For You Have Strengthened Me

"FOR YOU HA VE
STRENGTHENED ME"
BIBLICAL AND THEOLOGICAL STUDIES
IN HONOR OF GERHARD PFANDL
IN CELEBRATION OF HIS
SIXTY-FIFTH BIRTHDAY
EDITED BY
MARTIN PROBSTLE
WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF

GERALD A. KLINGBEIL AND MARTING. KLINGBEIL
SEMINAR SCHLOSS BOGENHOFEN

St. Peter am Hart, Austria
2007
Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme

"For you have strengthened me" : biblical and theological studies in honor of
Gerhard Pfand! in celebration of his sixty-fifth birthday / edited by Martin

Prbstle, with the assistance of Gerald A. Klingbeil and Martin G. Klingbeil. - St.
Peter am Hart, Austria: Seminar Schloss Bogenhofen, 2007. - XXX, 478 S. : III.;
23cm
ISBN 978-3-902637-00-0
Die Deutsche Bibliothek- Bibliographische Information

Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliographie; detaillierte bibliographische Daten sind im Internet ber http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar.
2007 by Seminar Schloss Bogenhofen, 4963 St. Peter am Hart, Austria
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Cover design: Emesto Looser
Printed in Germany
ISBN 978-3-902637-00-0
Gerhard Pfandl
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Acknowledgments...........................................................................................
IX
List of Abbreviations........................................................................................
XI
List of Contributors .......................................................................................... XVIII

A Tribute to Gerhard Pfandl ......................................................................... XIX
Gerhard Pfandl: Bibliography ........................................................................ XXIII
Biblical Studies-Old Testament

Jifi Moskala
The Concept and Notion of the Church in the Pentateuch ...................
Martin Probstle
"Lion of Judah": The Blessing on Judah in Genesis 49:8--12 ................. 23
Jo Ann Davidson
"Deep Breathing" ......................................................................................... 51
Martin G. Klingbeil
"I Will Be Satisfied with Seeing Your Likeness": Image and Imagery in the Hebrew Psalter ...................... .. .... ..... .... .. .................. .. .... .. ...... 59
David Tasker
The People of God in Prophetic Literature .............................................. 75
Richard M. Davidson
The Messianic Hope in Isaiah 7:14 and the Volume of Immanuel
(Isaiah 7-12) ................................................................................................... 85
Paul B. Petersen
God-the Great Giver ................................................................................. 97
Tarsee Li
The Characterization of God in the Aramaic Chapters of Daniel ........ 107
Gerald A. Klingbeil
"Rocking the Mountain": Text, Theology, and Mission in Daniel 2 ... 117
William H. Shea
The Seleucids as Cedars, and the Maccabees, Messiah, and
Herodians as the Shepherds in Zechariah 11 .......................................... 141
VI
Table of Contents
Biblical Studies-New T estarnent

Jon Paulien
New Testament Use of the Old Testament .............................................. 167
Ekkehardt Muller
Jesus and the Covenant in Hebrews ......................................................... 189
George E. Rice
Thematic Structure of Revelation .............................................................. 209
Mathilde Frey
The Theological Concept of the Sabbath in the Book of Revelation .... 223
Johannes Kovar
Die Gebote in Offenbarung 12,17 .............................................................. 241
Theological Studies
Hans Heinz
Jesus Christus und die Heilsverkiindiger in den Weltreligionen ........ 267
Jack]. Blanco
The Essence of Adventism .......................................................................... 275
Angel Manuel Rodriguez
Towards an Adventist Theology of Hope ............................................... 289
Norman R. Gulley
Another Look at the Pre-Advent Judgment ............................................ 305
Alberto R. Timm
The Seventh-day Adventist Doctrine of the Sanctuary (1844-2007):
A Brief Historical Overview ....................................................................... 331
Frank M. Hasel
Was Ellen G. White a Fundamentalist? ..................................................... 347
Kwabena Donkor
Theology of Tithing in Ellen G. White ...................................................... 361
Table of Contents
VII
Practical-Theological Studies
Carol M. Tasker
A Rationale for Spiritual Formation in Theological Education ............ 381
Rex D. Edwards
Self-Discipline and Spirituality .................................................................. 399
Ted N. C. Wilson
An Extraordinary Last-Day Gift from God ............................................. 409
Historical Studies
Heinz Schaidinger
Uber die Christianisierung des Frankenreichs in Spatantike und
Friihmittelalter .............................................................................................. 421
Daniel Heinz
Adventisten im Osmanischen Reich - ein Fallbeispiel fiir islamische Intoleranz .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .................... .... .. .. ....... .. .. .. .. .... .. .. ............ .. .. ......... 453
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
It goes without saying that the publication of such a Festschrift is the collaborated work of many individuals. Gerald A. Klingbeil and Martin G.
Klingbeil not only are jointly responsible for the birth of the idea for this
Festschrift but also helped delivering it by editing several of the essays. Although mostly e-mail was our means of communication (the final e-mail
"Festschrift Newsletter no. 102" testifies to the rich exchange), our communication rests on a much deeper level that goes back to the time when we
sat together listening to "Rabbi Pfandl." Thank you for your partnership.
A further thank you goes to the copy-editors Marlene King-Adams,
Chantal J. Klingbeil, and "Magister" Hans Matschek. Their attentiveness to
detail is unrivaled.
I would like to express my appreciation to Maureen Pfandl, Gerhard's
wife, who provided me with valuable information on Gerhard's curriculum
vitae, as well as to Evelyn Dberbacher, his sister, and Manfred Pfandl, his
brother, who filled some of the information gaps regarding his earlier years.
I would also like to thank my colleagues at the theological seminary of
Seminar Schloss Bogenhofen-Frank Hasel, Johannes Kovar, Heinz Schaidinger, and Winfried Vogel -who consistently encouraged me along the
way and lent their help for several of the challenging issues involved in this
project. A special thanks goes to Stefan Serena who readily facilitated his
expertise of the computer world. Without him this book would have not
seen the light of publication so soon.
Finally, my gratitude goes to my wife, Marianne, and my two sons, Max
and Jonathan. They always allowed me to work extra hours in the Ferdinand-Pieringer-Bibliothek Bogenhofen-probably because this book is for
the one who always joins us in a good family game when he visits us.
Above all, gratitude needs to be expressed to God, who in Gerhard has

given us a friend, colleague, and teacher. May Gerhard's example continue
to inspire others to serve God.
Seminar Schloss Bogenhofen
Reformation Day 2007
Martin Probstle
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AASS
AB
ABO
Asia Adventist Seminary Studies
A]T
Asia Journal of Theology

The Abundant Life Bible Amplifier
Analecta biblica
Ancient Near East
Abingdon New Testament Commentaries
Arbeiten zur neutestamentlichen Theologie und Zeitgeschichte
Alter Orient und Altes Testament
Apollos Old Testament Commentary
Altes Testament
Das Alte Testament Deutsch
Adventist Theological Society Dissertation Series
Andrews University Seminary Doctoral Dissertation Series
Andrews University Seminary Studies
Biblical Archaeologist
Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
Bulletin for Biblical Research Supplements
Seventh-day Adventist Bible Commentary. Edited by F. D. Nichol.
7 vols. Rev. ed. Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1976-1980
Baker Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament
Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum lovaniensium
Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. Edited by K. Elliger and W. Rudolph. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1977
Biblica
Biblical Interpretation
Brown Judaic Studies
Anchor Bible
Anchor Bible Dictionary. Edited by D. N. Freedman. 6 vols. New
York: Doubleday, 1992
ACEBTSup Amsterdamse Cahiers voor Exegese van de Bijbel en zijn Tradities Supplement Series
Augsburg Commentaries on the New Testament
ACNT
Akkadisches Handworterbuch. W. von Soden. 3 vols. Wiesbaden:
AHw
Harrassowitz, 1965-1981
ALBA
AnBib
ANE
ANTC
ANTZ
AOAT
AOTC
AT
AID
ATSDS
AUSDDS
AUSS
BA
BAS OR
BBRSup
BC
BECNT
BETL
BHS
Bib
Bib Int
BJS
XII
List of Abbreviations
BKAT
Biblischer Kommentar Altes Testament
BLS
Bible and Literature Series
BN
BRIS
BSac
BZAW
CAD
Biblische Notizen
Biblical Research Institute Studies
Bibliotheca sacra
Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
TI1e Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of
Chicago. Edited by I. J. Gelb et al. Chicago: Oriental Institute,
1956CahT
Cahiers Theologiques
CANE
Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. Edited by J. Sasson. 4 vols.
New York: Scribner, 1995
CBQ
Catholic Biblical Quarterly
Continental Commentary
cc
CHANE
Culture and History of the Ancient Near East
CNT
Commentaire du Nouveau Testament
cos
The Context of Scripture. Edited by W. W. Hallo. 3 vols. Leiden:
Brill, 1997-2003
CurBS
Currents in Research: Biblical Studies
DARCOM Daniel and Revelation Committee Series
DLNT
Dictionary of the Later New Testament and Its Developments. Edited by R. P. Martin and P. H. Davids. Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 1997
Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions. J. Hoftijzer and
DNSWI
K. Jongeling. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1995
DOTHB
Dictionary of the Old Testament: Historical Books. Edited by B. T.
Arnolds and H. G. M. Williamson. Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2005
Dictionary of the Old Testament: Pentateuch. Edited by T. D. AlexDOTP
ander and D. W. Baker. Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2003
EBC
The Expositor's Bible Commentary. Edited by F. E. Gaebelein. 12
vols. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1976-1992
EDNT
Exegetical Dictionary of the New Testament. Edited by H. Baiz and
G. Schneider. Translated by V. Howard and J. W. Thompson. 3
vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990-1993
Europaische Hochschulschriften - Reihe Theologie
EHS.T
Einhei ts-Ubersetzung
EIN
ELB
Elberfelder Bibel
XIII
ET
English Translation
EvQ
Exp Tim
Evangelical Quarterly
Expository Times
FCB
Feminist Companion to the Bible
FOTL
Forms of the Old Testament Literature
HA LOT
Koehler, L., W. Baumgartner, and J. J. Stamm, The Hebrew and

Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament. Translated and edited under the supervision of M. E. J. Richardson. 4 vols. Leiden: Brill,
1994-1999
HNT
Handbuch zum Neuen Testament
HS
Hebrew Studies
HSM
Harvard Semitic Monographs
HThKAT
Herders theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament
JBS
Irish Biblical Studies
ICC
International Critical Commentary
IDB
The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible. Edited by G. A. Buttrick.

4 vols. Nashville: Abingdon, 1962
IE/
Int
ISBE
Israel Exploration Journal

Interpretation
International Standard Bible Encyclopedia. Edited by G. W.
Bromiley. 4 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1979-1988
ISBL
Indiana Studies in Biblical Literature
ITC
International Theological Commentary
/AAS
/ATS
JBL
JBQ
JECS
JETS
JNSL
Journal of Asia Adventist Seminary

Journal of the Adventist Theological Society
Journal of Biblical Literature
Jewish Bible Quarterly
Journal of Early Christian Studies
Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society
Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages
Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman Periods
/SJ
JSNTSup
Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series
/SOT
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
JSOTSup
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series
JSP
JTS
Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha

Journal of Theological Studies
XIV
KEK
Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar i.iber das Neue Testament

(Meyer-Kommentar)
KJV
King James Version
LUT
Luther-Bibel
MC
Mesopotamian Civilizations
MDAIK
MT
Mitteilungen des deutschen archiiologischen Instituts Kairo
NAC
New American Commentary
NASB
New American Standard Bible
NCB
New Century Bible
NCBC
New Century Bible Commentary
NEB
New English Bible
NEchtB
Neue Echter Bibel
Masoretic Text
NIB
The New Interpreter's Bible
NICNT
New International Commentary on the New Testament
NICOT
New International Commentary on the Old Testament
NIDNTT
New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology. Edited

by C. Brown. 4 Vols. Grand Rapids, Zondervan, 1975-1985
NIDOTTE New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology and Exegesis. Edited by W. A VanGemeren. 5 vols. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1997
NIGTC
The New International Greek Testament Commentary
NIV
New International Version
NIVAC
The NIV Application Commentary
NJB
New Jerusalem Bible
NKJV
NovT
Novum Testamentum
NovTSup
Supplements to Novum Testamentum
New King James Version
NSBT
New Studies in Biblical Theology
NT
New Testament I Neues Testament
NTC
New Testament Commentary
NTS
New Testament Studies
OBO
Orbis biblicus et orientalis
OBO.SA
Orbis biblicus et orientalis. Series archaeological
OBS
Oxford Bible Series
OIS
Oriental Institute Seminars
OT
Old Testament
OTK
OTL
OTM
OtSt
QD
RB
ResQ
Rev Exp
RevistB
RNT
RSV
SBLDS
SBLMS
SBLRBS
SBS
SCHL
SDSSRL
Sem
SJT
SMEBT
SNTSMS
SP
SSEJC
ST
SubBi
TDNT
TOOT
THAT
ThBNT
xv
Okumenischer Taschenbuch-Kommentar
Old Testament Library
Oxford Theological Monographs
Oudtestamentische Studien
Quaestiones disputatae
Revue biblique
Restoration Quarterly
Review and Expositor
Revista biblica
Regensburger Neues Testament
Revised Standard Version
Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series
Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series
Society of Biblical Literature Resources for Biblical Study
Stuttgarter Bibelstudien
Schlachter Bibel
Studies in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Literature
Semitica
Scottish Journal of Theology
Serie monografica de estudios bfblicos y teol6gicos de la Universidad Adventista del Plata
Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series
Sacra pagina
Studies in Scripture in Early Judaism and Christianity
Studia theologica
Subsidia Biblica
Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. Edited by G. Kittel
and G. Friedrich. Translated by G. W. Bromiley. 10 vols. Grand
Rapids:Eerdmans, 1964-1976
Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. Edited by G. J. Botterweck, H. Ringgren, and H.-J. Fabry. Translated by J. T. Willis
et al. 15 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974Theologisches Handwi:irterbuch zum A/ten Testament. Edited by E.
Jenni, with assistance from C. Westerman. 2 vols., Stuttgart,
1971-1976
Theologisches Begriffslexikon zum Neuen Testament. Edited by L.
Coenen and K. Haacker. 2 vols. Newly rev. ed. Wuppertal:
Brockhaus; Neukirchen: Neukirchener, 1997-2000
XVI
List of Abbreuiations
THKNT
Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament
TNTC
Tyndale New Testament Commentaries
TJ
TRu
Trinity Journal
Theologische Rundschau
Theologisches Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament. Edited by G.
Kittel and G. Friedrich. 10 vols. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 19321979
Theological Wordbook of the Old Testament. Edited by R. L. Harris
and G. L. Archer, Jr. 2 vols. Chicago: Moody, 1980
Tyndale Bulletin
Theologische Zeitschrift
Ugaritisch-biblische Literatur
United Bible Societies Monograph Series
Ugarit-Forsclmngen
Vetus Testamentum
Vetus Testamentum Supplements
Word Biblical Commentary
Westminster Theological Journal
Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Textament
Zeitschrift far die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
Zurcher Bibelkommentare
Zeitschrift far die neutestamentlichen Wissenschaft und die Kunde
der iilteren Kirche
The Zondervan Pictorial Encyclopedia of the Bible. Edited by M. C.
Tenney. 5 vols. Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1975
IWNT
TWOT
TynBul
TZ
UBL
UBS MS
UF
VT
VTSup
WBC
WT/
WMANT
ZAW
ZBK
ZNW
ZPEB
LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS
Jack J. Blanco, Th.D., Professor emeritus of Theology and Ethics, Southern
Adventist University, Collegedale, Tennessee, USA
Jo Ann Davidson, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Theology, Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary, Andrews University, Berrien Springs, Michigan, USA
Richard M. Davidson, Ph.D., J. N. Andrews Professor of Old Testament
Interpretation, Chair of the Old Testament Department, Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary, Andrews University, Berrien Springs, Michigan, USA
Kwabena Donkor, Ph.D., Associate Director of the Biblical Research Institute, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, Silver Spring, Maryland, USA
Rex D. Edwards, D.Min., Associate Vice President/Director of Religious
Studies, Griggs University, Silver Spring, Maryland, USA
Mathilde Frey, Ph.D. cand., Andrews University, Berrien Springs, Michigan, USA
Norman R. Gulley, Ph.D., Research Professor in Systematic Theology,
Southern Adventist University, Collegedale, Tennessee, USA
Frank M. Hase!, Ph.D., Professor of Systematic Theology and Biblical Hermeneutics, Dean of the Theological Seminary and Director of the Ellen G.
White Study Center, Seminar Schloss Bogenhofen, St. Peter am Hart, Austria
Daniel Heinz, Ph.D., Director of the European Archives of Seventh-day
Adventist History, Friedensau, Germany
Hans Heinz, Th.D., Professor emeritus of Systematic Theology, Braunau,
Austria
Gerald A Klingbeil, D.Litt., Professor of Hebrew Bible and Ancient Near
Eastern Studies, Theological Seminary, Adventist International Institute of
Advanced Studies, Silang, Philippines
Martin G. Klingbeil, D.Litt., Vice-President: Academic Administration, Professor of Hebrew and Ancient Near Eastern Studies, Helderberg College,
Somerset West, South Africa
XVIII
Lisi of Contributors
Johannes Kovar, D.E.S.T., Professor of New Testament, Theological Seminary, Seminar Schloss Bogenhofen, St. Peter am Hart, Austria
Tarsee Li, Ph.D., Associate Professor of Hebrew Bible, Oakwood College,
Huntsville, Alabama, USA
Jiff Moskala, Th.D., Ph.D., Professor of Old Testament Exegesis and Theology, Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary, Andrews University,
Berrien Springs, Michigan, USA
Ekkehardt Miiller, Th.D., D.Min., Associate Director of the Biblical Research
Institute, General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, Silver Spring,
Maryland, USA
Jon Paulien, Ph.D., Dean of the School of Religion, Loma Linda University,
Loma Linda, California, USA
Paul B. Petersen, Ph.D., Field Secretary of the South Pacific Division of the
Seventh-day Adventist Church, Wahroonga, Sydney, Australia
Martin Probstle, Ph.D., Professor of Hebrew Bible, Theological Seminary,
Seminar Schloss Bogenhofen, St. Peter am Hart, Austria
George E. Rice, Ph.D., Pastor, Triadelphia Seventh-day Adventist Church,
Clarksville, Maryland, USA
Angel Manuel Rodriguez, Th.D., Director of the Biblical Research Institute,
General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, Silver Spring, Maryland,
USA
Heinz Schaidinger, M.T., M.A., MMag., Professor of Church History, Theological Seminary, Seminar Schloss Bogenhofen, St. Peter am Hart, Austria
William H. Shea, M.D., Ph.D., Bristow, Virginia, USA
Carol M. Tasker, Ph.D., Dean of the School of Education, Pacific Adventist
University, Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea
David Tasker, Ph.D., Dean of the School of Theology, Pacific Adventist
University, Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea
Alberto R. Timm, Ph.D., Rector of the Latin American Adventist Theological Seminary, Spirit of Prophecy Coordinator for the South American Division of Seventh-day Adventists, Brasilia, DF, Brazil
Ted N. C. Wilson, Ph.D., General Vice President of the General Conference
of Seventh-day Adventists, Silver Spring, Maryland, USA
A TRIBUTE TO GERHARD PFANDL

MARTIN PROBSTLE
It is with appreciation that colleagues, friends, and former students con-
tribute their studies to the present Festschrift in honor of Gerhard Pfandl.

Sixty-five years after his birthday on January 7, 1943, is a good occasion to
look back on this vita.
Gerhard Pfandl, born in Zombkowic, Poland, is a native of Austria. His
father, Julius, an electrical engineer, had been transferred to Poland to manage an electrochemical factory, and he moved there with his wife, Johanna.
Gerhard was the fourth son in the family.
When the Russian army advanced to Poland, the mother fled with her
four sons from Poland to Bad Aussee in Austria. They left Zombkowic on
January 16, 1945, and arrived at Bad Aussee on February 19, 1945. That winter was extremely cold. And among other things they had to use cattle
wagons-unheated, of course-in order to flee. During their flight two-year
old Gerhard got an extremely bad double pneumonia which, having no
doctor at hand, was quite dangerous. His mother attributed it to the grace
of God that Gerhard survived the trip so well. Although his health was affected by the pneumonia, he became an enthusiastic soccer player.
Gerhard finished his training as an electrician, but at the age of twentytwo he felt the call of God to the ministry. He began his theological studies
at Newbold College in England where he met his future wife Maureen, a
nurse, who was taking the Bible Instructor course. They got married in
1966, and at the end of 1967 they emigrated with their firstborn son, Steven,
to Australia where Gerhard continued his studies at Avondale College. In
Australia their second son Robert was born. It was a great help that the
Australian government sponsored their flight in a campaign to allure students to the state down-under. Gerhard worked hard during his studies to
keep and support his young family-studying during the day and often
working at night, and vice versa. His perseverance and discipline were
well-tried but these Australian years only worked to enhance both of these
qualities.
Upon graduation in 1970, Gerhard and his family accepted a call to the
Austrian Union where he started his ministry as an associate church pastor
in Vienna. During his time in Vienna, from 1971 to 1977, he studied Hebrew
at the university in Vienna under Kurt Schubert and attended several Andrews University extension courses in England. In 1977, he spent a quarter
xx
A Tribute to Gerhard Pfandl
at Andrews University and graduated with an M.A. in Religion (Old Testament).

In the same year, he was called to serve as lecturer in the theological
seminary at Bogenhofen near Salzburg in Austria, as well as serving as the
dean of men and pastor for the Adventist church in Bogenhofen. Four years
later, he was asked to return to Andrews University to take up doctoral
studies. He completed the course work for a Ph.D. in Religion (Old Testament) before returning to Bogenhofen in 1983. For the next six years, he
taught classes and served as pastor for the church in Bogenhofen, as well as
serving a four-year-term (1983-1987) as Director of Education for the Austrian Union of Seventh-day Adventist Churches. At the same time he was
writing his dissertation during the summer months at Andrews University.
During these fruitful years at Bogenhofen he instilled the love for the Scriptures in an entire generation of students and at least eight of them completed or are about to complete their doctoral studies.
For health reasons, the family moved to Los Angeles in 1989 where
Gerhard served as church pastor in the Southern Californian Conference
from 1989 to 1992. During this time, he completed his dissertation "The
Latter Days and the Time of the End in the Book of Daniel" under his Doktoruater, the late Gerhard Hase), and graduated with a Ph.D. in 1990 from
Andrews University.
In 1992, he accepted a call to be the Field Secretary for the South Pacific
Division in Sydney, Australia. Among numerous responsibilities he again
enjoyed teaching Bible and theology at Avondale College. He served as
Field Secretary until 1999, when he was asked to become an Associate Director of the Biblical Research Institute at the General Conference in Silver
Spring, Maryland, USA. In his present position, he promotes the study and
practice of Adventist theology and lifestyle as understood by the world
church and facilitates doctrinal and theological discussions within the Seventh-day Adventist theological community seeking to enhance the understanding of Scripture and the commitment to biblical truths. He also took
opportunities to serve as lecturer for Adventist Universities and Colleges in
Austria, Korea, Nigeria, Peru, the Philippines, Russia, South Africa, and
Zimbabwe.
Gerhard is a member of the Society of Biblical Literature and the Adventist Theological Society. His more than 120 articles have been published
in books and in theological and popular journals in German, English, Spanish, and Polish.
Gerhard's life cannot be sketched by his curriculum vitae alone, however.
Maybe he is best described by a series of attributes that make him the person we know him to be.
A Tribute lo Gerhard Pfa11d/
XXI
Gerhard Pfandl-admirer of the written word and of the Word written.

Gerhard is a collector of many things-stamps, coins, precious stones-but
hardly one passion can be assessed higher than his love to collect theological books. At first, he did so for his own private library, but for the last several years he took it upon himself to personally enlarge the library at the
Biblical Research Institute, adding several thousand volumes to its collection. Even more than in the quantity, he is interested in the quality of written words. For him, any interpretation of a biblical text or theological
treatise must have depth and be based in every respect on the written Word
and sound hermeneutical principles. His admiration for the Word of God
expresses itself, for example, in his personal study habit of reading each day
a section of the Bible and of the writings of Ellen G. White.
Gerhard Pfandl-a conscientious servant of the Adventist church. Whether as
a pastor of a small or large church, as a dean of men, or as a lecturer at the
college or university level, Gerhard always offers his abilities and talents to
the Adventist church and understands his ministry to be a service to the
church he belongs to.
Gerhard Pfandl-life-long friend of his students. Gerhard goes to a lot of effort to keep in touch with his students, and he considers each one of his
former students as a protege(e). He accompanies them through major decisions, ready to give them a listening ear or thoughtful advice.
Gerhard Pfand/-the one who strengthens. One of Gerhard's best-loved
qualities seems to be his virtually endless source of encouragement. He is
not the type of person who likes to be in the public eye. He is more like a
silent powerhouse, willing to encourage others and to help them accomplish their goals.
It is because of this quality to encourage others that Daniel's words "for
you have strengthened me" (Dan 10:19) seem to fit as a title for the present
Festschrift. Gerhard has supported in some way or another each one of the
contributors. Ultimately, however, his strength comes from the One who
strengthens all of us- and thus Daniel's words become Gerhard's as well.
His special interests are in three major areas: (1) Old Testament, (2)
apocalyptic literature and prophecy, and (3) the writings of Ellen G. White.
Hence, the studies in his honor naturally concentrate on these areas.
PUBLICATIONS OF GERHARD PFANDL

MARTIN PROBSTLE (ED.)
Bool~s
The Time of the End in the Book of Daniel (ATSDS 1; Berrien Springs: Adventist
Theological Society, 1992).
Daniel: The Seer of Babylon (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2004).

The Gift of Preophecy in Schripture and History (Nampa: Pacific Press, 2008).
Books Edited
Interpreting Scripture: Bible Questions and Answers (Biblical Research Institute
Studies 2; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, forthcoming 2008).
Articles
"Opposer of Spirit of Prophecy Now Supporter," Adventist Review 149, no. 31 (3
Aug 1972): 21.
"Studie i.iber Romer 7 + 8: Warum ich glaube, daJS Romer 7 vom bekehrten
Menschen spricht" (A Study on Romans 7 + 8: Why I believe that Romans 7
speaks about the converted man), Aller Diener, I/1973, 21-27.
"Eutychus," MV-]ugendnachrichten, 1/1974, 10--13.
"Die Vollkommenheit der letzten Generation" (The perfection of the last generation), Adventecho 73, no. 15 (Aug. 1, 1974): 4-6.
"Gottes Botschaft fur das 20. Jahrhundert" (God's message for the 20th century),
Zeichen der Zeit (Austria) 30, no. 5 (Sept.-Oct. 1974): 9-12.
"Nachstes Jahr in Jerusalem" (Next year in Jerusalem), Zeichen der Zeit (Austria)
31, no. 3 (May-June 1975): 14-16.
"Das Zeugnis Jesu" (The testimony of Jesus), Adventecho 74, no. 15 (Aug. 1,
1975), 9.
"7 Fakten i.iber Christus" (7 facts about Christ), Zeichen der Zeit (Austria) 32, no.
1 Oan.-Feb. 1976): 10.
"In der Herrlichkeit des Vaters und mit der Posaune Gottes" (In the glory of the
Father and with the trumpet of God), Zeichen der Zeit (Austria) 32, no. 2
(Mar.-Apr. 1976): 22-27.
XXIV
Publications of Gerhard Pfandl
"Christsein - Fakt oder Fassade?" (Being a Christian-fact or facade?), MVfugendnachrichten, 2/1976, 7-9.
"7 Fakten iiber wahres Christentum" (7 facts about true Christianity), Zeichen
der Zeit (Austria) 33, no. 1 Oan.-Feb. 1977): 14.
"7 Fakten iiber die Bibel" (7 facts about the Bible), Zeichen der Zeit (Austria) 33,
no. 2 (Mar.-Apr. 1977): 16-17.
"Buried College Student Survives," Adventist Review 156, no. 2 (11Jan.1979): 26.
"Woher? Wohin? Wozu?" (Wherefrom? Whereto? Why?), Zeichen der Zeit
(Austria) 35, no. 1 Oan.-Feb. 1979): 4-6.
"Problemstellen im Schrifttum von E. G. White" (Problem passages in the writings of E.G. White), Aller Diener, III-IV/1980, 125-136.
"Studienhilfe fiir Daniel und Offenbarung" (Study helps for Daniel and Revelation), Aller Diener, III-IV/1980, 137-160.
"Die Schatze des Katharinenklosters" (The tresaure of St. Catherine's Monastery), Zeichen der Zeit (Austria) 37, no. 3 (May-June 1981): 10-11.
"Wissenschaft und Glaube" (Science and faith), in Klaus Zachhuber, Evolution
oder Schopfung? Wissenschaftliche Fakten und Argumente, Versuch einer Synthese

(Bern: Europaisches Institut fiir Fernstudium, 1983), 201-225.
"Abraham - Ein Biindel Unvernunft?" (Abraham-a bundle of unreasonanbleness?), Bagi 1, no. 3 (Summer 1983): 12-13.
"Sind wir Sektierer?" (Are we a sect?), Bogi 1, no. 4(Winter1983): 8.
"Das Ghettokind" (The ghetto child) Bagi 2, no. 5(Spring1984): 8.
"Reagan und der Vatikan" (Reagan and the Vatican), Bagi 2, no. 6 (Summer
1984): 12.
"Predigerinnen - Ja oder Nein?" (Women ministers-yes or no?), Bagi 3, no. 9
(Spring 1985): 12, 14.
"Die Andrews-Universitat im Blickfeld (Interview mit Richard Lesher)" (Andrews University in focus [interview with Richard Lesher]), Bagi 3, no. 11
(Autumn 1985): 15-16.
"Zionismus: Ein vielgeschmahtes Wort" (Zionism: a much maligned word),
Bogi 4, no. 16(Winter1986): 12-13.
"Antisemitisums: Das Reizwort des Jahrhunderts" (Anitsemitism: the emotive
word of the century), Bagi 5, no. 17 (Winter 1987): 12-13, 15.
"Vizeprasident der Generalkonferenz auf Besuch in Bogenhofen (Interview
with Robert Kloosterhuis)" (Vice President of the General Confernce visits
Bogenhofen [Interview with Robert Kloosterhuis]), Bagi 6, no. 21 (Spring
1988): 4.
"Die Botschaft von Minneapolis" (The message from Minneapolis), Bagi 6, no.
23 (Autumn 1988): 3-4.
Publications of Gerhard Pfand/
xxv
"Das Gesetz in Galater 3" (The law in Galatians 3), Aller Diener, IV/1990, 16-22.
"The Latter Days and the Time of the End in the Book of Daniel [Dissertation
Abstract],'' Andrews University Seminary Studies 29 (1991): 161-162.
"Daniel and His Interpreters," Adventist Perspectives 6, no. 2 (1992): 12-17.
"The Remnant Church and the Spirit of Prophecy," in Symposium on Revelation,
Book 2: Exegetical and General Studies (DARCOM 7; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 1992), 295-333.
"Watching for the Return," Signs of the Times (Australia) 108, no. 3 (1993): 25-28.
"Prophecy and Current Events," Record 98, no. 25 (3 July 1993): 6-7.
"Multicultural Challenges in the South Pacific Division," Adventist Professional 5,
no. 4 (1993): 18-20.
"Prophet without Loss," Record 98, no. 43 (6 Nov. 1993): 2.
"1844 and Beyond,'' Record 99, no. 6 (19 Feb. 1994): 2.
"Paul's Method of Dealing with Conflict in the Church," Adventist Professional 6,
no. 2 (1994): 26-28.
"Desert Passion Play,'' Signs of the Times (Australia) 109, no. 9 (1994): 45-47.
"The Sanctuary Is Still Central," Record 99, no. 38 (1 Oct. 1994): 6-7.
"How Shall We Use the Writings of Ellen White?" Adventist Professional 7, no. 2
(1995): 13-15.
"Where Was God?" Signs of the Times (Australia) 110, no. 7 (1995): 57-60.
"Pardoned!" Signs of the Times (Australia) 110, no. 9 (1995): 41-43.
'"Unser Mann in Sydney': Von Bogenhofen iiber Kalifornien in den Siidpazifik"
('Our man in Sydney': from Bogenhofen via California to the South Pacific),
Bagi 13, no. 51 (Autumn 1995): 6.
"What Is the Spirit of Prophecy?" Record 100, no. 44 (11Nov.1995): 6-7.
"Revelacion Progresiva" (Progressive revelation), Theologika 11, no. 1 (1996):
127-136.
"Daniel's 'Time of the End,"' Journal of the Adventist Theological Society 7, no. 1
(Spring 1996): 141-158.
"Interpretations of the Kingdom of God in Daniel 2:44," Andrews University
Seminary Studies 34 (1996): 249-268.
"The Pilot," Record 101, no. 46 (23 Nov. 1996): 2.
"Supportive and Critical Ministries,'' Record 101, no. 48 (7 Dec. 1996): 6-9.
"When Probation Closes," Record 102, no. 2 (18 Jan. 1997): 8-9.
"The Crisis over Scripture," Record 102, no. 16 (26 Apr. 1997): 10.
"The Authority and Interpretation of Scripture," Supplement to Record 102, no.
16 (26 Apr. 1997).
XXVI
"The Remnant Church," Journal of the Adventist Theological Society 8, nos. 1-2
(Spring-Autumn 1997): 19-27.
"What Is New in the New Theology?" Supplement to Record 102, no. 36 (13
Sept. 1997): 6--10.
"The Year 2000? It's Already A.O. 2002,"Record 102, no. 45 (15 Nov. 1997): 8--9.
"A Prophet of the Lord?" Record 102, no. 46 (22 Nov. 1997): 2.
"Concerns About The Message [sidebar]" Record 103, no. 5 (14 Feb. 1998): 8.
"Talking About the End ofTime-1," Record 103, no. 12 (4 Apr. 1998): 6--7.
"Talking About the End of Time-2," Record 103, no. 14 (18 Apr. 1998): 6--7.
"Is Historicism Dead?" Record 103, no. 32 (22 Aug. 1998): 8.
"Meteor Showers and the Year 1833" Record 103, no. 41 (24 Oct. 1998):8.
"Laying the Foundation," in "Lest We Forget," Record Insert 103, no. 42 (31 Oct.
1998): 9-11.
"Should We Ever Stop Tithing," Adventist Affirm 12, no. 3 (Fall 1998): 40-43.
"Ellen White and Her Critics," Record 103, no. 45 (21Nov.1998): 2.
"Inspiration: What Is It?" Record 103, no. 48 (12 Dec. 1998): 2.
"Unity- But at What Cost?" Journal of the Adventist Theological Society 10, nos. 12 (Spring-Autumn 1999): 184-190.
"Como Elena G. de White us6 las Escrituras" (Ellen White's use of Scripture), in
Entender la Palabra: Hermeneutica adventista para el nuevo siglo (ed. M. Alomia
et al.; Cochabamba: Universidad Adventista de Bolivia, 2000), 49-57.
"Is There Really a Remnant Church?" Perspective Digest 5, no. 2 (2000): 18--25.
"The Doctrine of the Trinity in Scripture" Record 105, no. 27 (15 July 2000): 5-6.
"The Trinity and Adventists," Record 105, no. 28 (22 July 2000): 8--9.
"The Letter(s) of the Law," Perspective Digest 5, no. 4 (2000): 13-15.
"The Rapture: Why It Cannot Occur Before the Second Coming," Ministry 74,
no. 9 (Sept. 2001): 5--7.
"Interpretation von E. G. White" (Interpretation of E. G. White), in Biblische Orientierungshilfe 4 (Nov. 2001): 20-32.
"Independent Ministries," in Pensar la iglesia hoy: Hacia und ecclesiologia adventista. studios teologicos presentados durante el IV Simposio Biblico-Teologico Sudamericano en honor a Raoul Dederen (ed. G. A. Klingbeil, M. G. Klingbeil, and
M. A. Nunez; Libertador San Martin, Argentina: Universidad Adventista del
Plata, 2002), 445--453.
"Invitation to the Wedding," Perspective Digest 7, no. 1 (2002): 54-60.
"Israel and the Church," Journal of the Adventist Theological Society 13, no. 2 (Autumn 2002): 15--29.
XXVII
"Exegesis Is Digging Deep in the Word," Sabbath School Leadership 6, no. 10 (Oct.
2002): 9.
"General Principles of Interpretation," Sabbath School Leadership 6, no. 11 (Nov.
2002): 9.
"Guidelines for Exegesis," Sabbath School Leadership 6, no. 12 (Dec. 2002): 20.
"The Relevance of Seventh-day Adventist Eschatology for the 21st Century," in
The Cosmic Battle for Planet Earth: Essays in Honor of Norman R. Gulley (ed. R.
du Preez and J. Moskala; Berrien Springs: Old Testament Department, Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary, Andrews University, 2003), 383406.
"The New Covenant in the Book of Jeremiah," Sabbath School Leadership 7, no. 1
Gan. 2003): 26-27.
"Keep My Covenant," Sabbath School Leadership 7, no. 2 (Feb. 2003): 22-23.
"Ellen G. White and Earth Science," journal of the Adventist Theological Society 14,
no. 1(Spring2003): 176-194.
"The Forgiven, Part 3" Sabbath School Leadership 7, no. 6 Gune 2003): 22-23.
"Information on the Seventh-day Adventist Reform Movement," Reflections: A
BRI Newsletter 3 Guly 2003): 3-4.
"The Gentiles and God's Law," Sabbath School Leadership 7, no. 10 (Oct. 2003):
22-23.
"The Time Prophecies in Daniel 12," Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 4 (Oct. 2003):
5--7.
"The Trinity in Scripture," journal of the Adventist Theological Society 14, no. 2
(Autumn 2003): 80--94.
"The Pre-Advent Judgment: Fact or Fiction? (Part 1)," Ministry 75, no. 12 (Dec.
2003): 20, 22-23.
"Romans 2 and the Salvation of the Heathen," in The Word of God for the People of
God: A Tribute to the Ministry of jack]. Blanco (ed. R. du Preez, P. G. Samaan,
and R. E. M. Clouzet; Collegedale: School of Religion, Southern Adventist
University, 2004), 551-564.
"The Soteriological Implications of the Cities of Refuge," in Inicios, paradigmas y
fundamentos: estudios teol6gicos y exegeticos en el Pentateuco (ed. G. A.
Klingbeil; Serie monografica de estudios biblicos y teol6gicos de la
Universidad Adventista de! Plata 1; Libertador San Martin, Argentina:
Universidad Adventista de! Plata, 2004), 229-242.
"Abraham and Christ," Sabbath School Leadership 8, no. 2 (Feb. 2004): 26-27.
"The Pre-Advent Judgment: Fact or Fiction? (Part 2)," Ministry 76, no. 2 (Feb.
2004): 28-29, 38.
"The Authority of the Ellen G. White Writings," Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 6
(Apr. 2004): 3-4.
XXVIII
"A Virgin Shall Bear a Son," Sabbath School Leadership 8, no. 4 (Apr. 2004): 22-23.
"A New Heaven and a New Earth," Sabbath School Leadership 8, no. 6 Oune
2004): 26-27.
"Ellen White as a Theologian," Reflections: A BR! Newsletter 7 Ouly 2004): 3-5.
"Conflict Resolution in the New Testament," Adventist Affirm 18, no. 2 (Summer
2004): 51-54, 61.
"Ten Big Ones," Adventist Review 181, no. 36 ([2] Sept. 2004): 29.
"The Stone Kingdom," Sabbath School Leadership 8, no. 11 (Oct. 2004): 26-27.
"The Center for Adventist Research," Reflections: A BR! Newsletter 8 (Oct. 2004):
1-2.
"Did Jesus Have a Beginning?" Perspective Digest 9, no. 4 (2004): 38-51.
"70 Weeks and the Messiah," Sabbath School Leadership 8, no. 12 (Dec. 2004): 2223, 30.
"Ellen White and Hermeneutics," in Understanding Scripture: An Adventist Approach (ed. G. W. Reid; Biblical Research Institute Studies 1; Silver Spring:
Biblical Research Institute, 2005), 309-328.
With Angel M. Rodriguez, "Reading Psalms and the Wisdom Literature," in
Understanding Scripture: An Adventist Approach (ed. G. W. Reid; Biblical Research Institute Studies 1; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 2005),
163-181.
"Our Redemption- I," Sabbath School Leadership 9, no. 1 Oan. 2005): 26-27.
"Our Redemption-3," Sabbath School Leadership 9, no. 3 (Mar. 2005): 22-23.
"Bible Conference in Hong Kong," Reflections: A BR! Newsletter 10 (Apr. 2005): 1.
"The Wicked Vinedressers," Sabbath School Leadership 9, no. 5 (May 2005): 22-23.
"In the Beginning God ... ," Ministry 77, no. 6 Oune 2005): 8-11, 13-15.
"God's Special Treasure," Sabbath School Leadership 9, no. 7 Ouly 2005): 26-27.
"Creation and the Adventist Church," Perspective Digest 10, no. 3 (2005): 57-59.
"God Your Father," Sabbath School Leadership 9, no. 8 (Aug. 2005): 22-23.
"A Light to the Nations," Sabbath School Leadership 9, no. 11 (Nov. 2005): 22-23.
"Passing through the Fire," Sabbath School Leadership 10, no. 3 (Mar. 2006): 22-23.
"The Doctrine of the Trinity among Seventh-day Adventists," Journal of the Adventist Theological Society 17, no. 1 (Spring 2006): 160-179.
"Decoding The Da Vinci Code," Perspective Digest 11, no. 2 (2006): .44-49.
"Judgment Favors the Saints," Sabbath School Leadership 10, no. 7 Ouly 2006): 2627.
"A Worldwide Flood?" Sabbath School Leadership 10, no. 11(Nov.2006): 20-21.
"Bible Translations," Adventist Affirm 20, no. 3 (Fall 2006): 44-50.
XXIX
"Seventh-day Adventists and Christmas," Perspective Digest 11, no. 4 (2006): 5254.
"The Year-Day Principle," Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 18 (Apr. 2007): 1-3.
Book Reviews
J.E. Goldingay, Daniel, Andrews University Seminary Studies 29 (1991): 91-93.
R. Stefanovic, Revelation of Jesus Christ, Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 2 (Apr. 2003):
6-7.
Ph. C. Bailey, Topical Concordance of the Bible, Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 4 (Oct.
2003): 7-8.
Seventh-day Adventists Answer Questions on Doctrine: Annotated Edition [2003],

Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 6 (Apr. 2004): 7-8.
Seventh-day Adventists Answer Questions on Doctrine: Annotated Edition [2003],
Ministry 76, no. 8 (Aug. 2004): 30--31.
R. Stefanovic, Revelation of Jesus Christ, Dialogue 17, no. 3 (2005): 31, 34.
L. Brand and D. S. McMahon, The Prophet and Her Critics, Reflections: A BRI
Newsletter 12 (Oct. 2005): 9-10.
W. H. Shea, Daniel, Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 13 (Jan. 2006): 8.
G. M. Valentine, W.W. Prescott, Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 14 (Apr. 2006): 8.
S. Wohlberg, End Time Delusions, Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 15 Ouly 2006): 10.
Z. Szalos-Farkas, The Rise and Development of Seventh-day Adventist Spirituality,
Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 15 Ouly 2006): 10--11.
J. L. Dybdahl, A Strange Place for Grace, Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 16 (Oct.
2006): 10.
R. W. Schwarz, John Harvey Kellogg, Reflections: A BRI Newsletter 19 Ouly 2007):
11-12.
Pamphlets
The Time Prophecies in Daniel 12, Biblical Research Institute Releases 5 (Silver
Springs: Biblical Research Institute, May 2005).
Study Guides
"Study Guide for Jewish Apocalyptic Writings: Daniel" ([Silver Spring]: Griggs
University, 2001).
"Old Testament Exegesis" (Silver Spring: Griggs University, 2005).
"Issues in the Writings of Ellen G. White" (Silver Spring: Griggs University, in
press 2008).
xxx
Sabbath School Study Guides (Principal

Contributor)
"Daniel," Adult Sabbath School Bible Study Guide, no. 438 (Oct.-Dec. 2004).
"The Gift of Prophecy in Scripture and History," Adult Sabbath School Bible Study
Guide, no. 455 (forthcoming Jan.-Mar. 2009).
BIBLICAL STUDIES-OLD TESTAMENT
THE CONCEPT AND NOTION OF THE

CHURCH IN THE PENTATEUCH1
Jrru MOSKALA
1. Introduction
It may seem like an anachronism to speak about the church in the Pentateuch, because when Bible scholars and theologians treat the topic of ecclesiology,2 they usually elaborate on the NT church. It is argued that the word
"church" does not even occur in the entire OT in our modem translations.
Even though this is true, it does not mean that the concept of the church is
absent there. I am convinced that the discussion about the nature of the
church must start with the "Gospel according to Moses" where the foundational teaching about the church can be found. Ecclesiology is a crucial topic
I dedicate this study (originally presented at the Sixth South American BiblicalTheological Symposium on the theme "Pentateuch-Going Back to the Origins," held
at Peruvian Union University, Lima, Peru, 23 July 2004) to Gerhard Pfandl whose
passion for truth, striving for excellence, and dedication to Christ and his cause have
been the constant motivations of his work and an encouragement for those working
closely with him. I present this study also as a token of deep appreciation for his
diligent and unselfish work for the Adventist Theological Society.
Insightful studies about the doctrine of the church include: Paul Basden and David S.
Dockery, eds., The People of God: Essays on the Believers' Church (Nashville: Broadman,
1991); G. C. Berkouver, Studies in Dogmatics: The Church (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1976); Donald G. Bloesch, The Church: Sacraments, Worship, Ministry, Mission (Downers
Grove: InterVarsity, 2002); Edmund P. Clowney, The Church: Contours of Christian
Theology (Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 1995); Joseph E. Coleson, "Covenant Community in the Old Testament," Wesleyan Theological Perspectives 4 (1984): 3--25; Raoul
Dederen, "The Church," in Handbook of Seventh-day Adventist Theology (ed. R. Dederen;
Commentary Reference Series 12; Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2000), 538--81;
Millard J. Erickson, Introducing Christian Doctrine (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1992), 329-57;
Everett Ferguson, The Church of Christ: A Biblical Ecclesiology for Today (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1996); Wes Howard-Brook, The Church before Christianity (Maryknoll: Orbis,
2001); Veli-Matti Karkkainen, An Introduction to Ecclesiology (Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2002); John Lawson, Introduction to Christian Doctrine (Grand Rapids:
Zondervan, 1980), 126-54; James Wm. McClendon, Jr., Systematic Theology: Doctrine (2
vols.; Nashville: Abingdon, 1994), 2:327-72; Alister E. McGrath, Christian Theology: An
Introduction (2d ed.; Cambridge: Blackwell, 1997), 461-93; and Robert L. Reymond, A
New Systematic Theology of the Christian Faith (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1998), 805976.
Jii'i Moskala
and the Pentateuch is a cornerstone of all biblical teaching including the doctrine of the church. Where there are people of God, there is the church.
The doctrine of the church is a hot potato, and an interpretation of the
biblical teaching related to this matter is strongly contested. To demonstrate, it is sufficient to mention that the so-called first reformation Gohn
Wycliff and John Huss) occurred because of this doctrine. 3 John Huss was
the first one, to my knowledge, who wrote a publication about the church.
He finished his tractate De Ecclesia ("On the Church") in 1413. 4 Huss published his book in Latin in order to be widely read. He proclaimed his disobedience to the pope and accepted only Jesus Christ as the head of the
church, and he wanted the world to know why. The material he presented
was very explosive and cost him his life. 5
The basic ecclesiological questions can be formulated in simple terms:
What is the church, and what is its nature according to the Pentateuch? Is a
definition of the church related to the institution or to the people? Is it a
congregation of believers or an organization which holds people together?
What were the principles that governed the lives of God's people during
the OT period? These questions are not easy to answer, because in fact this
is the crux of the problem. We all have preconceived ideas about the
church.
In this study, I argue that the main principles which governed the life of
God's people in the NT church are rooted in the Pentateuch and thus determined the life of the people of God before Christ. In this way I propose
that in the NT there is nothing radically or substantially new in the teaching
on the church which was not already present in core, type, or anticipation
in the experience of the OT church (God's people of the pre-Christ time period). In this sense there is a basic continuation between the Old and the
New Testament churches, and the Old and the New Covenant people (Rom
2:28-29; 9:6-8; 10:12; Gal 3:7, 26-29; Eph 3:6, 10; 1 Pet 2:9; compare with
Exod 19:5). There was always only one way of salvation; in all times people
were and are saved by the grace of God through faith in the Messiah, Jesus
(Gen 15:6; Hab 2:4; Ps 32:1-2; Acts 4:12; Rom 1:16-17; Gal 2:16; 3:10-14; Eph
Amedeo Molnar made the distinction between the first and second reformation. The
first reformation was more local: Valdenses, John Wycliff, John Huss; the second
reformation was broader in scope: Martin Luther, John Calvin, Huldrich Zwingli
(from Molnar's lectures at Comenius Faculty of Protestant Theology in Prague, Czech
Republic, 1974). The first reformation was mainly about ecclesiology and the second
about soteriology.
Mistr Jan Hus, 0 Cirkvi (Prague: Nakladateltvi Ceskoslovenske Akademie Ved, 1965).
The first person who wrote about the church was not Johann of Rafusa in 1433/34 as
stated by Karkkainen, An Introduction to Ecclesiology, 11.
John Huss was burned at the stake in Constance, Germany, on July 6, 1415.
The Concept and Notion of the Church in the Pentateuclz
2:8--10; Titus 3:4-7; Heb 13:8). There is only one God, one Savior, one Intercessor, one faith, one baptism, one hope, one grace, one salvation, and one
church (see, for example, Rom 3:21-31; 12:5; 1 Cor 12:13; Eph 3:6; 4:4-6; Col
3:15; 1Tim2:5).
2. Basic Vocabulary, Data, and Statistics 6

Even though the OT does not use the word "church" like it is used in various modern language translations, the noun EKKAllOia (a dominant word in
the NT for the Christian church)7 is employed about 100 times in the LXX8
and almost always the term '?;;ii? is its Hebrew equivalent. 9
The Greek word employed in the LXX or in the NT for a congregation or
an assembly is EKKAllOia. It is worthwhile noting that in the LXX the word
ouvaywy~ is a synonymous term with much the same meaning as
EKKA'loia. 10 The word ouvaywy~, meaning "gathering," "assembly," "the
whole congregation," "the individual congregation," occurs over 200 times
in the LXX, mostly for il-f+.' (some 130 times) and '?;;ii? (some 35 times). 11 It is
significant that in the LXX the word ouvaywy~ is never used for a building
where people are gathered; not once is meant a synagogue as an edifice!1 2 It
10
11
12
For a more detailed discussion, see Karl L. Schmidt, "i:KKAr]cria," TDNT 3:501-36;
Wolfgang Schrage, "cruvaywy~," TDNT 7:798--841; Jack. P. Lewis, "?o;ii?," TWOT 2:78990.
In NT Greek EKKAr]cria appears 114 times, "90 percent are found in Paul's letters, the
book of Acts, and Revelation. From ten books (Mark, Luke, John, II Timothy, Titus, III Peter, I-II John, Jude) this word is absent" (cf. Paul S. Minear, "Church, Idea of,"
IDB 1:607). The most elaborate teaching about the church one can find in Paul's letters
to Ephesians and Colossians. The word EKKAr]cria occurs, for example, in Matt 16:18;
18:17; Acts 5:11; 7:38; 8:1, 3; 9:31; 11:22, 26; 12:1, 5; 13:1; 18:22; Rom 16:1, 4-5, 16, 23; 1
Cor 1:2; 4:17; 10:32; 12:28; 16:19; Eph 1:22; 3:10, 21; 5:23-32; Col 1:18, 24; 4:15-16; Rev
1:4, 11, 20; 2:1, 7-8, etc. For details, see John R. Kolenberger Ill, Edward W. Goodrick,
and James A Swanson, The Exhaustive Concordance to the Greek New Testament (Grand
Rapids: Zondervan, 1995), 297-98; Louis Berkhof, Systematic Theology (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1941), 556-57. The word KUplCKOV (meaning "belonging to the LORD") for
the church is used only later in ecclesiastical Greek; it is interesting to know that from
this word is actually derived our English term "church."
Schmidt, TDNT 3:527; Minear, "Church, Idea of," 608.
Schmidt, TDNT 3:527. It is significant that the root ?:;ii? is always used in all Hebrew
equivalents of the Greek term i:KKAr]cria!
Schmidt, TDNT3:528.
Schrage, TDNT 7:802. Only 20 times are other Hebrew words translated as cruvaywy~
besides ?:;ii? and ;q (16 Hebrew words are employed).
Unlike the LXX, the NT uses cruvaywy~ especially in the local sense for the house of
meeting, i.e., the synagogue! See Schrage, TDNT 7:805, 807. Ibid., 830: "In the
overwhelming majority of instances cruvaywy~ in the NT means the Jewish building."
Jiff Moskala
signifies that "the word 'synagogue' was originally used to denote an assembly of people gathered together for a specific purpose." 13
On the other hand, in the NT the term cruvaywy~ means mainly a building, a house of meeting, that is, the Jewish synagogue (for example, Mark
1:21; Luke 4:16; 21:12; Acts 13:14), but sometimes also a Jewish congregation
(Acts 13:43). However, in James 2:2 the word cruvaywy~ describes the Christian assembly or community. 14
The following Hebrew vocabulary is employed for the concept of the
church or for a designation of the gathering of the people of God in the OT:
1. The word 7;;ii?: The noun ?;;ii?, meaning in general a "congregation,"

"assembly," "gathering," or "community," 15 occurs 122 times in the entire
OT; it is used 34 times in the Pentateuch (Genesis: 4 times; Exodus: 2 times;
Leviticus: 5 times; Numbers: 12 times; and Deuteronomy: 11 times). For the
first time this term occurs in Gen 28:3. 16 The verb ?;:ii? is employed 39 times
in the Niphal and in the Hiphil forms in the entire OT and from these occurrences it appears 16 times in the Pentateuch (Exodus: 2 times; Leviticus:
2 times; Numbers: 9 times; and Deuteronomy: 3 times).17 The term ?;;ii?, of
course, does not mean automatically the church, congregation, or assembly
of the people of God. It always depends on the context. The context determines the particular meaning of the term for the description of the assembly whether secular or religious (in the sense of assembling or of those
assembled). 18
13
14
15
16
17
18
G. W. Kirby, "The Church," ZPEB 1:846.

James 2:2 is the only NT usage of the word ouvaywy~ for a Christian community. The
word ouvaywy~ also describes the meeting places of the Christians by the postapostolic Christian fathers (e.g., in Ignatius, Hermas, Justin, etc.). For more details, see
Schrage, TDNT 7:840-41. "In most instances, however, ouvaywy~ is used in the early
Church to denote the Jewish synagogue (the building), and almost without exception
in more or less sharp polemic against it" (ibid, 7:838). The word ouvaywy~ occurs 57
times in the NT as, for example, in Matt 4:23; 10:17; Mark 1:21; Luke 4:15-16; John 6:59;
Acts 6:9; etc. For the details, see Kohlenberger III, Goodrick, and Swanson, The
Exhaustive Concordance to the Greek New Testament, 915-16.
See Francis Brown, S. R. Driver, and Charles A Briggs, A Hebrew and English Lexicon of
the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1951), 874-75; William L. Holladay, ed., A
Concise Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1988), 314-15.
Exodus 32:1; 35:1; Lev 8:3, 4; Num 1:18; 8:9; 10:7; 16:3, 19, 42; 20:2, 8, 10; Deut 4:10;
31:12, 28. For the whole list of all biblical texts, see Abraham Even-Shoshan, ed., A New
Concordance of the Bible Oerusalem: Kiryat Sefer, 1990), 1006.
Ibid. In the Pentateuch the verb ?;:ii? is distributed in the following way: Exod 32:1;
35:1; Lev 8:3, 4; Num 1:18; 8:9; 10:7; 16:3, 19; 17:7; 20:3, 8, 10; Deut 4:10; 31:12, 28.
Minear, "Church, Idea of," 607-8; Coleson, "Covenant Community in the Old Testament," 5-6.
The Concept and Notion of the Church in the Pentateuch
There are no good reasons why ?;;ii? is sometimes translated EKKAl")Oia

and other times ouvaywy~ (but it is interesting that the term ?;;ii? is mostly
translated ouvaywy~ in the Pentateuch). Whereas ?;;ii? could be translated
equally by EKKAl")Oia or ouvaywy~, the word i11-l' was usually rendered
ouvaywy~ except for rare instances (i.e., Num 3:7; 4:34; 17:5; etc.). 19
"While EKKAl")Oia in the LXX is almost always a rendering of ?;;ij?, the
word ?;;ii? is not always translated EKKAl")Oia." 20 In Deuteronomy we find
EKKAl")Oia for ?;;ii? (with an exception for 5:22 where it is ouvaywy~), but
elsewhere in the Pentateuch-in Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers-ouvaywy~ is the word for ?;;ii? (though normally it is used for the
word i1")'.\,l). In Exodus, Leviticus and Numbers the word i11:P is more
common than ?;;ij?. It is interesting that the word EKKAl")Oia is not used in
Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers at all! 21
It is highly significant that in Deut 23:2 the phrase ;ip ?;:ip or EKKAl")Oia
Kupiou is mentioned. This provides a significant insight into the discussion
about the nature of the OT church, because thus the main meaning of the
church is a congregation or an assembly in relationship to God and his revealed word. Therefore, this EKKAl")Oia is a community of faith in the LORD.
The LORD and his word give a specific flavor to this assembly of God's people.
2. The word i'l"W= The noun i11:P which has the same meaning as ?;;ii?
("assembly" or "community") occurs 149 times in the OT and of this number
109 times in the Pentateuch, however not once in Genesis or Deuteronomy,
but in Exodus, 15 times, in Leviticus, 12 times, and in Numbers, 82 times. 22
The verb i11lJ does not occur in the Pentateuch. Schrage claims that i11:P is the
priestly term "for the national, legal and cultic community of Israel gathered
around the ;:p;o ?vi-1."23
The expression i11i17 ?;:ip (Num 16:3; 20:4; Deut 23:2; compare with 1 Chr
28:8) is synonymous with the phrase i11i17 mP, (Num 27:17; 31:16; compare
with Josh 22:16). It is remarkable that in Acts 7:38 the wilderness community is described as EKKAl")Oia; however in Exodus, Leviticus, and Numbers
the word EKKAl")Oia is not used in the LXX, but rather the word ouvaywy~ is
employed. "The synagoge is the wandering desert community." 24 Thus, the
expression ouvaywy~ Kupiou (Num 16:3; 20:4; 27:17; 31:16) is identical with
tKKJ\l")oia Kupiou (Deut 23:2).
19
20
21
22
23
24
Schrage, TDNT7:803--4.
Schmidt, TDNT 3:529.
Ibid.; Schrage, TDNT 7:804.
See for details Even-Shoshan, A New Concordance of the Bible, 834.
Schrage, TDNT, 7:802.
Ibid., 7:804.
jiff Moskala
3. Additional vocabulary employs mainly the following words: CJ~,

i11~' Israel, Jacob, Judah, and Ephraim. 25 I will not engage in this
linguistic study, because it is very broad and quite obvious in meaning.
The above brief linguistic analysis demonstrates that there is no technical word in the OT for the expression "church." However, it is evident how
important it is to study each word in its context, because the meaning of
different words in Hebrew can only be determined in life. It is apparent
from our survey that there is room for the concept of the OT church.particularly in the expressions i11i1; 7;:ip or i11i1;
(and in their Greek equivalents
EKKAl']aia Kupiou or auvaywy~ Kupiou).
i-qpr;i,
nw
3. Pentateuchal Exposition of the Old

T estarnent Church in a Sketch
After the linguistic background, we proceed to the claim that the doctrine of
the church has its roots in the Pentateuch, particularly in the creation accounts (Gen 1-2).
3.1. The Church in the Garden of Eden

God created Adam and Eve in his image, in a total dependency on himself,
and for an intimate fellowship with him. To be made in the image of God
means (among other things) that humans are able to relate to God, enjoy his
presence, and communicate with him.
It is crucial to recognize that God did not call the first couple to a special
relationship with him after they had spent a busy week full of work. The
relationship was not a reward, but rather a prerequisite to all their activities
in life. They were created to have this intimacy with him. In reality, the first
Sabbath meant God in relationship with humans, 26 and was the first full
day they experienced with him and with each other. God first gave himself
to them as a gift, invited them to build a relationship with him, experience
rest in him, and then work during the week.
Dietrich Bonhoeffer eloquently explains: "In the Bible 'rest' really means
more than 'having a rest.' It means [... ] turning our eyes absolutely upon
God being God and toward worshiping him." 27 God is entering into his
rest, and he makes it possible for humans to rest. Walton correctly states,
25
26
27
See Coleson, "Covenant Community in the Old Testament," 8-9. In Modem Hebrew
the term knesiyah is used for the church.
Jifi Moskala, "The Sabbath in the First Creation Account," /A TS 13, no. 1 (2002): 55-66.
Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Creation and Fall: A T/1eological Interpretation of Genesis 1-3 (New
York: Macmillan, 1959), 40.
"The divine Sabbath is seen as the cause of the human Sabbath." 28 When we
pause, we participate in divine rest; we rest in him. "God does the work,
human beings enjoy the results." 29 Karl Barth explains it so precisely by
pointing out that God's rest day is man's first full day, that man rests before
he works-man's life therefore begins with the gospel, grace and not the
law, in freedom to celebrate with joy the seventh day and not with an obligation to work.Jo
The Sabbath teaches us to enjoy fellowship and not performance. Relationship is what matters and not achievements. Sabbath is a deep lesson
that we as humans need to be God-oriented and people-oriented beings
and not thing-oriented or work-oriented. Sabbath helps us to start every
week refreshed, to start anew.
"God blessed the seventh day and made it holy" (Gen 2:3). Those who
observe the Sabbath participate in God's holiness, that is, they are strengthened and transformed by his presence in order to bring God's presence into
real life and to perform creative work as well. By living the Sabbath, believers are showing total devotion and respect to the holy creator.JI
The Sabbath thus establishes a relationship of dependency on God and
an attitude of gratitude. This is what worship is all about-maintaining a
relationship with God by responding to his gracious acts. Worship is a response to God for his loving leadership, guidance, and blessings. Sabbath is
thus a very precious gift from God to humans; it is a sign of his grace: He
offers himself to humanity. In other words, Sabbath means God in relationship with people. The Sabbath day was sanctified, made holy, was filled
with God's holiness which means that the Sabbath was filled with God's
presence (see Exod 3:5-God's holiness means his presence). Furthermore,
28
29
Jo
JI
John H. Walton, Genesis (NIVAC; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2001), 153.

Gregory P. Nelson, A Touch of Heaven: Finding New Meaning in Sabbath Rest (Nampa:
Pacific Press, 1999), 30. Samuel Bacchiocchi, Divine Rest for Human Restlessness (Berrien
Springs: Biblical Perspectives, 1988), 69: "Thus on and through the Sabbath, God
invites us to view our work in the light of His accomplishments."
Karl Barth, Church Dogmatics (transl. G. T. Thomson; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 19361962), III.4:52: "It is only by participation in God's celebrating that he [man] can and
may and shall also celebrate on this seventh day, which is his first day. But this is just
what he is commanded to do. Hence his hiJtory under the command of God really
begins with the Gospel and not with the Law, with an accorded celebration and not a
required task, with a prepared rejoicing and not with care and toil, with a freedom
given to him and not an imposed obligation, with a rest and not with an activity."
Allen P. Ross, Creation and Blessing: A Guide to the Study and Exposition of the Book of
Genesis (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1988), 114-15: "The believer enters into a life of Sabbath
rest from works and embarks on a life of holiness in that rest. [... ] Obedience to his
powerful Word, either the written Word or the living Word, our Savior, will
transform believers into his glorious image."
10
Jiff Moskala
in this way the day of worship was established. In other words, the basic
elements of the church were built and put together in the Sabbath: God,
people, and their mutual relationship in worship.
In the Garden of Eden, God also provided instructions for life: He gave
his first two commandments in order that humans could be happy and develop all their potential (the root ill!l is used for the first time in Gen 2:16;
from this root the word for commandments is derived). The first two commandments God formulated in a particular way: the first one in a positive
way and the second in a negative manner (the Ten Commandments contain
the same positive and negative features). In a paraphrase, the message was:
"You are free to eat from any tree, but one." God commanded freedom and
created a large space of happiness for humans, and then he gave them limits.
God put the two trees in the middle of the Garden of Eden - the tree of
life and the tree of the knowledge of good and evil. They were actual trees
but also symbols representing realities which pointed beyond them, like the
bread and wine in the Lord's Supper. These two trees were important object
lessons. The tree of life sustained life (Gen 3:22b), and thus on the one hand
was a symbol of God himself who is the only source of life, and on the other
hand pointed out humanity's total dependence on God. The tree of the
knowledge of good and evil embodied our limits and was a constant reminder that we as created beings need to accept restraints and boarders,
because only when we respect these boundaries can we really grow, develop our full potentials, be truly happy, and live meaningful lives.
In 1979 Michael Fishbane published a study in which he demonstrated
that the language employed for the description of the Garden of Eden is
sanctuary language. 32 This recognition of the Garden of Eden as a sanctuary
was followed by Jon Levenson (1985), William J. Dumbrell (1985), Gordon J.
Wenham (1986), Eric Bolger (1993), Richard M. Davidson (2000), and Gregory Beale (2004). 33 Richard Davidson mentions 17 reasons why the language
32
33
Michael Fishbane, Text and Texture: Close Readings of Selected Biblical Texts (New York:
Schocken, 1979), 12-13.
Jon D. Levenson, Sinai and Zion: An Entry into the Jewish Bible (Minneapolis: Winston,
1985), 142-45; William J. Dumbrell, The End of the Beginning (Homebush, New South
Wales: Lancer, 1985), 35--76; Gordon]. Wenham, "Sanctuary Symbolism in the Garden
of Eden Story," in Proceedings of the World Congress of Jewish Studies, Jerusalem, August
4-12, 1985: Division A, The Period of the Bible (Jerusalem: World Union of]ewish Studies,
1986), 19-25; repr. in I Studied Inscriptions from before the Flood (ed. R. S. Hess and D. T.
Tsumura; Sources for Biblical and Theological Study 4; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns,
1994), 399-404; Eric Bolger, "The Compositional Role of the Eden Narrative in the
Pentateuch" (Ph.D. diss., Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1993); Richard M.
Davidson, "Cosmic Metanarrative for the Coming Millennium," /ATS 11, no. 1-2
11
of Genesis 1-2 points toward the Garden of Eden as the earthly sanctuary
and the counterpart of the heavenly sanctuary. 34 This leads to a very insightful conclusion: the Garden of Eden is a place of worship. 35 One cannot
have a better symbol/place for the establishment of the OT church.
Adam and Eve were assigned a special work in the Garden of Eden (see
Gen 2:15): (1) tilling the garden and (2) taking care of it, keeping it. This second activity means guarding or "maintaining it as a sacred space," 36 because the Hebrew word il;lo/ means also "to guard" or "protect." In the
divine command for protecting the Garden of Eden, there is a hint of God
informing the first couple about the existence of evil and giving them insight into the great controversy theme. Adam and Eve were instructed
about their enemy, and that they needed to be watchful in order to protect
the Garden of Eden from it being damaged by evil, that is, to keep the
Paradise in its original stat~.
When all information from Genesis 1-2 is put together, one cannot escape the conclusion that the first church was established in the Garden of
Eden, where God and people met together in order to maintain a relationship. Adam and Eve received instructions (law) and were encouraged to
serve in order to accomplish a God-given mission. 37 Church is a result, a
response to him who is our creator. In this sense, the church is an invention
of God, not a human achievement. It is his gift to humanity.
3.2. Sin (Genesis 3)

Sin broke the relationship with God and consequently marred all other relationships, corrupted human nature, and put a barrier between the first couple. Because sin alienated humans from God, the meaningful relationship
had to be reestablished. The LORD as their creator took the initiative; he took
the first step. Evil needs to be defeated, but this goes beyond human possi-
34
35
36
37
(2000): 102-119; Gregory K. Beale, The Temple and the Church's Mission: A Biblical
Theology of the Dwelling Place of God (Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2004), 60-80.
Davidson, "Cosmic Metanarrative for the Coming Millennium," 109-11.
There is a significant stream of thoughts on the theme of the sanctuary as the place of
worship, for example, Jer 17:13; Gen 28:10-22; Exod 25:9, 40; r:!leut 26:15; 1 Kgs 8:22--66;
Ezekiel 40-48. See especially, Elias Brasil de Souza, The Heavenly Sanctuary/Temple
Motif in the Hebrrn.i Bible: Function and Relationship to Earthly Counterparts (ATSDS 7;
Berrien Springs: Adventist Theological Society, 2005).
Walton, Genesis, 185. See also ibid., 172-74; Gordon J. Wenham, Genesis 1-15 (WBC l;
Waco: Word, 1987), 67, 86.
God calls people to a personal, meaningful relationship with him. God first created
people and put them in a relationship with him and then gave them instructions on
how to stay in this intimate relationship. God did not create an idea, credo, or
institution, but rather established a relationship. He gave the time to be spent together.
12
Jiff Moskala
bilities; it is not in their power. Only God can do it by his accomplishment.

The promised seed will come and destroy the originator of our fall (Gen
3:15). Only in view of this redemption and victory can humans worship
God. And because of that God has the right to say how to approach him in
worship, how to be saved. The sacrifice (of Jesus Christ) will now be at the
center of the OT hope embodied in the tabernacle services. Walter Kaiser
has excellently demonstrated how the motif of the promised Messiah is
prevalent in the OT.3s
3.3. The Three Sons of Adam and the Quest for

Genuine Worship (Genesis 4)
Worship is a response to God's gracious activities. The important question
is what are the crucial elements in true worship? God teaches people how
to worship him through the biblical story of Cain and Abel. In order to
know the answer to this issue, one needs to ask another question: Why did
God accept the sacrifice of Abel but rejected the worship of Cain? There are
at least five hints in Gen 4:3--9 which give insight into the characteristics of
genuine worship:
1. The kind of sacrifice. Abel's sacrifice was a bloody sacrifice, but Cain offered only vegetation. It reminds the reader of Genesis of the situation after
sin (Gen 3:7, 21) when Adam and Eve made for themselves garments out of
fig leaves (vegetation), but God provided skin garments (a sacrifice of an
animal is anticipated). The first couple could not cover their nakedness (i.e.,
guilt) by their own works; they needed God's solution to their alienation
from God and their sin. Human self-righteousness is put against the righteousness of God which can be received only as a precious gift and needs to
be put on! Thus, true worship must always be theocentric in view of the
coming Messiah, the Savior (the symbolism of blood in animal sacrifice
plays the key role).
2. The nature of sacrifice. Cain brought only something from the products
of the land ("some of the fruits of the soil," v. 3), but Abel offered the best of
the best ("fat portions from some of the firstborn [animals]," v. 4). True
worship must be our best response to God's love, the submission of our
entire life to him, and not only a portion of it. Gratitude for his grace and
goodness leads us to give the best, that is, ourselves to him.
3. Genuine motivations. Verses 4b and Sa underline that.God looked first
upon the persons (Cain and Abel) and then upon their sacrifices. God's in38
See especially the pertinent studies of Walter C. Kaiser, Jr., The Messiah in the Old
Testament (Studies in Old Testament Biblical Theology; Grand Rapids: Zondervan,
1995); idem, Toward an Old Testament Theology (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1978).
13
terest is in people and not only in what they are doing! God looks first upon
our hearts in worship. True worship must be done from an unselfish heart,
from true motives. Acceptable worship must always be authentic, sincere,
and honest.
4. Willingness to obey. Cain played with God, he wanted to manipulate
God through his sacrifice. This is indicated by God's statement to Cain: "If
you do what is right, will you not be accepted?" (Gen 4:7a). The pagan
principle in worship can be summarized by the Latin phrase do ut des (I give
in order that you give)! Cain wanted to do things in his way without obedience, to manipulate God, to appease him; but Abel was willing to listen and
follow God's instructions. True worship must be connected with the willingness to obey.
5. Humble attitude. The whole story teaches that we can come to God as
we are but not in any manner-only with a contrite spirit and humble
heart. A right attitude toward God and consequently toward humans is the
key factor in worship.
Cain wanted to dismiss the "cause" of his trouble without repentance,

without changing his offensive attitude toward life. God "favored" Abel
according to Cain's view; and Cain envisioned that he needed to get rid of
Abel in order to again receive God's favor and blessing, so he killed his
brother. He wanted to force God to secure his acceptance. Note well that
the first murder was done in connection with worship. Worship is a matter
of life and death; and in the dramatic story of Cain and Abel, the false and
true systems of worship are introduced, but it also presents a difference
between true and false worshipers. There are two different attitudes toward
God, and the OT church needed to cultivate a wholehearted connection
with him in truth, because it was not enough to perform religious acts,
claim God's presence, and pray, yet not to be changed by his grace.
At the end of ch. 4 in the story of Seth, the third son of Adam and Eve,
true worship was strengthened when Seth had his son Enosh. The Gospel
according to Genesis mentions that "the name of the LORD was proclaimed"
or "called upon" (Gen 4:26b). There is a consensus among scholars that this
text refers to worship. 39 However, the biblical text is ambiguous, because it
can be translated in two different ways. The Hebrew phrase OWf N1i?'? ?JJm Tl;!
i1!i1: can be literally translated in two ways: (1) "In that tim~ [or then] it was
started [i.e., people started] to proclaim the name of the LORD [or to call on
the name of the LORD]." (2) "In that time [or then] he was started [i.e., Seth
39
Claus Westermann, Genesis 1-11 (CC; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994), 339-41; Victor P.
Hamilton, The Book of Genesis: Chapters 1-17 (NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990),
243-44; Walton, Genesis, 279; Wenham, Genesis 1-15, 115-16.
14
Jiff Moskala
started] to proclaim the name of the LORD [or to call on the name of the
LORD)."
The first key word in this phrase is ?r:i1;i which is a Hophal imperfect
third person singular from the root ??n. The Hophal stem is a passive
(causative) form. The Hebrew word ?r:i~;i in Hophal means "he [was]
started" or "it [was] started." The second crucial word is Nip? (Qal infinitive
construct of the root Nip) and can be translated as "call," "proclaim," "read,"
"recite," "invoke," or more loosely "preach."
In the first translation one supplies a subject, "people" or "men," and
the result is that "in that time people [men, humans] started to proclaim the
name of the LORD" or they started to "call on the name of the LORD." In the
second possibility, one puts Seth as the subject of the phrase from the previous sentence (Gen 4:26a); 40 and the text reads: "Then Seth began to proclaim the name of the LORD" or "in that time Seth called on the name of the
LORD." The New Jerusalem Bible {NJB) renders this sentence aptly: "lhis
man [Seth] was the first to invoke the name Yahweh." I prefer this second
reading, because it better fits the immediate context with Seth proclaiming
the name of the LORD.
What does it mean practically? In simple terms, one can say that "to call
on the name of the LORD" does not merely mean to use or pronounce his
name in prayer, but to worship God, to acknowledge dependence on him,
to proclaim his character ("name" in the Bible means character), or to be a
witness for him. Seth proclaimed the name of the LORD, and he started this
activity after his son Enosh was born (Gen 4:26a). It was his new lifestyle.
He started to proclaim the name of the LORD in a family worship (teaching
his son how to walk with God), and consequently he became a witness for
God in public (first evangelist?) and taught others how to relate to the
LORD. Seth proclaimed truth in the name of the LORD, and he proclaimed
God's name, that is, he preached about God. 111.is is why Young translates:
"Then a beginning was made of preaching in the name of Jehova." 41 It is
interesting that Luther also translates this verse in the sense of preaching:
"Zu der Zeit fing man an, zu predigen von des Herm Namen." 42
Worship became a witnessing tool-first of all in a family setting and
then as a public act of witnessing to those who did not know the true God
of heaven (see later on Abraham and Isaac's practice of building altars and
calling on the name of the Lord; Gen 12:7-8; 13:4,18; 26:25).
40
41
42
Enoch's new experience with the Lord, i.e., his walking with God, was also marked by
the birth of his son Methuselah (Gen 5:22-24).
Robert Young, Young's Literal Translation of the Bible (rev. ed.; Edinburgh: G. A. Young,
1898).
Martin Luther, Die Bibel (St. Louis: Concordia, 1912).
15
3.4. Noah (Genesis 6-9)

An introduction to the biblical flood account explains that even true worshipers of the line of Seth (named here "sons of God") apostatized (Gen 6:15). But God in his mercy gave to the sinful world an additional 120 years of
grace to repent (Gen 6:3) and sent to them the preacher of righteousnessNoah, the new Adam (1 Pet 3:20).
In the flood story, the word "covenant" is explicitly used for the first
time (Gen 6:18). God invites his people into a covenant relationship. 43 A
covenant is a legal form of establishing a relationship between two parties.

Covenant language is another close tie to the church, because the Old or
New Testament church is always in a covenant relationship with its God. In
the NT economy of time, there is no different covenant in contrast to the
OT, but a continuation of the one, eternal covenant of God, the covenant of
grace (Deut 7:9; Heb 13:20).
Peter states that the water of the flood is a symbol/type for baptism (1
Pet 3:21), the important rite of the NT church. Noah's ark can be seen as a
symbol/type for the church. Those who were inside were saved; outside
was only condemnation, destruction, and death related to God's judgment.
In the biblical flood story, the concept of the "remnant" is expressed for
the first time. Only eight people were saved; they were the only ones left
from the antediluvian world which was destroyed (see the key word i~o/
"to be left" or "remain" used in 7:23). Thus, the idea of the faithful remnant
is introduced in this account. It is worthwhile to note that the reformers
have made a distinction between the visible and the invisible church, but
this terminology reminds of the platonic categories of "ideal" and "real."
However, in the Pentateuch, the followers of God always form a visible
community. The church as a gathering of the believers in God cannot be
hidden. However, the Pentateuch made a clear distinction between the true
followers of God (remnant) and the others who somehow relate to Him by
name only but not in a genuine way or not at all. Later on the prophets will
vividly reinforce the concept of the remnant, 44 because as Paul puts it, not
43
44
About the covenant, see Gerhard F. Hase!, Covenant in Blood (Mountain View: Pacific
Press, 1982); Skip MacCarty, In Granite or Ingrained? What the Old And New Covenants
Reveal About the Gospel, the Law, and the Sabbath (Berrien Springs: Andre~s University
Press, 2007); Dennis J. McCarthy, Old Testament Covenant: A Suroey of Current Opinions
(Atlanta: John Knox, 1972); 0. Palmer Robertson, The Christ of the Covenants
(Phillipsburg: Presbyterian & Reformed, 1980); John H. Walton, Covenant: God's
Purpose, God's Plan (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1994).
See especially an excellent study by Gerhard F. Hase!, The Remnant: The History and
Theology of the Remnant Idea from Genesis to Isaiah (Berrien Springs: Andrews University
Press, 1974).
16
fii'i Moskala
all from ethnic Israel belong to the true Israel (Rom 9:6; compare with Rom
2:28--29; 1 Cor 10:32; Gal 3:26--29; 6:16).
3.5. Abraham (Genesis 12, 15, 17)

After God's judgment upon the proud builders of the Tower of Babel (Gen
11:1-9), God started to shape his community of faithful for the third time
from scratch; but this time with Abraham. God called Abraham away from
his cultural roots and led him to a foreign country in order to make him his
instrument of blessing to the whole world. His mission was a breath-taking
task on a worldwide scale. God gave him his sevenfold blessing in order
that he could be a real blessing to others (Gen 12:1-3). Through him "all
peoples on earth will be blessed." The mission of the Christian church is the
same, to be a blessing to the whole world (Matt 5:16; John 15:5, 16; Eph 2:10;
1Pet2:9).
Abraham struggled with his unbelief, and God helped him to grow in a
trust relationship with him. Abraham had to be a genuine witness for him.
In many places where Abraham traveled and lived, he built altars and
called on the name of the LORD (Gen 12:7, 8; 13:4, 18; 22:9-13). In this way
he witnessed about his living and unique God and proclaimed God's existence and love.
God strengthened his relationship with Abraham and his posterity by
establishing a covenant with Abraham in a threefold way (see Genesis ch.
12, then ch.15, and finally ch. 17). The sign of this covenant between God
and Abraham was circumcision, an external expression of their total devotion to God.
Abraham gave his tithe to Melchizedek (Gen 14:18--24), who was a
priest and king in one person. This is the first biblical record of the tithe
practice. The LORD is acknowledged as the creator, which is why everything
belongs to him. God gave to Abraham victory over enemies, and even Melchizedek blessed Abraham; therefore, as an expression of his love and gratitude to God for all he received from him, "Abram gave him a tenth of
everything" (Gen 14:20).
Abraham was also a teacher of his children. He taught them about the
true God; he instructed them about God's ways and directed them to keep
his law in order that they might live in the way of the LORD and do everything according to the will of God (Gen 18:19). The OT church is built
around the family circle, and God's directions for life are very important for
all of them.
Thus, in the story of Abraham's life one can find crucial elements which
are related to the church. Abraham was called by God; he responded to him
17
in faith; his mission was worldwide; he worshiped God, entered in a covenant relationship with him, taught others about him, and proclaimed his
name.
3.6. Jacob-Israel (Genesis 28; 32:22-32; 35:10)

Jacob, after his many failures, met with God several times. God spoke to
him in a dream (Gen 28:12-15), and Jacob promised to give God a tenth of
everything (Gen 28:22). Later on Jacob struggled with God (Gen 32:30) and
won. His faith grew and as a special blessing, as a result of his faith, he received a new name-Israel (which means "he struggles with God"). Israel
is always there where people struggle for their faith. The name Israel carries
the dynamics of an unfinished process of growing in the LORD. The biblical
text gives a theological interpretation of the new name: "Your name will no
longer be Jacob, but Israel, because you have struggled with God and with
men and have overcome" (Gen 32:28). Israel is a victor, because God gives
him this victory. Faith always acknowledges God as the source of life, blessing, and victory.
In Jacob's story, the importance of perseverance is stressed as well as
humility and confession of sins. The church of God is a struggling and militant church, but it is under God's special protection, care, and guidance
even though it makes mistakes.
3.7. Moses and Israel (Exodus 3-Deuteronorny 34)

There are many elements in the story of Moses which relate to the idea of
the church. The main issues connected with the concept of the church can
be outlined in the following way:
a. God called Moses in a very dramatic situation to be a leader of his
people (Exodus 3).
b. Israel was established as a special people after the spectacular events
of the exodus45 when God delivered Israel out of slavery to be free to serve
him. On them God manifested his glory and brought them from Egypt to
himself, to a personal relationship (Exod 19:4). Then God made a covenant
with his people at Sinai (Exod 19:5-8 and 24:3-8; compare with 1 Pet 2:9)
and by it was established the actual beginning of the people of Israel as a
covenant community.
45
The exodus is characterized in the OT as the salvific and redemptive event par
excellence (Exod 6:6; 14:13, 30; 15:13; Deut 7:8; 9:4-6, 26; Pss 77:11-15; 111:9; Isa 43:1; cf.
also Act 7:35).
18
] ifi Mos/ca/a
c. The ten plagues were not directed against the Egyptians, but the
Egyptian gods (Exod 12:12). It was a manifestation of the LORD's supremacy. It was a very powerful message to all. The people of God needed also
to be free in their minds from the power of the Egyptian gods.
d. The celebration of the Passover (Exodus 12) will be from this time on
an integral part of the religious cycle of God's people. In this celebration,
the symbolism of the blood will play a very significant role. Theologically
speaking, the blood of the lamb was a sign of protection, salvation, and life
(Exod 12:13). A connection between the Passover and the Lord's Supper can
be drawn. 46
e. The Exodus was a demonstration of God's intervening grace for his
people. Their obedience should be motivated by their gratitude to God's
mighty saving acts.
f. The crossing of the Red Sea was a symbol/type for baptism (1 Cor
10:1-2), which is a very crucial institution of the NT church (Mark 16:16;
Matt 28:18--20).
g. Moses and Miriam sing about God's powerful deliverance (Exod 15).
h. God's blessing will be regularly pronounced upon the people of God
(Num 6:22-26).
i. The people of God were instructed by God through the gift of the
Decalogue and additional codes which revealed ethical and moral principles that needed to be an integral part of their lives. The law should not be
taken as a way to heaven or salvation, but should be a response of obedience to God's loving activity. The function of the Decalogue is primarily not
a fence, or a mirror for recognizing our sinfulness, or a signpost to Christ;
but it is especially God's promise of what he will do for and in his people if
they stay in a close relationship with him and allow him to change and lead
them. Thus the law of God becomes God's beatitude.
j. The OT church is a charismatic community, because God gave different gifts and skills to different people in order to perform the work of God
(see, for examples, Exod 19:19-26; 35:30--36:2).
k. The OT church was a well-organized community. On the one hand,
the priesthood of all believers was maintained; but on the other hand, the
church was organized hierarchically (high priest, priests, Levites, elders,
leaders, people).
46
A close relationship between the Passover and the Lord's Supper can be demonstrated
on several grounds. For an explanation of the relationship between these two crucial
events, see the study of Reymond, A New Systematic Theology of the Christian Faith, 95567; and G. C. Berkouwer, Studies in Dogmatics: The Sacraments (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1969), 188-201.
The Concept and Notion of the Clwrch in the Pentateuch
19
I. The OT church was a giving community (tithe and offerings in Exod

35:5-29; Num 18:8-29; Deut 14:22-27).
m. The book of Deuteronomy contains three sermons of Moses presented in a covenantal form (with the preamble, historical prologue, stipulations, blessings and curses, witnesses, and special provision), 47 and they
are an excellent example of teaching methods. During the time of the Reformation, the sermon, as a true proclamation of the Word of God, became
the central part of worship. This practice is, of course, maintained and emphasized till today in the Protestant churches.
n. The OT church was a witnessing and serving community (Exod 18:911; Josh 2:8-11).
o. Discipline was practiced. One needs to remember that discipline in
the time of Moses was exercised under the theocratic system; this is why we
cannot apply it today on the scale of one to one, but only in principle. We
live in a different world and need, therefore, to apply cautiously and
prayerfully these principles which were revealed to Moses.
p. The OT church was an eschatological community-the Messiah was
expected, and with him also his kingdom. 48
q. The spiritual life of the OT church was concentrated around the tabernacle, the law of God, and different feasts/festivals during the year (= religious year) when the most important events from the story of redemption
were commemorated. The tabernacle was the object lesson of the plan of
salvation. God's attitude toward sin was revealed in its services, and God's
way for people to be saved. The church needs worship and a calendar, and
in Israel it was incorporated into the yearly circle around the spring and fall
festivals. Faith had to be lived, experienced (tangibly), and not only cohfessed.49
47
48
49
Deuteronomy is a covenant renewal document and can be divided according to the

following outline: (1) the preamble (1:1-5); (2) the historical prologue (1:6-4:43); (3) the
stipulations (4:44-26:19); (4) blessings and curses (chs. 27-30); (5) witnesses (30:19-20);
and (6) the special provision (31:9-13). Leadership succession under the covenant is
described in chs. 31-34.
For the eschatological focus of the Pentateuch, see Gerald A. Klingbeil, "Looking at the
End from the Beginning: Studying Eschatological Concepts in the Pentateuch," /ATS
11, nos. 1-2 (2000): 174--87.
I wish we had such a religious calendar in our church today which would be centered
on God's crucial activities; but instead we celebrate special days like Sabbath School
day, the Spirit of Prophecy day, 13th sabbath, religious liberty day, stewardship
sabbath, etc. All these days and programs are important, but the emphasis is on our
performance; thus activities in our religious year are anthropocentric and not
theocentric! I think our church needs to rethink this practice (for example, Christmas is
celebrated in many places in our church but on the wrong day, of course, because
20
Jiff Moskala
4. Conclusion
The OT church started as a family unit. It began with the first couple (Adam
and Eve) and continued in the line of families which wanted to build the
right relationship with God and serve others (like Seth, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob). The church is a community of believers in one God,
the creator of the heavens and the earth; and its focus was on the people
(not on an individual or a hierarchy) 50 and on establishing a relationship
with God. One family witnessed to another family about the mighty acts of
God (Ps 145:4). The family was the foundation block of the church, and humans need to worship God in order to stay human, humane, and a family!
After the exodus from Egypt, Israel was formed as a nation and a
church at the same time, but was not "equivalent to the nation of Israel per
se." 51 This community of faith worshiped the LORD God who made a covenant with his people (Exod 19:4-6), was gathered together for a holy assembly on sabbaths (Lev 23:3), and came to the tabernacle to learn more
about God, his will, the plan of salvation, and how to follow him. Reymond
rightly states: "The church of God in Old Testament times, rooted initially
and prophetically in the protevangelium (Gen 3:15) and covenantally in
Genesis patriarchs (Rom 11:28), blossomed mainly within the nation of Israel."52
The basic definition of the OT church can be stated in simple terms: the
church constitutes people who are called by God to form a community of
believers in the LORD (Yahweh) and his promised Messiah. 53 These people
of God are called to live in fellowship with him, be his witnesses for truth,
and unselfishly serve others in order that they can also know the true God,
his message, and become his disciples. Worship is an integral part of the
50
51
52
53
Jesus was not born in Dec. 24/25), but the crucifixion and resurrection of Jesus, which
is celebrated on the right days, is often hardly mentioned during the Easter time. In
any case, the OT church had its liturgical calendar oriented on salvation events, and
we can learn much from it.
One needs to realize that the church started with the first marriage. It reminds us of
Jesus' statement that where there are two or three gathered in his name, he is in the
midst of that congregation (Matt 18:20). It is interesting to note that Jesus' first miracle
was performed in relationship to a marriage (John 2:1-11).
Reymond, A New Systematic Theology of the Christian Faith, 806. Reymond correctly
explains: "The true covenant community of God was then, as it has ever been, the
remnant wit/1in the external community of the nation (Isa 10:22; Rom 9:27)." Ibid.
Ibid., 806.
Reymond provides an insightful definition of the church: "The church in Scripture is
composed of all the redeemed in every age who are saved by grace through personal
faith in the sacrificial work of Jesus Christ, 'the seed of the woman' (Gen 3:15) and
suffering Messiah (Isa 53:5--10)." Ibid. 805.
The Concept and Notion of the Church i11 the Pentateuch
21
church but not its goal per se, because the reason for the existence of the
church is in accomplishing its mission for others by serving them. True
worship is in response to God's love and is built on his presence and on a
true respect for his word/law.
The NT church is the basic continuation of the OT church (not a break
with it, its replacement, or supersession). The NT church is the remnant OT
church and its enlargement where the original intent of God is to be maintained and accomplished, where true followers of a living God are gathered
from all nations, tribes, peoples and languages, and where the original mission of service to the whole world is cultivated (Gen 12:2-3; 26:4; 28:14; Isa
42:6-7; Eph 3:6-12).54
The church is not yet triumphant but militant, and it is never called the
kingdom of God in the Bible. Its members are not building the kingdom of
God on earth, but they are expecting the kingdom of God which comes
from above. The OT church is the people of God living in a loving, dependant, and responsible covenant relationship with their creator in order to
worship him, witness about his goodness, and serve others in need. The OT
prophets, as servants of the covenant, called people to the original intent of
the covenant, to renew their right attitude to God, and accomplish its mission Oer 31:31-33; Ezek 36:22-32).
The Protestant Reformation came with a very important definition and
the marks of the true church. For the reformers, the Christian church is
primarily "the gathering of all believers, in which the gospel is purely
preached and the holy sacraments are administered in an accord with the
gospel." 55 To these two marks, later reformers added a third crucial characteristic-the exercise of discipline. Thus, three marks distinguish the true
from the false church, namely, the pure proclamation of the Word of God,
the right administration of the sacraments, and finally the faithful exercise
of church discipline. 56
These three elements-that is, (1) preaching of the Word of God (done
in different 1forms: by words of instruction, by the written law, by celebrating festivals, and by sanctuary services); (2) administration of the sacraments: baptism (in a typological sense: waters of the flood and waters of the
Red Sea; and maybe also the rite of circumcision as a sign for the dedication
of a child to the LORD) and the Lord's Supper together with a cup (relation
to the celebrations of the Passover); and (3) the exercise of discipline (very
large corpus of different law applications)-are all present in the OT church
'
''
'"
Jacques Doukhan, Israel and the C/rnrc/1: Two Voices for the Sa111e God (Peabody:
Hendrickson, 2002).
Augsburg Confession 7:1.
See especially, Reymond, A New Syste111atic Theology of the Cliristian Faith, 849-60.
22
fifi Moskala
in core as described in the Pentateuch. The OT church was governed by the

same principles as it is in the NT. A relationship of love was always the
most essential constituent of the true religion because our God is a God of
love and of relationships (Deut 5:10; 6:4-6; 7:13; 33:3). Thus the unity between Old and New Testament churches is maintained and our own identity strengthened. The OT community of faith was truly a covenant,
worshiping, witnessing, and serving community.
"LION OF JUDAH": THE BLESSING ON JUDAH IN

GENESIS 49:8-12
MARTIN PROBSTLE
1. Introduction
Blessings can be strange and surprising. 1 It is not such a surprise that near
the end of his days patriarch Jacob pronounces a blessing for each of his
twelve sons. Jacob had learned that patriarchs customarily extended their
testament (Gen 27:18--29; 28:3-4). What is surprising, though, is that Jacob is
resolved to tell what will happen to his sons at "the end of days" (49:1), and
strange is the fact that some of the blessings tum out to be curses. If one
looks at the text with "fresh eyes," the most unexpected tum in Jacob's testament is his blessing on his fourth son, Judah (49:8--12). It is the first that
focuses actually on the future and contains an obscure pronouncement
about "Shiloh," making this passage the most discussed and disputed text
in Gen 49. Although there is such an immense amount of literature on this
passage, I believe that a careful text-oriented analysis will facilitate the interpretation of the "lion of Judah" passage and bring light upon the question whether this passage contains any original messianic overtones.
In the first part of this essay I will briefly discuss the genre, setting, and
structure of the testament of Jacob in Gen 49. In the second part I will study
the structure of the blessing on Judah in Gen 49:8--12, especially its poetic
I vividly remember how Gerhard Pfandl's classes were a blessing to all of his students.
Under his guidance I learned how to closely examine a biblical passage; in his
Pentateuch class I wrote my first exegesis paper ever; and from him I inherited the
love for the Hebrew Bible-especially the book of Daniel (both of us know that this
book ignites our deepest passion)-for the Hebrew language, and for the church.
Many a times during my doctoral studies, which happened years after we met for the
first time, I could discuss textual issues with him-may it be over e-mail, crossing
several hundreds and thousands of miles, or over the lunch table in our small
apartment at Andrews University while he was visiting the campus-and he never
got tired of listening to my (sometimes far-fetched) ideas, always encouraging me to
dig deeper. I am honored to dedicate this essay to my friend and colleague Gerhard;
and since his own dissertation dealt with the expression l'i? n "time of the end" and
or;i:;:i n'lt)t:t:;i "in the end of days" (Gerhard Pfandl, The Time of tlie End in tlie Book of
Daniel [ATSDS l; Berrien Springs: Adventist Theological Society, 1992]), this essay
takes a closer look at one of the passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the n.,qt:t:;i
or:i:;:i. May Gerhard's days to come be even more blessed than his days past.
24
Martin Priilistle
arrangement. ln the third part a text-oriented analysis 2 will examine the

different words and phrases of the blessing on Judah, and will observe its
relationship to other passages in the Hebrew Bible. Finally, I will outline the
major theological themes present in the passage.
2. The Testament of Jacob in Genesis 49:2-27

