormac
Mr. V.F. Hemmingsen
H.S.H. Prince Ajavadis Diskul
H.E. Mr. Ebbe Munck
The Director of the Siam Society Research Centre (Mr.
J.J. Boeles)
The Council has re-appointed Mr. Kenneth J. MacCormac and
H.E. Mr. Ebbe Munck as Honorary Editor of the Journal and Honorary
Editor of the Natural History Bulletin respectively. They are to be
congratulated for having spent so much time and effort in producing
highly commendable publications for the Society as follows:
Journal of the Siam Society, Volume 52, Part 1 ( April1964)
1964)
ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1964 239
Journal of the Siam Society, Volume 52, Part 2 (July 1964)
Bulletin of the Natural History, Volume 20, No. 4 (December
Data Paper Number 1-1964 on" A Report on Tribal Peoples
in Chiengrai Province, North of the Mae Kok River"
The Council has much pleasure in reporting that the sale of
our publications has proved to be the main source of our income. In
1963 alone the total sales exceeded Baht 100,000.00: in 1964 almost
Baht 85,000.00.
It is with profound regret that the Council has to announce
one great loss to the Society: Mom Rajawongse Sumonajati Swasdi-
kul, who was a member of the Council and had on several occasions
lectured before the Society besides acting as guide on our popular
excursions, passed away on 23rd May 1964 after a long illness. He
had been on the Council for nearly 20 years and his loss is keenly felt.
The Council also lost the service of our energetic Honorary Assistant
Secretary, Mr. Pracha Guna-Kasem, in July 1964 because he was as-
signed in his official capacity to the Royal Thai Embassy in Cairo.
The Council has co-opted two new members to sit on the
Council, namely: Luang Thavil Sethapanijkarn and Mr. Kraisri
Nimmanbaeminda, in order to fill the vacancies, and we feel very
fortunate in securing the services of these two prominent gentlemen.
The Council held 11 business meetings during the year; 8 mee-
tings at the Society's Home and 3 meetings at the President's residence.
The Society's membership of all categories up to the end of
1964 was 1,026 as compared with 978 at the close of 1963, and this is
the highest on record.
The classification of membership is as follows :
Royal Patron and Vice Patrons 4
Honorary Members 2
Free Members 5
Corresponding Members '15
Life Members 199
Ordinary Members 801
Total: 1,026
240 ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1964
The Society also has 28 subscribers to its Journal and Natural
History Bulletin.
The financial position of the Society under the direction of our
Honorary Treasurer, Mr. V.F. Hemmingsen, is sound as usual.
The high item of expenditure in the foreseeable future is the
construction cost of the Khamthieng Memorial, which has been put
up in the Society's compound and will serve as an Ethnological
Museum. The Council cannot but express its deep gratitude and
appreciation to various donors for this project, and special mention
must be made of the Asia Foundation which has been most generous
in granting a further sum of Baht 10,000.00 for this purpose apart
from the previous contribution of Baht 135,000.00 as reported last
year.
The Council also wishes to record its grateful appreciation for
the following gifts:
1 ) Palm-leave manuscripts with Bali incriptions presented
by Mr. Kraisri Nimmanhaeminda to the Library;
2 ) 203 copies of Siamese publications presented by H.S.H.
Princess Poon Pisrnai Diskul;
3 ) Cremation volumes presented by H.H. Prince Dhaninivat,
Kromamun Bidyalabh;
4 ) One complete set of Encyclopaedia Britannica-1947 Edi-
tion-presented by the British Council;
5) 200 sheets of corrugated asbestos sheets presented by the
Siam Cement Co., Ltd. for making fence;
6 ) Bpi-Diascope Machine presented by the B. Grimm & Co.;
and lastly cash donations from members totalling Baht 29,870.50.
The Council takes this opportunity to announce that the John
D. Rockefeller 3rd Fund has awarded a grant of U.S. $25,000.00 to
the Siam Society to assist over a period of 3 years in the acquisition
and installation of artifacts in the Khamthieng Memorial, the con-
tinuing development of the library, and the creation of an archive of
the visual and performing arts of Thailand not already maintained in
other cultural institutions in Siam.
Meetings arranged by the Society during the year were as
follows:
24th March 1964
30th March 1965
4th June 1965
17th June 1965
ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1964
241
Annual General Meeting and Lecture by Mr.
W.A.R. Wood on the subject of "Old Tales
Retold''
Film show of "The Mekhong Project" by the
courtesy of the Shell Company of Thailand, Ltd.
