Document 1

The Overthrow of the Orleanist Monarchy

Note: The provisional government established in Paris after the mob had attacked the Tuileries,
February 24, 1848, immediately issued the following proclamation.
In the name of the French people:
A reactionary and oligarchical government has just been overthrown by the heroism of the
people of Paris. That government has fled, leaving behind it a trail of blood that forbids it ever to
retrace its steps.
The blood of the people has flowed as in July; but this time this noble people shall not be
deceived. It has won a national and popular government in accord with the rights, the progress,
and the will of this great and generous nation.
A provisional government, the result of pressing necessity and ratified by the voice of the people
and of the deputies of the departments, in the session of February 24, is for the moment invested
with the task of assuring and organizing the national victory. It is composed of Messieurs Dupont
(de l'Eure), Lamartine, Cremieux, Arago (of the Institute), Ledru-Rollin, Garnier-Pages, Marie,
Armand Marrast, Louis Blanc, Ferdinand Flocon, and Albert (a workingman).
These citizens have not hesitated a moment to accept the patriotic commission which is imposed
upon them by the pressure of necessity. With the capital of France on fire, the justification for the
present provisional government must be sought in the public safety. All France will understand
this and will lend it the support of its patriotism. Under the popular government which the
provisional government proclaims, every citizen is a magistrate.
Frenchmen, it is for you to give to the world the example which Paris has given to France;
prepare yourselves by order and by confidence in your destiny for the firm institutions which you
are about to be called upon to establish.
The provisional government wishes to establish a republic,--subject, however, to ratification by
the people, who shall be immediately consulted.
The unity of the nation (formed henceforth of all the classes of citizens who compose it); the
government of the nation by itself; liberty, equality, and fraternity, for fundamental principles,
and "the people" for our emblem and watchword: these constitute the democratic government
which France owes to itself, and which our efforts shall secure for it.

Document 2
Decrees of the Provisional Government Relating to the Workingmen
Note: The workingmen and their leaders played an important part in the February revolution.
This fact is emphasized by the decrees in the interest of the laboring classes which were issued
by the provisional government on the day following its creation.
The provisional government of the French republic decrees that the Tuileries shall serve hereafter
as a home for the veterans of labor.
The provisional government of the French republic pledges itself to guarantee the means of
subsistence of the workingman by labor.
It pledges itself to guarantee labor to all citizens.
It recognizes that workingmen ought to enter into associations among themselves in order to
enjoy the advantage of their labor.
The provisional government returns to the workingmen, to whom it rightfully belongs, the
million which was about to fall due upon the civil list.
The provisional government of the French republic decrees that all articles pledged at the pawn
shops since the first of February, consisting of linen, garments, or clothes, etc., upon which the
loan does not exceed ten francs, shall be given back to those who pledged them. The minister of
finance is ordered to meet the payments incidental to the execution of the present edict.
The provisional government of the republic decrees the immediate establishment of national
workshops. The minister of public works is charged with the execution of the present decree.

Document 3
Proclamation of the Second Republic
Note: The formal proclamation of the second French republic is very characteristic of the
momentary situation.
In the name of the French people:
Citizens: royalty, under whatever form, is abolished; no more legitimism, no more Bonapartism,
no regency.
The provisional government has taken all the measures necessary to render impossible the return
of the former dynasty or the advent of a new dynasty.
The republic is proclaimed.
The people are united.
All the forts which surround the capital are ours.
The brave garrison of Vincennes is a garrison of brothers.
Let us retain that old republican flag whose three colors made with our fathers the circuit of the
globe.
Let us show that this symbol of equality, of liberty, and of fraternity is at the same time the
symbol of order - of order the more real, the more durable, since justice is its foundation and the
whole people its instrument.
The people have already realized that the provisioning of Paris requires a freer circulation in the
streets, and those who have erected the barricades have already in several places made openings
large enough for the passage of wagons and carts. Let this example be imitated everywhere. Let
Paris reassume its accustomed appearance and trade its activity and confidence. . .