2.1. Genre
The spectrum of literary genres attributed to Gen 49:2-27 ranges from
"blessing," 3 "tribal sayings" (Stammesspriiche) 4 to "testament" 5 and "farewell (speech)." 6 Although it is explicitly stated that Jacob "blessed them,
every one with the blessing appropriate to him" (49:28), some of the individual pronouncements are close to being real curses.7 The term "testament" is perhaps the best option with which to denote these sayings of
Jacob. Of course, the saying on Judah in vv. 8-12 can undoubtedly be called
a "blessing."
The testament of Jacob is one of the major poetic texts of the Pentateuch;
others are Exod 15:1-17; Num 23:7-10, 18-24; 24:3-9, 15-24; and Deut 32-33.
In short, by "text-oriented" I refer to a study of the linguistic and literary features of an
existent text (e.g., the Masoretic Text) as well as its textual relations (including intertextuality). For an overview of the vast field of text-oriented approaches and their
major contributions to exegesis see Martin Priibstle, "Truth and Terror: A TextOriented Analysis of Daniel 8:9-14," (Ph.D. diss., Andrews Universtiy, 2006), 8-30.
Helmuth Pehlke, "An Exegetical and Theological Study of Genesis 49:1-28" (Ph.D.
diss., Dallas Theological Seminary, 1985).
Hans-Joachim Kittel, "Die Stammesspri.iche Israels: Genesis 49 und Deuteronomium
33 traditionsgeschichtlich untersucht" (Ph.D. diss., Kirchliche Hochschule Berlin,
1959), 10~; Hans-Ji.irgen Zobel, Sta111111essprucl1 und Gescl1ichte: die Angaben der
Sta111111esspriicl1e van Gen 43, Din 33 und ]de 5 iiber die politischen zmd kultiscl1en Zustiinde
im damaligen "Israel" (BZAW 95; Berlin: Tiipelmann, 1965); Antonius H. Gunneweg,
"Uber den Sitz im Leben der sog. Stammesspri.iche (Gen 49, Dtn 33, Jdc 5)," ZAW 76
(1964): 245-46; Claus Westermann, Genesis: 3. Tei/band, Genesis 37-50 (BKAT 1/3;
Neukirchen: Neukirchener, 1982), 250-52; Horst Seebass, "Die Stammespri.iche Gen 49
3-27," ZAW 96 (1984): 333-50; George W. Coats, Genesis with an Introduction to Narrative
Literature (FOTL 1; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983), 310. The use of the term "tribal
sayings" often goes hand in hand with a certain understanding of the origin of Gen 49
according to which the individual sayings circulated independently before they were
collected and put together at some time in the history of Israel.
See, e.g., Cyrus H. Gordon, "Biblical Customs and the Nuzu Tablets," BA 3, no. 1
(February 1940): 8; E. A. Speiser, Genesis (AB l; Garden City: Doubleday, 1964), 370;
Gordon J. Wenham, Genesis 16-50 (WBC 2; Dallas: Word, 1994), 468.
Benno Jacob, Das Buch Genesis (Berlin: Schocken, 1934), 890.
In fact, the root i,:i. appears only and repeatedly in the blessing on Joseph in the form
of n:i-9 (five times in vv. 25-26).
"Lion of Judah": The Blessing on Judah i11 Ge11esis 49:8-12
25
The suggestion by John Sailhamer that the poetic insets of the Pentateuchal
narrative are compositional devices functioning as seams in the text may be
seen by some as controversial, but there is no question that Gen 49 closes
the patriarchal narratives, along with the epilogue of Gen 50. 8 Interestingly,
the phrase C'r,i:;:i r1'!1'.)~.9 "in the end of days" connects three of the main poetic segments of the Pentateuch (Gen 49:1; Num 24:14; Deut 31:29), which
furthermore are linked by the fact that a central figure Oacob, Balaam,
Moses) calls an audience to assemble (imperatives: three different forms)
and declares (cohortative: three different forms) what will happen in future
times, blessing the people of Israel. 9
The poetic style in which Jacob's testament is composed marks it as one
of the oldest sections in the Hebrew Bible. Poetic features include the abundant use of parallelisms and figurative language, the archaic enclitic personal pronoun -oh (i1. -), which was later superseded by -8 (i-) in v. 11, 10 as
well as a limited use of the definite article (Gen 49:8-12 contains only three
definite articles, all occurring in v. 11).
2.2. Setting
The place and situation of Jacob's sayings in Gen 49 are obvious. 11 They are
10
II
John H. Sailhamer, The Pentateuch as Narrative: A Biblical-Theological Commentary

(Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1992), 35-37. He suggests a narrative-poetry-epilogue
scheme for Gen 1-2, Gen 3, Gen 4, and for the larger text blocs in Gen 37-48 and Gen
1-50, as well as for the Exodus narratives (concluded by the poetic section in Exod 15),
the wilderness narratives (concluded by the poetic section in Num 23-24), and the
entire patriarchal narratives (concluded by the poetic section in Deut 32-33 and_ the
epilogue in Deut 34).
Ibid., 36. For the different terminology cf. Gen 49:1; Num 24:14; and Deut 31:28-29.
The third masculine singular suffix -0/1 appears also on the Mesha stele, and is
regarded as 9th-6th century B.C. spelling practice; cf. Frank Moore Cross and David
Noel Freedman, Studies in Ancient Yahwistic Poetry (SBLDS 21; Missoula: Scholars
Press, 1975), 83. The date of origin of the poem in Gen 49 may be further pushed back
if several centuries are allowed for oral transmission, which regarding the nature of
poetry is expected to be more accurate. In 49:8-12 the old ending -oh appears two
times: i1'1']] (v. Ila) and ;itno (v. lld). For the latter, Samaritan manuscripts from the
4th century B.C. read 1mo:i "his clothing" adding a kaf and having the ending -6 instead
of the Masoretic -oh. But as the former shows no different reading in other versions the
latter is best retained as the MT reads it. Regarding the "oldness" of -oh the critical
voice of James Barr should be noticed who criticizes the view that the ending -oh is
evidence of very ancient origin. Instead, he argues, it shows only that the poem is old,
and that it escaped the later redactors from revision to -6. James Barr, The Variable
Spellings of the Hebrew Bible (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 207-8.
Nevertheless, it is evident that -oh is older than -6.
For an overview of the discussion on Gen 49 regarding its unity or disunity, its date of
origin and Sitz i111 Le/Jen see Seebass, "Stammespriiche," 333-50; Joel 0. Heck, "A
26
Martin Priibstle
mentioned at the end of the patriarchic narratives of Gen 12-50. Before his
death, Jacob "blessed" his sons. The death of Jacob (49:2&-33), his burial in
Palestine (50:1-14) and Joseph's death (50:15-26) close the story of the two
pre-eminent characters of Gen 27-48. The testament of Jacob, therefore,
serves as transition, as link to the following books, 12 and is a prophetic-like
view of the future life of the tribes. Jacob's stated intention was to tell his
sons what shall happen to them in future days, or;i;;:i n'!r:)l'.t:;i (49:1). The expression may refer to the individual history of the twelve sons, to the history of the tribes, and may have eschatological overtones referring to the
messianic age, so that Pfandl infers that Jacob, under prophetic inspiration,
describes the future of his sons and their descendants "span[ning] the
whole period from the conquest to the appearance of the Messiah." 13 At the
same time, the testament of Jacob in its particular place and time encourages (most of) his sons and their families to look confidently ahead to the
future, knowing well that the exile in Egypt will not be their final destination. This will be the promised land, which is still awaiting them. In that
sense the testament of Jacob is a resumption and continuation of the divine
promise to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.
2.3. Strncture
The testament of Jacob is easily divided into twelve parts delimited by mentioning the respective addressee, which starts a new pronouncement:
Ruben (v. 3), Simeon and Levi (v. 5), Judah (v. 8), Zebulun (v. 13), Yissaschar (v. 14), Dan (v. 16), Gad (v. 19), Asher (v. 20), Naphtali (v. 21), Joseph
(v. 22), and Benjamin (v. 27).
Comparing Gen 49 with the account of the birth of the sons in Gen
29:31-30:24; 35:18, one can detect that the order of the different pronouncements in Gen 49 depends on the birth and status of the sons. 14 The first six
are the sons of Leah (the first four in order of birth), the last two are the sons
of Rachel (in order of birth), and in between the sons of the maidservants
12
13
14
History of Interpretation of Genesis 49 and Deuteronomy 33," BSac 147 (1990): 16-31;
R. De Hoop, Genesis 49 in Its Literary and Historical Context (OtSt 39; Leiden: Brill, 1999);
Jean-Daniel Macchi, Israel et ses tribus selon Genese 49 (OBO 171; Fribourg:
Universitatsverlag; Gi:ittingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999), Kent Sparks, "Genesis
49 and the Tribal Tradition in Ancient Israel," ZAW 115 (2003): 327-47.
In Exod 1:1-4 the names of Jacob's twelve sons are repeated at the start of the Exodus
narrative, and thus the history of all twelve tribes, the people of Israel is continued.
Pfandl, The Time of the End, 141-44.
The usual order of the patriarchal blessing is simply the order of age. The reversed
order in Gen 27 (because of deception) and 48:15--20 (intentional) underlines that the
customary order of blessing was the order of birth (cf. 48:18).
27
"Lion ofludah": The Blessing on Judah in Genesis 49:8-12
are mentioned (from Leah's maidservant Zilpah in order of birth, surrounded by Rachel's maidservant Bilhah in order of birth). 15 The order may
thus form a chiastic arrangement: (a) Leah, (b) Bilhah, (c) Zilpah, (c') Zilpah,
(b') Bilhah, (a') Rachel. 16 The following chart illustrates the order in Gen 49:
Order of Blessing
in Gen 49
Order of Birth
(Gen 29-30; 35:18)
Reuben
Simeon
Levi
Judah
Zebulon
Issa char
Mother
1
2
3
Leah
10
9
Dan
Gad
Asher
Naphtali
5
7
8
6
11
Joseph
Benjamin
12
Bilhah (Ra<hel)
} Zilpah (Lea)
Bilhah (Rachel)
} Rachel
3. Blessing on Judah: General Notes

The blessing on Judah is found in Gen 49:8--12. In the following, the text of
the blessing is reproduced: the left column offers the MT of Gen 49:8--12
according to Codex B 19 A divided into clauses, the middle column lists the
line reference with verse numbers, 17 and the right column provides a working translation, which, as far as possible, attempts to reproduce the Hebrew
word order.
1
15
16
17
For a discussion on the order and the following chart see Michael O'Connor, Hebrew
Verse Structure (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1980), 426-27.
Cf. Nahum M. Sama, Genesis: The Traditional Hebrew Text with New JPS Translation [The
JPS Torah Commentary; Philadelphia: JPS, 1989), 331).
One should note that the line numbering offered here is different from a clause
numbering insofar as line 9c contains two verbal forms and thus two clauses. A verbal
ellipsis occurs in vv. lOb, llb, and lld, which can be filled in by the verb in the
previous line.
28
Martin Priibstle
Masoretic Text
Verse
Translation
;ir;il'.I ;i1m'
Ba
Judah, you [are the one]

Your brothers shall praise you
Your hand (is) on the neck of your enemies
Your father's sons shall bow down to you
1'1}1'.1111i'
8b
1':;i;iol 'l')P:;i 11:
Be
1'::1~ 'J.:t 1? m:)Do/~
8d
iU
9a
J;!'?l;' 'J.:;i 'l":)IP.Q
9b
y:;q V!:;>
9c
9d
A lion's cob (is) Judah

From (the) prey, my son, you have gone up
He rests, he lies down, like a lion
And like a lioness-Who shall rouse him?
lOa
lOb
(The) scepter shall not depart from Judah

And (the) ruler's staff from between his feet
lOc
lOd
And to him (shall be the) obedience of peoples
ilh~ 'P ;ii?1Vf?1
lla
llb
Tying to the vine his foal (of a donkey)

And to the choice vine his she-ass's colt
iui::J.? e:;:i o:;:i:;i
llc
o':;i~wo1:;i.1
l';Q O'J.'!J. '7'?:;>D
lld
12a
He cleanses in/with wine his robe

And in/with the blood of grapes his mantle
::i'?r;ir,;i O'~W-p?1
12b
;'111;'1'
;i~ll'.I?
;i~ll'.I
llr?'j?; 'Q N':l'?:;>1
;i11;i'Q o;iip ;10;16
i''?-n p:;i.Q i'i?.hr;n

;;?'IP 1-i::i:-':;i 11J
O'QIJ ni}jp' i?]
;i"l'IJ 1~(!? '!t;'N
;in10
Until Shiloh will come
Darker (his) eyes than vine

And whiter (his) teeth than milk
Usually, Sa and Sb are taken together as one line so that v. S comprises only
three lines. The resulting syllable count of v. 8 (11-8-11) and the synonymous parallelisms between the first and the third line support such a decision. Hoiwever, the arrangement of assonance between Sa, Sb, and Sc (and
Sd) and the prominent position of the pronoun i1J;l~ "you" at least warrant
the alternative arrangement that I suggest.
The blessing on Judah (vv. 8-12) comprises, together with the blessing
on Joseph (vv. 22-26), ten of the twenty-five verses of Jacob's testament. The
prominence of these two sons corresponds to their pre-eminent role in Gen
37-50. 18 Whereas the first pronouncements focus on past events and, with
regard to these events, determine the destiny of the tribe (49:3-7), the bless-
18
Cf. Jacob, Genesis, 890; Robert E. Longacre, Joseph: A Story of Divine Providence; A Text
Theoretical and Textlinguistic Analysis of Genesis 37 and 39-48 (Winona Lake:
Eisenbrauns, 1989), 53--54. To complement the key players in Gen 29-50, Gordon J.
Wenham likes to include the first five verses of Jacob's testament-the blessings on
Reuben and on Simeon (and Levi)-since Reuben, Simeon, Judah, and Joseph are the
only sons whose names are explained at their birth by reference to the divine name
YHWH, a sign of their importance in the narrative (Genesis 16-50, 468--69).
29
"Lion of Judah": The Blessing on fudal1 in Genesis 49:8-12
ing on Judah shows a specific orientation toward the future, except for the
fact that v. 8 contains probably several links to previous material. 19
4. Structure of the Blessing on Judah

As every other individual pronouncement this one starts with the name of
the addressee, ;ip;i:, in Gen 49:8. Unlike in other pronouncements, the name
of the addressee occurs three times in this blessing: in the beginning colon
of the first (v. 8), second (v. 9), and third section (v. 10). The repetition of
i111i1; is an indicator toward the subdivisions of the blessing. 20 The division
between v. 10 and v. 11 is not formally marked. It is based on key words
and on the thematic pattern of the blessing on Judah, which falls into four
parts of an ABAB pattern according to the terminology used. The use of
verbal elements also fits into the ABAB pattern. Moreover, the poetic structure of vv. 8-12 shows a remarkable symmetry. Whether one counts words,
accentual units, or pre-Masoretic syllables, the poetic pattern is obvious. 21
Verse Theme
8
Superiority of Judah:
Terminology
Verbal forms
Praise, neck, bow down
yiqtol
Lion, prey, couch, crouch, lioness
qatal
Scepter, ruling staff, obedience,
yiqtol
peoples
yiqtol
Vine, ass, choice vine, she-ass
participle
yiqtol
Leadership
9
Imagery of Judah's superiority:
qatal
Lion
10
Superiority of Judah & Shiloh:

Kingship
1112
19
211
21
Imagery of Shiloh's superiority:

Abundance & beauty
darker than wine, whiter than milk qatal
See below. The blessing on Judah should not be regarded as a condemnatory and
deliberate ironic saying. The links between the blessing and Judah's failure concerning
Tamar in Gen 38, as suggested by Edwin Marshall Good, "The 'Blessing' on Judah,
Gen 49:8-12," /BL 82 (1963): 427-32, and Calum M. Carmichael, "Some Sayings in
Genesis 49," /BL 88 (1969): 438-44, strain the text and are questionable.
Pace Kittel, "Starnmesspriiche Israels," 15-16; Zobel, Stammesspruc/1 und Gesc/1ichte, 7280; Cross and Freedman, Ancient Yahwistic Poetnj, 70, 81; and Westermann, Genesis 3750, 259, who regard v. 9 as an independent saying. Rather the repetition of a key word
accompanied by a change in theme can be a poetic device to indicate subdivision.
For poetic analyses of Gen 49:8-12 see Cross and Freedman, Ancient Yal1wistic Poetry,
81-84 (metrical structure); Douglas K. Stuart, Studies in Early Hebrew Meter (HSM 13;
Missoula: Scholars Press, 1976), 140 (syllable count); O'Connor, Hebrew Verse Structure,
431-32 (line types and troping pattern); Raymond de Hoop, "Genesis 49 Revisited:
The Poetic Structure of Jacob's Testament and the Ancient Versions," in Unit
delimitation in biblical Hebmv and Nortl1west Semitic literature (ed. M. C. A. Korpel and J.
M. Oesch; Pericope 4; Assen: Van Gorcum, 2003), 1-32.
30
Martin Priibstle
That vv. 11-12 are a description of Shiloh and not necessarily of Judah can
be concluded from the anaphoric nature of vv. lOd-lld. If Shiloh is regarded as subject to N:::i:, as argued below, the masculine pronominal suffixes in vv. lOd, lla, llb, llc, and lld do all refer back to Shiloh.
5. Verse-by-Verse Analysis of the Blessing on Judah

5.1. Judah's Supremacy: Verse 8
The blessing starts with the word i1'Pi1> The following personal pronoun
i1J;ll:t "you" should not be elided as it serves the rhythmic alteration of the
assonance of the first words (i111i1;_ 11ii', and 11:) and of the last words (i1J;ll:t,
1'1)1'.t, and 1':;1-;N) in v. 8 (even the fourth line shows some assonance):
;11;11:t
;ip;i;
Ba
':['l}l:t
111i'
Sb
':T'::J.;t-1
nv:;i
[':!''.;I~
'J:;l
Be
':!1:
8d]
1? m:p:io/'
Furthermore, i1J;ll:t does have a specific function at this emphatic place. In no
other pronouncement of Jacob does a personal pronoun appear without

another noun or noun group at the beginning of the blessing. 22 The pronoun i1J;ll:t functions on the contextual level: it contrasts the former "blessings" on Reuben, Simeon, and Levi with the blessing on Judah, especially
since i1J;ll:t is only used in v. 3 (for the first-born Reuben) and v. 8. 23
Historically, Reuben, Jacob's oldest son, should have received the firstborn blessing. Jacob confirms the fact that Reuben is his firstborn (Gen
49:3a), but he does not extend the firstborn blessing to him: "Reckless like
water, you shall not have precedence/be first because you went up to your
father's bed" (v. 4a-b). Apparently, Jacob refers to Reuben's incestuous relationship as he lay with his father's concubine Bilhah (35:22). Since Gen 35
does not mention any rebuke by Jacob-only "Israel heard (of it)" (v. 22)-
22
23
To combine ;rp;i~ and '1f;lt:I would be another possibility. Jacob would then stress the
fact that Judah is praised alluding to the meaning of the name Judah: "You are Judah
(=praised)." But as each son is addressed by his name it seems that "Judah" in Gen
49:8 has the same function and serves only as an address. The '1f;lt:I in the blessing on
Reuben is different in syntactic function: it is the second part of the nominal sentence
"you (are) my firstborn" (v. 3).
Gerard van Groningen goes so far to note that "the unique exclamation of this phrase
particularly highlights Jacob's surprise" that "Judah was designated by God to be the
bearer of the covenant seed line" (Messianic Rroelation in the Old Testament [Grand
Rapids: Baker, 1990], 181). However, the text does not provide any indication for such
a psychological state of Jacob. On the contrary, the pronouncements for the first three
sons give the impression that Jacob knew exactly what he was saying.
"Lion of Judah": The Blessing on /uda/1 in Genesis 49:8-12
31
it seems that Jacob kept his reproof until his deathbed blessing, in spite of
some virtues of Reuben which had been reported in the Joseph story when
he saved Joseph's life (37:21-22, 29-30; cf. 42:22) or offered his own two
sons to Jacob instead of Benjamin (42:37).
Likewise, the pronouncement on the second and third oldest sons,
Simeon and Levi, does not grant the firstborn blessing, either, even though
they are next in line of the birthright. Instead, Jacob rebukes the two brothers "because in their anger they slew men" (Gen 49:6c), which most likely
alludes to the bloody massacre at Shechem (34:25--29). After the massacre
Jacob lamented only that his sons had brought trouble on him (v. 30). With
no word did he indicate if he detested their action or not. And after the
brothers' challenging defense (v. 31) he remained silent. Again it appears
that Jacob held his overt reprimand until he summoned his sons for the
blessing. He had not forgotten; and instead of a blessing he bestowed a
curse on them. In fact, this is the only instance in Jacob's speech that he explicitly cursed his sons (49:7), using the same language as when God cursed
the serpent (3:14) and Cain (4:11), or when Noah cursed Canaan (9:25). 24
The next in line was Judah. Jacob starts the blessing on his fourth oldest
son with "Judah, you!" Considering the historical background this exclamation is the appropriate introduction to mark the preeminent son who will
receive the firstborn blessing. 25 By i1J;i~ Jacob stresses the fact that Judah is
the one on whom the blessing as firstborn rests. It is also effective to reintroduce the address in the second person26 : After Jacob addressed Reuben
in the second person and Simeon and Levi in the third person, he switches
back to the second person in v. 8. However, in the middle of the blessing on
Judah, Jacob switches from the second to the third person (v. 9c) and continues in the third person for each of the other sons, except for the last part
in the blessing on Joseph (vv. 25--26).
The historical note in 1 Chr 5:1-2 does not abandon the firstborn blessing on Judah. Joseph received the "double portion," that is, the birthright,
24
25
26
For an interesting psychological viewpoint of Jacob's saying to his sons see Thomas
Blass, "The Tenacity of Impressions and Jacob's Rebuke of Simeon and Levi," journal
of Psychology and Judaism 7 (1982): 55--61.
It should not be overlooked that neither the blessing on Reuben nor the blessing on
Simeon and Levi are actually blessings. Rather they appear to be damnations for what
they had done. Also note the leadership position of Judah as reported in Gen 37:27;
43:3--13; 44:11-34 and 46:28 before he received the firstborn blessing; cf. David K.
Sykes, "Patterns in Genesis" (Ph.D. diss., Yeshiva University, 1985), 114--15. Judah
apparently developed a good character between Gen 38 and Gen 44. The turning
point in the life of Judah, if it is indeed mentioned, may be pinpointed at 38:26.
For this observation see Hamilton, Genesis: Chapters 18-50, 657.
32
Martin Probstle
but Judah prevailed over his brothers and became heir of the throne. 27 "Joseph may surpass Judah. But everlasting rule belongs to Judah." 28 Asaph
expresses in Ps 78:67-68 this very fact: YHWH "rejected the tents of Joseph,
he did not choose the tribe Ephraim; but he chose the tribe of Judah, Mount
Zion, whom he loved."
':(ni' is a crucial term used in this blessing. The root i11' occurs 111 times
in the Hebrew Bible, 98 times (thereof 65 times in the Psalms) it has the
meaning of "to praise" and 13 times it means "to confess," if the object is sin
or the like. In 95 cases the object of praise is YHWH/God or his name. 29 People as object of praise are found only in Job 40:14; Pss 45:18; 49:19. Job 40:1014 reveals that only YHWH may be the appropriate object of i11'. In Ps 45:18
the Israelite king is praised by the nations-however, in the psalm the king
is described in divine-like terminology so that messianic overtones are recognized (e.g., vv. 7-8)-while in the wisdom context of Ps 49 men praise
the wicked but rich fool who prospered (v. 19). It is intriguing that in Gen
49:8 i11' takes a human object. Why should Judah be praised by i11' which is
only due to YHWH or once to the Israelite king? The text gives the impression that Judah is associated with both royal and divine connotations.
The only other passage in the Pentateuch in which the root i11' is used is
found in Leah's words at the birth of Judah:
She was again pregnant and bore a son and said: "This time I will praise
[i11'] YHWH." Therefore she called him Judah [;ip;i;J. (Gen 29:35)
Judah's birth is connected with praise to YHWH. The name "Judah" is attributed to the etymological meaning of "(YHWH is) praised." Without
doubt Jacob alludes to Judah's birth when he uses the same word to describe Judah's elevated position over his brothers. Yet, the very word i11'
belongs mainly to the praise of God. Thus, the terminology at the beginning
of the blessing anticipates the appearance of a divine-kingly figure in vv.
lOb-12.
':f'~;N
27
28
29
'llV:t "on the neck of your enemies"
is a typical expression of sub-
A detailed comparison between the blessing on Judah and the blessing on Joseph may
be fruitful, but is beyond the scope of this study. Not only are these blessings the
longest passages in Gen 49:1-27, but furthermore Judah occupies the central position
in the first six blessings on the sons of Leah, whereas Joseph occupies the central
position in the last six blessings.
O'Connor, Hebrew Verse Structure, 430.
YHWH's name is regarded as identical with YHWH himself. The occurrence in Ps 89:6
"heaven will praise your wonders, YHWH" may also be read as "the heavens, your
wonders, shall praise YHWH." Nevertheless, to praise YHWH's wonders means to
praise the one who performed these wonders.
"Lion ofludah": The Blessing on Judah in Genesis 49:8-12
33
jugation (Exod 23:27; 2 Sam 22:41=Ps18:41). 30 This language of war stresses

the victory and strength of Judah.
In the next colon, the root mn of m:p:iip "they shall bow down" 31 is
associated with the semantic meaning of "to worship" 32, but also with "to
pay respect" (e.g., Gen 23:7, 12). This expression appears to be a terminus
technicus in the firstborn blessing. Isaac blessed his son Jacob, who he
thought was his firstborn, with the words:
May peoples serve you,
And nations bow down to you [K 1? mr:iip-1, Q 1? 11t)T:ll.P'1l
Be master of your brothers [pl.],
And may your mother's sons [pl.] bow down to you [1'? m:)T:ll.P'1l (Gen
27:29)
It seems to me that Isaac's blessing is formulated according to a specific
blessing formula. A clear indication of this is the use of the plural forms
"your brothers" and "sons of your mother," which in the specific situation
appears to be awkward since Isaac and Rebekah had only two sons.
The connection between Gen 27:29 and 49:8-12 is obvious, considering
the similar terminology. 33 Isaac's firstborn blessing is, therefore, another
indication that the blessing on Judah in Gen 49 should be considered a
firstborn blessing. However, not only the terminology but also the themes
are similar: 27:28-29 displays the themes of fertility of nature (v. 28) and
superiority (v. 29)-in contrast to the blessing on Esau, which shows neither
(27:39-40). The same themes appear in the blessing on Judah: superiority
(49:8, 10) and fertility of nature (49:11).
The attentive reader of Genesis recognizes another link hooked to the
expression ':f? m:)Do/'. In the initial story of Joseph in Gen 37 the Hishtaphal
31
32
33
Francis I. Andersen, "Orthography in Repetitive Parallelism," /BL 89 (1970): 344,

proposes that 'IT "your hand" should be read as the defective of '!1ii' "they praise" so
that v. Be repeats synonymously the idea of v. Sb. He claims that it is usually not the
hand but the foot that rests symbolically on the neck bf the enemy. However, in the
Dead Sea scrolls the idiomatic phrase "Place your hand on the neck of your enemies
and your foot on the piles of slain!" (lQM 12:11) shows that the figure of speech in
Gen 49:8c is indeed known, and thus the MT can be retained. On the basis of lQM
12:11 Stanley Gevirtz suggests that Gen 49:8c was originally a pair of two lines, but
there is no manuscript evidence supporting such a conjecture. Stanley Gevirtz,
"Adumbrations of Dan in Jacob's Blessing on Judah," ZAW93 (1981): 23--24.
Some Hebrew manuscript editions read 111:1i:np~ without dagesh in the consonant waw,
but in meaning there is no difference to the MT.
1his is the meaning of 'I'? m:p:np~ in Ps 66:4 which is exactly the same expression in Gen
49:8 as noted in the Masora parva.
The use of "your father's sons" in Gen 49:8 is "explained by the fact that Isaac was
monogamous, whereas Jacob had four wives and wished to indicate that all tribes
would acknowledge Judah's hegemony" (Sama, Genesis, 336).
34
Martin Priibstle
of i11n is used three times in regard to his two fateful dreams: "Your sheaves
surrounded and bowed down to [? ;nn] my sheaf" (37:7); "the sun, the
moon, and eleven stars bowed down to[? ;nn] me" (37:9); "Shall I and your
mother and your brothers really come to bow down to [? ;nn] you to the
ground?" (37:10).
More than twenty years later Joseph's dreams were fulfilled. 34 Again the
root i11n is used three times in two instances: Gen 42:6 and 43:26, 28. 35 Thus,
the reader of 49:8 recalls the story about Joseph and his brothers and remembers that Judah himself bowed down to Joseph. In contrast, the blessing on Judah reverses history and elevates Judah to superiority over his
brothers, including Joseph. 36 Joseph's role of leadership was fulfilled in his
time, but Judah's leadership will unfold in the future history of the people
of Israel. The bestowal of leadership on Judah and his descendants is not
totally surprising, for Judah has already been subtly presented as the leader
of the brothers in the Joseph story (cf. 43:8-9; 44:16-34; 46:28).
5.2. Lion of Judah: Verse 9

In this verse lies the origin of the "lion of Judah" symbol. The recurrence of
i111i1; in v. 9a marks a new subsection in which Judah's pre-eminence is described in metaphoric language. For the first time in Jacob's testament animal metaphors are used, which henceforth characterize five of the
remaining eight blessings; a fact that enhances the focus on the blessing on
Judah. The "lion of Judah" leads the parade of animal metaphors.
Three of eight terms for a lion are used metaphorically for Judah. 37 First,
Judah is classified as a i1~"'1~ iU "lion's cub," then as a i1~"'1~ "lion" and finally
as a N':;i.7 "lioness." The same imagery of a i1~~ iU "lion's cub" appears
34
35
36
37
Joseph was seventeen years old when he was sold into slavery (Gen 37:2) and thirty
years old when Pharaoh set him over all the land of Egypt at the beginning of the
seven year of plenty (41:46). Joseph's brothers came tu Egypt some time after the seven
years of famine started (41:53-54; 42:3).
One should note that Joseph himself at a again later stage "bowed with his face (to
him) to the ground" in front of his father Jacob (Gen 48:12).
L. A. Turner surmises whether a reader of Gen 49 might legitimately ask about the
efficacy of the various blessings: The blessing on Judah "reads like an attempt to
reverse Joseph's dreams. What will have precedence, boyhood dream or deathbed
blessing?" Laurence A. Turner, Genesis (Readings; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,
2000), 202.
The eight terms are,,~ "lion," ;i~lt:I "lion," ,u "cub (of a lion)," ,,!l:;> "young lion," N':;i'?
"lioness," 1-1::;i'? "lioness" (only Ezek 19:2), ur'? "lion" (only Isa 30:6; Ps 30:30; Job 4:11);
and 7i:il!i "lion."
"Lion of Judah": The Blessing on Judah in Genesis 49:8-12
35
again in Deut 33:22 in Moses' blessing on Dan. 38 The best explanation for
the meaning of Gen 49:9b is the image of a lion that rises from his prey to
ascend to his mountain lair, an image which seems to be typical for the ancient Palestine fauna. The verbal root ;il;iy "go up" forms a pair with the
verbal root 01j? hif. "rouse" enclosing the verbs y;:i "bow down" and f::J.i
"lie down." 39 In v. 9c-d Judah is furthermore compared to a lion and to a
lioness40 so that the lines in v. 9 form a parallel terrace pattern. 41 The masculine pronominal suffix in 1l?;i'i?7 "(who shall) rouse him up?" refers immediately back to :i~-;itt "lion" in v. 9c, but extends metaphorically to Judah in v.
9a, strengthening the close association between the lion imagery and
Judah. 42
The lion imagery conveys the idea of strength and victory, a theme
clearly present in Gen 49:9 as an extension of the superiority theme of v. 8.
The text in Gen 49:9c-d is echoed in Num 24:9, where the imagery is applied to the whole nation of Israel and once more symbolically designates
38
39
40
41
42
The parallels in terminology between Gen 49:9 and Deut 33:22 lead Gevirtz to suggest
that the blessing on Judah describes in poetic language Judah's annexation of Dan's
territory(" Adumbrations of Dan," 21-37).
Others suggest that the verbal root ;iO,v refers to a lion's cub that has "grown up"; cf.
Sama, Genesis, 336; Hamilton, Genesis: Chapters 18-50, 653-54. The verb y:ii "lie down"
becomes a favorite in Jacob's testament (Gen 49:9, 14, 25), although it occurred only
twice before (4:7; 29:2). The verb in:i "bow down" occurs in 49:9 for the first time.
Some scholars regard N':;i'? as an "old lion" in order to find three different stages in the
blessing on Judah: Judah as cub refers to the early stage of the tribe, Judah as lion
refers to the time of David, and Judah as old lion to the time after Solomon's reign. Cf.
John Skinner, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Genesis (2d ed.; ICC; Edinburgh:
Clark, 1930),519.
Wilfred G. E. Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry: A Guide to Its Techniques GSOTSup 26;
Sheffield: JSOT, 1984), 212. Note that the Masoretes placed the disjunctive accent
Tifkha under N':;i'1~1 "and like a lioness" in v. 9d and a conjunctive Merkah under :i~/tt:;>
"like a lion" in v. 9c, which might indicate that N':;i?~1 stands in a closer relationship to
the previous word than to the next one. The sense of th~ bicolon in v. 9c and v. 9d
would support the arrangement: "(9c) he rests, he lies down like a lion and like a
lioness; (9d) who will rise him up?" If "lioness" is attached to the last colon in v. 9i.e., "like a lioness, who will rise him up?" -the clause seems to be awkward.
However, one could suggest a chiastic-like arrangement: (A) verbal element: rest, lie
down; (B) comparative element: like a lion; (B') comparative element: like a lioness;
(A') verbal element: rouse up. This might also explain the disjunctive Tifkha under
N':;J'?:;>t
;.,~"')~;:>(masculine) and N':i'?:;i1(feminine) both refer to the resting and lying down of the
animal so that a pronominal suffix referring to the rousing of that animal would be
masculine. It is thus not necessary to explain a supposed gender disagreement
between N':;i'? (feminine) and ur;rp: (masculine pronominal suffix) because of an
intervening relative particle. So Victor P. Hamilton, The Book of Genesis: Chapters 18-50
(NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 654 n. 8.
36
Martin Priibstle
strength and triumph. Extended lion imagery is also found in Nah 2:12-13,
where four different terms are used for a lion (three of them are the ones
used in Gen 49:9), symbolizing the (once) formidable strength of the Assyrian city of Nineveh (cf. Joel 1:6, where the Assyrian might is compared to
the teeth of a lion [i1~!1'.l] and the fangs of a lioness [N':;i'?]).
The lion imagery has its roots in ancient Near Eastern culture where the
lion is regarded as a symbol of kingship and divinity. 43 In the Hebrew Bible
both concepts are present: on the one hand, the metaphor of a lion is associated with royalty (2 Sam 17:10; Jer 50:17; Ezek 22:25; Zeph 3:3--4; Prov 20:2),
on the other hand, a lion is used symbolically for YHWH (Isa 31:4; Jer 25:38;
49:49; Lam 3:10; Hos 5:14; 11:10; 13:7; Joel 3:16; Amos 1:2; 3:8). Again, the
thematic threads of both kingship and divinity appear to be interwoven in
the language of the blessing on Judah. It is no wonder that the lion became
an icon for King David and the Messiah (cf. Rev 5:5).
5.3. Shiloh's Supremacy: Verse 10

The theme of kingship is fully displayed in v. 10. The theme switches back
from imagery of superiority to plain superiority. In the Hebrew Bible the
term ";;iW "rod" is used at least twelve times in reference to a "scepter,"
which also seems to be the case in this verse. 44 The parallel expression j?i?.h'?
"ruler's staff" underlines this translation. Originally, ";;iW and i'i?.h'? were
the instruments of a shepherd which have since changed in meaning, thus
designating the instruments of royal kingship. 45 In the song of Deborah
both terms are again used in parallelism, where it has to be interpreted as
the one holding the ruling staff and the scepter:
From Machir came down commanders [O'i?i?h'?]
and from Zebulun those who wield the scepter [o;;iwl of office. Oudg
5:14)
Therefore I translate Gen 49:10: "A scepter shall not depart from Judah and
a ruling staff from between his feet." 46
43
44
45
46
Cf. G. Johannes Botterweck, "'!!!!,'' TOOT 1:377--82; Roland K. Harrison, "Lion," ISBE
3:141-42.
Genesis 49:10; Num 24:17; Judg 5:14; Isa 9:3; 14:5; Ezek 19:11, 14; Amos 1:5, 8; Zech
10:11; Ps 45:7 (twice). "Tribe" (156x) or "rod" (34x), the other possible meanings of
0;;11;.>, do not fit into the context of the sentence and the verse of Gen 49:10.
The king in the ANE was often understood as the shepherd of their people, the
protector of social values in his kingdom.
Cross and Freedman, Ancient Yahwistic Poetry, 82, give an alternative interpretation of
O;:)W and i'i?hr,>. They emend O;:)W to opi!i "judge, charismatic leader" following a
suggestion by Albright. Such an emendation is based on the similar appearance of !l
and :i in the early script and their phonetic alikeness, both of which could easily cause
37
The occurrence of 1':;:).W in Num 24:17 deserves special attention.47 Besides Gen 49:10 we have here the only other occurrence of 1':;:).W in the
Pentateuch. 48 Balaam, in prophetic vision, sees that "a star comes forth from
Jacob, and a 1':;1-W rises from Israel." Here, the LXX reads av8pwrroc; "a
man," the Syriac "prince/leader," and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan t-U;i'W'?
"Messiah." Both the ancient versions and the immediate context (vv. 17-20)
imply that Num 24:17 is a reference to the coming leader of Israel, to a coming king and/or the coming Messiah. This suggests that Gen 49:10 is also
written in a royal context, if not a messianic one.
The term 1':;:).W is paralleled in the next colon by pph9 "ruler's staff."
pph9 occurs eight times in the Hebrew Bible. 49 Again there is a reference
found in the blessing of Moses, this time on Gad (Deut 33:21). Psalms 60:9
47
48
49
confusion. Cross and Freedman refer to Ps 68:5, where an original !l may have been
confused with a J in niJl!J., and to the parallel texts 2 Sam 7:7 and 1 Chr 17:6, which
should show that in 2 Sam an original !l in 'i;>J;llzi (1 Chr 17:6) was erroneously rendered
with J resulting in i;i:;11p. However, while the !l/J exchange in Ps 68:5 is substantiated
by the text's affinities to the Ugaritic rkb 'rpt "rider of the cloud," designating Baal, the
MT in 2 Sam 7:7 may be explained as original and is certainly the lectio difficilior (see
Philippe de Robert, "Juges ou tribus en 2 Samuel vii 7," VT 27 [1977): 116-18). Cross
and Freedman further argue that the paradigmatic pphr,> in Gen 49:10 should mean
"commander" on the basis of Judg 5:14 and Isa 33:22. In fact, the LXX reads iipxwv
"ruler" and ~youEvoc; "chief" in Gen 49:10. However, as convincing as this argument
may seem, it demands a further emendation in Gen 49:10b so that the text remains
meaningful: 1?li "his feet'' needs to be read as 1?li "his tribal division" following
Samaritan manuscripts. Verse lOb would then read "a commander from between his
tribal division (or: banner)," which would match "a judge from Judah" in the parallel
colon lOa. Since the interpretation by Cross and Freedman is based on two tex_tual
emendations, and since in all other occurrences of O;!W and Pi?.hr,>, including the ones
cited by Cross and Freedman, the meaning "scepter" and "ruling staff" fits well into
the context, I do not see the necessity for emendation and prefer to retain the MT.
The two occurrences of O;!W in Ezek 19:11, 14 are intriguing since the context displays
similar metaphoric language as the blessing on Judah. Ezekiel 19 applies lion imagery
(vv. 2~) and vine imagery (vv. 10-14) to the kingship in Israel. Compare Gen 49:9-11
with the following words from Ezek 19: i13 "cub" (vv. 2, 3, 5), ni'll!! "lions" (vv. 2, 6),
'119 "prey" (v. 3), ;i?v "go up" (v. 3), fJi "lie down" (v. 2), N::;i'? "lioness" (v. 2), O;!W
"scepter" (vv. 11, 14), and 1;i~ "vine" (v. 10). The intertextual relationship between the
two texts is generally recognized. Pace Ingo Kottsieper, "'Was ist deine Mutter?' Eine
Studie zu Ez 19,2-9," ZAW 105 (1993): 455-56 n. 57, who believes that similar
terminology is in the nature of similar imagery, but that Gen 49,9 speaks about a
completely different matter, thus discarding any reference to the Genesis passage as
hardly helpful.
Another indication that there is some kind of relation between Gen 49:2-27 and Num
24:15-19 is the use of the expression or,i:;:i n'!t)t'.I~ as introduction to the prophetic
poetic section. For the first time in the Hebrew Bible it occurs in Gen 49:1, and the next
occurrence is in Num 24:14.
Genesis 49:10; Num 21:18; Deut 33:21; Judg 5:14; Isa 33:22; Pss 60:9; 108:9; Prov 8:15.
38
Marlin Priibstle
and 108:9, where God says that 'i?i?h'? ;ip;i: "Judah (is) my ruling staff,"
almost certainly allude to Gen 49:10. Interestingly, in Isa 33:22 YHWH is
called Ui?.i?h'? "our ruling staff." Thus, Pi?.hT?, too, belongs to royal language.
The verbal phrase ,~o:t-6 "shall not depart" occurs again in 2 Sam 7:15,
where YHWH confirms his covenant with David's son Solomon in order to
keep Judah's royal dynasty with the house of David.so The locution )':;ll;l
1''?r1 "from between his feet" probably refers to a king sitting on a throne
with the ruling staff resting between or in front of his feet.s 1 There is nonecessity to understand the phrase euphemistically. 52
In colon lOc the most controversial term in the blessing on Judah is
found: ;;i,ip "Shiloh." Before discussing this term, the meaning of the
prepositional phrase ~ il} "until" needs to be determined. Often ~ il} is
regarded as a pointer to the end of what is described in v. lOa-b, that is, the
reign of Judah ends when ;;i,ip comes. But instead the Hebrew bears the
meaning of climax and fulfillment. In its five occurrences in the Hebrew
Bible ~ il} expresses some kind of superlative in which the former activity
or situation reaches a climax, but without ceasing it (Gen 26:13; 41:49; 49:10;
2 Sam 23:10; 2 Chr 26:15). 53 Genesis 49:10c means, therefore, that the royal
leadership of Judah will find its ultimate superior fulfillment when ;;i,ip
comes. In other words, ;;i,.ip is the climax of Judah's royal leadership.
The syntax of the prepositional clause with ~ "Tl} deserves a closer look.
After the preposition~ il;I follows a finite verb-a perfect form in a narrative (Gen 26:13; 41:49; 2 Sam 23:10; 2 Chr 26:15), an imperfect form in a future-time context (Gen 49:10)-and a subject, if explicitly expressed, follows
the verb (2 Sam 23:10; Gen 49:10). The prepositional phrase does not contain
any other elements. The subject is always personal, even "his hand" in 2
Sam 23:10 refers, by extension, to David. Though five instances do not form
a large corpus on which to establish syntactic rules, one should still note
that ;;;ip stands in a syntactic slot that is usually occupied by a person. The
50
SJ
52
53
The connection is pointed out by Jacob, Genesis, 901-2.

Cf. Pehlke, "Genesis 49:1-28," 167-68; Henri Cazelles, "Shiloh, the Customary Laws
and the Return of the Ancient Kings," in Proclamation and Presence: Old Testament
Essays in Honour of Gwynne Henton Davies (ed. J. I. Durham and J. R. Porter; London,
SCM, 1970), 249.
Pace Good, "The 'Blessing' on Judah," 429; Carmichael, "Some Sayings in Genesis 49,"
439-40.
,,The man became rich, and continued to grow richer until (,:;> i.1;1] he became very
wealthy" (Gen 26:13); 'Thus Joseph stored up grain in great abundance like the sand
of the sea, until [';> 11J] he stopped measuring it, for it was beyond measure" (Gen
41:49); "He arose and struck the Philistines until [';> 11J] his hand was weary and clung
to the sword" (2 Sam 23:10); "Hence his fame spread afar, for he was marvelously
helped until [';> 11J] he was strong" (2 Chr 26:15).
"Lion of Judah": Tlze Blessing on Judah in Genesis 49:8-12
syntax of the prepositional phrase with

should refer to a person.
':;l 11}
39
therefore suggests that ii?'IP
A vast number of interpretations have been given for ii?'\P, a term acclaimed for its difficulty, which is partly due to the fact that it is a hapax legomenon.s.i Due to the limited scope of this essay I will only list them, but it
is not intended to give a summary of the different positions as this material
could easily grow to a "goodsized monograph" 55 itself.
There are four major interpretations of the term ii?'\1): 56
(1) ii?'IP is a personal name, a messianic title, or a messianic allusion to
David. 57 This interpretation is supported by Targum Pseudo-Jonathan and
Targum Jerusalem, which both read "until the time when the king Messiah
will come." From vv. 11-12 a reference to a person in v. 10 is indeed expected. However, Gen 49:10 would be the only reference in the Hebrew
Bible and the NT where Shiloh is used as a Messianic title.
(2) ii?'IP is a geographical name: "until he [i.e., Judah] comes to Shilo."
Shilo refers to the place where the ark was located (1Sam1-4). The Qere of
the Masoretes reads i?'\P, and some Hebrew and Samaritan manuscripts
have ;i?lz.i, that is, ii?IP "Shilo." The subject "he" (from the verb form 11-i:::i;)
may either refer to David 58 or to the tribe of Judah. 59 However, this sugges54
55
56
57
58
59
Somewhat overenthusiastically William L. Moran, "Gen 49:10 and Its Use in Ez 21:32,"
Bib 39 (1958): 405, designates ;i'ryi as the ,,most famous crux interprctwn in the entire
OT."
Speiser, Genesis, 372.
For views on :i"'1zi until the 16th century C.E. see Adolf Posnanski, Schiloh, ein Beitrag
zur Geschichte der Messiaslehre (Leipzig: Hinrich, 1904). For more recent views. see
Jacob, Genesis, 903-7; R. Martin-Achard, "A propos de la benediction de Juda in
Genese 49:8-12(10)," in De la Torah au Messie: Etudes d'exegi!se et d'hermeneutiquc
bibliques offertes aHenri Cazelles pour ses 25 annees d'enseignement al'Jnstitut catholiquc de
Paris, octobre 1979 (ed. M. Carrez, J. Dore, and P. Grelot; Paris: Desclee, 1981), 121-34;
and especially Hoop, Genesis 49, 122-48.
Cf. Jewish tradition (Gen. Rab 98:8; b. Sanh. 98b); Christian tradition (all church
fathers); Hans-Peter Mi.iller, "Zur Frage nach dem Ursprung der biblischen
Eschatologie," VT 14 (1964): 278, regards ;i'ryi as a messianic figure of David.
Of this opinion are Joh. Lindblom, "The Political Background of the Shiloh Oracle," in
Congress Volume: Copenhagen 1953 (VTSup 1; Leiden: Brill, 1953), 78-87, who suggests
that the blessing on Judah originates from the time of David; Eckart Otto, "Silo und
Jerusalem," TZ 32 (1976): 70-71; J. A. Emerton, "Some Difficult Words in Genesis 49,"
in Words and Meanings: Essays Presented to David Winston Thomas (ed. P. R. Ackroyd
and B. Lindars; Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1968), 83-88.
Zobel, Stammesspruc/1 und Geschichte, 75--76; Otto Eissfeldt, "Silo und Jerusalem," in
Volume du Congres: Strasbourg, 1956 (VTSup 4; Leiden: Brill, 1957), 138-47. Bruce
Vawter, "The Canaanite Background of Genesis 49," CBQ 17 (1955): 6, restores: "Judah
as the conqueror of the southern shrine of the lion-goddess." Liudger Sabottka, "Noch
einmal Gen 49:10," Bib 51(1970):226-27, renders v. lOc with the sense "his [taken from
40
Martin Priibstle
tion is not convincing for several reasons: the city of Shiloh is never spelled
i1?'11J in Hebrew, 60 there is no historical importance of Shiloh for the tribe of
Judah, and the following verses in Gen 49:11-12 speak of an individual person and do not, in any way, refer to a city.
(3) Revocalization of ii?w to ;il;iip = ;r,ip, "the one to whom it belongs" or
"that which belongs to him." 61 ;il;iip is a compound of the relative pronoun 'IV
"which," the preposition? "belonging to," and the masculine suffix ;i- or i"him." The majority of the versions support this rendering: 39 Hebrew
manuscripts, LXX, 62 Symmachus, Theodotion, Targum Onkelos, 63 eight Samaritan manuscripts, 4Q252, 64 Syriac, 65 and Vetu.s Latina. Often a comparison with Ezek 21:32 is suggested, where a similar phrase is found: N:ril,l
o~ipr;i;:i i n1p,~ "until he comes whose right it is." The main difficulty with
this proposal is to explain why the MT includes a yod in ii?w.
1
(4) ii?ip should be read as i? 'W "tribute to him" so that the prepositional
clause reads "until tribute comes to him." 66 The consonants of ii?-ip are di-
60
61
62
63
64
16 in the next colon] throne ('ad, Ugaritic] shall indeed [emphatic ki] come to Shilo"
with "Terminativsuffix" -ha, i.e. shiloha.
Variant spellings of the city Shilo are ;i?I!) (21 times), l?I!) (8 times), and 1.,,1,!i (2 times).
See HALOT 4:1479.
See, e.g., Kevin Smyth, "The Prophecy Concerning Juda: Gen. 49:8-12," CBQ 7 (1945):
295-98; Cazelles, "Shiloh," 248-49; Pehlke, "Genesis 49:1-28," 171-74; HALOT 4:147879; Roy A. Rosenberg, "Beshaggam and Shiloh," ZAW 105 (1993): 258--61 (who explains
the change to;;~ with gematria); Kenneth A. Mathews, Genesis 11:27-50:26 (NAC lB;
Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 2005), 895.
LXX reads "until he comes for whom it was preserved," apparently with messianic
overtones. Cf. Laurent Monsengwo-Pasinya, "Deux texts messianiques de la Septante:
Gn 49,10 et Ez 21,32," Bib 61 (1980): 357-76; Martin Rosel, "Die Interpretation von
Genesis 49 in der Septuaginta," BN 79 (1995): 54-79, esp. 63-M; idem, "Jakob, Bileam
und der Messias: Messianische Erwartungen in Gen 49 und Num 22-24," in The
Septuagint and Messianism (ed. M. A. Knibb; BETL 195; Leuven: Leuven University
Press, 2006), 151-75.
Onkelos reads "until Messiah comes to whom the kingship belongs." Cf. Jan-Wim
Wesselius, "Biblical Poetry through Targumic Eyes: Onkelos' Treatment of Genesis
49:8-12," in Give Ear to My Words: Psalms and Other Poetn; in and around the Hebrew
Bible; Essays in Honour of Professor N. A. van Uchelen (ed. J. Dyk; Amsterdam: Societas
Hebraica Amstelodamensis, 1996), 131-45.
4Q252 reads "until the Messiah of righteousness comes, the branch of David.'' Cf. Curt
Niccum, "The Blessing of Judah in 4Q252," in Studies in the Hebrew Bible, Qumran, and
the Septuagint Presented to Eugene Ulrich (ed. P. W. Flint; VTSup 101; Leiden: Brill,
2006), 250--60.
65
66
The Syriac reads "until the One, whose it is, will come."
This is the old Midrashic interpretation. Cf. Cross and Freedman, Ancient Yahwistic
Poetry, 83; Moran, "Gen 49:10," 412; Speiser, Genesis, 365-66; Douglas K. Stuart,
"Shilo," ISBE 4:478-79; Sama, Genesis, 336-37; de Hoop, Genesis 49, 122-39; John H.
41
vided and revocalized. However, there is no support from the versions for
such a rendering. The rare noun 'W occurs only in Isa 18:7; Pss 68:30; 76:12. 67
In these texts 'W is always used with the verb ?:::i. "bring," and one would
expect the same for Gen 49:10.
Besides these four interpretations, several others have been suggested
that are based on textual emendation and/or debatable comparative Semitics and are, therefore, of secondary importance for a text-oriented analysis.
(5) ii?ip derives from Akkadian selu/sllu "prince, counselor." 68 However,
the Hebrew language would have alternative forms to express the idea of
"prince" or "counselor" instead of borrowing from the Akkadian, and the
meaning "prince" for Akkadian selu/sllu is uncertain at best. 69
(6) ii?-IP derives from Egyptian sr with Akkadian spelling siara "prince,"
which equals an Egyptian phonetic syr(w), which in Hebrew would be
*ii'?~ip.7o
(7) ii?-IP should be read as ii?o/IJ or i'?o/O "his Oudah's) ruler" (cf. Isa 52:5;
Jer 30:21). 71
(8) ii?ip is a noun from the root ;il;iu; "to be peaceful, to be at ease." ii'?IP
is the "man of peace." Comparison to Isa 9:5 oi?ipiw "prince of peace" is
suggested. Similarly, the suggestion is that ii?-IP derives from 1?ip "the oneof-peace."72
67
68
69
70
71
72
Walton, Genesis (NIVAC; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2001), 716; and also Emerton,
"Some Difficult Words," 83--88 (possible).
De Hoop, Genesis 49, 137-38, suggests parallels between Gen 49:8--12 and Ps 72-a
psalm about Davidic kingship with messianic connotations-that would support the
idea that the phrase in Gen 49:10 is about offering tribute. The parallels are defeat of
the enemies (Gen 49:10; Ps 72:5, 17), perpetual rule (Gen 49:10; Ps 72:5-17), offering of
gifts and tribute (Gen 49:10; Ps 72: 10-11, 15), and prosperity (Gen 49:11; Ps 72:3, 6--7).
G. R. Driver, "Some Hebrew Roots and Their Meaning," /TS 23 (1921): 70; F. Notscher,
"Gen 49,10: ;i'ryi = akkad. selu," ZAW 47 (1929): 323--25; Ernst Sellin, "Zu dem Judaspruch im Jaqobssegen Gen. 49,8--12 und im Mosesegen Deut. 33,7," ZAW 60 (1944):
57-67; R. Eisler, "The Babylonian Word 'shilu' in Gen xlix 10," ExpTim 36 (1924--1925):
477; J. Coppens, "La benediction de Jacob: son cadre historique a la lumiere des
paralleles ougaritiques," in Volume du Congres: Strasbourg, 1956 (VTSup 4; Leiden: Brill,
1957), 112-13; and Sigmund Mowinckel, He I11at Cometh (trans. G. W. Anderson;
Oxford: Blackwell, 1959), 13 n. 2.
See the severe criticism by Moran, "Gen 49:10 and Its Use in Ez 21:32," 407-9, and the
entries selu/silu I in the Akkadian dictionaries AHw and CAD.
Seebass, "Stammespriiche," 346.
Hugo Gressmann, Der Messias (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1929), 221;
Gerhard von Rad, Das erste Buch Mose, Genesis (10th ed.; AID 2-4; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1976), 345; Westermann, Genesis 37-50, 248; H.-J. Zobel, "0:;11p,"
TOOT 14:310.
Hermann Gunkel, Genesis (5th ed.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1922), 482.
42
Martin Priibstle
(9) ;;i,ip stands for the name ilbi,o/ "Solomon." 73

(10) ;;i,ip refers to Judah's son il'?W "Shelah" (Gen 38:5). 74 As the blessed
line goes through Tamar, Gen 49:10 would promise that Shelah finally
comes to his blessing.
(11) Restoration of ;;i,.ip to 'W'~:J "son-of-Jesse" (with the early
alternative form 'IP'~ instead of 'W') because of haplography of N:J. after N:i:. 75
Similar is the rendering N:i.:-:;i il,l ;;i,.ip lz.i'~ "until a man of Shiloh comes." 76
(12) ;;i,ip should be read as ini,ip "his offspring" (cf. Cant 4:13): "until
the coming of his offspring."77
With regard to such a variety of interpretations, the quest for a textoriented understanding of the term ;;i,.ip appears almost to be a hopeless
venture, although most of the interpretations agree that Gen 49:10a deals
with Judah's predominance as manifested in the rise of the Davidic monarchy. Still, several observations can be made. Syntactically, ;;i,ip is the subject
of the verb N:i.:,78 which indicates that ;;i,ip should refer to an individual.
Furthermore, both the immediate following ;i, as well as the suffixed pronouns in v. 11 and the description in v. 12 refer back to ;;i,ip. Most exegetes
agree that v. 10c refers, one way or another, to a king, but there are two major questions related to the interpretation. The first question is whether this
blessing is a true prophetic statement concerning a king coming from the
tribe of Judah or whether it is a vaticinium ex eventu. From a text-oriented
viewpoint it is clear that the text itself places the coming of the king in the
future. The second question is whether ;;i,ip refers to a messianic figure. So
far, the interpretation of vv. 8-10 has given us some clues that ;;i,ip may
73
74
75
76
77
78
Andre Cacquot, "La parole sur Juda dans le Testament lyrique de Jacob (Genese 49, 8-12)," Sem 26 (1976): 27-28.
W. Schroder, "Gen. 49, 10: Versuch einer Erklarung," ZAW 29 (1909): 186-98; Good,
"The 'Blessing' on Judah," 430; and Carmichael, "Some Sayings in Genesis 49," 440.
So Margulis, "Gen xlix 10/Deut xxxiii 2-3: A New Look at Old Problems," VT 19
(1969): 203-4, after employing three cardinal rules: (1) a minimum of violence to the
consonantal text; (2) idiomatic Biblical Hebrew; and (3) contextual aptness. However,
with such rules he could have done better: "Wenn Margulis allerdings in einer Zeile
von sieben Worten 2 falsche Worttrennungen, 1 Haplographie, 1 Dittographie und 1
Metathesis voraussetzt, dann ist das kaum ein 'minimum of violence to the consonantal text"' (Sabottka, "Noch einmal Gen 49:10," 225). Later, B. Margulis proposed
the reading \l)"t:t "man" for 'W't:t:J "son-of-Jesse" ("Emendation and Exegesis: A Reply to
L. Sabottka (Bib 51 [1970] 225-29)," Bib 52 [1971]: 227 n. 1).
Marco Treves, "Shiloh (Genesis 49:10)," /BL 85 (1966): 353-56.
H. Kruse, ,,David's Covenant," VT 35 (1985): 154-55.
Besides the syntax of the prepositional clause with':;> 11} (see above), ;i7'w follows the
verb N:i: without any preposition or particle in front of it, which possibly indicates that
it should be understood as the subject. However, this argument is not as tight as one
would wish since the text occurs in poetry.
"Lion of /udall": TI1c /3/cssi11g 011 /11d11ll i11Gc1lt'sis49:8-12
43
well be a messianic reference: (1) the root i1i' takes, with rare exceptions, a
divine object; (2) 111'.)J:lo/~ is often used in reference to YHWH; (3) the firstborn
blessing is connected to the idea that from this line comes the one who will
save and rule the nations (e.g., 12:3b). Furthermore, the description of the
coming king in vv. 11-12 inevitably leads to the conclusion that ;;r,.ip is not
only a royal figure, but a messianic type of king.
But why is the term ii'?ip used? The reason might be that ;;t,.ip derives
from the root i1'?1!1, which has the semantic range of peace, tranquility, and
positive unconcern. This would fit the three characteristics of the coming
king and his reign that are described in the following verses exactly:
(1) Peace because nations will obey him (v. lOd)
(2) Fertility and prosperity of the land (v. 11)
(3) Beauty of the king (v. 12)
The direct object with the suffixed pronoun ,r, "to him" in v. lOd stands in
emphatic position and can only refer to the subject of the former line, viz.
ii'?w, thus pointing to an understanding of ;;r,.ip as an individual person. 79
Also note the a-assonance 1t1; ,i'?] ;;r,.ip, which does not appear to be
incidental, but is rather tying these words together.
The nations' obedienceB0 is towards Shiloh. The plural of "nations"
should not surprise. It is used before in Gen 17:6; 27:29; 28:3; 48:4, each time
in the context of blessing. In Gen 27:29 and Deut 32:8 the "peoples" refer to
foreign nations.Bl The leadership of Judah in Gen 49:9 is obviously extended
in v. 10 beyond the people of Israel, when Judah is praised by his brothers,
to a kingship over the nations of the world that are obedient to the coming
king; a truly messianic concept.B2
5.4. Abundance in Shiloh's Reign: Verse 11

This verse exhibits splendid Hebrew poetry. Each of the two bicola forms a
synonymous parallelism with ellipsis of the verbal element in the second
colon, and the two bicola parallel each other in the syntactic structure. The
endings of the cola in v. 10 form a matching 6h-6-6-6h pattern.
The participle '!t?N "tying (to)" demands the same subject as the preceding verb 1t1:. Thus, it is Shiloh who ties his donkey to the vine.
79
BO
Ht
82
Cf. Westermann, Genesis 37-50, 262--63.

The meaning of the rare n;:ip~ is certainly "obedience." The similar term n;:iR'7 in Prov
30:17 does not help in illuminating Gen 49:10.
Cf. Isa 2:3; 8:9; 12:4; etc.
Sailhammer, "Genesis," 2: 276; Mathews, Genesis 11:27-50:26, 896; contra the idea that
only kinsmen, clans, and relatives are involved (pace Pehlke, "Genesis 49:1-28," 179).
44
Martin Probstle
The words i1'1'l,l "his foal (of a donkey)" and iJh~ ~:;i.83 "colt of his sheass" provide another clue for a messianic understanding. i1'1'l,l (from III *;)
is a hapax legomenon, but the similar term i'.P occurs eight times in the Hebrew Bible, amongst others in the singular in Zech 9:9. 84 The two members
of the construct word group iJh~ ~:;i are found as parts of a construct word
group in only one other place in the Hebrew Bible: Zech 9:9 again. Indeed,
if one compares Gen 49:10-11 with Zech 9:9 one detects intriguing parallels
which bear an important impact on the interpretation of Gen 49:10-12: 85
Genesis 49:10-11
Zechariah 9:9
N:::i; "he comes"
Ni::i; "he comes"

i:;;i7r;i "your king"
ii'='"W "?"
i1'1'l,l "his ass"
i'l,l "ass"
ilh~ ~:;i "foal of his she-ass"
niJhWP. "foal of a she-ass"
The sequence of words and phrases is very similar. The only difference is
that the verb-subject order in Gen 49:10 (iii,ip N::i;) is reversed in Zech 9:9
(Ni::i; 1;;i?r;i). I have included the subjects of N::i; because I suggest that i;;i?r;i
and ;;i,ip match each other like the other terms. This throws some light on
the obscure meaning of ;;i,ip. As the corning king in Zech 9:9 rides on his
ass, on the foal of a she-ass, so does ;;i,ip bind his ass to the vine, the foal of
his she-ass to the choice vine. 86 I propose that Zech 9:9 points to a royal
messianic background of the term ;;i,ip in Gen 49:10, so that ;;i,ip refers to
the corning king, the future Messiah. The original royal language in Gen
49:8--12 is taken up by Zechariah. Moreover, as Zech 9:9-10 is often recognized as a passage related to the Messiah figure, 87 the messianic idea of the
scene might well have its origin in the messianic overtones of Gen 49:10-11.
83
84
85
86
87
The suffix -i at pis a suffix of connection, a genitive case ending. It occurs also at the
participle '1t;JN in v. 1la.
The other references are found in Gen 32:16; Judg 10:4 (twice); 12:14; Isa 30:6, 24; Job
11:12. The singular occurs only in Zech 9:9 and Job 11:12. To ride on an ass may have
royal connotations Oudg 10:4; 12:4; Zech 9:9).
The intertextual reception of Gen 49:8-12 in Zech 9:9 is often neglected by exegetes of
the Genesis passage, but evident for exegetes of the Zech 9:9 (cf. Michael Fishbane,
Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985], 501-2).
Carol L. Meyers and Eric M. Meyers, Zechariah 9-14 (AB 25C; New York: Doubleday,
1993), 130, stress that the occurrence oh~JJ in Gen 49:11 and Zech 9:9 is no coincidence;
they also point out that "Matthew and John adopt the Septuagint's use of polon [for
'ayir] in the Zechariah passage, which is also the Greek at Gen 49:11."
The NT regards Jesus' triumphal return to Jerusalem as fulfillment of Zech 9:9 (Matt
21:5; John 12:15). See Deborah Krause, "The One Who Comes Unbinding the Blessing
of Judah: Mark 11:1-10 as a Midrash on Genesis 49:11, Zechariah 9:9, and Psalm
118:25-26," in Early Christian Interpretation of the Scriptures of Israel: Investigations and
"Lion ofludah": The Blessing on /uda/1 in Genesis 49:8-12
45
The synonymous parallelism in v. lla-b shows that i1i?1iv and J-?~ match
each other. The meaning of "noble grape" or "choice vine" for i1i?1iv may be
inferred by comparison with Isa 5:2 and Jer 2:21 (i'!iv), both "choice vine."BB
The language in v. 1la-b portrays a scene of abundant fruitfulness.
Normally, an ass/she-ass is not bound to a choice vine for it could be destroyed, either because the vine stem is not so strong or the ass may feed on
the choice vine. In the imagery of Gen 49:11 such considerations do not play
any role. The comment of the Talmud may exaggerate but pinpoints the
intention of the text when it claims that the harvest of one vine needs one
foal to carry it away and the harvest of one tree (apparently the choice vine
is as huge as a tree) even two she-asses. 89
In the bicolon v. llc-d the verbal root KBS takes only here the object
"garments" and means to clean clothes by treading, kneading and beating.
The hapax legomenon i1i'HO stands in synonymous parallelism to iVi~7 and
should therefore mean "garment," too. 90
The clothes are washed in wine. 91 The expression D':;ltP,"01 "blood of
grapes" occurs in another construct word chain in the song of Moses (Deut
32:14) embedded in a description of the extreme fertility of both the fauna
and the flora of the land in which the people of Israel live, produced by
YHWH's blessing.92 The words i'!iv and D':;ltP, also occur together in the Song
of the Vineyard in Isa 5:2, 4 (cf. Isa 16:8; Jer 2:21), where they are used to
stress that Yttwtt's activity for Israel involves only the best material.
There is no indication of judgment in these verses, though Isa 63:1--6 and
Rev 19:11-16 take up similar imagery. In the context of Gen 49:8--12 the
figurative language in v. 11 does not refer to garments dipped in the blood
of enemies after their judgment.93 Rather v. 11 is a hyperbolic statement
BB
B9
90
91
92
93
Proposals (ed. C. A. Evans and J. A. Sanders; SSEJC 5; JSNTSup 148; Sheffield: Sheffield
Academic Press, 1997), 141-53.
Because in these parallel texts P!iv is masculine some argue that the final He on ;ii?!iv is
a mater lectionis for the old third masculine singular suffix. Cf. Cross and Freedman,
Ancient Yahwistic Poetry, 84; Stuart, Studies in Early Hebrew Meter, 148.
Cf. Marcus Jastrow, "Light Thrown on Some Biblical Passages by Talmudic Usage,"
/BL 11 (1892): 127.
The Samaritan 1mc:i is an ancient emendation and not necessary. Cf. Paul Joi.ion,
"Notes de lexicographie hebraique, XVI [Genese 49:11]," Bib 21(1940):58.
For the preposition :i as indicating localization ("in") see Ernst Jenni, Die hebriiischen
Priipositionen, vol. 1, Die Priiposition Beth (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1992), 208; for beth
instrumentalis ("with") see Cross and Freedman, Ancient Yahwistic Poetry, 84, who
suggest that the subject is dyeing his garments the color of wine, perhaps a royal red.
Cf. :llV 01 "grape blood" in Sir 39:26; and 11?l=il l?P "like a vine in your blood" in Ezek
19:10(MT).
Pace Robert Alter, TI1e Art of Biblical Poetn; (New York: Basic, 1985), 16.
46
Martin Priibstle
referring to the extraordinary agricultural fertility so that grape juice will be

as abundant as water. 94 The idea of such an enormous (grape) harvest is
taken up in several texts that describe the prosperity and fertility in the future blissful times. 95 Thus, Gen 49:11 becomes the fruitful soil on which the
image of the messianic golden age shoots up.
5.5. Shiloh's Beauty: Verse 12

Verse 12 describes the personal beauty of the coming king. 7'7~D is a hapax
legomenon. Three different interpretations have been given:
(1) "Sparkling": 77~D derives from a metathesis of the root 1m::i. 96
(2) "Dark": 77~D derives from the Akkadian eklu/ekelu "dark" or ekletu
"darkness." 97
(3) "Redness": In Prov 23:29 the phrase O't'-!:' m??~i:i "redness of eyes"
occurs in the context of J~~ (vv. 30-31). This is taken to be a possible explanation for '??~i:i. But there is neither an etymological nor a comparative
philological argument for the meaning "red."
The parallelism in v. 12 between 7'7~D and 1:;1-7 "white" suggests a semantic meaning of "dark."
The clue to the function of the preposition JQ, and thus to the understanding of v. 12, is found in v. 12b. There the preposition JQ has to be taken
as JQ comparative: "teeth whiter than milk." 98 To regard the preposition JQ as
a JQ of source is not tenable because the translation "teeth white from milk"
is far from being logical for teeth have a natural whiteness. 99 Verse 12 describes the coming king: dark eyes and white teeth. The colors red and
white are sometimes used in poetry to describe the surpassing beauty of a
human being (Cant 4:2-3; 5:10, 12; 6:6; Lam 4:7). 100 At the end of the blessing
on Judah, they describe the beauty of the coming king.
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
Antonine De Guglielmo, "Fertility of the land in the messianic prophecies," CBQ 19

(1957): 306, regards the extraordinary fertility as a typical aspect of the messianic age.
See, for example, Lev 26:5; Isa 25:6; 29:17; 32:15; 51:3; Jer 31:12; Ezek 47:12; Hos 2:23-24;
Joel 2:24; 4:18; Amos 9:13-14; Zech 8:12; Mal 3:10; Ps 72:16.
Gunkel, Genesis, 483; A. Demsky, '"Dark Wine' from Judah," IE/ 22 (1972): 233-34.
Cf. S. M. Paul, "Classification of Wine in Mesopotamian and Rabbinic Sources," IE/ 25
(1975): 42-44. The occurrence of o~~'!l m'7'7:;n:i in Prov 23:29 is then interpreted as
"darkness of eyes" (cf. Speiser, Genesis, 366).
Cf. Arvid S. Kapelrud, "Genesis XLIX 12," VT 4 (1954): 427.
The Talmudic translation of Gen 49:11 underlines this interpretation: "The sparkling
of the eyes, brighter than wine; the whiteness of the teeth, whiter than milk." Cf.
Jastrow, "Talmudic Usage," 128.
Pehlke, "Genesis 49:1-28," 184.
"Lion of Judah": The Blessing on Judah i11 Genesis 49:8-12
47
6. Theological Themes in the Blessing on Judah

At least three major theological themes stand out in Gen 49:8-12: the continuing divine promise, the seemingly erratic firstborn blessing, and the
eschatological hope centered on the future (messianic) king.
First, the blessing on Judah involves (1) assurance of strength and
power; (2) assurance of the reign of Judah until the coming king; (3) promise of posterity because of an unbroken line of descendants; and (4) promise
of the land, which is presupposed, as there is no ruler without a kingdom.
This blessing continues the line of promises given to Abraham (Gen 12:1-3;
15; 17), Isaac (26:3--6) and Jacob (28:13-14; 35:9-12), thus assuring the unceasing faithfulness of YHWH. The continuity of these promises reflects the
faithfulness of God, who is the guarantor of the promises. As Jacob was
blessed by his father Isaac (27:29), Jacob himself blessed his son Judah with
the patriarchal firstborn blessing. Such a type of blessing involved fertility
of nature and superiority as firstborn. When Jacob received the blessing of
Isaac it was exactly these two items of the blessings that were given to him:
(1) fertility of nature because of God's blessing activity (27:28), and (2) superiority over man (27:29). The same two themes appear in Jacob's own blessing on Judah. Particularly the promise of superiority is expressed in similar
language: "Peoples shall serve you, and nations bow down to you, be masters
of your brothers, and the sons of your mother shall bow down to you" (27:29).
Thus, Jacob is handing down the firstborn blessing to Judah.
Second, the blessing, which is ultimately bestowed by God, is not something one is able to inherit. Failure in behavior and breaking the relationship with God jeopardize, if not annul, the blessing. Because of their
failures, the "legitimate" heirs Reuben and then Simeon and Levi were all
rejected and Judah was given the firstborn blessing. In the line of promise
several other firstborn by age have been rejected and another one received
the blessing and the birthright (Isaac, Jacob, and later David). The firstborn
blessing which is given in an unusual order shows the sovereignty of God,
who, as the guarantor of the blessing, implicitly stands behind such a seemingly erratic action.10 1
A brief note on some implications of Gen 49:8-12 for the present time
may be added. It appears that this blessing gives reason to reflect on our
own personal roots. Neither the fact that we are direct descendants of a true
believer nor our own merits can assure us of the divine blessing. Rather,
divine blessing is only obtained by a personal divine-human-relationship.
IOI
Cf. Roger Syren, Tile Forsaken Firstborn: A Study of a Recurrent Motif in the Patriarchal
Narratives USOTSup 133; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993).
48
Martin Priibst/e
And third, the blessing on Judah encapsulates the eschatological and

messianic hope. 102 God reveals through the patriarch the or;i:;:i n',1'.)l'.9 "future days" (Gen 49:1). He declares the prospective role of Judah as the one
who prevails upon and rules over his brothers, thus referring in unequivocal terms to the royal task of Judah. The coming king has his roots in the
line of Judah. Clearly, the first was David, but at David's time there was still
a king to come who will rule over entire nations. The ultimate kingdom is
one of exceeding splendor, regarding the fruitfulness in the kingdom as
well as the mighty power and just rule over the nations. 103
The blessing on Judah also delineates the concept of a royal person connected with divinity-through such clues as the root iii', Hl'.)J:11p~, and the
various parallel texts, of which Zech 9:9 is most striking. The divine connotations in Gen 49,8-12 are the fountainhead for the concept that the Messiah
to come is of divine origin.
7. Conclusion
The blessing on Judah in Gen 49 is an extraordinary part of Jacob's testament. Several features stand out: First, the structure of this blessing reveals
an increasing ABAB pattern with emphasis on the future blessing. Verse 8
describes the superiority of Judah over his brothers (A); v. 9 figuratively
illustrates Judah's strength and power (B). Verse 10 moves from the superiority of Judah to the superiority of coming Shiloh (A), whose superiority is
again illustrated by imagery (B)-in v. 11 by a hyperbolic description of the
extraordinary agricultural abundance and in v. 12 by a sketch of Shiloh's
surpassing beauty. The greater dimension in the second half of the passage
is expressed by ':;> il,l "until," which denotes that the following is a climax
and a broader fulfillment of the former situation/action.
Second, the blessing on Judah is the firstborn blessing. Several reasons
elucidate this conclusion: (1) the emphatic ilJ;il'.I "you" (v. 8a), which has a
contrasting function to the first three blessings, stresses the fact that Judah is
102
103
For the question of the eschatological significance of blessing on Judah see especially
Hans-Christoph Schmitt, "Eschatologische Stammesgeschichte im Pentateuch: Zurn
Judaspruch von Gen 49,8-12," in Antikes Judentum und Friihes Christentum: Festschrift
fiir Hartmut Stegemann zum 65. Geburtstag (ed. B. Kollmann, W. Reinbold, and A.
Steudel; BZNW 97; Berlin: De Gruyter, 1999), 1-11. For a treatment that connects the
messianic hope with the theology of promise in the book of Genesis see T. Desmond
Alexander, "Messianic Ideology in the Book of Genesis," in The Lord's Anointed:
Interpretation of Old Testament Messianic Texts (ed. P. E. Satterthwaite, R. S. Hess, and G.
J. Wenham; Carlisle: Paternoster; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1995), 19-39, esp. 32-37.
Cf. Ernst Jenni, "Messiah, Jewish," IDB 3:362, who advocates that Gen 49:10-12 refers
to a "new messianic ruler in a new era of paradisical fruitfulness."
"Lion of Judah": T/1e Blessing on Judah in Genesis 49:8-12
49
the receiver of the firstborn blessing; (2) the plural of "nations" is always
used in Genesis in the context of blessing; (3) linguistic parallels to the
blessing of Jacob (Gen 27:28-29), the blessing of Moses (Deut 33:21-22), and
the blessing of Balaam (Num 24:9, 17) underline the central position of Gen
49:8--12 in the line of blessing and promise; and (4) the use of typical blessing terminology, including fertility and superiority (e.g., 17 m:1r:11p; "they
shall bow down to you"}, shows the unique nature of this blessing.
Third, besides the passages just cited Gen 49:8-12 exhibits allusions to
several other texts: Verse 8 alludes to the birth of Judah (29:35); and 111'.)T:lo/'
17 reminds of the "bowing down" of the brothers to Joseph (37:7-10; 42:6;
43:26, 28). Since 49:10-11 shows strong terminological and thematic parallels to Zech 9:9, the latter text points to a royal-messianic interpretation of
the term ii'7ip "Shiloh."
Fourth, the term ii'71V is best identified as an individual person, a coming king, indeed, the messianic king. The syntax of v. lOc-d, the royal and
divine terminology of the blessing, the parallel to Zech 9:9, and the thematic
structure support such an understanding.
Finally, the theological themes present in the passage are (1) the continuing promise, which points to the faithfulness of YHWH; (2) the theology
of blessing, which illustrates the importance of the divine-human relationship; and (3) the eschatological, messianic hope, which distinguishes the
blessing on Judah as one of the earliest messianic prophecies that contain a
significant number of details. In the book of Genesis the passage in 49:8-12
balances the first promise of a future deliverer in 3:15. Both texts form a
type of "messianic inclusio" in Genesis that encloses the post-Eden and the
patriarchal narratives. The messianic king portrayed in the blessing on
Judah is one who arises from the tribe of Judah, is the victor, and receives
the obedience and homage of the nations. The code name inspired by this
blessing is, without doubt, an appropriate title for this person: Lion of Judah.
"DEEP BREATHING"
JO ANN DAVIDSON
1. Introduction
Just a couple of blocks away from the "Advent House", the Seventh-day
Adventist congregation in modem Jerusalem, is the location of the "Hekal
Schlomo," or the "Temple of Solomon." This impressive white marble synagogue complex is the world headquarters of Orthodox Judaism. There, as in
any synagogue, the Sabbath worship service consists largely of the profound
prayers of repentance and rejoicing in Torah, sung and spoken by the cantor
and worshipers.
There are over 400 synagogues in Jerusalem alone. Since there is no motorized traffic in Jerusalem on Sabbath, the narrow streets are filled with the
sounds of praying by our Jewish brothers and sisters instead of the normal
overwhelming noise of buses, trucks and cars. The Jewish people have a
long tradition of praying, going back to the times of Scripture. The OT Psalter contains the classic collection. However, examples of biblical praying are
not limited to these prayers. Many people are seen praying all throughout
Scripture. 1 Let us look at one found in the OT.
When studying the historical books, it is often customary to pass over
the lengthy narrative of one woman, delving more into the life of her noble
son, Samuel. Three prominent persons certainly dominate the Samuel
books: Saul, David and Samuel. Yet these books open with a detailed picture of Hannah. In the pivotal shift of Israel's history from the period of the
Judges into the monarchy, Hannah is the key transitional figure. The historical books of the OT open with an extended portrait of this woman. 2 We
For an overview of these prayers, see, e.g., Herbert Lockyer, All the Prayers of the Bible
(Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1959); Ronald E. Clements, The Prayers of the Bible
(London: SCM, 1986); and Moshe Greenberg, Biblical Prose Prayer: As a Window to the
Popular Religion of Ancient Israel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983).
For a sensitive analysis of the Hannah narrative and its highlighting of the value of
this woman, see Trevor Dennis, Sarah Laughed: Women's Voices in the Old Testament
(Nashville: Abingdon, 1994), 115-39. See also Yairah Amit, "'Am I Not More Devoted
to You than Ten Sons?' (1 Samuel 1,8): Male and Female Interpretations," in A Feminist
Companion to Samuel and Kings (ed. A. Brenner; FCB 5; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
Press, 1994), 68-76; Lillian R. Klein, "Hannah: Marginalized Victim and Social
Redeemer," in A Feminist Companion to Samuel and Kings (ed. A. Brenner; FCB 5;
52
Jo Ann Davidson
are told comparatively little about her husband Elkanah. It is Hannah who
inaugurates and anchors the outset of this time period. 3 The unusual
amount of detail involving Hannah presented in the opening records of the
era of the Monarchy invite our attention. The following study represents an
original "close reading" of the Hannah narrative. 4
2.
Hannah's Prayer Habits
Attention to the "particulars" within the first two chapters of the Samuel
books yields impressive information of Hannah's life. First, a description of
her household is presented. Next, we find Hannah at the sanctuary praying.
In fact, we see her in prayer and worship more than any other activity. Her
initial petition to God is the first words we hear her say. And after this she
speaks more than anyone else in the first two chapters of the Samuel books.
Her initial prayer in First Samuel portrays Hannah crying to God in
"bitterness of soul and [... ] [that she] wept in anguish" (1 Sam 1:10, NKJV). 5
Hannah does not need her husband Elkanah to pray for her at the sanctuary-she prays. And the words of her prayer are the first by a woman recorded in the OT. We know that other women before her, such as Rebekah,
Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994), 77-92; Carol Meyers, "Hannah and Her
Sacrifice: Reclaiming Female Agency," in A Feminist Companion to Samuel and Kings
(ed. A. Brenner; FCB 5; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994), 93-104; Ken
Mulzac, "Hannah: The Receiver and Giver of a Great Gift," AUSS 40 (2002): 207-17;
and Adele Berlin, "Hannah and Her Prayers," Scriptura 87 (2004): 227-32.
The same phenomenon occurs at the outset of the Exodus. The women Jochebed,
Miriam, Shiphrah, Puah, and the Egyptian princess inaugurate the events leading up
to the exodus from Egypt, another major event in Israel's history. The opening
chapters of the book of Exodus feature five women. The name of the Egyptian king is
not even given. We hear of him only by his title "Pharaoh". Five women are the focus
of attention in the inaugural Exodus narratives. For literature, see, Dennis, Sarah
Laughed, 84-114; J. Cheryl Exum, "'You Shall Let Every Daughter Live': A Study of
Exodus 1:8-2:10," Semeia 28 (1983): 63-82; idem, "Second Thoughts About Secondary
Characters: Women in Exodus 1:8-2:10," in A Feminist Companion to Exodus to
Deuteronomy (ed. A. Brenner; FCB 6; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994), 75--87;
lrmtraud Fischer, Women Who Wrestled with God: Biblical Stories of Israel's Beginnings
(transl. L. M. Maloney; Collegeville: Liturgical, 2005), 113-28; Jacqueline E. Lapsley,
Whispering the Word: Hearing Women's Stories in the Old Testament (Louisville:
Westminster John Knox, 2005), 69-88; Moshe Reiss, "The Women Around Moses,"
JBQ 33 (2005): 127-30.
See Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative (New York: Basic, 1981), and idem, The
Art of Biblical Poetry (New York: Basic, 1985), for recognized introductions that are
sensitive to the biblical text as it reads.
Hannah was praying with such intensity that Eli rebuked what he took to be drunken
behavior. It was a terrible mistake, but suggests something about the problems he
apparently had to contend with at that time.
Deep Breathing
53
prayed to God (Gen 25:22), but the actual words of their prayers are not
preserved. However, in this instance, we hear Hannah's prayer. She even
pledges to God that if he would grant her a son, that promised son would
be dedicated to Him as a Nazarite:
Then she made a vow and said, "O LORD of hosts, 6 if You will indeed
look on the affliction of your maidservant and remember me, and not
forget your maidservant, but will give your maidservant a male child,
then I will give him to the LORD all the days of his life, and no razor shall
come upon his head." (1 Sam 1:11, NKJV)
In Numbers 6 God had established the Nazarite vow to those who would
personally choose such consecration. However, here we find Hannah making this vow for her yet-unborn, and even unconceived, child.
Later Hannah brings Samuel to Shiloh in fulfillment of her vow to God.
Again the focus is solely on her. She travels with her husband, we are told/
but the worship experience is initiated solely by Hannah. The text specifies
that she is directly involved:
Now when she had weaned him, she took him up with her, with three
bulls, one ephah of flour, and a skin of wine, and brought him [Samuel]
to the house of the LORD in Shiloh. And the child was young. (1 Sam
1:24, NKJV, emphasis added)
These actions of Hannah become even more significant when we recall that
Elkanah was a Levite (1Sam1:1; 1Chr6:33-38). However, Hannah went to
Shiloh expressly to fulfill her own vow. 8 The text specifically describes her
as the one who brought such expensive offerings to present at the tabernacle along with her own beloved promised son to dedicate him to God's service. Even the choice of bulls for offering, when smaller animals would
have been acceptable (Lev 12:6) is indicative of the deep gratitude of Hannah.
In a later century Mary will also present gifts with her son Jesus at the
Temple in Jerusalem. However, Mary returns home with her child after the
This name for God, "LORD of hosts,'' is first used in the OT here by Hannah and then
occurs frequently in the books of Samuel (1 Sam 1:11; 4:4; 15:2; 17:45; 2 Sam 5:10; 6:2,
18; 7:8, 26-27), Kings, Chronicles, and the prophets.
After Hannah presents Samuel at Shiloh: "Then Elkanah went to his house at Ramah"
(1 Sam 2:11). See also Ellen G. White, Patriarchs and Prophets (Boise: Pacific Press, 1958),
571: "Once more Hannah journeyed with her husband to Shiloh, and presented to the
priest, in the name of God, her precious gift."
Her husband supports her: "And Elkanah her husband said to her, 'Do what seems
best to you( ... ]" (1Sam1:23, NKJV).
54
]o Ann Davidson
ceremony. In this instance, Hannah will return home without her son. This
is an offering without parallel in all Scripture.9
Hannah's devotion did not diminish when her earnest prayer was
granted. At this moving moment, Hannah again pours out her soul to God.
This second prayer of Hannah is arresting. We do not hear the words of a
gentle lullaby as typically attributed to mothers. Instead we find a rather
"unladylike" vigorous shout of triumph! She begins with exuberant highly
personal expressions, using no less than four first-person statements expressing her great joy in the LORD: "My heart (... ] my strength [literally,
'horn') (... ] my mouth (... ] I rejoice" (1 Sam 2:1). Hannah's whole being
unites in praise because of what God has done. First of all she extols God's
holiness and knowledge (v. 2). Then she continues with examples of providential reversals that God has brought about, affecting: strong and weak;
full and hungry; barren and fertile; dead and alive; sick and well; poor and
rich; humble and exalted (vv. 4-7). She also speaks of war, announcing that
the enemies of the LORD will be broken in pieces (v. 10). Hannah praises
God for victory in the battles of life.
She concludes with a prayer for the king (2 Sam 2:10). However, in
Hannah's day there wasn't even a hint of the monarchy yet. Nevertheless,
Hannah's prayer includes mention of an anointed king! Even though Israel
did not have a king until some years after this, whom her son Samuel will
anoint, a promised king was part of the Abrahamic covenant where God
pledges: "I will make you exceedingly fruitful; and I will make nations of
you, and kings shall come from you" (Gen 17:6). Hannah prophesies about
the glorious Messiah king!
Hannah's earnest prayer life reveals her conscious, intimate relationship
with God. One cannot help but be impressed with the strength of this relationship as it is reflected in her prayers. Even praying in such a manner that
it constrained a presiding priest to chide her for being drunk.
What can we learn from Hannah about prayer? First of all, we find
Hannah going directly to God pouring out her pain and grief. She did not
think of prayer as merely a proper eloquent exchange between a polite, reverent believer and God. No, when Hannah ached, she cried out painful
words, the text records. For her, God is very real and her prayers are in earnest. Biblical prayer regularly reveals a depth and intensity that often separates it from our own present-day practices.
The contrast between Hannah's selfless devotion and the self-indulgence of the priests
at Shiloh (1 Sam 2:12) highlights further the cost to Hannah of leaving her son Samuel
there.
Deep Breathing
55
Later we observe Hannah again praying to God, but this time it is to

praise him, showing that for her God is not merely a last resort, only in
times of crisis. She also offers prayers of joy and praise to God. However,
Hannah has not hesitated to beg God for help.
3. What We Can Learn

Hannah's two prayers are brimming with valuable instruction. Her first
prayer in extreme anguish can encourage us that God is not afraid of our
negative emotions, and that we do not need to "buck up" before we come to
him. In fact, God no doubt appreciates our complete honesty. He already
knows, even before we pray, what is in our most secret thoughts. Thus perhaps he rejoices when we finally face ourselves truthfully, and trust him
with our pain. We often discern this kind of integrity in biblical praying. The
Psalter includes many of these "daring" prayers: "Remove your plague from
me; I am consumed by the blow of your hand. When with rebukes you correct man for iniquity, you make his beauty melt away like a moth[ .. .]" (Ps
39:10-11, NKJV [ET 11-12]). It is instructing to note that over half of the
prayers in the Psalter deal with the protests and complaints of believers. 10
Hannah's second prayer reminds us of the attitude of thanksgiving. In
fact, this is one of the rare prayers in Scripture that doesn't petition God for
anything. Instead, Hannah's profound faith comprehends that God's mighty
sovereignty still directs all human history, and she exalts him in praise:
"My heart rejoices in the LORD;
My horn is exalted in the LORD.
I smile at my enemies, because I rejoice in your salvation.
There is none holy like the LORD,
For there is none besides you.
Nor is there any rock like our God.
Talk no more so very proudly;
Let no arrogance come from your mouth,
For the LORD is the God of knowledge;
And by him actions are weighed[ ... ].
He will guard the feet of his saints,
But the wicked shall be silent in darkness.
IO
Though rarely referred to in modem Christian worship, many of the Psalter's prayers
are rugged. For example: "How long, 0 Lord? Will you forget me forever? How long
will you hide your face from me? How long shall I take counsel in my soul, having
sorrow in my heart daily? How long will my enemy be exalted over me?" (Ps 13:1-2).
Some modem critics assail these types of prayers as signs of immaturity. But, perhaps,
it is modem Christianity that has not matured in its understanding of prayer and its
thinking about God.
56
Jo Ann Davidson
For by strength no man shall prevail.

The adversaries of the LORD shall be broken in pieces;
From heaven he will thunder against them.
The LOim will judge the ends of the earth.
He will give strength to his king
And exalt the horn of his anointed." (1Sam2:1-3, 9-10)
Hannah's prayer life also yields a vivid portrait of a person who maintains
a vital relationship with the God of heaven, even though struggling with
difficult personal problems. Moreover, she did this at a time when the
"church-at-large" was not healthy. Recall how Eli, the high priest, was soon
to be reprimanded by God and the ark captured by the Philistines. Yet
Hannah does not withdraw from the people of God just because there are
serious sins in his people. Instead we find her praying at Shiloh. Nor does
she give up her faith in despair. Hannah maintains a fervent communion
with God during very troubling times. She has obviously not reduced faith
to "positive thinking." Nor has she believed that it is better to be nice at the
throne of God than it is to be honest. She was not in the habit of denying
reality when approaching God.
To Hannah, God was not a personal valet or some celestial Santa Claus
doling out blessings upon request. Nor was God an impersonal "force"
maintaining the universe. No, he was someone very real to her, and apparently she often communed with him. Ellen White describes Hannah praying even when sewing:
When separated from her child, the faithful mother's solicitude did not
cease. Every day he was the subject of her prayers. Every year she made,
with her own hands, a robe of service for him; and as she went up with
her husband to worship at Shiloh, she gave the child this reminder of her
love. Every fiber of the little garment had been woven with a prayer that
he might be pure, noble, and true. She did not ask for her son worldly
greatness, but she earnestly pleaded that he might attain that greatness
which Heaven values-that he might honor God and bless his fellow
men. 11
4. Other Biblical Examples

All through the OT we find women and men often praying with intensity,
their prayers repeatedly displaying a fervor not often seen today. 12 We
11
12
White, Patriarchs and Proplzets, 572.

