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broj
MEDIA NALI
MEDIANALI
Meunarodni znanstveni asopis za medije,
novinarstvo, masovno komuniciranje, odnose s
javnostima i kulturu drutva
Godite 7, broj
13
, lipanj 2013.
MEDIANALI
ISSN 1846-436X
UDK 316.77
070
659.4
MEDIANALI
Meunarodni znanstveni asopis za medije,
novinarstvo, masovno komuniciranje,
odnose s javnostima i kulturu drutva
godite 7, broj
SADRAJ
broj 13, lipanj 2013.
MEDIJI / MEDIA
19
Anuka Fjorovi
Lokalno online novinarstvo: portali na podruju Dubrovnika
Local Online Journalism: Portals in Dubrovnik
37
53
DRUTVO / SOCIETY
Andrijana Rabrenovi
Politiki plakat i kult linosti
Poster and Cult of Personality
71
103
MEDIJI
Izvorn znanstveni lanak
UDK 316.77:32
316.77:004.738.5
Primljeno 11. prosinca 2012.
MEDIJI / MEDIA
MEDIA
Original scientific paper
UDK 316.77:32
316.77:004.738.5
Received, December 11th, 2012
G. Bayraktutan, M. Binark, T. omu, B. Dou, G. slamolu, A.Telli Aydemir: The role of...
Introduction
This study is a part of a comprehensive research supported by TBTAK
SOBAG (The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Turkey - Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Grant Group) 1.
The social media, which plays an important role in the
development of citizenship culture due to the manifestation of speech-act
activism in the digital public space, has become in our day an increasingly
visible area in the evaluation and assessment of political developments. It
is one of the main means used by political parties and leaders for
expressing, reinforcing and spreading political preferences. Due to its
multi-layered structure, the usage of social media for political
communication leads to results and experiences that differ from one
another. To be able to define the successful and effective use of the
social media as a means for political communication, it is necessary to
understand the specific conditions that fashion the experiences and results
pertaining to the use of the social media, and to investigate how the
features of these new media environments are utilized by both the
followers and the account holders on the social media.
In the 2009 local elections, it was observed that the youth branches
of the political parties in particular extensively used social sharing networks
such as Twitter and Facebook to describe party policies and to announce
activities, and that certain mayor candidates preferred to reach and address
their voters through their Tweets and Facebook walls. In the 2011 general
elections, we can say that political parties, their leaders and independent
candidates used more extensively the social media environments provided
by the web 2.0. One aspect which we considered as a given prior to this
study was the importance of Twitter and Facebook in political
communication campaigns. The fact that Turkey ranks fourth country in
the world in terms of Facebook use has lead many political parties to open
and set up hundreds of pages and groups on this interface. Twitter has also
become widespread in Turkey as of 2009-2010, and many young members
of the parliament with high digital literacy levels in particular have gained
thousands of followers on their Twitter accounts. It was observed that
The research project with TUBTAK SOBAG code 111k263 is entitled as The Evaluation of
Social Media Environments in terms of Political Communication Applications: The Use of the
Facebook and Twitter by Political Parties and Leaders during the 2011 General Elections in
Turkey.
MEDIJI / MEDIA
G. Bayraktutan, M. Binark, T. omu, B. Dou, G. slamolu, A.Telli Aydemir: The role of...
MEDIJI / MEDIA
This feature can also be called the repeatable label. The usage of this feature groups Tweets with
other Tweets of the same type. In the study of Bruns and Burgess, in which they investigated to use
of the #ausvotes hashtag during the 2010 Australian Federal Elections, it was determined that the
individuals using this feature wanted their Tweet on the subject to be seen by others (2011:37-38).
According to Bruns and Burgess, hashtag is a public conversation. This study also closely
scrutinized whether the political parties and candidates Tweeted by using hashtag.
6
G. Bayraktutan, M. Binark, T. omu, B. Dou, G. slamolu, A.Telli Aydemir: The role of...
MEDIJI / MEDIA
the units on the coding scale were functional, a pilot application was
performed on the database in February 2012. In March 2012, the database
was subject to scanning, and the numerical data that corresponded to the
coding units were transferred to the database as a Microsoft Excel file.
In the coding scale concerning the usage of Twitter by parties,
leaders and candidates during the 2011 General Elections, there are initially
quantitative and descriptive question units evaluating the features of the
mentioned interface. For example, question units were formed for Twitter
based on the persons name, Twitter address, information, customized
background features, the visual quality of the profile, the number of
Tweets, the number of persons s/he followed, the number of followers
s/he has, the listed numbers, the number of Tweets on the day of
elections, and the 25 most frequently used words in his/her Tweets.
Results9
Within the context of the sampling period (1 April 2011 30 June
2011), 9 Twitter accounts among Justice and Development Party (AKP)
users, 7 accounts among Republican Peoples Party (CHP) users, 6
accounts among National Movement Party (MHP) users, 7 accounts
among Labor, Democracy and Freedom Block (EDB) users and 7
accounts among independent parliamentary candidates were subject to
content analysis.10 Among the different accounts within the sample, the
group which made the most extensive use of Twitter was the Independent
Candidates, with an average of 496 Tweets per account. The number was
454 for AKP candidates, 310 for MHP candidates, 107 for CHP
candidates and 308 for EDB candidates.
Succeeding the independent candidates, the most extensive use of
Twitter was made by AKP users. In terms of the extent to which the
accounts were used, a significant difference is observed between the
independent candidates and AKP users on one hand and the other
political parties in the other hand. The number of Tweets sent from the
In order to conform to the journal style and to meet space limitation it was not possible to share
all the findings from the research. A more comprehensive compilation of findings will be available
in the TBTAK publication when the research is completed.
10 The account owners included into the content analysis are referred to as users.
9
G. Bayraktutan, M. Binark, T. omu, B. Dou, G. slamolu, A.Telli Aydemir: The role of...
10
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information on their civil status. It was seen that most of them did not
share their occupational information either. It was noted that the majority
of those who shared occupational information on their Twitter accounts
were individuals who had professions associated with the media. Another
point being noteworthy is the fact that none of the political party leaders
shared any personal profile on their accounts.
The number of candidates who provided descriptive information
on their Twitter accounts in languages other than Turkish was only two.
The AKP user who provided content in a language other than Turkish was
Recep Tayyip Erdoan, while the MHP user who provided content in a
language other than Turkish was mer Kanburolu. The language other
than Turkish used by both of these users was English. On the other hand,
it was noted that BDP candidates, who participated in the elections as
EDB candidates, did not use Kurdish for the descriptive information in
their accounts.
Almost all AKP users (8) provided, in the descriptive section of
their Twitter accounts, information on his/her assignment within the
party. Four members of CHP, the half of all MHP users (3) and only one
EDB member shared this kind of information on their accounts. No
information on affiliations was available in the independents accounts.
The candidates and the assignments/tasks assumed by the candidates are
listed as shown in Table 1.
Table 1 Given assignments of the candidates in Twitter accounts12
Party
User
AKP
Abdlkadir Aksu
AKP
Ekrem Erdem
AKP
Hseyin elik
AKP
Mahir nal
MKYK Member
AKP
Mustafa Elita
AKP
AKP
Salih Kapusuz
12
Expressions were directly copied from the user accounts and translated into English.
G. Bayraktutan, M. Binark, T. omu, B. Dou, G. slamolu, A.Telli Aydemir: The role of...
AKP
Zelkif Kazdal
CHP
Kemal Kldarolu
CHP
Sezgin Tanrkulu
CHP
Sencer Ayata
Vice Chairman
CHP
Ayten Kayalolu
MHP
Devlet Baheli
MHP
Ruhsar Demirel
MHP
Tunca Toskay
BDP
Selahattin Demirta
11
The users commonly shared URLs of their sites, blogs, pages and
assets other than Twitter. Depending on the case, these URLs could either
belong to another application such as the users Facebook account or
users own personal web site. It was observed that many of the users
shared URLs of other pages and platforms on the Internet. Some users
even included more than one link to in their Twitter profiles. This way, the
user is able to express that the Twitter account genuinely belongs to
him/her, and indicates that the other applications and pages for which the
URLs are provided are also official channels moderated by him/her. When
the web connections shared by the partly leaders were evaluated, it was
observed that Kemal Kldarolu, Devlet Baheli, Selahattin Demirta and
Gltan Kanak provided links to the websites of their political parties.