Lecture by His Highness Prince Prem Purachatra
on the subject of "Introduction to Thai Litera-
ture"
Lecture with showing of slides by Dr. Raiko
Ruzic on the subject of "Precious Stone Deposits
in Thailand"
1st July 1965 Lecture with showing of slides by Dr. Wilhelm
G. Solheim II on the subject of "Thailand and
South East Asian Prehistory"
3rd July 1965 Lecture with showing of slides by Dr. Gunnar
Seidenfaden on the subject of "Botanical Field
Trip in North and Northeast Thailand"
15th July 1965 Lecture with showing of slides by Dr. Lucien
M. Hanks and Dr. Lauriston Sharp on the subject
of" Hill Peoples of Chiengrai"
11th August 1965 Lecture by Mr. Chun Pra bha vivadh on the subject
of "In a Siamese Garden : A Cultural Interlude"
27th August 1965 Lecture with showing of slides by Dr. Peter
Kunstadter on the subject of "The Lawa of the
Northern Thailand Hills ''
8th October 1965 Lecture by His Highness Prince Hubertus Zu
Lowenstein- Wertheim- Freudenberg on the
subject of "Germany and Thailand- Their
Spiritual and Cultural Relations"
23rd December 1965 Lecture with showing of film by Dr. E.M.
Nicholson on the subject of" The Conservation
of Wild Life and National Forests and its Pro-
blems''
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THE SIAM SOOIETY
Under Royal Patronage
Address: 131 Asoka Road. (Lane 21 ), Bangkapi; Bangkok.
Telephone : 914401
Central P.O. Box 65, Bangkok.
OBJEOTS
"The objects of the shall be the investigation and
encouragement of .Art, Science and Literature in relation to Thailand
and the neighbouring countries.'' (From Rules of the .Siam
ArtiCle 2 ). . .
SUBSORIPTION.
The annual subscription for Ordinary Members is Baht 150
which is payable in advance. There is also an entrance fee of
Baht 150.
. .
Life membership fee is Baht 1,500.
Applications for membership should be addressed to the
Honorary Secretary, Central 'P.O. Box. 65, Bangkok. Application
forms are also obtainable at the. Society's Home.
APPLIOATIONS FOB OOPIES OF 'rHE JOURNAL
Applications for copies ofthe Journal should be made to the
Honorary Secretary. Purchase can be made at the Society's Home.
LI.BRA:BY
. The Library of the Society is open dni}y at the following .llours:
Morning : . hours . . '
Afternoon: 14.00-19.00 hours . .
The Library .is closed arid on Sunday.
Books may be conthtlted ofl1ce hours
. Books borrowed froin.the Library-must be r.etumed
month.. . . .. , ..
:PUBLICATIONS OF THE SIAM SOCIETY
L The Journal-per number
The Journal- back numbers before 1946
2. Index to Volumes I to XXV
3. Index to the Journal, Volumes XXVI to XL
4t Florae Siamensis Enumeratio-per number .
5. The Natural History Bulletin- per number
6. John Black, F.R.G.S. : The Lofty Sanctuary of Khao Phra Vihar
BEPJ.UNT I-X
7. The Commemorative. Publication issued on the occasion
of the Society's 50th Anniversary :
One set (Vols. I & II), cloth-bound
One set (Vols . .I & II),
.....
Vol. III, paper-bound, Early History ap.d Ayudhya
Vol. IV, , , , Lophburi, Bangkok, Bhuket
Vol.V, , , , Relationship with Burma Part 1
Vol. VI, , ,. , Relationship with Burma Part Z,
Vol. VII, , , , Relationship with Portugal,
Holland, and the Vatican
Vol. VIII, ,
, , Relationship with France,
England and Denn:iark
, Vol. IX, , , , The Coinage of Siam
Vol. X, , , , Studies of old Siamese Coins
8. Erik Seidenfaden: The Tlw.i Peoples .
9. Charles. Nelson Spinks: The Ceramic Wares of Siam, 1965
10. Gunnar Seidenfaden and Tem SJnitina:nd:
" ,
flo
...
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The. Orchids of Thailand: A ;preliminary List, 1959, Part I
Pa.rt II, 1
Part II, 2
Part Ill
11. Monograph, No. 1 Gordon Young; The Hill Tribes of
Northern Thailand, 2nd; ed: 1962
Part IV, 1
12. Monograph, No .. 2 RR.H; Prince. Damrong Raja11tJ,bhab; . . .

1
A History of Buddhist Monl.li)lents in Siam ill. 1962
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. ]?rinte4 at Praeancka Printing Maharaja Road, Bangkok. Thailand;
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