Note the prophet Jeremiah's outburst: "'O LORD, you induced me, and I was
persuaded; you are stronger than I, and have prevailed. I am in derision daily;
everyone mocks me. For when I spoke, I cried out; I shouted, 'Violence and plunder!'
Because the word of the LORD was made to me a reproach and a derision daily. Then I
Deep Breathing
57
surely can learn much from our forebears, including women like Hannah,
about approaching God with deep-felt convictions, honesty and emotion. If
prayer is the breath of the soul, as Ellen White suggests, we find Hannah
breathing deep. 13
The power of God has not been withdrawn. Rather, it is we who have
lost our energy to wrestle with God, as Jacob did, crying "I will not let you
go, except you bless me" (Gen 32:26). We become so absorbed in our tasks
and responsibilities that we feel there is little time to pray, and perhaps
have but little interest in prayer. However, this is not the picture we find in
Scripture. Even Jesus was much in prayer, and how earnest and fervent
were his petitions: "In the days of his flesh, he offered up both prayers and
supplications with loud crying and tears [... ]" (Heb 5:7). 14 If he, the divine
Savior, prayed so earnestly and often with such agony in our behalf, how
much more do we need to have our whole souls stirred to wrestle with
God.
As mentioned above, Ellen White calls prayer "the breath of the soul."
But we must not let the familiarity of this phrase blunt its impact. For it is
13
14
said, 'I will not make mention of him, nor speak anymore in his name.' But his word
was in my heart like a burning fire shut up in my bones; I was weary of holding it
back, and I could not" (Jer 20:7-9, NKJV). Ellen White writes of Moses: "Moses had a
deep sense of the personal presence of God. [... ) God was real to him, ever present in
his thoughts. [... )Moses was full of confidence in God because he had appropriating
faith. He needed help, and he prayed for it, grasped it by faith, and wove into his
experience the belief that God cared for him. [... )The presence of God was sufficient
to carry him through the most trying situations in which a man could be placed [... ].
This faith was to Moses no guesswork: it was a reality." Ellen G. White, Our Fa.ther
Cares (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 1991), 176.
Ellen White speaks eloquently of the necessity of prayer: "Prayer is the breath of the
soul. It is the secret of spiritual power. No other means of grace can be substituted,
and the health of the soul be preserved. Prayer brings the heart into immediate contact
with the Well-spring of life, and strengthens the sinew and muscle of the religious
experience. Neglect the exercise of prayer, or engage in prayer spasmodically, now
and then, as seems convenient, and you lose your hold on God. The spiritual faculties
lose their vitality, the religious experience lacks health and vigor." Ellen G. White,
Gospel Workers (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1948), 254.
Ellen White notes the many times in the Gospels where Jesus is described praying,
and fills in the picture more fully. See Ellen G. White, The Desire of Ages (Boise: Pacific
Press, 1940), 111-13 (at his baptism), 379 (after feeding the five thousand), 419-20 (at
his transfiguration), 686-93 (Gethsemane). She describes the fervency of Christ's
prayers with phrases such as "He pleads," "In travail and conflict of soul he prayed
for his disciples." And "the Man of Sorrows pours out his supplications with strong
crying and tears." See also, "Jesus [... ) frequently devoted the entire night to prayer
just before he was called upon to work some mighty miracle [... ) with strong crying
and tears he poured forth the earnest petitions to God on behalf of humanity." Ellen
G. White, "Christ's Example in Prayer," Signs of the Times 19, no. 37 (24 July 1893), 6.
58
Jo Ann Davidson
not just a warm, poetic metaphor. Rather, it is an arresting analogy. Having

a desperate experience of gasping for air can assist us in grasping the meaning of this statement. As soon as we are born we need to start breathing
immediately or we will die. Many parents recall the dramatic moment
when their newborn infants take their first breath of air. They also recall
checking on their newborn babies in their cribs to be sure they are breathing. It is absolutely essential for human beings to breathe constantly. Without regular breathing a human life ends abruptly in just a few minutes,
though we can live days and even weeks without water and food. And
through this stark comparison with our critical physical need for air, Ellen
White instructs us concerning our spiritual need for prayer. The lives of
Hannah and Jesus along with many others in Scripture exemplify for us this
crucial deep breathing of the soul.
"I WILL BE SATISFIED WITH

SEEING YOUR LIKENESS":
IMAGE AND IMAGERY IN
THE HEBREW PSALTER
MARTING. KLINGBEIL
In working on his interpretation of Ps 127, Martin Luther extensively used
Rabbi Kimchi' s famous commentary on the Hebrew Psalter and came to the
conclusion: "Rabbi Kimchi est deus Rabinorum" [Rabbi Kimchi is the god
of the Rabbis]. 1 In writing an article on the Psalms in the context of a Festschrift for "Rabbi Pfandl," as he has been affectionately christened by some
of his former students, I would like to pay tribute to the fact that he also has
been and continues to be a deus Rabinorum, that is, a teacher of teachers who
has been able to impact on the lives of his students in a lasting manner.
While one should probably not hold him responsible for the content of this
article, I would like to express my gratitude for the fact that I have gone
through two years of his classes followed by years of interaction with him
as a colleague that in a way prepared me for what I am writing now.
1. The Relationship between

Image and Imagery
Imagery is the essence of biblical poetry. 2 However, studies on biblical imagery usually focus on the semantic value of words in their contexts and
rarely on the actual images that may lie behind the words. Ancient Near
Eastern iconography as a growing field in biblical studies provides a tool
through which the thought-world of the biblical authors may be accessed
not only via the literary poetic device, but also through a visual artifact that
can be related to the text. The Psalms need to be seen and not just read, as
Kommission zur Herausgabe der Werke Martin Luthers, eds., D. Martin Luthers Werke:
Kritische Gesamtausgabe (Weimarer Ausgabe): Abteilung 3: Die Deutsche Bibel (12 vols.;
Weimar: Bi.ihlaus Nachfolger, 1906-1961), 3:574.
"Images are the glory, perhaps the essence of poetry, the enchanted planet of the
imagination, a limitless galaxy, ever alive and ever changing." Luis Alonso Schi.ikel, A
Manual of Hebrew Poetics (SubBi 11; Rome: Pontificio Jstituto Biblico, 1988), 95.
60
Martin G. Klingbeil
Brown suggests in the title of his extensively reviewed work on the relationship between metaphor and icon. 3
1.1. Image and Text

The relationship between image and text can be manifold and complex.
Traditionally, Judea-Christian sources have given preference to the text
over the image, but at least since Gressmann's ABAT2 4 and Pritchard's
ANET5 there is an awareness that the OT has been written in a sociocultural context that was full of images and that these images have had an
impact on the biblical text. 6 A simple example may be found in Ps 65:10
(MT) where a somewhat enigmatic reference is made to the o;:i?~ l?-? "canal
of God" often translated erroneously as "river," which can better be interpreted as a conduit of water flowing downwards from the heavenly realm
to the earth. This represents an iconographic motif, which is known from
Middle-Assyrian and Middle-Babylonian times. Figure 1 shows a Kassite
William P. Brown, Seeing the Psalms: A Theology of Metaphor (Louisville: Westminster

John Knox, 2002). For a recent review, cf. Susan Gillingham, review of W. P. Brown,
Seeing the Psalms: A Theology of Metaphor, Biblnt 14, no. 3 (2006): 296-99. While the work
addresses the relationship between image and imagery, it does not sufficiently deal
with the ANE iconographic background of biblical imagery from a methodological
perspective.
Hugo Gressmann, ed., Altorientalische Bilder zum A/ten Testament (2d ed.; Berlin: de
Gruyter, 1927).
James B. Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954).
For a short and critical history of pictorial Bible encyclopedias, see Silvia Schroer and
Othmar Keel, Vom ausgelienden Mesolithikum bis zur Friihbronzezeit (vol 1. of Die
Ikonographie Paliistinasllsraels und der Alte Orient: Eine Religionsgeschichte in Bildern;
Fribourg: Academic Press, 2005), 13-16. The authors furthermore provide a short
summary of publications from the so-called Fribourg-School of iconography which
outlines the development of iconographic studies throughout the last 20 years, since
Keel published his first work on the iconography of the Hebrew Psalter in 1972 in
which he focused on the Hebrew Psalter with the intention of surveying the
conceptual similarities between the biblical text and the ANE image, drawing mainly
on Mesopotamian and Egyptian monumental art. Cf. Othmar Keel, Die Welt der
altorientalischen Bildsymbolik und das Alte Testament: Am Beispiel der Psalmen (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1972). More recent publications have moved from mere
biblical theme-oriented studies toward a primary concern of the iconographic
evidence as such and its consequential bearing on the religious history of ancient
Israel. In the same way, the focus has shifted from exegetical issues to the synthesizing
and integration of iconographic evidence into an overall picture of the religious belief
of Ancient Israel. Thus, the attempt is to contribute to the reconstruction of the
religious conceptual world (Vorstellungswelt) of Israel through pictorial material. Cf.
Schroer and Keel, Mesolithikum bis Fri.ihbronzezeit, 11-13.
Image and Imagery in the Hebrew Psalter
61
cylinder-seal with an inscription

dated to the 14th century B.C.
On it there is the water-god Ea
surrounded by lush vegetation,
holding in each hand a vase
from which streams of water
flow downwards into receptacles on the ground.7
The predominance of text
over image in biblical scholarFigure/: Kassite cylinder-seal
ship has been criticized repeatedly and the argumentation, which is usually adduced, is that this has its
roots in a supposedly aniconic Judeo-Christian tradition. 8 However, archaeology and the study of imagery in the Bible points to the fact that the
biblical authors were well aware of and receptive to the images around
them. Iconographic studies, especially those from the University of Fribourg, Switzerland, have recently taken this notion to its furthest conclusion in attempting a reconstruction of the religious history of Palestine/Israel based on images without any explicit reference to the Hebrew Bible.
Preference in this case is given to the image over the text, based on the
minimalist assumption that the text of the OT is only of limited value for
historical reconstructions. 9 A more differentiated approach would recognize text and image as two independent media that both have strengths and
weaknesses, and both need to be interpreted in their respective rights
within relevant hermeneutic parameters. Furthermore, both sources have to
interact with each other through comparison, whereas the point of departure for the comparative process within the context of OT studies needs to
be the biblical text.
For a more detailed description of the seal, cf. Martin G. Klingbeil, Yahwe/1 Fighting
from Heaven: God as a Warrior and as God of Heaven in the Hebrew Psalter and Ancient Near
Eastern Iconography (OBO 169; Fribourg: University Press, 1999), 205--6.
"Eine Folge der jiidisch-christilichen Wort- und Textzentriertheit [... ) ist die
ungebrochene Textfixierung groBer Bereiche der Altertums- und auch der modernen
Religionswissenschaften." Schroer and Keel, Mesolithikum bis Friihbronzezeit, 20.
In the introduction to the first volume, the authors outline their approach: "Der
Verzicht auf die Erwahnung der Bibel als ReferenzgroBe im Titel ist die Konsequenz
jiingerer Forschungsentwicklungen im Bereich von Bibelwissenschaft und
Archaologie Palastinas/Israels sowie der Diskussionen um Religionsgeschichte Israels
und Theologie des Ersten (Alten) Testaments." Ibid., 12.
62
Martin G. Klingbeil
1.2. Imagery in the Psalms

It is impossible to talk about imagery in the Psalms without touching on the
realm of metaphor. Metaphor, as suggested by Berlin, is almost intrinsic to
parallelism as the strongest expression of Hebrew poetry, which indicates
that imagery in the Psalms is usually transmitted via this literary device. 10
Although most scholars recognize the importance of metaphor in the Hebrew Psalter, there is little material that discusses the subject in a systematic
manner, taking into consideration modem metaphor theory and cognitive
linguistics. Most of the literature that is available on the subject follows in
the footsteps of Macky's interactive metaphor theory. 11 The recent discussion of metaphor criticism in the Psalms could possibly be summarized
under three emerging angles: (1) Semantics and Pragmatics: the study of
metaphor in the Palms has to be in reference to both semantics and pragmatics, taking into consideration both meaning and usage. This implies a
closer look at the cultural and social context of the metaphor, including the
iconographic ANE image as discussed in this article. (2) Cognitive Linguistics: metaphors transmit content but also no-content, drawing at the same
time on different domains of knowledge and combining them in a new and
creative way; they structure our thinking theologically through what they
tell us and what they do not. Metaphors in the Psalms can be cognitively
categorized and represent universal truths that cannot be expressed otherwise. Therefore, metaphors in the Psalms have a rhetorical or ideological
force that should not be underestimated. (3) Intertextuality: Metaphors
have a chronological aspect and appear on a time-line; they should be studied with reference to their usage and re-usage in biblical texts which
through intertextual markers indicate that they refer to the same metaphor,
possibly shifting or creating new meaning along the way. In this way, imagery in the Psalms can help us to gain a clearer understanding of the religious history of the OT and help us to understand our own modem and
personal religious histories. 12
10
11
12
Adele Berlin, The Dynamics of Biblical Parallelism (Bloomington: Indiana University

Press, 1985), 99-102.
Paul W. Macky, The Centrality of Metaphors to Biblical Thought: A Method for Interpreting
the Bible (Studies in the Bible and Early Christianity 19; Lewiston: Mellen, 1990).
Cf. my literature review of recent studies in biblical metaphor and more specifically,
metaphor in the Hebrew Psalter: Martin G. Klingbeil, "Metaphors that Travel and
(Almost) Vanish: Mapping Diachronic Changes in the Intertextual Usage of the
Heavenly Warrior Metaphor in Psalms 18 and 144" (paper presented at the annual
international meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature and European Association
for Biblical Studies, Vienna, 22-26 July 2007), 1-8.
63
1.3. Literary and Literal Image

Athanasius (A.D. 293-373) in his letter to Marcellinus states that the reader
of the Psalms "is enabled to possess the image deriving from the words," 13
referring to expressions that can be realized in both image and language.
Cognitive linguistics has demonstrated the level of understanding (cognition) a metaphor is able to evoke, as the most prominent trope of biblical
imagery, through the incongruity between different domains of knowledge.14 The resulting new meaning is based on the reader/hearer's ability to
map from the known towards the Wlknown. While modem metaphor theory deals adequately with the issues of semantics and pragmatics, the question of the origin of the metaphor in the poet's mind is rarely addressed.
Images are derived from imagination and the imagery actually opens a
window into the poet's mind. While we often look through this window to
discern the meaning of the imagery, we frequently overlook the image behind the imagery. The iconoclastic debate of
church history has warned against the icon becoming the idol, which happens when the deity's
power is harnessed within the physical structure of
the image. 15 However, the fear of idolatry has impoverished the hermeneutical endeavor to discover the image behind the imagery. Mostly,
pictorial remains from the ANE have been treated
as illustrations of texts or described under arthistorical perspectives, but are seldom taken into
consideration when it comes to the reconstruction
of religio-cultural history. A stele (Figure 2) found
in a clear Iron Age I archaeological context near the
gate at Bethsaida showing a semi-abstract image of
an anthropomorphic figure with a sword and a
Figure 2:
bovine head which has been identified as a moonBethsaida-stele
deity, may actually tell us a great deal about prob-
13
14
15
Anasthasius, The Life of Antony and the Letter to Marcel/inus (trans. R. C. Gregg; Classics
of Western Spirituality; New York: Paulist, 1980), 108.
For a recent perspective on cognitive linguistics and metaphor, cf. Olaf Jake!, "How
Can Mortals Understand the Road He Travels? Prospects and Problems of the
Cognitive Approach to Religious Metaphor," in The Bible Through Metaphor and
Translation: A Cognitive Semantic Perspective (ed. K. Feyaerts; Religions and Discourse
15; Oxford: Peter Lang, 2003), 55--86.
Cf. Moshe Barasch, "The Idol in the Icon: Some Ambiguities," in Representation in
Religion: Studies in Honor of Moshe Barash (ed. J. Assmann and A. I. Baumgarten;
Leiden: Brill, 2001), 1-26.
64
Martin G. Klingbeil
lematic cultic practices of OT times at the city-gate that motivated religious

reforms like the one mentioned in the short information provided in 2
Kings 23:8-"He broke down the shrines at the gates" {Nrv). 16 Goldwasser
goes further in establishing the cognitive relationship between the image
and imagery on the basis of Egyptian hieroglyphs where the relationship
between text and picture is probably the most intricate; stating that in this
pictorial form of writing the "intellectual leap" between icon and phonetic
metaphor has been accomplished.17 Thus, the biblical poets drew from a
conceptual stock of imagery that can and needs to be related to the images
of the ANE within the parameters of a balanced comparative methodology,18 whereas ANE iconography serves as the tool that facilitates the comparison.19
16 Othrnar Keel and Monika Bernett, Mand, Stier und Kult am Stadttor: Die Stele van
17
18
19
Betsaida (et-Tell) (OBO 161; Fribourg: University Press, 1998).

Orly Goldwasser, From Icon to Metaphor: Studies in the Semiotics of the Hieroglyphs (OBO
142; Fribourg: University Press, 1995).
Comparative Method in biblical studies refers to the comparison of biblical with other
phenomena that occur in the whole realm of the ANE setting in general. The
comparisons have to work on the level of cultural systems without isolating
individual phenomena from their respective cultural context. The underlying
principles of the comparative method are based on the assumption that there are
common characteristics between societies and cultures, which allow the researcher to
make valid comparisons. Early iconographic studies took place on a grand scale
(typological comparison) assurrring a general cultural uniformity in the ANE, e.g.,
liberally comparing a text from the Hebrew Psalter with an Old Babylonian cylinderseal. A more contextual approach focuses on both differences and similarities, trying
to strike a balance between contrasts and parallels and needs to be informed by the
two governing principles of the comparative method, that is, place and time or
geography and chronology. Without entering the discussion of dating the Psalms, there
seems to be sufficient evidence to propose a chronological framework from the Iron
Age I to the Persian Period for the Hebrew Psalter from which comparative material
could be drawn. Geographically, the period outlined above comprises such a number
of historical situations and locations that it appears advisable to advance the
geographical limitations beyond the immediate Palestinian/Israelite borders (e.g., Ps
68 presupposes a Trans-Jordanian locale, possibly, even reaching into Syria, while Ps
137 is set against the backdrop of the Babylonian exile). Cf. Meir Malul, The
Comparative Method in Ancient Near Eastern and Biblical Legal Studies (AOAT 227;
Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1990).
As an evolving discipline within biblical studies, ANE iconography describes and
interprets the pictorial remains of ancient cultures. It focuses on the development of
themes and motifs throughout the material culture of the ANE and tries to establish
possible relationships with the cultural and religious history of the ancient world. Cf.
Othmar Keel, "Iconography and the Bible," ABO 3:358-74.
65
2. A First and Second Looi~ at Images in the

Psalms
Hermann Gunkel in his commentary on the Psalms recognized the contribution of ANE images to the study of the Psalms. In his interpretation of Ps
17:8 he makes reference to objects, especially from Egypt, that show divine
beings with wings spread protectively over humans. 20 The purpose was to
illustrate the integration of Israelite belief into ANE culture and the evolution of OT religious history out of it. While Gunkel's approach to iconographic interpretation and comparative method would deserve a closer
critical look, his interpretation demonstrates that most probably the first
look at images in the Psalms lies in the realm of searching for illustrations.
While one should not demerit this approach, there is a definite need for a
second look at the way in which ANE iconography can interface with the
biblical text of the Hebrew Psalter.
2.1. Lool~ing for Illustrations

Figures 1 and 2 have presented examples from ANE iconography to illustrate specific biblical texts, without paying attention to methodological issues. While this approach needs to be benchmarked with the parameters of
the comparative method, 21 there is a wide interest for this usage of iconography in biblical studies, since it can provide a snapshot of ancient cultures,
peoples or objects, which helps us to visualize and in tum contextualize the
biblical text. Keel's foundational work on iconography in the Psalms was
largely following this approach and still represents the most important reference work of its kind.
The following illustrations show the possibilities of this approach to
iconography. The expression in Ps 68:22 [ET Ps 68:21]-"Surely God will
crush the heads of his enemies, the hairy crowns of those who go on in their
sins" (NIV)-appears to be allusive to the familiar smiting-god motif from
ANE iconography. While the motif usually depicts weather- and war-gods
with different geographical and chronological characteristics, it is clear that
the gesture always indicates the supremacy of the god versus the subjugation of the enemy or animal respectively. As an example an ivory silhouette-inlay from Samaria may be taken, dating from the 8th century B.C.
(Figure 3), which shows a male figure standing in a striding position, wear-
20
Hermann Gunkel, Die Psalmen: Ubersetzt und erkliirt (5th ed.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1968), 57-58.
21
See above note 18.
66
Martin G. Klingbeil
ing the double crown of Upper and

Lower Egypt. 22 With his right hand
raised above his head, he is holding a
club ready to strike, while with his
left hand he is grasping the hair of an
enemy who is kneeling in front of
him with his hands raised toward the
standing figure. The detail of the
i.l;Jip iP"'fi? "hairy skull" mentioned in
Ps 68:22b is not a byproduct of the
psalmist's vivid imagination or an
exercise in parallelismus membrorum,
but serves as an important part of the
Figure 3: Ivory from Samaria
imagery, indicating the animal-like
character of the enemy. Thus, the subjugation of the enemy is closely associated with the triumph over the chaotic forces, represented by the hairy
skull. However, a closer look reveals that there are no distinct divine attributes present, so the figure could also be identified with the pharaoh in his
typical posture, denoting his dominion over the
enemies. Nevertheless, the king was often depicted in postures normally associated with the
iconography of deities and divine attributes
were frequently associated with him. Figure 4
shows a typical and rather unambiguous depiction of Ba' al-Seth, the amalgamation of a Semitic and an Egyptian deity. 23 It is found on a
steatite scarab from Lachish (Tell ed-Duweir)
corning from a Late Bronze grave which was
reused until the Iron Age IIC (720/700-600
B.C.). 24 Stylistically it belongs to the 19th-22d
Dynasty (1295-900 B.C.). Although the god is
often
found in a more passive stance, here he is
Figure 4: Steatite scarab
depicted as fighting the homed snake repre22
23
24
For a more detailed description of the object, see Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from
Heaven, 174. The line drawing was published in Othmar Keel and Christoph
Uehlinger, Gottinnen, Gotter und Gottessymbole: Neue Erkenntnisse zur Religionsgesc/1ic/1te
Kanaans und Israel aufgrund bislang unerschlossener ikonographischer Q11ellen (QD 134;
Freiburg: Herder, 1992), 299, fig. 262b.
Cf. Izaak Cornelius, The Iconography of the Canaanite Gods Reshef and Ba'al: Late Bronze
and Iron Age I Periods (c 1500-1000 BCE) (OBO 140; Fribourg: University Press, 1994).
See Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, 171-72. The line-drawing is taken from
Keel, and Uehlinger, Gottinnen, Gotter und Gottessymbole, 87, fig. 87a.
Image and Imagery in tlte Hebrew Psalter
67
senting the Apophis-snake in Egyptian mythology, and the chaos-waters in

Canaanite myth. It is interesting to note that the enemy has been substituted by an animal which nevertheless exemplifies the equivalent threat. A
further modification of the smiting-god motif that may shed light on Ps 68:21
can be found in a number of objects that show the smiting-god without any
immediate context, that is, the smiting-god motif has been isolated from a
concrete situation of war or
struggle, reducing the gesture of the raised arm
holding the weapon to strike
at an enemy to a mere emblem, a symbol of victory
and dominion. Thus, the
smiting-god becomes the
menacing god without acFigure 5: Hematite cylinder-seal
tive involvement in the batof unknown provenance
tie, but portrayed in an
almost canonized position. Figure 5 shows a cylinder-seal (dated around
1750 B.C.) on which the Syrian weather-god Ba'al Zaphon is depicted in a
smiting-god posture in the middle of a holy wedding ceremony with a
banquet scene attached to it, but no enemy at all present. 25
Thus, the author of Ps 68:22 is not referring to a literal depiction of Yahweh's intervention in human warfare, but to God's subjugation of any type
of adverse forces that the psalmist may encounter. Three iconographic objects from quite diverse chronological and geographical origins illustrate a
text which otherwise would remain obscure. Our understanding of the
metaphor of God as a warrior, which constitutes an important part of the
imagery stock in the Psalms is thus enhanced.
2.2. Lool~ing for Meaning

The examples above have been employed as illustrations for a text in the
Psalms more or less along the lines of Keel's popular book, which provided
a limited number of categories (conceptions of the cosmos, destructive
forces, temple, conceptions of God, king, and man before God) for which
iconographic illustrations were presented. In comparison, a more system-
25
The scene is rather complex and on it the smiting-god is faced by a goddess extending a
vase towards him. A detailed description and iconographic analysis is found in
Klingbeil, Yaltwelt Fighting from Heaven, 247-48. The line-drawing was published in
Meindert Dijkstra, "The weather-god on two mountains," UF 23 (1991): 127-40, pl. 2:1.
68
Martin G. Klingbeil
atic approach to the usage of iconography in the exegetical process of a particular passage is demonstrated in the following example.
Since the discovery of Ugaritic literature and its comparison with the
biblical text, Ps 29 has been linked to a Canaanite background, and from
this perspective, it has served as a paradigm for the examination of Hebrew-Canaanite literary dependence and thus been the subject of numerous
studies. 26 Ginsberg in 1935 suggested a Phoenician origin for the Psalm,27
although a closer look at the text reveals that the Ugaritic parallels viewed
from the perspective of recent biblical scholarship may not present such a
strong case for a Phoenician origin of the Psalm as when Ginsberg, as a precursor of the Pan-Ugaritic school, originally formulated this hypothesis. The
geography of the divine thunderstorm described in Ps 29:3-9 of the poem
describes the movement of a thunderstorm from the Mediterranean toward
the coast and further inland. The first two toponomies represent few problems (Ps 29:3-6). However, the identification of Kadesh, or the "semi-desert
Kadesh," has been the subject of wide discussion, since it could refer to a
desert area close to Kadesh on the Orontes, as well as to the arid region in
the Southern Negev, close to Kadesh Barnea. While one cannot rule out an
underlying figurative meaning for the geographic allusions, it seems nevertheless clear, that in the poet's description of the thunderstorm, they follow
a geographical progressive pattern, and do not serve as a mythological depiction of the Yahwistic thunderstorm in general. It would then seem
thinkable that the author used imagery commonly known from its general
Syro-Palestinian background, but that he reworked it according to his rhetorical intentions and filled it with a new content. This line of interpretation
which has been motivated on exegetical grounds 28 can also be approached
from an iconographic comparative perspective, as will be demonstrated in
the following.
"The voice of Yahweh is upon waters, the God of glory thunders" (Ps
29:3a-b): The main motif of Ps 29, the ;ip '?ip "voice of the Lord" has been
identified as referring to the approaching sound of a thunderstorm moving
inland from the Mediterranean. It depicts Yahweh as storm- and weather26
27
28
"Mehr und mehr setzt sich die Meinung durch, daB er [Ps 29] sowohl an
Dberiieferungen zum Gotterkonig El wie zum dynamischen Wettergott Baal
ankni.ipft, sie auf seine Weise vermischt und auf JHWH i.ibertragt." Frank-Lothar
Hossfeld and Erich Zenger, Die Psalmen I: Psalm 1-50 (NEchtB 29; Wi.irzburg: Echter,
1993), 180.
Harold L. Ginsberg, "A Phoenician Hymn in the Psalter," in Alli del XIX Congresso
lnternazionale degli Orientalisti, Roma, 23-29 Settembre 1935-XIII (Rome: Tipografia de!
Senato, 1938).
For a complete exegetical discussion of the psalm, cf. Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from
Heaven, 84-99.
Image and Imagery in t/1e Hebrew Psalter
69
god, to which the well-known

iconographic motif of the god in
the winged sun-disk probably
comes closest. The audible sound
of thunder, obviously, cannot be
easily reproduced by an iconographic image, but the densely
feathered wings of the god in the
winged sun-disk motif from ANE
iconography have been identified
as symbolizing the dark clouds
Figure 6: Glazed tile from Assur
and stormy heavens associated
with a thunderstorm. 29 Figure 6 shows a glazed tile from Assur dating to the
time of Tukulti-Ninurta II (890-884 B.C.). 30 The sun-disk is depicted as encompassing the winged god completely, while there are rays or flames of
fire depicted within the sun nimbus. The bearded god has a large feathered
tail and a pair of large wings which go beyond the border of the sun-disk.
He is wearing a beard and a rounded crown. With his hand the god is holding a bow which he has stretched to its limits, pointing at an imaginary or
at least not visible enemy, since the scene has been broken off on the right
side. Below, a chariot scene appears of which only the head of the charioteer and the upper part of the horse's head is visible. Around the winged
sun-disk there are stylized clouds with raindrops suspended from the upper border. The association of the god with rain-clouds demonstrates his
identification with a storm- and weather-deity, while the wide wings symbolize the dark thundering heaven. The atmospheric phenomena are directed against the enemies of the Assyrian king, thus creating a complex
image of the god fighting from heaven with meteorological weapons. The
winged god in the sun-disk can be identified with the Assyrian sun- and
weather-god Samas.31
With regard to the thunder: the club which the smiting weather-god often holds in his hand has been associated with the sound of thunder in the
way of Ba'al beating the heavens like a drum with his club, but the club
29
Cf. ibid., 26CHil.
30 The line-drawing was published in Ruth Mayer-Opificius, "Die gefli.igelte Sonne:
'
Himmels- und Regendarstellungen im alten Vorderasien," UF 16 (1984): 189-236, fig.

25.
There is certain ambivalence in the interpretation of the god in the winged sundisk:
while in most cases the deity can be identified with the Assyrian sun-god Samas (and
not with Asshur!), he often is found in contexts displaying storm- and weather-god
attributes. It is, however, of little consequence for the purpose of the present study, if
the god in the winged sundisk is to be identified with Samas or with Asshur.
70
Martin G. Klingbeil
should rather be understood as a weapon in

the fight against an enemy, and not be confused with the thunderbolt, viz., lightning.32
Figure 7 shows a stela from Ras Shamra (Ugarit), dated on the basis of comparative material
to the Late Bronze Age. 33 The relief shows a
barefooted male god in a passant position facing to the right. He is standing on three lines
under which a curved line can be seen. The
figure is wearing a short kilt which is ornamented with horizontal stripes and held together by a broad belt. A curved dagger or
sword is attached to the belt. The figure is
wearing a helmet with a high point from
which a pair of bull horns protrudes to the
Figure 7: Ste/a from
He has a long beard reaching to his
front.
Ras Shamra (Ugarit)
chest, and his hair ends in long curls. The god
has his right hand raised above his head holding a club ready to strike,
while the other hand is holding a spear in a vertical position with the broad
blade pointing to the ground.
The shaft of the spear spreads out into a plant, and not into a shaft of
lightning as proposed elsewhere, 34 since the iconography of the weathergod with the bundle of lightning is completely different from this depiction.
The identification of the figure does not present major problems, and we
are confronted with a depiction of the weather-god Ba' al in his normal posture as the smiting god, but holding a vegetation-spear in his hand, thus
establishing his close affinity to fertility and vegetation. In Ugartic texts,
Ba' al is described as a god who possesses lightning and thunder (KTU 1.3
III 23, 1.101 obv 3-4) and he is the bringer of rain and fertility (KTU 1.4 VII
29-31 and 1.16 III Sff).
"Yahweh is over mighty waters" (Ps 29:3c): The c:;n cr;i "mighty waters" have repeatedly been associated with the chaotic forces represented
by the homed snake of Canaanite mythology. Various motifs of ANE iconography show the struggle of the Canaanite-Egyptian god Ba' al-Seth with
the spear against the homed snake. The depictions show him thrusting his
weapon in a downward movement into the body of the snake. Most of the
images depicting this motif originated during the Late Bronze Age and the
32 Cf. Keel, Altorientalische Bildsymbolik, 192.
33 The line-drawing has been originally published in Leonard Gorelick and Elizabeth
34
Williams-Forte, eds., Ancient Seals and the Bible (Malibu: Undena, 1983), 42, fig. 15.
Cf. Cornelius, Iconography of Reshef and Ba'al, 141.
71
Iron Age I and a good example can be found

on Figure 8, a steatite scarab of unknown
provenance housed in the Musees Royaux,
Brussels. Stylistically it has been assigned to
the Ramessidian dynasties which correspond
to the period of 1300-1150 B.C. (Late Bronze
Age IIB). 35 Depicted on it there is a winged
figure wearing a short kilt with tassels. Although the body is anthropomorphic, the top
part depicts the head of the Seth animal with
long ears and a protruding snout. The figure
has a pair of wings attached to its back which
Figure 8: Steatite scarab
are typical of Ba' al and Seth and their combiof unknown provenance
nation during the Late Bronze Age. With his
one hand raised above his head, he is holding a long lance or javelin, thrusting it down into a homed snake which he is grasping with the other hand.
The tail of the snake is curved upwards behind the god. Although the depiction is clearly Egyptian in style and the streamers that often betray the
Egyptian-Canaanite combination of Ba'al-Seth are missing, the figure
should be identified with this god. However, in Ps 29, no direct struggle
whatsoever is indicated between Yahweh and the chaotic waters; a fact,
which necessitates caution toward an interpretation of the biblical text
along mythological lines.
"And he makes Lebanon skip like a calf, and Sirion like the young of an
aurochs" (Ps 29:6a-b): The association of the weather-god with mountains
has been noticed in Figure 5. The god is standing on three mountain tops,
although there is no indication of a destructive earthquake-like event on the
seal from Northern Syria representing this motif. While in the iconographic
depictions of gods striding over mountains, the mountains are portrayed as
a constant and stabile factor supporting the mountain-god, 36 almost as a
cultic pedestal, the psalmist describes them as fragile objects subjected to
Yahweh's earthquake which causes them to skip uncontrollably. Although
the author of the psalm takes up the familiar mountain-motif, he does not
use the imagery in the expected manner, but fills them with a new content
which appears to be rather polemic for the ANE cultural context.
"The voice of Yahweh hews out lightning" (Ps 29:7a): In similar fashion
to Ps 18:15, Yahweh's appearance, in this case, Yahweh's voice, is associated
35
36
The line-drawing is taken from Othmar Keel, Menakhem Shuval, and Christoph
Uehlinger, Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln aus Paliistina!Israel III (OBO 100; Fribourg:
Universitatsverlag, 1990), 311, fig. 84.
Cf. Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven, 247-49.
72
Marlin G. Klingbeil
with lightning. While the imagery is that of the

effect of Yahweh's voice on the rocky surface of
the mountains, images showing the weather-god
using the bundle of lightning as a weapon may
serve as comparative material. Figure 9 is a
135cm high basalt stela found at Arslan-Tash. It
was found in the temple constructed by Tiglathpileser III (744-727 B.C.) which dates it with some
accuracy to the second half of the 8th century
B.C. 37 The image shows a god in a striding position facing to the right. He is standing on top of a
bull with his one foot on its horns, while the
other foot rests on the animal's back. The posture
is indicating a running motion, whereas the bull
Figure 9: Basalt stela
is depicted in a similar stance. The god is dressed
from Arslan-Tash
with a short kilt over which he is wearing a long
robe. On his head the god is wearing the high rectangular homed crown,
customary to depictions of Neo-Assyrian gods. Above the crown a disk is
visible with rays depicted in it. The god is armed with a long sword attached to his belt which is pointing toward the back. On his shoulder he is
carrying a bow and a quiver. His one arm is raised above his head in a
striking or throwing position, while the other arm is extended diagonally
downwards toward the front. In both hands he is holding a double threeforked bundle of lightning. From a Neo-Assyrian perspective the god can
be identified with the weather-god Adad, whereas the three-forked bundle
of lightning in the striking hand has replaced the weapon one would normally expect. He is now completely equipped with meteorological weapons
and the character of the lightning as an attacking weapon becomes increasingly evident. It is no longer held in a passive gesture in front of the god as
in other depictions, but raised above his head with the intention to strike
down on the imaginary enemy. The single most important element in the
identification of the weather-god remains the bundle of lightning, although
bull and other elements often also serve as indicators that a depiction of the
weather-god is intended.
The famous "Ba' al au foudre" (Figure 7) with the vegetation spear may
be an indicator for the combination of the imagery of lightning with fertility. However, while the iconographic depictions may picture the lightning
as a complementing factor to fertility, Ps 29 portrays its effects on fauna and
37
The line-drawing has been taken from Antoine Vane!, L'iconographie du dieu de l'orage
dans le Proche-Orient ancien jusqu'au VIie siecle avant J.-C. (Cahiers de la Revue biblique
3; Paris: Gabalda, 1965), fig. 71.
Image and Imagery in !lie Hebrew Psalter
73
flora in a rather destructive way, evoking rather an imagery of warfare:

"The voice of Yahweh breaks cedars, yes, Yahweh, shatters the cedars of
Lebanon" (Ps 29:5a-b), and: "The voice of Yahweh causes the desert to
writhe, Yahweh causes the desert Kadesh to writhe. The voice of Yahweh
makes the hinds to bring forth and lays bare the forests" (Ps 29:8a-9b).
The overall picture that emerges from a comparison of Ps 29:3-9 with
the iconographic evidence is a tendency toward using the prevalent iconographic motifs of particularly the Northern Syrian and Mesopotamian repertoire, but reapplying them polemically and subjecting them to the force of
Yahweh's voice as the ultimate controlling factor in the upheaval of nature.
The northern geography of the psalm furthermore contributes to such an
understanding, while the imagery employed in the psalm has been utilized
in such a way that it leads from the known to the surprising, that is, reinterpreting the imagery from the perspective and under the dominion of
Yahweh's voice. Thus on the basis of an iconographic approach to the interpretation it appears that Ps 29 is less a carbon-copy of Phoenician belief
than a strong monotheistically oriented polemic against Syrian and Mesopotamian religious beliefs.
3. Lool~ing at the Psalms through Iconography

While iconography can supply us with an illustration of the typical and
institutional, it cannot provide "historical photographs" on the basis of
which history can be reconstructed. 38 However, the study of ANE iconography can be used to reconstruct the religious concept world in which the
OT was written. Image and text have to be placed alongside each other continuously in order to create a more complete picture of the Hebrew Psalter,
which in itself represents a cross-section of OT religious thought. In comparing the biblical texts with the iconographic images, a number of parallels
as well as contrasts can be established. Overall, it appears that the authors
of the Psalms utilized imagery which was familiar to them from their general Syro-Palestinian environment, and which can be related to iconographic sources reflecting such imagery. However, one can by no means
talk of a one-to-one relationship, establishing a simple line of dependency.
There are distinct contrasts and variations of motif on such a scale that one
is compelled to assume a certain modification of the iconographic material
in accordance with the intentions of the respective psalmist. In interpreting
such a state-of-affairs we would assume that the biblical author utilized
imagery familiar from his ANE cultural background, and applied them to
Yahweh. During this process, a number of adaptations took place, and fa-
JH
Keel, "Iconography and the Bible," 360.
74
Martin G. Klingbeil
miliar iconographic motifs were filled with new contents as they appeared
in literary form in the Psalms. The motivation for such a practice would be
the demonstration of the superiority of Yahweh over against the ANE pantheon, a notion that is clearly monotheistic in orientation.
An iconographic approach to the study of the Psalms is opening new
and unexpected vistas onto the Bible, which, although in literary form, usually communicates its eternal truths through a variety of imagery especially
when it comes to the description of God. 39
39
As an aside, it is interesting to note that most of the relevant comparative iconographic

material that can be related to the Hebrew Psalter stems from Late Bronze and Iron
Age archaeological contexts which may put into question the dating schemes of the
Psalms.
THE PEOPLE OF GOD IN PROPHETIC LITERATURE

DAVID TASKER
1. lntroduction1
The great Jewish philosopher, Abraham Heschel, said about the prophets
that they were "some of the most disturbing people who have ever lived." 2
Maybe this is so because they described a time when the relationship between God and His people seemed to be at its lowest ebb. In reality, the allencompassing nature of the divine-human covenant has some of its most
profound and intimate descriptions in the writings of the prophets. This
essay will discuss the unfolding nature of God's covenant relationship with
His people through successive prophets from the time before the Exile,
right through to the time of the Restoration. In the process, three main interconnected concepts of the land, the temple, and the people, are explored in
relationship to God. It is when these concepts intersect that we see God's
intimacy unfolding with His people.
2. The Land
Mention of the land immediately draws the mind back to Eden, a time
when the human race experienced intimate communion with the Creator.
At that time, God commissioned the primeval humans to extend the
realm-from the garden to the whole earth. The first biblical indication we
receive of human purpose, is in communion with God, to "have dominion
over the fish of the sea and over the birds of the heavens and over the livestock and over all the earth and over every creeping thing that creeps on the
earth" (Gen 1:26).
Adam's commission before the Fall-"subduing and ruling" (Gen
2:15)-would have involved a display of sovereignty that included cultivating the ground and bringing all animals under his control, including the
serpent at the tree. 3 Therefore, the original human-divine connection seems
This essay is based on a paper presented at the International Bible Conference, Izmir,
Turkey, BJuly 2006.
Abraham J. Heschel, The Prophets (Peabody: Prince, 1999), vii.
G. K. Beale, The Temple and the Church's Mission: A Biblical Theology of the Dwelling Place
of God (NSBT 17; ed. 0. A. Carson; Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2004), 113.
76
David Tasker
to be designed to protect the human race from the forces of evil through the
divinely-appointed duty of sovereignty over the land.
The reality of life during the prophetic era was very different from the
original ideal. God's people endured difficult times-"the bread of adversity, the water of affliction" (Isa 30:20). Rather than being sovereigns, God's
people were vassals to a number of successive foreign powers. Joel described the destruction by invading forces-the land was like the Garden of
Eden before them, and a desolated wilderness behind them (2:3).
It was the land, condemned for committing whoredom (Hos 1:2), and
for being defiled Oer 2:7), that would be first to feel the divine wrath. It
would be "blasted" with blight, mildew and hail (Hag 2:17), its surface
would not be "cleansed or rained on" (Ezek 22:24), its rivers would dry up,
and the ground become waste (30:12) and desolate (Zech 7:14). Its people
would then be gathered as sheaves for the threshing floor (Mic 4:11).
However, the prophets suggested that this era would form "part of the
divine plan for their renewal." 4 The destruction of the land would be followed by luxuriant and abundant growth in nature, together with "cosmic
beauty" that God would use to bind up "the hurt of his people." 5 A dramatic example of this is cited by Susan Niditch who draws on Ezekiel's
"most powerful vision experience," which describes the resurrection of
"bones as dry as the dust from which Adam was formed" (ch. 37). She observes that this is a "Creation account," 6 not merely an anthropocentric
event-a total new Creation. The land that had been made desolate now
becomes like the Garden of Eden again (Ezek 36:35).
Similarly, Isaiah's reference to an expanding tent (54:2) is a twin reference not just to the tabernacle but to the Eschatological Eden as well, expanding through Israel's land. This is echoed in 51:3: "For the LORD
comforts Zion; he comforts all her waste places and makes her wilderness
like Eden, her desert like the garden of the LORD." 7 The restored land would
now "became the Garden of Eden on a grander scale," and the original
commission to have dominion is now focused in Israel's temple, representing God's rule over the cosmos. 8
Howard Clark Kee, Who Are the People of God? Early Christian Models of Community
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 32
Kee, Who Are the People of God?, 32
Susan Niditch, "Ezekiel 40-48 in a Visionary Context," CBQ 48 (1986): 223.
Beale, Temple, 131-32.
Ibid., 116.
The People of God in Prophetic Literature
77
3. The Temple
Just as the land is connected with Creation, so too is the temple. The verbs
cultivate and keep in God's commission to Adam (Gen 2:15) are applied later
to the work of the priests in the temple. They too were to cultivate and to
keep. 9 This suggests that Adam had a priestly role in the garden to manage
it and care for it, "maintaining its order and keeping out uncleanness," expanding its borders in ever widening circles until the earth was filled with
God's glory. 10 Ezekiel's concluding vision of the new temple is linked to the
notion of the renewal of the land, and only those who were ritually pure
and obedient to the commands of God would be able to enter that new
temple. 11 His theological emphasis here seems to closely correspond to the
holiness code of Lev 18-26, which covers the sexual, ritual and moral purity
of the people, the holiness of the priests, appropriate offerings for the sanctuary, and the festivals including the Sabbath of the land and the Jubilee
year. 12
Beale actually makes a strong case for the OT temple being a microcosm
not just of Eden, but of the whole of Heaven and Earth.13 The outer court
was a representation of the inhabited world, the holy place represented the
visible heavens with its light sources (the seven lamps paralleled the seven
heavenly bodies visible to the naked eye-sun, moon, and five planets 14),
and the holy of holies where God and the heavenly hosts dwell-each
sphere being reflected by an increasingly ornate gradation in dress and furnishings.
Both the sea (the !aver is referred to as sea in 1 Kgs 7:23) and the altar
appear to be cosmic symbols that may have been associated in the mind of
the Israelite with the seas and the earth respectively. The twelve bulls encircling the sea and the lily blossoms decorating its rim suggest (to Beale at
least) a coastal setting, while designs of lions and oxen on the wash basins
together suggest a "miniature model of land and life surrounding the seas
of the earth." 15 The sanctuary, therefore, had a "focal and unifying role" in
Israel right from the nation's very beginning. The 1+,liTJ ?tii-! "the tabernacle
of the congregation," as implied by its very name, unified the people and
10
11
12
13
1
15
Numbers 3:7, 8; 8:26; 18:7.

Kee, Who Are the People of God?, 20.
Ibid., 20-21.
Ibid., 34. Note that Gen 1 uses the word n'1Nr,> "lights" five times.
Ibid., 33.
78
David Tasker
became a rallying point for them, emphasizing the promise of the divinelygiven land. 16
To add significance to the land-sanctuary connection, the wilderness
sanctuary was very similar in dimensions and layout to an Egyptian military tent, which also had a three-part structure (courtyard, inner reception
area, and inner chamber with an effigy of the divine pharaoh flanked by
two winged creatures) that faced eastwards. This tent structure was flanked
by troops divided into four units, in similar fashion to the way Israel encamped around the sanctuary. So it appears that the Israelite encampment
and sanctuary structure sent a message to the Egyptians that God was directing His battle too, aiming to defeat His enemies and bring victory to His
people. Presumably, when this was accomplished, God would then move
into more permanent surroundings.17
Moving down into the prophetic era, the community was often described as the city where God dwells with His people-"a favourite image
for the renewed covenant community" -often referred to as Zion. 16 The city
became synonymous with the temple in describing the social structure or
the cultic life of the community, so when the people rebelled against God,
the prophets (especially Isaiah and Ezekiel) thundered their oracles against
the city/sanctuary.
In times of covenant renewal the city metaphor receives more attention,
for example in the later prophecies of Isaiah 40-66. Promises of covenant
renewal are explicitly addressed to Zion, Jerusalem, and to "the Holy City"
in Isa 52:1-9. 19 Similarly, the imagery of the city is a symbol of divine judgment and renewal. The "impending fall of Jerusalem is the primary sign of
God's judgment on his people, just as the restoration of the city is the sign
of their redemption" -as evident in the prophecies of Jeremiah (e.g., Jer
31:31-39). 20 "The loss of the temple meant nothing less than the loss of
God's presence" (Ezek 9:3; 10:4-5; 11:23). 21
The fact that Israel was able to survive the crisis of faith brought about
by the loss of the temple was due in large part to the prophets preparing the
people in advance for just such an event. They were first seen as "grossly
unpatriotic," "defeatist," and "irreligious," but as the people reflected on
16
17
IB
19
20
21
R. J. McKelvey, The New Temple: The Church in the New Testament (OTM 3; London:
Oxford University Press, 1969), 3.
Beale, Temple, 64.
Ibid., 18.
Ibid.
McKelvey, The Nw Temple, 7.
79
the facts of history and mused over the prior warnings of the prophets,
"hope was born" as they "threw [themselves] on the mercy of God." 22
The restoration of God's people is, for Zechariah, linked to the rebuilding of Jerusalem, where God was pictured as dwelling in their midst (Zech
8:1-8). 23 Significantly, the restoration of the temple would refocus not just
Israel but the nations as well (Isa 2:2-4; Mic 4:1-3; Jer 3:17-18). 24 The result
would not just be a "cultic structure," but the entire city would be seen as
'the throne of the Lord" with the people of all nations gathering to it Ger
3:17). 25 Therefore, the conversion of the Gentiles would occur at the temple,
not in their own land. 26 The temple then truly becomes "a house of prayer
for all peoples" (Isa 56:7), 27 but beyond that, the cosmic goal for the temple
is described by Ezek 37:28: "Then the nations will know that I am the LORD
who sanctifies Israel, when my sanctuary is in their midst foreverrnore." 28
The "mountain of the Lord's house" would be established as the highest
mountain, and all peoples will flow into it (Mic 4:1).
Temple worship thus became a "powerful factor assisting in the creation
of unity in Israel." 29 Not only was it a statement of military and political
superiority, social cohesiveness or even urban sophistication, but also the
destinies of the nations were determined there (Amos 1:2-2:16). So the temple became not just a symbol of the unity of Israel but of the whole of humanity (Isa 2:2-4; Mic 4:1-3; Zech 14:16-19).3
This all-encompassing influence is found in Daniel's apocalyptic description of the stone that shatters the image and then becomes a mountain
that fills the whole earth. Beale surmises that this becomes the true fulfillment of Gen 1:28, ("fill the earth and subdue it"), and stands in juxtaposition to Dan 2:38 which describes Nebuchadnezzar's dominion over all "the
children of man, the beasts of the field, and the birds of the heavens." 31 It
seems that Nebuchadnezzar succeeded where Adam failed. There is also an
intriguing link between the mountain that grows out of a threshing floor in
Dan 2 and Solomon's temple that arises from the site of the threshing floor
22
23
24
2s
26
27
28
29
JO
JI
Ibid., 9.
McKelvey, The New Temple, 9. McKelvey calls this "an important new development."
Ibid., 12.
Beale, Temple, 113.
McKelvey, The New Temple, 15.
Beale, Temple, 134.
Ibid., 112.
Ibid., 6.
Beale, Temple, 144.
80
David Tasker
of Oman the Jebusite. 32 Andre Lacocque suggests that the stone "cut out
without hands" in Dan 2 is none other than "Mount Zion, the Temple not
built by human hands."33
4. The People
Kee identifies five models of community in Jewish writings: 1) the community of the wise; 2) the law-abiding, ritually pure community; 3) the community where God dwells with His people; 4) the community of mystical
participation; and 5) the community of ethnic inclusiveness and cultural
adaptation. 34 Each of these models is based on a different focal point: living
wisely rather than like the fool (the Wisdom tradition), the Levitical laws of
purity vs. impurity, the covenant, mysticism, or cultural identity.
But perhaps the most poignant metaphor of the relationship between
God and His people is that of the harlot, as described by Hosea. Israel's
infidelity as displayed in Hosea 1-3 finds a parallel in both Isaiah's and
Jeremiah's writings. Isaiah speaks of how the faithful city has become a
~hore (Isa 1:21), and Jeremiah asserts that Israel has played the role of a
whore with many lovers Oer 3:1-5). 35 The range of manifestations of this
aberrant behavior has been variously described as: ignorance worse than in
animals (Isa 1:3); robbing the needy of justice (Isa 10:2); the twin evils of
rejecting the "living water," replacing it with the stagnant water of selfmade leaky cisterns Oer 2:13); behaving as silly children Oer 4:22); forgetting
God Oer 18:15); becoming lost sheep-as their leaders lead them astray Oer
30:3); cruelty (Lam 3:48); showing much love with their words but pursuing
their own gain in their hearts (Ezek 33:31); being destroyed for lack of
knowledge (Hos 4:6); asking counsel from wooden idols (Hos 4:12); having
incurable wounds (Mic 1:9); idolatry and false prophecy (Zech 13:2-6); and
offering blemished and worthless sacrifices (Mal 1:6-2:9).
Just as Adam sinned and was cast out of the Garden, resulting in God
withdrawing His presence, so did the Israelites, resulting in God withdrawing from the temple and the people being thrown out of the land. 36 Despite
this apparent divorce, God still maintained relationship with them. For example, in the first six chapters of Daniel we see not only stories of Daniel's
32
33
34
35
36
Ibid., 147.
A. Lacocque, The Book of Daniel (trans. D. Pellauer; London: SPCK; Atlanta: John Knox,
1979), 124.
Kee, Who Are the People of God?, 55--178.
Ibid., 44.
William J. Dumbrell, "Genesis 2:1-17: A Foreshadowing of the New Creation," in
Biblical Theology: Retrospect and Prospect (ed. S. J. Hafemann; Downers Grove:
InterVarsity, 2002), 58--59.
81
courage, but also demonstrations of how God delivers His people when
they maintain fidelity to Him in the face of extreme trial. 37
Building upon the woman symbolism, the promise of renewal to the
people of God is personified as a barren mother in exile who is given many
children when she is restored to her homeland (Isa 49:19-22; 54:1-3)38 and
as woman in labor (Isa 66:8). 39 This hint of plenty is demonstrated when the
people are restored to the land, because "God will bring along with them
proselytes ('aliens') to join the community of God's people" (Isa 14:1-2). 40
When he finally comes to restore his people, there will be "unprecedented
plenty and rejoicing on 'the mountain of the Lord"' among those who
"have 'waited' for him" (Isa 25:6--9). 41 A return from captivity would involve the exiles (who have been scattered in the Diaspora) returning to
Zion, and from there spreading out to subdue the earth to fill it with God's
glory-Adam's commission and the patriarchal promise of Gen 28:14. 42
However, "the hope of a united people with Jerusalem at its centre was
short lived." Josiah died in 609 B.C.E. and the city was subsequently overrun by foreigners 43 -a reality to this day.
5. God
The interplay between the motifs of land, temple, and people becomes even
more poignant in interaction with the concept of God. In contrast to the
predominant pre-exilic prophetic theme of judgment and the post-exilic
focus of restoration, ideas of God remain largely the same. For example, J.
Alec Motyer observes that Isaianic literature is characterized throughout by
a tension anticipating the "not yet." 44 This is particularly noticeable in the
discussion of God being Father (cf. Isa 63:16; 64:7). The father-son relationship that the people enjoyed during the Exodus is recalled-God the Father
was the "eagle" carrying them, leading them through the divided waters
and desert waste, and the mountain quaking at God's presence. But now
there is silence, so where is that special relationship now?
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
Kee, Wlio Are the People of God?, 34.

Beale, Temple, 131.
Kee, W/Jo Are the People of God?, 18.
Ibid., 32.
Ibid., 33.
Beale, Temple, 143.
J. Alec Motyer, The Prophecy of Isaiah: An Introduction and Commentary (Downers
Grove: InterVarsity, 1993), 512.
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David Tasker
This highlights an organic difference between the experience that Isaiah

describes and that of their forefathers (specifically Abraham and Israel). He
sets out to restore confidence in the Father-God by moving away from
covenant language (an argument based on Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob) focusing instead on creation. There is no point in appealing to a covenant that
is now broken (and the people freely admit their guilt in that), but there is
hope in appealing to God as their Maker. Here begins a restoration of hope
amidst hopelessness, together with a measure of submission and acceptance of the will of God- "we are the clay, and you are our potter." Besides
being created by God in the first place, the people acknowledge that God,
as their Father, still has the right to shape and form their destinies, for "we
are all the work of your hand" (Isa 64:7), "we are all your people" (v. 8).
Jeremiah introduces another strident metaphor in the figure of the two
debauched sisters. God is introduced as the father of two sisters, Judah and
Israel (3:4-5, 19-20; 31:7-9). "Unfaithful Judah" (considered in a more hopeless state than her "sister" -"faithless Israel" [3:6-11]) makes a pious pretense of loyalty to her "Father" while maintaining her "promiscuous"
lifestyle. So when she calls God "Father," it is only for the manipulative
purpose of maintaining the rains (3:3), the fertility of the crops, an abundant
income, and pampered living standards. In a slight change of metaphor, the
personified Judah becomes the unfaithful wife, claiming God as her '1171'.t
(intimate, close friend, spouse, v. 4), a shameless misuse of the intimate
bonds between them, and further evidence of the people's manipulation of
God. The contrast is drawn by the prophet between Judah's actions, and the
hypocrisy of her religious profession.
From v. 12 on, God turns the question round. Instead of Judah pleading
for God to do something, God pleads with Judah for action. "Return, faithless Israel," he pleads, calling on Judah to follow (3:18). The picture is of
two brazen young women being implored by their heartbroken father (or
husband) to return to the safety (and by implication, the purity) of the
home. He was standing by as a protective father to keep his "virgin"
daughters from being preyed upon by the "sons" of the land, yet the irony
is that the daughters are going out to prey upon the sons (3:2). This act of
rebellion has resulted in the land being "defiled" (3:1) so that its normal
processes ceased (3:3), and its wealth dried up (3:24).
Restoration is possible because of the initiative of the Father-God, who
wishes to welcome his rebellious family back home (3:19). He coaxes the
returning exiles back along a well-watered and level road (31:8--9) made
accessible for the most vulnerable of society-the blind, the lame, and the
pregnant. The rejoicing and restoration (31:4-5) contrast with the former
despair of his rebellious children. The impossibility of reconciliation (3:1-5)
is contrasted with the impossibility of breaking the intimate bonds that tie
83
the Father to his children (something as indestructible as the night-day cycle), because God had sworn in an oath that He would never reject the descendants of Jacob and David (33:23--26).
Similarly, Malachi draws on God as Father to contrast the faithfulness of
God and the faithlessness of his children (1:6; 2:10). The main issue that attracts Malachi's attention is the act of treachery that ruptures the covenant
between God and his people. Scholars will continue to argue over whether
this is divorce per se, or whether it is some complicity among the priests to
introduce some syncretistic practice among the returned exiles, or whether
it is a combination of the two with some sort of ritualistic marriage that fosters a value system akin to that of the idolatrous practices so severely denounced by preceding generations of prophets.
Therefore, during the prophetic era, with talk of judgment amidst corruption and restoration amidst desolation, the discussion of God becomes
more telling. In a period of human rebellion and fickleness the prophets
(especially Isaiah, Jeremiah and Malachi) focus clearly on the faithfulness
and covenant-keeping qualities of God. He would be the One to heal the
land, restore the people, and renew divine-human fellowship at the temple.
6. Conclusion
This paper has discussed three things: the land, the temple, and the people.
It also examined how God interacts with those various elements. We saw
that the Edenic perfection of the land was desolated through the peoples'
rebellion-the land was the first to suffer the consequences of human rebellion. But the prophets also pointed out that the land would be restored .to
Edenic beauty. Although it was polluted by the people, it would be sanctified by God's presence with his people.
Despite the people acting like a harlot, the prophets reassured them that
God not only remains loyal to his covenant but also redoubles his efforts of
restoration and renewal for them. Some of the greatest promises of restoration came at a time of greatest chaos and disruption - from the heart of the
great Father who would welcome back his rebellious children.
How do the prophets inform the biblical scholar and community of faith
today? There are a number of possibilities. The first could be recognition of
the human response in the face of human hopelessness-the theme of rejoicing. As the exiles returned home, festivals took on new significance.
Their new songs and liturgies acknowledged where they had come from,
and where they were going together. They may have found themselves
living among the ruins of former glory, but at least they were now rebuilding a God-centered community, encouraged by visions of restoration and
future glory.
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David Tasker
Second, the temple may be recognized not only as a microcosm of the

whole of creation, but also as a metaphor of political/military strength with
God in its midst as a focal and unifying force. As the people returned from
exile, they rebuilt the temple. They were concerned about the full functioning beauty of that building in their midst-which symbolized God being
with them, legitimized their existence as a people, and provided roots to
establish them on their own land. But beyond that, the temple became a
unifying force for all people, for it was from the temple that God would
rule over all the earth.
Finally, people today can learn from these ancient people about eschatological hope-a hope based on the Creator, not on failed ideology. With the
distant echo of the ancient prophetic voice the modern community of faith
may regroup, look beyond the rubble and sand of failed and crumbling
human accomplishment and recognize God still working in their midst.
THE MESSIANIC HOPE IN ISAIAH 7: 14 AND

THE VOLUME OF IMMANUEL (ISAIAH 7-12) 1
RICHARD
M. DAVIDSON
1. Introduction
Isaiah 7:14 has been called "the most difficult of all Messianic prophecies" 2
and is perhaps the most studied text in biblical scholarship.3 It is not possible
to delve into all the exegetical issues in this passage and its larger context of
Isaiah 7-12. 4 Rather, our focus is upon the question: Does Isaiah present the
messianic hope in 7:14, when viewed in light of its larger canonical context
of Isaiah 7-12?
Some years ago an article appeared entitled "Matthew Twists the Scriptures" in the Journal of Biblical Literature. 5 The author, S. Vernon McCasland,
insists that Matthew repeatedly misinterpreted OT passages, "twisting"
them to mean something entirely foreign to the original. One of his prime
examples is Matthew's interpretation of Isa 7:14. "It is well known,"
Mccasland writes, "that this saying of Isaiah refers to an event of his own
time, and that the Hebrew word 'almiih, for the mother of the child, does not
mean a virgin but only a young woman." 6 This assessment of Matthew's
"Scripture twisting" is still a common view within current critical scholarship, and also among many evangelical scholars. According to this view,
Jesus and the NT writers often took OT passages out of context, reinterpreted and reapplied them in the light of the Christ-event, and thus imposed a NT meaning upon the OT that was foreign to the original meaning.
I dedicate this study to my friend and colleague, Gerhard Pfandl, whose Christcentered, solidly exegetical approach toward the OT has been a blessing and
inspiration to me, both academically and spiritually.
Milton S. Terry, Biblical Hermeneutics (New York: Phillips & Hunt, 1883), 331, cited by
J. Barton Payne, Encyclopedia of Biblical Prophecy (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1973), 291.
For a representation of the immense bibliography, see John D. W. Watts, Isaiah 1-33
(WBC 24; Waco: Word, 1985), 95--103.
For further discussion of this passage, see especially John N. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah:
Chapters 1-39 (NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986), 192-248.
S. Vernon Mccasland, "Matthew Twists the Scriptures," ]BL 80 (1961): 143-48.
Ibid., 144.
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Richard M. Davidson
So, for example, the author of the Word Biblical Commentary on Isa 7:14
writes:
A second factor facilitated the use of Isa 7:14 in Matthew. A hermeneutical method was in general use which allowed verses to be separated
from their contexts. [... ]This kind of interpretation is subject to the criticism that it ignores the rightful demands of historical and contextual
exegesis [... ], which call for a meaning related to the Syro-Ephraimite
War in terms of v. 16.7
Again, a recent article in a well-known Seventh-day Adventist journal arrives at the same conclusion: "These [biblical] writers often interpreted the
scriptural texts in ways that deviated radically from their obvious meanings
in the original Old Testament settings." 8 The authors of this article spotlight
Matthew's alleged [mis]interpretation of Isa 7:14 as a case study to prove
their point.
Did Matthew really twist the OT Scriptures? Did he separate Isa 7:14
from its immediate context? I used to believe he did. But I have become
convinced by the biblical evidence that it is modem interpreters, not Matthew, who have separated Isa 7:14 from its context-who have not looked
closely enough to see the deeper meaning of Isaiah's message which is already present in the immediate context of this passage, and in the larger
context of chs. 7-12, the Volume of Immanuel. Let us take that closer look at
the evidence for messianic hope concentrated in Isa 7:14 and the Volume of
Immanuel.
The interpretations of Isa 7:14 fall into three major categories: (1) those
which maintain only a local fulfillment in the time of Isaiah; (2) those which
posit a reference in the text only to the virgin birth of the Messiah; and (3)
those which argue for both. My interpretation falls within the third category of interpretation.
A careful examination of the immediate context of Isa 7:14 does seem
clearly to reveal a local dimension to the fulfillment of the prophecy. The
historical setting is the time of the Syro-Ephraimite war of ca. 734 B.C. The
northern kingdoms of Syria and Israel have banded together to attack their
southern neighbor of Judah (Isa 7:1, 4-6). Ahaz, king of Judah, is terrified of
the impending invasion, but God sends Isaiah with the comforting word
that the northern coalition will not succeed in their plans to overthrow
Ahaz (Isa 7:2-3, 7-9). In this situation God gives Ahaz a sign through Isaiah:
Watts, Isaiah 1-33, 103-4.

Warren C. Trenchard and Larry G. Herr, "The Interpretation of the Old Testament in
the New: Isaiah, Matthew and the Virgin," Spectrum 28, no. 1 (Winter 2000): 16.
87
"Behold, the virgin/young woman [i197l,l] [shall be] pregnant and bear a
son, and shall call his name Immanuel" (v. 14). 9
The succeeding verses give the time frame of the local fulfillment of this
sign: "For before the child shall know to refuse the evil and choose the
good, the land whose two kings you dread will be deserted" (Isa 7:16). The
child clearly would be born in the time of Ahaz, and before he reached the
age of accountability, the Syro-Ephraimite coalition would be dissolved.
This local interpretation is confirmed in the succeeding chapter. Isaiah refers to "the prophetess" (his wife), who conceives, and bears a son (8:3). The
link between this son and the prophecy of Isa 7:14 is made in 8:4 by a
statement that clearly parallels 7:16 (the first four Hebrew words in both
verses are exactly the same): "For before the child shall know to cry 'my
father' and 'my mother,' the wealth of Damascus and the spoil of Samaria
will be taken away before the king of Assyria." The time elements implied
in Isa 7:16 and 8:4 were fulfilled precisely: In 732 B.C. (within two years of
the prophecy of 7:14, before the child could say "father" or "mother") Damascus fell, and in 722 B.C. (before the child was twelve and had reached
the age of accountability) Samaria fell.
Clearly, Isa 7:14 does have a local dimension of fulfillment. But is this all
that is implied in the text, and in the larger context? Let us look more
closely.
2. Evidence for the Messianic Hope in Isa 7: 14

2.1. Recipients of the Prophecy
The prophecy of Isa 7:14 is not addressed only to Ahaz, but to the "house of
David" (v. 13). When Isaiah records that "The LORD himself will give you a
sign," the word "you" is in the plural, not singular, implying a wider application than just to Ahaz, namely, to the whole line of the dynasty/house of
David (cf. Luke 1:27, 79; 2:4).
2.2. Temporal Ambiguity of Isa 7: 14

There is a surprising temporal ambiguity in the Hebrew text of Isa 7:14, that
allows for a present historical fulfillment as well as a future eschatological
fulfillment. I have provided a literal translation of this verse:
Therefore the LORD himself will give you a sign. Behold the maiden [... ]
pregnant (no verb, just the subject plus the predicate adjective, so the
time implied can be past, present, or future: "was/is/will be pregnant").
Translations of the biblical texts cited throughout this article are my own.
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Richard M. Davidson
And she( ... ] bearing (active participle, which again can imply past, present, or future: "was/is/will be bearing") a son. And she has called/is calling/will call (the waw can be a waw conjunctive or a waw consecutive,
thus translating the perfect as completed action or as incompleted action) his name Immanuel (a nominal clause which can be translated in
the past, present, or future tense: "God was/is/will be with us").
No single element of the entire sign in this verse indicates whether the
pregnancy and birth is in the past, present, or future! Such ambiguity can
hardly be unintentional. It leaves room for a local immediate fulfillment, or
a future ultimate fulfillment.
2.3. Meaning and Usage of the Term i1T;l7lJ

In Isa 7:14 the Hebrew word ;,971}, translated in the LXX and Matt 1:23 by
rrap8tvoc; "virgin," in the context of this verse implies "virgin," and in fact,
more than just "virgin." There is another Hebrew word which means "virgin," namely il?mf. 10 But ;i71nf does not specify the age or marital status of
the virgin. The word ;,971}, however, means "young woman of marriageable age, sexually mature," who is unmarried, and therefore (unless she is
an immoral woman) a virgin. 11 Numerous scholars have examined the eight
other occurrences of il97lJ in the OT and cogently argued that in none of
them does the word refer to a married woman. 12 Likewise, in the ancient
Near East outside of the Bible, so far as may be presently ascertained, il97lJ
(or ANE cognate) is never used of a married woman. 13 Thus ;,971}, much
like the English terms "damsel" or "maiden," "has overtones of virginity
about it," 14 even though this is not the main focus. In the context of a virtuous woman, the term denotes a young, unmarried, sexually mature, virgin.
10
11
See especially Tom Wadsworth, "Is There a Hebrew Word for Virgin? Bethulah in the
Old Testament," ResQ 23 (1980): 161-71; and Duane Garrett, "Song of Songs," in
Duane Garrett and Paul R. House, Song of Songs, Lamentations (WBC 23B; Nashville:
Nelson, 2004), 164--68 (his excursus entitled "Virginity in the Bible and the Ancient
World").
The eight other occurrences of ;i971,1 in the OT are in the following passages: Gen 24:43;
Exod 2:8; 1 Chr 15:20; Pss 46:2 (ET l); 68:26 (ET 25); Prov 30:19; Song 1:3; 6:8. Martin
Luther offered to give a hundred Gulden to anyone who could show that ;i971,1 was
ever used in Scripture to refer to a married woman, and he added in characteristic
fashion that the Lord alone knew where he would get that amount of money (cited in
Edward J. Young, The Book of Isaiah: Volume 1. Chapters 1-18 [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1965), 287).
12
13
14
See, e.g., Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39, 210-12

J. Alec Motyer, The Prophecy of Isaiah: An Introduction and Commentary (Downers Grove:
InterVarsity, 1993), 85; Young, The Book of Isaiah: Volume 1, 287-88.
Ibid., 210.
89
If it did not have such overtones of virginity, the LXX translation by the
Greek word rrap8tvoc; "virgin" would be inexplicable. In the prophecy of
7:14, Isaiah utilizes a term that does not stress the virginity, and thus could
have significance for Ahaz' situation with a partial, local fulfillment. At the
same time the term has connotations of virginity, thereby pointing beyond
the local setting to the ultimate sign in the virgin birth of the Messiah.
The meaning of i1J??l,l is fully applicable to Mary, the mother of Jesus,
who at the time of her conception was indeed a young, unmarried, sexually
mature, virgin; but it does not easily fit all the circumstances of Isaiah's wife
or another particular maiden at the time of Ahaz. 15 Thus the use of the term
i1J??l,l seems to imply more than a local, partial fulfillment.
What is hinted at in Isa 7:14 and its immediate context is made more explicit in the larger context of Isa 7-12. It is widely recognized that Isa 7:14 is
part of a larger literary unit of Isaiah encompassing Isa 7-12, 16 which may
be called the "Volume of Immanuel." While scholars acknowledge this larger unit of Isaiah, they have often failed to view Isa 7:14 within the whole of
this larger setting. The following points draw attention to additional indicators within the larger context of Isa 7:14 that Isaiah intended a Messianic
interpretation of this passage.
2.4. Use (and Non-use) of the Name Immanuel

As another hint toward a messianic interpretation, it may be noted that
when Isaiah's son was born, he was not named "Immanuel" as the prophecy of Isa 7:14 predicted. God told Isaiah to name him t:;i llir;t ??iP 1iJl;l "Speed
the spoil, hasten the booty" (8:13). In naming the son whom the prophecy
15
16
It is possible that the ;ir;i?ll referred to in Isa 7:14 was an wunarried virgin at the time
the prophecy was given, and Isaiah subsequently married her. For support of this
view, see, e.g., Herbert Wolf, Interpreting Isaiah: The Suffering and Glory of the Messiah
(Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1985), 91. But this interpretation also is not without
problems, inasmuch as Isaiah already had at least one child, Shear-Jashub, before the
incident reported in 7:14 (see 7:3). Did the mother of Shear-Jashub die, and Isaiah then
remarry, this time the ;ir;i?ll mentioned in 7:14 and called "the prophetess" in 8:3? For
an overview of other suggestions as to the historical identity of the ;ir;i?ll in 7:14, see G.
W. Grogan, "Isaiah," EBC 6:62-63. There is not enough evidence to decide for sure on
this point. But it is clear from the use of the article before the Hebrew word ;ir;i?ll in
7:14 ("the maiden" not "a maiden") that the Lord was referring to a particular maiden
in Ahaz' day, not just any ;ir;i?ll, and, as we argue in this article, also ultimately refers
to the particular maiden who was mother of the Messiah.
See, e.g., Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39, 192; cf. Franz Delitzsch, Isaiah: Two Volumes in One
(Commentary on the Old Testament; 10 vols.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976), 7:206;
The Seventh-day Adventist Bible Commentary (7 vols.; Washington, D.C.: Review &
Herald, 1955), 4:91; and Wolf, Interpreting Isaiah, 42.
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Richard M. Davidson
said would be called "Immanuel," the name Immanuel is not used, seemingly pointing to a yet future fulfillment.
2.5. Cosmic Setting of the Name Immanuel

The name Immanuel is used later in ch. 8 in a context that seems to move
from the local to the cosmic level of nature. Note v. 8: "He/it [the mighty
waters of the river, representing the king of Assyria] will pass through
Judah, overflow and pass over, he/it will reach up to the neck; And the outspreading out of his/its wings will fill the breadth of your land, 0 Immanuel." Such cosmic nature language seems to move beyond a totally
historical and local fulfillment by Assyria in the time of Ahaz, and the name
"Immanuel" here seems to signify more than a human child. As J. A. Motyer observes,
Nowhere else does the Old Testament exemplify 'land' with a possessive
pronoun accompanied by the subject of the pronoun in the vocative.[ ... ]
Immanuel cannot be simply any child whatever. Also, how could any
'ordinary' child become the ground of security of the Lord's people
against the onset of the nations (8:10)? 17
Likewise in v. 10, the term "Immanuel" takes on cosmic significance introducing the presence of divinity: "Take counsel together, but it will come to
nothing; Speak the word, but it will not stand, for 'Immanuel' -God is with
us."
2.6. Signs and Wonders for the Future

In ch. 8 Isaiah and his sons are said to be nink "signs" in Israel for future
events to be brought about by God. Inv. 18 Isaiah states: "Here am I and
the children whom the LORD has given me! We are for signs [nink] and
wonders [O'D-?ir.l] in Israel from the LORD of hosts, who dwells in Mount
Zion." The words nink ("signs") and O'D~ir.:i ("wonders") appear together
elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible with reference to supernatural events and
portents and not to the natural unfolding of historical events. 18
2.7. Movement from the Local to the Eschatological

The supernatural events depicted by Isaiah move from the local historical
level to the eschatological messianic level at the end of ch. 8 and the beginning of ch. 9. Isaiah 8:22 describes the local, historical level: "Then they will
17
18
Motyer, The Prvphecy of Isaiah, 86.

See, for example, Exod 7:3; Deut 4:34; 6:22; 7:19; 26:8; 29:3; 34:11; Neh 9:10; Pss 78:43;
105:27; 135:9; Jer 32:20-21.
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look to the earth, and see trouble and darkness [i1?W1'.)], gloom ['llP'?] of
anguish; and they will be driven into darkness." The land which was in
darkness [i1?WD,] and gloom ['llPT?] is described in the next verse in the
eschatological age to come, as becoming a land where the gloom ['llPT?] is
removed (8:23 [ET 9:1]) and "the people who walked in darkness [1ipn] have
seen a great light" (9:1 [ET 9:2]). Historical past is thus intertextually linked
to the eschatological future.
2.8. The Messianic Son

It is in the context of the eschatological Age to come that reference to the
Messiah comes most explicitly to the fore. In the description of the coming
Messiah in Isa 8:23-9:6 [ET 9:1-7]) there is direct intertextual allusion to the
prophecy of Isa 7:14. The son [P.] born in the time of Ahaz and the Syro-
Ephraimite War was a local sign to Israel, but in the messianic age Isaiah
predicts that the greater son [p.], the ultimate fulfillment of Isa 7:14, will
appear: "For unto us a child is born, unto us a son [P.] is given, and the
government will be upon his shoulder. And his name will be called
Wonder of a Counselor, Mighty God, Everlasting Father, Prince of Peace"
(9:6). The Messiah thus depicted is divine, with the descriptive terms and
appellations referring to a divine person: "Wonder" (as in Judg 13:18,
where the Angel of the LORD has this name and is identified as God),
"Mighty God," 19 "Everlasting Father,'' 20 and Prince of Peace. 21
This messianic son is not only divine, but also human, of the line of
David, as the next verse states: "Of the increase of His rule/dominion and of
peace there will be no end, upon the throne of David and over his kingdom,
to establish it and uphold it with justice and righteousness, from then on
and forever. The zeal of the LORD of hosts will perform this" (Isa 9:6 [ET
9:7]).
This messianic motif of the Davidic messiah and his reign in the Age to
come is further expanded in Isa 11:1-4, with the description of the coming
and work of the Messiah:
There shall come forth a shoot from the stump of Jesse, and a branch
[1J] shall grow out of his roots. The spirit of the LORD shall rest on him,
the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel and might,
19
20
21
In the OT ,l:u .,~ the theophoric element El, unlike Elohim, always refers to God, not
lesser beings than God; see other references to ,111 .,~in Isa 10:21; Deut 10:17; and Jer
32:18.
Meaning "eternally a Father"; cf. Isa 63:16 referring to God as Father.
For insightful analysis of these descriptive appellations for the divine Messiah, see
esp. Motyer, The Prophecy of Isaiah, 104-5; and Young, The Book of Isaiah: Volume 1, 33342.
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Richard M. Davidson
the spirit of knowledge and the fear of the LORD. His delight shall be in
the fear of the LORD. And he shall not judge by what his eyes see, or decide by what his ears hear; but with righteousness he shall judge the
poor, and decide with equity for the meek of the earth; he shall strike the
earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips he shall
kill the wicked.
Isaiah 11:5-9 continue with a glowing description of the Age to come, when
The wolf also will dwell with the lamb. The leopard shall lie down with
the young goat, the calf and the young lion and the fatling together; and
a little child shall lead them. [... ] They shall not hurt nor destroy in all
my holy mountain, for the earth shall be full of the knowledge of the
LORD as the waters cover the sea.
2.9. Messianic Typology

Within the wider context of Isa 7:14, Isaiah himself, under divine inspiration, indicates that although the prediction of the birth of a son will have
local fulfillment in the birth of a son in the time of Ahaz, yet this local fulfillment is a type of the ultimate messianic fulfillment in the divine Son,
Immanuel. We may diagram the typological relationships set forth in
Isaiah's Volume of Immanuel as following:
Type
Isa 7:14 (Immanuel prophecy)

Isa 8:1-4 (local historical fulfillment of Isa 7:14)
Antitype
Isa 9:1-7 (ultimate eschatological fulfillment in the Messiah)

Isa 11:1-9 (further description of the Messiah)
Figure 1: The Typological Relationships in the Volume of Immanuel

Matthew, therefore, far from taking Isa 7:14 out of context, as so many have
claimed, has actually recognized the larger messianic context of Isa 7-12,
which critical scholarship has usually ignored.
2.10. The Chiastic Strncture of Isaiah 7-12

A final indicator within Isa 7-12 of the messianic interpretation of Isa 7:14
may be grasped by seeing the overarching chiastic structure of the Volume
of Immanuel (Isa 7-12) that connects the various messianic elements within
these chapters (see Figure 2 below).
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The Davidlc Messiah

(Messianic Agel
SeekGodl
Results of Refusal
Assyria: Agent of
Divine Judgment
Immanuel Prophecy
Promise of Salvation
Promise of Salvation
nWells
11Salvation
Pools
11Salvation
Figure 2: The Volume of Immanuel (Isa 7-12)
Notice that members A and A' both contain promises of salvation, with
allusions to water and salvation. Members B and B' (7:10-25 and 11:1-16)
are both messianic, one containing the Immanuel prophecy, the other the
prophecy of Messiah the Branch. Members C and C' both describe Assyria,
first as the agent of divine judgment, and then when she has overstepped
her bounds, as being herself judged. Members D and D' focus upon seeking
God, and the results of refusing to seek God. And the climax of the Volume
of Immanuel, depicts the Davidic Messiah, the ultimate son [P.] who ushers
in the messianic age. Such literary structure verifies that in the intention of
the author, revealed in his carefully wrought chiastic arrangement of the
whole volume of Immanuel, the prophecy of 7:10-25, like its chiastic counterpart, 11:1-16, is to be taken ultimately as messianic.
3. Isaiah 11:1 and Matthew 2:23

One more aspect of the messianic hope in the Volume of Immanuel has
been alluded to by the apostle Matthew, but ignored or denied by critical
scholarship.
Matthew 2:23 reads: "And he came and dwelt in a city called Nazareth,
that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophets, 'He shall be
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Richard M. Davidson
called a Nazarene."' In the case of this citation, no specific OT passage is

cited. Many scholars have seen here a reference to the law of the Nazirite in
Num 6 (cf. Judg 13:4-5), and they have pointed out how the context simply
does not fit the situation of Jesus. Thus Matthew is castigated for once again
reading into the OT what is not there; making mistaken identifications of
Jesus with OT verses.
It is true that Jesus was no Nazirite! He did not refrain from drinking the
juice of the grapes nor from shaving his head. But the problem of this passage is not with Matthew in mistakenly connecting Nazareth with the Nazirites; it is rather with those scholars who mistakenly see Matthew making
such a connection.
What needs to be recognized is that the Greek letter zeta or ~ is used to
transliterate two Hebrew letters, zayin (or t) and tsade (or ll). The Hebrew
word for "Nazarite" comes from the root ,tJ. But the town Nazareth comes
from the Hebrew root ,llJ, not ,TJ. The OT noun built on this stem is ilp,
which means "sprout, shoot, branch." As we noted above, this Hebrew
word is the technical term for the Messiah utilized in the prediction of Isa
11:1: "There shall come forth a Rod from the stem of Jesse, and a Branch
[iJ] shall grow out of his roots." The "Branch" motif is utilized frequently
by OT writers to refer to the coming Messiah (e.g., Isa 4:2; Jer 23:5; 33:15;
Ezek 17:22-23; Zech 3:8; 6:12; cf. Isa 60:21).
Matthew, far from positing a false connection between Jesus and the
Nazirite, is instead pointing out the linguistic connection between the name
of the town "Nazareth" and the title of the Messiah in Isa 11:1, used specifically in the context of the Messiah's growing up! Messiah, the Branch [iJ],
grows up in the City of the Branch [nl~]! Matthew does not give reference
to a specific prophet, but rather states that "it might be fulfilled which was
spoken by the prophets," since he is alluding to the whole messianic
"Branch" motif in the OT. But the specific Hebrew word iJ, used in Isa
11:1 for the Messiah, is recognized by Matthew as linguistically adumbrating the name of Nazareth [nl~], the city where the Messiah would grow
up. Although the Volume of Immanuel (Isa 7-12) does not explicitly mention the city of Nazareth by name, it does indicate "the land of Zebulun and
the land of Naphtali [... ] Galilee of the Gentiles" -the general region in
which the city of Nazareth was located (Isa 8:23 [ET 9:1]). Again, Matthew is
remaining faithful to the original wider messianic context of the Volume of
Immanuel in his allusion to Isa 11:1 in Matt 2:23.
95
4. Isaiah 7-12 in the Overall Literary

Strncture of the Book of Isaiah
The messianic nature of Isa 7-12 is further highlighted as one visualizes the
Volume of Immanuel within the larger context of the chiastic structure of
the entire book of Isaiah (see Figure 3). 22
Nature of Trust
Volumes of
Volumes of
Woes
Comfort
Restoration
Desolitlon
Universal
Babylon and Other

Nations
Oracles to Forelsn Notions
Messiah
Early Oracles
late Oracles
Ruin and Restoration
Figure 3: Chiastic Structure of Isaiah

In my tentative analysis of the chiastic structure of Isaiah, 23 members A and
A' represent early and late oracles, with common themes such as ruin and
restoration. Member B, the Volume of Immanuel, is placed in chiastic parallel with member B', the other major section of messianic prophecy in the
book of Isaiah, namely, the Book of the Suffering Servant (Isa 49-55). Members C and C' deal with foreign nations, especially Babylon. Members' D
and D' move to the universal realm, describing on one hand universal deso22
23
In this study I assume a unified book of Isaiah with a single human writer, Isaiah of
Jerusalem. For defense of this position, see, e.g., 0. T. Allis, The Unity of Isaiah
(Philadelphia: Presbyterian & Reform, 1950); Rachel Margalioth (Margulies), The
Indivisibility of Isaiah (New York: Yeshiva University, 1964); Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39, 17-28;
E. J. Young, Who Wrote Isaiah? (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1958); and Wolf, Interpreting
Isaiah, 27-38.
This literary structural analysis of Isaiah represents a work in progress; I plan to
publish a separate study on the literary structure of Isaiah in the near future.
96
Ric/Jard M. Davidso11
lation, and on the other hand, universal restoration. Members E and E' are
the Volume of Woes and Volume of Comfort respectively, both with another minor section dealing with the messiah (33:17-24 and 42). Finally, the
center of the book, Member F (chs. 36-39), is the only sustained section of
the book in prose. Here Isaiah presents an example of a time in history
when Israel dared to take God at his word, and the resultant deliverance
from the Assyrians by the mighty hand of God. It demonstrates the nature
of trust that God is seeking of his people. 24
Within the overall literary structure of Isaiah, the messianic passages
play a major role, and within the messianic passages, the Volume of Immanuel takes a significant place beside its chiastic counterpart, the Songs of
the Suffering Servant, in detailing the identity and work of the coming Messiah. The messianic hope burns brightly in Isaiah, particularly in Isa 7:14
and its larger context of the Volume of Immanuel!
24
For insights into the central, narrative section of Isaiah, I am indebted to Oswalt, Isaiah
1-39, 56-57, and Wolf, Interpreting Isaiah, 39-41.
GOD-THE GREAT GIVER

PAUL B. PETERSEN
1. Introduction
This study in honor of Gerhard Pfandl is a contribution to our understanding of the composition and unity of the book of Daniel. The editing process
of Daniel is by critical scholars commonly regarded as extremely complicated.1 At first glance, the book may indeed leave an inhomogeneous impression. It combines at least two major genres, tales in chs. 1-6 and visions
in chs. 7-12; it is written in two languages, and presented from two narrative aspects. The various chapters also appear as separate sections, introduced by a chronological reference and containing a natural closure. 2 At the
same time, however, the book presents itself as a functional unity and is by
many readers conceived as a coherent literary work. 3
Moreover, several of the seemingly incoherent features may, at a closer
look, be perceived as strengthening the overall sense of theological unity
and coherence. The combination of genres, for instance, deals with far more
than just the move from court narrative in chs. 1-6 to apocalyptic visions in
As indicated by the introductory notes in the best major commentaries, such as John E.
Goldingay, Daniel (WBC 30; Dallas: Word, 1989), 320-24, 326-29; John J. Collins, Daniel
(Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993), 24-38; and more recently Paul L. Redditt,
Daniel (NCBC; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), 11-34. The critical issues are
also highlighted by several significant articles in the two-volume work edited by John
J. Collins and Peter W. Flint, The Book of Daniel: Composition and Reception (VTSup 83;
Leiden: Brill, 2001); among these the articles by Reinhard G. Kratz, ("The Visions of
Daniel," 1:91-113) and Rainer Albertz ("The Social Setting of the Aramaic and Hebrew
Book of Daniel," 1:171-204) are particularly good illustrations of the challenges of the
final composite work.
Due to these features as well as the difficulty of correlating, for instance, the narratives
in Dan 1 and 2, Daniel L. Smith-Christopher concludes "that these stories once
circulated independently of one another and that the editor of the collection that now
comprises Daniel 1--6 chose to leave some of the enigmatic chronological notes alone,
rather than straightening them out'' ("Daniel," NIB 7:49). One of the exceptions
creating some confusion is the introduction to ch. 4 which when chapter divisions
were made in the 13th century came to be placed at the end of ch. 3. The last three
chapters, though long, naturally belong together as one unit.
The tendency to read the final canonical product as a literary unit is exemplified by
the recent commentary by Ernest C. Lukas, Daniel (AOTC; Downers Grove:
InterVarsity, 2002).
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Paul B. Petersen
chs. 7-12. The book also contains prayers in poetry and prose, poems, royal
decrees, appearances of heavenly beings, visionary prophecies, dynastic
oral prophecies, etc. John J. Collins, a long time ago, pointed to this fact as
typical for apocalyptic literature, mixing elements from other genres into a
new type of literature. 4 So, being typical for its genre, the apparent inhomogeneous features do not necessarily imply incoherence. Discussion is still
ongoing in regard to both origin and function of the language shifts as well
as the impact of the change of narrative aspect from third to first person. 5
More detailed investigation also undermines the apparent independency of each narrative and vision. The book follows a continuous story line,
and consecutive chapters or major units are linked by historical, linguistic,
literary, and theological connections which serve to lead the reader onwards. At times these connections may indicate close theological continuation, at times they are primarily literary allusions or terminological echoes. 6
"The Jewish apocalypses commonly embrace various distinct literary forms-visions,

prayers, legends, etc.( ... ] The complexity of the apocalypses has two distinct aspects.
First, literary forms are used in a subordinate way within a larger whole-e.g., prayers
and exhortations within a vision. Second, many apocalypses juxtapose formally
distinct units which are not clearly subordinate to each other (e.g., the visions in
Daniel 7-12 and the Similitudes of Enoch). [... ] Such complexity is the norm rather than
the exception, at least in Jewish apocalypses. It cannot be adequately explained by
source-critical theories. Even where independent sources are incorporated, we must
still account for the composition of the final work. The complex apocalypse is a
literary phenomenon in its own right." John J. Collins, Daniel with an Introduction to
Apocalyptic Literature (FOTL 20; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1984), 3.
I briefly touch upon the significance of the reversal of the role of Daniel in the book in
Paul Birch Petersen, "The Theology and the Function of the Prayers in the Book of
Daniel" (Ph.D. diss., Andrews University, 1999), 334-37.
Some of these chapter connections have been commonly recognized, such as elements
linking ch. 3 with ch. 2, the statue covered partly or fully with gold, the use of the
significant verb cip in the Haphel conjugation (nine times in ch. 3, accentuating the
enterprise of the king [vv. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 12, 14, 15, 18], cp. its usage in 2:21, 44, 45), and
the expression "the province of Babylon" (3:7, cf. 2:49) etc. Other connections are less
noticed, such as links between chs. 6 and 7, lions (6:22; 7:4) and the use of the verb p7o
"ascend" in the closing of ch. 6 and the opening of ch. 7. In 6:24 the king orders Daniel
to be "lifted up" (Haphel) from the lions, which he consequently is (Hophal). In 7:3 it
describes how the beasts "came up" (Peil) from the sea, the first of them likened to a
lion. The morphologically unusual forms of this verb in 6:24 are due to two factors: in
the Haphel and Hophal conjugations, (1) the lamed is assimilated with the samekh, and
(2) gemination of samekh may occur by nasalation, i.e., by adding the letter nun. See
Franz Rosenthal, A Grammar of Biblical Aaramaic (Porta linguarum orientalium NS 5;
Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1983), 54 (172); Ernest Vogts, Lexicon linguae Veteris
Testamentii documentis antiquis illustratum (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1971),
llB--19; and Stanislav Segert, Altaramiiische Grammatik (Leipzig: VEB, 1975), 113--14
(3.7.5.2.1). Petersen presents a number of connections between chs. 8 and 9 related to
God- The Great Giver
99
In this short article I focus on theological links between chs. 1 and 2. I

have chosen to follow the perspective of prayer and in a sense begin from
the end by looking at the function of the first recorded prayer of the book in
Dan 2:20-23. This method may seem unusual, but I want to invite readers
to follow me in detecting previously unnoticed theological connections between the opening chapters of the book of Daniel. It is my contention that
the questions raised by the study of the function of prayer open new doors
for understanding the literary and theological links between these two
chapters of the book. 7
2.
Nature of Prayer
The presence of prayer contributes to our understanding of a narrative text

in several ways. 8 First, prayer plays a literary role in the plot and structure
of the narrative. Second, a recorded prayer is linked to its narrative setting
by its themes and by its depiction of characters, both of the addressee, the
pray-er, and other characters referred to in the prayer. Third, prayer by being prayer functions as part of the interaction and dialogue between God
and humans. 9 In the following sections I will highlight the function of
prayer in the narrative of Dan 2 in these three areas before turning the attention to the relationship between ch. 2 and ch. 1.
words and terminology, echoes, themes, and the process of communication or

dialogue between God and Daniel (Petersen, "Prayers in the Book of Daniel," 197217).
Major elements of this article are presented in my Ph.D. dissertation (ibid., 106-11).
Biblical prayers in narrative contexts have been the object of a number of studies, at
times in conjunction with other genres, such as speeches or poems. Significant
examples include Oscar Harris, "Prayer in Luke-Acts: A Study in the Theology of
Luke" (Ph. D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 1966); Otto Pliiger, "Reden und Gebete im
deuteronomistischen und chronistischen Geschichtswerk," in Aus der Spiitzeit des A/ten
Testaments: Studien (Giittingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1971), 50-66, repr. of
Festschrift far Gunther Dehn: Zurn 75. Geburtstag am 18. April 1957 dargebracht von der
Evangelisch-Theologischen Fakultiit der Rheinischen Friedrich Wilhelms-Universitiit zu Bonn
(ed. W. Schneemelcher; Neukirchen: Erziehungsverein, 1957), 35-49; Edwin Elias
Staudt, "Prayer and the People in the Deuteronomist" (Ph.D. diss., Vanderbilt
University, 1980); Patrick J. Griffin, "The Theology and Function of Prayer in the Book
of Tobit" (Ph.D. diss., The Catholic University of America, 1984); Sharyn Echols
Dowd, Prayer, Power, and the Problem of Suffering: Mark 11:22-25 in the Context of Markan
Theology (SBLDS 105; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988); and James W. Watts, Psalm and
Story: Inset Hymns in Hebrew Narrative CTSOTSup 139; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
Press, 1992).
The specific methodology applied when studying the function of prayers in narrative
contexts is described and justified in Petersen, "Prayers in the Book of Daniel," 38-44.
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Paul B. Petersen
3. Prayer in the Narrative of Daniel
As the events unfold in Dan 2, three major questions arise from the tension
and create the plot. 10 The first question is factual and due to the natural curiosity of the reader. What is the content of the dream of King Nebuchadnezzar which is able to create such emotional disturbance to a powerful
ruler? The second question is theologically decisive. Is anyone able to reveal
the secret? The third question is existential as the lives of Daniel and his
friends are threatened, and as the reader identifies with these young men.
Will they be saved from execution? The answer to the third question is dependent on the answer to the second. God is able to reveal. Through Daniel
God presents the content of the dream to the king, and the four Hebrews
are in the end not only saved, but honored.
Looking at the narrative from the end, we find the structure of the story.
As prayer is my chosen perspective, the structure presented in the following table is based on the interpersonal relations in the narrative. 11 This structure highlights the elements of the plot mentioned above and further
emphasizes the centrality of the revelation of God. Most importantly, it reveals the central function of prayer within the narrative. 12
10
11
12
"Plot structure simply refers to the pattern of events that take place in the storyworld." Danna Nolan Fewell, Circle of Sovereignty: A Story of Stories in Daniel 1-6
OSOTSup 72; BLS 20; Sheffield: Almond Press, 1988), 19. Plot refers to the tensions
created by the events described, the questions raised, and the solution and answers
given in the course of the narrative.
This structure is from Petersen, "Prayers in the Book of Daniel," 52. Different
structures may be detected in any given body of literature or art, depending on the
chosen perspective. An analogy from physiology may serve to illustrate: depending
on perspective, the skeleton and bone structure, the heart and blood circulation
system, and the nervous system may all be understood as structures of the human
body. They are not mutually exclusive, but complement each other.
Critical scholars have at times perceived internal discrepancies due to the supposed
prehistory of the story of Dan 2, primarily related to the different roles of Arioch and
changed manner of Daniel's approach to the king in vv. 16 and 25. So, e.g., Louis F.
Hartman and Alexander A. Di Lella, The Book of Daniel (AB 23; New York: Doubleday,
1978), 139; Collins, Daniel, 153; T. J. Meadowcroft, Aramaic Daniel and Greek Daniel: A
Literary Comparison OSOTSup 198; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), 164;
Redditt, Daniel, 50. This is unnecessary, and a number of scholars disagree with this
criticism and find the supposed discrepancies perfectly explainable by the literary art
of the narrative. See, e.g., Fewell, Circle, 52-53; Norman W. Porteous, Daniel (2d ed.;
OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1979), 43; Goldingay, Daniel, 34, 46; Lucas, Daniel, 7172. The difference in the role of Arioch underlines the function of his character; the
emphasis in this section of the narrative is on speed; the reader is naturally supposed
to fill in what is lacking in the description of court etiquette in v. 16; see also the
discussion in Petersen, "Prayers in the Book of Daniel," 58-60.
101
Section
Content
Vv.
The problem stated: the dream

Emotional reaction of Nebuchadnezzar
Calling upon the wise men
1-2
King and wise men

What is the content of the dream and its interpretation?
3-4
King and wise men (continued)

Who is able to reveal the secret?
5--12
Closing with the emotions of the king: the death decree

D
Death decree against the wise men

Postponed by the intervention of Daniel
To Arioch and the king
13--16
Prayer to God: petition
Revelation of the secret
E'
Prayer to God: thanksgiving
D'
Intervention by Daniel to Arioch and the king

Removes the death threat
King and Daniel
God is able to reveal the secret
Closing with the emotions of the king
17-18
19
20-23
24-25
C'
26-30
B'
King and Daniel (continued)

Disclosing the content of the dream
and its interpretation
31-45
A'
Reaction of Nebuchadnezzar to the dream,
46-49
Honoring Daniel and his friends
Table: Interpersonal Structure of Daniel 2

Central in this well composed chiastic structure stands the dialogue between Daniel and his friends and God (sections E-F-E'). An unrecorded
petition for mercy and illumination of the secret and an individual thanksgiving encircle the sentence that "the secret was revealed to Daniel in a
nightly vision" (v. 19). This sentence expresses the major theological point
of the narrative as a whole. In contrast to the gods of the Babylonians, God
is able to reveal (their gods "do not live among mortals", v. 11). In contrast
to the (un-)wise men of Babylon, 13 Daniel is in communication with his God
through prayer.
13
I credit this expression to G. T. M. Prinsloo, "Two Poems in a Sea of Prose: The

Content and the Context of Daniel 2:20-23 and 6:27-28," JSOT 59 (1993): 99.
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Paul B. Petersen
4. Themes and Characters in Daniel 2

The recorded prayer in vv. 20-23 encapsulates the basic themes of the narrative. God owns all power and wisdom (v. 20). He delegates power to
kings (v. 2la, cf. Daniel's explanation to Nebuchadnezzar in v. 37). He
shares His wisdom with wise men (v. 21b), and He has now, in specific,
given Daniel wisdom and power by revealing the secret of the dream to
him (v. 23). The basic verb is "to give", Aramaic ::J.i1'. God is the great giver.
The words of the prayer depict the characters of the narrative in a way
fully congruent with events. God, the addressee of the prayer, shows Himself to be exactly as portrayed by its words. Daniel, the pray-er, is the humble receiver of wisdom only God can provide, his attitude of humility is
exemplified also in his words to the king in vv. 27-30 and of course in the
very fact that he offers his prayer of thanksgiving. The friends occupy a
supporting role in the prayer as well as in the narrative.
5. The Divine-Human Dialogue

By its very nature, prayer functions differently in narrative contexts from,
for instance, speeches. Both these genres are able to encapsulate, complement, or modify their narrative contexts by the recorded words. Both genres are able to further depict the characters of the narrative, the speaker and
the audience/addressee. Prayer, however, is also part of a dialogue between
God and humans. In prayer people respond to their perception of God's
activity or inactivity, expressing their expectations to God of His intervention. To understand prayer in a narrative context it is, therefore, necessary
to investigate the interactions between God and humans. Who is the God to
whom people pray? What is He like? 14
From a literary perspective this question is not simply answered in our
case by referring to general theological perceptions of God in the OT. While
such provide a historical framework for the concept of God also in Daniel, a
literary study concentrates on what is explicitly said in the book of Daniel
itself about the God to whom Daniel prays.
In the narrative in Dan 2 the Babylonian sages describe their gods negatively in v. 11. We only learn about the nature of God from the words of
Daniel in prayer and explanation. In his acknowledgement Nebuchadnezzar (v. 47) only repeats what we already know from Daniel's speech (vv.
28-31). It is from these statements that we realize that God sent the dream
14
Samuele E. Balentine, Prayer in the Hebrew Bible: The Drama of Divine-Human Dialogue
(Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993) provides profound theological rationale for understanding the function of prayer this way.
103
to Nebuchadnezzar, and that He was the one who revealed the secret to
Daniel.
Chapter 2 thus only explicitly describes God through the words of the
characters. That is, however, not the case for the previous chapter to which I
will now tum.
6. Against the Background of Daniel 1

Hardly any scholar disagrees that ch. I provides an introductory framework-not only to the Aramaic chs. 2-7, but to the book of Daniel as a
whole, 15 and from a literary perspective we naturally read ch. 2 as a continuation. However, the reference to the second year of Nebuchadnezzar
(2:1) has often caused scholars to see a contradiction between the two narratives on a historical level. Proper understanding of the ancient ways of
reckoning time, however, clearly solves that problem. 16 The shift in languages also represents a significant difference between the two chapters,
but that shift actually occurs inside ch. 2 itself, namely in v. 4.
15
16
See Collins, Daniel, 38; Andre Lacocque writes that "The first chapter of Daniel
constitutes an introduction to the whole book, and in particular to its first part
(chapters 1-Q)." Andre Lacocque, The Book of Daniel (London: SPCK, 1979), 24.
Already S. R. Driver solved the chronological tension by acknowledging the use of
accessing year reckoning, explaining how Daniel and friends could have finished their
three year training in the second year of Nebuchadnezzar (The Book of Daniel [5th ed.;
Cambridge University Press, 1922], 17); see also the graphic chart by Stephen R.
Miller, Daniel (NAC 18; Broadman & Holman, 1994), 76. Driver is followed by most
conservative scholars, e.g., Edward J. Young, The Prophecy of Daniel (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1949), SS-56; Gerhard F. Hase!, "The Book of Daniel: Evidences Relating to
Persons and Chronology," AUSS 19 (1981), 47-49; Gleason L. Archer, Jr., "Daniel,"
EBC 7:41-42; Gerhard Maier, Der Prophet Daniel (Wuppertaler Studienbibel; Wuppertal: Brockhaus, 1982), 92-93. With Goldingay (6) and Lacocque (40), but contrary to
Fewell (43) and Collins (Daniel, 145, 155), not only 1:21, but also 1:20 should be
considered as part of the frame for the entire narrative section of the book. This fact is
indicated by the preceding sentence in the end of v. 19, in which the four Jews
following their test enter the service of the court. Contrary to Collins (Daniel, 155), I
find nothing in 2:25 to indicate that Daniel was previously completely unknown to the
king and that the examination at the end of his schooling could not have taken place
already. The last issue to be touched upon in this context is the question why Daniel
and his friends did not attend the first meeting with the king in 2:1-12, see Collins
(Daniel, 158). Close reading reveals, however, that the text never states that all wise
men of Babylon were summoned to the king. Whether Daniel at this stage of his
service had not yet reached a sufficient rank, is an option, but may be the historical
explanation. Nothing is stated except the fact that, as a result of the dialogue between
the king and some (but not all) of his magicians, sorcerers, etc., Nebuchadnezzar
ordered all wise men (now using the term rr;i:;n:i, which included Daniel and his
friends) to be killed.
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Paul B. Petersen
What is significant for the particular question raised in this article? It is

the fact that ch. 1 describes God explicitly and thus provides a theological
framework for the image of God in the narrative in ch. 2. The God to whom
Daniel prays has already been characterized in ch. l, not by the characters
within the story, but by the narrator himself. Daniel 1 contains the following three specific references to God.
"And the Lord gave (nathan) Jehoiakim, king of Judah, into his hand."
(1:2)
"And God gave (nathan) Daniel favor and compassion in the sight of the
chief of the eunuchs." (1:9)
"As for these four youths, God gave (nathan) them learning and skill in
all literature and wisdom, and He gave Daniel special ability in understanding the meanings of visions and dreams." (1:17) 17
It is remarkable that the three explicit actions attributed by the narrator to
God in Dan 1 are expressed by the same verb !nl nathan "to give." The
Aramaic equivalent is the central verb in Dan 2, describing God as the great
giver. Furthermore, the three actions mentioned in ch. 1 are in content directly related to the characterization of God in the subsequent chapter.
In ch. 2 we identified God as the giver of wisdom to wise men, stated in
the prayer in 2:21b and in Daniel's exposition of the dream in 2:27-28, 30.
This is exactly what is said in Dan 1:17. We also saw that God gives or delegates power to kings and rulers, expressed in the prayer in 2:21a and in the
explanation in 2:37-38. The similar thought and wording is found in Dan
1:2, "giving into the hand/power" of Nebuchadnezzar. The third action explicitly mentioned in Dan 1 is the giving of compassion or favor (Hebrew
O'Ql'.)'"! rachamim) in personal relationships (1:9). This trait of the character of
God is highlighted also in Dan 2. The petition to God from Daniel and his
friends asks God for mercy or compassion (Aramaic rOI'.)'"! rachamin, 2:18).
Thus, the God to whom Daniel sends his petition and expresses his
gratitude during the course of the events in ch. 2 is precisely the God who is
described in the opening narrative of the preceding ch. 1. 18 He is in charge
17
While the translations of vv. 2 and 9 are undisputed, I prefer to translate the Hiphil of
the ancient translations of both LXX and Vulgate.
In my view this is the natural understanding in the context, underlining the fact that
Daniel had received this gift from God; it was not a natural, inherent quality. Of
modem English versions, only the paraphrase of the New Living Translation follows
the ancient versions!
The question raised by the prayer perspective is, of course, a very simple one. To what
kind of God does Daniel pray? Nevertheless, the significance of the question and,
consequently, the importance of viewing the narratives in light of the ongoing divinehuman dialogue, are well illustrated by the fact that in spite of the simplicity of the
question, no modem commentary has ever raised it, and none of them has taken note
r:i. in v. 17b as causative, following
18
God-The Great Giver
105
of human history; he reveals secrets to wise men who in humility seek Him
in prayer; and He shows compassion by extending favor to individuals in
their personal relationships.
7.
Conclusion
The two opening chapters of the book of Daniel are not accidentally put
together in the process of redaction. From a literary aspect they are carefully structured and harmoniously composed. In spite of the change of language, and in spite of the seemingly chronological independence of the two
narratives, the second chapter is a natural continuation of the first. When
read from the perspective of prayer as part of a divine-human dialogue,
these chapters are also seen to be closely connected and united in the depiction of characters as well in theology and thought. The observations in this
study testify to the literary coherence and the overall theological unity of
the book of Daniel.
of the similarity between the three explicit statements about God in ch. 1 or their
connection to the narrative in the subsequent chapter.
THE CHARACTERIZATION OF GOD

IN THE ARAMAIC CHAPTERS OF DANIEL
TARSEELI
1. Introduction
It is my pleasure to contribute to a volume honoring Gerhard Pfandl, who
has always been an example of a Christian and a scholar.

