Week # 2 Writing Assignment

Southwestern College Professional Studies

Masters Degree Security Management
Prepared by:
Larry D. Similton
This paper was prepared for Terrorism: Perspectives & Consequences Management
Taught by:
Paul Cromwell, Instructor
April 2014

Week #2 Writing Assignment

Table of Contents
Part 1. Salient Point 1 & Current Event 1..........................................................................................
Part 2. Salient Point 2 & Current Event 2..........................................................................................
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Week #2 Writing Assignment

Salient Point #1
Religious terrorist draw strength from their conviction that they are totally right, good and,
moral and that their enemy totally wrong, evil, and immoral Nacos, 2012, pp.84-87).
Many experts suspect religious terrorists primary objective is to destroy moral
ambiguities. Their central thought process involves defeating the evil and Satan in an existential
battle for God and this has proven to be the central theme for their devout convictions. They
truly believe that by killing innocent nonbelievers that they are serving the will of God.
Unfortunately, this radical belief was successfully carried out by Mohammed Atta and his team
during the 9/11 events. They methodically flew the hijacked airplanes into the World Trade
Centers towers and the Pentagon without any concern for their victims (Nacos, 2012).
They may have viewed themselves as warriors in a scared war against an alliance led by
America that was openly viewed as Satan. This intentional twist of reality continues to support
the issue regarding this terrorist as being the most dangerous to our freedoms. Their willingness
to freely sacrifice their lives for a greater good is simply unbelievable. This aspect alone makes
them a formidable enemy and forces our country to list them as the number #1 terrorist entity in
the world.
Our weekly reading details the following five reasons that religious terrorists are more dangerous
than other group:

They believe that they are involved in a Manichaean struggle of good against evil. All
non-believers are legitimate targets.

They desire to please the perceived commands of their God

Week #2 Writing Assignment

They have a complete disregard for secular values and laws.

They intentionally alienate themselves from the existing social system with the
objective of replacing the existing one through their violent actions.

They methodically disperse popular support in civil society and garner support from
some Muslim nongovernmental foundations.
According Nacos, 2012, p.84, only a few of the aforementioned terrorists are single-

mindedly thoughtful villains such as those that masterminded the events of 9/11. The pro-like
doctor killers are examples of a possible morally driven act based on their ethical beliefs. Most
importantly, they believe that their actions were morally acceptable and singled out a specific
individual for violating their religious beliefs. Unfortunately, Al Qaeda and like-minded groups
also believe Americans are guilty of the same violations and therefore, their actions are
justifiable.
The unfortunate events of 9/11 and similar violent acts by Al Qaeda and like-minded
groups is a wave of religious terrorism that begin in the 1970s. The Religious Wave is
considered by some experts as being the fourth wave of terrorism. In addition, the experts
consider the Iranian revolution and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan as the triggers of the forth
wave. This forth wave of terrorism is often argued by some experts as being more political
motivated rather than religious.
Some groups such as Hamas, Khalistan movement, Christian Identity and the Jewish right wing
have consistently used violence for various reasons. The reasons have included drawing
attention to their own plight, and concerns of the entire culture. However, some scholars seem to

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agree that underneath their rhetoric, there are feelings of alienation, humiliation and yes, fear.
This perspective makes lots of sense, considering some human beings tend to physically lash out
at others for the aforementioned reasons. Their overall grievance or rhetoric often mask a deeper
anger coupled with a deeper kind of fear. This fear may center on a godless universe, of chaos,
society without rules and possibly, loneliness. The Christian Identity adamantly blames African
Americans and Jews for the ills in our society, lack of morality, economic situation, minority
rights over white rights and for kicking god out of schools (Stern, 2001). This flawed
perspective is probably predicated on some other hidden agenda and unfortunately, these two
groups are targets of opportunities.
According to Nacos, 2012, p. 88, The uncertainty and unpredictability in the present
environment s the world searches for a new world order, amidst an increasingly complex global
environment with ethnic and nationalist conflicts, provides many religious terrorist groups with
the opportunity and ammunition to shape history according to their divine duty cause, and
mandate while it indicates to others that the end of the time itself is near.