Document 4
Louis Napoleon's Campaign Manifesto
Note: Although Louis Napoleon had, after the last of his two early and futile attempts to make
himself emperor, been imprisoned, then exiled, he was, after the February revolution, elected a
member of the Legislative Body. When it came to choosing a president under the new
constitution, he was naturally considered as a candidate, and issued the following campaign
manifesto (November, 1848).
Louis Napoleon to his fellow-citizens:
In order to recall me from exile, you have elected me a representative of the people; on the eve of
choosing a chief magistrate for the republic my name presents itself to you as a symbol of order
and security.
Those proofs of so honorable a confidence are, I am well aware, addressed to my name rather
than to myself, who, as yet, have done nothing for my country; but the more the memory of the
Emperor protects me and inspires your suffrages, the more I feel compelled to acquaint you with
my sentiments and principles. There must be no equivocation between us.
I am moved by no ambition which dreams one day of empire and war, the next of the application
of subversive theories. Brought up in free countries, disciplined in the school of misfortune, I
shall ever remain faithful to the duties which your suffrages and the will of the Assembly impose
upon me.
If elected president, I shall shrink from no danger, from no sacrifice, in the defense of society,
which has been so outrageously assailed. I shall devote myself wholly and without reservation to
the consolidation of the republic, so that it may be wise in its laws, honest in its aims, great and
strong in its deeds. My greatest honor would be to hand on to my successor, after four years of
office, the public power consolidated, its liberties intact, and a genuine progress assured. . .
LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE

Document 5
Condition of the July Monarchy, 1830-1848
Franois Guizot was a French academic politician, who served Louis Philippe as minister of
public instruction (1832-37). He was the main power after 1840 and became premier in 1847.
His government was overthrown in February 1848.
Speech of February 20, 1831
The Revolution destroyed the ancient rgime but was unable to do more. The Empire arose to reestablish order, order of an exterior, material sort which was the basis of the civil society as the
Revolution had founded it. The Empire spread this idea throughout all of Europe; this was its
mission and it succeeded at it. It was incapable, however, of establishing a lasting political
government; the necessary conditions were lacking. The Empire fell in its turn, to be succeeded
by the Restoration. What did the Restoration promise? It promised to resolve the problem, to
reconcile order with liberty. It was under this banner that the charter was granted. It had accepted
principles of liberty in the charter; it had promised to establish them, but it made this promise
under the cloak of the ancient rgime, on which there had been written for so many centuries:
Divine Right. It was unable to solve the problem. It died in the process, overwhelmed by the
burden. It is on us, on the Revolution of July, that this job has been imposed; it is our duty and
responsibility to establish definitively, not order alone, not liberty alone, but order and liberty at
the same time. The general thought, the hope of France, has been order and liberty reuniting
under the constitutional monarchy. There is the true promise of the Revolution of July.
Speech of October 5, 1831
I have heard equality much spoken of; we have called it the fundamental principle of our
political organization. I am afraid there has been a great mistake. Without doubt there are
universal rights, equal rights for all, rights inherent in humanity and which no human being can
be stripped of without injustice and disorder. I say that aristocracy is the condition of modern
societies, a necessary consequence of the nature of modern democracy. Upon this aristocracy two
conditions are to be imposed: First, it is to be constantly submitted to the control and
examination of democracy; second, it must recruit itself constantly from the people.
Speech of February 15, 1842
I am, for my part, a decided enemy of universal suffrage. I look upon it as the ruin of democracy
and liberty. If I needed proof I would have it under my very eyes; I will not elucidate. However, I
should permit myself to say, with all the respect I have for a great country and a great
government, that the inner danger, the social danger by which the United States appears menaced
is due especially to universal suffrage; it is that which makes them run the risk of seeing their
real liberties, the liberties of everybody, compromised, as well as the inner order of their society.