The present study endeavors to apply some of the insights of narratology/narrative criticism to the Aramaic chapters of Daniel. In particular, I
will focus on the characterization of God. It is necessary to begin this article
by stating two premises relevant to what follows. First, this study is based
on the finished form of the Masoretic Text (MT) of Daniel. Although I do
recognize the importance source-critical issues, I will not address them
here, because narrative criticism requires an extant finished form of a text as
a starting point. That is, the narrative analysis of all hypothetical sources
will not yield the same results as the narrative analysis of a finished/extant
product. The same can be said regarding issues of textual criticism. No
doubt, the Old Greek (OG) and Theodotion (Th) versions of the Septuagint
(LXX) are also extant "finished" text forms, or translations of such, and they
are important sources for the history of the text. 1 However, the differences
between the MT and the LXX, especially the OG, are significant enough that
narrative analysis of these different textual witnesses may yield different
conclusions. For example, both the OG and the Th include a lengthy passage in ch. 3, which is not found in the MT, consisting of a prayer by
Azariah and a song of praise by the three young men in the fiery furnace.
Therefore, my choice of the MT as the basis for this present study is not intended to ignore text-historical issues, but is necessary because each of the
finished forms of the text is eligible for independent narrative analysis. A
second relevant premise is that there is a distinction between narrative and
history. That is, a narrative is like a two dimensional photograph of a three
dimensional reality taken from a specific point of view. Thus, a narrative,
including an apocalyptic one, is by necessity selective in what and how
events are told or not told. A narrative is a work of art, and it must be interpreted as such. Therefore, the interpretation of a narrative does not focus on
For an assessment of the relationship between the OG and Th, see Tim McLay, The OG
and Th Versions of Daniel (SBLSCS 43; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997).
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Tarsee Li
the reconstruction of actual history, important as that is, but on the study of
how and why the narrative is told.
One important dimension of narrative literature is "characterization."
Characterization refers to the depiction of individual protagonists and their
personalities. They may be characterized directly by explicit statements,
indirectly by implication (actions, appearance, etc.), or by analogy. Direct
characterization involves listing an individual's traits. Indirect characterization involves metonymy, that is, the narration of specific actions, speeches,
dress, or situations to imply more general traits of personality or character.
Characterization through analogy involves comparisons and contrasts. 2
Characters are depicted along a continuum that ranges from "round" on
one end and "flat" on the other. Round characters reveal multi-faceted personalities including emotions and motives, whereas flat characters are only
introduced to the extent necessary for the plot. Since characterization involves a continuum, most characters in a story are not completely round or
flat. Adele Berlin proposed at least three recognizable points along the continuum:
One might think of them as points on a continuum: 1) the agent, about
whom nothing is known except what is necessary for the plot; the agent
is a function of the plot or part of the setting; 2) the type, who has a limited and stereotyped range of traits, and who represents the class of
people with these traits; 3) the character, who has a broader range of
traits (not all belonging to the same class of people), and about whom we
know more than is necessary for the plot. 3
This continuum may be illustrated by a number of characters presented in
the book of Daniel. On the round end of the spectrum, there is Daniel, the
central human character of the book. Yet, even Daniel is not a fully round
character, since references to him sometimes only serve as a background to
a prophecy (e.g., chs. 7, 8). At the other end of the spectrum are the Babylonian wise men. Although they are mentioned as a group quite frequently in
chs. 1-5, they never appear as individuals. Nor do we know any of their
For further discussion on characterization, see (not an exhaustive list) Seymour

Chatman, Story and Discourse: Narrative Structure in Fiction and Film (Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1978), 107-37; Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative (New York:
Basic, 1981), 114-30; Shlomith Rimmon-Kenan, Narrative Fiction: Contemporary Poetics
(New York: Methuen, 1983), 29-42; Adele Berlin, Poetics and Interpretation of Biblical
Narrative (Sheffield: Almond, 1983), 23-42; David M. Gunn and Danna Nolan Fewell,
Narrative in the Hebrew Bible (OBS; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), 46--89; and
Luc Herman and Bart Vervaeck Handbook of Narrative Analysis (trans. by authors from
Vertelduivels: Handboek verhaalanalyse, 2001; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press,
2005), 67-70.
Berlin, Poetics and Interpretation, 32.
TI1e Characterization of God in the Aramaic Daniel
109
names. Their role is rather stereotypical. That is, they are supposed to interpret dreams and mysteries, but are never able to. Thus, they function as
agents in the plot, whose role in the narrative is to highlight the fact that it
is God who gives wisdom and reveals secrets. Somewhere in the middle
between the two ends of the continuum are Daniel's three friends, who only
appear in the first three chapters of the book. Unlike the Babylonian wise
men, they are named. Not only do we know their Hebrew names,
Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, but also their new Babylonian names,
Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego. Yet, unlike Daniel, in the MT version of
the story they never function individually, but only as a threesome. Even in
ch. 3, where they play a central role, they only function as a group. The narrative never develops the individuality of Daniel's friends. It reveals little of
their character and personality beyond what is characteristic of those who
remain faithful to God under oppression in any age of history. 4
Narrative studies of the Bible have flourished since the 1980's, including
the study of characterization. 5 Several articles have also appeared on the
subject of the characterization of God in various biblical passages. 6 Yet,
there are very few studies on the characterization of God in the book of
Daniel. For example, I noticed that in one book where the depiction of God
in the Old Testament is one of its two main topics/ less than one page was
devoted to the book of Daniel-and even then, only one sentence dealt with
"Consequently, we may decide that their story is not their story. It is not a story of
their heroism." Dunn and Fewell, Narrative, 185. Neither is it a story about "the effect
of their heroism on the world around them" (ibid.), but, as I will argue below, it is a
story about God's power to deliver.
In addition to the already cited works of Alter, Berlin, Gunn, and Fewell, there was,
for example, an entire issue of Semeia devoted to this topic: Elizabeth Struthers Malbon
and Adele Berlin, eds., Semeia 63 (1993). More recent examples include several articles
dealing with characterization in Camille Focant and Andre Wenin, eds., Analise
narrative et Bible: Deuxeme colloque international du RRENAB, Leuven-la-Neuve, avril 2004

(Leuven: Peeters, 2005). For examples of treatments that include the book of Daniel,
see Danna Nolan Fewell, Circle of Sovereignty: Plotting Politics in the Book of Daniel
(Nashville: Abingdon, 1991); Bill T. Arnold, "Word Play and Characterization in
Daniel l," in Puns and Pundits: Word Play in the Hebrew Bible and Ancient Near Eastern
Literature (ed. 5. B. Noegel; Bethesda: COL, 2000), 231-48.
For example: John 0. W. Watts, "The Characterization of Yahweh in the Vision of
Isaiah," Review & Expositor 83 (1986): 439-50; Paul Danove, "The Narrative Function of
Mark's Characterization of God," NovT 43 (2001): 12-30; idem, The Rhetoric of the
Characterization of God, Jesus, and Jesus' Disciples in the Gospel of Mark OSNTSup 290;
London: Clark, 2005).
Robert L. Hubbard, Jr., Robert K. Johnston, and Robert P. Meyer, eds., Studies in Old
Testament Tiieology: Historical and Contemporary Images of God and God's People (Dallas:
Word, 1992).
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Tarsee Li
a description of God. 8 It is my hope that this short study will serve as a

modest contribution to a field that deserves much more research.
In the rest of my comments I will focus on the Aramaic portion of the
book of Daniel, consisting of chs. 2 to 7 (which, except for the Hebrew introduction in 2:1-4a, are written in Aramaic). This choice is not based on
common scholarly views concerning the provenance of the book. Rather, it
is because the narratives occur mostly in the Aramaic section, and because
it is generally recognized that the Aramaic chapters form a distinctive unit
within the overall structure of the book of Daniel. 9
2. Characterization of God
One of the clues to the importance of the characterization of God in the
book of Daniel consists of the many epithets/titles ascribed to him. Meir
Sternberg suggested that for biblical figures "to bear a name is to assume an
identity." 10 In the book of Daniel, no human protagonist receives more
names/designations than God. In addition to "God," the author of Daniel
uses several expressions to refer to him. Most of these could be grouped
into two types. One group emphasizes the superiority of God over human
powers by expressions that connote some aspect of height. He is "the God
of heaven" N:Oo/ i1?!:! (2:44), "the Lord of heaven" N:OVN!.'? (5:23), "the Most
High God" ~''?!?Ni!?!:! (3:26, 32 [ET 4:2]; 5:18, 21), or simply "the Most High"
~''?!? (4:14, 21, 22, 29, 31 [ET 4:17, 24, 25, 32, 34]; 7:25) 11 and its synonym, "the
Most High/Highest" r~i?~ (7:18, 22, 25, 27). 12 "Heaven" N:Oo/ (4:23 [ET 4:26])
is also used as an indirect reference to God (cf. v. 22 [ET 25]). The other
group of designations emphasizes the eternity/perpetuity of God. He is "the
Living God" N:D Ni!?!:! (6:27 [ET 6:26]}, "the One Who Lives Forever" N'?'?l:' 'D
(4:31 [ET 4:34]}, "the Ancient of Days" rr;ii' i''l'll,! (7:9) or N:Oi' i''l'll,! (7:11, 22).
God's eternity is explicitly linked to the fact that his kingdom will be eternal, that is, he "is the living God, enduring forever, and his kingdom that
10
11
12
"Despite the tribulations of the faithful, God remains in control of history." Roland E.
Murphy, "Images of Yahweh: God in the Writings," in Studies in Old Testament Theology
(ed. R. L. Hubbard, Jr., R. K. Johnston, and R. P. Meyer; Dallas: Word, 1992), 197.
This was first recognized by A. Lenglet, "La structure litteraire de Daniel 2-7," Bib 53
(1972): 169-90. Lenglet described the chiastic structure of chs. 2-7 in terms of
concentric circles.
Meir Sternberg, The Poetics of Biblical Narrative: Ideological Literature and the Drama of
Reading (ISBL; Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), 331.
Kethib N''7V, Qere ;it;t?l,l.
The latter occurs only in the plural in the expression "the saints of the Most High" in
ch. 7.
The Characterization of God in the Aramaic Daniel
111
which will not be destroyed" (6:27 [ET 6:26]). 13 In fact, there is a connection
between the expressions used to refer to God and some of the themes developed in Daniel. The fact that he is the Most High means that he rules
over human beings (e.g., 4:14 [ET 4:17]), and the fact that he is eternal means
that his kingdom will have no end (e.g., 2:44; 7:14).
Two other techniques used to characterize God in Daniel are often employed in combination, that is, narration of his actions and explicit direct
statements. In ch. 2, God is characterized as the giver of knowledge and
wisdom, especially knowledge about the future. He is the "Revealer of
mysteries" 1'!) N]~ (2:28), N:!) N]~ (v. 29), !'!) i1]~ (v. 47). God's action in the
chapter consists of revealing Nebuchadnezzar's dream to Daniel (v. 19).
There are many direct statements scattered throughout the chapter that
connect this narrative event with a more general characterization of God.
The narrative contrasts God's revelation with the inability of the wise men
to reveal and interpret the dream.
The Chaldeans answered before the king and said: "There is no man on
the earth who is able to disclose the king's matter, for no great king or
ruler has asked a matter such as this of any magician, exorcist, or Chaldean. And the matter that the king is asking is difficult, and there is not
another who can disclose it before the king, except the gods whose
dwelling is not with flesh." (2:10-11)
The same is emphasized in Daniel's words:
Daniel answered before the king and said: "The wise men, exorcists,
magicians, and diviners cannot disclose to the king the mystery that the
king is asking. But there is a God in heaven, a revealer of mysteries. And
he has made known to King Nebuchadnezzar what will happen at the
end of the days." (2:27-28)
Thus, when Daniel acknowledges, "as for me, not by wisdom that is in me
above any living being was this mystery revealed to me" (v. 30), it is not
merely an expression of humility on his part, but a reiteration of the narrative theme that the revelation of secrets is God's prerogative and not a human power. The same theme breaks through in Daniel's poetic praise: God
is "the one who gives wisdom to the wise and knowledge to those who
know understanding" (v. 21).
"To you, God of my fathers, I give thanks and praise, because you have
given me wisdom and power. And now you have made known to me
what we requested of you, for you have made known to us the matter of
the king." (2:23)
13
Bible passages cited in this article are rendered with my own translation, except where
otherwise stated.
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This theme is further reinforced in the words of Nebuchadnezzar to Daniel:

"Truly, your God is a God of gods, and lord of kings and revealer of mysteries, because you have been able to reveal this mystery" (v. 47).
In ch. 3, although the plot involves Nebuchadnezzar's golden image and
the refusal of the three Hebrews to worship it, I suggest that the aim of the
story is the characterization of God. That is, God is able to deliver those
who trust in him. The challenge is set by none other than the king himself:
"But if you do not worship it, at that moment you will be thrown into the
furnace of burning fire. And who is the god who will rescue you from my
hand?" (3:15). The answer of the three Hebrews has been variously interpreted. Grammatically, :ir.W; ... Nm1:irw? '7?.: !'D?~ N1r:1}.W'1 N16'?tl 'D'N JD in v.
17 can be translated either "If it is so, our God ... is able to deliver us ... ,
and he will" or "If our God ... is able to deliver us ... , then he will." 14 In
additibn, Wesselius suggested the possibility that the apodosis in v. 16 precedes the protasis in v. 17: "We do not need to answer you ... , if our God ...
is able to deliver us ... and (if) he delivers us. But if not (i.e., 'in any case')
... " 15 It is beyond the scope of this article to settle the issue of how to interpret the passage. Suffice it to say that either interpretation fits the theme of
the chapter. That is because the focus of the narrative is on God's power to
deliver, rather than on whether the three Hebrews were certain of his
power. As argued earlier, the three Hebrews are not fully round characters
in the plot. Their answer is not as central to the narrative as is Nebuchadnezzar's question, "Who is the god who will rescue you from my hand?"
That question, in tum, is soundly answered not only by the events of the
narrative, but in the words of Nebuchadnezzar himself: "Blessed be the
God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, who has sent his angel and delivered his servants who trusted in him" (3:28). The king then issues his
decree forbidding any disrespect toward this God, "inasmuch as there is no
other god who can deliver like this" (v. 29).
Chapter 4 is a first person narrative of how God humbled a proud king.
The chapter appears to be structured around three poetic foci. Some of the
poetry describes the greatness of the tree (4: 7-9 [ET 4:10-12], loosely quoted
in vv. 17-18 [ET 20-21]), which aptly symbolizes the king who said, "Is this
not Babylon the great, which I have built for a royal residence by the
strength of my might and for the honor of my glory?" (v. 27 [ET 30]). Other
14
15
For a brief summary and discussion of various views, see Ariel A. Bloch, "Questioning
God's Omnipotence in the Bible: A Linguistic Case Study," in Semitic Studies in Honor
of Wolf Les/au on tile Occasion of His Eiglity-Fiftli Birthday November 14tli, 1991 (ed. A. S.
Kaye; 2 vols.; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1991), 1:174-88.
Jan-Wim Wesselius, "The Literary Nature of the Book of Daniel and the Linguistic
Character of Its Aramaic," Aramaic Studies 3 (2005): 262---M.
The Characterization of God in the Aramaic Daniel
113
poems describe the heavenly judgment on the tree (vv. 11-14 [ET 14-17],
loosely quoted in vv. 22, 28--29 [ET 25, 31-34]). The purpose of the ordeal
was "so that the living may know that the Most High is ruler over the human kingdom" (v. 14 [ET 17]; see also vv. 22, 29 [ET 25, 31]). Finally, the poetry at the beginning and end of the chapter form an envelope of praise
around the narrative (3:31-33; 4:31-32, 34 [ET 4:1-3, 34-35, 37]). 16 At the beginning, God is praised both for his mighty works and because:
His kingdom is an everlasting kingdom,
and his dominion from generation to generation. (3:33 [ET 4:3])
At the end, Nebuchadnezzar again acknowledges the sovereignty of God,
"whose dominion is an everlasting dominion" (4:31 [ET 4:34]), and who acts
"according to his will" (v. 32 [ET 35]). His final words acknowledge that
"those who walk in pride he is able to humble" (v. 34 [ET 37]). Therefore,
although the story is told from the point of view of its main human character, King Nebuchadnezzar, the structure of the chapter suggests that the
aim of the narrative is to highlight the superiority of the heavenly king.
Chapter 5 narrates God's judgment on King Belshazzar. The narrative
brings to light Belshazzar's prior knowledge of the story of his predecessor
(5:18--21). Although ch. 4 ends stating that God is able "to humble" the
proud (t,!llV is the last Aramaic word in ch. 4), Belshazzar did not "humble"
(t,!llV 5:22) his heart before him. The verdict on Belshazzar consists of a word
play involving words from roots related to measurements (vv. 24-28}-i1l0
"to count," t,pn "to weigh," and oi!l "to divide/to halve." Thus, God is
depicted as a judge who measures and evaluates human actions. In both
chs. 4 and 5, God's judgment and his sovereignty are connected together. It
is because he is the supreme ruler in control of all things that he can pass
judgment on proud earthly monarchs. He is described as "the God in
whose hand your breath is and all your ways" (5:23).
In ch. 6, Daniel was thrown into a den of lions. As in ch. 3, "professional
jealousy" 17 seems to be the motivating factor behind the actions and words
of the accusers (cf. 3:12 and 6:4-5 [ET 6:3--4]). Unlike chs. 2, 4, and 5, God's
power in ch. 6 is contrasted with the powerlessness of the king himself,
rather than that of his wise men. As in ch. 3, the theme of ch. 6 is God's
power to deliver. As Daniel is thrown into the lion's den, the powerless
King Darius can only express his wish to Daniel: "Your God, whom you
16
17
The passage in 3:31-33 (ET 4:1-3) was originally assigned to the end of ch. 3 in the
Vulgate by the thirteenth-century archbishop Stephen Langton, and retained in the
modern editions of the MT. However, "this division of the material is not ancient and
does not reflect any traditions from antiquity." John J. Collins, Daniel: A Commentary
on the Book of Daniel (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993), 221.
Tremper Longman, III, Daniel (NIVAC; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1999), 100.
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Tarsee Li
serve continually, may he deliver you!" (6:17 [ET 6:16]). The narrator does
not directly tell the readers what transpired the night that Daniel spent with
the lions. Instead, he reports the king's question the next morning: "Daniel,
servant of the living God, was your God, whom you serve continually, able
to deliver you from the lions?" (v. 21 [ET 20]). Though the questions were
differently asked, there is a common theme between King Darius' question
and that of King Nebuchadnezzar in ch. 3. That is, in both chapters, a king
asks a question about God's ability to deliver. In ch. 6, the narrator places
the answer in Daniel's mouth: God "sent his angel and closed the mouth of
the lions" (v. 23 [ET 22]). 18 As in ch. 3, the question is also answered in the
king's own words of praise, "He delivers and rescues and does signs and
wonders in heaven and on earth, for he delivered Daniel from the power of
the lions" (v. 28 fET 27]). In ch. 3 the question regarding God's ability to deliver is given in the form of a challenge by a defiant king, whereas in ch. 6 it
is expressed as the wish of a helpless king. Nevertheless, both chapters ask
the same question and give the same answer. God is able to deliver those
who are faithful to him.
Chapter 7 is unique in the richness of its indirect characterization of
God, including not only actions, but also appearance and setting. This may
be due to the fact that, unlike previous chapters, virtually all its narrative
material consists of an account of a prophetic vision. There are some interesting contrasts between the descriptions of the Ancient of Days and the
animals in this chapter. Although the Aramaic word i11'D simply means an
animal or living creature, the common translation "beast" appropriately
reflects their characterization. Whereas the animals arise out of the windy
stirring of the great sea (7:2-3), a river of fire proceeds from the throne of
the Ancient of Days (v. 10). That is, his throne is the source of the fire,
whereas the animals are the product of the struggle of the winds and the
sea. The animals are described by features that enable them to fight, such as
teeth, claws, and horns (vv. 3--8). In contrast, the description of the Ancient
of Days is both stately and orderly. He is dressed in white clothing, there is
fire around him, and an innumerable company stands to do his bidding
(vv. 9-10). The actions of the animals include devouring and stamping,
whereas the action ascribed to the Ancient of Days is that of passing judgment. Thus, whereas the animals are characterized as fierce and ferocious in
their struggle for control, the Ancient of Days does not need to struggle, for
18
Daniel's answer continues with the explanation: "and they have not hurt me,
inasmuch as before him innocence has been found in my favor, and also before you, o
king, I have done no harm." His answer alludes to another theme in the book of
Daniel, i.e., judgment. "Daniel's survival, then, is God's judgment of innocence on
Daniel." Longman, Daniel, 163.
11ie Characterization of God in the Aramaic Daniel
115
he is already in control. God is depicted as one who is above the human

struggle for power, the ultimate judge, and the eternal king.
Central to the prophetic narrative of ch. 7 is the little horn's opposition
to God and his saints and God's judgment of the little horn. There is a disparity between the "little" horn's actual size and its "great words" (7:11, cf.
vv. 8, 20, 25), implying arrogance and pride. Not only did it have "a mouth
speaking great things," but "its appearance was greater than its companions" (v. 20). In contrast, the Ancient of Days is portrayed as a judge (vv. 910, 13-14). Whereas the little horn makes "war" (:::J."')i? v. 21) with the saints,
God is not depicted as fighting, but rather issuing a verdict (v. 22). Furthermore, in contrast to the measured length of the little horn's rule, "a
time, times, and half a time" (v. 25), God' kingdom is eternal (vv. 26-27). As
in chs. 4 and 5, the themes of judgment and sovereignty are linked together.
God passes verdicts on earthly kings because he is the King of kings.
3. Conclusion
Although narratology/narrative criticism is not primarily a theological endeavor, it is obvious that it can contribute relevant insights to biblical theology. The narratives of the book of Daniel are composed with aesthetic
artistry. As any work of art, they can be studied from many perspectives.
Shlomith Rimmon-Kenan remarked:
The reversibility of hierarchies is characteristic not only of ordinary reading but also of literary criticism and theory. Hence it is legitimate to subordinate character to action when we study action but equally legitimate
to subordinate action to character when the latter is the focus of our
study. 19
The above observation combines the perspectives of both narrative criticism
and reader response theory. I suggest, however, that this reversibility of
hierarchies exists not only in the process of reading and narrative criticism,
as Rimmon-Kenan suggested, but also in the artistry of the author himself,
and is therefore also exegetically valid. That is, the author has at his disposal the choice of depicting individuals as a means of advancing the plot
or telling a story as a means of characterizing an individual. In the narratives of Daniel, the characterization of God seems to have a more prominent
role than the narration of events in the plot.
It is clear from the foregoing study that, despite appearances to the contrary,20 the central character in the book of Daniel is not Daniel, but God. In
19
Rimmon-Kenan, Narrative Fiction, 36.

For example, Fewell, Circle of Sovereignty, 118: "Daniel himself will always eclipse
Daniel's god.''
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the Aramaic chapters of Daniel, God is characterized both directly and indirectly by his epithets/titles, his actions, his appearance and even his surroundings. He is the Most High God who rules above human powers. He is
also the living, eternal God. These two qualities combine to assure us that
his kingdom will have no end. In addition, he is also the omniscient God
who imparts wisdom and reveals secrets, he is the omnipotent God who is
able to deliver those who remain faithful to him in oppressive circumstances, and he is the ultimate judge who decides the destinies of all.
Finally, the study of characterization in the book of Daniel suggests that
the book is intended not only as a prophecy of future events, but also as an
invitation to worship and praise the God of Daniel.
"ROCKING THE MOUNTAIN": TEXT,

THEOLOGY, AND MISSION IN DANIEL 2
GERALD A. KLINGBEIL
1. Introduction or A Quick Glimpse into

Daniel Studies
The title of this study sounds surprising-especially considering the fact
that this is a contribution to a collection of essays honoring a Bible scholar
with no particular inclination toward the more modem forms of contemporary music styles. Indeed, this is not meant to "rock the boat," but instead
seeks to provide a close-reading of a well-known text from the book of
Daniel, looking through different lenses to better understand the communicative thrust of the basic prophetic springboard of the foremost apocalyptic
text of the Hebrew Bible. 1
The book of Daniel has always been a very important section of Scripture in the ministry and professional interests of Gerhard Pfandl. His own
dissertation focused upon the crucial concept of the yp-n~ "time of the end"
See Kenton L. Sparks, Ancient Texts for the Study of the Hebrew Bible: A Guide to the
Background Literature (Peabody: Hendrickson, 2005), 240. For a concise introduction to
the apocalyptic literature of the Hebrew Bible and apocalypticism per se see
Christopher Rowland, "Apocalypticism," in The Biblical World: Volume I (ed. J. Barton;
London: Routledge, 2002), 129-48; Paul D. Hanson, "Apcalypses and Apocalypticism
(Genre)," ABO 1:279-80; idem, "Introductory Overview," ABO 1:280-82; John J.
Collins, "Early Jewish Apocalypticism," ABO 1:282-88. More extensive introductions
include Stephen L. Cook, The Apocalyptic Literature (Interpreting Biblical Texts;
Nashville: Abingdon, 2003); Andreas Bedenbender, Der Gott der Welt trill auf den Sinai:
Entstehung, Entwicklung und Funktionsweise der friihjiidischen Apokalyptik (ANTZ 8;
Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 2000); or John J. Collins, The Apocalyptic
Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish Apocalyptic Literature (2d ed.; The Biblical
Resource Series; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998). Apocalyptic concepts can be found
frequently in Jewish texts from the intertestamental period. For a discussion of the
importance of apocalyptic thoughts at Qumran see James C. VanderKam,
"Apocalyptic Tradition in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Religion of Qumran," in
Religion in the Dead Sea Scrolls (ed. J. J. Collins and R. A. Kugler; SDSSRL; Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), 90-112. The initial idea for this study originated in a
graduate class on Biblical Aramaic in the Theological Seminary of the Adventist
International Institute of Advanced Studies, Silang, Philippines, in June-August 2007.
I would like to thank my students for their critique and interaction with the basic
concepts of this study.
118
Gerald A. Klingbeil
(Dan 8:17; 11:35, 40; 12:4, 9) and N:Q\' n'!t:)l::t:;i "the latter days" (Dan 2:28-29
[Aramaic] and Dan 10:14 [Hebrew]) as used in the book of Daniel2 and since
then he has published a number of studies focusing on the book of Daniel
and has taught many classes and seminars dealing with this book. 3 I first
met Gerhard in August of 1986 at Seminar Schloss Bogenhofen, St. Peter,
Austria, when I began my theological training under his guidance. Gerhard
was our principal professor and instilled in our small band of students a
deep love for Scripture, and particularly the text and language of the Hebrew Bible.4 He was (and still is) an inspiring teacher, well organized, always challenging us to dig deeper and find out for ourselves. However, he
was also a wise mentor who would guide his (sometimes wayward) students in their personal, emotional and spiritual journey beyond academia.
It is an honor to contribute the present study to this collection.
The past two hundred years of critical research in the book of Daniel
have been marked by often heated debates about the d~te and origin of the
book, as well as the general hermeneutical approach to be taken to the
book. 5 More often than not, these issues were not only influenced by the
Gerhard Pfandl, The Time of the End in the Book of Daniel (ATSDS 1; Berrien Springs:
Adventist Theological Society, 1992), which is a revised version of idem, "The Latter
Days and the Time of the End in the Book of Daniel" (Ph.D. diss., Andrews
University, 1990).
Gerhard Pfandl, "Daniel's 'Time of the End'," /ATS 7, no. 1 (1996): 141-58; idem,
"Interpretations of the Kingdom of God in Daniel 2:44," AUSS 34 (1996): 249--68; idem,
Daniel the Seer of Babylon (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2004). The Adult Sabbath
School Bible Study Guide, no. 438, entitled "Daniel" (Oct.-Dec. 2004), has also been
authored by Gerhard Pfandl.
In order to gage the important influence of Gerhard Pfandl it should be remembered
that out of the small group of eight theology majors in 1986--1988 five have completed
(or are in the process of completing) a Ph.D. in Hebrew Bible. Compare (in
chronological order): Gerald A. Klingbeil, "Ordination and Ritual. On the Symbolism
of Time, Space, and Actions in Leviticus 8" (D.Litt. diss., University of Stellenbosch,
1995); Martin G. Klingbeil, "Yahweh Fighting from Heaven: God as a Warrior and as
God of Heaven in the Hebrew Psalter and in Ancient Near Eastern Iconography"
(D.Litt. diss., University of Stellenbosch, 1995); Jiirg Eggler, "Iconographic Motifs from
Palestineflsrael and Daniel 7:2-14" (D.Litt. diss., University of Stellenbosch, 1998);
Martin Probstle, "Truth and Terror: A Text-Oriented Analysis of Daniel 8:9-14" (Ph.D.
diss., Andrews University, 2006); Mathilde Frey, "The Sabbath in the Pentateuch"
(presently working on a Ph.D. dissertation in Hebrew Bible at Andrews University).
For more literature see the helpful (but definitely tendentious) introduction to some of
the major issues in John J. Collins, Daniel (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993), 189. More recently (and as part of a new commentary series), Lucas in the introduction
and epilogue to his Daniel commentary has also taken up some of these critical issues,
finally opting to date the narratives of Dan 1-6 during the Persian period, while the
later apocalyptic section (Dan 7-12) is to be dated to the second century B.C. Cf. Ernest
C. Lucas, Daniel (AOTC 20; Leicester: Apollos, 2002), 17-44; 306--16. Compare also
"Rocking the Mountain": Text, Theology, and Mission in Daniel 2
119
textual or exegetical data, but were determined by hermeneutical presuppositions, involving crucial issues such as revelation and inspiration. 6 However, over the past decades a general paradigm shift seems to have
occurred from a predominantly historical (including critical) reading of the
Hebrew Bible towards a more text-oriented reading of the text,7 involving
particular focus on linguistics, 6 pragmatics,9 intertextuality, 10 narrative reJohn Goldingay, Daniel (WBC 30; Dallas: Word, 1987), x-liii. An introduction to the
book from a conservative perspective with many references can be found in Stephen
R. Miller, Daniel: An Exegetical and Theological Exposition of Holy Scripture (NAC 18;
Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1994), 21-53. From the perspective of research of
Seventh-day Adventist scholars concerning the critical issues of the volume see the
classic contributions of Gerhard F. Hase!, "Establishing a Date for the Book of Daniel,"
in Symposium on Daniel (ed. F. B. Holbrook; DARCOM 2; Washington, D.C.: Biblical
Research Institute, 1986), 84-164; and Arthur Ferch, "The Book of Daniel and the
'Maccabean Thesis'," AUSS 21(1983):129-41.
For a helpful introduction to the issues of these important theological concepts see
Peter M. van Bemmelen, "Revelation and Inspiration," in Handbook of Seventh-day
Adventist Theology (ed. R. Dederen; Commentary Reference Series 12; Hagerstown:
Review & Herald, 2000), 22-57. Specific links between inspiration and revelation and
the book of Daniel have been discussed by Gerhard F. Hase!, "Fulfillments of
Prophecy," in 70 Weeks, Leviticus, Nature of Prophecy (ed. F. B. Holbrook; DARCOM 3;
Washington, D.C.: Biblical Research Institute, 1986), 288--322. More recently, Scherer
discussed the often quoted vaticina ex eventu principle (i.e., "prophesying after the
event has already taken place" against the larger issue of prophetic language of the
Hebrew Bible per se, recognizing the existence of the genre and its general
appreciation and consideration in other ANE cultures. Andreas Scherer, "Yorn Sinn
prophetischer Gerichtsverkiindigung bei Amos und Hosea," Bib 86 (2005): 1-19.
Cf. Probstle, "Truth and Terror," 1-3, and further bibliographic references there. I
have noted a similar development in the discussion of biblical ritual, even though I
used a different terminology; cf. Gerald A. Klingbeil, Bridging the Gap: Ritual and Ritual
Texts in the Bible (BBRSup 1; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2007), 50--51, where I called
this approach "meaning-oriented" over against the more "text-oriented" approach
which I have described as focusing primarily on different text layers and editorial
processes.
Cf. Christo H.J. van der Merwe, "Some Recent Trends in Biblical Hebrew Linguistics:
A Few Pointers towards a More Comprehensive Model of Language Use," HS 44
(2003): 7-24, who describes some of the issues of Hebrew linguistics and their impact
on biblical interpretation. Cf. also Susan Anne Groom, Linguistic Analysis of Biblical
Hebrew (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2003). A good resource with many helpful bibliographic
references can also be found in the volume edited by Craig G. Bartholomew et al.,
After Pentecost: Language and Biblical Interpretation (The Scripture and Hermeneutics
Series 2; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2001).
Good introductions to the larger field of pragmatics and its integration in linguistic
and interpretational work of the Hebrew Bible can be found in William M.
Schniedewind, "Prolegomena for the Sociolinguistics of Classical Hebrew," Journal of
Hebrew Scriptures 5 (2004). [Online: http://purl.org/jhs]; Chantal J. Klingbeil, "Mirando
mas alla de las palabras: pragmatica lingiiistica y su aplicaci6n a los estudios biblicos,"
120
Gerald A. Klingbeil
search, 11 etc. Considering more specifically the book of Daniel, important

research has been produced over the past decades, including two major
collections of articles by scholars from different theological backgrounds. 12
A quick review of Ph.D. dissertations 13 or M.A. theses 14 dealing with the
10
II
12
13
in Entender la Palabra: Hermeneutica adventista para el nuevo siglo (ed. M. Alomia et al.;
Cochabamba: Universidad Adventista de Bolivia, 2000), 123-35; Horacio SimianYofre, "Pragmalingilistica: comunicaci6n y exegesis," RevistB 50, nos. 2-3 (1988): 75-95; and E. R. Hope, "Pragmatics, Exegesis, and Translation," in Issues in Bible
Translation (ed. Ph. C. Stine; UBSMS 3; London: United Bible Societies, 1988), 113-28.
Helpful introductions (in chronological order), including further bibliographical
references, can be found in Probstle, "Truth and Terror," 565--74; William M.
Schniedewind, "lnnerbiblial Exegesis," DOTHB, 502-9; Craig C. Broyles, "Traditions,
Intertextuality, and Canon," in Interpreting the Old Testament: A Guide for Exegesis (ed.
C. C. Broyles; Grand Rapids: Baker, 2001), 157-75; Kirsten Nielson, "Intertexuality and
Hebrew Bible," in Congress Volume Oslo 1998 (ed. A. Lemaire and M. S.eb0; VTSup 80;
Leiden: Brill, 2000), 17-31; Patricia Tull, "Intertextuality and the Hebrew Scriptures,"
CurBS 8 (2000): 59-90; and idem, Remember the Former Things: The Recollection of
Previous Texts in Second Isaiah (SBLDS 161; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997), 57-84.
This particular methodological perspective has seen a huge growth over the past
decades. Some relevant and readable introductions to the topic include Yairah Amit,
Reading Biblical Narrative: Literary Criticism and the Hebrew Bible (trans. Y. Lotan;
Minneapolis: Fortress, 2001); Jerome T. Walsh, Style and Structure in Biblical Hebrew
Narrative (Collegeville: Liturgical, 2001); David M. Gunn, "Narrative Criticism," in To
Each Its Own Meaning: An Introduction to Biblical Criticisms and Their Application (ed. S.
L. McKenzie and S. R. Haynes; rev. ed.; Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1999),
201-29; Tremper Longman III, "Literary Approaches to Old Testament Study," in The
Face of Old Testament Studies: A Survey of Contemporary Approaches (ed. D. W. Baker and
B. T. Arnold; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1999), 97-115; or Jean Louis Ska, "Our Fathers Have
Told Us": Introduction to the Analysis of Hebrew Narratives (SubBi 13; Rome: Editrice
Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 1990).
Cf. John J. Collins and Peter W. Flint, eds., The Book of Daniel: Composition and Reception
(2 vols.; Leiden: Brill, 2001), and Adam S. van der Woude, ed., The Book of Daniel in the
Light of New Findings (BETL 106; Lou vain: Leuven University Press, 1993), covering a
total of 1250+ pages.
The dissertations and theses mentioned here have been submitted to academic
institutions not associated with the Seventh-day Adventist church. Traditionally,
studies in Daniel have enjoyed a wide interest in denominational institutions and over
the past years significant contributions to biblical studies have been undertaken,
which, however, will not be the center of our focus here. The Ph.D. dissertations
include (in chronological order, beginning with the most recent): Rafael Rodriguez da
Silva, "Edic;ao e heresia: o livro de Daniel" (Ph.D. diss., Pontifical Catholic University
of Sao Paulo, 2005); David M. Valeta, "Lions and Ovens and Visions, oh my! A
satirical Analysis of Daniel 1-6" (Ph.D. diss., The Iliff School of Theology/University of
Denver, 2004); Anathea Portier-Young, "Theologies of Resistance in Daniel, the
Apocalypse of Weeks, the Book of Dreams, and the Testament of Moses" (Ph.D. diss.,
Duke University, 2004); Daniel R. Watson, "The Writing on the Wall: A Study of the
Belshazzar Narrative" (Ph.D. diss., Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of
Religion, 2004); Birte Braasch, "Die LXX-Ubersetzung des Danielbuches-eine
121
book of Daniel over the past decade (1996-2006) suggests a high level of
interest in this important book. The trend already alluded to above (i.e.,
move from historical questions to textual questions) can also be noted in the
topics of Ph.D. dissertations and M.A. theses, which often focus on reception history (such as the milieu of the LXX translators [Braasch, Obiajunwa]
or other Jewish, Greek, or Christian interpreters [Walsh, Oliveira Soares,
14
Orientierungshilfe fi.ir das religiiise und politisch-gesellschaftliche Leben in der

ptolemaischen Diaspora: Eine rezeptionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung von Dan 1-7"
(Ph.D. diss., Universitat Hamburg, 2004); Regis Courtray, "'Le commentaire sur
Daniel' de Jerome: traduction, notes et commentaire: edition critique du 'De
Antechristo"' (Ph.D. diss., Universite Lurniere de Lyon, 2004); W. Brian Shelton,
"Exegesis and the Role of Martyrdom in Hippolytus' 'Commentary on Daniel"' (Ph.D.
diss., Saint Louis University, 2003); Marius Ne!, "A Theological-Hermeneutical
Investigation of Daniel 1 and 2" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pretoria, 2001); Shawn
Clarke Madden, "Josephus's Use of the Book of Daniel: A Study of Hellenistic-Jewish
Historiography" (Ph.D. diss., The University of Texas, 2001); John Makujina, "Old
Persian Calques in the Aramaic of Daniel" (Ph.D. diss., Westminster Theological
Seminary, 2001); Janet L. R. Melnyk, "The Four Kingdoms in Daniel 2 and 7: Chapters
in the History of Interpretation" (Ph.D. diss., Emory University, 2001); Paul Vincent
Niskanen, "The Human and the Divine in History: Herodotus and the Book of
Daniel" (Ph.D. diss., Graduate Theological Union, 2001); Chong Hun Pae, "The 'Book
of Watchers' and the 'Book of Daniel': Apocalypses Engaged in the Interpretation of
the Canonical Torah" (Ph.D. diss., Graduate Theological Union, 2000); Arianne B.
Schneider, "Jiidisches Erbe in christlicher Tradition: eine kanongeschichtliche
Untersuchung zur Bedeutung und Rezeption der Makkabaerbiicher in der Alten
Kirche des Ostens" (Ph.D. diss., Universitat Heidelberg, 2000); Chukwudi J.
Obiajunwa, "Semitic Interference in Theodotion-Daniel" (Ph.D. diss., The Catholic
University of America, 1999); Paul Joseph Lambach, "A Detailed Comparison of
4QDan' and the Other Qumran Texts of Daniel with the Masoretic Text of Daniel"
(Ph.D. diss., Mid-America Baptist Theological Seminary, 1997); Tawny L. Holm, "A
Biblical Story-Collection: Daniel 1--6" (Ph.D. diss., The Johns Hopkins University,
1997); Viktor Rebrik, "Untersuchung der Textiiberlieferung von Daniel 2 und 7 von
aramaischen Text bei Hieronymus" (Ph.D. diss., Universitat Tiibingen, 1997); and
Charles Lynn Aaron, Jr., "Loosening a Knot: Theological Development in the Book of
Daniel" (Ph.D. diss., Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, 1996).
M.A. theses include (in chronological order, beginning with the most recent): Matthew
Leland Walsh, "Individualistic use of Daniel 7 in early Judaism and Christianity"
(M.A. thesis, Acadia University, 2006); Dionisio Oliveira Soares, "Hesiodo e Daniel: as
rela.;6es entre o rnito das cinco ra.;as e o sonho da estatua de Nabucodonosor" (M.A.
thesis, Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro, 2006); Ariane Magny,
"Porphyre et le 'Livre de Daniel': Reaction a la tradition exegetique chretienne du IIIe
siecle" (M.A. thesis, McGill Unversity, 2005); Paul Lasante, "A King's Dreams: A
Study of the Second Chapter of Daniel within the Context of Dreams in Canonical and
Non-Canonical Sources" (M.A. thesis, McGill University, 2001); Florin Gheorghe Laiu,
"An Exegetical Study of Daniel 7-9" (M.A. thesis, University of South Africa, 2000);
Angeline Janel Falk Schellenberg, "The Development of the Divine Warrior Motif in
Apocalyptic Literature" (M.A. thesis, Providence College and Seminary, 1999).
122
Gerald A. Klingbeil
Magny, Courtray, Shelton, Madden, Melnyk, Niskanen, Schneider, and

Rebrik]) or study particular theological motifs or themes [Portier-Young,
Hun Pae, Holm, and Aaron]).
In the context of this academic Zeitgeist, and remembering the insistence
with which Gerhard reminded his students time and again to return to the
text, I would like to attempt a closer reading of the rock and mountain
symbolism employed in Dan 2. Following this close reading (which will
pay attention to issues of syntax and semantics), I will try to look beyond
the limits of the Hebrew Bible and see if echoes of ancient Babylonian (or
Mesopotamian) motifs and themes can be found in the narrative as well as
a conscious use of these motifs for the purpose of reaching out to somebody
searching and seeking for truth. As is evident, the concerns in this section
engage missiological issues, a topic which lies close to my heart15 and which
in my mind cannot (and should not) be separated from biblical interpretation. Finally, a concise conclusion summarizes the findings of this study.
2.
Rocl~ing
the Mountain: The Text
In the following section I will present the relevant texts of Dan 2 which include a reference to the "stone" and the "mountain." I will provide my own
translation and will give a concise review of how modem commentators
have interpreted the texts.
The references to the stone and the mountain occur in two specific sequences in the Aramaic section of Daniel (Dan 2:34-35, 44--45), once in the
description of the dream which is then followed by the interpretative section.16 As has been argued by Schniedewind, the profound linguistic, cul15 I have spent the last eighteen years abroad and have lived on four continents, i.e.,
16
Europe [Germany/Austria), Africa [South Africa], South America [Peru and

Argentina], and Asia [Philippines). Cf. Gerald A. Klingbeil, ed., Misi6n y
contextualizaci6n: llevar el mensaje biblico a un mundo multicultural (SMEBT 2; Libertador
San Martin: Editorial Universidad Adventista del Plata, 2004) which contains a
number of important contributions dealing with biblical, theological, or exegetical
issues involving the question of contextualization. I am delighted to see that other
scholars also emphasize the close link between mission and biblical hermeneutics in a
systematic way. Cf. Christopher J. H. Wright, The Mission of God: Unlocking the Bible's
Grand Narrative (Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2006), who suggests that the topic of
Bible and mission must move beyond the biblical foundations, multicultural
hermeneutical perspectives, contextual theologies and postmodern hermeneutics.
Wright considers this the integrating motif or theme of the Bible.
Wesselius has studied the literary structure of the book of Daniel and has suggested
its inherent unity, including also the transition from the Hebrew section (l:l-2:4a) to
the Aramaic section (2:4b--7:28). "Thus we may see that the book of Daniel, instead of
resulting from a gradual process of collecting and redacting of various texts, is a well-
123
tural, and political changes affecting Yehud during the Persian period resulted in a large-scale adoption of Aramaic at the expense of Hebrew and is
also reflected in the inclusion of Aramaic in the canonical book of Daniel in
the Hebrew Bible. 17
The MT of Dan 2:34-35 with English translation:
N~t?D1 N?n~ ,,. ;:i1'7.n-'7l} Nr?'tb nt;ir;l1 rT':;i N?-1 p.~ n-:i_pi;i;:i '1 il} i;i:1q ;ir.t;i34
O'ir'Tf WJQ ,lV:p 11[)1 N:;i,t)'T) N~t;>:;> N~t;J~ N~t;'D N?n;i ;i"!r):;l li'l r'!N'.;135 Jlr!l;:J np1::q
n?r;i1 :r1 ,,,,7 nJ::) Nf?77 nryrr1 N~:;i.1:111;;,7 n:;iJ:)~;:i-N? ,1:111r'7:;i.1 Nt;Jl, 11rzi;:i No/~l
Nl}lt:i-'7:;>
You watched until a stone [indeterminate] was cut-not by human

hands-and smote the image at its feet of iron and pottery and crushed
them. 35Then the iron, the pottery, the bronze, the silver and the gold
were crushed altogether and they were like chaff from the summer
threshing floors; and the wind lifted them up and no place could be
34
17
composed literary unity that was most likely written as a whole( ... ). It is now possible
to achieve a clearer picture of its literary structure than we had previously. First, the
continuity of the book is provided through deliberately achieved unity of style and
language both in the Hebrew and in the Aramaic sections, through references to
earlier episodes, through the supplementary character of the visions, and through the
chiastic structure of the Aramaic part. Second, another, hitherto unrecognized, factor
of continuity is the connection between the book's structure and that of Ezra and of
the story of Joseph in Genesis 37-50. Taken together, these two factors offset the
deliberate lack of continuity between the eleven episodes of Daniel with their
variegated character with regard to language, contents, narrator and main person."
Jan-Wim Wesselius, "The Writing of Daniel," in The Book of Daniel: Composition and
Reception (ed. J. J. Collins and P. W. Flint; 2 vols.; Leiden: Brill, 2002), 2:309. For more
discussion about the bilingualism of Daniel see Bill T. Arnold, "The Use of Aramaic in
the Hebrew Bible: Another Look at Bilingualism in Ezra and Daniel," JNSL 22, no. 2
(1996): 1-16; and Jan-Wim Wesselius, "Language and Style in Biblical Aramaic:
Observations on the Unity of Daniel II-VI," VT 38 (1988): 194-209. Concerning the
intriguing issue of bilingualism in the ANE see Gonzalo Rubio, "Writing in Another
Tongue: Alloglottography in the Ancient Near East," in Margins of Writing, Origins of
Cultures (ed. S. L. Sanders; OIS 2; Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of
Chicago, 2005), 33--66; Christopher Woods, "Bilingualism, Scribal Learning, and the
Death of Sumerian," in Margins of Writing, Origins of Cultures (ed. S. L. Sanders; OIS 2;
Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 2005), 91-120; Paul-Alain
Beaulieu, "Official and Vernacular Languages: The Shifting Sands of Imperial and
Cultural Identities in First Millennium B.C. Mesopotamia," in Margins of Writing,
Origins of Cultures (ed. S. L. Sanders; OIS 2; Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago, 2005), 187-216; and Theo van den Hout, "Institutions,
Vernaculars, Publics: The Case of Second-millennium Anatolia," in Margins of Writing,
Origins of Cultures (ed. S. L. Sanders; OIS 2; Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the
University of Chicago, 2005), 217-56.
Cf. William M. Schniedewind, "Aramaic, the Death of Written Hebrew, and Language
Shift in the Persian Period," in Margins of Writing, Origins of Cultures (ed. S. L. Sanders;
OIS 2; Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 2005), 137-48.
124
Gerald A. Klingbeil
found for them. However, the stone that smote the image became a huge
mountain [indeterminate] and filled all the earth."
The MT of Dan 2:44-45 with English translation:
;11;11:::i791 '7:;11:11;11:i N? r9?'J1? 11:::i79 N:l;ll. ci?tl op; !1l~ N::;i?T,l '1 !l'1'7;li':;i'144
'7:;>i?,-'?:;r'5 N;l;l?'J1? 01PT;l N'i11 Ni;ip?T,l r?w"f '1'\:.lI;\1 P"!T:l p:;ir;ii.i:i N7 m11:1 01,17
N~i;>:;> N~l;>IJ Nl.1:1~ N711;1 np":F'.11 r"!':;i N?-'1 p.~ nwi;i~ Nl1'07;l '"! J;l;!tr'"!
"11lp1 !7;l'i17fl Nr,i?ry ::l'~1 '1rf '11'.)l'.I NF!?. '"! '19 N'f?T,l? Y"'!i'1 :::i1 ci?tl N:tQ11
And in the days of these kings the God of heaven will establish an eternal kingdom, which will not be destroyed; and the kingdom will not be
left to another people; it will smite and put an end to all these kingdoms
and will be established forever; 45just as you saw that the stone [dete;minate] was cut off from the mountain [determinate]-not from human
hands-and crushed the iron, the bronze, the pottery, the silver and the
gold; the great God has made known to the king what will be after this
and (be assured), the dream is certain and its interpretation is trustworthy.
The Aramaic text of both sections is marked by a number of text-critical
notes included in BHS. 18 In 2:34 the editor of the BHS of the book of Daniel
(W. Baumgartner) proposes to insert Nl1'0Q following Ptt in the first section
of the verse. However, he does not provide any supportive textual data
from the versions, arguing only in terms of a harmonization with 2:45. It
seems as if he is basing this suggestion on the evidence from the LXX, since
both Theodotion and the Old Greek include here t~ opouc; "from the mountain" (as does the Vulgate) which seems to me rather an attempt to harmonize this section with the explanatory section in 2:44-45. 19 Some Hebrew
manuscripts prefer the pointing of n1Jr;i1 instead of MT ni:ir;i1 which would be
grammatically preferable (= G perfect 3.f.s.). The same applies also to the
appearance of the verbal form in 2:35. However, since N'OO is a doubly weak
verb, the use of the qametz may be due to particular phonetic considerations
designed to compensate for the missing consonant. 20 Additionally,
Theodotion adds Eic,; rO,oc; "to the end/completely" at the end of v. 34,
which is missing both in the MT as well as the Old Greek and underlines
44
18
19
20
A recent discussion of the text-critical issues of Dan 2, arguing for the basic narrative
unity of ch. 2 can be found in Augustinus Gianto, "Notes from a Reading of Daniel 2,"
in Sofer Mahlr: Essays in Honour of Adrian Schenker offered by Editors of Biblia Hebraica
Quinta (ed. Y. A. P. Goldman, A. van der Kooij, and R. D. Weis; VTSup 110; Leiden:
Brill, 2006 ), 59-68.
Cf. Collins, Daniel, 165. Braasch thinks that this Greek addition is suggestive of a
particular interpretation of the mountain, as referring to Mount Zion. Cf. Braasch,
"Die LXX-Ubersetzung des Danielbuches," 88-89.
A similar phonetic variant is found in many Hebrew manuscripts and concerns MT
ni?."!;:11 which is pointed as "i?.'101 as in Dan 2:45.
125
the interpretation of the translator that the destruction of the image by the
stone is so complete that nothing can be "re-assembled" again. 21 The first
variant of 2:35 marked by the critical apparatus of the BHS involves a repainted form of the first verbal form li'l as li'l Morphologically, this
should be the expected form, since it compensates the missing final consonants of the geminate verbal form. Theodotion also changes the order of the
metals mentioned in the list in 2:35, inverting "pottery" for iron, thus harmonizing the list with what follows.
In 2:44 the Old Greek adds the adjective aMriv "different, other" to underline the completely distinct nature of the kingdom ushered in by the
divine judgment. 22 In v. 45 some manuscripts (following the LXX) again
have a different order for the destroyed materials, that is, pottery, iron,
bronze. 23
Daniel 2 is one of the key chapters for the interpretation of the book as
whole. 24 While it is part of the narrative section of the book (after all, this is
a story about desperate astronomers and courtiers, an upset and dangerous
king, God's answer to prayer and, finally, the deliverance of the Babylonian
intellectual elite), it also introduces some of the major themes of the prophetic and apocalyptic section of Dan 7-12. 25 One of the links connecting
21
22
23
24
25
See also Braasch, "Die LXX-Dbersetzung des Danielbuches," 82.

Ibid., 88.
Theodotion has pottery, iron, bronze, silver, gold, which corresponds to the sequence
of the sections of the statue. The order that MT has is not sequential and it seems as if
many translators tried to harmonize the order with the preceding section. Compare
for further discussion Collins, Daniel, 152.
The unity of the book of Daniel has generally been questioned in modem scholarship
and a developmental theory has been suggested in its stead, arguing for several stages
in the literary development of the book that spanned several centuries. Cf. Collins,
Daniel, 24-38. However, as already pointed out above, recently Wesselius, "The
Writing of Daniel," 291-310, has argued convincingly for the literary unity of the
book. Other relevant studies arguing for this unity include William H. Shea, "Unity of
Daniel," in Symposium on Daniel (ed. F. B. Holbrook; DARCOM 2; Washington, D.C:
Biblical Research Institute, 1986), 165-255; David W. Gooding, "The Literary Structure
of the Book of Daniel and its Implications," TynBul 32 (1981): 43--79; and Branson L.
Woodard, "Literary Strategies and Authorship in the Book of Daniel," JETS 37 (1994):
39-53, all written from a theologically conservative perspective. Matthias Henze, "The
Narrative Frame of Daniel: A Literary Assessment," /SJ 32 (2001): 5-24, reviews the
narrative structure of Daniel based upon the presupposition of a second century B.C.
setting and suggests that the stories reflect the aspirations of Diaspora Judaism.
Roy Gane, "Genre Awareness and Interpretation of the Book of Daniel," in To
Understand Scriptures: Essays in Honor of William H. Shea (ed. D. Merling; Berrien
Springs: Institute of Archaeology, Siegfried H. Hom Archaeological Museum,
Andrews University, 1997), 137-48, has cogently discussed the issue of genre and
unity in the book of Daniel. He accepts the general classification of the book as
126
Gerald A. Klingbeil
Daniel ch. 2 with ch. 7 is also the important motif of the establishment of the
rule of God which has recently been the subject of a study by Seow. 26 The
description of the future in terms of a sequence of kingdoms with the final -clearly eschatological-establishment of the kingdom of God is evidently paralleled by Dan 7 and 8 in the prophetic section.27 This has been
described as "recapitulation," whereby a specific motif, literary design or
linguistic element is taken in by a later section and (often) developed further. 28 One particular outstanding motif, that is, the four kingdom motif, 29
26
27
28
29
"Apocalypse", even though other genres may have been used. His comparative study
is insightful, but I wonder if the book can be reduced to one single genre. Similar
discussions have taken place in NT studies and it seems that a multiplex approach to
genre identification in the major biblical apocalypses should be considered. For the
NT angle of the discussion see Dave Mathewson, "Revelation in Recent Genre
Criticism: Some Implications for Interpretation," TJ 13 (1992): 193-213, and Joel N.
Musvosvi, "The Issue of Genre and Apocalyptic Prophecy," AASS 5 (2002): 42-59.
Compare also most recently Clinton Wahlen, "Heaven's View of the Church in
Revelation 2 and 3," /AAS 9 (2006): 146, who suggests that "Revelation is a deliberate
attempt by the author to make an ecclesiological statement in apocalyptic terms."
C. L. Seow, "The Rule of God in the Book of Daniel," in David and Zion: Biblical Studies
in Honor of J. J.M. Roberts (ed. B. F. Batto and K. L. Roberts; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns,
2004), 219-46. Seow interprets the four kingdoms described in Dan 2 as references to
individual kings following Nebuchadnezzar.
Shea, "Unity of Daniel," 165--203, has discussed numerous linguistic, thematic,
structural, and terminological links between Dan 2, 7, and 8, which do not need to be
repeated here. Compare also the insightful comments of Tim Meadowcroft, Aramaic
Daniel and Greek Daniel: A Literary Comparison GSOTSup 198; Sheffield: Sheffield
Academic Press, 1995), 238 [link between Dan 2 and Dan 7 due to the four empire
structure] and 242 [building of suspense, focus on what's happening towards the
"end"]. Meadowcroft also rightly suggests that recapitulative links (even though he
does not use that term) are also dynamic and often involve further development of an
earlier theme. Cf. also Miller, Daniel, 192.
A helpful discussion of the principle of "recapitulation" outside the book of Daniel
can be found in Jopie Siebert-Hammes, "'With Bands of Love': Hosea 11 as
'Recapitulation' of the Basic Themes in the Book of Hosea," in Unless Some One Guide
Me ... : Festschrift for Karel A. Deur/oo (ed. J. W. Dyk et al.; ACEBTSup 2; Maastricht:
Shaker, 2001), 167-73.
Much work has been done concerning the four kingdom motif. Compare, for example,
the Emory University Ph.D. dissertation by Melnyk, "The Four Kingdoms in Daniel 2
and 7: Chapters in the History of Interpretation," which focuses on the reception
history of Dan 2 and 7 in Western Christian interpretation. Another Ph.D. dissertation
by Paul Niskanen suggests that Herodotus' histories should be understood as the
likely background for the four kingdom scheme found in Dan 2 and 7. Cf. Niskanen,
"The Human and the Divine in History: Herodotus and the Book of Daniel," who also
explores Herodotus' possible contribution to Jewish historiography. However,
important arguments have supported the literary independence of Dan 2 (and also
Dan 7) from later Greek historiographical literature, particularly considering the four
kingdom sequence. Compare here, Ernest C. Lucas, "The Origin of Daniel's Four
127
reappears in Dan 7 and further develops the prophetic outlook of the book
of Daniel as a whole.Jo In this sense, it could be described as the "springboard" of Daniel's prophetic sections.
Interestingly (and to be expected in the narrative section of the book of
Daniel), prophecy is closely linked to narrative in Dan 2. King Nebuchadnezzar has a dream that perturbs him (2:1) and as is customary, he summons his intellectual and religious specialists in order to understand this
disturbing dream that appears to be somewhere in his sub-conscience, just
waiting to be called up.J 1 Scripture as well as extrabiblical literature includes numerous examples of individuals (mostly leaders) wanting an authoritative explanation of a dream.J2 Since none of his scholars or religious
specialists is able to re-tell and explain the dream, in a rash action the king
promulgates a harsh death sentence against his leadership elite (2:5, 9, 1213). When Daniel (who appears to not have been present at the royal audi-
JO
Jl
J2
Empires Scheme Re-examined," TynBul 40 (1989): 185-202 [doubts that Hesiod's four
metal sequence as found in the Sybilline Oracle 4 formed the basis for Dan 2), and
Gerhard F. Hase!, "The Four World Empires of Daniel 2 against Its Near Eastern
Environment," ]SOT 12 (1979): 17-30 [argues that the underlying literary genre of Dan
2 should be connected to Mesopotamian dynastic prophecy, even though it adds
creatively apocalyptic dimensions].
This link between Dan 2 and 7 has been noted by most commentators. See, for
example, Collins, Daniel, 277; Lucas, Daniel, 195; Miller, Daniel, 191-92; Desmond Ford,
Daniel (Nashville: Southern Publishing, 1978), 138; Pfandl, Daniel: The Seer of Babylon,
59. On the other hand, Robert A. Anderson, Daniel: Signs and Wonders (ITC; Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1984), 75, suggests that, even though a number of similarities exist
between Dan 2 and Dan 7, one should not overlook the differences. However, his
arguments are not overly convincing or developed.
Ferdinand 0. Regalado, "The Meaning of Nl!ltt in Daniel 2:5, 8 and its Implications for
Nebuchadnezzar's Dream," DavarLogos 4 (2005): 17-37, has recently argued that
Nebuchadnezzar most likely had not forgotten his dream (after all, how would he
have known if a particular recounting would have been correct?), but rather that this
was intended to be a drastic security and authenticity check of his intellectual elite.
See, for example, the dreams of the chief baker and the chief cupbearer (Gen 40),
Pharaoh (Gen 41), an anonymous Midianite warrior Qudg 7:13--14) or Nebuchadnezzar on a later occasion (Dan 4). For extrabiblical data see A. Jeffers, "Divination by
Dreams in Ugaritic Literature and in the Old Testament," JBS 12, no. 4 (1990): 167-83,
and Robert Gnuse, "The Jewish Dream Interpreter in a Foreign Court: The Recurring
Use of a Theme in Jewish Literature," ]SP 7 (1990): 29-53. The most comprehensive
treatment of the subject can be found in a 2001 M.A. McGill University thesis by
Lasante, "A King's Dreams: A Study of the Second Chapter of Daniel within the
Context of Dreams in Canonical and Non-Canonical Sources." Classic treatments of
biblical and ANE dreams and their interpretation include A. L. Oppenheim, The
Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East with a Translation of an Assyrian DreamBook (Philadelphia: Transactions of the American Philological Society, 1956) and E. L.
Ehrlich, Der Traum im A/ten Testament (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1956).
128
Gerald A. Klingbeil
ence with the astronomers) hears about the sentence he intervenes with the
person in charge and requests additional time (2:14-16). The following section describes the prayer of Daniel and his friends (2:17-18), followed by
the divine revelation of the dream and (most likely) its interpretation. 33 In
return a large chunk of narrative real-estate is given to describe the prayer
of thanksgiving of Daniel and his friends (2:20-23) which in a small way
already prefigures the philosophy of history (cf. 2:21) that becomes obvious
in the later section dealing with the interpretation of the dream. Daniel is
then brought before king Nebuchadnezzar and after the theological anchor
of the chapter ("but there is a God in heaven who reveals mysteries, and he
has made known to King Nebuchadnezzar what will be in the latter days"
[2:28]) is again brought to the fore, Daniel describes first the dream (2:3135), which is then followed by its interpretation (2:36-45). 34 It is in these final two sections that we find the stone and mountain imagery.
3. Rocking the Mountain: The lnterpretation(s)

As we have already seen in the discussion of some of the text-critical issues
of the two short sections under consideration, the translators of the LXX
tried to harmonize the descriptive section of the dream with the interpretative. For this reason they included in 2:34 t~ opouc; "from the mountain"
and is followed here by its daughter translation the Vulgate. BHS makes a
suggestion to include it there too, but no textual arguments are provided. A
quick glimpse at the preliminary edition of 4QDana by Eugene Ulrich tells
us that the fragmentary text of 2:34-35 does not include the relevant section
and is of no help to this issue. The same is also true for 2:44-45. 35
As has been marked in the translation of the section above, the Aramaic
text makes reference to a stone, not the stone (Ptt [2:24]) which is broken off
of something bigger (not mentioned) and goes on to hit the feet of the
33
34
35
The Aramaic text has here n,, "secret". Aron Pinker, "A Dream of a Dream in Daniel
2," /BQ 33 (2005): 231-40, suggests that one of the key elements highlighted especially
in Daniel's prayer of thanksgiving the wisdom element, particularly Daniel's wise
"reading" of the king. Pinker seems to deny divine revelation and rather understands
Daniel as a shrewd, wise and analytical "mind reader.''
It is intriguing to note that the description of the dream requires only five verses while
its interpretation is described in double the amount, i.e., ten verses. The dreamwhich was given by the God of heaven to the pagan king-is in itself already an
extraordinary occurrence. However, the ultimate revelation of God's will is not
contained in the dream itself, but rather in its divine interpretation (and future
execution and fulfillment).
Cf. Eugene Ulrich, "Daniel Manuscripts from Qumran. Part 1: A Preliminary Edition
of 4QDana," BASOR 268 (1987): 17-37.
129
dream image, smashing and completely destroying it. 36 The following v. 35

describes the events again in more detail, 37 focusing on the outcome of the
smashing action of the rock, that is, ,i:ur?~1 NQ1, Jio;:i No/~1 'O'iT'11~-1r,i ,1Vf ili'.')1
J\il? n:;iJ:)\fi0-N7 "and they were like chaff from the summer threshing floors;
and the wind lifted them up and no place could be found for them". In the
following clause the dramatic transformation of the rock is described which
becomes a ::i.1 ,1'0 "huge mountain" (indeterminate) that filled the whole
earth. This supernatural "growth" of the stone has been understood as a
reference to a kingdom which is beyond this world, since it does not depend on the earlier kingdoms but rather introduces something new into the
equation.38
In the section that belongs to the interpretative section of Daniel's
speech before the Babylonian king (even though it seems that v. 35 already
contains quite a number of interpretive clues which are being taken up in
the later section in 2:44-45) the stone and the mountain reappear. The introductory formula Jll~ N::;i?r;i '1 Jiil'Qi:;n "in the days of these kings," refer36
37
38
The verb ppi "shatter, smash" suggests complete destruction. In biblical Aramaic it
appears ten times in nine verses in the book of Daniel, mostly in the context of the
destruction of the image of Dan 2 (cf. 2:34, 35, 40 [2x) 44, 45). It is also used to describe
the utter destruction of the scheming opponents (and their families-collective
punishments were the common thing in the ANE) of Daniel in 6:25 at the gnashing
teeth of the lions in the palatial royal pit. The last references can be found in Dan 7 and
describe the action of the fourth beast which crushes everything with its terrible teeth
(7:9, 19, 23). The root dq is used as an adjective in later Punic inscription with the
meaning of "pulverized, fine" as is the root dqq which also appears in Official Aramaic
as an adjective with the meaning of "fine" (said of salt). See DNWSI 1:257-58.
The principle of recapitulation has already been mentioned. This principle is not only
found in prophetic texts, but I venture to say that it is also one of the guiding
principles of narrative texts. A good example of this can be found in creation accounts
of Gen 1 and 2 or the wife-sister incidents of Gen 12, 20, 26. Historical-critical scholarship has dubbed many of these instances as doublets, even though they may actually
represent conscious literary constructs, designed to make particular point. I have
discussed the wife-sister incidents of Genesis elsewhere with further bibliography. See
here Gerald A. Klingbeil, "Historical Criticism," DOTP, 410.
Pfandl has provided a comprehensive discussion of the interpretation of the stone
kingdom that does not need to be repeated here. Many early Christian interpreters
understood this stone as a reference to Christ's incarnation, while others applied it to
the future Second Coming of Christ. Pfandl does a fine job of linking hermeneutical
presuppositions with actual interpretations, particularly when he discusses the
modem period and the three major schools of prophetic interpretation (historicism,
preterism, and futurism [including dispensationalism)) and concludes that "the
interpretation of the stone-kingdom does not depend primarily on the textual exegesis
of Dan 2:44. Rather, to a large degree, it hangs on the overall understanding of the
book and the presuppositions the interpreter brings to the text." Pfandl, "Kingdom of
God in Daniel 2:44," 268.
130
Gerald A. Klingbeil
ring to the toes of iron and pottery which will not mix and mingle consistently, underlines the chronological sequence in relation to the previous
kingdoms. Some time after "these kings" God will set up a kingdom that is
characterized by different qualities from the ones described earlier in king
Nebuchadnezzar's dreams: first, it shall never be destroyed; second, it will
not be left to another people (following it as the previous kingdoms); third,
it will destroy and shatter all the previous kingdoms and, fourth, it shall
last forever. Thus, the text suggests a close link between the rock and the
eternal kingdom. Verse 45 drives this point home with additional information. The rock has been cut off from the mountain [determinate], but not by
human intervention. Finally, the truthfulness of the account is underlined
by Daniel before king Nebuchadnezzar by the formula 1r;r:::ir?1 NT??IJ ::1':1
i'l"l.i;i.!;l "the dream is certain, and its interpretation is trustworthy." 39
The identity of the rock and above all its origin ("where did it suddenly
come from?") is of particular interest to biblical interpreters and many diverse interpretations have been suggested. 40 However, taking a hint from
socio-linguistics and pragmatics 41 I would like to take a closer look at the
reason why the rock and mountain imagery was used in Dan 2 and what
function they played in the communication strategy of the author, which in
tum will provide a clue as to the intended meaning. 42 Approaching this
interpretive crux from this particular angle requires a look at communication strategy. Often, readers (and interpreters), when confronted with a
difficult text, begin to read from their own situation, experience or conceptual world. Over the past decades, against the backdrop of the "explosion"
of hermeneutical methods, the focus upon the world, values, attitudes and
responses of the contemporary reader has been generally categorized as
39
40
41
42
The term :ii,i~ is used several times by Daniel in the Aramaic section and always
indicates truthfulness and certainty (2:8, 45; 3:24; 6:13; and 7:16).
Seow, "The Rule of God in the Book of Daniel," 224-26, for example, suggests that the
rock/mountain symbols point to Abraham's descendents who will mediate divine
sovereignty on earth. Furthermore, Seow argues that the mountain is a reference to
the coming of the nations to Mount Zion (Isa 2:1-4; Mic 4:1; Ps 22:28-29). Cf. Pfandl,
"Kingdom of God in Daniel 2:44," 249-68, for a concise history of interpretation.
See note 9 above for some introductory literature.
I wonder about some of the proposed interpretations ascribed to Dan 2, some of
which seem to be far removed from the intended meaning of the passage and depend
more on the viewpoint of the current interpreter. An example of this can be found in
M. C. Thomas, "The Book of Daniel: The Apocalypse with a Distinct Charter for
Liberative Praxis and Theological Vision," A/T 19 (2005): 300--301, who interprets the
rock and the mountain in the larger context of liberation theology, as an important
symbol indicating the end of oppression.
131
reader-response criticism. 43 In opposition to classic historical-centered approaches, reader-response criticism focused attention not on the ancient
author(s) or the text itself or even the environment which shaped the ancient author, but began by looking at the contemporary reader (or other
readers throughout the centuries of biblical interpretation, even though this
is also a domain of reception history). In the present study, I am not attempting such a reading, which may be interesting and novel, but-in my
mind - does not take into consideration the tremendous importance of history for the biblical authors or ancients in general. Rather, I would like to
ask the question that socio-linguistics and pragmatics would direct at a specific text: "what are you telling me by saying it the way you do?" More particularly, I am interested in discovering how a Neo-Babylonian king, living
in the sixth century B.C. would understand the text and-more importantly-the rock and mountain symbols. 44
As has been noted by Walton, Matthews, and Chavalas there are few
references in Mesopotamian literature to rocks used in a similar dominant
sense as in Dan 2. 45 In the Gilgamesh epic the protagonist has a dream
43
44
45
Cf. Bernard C. Lategan, "Reader-Response Theory," ABO 5:625-28; Edgar V.

McKnight, "Reader-Response Criticism," in To Each Its Own Meaning: An Introduction
to Biblical Criticisms and Their Application (ed. S. L. McKenzie and S. R. Haynes; rev. ed.;
Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1999), 230-52, for readable and concise introductions to the wide variety of what has been classified under "reader-response
criticism." I am only aware of one particular study which applies the questions and
methodology of reader-response criticism to ANE material (and more particularly,
Ugaritic material), namely Edward L. Greenstein, "The Role of the Reader in Ugaritic
Narrative," in 'A Wise and Discerning Mind': Essays in Honor of Burke 0. Long (ed. S, M.
Olyan and R. C. Culley; BJS 325; Providence: Brown Judaic Studies, 2000), 139-51.
It is clear from this statement that I favor a sixth century date for the book of Daniel. I
recognize that this is a controversial issue, but feel that an adequate number of
arguments would support a sixth-century B.C. date for the book of Daniel. Cf. Hase!,
"Establishing a Date for the Book of Daniel," 84-164, and Ferch, "The Book of Daniel
and the 'Maccabean Thesis'," 129-41. Additionally, when one considers the internal
narrative sequence of Daniel, it seems as if the book itself would locate most of the
action in sixth century B.C. Mesopotamia.
Concerning the general Babylonian or Mesopotamian background of the book of
Daniel in current scholarship see the important contributions of Shalom M. Paul, now
conveniently republished in a single volume. Cf. Shalom M. Paul, "From Mari to
Daniel: Instructions for the Acceptance of Servants into the Royal Court," in Divrei
Shalom: Collected Studies of Shalom M. Paul on the Bible and the Ancient Near East 19672005 (ed. S. M. Paul; CHANE 23; Leiden: Brill, 2005), 205-11; idem, "Daniel 6:20: An
Aramaic Calque on an Akkadian Expression," 329-31. Additional relevant material
includes Shalom M. Paul, "Daniel 12:9: A Technical Mesopotamian Scribal Term," in
Sefer Moshe: The Moshe Weinfeld Jubilee Volume; Studies in the Bible and the Ancient Near
East, Qumran, and Post-Biblical Judaism (ed. C. Cohen, A. Hurvitz, and S. M. Paul;
Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2004), 115-18; Ernest C. Lucas, "Daniel: Resolving the
132
Gerald A. Klingbeil
about the coming of Enkidu in which Enkidu is represented as a meteor

that lands at Gilgamesh's feet. However, the stone does not destroy anything or become the centerpiece of the story. 46 In Mesopotamian cosmology,
the three heavens are represented by stones, even though one may imagine
here stone slabs and not necessarily loose rocks. I am quoting from two
short lists, published by Wayne Horowitz:
30'fhe Upper Heavens are luludadanftu-stone. They belong to Anu. He
settled the 300 Igigi inside. 31 The Middle Heavens are saggilmud-stone.
They belong to the Igigi. Bel sat on the high dais inside, 32in the lapis lazuli sanctuary. He made a lamp of electrum shine inside. 33The Lower
Heavens are jasper. They belong to the stars. He drew the constellations
of the gods on them. [KAR 307.30-33]47
The close association of stones with deities and sacred space will become
even more important when we consider the "mountain" symbol of the
46
47
Enigma," VT 50 (2000): 6Cr80; Hector Avalos, "Daniel 9:24-25 and Mesopotamian

Temple Rededications," /BL 117 (1998): 507-11; Jack N. Lawson, '"The God Who
Reveals Secrets': The Mesopotamian Background to Daniel 2.47," /SOT 74 (1997): 6176; Paul Ferguson, "Nebuchadnezzar, Gilgamesh, and the 'Babylonian Job'," JETS 37
(1994): 321-31; Daegeuk Nam, "The 'Throne of God' Motif in the Hebrew Bible"
(Th.D. diss., Andrews University, 1989), 61-84; Thome Wittstruck, "The Influence of
Treaty Curse Imagery on the Beast Imagery of Daniel 7," /BL 97 (1978): 100-102.
John H. Walton, Victor H. Matthews, and Mark W. Chavalas, The !VP Bible Background
Commentan;: Old Testament (Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2000), 733. The references to
a meteorite falling at the feet of Gilgamesh can be found on tablet 1: "Gilgamesh got
up and revealed the dream, saying to his mother: 'Mother, I had a dream last night.
Stars of the sky appeared, and some kind of meteorite(?) of Anu fell next to me. I tried
to lift it but it was too mighty for me, I tried to tum it over but I could not budge it.
The Land of Uruk was standing around it, the whole land had assembled about it, the
populace was thronging around it, the Men clustered about it, and kissed its feet as if
it were a little baby (!). I loved it and embraced it as a wife. I laid it down at your feet,
and you made it compete with me." In her answer Gilgamesh's mother interprets the
dream as a reference to a mighty man who would be come a comrade of Gilgamesh
who saves his friends. The translation is from Maureen Gallery Kovacs, "The Epic of
Gilgamesh," adapted for the electronic edition by Wolf Carnahan. N.P. Cited 12 July
2007. Online: http://www.ancienttexts.org/library/mesopotamian/gilgamesh/tab l .htrn.
Wayne Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography (MC 8; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns,
1998), 4. A similar list is also found in AO 8196 iv 20-22: "20The Upper Heavens are
luludiidanit-stone. They belong to Anu. 21 The Midle Heavens are saggilmud-stone. They
belong to the Igigi. 22The Lower Heavens are jasper. They belong to the stars."
Horowitz goes on to discuss the description of the heavenly realm according to the
Mesopotamian texts and suggests that the color of the stone was the most important
element of the comparison. Abbreviations used in Horowitz are taken from The
Assyrian Dictionary of The Oriental Institute of The University of Chicago (CAD), including
AO = tablets in the collection of the Musee de Louvre; and KAR = Keilschrifttexte aus
Assur religiosen Inhalts.
133
dream of the Babylonian king. Mountains play a considerable role in most

of the religions of the ANE, 48 a fact which can also be seen in the architecture of many ANE temples or tombs. 49 The structure of the Mesopotamian
ziggurat seems to represent an artificial mountain, 50 similar to the shape
and design of the Egyptian pyramids which may reflect the idea of the
"primeval hill" as used in ancient Egyptian mythology. 51 Early Sumerian
48
49
50
51
See, for example, Bruno Jacobs, "Bergheiligtum und Heiliger Berg: Uberlegungen zur
Wahl des Nemrud Dagi-Gipfels als Heiligtums- und Grabstatte," in Religiiise
Landschaften (ed. J. Hahn; AOAT 301; Munster: Ugarit, 2002), 31-47 [Greek religion);
Juan M. Gonzalez Salazar, "El simbolismo religioso de las elevaciones montaftosas en
el mundo hitita: su denominaci6n e iconografia," 'Ilu 3 (1998): 109-31 [Hittite religion];
Albert F. H. Naccache, "El's Abode in his Land," in Ugarit, Religion and Culture:
Proceedings of the International Conference on Ugarit, Religion and Culture, Edinburgh, July
1994; Essays Presented in Honour of Professor john C. L. Gibson (ed. N. Wyatt, W. G. E.
Watson, and J. B. Lloyd; UBL 12; Munster: Ugarit, 1996), 249-71 [Ugaritic religion);
Terry L. Fenton, "Baal au Foudre: of Snakes and Mountains, Myth and Message," in
Ugarit, Religion and Culture: Proceedings of the International Conference on Ugarit, Religion
and Culture, Edinburgh, July 1994; Essays Presented in Honour of Professor john C. L.
Gibson (ed. N. Wyatt, W. G. E. Watson, and J.B. Lloyd; UBL 12; Munster: Ugarit, 1996),
49--64 [Ugaritic religion/iconography]; Nicolas Wyatt, "Le centre du monde dans Jes
litteratures d'Ougarit et d'Israel," ]NSL 21, no. 2 (1995): 123-42 [Ugaritic religion]. A
general comparative discussion of sacred mountain symbolism in religion can be
found in Christian Salenson, "La montagne, symbole sacre," Chemins de dialogue 16
(2000): 148-64.
A good introduction to the iconography of temple and mountain in the ANE can be
found in Othmar Keel, Die Welt der altorientalischen Bildsymbolik und das Alie Testament
(5th ed.; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996).
Hartrnut Waetzoldt, "Tempelterrassen und Ziggurrate nach der sumerischen
Uberlieferung," in An Experienced Scribe who Neglects Nothing: Ancient Near Eastern
Studies in Honor of Jacob Klein; Essays on the Ancient History, Culture, and Literature of
Sumer, Babylonia, Assyria, and Israel (ed. Y. Sefati et al.; Bethesda: COL, 2005), 322-42,
has recently provided a helpful discussion of the relevant lexical data. Cf. also John F.
Roberston, "Temples and Sanctuaries (Mesopotamia)," ABO 6:372-76; and Michael
Roaf, "Palaces and Temples in Ancient Mesopotamia," CANE 1:423-31. I would like to
express my appreciation to Mark Cohen, owner of COL Press, for providing me with a
copy of some of the chapters of the Klein Festschrift, which had not been available to
me locally. Prof. Victor Hurowitz of Ben Gurion University of the Negev, Israel, first
called my attention to Waetzoldt's and Katz' studies.
David O'Connor, "The Interpretation of the Old Kingdom Pyramid Complex," in
Stationen: Beitriige zur Kulturgeschichte A.gyptens; Rainer Stadelmann gewidmet (ed. H.
Guksch and D. Polz; Mainz: von Zabem, 1998), 135-44, has suggested that not only
the visible pyramid structure should be looked at when one seeks to interpret the
phenomenon of the pyramids, but the complete pyramid complex, including temple,
causeway, subterranean funerary chambers, etc. O'Connor argues that this complex is
a reflection of the cosmic processes of cosmogony, renewal and governance. In this
scheme, the pyramid structure itself may reflect the primeval mound. Concerning the
meaning of the "primeval mound" see earlier Abdel-Aziz Saleh, "The So-called
134
Gerald A. Klingbeil
texts underline the importance of the mountain as the spatial marker of the
afterworld, represented by the use of the Sumerian sign kur. 52 Mesopotamian ziggurats were considered to be the living abode of the deity 53 and the
name of these temples illustrates the conceptual framework of the nexus
between man and deity. For example, the ziggurat of Larsa is called "House
of the link between heaven and earth," while the ziggurat of Kish is known
as "Exalted dwelling place of Zababa and Inanna, whose head is as high as
the heavens," and the name of the ziggurat of Nippur is "house of the
mountain". 54 The name of the Babylonian ziggurat was Etemenanki, "The
building which is the foundation of heaven and earth," 55 and-as been recently argued by Radner-the function of names in Mesopotamia was to
guarantee "eternity" (i.e., a future beyond the material presence) to the
name bearer (or building).56
While not directly belonging to Mesopotamia, Ugaritic texts link the
abode of the gods with the term DPN, 57 which is generally understood as a
reference to mount Saphon, a term which also appears in the Hebrew Bible
52
53
'Primeval Hill' and other Related Elevations in Ancient Egyptian Mythology,"

MDAIK 25 (1969): llG--20. Another link between elevations and deities has been
discussed in V. A. Donohue, "The Goddess of the Theban Mountain," Antiquity 66
(1992): 871---85, who interprets the Libyan mountains on a relief at Deir el-Bahari as the
embodiment of divine femininity and which manifested itself in the goddess Hathor.
A very helpful discussion of the interaction between Egypt and Mesopotamia during
the third millennium B.C. regarding material culture and conceptual system can be
found in Oskar Kaelin, 'Model/ Agypten': Adoption van Innovationen im Mesopotamien des
3. Jahrtausends v. Chr. (OBO.SA 26; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag, 2006).
See the important study of Dina Katz, "Eternal Rest at the Foot of the Mountain," in
An Experienced Scribe who Neglects Nothing: Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Jacob
Klein; Essays on the Ancient History, Culture, and Literature of Sumer, Babylonia, Assyria,
and Tsrael (ed. Y. Sefati et al.; Bethesda: COL, 2005), 179-98, esp. 196--98.
Waetzoldt, "Tempelterrassen und Ziggurrate nach der sumerischen Oberlieferung,"
332.
54
55
56
57
Keel, Die Welt der altorientalischen Bildsymbolik, 100.

Donald J. Wiseman, Nebuchadrezzar and Babylon (The Schweich Lectures in Biblical
Archaeology 1983; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 68.
Ellen Radner, Die Macht der Namen: Altorientalische Strategien zur Selbsterhaltung
(SANTAG. Arbeiten und Untersuchungen zur Keilschriftkunde 8; Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 2005), 40--42, and passim.
See Richard J. Clifford, The Cosmic Mountain in Canaan and the Old Testament (HSM 4;
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972); Nicholas Wyatt, "The Significance of
OPN in West Semitic Thought: A Contribution to the History of a Mythological
Motif," in Ugarit: Ein ostmediterranes Kulturzentrum im Allen Orient; Ergebnisse und
Perspektiven der Forschung (ed. M. Dietrich and 0. Loretz; Ugarit und seine
altorientalische Umwelt 1; Munster: Ugarit, 1995), 213-37; Nicolas Wyatt, Myths of
Power. A Study of Royal Myth and Ideology in Ugaritic and Biblical Tradition (UBL 13;
Munster: Ugarit, 1996), 27-48.
"Rocking the Mountain": Text, Theologtj, and Mission in Daniel 2
135
(Ji.!llf} and is often used as a reference to the north. 58 There is no need here to
discuss the question of whether the use of ?i.!llf in the Hebrew Bible refers
principally to the mythic mountain of divine congregation. However, the

fact that all through the ANE, in different time periods, mountains and
natural or artificial elevations were associated with divine presence or
places of divine congregations should be noted and kept in mind when
considering the following interpretation.
4. Rocl~ing the Mountain:

Between Theology and Mission
I would like to suggest that our quest to understand the two key symbols of
rock and mountain should begin with understanding the religious world of
first millennium Mesopotamia. According to the biblical text, king Nebuchadnezzar, absolute monarch of Babylon, the undisputed superpower of its
time, is concerned about a dream. 59 As was already noted, dreams played an
important role in ancient Mesopotamia (and the ANE as a whole) and often
functioned as a means of receiving "divine guidance." 60 Once the king has
established that his carefully selected intellectual elite is not able to, first,
recount the dream, and, second, provide an adequate interpretation (which
is due to their lack of capability on the first requirement) he acts as a true
and frustrated despot would: if you cannot do what I need right now, you
are not worth anything to me. The death sentence is pronounced and an
official is put in charge of its execution. It is interesting to have a closer look
at the exasperated reply of the N~~~ "Chaldeans" in Dan 2:11 which in a
subtle way prepares the way for the active intervention of the God of Daniel
in the narrative as it develops further: ;:iim:t N? N"1o/:;l"Ol,l 7ii1Ti'? 'l NJ;1'?r;i1
l'i'.1?~ m? N:;>'(r,i Oli?, i'1~1D; 'l 'D't:t N? ni:Ji:t1 i1Ti?~ '71'.to/ i1:;>?r;i-'! "the thing that the
king has requested is (too) difficult and there is no-one who could make it
known to the king, except the gods, whose dwelling is not with mortal beSB
59
60
Compare Cleon L. Rogers, Jr., "Ji!!)/," NIDOTTE 3:834-37.