Current Event #1
This on-line article was written by Wilson, H. S, (2002). Terrorism and Religions,
Retrieved on April 5, 2014, from http://www.religion-online.org/showarticle.asp. It provides an
insightful perspective regarding some of the positives and negatives surrounding religion. Most
importantly, it methodically identifies the three religions that were ultimately responsible for the
events of 9/11. I personally believe that it further clarifies the fact that someones cultural and
values often determines their religious beliefs. This articles clearly details the desires the radical
desires of a small group of people and their long-term impact on our society. Most importantly,
the author cleverly describes this groups radical perspective regarding their actions. They truly

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believed that their horrific actions were justified by the foundation of their religion. This flawed
rationalization is expertly discussed in our weekly reading and well written article further
perpetuates its overall intent.
According to (Wilson, 2002) The September 11 tragedy can be explained in political
and social terms, explicitly or implicitly religious components shape and motivate them
depending on the persons who give leadership to them. There are no easy answers for the wide
range of religious and ethical questions that have been raised subsequent to September 11
tragedy. A lot of reflection is needed to ponder an adequate response. Conflict in human
communities cannot be totally avoided: it is bound to happen regularly. But the issue is how we
can best utilize the resources that are available to us to avoid, defuse, and prevent conflicts. Can
religious resources be utilized to achieve these goals?
Preventing religious teachings and visions from becoming a tool to perpetuate terrorism,
as in the case of September 11, is crucial for the well-being of humanity and the rest of the
creation. Since religious communities are shaped by the plurality of circumstances and
environments in which they are located, close cooperation and better understanding among
religions is the only way to achieve this goal. In times of desperation and calamities, it is normal
for people to turn to their ultimate visions for life. For most, these visions are provided by their
religious heritage. Accordingly, following the terrorists attack, people in the USA and in many
part of the world responded religiously. Prayer services, memorials, joint faith worships, vigils,
and religious discourses were in place immediately after the incident. A German theologian,
visiting soon after the incident, noted with surprise the slogan, "God bless America," echoed in
almost every public and private building. His remark was that such a pious and religious

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benediction is hard to find in Germany and in Europe in the present context. However, in Europe
some other-closely religion-cultural actions would certainly take place. The lighting of candles,
and their placement in windows or public places as a message of peace and solidarity, and the
organizing of a concert for a peace rally both would be important actions.
While the majority of the world was going through shock, a small group of sympathizers
of such terrorist action were jubilant, not because they delighted in death and the suffering of
others, but rather they felt that their religious perspectives provided them with a means of
response to what they perceived as evil. For them it was a successful accomplishment of a
planned action to uphold Islamic truth. It was a moral revenge and a spiritual act. Religiously it
was jihad against evil society and the infidels in America, an interpretation that was not accepted
by the majority of Islamic leaders, theologians, and communities the world over.
The three religions directly implicated in the September 11 event are Islam, Christianity,
and Judaism. It is not so much that these religions directly contributed to it, or led the way to it,
but rather that the people who are directly or indirectly associated with all the happening around
the event come primarily from these three religious traditions. The USA and the rest of the
Western nations are predominantly shaped by Christian values and worldviews, the Middle East
and Central Asia by Islamic traditions and cultures, and Israel and Jews living in USA by Jewish
values and traditions. Even Hinduism is indirectly implicated, as there is an ongoing conflict in
Kashmir between the so termed Muslim terrorist and the government of India, a nation with a
majority of Hindus. In the past twelve years of intense struggle, more than 36,000 have been
killed, including terrorist freedom fighters, as well as soldiers, police, and civilians. This has
caused enormous damage to the social fabric of the society, not to mention the material damage.

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Salient Point #2
For a terrorist group to be able to use weapons of mass destruction, its members must be morally
disengaged from the consequences of their actions (Stern, 2001, pp.80-82).
Our weekly reading disclosed four techniques that are often employed by terrorist and
perpetrators of horrific crimes along with others attempting to justify their actions at the expense of
others. The following are the techniques described in our weekly reading and the objective is total
physical & psychological detachment from their victims:

Moral justification- The terrorist imagines themselves as the saviors of a constituency

threatened by a great evil, as, for example, Islamic extremist do when they refer to
America as the great Satan. Likewise, The Order (Bruder Schweigen & White American
Bastion), an extremely violent right-winged modeled on a fictional group in the Thunder
Diaries, refers to its members as solders who are fighting a Just War against the
parasites, and claims the Geneva Conventions as their roadmap. They officially
declared war by sending a letter to Congress with signatures and classifying all nonmembers as being combatants. Unfortunately, they perceive themselves as members of a
heroic community of generous people fighting against evil. This ridicules belief often
exist long after the perpetrator have accomplished their objective.