Document 6
The French Revolution in 1848
Percy B. St. John was an eyewitness to the events herein described, and the following were taken
from his notes compiled at the time.
Tuesday, February 22. The journals of the opposition appeared with the notice, in large letters, at
the head of their papers, that the banquet was given up, and an appeal to the population of Paris
to keep order, formed a very prominent part of the announcement. The Left were evidently
alarmed, while ministers were confident and their journals sang a triumphant song of victory.
From an early hour detachments of municipal guard, troops of the line and cavalry, were seen
moving toward the boulevards and the Chamber of Deputies; it became known that heavy
squadrons of cavalry had entered Paris during the night, while others were concealed within the
Hippodrome, or were bivouacked round the fortifications. The spies of the government reported
during the night that there was a total absence of conspiracy....
The weather was disagreeable, even wet. A somber and threatening sky hung over the town, but
from six in the morning the boulevards presented an animated appearance. Crowds of
workingmen, of shopkeepers, began to move toward the Church of the Madeleine, in front of
which the procession was to have met and formed. Many were not aware that the banquet was
given up, and went to witness the departure of the cortege, while those who knew that the
opposition had abandoned their intention of holding the meeting, went with a vague desire to see
what would happen. Hundreds went with a settled determination to bring things to an issue; for
early on Tuesday morning I saw swords, and daggers, and pistols concealed under the blouses of
the workingmen.......
Between nine and ten I walked to the Place de la Madeleine. It was covered with knots of men
and women of all classes, talking, whispering, looking about with a vague air of uncertainty and
alarm....
The neighborhood of the Chamber of Deputies was then occupied militarily. A strong force was
placed upon the Pont de la Concorde, and on attempting to pass, I and others were driven back
by the military. No one was allowed to cross save deputies, who carried their medals, or persons
bearing tickets. The other approaches to the legislature were equally well guarded. Between the
Quai d'Orsay and the invalids, two regiments of the line and six pieces of artillery were
stationed.
About ten o'clock, a considerable body of workmen, and young men singing Vive la Reforme,
and singing the Marseillaise and the chant of the Girondins....
This procession, which had gradually swelled as it went, came out upon the boulevards by the
Rue Duphot, and as they passed, it was impossible not to admire the courage of this body of

young men, who, wholly unarmed, thus braved the strict orders of a government, backed by an
immense army and whole parks of artillery. They were liable at every moment to be charged or
fired on....
An officer of dragoons advanced alone to a large group of spectators, who were collected in the
basin of one of the fountains, and begged them to retire, which many of them at once did. This
body, detested by the Parisians as police, kept up continued charges upon the crowd as it
gradually dispersed....
A powerful mob, with sticks and iron bars, strove to burst open the gate and inflict summary
vengeance on Guizot. The windows were broken with stones. Loud cries of Vive la Reforme! A
single municipal guard strove to get out at the front gate, as if to go for reinforcement. He was
pelted with stones and driven back within shelter of the hotel.
About this time a most imposing military force marched down upon the hotel, which assumed
the air of a fortress. A line of soldiers, with their arms loaded and bayonets fixed, occupied the
pavement. From that moment all disturbance finished on this point for the day, and Guizot was
able to go to the Chamber of Deputies.
Next door to me is an armorer's. Suddenly the people perceived the words Prelat, armourier, over
the door. A rush is made at his shutters, stones are raised at his windows, and those of the house
he occupied, many of which smash the panes in neighboring houses. Every window is, however,
filled by anxious spectators. Suddenly the shutters of the shop give way, they are torn down and
borne to the barricade, while the windows being smashed, the people rush into the warehouse.
There are no arms! The night before they were removed or concealed. Still, a few horns of
gunpowder, and some swords and pistols are taken. Though the mob was through the whole of
the vast hotel, a portion of which was occupied by the armorer, nothing but arms were taken
away....
On Wednesday, however, it was impossible to conceal from the Iiing that the movement was
general, that the people were flying to arms, that barricades were rising in every quarter, Louis
Philippe saw the critical nature of the position, and hesitated no longer. Guizot and his colleagues
were dismissed......
Still, the majority rejoiced. To have carried this point was a great thing, and no greater proof of
the patriotism of the workingmen can be given. They gained nothing by the change but mental
satisfaction, with which a vast majority seemed amply satisfied.
Wednesday, February 23. a gentleman who, without his hat, ran madly into the middle of the
street, and began to harangue the passersby. "To arms!" he cried, "we are betrayed. The soldiers
have slaughtered a hundred unarmed citizens by the Htel des Capucines. Vengeance!" and
having given the details of the affair, he hurried to carry the intelligence to other quarters. The