Recep Tayyip Erdoan has provided a link to his personal website
(www.rte.gen.tr) and another one to his Facebook page.13
The background design on the Twitter page can be changed from
default and customized by the accounts owner. It is possible to say that
the number of users who customized their accounts background was
nearly the same as the number of users who did not do so. When the
accounts of the party leaders were evaluated, it was observed that all of
them have customized the backgrounds on their Twitter accounts.
Especially during the election campaign, the usage of backgrounds that are
visually catchy and memorable can provide various advantages within the
context of the campaign activities. On the other hand, it was observed that
13
http://Facebook.com/RecepTayyipErdogan
12
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G. Bayraktutan, M. Binark, T. omu, B. Dou, G. slamolu, A.Telli Aydemir: The role of...
13
14
MEDIJI / MEDIA
(527) of the Tweets from CHP users, 67.42% (1252) of the Tweets from
MHP users, 88.05% (1901) of the Tweets from EDB users and 71.07%
(2467) of the Tweets from independent candidates did not contain any
links. On the other hand, the proportion of Tweets sharing links that
directs to any other content belonging to the party was the highest among
AKP users, with 31.13% (1271) of Tweets providing such links. The same
rate was respectively 11.57% (87), 11.25% (209), 8.83% (181) and 14.41%
(500) for the CHP, the MHP, the EDB and the independent candidates.
URLs14 in Twitter can be shared in standard or abridged form. The
abridged URL allows any content to be accessed through a shorter web
address. On Twitter, the use of short URLs is important due to the
limitation of 140 characters for each Tweet. While the use of standard
address links was more common in the accounts of CHP, MHP and
independent candidates, short links were used at nearly similar rates.
Within AKP, the large majority of the links used in the Tweets were
standard address URLs. Only 2.49% (33) of the links used by the AKP
representatives were short links. In EDB accounts, short links were used
more frequently than the standard links. In this respect, the results and
observations for EDB were different from the other groups. During the
political campaign period, the users who only utilized short links (100% of
the time) were Kemal Kldarolu (in 24 Tweets), Sezgin Tanrkulu (in 5
Tweets), Selahattin Demirta (1 Tweet) and Gltan Kanak (1 Tweet).
The highest rate of hashtag use was observed in the CHP accounts,
with 2.79% (21) of the Tweets including hashtags. For the other groups,
hashtag use was observed in 34 Tweets for AKP, 16 Tweets for MHP, 3
Tweets for EDB, and 50 Tweets for the independent candidates. It was
determined that the party leaders other than Recep Tayyip Erdoan and
Kemal Kldarolu have not used any Hashtags.
Being able to forward Tweets to the attention of other candidates
and/or the voters is of great importance for interacting with them. The use
of mention means that the Tweet written by the person is addressed to
another Twitter user. In case the relevant users username is included into
the Tweet along with the @ symbol, the message will be forwarded to
the person even if he/she is not a follower. Indeed, to be able to use
mention, the recipient of the forwarded message must also be a Twitter
user, and the person writing the Tweet must know his/her username.
Normal message deliveries are messages in which the account owner refers
14
G. Bayraktutan, M. Binark, T. omu, B. Dou, G. slamolu, A.Telli Aydemir: The role of...
15
to someone in his/her Tweet, but can decide whether this person will or
will not receive the message. It is observed that the majority of the Tweets
sent by AKP, EDB and independent candidates are messages that
include mention. 36.98% (1510) of AKPs Tweets, 25.66% (554) of
EDBs Tweets, and 25.76% (894) of the independent candidates Tweets
included mention. For CHP and MHP, the proportion of messages with
mention was lower than that of ordinary posts. The relevant rates were
17.69% (133) for CHP, 11.04% (205) for MHP.
When the party leaders Tweets are evaluated in terms of
forwarded messages, it is observed that Kemal Kldarolu did not
forward messages to any person. Selahattin Demirta, on the other hand,
has used mention in 174 of his Tweets, directly addressing only some of
the other Twitter users. Recep Tayyip Erdoan has used mention feature
in 3 of his Tweets. Based on these observations, it is possible to say that
Selahattin Demirta is the leader who interacted the most with other users
on Twitter.
The language employed by the users was Turkish in almost all of
their Tweets. The proportion of Turkish Tweets was 98.73% (4031) for
AKP, 95.21% (716) for CHP, 92.25% (1713) for MHP, 95.41% (2060) for
EDB, and 97.18% (3373) for the independent candidates. The
proportion of Tweets sent in English was very low for all users. EDB
candidates were the only users who used Kurdish in their Tweets. None of
the candidates from the AKP, CHP, MHP and the non-EDB
independent candidates have preferred Kurdish as the language for their
Tweets. The number of Kurdish Tweets by EDB candidates was 50
(2.32%).
In the evaluation performed regarding the tone of the Tweets, all
of the tones that suitably described the Tweet were marked during the
coding. With regards to tone, Tweets that included praise were observed
at a rate of 85.28% (3482) in AKP Tweets, 64.23% (483) in CHP Tweets,
57.30% in MHP Tweets (1064), and 64.13% (2226) in the Tweets of the
independent candidates. For these groups, praise was the tone that was the
most frequently used in their Tweets. In EDB Tweets, on the other
hand, the most frequently used tone was taunting with a rate of 47.24%
(1020), while praise was the second most frequently used tone with a rate
of 39.65% (856). Taunting was also the second most commonly used tone
for AKP, CHP and MHP. Among these three parties, taunting as a tone
was observed most commonly in MHP with a rate of 40.66% (755).
16
MEDIJI / MEDIA
Among the tones defined in the coding system, another tone that was used
at a frequency greater than 5% was provocation. The rate of provocative
Tweets was the highest among independent candidates, with a rate of
21.23% (737). Among CHP users, 8.24% (62) of the Tweets were
provocative in tone. For the independent candidates, the second most
frequently used tone was provocation, while the third most frequently used
tone was taunting with a rate of 21% (729).
All the parties have adopted a dominating stance in their Tweets.
Use of language that reflects a dominating attitude was observed in 2812
of AKPs Tweets, 663 of CHPs Tweets, 1535 of MHPs Tweets, 1850 of
EDBs Tweets and in 3082 of independent candidates Tweets. It was
seen that a dominating language was used in over 80% of the Tweets from
the CHP, MHP, EDB and independent candidates. On the other hand,
the rate of use of a language that reflected a dominating attitude was
68.87% for AKP, although numerically the amount was highest in
comparison to the other groups. The use of language between equals was
the most frequently observed for AKP, with a rate of 26.65% (1088). In
the case of leaders practices, although the use of language between equals
was most frequently employed by Selahattin Demirta, all leaders have
adopted a generally dominating stance in their Tweets.
The most commonly used conjugation in all Tweets was the thirdperson singular. The number of Tweets with third-person singular verb
conjugation was 1613 for AKP, 389 for CHP, 1072 for MHP, 1444 for
EDB and 1801 for the independent candidates. The first-person plural
was the second most frequent conjugation for the CHP (151) and MHP
(260), and the third most frequent conjugation for AKP (800), EDB
(223) and the independent candidates (237). For the AKP, EDB and the
independent candidates, the most commonly used verb conjugation was
first-person singular. It must also be underlined that in all groups, the type
of language used in the majority of Tweets was spoken language.
When the frequencies of the subjects in the party leaders Tweets
were evaluated, it was observed that 64.44% (58) of Recep Tayyip
Erdoans Tweets were about the activities conducted on the traditional
media in association with his political identity. Kemal Kldarolu has
mentioned his own party in 38.10% (16) of his Tweets as subject. In
Devlet Bahelis and Selahattin Demirtas Tweets, the most frequently
mentioned subject was their personal agenda. Tweets with personal agenda
as their main subject constituted 55.68% (49) of Bahelis Tweets and
G. Bayraktutan, M. Binark, T. omu, B. Dou, G. slamolu, A.Telli Aydemir: The role of...
17
Assessment
When analyzing the quantitative data, it was derived that AKP is
the political party with the most visibility on the social media
environments. Thus, in parallel to the composition of the parliament, the
party with the highest representation also has the largest
presence/appearance in Twitter. With regards to the leaders, it is possible
to say that offline rhetoric reflected itself onto the online activities.
Another important point comes up when the usage of the social
media as a platform of political communication is analyzed. It was
determined that the political parties with relatively more successful
practices and strategies were at the same time the ones which invested in
web 1.0 technologies and effectively used this channel during the discovery
period of the web as a means of political communication.