A similar motif can also be found in the famous Aramaic "dream ostracon from
Elephantine which has been dated paleographically and contextually between the fifth
and the third century B.C. The text reads: Now, indeed, I beheld a dream, and from
that time on, I was exceedingly feverish. Then a vision appeared; its words: 'Peace'
[... ]."See Baruch A. Levine and Anne Robertson, "An Aramaic Dream Report from
Elephantine," COS 3.88:218.
See Lasante, "A King's Dreams," for a detailed study of canonical and non-canonical
dream narratives. Other dream omens or narratives are known from Egypt (Robert K.
Ritner, "Dream Oracles," COS 1.33:52-54), Ugarit (Dennis Pardee, "Ugaritic Dream
Omens," COS 1.93:293-94), and also the already mentioned Aramaic ostracon from
Elephantine (Levine and Robertson, "An Aramaic Dream Report from Elephantine,"
cos 3.88:218).
136
Gerald A. Klingbeil
ings." The reference to the gods, not living where mortal beings live, introduces one of the main themes of Dan 2. While the God of Daniel is interested
in communicating the future and guides those who trust in him (i.e., Daniel
and his three friends as part of the intellectual elite threatened by the execution order) through difficult times, the gods of the Chaldeans (or rather the
Babylonians, including king Nebuchadnezzar) are not able (or willing) to do
the same, since they live far removed from humanity-and one could add
here-somewhere in the north on the mountains or the heavenly sphere
where they celebrate their congregations, feast, drink and play, unconcerned
about humanity.
Different from the gods who do not seem concerned about the fate of
the Neo-Babylonian intellectual elite or even the king himself, the N~T;lo/ n7~
"God of heaven" (2:18, 19, 37, 44) 61 is able and willing to reveal the future to
the king (2:28). The metaphor of "God in heaven" is used frequently in the
Hebrew Bible and, as shown by Martin Klingbeil, 62 represents an important
category of God-talk in the Psalms and is often (though not always) associated with the "God-as-a-warrior" metaphor. 63 The frequent use of the concept in the Aramaic sections of the Hebrew Bible could be understood as a
conscious effort to employ religious terminology that is easily understood
by the people that Judah or later Yehud were dependent upon. It is most
likely that king Nebuchadnezzar associated the term "god of heaven" with
An (Sumerian) or Anu (Akkadian}, the sky god, or "god of heaven" and the
61
62
63
Daniel 2:28 has a slight variation in the terminology and reads 11:r,iip:;i ci~~ "a God in
heaven." The phrase appears also several times in the Aramaic section of Ezra (5:11,
12; 6:9, 10; 7:12, 21, 23) and thus seems to have played an important role in the NeoBabylonian/Persian period. Cf. Hugh G. M. Williamson, Ezra, Nehemiah (WBC 16;
Dallas: Word, 1985), 11-12, who speculates that this may be a particular development
that occurred during the Persian period and may represent a conscious effort to bring
the terminology of divine names in line with the use of the phrase in our religious
contexts. Similar also Herbert Niehr, "God of Heaven cr.:iu>;i ''1JN," in Dictionary of
Deities and Demons in the Bible (ed. K. van der Toom, B. Becking, and P. W. van der
Horst; 2d ed.; Leiden: Brill, 1999), 370-72, who links the biblical phrase to the concept
of a god of heaven which was developed in the Northwest Semitic religions of the first
millennium B.C. Obviously, most critical scholars would understand the appearances
of the term in the Pentateuch (esp. Genesis) as another indication of a later date for the
Pentateuch sources.
Martin G. Klingbeil, Yahweh Fighting from Heaven: God as Warrior and as God of Heaven
in the Hebrew Psalter and Ancient Near Eastern Iconography (OBO 169; Fribourg:
University Press, 1999).
Ibid., 304--5. Klingbeil has also noted the fact that throughout the five books of the
Psalter one can observe a noticeable decrease in the use of the two metaphors, which
may be due to changed political or social circumstances and historical development.
"Rocking the Mountain": Text, Tlieology, and Mission in Daniel 2
137
prime mover in creation and a distant supreme leader of the gods. 64 While
throughout the entire conversation between Daniel and Nebuchadnezzar
the "god of heaven" terminology is consistently used, at the end of the explanation in 2:45 Daniel employs another phrase, :::i1 i1'?~ "a great god,"
which may also be understood as a reference to the head of the pantheon.
Together with the rock and mountain imagery, the use of a particular
divine epithet seems to point to a particular strategy of the biblical author,
namely, to guide the Neo-Babylonian king from something known to something new. However, at the same time, one can also note a subtle, but consistent, undermining of familiar religious concepts. The gods do not
respond and do not give the necessary wisdom to know the dream of king
Nebuchadnezzar or supply the needed interpretation. The statue (so well
known in Mesopotamian religious practice), so important to the dream and,
as can be seen later in Dan 3, also to king Nebuchadnezzar, is smashed by a
rock that has been cut off from a mountain. Considering the fact that high
elevations and mountains were regarded as divine meeting places, who
would be able to cut off a sizable rock that can hit the statue and not only
topple it over, but transform it into powder? Who would be stronger than
the gods that meet on the mountain? Who would be powerful enough to
transform a rock into a tool of complete destruction which, however, then
becomes a huge mountain that fills all the earth (2:35)? It is this great God of
heaven, the god of Daniel and once Nebuchadnezzar has understood the
meaning of the dream he falls on his face and orders incense brought and
sacrifices to honor Daniel (2:46). He expresses his recognition of this God
that seems to be so different from the gods that he knows and worships
(even though similar terminology has been used!): i1'?t! Nli1 Ti:>;:)'?!:! '1 tliVi?-lQ
l'n i11?1] !':;i'?r;i N!'?l l'i'.1'?!:! "truly, your [pl.] God he is the God of gods and the
Lord of kings and the revealer of secrets" (2:47).
5. Rocking the Mountain: And the

Conclusion of the Matter Is ...
As has been argued above, the importance of Dan 2 in the overall structure
and interpretation of the book of Daniel is immense. This chapter introduces one of the key concepts of biblical prophetic literature, namely the
focus towards the end and towards the establishment of a kingdom which
64
Jeremy Black," Anu/An," in Dictionary of the Ancient Near East (ed. P. Bienkowski and
A. Millard; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), 22-23. Cf. also M.
Hutter, "Heaven cr.iu>;i oupav6c;," in Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (ed. K.
van der Toorn, B. Becking, and P. W. van der Horst; 2d ed.; Leiden: Brill, 1999), 388,
for a concise summary of the function and role of An/Anu in Mesopotamian religion.
138
Gerald A. Klingbeil
is different from all previous and existing kingdoms. This kingdom is not
made by human hands and seems to usher in a completely different age. As
one considers the theological implications of Dan 2, there can be no doubt
as to its importance and impact-both on King Nebuchadnezzar, as well as
on ancient and modem readers. However, this chapter goes beyond clearcut theology or precise history. It tells a story of how this God of heaven
communicates with individuals living outside the community of faith that
was usually the recipient of divine revelation. And when the story is told,
Daniel uses terminology that must be known to anyone living in the second
half of the first millennium B.C. in the ancient Near East. Yet, these concepts
and terminology are not just being used uncritically. Rather, the biblical
author employs subtle nuances of criticism and polemic, unexpected outcomes and surprising effects. Missiologists call this process "contextualization" and focus upon the process of "translating" a particular (foreign)
concept into a different culture, using concepts and elements that are familiar to this culture.65 To be sure, the rock and mountain symbolism in Dan 2
is not the only biblical text that uses this strategy of employing familiar
terminology and setting it into a framework with an unexpected end. The
reference to the inability of the sun and moon to strike those who trust in
YHWH (Ps 121:6) should be understood as some type of setting in opposition of YHWH with the astral deities of the ANE that were so important in
any ancient religion. 66 At the end of the day, Nebuchadnezzar falls to the
ground and recognizes the power and strength of this god of Daniel, the
god of heaven, so different from his own gods. This is not the end of the
65
66
Cf. Gerald A. Klingbeil, "Looking over the Shoulders of Ancient Translators:

Contextualization and Ancient Translation Techniques," in Misi6n y contextualizaci6n.
Llevar el mensaje biblico a un mundo multicultural (ed. G. A. Klingbeil; SMEBT 2;
Libertador San Martin: Editorial Universidad Adventista de! Plata, 2005), 3-21, for a
discussion of theological contextualization in the translation of the Targums. Ortwin
Dally, "Alte Rituale in neuem Gewand? Zu Fortleben und Umdeutung heidnischer
Ritual in der Spatantike," in Rituale in der Vorgeschichte, Antike und Gegenwart: Studien
zur Vorderasiatischen, Priihistorischen und Klassischen Archiiologie, Agyptologie, A/ten
Geschichte, Theologie und Religionswissenschaft (ed. C. Metzner-Nebelsick; Internationale
Archaologie: Arbeitsgemeinschaft, Symposium, Tagung, Kongress 4; Rahden: Leidorf,
2003), 171--81, has discussed some interesting adaptations of earlier (pagan) rituals in
later Christian religion.
I have argued this in more details in another Festschrift, published in 1997 in honor of
William H. Shea. Cf. Gerald A. Klingbeil, "Sun and Moon in Psalm 121:6: Some Notes
on their Context and Meaning," in To Understand Scriptures. Essays in Honor of William
H. Shea (ed. D. Merling; Berrien Springs: Institute of Archaeology/Siegfried H. Hom
Archaeological Museum/Andrews University, 1997), 33-43. See also the discussion by
Hase! concerning the polemic nature of the Genesis cosmology in Gerhard F. Hase!,
"The Polemic Nature of the Genesis Cosmology," EvQ 46, no. 2 (1974): 81-102. More
references could be added here.
"Rocking the Mountain": Text, Theologij, and Mission in Daniel 2
139
story of the interaction of YHWH and Nebuchadnezzar. According to the

book of Daniel, there was still a long journey ahead of the Neo-Babylonian
monarch that would ultimately result in his recognition of YHWH not only
as the God of heaven, but as N:7 "the Most High" (4:31), the one above
everything, the one who is actively involved in human history and appoints
and removes kings. It was to be an interesting journey, but that was still
somewhere in the future.
THE SELEUCIDS AS CEDARS, AND THE

MACCABEES, MESSIAH, AND HERODIANS
AS THE SHEPHERDS IN ZECHARIAH 11
WILLIAM H. SHEA
1. Introduction
Zechariah 9-14 is commonly referred to as the Zechariah Apocalypse and
as such it is one of the most difficult passages in the Hebrew Bible to interpret. Within its confines, chapter 11 is one of the more difficult of its already
enigmatic narratives to deal with. Thus, one could call Zech 11 one of the
most difficult narratives in the entire Hebrew Bible. Meyers and Meyers
have characterized this narrative in their commentary accordingly:
Long regarded by commentators as one of the most difficult passages in
all of Hebrew Scripture, Zechariah 11 has an overall structure that is almost deceptively simple and straightforward [... ] In addition the oracles
provide the overall mood of the chapter, which is among the most
gloomy and negative in Hebrew prophecy. They both involve the presence
of shepherd imagery, which is the dominant literary vehicle for the
complex messages of the whole chapter.
Although the organization of the chapter is clear, the overall mood painfully visible, and the symbolic figures familiar enough, the underlying
meaning and motivation for Zechariah 11 pose seemingly insoluble difficulties. Indeed, the enormous variety of scholarly claims or interpretations signifies the problematic nature of the material; any number of
thorny exegetical questions frustrate attempts to make sense of them. 1
In broad outlines the contents of Zech 11 are relatively clear. After a poetic
parable about the cedars of Lebanon, the text takes up the subject of the bad
shepherds who victimize the sheep. Then along comes a good shepherd who
has the interest of the sheep at heart. But he is not welcomed by the sheep
and they become antagonistic to him. Therefore, he breaks his covenant
with them; and after his departure, they fall once again into the hands of a
bad shepherd or shepherds and they suffer accordingly. The prophetic narrative ends with a poem of judgment upon the last of the bad shepherds.
Carol L Meyers and Eric M. Meyers, Zechariah 9-14 (AB 25C; Garden City: Doubleday,
1993), 293.
142
William H. Shea
Thus the broad outline of this prophetic narrative is relatively clear. It is

when one comes to interpret and apply the details present within this outline that serious problems arise. The difficulty of the text, however, should
not deter us from attempting to understand it. What follows below is an
attempt to search out bona fide historical applications that make sense of this
overall outline and its more difficult details.
2. Zechariah 11:1-3: The Parable of the Cedars

The Decline of the Seleucids
When one comes to the shepherds in the body of this narrative, these shepherds should be, in one way or another, rulers over the Jews in Judea, farther on in history, beyond the time of Zechariah in the late 6th century B.C.
From the time of Zechariah until the end of the first half of the 2d century
B.C., Judea was under foreign rule. It was only at that time that Judea came
to have its own national rulers or shepherds. Prior to that time there was a
succession of Persian rulers followed by Hellenistic rulers, the latter beginning with Alexander the Great and then dividing into the Ptolemies in
Egypt and the Seleucids in Syria. As foreign rulers they should not be classified as national shepherds in this narrative, but their final stage under the
Seleucids may be described here with this parable about the cedars of
Lebanon.
The final stage of this period of foreign rulers took place under the Seleucid rulers from Syria, especially Antiochus III (223-187 B.C.) and Antiochus IV (175-164 B.C.). With the aid of Phillip V of Macedon, Antiochus III
took Judea away from Ptolemy V of Egypt at the battle of Panium near
Mount Hermon in 201 B.C. It was Antiochus IV who was responsible for
oppressing the Jews in such a way that they rose up in revolt and eventually became independent. In this way the final phase of this period of foreign rule over Judea came to an end, bringing the brief Syrian rule to an end
after little more than half a century of control.
The phase of Syrian rule began to decline under Antiochus III when he
experienced a massive defeat at the hands of the Romans in the Battle of
Magnesia in 190 B.C. Antiochus IV attempted to regain some of the territories in the east that Antiochus had lost but it was on that campaign that he
lost his life in 164 B.C. After this, Syrian control over Judea weakened until it
finally became fully independent in 142 B.C.
Syria, with its capital in Antioch, lay to the north of Judea. More immediately, on its very border, was Lebanon. Lebanon was widely known in
ancient times for its highly valued cedar trees. Even today that symbol still
Cedars and Shepherds in Zechariah 11
143
appears on the nation's flag even though the actual trees have been reduced
to a small grove.
The poetic and prophetic lament in Zech 11:1-3 is not dealing with deforestation which is even more severe today than it was in ancient times.
These noble cedar trees stand as a symbol of the might and power that
ruled over this and adjacent lands. In late Hellenistic times that symbol for
might, power and rule was centered in Antioch in Syria, with the Seleucid
dynasty. But that power was on the wane in the 2d century. The Roman
general Pompey who conquered Syria also conquered Jerusalem and Judea
in 63 B.C. As a result of that Roman conquest, the independence of both
Syria and Judea came to an end.
While there was to be a lament over the fall of the cedars by both the
oaks of Bashan and Trans-Jordan according to this poem, there is no lament
mentioned as coming from Galilee or Judea or Cis-Jordan. The inhabitants
there were certainly happy to see the Syrian Seleucids go. But with the passing of those rulers they traded a smaller oppressor for a larger one. Less
than a century and a half later this Roman rule brought about the destruction of Jerusalem in A.O. 70.
For the moment, however, the decline of the Seleucids provided Judea
with a brief period of independence, allowing their own shepherds to take
over the rule of their own country. Thus the prophetic parable of the decline and destruction of the cedars is taken here as representing the decline
of that phase of foreign rule from the north and it serves as an introduction
to the rise of Judea's own shepherd rulers.
3. Zechariah 11 :4-6a: A Brief Statement about

the Nature of Hasrnonean Rule
The passage in Zech 11:4-6a reads as follows:
This is what the Lord my God says: "Pasture the flock marked for
slaughter. Their buyers slaughter them and go unpunished. Those who
sell them say, 'Praise the Lord, I am rich!' Their own shepherds do not
spare them. For I will no longer have pity on the people of the land!" declares the Lord. (Zech 11:4-6a, NIV)
The sad state of affairs described here is amply illustrated by events during
the rule of the Hasmonean house. While the latter end of the Hasmonean
dynasty was worse than its earlier period, problems of various types had
already arisen even before the war of independence. Even at this time while
still under Seleucid rule, according to Russell, "there were some in Jerusalem who were ready to raise or offer money in return for positions of
144
William H. Shea
power." 2 He cites the example of Simon the Tobiad. Partisan strife soon
broke out with Jason bribing his way into the office of the high priest to
oust the more legitimate Onias III (2 Mace 4:7-10). He in turn was ousted by
Menelaus who offered the king an even larger bribe (2 Mace 4:23-28). Fighting soon broke out between the two parties.
Russell points out that the problems of this period were not just "Jew
versus Syrian" but "Jew versus Jew." He cites the words of Oesterly that
this was a case of "Jerusalem versus Judea.'' 3
After the first phase of the successful revolt against Syria, more of this
type of partisan strife occurred. The orthodox withdrew their support from
the Maccabeans and supported a man named Alkimus. Now intrigue at the
Syrian court intruded into the affairs of Judea. Of the two men contending
for the Syrian throne, Alexander Balas outbid Demetrius I for the support of
the Maccabean Jonathan, and he rewarded him by appointing him high
priest.
For territorial aggrandizement the campaigns of John Hyrcanus subjugated both Samaria and Idumea. During his time there was a growing disenc~antrnent with the Hasmonean house because under them the high
priesthood had become increasingly worldly and irreligious. From this time
the more distinct parties of the Sadducees and Pharisees emerged.
Taking the title of "king," Aristobulus I offended the Pharisees who also
detested his love of Greek culture. He was also implicated in the murders of
his mother and his brother.
Things went from bad to worse under Alexander Jannaeus (103-76 B.C.).
He undertook military campaigns as a means of aggrandizement. He further secularized the priesthood and when the people objected to his pouring out the drink-offering on the ground instead of on the altar during a
Feast of Tabernacles, he had the crowd of people in the courts of the temple
slaughtered. This resulted in a civil war that lasted for six years, at the conclusion of which he had 800 of his opponents crucified.
At the end of his life he named his wife Alexandra as queen and when
he died she appointed her son Hyrcanus II to the office of high priest. The
Sadducees, on the other hand supported Aristobulus who, when his mother
Alexandra died, raised an army and defeated his brother Hyrcanus and
took over the office of high priest. In return Hyrcanus appealed to Aretas III
of Arabia who supported his siege of Aristobulus in Jerusalem. It was at
this point that the Romans intervened and put an end to this sectarian and
partisan strife.
David. S. Russell, Between the Testaments (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1965), 26.

Ibid., 27.
145
Th.is whole tide of events illustrates well the fulfillment of Zech 11:4-5a.
While some of the early Maccabees started out well, the dynasty descended
into partisan strife and fighting for control of high offices. The ones who
suffered most from all this were the common people. Those who were governed by these profligate rulers were the sheep rendered for the slaughter
at the hands of, and for the profit of, their Hasmonean shepherds.
3. Zechariah 11 :6b: Death of the First Two

Maccabean Rulers, Judas and Jonathan
I translate Zech 11:6b as follows:
But behold, I will cause the man [Oli;t;;i], each one [Ul'~] to fall into the
hand of his friend [lil~,l"1] and into the hand of his king. (Zech 11:6b, my
translation)
The "man" who is the shepherd leader is thus stated to come to his end by
the actions of his friend. The word used here can mean "friend, neighbor,
companion, comrade," etc. That more than one ruler was to suffer this fate
is indicated by the word for "each one" used after the word for man. So we
have at least two of these shepherd rulers that suffered this fate. Once having been betrayed by their friends they then fall into the hands of their king.
The king at the time of the Maccabean revolt was in Syria, the ruler of the
Seleucid dynasty.
The Maccabean revolt was raised initially by an elderly man named
Mattathias. He had five sons who joined him in this enterprise. Three of
those sons came to lead the people of Judea in succession. The first was Judas and he was in command as early as 166/165 B.C. when Mattathias died.
A great achievement during his leadership was the liberation and restoration of the temple in Jerusalem (1 Mace 4:36--61). At the conclusion of these
events they celebrated the dedication of the altar for eight days and it was
decreed that this event should be celebrated annually. This occurred in the
fall and early winter of 164 B.C., during a Sabbatical Year that began late in
the summer of that year.
Another major event of Judas' rule was the alliance with Rome which is
recited in 1 Mace 8:1-22. The text of the alliance is given in 1 Mace 8:23-32.
Th.is alliance was concluded in the year 161 B.C. and a part of the agreement
involved a warning by Rome to Demetrius I of Syria not to oppress the
Jews. He paid little attention to that warning and the ensuing battle led to
the death of Judas.
The question then is how the actions of the friends and compatriots of
Judas did lead to his falling into the hands of the forces of the king and to
his death, in order to fulfill this part of the specification of the prophecy?
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William H. Shea
3.1. The Death of Judas

The death of Judas is narrated in 1 Mace 9:1-22. When Demetrius I of Syria
received news that the Jews had defeated Nicanor and his army in battle, he
responded by sending another army, this one lead by Bacchides. The force
that he was in command of consisted of 20,000 foot soldiers and 2,000 cavalry. They marched by way of Galilee to the site of their encampment a
short distance north of Jerusalem. Judas had only 3,000 men encamped at
Elasa and they were terrified of the great number of troops in the Syrian
army and they melted away and fled until there were only 800 soldiers left
with Judas. In this way his "friends" had betrayed him, in essence, handed
him over to the Syrians.
Undeterred by the loss of his troops who fled, Judas admonished his
men, "Up, let us advance against our foes. Perhaps we may be strong
enough to fight them!" (1 Mace 9:8). His soldiers tried to talk him out of the
engagement, saying that they were too few. But Judas would not tum back.
Once again he exhorted them, "If the time has come, let us die bravely for
the sake of our brothers and not leave behind a stain upon our glory!" (1
Mace 9:10, emphasis mine).
Both armies sounded their trumpets and "they were locked in battle
from morning to evening" (1 Mace 9:13). Judas was successful in routing
one wing of the Syrian army, but the other wing pursued them and came
up behind them from the rear. "Many fell on both sides" (1Mace9:17). "Finally Judas fell, and the surviving Jews fled" (1 Mace 9:18). Jonathan and
Simon, his brothers, took the body of Judas to Modein for burial and all
Judea observed a period of mourning for him.
One can see, therefore, how the cowardice of the "friends" and fellow
soldiers of Judas led to his death. 2,200 fled and only 800 remained to stand
with him and fight. He might have fallen anyway if the whole army had
been there, but his fate was sealed when the majority of his troops fled before the battle. In that way he fell into the hands of the forces of the king of
Syria and died.
3.2. The Death of Jonathan

The prophecy of Zech 11:6b says that there would be at least one more of
these ruler-shepherds who would fall in this same way. That leads us to
examine the way in which Jonathan, the successor of Judas, died. His death
came about in a similar way but in his case the treachery was even greater.
There were several events of importance, however, before we come to the
death of Jonathan.
First, there was an interregnum and a period of peace. This is mentioned
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in 2 Mace 9:57 and 10:21 and is also mentioned by Josephus (Ant. 20.10.237).
After his victory Bacchides left and there was a period of two years of
peace, from May of 159 B.C. to May of 157 B.C. The Syrian king, however,
made no appoinhnent to the office of high priest for a total of seven years.
In this way he avoided provoking the anger of the Jews who did not like
the idea of a foreign king appointing their high priest. Finally, "Jonathan
puts on sacred veshnents in the seventh month of the year 160, on the festival of Tabernacles. He also raised troops and manufactured large quantities
of arms." 4 According to Goldstein's chronology, this fell in the time between September 20, 153 B.C., and October 9, 152 B.C. 5
The next event of major importance here is what may be called Jonathan's circle tour of conquest, his conquests in the countries surrounding
Judea. This is recited in 1 Mace 11:60-74. Since this history of the rule of
Jonathan is recited here with Zech 11, it is interesting to see the link made in
Goldstein's commentary on 1 Maccabees between these events and those
recited in the prophecy of Zechariah, "Here and in 12:1-38 our author or his
source may have seen the acts of Jonathan and Simon as fulfilling prophecies of Zechariah." 6 He goes on to cite the victories over Hamath and Damascus (Zech 9:1-2), Tyre and Sidon (Zech 9:2-4), Gaza and Ascaton (Zech
9:5-6), up to the Euphrates (Zech 9:10) and even to the Greeks (Zech 9:13).
Perhaps this could have been taken as referring to the Greeks or Seleucids
who ruled Syria.
Then came the renewal by Jonathan of the treaty with Rome and the
making of a treaty with Sparta (1 Mace 12:1-23). Goldstein notes a similar
potential connection between these events and the prophecies of Zechariah
in the mind of the author of First Maccabees. 7
This rise in power on the part of Jonathan alarmed the Syrians and this
led them to bring him down. The story of the death of Jonathan is told in 1
Mace 12:39-53. At first the thought was to attempt to defeat him in battle.
But when Tryphon marched to Beth-shean he was met there by Jonathan
with 40,000 men ready for battle. Inhibited by confronting such a large
force, Tryphon changed his strategy and "sought a way to capture Jonathan
and slay him" (1 Mace 12:40).
"He (Tryphon) received him Oonathan) with honor and introduced him
to all his friends, giving him gifts and ordering his friends and soldiers to
obey Jonathan as they would himself" (1Mace12:43, emphasis mine). In the
ensuing conversation Tryphon suggested to Jonathan that it was not necesJonathan A. Goldstein, 1 Maccabees (AB 41; Garden City: Doubleday, 1976), 397.
Ibid.
Ibid., 442.
Ibid., 445.
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sary to bring out all these men of war that he should pick just a few men
and send the rest home and go with him to Ptolemais. He said that he
would tum Ptolemais and some other strongholds over to Jonathan and
then he would march home. "Indeed, that is the purpose of my coming" (1
Mace 12:45).
Jonathan, trusting him, did as he suggested. The great body of his
troops went home. He still had 3,000 men with him but he dropped off
2,000 men in Galilee, leaving him with an escort of just 1,000 men. "However, as soon as Jonathan entered Ptolemais, the citizens of Ptolemais closed
their gates, seized him, and put all who had entered with him to the sword"
(1 Mace 12:48). Once again, all Judea was in mourning.
Late in 143 B.C., when there was snow in Judea, Tryphon put Jonathan
to death at Baskama in the Galaaditis (1 Mace 13:23). For a second time a
Maccabean ruler had been betrayed by his "friends," fell into the hands of
the power of the king of Syria, and had been killed. Both the experiences of
Judas and Jonathan fulfill this specification of the prophecy of Zech 11:6b.
4. Zechariah 11: 7: The First Appearance of

the Good Shepherd
This verse is enclosed by the same statement at the beginning and its end,
"and I shepherded the sheep." In the first instance the sheep are specified as
the sheep that were doomed for the slaughter, which is a reference back to 1
Zech 11:4-Sa that gives the general fate of the sheep. Those sheep-people
who have been abused by their shepherd-rulers now come under the care
of the good shepherd who is more interested in their welfare. His care contrasts with the care given to them by the bad shepherds, especially those
who immediately follow.
The symbolic action described here has to do with the good shepherd
taking two staffs with which to shepherd the sheep. Like the good shepherd
in Ps 23 he has two of these instruments, even though the Hebrew word
used here is not the same as those used in that psalm. Here the word refers
to a twig, stick or branch broken off a tree that is used as a walking stick or
as a staff for the shepherd's use. There may be an indirect connection back
to Zech 6:12 where the Messiah to come is referred to by his prophetic title
of the Branch (also a different word than the one used here). The two-fold
nature of the rule of that Messiah as both priest and king is clearly stated in
Zech 6:13. The word used for staff here is also used elsewhere for a shepherd's staff (1Sam17:40).
The symbolic action present here involves the names that were given to
the two staffs that the good shepherd uses to shepherd the sheep. The first
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is named CJJ,lt This word has a rather broad range of meaning that includes
"agreeable, pleasant, favorable, beautiful," or "kindly" speaking of actions
taken. Translations commonly make use of the idea of favor or God's grace
that comes to the sheep through the shepherd here and that is a sound connection. In addition one can make use of the idea of agreeable, in that at this
time the sheep and the shepherd are in agreement, that is, they are in a
covenant relation. Soon, however, that agreeable relationship sours and the
sheep part company from the good shepherd and that signifies that the
covenant between them is broken (Zech 11:10).
The name given to the other staff, c?:;in, literally translates as "cords" in
the plural. The significance appears to be that the cords bind two parties
together and for this reason the name of this staff is commonly translated as
"Union." The union in this case is not so much between the shepherd and
the sheep as between two groups of sheep, Israel and Judah. This becomes
evident when that Union is broken in Zech 11:14.
For the time being, however, the shepherd and the sheep are on good
terms, that is, in a covenant relationship and all is temporarily well. But that
relationship soon falls apart. It is interesting to note the point in time at
which this comment about union and covenant appears. It comes at the
juncture, in historical terms, between Jonathan and his successor Simon.
This is an appropriate juncture in terms of political history because it was
with the rule of Simon that Judea became truly independent. Under Judas
and Jonathan they had a quasi- or partial independence but, as can be seen
from the description of their fates given above, they were still ultimately
under the control of Syria. Now with true and full independence under
Simon, the old covenant relationship between God and His people could go
into full effect.
5. Zechariah 11 :8: The Death of Three

Shepherds-Simon and His Two Sons
I destroyed three shepherds in one month. My soul became weary with
them and their soul became weary with me. (Zech 11:8, my translation)
Jonathan was killed by Tryphon in 143 B.C. Simon, another brother, took
over the rule, succeeding him. In the year of his accession, in 142 B.C., he
won immunity from taxes from Demetrius II, the Syrian ruler (1 Mace
13:41). The next year a further step was taken. A decree in bronze was set
up in the temple, conferring on Simon the office of high priest with hereditary rights, "until a faithful prophet shall arise" (1Mace14:41, 47). The high
priesthood which had been hereditary in the House of Onias and had been
usurped since the deposition of Onias III was now made hereditary in the
Hasmonean line. Here, then, we see the emergence of an independent Jew-
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ish state in which the civil head and the military leader were at the same
time the high priest. This union was to continue throughout the life of the
Hasmonean House. 8
The death of Simon and his two sons is described in 1 Mace 15:11-24. It
took place not through the agencies of a Syrian king, as in the cases of Judas
and Jonathan, but at the hands of one from his own house, his son-in-law
Ptolemy. He was commander of the plain of Jericho and a particularly ambitious man. "Intoxicated with his own success, he formed the desire to
seize control over the country and treacherously do away with Simon and
his sons." 9 Accordingly, he invited Simon and his two sons-Mattathias
and Judas-down to Jericho.
[Ptolemy] treacherously received them in the castle called Dok, which he
had built; there he concerted men while he set a sumptuous banquet before his guests. When Simon and his sons became drunk, Ptolemy and
his men emerged from hiding, seized their arms, and rushed into the
banquet hall upon Simon and killed him and his two sons and son of
their servant. Thus Ptolemy committed high treason and returned evil
for good. 10
This occurred in the "Year 177" which equals 134 B.C., in the 11th month,
the month of Shebat. Goldstein notes that the text does not have the day of
the month on which this occurred and he interprets this to mean that they
began their journey down to Jericho on the day of the new moon. 11 This
month of Shebat extended from January 27 to February 25 of 134 B.C. It was
during that "one month" that these three shepherds fell, as the prophecy
described.
It is interesting to note the follow up from these events. Ptolemy also intended to kill John Hyrcanus, another son of Simon, but that plan was
thwarted. He sent men to Gazara to do away with John, but a man ran to
John and told him what had happened to his father and his two brothers.
When the men who had come to kill him arrived, he in tum slew them because he knew their purpose in coming. The prophecy had foreseen that
only three shepherds would fall in that month, not four.
By this time the dice had been cast for the Hasmonean house and its
subjects. Now came about the conditions described in the general introductory statement of Zech 11:4-5a. The ruling house descended into a maelstrom of petty but sometimes vicious and violent politics that have been
described in the historical comments alongside that passage. Basically one
10
11
Russell, Between the Testaments, 31.

Goldstein, 1 Maccabees, 524.
Ibid.
Ibid.
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can divide this dynasty into halves. The first three rulers were national heroes who led the fight for independence but were cut down by treachery of
one kind or another. The last half of the dynasty was led by tyrants who
imposed their ever more dictatorial will upon the people or ended up fighting with each other for the highest positions. This was not a time when faith
and truth or mercy and justice were exercised. As a consequence the separation between the good shepherd and his sheep that is described in the last
part of Zech 11:8 developed. In spite of their religiosity the people drifted
away from the true God and as a consequence he began the process of
separating himself from them.
6. Zechariah 11 :9: The End of the

Hasmonean House
Then I said, "I will not pasture you. What is to die, let it die. What is to
be destroyed, let it be destroyed, and let those who are left eat one another's flesh." (Zech 11:9, my translation)
As a result of the separation described in the previous verse there now
comes about an end of this line of shepherd-rulers. The way in which they
were to depart from the scene of action is described here and the fate of the
last rulers of this royal house followed in this order. The phrase, "What is to
die, let it die," should not be taken in an entirely pejorative sense. It stands
in contrast to what follows, which tells about what was to be destroyed.
Those who were to die were to die a natural death, which was good. Those
who were to be destroyed would be destroyed at the hands of other persons, they were to be killed. That is the order in which the Hasmonean
house came to an end.
6.1. "What Is to Die, Let It Die"

Three rulers in a row suffered this lesser fate. They were John Hyrcanus
(134-104 B.c.), Aristobulus (104-103 B.C.), and Alexander Jannaeus (103-75
B.C.). John Hyrcanus was greeted with victories abroad but partisan conflicts within. Nevertheless he died a natural death after a reign of 30 years.
Although he assassinated various members of his own household, Aristobulus died a natural death, after a short reign.
Aristobulus' widow released Alexander Jannaeus from prison and she
married him. He became high priest and ruler. He was detested by his own
people. On the occasion of a riot he slaughtered 6,000 of his own people, an
echo of Zech 11:4-5a. A civil war broke out later in his reign. In spite of the
problems during his reign he died a natural death in 76/75 B.C.
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These three rulers in a row thus fulfilled the statement, "what is to die,
let it die."
6.2. "What Is to Be Destroyed, Let It Be Destroyed"

Alexandra, the widow of Alexander Jannaeus, had two sons, Hyrcanus II
and Aristobulus II. The division between them led to major difficulties.
Hyrcanus sided with the Pharisees and Aristobulus sided with the Sadducees. Hyrcanus drove the Sadducees and Aristobulus out but they attempted a comeback that resulted in a war, which led to intervention by
Rome and the conquest of Jerusalem by Pompey in 63 B.C. Aristobulus was
captured and imprisoned but escaped and raised up revolts on three different occasions. This led Rome to redraw the lines of the territories.
In the meantime Hyrcanus II who had called upon Antipater the Idumean for support was supplanted by him under the Romans. Herod the
Great came from his line and he was the one who brought the Hasmonean
house to an end by basically killing all of their descendants who could potentially threaten him for the throne. The first one whom Herod killed was
Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus II, who had led a battle in opposition to
Herod. He was killed in 37 B.C. That ended the line of Aristobulus II, one of
the sons of Alexander Jannaeus.
Herod killed quite a few more people from the line of Hyrcanus II. He
killed Hyrcanus himself in 30 B.C. He also killed Hyrcanus' daughter Alexandra. She was the mother of Aristobulus III, a high priest, and Herod
killed him in 35 B.C. One of Herod's wives was Mariamne, the granddaughter of Hyrcanus II, but after she bore him two sons, he had her too killed in
29 B.C. Finally, he executed his two sons by Mariarnne-Aristobulus and
Alexander-in 7 B.C.
In all, therefore, Herod killed six persons from the line of the Hasmonean house through the line of Hyrcanus II and he killed one from the
line of Aristobulus II, his son Antigonus. Since the line of Aristobulus was
ousted by the Roman-Herodian victory, it was natural that he had to pay
more attention to the line of Hyrcanus because they were still on the scene
of action, whereas the line of Aristobulus had been eliminated earlier.
With the death of all seven of these Hasmoneans, the line of that royal
house came to an end. Since all seven of these deaths were violent, at the
hands of someone else, this part of the royal line fulfilled the last prophetic
statement about the Hasmoneans in Zech 11, "what is to be destroyed, let it
be destroyed." The three rulers before them died natural deaths and they
fulfilled the earlier statement about "what was to die, let it die."
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7. Zechariah 11:10-11: The Brol~en Covenant

I took my staff Favor and cut it into pieces, to break the covenant which I
had made with all peoples. So it was broken on that day and thus the afflicted of the flock who were watching me realized it was the word of the
Lord. (Zech 11:10-11, NASB)
The prophet now takes part in a prophetic parable and his action is that
of breaking the first staff of the two that he took earlier in the prophecy. The
action here is interpreted in the verse itself, so the breaking of the staff signifies the breaking of the covenant. The major question here is, Which
covenant?
One might readily specify the covenant broken here as the old covenant,
the one between God and Israel that was made especially at Sinai. The Messianic prophecy in the immediately succeeding verses might convey indirectly the idea that the broken old covenant was to be replaced by the new
covenant to be made by the good shepherd in his blood, with the crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth.
This interpretation of the broken covenant as the old covenant with Israel and Judah is certainly a prominent and direct possibility. There is one
minor problem with it however, in that the breaking of the staff and the
covenant come before, and not after the Messianic prophecy that was fulfilled before Jesus died on the cross. One could say here that the breaking of
this covenant in that case was prospective or proleptic, prophesying something that would take place later in the course of historical events. That remains a strong possibility as to the application of this symbol.
There is another possibility here, however, and that is that the broken
covenant is the Davidic covenant (2 Sam 23:5). It was God's intent that descendants of David from the tribe of Judah would rule over His earthly
kingdom in perpetuity. That promise or prophecy came to a temporary end
with the apostasy of the last kings of Judah. The Maccabees who started up
a new independent kingdom of Judea had the opportunity to pick up
where the last kings of Judah left off. In part, that was their purpose. The
conquests of John Hyrcanus and especially those of Alexander Jannaeus
were carried out with the intent to extend the borders of Judea to include all
that originally belonged to the kingdom in the time of David.
Zechariah 11:10-11 come at the end of the section where the Hasmonean
house has come to an end, before the direct appearance of the Messiah in
what follows. At this juncture, this broken covenant could signify once
more, like the fall of the last kings of Judah, the end, not so much of the Sinaitic covenant as the Davidic covenant. The rulers of the Hasmonean
house had an opportunity to restore the kingdom that had once belonged to
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the house of David. Unfortunately, their military conquests were not

matched by a corresponding righteousness in a rule that could have paved
the way for a greater fulfillment of that promise with the coming of the
Messianic kingdom. But now, because of their perfidy, intrigue and assassinations, the opportunity had passed from them. One can only look upon
this course of events and lament over what could have been.
While either one of these historical applications fulfills the prophetic requirements satisfactorily, at present I lean toward the latter of the two possibilities.
8. Zechariah 11:12-13: Rejection

of the Good Shepherd
We come here to the heart of the Messianic prophecy in the center of this
prophetic parable. There are two main issues here. The first is, What does
Zech 11:12-13 say in its own right? The second issue is, How does Matt
27:3-10 apply this to the historical fulfillment of Zechariah's prophecy? We
can begin with Zechariah on its own merits.
The translation and significance of Zech 11:12 are clear. The good shepherd has worked long and hard on behalf of the sheep and even though the
sheep have rejected his care, he still deserves his wages for the long and
hard work that he has done. He puts this as a challenge to an unnamed
overseer or overseers. It is fair that I receive my wages, but if you are not
going to pay me, so be it, that is on your account, not mine. That is the sense
of what the prophet standing in for the shepherd says here. They decide to
go ahead and pay him his wages and they pay him 30 shekels of silver.
This payment is probably of symbolic significance. It was the price of a
household slave according to Exod 21:32. The shekel in the time of the Exodus, however, was smaller than the weight of the shekel in the time of
Zechariah, so the payment at that time would have been a little more. In
addition, the price of a slave varied from time to time. The prophecy goes
back to the time of the Exodus for the price of a slave then and this price
comes from the passage known as the Covenant Code (Exod 21-24), the
commentary or elaboration of the Ten Commandments at the time those
commandments were given. The context of the covenant makes a fitting
application here because this pay-off to the shepherd comes in the context
of the broken covenant, stated in the preceding verse.
The translational and interpretational problems arise here in Zech 11:13.
Verse 12 contains a statement by the shepherd and action by his overseer/s.
Verse 13 contains a statement by the Lord. The Lord now puts his instruction or interpretation on these events.
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And the Lord said unto me, "Cast it unto the potter, the magnificent
value with which I am valued by them." (Zech 11:13a, my translation)
Three main points need to be noted here in this half-verse. First, there has
been confusion about whether the word used here is the word for "potter"
(i,i') or "treasury" (iiN with an initial N), or whether there is a play on
words here between these two words. There is no confusion about which
word was written here because it was written twice in this verse, the same
way both times and the word is clearly that for "potter" not for "treasury."
While there could be confusion between a yod and a waw because their form
is so similar, there are no grounds for confusion between a yod and an
'aleph. Nor is there any play on words here, as can be seen from the further
translation below.
The second main point here is that the Lord clearly says that the value
that the overseer/s placed upon the shepherd was the value that they were
putting upon him, the Lord himself. This is clear from the morphology of
the verb that is used for the valuation - a first person perfect ('l'lli?:). It
coincides with the root of the noun which precedes it, so it is the "value"
with which "I was valued." In rejecting the shepherd, they have rejected the
Lord of the shepherd.
This second point leads to the third, and that is the sarcasm that is employed here and it is found in the modifier for the "value." It is a "lordly,
magnificent, glorious" value that was placed upon the shepherd. This is
obviously not true, hence the sarcasm involved. They should have paid a
much greater price for the labor of the shepherd, but they did not, they only
paid an under-valued price, and it is mocked with this modifier.
"And I took the thirty (shekels) of silver and I cast it [ ... ] the house of the
Lord unto the potter." (Zech 11:13b, my translation)
I have provided a literal translation here because it is vital to one's understanding of what is going on. There is a preposition missing, or rather implied, immediately before the phrase, "house of the Lord." The main
English versions have assumed that the intended preposition that was
meant here was either a beth for "in, into" or lamed, 'to, unto." That is the
way this phrase is translated in the NIV, the KJV, the NASB, and the RSV. Thus
they generally translate "and I cast it unto the potter/treasury of/in the
house of the Lord." But this inverts the syntax of the latter part of this
phrase and this also assumes that they have supplied the correct preposition.
The syntax indicates otherwise. In order it should be translated, "and I
cast it from the house of the Lord unto the potter." The phrase "house of the
Lord" precedes the phrase "unto the potter" where the preposition i,~ is
expressed. The sense is not that he cast it to the potter or the treasury but
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rather that, after having received his payment in the temple, he took it outside and cast it to the potter. It is an expression of disgust with the poor pay
that he had received. The real connections here are, "the thirty (shekels) of
silver of the house of the Lord." This is a construct chain and this construct
chain is broken by the verb and object pronoun, "and I cast it." Since he
received his payment in the house of the Lord he undoubtedly received his
payment from the priests who were the officials of that house. It is they
who have undervalued the shepherd, his work for the sheep, and the Lord
for whom he worked.
8.1. The Historical Application-Matthew 27:3-10.

Matthew is the only gospel that records the remorse of Judas and his suicide and it is recited in the context of the prophecy from Zechariah. The
record of Judas' actions covers Matt 27:3-8 where he now plays the part of
the prophet in the parable. Having received the thirty shekels of silver as
the price for betraying Jesus into the hands of the priests, he is now stricken
with remorse and takes his payment-the low value they placed upon Jesus-back into the temple (va6<;) and casts the shekels down upon the floor.
The priests, not willing to go to Pilate to show that they have both seized
and accused Jesus falsely, say to Judas that he must see to it himself. That is
when he casts the coins down. The priests then say that they cannot add
this payments to the gifts (Kop13avav) given to the temple because it is
blood money. The word used here is not the more common word used for
the treasury of the temple (ya~ocpuAaK1ov, Mark 12:41,43; Luke 21:1; John
8:20). Since this is contaminated "blood money" they purchase the Potter's
Field (aypov TOO KEpatw<;, Matt 27:7). This field was to be used as a place
where strangers, foreigners and indigents would be buried. As a result of
the way this came about, the name of the field was changed from the Potter's Field to the Field of Blood.
So the outlines of the prophetic parable in Zechariah are now clear and
the course of events that led to its fulfillment have been described by Matthew. The remaining task is to see how Matthew used Zechariah's prophecy. This he quotes, or perhaps it would be better to say, paraphrases, in
Matt 27:9-10. There are several elements that require discussion here.
First, Matthew credits Jeremiah with this Old Testament quotation.
While the specific element of the thirty pieces of silver comes from Zechariah, there are interesting and important elements here that correspond
with Jeremiah. These are discussed after the quotation itself has been examined.
The first phrase from Matt 27:9 quotes, "and they took the thirty pieces
of silver." This relates directly to Zech 11:12a. The second phrase is explana-
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tory as to why thirty pieces of silver were used in this connection, "the price
of one whose price has been set by the sons of Israel." This looks like it relates directly to the legislation in Exod 21:32. It was there that the price of a
slave was set in legislation for the sons of Israel.
The next phrase, at the beginning of Matt 27:10 indicates that "they gave
them for the Potter's Field." This phrase relates to both Zech 11:13a and
Zech 11:13c. In the first instance Zechariah was instructed to throw 'the
money' to the potter and in the second instance he says that he did so. As
we have seen in the preceding discussion of Zechariah, the reading of 'the
potter' and not 'the treasury' is correct, and it is also correct that the potter
was not in the temple-he should be where potters were normally located.
That is where Jeremiah comes in.
There are three passages in Jeremiah that relate to this episode and they
are found in Jer 18, 19, and 32. The last instance has to do with Jeremiah
purchasing a field in his home town of Anathoth, just north of Jerusalem.
The potter is not specifically mentioned in that connection but the idea of
buying a field just outside of Jerusalem is. Jeremiah 18 tells about how the
prophet "went down" to observe the potter. "Going down" means that he
went down geographically, that is, probably from the city down into a valley. There he saw the potter throw an imperfect pot and then rework it to
make it better. This was what the Lord was about to do with Judah.
Jeremiah 19 is the episode that is most closely connected with Matt 27:3-10.
In that narrative Jeremiah was instructed to take an earthenware jar of the
"potter" (illi') and take some of the elders of the people and some of the
leading priests with him Oer 19:1-2). He was instructed to go out the gate of
the "potsherds" (mt;rp:i, sometimes translated "clay-pit") into the Hinnom
Valley, which was on the south side of Jerusalem. There he was to proclaim
his judgment upon Jerusalem (Jer 19:3-9) and then smash the jar as a symbolic action demonstrating what would happen to the city and people of
Judah.
This can be linked to Matt 27 to inform us where the field was that the
priests purchased with the 30 pieces of silver that Judas returned to them. It
was formerly called the Potter's Field. This should have been located in the
Hinnom Valley either because of the clay beds there that they used to make
their pots or because of the large number of potsherds from their discards.
It was also the location of the city dump of Jerusalem which gave an additional reason for potsherds to accumulate there.
There is a reason why the burial field that they purchased was located
there and not elsewhere. The main burial valley for Jerusalem was the
Kidron on the east side of Jerusalem. That would not have been an appropriate area for a burial field defiled by the blood money of Judas and also
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by the presence of the bodies of foreigners. The breaking of Jeremiah's pot

added to the abundance of potsherds that were already there and this also
indicated indirectly the fate of Jerusalem because of its rejection of the good
shepherd that was symbolized by this action.
The final phrase in Matt 27:10 is "as the Lord directed." This points back
directly to the introductory phrase in Zech 11:13a where those instructions
were labeled as coming from the Lord.
Thus the text in Matt 27:9-10 is a composite text. Three of its phrases, vv.
9a, lOa, and lOc come from Zechariah. The second phrase in v. 9 comes
from Exod 21:32. But the resultant action, the purchasing of the Potter's
Field, relates most directly to Jer 19:1-10. The dominant action here are
those historical events in the time of Jesus of Nazareth and Judah as they
relate to the prophecy of Zechariah; but there is a thematic reason why they
are also related to Jeremiah which has to do with the end result.
9. Zechariah 11:14: Breaking the

Shepherd's Second Staff
Then I broke my second staff called Union, breaking the brotherhood between Judah and Israel. (Zech 11:14, my translation)
There had been attempts by some of the rulers of the Hasmonean house to
put the whole kingdom of David back together again, especially under John
Hyrcanus and Alexander Jannaeus. With the fall of the Hasmonean house
that goal looked more remote. Then the Romans broke the kingdom up into
separate provinces ruled by different types of rulers. After the death and
resurrection of Jesus there was one more final attempt to reestablish the
kingdom, 12 but that brief attempt failed and the kingdom was rendered
asunder with finality. Simultaneous and subsequent events led to a major
diaspora of the people. The long desired union was to be no more until God
would bring about a kingdom of an entirely different nature.
10. Zechariah 11:15-17: The Final

Bad Shepherd-Herod Agrippa I
The first two verses of this part of the passage tell of the neglect of the sheep
by the worthless shepherd who succeeded the good shepherd who was
rejected by the sheep. The negatives given here are fourfold in describing
his neglect of the sheep and then finally it tells how he would tear at the
12
See below in the next section.
159
flesh and hooves of the sheep. Having rejected the good shepherd, the
sheep are now surrendered into the hands of this bad shepherd.
The first question about this passage is, if this description serves as a collective for the conduct carried out by a series of bad rulers, or if it refers to
just one ruler? My initial impression was the former. After the departure of
the good shepherd, Jesus of Nazareth, the people of Judea were left with a
series of Roman procurators who ranged from bad to worse. Jesus was crucified and rose again during the procuratorship of Pilate and he governed
in Judea until A.O. 36, when he was recalled.
Between the time of Pilate and the full-fledged outbreak of the war in
A.O. 66 there were nine Roman procurators who governed Judea and they
ranged from bad to worse. They were Marcellus (A.O. 36-38), Marullus (A.O.
38-41), Cuspius Fadus (A.O. 44--45), Tiberius Alexander (A.O. 45--48),
Cumanus (A.O. 48-52), Antoninus Felix (A.O. 52-60), Porcius Festus (A.O. 6062), Albinus (A.O. 62-64), and Gessius Fiorus (A.O. 64-66). Then Cestius Gallus the governor of Syria had to intervene and marched on Jerusalem in A.O.
66 and thus began the war.
Of the governors, only one could be described as morally honest and
that was Porcius Festus. Unfortunately, he came on the scene of action far
too late to affect the downward course of events. One was incompetent
(Cumanus) and the rest ranged from bad to terrible. Josephus evaluated
Felix, Albinus, and Gessius Rorus as being among the worst. One was removed before he could do too much damage (Marcellus).
Corporately the Roman procurators could fit the picture described in
this prophetic passage very well, but the text seems to focus specifically
upon one individual, especially in his punishment that is announced in the
poetry of Zech 11:17. If we look for an individual to fit this category, there is
only one who fits it and he was not a Roman procurator. He was the only
person to interrupt this line of incompetence. That individual was Herod
Agrippa I.
All of the procurators who are named as governing Judea above were
foreigners, that is, government officials who were sent to this post. Thus
they were not native shepherds. Like the Persian and Greek kings before
them, they do not qualify as shepherds who arose within the ranks of the
shepherd-rulers that came from Judea itself. This long line of foreigners was
interrupted by only one native ruler and that was Herod Agrippa I. He then
qualifies at best as a native and national shepherd.
He came in part from the line of the Hasmonean house of native rulers.
He was the grandson of Mariamne. Mariamne was the granddaughter of
Hyrcanus II who has been mentioned above. She was married to Herod the
Great, One of her two sons was Aristobulus and he was the father of Herod
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William H. Shea
Agrippa I. He was born about 10 B.C. and was sent to Rome for education
and to keep him out of the local intrigues in Judea. When he returned from
Rome he lived for a time in Damascus and was given the job of being the
overseer of the markets in Tiberius. When he returned to Rome in A.O. 37 he
was promptly imprisoned by Tiberius for siding with Caligula as the successor to Tiberius. Tiberius, however, lived only six months more and when
he died, Caligula became emperor and liberated Agrippa from prison.
As a reward for being his supporter, Caligula appointed Agrippa to
various posts of rule in the east. He was first made ethnarch of Lysanias in
the northeast in A.O. 37. Then he was appointed to be ethnarch of Galilee
and Perea in A.O. 39. Finally, he was named to be ruler of Samaria and
Judea in A.O. 41 and he was given the title of "king" This is the title by
which he is referred to in Acts 12:1. With this final appointment, all of the
lands that had been under the control of Herod the Great were restored to
him. Once again there was a situation where a partially Jewish ruler ruled
over all of these lands, a final case in which there was this type of a king
from that line.
How well or poorly did Herod Agrippa I fulfill the requirements of that
office? It depends upon the point of view from which he is judged. From
the Jewish point of view he was an excellent ruler. He was observant of the
rules of Judaism, he participated in the rituals of the festivals and he also
offered sacrifices. He was so much aligned with them that on one occasion
the Pharisees referred to him as a "brother." If Agrippa is judged from the
standpoint of Greek people and culture he qualifies with good marks. In
Beirut he built a theater and an amphitheater and called for the commencement of the Greek games. He was generally supportive of Greek culture in non-Jewish territories.
How then did he do damage to the sheep, as is stated in Zech 11:16? It
was the Christian sheep that suffered under him. Acts 12 points out that he
had James the brother of John, a son of Zebedee, executed. He was the first
of the apostles to fall by the sword (12:1-2). He imprisoned Peter and intended to do the same thing to him. Only through angelic intervention did
Peter escape (12:3-11). These acts Agrippa carried out because they pleased
the Jews. When he found out that Peter had escaped he executed the soldiers who had been guarding him. Thus, while one could say that Agrippa
was fairly benign to the Greek and Jewish sheep, he was very malignant to
the Christian sheep. The Christian sheep at this time were, of course mainly
Jews, so there was a segment of the Jewish sheep that suffered at his hands.
The end of the life of Herod Agrippa I is told briefly in Acts 12:20-23
and the same events are recited by Josephus (Ant. 19.8.2). The two sources
agree on all major points about the event though each adds their own de-
Cedars and Shepherds in Zecliariah 11
161
tails to it. Agrippa had left Jerusalem where he had been at the time of the
Passover, when he put James to death and when he intended to do the
same to Peter. He returned to Caesarea on the coast where the Roman capital of Judea was located. On a certain day, probably late in the spring of the
year 44, a banquet was held. It was attended by, amongst others, delegates
from Tyre and Sidon. Josephus mentions that a point of friction had arisen
between them and Agrippa and they came to present their petition.
During the course of the banquet Agrippa arose in royal robes decorated with silver to give an oration. At the time of his oration the sun shone
down upon him, adding to the strong impression that his figure made. In
the course of his oration he was cheered, apparently by the Phoenicians
who thought that he was speaking with the voice of a god and not of a man.
The Jews present probably did not participate in this blasphemous salutation. At that time Agrippa was struck down by a sudden illness. He lived
for five days after the banquet and then died. Josephus does not describe
the nature of the affliction but he says that he was not expected to live at the
time he was struck down. He also says that Agrippa acknowledged that it
was a judgment from God for accepting the blasphemous acclamation.
Luke says that he died from "worms." The nature of those "worms" is not
clear.
Now we can compare this course of events with the prophetic poetic
judgment pronounced upon the worthless shepherd in Zech 11:17. First it
says that the sword would strike his right eye and his arm. Then it goes on
to tell how it would strike: he would be blind in his right eye and his arm
would wither, indicating that this is not a literal sword strike. The poem of
judgment in Zechariah does not say which arm was to be stricken but we
may guess that it was the right, in other words, he had a right hemiplegia. If
this diagnosis is correct then he had a stroke, a cerebral vascular accident.
How does this correspond with what Luke records in Acts 12:23? It depends upon what is meant by those "worms." It could be that what is
meant in this case is that when his arm and the right side of his face shriveled from the stroke that the cords of spastic flesh under his skin looked like
strings of "worms." Or it may be that he had an accompanying paralytic
ileus of his intestinal tract that was provoked by or accompanied by the
action of intestinal parasites.
In sum, there is one period in the long succession of incompetent Roman
procurators during which Judea and surrounding territories had their own
native ruler from the line of the Hasmonean house, and that was with the
brief reign of Herod Agrippa I from A.O. 41 to 44. It was a time of opportunity but it became a time of tragic loss, especially for the apostles of the
Lord. While on his final ego trip Agrippa was stricken with a disastrous
health accident that Luke attributed to a judgment from God and which,
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William H. Shea
according to Josephus, Agrippa himself saw in the same light. Prophetically, Zechariah talks about the same occasion in an identical manner, that
is, as a judgment from God. There are some potential ways in which the
account of Zechariah and Luke may correspond, or Zechariah may be
speaking here with poetic hyperbole, as he does with the description of the
tearing of the flesh and the hooves of the sheep. Herod Agrippa I, the king
of Judea and adjacent lands, fits best as this final bad shepherd of Zech 11,
rather than the almost universally bad Roman procurators of the time.
11. Summary
The general outline of this prophetic narrative is clear. It goes from a series
of bad shepherds to a good shepherd and, with the rejection of the good
shepherd, back to one final bad shepherd. From an analysis of the details of
this narrative the following historical succession of rulers can be suggested
as fitting into the details of this broad outline of Zech 11:
I.
Bad Shepherds-the Hasmonean Dynastic House

A. Betrayed by Friends into the hands of the King (Zech 11:6)
1. Judas-abandoned by his own troops into the hands of the Syrian king
2. Jonathan-tricked into leaving his troops behind at Ptolemais
B. Three Shepherds Destroyed in One Month (Zech 11:8)
3. Simon-murdered with his two sons at Jericho in Shebat of 134
B.C.
C. "What is to die (naturally), let it die" (Zech 11:9a)
4. John Hyrcanus (134-104 B.C.)

5. Aristobulus (104-103 B.C.)
6. Alexander Jannaeus (103-75 B.c.)
D. "What is to be destroyed, let it be destroyed (Zech 11:9b)
The following Hasmoneans were murdered by Herod the Great
7. Antigonus (d. 37 B.c.)
8. Aristobulus III (d. 35 B.C.)
9. Alexandra
10. Hyrcanus II (d. 30 B.C.)
11. Mariamne, Herod's wife (d. 29 B.C.)
12. Aristobulus, Herod's son (d. 7 B.C.)
13. Alexander, Herod's son (d. 7 B.C.)
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II. The Good Shepherd Rejected (Zech 11:10-14)

A Jesus of Nazareth-betrayed by Judas Iscariot for 30 shekels of silver
Ill. The Final Bad Shepherd, struck down (Zech 11:15--17)

A. Herod Agrippa I (d. 44 B.c.)
BIBLICAL STUDIES-NEW TESTAMENT
NEW TESTAMENT USE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

JONPAULIEN
It is a great honor to be involved in this tribute to Gerhard Pfandl. It is my
fervent wish that he will live long and prosper. He and I pursued our doctorates at Andrews in neighboring library carrels. In fact, some of the best
learning that took place in the course of the program occurred in casual
conversation between us. Gerhard is known for his passionate commitment
to Scripture as a guide to faithful living. This study explores an aspect of
Scripture's own inner interpretation.
1. Introduction
The issue of the NT use of the OT is a major one, affecting every single book
of the Bible. It also happens to be my professional specialty, as it pertains to
the book of Revelation. In this paper, therefore, I focus on the scholarly debate as it pertains to Revelation, and then ponder the implications of that
debate for the other books of the NT. I use a well-known passage in Matt 2
as a test case.
The NT use of the OT involves "intertextuality," the interplay between
written texts. The writers of the NT were conscious of the OT as they wrote.
It was, after all, their Bible. They often pointed readers to significant background texts to support and clarify points they were making. When I use
the term "intertextuality" I mean seeking to identify and understand the
biblical author's intention in the use of earlier literature.
Within the last ten years, however, the understanding of intertextuality
in biblical studies has expanded as NT scholars began to employ literary
critical strategies, categories, and understandings. The appropriateness of
this expansion has been the subject of an ongoing debate between two
friends of mine, Steve Moyise and G. K. Beale. After a brief review of the
broader field, specific attention needs to be given to that debate and its impl\cations for future study of the NT in general and Revelation in particular.
2. The Old T estarnent in Revelation

I know of no one who would argue that an understanding of the OT is irrelevant to an understanding of the Apocalypse. When reading the book
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one is plunged fully into the atmosphere of the OT. 1 No other book of the
NT is as saturated with the Old. 2 One cannot expect, therefore, to penetrate
the symbolism of Revelation, therefore, without careful attention to its OT
antecedents.
Revelation seems, on the other hand, to resist efforts to understand its
relationship to the OT. Rather than quoting or citing the OT, the book interacts with it in the most allusive manner. A word here and a phrase there,
the barest hint of an echo in another place, this is the substance of how
Revelation evokes the OT. And that is only the beginning of complications.
While there is general consensus that Revelation was written in Greek, 3
there is much dispute with regard to the language and text tradition of the
OT that John utilized. 4 The difficulty is compounded by the fact that there
are a number of striking irregularities in the Greek grammar of the Apocalypse. 5 So having granted the central place of the OT in the book of Revelation, it is still difficult to determine exactly how it is being used there.
To borrow language from Henri Stierlin, La verite sur L'Apocalypse (Paris:

Buchet/Chastel, 1972), 55.
Pierre Lestringant, Essai sur !'unite de la revelation biblique (Paris: "Je Sers," 1942), 148,
suggests that one-seventh of the substance of the Apocalypse is drawn from the words
of the OT.
David Tabachovitz, Die Sept11aginta und das Neue Testament (Skrifter Utgivna av
Svenska Institutet I Athen 8:4; Lund: Gleerup, 1956), 125-26; see further Raymond E.
Brown, The Gospel According to John (2 vols.; AB 29 and 29A; Garden City: Doubleday,
1966-1970), l:cxxix; Joseph A. Fitzmyer, A Wandering Aramean: Collected Aramaic Essays
(SBLMS 25; Missoula: Scholars Press, 1979), 6-8, 38--43.
Selected literature reflective of the debate: R. H. Charles, The Revelation of St. John (2
vols.; ICC; Edinburgh: Clark, 1920), l:lxvi; Ugo Vanni, "L' Apocalypse johannique. Etat
de la question," in L'Apocalypse johanniq11e et L'Apocalyptique dans le Nouveau Testament
(ed. J. Lambrecht; BETL 53; Gembloux: Leuven University Press, 1980), 31; Charles C.
Torrey, The Apocalypse of John (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1958), 27-48;
[Leonhard] P. Trudinger, "Some Observations Concerning the Text of the Old Testament in the Book of Revelation," /TS 17 (1966): 82-88; G. Mussies, The Morphology of
Kaine Greek as Used in the Apocalypse oflohn (NovTSup 27; Leiden: Brill, 1971), 10-11;
Adela Yarbro Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse (Philadelphia:
Westminster, 1984), 47-49; Henry B. Swete, The Apocalypse of St. John (London:
MacMillian, 1906), cl, clv; Pierre Prigent, Apocalypse et liturgie (CahT 52; Neuchatel:
Delachaux et Niestle, 1964), 10; James A. Montgomery, "The Education of the Seer of
the Apocalypse," /BL 45 (1926): 73--74; D. Moody Smith, Jr., "The Use of the Old
Testament in the New, in The Use of the Old Testament in the New and Other Essays (ed. J.
M. Efird; Durham: Duke University Press, 1972), 61; A. Vanhoye, "L'utilisation du
livre d'Ezekiel dans l' Apocalypse," Bib 43 (1962): 436-76.
Note the following discussions on this issue: R. H. Charles, Studies in the Apocalypse
(Edinburgh: Clark, 1913), 79-102; Heinrich Kraft, "Zur Offenbarung des Johannes,"
TRu 38 (1973): 93; G. Mussies, "The Greek of the Book of Revelation," in L'Apocalypse
johannique et L'Apocalyptiq11e dans le Nouveau Testament (ed. J. Lambrecht; BETL 53;
New Testament Use of the Old Testament
169
While various aspects of the above have been addressed in scores of

books, articles and commentaries, a number of major specialized works
have addressed the larger picture. According to G. K. Beale, 6 the most significant of these works are those of Beale/ Jeffrey Marshall Vogelgesang, 6
Jon Paulien,9 Richard Bauckham, 10 Jan Fekkes, 11 and Jean-Pierre Ruiz. 12
These works all focused on John's intentions with regard to his use of the
OT. In spite of the allusive nature of the evidence, attempts were made to
catalog John's allusions to OT texts and consider the impact of such allusions on his purposes for the book. 13 Increasing attention was also given to
the criteria for determining when and where the author intentionally alluded to portions of the OT. These concerns seemed weighty enough and
problematic enough to engage teams of scholars for generations to come.
But, as has already been mentioned, the enterprise was further complicated
by the arrival of new literary approaches to the topic.
This new direction was signaled by the research of Devorah Dimant on
the use of the OT in the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. 14 Her research led
her to the conclusion that these Jewish writers utilized the OT in two dis-
10
11
12
13
14
Gembloux: Leuven University Press, 1980), 167-70; idem, Morphology of Koine Greek, 6;
Tabachovitz, Septuaginta, 125-26; Torrey, Apocalypse, 13-58. Martin McNamara, for
example, points to the Aramaic Targums as the explanation for Rev 1:4 and many
other irregularities. Martin McNamara, The New Testament and the Palestinian Targum to
the Pentateuch (2d print. with suppl.; AnBib 27A; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute,
1978), 109-17, 124-25, 189-90.
G. K. Beale, John's Use of the Old Testament in Revelation CTSNTSup 166; Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1998), 13-59.
G. K. Beale, The Use of Daniel in Jewish Apocalyptic Literature and in the Revelation of St.
John (Lanham: University Press of America, 1984).
Jeffrey Marshall Vogelgesang, "The Interpretation of Ezekiel in the Book of
Revelation" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1985).
Jon Paulien, Decoding Revelation's Trumpets: Allusions and the Interpretation of Rev 8:7-12
(AUSDDS 11; Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1988).
Richard Bauckham, The Climax of Prophecy: Studies on the Book of Revelation (Edinburgh:
Clark, 1993).
Jan Fekkes, III, Isaiah and Prophetic Traditions in the Book of Revelation: Visionary
Antecedents and their Development CTSNTSup 93; Sheffield: JSOT, 1994).
Jean-Pierre Ruiz, Ezekiel in the Apocalypse: The Transformation of Prophetic Language in
Revelation 16,17-19,10 (EHS.T 23/376; Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1989).
All of the specialized works address these issues to one degree or another.
Devorah Dimant, "Use and Interpretation of Mikra in the Apocrypha and
Pseudepigrapha," in Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew
Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (ed. M. J. Mulder; Philadelphia: Fortress,
1988), 381-84. My attention was drawn to Dimant's work by the article of Louis
Painchaud, "Use of Scripture in Gnostic Literature," JECS 4, no. 2 (1996): 129-46, to
which I was pointed in conversation with Leonard Thompson.
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tinct ways that she categorizes as "compositional use" and "expositional

use." According to her, these two categories represent "fundamentally different attitudes to the biblical material," leading to correspondingly different literary genres and styles. 1s
Dimant defines "expositional use" as a literary strategy in which the OT
text is presented explicitly, with a clear external marker. 16 In expositional
use the biblical text is introduced in order to be the object of interpretation. 17
The aim of the writing is to explain the biblical text. This usually involves a
fixed terminology and special syntactical patterns, in order to separate the
biblical element from the author's exposition. Genres utilizing this category
include rabbinic midrash, Qumranic pesher, the commentaries on the Torah
by Philo and certain types of quotations in the NT. 18
"Compositional use," on the other hand, occurs when the biblical elements are interwoven into the work without external formal markers. 19 The
biblical element is subservient to the independent aim and structure of its
new context. Genres employing compositional use do not have the same
exegetical or rhetorical aims as exposition, but instead create a new and
independent text. The biblical material becomes part of the texture of these
works. Typical compositional genres include narratives, psalms, testaments,
and wisdom discourses, which incorporate biblical elements into their own
patterns, style and terminology.20
While Dimant does not mention the apocalyptic genre among the genres in which compositional use is employed, studies in Revelation clearly
demonstrate that John was utilizing the OT compositionally, rather than
expositionally. While a handful of scholars argue for anywhere from one to
eleven "quotations" of the OT in the book of Revelation,2 1 the overwhelm1s
16
17
18
19
20
21
Dimant, "Use and Interpretation," 382-83.

This would seem to correspond to what I call a citation, (see Paulien, Decoding, 102), of
which a number of instances can be seen in the Gospel of Matthew, for example. Some
have called these citations in Matthew "Formula Quotations." Cf. Merrill C. Tenney,
Interpreting Revelation (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1957), 102; Richard B. Hays and Joel
B. Green, "The Use of the Old Testament by New Testament Writers," in Hearing the
New Testament: Strategies for Interpretation (ed. J. B. Green; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1995), 226.
Dimant notes that similar distinctions have been made by Heinemann and Perrot, cf.
Dimant, "Use and Interpretation," 382, n. 16.
Ibid., 382-83.
This corresponds roughly to the categories of direct allusion and echo that I worked
with in my dissertation on Revelation (Paulien, Decoding, 175-78).
Dimant, "Use and Interpretation," 382-83.
See, for example, Robert G. Bratcher, ed., Old Testament Quotations in the New
Testament (London: United Bible Societies, 1967), 74-76; Johann Christian Carl Dopke,
Hermeneutik der neutestamentlichen Schriftsteller (Leipzig: Vogel, 1829), 288; David
171
ing majority of scholars conclude that there are none. 22 And there are certainly no explicit citations of the expositional type. 23 If Dimant's observations can be verified within the context of NT studies, therefore, they would
have large implications for our understanding of John's use of the OT. 24
Regardless of the degree to which other NT writers respect the context of
their OT antecedents,25 the author of Revelation may be signaling a generic
preference for creativity in his use of Scripture.
3. Recent Developments
While Dimant's distinctions and their potential significance do not seem to
have impacted studies of Revelation until now, the debate regarding John's
use of the OT in Revelation broke new ground with the published monograph by Steve Moyise in 1995. 26 Moyise provides the first serious attempt
22
23
24
25
26
McCalman Turpie, The New Testament View of the Old (London: Hodder & Stoughton,
1872), 323.
Selected examples: Kurt Aland et al., eds., The Greek New Testament (3d ed.; New York:
United Bible Societies, 1975), 903; Werner Foerster, "Bemerkungen zur Bildsprache
der Offenbarung Johannis," in Verborum Veritas: Festschrift fiir Gustav Stiihlin (ed. 0.
Bocher and K. Haacker; Wuppertal: Brockhaus, 1970), 225; Roger Nicole, "A Study of
the Old Testament Quotations in the New Testament with Reference to the Doctrine of
the Inspiration of the Scriptures" (M.S.T. Thesis, Gordon College of Theology and
Missions, 1940), passim; Ernest Leslie Peerman, Living Messages from Patmos (New
York: Pyramid, 1941), 51; Pierre Prigent, L'Apocalypse de Saint Jean (2d ed.; CNT 11/14;
Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1988), 368; Jurgen Roloff, Die Offenbarung des Johannes
(ZBK.NT 18; Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1984), 20; F. Stagg, "Interpreting the Book
of Revelation," RevExp 72 (1975): 333; Henry B. Swete, An Introduction to the Old
Testament in Greek (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1902), 392; R. V. G.
Tasker, The Old Testament in the New Testament (London: SCM, 1946), 168; Vanhoye,
"L'utilisation du livre d'Ezekiel," 436-37; Yarbro Collins, Crisis and Catharsis, 42.
The only "citation" of the OT occurs in Rev 15:3, the "song of Moses," which seems an
evident reference to Exod 15. But the content of the "song" in Rev 15:3-4 is a mosaic of
language from the Psalms and the prophets, not Exodus. There are, therefore, no
expositional citations of the OT in the book of Revelation.
Cf. the detailed evidence for Dimant's theory in Dimant, "Use and Interpretation,"
384-419.
Beale offers a representative anthology of the literature on this topic with some bias in
favor of respect for context. G. K. B~ale, ed., The Right Doctrine from the Wrong Texts?
Essays on the Use of the Old Testament in the New (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1994).
Steve Moyise, The Old Testament in the Book of Revelation (JSNTSup 115; Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1995). Beale chose to review Moyise in John's Use precisely
because Moyise was the first to apply post-modem herrneneutical perspectives to the
debates surrounding John's use of the OT. G. K. Beale, "Questions of Authorial Intent,
Epistemology, and Presuppositions and Their Bearing on the Study of the Old
Testament in the New: A Rejoinder to Steve Moyise," IBS 21 (1999): 152. I have not
included Beale's 1994 book (The Right Doctrine from the Wrong Texts?) because it is an
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Jon Pau/ien
to apply the literary perspective of intertextuality to the use of the OT in

Revelation. 27 The literary perspective broadens the process of intertextuality
by a concern for the impact of the reader on the process of intertextual interpretation.
According to Moyise, "The task of intertextuality is to explore how the
source text continues to speak through the new work and how the new
work forces new meanings from the source text." 28 "By absorbing words
used in one context into a new context or configuration, a metaphorical relationship is established." 29 "The reader 'hears' the Old Testament text but
its meaning is affected by the new context or configuration." 30 When a
27
28
29
JO
anthology of earlier works regarding the degree to which NT writers respected the
original context of the OT writers. That volume contains an excellent short summary
of Beale's perspective, published at greater length in his monograph of 1998 and his
commentary of 1999.
Literary approaches to the book of Revelation have been around for about fifteen
years, beginning with the work of David Barr in the mid-80s. Cf. David L. Barr, "The
Apocalypse as a Symbolic Transformation of the World: A Literary Analysis," Int 38
(1984): 39-50; idem, "The Apocalypse of John as Oral Enactment," Int 40 (1986): 24356; idem, Tales of the End: A Narrative Commentary on the Book of Revelation (Santa Rosa:
Polebridge, 1998); note also the work of Elizabeth Schussler Fiorenza, Revelation: Vision
of a Just World (Proclamation Commentaries; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991), and Tina
Pippin, Death and Desire: The Rhetoric of Gender in the Apocalypse of John (Louisville:
Westminster, 1992). Barr argued for a more oral and narrative approach to the book in
contrast to its critical analysis as a historical document. In doing so he helped open the
field to literary and social approaches to the book. In 1990, under the auspices of the
Society of Biblical Literature, he guided the establishment of the "Literary Criticism
and the Apocalypse Consultation," which was replaced after two years by the
"Reading the Apocalypse Seminar." The two groups were largely made up of
younger scholars eager to move the debate forward. The purpose of the seminar was
to explore the "intersection between literary and social readings of the Apocalypse." I
sense that Barr was hoping to avoid the quagmires of both pre-critical and critical
readings of the Apocalypse and develop some consensus among those advocating
more contemporary approaches to the book. As the years went by, however, I sensed
his increasing frustration (confirmed privately) as the fifteen to twenty members of the
group seemed to fragment in a variety of directions; literary, structuralist, feminist,
rhetorical, theological, liturgical, and so on. A book was published, illustrating the
variety of readings: David L. Barr, ed., Reading the Book of Revelation: A Resource for
Students (SBLRBS 44; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003). With regard to the
issue that has exercised Beale and Moyise, the group seemed to divide almost 50/50
between those who preferred to retain an interest in the original author's intention,
and those who are primarily interested in how contemporary readers respond to the
book. The work of the group did not cover the area of intertextuality, however, so I
have not chosen to highlight its literary critical work in this article.
Moyise, The Old Testament, 111.
Ibid., 110.
Ibid., 110-11.
173
reader of Revelation is not conscious of an allusion, that reader will naturally read connotations into the text that were not present in the OT context.
But when the reader becomes aware of the allusion, a "cave of resonant
signification" 31 is opened up that affects the reading of that part of Revelation.32
Moyise then compares the use of the OT in Revelation with Thomas
Greene's four "forms of imitation." 33 Based on this research he argues that
John deliberately leaves his use of OT allusions open-ended. He invites the
reader to engage in thought and analysis of his text (Rev 13:8; 17:9). Thus,
there may be no gap between the author's intention for Revelation and the
process of reader response to the cave of resonant signification. 34
Moyise' approach was quickly called into question by G. K. Beale in the
most comprehensive single work ever written on the subject of allusions to
the OT in Revelation. 35 The main purpose of the book seems to be an extension of the thesis that drove Beale's 1994 anthology. 36 Beale argues that John
uses the OT with sensitivity to its original context. The OT is not just the
servant of the gospel, as Barnabas Lindars has expressed it, but is also a
guide. In other words, NT writers did not simply impose their understanding on the OT text; it also became a source of their understanding of the
events they had experienced.
Beale develops the analogy of a basket of fruit to express his viewpoint.
He argues that while an apple in a basket of fruit has been removed from its
original context, it has not lost its identity as an apple. It has simply been
placed in a new context. So when NT writers quote the Old they are placing
such texts in a new context and giving them new significance within that
new context, but they are not altering what the original writer meant.37
31 Quoted from John Hollander, The Figure of Echo: A Mode of Allusion in Milton and After
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981), 65.
32 Moyise, The Old Testament, 118.

33
34
35
36
17
Ibid., 118--32. Based on Thomas M. Greene, The Light in Troy: Imitation and Discovery in
Renaissance Poetry (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), 16-53. 1Greene's four
categories are reproductive, eclectic, heuristic, and dialectic. Moyise concludes that
there is nothing in Revelation that could fairly be described as reproductive, and little
that fits the eclectic category (Moyise, The Old Testament, 120-23). The heuristic and
dialectic categories seem worthy of exploration with regard to Revelation (ibid., 12332).
Ibid., 133-34.
G. K. Beale, John's Use of the Old Testament in Revelation.
Beale, ed., The Right Doctrine from the Wrong Texts? The book John's Use of the Old
Testament in Revelation is an expansion of the ideas laid out in Beale's chapter of the
anthology: "The Use of the Old Testament in Revelation," 257-76.
Beale, John's Use, 51-52.
174
Jon Paulien
While others have articulated such a viewpoint with respect to the NT as a

whole, 38 no one else has articulated it in such detail with regard to Revelation.39 Beale considers his position in serious disagreement with Moyise. 4o
In a short response article Moyise expressed puzzlement regarding this
disagreement. 41 He felt that Beale's distinction between meaning and significance is a hermeneutical cover-up. 42 He went ahead to articulate a threefold difference between his position and that of Beale. (1) They differ over
whether or not NT writers give OT texts new meanings; Moyise believes
they do. (2) They differ over whether or not NT authors take OT texts out of
context; Moyise believes they do. (3) Beale insists that meaning derives
solely from an author's intention; Moyise believes that meaning also derives from the creative processes of readers. 43
Moyise prefers the analogy of a fruit salad to Beale's fruit basket. In a
fruit salad there are no more shiny apples, but pieces of apple mixed with
other fruits and covered with syrup. While the connection remains between
the apple on the tree and the apple in the fruit salad, one is more struck
with the differences between the two forms of apple than one is in the fruit
basket analogy.44
Moyise seems to believe that he has been unfairly characterized as a
radical reader-response critic who believes that a text can mean whatever a
reader wants it to mean. 45 He argues instead that readers are not free to
make a text mean whatever they like, but in order to arrive at a coherent
interpretation, readers must make choices regarding what constitutes evidence and how it should be construed. He feels that the differences between himself and Beale demonstrate that there is no consensus on how to
38 In his anthology (The Right Doctrine from the Wrong Texts?) Beale includes articles
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
favoring respect for context by C. H. Dodd, I. Howard Marshall, Beale himself, and
David Seccombe.
I have benefited from the brief summary in Kenneth Newport, review of Gregory K.
Beale, John's Use of the Old Testament in Rroelation, Rroiew of Biblical Literature
[http://www.bookreviews.org] (22 May 2000).
Beale, John's Use, 50-59.
Steve Moyise, "The Old Testament in the New: A Reply to Greg Beale," /BS 21 (1999):
54-58.
Ibid., 55.
Ibid., 54.
Ibid., 55-56. As Moyise himself acknowledges, both analogies break down as attempts
to explain what is happening in the interpretation of texts. Regardless of how it is
interpreted, the original text remains intact. Once removed from a tree, however, an
apple can never be replaced. The tree is fundamentally changed by the
"interpretation" whether it is a fruit basket, a fruit salad, or applesauce that results!
He expresses some doubt that such radical reader-response critics actually exist (ibid.,
57).
175
make such choices. More often people such as Beale interpret according to
their own presuppositions and presume that they have attained the author's intention. 46
A few months later Beale responded to Moyise with a vigorous and
lengthy defense of his position on authorial intention and respect for context.47 He argued that the debate is fundamentally about epistemology,
which would require specific book-length treatments. 48 He sought to summarize the parameters of such a lengthy treatment in his 29-page article.
Beale clarified that his approach is based on the work of E. D. Hirsch, K. J.
Vanhoozer and N. T. Wright. 49 He argues that while no interpretation ever
reproduces an author's original meaning in full, adequate understanding is
possible. 50 While understanding can never be fully certain, it is not impossible either. 51 Beale insists on maintaining Hirsch's distinction between meaning and significance. 52 He considers it critical that good interpretation be
judged by the degree to which it conforms to essential elements of the author's original meaning.s3
I sense a certain amount of frustration in Beale's response article. He believes that Moyise' own statements rank him with the more radical readerresponse critics that can make a text mean whatever they like. 54 For Beale
this is an unnecessary abandonment of "commonsense," which implies that
the probability of one interpretation being superior to another consists in
the degree to which there are fundamental correspondences between that
interpretation and its source text. 55
With regard to respect for context, Beale lays out a number of arguments against Moyise' position. (1) In a number of instances it can be demonstrated that NT writers did interpret an OT text in harmony with its
46
Ibid., 57-58.
47 G. K. Beale, "Questions of Authorial Intent," 152-80.

48
Ibid., 153, 173.
49 E. D. Hirsch, Validity in Interpretation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967); K. J.
50
51
52
53
s4
ss
Vanhoozer, Is There a Meaning in This Text? The Bible, The Reader, and the Moralihj of
Literary Knowledge (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1998); N. T. Wright, The New Testament
and the People of God (Christian Origins and the Question of God l; Minneapolis:
Fortress, 1992), passim.
Beale, "Questions of Authorial Intent," 155.
Beale takes up Wright's analogy of the historian (ibid., 161). Historians do not record
events fully as they actually happened. Neither are they unable to record anything
that happened. Wright calls this "critical realism."
Ibid., 155-59.
Ibid., 159.
Ibid., 162-63, 173-74.
Ibid., 164-66, 175-78.
176
/on Paulien
original intention. (2) Twenty years of detailed research have led Beale to
the conclusion that John generally and consistently uses the OT with significant recognition of its context. (3) When NT writers do shift from the
exegetical meaning, they often do so using presuppositions that are rooted
already in the OT itself. (4) Allegory, as a method, is not found in the NT;
therefore its writers were not haphazard in their methodology.s 6 He notes
that Moyise has done little exegesis of Revelation in the public arena and
implies that the burden of proof is on him to show that the results of Beale's
textual observations are incorrect.s7
Beale also challenges Moyise to show that his rejection of authorial intention is not tied to a rejection of a faith-based perspective on the claims of
Scripture.ss Ultimately texts need to be approached from a "hermeneutic of
love" that avoids the twisting of another author's perspective to serve one's
own selfish ends or to caricature the other's position to enhance one's
own.s9 A "loving" approach to Scripture would be to take seriously its
claim on a comprehensive world-view in which both Old and New Testaments are the product of a single, divine, authorial purpose. 60
We gain some insight into Moyise' response to the above from an even
more recent article. 61 He has also responded to me personally by email. 62
Moyise believes confusion has arisen because "intertextuality" has become
a generic label for a lot of different practices in NT scholarship regarding
the use of the OT. 63 Instead of its technical meaning in the world of literature, it has become an umbrella term, requiring the use of sub-categories in
order to be rightly understood. 64
Moyise offers three such sub-categories in the article. The first he calls
"intertextual echo." Grounded in the work of Richard Hays, 6s this approach
demonstrates that a particular allusion or echo can be more important to
the meaning of a text than its minor role in the wording might indicate. 66
S6
S7
SR
S9
60
61
62
63
64
6s
66
Ibid., 167-70.
Ibid., 166.
Ibid., 171-72.
Ibid., 178--79.
Ibid., 165.
Steve Moyise, "Intertextuality and the Study of the Old Testament in the New
Testament," in The Old Testament in the New Testament: Essays in Honour of]. L. North
(ed. S. Moyise; JSNTSup 189; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 14-41.
Friday, August 4, 2000.
Moyise, "Intertextuality," 16.
Ibid., 17.
Richard Hays, Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Paul (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1987).
177
The second category he proposes is "dialogical intertextuality." In this category the interaction between text and subtext operates in both directions. 67
The third proposed category is "postmodern intertextuality." Postmodern
intertextuality seeks to demonstrate that the process of tracing the interactions between texts is inherently unstable. While meaning can result from
interpretation, it only happens when some portions of the evidence are
privileged and other portions are ignored. 68 While Beale would appear to be
comfortable with the first two categories, 69 it is the third that troubles him.
Beale's great fear, according to Moyise, is the suggestion that readers "create" meaning. 70
Moyise attempts to bridge the gap by elaborating "postmodern intertextuality" in the light of John 4:16-20. 71 He is aware that many will ask the
question, "What possible benefit is it to show that all interpretations are
inherently flawed?" 72 He offers three answers to the question. (1) Postmodern intertextuality is not saying that meaning, in the sense of communication, is impossible, but that it always comes at a price. Interpretation is not
arbitrary, but the openness of texts like John 4:16-20 allow for interpretational choice. (2) In showing that a text can point to a number of directions
one reveals something about the potentiality of the text. There is more than
one valid reading possible. All serious readings tell us something about the
text as it really is. This is different from making a text mean whatever one
likes. (3) Since it is clearly impossible for any one individual to perfectly
grasp the meaning of a text, particularly a text like Revelation, it seems to
Moyise inescapable that postmodern intertextuality must be true "to some
degree" (emphasis his).
Moyise concludes with a fresh analogy, this time from the world of music. Every performance of Beethoven's Fifth Symphony will be different.
Regardless of the extent of the differences, however, there will be no doubt
that one is listening to Beethoven's Fifth Symphony and not his Sixth. The
differences are real and worthy of study, since they affect one's enjoyment
of the performance, but they should not be used to suggest that one can
know nothing about the symphony! Likewise, postmodern intertextuality
67
68
69
71
72
Ibid.
Ibid., 17-18.
After all, for him the OT is both servant and guide to the writers of the NT. Among
many occurrences of this expression in Beale, note John's Use, 127, in context.
Whether one blames the Samaritan woman for exploiting the six men in her life or the
men for exploiting her depends on the standpoint from which one views the text. The
text itself is silent on the matter, invoking the reader's involvement.
Moyise, "Intertextuality," 37-40.
178
Jon Paulien
can contribute a great deal to our understanding of text without eliminating

all meaning or understanding. 73
In an email, Moyise suggests four points of difference between himself
and Beale. (1) He is attempting to describe the product that John has produced; Beale seeks to describe the author's intention for that product. (2)
Moyise sees himself in the middle between Beale, who sees John as a serious exegete of the OT, and Elizabeth Schussler Fiorenza, who sees John
"using scripture as a language arsenal for rhetorical purposes." 74 (3) Beale
believes that John's four "presuppositional lenses" produce a true meaning
for the text; Moyise sees those various lenses providing the basis for multiple readings of the text, none having preference over the others. (4) Moyise
sees himself as seeking to describe texts as dynamic entities, interacting
with each other; he believes that Beale is describing "a static reality, how
things are." Moyise allows for the possibility that these differences might
reflect differences in personality, Beale has more of an either/or approach
(my words) to textual options by nature and Moyise has a natural preference for a both/and approach (again my words).75
4. Mal~ing Sense of the Debate

It is difficult to say how much the discussion between Beale and Moyise is
semantic or real.76 In some ways it seems to be a replay of the epistemological debate framed by Hirsch on the one hand and Martin Heidegger and
Jacques Derrida on the other.77 Beale and Moyise are each defending against
73
74
75
76
77
Ibid., 40.
Th.is entire paragraph is drawn from the email of Steve Moyise to Jon Paulien on
August 4, 2000. I use quotations when I reproduce Moyise' exact wording.
I had the privilege of introducing Moyise and Beale to each other in person at the
Annual Meeting of the Society of Biblical Literature in Denver (November, 2001). My
somewhat risky move (they had only known each other through the reading of
scholarly literature up until that point) of inviting both to lunch on the same day was
rewarded with deeper understanding all around. While wary of each other at first
both conceded afterward that the differences between them might not be as great as
they had thought. For me it was a first-hand experience in how an author's intention
is best ascertained in personal conversation. The experience has led me to be a bit
more humble about my own conclusions regarding ancient texts. While we can
"converse" to some degree with biblical authors through the Holy Spirit, that
experience is a bit more indirect and subjective than a rousing debate over spaghetti!
At the root of the debate seems to be the "meaning of meaning." Beale defines
meaning as the intention of the author. Moyise defines meaning as communication.
E. D. Hirsch, Jr., Validity in Interpretation; idem, The Aims of Interpretation (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1976); Martin Heidegger, Poetnj, Language, Thought (trans.
A. Hofstadter; New York: Harper & Row, 1971); Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology
(trans. G. C. Spivak; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976); idem, Writing
179
perceived extremes of the other which they believe, if left unchecked,

would undermine their own contribution to scholarship. Each, to some degree, seems to be reacting to a caricature of the other's position. Beale fears
the rebirth of allegory, which he would understand as the indiscriminate
"creation of meaning" when interpreting texts. Moyise also fears allegory,
which he would understand as the indiscriminate bias of interpreters who
pick and choose textual evidence that fits their presuppositional lens and
then declare that their resulting generalizations reflect the author's intention.
Beale is afraid that in approaching texts without the goal of attaining the
author's intention, interpreters will be mired in a sea of subjectivity where
any interpretation of the text will be of equal validity. Moyise, on the other
hand, is concerned that we pay serious attention to literary critics who caution against arbitrary and totalizing interpretations that draw their authority from overconfidence in having attained the author's authoritative
intention. Could it be that this is one of those times when both sides are
right, at least in part? Read separately, one can easily get the impression
that the issue between them is life and death. Read together, one wonders
at times if it is much ado about nothing. While both seem to agree that the
nature of the issue is difficult to grasp, my impression is that each is right in
what he affirms, but wrong in what he denies.
Does anyone, even Beale, seriously argue that indisputable and complete access to an author's intention can be achieved, even by the author?
Does anyone, including Beale, seriously argue that NT writers were doing
academic exegesis when they "respected the context" of OT antecedents?
On the other hand, does anyone, including Moyise, seriously think that all
interpretations are equally valid (that the seven seals could be seriously
interpreted as aquatic animals, for example)?78 Do any literary critics seriously apply such an extreme view of reader response to their students' papers? Are life and death issues really at stake here?
When the debate is approached from a positive direction rather than a
"hermeneutic of suspicion" Beale and Moyise don't seem so far apart. My
78
and Difference (trans. A. Bass; London: Routledge & Paul, 1978). For a general
introduction to the complexities of Derrida's thought see Jonathan Culler, On
Deconstruction: Theory and Criticism after Structuralism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press,
1982). On the relationship between Heidegger and Derrida see Herman Rapaport,
Heidegger and Derrida: Reflections on Time and History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 1992). On the tension between the thought of Hirsch and Derrida see Kevin J.
Vanhoozer, Is There a Meaning in This Text?
For this pointed illustration I am indebted to Leonard Thompson, "Mooring the
Revelation in the Mediterranean" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the SBL,
San Francisco, 23 Nov. 1992).
180
Jon Paulien
sense is that if Moyise were to write a commentary, it would not differ

hugely from Beale's. The differences between them may be more on points
of emphasis than a serious divide. It seems to me that the real division between Beale and Moyise arises from another place. While Hirsch's defense
of authorial intention makes a lot of sense to me, I'm not sure he would
agree with the specific use that Beale has made of his work in relation to
Revelation. Let me explain.
If by "meaning" we are speaking of an author's intention, how can NT
writers be said to respect the original meaning and intention of Jeremiah as
a human author, for example? They are clearly not "exegeting" Jeremiah in
the sense that we would do so today. New Testament writers had an immediate and pragmatic purpose in their use of the Old, rather than a scientific, descriptive and exegetical one. When they studied the OT, they were
not driven by the need to understand the human intentions of an Ezekiel or
a Jeremiah, but by the desire to be more effective in communicating the
gospel as they understood it.79 At the same time, they were not reckless in
their reading, as Beale has pointed out. They were operating under consistent principles and assumptions that were not radically different from those
of similar groups in the Jewish environment of the Roman world.
I believe that Beale is right when he says that the NT writers respect the
larger context of OT writings provided we acknowledge two qualifications.
(1) They were reading OT writers in terms of the total context of "Scripture"
as they perceived it, not primarily in terms of an individual writer's intention for a specific time and place. (2) They were reading the OT from the
perspective of where they understood themselves to be in the context of a
divine plan for history. Given the belief that Jesus of Nazareth was the fulfillment of a divine plan announced in the context of Scripture as a whole,
the NT writings are a reasonable and contextual reflection on that whole, as
C.H. Dodd among others has pointed out. 80 New Testament writers were
offering an interpretation of the OT that they believed the OT writers would
have given had they been alive to encounter Jesus.
Here is where I think the disconnect is based. For Beale the "author's intention" is not limited to the perspective of the individual OT author, but
includes the divine superintendence and authorship of Scripture as a
whole. So his approach to the NT use of the Old is normative, comprehensive and global. For Moyise, on the other hand, the concept of "author's
intention" is limited to what a human writer intended at a specific tum of
79
80
Norman R. Ericson, "The NT Use of the OT: A Kerygmatic Approach," JETS 30 (1987):
338.
C. H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures (London: Nisbet, 1952). I have wondered at
times whether Moyise discounts this "christocentric" principle in the NT too much.
181
events in history. His approach to the OT text, therefore, is descriptive, immediate and local. Given these differing definitions it is not surprising that
Beale and Moyise would disagree on whether or not NT writers respected
the context of the Old.
Beale seems to imply, therefore, that the divide between him and Moyise is grounded in a different faith perspective. 81 He accepts the idea of divine superintendence in Scripture, Moyise (by implication) does not. I do
not think this assumption is accurate. In my own contacts with Moyise I
have found him to be a man of vibrant faith. Most faith-based scholars
would agree that there is a human element in the Scriptures and that this
human element is an important aspect of the Scriptural message. A believer
in the divine superintendence of Scripture can also be interested in the human writer's intention, without denying the more global insights of a Dodd
or a Beale. I believe that what we are dealing with, then, is more a matter of
semantics than a real divide.
I must admit that I am naturally attracted to Hirsch's position, and
therefore, that of Beale. It seems to me that all genuine human knowledge is
a reflection of past experience. Our own personal experiences are expanded
by the experiences of others, which we can gather through conversation,
observation and reading. The collective wisdom of the human race comes
to us in books and other media. For us to truly learn from reading it is imperative that we go beyond our own impressions of the text and ascertain
something of the understanding and intention of the author. The experiences of others will be worthless to me unless they are, to some degree, understood and appreciated. The human race progresses from generation to
generation as the learning, experience, and values of earlier generations are
accurately passed on. An understanding and appreciation of authorial intention, therefore, seems to me a critical part of this process.
That there is a strong element of common sense in the previous paragraph is underscored for me by the very debate we are summarizing here.
Moyise is just as eager as Beale to understand the intention of the other and
also to be understood. He expresses frustration at Beale's lack of comprehension of what he is trying to express. He also is concerned about the misuse of the term "intertextuality" within NT scholarship. 82 "Reader
response" as a literary approach is very compelling in the abstract, but
when one's own work is at stake at a practical level, one's intentions as an
author resist open-ended interpretation as if by reflex.
81
H2
Beale, "Authorial Intent," 165, 171-72.