effect was electric; each man shook his neighbor by the hand, and far and wide the word was
given that the whole system must fall.
As this tragic event sealed the fate of the Orleans dynasty
For some time all was tranquil, but presently a column of students and artisans, unarmed, but
singing "Mourir pour la patrie," came down the boulevards; at the same instant a gun was heard,
and the 14th Regiment of Line leveled their muskets and fired. The scene which followed was
awful. Thousands of men, women, children, shrieking, bawling, raving, were seen flying in all
directions, while sixty-two men, women, and lads, belonging to every class of society, lay
weltering in their blood upon the pavement. Next minute an awful roar, the first breath of
popular indignation was heard, and then flew the students, artisans, the shopkeepers, all, to carry
the news to the most distant parts of the city, and to rouse the population to arms against a
government whose satellites murdered the people in this atrocious manner.
The Colonel, overwhelmed with sorrow and shame, replied, that the order to fire was a mistake.
It appeared that a ball, from a gun which went off accidentally, had struck his horse's leg, and
that thinking he was attacked, he had ordered a discharge. "Monsieur le Colonel," added the
honorable deputy, "you are a soldier, I believe in your good faith; but remember that an awful
responsibility rests on your head." Tremendous indeed, for he had sealed the fate of the tottering
monarchy!

Document 7
History of the Revolution of 1848 in France
Alphonse de Lamartine was a Romantic poet, a member of the provisional government, and a
one-time presidential candidate. Here he recounts events in France in 1848. Initial demands
were for liberal political reforms. Soon social and economic issues came quickly to the fore as
an organized working class began to make demands.
The 12th arrondissement [note: district] of Paris had arranged a banquet. The opposition had
promised to verify the right by its presence, and the banquet was to take place on the 20th of
February. The ministry did not oppose it by force. They merely proposed to certify the offence by
a commissary of police, and to try the question by the courts of law. The opposition was
unanimous for accepting the judicial debate on this ground. Everything was prepared for this
peaceable demonstration.
On the next day a deliberation took place at a restorator's in the Place de la Madeleine, and M. de
Lamartine, M. Berryer, and M. de Laroche-jacquelein were invited to attend. They went thither.
If the opposition receded, it would destroy itself, dishonor its name, and lose its moral influence
over the nation. It would pass under the Caudine yoke of the ministry. If it persisted, it would
incur the risk of conquering too much, and giving victory to the party which desired-what it
feared-a revolution. But revolution for revolution, the risk of an advanced revolution seemed
more acceptable to certain minds than a backward revolution....
"You have no need of mingling in the contest, and shedding French blood. The genius of the
revolution fights for all; the monarchy is falling; it is only necessary to push it; before the sun
sets the republic will have triumphed." . . .
The fate of the day was at the disposal of the National Guard. The government thus far had not
wished to sound its equivocal disposition, by asking it to take an active part in the affair, and fire
on the citizens of Paris...
The National Guards, called, in fact, on the morning of the 24th, to interpose between the people
and the troops of the line, answered slowly and weakly to the appeal. They recognized, in the
prolonged movement of the people, an anti-ministerial demonstration, an armed petition in favor
of electoral reform, which they were far from disapproving. They smiled upon it in secret. They
felt an antipathy to the name of M Guizot. His irritating and prolonged authority oppressed them.
They loved his principles of government, perhaps; they did not love the man. They saw in him at
one time complaisance, at another an imprudent vexation, of England. They reproached him for a
peace too dearly purchased by political servility in Portugal; they reproached him for the war too
rashly risked, for the aggrandizement of the Orleans family at Madrid. They rejoiced at the
downfall and humiliation of this minister, equally unpopular in peace and war.