In order to support the quantitative data analysis and to complete
the study, discourse analysis will be performed by focusing on the
ideological structure of political parties, which forms the basis of their
discursive practices. Thus, the usage of metaphors, proverbs and other
related units that are observed in the quantitative data will be subject to an
analysis, and it will be possible to make inferences concerning the context
in which common concepts (e.g. democracy, rights, etc.) are utilized. Last,
but not least by organizing in-depth interviews with the individuals, whose
accounts were investigated, the extent of the sampled users presence in
social media environment as well as possible strategies to augment this
presence will be discussed.
References
Bilgin N., 2006. Sosyal Bilimlerde erik Analizi: Teknikler ve rnek
almalar. Ankara: Siyasal Kitabevi.
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Bruns A. and Burgess J., 2011. #Ausvotes: How Twitter Covered the
2010 Australian Federal Election. Communication, Politics, Culture,
44(2), pp.37-56.
Dijck J.V., 2011. Tracing Twitter: The Rise of a Microblogging
Platform, International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics, 7(3), pp.
333-348.
Ifukor P., 2010. Elections or Selections? Blogging and Twittering
the Nigerian 2007 General Elections. Bulletin of Science, Technology &
Society, 30(6), pp. 398-414.
Tumajsan A., Sprenger T.O., Sandner, P.G. and Welpe I., 2010. Election
Forecasts With Twitter: How 140 Characters Reflect the Political
Landscape. Social Science Computer Review, [online] Available at: <
http://ssc.sagepub.com/content/early/2010/09/24/0894439310386557>
[Accessed 5 February 2011].
19
MEDIJI
Izvorni znanstveni lanak
UDK 070:004.738.5(497.5)
Primljeno:18. lipnja 2013.
Mato Brautovi je doktor znanosti i izvanredni profesor Sveuilita u Dubrovniku, Hrvatska, epota: mraut@unidu.hr, Iva Milanovi-Litre je studentica doktorskog studija Sveuilita J.J.
Strossmayera iz Osijeka, Hrvatska, e-pota: ivalitre@gmail.com, a Romana John je studentica
doktorskog studija Sveuilita u Zagrebu, Hrvatska, e-pota: romanadubravcic@yahoo.com
20
MEDIJI / MEDIA
MEDIA
Original scientific paper
UDK 070:004.738.5(497.5)
Received, June 18th, 2013
Mato Brautovi has a PhD and he is associate professor at University of Dubrovnik, Croatia,
mbraut@unidu.hr, Iva Milanovi-Litre is a PhD student at University J.J. Strossmayer, Osijek,
Hrvatska, e-mail: ivalitre@gmail.com, and Romana John is a PhD student at University of Zagreb,
Croatia, e-mail: romanadubravcic@yahoo.com
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
21
Introduction
New communication technologies enabled new ways of
communication, faster flow of information, alternative sources and almost
instantaneous reaction on news content. The borderline between
professional journalists and their audience seems to be blurring (Bruns,
2005; Jenkins, 2006). Twitter can be seen as a form of participatory
journalism where citizens report without recourse to institutional
journalism (Thurman and Hermida, 2008). It is important to notice that
public communication and especially news production are still dominated
by the media, but in certain spheres, alternative agenda-setting actors do
exist, and they are producing their own news content. In such an
environment, traditional journalism and journalistic norms are challenged.
Considering that, classical paradigm of journalism, as a framework
to provide report and analyses of events and processes through narratives,
producing an accurate and impartial renderings of reality (Dahlgren, 1996),
is waning. It can be said that classical journalism is in transition. As
Dahlgren (1996) states, new media trends that are changing traditional
media environment and questioning classical paradigm are following:
increasing amount of information not provided by journalists but available
to citizens; blurring distinctions between journalism and non-journalism
and implementation of infotainment; redefining professional identity of
journalist; development of multimedia and virtual reality; and
fragmentation of publics.
Twitter creates highly connected environment with new relations
between professionals and amateurs. Some authors agree that it can only
be understood under global views that include all interactions and relations
(Noguera Vivo, 2013; Naaman, 2010; Hermida, 2010).
Based on literature on new communications technologies in
computer science, Hermida (2010) sees Twitter as an awareness system
that offers diverse means to collect, communicate, share and display news
and information and where value is defined less by each individual
fragment of information but rather by the combined effect of the
communication. He (Hermida, 2010) describes it as an ambient journalism.
Nougera Vivo`s (2013:103) also uses the concept of ambient journalism to
introduce perspective of end-user journalism, and explains it as an
ongoing process of collaboration with people in all the news phases:
observation, selection, filtering, editing, distributing and interpretation.
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
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23
24
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25
26
MEDIJI / MEDIA
27
question for followers, first-hand accounts from followers and all other
tweets. The breaking news was generated from Noguera Vivo (2013) and it
had four labels: news from own voice, link to own media, link of the news
with links to other professional media and breaking news with links to
non-professional media. The same as Lasorsa et al. (2012) category
conveying opinion was labeled major opining and minor opining which
can indicate deviation from nonpartisanship norm.
Lasorsa et al. (2012, p. 26) pointed that retweeting is an indication
of a journalists opening the gates to allow others to participate in the
news. In this coding, category retweeting (RT) had three subcategories
retweet, retweet of its own tweets and no-retweet where retweet was
labeled RT without comment; RT negative comment and RT positive
comment (Noguera Vivo, 2013).
The same as Lasorsa (2012) category the transparency of the news
production process was labeled job talking, linking, personalizing tweets
and lifecasting. The linking had four sub labels: the journalists own news
organization, another news medium, an outside blog and another link
(Lasorsa, 2012). Linking to external websites is the way that Twitter can
contribute to transparency, and indicative is also the type of external
website to which the tweet linked.
The category hashtag was labeled: promotion of the author or
show, "Temporary" hashtags issued by journalists/reporters/anchors to
engage with viewers during broadcasts, public events, other and no
hashtag (Ferenstein, 2011).
The units of analysis were tweet and hashtag.
The sample was selected in a way that initial list of journalist was
produced from impressum lists found on the web sites of the most
popular Croatian media (Gemius, 2013). The reason for that was the fact
that was only secure way to determine who is working for the media and
which role he or she has. The initial sample of journalists from Croatia
included journalists and editors from national elite media Novi list (23),
Slobodna Dalmacija (18), Croatian national broadcaster Croatian television
(27), RTL TV (30), 24sata (20), Jutarnji list (8), Veernji list (19), Nova TV
-Dnevnik.hr (7) and non-elite media: Tportal.hr (59), Index.hr (10), Net.hr
(36). After comparing the names of the journalists from the impressum
lists with twitter users lists only 52 of 257 journalists had the twitter
account with more than 5 tweets. We took 5 tweets as minimum for
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
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detecting active use of Twitter. Also, three had no public open profiles so
they were excluded from the analysis.
Using the Nvivo 10 capture tool we scraped 45788 tweets from 52
Croatian journalists covering the period from January 1, 2010 to June 9,
2013 for content analysis. Because of the huge quantity of the tweets in
initial sample of tweets and assumption that recent tweets show better use
of the platform, the sample was reduced to period from January 1, 2013 to
June, 1 2013 and included 7606 tweets for content analysis from 39
Croatian journalists. Of 39 Croatian journalists 16 are journalists at the
elite media, and 23 are journalists at the non-elite media.
The coding was made by two coders and intercoder reliability was
determined by selecting 117 pairs of tweets which were coded by both
coders. The reliability was calculated with ReCal 0.1 Alpha tool (Dfreelon,
2013). The conservative Cohens Kappa with a value over 0.90 shows very
high reliability (Lombard et al., 2004). The Cohen's Kappa for the topic
of tweet was 0.929; for the type of the tweet was 0.89; for the
retweeting was 0.958; for the transparency of the news production
process was 0.923 and for the hashtag was 0.972. Contrary to Lasorsa
et al. (2012) the results based on this coding are fully acceptable.
Table 1 The reliability and validity of data
Percent
Agreement
Scott's
Pi
Cohen's
Kappa
Krippendorff's
Alpha
Topic of tweet
94%
0.929
0.929
0.929
91.5%
0.89
0.89
0.89
Retweeting
99.1%
0.958
0.958
0.959
94.9%
0.923
0.923
0.924
Hashtag
99.1%
0.972
0.972
0.973
29
have small number of the followers and that they are following small
number of other Twitter users compare to USA (Lasorsa et al., 2012). An
average Croatian journalist on Twitter had 567 followers and he or she was
following 357 Twitter users. It seems that journalists with presence on
Twitter do not have celebrity status. The partial explanation for this can be
found in small number of Twitter users in Croatia and their low activity via
Twitter. An average journalist published 183 tweets during 5 months
periods or 36.3 tweets per month or 1.2 per day.