Displacement of Responsibility- The terrorists identify themselves as functionaries or bit

players who are simply following the orders of their leaders. This concept was widely
practiced in Nazi Germany and the group may blame other members of the group.
Certain groups that are split into cells and columns are capable of carrying out ruthless
operations because of the displacement of responsibility. Some peer reviewed research
suggest that the more compartmentalized a group becomes, they lose touch with reality
and the impact of their actions. Some terrorists groups have even projected the
responsibility of their acts or future acts on the government.

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Ignore the actual suffering of the victims- This is often accomplished via the use of time
bombs, biological weapons or long-weapons facilities such as strategy. The distance
between the perpetrator and the victims enables the success of this technique.

Dehumanize victims as mud people- This technique is enhanced with specific labels
and name calling of a certain group of people. Most importantly, this is often
accomplished through regimented training and repetitive participation in the act. Some
groups are subjected to the aforementioned training during their childhood and their
propensity for violence increases over a period of time. A violent group that operated in
India (Thugs) for centuries were trained as such and viewed murder as a sport. This
thought process may have allowed this group to view humans as animals and therefore,
further enhancing the dehumanization of its victim.
Some experts believe that most psychopaths develop this same thought process
over a period time. Certain racial supremacist and religious extremists groups view other
races or religious groups as subhuman. The aforementioned psychological techniques
makes it easier for them to carry out their barbaric and merciless acts without any
remorse or regard for another human being. These techniques coupled with absolutely no
sense of responsibility for the act based on their leaders order is extremely fascinating.
This is definitely blind followership and creates total disconnect between the perpetrator
and his/her victim.

Current Event #2
This selected current event supports my Salient Point #2 with the discussion of the lure of
terrorism, role of cultural values and the studying of de-radicalization. Our understanding of these three

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areas may provide a viable weapon in either the mitigation or preventionof terrorism. Most importantly,
this information may provide us a means of possibly de-radicalizing some of potential terrorist.

Determining what drives people to terrorism is no easy task. For one thing, terrorists
aren't likely to volunteer as experimental subjects, and examining their activities from afar can
lead to erroneous conclusions. What's more, one group's terrorist is another group's freedom
fighter, as the millions of Arabs who support Palestinian suicide bombers will attest. Given these
complexities, the psychology of terrorism is marked more by theory and opinion than by good
science, researchers admit. But a number of psychologists are starting to put together reliable
data. They're finding it is generally more useful to view terrorism in terms of political and group
dynamics and processes than individual ones, and that universal psychological principlessuch
as our subconscious fear of death and our desire for meaning and personal significancemay
help to explain some aspects of terrorist actions and our reactions to them.
Eventually, such information could help in the complex quest to prevent terrorism.
Psychologists' findings suggest that assuaging people's fear of cultural annihilation, highlighting
our common humanity or demonstrating the discrepancy between the dream and reality of
terrorist involvement could keep would-be terrorists from turning to violence, for instance. In
fact, the notion that terrorists could be talked out of committing violence using peaceful dialogue
and a helping hand is no longer an idealist's pipe dream, but actually the aim of a growing
number of "de-radicalization" programs worldwide, says social psychologist Arie Kruglanski,
PhD, co-director of the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to
Terrorism, or START, one of several university-based Centers of Excellence established under
the Homeland Security Act of 2002.

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"While there is still a big need to assess these programs," says Kruglanski, who is
studying some of these programs, "in some cases, there appear to be some authentic successes."
The lure of terror
For years, psychologists examined terrorists' individual characteristics, mining for clues that
could explain their willingness to engage in violence. While researchers now agree that most
terrorists are not "pathological" in any traditional sense, several important insights have been
gleaned though interviews with some 60 former terrorists conducted by psychologist John
Horgan, PhD, who directs the Pennsylvania State University's International Center for the Study
of Terrorism.

Horgan found that people who are more open to terrorist recruitment and radicalization tend to:

Feel angry, alienated or disenfranchised.

Believe that their current political involvement does not give them the power to effect
real change.
Identify with perceived victims of the social injustice they are fighting.
Feel the need to take action rather than just talking about the problem.
Believe that engaging in violence against the state is not immoral.
Have friends or family sympathetic to the cause.
Believe that joining a movement offers social and psychological rewards such as
adventure, camaraderie and a heightened sense of identity.