A small number of combatants, concentrated in that quarter of Paris which forms by the
crookedness and narrowness of its streets, the natural citadel of insurrections, preserved alone a
hostile attitude and an inaccessible position. These men were nearly all veterans of the republic,
formed by the voluntary discipline of sects in the secret societies of the two monarchies; trained
to the struggle, and even to martyrdom, in all the battles which had made Paris bleed, and
contested the establishment of the monarchy. Their invisible chief had no name nor rank. It was
the invisible breath of revolution; the spirit of sect, the soul of the people, suffering from the
present, aspiring to bring light from the future; the cool and disinterested enthusiasm which
rejoices in death, if by its death posterity can find a germ of amelioration and life.
These two kinds of groups were different in costume and attitude. The one was composed of
young men belonging to the rich and elegant classes of the bourgeoisie, to the schools, to
commerce, to the National Guard, to literature, and above all to Journalism. These harangued the
people, roused their anger against the king, the ministry, the Chambers, spoke of the humiliation
of' France to the foreigner, of the diplomatic treasons of the court, of the corruption and insolent
servility of the deputies sold to the discretion of Louis Philippe. They discussed aloud the names
of the popular ministers whom the insurrection must impose upon the Tuileries. The numerous
loiterers and persons passing by, eager for news, stopped near the orators, and applauded their
proposals.
The other groups were composed of men of the people, come from their workshops two days
since at the sound of musketry; their working-clothes upon their shoulders, their blue shirts open
at the breast, their hands yet black with the smoke of charcoal. These descended in silence, by
small companies, grazing the walls of the streets which lead to Clichy, la Villette, and the Canal
de l'Ourcq. One or two workmen, better clothed than the others, in cloth vests, or in long skirts,
marched before them, spoke to them in low tones, and appeared to give them the word of
command. These were the chiefs of the sections of' the Rights of Man, or of the Families.
The society of the Rights of Man, and of the Families, was a kind of democratic masonry,
instituted, since 1830, by some active republicans. These societies preserved, under different
names, since the destruction of the first republic by Bonaparte, the rancor of betrayed liberty, as
well as some traditions of Jacobinism, transmitted from Babeuf to Buonarotti, and from
Buonarotti to the young republicans of this school. The members of these purely political
societies were recruited almost entirely from among the chiefs of the mechanic workshops,
locksmiths, cabinet-makers, printers, joiners, and carpenters of Paris.
The difference between these two kinds of revolutionists is, that the first were inspired by the
hatred of royalty, the second by the progress of humanity. The republic and equality was the aim
of the one; social renovation and fraternity the aim of the other. They had nothing in common but
impatience against that which existed, and hope for that which they saw dawning in an
approaching revolution.

Document 8
Carl Schurz: A Look Back at 1848
One morning, toward the end of February 1848, I sat quietly in my attic chamber, working hard
at my tragedy of Ulrich von Hutten, when suddenly a friend rushed breathlessly into the room,
exclaiming: "What, you sitting here! Do you not know what has happened?"
"No; what?"
"The French have driven away Louis Philippe and proclaimed the Republic!"
I threw down my pen---and that was the end of Ulrich von Hutten. I never touched the
manuscript again. We tore down the stair, into the street, to the market square, the accustomed
meeting place for all the student societies after their midday dinner. Although it was still
forenoon, the market was already crowded with young men talking excitedly. There was no
shouting, no noise, only agitated conversation. What did we want there? This probably no one
knew. But since the French had driven away Louis Philippe and proclaimed the republic,
something of course must happen here, too. Some of the students had brought their rapiers along,
as if it were necessary to make an attack or to defend themselves. We were dominated by a vague
feeling as if a great outbreak of elemental forces had begun, as if an earthquake was impending
of which we had felt the first shock, and we instinctively crowded together. Thus we wandered
about in numerous bands---to the Kneipe, where our restlessness, however, would not suffer us
long to stay; then to other pleasure resorts, where we fell into conversation with all manner of
strangers, to find in them the same confused, astonished, and expectant state of mind; then back
to the market square, to see what might be going on there; then again somewhere else, without
aim and end, until finally late in the night fatigue compelled us to find the way home.
Now had arrived in Germany the day for the establishment of "German Unity," and the founding
of a great, powerful, national German empire. First in line, the convocation of a national
parliament. Then the demands for civil rights and liberties, free speech, free press, the right of
free assembly, equality before the law, a freely elected representation of the people with
legislative power, responsibility of ministers, self-government of the communes, the right of the
people to carry arms, the formation of a civic guard with elective officers and so on---in short,
that which was called a "Constitutional form of government on a broad democratic basis."
Republican ideas were at first only sparingly expressed. But the word democracy was soon on all
tongues, and many, too, thought it a matter of course that if the princes should try to withhold
from the people the rights and liberties demanded, force would take the place of mere petition.
Of course the regeneration of the country must, if possible, be accomplished by peaceable
means. Like many of my friends, I was dominated by the feeling that at last the great opportunity
had arrived for giving to the German people the liberty which was their birthright and to the