Table 2 Profile of Croatian journalists on Twitter
N
Min.
Max.
Mean
SD
Followers
46
3799
567,8
760,5
Following
52
10
2162
357
479
Total tweets
47
9865
3075,5
1903,8
Tweets in 5
months
coding
period
39
1833
183
332,1
The most popular topic for tweeting was their personal life. As
presented in Table 3 24.66% of all tweets were talking about journalists
personal life. But, there was a difference between elite and non-elite
journalists. The non-elite journalist had 28.45% of tweets with content of
their personal life compare to elite journalists who had 9.42% or three
times less. The elite journalists were posting about personal life in the
range of the USA journalist 8.69%-13.9% depending on the gender
(Lasorsa, 2012).
The second most popular tweet topic was politics (14.92%). In this
case also we found the difference between non-elite and elite journalists.
The elite journalists had 25.74% of their tweets in the area of politics
compare to non-elite who had 12.23%. If we compare this result with the
USA journalists (6.02%-7.76) (Lasorsa, 2012) we can see that Croatian
journalists are posting almost twice as much.
The similar but opposite situation was with entertainment. The
elite journalists were posting about this topic in 4.46% of tweets compare
30
MEDIJI / MEDIA
to non-elite who were posting in 9.40% of cases. The USA journalist did it
in around 7% of tweets (Lasorsa, 2012).
Another great difference between non-elite and elite journalist
were sports. The elite journalists had 16.39% of their tweets in this
category compare to non-elite who had only 0.43%. In the USA the sports
tweets are in the range of 1.39% for females to 8.86% for males (Lasorsa,
2012).
Table 3 Topics of the tweets
Nonelite
Elite
TOTAL
Politics
684
12,23%
358
25,74%
1042
14,92%
Technology
243
4,34%
34
2,44%
277
3,97%
Economy
113
2,02%
56
4,03%
169
2,42%
Entertainment
526
9,40%
62
4,46%
588
8,42%
Sports
24
0,43%
228
16,39%
252
3,61%
Environment
140
2,50%
29
2,08%
169
2,42%
Social welfare
138
2,47%
10
0,72%
148
2,12%
Journalists personal
life
1592
28,45%
131
9,42%
1723
24,66%
Unspecified topic
2135
38,16%
483
34,72%
2618
37,47%
TOTAL of topics
5595
100,00
%
139
1
100,00
%
6986
100,00
%
73,56%
18,29%
91,85%
From the Table 4 we can see that the most popular activity of
Croatian journalists on Twitter was conversation or discussion (41.06%).
This finding is in the line with Spanish journalists (Noguera Vivo, 2013)
and twice popular then in USA (Lasorsa et al., 2012). The elite journalists
(49.22%) were more willing to discuss via Twitter then non-elite (38.81%).
The second most popular activity was opining with 34.46% of all tweets.
Compare to USA journalists (42.7%) this activity is less popular (Lasorsa et
al., 2012). Another major activity of Croatian journalists was selfpromotion (13.63%) where this activity was more used by non-elite
(15.94%) than elite journalists (5.29%). The least popular activities were to
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
31
Elite
Total
Convey information
265
5,46%
129
9,62%
394
6,36%
49
1,01%
14
1,04%
63
1,02%
53
1,09%
11
0,82%
64
1,03%
27
0,56%
0,15%
29
0,47%
Major opining
911
18,76%
182
13,57%
1093
17,63%
Minor opining
860
17,71%
183
13,65%
1043
16,83%
Self-promotion
774
15,94%
71
5,29%
845
13,63%
Conversation/Discussion
1885
38,81%
660
49,22%
2545
41,06%
22
0,45%
78
5,82%
100
1,61%
0,08%
0,52%
11
0,18%
0,14%
0,30%
11
0,18%
0,00%
0,00%
0,00%
TOTAL of activities
4857
100,00%
1341
100,00%
6198
100,00%
63,86%
17,63%
81,49%
32
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Elite
TOTAL
Job talking
242
10,10%
179
38,00%
421
14,68%
Linking - the
journalists own
news organization;
208
8,68%
59
12,53%
267
9,31%
Linking - another
news medium
236
9,85%
58
12,31%
294
10,25%
Linking - an outside
blog
41
1,71%
1,27%
47
1,64%
1399
58,39%
139
29,51%
1538
53,64%
Personalizing
tweets
125
5,22%
17
3,61%
142
4,95%
Lifecasting
145
6,05%
13
2,76%
158
5,51%
TOTAL of
transparency
2396
100,00%
471
100,00%
2867
100,00%
31,50%
6,19%
37,69%
33
retweets without comment were only 3.21%. The second most numerous
retweets were retweets with negative comment (6.78%). The retweets with
negative comments in case of Spain constituted only 0.3% (Noguera Vivo,
2013).
Table 6 Use of retweeting
Number of tweets
Percentage of tweets
RT without comment
35
3,21%
RT positive comment
0,82%
RT negative comment
74
6,78%
973
89,18%
TOTAL of retweets
1091
100,00%
14,34%
Percentage of tweets
0,03%
Temporary" hashtags
0,03%
Public events
20
0,26%
Other
633
8,32%
No hashtag
6949
91,36%
Total
7606
100,00%
34
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References
Blasingame, D. (2011) Gatejumping: Twitter, TV News and the
Delivery of Breaking News, #ISOJ: The Official Journal of the
International Symposium on Online Journalism 1 (1), Available at:
<http://online.journalism.utexas.edu/ebook.php>[Accessed
10
June 2013].
Brautovi, M. (2011a) Internet kao novinarski izvor. Lulu.com.
Brautovi, M. (2011b) Online novinarstvo. Zagreb: kolska knjiga.
Brautovi, M. (2011c) Upotreba Twittera za promociju sadraja i
uspostavu dvosmjerne komunikacije s korisnicima kod hrvatskih
online medija, asopis za upravljanje komuniciranjem, Novi Sad, 20
(6), 61-72.
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36
MEDIJI / MEDIA
<http://www.readwriteweb.com/archives/twitter_for_journalists.p
hp>[Accessed 10 July 2013].
Lasorsa, D. L. (2012) Transparency and Other Journalistic Norms
on Twitter, Journalism Studies, 13 (3), 402-417.
Lasorsa , D. L., Lewis S. C., Holton A. E. (2012) Normalizing
Twitter, Journalism Studies, 13 (1), 19-36.
Lombard, M., Snyder-Duch, J., Campanella Bracken, C. (2004)
Practical Resources for Assessing and Reporting Intercoder
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Lowrey, W. and Mackay, J. B. (2008) Journalism and blogging: A
test of a model of occupational competition, Journalism Practice, 2
(1), 64-81.
Marvick, A., Boyd, D. (2011) I Tweet Honestly, I Tweet
Passionately: Twitter users, context collapse, and the imagined
audience, New Media and Society 13 (1), 114-33.
Messner, M., Maureen L., Asriel E. (2012) Shoveling Tweets: An
Analysis of the Microblogging Engagement of Traditional News
Organizations, #ISOJ: The Official Research Journal of the
International Symposium on Online Journalism, 2 (1), 76-90.
Naaman, M., Boase, J., Lai, C.-H. (2010) Is it Really About Me?
Message Content in Social Awareness Streams, Paper presented at
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Savannah.
Noguera Vivo, J. M. (2013) How open are journalists on Twitter?
Trends towards the end-user journalism, Communication&Society,
26(1), 93-114.
Robinson, S. (2006) The Mission of the J-blog: recapturing
journalistic authority online, Journalism, 7 (1), 65-83.
Singer, J. B. (2005) The political j-blogger Normalizing a new
media form to fit old norms and practices, Journalism, 6 (2), 173198.
Singer, J. B. (2007) Contested Autonomy: professional and
popular claims on journalistic norms, Journalism Studies, 8 (1), 7995.
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
37
MEDIJI
Prethodno priopenje
UDK 070:004.738.5(497.5 DUBROVNIK)
Primljeno 9. veljae 2013.