Moyise, "Intertextuality," 15-17.
182
Jon Paulien
Having said this, I have come to appreciate that we cannot live as

though Derrida (or Moyise) had never existed. 83 Far too often authoritative
appropriations of Scripture or other significant texts are based not on careful exegesis but on presupposition-laden "reader responses," treated as
accurate reflections of the text's intent. The ground of such readings has
often been the drive for power and control more than faithfulness to the
authoritative text. Calling attention to such abuse of texts is a valuable contribution to human experience. By increasing our awareness of human limitations to understanding, and of the effect that readers have on texts,
literary critics have instilled a greater degree of humility into the process of
interpretation. While I find Beale's fears understandable, Moyise' brief
scholarly contributions to the exegesis of Revelation thus far have been insightful and not far different from the kind of work Beale has done. Leaming to profit from the experiences of others, therefore, not only requires us
to seek authorial intention but also to learn the limits of our ability to learn.
The ultimate goal, authentic existence, can be enhanced by both attention to
authorial purpose and attention to reader limitations. 84
I would conclude that Beale and Moyise have brought to the topic two
sides of a necessary dichotomy. Both a hermeneutic of suspicion and a
hermeneutic of retrieval85 are needed and provide a necessary balance for
interpretation. While a given interpreter may prefer to spend more time on
one side or the other of the dichotomy, awareness of both sides is valuable
to developing understanding. We all want to be understood and to make a
contribution to the human endeavor. We all want our ideas and intentions
to be heard and taken seriously. At the same time we must acknowledge
that authorial intention will always remain a goal of interpretation. We will
not fully arrive; seeking authorial intention will always be a process (cf. 1
Cor 13:9-12).
83
84
85
Kirsten Nielsen, "Shepherd, Lamb, and Blood: Imagery in the Old Testament-Use and
Reuse," ST 46 (1992): 126.
Kirsten Nielsen offers a fascinating observation that mediates the divide in a unique
way for the study of Revelation. She argues that in a book like Revelation, where
allusion is central to the imagery, the concepts of authorial intention and reader
response come together. In other words, whenever we are dealing with allusion, we
are dealing with an author that is also a reader (ibid., 126--27). The author of an
allusive text begins as reader of an earlier text. For Nielsen, then, "we cannot proclaim
the death of the author without proclaiming the death of the reader, because every
author is a reader as well. And conversely, if we claim the existence of the reader, we
must accept the author as well" (ibid., 127).
I was intrigued by this pair of phrases in a listserve reply to David Barr by Ian Paul at
rev-list@sunsite.auc.dk on 24 Aug. 2000. Paul stated there that the language was based
on the work of Paul Ricoeur.
183
5. Matthew 2: 12-15: A Case Study

My colleague at Andrews University, Richard Davidson, has at times in the
past expressed the concern that I give too much credence to the human
element in Scripture. I have been known to say that NT writers rarely use
the OT in an exegetical way. Davidson, on the other hand, prefers to say NT
writers use the OT in harmony with its context. It is not surprising, therefore, that students have sometimes felt our views were diametrically opposed. As with Beale and Moyise above, I do not believe that this is the
case.
I would like to illustrate how the above debate affects Adventist interpretation by taking a fresh look at the text most widely cited by NT scholars
on the Moyise side of the debate, Matthew's use of Hosea in Matt 2:14-15.
There it tells us that Joseph got up during the night and took the baby Jesus
and His mother to Egypt in order to avoid the threat of Herod. Matthew
concludes, "And so was fulfilled what the Lord had said through the
prophet: 'Out of Egypt I called my son."' The phrase, "Out of Egypt I called
my son," is clearly a quotation from Hos 11:1. Matthew seems to clearly
imply a prophetic purpose in Hosea 11. But a look at that verse in its immediate context suggests that it is not a direct prophecy about Jesus.
When Israel was a child, I loved him, and out of Egypt I called my son.
But the more I called Israel, the further they went from me. They sacrificed to the Baals and they burned incense to images. It was I who taught
Ephraim to walk, taking them by the arms; but they did not realize it
was I who healed them. I led them with cords of human kindness, with
ties of love; I lifted the yoke from their neck and bent down to feed them.
(Hos 11:1-4)
Is Matt 2:14-15 an exegesis of the immediate intention of Hosea (my definition of exegesis86 )? I don't think so. Hosea 11:1-4 is not a prophecy of the
Messiah, it is a summary description of the Exodus using an analogy based
on the parenting of a small child. The image is similar to the narrative of
Matthew 2, but it seems a stretch for anyone to say Hosea was discussing a
future Messianic figure in this passage.
Is Matthew's use of Hosea inappropriate, therefore, and completely out
of context? No. While Matthew is not doing exegesis of Hosea in the narrow sense of focusing on the human intention of a writer in the immediate
situation, he is working appropriately from a broader, more theological
perspective. In other words, Matthew's use of Hosea sees the passage (11:1-
86
Jon Paulien, The Deep T/1ings of God: An Insider's Guide to the Book of Revelation
(Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2004), 65--{)7.
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Jon Paulien
4) in the light of the entire theological context of the OT. This will become
plain as we look further into Hosea 11.
Will they not return to Egypt and will not Assyria rule over them because they refuse to repent? Swords will flash in their cities, will destroy
the bars of their gates and put an end to their plans. My people are determined to tum from me. Even if they call to the Most High, he will by
no means exalt them. (Hos 11:5-7)
Notice in the above passage that Hosea has switched from the past tense of
vv. 1-4 to a future focus. If the people continue to turn away from Yahweh,
enemies will come to destroy their cities and kill the people. So Hosea 11 is
not merely a summary of the Exodus experience, the captivity in Egypt is
mentioned as a model for the return to captivity that will occur if Hosea's
message is not heeded. But like the first captivity in Egypt, this second captivity will not last forever.
"How can I give you up, Ephraim? How can I hand you over, Israel?
How can I treat you like Admah? How can I make you like Zeboiim? My
heart is changed within me; all my compassion is aroused. I will not
carry out my fierce anger, nor will I tum and devastate Ephraim. For I
am God, and not man-the Holy One among you. I will not come in
wrath. They will follow the LORD; he will roar like a lion. When he
roars, his children will come trembling from the west. They will come
trembling like birds from Egypt, like doves from Assyria. I will settle
them in their homes," declares the LORD. (Hos 11:8--11)
Hosea 11:1-4 is one of the many places in the OT prophets where the Exodus experience is recalled. 87 The Exodus, God's mighty act at the founding
of the nation, becomes the model for His next mighty act, the exile to Babylon and the subsequent return. While Israel has failed God He retains his
passion for them, like a loving husband for a wayward wife (2:8--15) and
like a parent for a wayward child (11:1-11). He will bring them back from
far away places, just as He once brought them out from Egypt.
But the spectacular New Exodus predicted by the prophets never happened. The actual return bore few direct resemblances to the Exodus. A
handful of exiles returns to a broken-down city with a pitiful new temple
that evokes only disappointment (Hag 2:1-4). God nevertheless assures
them that the fulfillment has occurred, and that an even greater fulfillment
lies ahead (Hag 2:5-9). This greater fulfillment is what Matthew is inviting
87
I cover the Exodus theme in the prophets in some detail in my book Meet God Again for
the First Time (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2003), 45--54. See a broader, less specific
treahnent in Jon Paulien, What the Bible Says about the End-Time (Hagerstown: Review
& Herald, 1994), 55--64.
185
the reader to embrace when he quotes the text, "Out of Egypt I called my
Son" (Matt 2:15).
For Matthew, Jesus is the New Moses who brings a New Israel out of
spiritual Egypt to the promised Kingdom of Heaven. Like Moses, Jesus experiences an attempt on His life as an infant (Exod 1:15-2:10; Matt 2:16-18the immediate context after the comment about bringing God's Son out of
Egypt). Interestingly enough, in both cases it was a hostile king and not just
a random mugger. In each case the child was seen in some way as a threat
to the throne. In each case, many babies were destroyed in order to destroy
that one, and the one who was targeted escapes. The two stories are remarkably parallel and the only stories quite like that in the entire Bible.
Moses fasted for forty days and then gave the law on a mountain (Exod
24:18; 34:28). Jesus fasted for forty days in the wilderness and then He went
up on a mountain and gave the law of His new kingdom, the Sermon on
the Mount (Matt 4 and 5). Both Moses and Jesus were glorified on a mountain (Exod 34:29-35; Matt 17:1-8). In the OT, the writings of Moses are collected into five books and in Matthew-it's easy to see if you have one of
those red-letter editions-Jesus' sayings are collected into five sermons
(Matt 5-7, 10, 13, 18 and 24-25). This is not the case in Luke, many of the
same sayings are scattered all through the book there. But, in Matthew,
they're grouped into five distinct messages. For Matthew, Jesus is clearly a
new Moses who reveals the ways of God as Moses did.
For Matthew, however, Jesus is not merely a New Moses, in His person
He is also a New Israel. Jesus is Mary's firstborn son, for she was a virgin
before this (Matt 1:18-25: In the Exodus story Israel as a people is described
as God's firstborn, Exod 4:22-23). Like Israel Jesus is brought up out of
Egypt in order that the prophecy might be fulfilled, "Out of Egypt I called
my Son" (Hos 11:1). Jesus passes through the waters of baptism just as Israel passed through the waters of the Red Sea (Exod 14:10-31; Matt 3:1317). And just as Jesus spent forty days in the wilderness, Israel spent forty
years in the wilderness (Num 14:33-34; Matt 4:1-2). In the original experience, the law was given on a mountain (Exod 19)-Jesus does the same in
Matt 5-7. And He feeds 5,000 in the desert, just as Moses gave Israel manna
in the desert. Matthew is using the language of the past-the mighty act of
God in the Exodus-to set the tone for God's mighty actions in Jesus Christ.
So Jesus is the new Israel as well as the new Moses. He lives the experience of OT Israel all over again. He is faithful to God where Israel was unfaithful. Jesus also reaps the consequences of Israel's failure. Deuteronomy
28 offers a long list of the consequences if Israel as a nation disobeys God.
Interestingly, most of the bad things that happened to Israel are found in
the experience of Jesus as well.
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/on Paulien
Deuteronomy 28 predicted that a disobedient Israel would be stripped

of its wealth and forced to live in poverty (Deut 28:15-20). Matthew 8:20
tells us that Jesus had nowhere to lay His head. He was a homeless wanderer through much of His ministry. The cursed ones of Deuteronomy 28
were to be "smitten before your enemies" (v. 25), this certainly took place
on the cross. Among the other curses of Deuteronomy 28 were darkness
(Matt 27:45), being mocked (Mark 14:19, 31), hunger (Matt 4:2), thirst Gohn
19:28), and nakedness (Matt 27:35). With the exception of hunger, all of
these were fulfilled in Jesus experience at the time of the cross.
The climax of the curses in Deut 28 is found in vv. 65-67. It is to suffer
with an anxious mind and a despairing heart. In the middle of the night the
Israelites would be groaning and saying, "Oh, I wish it were morning," and
in the middle of the day they would be saying, "Oh, I wish I could go to
bed," life is just not worth living anymore. Did Jesus ever experience an
anxious mind and a despairing heart? I believe He did, at a place called
Gethsemane. So we see powerful connections between the curses of the
covenant and the experience of Jesus. Jesus not only relives the life of Israel
and redeems it, He also takes up the curses of Israel and experiences them.
So when Matthew calls on Hos 11:1 as a prophecy of an event in Jesus'
life as an infant he is not treating Hos 11:1 as a direct prophecy. Instead he
is using Hos 11:1 as a pointer to the whole OT pattern of seeing the Exodus
as a model for God's future saving activity. Time after time in the OT
prophets the Exodus becomes the model for what God will do in Babylon
and beyond. So when Hosea recalls the Exodus in the context of a prediction of future exile and return, Matthew is not out of line to see echos of
Jesus' experience in the language of Hosea.
Hosea himself may not have understood the full significance of what he
wrote. But subsequent history and the guiding hand of God opened up the
deeper meaning of Hosea's language. Hosea's words, "Out of Egypt I called
my Son," provided an excellent pointer to a theological reading of the Exodus in the OT.BB Matthew consistently applies that Exodus motif to the experience of Jesus. While not an exegetical use in the way I have defined it, it
is a use of Scripture in the theological sense, an exercise in biblical theology. s9
There is one final dimension in this Matthew text I'd like to note. Hosea
refers to Israel as God's son (Hos 11:1), an individualization of the concept
of Israel as a nation. This designation is not original with Hosea. As we
88
B9
As mentioned earlier, the NT scholar who first noticed how NT writers use OT
wording as pointers to the larger context was C. H. Dodd, According to the Scriptures;
see also idem, The Old Testament in the New (London: Athlone, 1952).
Jon Paulien, Deep Things, 64-71.
187
noted in passing above, God referred to Israel as His "first-born son" already in Exodus 4:22-23. Embedded deep within the Pentateuch is the Hebraic tendency to corporate thinking. The entire nation can be represented
by a single individual and the individual can stand for the whole. 90 This
paves the way for the NT, which sees in the person of Jesus one who represents the entire people of God, including OT Israel. 91 His life relives the experiences of the nation (Matt 2:14-15 is a marvelous example of this). His
death reaps the consequences of the whole nation's failure (Luke 9:31; 1 Cor
5:7; Gal 3:6-14). 92
So when Hosea depicts God saying, "Out of Egypt I called my son," he
is individualizing the whole nation in a way natural to the theology of the
entire OT, beginning with the Pentateuch. While Matt 2:14-15 is not an exegetical reading of Hosea 11 in the narrow sense, it is a natural extension of
the theological purpose of the Exodus motif throughout the OT. The wording of Hosea becomes a pointer to that entire context. Matthew has properly
understood the inspired trend of the Law and the Prophets.93
6. Conclusion
In conclusion I would like to reaffirm that both Beale and Moyise are right
with regard to the NT use of the OT. Beale is correct that, in a broad theo-
90
91
92
93
I am indebted to Jii'i Moskala for the following list of helpful resources on the subject
of corporate thinking. The concept hit the scholarly scene with a lecture by H. Wheeler
Robinson published in Werden und Wesen des Allen Testaments (ed. P. Volz, F.
Stummer, and J. Hempel; BZAW 66; Berlin: Topelmann, 1936); reprinted with an
introduction by Gene M. Tucker as Corporate Personality in Ancient Israel (Philadelphia:
Fortress, 1980). While Robinson's thesis was based on some questionable
socio/psychological assumptions, most scholars continue to see the concept of
"corporate representation" as having validity with reference to the biblical materials.
The following represent various sides of the ongoing debate. J. W. Rogerson,
"Corporate Personality," ABO 1:1156--57; Philip Kaufman, "The One and the Many:
Corporate Personality," Worship 42 (1968): 546--58; Cuthbert Lattey, "Vicarious
Solidarity in the Old Testament," VT 1 (1951): 267-74; J. R. Porter, "Legal Aspects of
'Corporate Personality' in the Old Testament," VT 15 (1965): 361~0; Stanley E. Porter,
"Two Myths: Corporate Personality and Language/Mentality Determinism," SJT 43
(1990): 289-99.
For a detailed outline of the NT application of OT history to Jesus see my book Meet
God Again for the First Time, 55-75.
For an excellent but challenging outline of this corporate understanding of Jesus and
Israel see N. T. Wright, The Climax of the Covenant (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992).
Although I came to this understanding of Matt 2:14-15 on my own and don't agree
with everything Walter C. Kaiser says on this subject, I am indebted in a couple of
places to Kaiser's book, The Uses of the Old Testament in the New (Chicago: Moody,
1985), 47-53.
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Jon Paulien
logical sense, Matthew and Revelation use the OT with sensitivity to its
overall inspired context. Moyise is also correct that NT writers do not use
the OT in the sense of the human author's original setting and explicit intention.
Through their debate Beale and Moyise have highlighted the two great
dangers of intertextual study. On the one hand is the tendency to assume
that all NT use of the OT is fast and loose, raising doubts about the integrity
of the NT writers. On the other hand is the tendency to claim an exegetical
precision in such use that doesn't hold up to careful scrutiny. While the
latter position may seem to be faithful to a high view of Scripture, it too
raises doubts in the minds of those who can't buy the overstatement.
A balanced view of intertextuality allows both the human and the divine authors of Scripture to assume their proper roles. It invites careful and
prayerful study. It respects the integrity of Scripture, including its human
elements, while inviting obedience to the divine intention of the Word. A
balanced view of intertextuality also allows that many passages of Scripture
will not be fully understood until we reach the heavenly kingdom. It is content to rejoice in what we know, while acknowledging with Paul, "We
know in part,[ ... ] we see through a glass darkly" (1Cor13:9, 12).
JESUS AND THE COVENANT IN HEBREWS

EKKEHARDT MOLLER
1. Introduction
While writing about the marriage vow, Elizabeth Achtemeier states:
I will be with you, no matter what happens to us and between us. If you
should become blind tomorrow, I will be there. If you achieve no success
and attain no status in our society, I will be there. When we argue and
are angry, as we inevitably will, I will work to bring us together. When
we seem totally at odds and neither of us is having needs fulfilled, I will
persist in trying to understand and in trying to restore our relationship.
When our marriage seems utterly sterile and going nowhere at all, I will
believe that it can work and I will want it to work and I will do my part
to make it work. And when all is wonderful and we are happy, I will rejoice over our life together, and continue to strive to keep our relationship growing and strong. 1
When husband and wife make such a commitment, it is oftentimes called a
marriage covenant. In the OT marriage is regarded as a covenant (Mal 2:14).
Furthermore, the covenant that God made with his people is compared to a
marriage relationship. God is the husband; the people are his wife (Ezek
16:8).
Unfortunately, people today have such a poor idea of a covenant that

they oftentimes believe a covenant is something they can just walk away
from. But this is not true and it is not the intention of a covenant. A covenant is a lasting agreement between two parties. Certainly, God's people in
OT times broke the covenant that God had made with them, but the Lord
would not desert them, although they had to suffer the consequences of
their unfaithfulness. He would not give up his covenant. He would not become unfaithful. God remained committed.
One of the important topics in Hebrews is the concept of the covenant.
In this case it has nothing to do with a marriage relationship between two
humans, but a relationship between God and his people. The apostle knows
that the old covenant was not an end in itself. He knows that a new covenant had been predicted. He also informs us that his new covenant has
been inaugurated and is administered by Jesus Christ.
Elizabeth Achtemeier, The Committed Marriage (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1976), 41.
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Ekkehardt Muller
In this paper we will take a look at covenants mentioned in the OT, a

typical covenant form, and covenant promises. Then we will move on to the
issue of the covenant in the Letter to the Hebrews and will discuss the new
covenant.
2. Covenants in the OT and in Hebrews

2 .1. Different OT Covenants
A number of covenants are mentioned in the OT. 2 In Gen 6:18 the word n'"'P
"covenant" is found for the first time.
God's judgment would come in the form of a world-wide flood. Yet God
had still committed himself to the world he had created. He had not forsaken those who had not forsaken him. So God, in fulfilling his divine
purpose, made a covenant as an expression of his relationship with
Noah[ ... ] The divine, redemptive purpose of the covenant relationship
that had been in operation since the fall (Gen 3:15) is here renewed by
God taking the initiative. 3
In Gen 9:11-13 we find the Noachic covenant after the flood. A little later
we encounter the Abrahamic covenant. Obviously, different stages were
involved with this covenant. In Gen 12:1-3 we already encounter several
covenant blessings. The covenant is ratified in Gen 15:18. A further discussion on the covenant is found in Gen 17. Obviously, the previously made
covenant was reinforced more than a decade later. Several blessings are
mentioned. Abram and Sarai received new names, and circumcision as a
covenant sign was introduced.
Exodus 19:5 and 24:7-8 throw light on the Sinaitic covenant. This covenant was established after Israel had been saved from slavery in Egypt. Salvation precedes covenant-making. Both are God's gracious acts, in which
he takes the initiative. Humans cannot and do not propose to God to establish a covenant. And God does not gain much by making a covenant with
us. He showers his blessings upon us, and we-in response-are obedient
to his commandments. But if we were not obedient, would this lessen his
power and glory? Certainly not! We are the beneficiaries of a covenant that
he establishes with us.
Psalm 89:3-4 reminds us of the Davidic covenant also found in 1 Sam 7.
The most important aspect of this covenant is the promise of the Davidic
King and seed, a blessing that was ultimately fulfilled in Jesus Christ. This
promise lines up with the other seed promises starting with Gen 3:15 and
Cf. Craig R. Koester, Hebrews (AB 36; New York: Doubleday, 2001), 384.
Gerhard F. Hase!, Covenant in Blood (Mountain View: Pacific Press, 1982), 19.
Jesus and the Covenant in Hebrews
191
found again with Abraham (Gen 12:7), Isaac (Gen 18:19), and Jacob (Gen
35:12).
Finally, a new covenant was promised in Jer 31:31-34. This covenant

was not established during OT times. The fulfillment of this covenant
promise happened only during NT times. This is the starting point for
Paul's deliberations on the covenant as found in Heb 8, 9, and lOa. Hebrews
quotes Jeremiah's promise of the new covenant and shows what the implications are. Although the "first covenant" is mentioned (Heb 9:15), the focus of Hebrews is clearly on the new covenant and the mediator of this new
covenant, Jesus Christ. The old and the new covenants are compared and
the new covenant is called the better covenant (Heb 7:22; 8:6).
2.2. Covenant Forms

In the Ancient Near East covenants played an important role. They describe
the relationship either between a superior power and a subordinate people

or between equals. Hittite covenants between superiors and inferiors normally contain the following elements:
1. Preamble introducing the sovereign. 2. The historical prologue describing previous relations between the contracting parties. 3. The stipulations which outline the nature of the community formed by the
covenant treaty. 4. The document clause providing the preservation and
regular rereading of the treaty. 5. The lists of gods who witnessed the
treaty. 6. The curse and blessings, or blessing formula-curses depending upon infidelity and blessing upon fidelity to the treaty. 4
A ratification ceremony made the covenant binding. Oftentimes the sacrifice of an animal was involved. 5
Biblical covenants are oftentimes similar to the covenant form just described. We find, for instance, blessings and curses (Exod 23:20-33; Lev 26;
Deut 28). Yet, we must allow the Bible to speak for itself and avoid pressing
it in preconceived molds. Therefore, similarities and differences between
covenants must be recognized. The main point is not a certain form in
which a covenant is cast but the relationship between God and his people.
The divine-human covenants mentioned above are clearly covenants between a superior power and inferiors. A covenant between equals is mentioned in Gen 31:43--44.
Hase!, Covenant, 18. Cf. George E. Mendenhall and Gary A. Herion, "Covenant," ABO
1:1180-82.
It has been suggested that the animal represented the vassal with whom the treaty
was made. He would experience the fate of the animal, namely death, if he decided to
violate the covenant. Cf. ABO 1:1182. The NT, and especially Hebrews, understands
Jesus and not the covenant partners as the sacrifice.
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Ekkehardt Muller
2.3. Covenant Promises

An important element is the covenant promises. In Abraham's case they
included the promise of God's constant presence, the messianic promise as
a blessing for all peoples of the earth, and the promise of the land and of a
great nation. The Mosaic or Sinaitic covenant was an enlargement of the
earlier covenants and was addressed to the entire people of Israel. Only
after having saved the Israelites from Egypt, did God graciously offer them
his covenant and promised then to make Israel his treasured possession, a
kingdom of priests, and a holy nation.
2.4. The Covenant in Hebrews

In Hebrews the term 51a8~K'l "covenant" is mentioned seventeen times.
The word is found 33 times in the NT. However, there is no NT book which
comes even close to Hebrews with regard to the frequency of usage of the
term. 6 In the Gospels, three out of four times the covenant is connected to
the blood of Jesus in the context of the Lord's Supper (Matt 26:28; Mark
14:24; Luke 22:20). 7 The idea that sacrifice and covenant belong together
contained in these verses will be discussed extensively in Heb 9-10. A
number of times OT covenants are mentioned in the NT, sometimes without direct reference to the new covenant (Luke 1:72; Acts 3:25; 7:8; Rom 9:4;
Eph 2:12). In 2 Cor 3 new and old covenants occur in close proximity (2 Cor
3:6, 14). There is some discussion among scholars whether the unique expression "old covenant" in 2 Cor 3:14 refers to the Mosaic covenant, especially the Law, 8 or to OT Scriptures. 9 In Galatians a man's covenant (Gal
3:15), the covenant with Abraham (Gal 3:17) and two contrasting covenants
(Gal 4:24) are mentioned. The issue is the role of the law in salvation, and
the covenants are discussed from that perspective. The outlook of Hebrews
is different. "Hebrews emphasizes covenant in relationship to the sanctuary, its services, and the promises connected to those services rather than in
relationship to legalism versus grace as two ways of salvation." 10
10
Galatians with three references comes next. Carey C. Newman, "Covenant, New
Covenant," DLNT, 248, states: "No NT document so extensively reflects upon the new
covenant as does Hebrews."
A parallel statement is found in 1 Cor 11:25.
Cf. Ben Witherington, Conflict and CommunihJ in Corinth: A Socio-Rhetorical Commentary
on 1 and 2 Corinthians (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 379.
Cf. Jan Lambrecht, Second Corinthians (SP 8; Collegeville: Liturgical, 1999), 53.
George R. Knight, Exploring Hebrews: A Devotional Commentary (Hagerstown: Review
& Herald, 2003), 142.
193
The covenant is first mentioned explicitly, but in passing, in Heb 7:22.

The term is found most frequently in Heb 8-10. 11 We should mention that
the covenant concept is not limited to the term "covenant." It can be discussed without the specific word being used. For instance, in Heb 6:13-14
covenant blessings made to Abraham are mentioned. The same is true for
Heb 11:8-9, 12, 17, where Abraham responds by faith to the covenant promises. However, our discussion of the covenant in Hebrews will focus on the
term "covenant" and particularly on the new covenant.
The climax of the Letter to the Hebrews is reached with chs. 8-lOa.
While Heb 8 stresses the importance of the new covenant which allows Jesus to be high priest and which surpasses the old covenant, for instance,
through the internalization of the law in the heart of the believers, Heb 9
contrasts the old tabernacle and its service with the heavenly sanctuary and
Jesus' sacrifice. It is the sacrifice of Jesus only that can atone for sins. This
sacrifice is unique, unrepeatable, and sufficient. Although introduced in
Heb 9, it is the central theme of Heb lOa. Complete forgiveness of sins is
now possible. Since different themes such as covenant, priesthood, and sacrifice are joined together in Hebrews, the theological concept of the new
covenant found especially in Heb 8 is not limited to this chapter.
In Heb 8 the longest OT quotation in the NT occurs (8:8-12), 12 and a
brief comment on the covenant is made. The crucial text dealing with the
new covenant, Jer 31:31-34, is quoted in Hebrews only, although allusions
are found, for instance, in Rom 2:15 and 11:27. Furthermore, "only here in
the entire New Testament do we find the language of 'first' and 'second' in
relation to the old and new covenants." 13
Why is the concept of the covenant introduced in Hebrews? The first
seven chapters of Hebrews are dealing with the priesthood of Jesus. Chapters 8-10 tell us about the accomplishments of Jesus. However, the author
has to show that Jesus is the legitimate priest and high priest, although he is
not a descendant of Levi. Therefore, in Heb 7 he points to the priesthood of
Melchizedek and the prediction of a priest-king according to the order of
Melchizedek as found in Ps 110. In Heb 8 he adds another argument. He
quotes the biblical promise of a new covenant which requires a new priesthood and a better sanctuary and claims that the new priesthood has come
in the person of Jesus and the better sanctuary is the heavenly sanctuary.
"The two themes indeed belong together: Christ's high priestly ministry is
11
12
13
That is 14 times.
Cf. Victor C. Pfitzner, Hebrews (ANTC; Nashville: Abingdon, 1997), 120.
Donald A. Hagner, Encountering the Book of Hebrews (Encountering Biblical Studies
(Grand Rapids: Baker, 2002), 113.
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Ekkehardt Muller
the heart of the new covenant (8:6)." 14 The term "covenant" occurs five
times in Heb 8. 15
In Heb 9:4 we hear about the ark of the covenant and the tables of the
covenant, namely the Ten Commandments. Jesus is called mediator of the
new covenant (9:15). In the same verse there is also a reference to the old
covenant. According to Heb 8:6, Jesus was already the mediator of a better
covenant, but while in Heb 8 the concepts of covenant and priesthood are
related, in Heb 9 a new dimension is added, namely the covenant and the
sacrifice (e.g., 9:12-14, 18). 16 The better covenant requires a better sacrifice,
which in turn will allow for a better priesthood. In Heb 9:20 we find a quotation from Exod 24:8. This quotation connects blood-and thus sacrificeto the covenant, which is not found in Jer 31. 17 In developing a larger picture of the covenant, Paul had to introduce this quotation. Now clearly
blood and covenant are linked. This is further underlined in ch. 10. In Heb
lO:lfr.17 another quotation is found. Whereas the quotation of Jer 31:31-34
in Heb 8 opens the main discussion on the covenant in Hebrews, the quotation of Jer 31:33-34 in Heb lO:lfr.17 concludes it.
In the practical application section of Heb 10 the apostle briefly mentions the blood of the covenant. The mediator of the new covenant occurs in
Heb 12:24 and the blood of the eternal covenant in Heb 13:20. 18
3. The Old Covenant and the New Covenant

In Hebrews, the Mosaic covenant is called the first covenant. It has grown
old. A sharp contrast is portrayed between this old covenant and the new,
better, and eternal covenant (8:6, 13; 9:15; 13:20). However, in no place does
the apostle say that the old covenant was bad or detrimental. The old covenant was inadequate. 19 Therefore, it needed to be replaced. But the author
14
15
16
17
18
19
Paul Ellingworth, The Epistle to the Hebrews (NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1993),
413.
Hebrews 8:6, 8, 9 (2x), 10. Four of the five references are part of the OT quotation.
However, the covenant is implied in other places. Must translations add the word
"covenant" in v. 13, although the Greek uses only the adjective "new."
The seven references to "covenant" in Heb 9 are 9:4 (2x), 15 (2x), 16, 17, 20.
Ellingworth, Hebrews, 413, notes: "The Jeremiah passage is insufficient in itself to bear
the weight of the author's rmderstanding of the death of Christ. It speaks only of the
newness of the second covenant, and of its nature and purpose. Two other elements,
complementary to one another, must be supplied from other scriptures, namely
violent death (blood) as the physical substance of the sacrifice, and submission to
God's will as its inner significance."
For a short summary of the covenant in Hebrews see ibid., 413.
Cf. Pfitzner, Hebrews, 120; Knight, Exploring Hebrews, 144. On page 147 Knight states:
"In the long run the problem was not in God's everlasting covenant, but in the people
195
does not regard it with contempt. An outline of Heb 8 by Gourges supports

these observations:20
A. Christ, the ministering priest (8:1-5)
1. A new ministry (8:1-2)

2. which is set in opposition to the old (8:3--5)
B. Christ, the mediator of the new covenant (8:6--13)
1. The new ministry is associated with a better covenant (8:6)

2. which is set in opposition to the old (8:7-13)
Some scholars suggest that the problem was not so much with the old
covenant, but-according to the text-with Israel, who did not keep it. 21
Koester, however, argues that it was both: The people failed, and the old
covenant with the Levitical priesthood and its sacrificial system was inadequate. 22
The old covenant and the new covenant are similar and at the same time
dissimilar. 23 We detect elements of continuity and discontinuity between
them. What is similar between the divine covenants?
(1) The partners in both covenants are the same: God and his respective
people.
(2) In each case, God takes the initiative by establishing the covenant.
"The covenant can thus be regarded as God's gracious gift." 24 The covenants are also "lawfully instituted." 25
(3) All covenants rest on the saving activity of God. He saves his people
before he enters into a covenant with them. Therefore, it cannot rightfully
20
21
22
23
24
25
(Heb 8:8). As Hebrews noted in chs. 3 and 4, they stepped out of a faith relationship
with God and concluded that He couldn't lead them into the Promised-land rest (see
3:7-19; 4:2, 6, 11; 8:9).''
Quoted in William L. Lane, Hebrews 1-8 (WBC 47A; Dallas: Word, 1991), 204.
For example, Hagner, Hebrews, 113-4; Frederick F. Bruce, The Epistle to the Hebrews
(NICNT; rev. ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), 190; David A. DeSilva, Perseverance
in Gratitude: A Social-Rhetorical Commentary on the Epistle "to the Hebrews" (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), 284-85.
Cf. Koester, Hebrews, 385, 389. Consequently, he rejects the idea that the new covenant
"might be considered a 'renewal' of the old covenant rather than its replacement." The
reason he states is that "the covenants differ fundamentally in their ability to deal with
sin" (ibid., 390). However, the sacrificial system of the OT pointed already to the real
sacrifice, Jesus Christ. Cf. Lane, Hebrews 1-8, 209.
Cf. Koester, Hebrews, 390-91. See also Michael G. Hase!, "Old and New: Continuity
and Discontinuity in God's Everlasting Covenant," Ministry 79, no. 3 (March 2007):
lS-21, 23.
Barnabas Lindars, The Theology of the Letter to the Hebrews (New Testament Theology;
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 80.
Koester, Hebrews, 390.
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Ekkehardt Muller
be claimed that the OT covenants were based on justification by works and

salvation by means of the law, while the new covenant rests on salvation by
grace. All divine covenants are preceded by grace and God's intervention
bringing about salvation for his people apart from the law.
(4) Although salvation by the means of the law was never an option under any of the covenants, they nevertheless maintain that the saved have to
keep God's law as a response to the gift of salvation and the covenantal
relationship between God and them. "Just as the Mosaic covenant was
predicated upon God's saving action on behalf of Israel (Exod 20:2), the
new covenant is predicated upon the death and exaltation of Christ." 26
(5) In both the old and the new covenants "it is blood, shed by the sacrificial victim and applied by the priest, that works forgiveness." 27
(6) Furthermore, all covenants contain promises of blessings and certain
duties, namely obedience to God's will, as just mentioned. This has nothing
to do with legalism.
(7) The presence of God amidst his people is the goal of the covenants.
This is emphasized in Heb ~2:22-24, when the author states that his audience has "come to Mount Zion and to the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to myriads of angels, to the general assembly and
church of the firstborn who are enrolled in heaven, and to God, the Judge of
all, and to the spirits of the righteous made perfect, and to Jesus, the mediator of a new covenant, and to the sprinkled blood, which speaks better than
the blood of Abel." This passage seems to talk about a present reality "under the new covenant, where fear is replaced with festivity." 28 It may also
have a future dimension, especially in light of Heb 12:28 and 13:14. 29
Gane has suggested that "the main differences between the covenant
phases are in terms of emphasis" 30 and that "the 'new covenant' builds on
the earlier covenant phases, but it does not supersede them in terms of introducing a different way of salvation." 31
The new covenant is different from the old covenant and better than the
former, because (1) a new priesthood, (2) a better and once for all sacrifice,
(3) a better sanctuary, and (4) a new worship service or liturgy are provided. (5) Whereas the Sinaitic covenant was made with a nation, the new
26
27
28
29
30
31
Ibid., 391.
Pfitzner, Hebrews, 135.
Ibid., 184.
Cf. ibid., 186--87.
Roy Gane, "The Role of God's Moral Law, Including Sabbath, in the 'New Covenant'"
(unpublished paper, Andrews University, 2003), 3. This paper is made available by
the Biblical Research Institute (biblicalresearch@gc.adventist.org).
Ibid., 5.
197
covenant is universal. (6) With the new covenant there is total forgiveness
and assurance. (7) The law is internalized, and therefore the response of the
new covenant community is different from that of the OT. (8) The new
covenant is permanent. (9) It has been ratified with the blood of Jesus, who
is the center of this covenant. (10) The new covenant offers real hope and
real salvation. "The new covenant rests squarely on the finished work of
Christ, who is the mediator of that covenant (v. 6)." 32 As already mentioned,
the quotation from Jer 31 is found twice in Hebrews, a longer version in
Heb 8:8--12 and a shorter in Heb 10:16--17. Like a parenthesis these quotations encompass Hebrews' center part and set the tone. The contrast between the two covenants as portrayed in Hebrews has been aptly described
by Newman. 33 He continues by saying:
Hebrew's valuation of the new covenant over the old was not a calculated anti-Jewish polemic [... ] but a natural consequence of the new
covenant's eschatological character. The old covenant, tied to this "present age" (Heb 9:9), was seen as "growing old" and "passing away"
(Heb 8:13); the new covenant excels because it is founded on "better
promises" (Heb 8:6), those of resurrection life. The resulting contrast is
not between something evil (old covenant/Judaism) and something good
(new covenant/Christianity) but between something good (old covenant)
and something better (new covenant). This is a very Jewish way of reasoning known as Qal wahomer, the argument from the lesser to the
greater: if the old covenant was good, then how much better will the
new be?[ ... ] The elaborate analogies between the earthly and heavenly
elements of the old and the new covenants work to show similarity,
while the strategic citations of Jeremiah 31 demonstrate that a new day
in salvation history has dawned. 34
We summarize: The main section of the Epistle to the Hebrews comprises
Heb 8--10. Whereas Heb 8 proves the legitimacy of Jesus' priesthood by
pointing to the new covenant and presenting covenant blessings, Heb 9 and
lOa focus on one aspect, the forgiveness of sins and therefore point to the
sacrifice of Jesus. In this context the term "blood" is crucial. When it comes
to the old and the new covenants, we found continuity and discontinuity.
Some scholars stress one more than the other. We would suggest that the
former covenants contained major elements of the new covenant and were
pointing to this new covenant. From that perspective the new covenant was
a logical extension of the earlier ones. 35 What is unique about the new is the
32
33
34
35
Hagner, Hebrews, 115-16.

Cf. Newman, "Covenant," 248.
Ibid., 248-49.
Knight, Exploring Hebrews, 148, writes: "As a result, the heart of the covenant for both
Israel and the Christian church is the same. Yet there is also a sense in which God's
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Ekkehardt Muller
Christ event which-although foreshadowed-surpassed and still surpasses all other institutions and persons.
4. The New Covenant and Related Concepts

4.1. The New Covenant and Sacrifice,
Priesthood, and Sanctuary
In the context of the Abrahamic covenant a sacrifice was already mentioned
(Gen 15). After God had saved Israel from Egypt he offered them his covenant, and they responded: "All that the LORD has spoken we will do!"
(Exod 19:8; 24:7). He explained the promises and gave his law, which they
were obliged to keep. Sacrifices were offered, and the covenant was ratified
by blood (Exod 24:8). The covenant laws included the establishment of the
sanctuary, the installation of the priesthood, and the formal institution of
the sacrificial system (Exod 25-31). In Exod 34:27 God refers back to the
covenant with Moses and Israel. Thus, covenant, sacrifices, priesthood, and
sanctuary belong together. A new covenant requires also a renewal or replacement of these elements: sacrifice, priesthood, and sanctuary (Heb 9:1115).
4.2. Covenant and Testament

In Heb 9:16--17 a number of translations use the terms "testament" or "will"
instead of "covenant." Why does the apostle in Heb 9:16--17 suddenly
switch to "testament," only to return to "covenant" later (9:20)? In Greek
the word for "covenant" or "testament/will" is the same. The author's basic
argument seems to be that as death is required to set a testament/covenant
in force, so the death of Jesus was necessary for the new covenant to be established. The quotation from Exod 24:8 emphasizes the blood of the covenant.
4.3. The Eschatological Nature of the New Covenant

In the NT, and especially in Paul's writings, we find the concept of the "already/not-yet" -for example, we are already, yet not finally saved (Eph
everlasting covenant is 'not like' the covenant that He made with the Siniatic [sic]
generation (Heb. 8:9). The core of that difference had to do with the Levitical system,
which could make nothing perfect (7:11, 19) and was passing away (8:13)." And Bruce,
Hebrews, 190, states: "The new covenant was a new one in that it could impart this
new heart. It was not new in regard to its own substance [... ]But while the 'formula'
of the covenant remains the same from age to age, it is capable of being filled with
fresh meaning to a point where it can be described as a new covenant."
199
2:~; Rom 8:23). Hebrews contains the same concept. According to Heb 6:4,
Christians "have [already] been enlightened and have tasted of the heavenly gift and have been made partakers of the Holy Spirit." However, according to Heb 12:28, they will receive an unshakable kingdom.
This concept seems also to apply to the new covenant giving it an eschatological dimension. The Jeremiah passage quoted in Heb 8:8-12 contains elements that may be subject to the already/not yet tension.
God promises, "I will be their God, and they shall be my people" (Heb
8:10), but he will also judge his people (Heb 10:30). While they are his here
and now, they will finally be his after the judgment process. It has already
been pointed out that the coming of the new covenant-community to Mt.
Zion in Heb 12:22-24 describes the presence of God as a present and future
reality. Mt. Zion seems to be a synonym for the terms "the city of the living
God," "the heavenly Jerusalem," and may describe the heavenly assembly
and the invisible church including the Godhead. In the context of an "approving judgment,'' a festal gathering of angels and the people of God takes
place in the immediate presence of the divine judge. Thanks to Jesus, believers are portrayed as having already come to that city of God. "The new
covenant people [... ] [have] already arrived at the gates of the heavenly
Jerusalem and [... ] are only waiting for the revelation of the 'unshakable
kingdom' (v 28) they are about to receive." 36
Another divine statement promises knowledge of God: "They shall not
teach everyone his fellow citizen, and everyone his brother, saying, 'Know
the LORD,' for all will know me, from the least to the greatest of them" (Heb
8:11). DeSilva notes:
In one sense, of course, the author does urge the believers to teach one
another. Hebrews 5:11-14 explicitly exhorts the believers to teach one
another, to continue to reinforce for one another the worldview and
ethos of the Christian culture, and the author calls for mutual exhortation throughout the sermon (e.g., 3:12-13; 10:25).37
Furthermore, Hebrews states that believers may "be carried away by varied
and strange teachings" (Heb 13:9). On the other hand, DeSilva holds:
In the experience of the Holy Spirit, the recipient comes to have direct
and intimate knowledge of God [... ] The members of the Christian
community already enjoy this knowledge of God through the distribution of the Holy Spirit, and they have no need to "teach" one another
36
William L. Lane, Hebrews 9-13 (WBC 47B; Dallas: Word, 1991), 466, 470.
37
DeSilva, Hebrews, 286.
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Ekkehardt Muller
(their fellow citizens with regard to the city of God; 11:10, 16; 13:13-14)
on this level. 38
We would suggest that this knowledge among the members of the covenant community is also related to the present and future function of the
covenant. Believers already know the Lord, but yet there is much more to
be known.
Finally, Heb 8:12 addresses the issue of sin and mentions that God "will
remember their sins no more." As shown above, forgiveness of sins is the
issue the author is concentrating upon. He elaborates on it in Heb 9 and
lOa, repeating Heb 8:12 almost literally in Heb 10:17. Jesus has become the
sacrifice (9:14) and the mediator of the new covenant. His "death has taken
place for the redemption of the transgressions" so that "those who are
called may receive the promise of the eternal inheritance" (9:15), a future
blessing. In the context of the covenant Heb 9:24-28 connects the sanctuary
to the sacrifice of Christ, his ministry in heaven, and his second coming. (1)
1hrough his sacrifice sin is put away (9:26, 28). (2) In heaven he "appear[s]
in the presence of God for us" (9:24). (3) Death and judgment are mentioned
in Heb 9:27, followed by salvation which comes to full fruition at Jesus' second coming only (9:28). Christ's second coming will bring salvation "to
those who eagerly await him" (9:28). In addition, it is probably only after
the judgment that God can "forget" our sins which he has already forgiven.
These different covenant promises make it clear that the new covenant
has an eschatological dimension. Believers enjoy its blessings here and now.
Full realization of most covenant blessings is still future.
4.4. The New Covenant and the Law

What about the law in the setting of the new covenant? On one hand, the
apostle stresses the necessity of a change of the law (Heb 7:12), namely the
Mosaic law, which was only a shadow of the things to come (Heb 10:1,
28). 39 That specific system of law was fulfilled in Jesus and done away with
after his death. The many sacrifices offered year after year were not able to
make perfect those who offered them, but the sacrifice of Jesus is allsufficient. On the other hand, in the old covenant as well as in the new
covenant another particular law is included and is valid. Under the new
38
39
Ibid.
The term EVTOA~ is found four times in Hebrews and seems to refer to the Mosaic law:
7:5, 10, 18; 9:19. The term v6o~ occurs fourteen times in the epistle: 7:5, 12, 16, 19, 28
(2x); 8:4, 10; 9:19, 22; 10:1, 8, 16, 28. Quite frequently it also points to the Mosaic law.
However, the central part of the letter contains two references to the law being written
in the hearts of the believers.
201
covenant the law is now written on the hearts, is thus internalized, and is
not abolished (Heb 8:10).
Hasel suggests: "The giving of the law is as much an act of grace as
God's gift of election. The giving of the law is as much an act of mercy as
the deliverance from Egyptian slavery. The gift of the law is just as much an
act of God's love as the making of the covenant to which the law belongs
[... ] God does not speak of a new law, but of a new covenant." 40 Pfitzner
talks about believers doing "the will of God not by external compulsion,
but from a willingness that arises from the heart." 41 He mentions inner obedience and states: "That he has done God's will in offering himself makes it
possible for the people of the new covenant to do God's will (10:7, 9, 16)."42
ln Hebrews we find evidence for the existence of a law which is still
valid: (1) The reality of sin requires a law which can judge what is sin and
what is not sin (8:12; 12:1). (2) The author repeatedly mentions a good conscience. To have a good conscience is dependent on the existence of some
kind of standard or yardstick. This is not only an inner feeling but an external law. It is possible to have a good conscience, when an existing law is
being obeyed (9:9, 14; 10:2; 13:18). (3) Disobedience (3:18; 4:6, 11) and obedience (5:9) as well as doing God's will (10:7; 13:21) presuppose the existence
of a law that should be kept. (4) Since lawlessness is criticized (10:17), God
wants his law to be observed.
This is generally recognized. "Placing his 'laws' within people, God

overcomes human 'lawlessness" (10:17; cf. 1:9) by bringing about complete
trust in and obedience to his will." 43 "The quality of newness intrinsic to the
new covenant consists in the new manner of presenting God's law and not
in newness of content. The people of God will be inwardly established in
the law and knowledge of the Lord." 44 Finally DeSilva observes that Heb
8:10,
clearly resonates with his interest throughout the sermon in the believers' living so as to "please" God and to avoid what he hates (12:16-17,
28; 13:15-16, 21), fixing their hearts on God and his favor in loyal trust
(3:12-13; 13:9), obeying God's commands to them (4:11), and living out
the love of neighbor that is at the heart of God's law (6:9-12; 10:24-25,
32-36; 12:14; 13:1-3).45
40
Hase!, Covenant, 77, 106.
41
Pfitzner, Hebrews, 139.
42
Ibid., 140.
Koester, Hebrews, 391.
43
44
Lane, Hebrews 1-8, 209.
45
DeSilva, Hebrews, 285.

/
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Ekkehardt Muller
202
This law cannot be the Mosaic law, since the author indicated that it was
just a shadow and was insufficient. However, the author of Hebrews recognizes that the saved will keep God's law and he alludes to commands
that are still valid. It seems that he had in mind at least the Decalogue and
its summary in the commandments to love God and one's neighbor:
(1) Falling away from God and godlessness (Heb 3:12; 6:6; 12:16) may
indirectly point to a violation of the first and maybe even the second commandments which call the audience not to have any other god beside the
Almighty (Exod 20:2-3) and not to create any image of God (Exod 20:4-6).
(2) In Heb 4:4 the Sabbath is indirectly mentioned. The verse contains a
quotation from Gen 2:2 which in turn is taken up again in Exod 20:11. God
rested on the seventh day, the Sabbath. Heb 4:9 introduces the word
cra1313ar1cr6c; rendered as "sabbath rest," 46 "sabbath observance," 47 or "sabbath-keeping."48 The paragraph talks about Sabbath rest for God's people
which certainly is more than resting on the seventh day, 49 but does not ex-
46
Cf. Robert H. Smith, Hebrews (ACNT; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984), 65.

166, writes: "The Sabbath had been regarded as a type of the
eschatological 'rest,' which would come after God's rule was established on earth but
before the new creation. It was a symbol of the resurrection at the end of time (Adam
and Eve 51.2-3) and also the millennial kingdom (Barn. 15.3--8)." See also Koester,
Hebrews, 272, who points to Isa 58:13--14; 66:23 as well as to Rabbinical and deuterocanonical sources when dealing with Sabbath observance and rest. Lane, Hebrews 1-8,
101-2, states that in its only non-Christian appearance, craJ3J3ar1cr6<; means Sabbath
observance. "In four other documents from the patristic period that are independent
of Heb 4:9, the term denotes the celebration or festivity of the Sabbath Gustin, Dialogue
with Trypho 23.3; Epiphanius, Against All Heresies 30.2.2; The Martyrdom of Peter and
Paul, chapt. 1; Apost. Const. 2.36.2; discussed by Hofius, Katapausis, 103--6). The term
received its particular nuance from the Sabbath instruction that developed in Judaism
on the basis of Exod 20:8--10, where it was emphasized that rest and praise belong
together.'' Pfitzner, Hebrews, 80--81, suggests "that God's own resting from the work of
creation is an archetype for the final rest promised to Christians (see vv. 9-10). The
two texts, linked through the common word 'rest,' were already associated in the
sabbath liturgy of the Greek-speaking synagogue; Ps 95:1-11 and Gen 2:1-3 were
readings on the sabbath eve (... ] Jewish tradition saw the sabbath as a symbol of
eschatological salvation."
Cf. Ellingworth, Hebrews, 255; Bruce, Hebrews, 109.
Opinions differ if (1) the rest is a present reality for believers pointing to salvation, (2)
the eschatological rest in the future kingdom of God, or (3) both. For an extensive
discussion see DeSilva, Hebrews, 153--69. Harald Hegermann, Der Brief an die Hebriier
(THKNT 16; Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1988), 102, seems to favor the first
option. DeSilva obviously opts for the second. Lane, Hebrews 1-8, 99, 102; Samuele
Bacchiocchi, Divine Rest for Human Restlessness: A Theological Study of the Good News of
the Sabbath for Today (Berrien Springs: published by author, 1980), 137-38; and Roy E.
Graham, "A Note on Hebrews 4:4-9," in The Sabbath in Scripture and History (ed. K. A.
Strand; Washington: Review & Herald, 1982), 343--45, may support the third option.
47 DeSilva, Hebrews,
48
49
203
elude it. Although the rest and the Sabbath-keeping of Heb 4, if accepted by
faith, means eschatological salvation and a life in peace with God, it does
not follow that the seventh day Sabbath is a temporary institution under the
old covenant, done away with under the new covenant. Hebrews 4 links
the Sabbath to creation. However, the Fall had not happened and sin was
not present at that time and the Sabbath was not instituted in Paradise as a
symbol of rest in the sense of removal of sin and salvation. Furthermore, as
Gane shows, "Because the life of rest was available in Old Testament times,
at the same time when the weekly Sabbath was in operation for the Israelites, the weekly Sabbath cannot be a historical type of the life of rest. Rather,
it is an eternal memorial of Creation." 50 Hebrews 4 reminds us of the Sabbath commandment (Exod 20:8-11; Deut 5:12-15).
(3) The respect that we give to our fathers may hint at the fifth commandment which calls us to honor father and mother (Heb 12:9; Exod
20:12).
(4) Adulterers are mentioned in Heb 13:4. The issue of adultery reminds
us of the seventh commandment (Exod 20:14): "You shall not commit adultery." The same Greek word family is used for "adulterers" in Heb 13:4.
(5) To be content with what one has, and not to covet money (Heb 13:5)
may point to the tenth commandment which warns against coveting (Exod
20:17).
(6) Believers have shown love toward God's name (Heb 6:10) which
points to the command to love God (Deut 6:5; Matt 22:37).
(7) Believers need also to love their Christian brothers (Heb 13:1) which
alludes to the command to love each other Gohn 13:34-35) and by extension
one's neighbor (Lev 19:18; Matt 22:39). What that means is clarified within
the following verses: hospitality, care for prisoners, respect for marriage
and no adultery, no coveting but contentedness. Some of these commandments have just been mentioned. This arrangement in Heb 13 suggests that
the commandment to love summarizes other commandments including the
Decalogue but does not abolish it.
Such a result is not surprising, because it is in agreement with what we
find in other NT writings. The covenant is also mentioned in the Letter to
the Romans. According to Rom 9:4, Israel had the covenants and the law.
Romans 11:26--27 states that all Israel, Gentile and Jewish Christians, will be
saved on the basis of the new covenant Oer 31:33--34). 51 As in Hebrews the
50
51
Gane, "Role of God's Moral Law," 15 (see also p. 14).

Cf. Hans K. LaRondelle, "Israel in Biblical Prophecy," Ministry 79, no. 1 Oan. 2007): 2021. He also stresses the continuity of the covenants by stating: "Gentiles have no other
covenant with God than God's covenant with Israel. Jesus made His new covenant
_with twelve Jewish believers. He based it on His self-sacrifice as the fulfillment of the
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Ekkehardt Muller
stress is on forgiveness of sins. Although the Letter to the Romans discusses

to a large extent justification by faith, Paul also addresses the issue of the
law. The term "law" is used in different ways by the same author and
within the same document. In Romans the law refers to the Pentateuch
(Rom 3:21), the entire OT (Rom 3:19), a principle (Rom 7:23), and the Decalogue (Rom 7:7). In 1 Cor 9:8-9 Paul talks about Mosaic commandments
and in Gal 5:3 about the law in its entirety. The literary context must help to
decide which law is dealt with.
The fact that there are different biblical laws some of which are valid at
all times while others have been superseded by a new reality or by new
ethical demands was recognized by Jesus in his Sermon on the Mount (Matt
5:17-48) and is already found with Moses in the OT. Moses distinguished
between different laws. Although all of them ultimately came from God,
they differ in scope and duration. There is a clear distinction between the
moral law of the Ten Commandments (Exod 20:1-17; Deut 5:6-21), which
was written by God on two tables of stone (Exod 31:18; Deut 5:22) and was
placed into the ark of the covenant (Exod 40:20-21), and laws for Israel as a
nation or ceremonial laws that ultimately pointed to the work and life of the
Messiah and found their fulfillment in Jesus. The latter, normally called the
Law of Moses, were written into a book and placed beside the ark of the
covenant (Deut 31:24-26). When in the Book of Exodus the covenant was
made, or later, renewed, the Ten Commandments were distinguished from
the so-called ordinances (Exod 21:1; 24:4, 7, 12; 34:27-28).
As in Hebrews so also in Romans we find indirect statements pointing
to the validity of a law: (1) Bringing about "the obedience of faith among all
the Gentiles" (Rom 1:5; 15:18; 16:26) requires the existence of a law. (2) This
is also true when it comes to obedience toward God (e.g., 6:16). (3) Paul
makes it clear that knowledge of sin comes through the law. Without law
there is no recognition of sin (3:20; 7:7). (4) The necessity to exhort believers
to live a moral life (e.g., 12:17, 19, 21; 13) presupposes the existence of a
valid law. Therefore, Paul can state that the law is not nullified but established (3:31). The Decalogue is mentioned directly in several places in Romans. In 2:21-23 Paul refers to the Decalogue which the Jews had but did
not keep. According to 7:7, 12 the Decalogue shows what sin is and that the
law is holy, righteous, and good. In 13:8-10 Paul summarizes the Decalogue
in the commandment of love.
sacrifices of the old covenant. Thus 'Jesus has become the guarantee of a better
covenant' (Heb. 7:22, NIV). In Romans 11 Paul portrays the continuity of God's
covenants by a single olive tree for both Israel and the church" (ibid., 20). He also
stresses that "the decisive issue in God's covenant with Israel is faith in Jesus as the
righteous Messiah and representative of all humanity" (ibid.).
205
An interesting statement is found in 1Cor7:19 where Paul distinguishes

between different laws and maintains that it is important to keep the commandments of God. Jesus confirmed the Decalogue but modified other
commandments (Matt 5:21-48). The Ten Commandments are the law of
liberty and the standard in the judgment process Gas 2:10-13).
In sum, the new covenant assumes the validity of a law which, however,
is written in the heart of the recipients of the covenant. This law cannot be
the Mosaic law, because it did not accommodate the new sacrifice and
priesthood although pointing to it. Allusions to the Ten Commandments as
well as to the law to love God and one's neighbor with all the heart, soul,
and mind suggest that the author of Hebrews had in mind at least the Decalogue and its summary in the double commandment to love God and humanity when he referred to the law that is interiorized in the new covenant
believers. This is in agreement with the picture that emerges in other NT
writings. The new covenant does not make obsolete the Ten Commandments.
5. Benefits of the New Covenant

The new covenant has "better promises" (Heb 8:6). In the NT the term
trrayyEAia "promise" is found most frequently in the Book of Hebrews telling us how important these promises are. The promises of the new covenant include among other things: (1) access to God and being God's people
(8:10; 10:19); (2) knowledge of God (8:11); (3) being sanctified (10:10, 14); (4)
eternal salvation especially in the context of Christ's second coming (9:12,
15, 28); (5) a clear conscience (9:9, 14; 10:2); (6) the internalization of the law
in our hearts and minds (8:10; 10:16); and (7) forgiveness of sins (8:12; 9:26,
28; 10:17-18).52
Forgiveness of sin is repeatedly stressed and is an important theme running through the entire center part of Hebrews. It is introduced through the
quotation taken from Jer 31 and elaborated throughout Heb 9 and lOa. The
quotation "and their sins and their lawless deeds I will remember no more"
is repeated in Heb 10:17 and commented on in the next verse. Johnsson
writes:
The quotation from Jeremiah [in Heb 8] [... ] makes several points: the
prediction of a new covenant, the failure of the people to continue in the
old, the internalization of law under the new covenant, its personal religion, its teaching function, and its putting away of sins. Here indeed are
the "better promises" [... ] Not all aspects have significance for the argument, however[ ... ] only one-apart from the prediction of the rise of
52
Cf. Koester, Hebrc:ws, 391-92; Bruce, Hebrl?Ws, 189, 192.
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Ekkehardt Muller
a new covenant-emerges with clarity. It is the final promise of Jeremiah

31:34- "I will remember their sins no more."53
Some people claim that in providing a guilt-trip, Christianity is harmful to

emotional and physical health. It is true that the Bible tells us that we are
sinners and need a savior. But it is only Christianity that offers a viable solution of the sin problem because, rightly understood, people who have
committed their lives to God do not longer need to worry about their sins.
They can indeed get rid of a bad conscience without negating that sin is sin
and without killing their conscience. They accept the forgiveness provided
by God. When having asked God for forgiveness they rely on his promises,
not on their own feelings. Only Christians can take sin seriously, be opposed to it, and yet live happily even if they may make mistakes and err.
They have a sacrifice and a high priest, Jesus Christ. Thus, they have a
healthier approach to life than anyone else.
6. Jesus and the New Covenant

The link between covenant, priesthood, and sacrifice is Jesus. In Hebrews
different adjectives are used to describe the new covenant. It is, for instance,
called the "better" covenant (8:6). Because Jesus is better than the angels
(1:4), worthy of more glory than Moses (3:3), and higher than the heavens
(7:26), the covenant he inaugurated is also a better covenant. In Heb 8:8, 13
the Greek word Kmv6c:; is used relating to the covenant, whereas in Hebrews 12:24 the word vtoc:; is found in connection with the covenant. Both
adjectives are translated with the term "new." However, there may be a
slight difference between these different Greek terms. They are not absolute
synonyms. The word Ka1v6c:; may describe something that was unheard of
and point to the wonderful quality and marvelous character of the new
covenant, which has replaced the older covenant. Nevertheless, Karv6c:; does
not deny the temporary value of the old covenant. The word vtoc:; may
carry the sense of being recent. The new covenant is both, a qualitatively
better and a brand-new covenant, 54 yet in continuity with the previous
covenants.
However, the most important aspect is not the covenant itself. It is the
person who has ratified the covenant and who ministers in the context of it.
Jesus is the surety of the new covenant. In Heb 7:22 he is called the guarantor of a better covenant, and three times in Hebrews he appears as the me-
53 William G. Johnsson, In Absolute Confidence (Nashville: Southern Publishing, 1979),

105.
54
Cf. Donald Guthrie, Hebrews (TNTC; rev. ed.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990), 175.
207
diator of a better or new covenant (8:6; 9:15; 12:24). The term f.yyuoc; "guarantor," "guarantee," or "surety" occurs nowhere else in the NT.
It is common in the papyri in legal documents in the sense of a pledge or
as a reference to bail. [... ] Since the covenant in the biblical sense is an

agreement initiated by God, the surety (i.e. Jesus) guarantees that that
covenant will be honoured. [... ] The mediator is a go-between whose
task is to keep the parties in fellowship with each other. In a case where
God is one of the parties and man is the other, the covenant idea is inevitably one-sided. Defection is always on man's side and hence the mediator's task is mainly to act on man's behalf before God, although he has
also to act for God before men. 55
One may wonder why the Book of Hebrews unfolds so much of Jesus' parts
in making the covenant work and obviously so little of ours. Those sections
of Hebrews that contain admonitions and especially Heb 12-13 stress our
responsibility, but it is true that in general we find a stronger emphasis on
what Jesus has been and is doing in our behalf than what is required of us.
The reason may be that the apostle wants to help his readers who are troubled by a bad conscience, are not sure of forgiveness and salvation, and are
tempted to fall away from Christ. These readers do not primarily need a list
of what is required of them, but must understand the gracious provisions
God has made and executed in Jesus Christ. There is a final solution for the
sin problem. There is a solution for bad consciences. Jesus offers cleansing
and salvation.
On the other hand, they are called not to tum away from God (12:24-25)
and not to throw away their confidence (10:35) which refers to their faith
(10:38). The importance of faith in the covenant relationship is stressed in
Heb 11, especially in the section dealing with Abraham (11:8-19) in which
covenant language is employed. Furthermore, the second part of Heb 10
warns against sinning willfully or persisting in sin. To do this is a form of
disobedience and a breaking of the covenant on our part. Therefore, it can
be seen that Hebrews stresses human responsibility in the covenant relationship, but more than that it exalts Jesus.
7. Conclusion
After having pointed out Christ's superiority to the angels, Moses, and
Aaron in Heb 1-7, the apostle summarizes his discussion with Heb 8:1-2
before specifically turning to the covenant, the sanctuary, and the sacrifice.
From Heb 8 onward he focuses on the accomplishments of Jesus. The new
covenant is related to the old covenant and yet surpasses it. This new cove-
55
Ibid., 165--66, 174.
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Ekkehardt Muller
nant allows for a special relationship with God and direct access to him. It
offers a solution to our deepest needs and problems. The new covenant
does not present a new way to salvation different from the OT approach of
salvation by grace, but it highlights its accomplishment in Jesus Christ. Neither does the new covenant destroy the moral law of the Ten Commandments, but it internalizes it in the believers. We are blessed by a new and
better covenant, a perfect sacrifice, and the best possible high priest and
mediator, Jesus our Lord.
Now the God of peace, who brought up from the dead the great Shepherd of the sheep through the blood of the eternal covenant, even Jesus
our Lord, equip you in every good thing to do His will, working in us
that which is pleasing in His sight, through Jesus Christ, to whom be the
glory forever and ever. Amen. (Heb 12:20-21)
THEMATIC STRUCTURE OF THE

BOOK OF REVELATION
GEORGE E. RICE
1. Introduction
In the Daniel & Revelation Committee Series, Kenneth Strand begins the two
volumes dedicated to the study of Revelation with three chapters in which
he develops the chiasmus of the book. He briefly touches on the two important herrneneutical issues of purpose and theme in the first chapter: "To
determine the purpose and theme of a given book of the Bible is one of the
basic procedures of sound biblical interpretation. This holds true for the
Revelation, as well as for any other Bible writing." 1
Strand points out that the purpose of Revelation is clearly stated in its introduction, "The Revelation of Jesus Christ, which God gave him to show
his servants what must soon take place" (Rev 1:1). He sees the theme of
Revelation as being twofold: first, the return of Jesus to eradicate sin, and
second, Jesus' presence "with his faithful followers during all their tribulations in the 'here and now.'" 2 But Strand does not pursue the themes he
identifies in Revelation, rather he develops the literary chiasmus of the book.
This structure is developed in the second of the three chapters. Revelation is divided into a chiasmus according to its eight prophecies. Six of the
eight are divided into four text blocks as follows: A- Victorious Introduction Scene; B- Basic Prophetic Description; C- Interlude; and 0Eschatological Culmination. The two remaining prophecies are found in the
prologue and epilogue and have only text blocks A and B. The break between Rev 14 and 15 in the chiasmus is seen as a major structural division
with Rev 1-14 called the "Historical-Era Visions" and Rev 15-22 the "Eschatological-Judgrnent-Era Visions." 3
Kenneth A. Strand, "Foundational Principles of Interpretation," in Symposium on

Revelation, Book 1: Introductory and Exegetical Studies (ed. F. B. Holbrook; DARCOM 6;
Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 1992), 27.
Ibid., 28.
Kenneth A. Strand, "The Eight Basic Visions," in Symposium on Revelation, Book 1:
Introductory and Exegetical Studies (ed. F. B. Holbrook; DARCOM 6; Silver Spring:
Biblical Research Institute, 1992), 38-39, 48--49.
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George E. Rice
However, the twofold theme of Jesus' return and his presence with his
people suggested by Strand is embedded in a much broader theme that
runs throughout all of Revelation's prophecies, thast is, the great controversy. It is the purpose of this study to follow this broader greatcontroversy theme from prophecy to prophecy to show how this conflict
between Christ and Satan unfolds in Revelation's thematic structure.
2. Great Controversy Theme

Whereas Strand points to the break between ch. 14 and ch. 15 as the apex of
the chiasmus or the central point in Revelation that divides the "HistoricalEra Visions" from the "Eschatological-Judgment-Era Visions," Rev 12 is the
center of the thematic structure of the book. This chapter introduces the
great controversy theme and each prophecy in Revelation is a development
of this theme and shows us how this conflict will play out.
Revelation 12 contains a brief description of four pivotal battles that
have a major impact upon the history of the controversy between good and
evil. Battle one is an account of the origin of rebellion in heaven and its isolation to Planet Earth (12:7-12). Battle two reports Satan's attempt to thwart
the plan of salvation by destroying the incarnate Christ while upon earth
(12:1-5). Battle three shows Satan's attempt to destroy Christ's followers
after his return to heaven (12:6, 13--16). Battle four presents Satan's final
attack upon the remnant (12:17).
When John began to record "what must soon take place," battles one
and two were history, battle three was just beginning, and battle four was
yet future. Therefore the prophecies of Revelation present the military engagements in battles three and four. As Strand's chiasmus is divided into
two groups of prophecies, so in the thematic structure of Revelation there
are two groups of prophecies, one on either side of ch. 12. The seven
churches, seven seals, and seven trumpets with their introductions and interludes (at least in the case of the trumpets) precede ch. 12. These three
prophecies outline the military maneuvers in battles three and four in the
conflict between Christ's people and the forces of evil from John's day to
the end of the controversy. In these three prophecies we see recapitulation.
The reason for this recapitulation, thematically, will be examined shortly.
The prophecies following ch. 12 are an expansion of battle four and show
us the military strategy on both sides of the conflict. Therefore, the sole
purpose of Rev 13:1-20:15 is to explain 12:17, "And the dragon was enraged
with the woman, and went to make war with the rest [remnant] of her offspring."
The thematic structure can be diagrammed as follows:
Thematic Structure of the Book of Revelation

Third and Fourth Battle
Rev 12:6, 13-17
211
Battle Four Expanded

(Rev 12:17
John's Day
/
Seven Churches
.__Seven Seals - - - - - - Chapter 12 ____....Chapter 13:1-20:15
~ Seven Trumpets
End of
Controversy
Figure 1: Thematic Structure of the Book of Revelation
3. Four Battles of Revelation 12

3.1. Battle One
The great controversy begins in heaven. John describes it in Rev 12 with
these words, "And war broke out in heaven; Michael and his angels fought
with the dragon; and the dragon and his angels fought" (12:7). But the
dragon does not prevail, and he and his confederate angels are removed
from the heavenly courts and placed on planet earth. The description of
battle one concludes with a woe, "Woe to the inhabitants of the earth and
the sea! For the devil has come down to you, having great wrath, because
he knows that he has a short time" (12:12).
The great controversy, as it matured and was fought in heaven, was an
ideological war, a conflict between truth and lies, rather than a physical
battle. When Satan was placed on earth, he brought this strategy with him.
The first assault on humanity was ideological (i.e., Eve, the serpent, the fruit
of the tree, and Satan's lies).
3.2. Battle Two

Revelation 12 opens with the second battle. A woman clothed with the sun
gives birth to a male Child. The dragon is poised to pounce on the Child
and destroy him, but he is caught up to God and his throne where he will
rule all nations with a rod of iron (12:1-5). The woman represents God's
faithful people throughout OT history, and the child is the incarnate Christ.
There have been questions as to why battles one and two are
switched chronologically in Rev 12. The answer becomes obvious if battle
two is thought of in terms of the "Battle of Midway" in the Pacific during
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World-War II. As far as the great controversy is concerned, it was battle two
that won the war, although other battles were to follow. The importance of
battle two can be illustrated by the engagement between the United States
and Japan as the Japanese fleet of aircraft carriers approached to attack
Midway Island. The American carriers and planes met the attack and destroyed the Japanese armada. This battle won the war for the United States.
In this engagement the back of the Japanese naval air power was broken.
Many battles followed Midway before World-War II was over, but this test
of naval and air strength turned the tide of the war in favor of the United
States.
So it is in the great controversy. If Satan had been successful in his attacks against Christ and if Christ had failed while living on earth, the great
controversy would have been decided in Satan's favor. But Christ was victorious and rose in a glorious resurrection. The back of Satan's rebellion had
been broken and the war had been won. The four gospels contain the record of battle two. In Rev 12, the "Battle of Midway" in the great controversy is presented first to give its readers the assurance that Satan is a
defeated enemy. Then in the context of Jesus' victory the other three battles
are presented.
3.3. Battle Three

Battle three (Rev 12:6, 13--16) is Satan's attempt to destroy the followers of
Christ after his ascension to the Father's throne. During this battle the
woman, who now represents the church, is provided a haven of refuge
from the wrath of Satan. The prophetic period of 1,260 years is located
within this b!lttle (Rev 12:6, 14). This time prophecy is the link that ties the
little horn of Dan 7:25 and the sea beast of Rev 13:5 to battle three. To extract the 1,260 years out of battle three and place them chronologically before or after this battle is not being true to the context of ch. 12. The proper
location of this time prophecy in the great controversy is made emphatic by
being presented twice (Rev 12:6, 14).
3.4. Battle Four

Satan's final assault upon the followers of Christ encompasses battle four.
Jesus' followers are identified as the remnant (Rev 12:17). His anger knows
no bounds. "Satan summons all his forces, and throws his whole power
into the combat." 4 The remnant are identified by two characteristics, they
Ellen G. White, Tlie Great Controversy (Boise: Pacific Press, 1911 ), 507.
213
keep the commandments of God and have the testimony of Jesus. As

pointed out earlier, Rev 13:1-20:15 takes us into this battle in depth.
4.
Churches, Seals, and T rurnpets
Having identified the great controversy as the theme of the prophecies in

Revelation and having seen that ch. 12, which introduces the controversy, is
the center of the book, we now examine the three prophecies that take us
from John's day to the climax of the controversy: the seven churches, the
seven seals, and the seven trumpets. These three prophecies are a recapitulation because they take us back over the history of the Christian Church
showing us three different phases of the conflict, the ideological war within
the church, internal conflicts, and attacks against the church that originate
outside of the church.
4.1. Seven Churches

Satan introduced the great controversy on Planet Earth with an ideological
attack upon Eve. This method of warfare has continued to be one of the two
military strategies in Satan's arsenal. The second method of assault was
introduced after Adam's rebellion against God, that is, persecution, martyrdom, or as we may call it, firefights.
The prophecy of the seven churches outlines Satan's ideological war
upon the Church. Beginning with Ephesus, the church that lost its first love,
the conflict moves through the centuries to Laodicea, the church that is neither cold nor hot. Although this ideological conflict can be seen clearly in
the experiences of all seven churches; the experiences of Pergamos,
Thyatira, and Sardis are outstanding examples.
Pergamos represents the period of compromise in the history of the
church. The doctrine of Balaam is the outstanding characteristic of this period (Rev 2:14). It was Balaam who coached Balak to lead Israel into compromising their commitment to God. Under the seduction of Moabite
women, large numbers in Israel were led into pagan feasting and festivities
that honored Baal (Num 25:1-3). It was during the Pergamos phase of
church history that the ideological strategy of Satan focused on compromising gospel truth through syncretism that would make it attractive to the
non-Christian mind.
The church at Thyatira allowed the teaching of Jezebel to seduce the
servants of Jesus (Rev 2:20). The period in church history during which the
teaching of Jezebel was introduced saw the union of church and state with
the church being dominant and supported by the state. The period in Israel's history when the teaching of Jezebel prevailed was a time in which
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George E. Rice
the state supported the "church." This unholy church/state alliance is made
clear by Elijah when he said to Ahab, "Now therefore, send and gather all
Israel to me on Mount Carmel, the four hundred and fifty prophets of Baal,
and the four hundred prophets of Asherah, who eat at Jezebel's table" (l Kgs
18:19, emphasis mine).
The church at Sardis had a name that it was alive but it was dead (Rev
3:4). The thrust and power of the reformation protest against the errors and
abuses of the dominant church was rapidly losing its momentum. In the
messages to the seven churches the ideological war can be traced throughout the history of the Christian Church.
The prophecy of the seven churches ends with the church at Laodicea.
This is the period in church history when the ideological war is terminated
by Jesus' return to get his people. However, within the thematic structure of
Revelation, the seals and trumpets extend beyond Jesus' return to the final
eradication of sin after the millennium. This is because, while the ideological war ends at Jesus' return, the seals and trumpets, which present the firefights in the great controversy, extend to the final conflict at the end of the
millennium.
4.2. Seals
The seven seals in Rev 6:1-8:1 present firefights in the great controversy.
The white horse of the first seal (6:2) is a transition from the ideological war
to internal firefights represented by the three horses that follow (6:3--8). The
white horse and its rider represent the religious conquests by the early
church within the pagan Roman Empire. Although the growing church was
persecuted by the pagan government and many Christians were martyred,
the church itself used only one weapon in the conflict, that is, the gospel of
Jesus Christ. However, once Christianity was established as the religion of
the state, those who did not accept the growing error and apostasy within
the church were persecuted. The internal strife intensified over the centuries and is represented by the red, black, and pale horses. As the fifth seal is
opened, those who had been martyred because they refused to condone the
growing apostasy, cry out to God for revenge (6:9-11).
At this point, God the Father and Jesus step into the fray as presented in
the sixth seal (6:14-17). They come to confront the forces of evil. This seal
pictures earth being shaken by a gigantic earthquake. As the wicked cry for
the falling rocks and mountains to hide them from "the face of Him who
sits on the throne [Father] and from the wrath of the Lamb Uesus]," they
ask the question, "Who is able to stand?" (6:16-17). The answer is given in
Rev 7; the victorious 144,000.
111ematic Structure of the Book of Revelation
215
Revelation 7 has generally been considered as an interlude between the

sixth and seventh seals. However, when viewed thematically, it appears to
be a continuation of the sixth seal. The victorious 144,000 who live through
the devastation associated with Jesus' return, together with the redeemed of
all ages, stand before the throne and the Lamb. Together with the angels,
the twenty-four elders, and the four living creatures they sing praises to
God (7:9-17). If Rev 7 is a thematic continuation of the experience of the
144,000 who live through the return of Jesus unscathed, we may be seeing a
glimpse of their millennial experience.
In this case, the sixth seal closes at the end of ch. 7 and the seventh seal
is opened in Rev 8:1. The silence in heaven would be caused by the events
that bring the millennium and sin to a conclusion, the final firefight. Satan,
his demonic host, and the lost of humanity surround the camp of the saints
with the intent of destroying the redeemed and taking the Holy City by
force: "And fire came down from God out of heaven and devoured them"
(20:9)-the final firefight in the great controversy. The silence in heaven
would be a hushed awe that sweeps over the redeemed and the inhabitants
of the universe as they watch God perform his strange act, that is, the destruction of his own creation by fire.
4.3.
Seven
Trnmpets
As Dan 2, 7, and 8 present the outline of world history with ch. 7 and 8
building on ch. 2 and giving additional details to the overall outline, so the
seven trumpets cover the same period of history as the churches and the
seals giving details that are not found in the first two prophecies. The first
six trumpets present firefights inflicted upon the Christian Church by nonChristian powers. Trumpets one to four deal with the major barbaric invasions that broke up the Western Roman Empire. Trumpets five and six
present the subjection of the Eastern Roman Empire.
Revelation 10 and 11:1-14 are interludes between trumpets six and
seven. Chapter 10 outlines the great spiritual awakening of the 19th century, the experience of eating the open book in the Angel's hand, the sweet
taste in the mouth, and the acid reflux that followed. Then follows the
command that the message of Jesus' soon return must be preached again,
only this time to all the nations on earth. The first part of ch. 11 presents the
events of the French revolution, the political/religious revolution that
changed the religious history of Europe and brought rationalism to America. The seventh trumpet is the final firefight.
In the OT, the blowing of trumpets announced the approach of judgment
or called the people to prepare for war. Christianity was the state religion of
the Roman Empire when it began to crumble under the assaults of outside
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George E. Rice
invaders. The firefights under the trumpets were punishments sent by God
upon an apostate church in an attempt to bring it to repentance. Jesus said
of the church at Thyatira, "I gave her time to repent of her sexual immorality [church/state structure], and she did not repent" (Rev 2:21).
Because the trumpets are firefights in the thematic structure of Revelation, the seventh trumpet, like the seventh seal, extends beyond the return
of Jesus to the final firefight. Consider the following scenes in the seventh
trumpet.
First, loud voices in heaven proclaim that the kingdoms of this world
have become the kingdom "of our Lord and of his Christ," and he will
reign forever (Rev 11:15). During the White-Throne Judgment at the conclusion of the millennium (Rev 20:11-15), Satan and his followers witness the
final coronation of Jesus.
Jesus' first coronation took place at His ascension. Christ's ascension to
heaven was the signal that His followers were to receive the promised
blessing [early rain]. When Christ passed within the heavenly gates, He
was enthroned amidst the adoration of the angels. [... ] The Pentecostal
outpouring was Heaven's communication that the Redeemer's inauguration was accomplished. 5
The White-Throne Judgment and the final coronation of Christ breaks the
siege of the New Jerusalem by Satan and his hosts and fire descends from
God out of heaven to bring the great controversy to an end. Indeed, the
kingdoms of this world have become the kingdom "of our Lord and of His
Christ."
Second, the twenty-four elders praise God the Father because he has
taken his power and reigns through his Son (Rev 11:17).
Third, the nations were angry and the time had come for God to judge
the dead (Rev 11:18). In the White-Throne Judgment of Rev 20, all the dead,
small and great, stand before God and the books are opened, and the dead
are judged according to their works (20:12).
Fourth, the prophets, saints, and those who fear the God's name receive
their eternal reward (Rev 11:18), that is, the earth made new (Rev 21-22).
Fifth, God destroys those who destroy the earth (Rev 11:18) which corresponds to the final firefight: "And fire came down from God out of
heaven and devoured them" (Rev 20:9).
Ellen G. White, The Acts of the Apostles (Boise: Pacific Press, 1911), 38-39.
Tliematic Structure of the Book of Revelation
217
5. Expansion of Battle Four

Having followed the theme of the great controversy in its two military
phases, ideological warfare and firefights, through the prophecies of the
seven churches, seven seals, and seven trumpets, we now tum to the
prophecies in the second half of Revelation. Revelation 12, the center of this
prophetic book, ends with a simple statement that introduces battle four,
"The dragon was enraged with the woman, and he went to make war with
the rest [rwv AOITTWV "renmant"] of her offspring" (12:17). The remainder of
the book, that is, 13:1-20:15, shows us how this battle will be fought with
Rev 21-22 describing the eternal home of those who live through this conflict.
As the churches, seals, and trumpets presents the ideological and firefight phases of the conflict, so the expansion of battle four clearly reveals
these two military aspects of warfare.
5.1. Satan's Military Strategy

Revelation 13 is the blueprint for Satan's military strategy in fighting battle
four. He joins two powers as allies in his fight against the renmant followers of Jesus. The first power is the sea beast (13:1-10). This power has been
around for over a thousand years. By placing it within the 1,260 years (13:5),
it is clear that this sea beast was the power through which Satan fought battle three. Now Satan joins this revived power with the forces of the land
beat (13:11-18). The intensity with which Satan fights battle four defies human imagination.
The ideological war launched against the renmant by the sea beast and
the land beast develops as follows. First, an image to the beast is formed by
the land beast. As the sea beast functioned as a church/state power during
the 1,260 years, the land beast will establish a church/state arrangement that
will be an image to the sea beast. Second, the land beast will require all to
receive the mark of the sea beast's authority. The formation of the image
and the enforcement of the mark of the beast will be combined to make up
the ideological assault upon the renmant. This battle between truth and
error will be fought in the public forum and will become the topic of intense
public debate. At the center of this ideological conflict stand the commandments of God.
Spirit manifestations will be an important military maneuver in Satan's
ideological strategy for battle four. Among these spirit appearances will be
the following:
The apostles, as personated by these lying spirits, are made to contradict
what they wrote at the dictation of the Holy Spirit when on earth. They
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GeorKe E. Rice
deny the divine origin of the Bible, and thus tear away the foundation of
the Christian's hope, and put out the light that reveals the way to
heaven. [... ] And to take the place of the word of God he [Satan] holds
out spiritual manifestations. 6
The second phase of Satan's strategy for battle four is persecution, that is,
firefights. Those who refuse to worship (obey) the image of the beast and
submit to its authority will be placed under a sentence of death (Rev 13:15).
Those who refuse to receive the mark of the beast will be put under an economic ban (13:17). By supernatural wonders, those who dwell upon the
earth will be deceived and will be swept into Satan's ranks (13:13-14).
5.2. Jesus' Counter Offensive: The Ideological War

With the 144,000 as his fighting force, Jesus will confront Satan's deceptions
in the ideological war through the preaching of the three angels' messages
as outlined in Rev 14:1-12. In the public forum, the inhabitants of earth will
be warned that the hour of judgment has come (14:7). Jesus' forces will extend the call to return to the Creator and worship Him (14:7). Acknowledging Jesus as the Creator moves the focus to the seven-day creation week
and its day of worship, that is, the Sabbath which becomes the important
criteria of battle four. The warning will be given that Babylon is fallen
(14:8), and that all who obey the beast and its image and receive the mark of
the beast will perish in the final firefight at the close of the millennium
(14:9-11).
Following the account of this counter offensive, Rev 14 presents one of

the two verbal descriptions of Jesus' return. In this chapter he comes to
earth with a sharp sickle to reap the results of the ideological fight and to
take to heaven the harvest resulting from the preaching of the three angels'
messages. An angel with another sickle reaps the harvest that will go to
eternal destruction (14:14-20).
5.3. Jesus' Counter Offensive: The Firefight

Jesus here meets force with force. Having placed the remnant under an
economic ban and the sentence of death, and having rejected the appeal to
tum back to the Creator and worship him, Jesus now pours out the seven
last plagues upon the inhabitants of earth (Rev 15-16). The plagues are Jesus' side of the firefight in battle four. In these plagues, we are told, "the
wrath of God is complete" (15:1). Again, using the deception of demons
which are pictured in the sixth plague as coming out of the mouth of the
White, The Great Controversy, 557.
Tliematic Structure of the Book of Revelation
219
dragon, the beast, and the false prophet, Satan deceives the inhabitants of
the world and assembles its leaders and their armies to fight the battle of
the great day of God Almighty, that is, Armageddon (16:12-16).
Thematically the sixth plague is Satan's preparation for Armageddon
while the battle itself begins under the seventh plague (16:17-21). Like the
seals and the trumpets, and because Armageddon is a firefight, it is not
completed until the close of the millennium. In the opening stages of Armageddon, the great city of Babylon falls into three parts (16:19). That is to
say, the three-part coalition comes unglued. These parts are three religious
entities that Satan brought together through his deceptions to prepare the
kings of the earth to fight Armageddon.
Jesus returns to earth during the seventh plague. The worldwide earthquake that shakes the earth under the sixth seal when Jesus returns is referred to again under the seventh plague, "Then every island fled away,
and the mountains were not found" (16:20). Jesus' return interrupts the battle of Armageddon and battle four is put on hold until the 1,000 years of the
millennium are completed.
5.4. The Seventh Plague Expanded

Under the seventh plague, the great city Babylon falls into three parts (Rev
16:19). Revelation 17 and 18 expand the seventh plague and show us how
Babylon meets its end. In ch. 17, the harlot and her daughters are presented
as Babylon. Under Jesus' firefight-counter offensive, the seven last plagues,
the supporters of Babylon realize they have lost the war, and they turn
upon the harlot and destroy her (17:16). This event is graphically described
by Ellen G. White:
The people see that they have been deluded. They accuse one another of
having led them to destruction; but all unite in heaping their bitterest
condemnation upon the ministers.[ ... ] "We are lost!" they cry, "and you
are the cause of our ruin;" and they tum upon the false shepherds. [... ]
The swords which were to slay God's people, are now employed to destroy their enemies. Everywhere there is strife and bloodshed.7
In ch. 18, Babylon is portrayed as a city that is destroyed by the flames of
divine judgment. This chapter begins with a flash-back to the ideological
conflict. An angel with great authority illuminates the earth with his glory.
He cries out to the inhabitants of earth and repeats the warning of the second angel's message, "Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen" (18:2). The sins
of Babylon are named by the angel, and then he makes an appeal: "Come
out of her, my people, lest you share in her sins, and lest you receive of her
Ibid., 65S-56.
220
George E. Rice
plagues" (18:4). When those who are God's people respond to the appeal
and exit Babylon, then the wrath of God is unleashed upon the unholy city
and it is set ablaze.
5.5. The Warrior-King

As already noted, the battle of Armageddon is interrupted by the return of
Jesus. Revelation 19 describes his return in the context of Armageddon. This
is the second verbal description of Jesus' return in Revelation. He appears
as a Warrior-King, riding upon a white horse, and followed by the army of
heaven. The two opposing forces clash. "And I saw the beast, the kings of
the earth, and their armies, gathered together to make war against Him
who sat on the horse and against His army" (19:19). The beast and the false
prophet are seized and thrown into the lake of fire while their armies "were
killed with the sword which proceeded from the mouth of Him who sat on
the horse. And all the birds were filled with their flesh" (19:20-21).
5.6. Millennium
With the Battle of Armageddon put on hold, the millennium begins. While
the redeemed of all ages enjoy the experience of being together with Jesus
in the heavenly courts, for Satan the 1,000 years is a period of intense agony
and utter frustration. Having waged war for thousands of years, throwing
all of his mental and physical powers into the fight, he is now the inhabitant
of a desolated world, a world emptied of human life, and left to deal with
his demons who know they are going to die because they transferred their
allegiance from God to him during battle one.
When the 1,000 years expire, Armageddon resumes. All of the wicked
dead are raised to face the final judgment, and Satan organizes them for an
assault on the Holy City. This is the final firefight. Fire descends from
heaven. Satan and his confederate angles are consumed in the lake of fire
(Rev 20:10). Human beings from all ages who did not accept God's offer of
salvation are likewise thrown into the lake of fire and suffer the second
death (20:14-15).
6. Great Controversy Ended

The fire that falls from heaven brings battle four to its conclusion. The conflict is over. How appropriate are the words:
The great controversy is ended. Sin and sinners are no more. The entire
universe is clean. One pulse of harmony and gladness beats through the
vast creation. From Him who created all, flow life and light and gladness, throughout the realms of illimitable space. From the minutest atom
221
to the greatest world, all thlngs, animate and inanimate, in their unshadowed beauty and perfect joy, declare that God is love. 8
The great controversy theme runs through the prophecies of Revelation.
This theme reveals the struggle between good and evil. This struggle ends
in the glorification and vindication of God and the eternal security of his
faithful people. After the fire does its purifying work, God creates a new
heavens and a new earth. John said that he heard a voice from heaven saying,
Behold, the tabernacle of God is with men, and He will dwell with them,
and they shall be His people. God Himself will be with them and be
their God. And God will wipe away every tear from their eyes; there
shall be no more death, nor sorrow, nor crying. There shall be no more
pain, for the former things have passed away. (Rev 21:~)
Ibid., 678.
THE THEOLOGICAL CONCEPT OF THE SABBATH IN

THE BOOK OF REVELATION
MATHILDE FREY
1. Introduction
The term "Sabbath" does not occur in the book of Revelation, nevertheless,
the chiastic structure of the book shows that the Sabbath of the OT represents the central issue for the final crisis of earth's history. 1 Jon Paulien locates the center of the chiasm in Rev 12-14, which contains a direct allusion
to the fourth commandment (14:7) and holds that this is the section which
"the whole structure of the book works toward and away from. It is the key
to understanding the whole book." 2 Such significance for the Sabbath suggests that John, the author of the book of Revelation, arranged the whole
book based on the Sabbath as a consciously chosen concept to convey prophetic-theological truth.
In addition to the OT, two sources from the intertestamental period may
have served as background for the Sabbath concept in the book of Revelation: Philo' s Sabbath theology 3 and the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice of the
Qumran community. 4 Philo developed his theology on the Sabbath with
reference to the number seven, to the universal significance of the Sabbath
as the birthday of the world, and to the meaning of resting, equality, and
freedom. 5 The liturgical scrolls of the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice dated to
the first century B.C. show certain similarities with the book of Revelation.
C. Newsom concludes that the frequent use of the number seven derived
from the Sabbath as dateline of both documents and from the chiastic struc-
This essay is dedicated to Gerhard Pfandl, my esteemed professor, who taught me

things that really matter in times of crisis.
Jon Paulien, The Deep 111ings of God (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2004), 122.
Sakae Kubo, "The Sabbath in the lntertestamental Period," in The Sabbath in Scripture
and History (ed. K. A. Strand; Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1982), 57.
Carol A. Newsom, "Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (4Q400-407, 11Q17, MASlK)," in
Dictionary of New Testament Background (ed. C. A. Evans and S. E. Porter; Downers
Grove: InterVarsity, 2000), 1139.
Moses 1. 37; 2. 39; The Special Laws 2. 15, 16; Allegorical Interpretation 1. 2-6; On the
Creation 30, 31, 33-42; On the Cherubim 26; The Special Laws 2. 15, 16, 48. See, Kubo,
"Sabbath," 67.
224
Mathilde Frey
ture in which balancing sections of sevens may be found. 6

1his study investigates the Sabbath in the book of Revelation and suggests that the theme of the Sabbath may have served the author as an underlying theological concept with regard to the sevenfold division of the
book, the chiastic structure, the prominent use of the number seven, Sabbath language, Sabbath allusions, even as a direct allusion to the Sabbath
commandment of Exod 20:8-11. The investigation is delimited to structural
indicators such as the sevenfold division of the book, the number seven,
specific terms and particular texts, and to the themes of creation, covenant,
and judgment in relation to the Sabbath.
2. Strnctural Indicators for the Concept of the

Sabbath in the Bool~ of Revelation
2.1. Sevenfold Division of the Book of Revelation
The ongoing debate among biblical scholars regarding the literary structure
of the book of Revelation lead Adela Yarbo Collins to say, "there are almost
as many [structural] outlines of the book as there are interpreters." 7 This
variety of opinions, however, is, according to G. Desrosiers, "a direct testimony to the literary genius of the author." 8 Thus, the question needs to be
asked, what structuring model did the author use to convey the message of
his book? 9
Among all the attempts towards detecting the literary structure of the
book of Revelation, the major contributions seem to argue for an outline
based on a sevenfold division of the book. 10 Paulien demonstrates that the
sevenfold division of the book of Revelation with seven introductory scenes
followed by seven cycles seems to build on the OT sanctuary and its ser-
10
Newsom, "Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice," 1139. See also William H. Shea, "Sabbath
Hymns for the Heavenly Sanctuary (Qumran)," in The Sabbath in Scripture and History
(ed. K. A. Strand; Washington, DC: Review & Herald, 1982), 406.
Adela Y. Collins, The Combat Myth in the Book of Revelation (Missoula: Scholars Press,
1976), 8.
Gilbert Desrosiers, An Introduction to Revelation: A Pathway to Interpretation (New York:
Continuum, 2000), 57.
Phyllis Trible, Rhetorical Criticism: Context, Method, and the Book of Jonah (Minneapolis:
Fortress, 1994), 101-6; Felise Tavo, "The Structure of the Apocalypse: Re-examining a
Perennial Problem," NovT 47 (2005): 47-68.
Collins, Combat Myth, 13-55; E. Schussler Fiorenza, The Book of Revelation: Justice and
Judgment (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985), 159-80; Kenneth A. Strand, Interpreting the
Book of Revelation (Worthington: Ann Arbor, 1976), 43-49; Paulien, Deep Things, 126;
Jacques B. Doukhan, Secrets of Revelation: The Apocalypse through Hebrew Eyes
(Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2002), 13-14.
The Theological Concept of the Sabbath in the Book of Revelation
225
vices. 11 In a recent study, F. Tavo holds that a sevenfold division seems to

be close to the author's intended structure with "repetitive and intensifying
character" leading to the climactic final vision of the New Jerusalem. 12 This
heptadic structure seems to be modeled after the heptadic pattern of the six
days of the creation week leading to the climax of the seventh day (Gen 1:12:3), and after the heptadic pattern of the six speeches of the Lord for the
building of the sanctuary, culminating with the seventh speech of the Sabbath commandment (Exod 25--31).
The book of Exodus introduces the building of the sanctuary by seven
speeches of the Lord with the Sabbath commandment as the seventh speech
and as the climax of the sequence (Exod 25:1; 30:11, 17, 22, 34; 31:1). As
pointed out by P. Kearney 13 and further developed by M. Weinfeld, 14 the
last speech links the whole sequence to the creation account (Gen 1:1-2:3).
Its final words relate directly to the seven days of creation. 15 J. Milgrom recognizes the Sabbath in Exod 31:12-17 as the climax of creation, the divine
temple in time, which God builds by himself16 just as Abraham Heschel
describes it in a poetic way as "a sanctuary in time." 17
Duane Garrett recognizes the heptadic structure of Gen 1 and speaks,
more precisely, of a 6 + 1 structure as a literary form of the creation week. 18
"As a literary form, this structure reappears in only one other place. Remarkably, this place is the book of Revelation in the New Testament." 19
Garrett points out that Gen 1 and the book of Revelation are both visionary
and alike in intention because both give the divine view of the outer limits
of world history with a view towards its culmination.
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
Paulien, Deep Things, 126; Doukhan, Secrets of Revelation, 13-14.