German fatherland its unity and greatness, and that it was now the first duty of every German to
do and to sacrifice everything for this sacred object. We were profoundly, solemnly, in earnest.
Great news came from Vienna! There the students of the university were the first to assail the
Emperor of Austria with the cry for liberty and citizens' rights. Blood flowed in the streets, and
the downfall of Prince Metternich was the result. The students organized themselves as the
armed guard of liberty. In the great cities of Prussia there was a mighty commotion. Not only
Cologne, Coblenz, and Trier, but also Breslau, Knigsberg, and Frankfurt-am-der-Oder, sent
deputations to Berlin to entreat the king. In the Prussian capital the masses surged upon the
streets, and everybody looked for events of great import.
While such tidings rushed in upon us from all sides like a roaring hurricane, we in the little
university town of Bonn were also busy preparing addresses to the sovereign, to circulate them
for signature, and to send them to Berlin. On the 18th of March we too had our mass
demonstration. A great multitude gathered for a solemn procession through the streets of the
town. The most respectable citizens, not a few professors, and a great number of students and
people of all grades marched in close ranks. At the head of the procession Professor Kunkel bore
the tricolor---black, red, and gold---which so long had been prohibited as the revolutionary flag.
Arrived in the market square, he mounted the steps of the city hall and spoke to the assembled
throng. He spoke with wonderful eloquence, his voice ringing out in its most powerful tones as
he depicted a resurrection of German unity and greatness and new liberties and rights of the
German people, which now must be conceded by the princes or won by force by the people. And
when at last he waved the black-red-gold banner, and predicted to a free German nation a
magnificent future, enthusiasm without bounds broke forth. People clapped their hands; they
shouted; they embraced one another; they shed tears. In a moment the city was covered with
black, red, and gold flags, and not only the Burschenschaft, but almost everybody wore a blackred-gold cockade on his hat.

Document 9
Alexander Petofi: The National Song of Hungary, 1848
Much of the Magyar poetry is thrilled with a burning love of country. Even the poems that have
nothing to do with patriotism are marked by a certain intensity of feeling. No matter how light
the subject or how graceful the touch of the author, it seems impossible for him to lay down his
pen without adding some line that changes a pleasant little rhyme into an expression of earnest
thought.

RISE, Magyar! is the country's call!

Who fears to die, my land, for thee!

The time has come, say one and all:

His worthless life who thinks to be

Shall we be slaves, shall we be free?

Worth more than thou, sweet liberty!

This is the question, now agree!

Now by the Magyar's God above

For by the Magyar's God above

We truly swear,

We truly swear,

We truly swear the tyrant's yoke

We truly swear the tyrant's yoke

No more to bear!

No more to bear!
The sword is brighter than the chain,
Alas! till now we were but slaves;

Men cannot nobler gems attain;

Our fathers resting in their graves

And yet the chain we wore, oh, shame!

Sleep not in freedom's soil. In vain

Unsheath the sword of ancient fame!

They fought and died free homes to gain.

For by the Magyar's God above

But by the Magyar's God above

We truly swear,

We truly swear,

We truly swear the tyrant's yoke

We truly swear the tyrant's yoke

No more to bear!

No more to bear!
The Magyar's name will soon once more
A miserable wretch is he

Be honored as it was before!

The shame and dust of ages past

Our children's children to the skies

Our valor shall wipe out at last.

Shall speak the grateful joy they feel,

For by the Magyar's God above

And bless our names the while they kneel.

We truly swear,

For by the Magyar's God above

We truly swear the tyrant's yoke

We truly swear,

No more to bear!

We truly swear the tyrant's yoke

No more to bear!

And where our graves in verdure rise,

Document 10

The final hours of the July Monarchy: the

fighting around the burning Chateau
dEau, Paris, 24 February 1848, by
Eugene Hagnauer.
Document 11

Some of the bloodiest fighting took place

in Berlin: here the formidable barricade on
the Alexanderplatz holds out against the
Prussian troops.