Anuka Fjorovi
38
MEDIJI / MEDIA
MEDIA
Preliminary communication
UDK 070:004.738.5(497.5 DUBROVNIK)
Received February 9th, 2013
Anuka Fjorovi
The author is a lecturer at University of Dubrovnik and PhD student in information and
communication sciences, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Zagreb, Croatia, e-mail:
anuska.fjorovic@unidu.hr
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
39
Uvod
Dananje doba zasigurno bi se moglo nazvati digitalnim, jer u
njemu internet predstavlja, kako kae Manuel Castells (2003., 11.) tkivo
naih ivota. Slijedom ove tvrdnje, online mediji, nesporno je, uz to to
postavljaju nove trendove u novinarstvu, preuzimaju i primat nad
klasinim medijima. Nelinearnost rada (pohrana i prikaz informacija u
posebnom rasporedu ili slijedu), raznovrsne mogunosti prezentacije
novosti, povezivanje poveznicama, arhiviranost, neposrednost,
interaktivnost i sve ostale prednosti koje prua World wide web, doveli su do
gotovo sigurnog preuzimanja primata online medija kao prvenstvenog
izvora informacija, naspram klasinim medijima.
Bez obzira radi li se o neovisnom online projektu ili svojevrsnom
dodatku ve postojeem matinom izdanju, oito je kako su online mediji
postali su nezaobilazan imbenik suvremenog novinarstva. Danas u
Hrvatskoj djeluje vie od 250 online medija, od kojih su veinu pokrenuli
amateri i volonteri. (Brautovi, 2011., 27)
Internetom se ee koristi mlaa populacija, njih gotovo 90% u
dobi od 15 do 24 godine te vie od dvije treine graana u dobi od 25 do
34 godine, a korisnika interneta razmjerno je mnogo i meu osobama
srednje i starije dobi, osobito meu urbanim i obrazovanijim
stanovnitvom (Brautovi, 2011., 20).
Slijedom toga, kada se radi o portalima o kojima e biti rijei u
ovom radu, ciljana javnost su mladi ljudi, liberalnijih svjetonazora te
obrazovaniji sloj drutva. Svi portali, pa i portali na dubrovakom
podruju, gaaju iroko u trinoj orijentaciji i ciljanoj publici.
Iako je internet od svojih poetaka promatran iskljuivo kao
globalni medij, i jo se uvijek smatra jednim od glavnih uzronika
globalizacije kao socijalnog procesa koji tei sveobuhvatnosti i
jedinstvenosti svijeta (Turek, 1999., 159.), posljednjih je godina pokazao
da u velikoj mjeri moe utjecati na lokalnu zajednicu, i to putem
(hiper)lokalnih online medija. Isto tako, tvrdnje da irenje interneta vodi do
drutvene izolacije, do sloma drutvene komunikacije i obiteljskog ivota
(Castells, 2003., 131.) ostale su tek sterilna debata, jer
internetskadrutvena interakcija nema izravnog uinka na obrasce
svakodnevnog ivota, osim to postojeim drutvenim odnosima dodaje
online interakciju, to je vano za promatranje lokalnih online portala.
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
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MEDIJI / MEDIA
41
42
MEDIJI / MEDIA
43
44
MEDIJI / MEDIA
Du list - http://www.dulist.hr/
Dubrovaki list pokrenut je krajem 1998., dok je portal krenuo s
radom poetkom 2008. godine. Spletom okolnosti Dubrovaki list je
bankrotirao krajem rujna 2011., dok je njihovo online izdanje nakon toga
nastavilo s radom u izmijenjenom, poboljanom izdanju. Poetkom
listopada 2011., od ostataka Dubrovakog lista, nastao je tjednik Du list, sa
svojim portalom koji i dalje postoji na dnevnoj bazi.
Glavna urednica je Barbara urasovi.
Kao i u tiskanom izdanju, na portalu prevladava crvena boja s
primjesama tamno sive.
Dizajnerski, portal je podijeljen na tri stupca, a dominirajue dvije
gornje treine poetne stranice, odnosno naslovnice, zauzima pet
najznaajnijih dnevnih vijesti koje se izmjenjuju. Na stranici se moe
pregledati i cijelo tiskano izdanje, te Dulist in, njihov tjedni prilog.
Du list broji dosta rubrika, i to pod nazivima: politika, aktualno,
crna kronika, dulist in, zanimljivosti, sport, kultura, ivot, kolumne, vae
vijesti i natjeaji. esto upravo vijesti koje alju itatelji zauzmu mjesto na
naslovnici meu pet najznaajnijih vijesti.
Uz portal Dubrovaki vjesnik, portal Du list ima najvie autorskih
tekstova, upravo zato to su oba primarno tiskani mediji s cijelom
infrastrukturom pa su rjee najave i kopirani tekstovi iz drugih medija ili s
drugih portala. Vidljivo je kako Du list, i u tiskanom, a posljedino i online
izdanju, naginje desnoj politikoj opciji. Tome u prilog govore i komentari,
posredstvom facebooka, na kojima se veinom javljaju osobe desnije
politike orijentacije. Budui da komentari nisu anonimni, ak i pored
kontroverznijih tekstova, ne moe ih se proitati u veem broju.
Kako je ve spomenuto, i Dubrovaki vjesnik i Du list su najprije
tjednici, a tek potom portali, zbog toga rijetko na portalu objave puno
izdanje svojih najjaih tema veinom se radi tek o skraenim verzijama
tekstova iz tiskanog izdanja, s naznakom kako se u tiskanom izdanju moe
proitati vie.
Tiskano izdanje Du lista moe se nai na kioscima u srijedu.
Du list dri 144. poziciju u Hrvatskoj na stranici Alexa. Unato
traenjima, urednitvo nije ustupilo broj pojedinanih posjetitelja za rujan
2012., ve su ustupili samo broj posjeta: 223 832.
45
46
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47
48
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49
Zakljuak
Govorei o portalima na podruju Dubrovnika, prva stvar koja
upada u oi je njihova brojnost na 40-ak tisua stanovnika, na
dubrovakom podruju postoji ak sedam portala. Dakle, Dubrovnik je
oito plodno tlo za razvijanje lokalnih online medija, no, obzirom na mali
broj stanovnika postavlja se pitanje potrebe njihova postojanja, kao i
ekonomske odrivosti.
Dubrovaki vjesnik, Du list, Dubrovnik press, Dubrovnik net,
Dubrovnik portal vidljivo je kako nazivi portala veinom ukazuju na
njihovu lokalnost, a tu su i oni malo openitijeg nazivlja Portal oko i
Kenova. Portal oko je, moda zbog toga to je i zapoeo svoj rad, najprije
kao nacionalni, a ne lokalni portal, jedini portal na ijim stranicama udarne
vijesti ponekad nisu iskljuivo lokalnog, dubrovakog karaktera, nego
mogu biti i nacionalne. Ipak, primat u ureivakoj politici imaju vijesti
lokalnoga karaktera.
Od sedam portala, samo dva, Dubrovaki vjesnik i Du list, nastali
su na temeljima konvencionalnog, papirnatog izdanja koje jo uvijek
supostoji s portalom, dok ostali portali egzistiraju samo online. Svojevrsna
je iznimka vidljiva na primjeru portala oko, koji ima cijelu rubriku pod
nazivom besplatne novine s podruja Dubrovnika Glas grada ova
novina, jednako tako, na nekoliko svojih stranica prenosi sadraje sa
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
50
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Literatura
Brautovi, Mato, (2011.), Online novinarstvo, kolska knjiga, Zagreb
Castells, Manuel (2003.) Internet galaksija, Naklada Jesenski i Turk,
Zagreb
Salwen Michael Brian, Garrison Bruce, Driscoll Paul D., (2005.),
Online news and the public, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Inc.
The Young Foundation (2010.), Joining the Conversation: An
Introduction to Hyperlocal Media, Local Government Improvement and
Development
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
51
53
ODNOSI S JAVNOSTIMA
Izvorni znanstveni lanak
UDK 659:316.7
Primljeno 21. travnja 2012.