Tavo, "Structure," 47-68.
P. J. Kearney, "Creation and Liturgy: The P Redaction of Ex 25-40," ZAW 89 (1977):
375--86.
Moshe Weinfeld, "Sabbath, Temple and the Enthronement of the Lord: The Problem
of the Sitz im Leben of Genesis 1:1-2:3," in Melanges bibliques et orientaux en l'honneur de
M. Henri Cazelles (ed. A. Caquot and M. Delcor; AOAT 212; Kevelaer: Butzon &
Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1981), 501-12.
"For in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, but on the seventh day He ceased,
and was refreshed" (Exod 31:17; cf. Gen 2:2).
Jacob Milgrom, Leviticus 23-27: A New Translation with Introduction (AB 3B; New York:
Doubleday, 2001), 2285. Cf. Gerald J. Janzen, Exodus (Louisville: Westminster John
Knox, 1997), 224. The Sabbath, as the climax of Exod 25-31 signifies that the sanctuary
is depicted as a microcosm of the whole creation. Just as the six days of creation reach
their climax in the seventh day, the new world architecturally represented by the
sanctuary has its climax in the Sabbath.
AbrahamJ. Heschel, 111e Sabbath: Its Meaning for Modern Man (New York: Wolff, 1951), 29.
Duane A. Garrett, Rethinking Genesis (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1991), 192.
Ibid.
Mathilde Frey
226
The climactic character of the vision of the New Jerusalem is rarely recognized in modem interpretation. 20 However, the one-word message of
the seventh bowl, "it is finished" (Rev 16:17), suggests the total eradication
of all who stand in the way of God. The same one-word message is reiterated from the throne in 21:6, thus, forming an inclusio that delineates events
happening in between. 21 Also, the reappearance of one of the bowl angels in
21:9 implies that what the angel showed John in 17:1 has run its course and
21:9 marks a new starting point. This is confirmed by the antithetical parallel between Babylon depicted as harlot (17:1-6) and the New Jerusalem portrayed as bride (21:9-11). Thus, the final vision of the New Jerusalem cannot
be seen as part of the seven bowls, as J. Lambrecht argues,22 but as the expected destiny of a world which is finally cleansed of all evil. A firstcentury hearer of the book of Revelation would probably detect the final
vision as indicating the climax of the whole book just as he would recognize
the seventh speech of the Lord containing the Sabbath commandment
(Exod 31:12-17) as the climax of the instructions for building the wilderness
sanctuary. The book of Revelation could be structured as follows:
Prologue (1:1-8)
1. Introductory Scene (1:9-20)
The Seven Churches (2:1-3:22)
2. Introductory Scene (4:1-5:14)
The Seven Seals (6:1-8:1)

The Seven Trumpets (8:7-11:18)

4. Introductory Scene (11:19)
The Fight of the Nations (12:1-14:20)
The Wrath of God (16:1-18:24)
The Final Judgment (19:11-20:15)

The New Jerusalem (21:9-22:5)

Epilogue (22:6-21)
20
21
22
Tavo, "Structure," 54-55; Jan Lambrecht, "A Structuration of Revelation 4, 1-22, 5," in
L'Apocalypse johannique et l'Apocalyptique dans le Nouveau Testament (ed. J. Lambrecht;
Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1980), 77-104.
Tavo, "Structure," 59.
Lambrecht, "Structuration," 103.
227
2.2. Chiastic Strncture of the Book of Revelation

Elisabeth Schussler Fiorenza suggests a concentric structure of the book of
Revelation with an ABA' pattern. 23 David Barr, who views the book of
Revelation as a story to be heard, not a text to be studied, shows that a concentric structure is inherent to the book in order to be understood by a firstcentury audience. 24 Following K. A. Strand's chiastic structure of the book
of Revelation, 25 Paulien suggests that the center of the chiasm be Rev 12-14
and observes, "this section, with its messages from three angels, is what the
whole structure works toward and away from. It is the key to understanding the whole book. And the center of the center is the three angels' messages (Rev 14:6-12}." 26 It is this very passage calling on to fear God and to
worship the Creator which contains a direct allusion to the Sabbath commandment of the book of Exodus (Exod 20:8--11; 31:12-17).
Thus, both the sevenfold division and the chiastic structure of the book
of Revelation demonstrate that the theological concept of the Sabbath seems
to be the underlying principle: As principle for the center of the book, it
points to the Ten Commandments, which center around the Sabbath commandment; as seventh part and culmination of the book, the vision of the
"sabbatical millennium" 27 draws on the outline of the seven speeches of the
Lord recorded in Exod 25-31, culminating with the Sabbath commandment
(31:12-17) and pointing to Exod 40 where the actual realization of the building of the sanctuary takes place which explicitly employs terms of creationSabbath language. 25
23
24
25
26
27
28
Schussler Fiorenza, Book of Revelation, 175.

David L. Barr, Tales of the End: A Narrative Commentary on the Book of Revelation (Santa
Rosa: Polebridge, 1998), 149. Barr identifies a letter frame, a vision report frame, a
letter scroll, a worship scroll, and a war scroll. The worship scroll (4:1-11:18) forms the
heart and center of the work.
Kenneth A. Strand, "The Eight Basic Visions," in Symposium on Revelation, Book 1:
Introductory and Exegetical Studies (ed. F. B. Holbrook; DARCOM 6; Silver Spring:
Biblical Research Institute, 1992), 35-49.
Paulien, Deep Things, 122; see also Jon Paulien, "Seals and Trumpets: Some Current
Discussions," in Symposium on Revelation, Book 1: Introductory and Exegetical Studies, (ed.
F. B. Holbrook; DARCOM 6; Silver Spring~ Biblical Research Institute, 1992), 183-98.
Robert M. Johnston, "The Eschatological Sabbath in John's Apocalypse: A Reconsideration," AUSS 25 (1987): 42.
Note the parallels: "God saw all that He had made, and behold, ii was very good. And there
was evening and there was morning, the sixth day. Thus the heavens and the earth
were completed, and all their hosts. By the seventh day God completed His work which He
had done, and He rested on the seventh day from all His work which He had done.
Then God blessed the seventh day and sanctified it, because in it He rested from all His
work which God had created and made" (Gen 1:31-2:3). "And Moses examined all the
228
Mathilde Frey
2.3.
The Number Seven
Jacques B. Doukhan observes that from the most remote times the number
seven has had symbolic value. 29 The Sumerians, Babylonians, Canaanites,
and Israelites regarded the number seven as the symbol of totality and perfection. During the intertestamental period number symbolism, especially
of the number seven, was very popular. 30 C. Newsom has attested to the
similarities between the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice and the book of Revelation based on the use of the number seven. She explains its prominence
deriving from the number of the Sabbath day. 31 In the NT the number seven
occurs 88 times. Fifty-five times of the 88 appear in the book of Revelation.
There are seven lampstands, seven stars, seven seals, seven spirits, seven
angels, seven plagues, seven horns, seven mountains, etc. In its very structure John molded the book around the number seven.
Even more intriguing is the sevenfold occurrence of the designation
Christ, 32 the 14 occurrences of Jesus, the 28 occurrences of the word Lamb
referring to Christ, the sevenfold use of the declaration I am coming, 33 the
seven occurrences of significant divine titles, 34 and the seven beatitudes
scattered throughout the book of Revelation. 35
Richard Bauckham shows that John has deliberately used certain words
and phrases either four times, seven times, fourteen times or twenty-eight
times to convey theological truth. 36 Gregory Beale supports this observation
by saying that, "these patterns involve the Apocalypse's most crucial theological and anthropological terms." 37 This frequent use of the number seven
as the number of completeness and fullness justifies the allusion to the seventh-day Sabbath being utilized as a theological concept for the entire book
of Revelation.
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
work and behold, they had done it; just as the LORD had commanded, this they had
done. So Moses blessed them" (Exod 39:43). "Thus Moses finished the work'' (Exod 40:33).
Doukhan, Secrets of Revelation, 27.
Ibid.
Newsom, "Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice," 1139; Shea, "Sabbath Hymns," 406.
Revelation 1:1, 2, 5; 11:15; 12:10; 20:4, 6.
Revelation 2:5, 16; 3:11; 16:15; 22:7, 12, 20.
See, "I am the Alpha and the Omega" (1:8); "I am the first and the last" (1:17); "I am
the Alpha and the Omega, the beginning and the end" (21:6); "I am the Alpha and the
Omega, the first and the last, the beginning and the end" (22:13).
Revelation 1:3; 14:13; 16:15; 19:9; 20:6; 22:7, 14.
Richard Bauckham, The Climax of Prophecy: Studies on the Book of Revelation (Edinburgh:
Clark, 1993), 30.
Gregory K. Beale, The Book of Revelation (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 62.
229
2.4. "The Lord's Day" in Revelation 1:10

Evidently, it was important for John to make three basic statements before
he described his first vision. In Rev 1:9-10 John defines the specific place
where he received the heavenly visions ("I was on the island called Patmos"}, the cause of his stay on the island of Patmos ("because of the word
of God and the testimony of Jesus"), and the specific time when he heard
the loud voice behind him ("I was in the Spirit on the Lord's day"). Patmos
kept him as a prisoner, but in the Spirit he was free on "the Lord's day" to
hear the voice and to see the Lord. The Greek phrase TO KUplaKfl ~EpQ (the
Lord's day) is unique in its form in the biblical text and scholars debate its
meaning:
l. Sunday. The vast majority of commentaries interpret the phrase "the
Lord's day" as reference to Sunday, the day of worship when the Christians
gathered to read the book of Revelation. 38 There is no question that Sunday
became known as "the Lord's day" in the late second century AD., 39 however, the question is whether Sunday was known as "the Lord's day" in
John's time of the first century AD. and whether John meant Sunday when
he used this phrase. There is no biblical or extra-biblical evidence from the
first century AD. to support the interpretation of "the Lord's day" as Sunday. On the contrary, the NT consistently refers to Sunday as "the first day
of the week." 40 The Gospel of John, which is dated later than the book of
Revelation, refers to Sunday always as "the first day of the week." Thus, it
would have been strange if "the Lord's day" meant Sunday in the book of
Revelation.
2. The Emperor's Day. A second interpretation holds that "the Lord's

day" refers to the Roman emperor's day. 41 Inscriptions confirm that the
Roman emperor claimed the title Kup1oc,; and had a day devoted to imperial
honor. However, the question is if John would refer to the emperor's day as
"the Lord's day" during a time when Christians were persecuted for refus-
38
39
40
41
Beate Kowalski, "Das Verhaltnis von Theologie und Zeitgeschichte in den

Sendschreiben der Johannes-Offenbarung," in Theologie als Vision: Studien zttr JohannesOffenbarung (ed. K. Backhaus; SBS 191; Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2001), 54-76;
Heinz Giesen, Die Offenbarung des Johannes (Regensburg: Pustet, 1997), 85.
The Gospel of Peter 9.35 in Wilhelm Schneemelcher, ed., New Testament Apocrypha
(Philadelphia: Westminster, 1963-1966), 1:224. Clement of Alexandria, Miscellanies 14
in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, 2:459.
Matthew 28:1; Mark 16:2; Luke 24:1; John 20:1,19; Acts 20:7; 1Cor16:2.
James Moffat, "The Revelation of St. John the Divine," in The Expositor's Greek
Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1961), 5:342; Robert H. Charles, The Revelation of
St. John (2 vols.; ICC; Edinburgh: Clark, 1920), 1:23; George R. Beasley-Murray, The
Book of Revelation (NCB; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1981), 65.
Mathilde Frey
230
ing to call the emperor Kup10<; ("lord") and to worship him. 42 One interpretation which could justify "the Lord's day" as referring to the Roman emperor's day would be to see literary features like irony and parody utilized
in the book of Revelation in order to destabilize and demystify the oppressive social and religious order of the ancient Roman Empire. 43 However,
this interpretation implies that the phrase "the Lord's day" would then be
stated in order to divert from the emperor cult and to point to the true day
of worship of the Lord instituted since creation and demanded by the law
of God (Exod 20:8-11 ).
3. Easter Sunday. A third interpretation views "the Lord's day" as Easter
Sunday and an annual event. However, the evidence for this interpretation
does not derive from the biblical text but from writings of the church fathers of the second century A.O., when Easter Sunday was designated as
"the Lord's day."44
4. The Eschatological Day of the Lord. A fourth interpretation comes to the
conclusion that Rev 1:10 speaks of the eschatological day of the Lord in the
context of the OT "day of the Lord" mentioned in Joel 2:11, 31; Amos 5:1820; Zeph 1:14; and Mal 4:5. 45 R. Stefanovic writes, "John was led in vision to
witness the eschatological time of God by observing the events in history
[... ]leading toward the climactic event of the Second Coming." 46 D. Aune
questions this interpretation by asking why then the author did not use the
more common expression ~tpQ TOO Kupiou, which occurs frequently in the
LXX and refers to the eschatological day of the Lord instead of Tfl KUplaKfl
~tpc;_x?47
5. The Sabbath. The interpretation of "the Lord's day" as the seventh-day

Sabbath is put forth by the OT designation "my holy day" and "the holy
day of the Lord" (Isa 58:13; cf. Exod 16:25; 20:10). Furthermore, the expression "the Lord's day" sounds very similar to Jesus' words in all three of the
synoptic Gospels, "The Son of Man is Lord of the Sabbath" (Matt 12:8; Mark
2:27-28; Luke 6:5) signifying the seventh-day Sabbath. J. Ford comes to the
42
43
44
45
46
47
Ranko Stefanovic, Revelation of Jesus Christ: Commentary on the Book of Revelation

(Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 2002), 90.
Harry 0. Maier, Apocalypse Recalled: The Book of Revelation after Christendom (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2002), 166, 181.
Richard Bauckham argues against this interpretation in "The Lord's Day," in From
Sabbath to Lord's Day (ed. D. A. Carson; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1982), 230-31.
William Milligan, The Book of Revelation (Expositor's Bible; Cincinnati: Jennings &
Graham, 1889), 13; Samuele Bacchiocchi, From Sabbath to Sunday: A Historical
Investigation of the Rise of Sunday Observance in Early Christianity (Rome: Pontifical
Gregorian University, 1977), 123-31.
Stefanovic, Revelation, 91.
David E. Aune, Revelation 1-S (WBC 52A; Waco: Nelson, 1997), 84.
231
conclusion that in John's time, "most probably the Christians would still be
keeping the Sabbath, the seventh day." 48
3. Sabbath and Creation

The interpretation of "the Lord's day" as the seventh-day Sabbath suggests
its close relationship to the theme of creation and redemptive re-creation
drawn from the OT. 49 In the vision of Rev 1-3, John saw Christ present to
re-enact the creational process of Gen 1 in order to achieve the sabbatical
realization portrayed at the end of the book of Revelation (Rev 21-22). First,
Christ the Creator and risen Lord, introduced himself as "the Alpha and the
Omega ... the first and the last, and the living One, and I was dead, and
behold, I am alive forevermore, and I have the keys of death and of Hades"
(Rev 1:8, 17,18; cf. 22:13); second, He appeared as the source of life for the
seven churches (Rev 2-3), as the One who will fashion the church into the
New Jerusalem (Rev 21-22); third, He is the One who will accomplish a
cosmic re-creation, a new heaven and a new earth replacing the first heaven
and earth (Rev 21:1; cf. Gen 1:1). The sabbatical consummation is finally
stated in Rev 21 :3-7:
And I heard a loud voice from the throne, saying, "Behold, the tabernacle of God is among men, and He will dwell among them, and they shall
be His people, and God Himself will be among them, and He will wipe
away every tear from their eyes; and there will no longer be any death;
there will no longer be any mourning, or crying, or pain; the first things
have passed away." And He who sits on the throne said, "Behold, I am
making all things new." And He said, "Write, for these words are faithful and true." Then He said to me, "It is done. I am the Alpha and the
Omega, the beginning and the end. I will give to the one who thirsts
from the spring of the water of life without cost. "He who overcomes
will inherit these things, and I will be his God and he will be My son.
According to F. Tavo, this interpretation is also indicated by the sevenfold
division of the book of Revelation and its intensifying character, "performed for the sake of effecting [ ... ] the ultimate realization [... ] the descent
of the New Jerusalem." 50
48
49
so
Josephine Massyngberde Ford, Revelation (AB 38; New York: Doubleday, 1975), 384.
Lay Casey, "The Exodus Theme in the Book of Revelation against the Background
from the New Testament," in Exodus-A Lasting Paradigm (ed. B. van Iersel and A.
Weiler; Edinburgh: Clark, 1987), 34--43; Meredith Kline, "Creation in the Image of the
Glory-Spirit," WT/ 39 (1977): 250-72.
Tavo, "Structure," 54-55.
232
Mathilde Frey
4. Sabbath and Covenant

The new work of creation is depicted as a covenantal process. David Chilton recognizes the theme of the covenant as crucial for the reading of the
entire book of Revelation. 51 The description of the loud voice like the sound
of a trumpet on "the Lord's day" places the entire book of Revelation into
covenant context alluding to the Sinai covenant and the loud trumpet
sound which grew louder and louder when God declared the Ten Commandments (Exod 19:16, 19).
The particularity of Rev 1-3 with regard to the Sabbath and the theme of
the covenant is suggested by phrases such as, "the faithful witness" (1:5)
and "the Amen, the faithful and true witness, the beginning of the creation
of God" (3:14). 52 Christ is introduced as witness of the covenant between
God and the church, which is represented by seven golden lampstands.
Moreover, the author relates clearly to the Sinai covenant by the words,
"He has made us to be a kingdom, priests to His God and Father" (1:6; cf.
Exod 19:6; 24:8). After offering the intimate covenant meal to the church
members of Laodicea (Rev 3:20),53 distinctive covenant language occurs in
the Lamb scene of Rev 5:9-10, "Worthy are You to take the book and to
break its seals; for You were slain, and purchased for God with Your blood
men from every tribe and tongue and people and nation. You have made
them to be a kingdom and priests to our God; and they will reign upon the
earth."
Moreover, the literary link between the throne room vision (Rev 4:5)
and the seventh part of each series of judgments signifies the theme of the
covenant for the entire book. The expression "flashes of lightning and
sounds and peals of thunder"(4:5) alluding to the "thunder and lightning
flashes" at Mount Sinai (Exod 19:16, 19; 20:18) when God established the
covenant with the people of Israel is reverberated at three decisive apocalyptic events: at the opening of the seventh seal (Rev 8:5), at the sounding of
the seventh trumpet (11:19), and at the pouring out of the seventh bowl
(16:18-21). Likewise, just as the ancient account describes the escalating
51
52
53
David Chilton, The Days of Vengeance: An Exposition of the Book of Revelation (Tyler:
Dominion, 1987), xvii-xviii.
See also Rev 19:11, 13; 21:5; 22:6.
Cf. Exod 24:11. The establishment of the Sinai covenant with Moses, Aaron, Nadab,
Abihu, and seventy of the elders of Israel is portrayed by the words "they saw God,
and they ate and drank" similar to the Mari texts, which also describe a covenant
meal.
The TI1eological Concept of the Sabbath in the Book of Revelation
233
sounds at Mount Sinai, the book of Revelation presents the intensifying

character of the three series of judgments. 54
The close connection of "the Lord's day" as the seventh-day Sabbath
with the theme of the covenant suggests the reading of Exod 20:8-11 and
31:11-17 as background for Rev 1:10 as well as for the entire book of Revelation. As part of the Ten Commandments, the biblical Sabbath takes its special position as sign and everlasting covenant in carrying God's covenant
seal. Meredith Kline mentions the description of an international Hittite
treaty document, where the suzerain's dynastic seal appears in the middle
of the treaty document. 55 Likewise, the Sabbath commandment in its central
position contains all ancient constituents of the seal, namely the identity of
the owner and the sphere of ownership and authority. 56 Indeed, the Sabbath
as sign and seal of the covenant with Israel reminded the two parties of
their covenantal agreement written in the book of the covenant "with the
finger of God" (Exod 31:18). 57
In a systematic study of the noun n'"'J:il (covenant), Rolf Rendtorff shows
that the Sabbath as a sign of the everlasting covenant relates explicitly to
creation (Gen 1-2). 58 Doukhan demonstrates that the covenant as a "God54
55
56
57
58
"Then the angel took the censer and filled it with the fire of the altar, and threw it to
the earth; and there followed peals of thunder and sounds and flashes of lightning
and an earthquake" (Rev 8:5). "And the temple of God which is in heaven was
opened; and the ark of His covenant appeared in His temple, and there were flashes of
lightning and sounds and peals of thunder and an earthquake and a great hailstorm"
(Rev 11:19). "And there were flashes of lightning and sounds and peals of thunder;
and there was a great earthquake, such as there had not been since man came to be
upon the earth, so great an earthquake was it, and so mighty" (Rev 16:18). See,
Bauckham, The Climax of Prophecy, 42.
See the treaty between Hattusilis and Ramses II in the tablet "What is in the middle of
the tablet of silver," in James B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the
Old Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), 201; cf. Meredith G. Kline,
Treaty of the Great King: The Covenant Structure of Deuteronomy, Studies and Commentary
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1963), lB.
Owner: God as the creator (Exod 20:11; 31:17); sphere of ownership and authority:
heaven and earth (Gen 1:1-3; Exod 20:11; 31:17).
Menahem Haran, "The Berit 'Covenant': Its Nature and Ceremonial Background," in
Tehilla le-Moshe: Biblical and Judaic Studies in Honor of Moshe Greenberg (ed. M. Cogan, B.
L. Eichler, andJ. H. Tigay; Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1997), 203-19.
Rolf Rendtorff, Canon and Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993), 134. This idea is
supported by Pieter A. H. De Boer, "Quelqes remarques sur l' Arc dans la Nuee (Gen.
9, 8--17)," in Questions Disputes D'Ancien Testament: Methode et Theologie (ed. C.
Brekelmans; Leuven: Leuven Unversity Press, 1974), 105-29. De Boer speaks about
Gen 6:18 and Gen 9:9 where n,,:;i is mentioned with the possessive pronoun '11'"'ql, thus
referring to the divine guarantee which is embodied in creation (der Schiipfungsbund).
See also, L. Dequeker, "Noah and Israel: The Everlasting Divine Covenant with
Israel," in Questions Disputes D'Ancien Testament: Methode et Theologie (ed. C.
234
Mathilde Frey
man relationship" 59 in which God engaged with humanity came into being
on the seventh day of creation (Gen 2:1-3), even though the word covenant
is not used in the creation account. Just as "the faithful witness" appears in
the first vision of the book of Revelation to testify to the renewing of the
covenantal relationship between God and the seven churches, he, "the
Amen, the faithful and true witness, the beginning of the creation of God"
(Rev 3:14) stood as witness at the Sinai covenant in the form of the glorycloud and at the creation covenant as the Spirit of God referred to in Gen
1:2.
5. Sabbath and Judgment

The motif of the loud voice like the sound of a trumpet on "the Lord's day"
points to the judicial aspect of this day. 60 Since creation times, the Hebrew
expression oi (day) carries the designation of divine judgment because of
the first decree of creation, "Let there be light" (Gen 1:3) as expression of
God's sovereignty over darkness. Also, the imagery of Christ with, "eyes
like a flame of fire" (Rev 1:14) represents a feature of judicial assessment.
It becomes obvious that characteristics of the creation account are used
to point to the judicial aspect of the book of Revelation. The imagery of "the
seven eyes, which are the seven Spirits of God sent forth into all the earth"
(Rev 5:6) 61 on judicial missions and the seven torches of fire burning before
the throne (Rev 4:5) seem to point to the sevenfold refrain of the creation
week, "God saw that it was good." 62 M. Kline observes, "divine pronouncement, not just casual observation, is the meaning." 63 The judicial
force of the verb ;i~l (to see) is well attested in Hebrew Scripture. 64 God
judging his own works and pronouncing them good resounds six times and
at the seventh position the declaration is heightened to "very good" (Gen
1:31). Furthermore, the phrase "the seven eyes, which are the seven Spirits
59
60
61
62
63
64
Brekelmans; Leuven: Leuven Unversity Press, 1974), 115-29. Dequeker speaks about
the covenant with Noah as "the theological and situational context of the covenant
God made with Israel and her forefathers. ( ... ) Not only the so called covenant with
Noah, but the entire concept of creation (the preservation of life by God) must be
taken into account as the theological context of covenant (i.e., commihnent) God made
in favor of Israel" (ibid., 128-29).
Jacques B. Doukhan, The Genesis Creation Story: Its Literary Structure (AUSDDS 5;
Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1978), 224.
On judgment and light compare John 1:5; 3:19.
Cf. 2 Chr 16:9; Zech 4:10.
Genesis 1:4, 10, 12, 18, 21, 25.
Meredith Kline, "Primal Parusia," WT/ 40 (1977): 257.
Cf. Exod 39:43, "And Moses examined (N"'!~!) all the work and behold, they had done it;
just as the LORD had commanded, this they had done. So Moses blessed them."
235
of God" (Rev 5:6) seems to allude to Isaiah's prophecy "in the day" the
Lord will make that "the light of the sun will be sevenfold, as the light of
seven days" (Isa 30:26). A sevenfold fullness of light and time marks "the
Lord's day" - a manifestation of the fullness of the Spirit.
The judicial function of the Sabbath also includes the aspect of victory
over the enemy as prelude to the peace and rest of God's kingdom. One
example for the judicial aspect of the Sabbath is God's judgment over the
Canaanites in order for Israel to be established in the realm of rest (Deut
12:10; Josh 21:44). Another example is the description of the jubilee Sabbath
in Isa 61. The great day is seen as God's day of vengeance, a day of liberation and restoration for the meek. Also, in Ps 104 doxology overflows leading through the six days of the creation week into the celebration of the
Sabbath (Ps 104:31-34), but then ending with the theme of judgment (v. 35).
In light of these examples, the Sabbath as "the Lord's day" is closely linked
with the theme of judgment in the OT. The book of Revelation alludes to
the OT and takes up the Sabbath in close connection with the theme of
judgment.
6. Sabbath and Rest

The events described in Rev 4:8; 6:11 and 14:11, 13 clearly depict Sabbath
language where the four living beings do not cease but continue in praise,
"the souls of those who had been slain" were told to "rest a little while
longer;" the worshipers of the beast and its image "have no rest, day or
night;" but the dead who die in the Lord are blessed because they "rest
from their labors." 65 The noun avcmaumc,; (relief, rest, resting-place, ceasing,
stopping) and the verb avarrauw (give relief, refresh, rest, relax) are used to
convey sabbatical rest.
R. Johnston shows that these words and their derivatives are commonly
employed in the LXX to translate the Hebrew nfw (Sabbath) and its derivatives as well as the verb nu (rest) and its derivatives. The usage of these
terms in Rev 6:11 and 14:11, 13 seems to reflect what is called a Sabbath rest
of the righteous dead in Rabbinic literature. 66 The book of Revelation points
to the fulfillment of the promise of rest for "the dead who die in the Lord
from now on." Thus, the concept of eschatological rest indicates the motif of
Sabbath rest as an underlying theme of the book of Revelation.
65
66
Robert M. Johnston, "The Eschatological Sabbath in John's Apocalypse," 47.

Joseph and Aseneth 8:11.
236
Mathilde Frey
7. The Sabbath Commandment in Revelation 14:7

"At the decisive centerpoint of Revelation's description of the final crisis is a
direct allusion to Exod 20." 67 Paulien identifies verbal, thematic, and structural parallels between Rev 14:7 and the Sabbath commandment in Exod
20:8-11 and shows that "there is no direct allusion to the OT in the book of
Revelation that is more certain than the allusion to the fourth commandment in Rev 14:7." 6H The book of Revelation calls for worship and fear of
God in terms and context of the Sabbath commandment in relation to creation.
The first angel of Rev 14 proclaims with a loud voice, "Fear God, and
give Him glory, because the hour of His judgment has come; worship Him
who made the heaven and the earth and sea and springs of waters" (14:7),
thus alluding to the Sabbath commandment of the OT, "For in six days the
LORD made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all that is in them, and
rested on the seventh day; therefore the LORD blessed the Sabbath day and
made it holy" (Exod 20:11).
D. Aune points out that the four key words of Rev 14:7, cpol3toai (fear),
(glory), Kpim<;; (judgment), and TTpOOKUVEW (worship), suggest that the
author is drawing on Ps 96 and 1 Chr 16:8-36 using the LXX text. 69 However, these key words are also found in the account of the Sinai covenant in
Exod 19-24, which, as already demonstrated, seems to be a significant OT
background text for many words and themes in the book of Revelation.
The thunder, the flashes of light, the smoking mountain, and the loud
voice which grew louder and louder at Mount Sinai provoked trembling
and fear in the people of Israel when God came down to establish the covenant. Then Moses said to the people, "Do not be afraid; for God has come in
order to test you, and in order that the fear of Him may remain with you, so
that you may not sin" (Exod 20:18). The Hebrew noun ill:tT (fear) translated
as cp613o<;; derives from the root Ni' (to fear, be afraid of, stand in awe). The
people of Israel are to fear and stand in awe before their God so that they
hate evil and sin.
In Exod 24:16-17, the text emphasizes strongly the glory of God which
came down on top of the Mountain and rested there, "the glory of the
LORD rested on Mount Sinai, and the cloud covered it for six days; and on
the seventh day He called to Moses from the midst of the cloud. And to the
eyes of the sons of Israel the appearance of the glory of the LORD was like a
00~0
67
68
69
Jon Paulien, "Revisiting the Sabbath in the Book of Revelation," /ATS 9 (1998): 183.
Ibid, 185.
David E. Aune, Revelation 6-16 (WBC 52B; Waco: Nelson, 1997), 827.
237
consuming fire on the mountain top." This text incorporates several important features: the word rested is the Hebrew pu.i (rest, dwell, settle down), from
which derives i;:11pQ (tabernacle). God's glory dwelt on the mountain for six
.days and on the seventh day Moses met with God in the cloud. The text
marks here clearly the connection of the creation account with the Sinai
covenant. The glory appeared like a consuming fire. The book of Revelation
takes all of these features and presents God in His heavenly sanctuary in
full glory with the burning lamps in front of the throne.
The key element of judgment appears in close relationship with the
Sabbath commandment. In the Sinai account the Hebrew word for judgment occurs when Moses appoints Aaron and Hur for legal matters during
his absence. However, the loud voice like a trumpet, the lightning, thunder,
and the smoking mountain bring about the nature of judgment.
The last of the key words npocrKuvtw (worship) appears in the book of
Revelation 24 times, half of the times in connection with the twenty-four
elders. Another term for worship is AarpEuw, which occurs twice in connection with the worship service of the redeemed (Rev 7:15; 22:3). The commandment in Exod 20:5 deals explicitly with worship, and in Exod 24:1
Moses, Aaron, Nadab, Abihu, together with the seventy elders, go up to the
Lord and worship from a distance. The meeting between God and this
group of people culminates in the ratification of the covenant by a covenant
meal (Exod 24:11). In the book of Revelation, worship seems to be the central issue in close relationship with the Sabbath alluding to the Sabbath
commandment in Exod 20 and its context.
8. Summary and Conclusions

If the book of Revelation had been read out loud in front of a first-century
Christian audience, the question would have been, "which indicators and
concepts have made alive their understanding of the Scriptures?" Looking
at the sevenfold division with its culminating part of the vision of the New
Jerusalem and at the chiastic structuring with the Sabbath commandment at
the center of the center (Rev 14:7), observing the prominent use of the number seven as a number of completeness and sabbatical fulfillment, Sabbath
language and Sabbath allusions seem to run through the entire book. Analyzing the phrase "the Lord's day" in Rev 1:10, the direct allusion to the
Sabbath in Rev 14:7, and the language of sabbatical rest, the underlying
theological concept becomes more and more obvious. The Sabbath as a sign
of the completeness of creation and re-creation, as a sign of the covenantal
relationship established by God, and as a sign of the eschatological day of
judgment may have served the author of the book of Revelation as an un-
238
Mathilde Frey
derlying theological concept, thus linking the first part of the Bible with the
last part.
This investigation shows that the question for the Sabbath in the book of
Revelation does not focus on arguments for or against Sabbath keeping, but
places the Sabbath in the context of the entire biblical message and addresses the theological and historical issues of the Sabbath. The following
theological implications may be suggested for further investigation:
1. The Sabbath is first of all God's institution in time. Since the message
of the book of Revelation is cast in the concept of the Sabbath as God's institution, theological implications need to be drawn and presented from the
perspective of the Hebrew concept of time. 70 In Hebrew thought, time is
always new and received as a gift associated with life. Time and human
history are closely connected. The course of events is not imposed from
outside but belongs to intrinsic human experience. Events are described in a
chronological manner together with the divine interventions. The book of
Revelation shows that history has a beginning and develops towards an
end by divine intervention. This dynamic future-orientation of time and
history even expecting new things which are to come after the end of
earth's history is built upon the concept of the Sabbath and instills in the
here and now the hope for the not yet.
At the same time, Hebrew thought includes also the concept of synchronic time. J. Doukhan explains that the concept of synchronic time is
possible because of the content of time which prevails over chronology.
This means that events which are apart and distant in time can, if their content is similar, be regarded as simultaneous. This phenomenon is often used
in the speeches of the OT prophets, who envision a future event with reference to a past event by the use of the perfectum propheticum. John seems to
apply just this Hebrew concept of time when he tells of the fulfillment of
divine events which are yet to come.
2. John received the visions recorded in the book of Revelation on the
Sabbath day, "the Lord's day." This explicit statement at the beginning of
the book may function as a marker and device for the importance of the
Sabbath as dateline leading up to the sevenfold structure which then points
to the climax at the end of the book. It may also signify the dynamic futureorientation and completeness of time according to the creation account
(Gen 1-2) and the stability of time and history initiated by divine command
and cared for by divine interventions. This understanding goes contrary to
Meier's conclusion that the vision of the end leaves us with instability on all
70
Jacques B. Doukhan, Hebrew for Theologians: A Textbook for the Study of Biblical Hebrew in
Relation to Hebrew Thinking (Lanham: University Press of America, 1993), 200-207.
239
sides promising no end at all, only challenging its hearers and readers to
believe and live faithfully in order to "subvert" this world. 71 The concept of
the Sabbath in the book of Revelation suggests that earth's time and history
is not uncertain or unstable, but is perceived from a divine perspective including the events happening in the course of time. It implies divine initiation, order, chronology, simultaneity, rhythm, etc. and points to a real end
brought about by divine creation.
3. Collins concludes that "the purpose of the Apocalypse seems to be the
resolution of tension aroused by a perceived social crisis" 72 in the first century AD. If the Sabbath is taken as a basic concept for the message of the
book of Revelation, nothing could be further from the truth. The chiastic
structure focusing on the Sabbath of the fourth commandment makes clear
that the issue does not revolve around a social crisis during the first century
AD., but marks the fundamental crisis of humanity in relation to its Creator. The center point of the book of Revelation is an angel's call for a change
in perspective, for a transformation of the heart in the spirit of the Sabbath.
Here, the Sabbath reveals divine law and divine love in the context of the
everlasting gospel.
71
72
Maier, Apocalypse Recalled, 197.

Adela Yarbo Collins, Crisis and Catharsis: The Power of the Apocalypse (Philadelphia:
Westminster, 1984), 170.
DIE GEBOTE IN OFFENBARUNG
12,17
JOHANNES KOVAR
1. Einleitung
Das Thema Geist der Weissagung" in Offb 12,17 wurde schon von Gerhard Pfand! in einem ausfhrlichen Artikel errtert. 1 Ich mchte mich daher
hier nur dem anderen Kennzeichen der brigen" widmen: dem Halten
der Gebote Gottes".
Wir wollen mit exegetischen Mitteln klren, was unter den Geboten"
zu verstehen ist und wie der im Griechischen mehrdeutige Begriff halten /
bewahren" verstanden werden soll. Dazu wird es notwendig sein, den
Kontext im Buch Offenbarung zu beachten. Wir mssen auch klren, inwiefern das AT die Formulierung von Johannes beeinflusst haben knnte.
In der Vergangenheit wurde von adventistischer Seite schon oft behauptet, dass Offb 12,17 die Zehn Gebote im Blick hat. 2 In diesem Artikel mchte
ich diese These mit unterschiedlich gelagerten Argumenten erhrten.
2. Begriffsklrung
2.1. Die Gebote
Der Ausdruck EVTOA~ kann verschieden bersetzt werden: Auftrag, Anweisung, Gebot, Gesetz". 3 Diese Anweisungen und Gebote kommen im NT
von Menschen, von Jesus oder von Gott. Es knnen Einzelgebote, aber auch
das Gesetz in seiner Gesamtheit gemeint sein.
Gerhard Pfand!, The Remnant Church and the Spirit of Prophecy", in Symposium on
Revelation: Exegetical and General Studies, Book 2, hg. F. B. Holbrook (DARCOM 7),
Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 1992, 295-334.
Ibid 303: Whatever eise we may see in the expression, ,the commandments of God'
(tas entolas tou Theou), we must certainly include the Ten Commandments". Skip
MacCarty, In Granite or Ingrained? What the Old and New Covenants Reveal About the
Gospel, the Law, and the Sabbath, Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 2007, 200:
(Rev 12:17; 14:12). In view of Revelation's many allusions to the Ten
Commandments, it would be hard to argue that these texts do not have prominently
in mind both the Ten Commandments and the law's characteristic call to obedience".
Walter Bauer, Griechisch-deutsches Wrterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testaments und
der frhchristlichen Literatur, Berlin: de Gruyter, 61988, 543.
Johannes Kovar
242
Interessant ist, dass die Gebote Gottes mit unterschiedlichen Verben

verbunden werden4, ohne dass dabei ein groer Bedeutungsunterschied
festzustellen ist. 5 Ich fhre nachstehend immer nur ein Beispiel an, speziell
aus der johanneischen Literatur, weil Johannes den Ausdruck EVTOA~ berproportional oft verwendet6:
weil wir seine
Gebote halten
wer meine
Gebote hat und
sie hlt
r11ptw
halten,
beobachten
lJo 3,22
TI rac; EVTOAO<;
auroO r11poOEv
EXW
haben
Jo 14,21
6 EXWV rac; EVTOAO<;

ou Kai n1pwv
aurac;
l\a(Jvw
empfangen
2Jo4
Ka8wc; tvrnl\~v
tl\aoEv napa rnO
nmp6c;
wie wir von

dem Vater ein
Gebot empfangenhaben
no1tw
tun, befolgen
lJo 5,2
rav r6v 8E6v

ayanWEV Kai TC<;
EVTOAO<; auroO
norwEv
nEprrrartw
wandeln
2Jo 6
'iva nEpmmwEv
KOTO rac; EVTOAO<;
aurnO
wenn wir Gott

lieben und
seine Gebote
befolgen
dass wir nach
seinen Geboten
wandeln
<pu>.aaaw
halten,
beobachten
SMo
8,6 LXX
(oft)
Kai <puM~n rac;

tvrnMc; Kupiou roO
8EO OOU
Halte nun die

Gebote des
HERRN, deines Gottes
In der LXX findet sich cpul\aaaw (mit aktiver oder medialer Form verwendet) sehr hufig im Zusammenhang von Gesetz und Geboten. Genauso
auch in der auerbiblischen Literatur. Eigentlich hat cpuA<laaw die Bedeutung wachen, bewachen, behten, Wache halten" und nur mit Gebot/Gesetz heit es vor Verletzung bewahren = beobachten, befolgen,
einhalten".7 Das Gleiche gilt auch fr Tr]PEW, das bewachen, bewahren,
verwahren, bewahren = nicht verlieren oder = behten, schtzen" bedeutet
und mit Gebot/Gesetz die Bedeutung bewahren von Lehre und Gesetz=
beobachten, erfllen, halten" annimmt. 8 Eigentlich sind cpuMxaaw und
Vgl. Gottlob Schrenk, tvro~", 1WNT 2:541-53, dort 550.
Hans-Helmut Eer, tvro~ III", ThBNT 1:625-27, dort 626; so auch Harald Riesenfeld,
TrJptw", 1WNT 8:139-51, dort 144.
Klaus Haacker, EVTO~ III", ThBNT 1:623-25, dort 623.
Bauer, Wrterbuch, 1731-32.
Ibid., 1624-25.
Die Gebote in Offenbarung 12,17
243
rr1ptw als synonym zu bezeichnen, wenngleich die LXX cpuAaoow bevorzugt und das NT - speziell auch Johannes -viel lieber Tr]PEW verwendet. 9
Die beiden Verben cpuMoow und Tr]PEW werden also durchaus gleichwertig gebraucht. 10 Man sieht das deutlich an ihrer Verwendung:
1. in einem Parallelismus11 ,
2. in bedeutungsgleichen Formulierungen wie dem sehr hufigen
cpuA6om:1v TC<; EVTOJ..6<; und der offensichtlich gleichwertigen Wendung
TllPEiV TC<; EVTOM<;,
3. aber auch in dem fr uns interessanten Beispiel des reichen Jnglings:
Jesus fordert ihn auf, die Gebote zu halten (TllPEW Mt 19,17), worauf erbekrftigt, sie befolgt zu haben (cpuMoow Mt 19,20).
2.2. Die Gebote Gottes"

Nicht immer wird in der Bibel klar, was mit den Geboten Gottes" gemeint
ist. Manchmal scheint es die gesamte Tora zu sein, manchmal sind es die
Zehn Gebote oder es ist ein Einzelgebot.
Oft wird argumentiert, dass bei den Synoptikern (Mk 12,28-31), bei Paulus (R 13,9) und bei Johannes Go 13,34; lJo 4,21) das Liebesgebot entscheidend sei und daher auch in Offb 12,17 gemeint sein msse. 12
Allerdings lassen Texte wie Mt 15,3--4 (= Mk 7,9-10) bzw. Mt 19,17-20
und R 13,9 klar erkennen, dass die Zehn Gebote fr dieselben Schreiber
allergrte Wichtigkeit haben und auch als die Gebote Gottes" bezeichnet
werden oder nach Jakobus das Gesetz" bedeuten Gak 2,10-12). Die Gebote" und das Gesetz" sind beides Ausdrcke, die auch fr den Dekalog
verwendet werden. 13
Es ist daher durchaus zu erwarten, dass auch die Johannesoffenbarung
den Zehn Geboten besondere Bedeutung beimisst.
11
10
11
12
13
Riesenfeld, Tr]ptw", TWNT8:139-51.

Ernst Lohrneyer, Die Offenbarung des Johannes (HNT 16), Tbingen: Mohr, 21953, 9. Er
meint allerdings, dass Tl"JPEW mehr die Bedeutung von Observanten" besitze. Dies
scheint mir aber nicht zuzutreffen. Interessant, dass R. H. Charles, A Crilical and
Exegetical Commentary on tlie Revelation of St. John, 2 Bde. (ICC), Edinburgh: Clark, 1920,
1:369, den Umstand, dass beide Verben synonym sind, offensichtlich nicht beachtet.
Spr 2,11; 4,23; 13,3; 16,17; 19,16; Dan 9,4; Jo 17,12. Einige dieser Verse werden
aufgezhlt von H.-G. Schtz, Tl"]ptw", NIDNTT 2: 132-33, und cpuMcrcrw", NIDNNT
2:134-35.
Siehe z.B. Louis A. Vos, The Synoptic Traditions in tlie Apocalypse, Kampen: Kok, 1965,
203. Er argumentiert, dass das in der Offenbarung erwhnte Wort Gottes" nichts
anderes als die Evangelientradition und in 12,17 speziell das Liebesgebot gemeint sei.
Siehe ganz deutlich 2Mo 24,12: damit ich dir die steinernen Tafeln, das Gesetz (qin /
v6o<;) und das Gebot (i1Hfr;J / EVTOA~) gebe".
244
Johannes Kovar
3. Der Zeitpunl~t
Aufgrund von strukturellen berlegungen kann man durchaus berzeugend zur Schlussfolgerung gelangen, dass Offb 12,17 die Endphase des
Konflikts zwischen der Frau und dem Drachen beschreibt. 14 Diese Sicht
wird auch von vielen Kommentatoren geteilt. 15
4. Die Gebote in Offb 12,17

In der Offenbarung kommt der Ausdruck tvroM nur an zwei Stellen vor 16,
die groe hnlichkeit aufweisen:
Offb 12,17: cm~A8Ev TTOl~Oal n6AEov ETa TWV Aomwv TO anE:paroc;
OlJr~<; TWV TllPOUVTWV Tel<; EVTOAac; TO 8E00 Kai EXOVTWV T~V aprupiav
'lriooO.
Offb 14,12: miE ~ UTTOov~ TWV ayiwv EOTiV, oi Tl']pOVTE<; Tel<; EVTOAcl<;
TO 8E00 Kai T~V TTiOTIV 'lriooO.
In diesen beiden Texten geht es um eine Beschreibung der Glubigen, in

der konkrete Kennzeichen aufgelistet sind. Da das Halten der Gebote Gottes" in beiden Passagen erwhnt wird, muss es fr Johannes besondere Bedeutung gehabt haben. In beiden Abschnitten sind die Ausdrcke tvroM
und rriptw (immer als Partizip) miteinander verknpft und durch den Genitiv Gottes" nher bestimmt.
Schauen wir uns Offb 12,17 genauer an. Sofort fllt der parallele Aufbau
der beiden Kennzeichen der brigen auf:
TWV Tl']pOUVTWV
Tel<; EVTOAcl<;
TO 8E00
tx6vrwv
r~v
'lriooO
Partizip Prs. Gen. Pl.
Objekt im Akk.
aprupiav
Kai
Gen. Sg.
Man kann aufgrund dieser sicher bewusst bereingestimmten Struktur

schlieen, dass beide Elemente ganz eng miteinander verbunden sind.
14
15
16
William H. Shea, Tue Parallel Literary Structure of Revelation 12 and 20", AUSS 23
(1985):37-54, speziell 45 und 49.
David E. Aune, Revelation 6-16 (WBC 52B), Nashville: Nelson, 1998, 709 und 712;
Simon J. Kistemaker, Exposition of the Book of Revelation (NTC), Grand Rapids: Baker,
2001, 370; Grant R. Osbome, Revelation (BECNT), Grand Rapids: Baker, 2002, 452 und
486. G. K. Beale, The Book of Revelation: A Commentary 011 the Creek Text (NIGTC), Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999, 678-80, klingt etwas unsicher.
Eine dritte Stelle wre nach dem Textus Receptus Offb 22,14: MaKilQLOL oi TtOLovm;
-rite; EvwAitc; auw [NA2 7: TIAuvov-rcc; -rite; m:oAitc; av-rwv], [va fo-rm i] EE.ouaia
av-rwv ETii -ro l;uAov -rf]c; Cwf]c;, Kai wie; TtuAwmv cicrtA8wcrtv Eie; u']v Tt6Atv. Diese
Lesart hat zwar einigen Rckhalt in den alten Handschriften und Versionen, hilft uns
aber in der Bewertung von Offb 12,17 kaum und bleibt daher in meiner Arbeit
unbercksichtigt.
245
Wenn in der ersten Aussage Gottes" ein Genitivus Subjectivus ist, und
daran kann kein Zweifel bestehen, dann ist zu erwarten, dass dies auch fr
die zweite Nherbestimmung Jesu" gilt. So wie die Gebote von Gott
stammen, so kommt auch das Zeugnis von Jesus.
In der Vergangenheit wurden natrlich schon unterschiedliche Vorschlge gemacht, was unter den Geboten Gottes" in Offb 12,17 gemeint
sein knnte. Hier eine kleine bersicht:
1. Viele Kommentatoren gehen auf die Fragestellung gar nicht ein und
lassen alles offen.17
2. Die Gebote Gottes" sind in einem sehr allgemeinen Sinn zu verstehen
(hnlich wie lKo 7,19). 18
3. Alle Gebote im Wort Gottes, besonders die ethischen Forderungen,

sind angesprochen. 19
4. Die Formulierung schliet die ganze Offenbarung des Alten und Neuen Bundes mit ein. 20
5. Da im NT das Liebesgebot entscheidend ist, muss es auch in Offb
12,17 gemeint sein. 21
6. Besonders der zweite Teil der Zehn Gebote und das Liebesgebot sind
gemeint. 22
7. Dem steht die adventistische Sicht gegenber, die bei der Deutung der
Gebote Gottes" immer an die Zehn Gebote (und speziell das Sabbatgebot) gedacht hat. 23
Ich mchte nun einige Argumente dafr auflisten, dass in Offb 12,17
und auch 14,12 die Zehn Gebote gemeint sind.
4.1. berlegungen zu Kontext und Strul~tur

Der Text Offb 12,17 ist in den groen Abschnitt der Kapitel 12-14 eingebettet. Eingeleitet wird diese Passage von der Einleitungsvision in Offb 11,1519 und abgeschlossen von einer weiteren Himmelsvision in Offb 15,1-8. 24 In
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
Charles, Reuelation, 1:331-32; Lcon Morris, The Book of Reuelation: An lntroducfion and
Commentary (TNTC 20), Leicester: Inter-Varsity, 21996, 160; Ben Witherington III,
Reue/ation (NCBC), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, 171-72.
Robert H. Mounce, The Book of Reuelation (NICNT), Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998,
242.
So offensichtlich Osbome, Reuelation, 486 und 543.
Beale, Book of Reuelation, 766; Kistemaker, Reuelation, 370.
Vos, Synoptic Traditions in the Apocalypse, 203.
Aune, Reuelation 6-16, 709-12.
Siehe dazu die Interpretation von Ellen G. White am Ende dieses Artikels.
Die Frage, inwieweit dieser Abschnitt in zwei Richtungen (rckwrts und vorwrts)
blickt, diskutiert Anthony MacPherson, The Mark of the Beas! as a ,Sign
246
Johannes Kovar
diesen Abschnitten werden ausdrcklich die Bundeslade (Offb 11,19) und

der Tempel des Zeltes des Zeugnisses im Himmel" (Offb 15,5) erwhnt.
Ein Leser damals assoziierte die Bundeslade zweifelsohne mit den Zehn
Geboten, weil die beiden im AT oft in einem Atemzug erwhnt werden. 25
Man kann sicher die Behauptung aufstellen, dass Offb 11,19 und 15,5
eine Art inclusio um die Kapitel 12-14 bilden, mit der Absicht, die Zehn
Gebote zu einem Hauptthema in diesem entscheidenden Kampf zu machen.26
Die Struktur der Offenbarung hat besonders adventistische Theologen
schon immer sehr beschftigt. Wenn wir uns jetzt nur auf den mittleren Teil
der Apokalypse beschrnken, sieht man den bedeutsamen Platz, den die
Gebote in Offb 12,17 einnehmen. Folgende Darstellung soll das verdeutlichen27:
A Heiligtumsszene - Bundeslade (mit Zehn Geboten) (11, 19)
B Aufruf, die Gebote Gottes zu halten (12,17)
C Aufruf, die Pseudo-Schpfung anzubeten (13,14-17)
C' Aufruf, den wahren Schpfer anzubeten (14,6-7)
B' Aufruf, die Gebote Gottes zu halten (14,12)
A' Heiligtumsszene - Tempel des Zeltes (mit Zehn Geboten) (15,5)
Da vieles in der Einleitungsvision Offb 11,15-19 spter in Offb 12-22 von
Johannes neuerlich aufgegriffen wird, ist es nicht verwunderlich, dass auch
das Thema der Gebote in 12,17 und 14,12 schon von Beginn weg angekndigt wird und dann ganz prominent ist. Durch die Verknpfung mit der
25
26
27
Commandment' and ,Anti-Sabbath' in the Worship Crisis of Revelation 12-14", AUSS

43 (2005): 267-83, dort 272-73. Fr 11,19 sind sich die adventistischen Ausleger einig,
dass auch ganz stark vorwrts in den Abschnitt der Kapitel 12-22 geblickt wird. Siehe
z. B. Ekkehardt Mller, Recapitulation in Revelation 4-11", /ATS 9 (1998): 260-77,
dort 275.
2Mo 25,16: Diese Stelle ist besonders prgnant, weil hier zum ersten Mal im AT von
der Bundeslade die Rede ist und auch gleich ihr Zweck genannt wird, nmlich als
Aufbewahrungsort der Zehn Gebote zu dienen; 2Mo 25,21; 30,6; 5Mo 10,1-5; lK 8,9;
2Chr 5,10; Hbr 9,4.
MacPherson, Mark of the Beast", 275. Ekkehardt Mller, Microstructural Analysis of
Revelation 4-11 (AUSDDS 21), Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1996, 57578, sieht in seinem Diagramm den Genitiv Gottes" von 11,19 (Tempel Gottes") mit
12,17 (Geboten Gottes") in einer mikrostrukturellen Beziehung stehen. Allerdings
wrde ich hier lieber die inhaltliche Seite betonen wollen, die eher einen
Zusammenhang zwischen der Bundeslade und den Geboten nahelegt.
William H. Shea, Tue Controversy over the Commandments in the Central Chiasm
of Revelation", /ATS 11 (2000): 216-31, dort 229.
247
Einleitungsvision knnen wir davon ausgehen, dass Johannes in 12,17 und

14,12 den Dekalog im Sinn hat.
In gewisser Weise dient Offb 12,17 als berschrift fr das, was in den
nachfolgenden Kapiteln im Detail ausgefhrt wird. 26 Kapitel 13 beschreibt
den Kampf, Kapitel 14 das Wesen und die Botschaft der Gemeinde der brigen.
Zweifelsohne ist das Thema der Anbetung ein zentrales Anliegen dieses
Abschnittes. Der mehrmalig erwhnten falschen Anbetung 29 steht der markante und einmalige Aufruf in Offb 14,7 entgegen, den Schpfergott anzubeten. Offensichtlich handelt es sich dabei um eine Anspielung auf 2Mo
20,11. 30
4.2. Die Zehn Gebote in der Offenbarung

Nun gibt es schon vor und knapp nach Offb 12,17 Anspielungen auf die
Zehn Gebote oder sogar Zitate, die auf sie Bezug nehmen. 31 Schauen wir
uns einige Passagen etwas nher an.
4.2. l. Offenbarung 5,3

Himmel ...
Erde .
unter der
Erde
Offb 5,3
2Mo 20,4 = 5Mo 5,8 (LXX)
Kai OUEi<; touvmo tv T oupav

OUE trrl Tl'j<; yfi<; OUE LmOKCrrw
Tfi<; vfic; avo~ai TC 1>.iov OTE
AETTEIV aUTO.
OU TTOl~OEI<; OEaUT E'iWAOV OUE

rravr6c; 6oiwa aa tv T
oupav VW Kai aa EV Tfl Vfl
KOTW Kai aa tv roic; aa1v
LmOKOTW Tfi<; Vfi<;
Diese Parallele findet sich als Hinweis in der Randbeigabe von NA26 und
NA27 (nicht aber in lteren Ausgaben32) und auch bei einigen Kommentatoren33.
28
29
30
31
32
33
Jon Paulien, Revisiting the Sabbath in the Book of Revelation", /ATS 9 (1998): 179---86,
dort 182.
lbid., 182. Siehe Offb 13,4.8.12.15; 14,9.11. Allein die hufige Nennung des Verbs
anbeten" zeigt, dass es sich um ein Hauptthema des Abschnitts handeln muss.
lbid., 179---86. Paulien listet als Argumente zugunsten dieser Sicht verbale, thematische
(Erlsung, Gericht, Schpfung) und strukturelle Parallelen auf.
MacCarty, In Granite or Ingrained?, 199-200, nennt fr die Offenbarung folgende
Anspielungen auf die Zehn Gebote: Offb 1,10; 2,14.20; 3,8; 9,20-21; 11,18--19; 12,17;
14,7.12; 15,5; 21,8. Ich schlage allerdings vor, diese Liste weiter zu vervollstndigen.
Gleichzeitig wird von NA26 und NA27 auch auf den hnlichen Text Offb 5,13
verwiesen, der aber ohne Hinweis auf das AT abgedruckt wird und im Register des
Anhangs nicht erwhnt wird.
Charles, Revelation, 1:139, fhrt die Stellen 2Mo 20,4 und 11 an; Osbome, Revelation,
261, erwhnt die gleichen Texte.
248
Johannes Kovar
4.2.2. Offenbarung 9,20-21

Offb 9,20-21
2Mo20(LXX)
Gtzen anbeten
lva ~ rrpoaKu~aoua1v Tc
a16v1a Kai TC Ei&>.a
ou rro1~arn; arnun~ Ei&>.ov (V 4)

... ou rrpoaKuv~cmc; auToic; out
~ AmpEuanc; auToic; (V 5)
tten
Kai ou ETEv6ricrav EK Twv q>6vwv

auTWV
ou cpovEUaEI<; (V 13 [LXX 15])
ehebrechen
EK Ti')c; rropvEiac; auTwv
ou OIXEUOEI<; (V 14 [LXX 13])
stehlen
tK Twv KAEerrwv auTwv
ou KM111t1c; (V 15 [LXX 14])
Es gibt viele Kommentatoren, die in Offb 9,20-21 den Dekalog als alttestamentliches Vorbild sehen. 34
4.2.3. Offenbarung 10,6

Sabbat und
Schpfung
Offb 10,6
Kai woaEV EV T4J ~WVTI Ei<; TOU<;
aiwvac; Twv aiti.Jvwv, c; EKTlaEV
TOV oupav6v Kai Ta EV auT4J Kai
rriv vfiv Kai Ta EV alrrfl Kai Tiiv
aa>.aaaav Kai Ta tv alrrfl, T1
xp6voc; OUKETI EaTQI
2Mo 20,11 (LXX)

tv ycp f.~ ~tpa1c; trroirim:v
Kp1oc; TOV oupav6v Kai ll'lv yfiv
Kai T~V aa>.aaaav Kai TTCVTa Ta EV
allToic; Kai KOTETTaUOEV Tfl ~EPQ
Tfl t6n 1a TOTO Eu>.6yr]OEV
Kup1oc; T~v ~tpav T~v tooriv
Kai ~yiaOEV auT~V
Auch hier wurde in der Vergangenheit schon ein Zusammenhang mit den
Zehn Geboten gesehen. 35
4.2.4. Offenbarung 13-14

10
Inhalt
Bildmachen36
34
35
36
Offb 13-14
Atywv TOic; KOTOIKOOIV ETTi Tiic;
viic; rro1fiaa1 EIK6va T4> Bripi4J
2Mo20(LXX)
ou rro11'Jat1c; OEaUT4> Ei&Aov
out rravr6c; 6oiwa (V 4)
Siehe z.B. NA27, wo zu Offb 9,20-21 die Parallele 2Mo 20,13-15 am Rand vermerkt ist.
Fr die Kommentatoren siehe z. B. Aune, Revelation 6-16, 544; Charles, Revelation,
1:255; Lohmeyer, Offenbarung, 83; Mounce, Revelation, 198; Heinz Giesen, Die
Offenbarung des Johannes (RNT), Regensburg: Pustet, 1997, 226; Heinrich Kraft, Die
Offenbarung des Johannes (HNT 16a), Tbingen: Mohr, 1974, 144; Ulrich B. Mller, Die
Offenbarung des Johannes (TK 19), Gtersloh: Mohn, 1984, 198. Osbome, Revelation,
387, meint, dass die Gebote 2 - 6 - 7 - 8 angesprochen sind.
Siehe nochmals die Randbt'!igabe in NA27 und auch schon die lteren Ausgaben (ab
Nestle '1898), die alle 2Mo 20,11 vermerken. Genauso auch Mounce, Revelation, 206;
Charles, Reve/ation, 1:263; Aune, Revelation 6-16, 565.
J. Massyngberde Ford, Revelation: Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (AB 38),
Garden City: Doubleday, 1975, 224: the actual making of an image for the monster is
a direct infringement of Exod 20:3-4". Vgl. Alan F. Johnson, Revelation", EBC 12:531.
249
(13,14)
Kai t6811 aun~ ovai TIVEOa
Tfl EIK6v1 rn 811piou, iva Kai
AaAr'jon r'j EiKwv rn 811piou
(13,15)
E'i m; rrpooKuvEi T6 811piov Kai
Tr'jv EIK6va aurnO (14,9)
oi rrpOOKUVOVTE<,; T6 811piov Kai
Tr'jv EIK6va aUTO (14,11)
Gtzen
anbeten37
Kai rrpoaEKUVl')Oav T4' paKOVTI,

T1 EOWKEV Tr'jv t~ouoiav T4'
811pi4J, Kai rrpoaEKUVl'JOOV T4'
8r]pi4J (13,4)
Kai TTpoDKUVr'jOOUOIV aUTOV
rraVTE<,; oi KaTOIKOVTE<,; trri Tfl<,;
vflc,;(13,8)
iva rrpoaKuvr'joouo1v r6 811piov
T6 rrpwTov (13,12)
Kai rro1r'jon [iva] oo1 tav r'j
TTpoDKUVr'jOWOIV Tfl EiKOVI TO
8r]piou arr0Kmv8wo1v (13,15)
E'i Tl<,; TTpoDKUVEi TO 811piov Kai
Tr'jv EiK6va auTO (14,9)
oi TTpoDKUVOVTE<,; TO 811piov Kai
Tr'jv EiK6va auTO (14,11)
OU TTpoaKUVr'jOEI<,; aurni<,; OUE r'j

AaTpEuon<,; aurni<,; (V 5)
Namen
Gottes
missbrauchen38
ETTi Ta<,; KEcpaA<'I<,; aurn 6v6a[m]

>.aocp11la<,; (13, 1)
Kai t6811 auT4J ar6a AaAoOv
EyaAa Kai >.aocprila<,; (13,5)
Kai ~VOl~EV TO ar6a aUTO Ei<,;
>.aocp11ia<,; rrp6<,; T6v 8E6v
>.aocp11floa1 TO voa aurnO
(13,6)
ou Ar'jljJn T6 voa Kupiou To

8Eo0 oou trri aral41 (V 7)
Sabbat und
Zahl
ap186<,; yap av8pwrrou tariv,

Kai 6 ap186<,; aUTO E~aKOOIOI
E~r'jKOVTa f~ (13,18)
vr'jo81')TI Tr'jv r'jtpav TWV

oamwv ay1a~EIV auTr'jV (V 8)
f~ r'jtpac,; tpyQ Kai TTOlr'jOEI<,;
rravra Ta fpya oou (V 9)
Tfl t r'jtpQ Tfl t6n oaam
KUpi4J (V 10)
keine Arbeit
Kai 'iva r'j Tl<,; UVl')Tal ayopaoai

~ rrwAfloa1 (13,17) 39
Tfl t r'jtpQ Tfl t6n oama

KUpi4J T4J 8E4J OOU OU TTOlr'jOEI<,;
tv auTfl rrv fpyov (V 10)
37
38
39
Osbome, Revelation, 497, fhrt 2Mo 20,3 als Parallele an.

Ibid., 500.
Nach Neh 10,32 (LXX rnu<,; ayopaoouc,;) bzw. 13,15-22 (LXX V 16 rrwAoOVTE<,; tv T4J
oam4J) ist gerade das Handeltreiben nicht mit dem Sabbatgebot vereinbar.
250
Johannes Kovar
lange Auflistung von
Personen
Kai na1Ei TIVTac;, TOU<; 1Kpauc;

Kai Taue; EyAauc;, Kai Taue;
TIAauoiauc; Kai TOU<; mwxauc;,
Kai muc; EAEU8tpauc; Kai muc;
au.\auc;, 'iva OWOIV auraic;
(13,16)
OU Kai 6 Ui6c; oau Kai ~ 8uyTl']p

oau 6 naic; oau Kai ~ naiicrKl'J
oau 6 ac; oau Kai r6
UTia~uy16v OaU Kai TIV KTftv6c;
oau Kai 6 npao~A.umc; 6
napalKWV tv oai (V 10)
tten
au cpoVEUOEI<; (V 13 (LXX 15))
ehebrechen
lgen
Et Tl<; EV axaipn arraKTav8ftva1

auTV EV axaipn arraKTav8ftva1
(13,10)
tv ~ npaOKUV~OWOIV T[I EiKOVI
TO 81']piau arraKTCJV8WalV
(13,15)
aumi Eimv a'i ETCJ yuvalKWV auK
tahllv811oav, nap8tvo1 (14,4)
~ EK m o'ivau m 8ua rftc;
napvEiac; (14,8)
Kai tv r4J ar6m1 aurwv aux
Euptel'] ljlEOOoc; (14,5)
au OIXEUOEI<; (14 (LXX 13))
au 1j1Euoaprup~oE1c; KOTO m
nA.rioiav oau aprupiav ljltuft
(16)
Die Parallelen fr die erste Hlfte des Dekalogs wurden schon frher erkannt40, aber wie wir sehen, sind sie nicht auf diese beschrnkt.
4.2.5. Offenbarung 14,7
Schpfer
Offb 14,7
2Mo 20,11 (LXX)41
TI ~h8EV ~ wpa Tftc; KpiOEW<;

aUTO, Kai npaOKUV~OOTE T4J
TIOl~OOVTI TOV oupav6v Kai T~V
yftv Kai eAaooav Kai nrivac;
UOTWV.
tv yap f~ ~tpa1c; trroil']OEV

KUp1ac; TOV aupav6V Kai niV yftv
Kai niv 8Aaooav Kai navra ra tv
allraic; Kai KmtnaUOEV r(I ~i:PQ
rn i:oon 010 mom EuMvrioEv
Kup1ac; r~v ~tpav r~v i:ooriv
Kai ~yiaotv aur~v
Auch dieser Text wurde schon frher als Verweis auf die Zehn Gebote gesehen.42
40 Paulien, Sabbath in the Book of Revelation", 184-85; MacPherson, Mark of the
41
42
Beast", 276-78.
Als zustzlicher Vergleichstext aus dem AT wrde sich Ps 146,6 anbieten. Da aber die
Zehn Gebote sicher die bekanntere und wichtigere Parallele darstellen, scheint mir
eine Anspielung auf 2Mo 20,11 weit wahrscheinlicher. Zustzliche Argumente bietet
Paulien, Sabbath in the Book of Revelation", 183--85.
Ibid 179-86; Ranko Stefanvic, Revelation of Jesus Christ: Commentary on the Book of
Revelation, Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 2002, 416. In den Ausgaben der
United Bible Societies 111e Creek New Testament (11966 bis 41993) wird in der Funote
2Mo 20,11 vermerkt. Dieser Verweis findet sich aber auch schon frher in den
Ausgaben von Eberhard und Erwin Nestle, Novum Testamentum Graece (11898 bis
251963) als Randbeigabe und im Text fett gedruckt als Hinweis auf das AT. Auch die
251
Diese zum Teil sehr deutlichen Hinweise auf die Zehn Gebote erhhen
die Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass sie auch in Offb 12,17 gemeint sind. Wir knnen festhalten, dass fast alle Gebote des Dekalogs erwhnt werden, dabei
aber speziell das Sabbatgebot in das Blickfeld rckt.
4.3. Der AT-Hintergrund

4.3.1. Das Buch Daniel
Wenn man die Verweisstellen zu Dan 7 in NA 27 durchsieht, ist unschwer zu
erkennen, dass dieses alttestamentliche Kapitel eine herausragende Rolle in
der Offenbarung spielt. Ich mchte nachstehend alle Parallelen nach NA27
auflisten und gleichzeitig einen Ergnzungsvorschlag machen:
Daniel
Offenbarung
7,2
7,1
vier Winde
7,3
11,7; 13,1
Tier steigt herauf
7,4-6
13,2
Beschreibung der Tiere
7,7
12,3; 13,l
zehn Hrner
7,8
13,5.7
Mund redet groe Dinge
7,9
1,14; 20,4.11
weie Haare, Throne
7,10
5,11; 20,12
Tausende, Zehntausende, Bcher geffnet
7,11
13,5; 19,20
Lsterung, Bestrafung durch Feuer
7,13
1,7.13; 14,14
Wolke, Menschensohn
7,14
11,15
ewige Herrschaft
7,18
22,5
ewige Herrschaft
7,20
13,5; 17,12
Mund redet groe Worte, zehn Hrner
7,21
11,7; 13,7
Krieg gegen die Heiligen, sie werden besiegt
7,22
20,4
Gericht
7,24
12,3; 13,1; 17,12
zehn Hrner
7,25
12,14; 13,6.7
31/2 Zeiten, Lsterung, Krieg gegen die Heiligen
7,27
11,15; 20,4; 22,5
ewiges Reich
aktuelle Ausgabe Novum Testamentum Graece et Latine (31994) der deutschen Bibelgesellschaft hat neben dem lateinischen Text den Hinweis auf 2Mo 20,11, der aber im
griechischen Teil fehlt. Genauso haben alle Ausgaben von Augustinus Merk, Novum
Testamentum Graece et Latine, Rom: Pontificio Istituto Biblico (z. B. 11 1992) diesen
Verweis auf 2Mo 20,11. Offensichtlich fehlt zu Offb 12,17 der Hinweis auf das
Sabbatgebot erst ab NA26, obwohl er zu Offb 10,6 bis in die aktuelle Ausgabe NA27
erhalten blieb.
Johannes Kovar
252
von mir vorgeschlagene Ergnzungen:

7,8.21
12,17
fhrt Krieg gegen die Heiligen
7,25
12,17
Gebote verndern/ bewahren
Aufgrund der Hufung wre es gar nicht berraschend, wenn auch Dan
7,25 (aM01wcrai Ka1pouc; Kai v6ov) seinen Niederschlag in Offb 12,17 (rwv
rr1pouvrwv rac; tvroMc; ro 8E00) fnde. Das wre zwar keine verbale, aber
doch eine thematische Parallele, was gut zum Charakter von Offb 12
passt. 43 Es ist auch nichts Neues, hier eine Verbindung zwischen Dan 7,25
und Offb 12,17 zu sehen. 44 Tatschlich gibt es einige gemeinsame Elemente:
Krieg - die Glubigen - das Gesetz45 - verndern (aM016w) 46 bzw. bewahren. Dieses letzte Element, die Verschiebung des Schwerpunkts vom Verndern des Gesetzes (Daniel) zu seiner Bewahrung (Offenbarung), kann
man durchaus mit hnlichen Vernderungen vergleichen:
Offenbarung
Daniel
7,3.7.19
verschiedene Tiere
13,4
7,4
Lwe mit Adlerflgeln

die Heiligen bekommen Macht und Reich
Horn besiegt die Heiligen und reibt sie auf
Horn verndert Gesetz
Horn wchst bis zum
Himmel
12,14
7,18.22.27
7,21.25
7,25
8,10
43
44
45
46
13,5.7
12,6.14-17
12,17
12,9.13
wer ist dem Tier

gleich
Frau mit Adlerflgeln
das Tier bekommt die
Macht
Frau wird bewahrt
die brigen bewahren
die Gebote
Drache auf Erde geworfen
Ian Paul, The Use of the Old Testament in Revelation 12", in The O/d Testament in the
New Testament, hg. S. Moyise, OSNTSup 189), Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,
2000, 256-74. Auf S. 269 kommt er zur Schlussfolgerung: All four types of allusion
(verbal allusion to words, verbal allusion to themes, thematic allusion to words,
thematic allusion to themes) occur in this chapter".
Stephen Pattemore, The People of God in the Apocalypse: Discourse, Structure and Exegesis
(SNTSMS 128), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, 120: Er sieht eine
Verbindung zwischen Dan 7,21.25 und Offb 12,7.17 und 13,7. Darber hinaus auch
eine Verbindung zwischen Dan 7,25 zu Offb 13,5.7.
Die Kommentatoren interpretieren das Gesetz" in Dan 7,25 praktisch immer von
Antiochus IV her und verweisen dabei auf Texte wie lMakk 1,45 und 2Makk 6,6, in
denen es auch um den Sabbat geht. Siehe z. B. John J. Collins, Daniel (Hermeneia),
Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993, 322.
Bauer, Wrterbuch, 77 gibt die Bedeutung verndern, ndern" an.
253
Man gewinnt folgenden Eindruck: Was dem Tier/Horn in Dan 7 gelingt,

bleibt dem Drachen in Offb 12 versagt, weil die Heiligen entkommen und
bewahrt werden. Manches, was in Daniel der bsen Seite zugesprochen
wird, wird in der Offenbarung von den Glubigen gesagt-oder umgekehrt. Es kommt jedenfalls zu einer aufflligen Verschiebung, womit das
Verndern des Gesetzes bzw. das Halten der Gebote gut ins Schema passen
wrde.
4.3.2. Die Exodusgeschichte

Neben Dan 7 bietet sich aber auch die Auszugsgeschichte als alttestamentliche Vergleichsstelle an. 47
2.Mose
Offenbarung
19,4
12,14
Adlerflgel
15,1248
12,16
die Erde verschlang sie
Es stellt sich natrlich sofort die Frage, ob nicht die Zehn Gebote sehr gut in
diesen Zusammenhang passen wrden. Der Sabbat wird im Dekalog erwhnt (2Mo 20,8-11), aber auch schon in 2Mo 16,23-30 ausfhrlich dargelegt. In 2Mo 16,28 formuliert Gott: Wie lange habt ihr euch nun schon
geweigert, meine Gebote und Gesetze zu halten? (LXX Ta<; EVTOAC<; ou Kai
TOV voov ou)". Die Frage Gottes klingt sehr allgemein, aber vom Kontext
her ist eindeutig das Sabbatgebot gemeint. Warum sollte mit den Geboten
in Offb 12,17 nicht auch speziell auf das Sabbatgebot angespielt werden?
4.4. Zeugnis" und die Bundeslade bzw. Stiftshtte

Johannes verwendet neben dem MT wohl auch die LXX. 49 Durch seine eher
47
411
49
Jrgen H. Kalms, Der Sturz des Gottesfeindes: Traditionsgeschichtliche Studien zu

Apokalypse 12 (WMANT 93), Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 2001, 95-96, kommt
zur Schlussfolgerung: Die Erzhlung von der zunchst bedrohten und schlielich
bewahrten Frau in Apk 12,13-16 nimmt Motive der Exodus-Erzhlung auf. Die
Verbindungen sind bereits in der Darstellung des Drachen, der mit dem Pharao
gleichgesetzt werden kann, erarbeitet worden. Die bedrohenden Wassermassen aus
dem Mund des Drachen entsprechen dem Durchzug durch das Schilfmeer, dessen
Wassermassen Israel nicht ertrnken knnen. Der Ernhrung der Frau in der Wste
entspricht die Speisung mit Manna. Die vom Drachen verfolgte und durch Gott in der
Wste bewahrte himmlische Frau aus Apk 12 entspricht so dem Gottesvolk des
Exodus, das vom Pharao verfolgt und durch Gott in der Wste bewahrt wurde".
Diese Parallele wurde berzeugend vorgeschlagen von Jan Dochhom, Und die Erde
tat ihren Mund auf: Ein Exodusmotiv in Apc 12,16", ZNW 88 (1997): 140-42, und in
neuerer Literatur immer als Parallele anerkannt.
Obwohl diese Frage kontroversiell diskutiert wird, finden sich prominente
Befrworter der These, dass in der Johannesoffenbarung auch der Einfluss der LXX
254
Johannes Kovar
eigentmliche Art, das AT zu verwenden, ist es oft nicht leicht, sich zwischen einer semitischen oder griechischen Vorlage zu entscheiden. Offensichtlich verwendete er beide. 50
Der Ausdruck Zeugnis" ist in der LXX-Fassung des Pentateuchs aufs
Engste mit der Stiftshtte verknpft. In MT steht ;p\r.i ?ryN, was von den
deutschen Bibeln unterschiedlich bersetzt wird: Stiftshtte (LUT)", Zelt
der Begegnung (ELB)" oder Offenbarungszelt (EIN)". Die LXX gibt den
MT normalerweise mit dem hufig anzutreffenden OKl'JV~ TO aprupiou
wieder51, die Vulgata mit tabernaculum testimonii.
In der LXX wird die Bundeslade oft Lade des Zeugnisses" genannt (eine Verbindung aus K1wr6<; und aprup1ov, sowohl im Singular wie im Plural)52, manchmal auch dann, wenn der MT das Wort Zeugnis" gar nicht
stehen hat53 . Das zeigt, wie der Begriff Zeugnis" im Denken des Judentums untrennbar mit der Bundeslade verknpft war.
Noch ein weiterer Gedanke: Der fr sich allein stehende Ausdruck

Zeugnisse" (in der LXX immer als Plural Ta aprup1a) meint gelegentlich
auch die Steintafeln mit den Zehn Geboten. 54 Natrlich kommen auch die
Tafeln des Zeugnisses" (in der LXX als Singular TO aprupiou) vor. 55
Diese Beobachtungen fhren mich zur Schlussfolgerung, dass das
Zeugnis Jesu" in Offb 12,17 zwar von Johannes selbst mit dem Geist der
Weissagung" erklrt wird (Offb 19,10), aber auf einer zweiten Ebene bei
Lesern des l. Jh. n. Chr. wohl auch eine Assoziation auslste, die mit der
Bundeslade und speziell den Zehn Geboten zu tun hatte (siehe auch oben
50
51
52
53
54
55
sprbar ist. Siehe z. B. Gerard Mussies, The Morphologtj of Koine Creek as Used in the
Apocalypse of John (NovTSup 27), Leiden: Brill, 1971, 358, und idem, The Creek of the
Book of Revelation", in L'Apocalypse johannique et l'Apocalyptique dans /e Nouveau
Testament, hg. J. Lambrecht (BEIL 53), Gembloux: Duculot, 1980, 167-77, dort 167.
Siehe auch D. D. Schmidt, Semitism and Septugintalismus in the Book of
Revelation", NTS 37 (1991): 592~03, besonders 602. Vgl. auch E. Lohse, Die
alttestamentliche Sprache des Sehers Johannes", ZNW 52 (1961): 122-26.
Steve Moyise, The Old Testament in the Book of Revelation OSNTSup 115), Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1995, 17.
Diese Verbindung kommt in der LXX weit ber 100 Mal vor.
Hier die Stellen aus 2. Mose: 2Mo 25,10.22; 26,33.34; 30,6.26; 31,7; 35,12; 40,3.21.
Speziell erwhnen mchte ich noch 40,5, wo der MT Lade des Zeugnisses", aber die
LXX nur Lade" stehen hat, dafr aber abweichend vom MT das Zelt des
Zeugnisses" erwhnt.
2Mo 25,10; 35,12.
2Mo 25,16.21; 40,20.
2Mo 31,18; 32,15; in 34,29 fehlt in der LXX die Nherbestimmung des Zeugnisses".
255
zu Kontext und Struktur}. 56 Damit will ich in keiner Weise die Bedeutung
der Prophetie" schmlern, sondern nur die Idee artikulieren, dass Johannes vielleicht noch mehr im Sinn hatte als die Gabe der Weissagung.
4.5. Offb 12,17 als Zitat aus den Zehn Geboten?

In 2Mo 20,6 lesen wir: ... der aber Gnade erweist an Tausenden, die mich
lieben und meine Gebote halten." Die Fassung der LXX verwendet hier die
Formulierung rolc; cpuMcrcroumv ra npocrrayara ou. Allerdings drfen
wir dabei nicht vergessen, dass fr Gebot" im Hebrischen i1WQ steht, was
in der LXX zumeist mit EVTOA~ bersetzt wurde. Das Verb halten (,ni.z.i)"
wird in der LXX fast immer mit cpui\acrcrw, aber auch (selten) mit r11ptw
bersetzt, wobei wir schon festgehalten haben, dass die beiden synonym
sind. Die LXX htte daher 2Mo 20,6 genauso gut mit rolc; r11pomv rac;
EVToi\Oc; ou wiedergeben knnen. Dies entsprche erstaunlich gut der
Wortwahl von Offb 12,17.
Fr Johannes ist die Verbindung zwischen Gott lieben" und seine Gebote halten" auch in anderen Stellen anzutreffen. Vergleichen wir den
Wortlaut der Zehn Gebote mit hnlichen Texten des AT und mit Johannes:
2Mo 20,6: Kai TTOIWV EAEO) Eie; x1A1Cxac; rolc; ayanwoiv E Kai rolc;
cpui\acrcroumv Ta npocrrayara ou
5Mo 7,9: Kai yvwon TI KUp1oc; 6 9E6c; oou OUTO<; 9E6c; 9E6c; mcrr6c; 6
cpui\Cxocrwv 1a8~KllV Kai EAtoc; Tolc; ayanwmv aUTOV Kai Tolc;

cpui\acrooumv Ta<; tvroi\Oc; aUTO Eie; x1Aiac; YEVEO<;
5Mo 11,1: Kai ayan~OEI<; KUp1ov TOV 9E6V oou Kai cpui\Cx~n TO cpui\Cxyara
aurn Kai Ta IKOIWara aUTO Kai TOS KpiOEI<; aUTO naoac; Ta<; ~tpac;
5Mo 30,16: EOV EicraKOUOO<; Ta<; EVTOi\O<; KUpiou TO 9EO OOU c; EYW
EVT(Ai\oai 001 o~Epov ayanv KUp1ov TOV 9E6V OOU TTOpEUE090I EV

nacraic; ralc; 6olc; aUTO cpui\acrow9ai Ta IKOIWara aurn Kai Tac;
KpiOEI<,; aUTO Kai .
]os 22,5: ai\i\a cpui\Cx~ao9E TTOIEIV ocp6pa Ta<; EVTOi\ac; Kai TOV v6ov V
EVETEii\aro ~lv TTOIEIV Mwuoflc; 6 nalc; KUpiou ayanv KUplOV TOV 9E6V
uwv nopEuw9ai naoa1c; ralc; 6olc; auTo cpuM~acr9ai Tac; tvroMc;
aUTO Kai npocrKEl08a1 a0T4> Kai i\arpEUEIV a0T4> E~ i\ric; TfJ<; 1avoiac;
uwv Kai E~ i\11c; Tflc; ljJUXflc; uwv
Neh 1,5: 6 cpoEp6c; cpu.haaawv T~V 1a8~Kr]V Kai TO EAEO? rnlc; ayanwmv
aUTOV Kai Tale; cpui\Oaaoumv Tac; tvroi\Oc; aUTO
56
Man knnte jetzt spekulieren und die Frage stellen, warum Johannes das Zeugnis
Jesu" in Offb 19,10 berhaupt erklrt. Vielleicht, um das drohende Missverstndnis
auszurumen, das Zeugnis Jesu" mit den Zehn Geboten gleichzusetzen.
256
Johannes Kovar
Dan 9,4: Kai TO EAEO) TOIS ayarrwoi OE Kai rols cpuAOoooum Ta

rrpoarayara oou
Dan 9,4: Kai TO EAEO) TOiS ayarrwoiv OE Kai rols cpuAOoooumv ras EVTOAOS
oou (TH)
Jo 14,21: 6 EXWV ras EVTOAas ou Kai H)pwv aurac; EKElv6c; EOTIV 6 ayarrwv
~
Jo 15,10: EOV ras EVTOAOS ou Tl)prjor)TE, EVEITE EV Tfl aycmn ou, Ka8wc;
EVW TOS EVTOAOS TO rrarpos ou mrjpl)Ka Kai E:vw aUTO EV T ayarrn.
1/o 5,2: EV TOUT41 YIVWOKOEv TI ayarrwEv TO TEKVa TO 8EO, TOV TOV
8E6V ayarrwEv Kai ras E:vro>.as auro TTOIWEv.
2Jo 6: Kai aTr) E:ariv ri ayOTTI), Yva TTEpmarwEv KOTO TOS EVTOAas auro
arri ~ E:vroArj E:arrv, Ka8wc; ~KouoarE arrapx~c;. Yva E:v aurfl mpmar~rE.
Auffllig ist, wie die beiden unterschiedlichen griechischen Fassungen zu
Dan 9,4 abwechselnd ra rrpoarayam und rac; E:vroAac; verwenden, was
einerseits nochmals ihre Synonymitt beweist, andererseits doch als bewusste Anspielung auf 2Mo 20,6 gedeutet werden muss. Vor allem die
wiederholte Verwendung von EAEO<;; in 2Mo 20,6; 5Mo 7,9; Neh 1,5 und Dan
9,4 verbindet diese Stellen miteinander und zeigt erneut, dass rrpoarayam
und EVTOAO<;; austauschbar sind.
Was bedeutet das alles fr Johannes? Interessant ist, dass auch er die
Verbindung Gebote - Liebe immer wieder betont. Es scheint mir nicht unmglich, dass dieses Thema direkt auf 2Mo 20,6 zurckgehts7, weil dieser
Text offensichtlich gern und oft zitiert wurde. Wenn das richtig ist, wrde
durchaus einiges dafr sprechen, dass Johannes in Offb 12,17 vielleicht
doch bewusst 2Mo 20,6 aufnimmt.
Man kann hier natrlich gleich weiterfragen: Ist in 2Mo 20,6 das Halten" oder das Bewahren" der Gebote gemeint, und welche Gebote sind
angesprochen? Die Gebote sind nach Dohmen offensichtlich die Zehn Gebote selbst.SB Er fhrt dann aus, dass mit Gott lieben" das Hauptgebot gemeint sei, das in seinem Ausschlielichkeitsanspruch und dem Verbot von
fremden Gttern und Kultbildern seinen Ausdruck findet. Er folgert dann
weiter, dass das Halten der Gebote" alle folgenden Vorschriften im Dekalog anvisiert und auch deren Bewahrung" mit einschliet.s9
Wenn man hier in Kategorien der Johannesoffenbarung weiterdenkt
und die darin betonte Wichtigkeit der richtigen Anbetung einbezieht, dann
s7
Georg Strecker, Die Johannesbriefe (KEK 14), Gttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1989, 226, zitiert in seinem Exkurs zum Liebesbegriff auch 2Mo 20,6 als Text, der die
Liebe zu Gott mit dem Halten der Gebote verknpft.
SB Christoph Dolunen, Exodus 19-40 (HThKAT 5), Freiburg: Herder, 2004, 108--9.
s9 So auch G. Liedke, ;m1", THAT2:530-36, dort 535.
257
ergibt sich ein uerst interessantes Gesamtbild.
4.6. Das Halten der Gebote im AT

Im AT kommt q>uAaoow oft im Zusammenhang der Gebote vor und man
kann unschwer Folgendes feststellen:
1. Oft ist es Gott, der direkt spricht und einen Auftrag zum Einhalten
der Gebote und Satzungen erteilt. Immer wieder sind es auch andere Glaubensmnner, die dazu aufrufen. Die Situationen haben regelmig proklamatorischen Charakter: Gott verkndigt dem Volk, was es tun soll.
2. Neben allgemeinen Feststellungen werden gelegentlich auch Feste
erwhnt, die in der Zukunft eingehalten werden sollen.
3. Das mit q>uAaoow am hufigsten genannte Einzelgebot ist eindeutig

das Sabbatgebot. 60
4. Auffllig ist, dass auch bei der Wiederholung der Zehn Gebote in
5Mo 5,12 das Sabbatgebot mit ,r.l"IV / q>uAaoow beginnt: q>Aa~rn T~V ~tpav
rwv oaarwv ... Die deutschen bersetzungen geben das unterschiedlich
wieder: Beachte den Sabbattag" (ELB), Den Sabbattag sollst du halten"
(LUT), Achte auf den Sabbat" (EIN), Halte den Sabbattag" (SCHL). In
5Mo 5,15 wird das Verb q>uAaoow nochmals wiederholt.
4.7. Die Rolle des Gesetzes in der Eschatologie

Es fllt auf, dass man im NT etliche Hinweise darauf findet, dass das Ende
der Weltgeschichte eine Zeit der Rebellion gegen Gottes Gesetz ist. 61 Der
Ausdruck avoia bzw. vooc; wird von Jesus (Mt 7,23; 13,41; 24,12) un,d
Paulus (2Thes 2,3.7.8) im Zusammenhang mit dem Ende oder dem Endgerichts genannt. Gerade 2Thes 2 wird von den Kommentatoren immer in
Beziehung zu Offb 13 gebracht.
Es gilt als gesichert, dass Johannes in seiner Beschreibung des ersten
Tieres von Offb 13 auf Dan 7, 8 und 11 zurckgreift62, wobei eines der prominenten Kennzeichen des so genannten Antichristen die Ablehnung des
Gesetzes darstellt (Dan 7,25). Wenn also dieser Aspekt bei Johannes mitschwingt, dann sind die Glubigen der Endzeit in Offb 12,17 und 14,12 den
Geboten treu, ihre Feinde aber tragen das Malzeichen des Tieres.
60
61
62
2Mo 31,13.14.16; 3Mo 19,3.30; 26,2; 5Mo 5,12.15; Jes 56,2.4.6. In folgenden Versen ist
der Sabbat zwar nicht das Objekt, aber doch eine groe Nhe zu beobachten: Hes
20,21; 44,24.
Darauf wurde schon hingewiesen von MacPherson, Mark of the Beast", 269.
Siehe z. B. G. K. Beale, The Use of Daniel in fewish Apocalyptic Literature and in the
Revelation of St. John, Lanham: University of America Press, 1984, 247.
258
Johannes Kovar
4.8. Sabbat und Sonntag

Es wurde schon der Gedanke vorgebracht, dass das Halten der Gebote
Gottes" in Offb 12,17 ein passendes Gegenstck im Malzeichen des Tieres"
aus 13,16--17 findet. 63 Dafr wurden schon oft folgende Argumente ins Treffen gefhrt64: Genauso wie in einem antiken Bundesschluss im Zentralabschnitt sowohl der Herrscher als auch sein Herrschaftsgebiet als eine Art
Siegel angegeben werden, dient das Sabbatgebot als Siegel Gottes in der
Endzeit (2Mo 31,13.17; Offb 7,3-4; 14,1). Dem steht das Malzeichen des Tieres entgegen (Offb 13,16--17; 14,9; 20,4). Wie im AT die Gebote Gottes an
Hand und Stirn gebunden wurden (SMo 6,8; 11,18), wird das widergttliche Gegenstck des Malzeichens genauso an Hand und Stirn sichtbar.
Wenn in der Offenbarung mit dem Siegel Gottes speziell der Sabbat gemeint ist, dann muss das Malzeichen der Sonntag sein. Besonders in Offb
14,11-12 stehen das Malzeichen und die Gebote Gottes in unmittelbarem
Zusammenhang und bilden offensichtlich ein Gegensatzpaar.
5. Das Halten und Bewahren der Gebote

in Offb 12,17
Das Verb Tl"JPEW findet sich in der Offenbarung elf Mal. Wenn man den einschlgigen Wrterbchern folgt, ist seine Hauptbedeutung bewahren, beschtzen" und nur im Zusammenhang mit Geboten oder Gesetz halten,
befolgen".
Laut Bauer bedeutet unser Verb hier in Offb 12,17 ,,im Sinn bewahren,
von Lehre und Gesetz, beobachten, erfllen, halten". 65 hnlich versteht
Bauer auch das Verb EXW in Offb 12,17 als festhalten, aufbewahren". 66 Dies
wrde dem parallelen Aufbau der Wortgruppe durchaus gerecht werden.
Vorsichtig knnte man dann folgern, dass sowohl im Verb EXW als auch in
Tl"JPEW die Idee des Bewahrens" eine Rolle spielt.
Interessant ist es nun, wie die unterschiedlichen deutschen Bibelbersetzungen Tl"JPEW in der Offenbarung bersetzen. Ich ziehe nur die vier
wichtigsten zum Vergleich heran.
63
64
65
66
William H. Shea und Ed Christian, The Chiastic Structure of Revelation 12:1-15:4:

The Great Controversy Vision", AUSS 38 (2000):269-92, dort 276-77. Leider
begrnden die beiden Autoren ihre Sicht nicht.
Siehe z.B. Paulien, Sabbath in the Book of Revelation", 184--85.
Bauer, Wrterbuch, 1625.
Ibid., 670.
259

Offb
Objekt
Elberfelder
2006
Luther
1984
Schlachter
2000
Einheits-/J.
1980
1,3
die Worte der

Weissagung und
was in ihr geschriebenist
bewahren
behalten
halten
bewahren
2,26
meine Werke bis

ans Ende
bewahren
halten
bewahren
festhalten
3,3
wie du empfangen
und gehrt hast
bewahren
festhalten
bewahren
festhalten
3,8
mein Wort (Myoc;)
bewahren
bewahren
bewahren
festhalten
3,10
mein Wort (Myoc;)

von der Geduld
bewahren
bewahren
bewahren
sich halten
an
3,10
dich
bewahren
bewahren
bewahren
zujem.
halten
12,17
Gebote
halten
Funote:
bewahren
halten
befolgen
gehorchen
14,12
Gebote Gottes und

den Glauben Jesu
bewahren
halten
bewahren
festhalten
16,15
Kleider
bewahren
bewahren
bewahren
anbehalten
22,7
die Worte der

Weissagung dieses
Buches
bewahren
bewahren
bewahren
festhalten
22,9
die Worte dieses

Buches
bewahren
bewahren
bewahren
sich halten
an
Man hat schon festgestellt, dass in der johanneischen Literatur das Halten
des Wortes (Myoc;)" und das Halten der Gebote (EVTOA~)" durchaus
gleichzusetzen sind (siehe z.B. lJo 2,4f). 67 Wenn das genauso fr die Offenbarung gilt (und dazu muss man natrlich die selbe Autorenschaft fr alle
nach Johannes benannten Werke des NTs akzeptieren), dann wrden Offb
3,8 und 10, die sicher die Konnotation bewahren" sttzen, die Wahrscheinlichkeit erhhen, dass dieses Festhalten-Bewahren" auch in Offb
12,17 gemeint ist.
11
11
Aufschlussreich ist sicher der Vergleich zwischen Offb 12,17 und 14,12.
Da ja in Offb 14,12 ein doppeltes Objekt vorhanden ist ( Gebote Gottes"
und Glaube Jesu"), darf man nicht mehr mit halten = befolgen" bersetzen. Das wrde nur zu den Geboten passen, nicht aber zum Glauben Jesu. 68
11
11
68
Strecker, /ohannesbriefe, 106.