Beyond the individual characteristics of terrorists, Horgan has learned that it's more fruitful to
investigate how people change as a result of terrorist involvement than to simply ask why they
enter in the first place. That's because asking why tends to yield pat, ideological responses, while
asking how reveals important information about the processes of entry, involvement and leaving
organizations, he has found. Potential areas to tap include examining the myriad ways people
join organizations, whether via recruitment or personal decision; how leaders influence people's
decision to adopt certain roles, for example by glorifying the role of suicide bomber; and factors
that motivate people to leave.
In turn, such data could help to create plausible interventions, he says. For instance, based on
what he's gleaned about why people leave organizations, a particularly promising strategy may

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be highlighting how the promised glamorous lifestyle never comes to passan experience
poignantly recounted by a former terrorist now in hiding. The man told Horgan he was lured into
a movement as a teen when recruiters romanticized the cause. But he soon discovered his
comrades held sectarian values, not the idealistic ones he had, and he was horrified when he
killed his first victim at point-blank range.
"The reality of involvement is not what these kids are led to believe," says Horgan. "Speaking
with repentant former terrorists, many with blood on their hands, offers an extraordinary
opportunity to use the terrorists' own words and deeds against them."
Some psychologists believe terrorism is most accurately viewed through a political lens.
Psychologist Clark McCauley, PhD, a co-investigator at START and director of the Solomon
Asch Center for Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict at Bryn Mawr College, has come to see
terrorism as "the warfare of the weak"the means by which groups that lack material or political
power fight what they see as oppressive forces. As such, he believes that terrorist actions and
government reactions to them represent a dynamic interplay, with the moves of one group
influencing those of the other. As one example, if terrorists commit an attack and a state uses
extreme force to send a punishing message back, the terrorists may use that action to drum up
greater anti-state sentiment among citizens, lending justification to their next actions. Yet
research focuses almost solely on terrorist actions and neglects the important other side of the
equation, he contends. "If you can't keep track of what we're doing in response, how can you
ever hope to figure out what works better or worse?" McCauley says.
The role of cultural values
Paradoxically, an unconscious fear of death may underlie much of the motivation behind
terrorism and reactions to terrorism, maintains psychologist Tom Pyszczynski, PhD, of the
University of Colorado at Colorado Springs. Along with colleagues Jeff Greenberg, PhD, and
Sheldon Solomon, PhD, Pyszczynski developed "terror management theory," which holds that
people use culture and religion to protect themselves from a fear of death that lies on the fringes
of awareness.
Across dozens of studies, the team has induced thoughts of death by subliminally presenting
people with death-related stimuli or by inserting a delay-and-distraction task between a reminder
of death and people's assessment of its effects. This subliminal prompting induces people to
psychologically defend themselves against death in ways that bear little surface relationship to
the problem of death, Pyszczynski's team has found. These include clinging to their cultural
identities, working hard to live up to their culture's values and going to great lengths to defend
those values. (Conversely, the investigators have shown that getting people to consciously
contemplate their mortality increases their intention to engage in life-enhancing behaviors, such
as exercise.)

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To test whether the theory applies to the conflict between the Middle East and the West,
Pyszczynski's team conducted a set of studies in the United States, Iran and Israel. In all three
countries, people who were subtly reminded of their mortalityand thus primed to cling more
strongly to their group identitieswere more likely to support violence against the out group.
Iranians were more likely to support suicide bombing against Westerners. Americans were more
likely to advocate military force to battle Islamic extremists, even if it meant killing thousands of
civilians. Israelis were more likely to condone violence against Palestinians. The studies are
summarized in an article in the journal Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism & Political Aggression
(Vol. 1, No. 1).
Further research conducted by START co-director Kruglanski sheds light on the role a
"collectivist mentality" may play in terrorism. His surveys of thousands of people in 15 Arab and
other countries found that Muslims who have a more collectivistic mentality are more likely to
support terrorist attacks against Americans than those with more individualistic leanings. The
research, submitted to Political Psychology, also found that the lower people's reported personal
success in life, the greater their tendency to endorse collectivistic ideas and to support attacks
against Americans. The findings suggest that joining terrorist groups may confer a sense of
security and meaning that people do not feel as individuals, Kruglanski says.
"Being part of a collectivist cause has always been a hallmark of people willing to undergo
personal sacrifices," he says.
In a more global sense, a fear of cultural annihilation may help fuel terrorist sentiments, says
psychologist and terrorism expert Fathali Moghaddam, PhD, of Georgetown University's
department of psychology. In "How Globalization Spurs Terrorism: The Lopsided Benefits of
One World and Why That Fuels Violence" (Praeger, 2008), Moghaddam argues that rapid
globalization has forced disparate cultures into contact with one another and is threatening the
domination or disappearance of some groupsa cultural version of "survival of the fittest."
"You can interpret Islamic terrorism as one form of reaction to the perception that the
fundamentalist way of life is under attack and is about to become extinct," he says.
Because of such beliefs, psychologists are tracking public attitudes to determine how best to
promote peace. Pyszczynki, for example, has conducted as-yet-unpublished research showing
that people's attitudes toward out-group violence can be changed if they are reminded of a
common human problem. In two of his team's recent studies, Americans coping with the "war on
terror" and Palestinians in the midst of Israeli bombings were primed to think either about a local
catastrophe or global warming. Some also received reminders of their own mortality. In both
studies, only those primed with thoughts of both death and global warming increased their
support for peacemaking activities.