Joko Sindik je doktor znanosti i znanstveni suradnik Instituta za antropologiju, Zagreb, Hrvatska, epota: josko.sindik@inantro.hr, Snjeana Konopljak, mag., Ustavni sud Republike Hrvatske, Zagreb,
Hrvatska, e-pota: snjezana_konopljak@usud.hr, Ljubica Baki-Tomi je doktorica znanosti i izvanredna
profesorica Uiteljskog fakulteta Sveuilita u Zagrebu, Hrvatska, e-pota: lj.bakic-tomic@ufzg.hr
54
PUBLIC RELATIONS
Original scientific paper
UDK 659:316.7
Received April 21st, 2012
Josko Sindik has PhD and he is a scientific associate at Institute of Antrophology, Zagreb, Croatia, Email: josko.sindik@inantro.hr, Snjezana Konopljak, mag., Croatian Constutional Court, Zagreb, Croatia,
E-mail: snjezana_konopljak@usud.hr, Ljubica Bakic-Tomic has PhD and she is an associated professor at
Faculty of Teaher Education, Zagreb, Croatia, E-mail: lj.bakic-tomic@ufzg.hr
55
Uvod
Premda nisu sami po sebi ni dobri niti loi, u poslovnom svijetu
sukobi (konflikti) openito i njihove posljedice uvijek su bitni, pa je zato
vano uiti i stjecati vjetine upravljanja sukobima. Unaprjeenje institucije
u cjelini, ali i unaprjeenje osobnosti i radne uinkovitosti svakog
pojedinca, esto ovisi i o vjetinama rjeavanja konfliktnih situacija.
tovie, vjetina rjeavanja konfliktnih situacija vana je za unaprjeenje
cjelokupne komunikacije i u svakodnevnom ivotu. Konflikt (sukob) je
neizbjean fenomen na svim razinama ljudskog komuniciranja, jer ga
stvaraju disharmonija i mimoilaenje ne samo u ponaanju, ve i u
osjeajima, ciljevima, eljama, pa ak i osnovnim ivotnim potrebama.
Bahtijarevi iber (1999.) definira konflikt kao proces socijalne interakcije
i socijalnu situaciju u kojoj se interesi ili aktivnosti sudionika (pojedinaca ili
grupa) meusobno stvarno ili prividno suprotstavljaju, blokiraju i
onemoguavaju ostvarivanje njihovih ciljeva. Obino ukljuuje borbu za
osiguranje resursa, moi, statusa ili nekih drugih povlastica, elja, interesa i
ciljeva pojedinaca, grupa ili organizacija. Konflikt je uvijek vezan uz ljudske
i grupne interakcije. Konflikt je dinamian proces koji se odraava na
razliitim razinama, a moe se pojavljivati u latentnom ili manifestnom
obliku, o emu ovisi i mogunost njegova rjeavanja. Kako e se pojedinac
ponaati u konfliktu, ovisi o tome u kojoj mjeri nastoji uvaiti interese
drugih (integracija), a u kojoj mjeri nastoji uvaiti vlastite interese
(distribucija). Razliiti su naini na koje ljudi pokuavaju rijeiti konfliktne
situacije na poslu i u ivotu openito. Upravljanje konfliktima (engl.
conflict management) je proces i aktivnost usmjerena na spreavanje
disfunkcionalnih i destruktivnih posljedica konflikata i usmjeravanje
energije konfliktnih situacija i sueljenih grupa u akciju identificiranja i
rjeavanja problema. O nainu i uspjenosti upravljanja konfliktima ovisi
djelotvornost organizacije. Postoje razliiti pristupi upravljanju i rjeavanju
konflikata, s razliitim efektima. To su izbjegavanje (neuvaavanje niti
svojih, niti tuih interesa), prilagodba (uvaavanje tuih, ali ne i svojih
interesa), konfrontacija (uvaavanje samo svojih interesa), kompromis
(djelomino uvaavanje i svojih, i tuih interesa), suradnja (uvaavanje i
svojih, i tuih interesa) (Deutch, Gordon i Robins, iz Braja, 1994.), dok
Birkenbihl navodi jo ujedinjavanje, udvajanje i mimoilaenje (Braja,
1994.). Da bi se kvalitetno upravljalo konfliktima, potrebno je poznavati
konfliktnu situaciju, dotadanje odnose sukobljenih, znati vrijeme kad je
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
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57
58
59
Metode
Ispitanici
Istraivanje je provedeno tijekom srpnja 2009. godine, i u njemu je
sudjelovao 71 ispitanik, razliitog stupnja strune spreme (strukturu uzorka
po strunoj spremi vidjeti u tablici 1), ukupno ak 68% iz osnovne
populacije, tj. ukupnog broja zaposlenika u ovom sektoru rada (dravni
slubenici Ustavnog suda Republike Hrvatske). Podaci o dobi ispitanika
nisu se prikupljali, jer smo pretpostavili da su varijable radnog iskustva
relevantnije (tablica 2). Rije je o prigodnom uzorku ispitanika (svi
slubenici osim visokih dunosnika, koji su pristali na sudjelovanje u
istraivanju).
Tablica 1. Struktura uzorka s obzirom na spol i strunu spremu
STRUNA SPREMA
SSS
VS
bacc
VSS
Ukupno
spol
% spol
ENE
18
22
52
73 %
MUKARCI
Ukupno struna
sprema
19
27 %
27
10
31
71
100 %
38 %
14 %
4%
44 %
100 %
Ispitanici
UKUPNO %
do 5
god.
do 10
god.
do 30
god.
vie od
30 god.
Ukupno
spol
% spol
ENE
30
52
73 %
MUKARCI
Ukupno radno
iskustvo
15
27 %
11
45
10
71
100 %
UKUPNO %
7%
16 %
63 %
14 %
100 %
60
Varijable
U istraivanju smo za testiranje razlika izmeu ispitanika u odnosu
prema nainima upravljanja konfliktima koristili nominalne varijable spol,
te razina strune spreme (SSS i VS spojene su u kategoriju uvjetno reeno
nie strune spreme, a univ./stru.bacc i VSS u kategoriju uvjetno reeno
vie strune spreme) kao zavisne, dok su dimenzije Upitnika (tj. strategije
upravljanja konfliktima) bile nezavisne varijable.
Za prikupljanje podataka koriten je upitnik Uporaba konfliktnih
strategija (Johnson i Johnson, 1987., iz Baki-Tomi, 2003.) koji se sastojao
od 20 tvrdnji koje se odnose na zastupljenost stilova upravljanja
konfliktima. Skala procjene u Upitniku je bila Likertova tipa od pet
stupnjeva, gdje je procjena brojkom 5 znaila potpuno slaganje, a 1
potpuno neslaganje sa sadrajem tvrdnje.
Dimenzije upitnika u izvornoj verziji upitnika bile su:
suradnja/integracija, kompromis, prilagoavanje, kompeticija/borba i
izbjegavanje konflikta (strategije upravljanja konfliktima). Meutim, na
temelju rezultata analize pouzdanosti izvornih dimenzija upitnika, dvije su
se dimenzije pokazale nezadovoljavajue pouzdanima: suradnja/integracija
(=,36), te kompromis (=,09). Zato su primjenom postupka faktorske
analize (analiza glavnih komponenti s varimax rotacijom), a prema
kriterijima Guttman-Kaiserova kriterija, uz potivanje zahtjeva o
interpretabilnosti dobivenih dimenzija, dobivene samo tri dimenzije
strategija upravljanja konfliktima (Sindik, Konopljak i Baki-Tomi, 2012).
Dimenzije kompeticija/borba (12,23 % objanjene varijance) te
izbjegavanje konflikta (12,65 % objanjene varijance) bile su praktiki
istovjetne izvornim dimenzijama upitnika, dok su se suradnja/integracija,
kompromis, prilagoavanje spojile u jedinstvenu dimenziju
prilagoavanje/kompromis/suradnja (17,52 % objanjene varijance, u
daljem tekstu kombinirana strategija). Sve dobivene dimenzije su
pokazale zadovoljavajuu pouzdanost (tablica 4), a tumae zajedno 42,40%
ukupne varijance. Ove tri varijable definirane su kao jednostavna linearna
kombinacija procjena za estice koje ih definiraju. Dimenziju izbjegavanje
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
61
Rezultati i rasprava
Najprije smo izraunali temeljne deskriptivne pokazatelje za sve
estice upitnika Uporaba konfliktnih strategija (tablica 3).
Tablica 3. Prosjene vrijednosti za upitnik Uporaba konfliktnih strategija
Varijabla - tvrdnja
1.
Min.
Max.
Aritmet.
sredina
Std.
devijacija
3,87
1,04
62
2.