Document 12

The climax of Milans Five Days: the storming of the

Porta Tosa on 22 March. This painting by Carlo
Canella illustrates the social unity among the
insurgents: a priest waves an Italian tricolor, a
bourgeois in top hat joins the fight alongside artisans
and women lend their support.

DBQ Outline
Question:
What effects did the revolutions of 1848 have on society, politically and socially?
1. Introduction Paragraph
a. Thesis: The revolutions of 1848 highlighted the dissatisfaction with the
governments, the call for more freedoms, and caused the coming together of all
types of people.
2. Body Paragraph I: Throughout Europe, citizens were growing weary of monarchies and
dictators and began to call for establishments of republics.
a. Document 1-A reactionary and oligarchical government has just been
overthrown by the heroism of the people of ParisThe provisional government
wishes to establish a republic,--subject, however, to ratification by the people,
who shall be immediately consulted.
b. Document 4-I am moved by no ambition which dreams one day of empire and
war, the next of the application of subversive theoriesIf elected president, I
shall shrink from no danger, from no sacrifice, in the defense of society, which
has been so outrageously assailed. I shall devote myself wholly and without
reservation to the consolidation of the republic, so that it may be wise in its laws,
honest in its aims, great and strong in its deeds.
1) POV: Louis Napoleon Bonaparte had been exiled many times before
finally being elected to serve in the Assembly. He wants to be elected as
president so badly, that he will say whatever the people of France want to
hear to become elected.
c. Document 6-On Wednesday, however, it was impossible to conceal that the
movement was general, that the people were flying to arms, that barricades were
rising in every quarter, Louis Philippe saw the critical nature of the position, and
hesitated no longer. Guizot and his colleagues were dismissed
d. Document 10- picture
e. Document 11- picture
3. Body Paragraph II: The main cause of the revolutions of 1848 was the lack of freedoms
given to the citizens of European countries.
a. Document 2-It pledges itself to guarantee labor to all citizens.
b. Document 5- It is on us, on the Revolution of July, that this job has been
imposed; it is our duty and responsibility to establish definitively order and liberty
at the same time. The general thought, the hope of France, has been order and
liberty reuniting under the constitutional monarchy. I say that aristocracy is the
condition of modern societies, a necessary consequence of the nature of modern
democracy. Upon this aristocracy two conditions are to be imposed: First, it is to
be constantly submitted to the control and examination of democracy; second, it
must recruit itself constantly from the people. I am, for my part, a decided

enemy of universal suffrage. I look upon it as the ruin of democracy and liberty. It
is that which makes them run the risk of seeing their real liberties, the liberties of
everybody, compromised, as well as the inner order of their society.
c. Document 8- Now had arrived in Germany the day for the establishment of
"German Unity," and the founding of a great, powerful, national German empire.
First in line, the convocation of a national parliament. Then the demands for civil
rights and liberties, free speech, free press, the right of free assembly, equality
before the law, a freely elected representation of the people with legislative power,
responsibility of ministers, self-government of the communes, the right of the
people to carry arms, the formation of a civic guard with elective officers and so
on---in short, that which was called a "Constitutional form of government on a
broad democratic basis."
4. Body Paragraph IV: The revolution brought together classes of people that would not
normally associate outside of fighting for the same cause.
a. Document 3- The people are united. Let us show that this symbol of equality,
of liberty, and of fraternity is at the same time the symbol of order - of order the
more real, the more durable, since justice is its foundation and the whole people
its instrument.
b. Document 7-The difference between these two kinds of revolutionists is, that the
first were inspired by the hatred of royalty, the second by the progress of
humanity. The republic and equality was the aim of the one; social renovation and
fraternity the aim of the other. They had nothing in common but impatience
against that which existed, and hope for that which they saw dawning in an
approaching revolution.
c. Document 9- The time has come, say one and all:/ Shall we be slaves, shall we
be free?/ This is the question, now agree! Our fathers resting in their graves/
Sleep not in freedom's soil. In vain/ They fought and died free homes to gain.
d. Document 12- picture
5. Conclusion Paragraph
a. Re-word Thesis