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"The really encouraging note is that even in the height of a conflict going on with your own
people, reminders of mortality and a common cause reduces support for war and increases
support for peacemaking," Pyszczynki says.
Studying de-radicalization
In the real world, psychologists also are exploring the effectiveness of initiatives taking place in
countries including Egypt, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Singapore and the United Kingdom that are
seeking to soften the hearts and minds of terrorist detainees. In preliminary research, Kruglanski
and colleagues note that many of these programs share:

An intellectual component, often involving moderate Muslim clerics who hold

dialogues with imprisoned detainees about the Qu'ran's true teachings on violence and
jihad.
An emotional component that defuses detainees' anger and frustration by showing
authentic concern for their families, through means such as funding their children's
education or offering professional training for their wives. This aspect also capitalizes on
the fact that detainees are weary from their lifestyles and imprisonment.
A social component that addresses the reality that detainees often re-enter societies that
may rekindle their radical beliefs. A program in Indonesia, for instance, uses former
militants who are now law-abiding citizens to convince former terrorists that violence
against civilians compromises the image of Islam.
Some of these efforts have already shown promise, says Kruglanski. For example,
Egypt's largest radical Islamic group, Al-Gama'a al-Islamiyya, renounced bloodshed in
2003, the result of a deal brokered by a Muslim attorney between the group and the
Egyptian government, and a program where Muslim scholars debated with imprisoned
group leaders about the true meaning of Islam. As a result, the leaders wrote 25 volumes
arguing for nonviolence, and the group has perpetrated no new terrorist acts since,
Kruglanski says. A second major Egyptian group, Al Jihad, renounced violence in 2007
based on a similar program.
Five other such initiatives in Northern Ireland, Yemen, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia and
Colombia are being studied by Pennsylvania State University's Horgan. His not-yetpublished research proposes a framework that policymakers can use to evaluate these
programs, including examining how each effort conceptualizes and measures success,
and evaluating the reality and practical significance of these success claims.
Given his own experience talking with former terrorists, Horgan is cautious about how
much to expect from these programs. In his recent study, he discovered that some of these
efforts not only lack clear criteria for establishing what constitutes "success," but also that

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actual de-radicalization is rarely a feature of such programsthat former terrorists may
rejoin society and keep from engaging in terrorist actions, but retain their radical beliefs.
"There is no evidence to suggest that disengaging from terrorism necessarily results in
de-radicalization," he contends.
Kruglanski's team promises to shed more light on the issue via an assessment instrument
they are developing that will gauge attitude change in those who have undergone such
programs, including gauging implicit attitude change that more accurately reads their true
feelings than simply what they claim is the case.
Because of the wide variety of program types and the cultural and social conditions
where they are taking place, it is imperative that successful efforts design each program
on a case-by-case basis, adds terrorism researcher Max Taylor, PhD, of the University of
St. Andrews, and co-editor with Horgan of "The Future of Terrorism" (Routledge, 2000).
"One big problem with terrorism policy altogether is that it tends to interpret things from
our perspective, based on what makes sense to us," Taylor says. "That's not really the
issue: The issue is what makes sense to people on the ground."

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References
Nacos, B.L. (2012). Terrorism and counterterrorism: Understanding threats and response in the
post 9-11 world (4th ed.) Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson
Stern, J. (2001). The Ultimate Terrorist (5th ed.) Harvard University Press, Cambridge,
Massachusetts London, England
Wilson, H. S, (2002). Terrorism and Religions, Retrieved on April 5, 2014, from
http://www.religion-online.org/showarticle.asp
DeAngelis, T. (2009). Understand terrorism, Retrieved on April 13, 2014, from
http://www.apa.org/monitor/2009/terrorism.aspx/
Lake, E. (2013). Americas Homegrown Terrorists, Retrieved on 5 April 2014, from
http://news.yahoo.com/america-homegrown-terrorists