2,13
1,31
2,92
1,32
4,21
0,77
3,77
1,22
3,70
1,29
2,55
1,44
4,66
0,72
4,21
0,79
4,44
1,05
4,13
1,04
3,35
1,39
3,92
1,11
1,93
1,20
4,30
0,85
3,75
1,13
4,24
0,82
4,46
0,75
3,18
1,32
4,52
0,79
20
44
36,86
4,93
izbjegavanje
20
15,79
3,23
kompeticija / borba
28
17,38
4,39
63
Karakteristini
korijen
Wilksova
lambda
Kanonika
korelacija
2-test (stupnjevi
slobode)
Diskriminacijska funkcija
,06
,95
,23
3,61 (3)
>,20
VARIJABLE
Korelacija s
Wilksova
diskriminacijskim
lambda
faktorom
,80
F-test
(1,69)
M
mukarci
M
ene
mukarci
ene
2,78
>,10
35,26
37,44
5,48
4,64
kombinirana
,96
izbjegavanje
1,00
,17
,11
>,20
15,58
15,87
3,73
3,06
kompeticija/borba
,99
-,53
1,05
>,20
18,26
17,06
5,04
4,13
64
Karakteristini
korijen
Diskriminacijska funkcija
,10
VARIJABLE
Korelacija s
Wilksova
diskriminacijski
lambda
m faktorom
Wilksova
2-test
Kanonika korelacija
lambda
(stupnjevi slobode)
,91
F-test
(1,69)
,31
6,68 (3)
p
>,05
M
nia
M
via
nia
via
5,51
kombinirana
,96
,660
3,13
>,05
37,84
35,79
4,18
izbjegavanje
,98
,463
1,53
>,20
16,24
15,29
3,41
3,00
kompeticija/borba
,96
,633
2,88
>,05
18,22
16,47
4,85
3,69
65
66
67
Zakljuci
Ne postoje spolne razlike u odnosu prema pretpostavljenim trima
dimenzijama naina upravljanja konfliktima (kombinirana strategija,
kompeticija/borba i izbjegavanje).
Takoer ne postoje razlike u odnosu prema istim dimenzijama kad je rije
o razini strune spreme ispitanika. Rezultati ovog istraivanja ukazuju na
potrebu trajnog strunog usavravanja u podruju vjetina upravljanja
sukobima.
68
Literatura
Bahtijarevi iber, F. (1999). Izvori stresa u suvremenim radnim
uvjetima, Slobodno poduzetnitvo, 4: 265-275.
Baki-Tomi, Lj. (2003). Komunikoloko-menaderski profil rukovoditelja
u hrvatskoj policiji. Doktorska disertacija. Zagreb: Filozofski fakultet.
Braja, P. (1994). Pedagoka komunikologija. Zagreb: kolska knjiga.
Devine, P.G. (1989). Stereotypes and Prejudice: Their Automatic
and Controlled Components, Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, (56), 1: 5-8.
Golby, J., i Sheard, M. (2003). Mental toughness and hardiness at
different levels of rugby league, Personality & individual differences,
(37), 5: 933-942.
Hackman, J.R., i Oldham, G.R. (1980). Work Redesign. Reading,
M.A.: Addison-Wesley.
Hyde, J.S. (1994). Understanding Human Sexuality. New York:
McGraw Hill.
Konopljak, S., Sindik, J., i Baki-Tomi, Lj. (2009). Representation
and sex differences in conflict management strategies for civil
servants in the Croatian Constitutional Court. U: Conference
proceedings of the 3 rd Special Focus Symposiums on ICESKS:
Information, Communication and Economic Sciences in the
Knowledge Society, Zadar, 12-14.11.2009. (ur. V. imovi, Lj.
Baki-Tomi, Z. Hubinkova), str. 48-60.
Mayers, D.G. (1993). Social Psychology. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Nunnally, J. C. (1978). Psychometric theory. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Omejec, J (2009). O potrebnim promjenama u strukturi hrvatskog
ustavnog sudovanja (prilog reformi ustavnog sudovanja). U:
Barbi, J. (ur.). Zbornik radova: Hrvatsko ustavno sudovanje de lege lata i
de lege ferenda. Series: Modernisation of Law, Vol. 10, Zagreb,
Hrvatska akademija znanosti i umjetnosti, str. 23-142.
Rijavec, M. (1995). Uspjean menader Svakodnevne metode upravljanja.
Zagreb: MEP Consult.
Sindik, J., Konopljak, S., i Baki-Tomi, Lj. (2012). Konstruktna
valjanost upitnika strategija upravljanja konfliktima kod dravnih
slubenika ustavnog suda. U: Book of manuscripts, Society and
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
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71
DRUTVO
Pregledni rad
UDK 32:94 (4+5)
Primljeno 22. listopada 2012.
Andrijana Rabrenovi
Autorica je magistra znanosti i glavna urednica Radija Bijelo Polje, Crna Gora, e-pota:
rabrenovic.andrijana@gmail.com
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SOCIETY
Review article
UDK 32:94 (4+5)
Received October 22nd, 2012
Andrijana Rabrenovi
The author has MS and she is an editor of Radio Bijelo Polje, Montenegro, E-mail:
rabrenovic.andrijana@gmail.com
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
73
Uvod
Na poetku rada koji se bavi odnosom politikog plakata i kulta
linosti potrebno je rei neto o ova dva pojma kako bi se moglo govoriti
o znaaju politikog plakata u formiranju kulta linosti.
Od svog nastanka plakat je koriten u umjetnike, komercijalne,
ali i politike svrhe. Ovaj masovni medij vizuelne komunikacije je
posluio i danas slui, kao veoma efikasno sredstvo propagande.
Etimoloki, rije plakat, koja se kod nas koristi, potie od engleske rijei
''poster'', to je neto to je posted up, ili u prevodu postavljeno na stub. Za
ovu englesku rije tvrdi se da potie iz vremena korienja ulinih
stubova za isticanje objava u XVII vijeku. Njemaka rije Anschlag
(Anlag) i francuska rije Affiche (Afi), ukazuju na ''priljepljivanje''
odnosno ''naljepljivanje''. U Maloj enciklopediji Prosvete pie da je plakat
''oglas, proglas, tampana ili ilustrovana objava, obznana; istie se obino
na mestima koja su za to odreena, na stubovima, zidovima, po
izlozima...'' (Bihalji-Merin, 1967:303). Po definiciji plakat je reprodukcija,
poto se masovno proizvodi, budui da se umjetnika djela litografija,
grafika i sl. reprodukuju u ogranienom, striktno odreenom broju
primjeraka. Slavujevi odreuje plakat kao ''list papira koji se masovno
izlae na javnim mestima privrivanjem na podlogu, ali moe da se
koristi i kao opti pojam koji obuhvata plakat u uem smislu, poster i
letak'' (2007:177). Rikards je takoe tvrdio da plakat mora da bude javno
izloen i da pretpostavlja moderan koncept javnosti, u kome su lanovi
drutva definisani prvenstveno kao posmatrai i potroai (1971:3). S
obzirom na brojne prednosti koje ima u odnosu na ostale masovne
medije plakat se smatra sredstvom politike borbe par exellance.
''Potencijal politikog plakata kao propagandnog sredstva, sadran je u
njegovoj jasnoi i jednostavnosti forme, kao i u slikovitosti izraza''
(Nikoli, 2000:12). Politiki plakat je jednostavan, ali i istovremeno, po
dejstvu, kompleksan medij masovne propagande. Njegove karakteristike
su, prije svega, da informie, zatim da apeluje, podstakne, ubijedi, zavede
i obrazuje. To je nain da se promovie politiki subjekt, ali i ospori
protivnik. Plakat predstavlja relativno jeftino sredstvo propagande, koje
ne zahtijeva veliki napor prilikom recepcije poruke i publiku osvaja u
naletu. Kako je to zakljuio mihailovi ''dobar plakat djeluje kao udarac
pesnicom u oko'' (1984:142). Predan za politiki plakat pie: ''On je jedan
od osnovnih vizuelnih pokazatelja vremena i kao takav omoguava
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
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Zakljuak
Analizirajui odnos politikog plakata i kult linosti koji je
formiran kod pomenutih voa dolazimo do zakljuka da je plakat kao
sredstvo propagande pored ostalih sredstava uistinu doprinio u kreiranju
kulta linosti i nainu predstavljanja pojedinih vladara. Na primjerima
voa komunizma, faizma i nacizma su oigledne etape koje su vladari
prelazili u svojim nastojanjima da osvoje i ouvaju vlast. Sluei se
brojnim propagandnim tehnika i koristei sva raspoloiva sredstva
pomenute voe su uspostavljale sopstveni reim. Politiki plakat je u tom
kreiranju drutva po njihovim vizijama bio nezaobilazno sredstvo
propagande. Plakati koji su proizvoeni u milijunskim tiraima su
lijepljeni po zgradama i kuama, na glavnim gradskim ulicama i trgovima,
isticani su na svim prometnim mjestima u razliitim veliinama.
Angaovani su umjetnici koji su kreirali vizuelne elemente plakata.
Raene su fotomontae, voe su se stilizovale, pretvarale u neustraive
vojskovoe. Dojueranji politiari postajali su osvajai svijeta. Na slian
nain su se odnosili prema prednostima koje je omuguavao plakat i u
Sovjetskom Savezu i u faistikoj Italiji i nacistikoj Njemakoj.U
vremenu kada Internet i televizija nijesu postojali narod je mogao da vidi
voe jedino na plakatima. Upravo su sa plakata oni i posmatrali narodne
mase. Obueni u uniforme, esto sa parolama koje su bile upeatljive i
nedvosmislene, ispisanim uz fotografije. Nekada su na plakatima voe
prikazivane sa prethodnicima, nekada samostalno, nekada sa masom
naroda pod svojim nogama ili u razliitim trenucima sa mladima,
vojnicima ili radnicima. Voe su prikazivane kao odluni, vrsti i snani
ljudi, koji imaju snagu i mo da predvode mase. Vodilo se rauna o
simbolima koji e biti prikazani na plakatima. Boje su odgovarale
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
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Literatura
Adamovi, V. (1993): Kult linosti u Enciklopedija politike kulture,
Savremena administracija, Beograd
Bihalji Merin, O. (1967): Mala enciklopedija prosveta, Prosveta,
Beograd
95
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97
Prilozi:
Poglavlje Lenjin:
slika 1
slika 2
slika 3
slika 4
slika 5
slika 6
slika 7
slika 8
slika 9
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Poglavlje Staljin:
slika 1
slika 2
slika 3
slika 4
slika 5
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
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Poglavlje Musolini:
slika 1
slika 2
slika 4
slika 5
slika 7
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
slika 3
slika 6
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Poglavlje Hitler:
slika 1
slika 2
slika 4
slika 6
slika 3
slika 5
slika 7
slika 8
Medianali, Vol. 7 (2013), No. 13
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slika 9
slika 12
slika 10
slika 11
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DRUTVO
Prethodno priopenje
UDK 327.88
Primljeno 2. travnja 2012.
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SOCIETY
Preliminary communication
UDK 327.88
Received April 2nd, 2012
105
Introduction
On 16th May 2003 in Casablanca five suicide bombers blew
themselves up almost simultaneously on different locations of the city
causing numerous casualties and injured. On the same date in Israel suicide
bombers blew themselves up in different cities of the country killing and
injuring a number of persons. La Presse, a Montreal daily, used the
following expressions to report about these events:
Attentats terroristes Casablanca
Un kamikaze se fait exploser Hbron
The word terrorist was not mentioned in the article about Israel or
in the others reporting about the same event. However, it is
unquestionable that both attacks, the one in Israel just like the one in
Morocco, are of the same nature. The difference in processing
information, or more precisely, in the choice of the words used in
reporting about the same type of events in the same newspaper is
undeniable. Why is that so? Identical cases that we have encountered
throughout this research are numerous and this is just one randomly
chosen example.
Obviously journalists do not decide to use the word terrorist or
terrorism lightly. However, the usage of the word is not accidental. When
and why do they think that it is legitimate to use it? Does a justified
difference in meaning really exist?
106
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107
108
DRUTVO / SOCIETY
109
19
20
Forst, B.: Terrorism, Crime and Public Policy, Cambridge University Press, 2008., p. 3.
Hoffman, B.: Inside Terrorism, Columbia University Press, New York, 2006., p. 40.
110
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who calls it Le mot qui tue. He also says: Le mot lui-mme sme la
dsolation.21
For these reasons those media who wish to maintain a reputation
for impartiality try to be careful in their use of the word. Therefore, they
generally shy away from the word preferring euphemisms or other
replacement words for different cases of terrorist acts. The ones that can
commonly be found in the Anglo - Saxon press are: activists, attackers,
bombers, criminals, extremists, insurgents, rebels. The ones that are commonly
used in the French press are: activiste, agresseur, attaquant, criminel, extrmiste,
militant, tueur.
111
Consequently, the BBC has been criticized for its reluctance to use the
T-word and for its attempts at political correctness. However, after the
London 2005 bombings, the BBC was accused of confusion and double
standards over its policy on the word terrorist. Namely, early BBC reports used
the word terrorist on TV, radio and online to describe the event. Why did they
use the word terrorist when people were being killed closer to home? The
network appeared to throw away its own policy for a while. Following criticism
about their coverage of the London bombings, the BBC Editorial Guidelines25
were sent internally to journalists. Among other things, the BBCs Guidelines
tell its reporters not to use the word terrorist as part of a factual report unless it
is in the mouth of someone else.
The most recent event from Norway, namely the massacre that was
committed by Anders Behring Breivik, a 32 year old Norwegian is an excellent
example of using replacement words to denote a clearly terrorist act. Most of
the French press, such as Le Parisien26 and Libration27, in the first reports
following the attack, systematically avoided the word terrorist calling Breivik: un
monstre, un tueur, un tueur fou, suspect, fondamentaliste chrtien, auteur prsum de l'attentat,
auteur prsum du massacre, le tireur, and calling the act: massacre, tuerie, carnage.
112
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Meaning construction
It is unquestionable that the word terrorism is controversial,
subjective and highly politically and emotionally charged. Can rules or
guidelines which determine when to use the word terrorism or not to use it
be applied? The answer is no. The meaning is being constructed as
discourse unfolds in a given context. In other words meaning is not a static
entity. It is inseparable from mind and it is derived from the process of
conceptualisation of the world that surrounds us, and that includes
knowledge, experience and physical environment. Lakoff, a famous expert
in the new and still developing branch of linguistics called cognitive
linguistics says: Meaning is not a thing; it involves what is meaningful to
us. Nothing is meaningful in itself. Meaningfulness derives from the
experience of functioning as a being of a certain sort in an environment of
a certain sort.28 Tuman Vukovi, a Croatian cognitive linguist confirms:
Znaenje, dakle, ne postoji kao kategorija per se, ve je uvijek dijelom
ovjekova konceptualnoga sustava i kognitivnih procesa.29 One of the
central categories in meaning construction is perspective, that is to say the
point of view from which a situation is being observed. Different speakers
who decide to use the word terrorism or to avoid it, are always people
coming form a certain physical environment, with a certain perspective
and a certain amount of knowledge and experience. In this way they
actively participate in the dynamic processes of meaning construction.
Conclusion
The word terrorism acquires different meanings depending on the
needs of its interpretation. Nowadays the word carries an obvious
pejorative meaning. It stigmatizes people and whole nations passing a
moral judgement on them. Its usage is controversial because it is
determined by the contextual circumstances, political beliefs of the
speaker, his intention, point of view and emotions. Consequently, in the
contemporary world characterized by global audiences jounalists are faced
Lakoff, G.: Women, Fire and Dangerous Things, The University of Chicago Press, 1987., p. 292.
Tuman Vukovi, N.: Meaning in Cognitive Linguistics, Suvremena lingvistika, n. 67, 2009., p.
126.
28
29
113
with the challenging task of selecting the right words when reporting about
terrorist acts. A wide range of euphemisms or replacement words can be
found in the press. Generally journalists recur to them in their factual
reports and use the word terrorism only if it is in the mouth of someone
else. The subjective connotations of the word can be summed up in the
aphorism:
One mans terrorist is another mans freedom fighter.
or
Le terroriste des uns est le combattant de la libert des autres.
Bibliography
Blin, A.: 11 septembre 2001: la terreur dmasque: entre discours et ralit,
Le Cavalier Bleu ditions, Paris, 2006.
Bounan, M.: Logique du terrorisme, Editions Allia, Paris, 2003.
Forst, B.: Terrorism, Crime and Public Policy, Cambridge University
Press, 2008.
Hoffman, B.: Inside Terrorism, Columbia University Press, New
York, 2006.
Hugo, V.: Napolon le petit, Librairie trangre de la Famille Royale,
Londres, 1862.
Jenkins, B. M.: Unconquerable Nation: Knowing Our Enemy, Strengthening
Ourselves, Rand Corporation, Santa Monica, 2006.
Lakoff, G.: Women, Fire and Dangerous Things, The University of
Chicago Press, 1987.
Lefebvre, G., Soboul, A.: La Rvolution franaise, volume 1, Presses
universitaires de France, 1963.
Le Petit Robert 1, Dictionnaires LE ROBERT, Paris, 1990.
London, J.: War of the Classes, The Echo Library, Teddington, 2009.
Robespierre, M., Laponneraye, Carrel, A.: Oeuvres de Maximilien
Robespierre, tome troisime, Faubourg Saint-Denis, Paris, 1840.
114
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