Aune, Reve/ation 6-16, 837, greift dieses Problem auf. Er meint, dass r11ptw hier
gleichzeitig - je nach Objekt - die doppelte Bedeutung von befolgen" und bewahren" haben msse. Die Verbindung r11ptw mit nirrnc; kommt nur zwei Mal im NT vor.
In der anderen Stelle 2Tim 4,7 hat Paulus den Glauben bewahrt" (ELB, SCHL), oder
260
Johannes Kovar
Man knnte jetzt diskutieren, inwieweit es wirklich legitim ist, die Bedeutung von 14,12 auch in den schon vorher geschriebenen Vers 12,17 zu bertragen. Jedenfalls scheint mir sicher, dass Offb 14,12 die Wahrscheinlichkeit
erhht, dass auch in 12,17 der Sinn bewahren" deutlich mitschwingt.
In der Vulgata werden Offb 12,17 und 14,12 gleichlautend mit qui custodiunt mandata dei bersetzt. Wie im Griechischen ist das lateinische Verb
custodire mehrdeutig. 69 Man kann es bersetzen mit bewachen, bewahren,
berwachen, ber etwas wachen, etwas hten, unter seine Obhut nehmen,
schirmen, beaufsichtigen", was seine Hauptbedeutung darstellt. Im Zusammenhang von Gesetzen, Vorschriften und der Sitte heit es auch beachten, beobachten", die Bandbreite reicht aber bis aufbewahren, konservieren".
Bei T'lPEIV rac; EVTOAO; handelt es sich um eine typisch johanneische
Wendung. 70 Es geht dabei wohl nicht allein um das Halten von Einzelgeboten, sondern das Bleiben im Glauben und die eschatologische Bewhrung
der Christen. 71 Es scheint mir daher fast sinnvoller, von einem Bewahren"
der Gebote zu sprechen, was natrlich ein Einhalten" im Sinn von Befolgen" mit einschliet, aber darber noch weit hinausgeht. Schon in der LXX
sind oi cpuACiooovrEc; (sehr oft) und oi r11poOvrEc; (Hld 3,3) 72 die Wchter".
Es spricht wohl nichts dagegen, dass Johannes diesen Begriff in Offb 12,17
durchaus doppeldeutig meint: Die brigen befolgen und bewahren die
Gebote. Die Aufgabe des Bewahrens" in Offb 12,17 betonen etliche Exegeten.73
11
5.1. Das Gegenteil von Halten und Bewahren"

Man kann sich durchaus fragen, was das Gegenteil des positiv besetzten
Haltens und Bewahrens" sein knnte. Fr das AT gibt es eine Flle von
Mglichkeiten (an allen angefhrten Stellen hat die LXX tvroA~): Man kann
die Gebote brechen" (Esr 9,14), verlassen" (Esr 9,10), bertreten" (2Chr
11
11
69
70
71
72
73
11
Glauben gehalten" (LUT) bzw. Treue gehalten" (EIN). Hier ist zweifelsohne gemeint, dass Paulus bis an sein Lebensende an diesem Glauben (oder der Treue)
festgehalten hat. Das steht dem Bewahren" sicher sehr nahe und passt auch fr Offb
14,12 gut ins Bild.
Karl Ernst Georges, Ausfhrliches Lateinisch-Deutsches Handwrterbuch, 2 Bde., Basel:
Benno, 11 1962, 1:1851-56.
Siehe Jo 14,15.21; 15,10; lJo 2.,3.4; 3,22.24; 5,3; Offb 12,17; 14,12.
Kalms, Der Sturz des Gottesfeindes, 97.
Johan Lust, Erik Eynikel, Katrin Hauspie, Greek-English Lexicon of the Septuagint,
Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2003, 613.
Siehe z. B. Margaret Barker, The Revelation of Jesus Christ, London: Clark, 2003, 90 und
98.
261
24,20), vergessen" (Ps 119,176) oder verachten" (4Mo 15,31)/4 Diese Liste
knnte man sicher noch um die Elemente unerlaubt hinzufgen/wegnehmen" (5Mo 4,2) und verndern" (Dan 7,25: in der LXX steht
v6oc;) ergnzen.
Auch hier knnte man berlegen, ob das Halten und Bewahren" nicht
grundstzlich das positive Gegenstck zu den negativ besetzten Verben ist
und somit auch nicht vergessen" (4Mo 15,40; Ps 119,176; Spr 4,4-5), wertschtzen" (Pss 121,1; 119,35.40.47.48.127.159.166) und nicht verndern"
(5Mo 4,2; 13,1) mit einschlieen knnte, was einfach mehr als nur ein mechanisches "Befolgen" wre.
11
11
/1
/1
11
11
11
11
5.2. Das Bewahren" im AT

Wenn man die sehr hufige Verbindung von cpuMoow mit Geboten" ansieht, fllt auf, dass sich zu dieser Verknpfung auch recht oft das Verb
TTOIEW gesellt. Hier zwei Beispiele fr die unterschiedliche Verwendung:
SMo 4,5-6: Nach der Aufzhlung verschiedener Ausdrcke fr Gebote"
folgt die Aufforderung: Bewahrt und tut sie!" (cpuAO~E08E Kai
TTOJ~OETE). Beide Verben sind bereingestimmt und stehen im Futur, das
hier die Bedeutung eines Imperatives hat.
SMo 5,1: Nach einer hnlichen Aufzhlung folgt der Befehl: "Achtet darauf, sie zu tun" (cpuAO~E08E TTOIEiV au1a). Hier sind die Verben nicht bereingestimmt und das Verb tun" steht im Infinitiv.
Beide Verwendungsarten sind im Pentateuch sehr hufig, finden sich aber
auch in anderen Passagen des AT.
Inwieweit ist diese Beobachtung hilfreich? Sie zeigt meines Erachtens,
dass in diesen Fllen cpuMoow sicher nicht einfach mit halten = beobachten" bersetzt werden darf, sondern deutlich die Bedeutung von achten
auf" und damit von festhalten an= bewahren" hat. Mit anderen Worten:
Selbst wenn cpuMoow mit den Geboten verknpft wird, heit es nicht immer nur befolgen", sondern oft auch bewahren". Durch die schon erwhnte Synonymitt mit rr1ptw gilt das Gesagte natrlich auch fr rr1ptw
im NT. Das macht es noch wahrscheinlicher, dass in Offb 12,17 und 14,12
auch die Bedeutung bewahren" hrbar mitschwingt.
11
11
11
11
11
11
11
11
11
11
74
Ich bernehme hier die angefhrten Mglichkeiten von B. Levine, '1)\10", 111WAT
4:1085-95, dort 1092-93.
262
Johannes Kovar
6. Interpretation von Offb 12,17 bei Ellen G. White

Wenn wir einen kurzen Blick in das Schrifttum von Ellen G. White werfen 75,
ist leicht zu erkennen, wie sie Offb 12,17 verstand. Fr sie war klar, dass die
brigen das Volk Gottes in der zuknftigen Endzeit darstellen. 76 Sie sind
mit der Kirche der Siebenten-Tags-Adventisten gleichzusetzen. 77 Fr diese
Endzeitgemeinde ist Offb 12,17 ein einigender Faktor78 und entscheidender
Test der Treue79
Die Gebote Gottes" versteht sie als das Gesetz Gottes oder, noch genauer, als die Zehn Gebote und vor allem das Sabbatgebot80. Ellen White
betont, dass die Gebote das Denken der Glubigen prgen sollte. 81 Sie unterstreicht auch wiederholt, dass die Gebote allen Menschen verkndigt
werden mssen. 82 Sie spricht vom Gehorsam den Geboten gegenber83,
aber auch von Treue 84, Loyalitt85 und Liebe86 zu diesen Geboten. Sie sagt
auch, dass die Glubigen Gottes Gebote verteidigen. 87
Ellen Whites Verstndnis kann schn mit folgendem Zitat zusammengefasst werden:
God has placed in our hands a banner on which is inscribed the words
The commandments of God and the faith of Jesus." Here are they that
keep the commandments of God, and have the testimony of Jesus
Christ," he declares. At all times and in all places we are to hold the banner finnly aloft. God's denominated people are to take a firm stand under the banner of truth. 88
75
Ich verwende hier die gebruchlichen englischen Abkrzungen. Die angegebenen

Referenzen stellen nur eine kleine Auswahl aus der Flle an Material dar. In allen
Fllen spricht E. G. White eindeutig von Offb 12,17 und fast immer zitiert sie diesen
Text wrtlich im Zusammenhang.
76
GC 592, 5T 449.
77 TM 114, 4MR 246, ST 20 Apr. lSSS.
78
lT 330: who would be united on the commandments of God and the testimony of
Jesus".
79
3SM2S7.
so EW 42, TM 117, 1T 223, ST 117, 7BC 9Sl.
BI
EW 5S.
82
83
114
85
86
87
88
TM 237, CW 79, PM 2Sl, ST 117, 2SM SS und 116, ST 29 Oct. 1S96. Interessant ist ihre
Formulierung in 6T 395: lt is our work to magnify and exalt the law of God".
CH 515: of obedience to the commandments of God and the testimony of Jesus".
HP 20S: all who remain faithful to the commandments of God and the testimony of
Jesus Christ".
ST 41, ST 22 Apr. 1889.
ST 12 June 1S93, 7BC 974: Those who love and keep the commandments of God ... ".
ST 14 Nov. IS95: . vindicate the law of God by keeping the commandments .".
4MR246.
263
Es ist somit klar, dass sie bei Offb 12,17 an die Zehn Gebote denkt, die man
einhalten und befolgen muss. Allerdings gilt es auch, die Gebote in einer
schlimmen Zeit bekannt zu machen. Es liegt daher auf der Hand, ihren
Nachdruck auf die Verkndigung der Gebote mit dem Aspekt des Bewahrens" gleichzusetzen.
7. Zusammenfassung
Ich denke, dass es genug gute Grnde dafr gibt, dass in Offb 12,17 die
Zehn Gebote gemeint sind. Keines dieser Argumente ist allein berzeugend
genug, aber gemeinsam ergeben sie ein abgerundetes Gesamtbild. Diese
Gebote werden von den Glubigen der Endzeit nicht nur befolgt, sondern
auch vor Angriffen bewahrt und hochgehalten.
THEOLOGICAL STUDIES
JESUS CHRISTUS UND DIE HEILSVERKNDIGER

IN DEN WELTRELIGIONEN
HANS HEINZ
1. Einleitung
In allen Religionen, die sich auf einen Stifter berufen knnen, kommt dieser
Person hohe Bedeutung zu. Der Stifter ist in den meisten Fllen der normgebende Offenbarer und Heilsverkndiger, dem entweder ein Buch zugeschrieben wird (Lao-tse und das Tao-te-king) oder der eine mndliche
Lehre vortrgt, die spter zur heiligen Schrift wird (Buddha und seine Reden, Mohammed und der Koran).
Damit ist der Stifter aber nur Funktionstrger - Prophet oder Lehrer er selbst ist nicht Inhalt. Anders im Christentum, wo Jesus, der Christus,
nicht nur Heilslehrer ist, sondern das Heil selbst reprsentiert. Das Christentum", so schrieb einst E. de Pressense zu Recht, ist letztlich weder eine
Lehre noch ein Buch[ ... ] Es ist vielmehr eine Person". 1
Jeder Vergleich der Weltreligionen wird daher diesem fundamentalen
Unterschied, der sich aus dem Selbstverstndnis des Stifters ableitet, Rechnung tragen mssen.
2. Was versteht man unter Weltreligionen?

Der Begriff Weltreligionen" stammt aus dem 19. Jh. 2 Er ist - religionswissenschaftlich gesehen - keineswegs eindeutig. Vielmehr handelt es sich
um einen Begriff des alltglichen Sprachgebrauchs".3 Im Allgemeinen versteht man darunter entweder drei, vier oder fnf Religionen. D.h. Buddhismus, Christentum und Islam4 oder Hinduismus, Buddhismus,
Christentum und Islam 5 bzw. Brahmanismus, Buddhismus, Taoismus,
Zitiert bei Alfred Vaucher, L'Histoire du Salut, Dammarie-les-Lys: Signes des Temps,
19513, 11.
Jacob und Wilhelm Grimm, Deutsches Wrterbuch, Leipzig: Deutscher Taschenbuch
Verlag, 195528, 1681.
Ulrich Dehn, Rezension von M. Hutter, Die Weltreligionen, Materialdienst 69, no. 1
(2006): 36.
Gustav Mensching, Allgemeine Religionsgeschichte, Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer, 1940, 164226.
Brockhaus Enzyklopdie, 24 Bde., Mannheim: Brockhaus, 1986-199419, 24:51.
268
Hans Heinz
Christentum und Islam 6 oder Judentum, Hinduismus, Buddhismus, Christentum und Islam.7 Manchmal schliet man noch den in der Antike verbreiteten Manichismus, eine Mischreligion aus Parsismus und Christentum,
ein, der aber als geschlossene Gemeinschaft heute nicht mehr existiert, oder
auch den Konfuzianismus, der aber eher eine Sittenlehre als eine Religion
darstellt. Als Kriterien fr Weltgeltung werden genannt: Gre, bernationalitt, Heilsuniversalitt und weltweite Verbreitung. 8
Von christlicher Seite her gesehen, treten besonders die Religionen ins
Blickfeld, mit denen sich im Verstndnis der Heilsfrage ein Dialog geradezu aufdrngt. Dabei ist an Judentum, Hinduismus, Buddhismus und Islam
zu denken. 9
Das Judentum mit seiner geringen Bekennerzahl und seinem praktischen Verzicht auf Weltmission gleicht zwar eher einer Volksreligion, besitzt aber durch seine Wirkungsgeschichte auf Christentum und Islam
Weltbedeutung.
Hinduismus und Buddhismus zeichnen sich zwar durch eine groe Bekennerzahl aus, sind aber vorwiegend geographisch beschrnkt und keine
eigentlichen Missionsreligionen. Da sie aber ausgesprochene Erlsungsreligionen sind, stellen sie eine echte Herausforderung fr das Christentum
dar.
Echte Weltreligionen sind nur Christentum und Islam. Sie sind es durch
ihren Absolutheitsanspruch und ihre missionarische Wirksamkeit. Das
Christentum in seiner Frhzeit und Gegenwart durch gewaltlose Werbung,
der Islam in seiner Frhzeit durch kriegerische Ausbreitung und in der Gegenwart durch Emigration.
3. Pluralismus der Religionen?

Seit der Epoche der Aufklrung (17./18. Jh.) betrachten Agnostiker, liberale
Christen und Atheisten alle diese Religionen als grundstzlich gleichwertig,
als verschiedene historische Ausprgungen bestimmter menschlicher Ideen
ber Gott und die Welt. Auch die Religionswissenschaft, die als Wissenschaft notwendigerweise auch die Religionen nur historisch zu betrachten
vermag, nimmt einen hnlichen Standpunkt ein.
Helmuth von Glasenapp bei Horst Brkle, "Weltreligionen I: religionswissenschaftlich", in Lexikon fr Theologie und Kirche, hg. W. Kasper, 11 Bde., Freiburg:
Herder, 1993-20013, 10:1080.
Karl-Wolfgang Trger, Weltreligionen", Theologisches Lexikon, hg. H.-H. Jenssen u. H.
Trebs, Berlin: Union, 1981, 512.
lbid.
Zweites Vatikanisches Konzil, Nichtchristliche Religionen, 1-4.
Jesus Christus und die Heilsverkndiger in den Weltreligionen
269
Tatschlich sind ja - historisch betrachtet - viele Eigenschaften der

Weltreligionen vergleichbar: Die Gre (eine Bekennerzahl, die im Christentum und Islam eine Milliardengre erreicht), der Glaube (Monotheismus im Juden- und Christentum bzw. im Islam), der Erlsungsgedanke im
Hinduismus, Buddhismus und Christentum10 und ethische berzeugungen
wie das Prinzip der Gewaltlosigkeit im authentischen Christentum und im
Buddhismus.
G. E. Lessing haben diese hnlichkeiten zu seiner Ringparabel" im
Drama Nathan der Weise" angeregt. 11 Wie der sterbende Vater nur einen
Ring besitzt, den er aber allen seinen drei Shnen vererben will und darum
zwei gleiche anfertigen lsst, so dass man nicht mehr wissen kann, welcher
der echte ist, so verhlt es sich auch mit den Religionen (Christentum, Judentum, Islam). Sie erscheinen als gleichwertig und niemand kann wissen,
welche die einzige und wahre ist. Der rechte Ring war nicht erweislich!"
Diese Haltung wirkt bis heute nach. Sie hat sich im Zeitalter des weltweiten Dialogs zwischen den Religionen (2. Hlfte des 20. Jh., 21. Jh.) auch
der christlichen Theologie bemchtigt. Besonders im relativ jungen asiatischen Christentum gibt es Strmungen, die den Pluralismus der Religionen" betonen und daraus entweder synkretistische" 12 oder adaptive"
Schlsse ziehen. 13 Ein so groes Geheimnis", so wandte schon der rmische Senator Symmachus im 4. Jh. gegen den christlichen Absolutheitsanspruch ein, kann eben nicht nur auf einem Weg erreicht werden".
4. Die Analogielosigl~eit Jesu Christi

Gegen diesen Relativismus steht das Selbstverstndnis des Jesus von Nazareth. Nur durch ihn offenbart sich Gott (Mt 11,25-27), ja er ist die Offenba10
11
12
13
In den fernstlichen Religionen als Selbsterlsung. So spricht Buddha z.B. von

erkmpfter Erlsung (Der ernsten Sinnes Strebende erkmpft sich die Erlsung":
Reden des Buddha, 5 Bde., Mnchen: Wolff, 1922, 1:463). Erlsung ist Freiwerden von
den Fesseln der Leiblichkeit" (Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king, V. 165) und Erlschung" des
Daseinstriebes. Der Weg dazu ist der sog. Achtfache Pfad" (Mahavagga 1, 6, 17-29).
Eine Ausnahme stellt nur der japanische Buddha Amida dar, der durch Gnade
errettet.
3. Akt, 7. Auftritt.
So die koreanische Theologin Chung Hyun Kyung auf der 7. Vollversammlung des
Weltkirchenrates in Canberra (1990) oder der indische Theologe R. Panikkar
(Christus, der Unbekannte im Hinduismus"). Vgl. Bong Rin Ro, Die Verkndigung
Jesu Christi im Kontext des asiatischen Synkretismus", in Die Einzigartigkeit Jesu
Christi: als Grundfrage der Theologie und missionarische Herausforderung, hg. R. Hille u. E.
Troeger, Wuppertal: Brockhaus, 1993, 45-57, dort 45-51.
So der Japaner Kosuke Koyama, der statt Bekehrung der Einheimischen die christliche
Anpassung an die jeweilige Volksreligion fordert. lbid., 47, 52.
270
Hans Heinz
rung Gottes selbst Oo 14,6.9). Damit ist allen, die vor ihm einen hnlichen
Anspruch gestellt haben Oo 10,8) bzw. die einen solchen nach ihm noch
stellen werden Oo 5,43), die Legitimation entzogen. Fr die ersten Christen
war diese Erkenntnis grundlegend und unverzichtbar (Apg 4,12).
Denn nur scheinbar sind die Religionen hnlich, in Wirklichkeit ist der
Unterschied fundamental. Dieser Unterschied besteht in der Analogielosigkeit Jesu Christi.
Von daher msste die Ringparabel umgeschrieben werden. Der echte
Ring ist erkennbar, er schimmert heller als die anderen und dieser helle
Schein ist der prophetisch ausgewiesene, durch seine Identitt von Lehre
und Leben besttigte und durch seinen Anspruch herausgehobene Christus.
Jesus von Nazareth ist zwar auch als Lehrer" aufgetreten Oo 3,1-2) und
hat sich als Prophet" verstanden (Lk 13,33), aber mit ihm ist den Menschen
mehr als Jona" und mehr als Salomo" gegeben (Mt 12,41-42). Mit ihm
steht nicht ein Empfnger von Offenbarung vor uns, sondern die Offenbarung selbst!
Diesen Anspruch hat keiner der groen Religionsstifter zu stellen gewagt. Sie haben sich alle nur als Empfnger gesehen - Zarathustra als den
ersten Offenbarer und Glaubenslehrer" 14, Gautama, der Buddha, als den
erleuchteten Lehrer" 15 und Lao-tse, der als der alte Meister" angesprochen wurde. 16
14
15
16
Yasht 13,88; zit. b. Mircea Eliade, Geschichte der religisen Ideen, Ergnzungsband:
Quellentexte, Freiburg i. Br.: Herder, 1981, 351.
Dhammapada, V. 276; Mahvagga I, 5, 2. In der buddhistischen Literatur erscheint
Buddha als Meister" und Erhabener" (z.B. Suttapitaka-Khuddakanikya, Jtaka 2),
dem spter die Namen Sakya-muni" (Der Weise aus dem Geschlecht der Sakya),
Siddrtha" (Der den Zweck seiner Sendung erfllt hat) und Tathgata" (Der kommt
und geht wie seine Vorgnger) beigelegt wurden. Der ursprngliche Buddha ist
Mensch, aber nach seinem Anspruch ein besonderer Mensch, der von sich sagte: Ich
habe alles berwunden", ich bin allwissend" (Mahvagga I, 6, 7-9). Unter dem
Einfluss der hinduistischen Seelenwanderungslehre behauptete er, der nach 48.000
Jahren wiedergeborene Knig Sudassana zu sein (zit. b. Helmer Ringgren u. ke V.
Strm, Die Religionen der Vlker: Grundriss der allgemeinen Religionsgeschichte, Stuttgart:
Krner, 1959, 290). Erst spter, im nrdlichen Buddhismus (Mahyna", das groe
Fahrzeug), begann unter hinduistischem Einfluss die Vergttlichung Buddhas (ibid.,
291). Dabei ist zu beachten, dass der historische Gautama nicht der letzte Buddha sein
soll. Gautama erwartete fr die Zukunft den Buddha Maytreya", den gtigen
Buddha. Er wird der beste Mensch" sein, vom Himmel zur Erde gekommen. Er wird
die wahre Lehre predigen" und der hchste Buddha" sein. Seine Kennzeichen sind
Liebe und Mitleid (vgl. Eliade, Geschichte der religisen Ideen: Quellentexte, 316--17).
Zitiert in ibid., 378; vgl. auch Ringgren und Strm, Die Religionen der Vlker, 425.
271
hnlich verhlt es sich auch mit den Gestalten, die dem hebrischen
Prophetismus entstammen oder sich darauf berufen. Nach der Thora gilt
Moses als besonderer Prophet (4 Mo 12,6--8; 5 Mo 34,10), denn er stand in
direkter Gottesverbindung, ihm wurde das Gesetz gegeben und er fhrte
das Volk in die Freiheit. Letztlich aber war er nichts anderes als ein sndiger Mensch (5 Mo 32,50-52). Erst im hellenistischen Judentum wurde er
zum theios aner", zum vergttlichten Menschen, oder, wie es im Talmud
heit, zu einem, der ein wenig niedriger ist als Gott" .17
Auch Mani, der Schpfer des Manichismus, einer Kompilation aus
Christentum und Parsismus, betrachtete sich nur als den Gesandten des
wahren Gottes", als rechtschaffenen Propheten", zu dem die Wahrheit
gekommen ist. 18
Trotz der Behauptung, die Korrektur, Verdeutlichung und Vollendung
des Monotheismus darzustellen, 19 gilt auch im Islam bei aller Wertschtzung der Person Mohammeds dieser nur als Warner" (Koran, Sure 38,65) 20
bzw. als Allahs Gesandter" (72,24). Da die Welt der Engel auf den Himmel
beschrnkt ist, konnte der Gesandte kein Engel (6,50), sondern nur ein
Mensch sein (17,96-97). Als Gesandter ist er allerdings das Siegel der Propheten" (33,40), was sowohl auf Besttigung als auch auf Abschluss hindeuten soll. Dabei musste aber Mohammed eingestehen, dass ihm
prophetische Machttaten, wie sie die hebrischen Propheten hufig ausfhrten, vllig fehlten (17,92-95). 21 Dass er den Kriterien biblischer Prophetie, wie sie in 5 Mo 13, l-5 angegeben sind (bereinstimmung mit dem
bereits Geoffenbarten, biblisches Gottesbild und Beachtung der Gebote Gottes), nicht entsprach, versteht sich eigentlich von selbst. Das einzige Zeichen, auf das Mohammed fr seine prophetische Sendung verweisen
konnte, war die Herstellung des Korans (17,90), von dem er glaubte, er
stnde mit der Thora und dem Evangelium in bereinstimmung (10,94).
Damit bricht ein unendlich qualitativer Unterschied zwischen Mohammed bzw. auch den brigen Stiftern und Jesus auf:
1. Der Anspruch Jesu, wie Jahwe zu reden (Mt 5,21-22) und zu handeln
(Mk 2,5-12), entspringt keiner spteren Gemeindetheologie", sondern hat
17
18
19
20
21
B. Talmud, Nedarim 38a.

Zitiert bei Eliade, Geschichte der religisen Ideen: Quellentexte, 386, 406.
Aus der Sicht des Islam schaffte das Evangelium die Thora ab und der Koran das
Evangelium; vgl. Louis Gardet, Islam, Kln: Bachern, 1968, 61--{)2.
Die Zitate aus dem Koran entstammen der bersetzung von Max Henning (Leipzig:
Reclam, 1901); die Verse der Suren werden daher nach dieser Ausgabe angegeben.
In der Aufzhlung seiner Vorgnger erwhnt Mohammed die hebrischen
Patriarchen, Moses und Jesus, aber eigenartigerweise keinen der alttestamentlichen
Schriftpropheten (2,130).
272
Hans Heinz
Anhalt an der Predigt und an den Machttaten Jesu selbst. Seine Gegner haben dies abwehrend auch eingerumt Qo 8,53; 10,33). Ist er der Mensch gewordene Gott Qo 14,9), 22 dann entscheidet sich die Heilsfrage allein an ihm
Qo 14,6). Nach moslemischem Glauben entscheidet sich das Heil zwar auch
an Mohammed (8,13; 73,15-16), aber sein Eingestndnis, nur Mensch zu
sein (6,50), stellt ihn unter Jesus. 23
2. Im Unterschied zu Mohammed, der nur den Koran als einziges Zeichen seiner Beglaubigung anfhren konnte, hat Jesus berzeugende Hinweise auf seine Ausnahmestellung vorgelegt: Er war der Einzige, der von
sich sagen konnte: Moses hat von mir geschrieben" Qo 5,46). Kein anderer
der Stifter konnte sich konkret - Zeit des Auftretens, Geburtsort, Wirksamkeit, Umstnde und Bedeutung seines Todes - als vorher Geweissagten bezeichnen. Ehe Zarathustra, Buddha, Konfuzius und Lao-tse erschienen, kannte sie niemand. Das Gleiche gilt auch fr Mohammed. Wenn sich
Jesus auch als der andere Messias" verstanden hat, der primr vom leidenden und sterbenden Knecht Gottes" her zu begreifen ist und sich erst
in Zukunft als triumphierender Knig David" erweisen wird, so stand er
damit doch in der Linie alttestamentlicher Prophetie Oes 53,12/Lk 22,37). 24
22
23
24
Im Koran bestreitet zwar Jesus seine Wesensgleichheit mit Gott-Vater (4,169), aber
man muss sich fragen, ob Mohammed die christliche Argumentation, sofern er mit
der orthodoxen Interpretation konfrontiert worden ist, berhaupt verstanden hat,
denn er denkt bei Zeugung an einen menschlichen Akt (19,91-93), bei Dreiheit an
Tritheismus (4,169) und folglich bei Dreieinigkeit an eine ans Heidentum erinnernde
Trias von Gott-Vater, Jesus und Maria (5,116).
Dabei ist zu beachten, dass sich auch im Koran Spuren finden, die Jesus ber
Mohammed stellen. Jesus ist auf wunderbare Weise gezeugt worden (19,16-22), er ist
der Messias (3,40), das Wort der Wahrheit (19,35), er hat Ausstzige und Blinde
geheilt sowie Tote auferweckt (5,110) und darum hat ihn auch Gott erhht (3,48). Dass
Mohammed seine Kreuzigung leugnet - anstelle Jesu sei angeblich ein anderer
gekreuzigt worden (4,156), was auf gnostischen Einfluss deutet - hngt mit
Mohammeds Gottesbild zusammen. Gott, der als autoritrer Monarch begriffen wird,
konnte nicht zulassen, dass der Messias besiegt wird. Damit fllt auch die
Heilsbedeutung des Todes Jesu, allerdings nicht seine Parusie (Wiederkunft), denn da
er im Zusammenhang damit sterben soll, wird er bei der Auferstehung Zeuge sein
wider das Volk der Schrift", d.h. Juden und Christen (4,157).
Mohammed behauptet zwar, er sei der von Abraham Erbetene (2,123), aber im Koran
finden sich keine Weissagungen des AT, die konkret auf das Leben und Wirken
Mohammeds gedeutet werden knnten. Mohammeds Behauptung (2,141; 61,6), er sei
der von Jesus in Jo 16,7 geweissagte Trster", ist exegetisch nicht haltbar. Jesus hat
mit dem Trster auf das Kommen des Heiligen Geistes hingewiesen Go 14,16.17.26;
15,26) und der griechische Begriff partikletos (Trster, Frsprecher) hat nichts mit
periklytos (Gepriesener), der griechischen bersetzung des arabischen Ahmed (ein
anderer Name fr Mohammed), zu tun.
273
3. Nicht erst nach Jahrhunderten bildete sich in der Christenheit die berzeugung von der Sndlosigkeit Jesu heraus, sie ist von Anfang an vorhanden (2 Ko 5,21; 1 Pt 2,22; 1 Jo 3,5) und hat Anhalt am Selbstverstndnis
Jesu Go 8,46) und an der Erfahrung, dass mit ihm eine totale Identitt von
Lehre und Leben vorliegt Go 6,69). Moses fehlte (5 Mo 32,48-52), Konfuzius
bekannte, das Edle zu lehren, aber nicht immer zu leben, 25 der mitleidvolle
und gewaltlose Buddha kommt am ehesten Jesus gleich, aber seine Lehre
der Selbstlosigkeit dient der Weltabgewandtheit und nicht der weltzugewandten Entfaltung des Lebens Go 10,11), und der Koran spricht sowohl
von den Snden der biblischen Propheten als auch von den Snden Mohammeds (48,2), aber nie von den Snden Jesu!
4. Jesus stand zwar mit seiner ethischen Lehre ganz in der Tradition des
AT (Gottes- und Nchstenliebe: 3 Mo 19,18; 5 Mo 6,5/Mt 22,36--40), aber er
hat alles auf die Liebe konzentriert und diese durch das Gebot der Fremden- und Feindesliebe auch radikalisiert (Mt 5,43-48). Auch Buddha tritt
fr Erbarmen und Gewaltverzicht ein, aber er verlor die Vgel unter dem
Himmel" und die Lilien auf dem Felde" aus dem Blick! 26 Und Mohammed
kennt wohl auch Almosen und Nchstenliebe, aber genauso auch die heilige Gewalt: Rcht euch in gleichem Mae, als euch Bses zugefgt wurde"
(16,127). Die Goldene Regel" der Bergpredigt (Mt 7,12) trifft man in negativer Form (Was du nicht willst, dass man dir tu, das fg auch keinem anderen zu") als Spitzenformel der humanistischen Ethik in vielen
Kulturzentren der Alten Welt an: Indien, 27 Israel,2 8 China, 29 Griechenland 30
Sogar die positive Form war der Antike nicht unbekannt, 31 aber die Weisen
und Gelehrten wie Isokrates (um 400 v. Chr.) oder Seneca (1. Jh. n. Chr.)
haben sie alle nur gelehrt, Jesus hingegen hat sie nicht nur gelehrt, sondern
in vollkommener Weise gelebt!
5. Diese unvergleichliche Hoheit Jesu manifestierte sich auch in unvergleichlicher Niedrigkeit. Auch darin ist Jesus analogielos. Moses war ein in
gyptischer Weisheit Gebildeter, Buddha war ein Knigssohn, Konfuzius
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
Der Meister sprach: In der Wissenschaft bin ich vielleicht anderen Menschen
gleichwertig, aber persnlich das Wesen des Edlen in die Tat umzusetzen, das habe
ich noch nicht erreicht." Zitiert bei Otto Borchert, Der Goldgrund des Lebensbildes /esu,
Konstanz: o. J., 279-SO.
Wenn der Weise als die Merkmale dieser Welt Vergnglichkeit, Wesenlosigkeit und
Leid erkennt, wie sollte er da Freude empfinden?" (Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king, V. 1658).
Mahabharata 13,113.
Tob 4,16; Hillel im Babylonischen Talmud, Sabbath 31a.
Konfuzius, Lun-y 15,23.
Thales v. Milet, zitiert bei Diogenes Laertios, Leben und Lehre der Philosophen, 10
Bcher, Stuttgart: Reclam, 1998, 1:36.
Vgl. Ethelbert Stauffer, Die Botschaft ]esu: Damals und heute, Bern: Francke, 1959, 55-56.
274
Hans Heinz
ein angesehener Weiser und Mohammed ein reicher Kaufmann. Allein Jesus war der Niedrigste Ges 53,2-3) im Leben (Lk 9,58) wie auch im Sterben
(Lk 18,31-33). Keiner war so hoch und anders als die brigen Menschen
und keiner war so niedrig und solidarisch mit ihnen wie er. Darum ist das
Christentum auch gar keine Religion im eigentlichen Sinn, d.h. Religion als
menschlicher Annherungsversuch an Gott. Authentisches Christentum ist
Evangelium, das Kommen Gottes zur Welt, die Erniedrigung in seinem
Sohn, das Heil der Welt durch Tod und Auferstehung (Mk 10,45; Lk 24,4r47; Jo 1,14). In diesem Sinn ist Jesus, der Christus, unvergleichlich:
Wenn die hlg. Schrift von Gott redet, dann erlaubt sie uns nicht, unsere
Blicke und Gedanken willkrlich schweifen zu lassen, um in irgendeiner
Hhe oder Tiefe die Feststellung eines mit vollkommener Souvernitt
[... ] ausgestatteten Wesens zu vollziehen [... ] sondern wenn die hlg.
Schrift von Gott redet, dann sammelt sie unsere Blicke und Gedanken
auf einen einzigen Punkt[ ... ] Und wenn wir noch genauer zusehen und
fragen: Wer und was ist an jenem einen Punkt[ ... ] als Gott zu erkennen?
Dann fhrt sie uns von ihrem Anfang und von ihrem Ende her auf den
Namen Jesus Christus [... ] Es gibt keine tiefere Tiefe des Wesens und
Wirkens Gottes als die, die in diesem Geschehen und also unter diesem
Namen offenbar geworden ist. Denn eben in diesem Geschehen und unter diesem Namen hat er sich selbst offenbart. 32
In den Weltreligionen - dies soll gerne zugestanden sein - gibt es erhabene Gestalten mit erhabenen Gedanken, wohl aber auch mit groen Defiziten. Sie versuchten alle, in irgendeiner Weise das Geheimnis Gott" zu
erreichen, obwohl uns Gott schon lngst in Christus, seiner Selbstoffenbarung, erreicht hat. Darum gibt es in der Heilsfrage auch nur eine Antwort:
Jesus Christus! Wer ihn bekennt, der bleibt in Gott und Gott in ihm" (1 Jo
4,15).
32
Karl Barth, Kirchliche Dogmatik, Band 2: Die Lehre von Gott, 2 Teile, Zollikon-Zrich:
Evangelischer Verlag, 1959, 2:56-57.
THE ESSENCE OF ADVENTISM 1

}ACK}. BLANCO
1. Introduction
The question has often been debated among Christians as to whether the
doctrines of the Seventh-day Adventist Church are biblically based. A cursory examination of historical sources makes it evident that from the beginning and continuing throughout its history the essence of Adventism has
been a commitment to truth as found in Scripture. 2
It is not the purpose of this article to review the entire history of the Adventist church, rather it is to give a quick oversight of its continuous search
for Scriptural truth followed by a close examination of five of its cardinal
doctrines selected as an example of what Seventh-day Adventists believe
and what they deny. While it is important to know what one believes, it
also is important to know what not to believe which gives greater clarity to
faith.
For an insight into Adventism's commitment to Scriptural truth we begin with a statement by James White, one of the principal leaders and "cofounder of the Seventh-day Adventist Church." 3
We do not believe as we do from being of the same cast of mind. We differ in respect to natural temperament and education, probably, as much
as the members of any other religious body in existence. We do not believe as we do from denominational mold. We are gathered from Methodists, Regular Baptists, Free-will Baptists, Seventh-day Baptists,
Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Episcopalians, Disciples, Dutch Reformed, Christians, Lutherans, Catholics, United Brethren, Universalists,
Gerhard Pfandl's commitment to Scripture is well known among his colleagues. It is a

privilege to contribute an article to this Festschrift.
See John N. Loughborough, Rise and Progress of the Sroenth-day Adventists (Battle
Creek: General Conference Association of Seventh-day Adventists, 1892); LeRoy
Edwin Froom, The Prophetic Faith of Our Fathers (4 vols.; Washington, D. C.: Review &
Herald, 1954); George W. Reid, ed., Understanding Scripture: An Adventist Approach
(BRIS 1; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 2005); and also Raoul Dederen, ed.,
Handbook of Sroenth-day Adventist Theology (Commentary Reference Series 12;
Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2000).
For a brief life-sketch of James White see Don F. Neufeld, ed., Sroenth-day Adventist
Encyclopedia (2d rev. ed.; Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 1996), 890-96.
276
Jack/. Blanco
worldlings, and infidels. Neither is it from national cast that we believe as

we do. We are largely composed of native Americans, while many are
gathered from the English, Welsh, Scotch, Irish, French, Germans, Norwegians, Danes, Swedes, Poles, Swiss, Italians, and others. The labor of
bringing together a body of believers composed of such material, affected
more or less by the religious sentiments and forms of the several denominations, with all their national peculiarities-enjoying, in a very large degree, unity of sentiment and spirit-is evidently the work of God. Why,
then, do we believe as we do? It is out of respect for the Bible we love,
and the God of the Bible we revere, what we believe what we do, and are
what we are. 4
James White, Bible Adventism (Battle Creek: Seventh-day Adventist Publishing

Association, n.d), 11. Yet there is a distinctiveness about Adventist theology as James
White so clearly pointed out: "Our people have adopted a denominational name
which expresses the two leading features of our religious faith. We are Adventists,
and are observers of the ancient Sabbath of the Lord. The reason why we are
Adventists is because we take the Bible as meaning just what it says. And why should
we not believe that when God speaks to his people his words mean what they say? If
he does not mean what he says in his word, then pray tell us what he does mean. If his
words do not have their plain, simple, and obvious meaning, then the Bible ceases to
be a revelation, and God should give us another book to tell us what this one means.
But the Bible is its own interpreter. We admit that the Lord in his world has used
figures and parables, but in every case these are explained in the context. (... ]
Certainly the Author of our blessed Bible has not introduced parables to obscure his
meaning, and confuse our minds" (ibid., 12). John N. Andrews, another early leader of
Adventism, draws attention to the messages in Rev 14:6--12 with its focus on the
Second Coming of Christ and the keeping of the commandments as representing the
distinctiveness of Adventist theology in the light of the gospel. As he says, "Whoever
will read attentively the proclamation embraced in the fourteenth chapter of
Revelation, cannot fail to notice their vast importance. At whatever period in the
history of the church these proclamations are made, from their very nature they must
constitute the great theme of interest for that generation. Whenever the angels of this
chapter are commissioned by God to announce to the nations of the earth that the
hour of his Judgment is come, (... ] no man can disregard their work, or treat their
warnings as non-essential, except at the peril of his own soul." Cf. John N. Andrews,
Three Messages of Revelation 14 (5th rev. ed.; Battle Creek: Review & Herald, 1892), 9-10.
"Has the proclamation of the hour of God's Judgment come, been made in any past
age? If such a proclamation has never been made in past centuries, there is an end to
controversy on this part of the subject. No person has ever been able to show any such
proclamation in the past. The apostles did not make such a proclamation; on the
contrary, they plainly inform us that the day of the Lord was not then at hand. Martin
Luther did not make this proclamation; for he thought the Judgment about three
hundred years in the future. And finally, the history of the church presents no such
proclamation in the past. Had the first angel preached to every nation, and kindred,
and tongue, and people, that the hour of God's Judgment had come, the publicity of
such a proclamation would be sufficient guaranty that the history of the world would
contain some record of the fact. Its total silence respecting such a proclamation is
The Essence of Adventism
277
Although Adventism grew out of the Great Awakening of the 19th Century
and more specifically out of the Millerite movement of the 1830's and 40's. It
wasn't until 1863 that the church was officially organized. During those intervening years there were numerous Bible conferences for the purpose of
coming to an agreement. About a decade later in 1872 the first twenty-five
Fundamental Beliefs were published. 5 In 1887 Ellen White wrote to G. I. Butler, General Conference President, "Let none feel that we know all the truth
the Bible proclaims." 6 A revised and expanded edition of twenty-eight Fundamental Beliefs were published in 1889. In response to an appeal from
church leaders outside the USA they were regrouped and published in 1931
as twenty-two and continued as such for nearly half a century. At the 1980
meeting of the world church in General Conference session the church's beliefs were re-studied and enlarged to twenty-seven with the following introductory statement:
Seventh-day Adventists accept the Bible as their only creed and hold certain fundamental beliefs to be the teaching of the Holy Scriptures. These
beliefs, as set forth here, constitute the church's understanding and expression of the teaching of Scripture. Revision of the statements may be
expected at a General Conference session when the church is led by the
Holy Spirit to a full understanding of Bible truth or finds better language
in which to express the teachings of God's Holy Word.7
This does not mean: (1) that the church is above Scripture; (2) revisions can
be voted contrary to Scripture; (3) these Fundamental Beliefs can be revised
by General Conference leadership; (4) that the voice of either the majority or
minority of delegates to a General Conference session is the voice of the
Holy Spirit; and (5) that the officers in the General Conference have a right
to force unsettled questions upon the world church. 8
At the 2005 session of the General Conference, Fundamental Belief #11
was added to the twenty-seven not so much as something new but to address a growing concern of church leaders for the need to explicitly state
ample proof that it was never made, and should not put to silence those who make
such an affirmation" (ibid., 15).
Richard W. Schwarz and Floyd Greenleaf, Light Bearers: A History of the Seventh-day
Adventist Church (rev. ed.; Nampa: Pacific Press, 2000), 65-66, 16!Hil.
Ellen G. White, Manuscript Releases, Vol. 11 (Silver Spring: E. G. White Estate, 1993),
231.
Seventh-day Adventists Believe (2d ed.; Boise: Pacific Press, 2005), v. Cf. also Seventh-day
Adventist Church Manual (17th ed.; [Silver Spring): Secretariat, General Conference of
Seventh-day Adventists, 2005), 9.
Jack J. Blanco, "Fundamental Beliefs: Commentary," Adventist Perspectives 1 (Nov.
1987): 21. The language of the statement has been adapted.
278
Jack J. Blanco
Adventism's belief in God's power to give to believers in Jesus Christ a victorious life over the powers of evil. 9
According to Angel Rodriguez, the current Director of the Biblical Research Institute of the General Conference, the commitment of the church to
Scriptural truth has not changed.
Seventh-day Adventists are a community of believers shaped by the
Scriptures in their doctrinal convictions and practices, as well as in their
daily interactions with others. The reading and the study of the Bible, accompanied by prayer, is a central spiritual discipline in the life of the
church. This spiritual discipline should be exemplified and promoted by
church leaders, teachers, pastors, and church elders throughout the
world. 10
The Biblical Research Institute of the General Conference has always been
very interested in the vital roll of the Bible in nurturing the community of
believers. Consequently, it has sought to provide materials for study that
will deepen the church members' understanding of the Bible and will train
them in how to study by themselves.
These selected statements from the history of Adventism give the reader
a glimpse into the church's continuous search for and commitment to Biblical truth. Below are five Fundamental Beliefs chosen from the twenty-eight
to illustrate what the church believes and what it rejects.
2. Five Fundamental Beliefs of Seventh-day

Adventists
2.1. The Authority of Scripture
We believe: The Holy Scriptures, Old and New Testaments, are the written
Word of God, given by divine inspiration through holy men of God who spoke and
wrote as they were moved by the Holy Spirit. In this Word, God has committed to
man the knowledge necessary for salvation. 11
We affirm: (1) The Bible is the Word of God and is the primary and authoritative means by which he reveals himself to human beings; (2) the
Holy Spirit inspired the Bible writers with thoughts, ideas, and objective
information which they expressed in their own words; (3) the Scriptures are
an indivisible union of human and divine elements, neither of which
10
11
Seventh-day Adventists Believe, 149-50. Cf. also Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, 1213 [Fundamental Belief #11].
Angel M. Rodriguez, "Foreword," in Understanding Scripture: An Adventist Approach
(ed. G. W. Reid; BRJS 1; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 2005), ix.
Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, 9 [Fundamental Belief #1, first half].
279
should be emphasized to the neglect of the other; (4) all Scripture is inspired
by God and came through the work of the Holy Spirit; (5) the Bible transcends its cultural backgrounds to serve as God's word for all cultural, racial, and situational contexts in all ages; (6) the 66 books of the Old and
New Testaments are the clear, infallible revelation of God's will and his
salvation; (7) God intends that human reason be used to its fullest extent,
but within the context and under the authority of his Word rather than independent of it; (8) the revelation of God in all nature, when properly understood, is in harmony with the Written Word, and it to be interpreted in
the light of Scripture; (9) Scripture cannot be correctly interpreted without
the aid of the Holy Spirit; (10) the investigation of Scripture must be characterized by a sincere desire to discover and obey God's will and word. 12
We do not believe: (l) that the inspiration of the Bible is the same as
claimed by other "holy" books; (2) that the Bible is verbally inspired; (3)
that later revelation can negate or contradict earlier revelation as in the OT
or the claim that NT writers are more reliable; (4) that revelation is a subjective encounter with God rather than an objective relation with propositional
truth; (5) that inspiration is merely a statement of human religious truth
and moral values; (6) that the Bible is not revelation as the word of God but
only a witness to revelation; (7) that inspiration is merely a descriptive
process rather than a standard of right and wrong for people at all times; (8)
that inspiration is meant to be understood through reader response rather
than through the Holy Spirit; (9) that the Bible is merely a case book and not
propositional revelation; (10) that inspiration must meet scientific, historic,
and higher critical standards to be valid. 13
We believe: The Holy Scriptures are the infallible revelation of his will. They
are the standard of character, the test of experience, the authoritative revealer of
doctrines, and the trustworthy record of God's acts in history (2 Peter 1:20, 21; 2
Tim. 3:16, 17; Ps. 119:105; Prov. 30:5, 6; Isa. 8:20; John 17:17; 1 Thess. 2:13; Heb.
4:12). 14
We affirm: (1) The Spirit enables the believer to accept, understand, and
apply the Bible to one's own life and to render obedience to all scriptural
requirements; (2) only those following the light already received can hope
12
13
14
This is based on the document "Methods of Bible Study," voted by the Annual
Council of Seventh-day Adventists in 1986 and published in the Adventist Review 164,
no. 4 (22 Jan. 1987): 18--20.
Blanco, "Fundamental Beliefs," Adventist Perspectives 1 (Nov. 1987): 22, adapted. Also
notice the statement of Ellen G. White, Education (Mountain View: Pacific Press, 1903),
227, where she writes, "The work of 'higher criticism' in dissecting, conjecturing,
reconstructing, is destroying faith in the Bible as a divine revelation; it is robbing
God's word of power to control, uplift, and inspire human lives."
Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, 9 [Fundamental Belief #1, second half].
280
Jack f. Blanco
to receive additional light from the Spirit; (3) those who come to the study
of the Word must do so with faith, in the humble spirit of a learner; (4) with
careful study the Bible student may come to an understanding of the essentials of salvation apart from any human explanations; (5) Scripture is an
authentic, reliable record of history and God's acts in history. 15
We do not believe: (1) that revelation can be equated with human reason; (2) that general revelation is as reliable as special revelation; (3) that
revelation is merely intuitional insight into the human dilemma; (4) that
Scripture is morally normative only for the times and peoples to whom it
was given; (5) that Scripture needs to be demythologized, that is, stripped
of supposed editorial insertions and non-authentic accounts, in order to be
authoritative; (6) that NT Scriptures are to be understood and interpreted
only in the context of the application to the early church; (7) that teachings
of Scripture can only be understood in the light of progressive revelation by
which later canonical books are more authoritative than earlier ones; (8)
that correct doctrines are a means of salvation regardless of one's relationship to Jesus Christ or that doctrines are non-essential and do not effect
one's relationship to Christ; (9) that the acts of God in history are done
without his foreknowledge; (10) that his acts as recorded in Scripture are
non-literal as in folklore or are mystical descriptions of greater realities expressed in revelational terms; (11) that prophecies are non-predictive, never
reaching beyond the prophet's own time; (12) that all miracles can be explained in naturalistic terms; (13) that there is a canon within the canon of
Scripture by which all other Scripture must be tested; (14) that there are
levels or degrees of inspiration making certain portions of Scripture more
authoritative than others; (15) that the acts of God in history reflect an anthropological punitive nature and not the Father of the Lord Jesus Christ; 16
(16) that Scripture is merely a human witness to revelation; (17) that revelation is a process rather than a product; (18) that writers of Scripture passed
on interpretations of revelation rather than revelation itself; (19) that exegesis alone is sufficient to understanding Scripture; (20) that tradition, reason,
and religious experience have revelational authority together with ScriptureY
15
16
17
Cf. "Methods of Bible Study," 18-20. See also Seventh-day Adventists Believe, 11-21.
Blanco, "Fundamental Beliefs," Adventist Perspectives 1 (1987): 22-23, adapted.
For an analysis of systems 0f thought which impinge on the authority of Scripture see
Norman Gulley, Systematic Theology: Prolegomena (Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press), 2003. Some of the examples listed by Gulley include: (1) encounter theology,
whereby revelation is confined to Christ, with Scripture merely being a witness to him
(pp. 244-46); (2) category translation, where words are given advanced contemporary
insights (pp. 261--ti2); (3) Historie and Geschichte, making a distinction between actual
history and salvation history as spiritual acts of God (pp. 266--<i7); (4) incarnationalism,
281
2.2. The Trinity

We believe: There is one God; Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, a unity of three coeternal Persons. God is immortal, all powerful, all-knowing, above all, and ever
present. He is infinite and beyond human comprehension, yet known through his
self-revelation. He is forever worthy of worship, adoration, and service by the whole
creation (Deut. 6:4; Matt. 28:19; 2 Cor. 13:14; Eph. 4:4-6; 1 Peter 1:2; 1 Tim. 1:17;
Rev. 14:7). 18
We affirm: (1) A triune plurality within the Godhead; (2) the three persons of the Godhead have a loving, working relationship without unnecessary duplication; (3) each person is uniquely and cooperatively focused on
salvation. 19
We do not believe: (1) that the Trinity consists of three functions of a
one-person God (Modalism); (2) that the Trinity consists of three separate
divine personalities unrelated and independent of each other (Tritheism);
(3) that one or more of the three Persons derives existence from another or
both, and does not have life in himself or in themselves. 20
We believe: God the Eternal Father is the Creator, Source, Sustainer, and Sovereign of all creation. He is just and holy, merciful and gracious, slow to anger, and
18
l9
20
placing Christ the Living Word above the importance of the written word which he
advocated (pp. 277-80); (5) mechanical or dictation theory, i.e., every world is dictated by
the Holy Spirit including the Hebrew vowel points (pp. 303-4); (6) degrees of
inspiration, suggesting that some parts of Scripture are more inspired than others (p.
305); (7) Sola Scriptura and Prima Scriptura, where in the former the Bible interprets
itself while in the latter other sources of revelation assist (pp. 372-74); (8)
deconstructionism, deconstructing the meaning of the author by imposing one's own
(pp. 484-87); (9) revisionism, arguing that Pietistic experience is more important than
right doctrine (pp. 492-96); (10) the Wesleyan Quadrilateral, with tradition, reason, and
experience as sources of revelational guidance and an emphasis on the message of
Scripture rather than on the Bible as a medium of revelation (pp. 557-59); (11)
canonical criticism, where the community of faith gives Scripture its authority (pp. 6078); (12) structuralism, with a focus on the meaning of the text rather than on the text
itself (pp. 608--11); (13) reader response criticism, with its creativity of the individual
interpreter who pictures what meaning the reader or the writer had in mind (pp. 61214); (14) culture above Scripture, a mix of culture and Scripture in which culture must be
separated from Scripture (pp. 614-18); (15) case book theory, in which the Bible is a book
of case studies to be studied as a physician studies patients and forms his conclusions;
also no other inspired writer can be relied on to correctly interpret another (pp. 62429). See also William Yarchin, History of Biblical Interpretation (Peabody: Hendrickson,
2004).
Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, 9 [Fundamental Belief #2).
Seventh-day Adventists Believe, 23--33.
Jack J. Blanco, "Fundamental Beliefs: Commentary," Adventist Perspectives 2, no. 2
(Summer 1988): 6-7, adapted.
282
Jack f. Blanco
abounding in steadfast love and faithfulness[ ... ] (Gen. 1:1; Rev. 4:11; 1 Cor. 15:28;
John 3:16; 1John4:8; 1 Tim. 1:17; Ex. 34:6,7; John 14:9.). 21
We affinn: (1) God is love; (2) he is a God of truth and faithfulness; (3) of
mercy and forgiveness; (4) of salvation and infinite justice; (5) he is omniscient, omnipotent, and omnipresent; (6) he is the God of creation, the Father
of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the Father of all believers; (7) his attributes are
seen in the person of Jesus Christ; (8) he will return with his Son and ever
be with his people. 22
We do not believe: (1) that God the Father is simply the first cause of
everything that exists; (2) that he is God as in Animism, Pantheism, Panentheism or Pantheistic Monism; (3) that he is an "Absentee Landlord" as in
Deism; (4) that he is inconsistent, partial, and arbitrary in action; (5) that
God is an end in himself and that it is his glory to only receive and not to
give; (6) that God loves us only because of Jesus' death for us; (7) that God
together with humans is always in the process of becoming. 23
We believe: God the eternal Son became incarnate in Jesus Christ.[ ... ] He was
conceived of the Holy Ghost and born of the virgin Mary. [... ]He lived and experienced temptation. [... ] He suffered and died voluntarily on the cross for our sins
and in our place, was raised from the dead, and ascended to minister in the heavenly sanctuary in our behalf.[ ... ] He will come again in glory[ ... ] (John 1:1-3, 14;
Col. 1:15-19; John 10:30; 14:9; Rom. 6:23; 2 Cor. 5:17-19; John 5:22; Luke 1:35;
Phil. 2:5-11; Heb. 2:9-18; 1 Cor. 15:3, 4; Heb. 8:1, 2; John 14:1-3).24
We affinn: (1) The Son of God is fully God and as such has life original,
unborrowed, and underived; (2) there never was a time when he was not;
(3) that he was fully human as well as fully divine; (4) in his incarnate state
he was totally dependent on his Father; (5) he was tempted in all things yet
without sin; (6) at his death he tasted the agony of total separation from
God; (7) immediately after his resurrection he ascended to the Father and
then returned to his disciples for 40 days. 25
We do not believe: (1) That in eternity past the Son of God came into existence (Arianism); (2) that he was not fully divine (Ebionism); (3) that he
was only one of the highest spiritual powers among many in God's kingdom (Mormonism); (4) that the Son of God only appeared to be human
(Docetism); (5) that he had two wills one human and one divine (Dyothelitism); (6) that he was born with a dual human nature having a propensity
21
22
23
24
25
Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, 9-10 [Fundamental Belief #3).

Seventh-day Adventists Believe, 35-41, adapted.
Blanco, "Fundamental Beliefs," Adventist Perspectives 2, no. 2 (1988): 7, adapted.
Seventh-day Adventists Believe, 43-67.
283
toward evil in the body but not in the mind; (7) that he was tempted without the risk of failure; (8) that he used his divine power to ease his personal
burdens; (9) that his miracles were merely natural healings given supernatural dimensions by his disciples or were worked by the power of the
devil and not the power of God; (10) that he did not die on Calvary but only
fainted; (11) that his resurrection was only mystical, intended to merely
awaken faith in believers (Bultmannism); (12) that his post-resurrection
appearances were those of his spirit which left his body at death. 26
We believe: God the eternal Spirit was active with the Father and the Son in
Creation, incarnation, and redemption. He inspired the writers of Scripture. [... ]
He draws and convicts human beings; and those who respond he renews and transforms into the image of God. [... ]He extends spiritual gifts to the church, empowers it to bear witness to Christ, and in harmony with the Scriptures leads it into all
truth (Gen. 1:1, 2; Luke 1:35; 4:18; Acts 10:38; 2 Peter 1:21; 2 Cor. 3:18; Eph. 4:11,
12; Acts 1:8; john 14:16-18, 26; 15:26, 27; 16:7-13).27
We affirm: (1) The Holy Spirit is a Person and has a personality as does
the Father and the Son; (2) the Holy Spirit guided in the writing of the
Scriptures; (3) Christ was conceived in the womb of Mary by the power of
the Holy Spirit; (4) through the power of the Holy Spirit we are born again;
(5) the Holy Spirit guides and empowers believers and equips the church. 28
We do not believe: (1) that the Holy Spirit is an influence emanating
from the Father and the Son; (2) that the illumination of Scripture to the
believer by the Holy Spirit is the same as special revelation; (3) that the gifts
of the Spirit were so given as to exalt the gift of tongues above all other of
his gifts and as proof that the believer has received the baptism of the Holy
Spirit. 29
2.3. Creation
We believe: God is Creator of all things, and has revealed in Scripture the authentic account of his creative activity. In six days the Lord made "the heaven and
the earth" and all living things upon the earth, and rested on the seventh day of
that first week. Thus he established the Sabbath as a perpetual memorial of his completed creative work. [... ] (Gen. 1; 2; Ex. 20:8-11; Ps. 19:1-6; 33:6, 9; 104; Heb.
11:3). 30
26
27
28
29
30
Blanco, "Fundamental Beliefs," Adventist Perspectives 2, no. 2 (1988): 7-9, adapted.

Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, 10 [Fundamental Belief #5].
Seventh-day Adventists Believe, 69-77.
Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, 10-11 [Fundamental Belief #6].
284
Jack J. Blanco
Confirmation: Between 2002 and 2003 three International Faith and Science Conferences were convened in the United States by leaders of the Seventh-day Adventist Church for Adventist scientists, educators, and
theologians, who along with church leaders could openly discuss the implications of contemporary scientific discoveries and related world views
upon Scripture and more specifically on a literal seven-day, special creation.
At the end of the third session the Organizing Committee voted to present an Affirmation of Creation to the General Conference Executive Committee through the office of the General Conference President which was
accepted and responded to by the General Conference Executive Committee at the 2004 Annual Council of world representatives and voted as follows:
1. We strongly endorse the document's affirmation of our historic, biblical position of belief in a literal, recent, six-day Creation. 2. We urge that
the document, accompanied by this response be disseminated widely
throughout the world Seventh-day Adventist Church, using all available
communication channels and in the major languages of world membership. 3. We reaffirm the Seventh-day Adventist understanding of the historicity of Genesis 1-11: that the seven days of the Creation account were
literal 24-hour days forming a week identical in time to what we now
experience as a week; and that the Flood was global in nature. 4. We call
on all boards and educators at Seventh-day institutions at all levels to
continue upholding and advocating the Church's position on origins.
We, along with Seventh-day Adventists parents, expect students to receive a thorough, balanced, and scientifically rigorous exposure to and
affirmation of our historic belief in a literal recent, six-day creation, even
as they are educated to understand and assess competing philosophies
of origins that dominate scientific discussion in the contemporary world.
5. We urge church leaders throughout the world to seek ways to educate
members, especially young people attending non-Seventh-day Adventist schools, in the issues involved in the doctrine of creation. 6. We call
on all members of the world-wide Seventh-day Adventist family to proclaim and teach the Church's understanding of the biblical doctrine of
Creation, living in its light, rejoicing in our status as sons and daughters
of God, and praising our Lord Jesus Christ-our Creator and Redeemer.31
31
"Response to An Affirmation of Creation: Made by the Members of the General

Conference Executive Committee at the 2004 Annual Council," Ministry 77, no. 3
(March 2005): 21. See also Adventist Review 181, no. 46 (11 Nov. 2004): 12-15; and
Seventh-day Adventists Believe, 79..,'!9.
Tiie Essence of Adventism
285
We do not believe: (1) that creation occurred through evolution, known

variously as "theistic evolution" or "progressive creation" or that there is a
gap of time between Genesis chapter 1 and 2; (2) that the creation story is
merely a metaphor, a poetic description, or a mythical expression embodying a religious truth as distinct from the record of a literal time; (3) that the
"uniformitarian theory" indicating that the physical and chemical actions of
today are safe guides in estimating those of previous times or that the geological and fossil records are accurate determinants of creation time; (4) that
science is above Scripture; (5) that man has evolved from lower organism
under the direction of God allowing for death to occur prior to sin and will
continue to evolve until he reaches a spiritual state in which he is fit to meet
God; (6) that in the philosophical concept of a closed universe but in an
open universe demonstrated by the entry of the Son of God at his incamation.32
2.4. Salvation
We believe: In infinite love and mercy God made Christ, who knew no sin, to
be sin for us, so that in Him we might be made the righteousness of God. [... ] Led
by the Holy Spirit we sense our need, acknowledge our sinfulness, repent of our
transgressions, and exercise faith in Jesus as Lord and Christ, as Substitute and
Example. This faith which receives salvation[ ... ] is the gift of God's grace. Through
Christ we are justified, adopted as God's son and daughters, and delivered from the
lordship of sin. Through the Spirit we are born again and sanctified; [... ]Abiding
in him we become partakers of the divine nature and have the assurance of salvation
now and in the judgment (2 Car. 5:17-21; John 3:16; Gal. 1:4; 4:4-7; Titus 3:3-7;
John 16:8; Gal. 3:13, 14; 1 Peter 2:21, 22; Rom. 10:17; Luke 17:5; Mark 9:23, 24;
Eph.2:5-10; Rom. 3:21-26; Col. 1:13, 14; Rom. 8:14-17; Gal. 3:26; John 3:3-8; 1
Peter 1:23; Rom. 12:2; Heb. 8:7-12; Eze. 36:25-27; 2 Peter 1:3, 4; Rom. 8:1-4; 5:610).33
We affirm: (1) Humans have inherited a sinful nature from our first parents, but not their guilt; (2) guilt comes from knowing to do good and not
doing it; (3) acknowledgement of sin with repentance are necessary for forgiveness and acceptance; (4) Christ's sinless life is credited to those who
believe and model their life after him; (5) all sin can be forgiven except a
consistent turning from the Holy Spirit. 34
We do not believe: (1) that sin can be forgiven apart from the shed blood
of Jesus Christ; (2) that justification is a once and for all fixed declaration of
32 Blanco, "Fundamental Beliefs," Adventist Perspectives 2, no. 2 (1988): 6-7, adapted.
33 Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, 12 [Fundamental Belief #10].
34
Sroenth-day Adventists Beliroe, 133-47.
286
Jack /. Blanco
a believer's righteousness and salvation; (3) that faith is a person's savior;

(4) that the "new birth" is only behavior modification; (5) that men and
women are predestined to be saved or lost by election or reprobation; (6)
that sin is merely a psychological disorder; (7) that men and women are
saved by works or by a combination of faith and works; (8) that the condition for eternal life today is different from what it has been since the entrance of sin; (9) that situation ethics in which the "loving thing to do"
justifies a disregard of God's moral law; (10) that a saving faith is devoid of
good works. 35
3.5. Christ's Second Coming

We believe: The second coming of Christ is the blessed hope of the church, the
grand climax of the gospel. The Saviour's coming will be literal, personal, visible
and worldwide. When he returns the righteous dead will be resurrected, and together with the righteous living will be glorified and taken to heaven, but the unrighteous will die. The almost complete fulfillment of most of the lines of prophecy,
together with the present condition of the world, indicates that Christ's coming is
imminent. The time of that event has not been revealed, and we are therefore exhorted to be ready at all times (Titus 2:13; Heb. 9:28; John 14:1-3; Acts 1:9-11;
Matt. 24:14; Rev. 1:7; Matt. 24:43, 44; 1 Thess. 4:13-18; 1 Cor. 15:51-54; 2 Thess.
1:7-10; 2:8; Rev. 14:14-20; 19:11-21; Matt. 24; Mark 13; Luke 21; 2 Tim. 3:1-5; 1
Thess. 5:1-6). 36
We affirm: (1) Christ's return rests upon his promise; (2) there will be
signs of his return; (3) for some his coming will be an overwhelming surprise; (4) he will come in the glory of the Father with all the holy angels; (5)
at his coming he will destroy the wicked and take the righteous to heaven.
We do not believe: (1) that Christ intended to set up God's Kingdom of
Glory when he was here; (2) that the apostles were mistaken in their views
of Christ's second coming which had to be corrected by the post-apostolic
church; (3) the apotelesmatic principle of interpretation, suggesting that the
"end-time" prophecies of Daniel and Revelation have had fulfillments
throughout history; (4) the preterist interpretation, suggesting that these
prophecies were fulfilled in the past; (5) the futuristic interpretation, arguing that these prophecies apply to the future; (6) that Christ's return is a
spiritual event rather than a literal coming in the clouds of heaven; (7) that
believers will be secretly "raptured" prior to Christ's second coming; (8)
that Christ will come as King of Peace to save the earth from selfdestruction; (9) that Satan is unable to assume the form of an angel of light
35
36

287
and masquerade as the King of Peace; (10) that those who live to see
Christ's return will have reached a state of perfection. 37
3. New
Belief
As was mentioned, the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists at

the 2005 World Session held in the United States voted a new statement of
belief to clarify the truth that Christians are engaged in a spiritual warfare
that is real and dangerous and will become more so as we near the Second
Coming of Jesus Christ.38
We believe: By his death on the cross Jesus triumphed over the forces of evil.
He who subjugated the demonic spirits during his earthly ministry has broken their
power and made certain their ultimate doom. [... ]No longer do we live in the darkness, fear of evil powers, ignorance, and meaninglessness of our former way of life.
In this new freedom in Jesus, we are called to grow into the likeness of his character,
communing with him daily in prayer, feeding on his Word, [... ] gathering together
for worship, and participating in the mission of the Church. As we give ourselves in
living service to those around us and in witnessing to his salvation, his constant
presence with us through the Spirit transforms every moment and every task into a
spiritual experience (Ps. 1:1, 2; 23:4; 77:11, 12; Col. 1:13, 14; 2:6, 14, 15; Luke
10:17-20; Eph. 5:19, 20; 6:12-18; 1 Thess. 5:23; 2 Peter 2:9; 3:18; 2 Cor. 3:17, 18;
Phil. 3:7-14; 1 Thess. 5:16-18; Matt. 20:25-28; John 20:21; Gal. 5:22-25; Rom.
8:38, 39; 1 John 4:4; Heb. 10:25).39
We affirm: (1) that demonic powers are accepted as real; (2) that humans
can be controlled by such powers and become demon possessed; (3) that
Christ through the Holy Spirit can deliver and cast out demons as he did
during his earthly ministry; (4) dependence on Christ, daily surrender to
him, prayer, and "fruit-bearing" are necessary to remain free from evil spirits; (5) during the time of the end demonic activity will intensify. 40
We do not believe: (1) Christians have strength within themselves to
successfully fight spiritual warfare; (2) being confident of one's own faith in
Christ is adequate for such warfare; (3) victory can be achieved by Scriptural knowledge alone; (4) evil powers can be overcome without the aid of
the Holy Spirit; (5) demonic influence can take control without consent.
37 Jack J. Blanco, "Fundamental Beliefs: Commentary," Adventist Perspectives 4, no. 1

(1990): 6--7, adapted.
38 Seventh-day Adventists Believe, 371-86.

39
40
Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual, 12-13 [Fundamental Belief #11].

Seventh-day Adventists Believe, v~vi, 149--{)2.
288
Jack J. Blanco
4. Conclusion
After a cursory glance at the beginnings of the Seventh-day Adventist
Church and a sampling of its Fundamental Beliefs it cannot be denied that
the essence of Adventism has been and continues to be the pursuit of truth
as found in Scripture. The church is not above Scripture nor is it bound by a
creedal statement which might restrict embracing additional truth. Adventism' s belief in the Triune God as three co-eternal persons is rooted in Scripture as is its belief in a literal six day creation. The church upholds the
completed work of Christ for man's sins by his death and that salvation is
by grace through faith. And its hope lies in the soon return of Jesus Christ.
TowARDS AN ADVENfIST
THEOLOGY OF HOPE 1
ANGEL MANUEL RooRiGUEZ
1. Introduction
In the history of Christian thought, hope became a special subject of theological reflection during the 20th century. This concern with the theological
significance of hope was stimulated in a unique way by the Jewish atheist
and Marxist philosopher Ernst Bloch. 2 Over against the existentialism of
Martin Heidegger, who argued that humans are constitutionally anguished
and should learn to live in quiet desperation, Bloch argued that what defines humans is hope, that is to say a constant forward-looking for selfrealization in the future. He demonstrated through a massive study of the
human experience in its multi-diversity of expressions that hope is constitutive of human nature. His work influenced Jurgen Moltmann's theology of
hope3 and other continental theologians. 4 Bloch's concept of hope is "from
below" and is based on his understanding of reality as being in a state of
flux within which humans are in the process of becoming. Moltmann's theology of hope is also "from below," with a strong and determinative element of panentheism. But the truth is that the experiments of hope
configured by humans during the 19th and 20th centuries, based primarily
on the ideas of modernism, progress, and the promises of science and technology, have proven to be unreliable. As Moltmann himself has recognized,
This article is dedicated to Gerhard Pfandl, a respected friend and colleague, in

appreciation for his significant contribution to Adventist theology as a professor and
as a member of the Biblical Research Institute of the General Conference.
Ernst Bloch, The Principle of Hope (trans. N. Plaice et al.; 3 vols.; Oxford: Blackwell,
1986); trans. of Das Prinzip Hoffnung (3 vols.; Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 19541959).
Jurgen Moltrnann, Theology of Hope (trans. J. W. Leitch; New York: Harper & Row,
1967); trans. of Theologie der Hoffnung (Munich: Kaiser, 1965). For Moltmann's
evaluation of Bloch see idem, "Hope and Confidence: A Conversation with Ernst
Bloch," Dialog 7, no. 1 (1968): 42-55.
For instance, Wolfhart Pannenberg, Basic Questions in 11ieology, Vol. 2: Collected Essays
(trans. G. H. Kehm; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1971), 238; and Walther Zimmerli,
Man and His Hope in the Old Testament (London: SCM, 1971), l, 151~5, where he
discusses and evaluates Bloch'~ views.
290
the 20th century put an end to the 19th century idea of progress. 5 It would
be correct to conclude that at the beginning of the 21st century we are
standing on the tombs of human hopes. Postmodemism has not being able
to offer any meaningful hope to the human race, and whatever is taking its
place seems only to be offering resignation, that is to say hopelessness. 6 It is
within that interest in hope that the Adventist movement places in the market of ideas a message of hope "from above." Here we will reflect on some
aspects of that hope.
2. Protology and Eschatological Hope

In our study of hope we will start at the beginning, that is to say, at the
moment of creation. Hope is usually conceived as existing in the context of
peril, anticipating protection or deliverance. If we accept that particular
view it would appear somewhat difficult to talk about protological hope in
the context of the absence of sin and evil on this planet (cf. Gen 1:31). However, in Adventist theology, sin and evil have a cosmic dimension in that
they are understood as originating outside this world and reach it through
human rebellion (cf. Rom 5:12). 7 This suggests that the element of peril was
already present in the cosmos before the creation of human beings. Consequently, the future of those beings was not totally divested of peril, although the expectation of the future was not for them a source of anguish. 8
Jurgen Moltrnann, "Progress and Abyss: Remembrances of the Future of the Modern
World," in The Future of Hope: Christian Tradition amid Modernity and Postmodernity (ed.
M. Volf and W. Katerberg; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2004), 15-16. For a more detailed
evaluation of the failure of progress to provide genuine hope, see Richard Bauckham
and Trevor Hart, Hope against Hope: Christian Eschatology at the Turn of the Millennium
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999), 1-25.
For the concept of hope promoted by postmodern thinkers like Richard Rorty and
Jacques Derrida see Richard Rorty, Truth and Progress (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1998), 24J-44; and Jacques Derrida, Specters of Marx (New York:
Routledge, 1994), 59-90. For a discussion and evaluation of their concept of hope see
James K. A. Smith, "Determined Hope: A Phenomenology of Christian Expectation,"
in The Future of Hope: Christian Tradition amid Modernity and Postmodernity (ed. M. Volf
and W. Katerberg; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2004), 200-27.
For an Adventist study of the concept of the cosmic conflict see Frank B. Holbrook,
"The Great Controversy," in Handbook of Seventh-day Adventist Theology (ed. R.
Dederen; Commentary Reference Series 12; Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2000),
969-1009.
That there was peril in the Garden of Eden is clearly indicated in the narrative of the
fall and the activity of the serpent (Gen 3:1-7). This idea may be present in Gen 2:15:
"The Lord God took the man and put him in the Garden of Eden to work it and take
care [ir;i'!IJ of it." The verb 1r;Jo/ expresses the ideas of keeping watch, guarding,
protecting something and in this case implies a possible danger or P,eril. One could
Towards an Adventist Theology of Hope
291
2.1. Protology and Hope

According to the biblical creation narrative, God formed intelligent beings
called humans and placed them within the space-time continuum. Humans
are by nature creatures of time, displacing themselves within its flow, moving constantly to the future. Hope appears to be located within our awareness of the flow of time. If we are creatures of time, then, we are also by
definition, creatures of hope in the sense that we always exist in a state of
expectation,9 traveling in time and anticipating what is not yet a concrete
reality.
When God created the human race he created hope as an attribute of human nature-beings that by nature exist within time in expectation of what
the future brings-and also as the object of what is expected. When God
breathed the breath of life into the human race, hope was breathed in. Hope
is like the breath of life. Every breath we take is the inhalation of a fraction
of the future, an unconscious expression of the hope that life will continue
uninterrupted (cf. Eccl 9:4). 10 Hope is so deeply intertwined with our exis-
10
say that the garden seems to have been in need of protection. Cf. Victor P. Hamilton,
The Book of Genesis: Chapters 1-17 (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1990), 171.
The basic biblical vocabulary for hope properly speaking is limited. In the OT we have
at least four important verbs that convey the idea of hope: '11i? "to await, hope" is
probably the most important one; but we also find, 'n:i: "to wait"; i:;io/ "to wait, hope";
;i:;>1;i "to wait for, be patient"; the verb m,?:;i "to trust, be confident" sometimes
expresses the idea of hope. There are other Hebrew terms that in some contexts may
express the meaning of hope; see Rolf P. Knierim, The Task of OT Theology: Method and
Cases (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 246--47; for an earlier and still useful discussion
of the terminology and its significance consult, J. van der Ploeg, "L'esperance dans
I' Ancien Testament," RB 61 (1954): 481-507. In the NT the basic term is thnic;
"expectation, hope." That terminology suggests that hope is fundamentally understood as a state of expectation, of waiting for something or someone. But expectation
by itself is not enough to clarify the meaning of biblical hope. "An expectation is either
good or bad and therefore it is either hope or fear.( ... ) Hope as expectation of good is
closely linked with trust." Rudolf Bultmann, "thnic;," TDNT 2:522; see also Bernhard
Mayer, "thnic;, hope [noun], object of hope," EDNT 1:437-41, for whom "existence in
hope demands patient expectation." Hope faces the future always expecting from the
hand of the Lord that which is good. In fact, with respect to the different Hebrew
terms for hope, it could be said that they "show an attitude in which beings, foremost
humans, are looking forward, and focusing in anticipation for and in dependence on
something or someone to arrive, to happen, or to be achieved." Knierim, Task of OT
Theology, 247. Zimmerli concludes that "viewed as a human attitude, hope is a
waiting, an existence toward that which is to come." Zimmerli, Man and His Hope in
the Old Testament, 8.
Hope islsuch an intrinsic part of life that to hope is practically an instinctive response
to our need for life itself. It should not surprise us to know that the language of hope is
applied in the OT to animal life. This phenomenon is not a rational search for hope, but
292
tence that it is impossible to separate one from the other. To exist is to be in

a state of expectation or in a condition of hope.
Being creatures of time meant that humans existed in a state of expectation and change. God brought into existence perfect beings that were not
yet fully developed. In fact, their perfection partially consisted in being created with a potential for further development. We could even say that since
humans had a future, they were unfinished beings, creatures in the process
of becoming what God intended them to be. Created by God, they were to
develop, grow, and actualize their God-given potential within the flow of
time. They were constantly to move from the past through the present into
the future, reaching new depths of self-understanding and self-realization.
In Adventist thinking it will take eternity for humans to develop their full
potential.
Hope as expectation was a gift God granted to Adam and Eve through a
blessing that reached them as a promise. For instance, he commanded them
to have numerous descendants. The flow of time, the future, was to bring
with it something wonderful and intriguing: many descendants. Adam and
Eve existed anticipating the moment when they would be surrounded by
many other human beings. The Lord was offering them a wonderful future
to be enjoyed in his presence and in the company of many other human
beings. This was hope in the sense of the joyful and constant anticipation of
a future within which God's promises to them would be fulfilled. They constantly waited for the new, that which could only be delivered by the God
who was always present with them-present in the actuality of the now
and in the expectation and realization of the future. We could then suggest
that hope is to be understood as what takes place when humans face the
future and imagine what it will be like, what they will make out of it, or
when they simply accept the divine vision of the future offered to them in
the form of a promise (e.g., Jer 29:22; 31:17; cf. Acts 26:6).
2.2. Protological Hope and Eschatology

In the study of the biblical concept of hope, protology and eschatology are
inextricably connected. It is true that biblical hope is related to our historical
consciousness and that its realization takes place in concrete events within
an instinctive response to Deed. The biblical writers observed the animals searching
for food and concluded that they were hoping to preserve their lives. But their
conclusion is very significant. Since it is the Lord who feed them, they concluded that
animals also wait on the Lord for the preservation of their lives. For instance: "These
all look (i:;iip Piel 'to wait, hope') to you to give them their food at the proper time" (Ps
104:27); God "gives food to every creature" (Ps 136:25); "The eyes of all look (i:;iip Piel
'to wait, hope') to you, and you give them their food at the proper tim~" (Ps 145:15).
293
history. But at the same time ultimate hope is of a transcendental nature. It

is not simply the result of the flow of time as it shapes historical events. The
two elements-historical expectation and realization and transcendental
divine action-should be preserved together. We have already suggested
that protological hope, understood as expectation, conceived the future as
the vehicle by which God's love for human beings was constantly and eternally flowing into the present. In that setting, hope was the daily anticipation of the realization of that experience in the company of the Creator. The
future was not covered with the darkness of fearful uncertainty but with
the assurance of self-realization in union with God.
Unfortunately the peril of evil was embraced by humans, protological
hope died and with it human existence was agonizing (cf. Gen 2:17). Without hope as an object of divine origin, hope as a human attribute or attitude
is reduced to a state of deadly selfishness or self-preservation. Time within
human history became the dwelling of evil and consequently the natural
uncertainty of the future became the source of fear and angst for intelligent
creatures in a world of rebellion and sin (Gen 3:8-9). In that context, hope
acquired its eschatological dimension and fundamentally became Messianic
hope. God Himself promised to configure a future for his creatures free
from the fear of extinction and evil powers (cf. Gen 3:16). In the context of
the cosmic controversy, protological hope became to a large extent eschatological hope. But this hope is in some respects unique in God's universe.
3. Christ: The Only Hope

3.1. The Source of Hope
The only source of true hope in the Scripture is God. It is this direct connection of hope with God that differentiates true hope from false hopes. Biblical hope is not the result of human inventiveness motivated by the
existential fears in which we live. True hope comes from God and reaches
us through Christ. It is not something we conceive but something that can
apprehend us in the midst of hopelessness (cf. Col 1:27). Consequently, the
uncertainty of the future as a source of angst is replaced with the certainty
of a permanent and personal encounter with a God who is constantly in
front of us and whose presence we will enjoy (cf. Mat 5:8).
The nature of the Adventist hope questions and rejects human hopes
based on evolutionary ideology that places our future in the hands of the
meaningless impersonal forces of nature. It also questions the value of psychological or social programs for self-improvement that attempt to develop
our human and social potential to the exclusion of the true hope found exclusively in Christ. Humanisti; thinking can only address the issue of hope
294
through a plurality of hopes. It lacks the potential to create and implement

an all-encompassing hope that will integrate the totality of the cosmos into a
harmonious oneness (cf. Rom 8:19-25).
3.2. The Embodiment of Hope

Adventist hope is never plural (e.g., Eph 4:4). It is the result of a divine act
of recreation through which God brought into existence hope in a context of
hopelessness. The act of bringing out hope for the hopeless is in itself a saving act (Rom 8:24). That soteriological event, performed through Christ, is
the ultimate ground and expression of Christian hope. When Adventists
say "Christ is our hope" they do not simply mean that he is the one who
brings hope to a hopeless race; they also mean that he is our hope as an objective reality. It is meant that in him the only hope worth calling hope is
already present in human history (cf. Heb 2:6-9). Hope is to be understood
as a Christological event. 11 It is an amazing biblical truth that practically
every aspect of the Christian hope is already an actuality in the person of
Christ. In other words, if we want to know the nature of the hope that God
is offering us we simply have to look at Christ in whom the objectivity of
our future hope is already present. Hence, our hope of permanent union
with God has been concretized in Christ who was born in union with God
Oohn 17:22); his resurrection anticipates and assures our resurrection (2 Cor
4:14); he ascended to heaven and so shall we (1Thess4:17); he was glorified
and we will also be glorified (Rom 8:17); he entered into the very presence
of God in the heavenly sanctuary and we will also enter there (Heb 6:20); he
was installed as king of the universe and we will reign with him (Rev 3:21).
He remains forever and we will remain forever with him (1 Thess 5:10).
Since what we hope for, what we anticipate with great longing, expectation,
and eagerness is already present in Christ, the certainty of our hope is well
grounded and unshakeable (Heb 3:6; 6:11). He is in the literal sense of the
word our only hope (l Tim 1:1) and our living hope (l Pet 1:3). In him we can
anticipate the future that God has reconfigured for the human race; our
hope. It is this embodiment of hope in Christ that distinguishes it from
wishful thinking and illusory speculations.
11
For an Christological understanding of the Christian hope see George B. Caird, "The
Christological Basis of Christian Hope," in The Christian Hope (London: SPCK, 1970),
9-24. He limits his analysis to the connection between the resurrection of Christ and
the Christian hope of the resurrection, but it seems to us that there are other aspects of
the experience of Christ that are also directly connected to the Christian hope. Of
course all of them are dependent on his resurrection.
295
3.3. The Mediator of Hope

In Adventist theology Christian hope is accessible to each person through
the mediation of Christ in the heavenly temple (Heb 6:19-20; 7:25). The
Scripture compares our hope to an anchor firmly secured in the heavenly

temple where Christ is ministering for us (Heb 6:18-20). The hope that was
configured by God for us and concretized on the cross, resurrection, and
ascension of our Lord, reaches us through his work of mediation before the
Father. This implies that true hope cannot be mediated through religious
systems or sociopolitical institutions, but only and exclusively through Jesus in the heavenly temple. It also implies that his mediation on our behalf
belongs to the very content of our hope. 12 The Christian hope presupposes
that we have an advocate before the Father through whom there is forgiveness of sin, power to overcome evil entities, and the future vindication of
believers before the universe at the Second Coming. Adventists face the
final judgment in full confidence, free from existential angst, because they
have a mediator in heaven who will represent their cases and confirm the
verdict of acquittal imputed to them by faith when they first believed (cf.
Gal 5:5). 13 This hope is real because in the person of Jesus it is located in the
heavenly sanctuary in theyresence of God (Heb 7:19; Col 1:5). 14
4. Hope and the Present
4.1. Hope and Present Evil

The Adventist hope is not detached from the present realities that we face
in a world of sin, suffering, and death. We realize that the ultimate eradication of evil from the world is in fact an intrinsic part of our hope. Neverthe-
12
13
14
Bums writes, "Our hope in Christ is vested not only in his resurrection as firstfruits
but also in his priestly ministry at the right hand of the Father." J. Lanier Bums,
"Hope: The Heart of Eschatology," in Looking into the Future: Evangelical Studies in
Eschatology (ed. D. W. Baker; Grand Rapids: Baker, 2001), 195.
See Ivan T. Blazen, "Justification and Judgment," in 70 Weeks, Leviticus, and the Nature
of Prophecy (ed. F. B. Holbrook; DARCOM 3; Washington: Biblical Research Institute,
1986), 339--88; Gerhard F. Hase!, "Divine Judgment," in Handbook of Seventh-day
Review & Herald, 2000), 815-56.
On the importance of Christ's mediation, Ellen G. White wrote, "God is approached
through Jesus Christ, the Mediator, the only way through which he forgives sins.[ ... ]
This is the sinner's only hope, and if he rests here in sincere faith, he is sure of pardon
and that full and free. There is only one channel that is accessible to all, and through
that channel a rich and abundan.,t forgiveness awaits the penitent, contrite soul and the
darkest sins are forgiven." "Ellen G. White Comments- I Timothy," BC 7:912-13.
296
less, we anticipate its fulfillment by making the vitality of that hope present
in the sphere of death and suffering, through actions and attitudes that contribute to alleviate human suffering. Hope is not indolent indifference to the
damaging effects of evil in the world but a motivation to resist it on behalf
of those who suffer. There are aspects of our hope that God can actualize
through us in the present experience of suffering humanity, while we wait
for its full eschatological expression. True hope is not content to look forward; it also looks around and nearby. Adventists seek to instill hope by
showing its power and relevance within the predicament of the human
condition; the hopelessness of the human race. Those who hope have the
moral duty to share that hope not only through words, but particularly
through actions of love that bring into the present elements of the richness
of that hope. The present relevance of our hope was modeled by Jesus who,
while constantly pointing to the eschatological hope, demonstrated in his
ministry its present impact by liberating, healing, and bringing joy to suffering humanity (cf. Matt 4:23). That limited expression of our hope in the
arena of human suffering becomes a sign, perhaps a type, pointing to its
coming fullness at the eschaton.
4.2. Hope and Perseverance
Eschatological hope also plays a significant role in the present life of the
believer. Such hope is always accompanied by willingness to wait, to endure the most difficult circumstances that could threaten one's commihnent
to the Lord, and to grow in God's sanctifying grace (1 John 3:3; 2 Pet 3:14).
Hope acknowledges the presence of evil but recognizes that evil cannot
determine the nature of ultimate reality because it is a transient phenomenon, destined to extinction. What is permanent is that which only hope in
Christ can anticipate (cf. Heb 11:10). Hence, hope is, by its very nature, accompanied by expectation, endurance, and willingness to wait for the divine presence and intervention. 15 It is fundamentally characterized by
is
The OT emphasizes in a special way the nature of hope as trust in God and patiently
waiting on him. Bultmann comments, "To have hope, to have a future, is a sign that
things are well with us. This hope is naturally directed to God. It is naturally referred
to most frequently when man is in trouble and hopes that God will deliver and help
him. This hope is thus trust, so that we may have ;np [await, hope] and no:i [trust,
have confidence] together {LXX Ps 24:1 ff.), or ;np may be used where elsewhere we
have no:i in the same sense. This hopeful trust is always demanded, however, even in
times of blessing." Bultmann, "EATTi<;," TDNT 2:522; see also, Paul S. Minear, "Hope,"
IDB 2: 641, who argues that in the OT hope designates an attitude of trust, dependence
or reliance in God, expectation of what is good and waiting with patience and
courage. In the NT EATTi<; "hope" designates full confidence in God's promises which
"demands patient expectation (Rom 8:25; 1Thess1:3) of that which does not belong to
297
perseverance in faith and love (cf. 1Cor13:13). 16 Adventists exist in the context of a constant expectation of the realization of their hope. They are reminded of it whenever they participate in the Lord's Supper, thus
strengthening their perseverance in their journey of hope (Matt 14:25). Their
insistence in proclaiming the soon return of Christ is a call to the human
race to embrace the Christian hope, to keep it alive, to prepare for it, and to
live in the expectation of that blessed hope (cf. Titus 2:13; 2 Pet 3:8-11).
5. Personal and Universal Hope

Biblical hope has an element of specificity to it. It is not so vague that we
cannot define or recognize it when it reaches us. The subject of hope knows
what the object of hope looks like. That does not mean that it is fully apprehended in the present state of expectation. It is specific enough to describe
its basic and fundamental contours, but at the same time its fulfillment will
transcend the human feeble present perception of it. Adventist eschatological hope is grounded in the specific elements of biblical eschatological hope.
The fullness of the Adventist hope is realized in stages, introduced by specific eschatological events, in which each event plays a particularly important role. It incorporates the individual, the community of believers and,
then, it extends itself to cosmic dimensions. This hope anticipates the reestablishment of a perfect union with God on this planet in a space and
time liberated from the corrupting influence and presence of evil powers. It
is indeed the consummation of the liberating power of the cross.
5.1. The Parousia of Christ1 7

In Adventist eschatology the particular significance of the second coming is
located in the fact that this is the consummation of Christ's sacrificial death
on the cross for us. At that moment the hope of believers from all ages is
transmuted into a glorious reality. This event does not primarily address
the cosmic impact of sin but its impact on God's people on earth. During
16
17
the visible world." Mayer, "Elrni<;," EDNT 1:438. For a valuable study of hope and its
theological content in the NT see Charles F. 0. Moule, The Meaning of Hope
(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1953).
Elliott writes, "Hope is different from love and faith because it is the ground for faith
and the occasion for love." Mark W. Elliott, "Hope,'' New Dictionary of Biblical Theology
(ed. T. 0. Alexander et al.; Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 2000), 560.
For a fuller treatment of this subject see Richard P. Lehmann, "The Second Coming of
Jesus,'' in Handbook of Seventh-day Adventist Theology (ed. R. Dederen; Commentary
Reference Series 12; .Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2000), 89J-926; and also the
collection of essays on that topic in V. Norskov Olsen, ed., The Advent Hope in Scripture
and History (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 1987).
298
the final judgment the heavenly court deals first with the cases of God's
people before addressing the cosmic dimension of sin in order for them to
receive their eternal reward at the moment of the second coming. The hope
instilled through the power of the Holy Spirit in the heart of each believer
in the form of a promise is now realized in a magnificent form, transcending the most fertile anticipations of the human mind. God's time, the future,
he configured for us, and the time of the individual, the present, lived
within the hopeful sphere of a divine promise converge, and hope will be
transformed into a glorious present reality.
The specificity of that hope is important. It consists, first, in the radical
transformation of human nature (1Cor15:53). We exist in a state of conflict
with ourselves that disturbs and even disrupts our inner peace while we
continue to wait for the final resolution of this existential dissonance. Free
from this personal distortion or disfigurement of the true self, each believer
will be able to realize God's intentions for him or her to their fullest potential.
Second, the realization of the hope of the believer at the second coming
will consist in her or his removal from a social ecology possessed and controlled by evil powers. The effects of sin continue to have an impact on our
bodies and we experience sickness and suffering. We look forward to "the
redemption of our bodies" (Rom 8:23). This will lead to a new mode of existence permanently detached from the sphere where sin rules. Believers will
be restored to the social and natural environmental conditions originally
created by God for the human race. Such environment will be free from the
power of suffering and death. At that moment protology and eschatology
will begin to embrace each other.
Third, in Adventist thought the realization of the Christian hope at the
return of Christ will consist of a permanent, unhindered and visible access
to our Savior (e.g., Rev 1:7). Adventists look forward to a time when they
will exist in the immediate presence of the Savior, never to be separated
again (cf. Titus 1:2). This permanent union with the source of life, and particularly with the Redeemer, will enrich the quality of human life in dimensions that we cannot even begin to anticipate and that will result in an
experience of eternal joy (cf. Isa 35:10; Rev 21:2-5).
Finally, the consummation of the Adventist hope at the second coming
will also consist of a harmonious social interaction. It will be a moment of
re-union, a re-encounter. The separation from loved ones occasioned by the
power of death comes to an end through the re-creative power of the Savior
(1 Cor 15:54-57). The individual hope merges here with the collective hope
of those who throughout the ages went to sleep embracing the promises of
God as their only hope.
299
In Adventist theology the realization of the Christian hope at the second

coming takes place in a universe in which the presence of evil is still a reality. That eschatological event does not resolve the cosmic nature of sin; it
only brings to fruition the hope of believers on this planet. But individual
hope is not hope in isolation; otherwise it will become selfish hope. The
Adventist hope includes, and at the same time transcends, the resolution of
the human predicament, reaching to the very depths of the cosmos, to the
center of universal governance, to the very throne of God in his heavenly
temple. It anticipates the removal of evil not only from our sinful nature
and from the immediate context in which we exist, but also from the universe (Dan 8:14; Rev 20). Then, the eschatological significance of the salvific
event of the cross will be consummated.
5.2. The Millennium 18

Here a question must be raised: Why could not that all-embracing hope be
realized in conjunction with the second coming? In other words, why could
not the sin problem in all of its cosmic ramifications be resolved at the moment of the parousia? Why should it be bracketed in for a thousand years to
be addressed again at another stage in the eschatological scenario (Rev
20:1-3)? Adventists believe that the resolution of the sin problem takes
place in stages due to the complexity of the problem of sin and to God's
interest in revealing to the universe the justice of his decisions and actions.
Adventists theology finds in the Millennium an indispensable eschatological event that will lead to a cosmic theodicy (Rev 20:15-21:1; cf. Col 1:20).
First, the Millennium suggests that at the second coming the cosmos will
not yet be ready for the annihilation of unrepentant sinners and Satan and
his fallen angels. The second coming will reveal that the sacrifice of Christ is
powerful enough to save repentant sinners and to liberate them once and
for all from the constant threat of the enslaving power of sin. But the eradication of a fragment of God's intelligent creation from the cosmos is unquestionably a radical step in the redemptive purpose of Christ's death.
This must take place at the appropriate kairos; at the moment when it will
18
See Eric C. Webster, "The Millennium," in Handbook of Seventh-day Adventist Theology

(ed. R. Dederen; Commentary Reference Series 12; Hagerstown: Review & Herald,
2000), 927--46; and Joel Badina, "The Millennium," in Symposium on Revelation, Book 2:
Exegetical and General Studies (ed. F. B. Holbrook; DARCOM 7; Silver Spring: Biblical
Research Institute, 1992), 225--42. One has to note that Rev 20 is a structurally complex
chapter in which different elements and techniques are employed to express or
communicate the parti~lar ideology of the revelatory experience of the author; for a
valuable analysis of the structure of Rev 20 consult Ekkehardt Muller, "Macrostructural Analysis of Revelation 20," AUSS 37 (1999): 227-55.
300
result in the healing of the universe and the restoration of perfect harmony
or shalom. Otherwise it could result in a deeper fragmentation of the universe. The Millennium provides the needed time for the maturation of the
problem and for a universal congruence in support of the divine solution to
the cosmic conflict.
Second, the Millennium is a time of cosmic reflection and analysis concerning the results of the cosmic conflict. Heaven and earth will be involved
in this task and both analyses will reach a common conclusion. On earth, as
a result of the death of all the wicked at the second coming, Satan and his
angels will find themselves imprisoned on a desolated planet (Rev 19:2020:3). Having no objects to deceive, they will become their own objects of
analysis and reflection. Satan will be confronted with himself, not from the
outside, but from within. Together with his angels he will have time to reflect on his role in the cosmic conflict and to contemplate the results of his
rebellion against God's government. This introspection will contribute to
the reconciliation of the universe. Without it the cosmic theodicy will
hardly be possible because there will not be a universal doxology of judgment.19
The reflection in heaven, in the Messianic kingdom, takes place in the
setting of the judgment of the wicked (Rev 20:4; cf. 1 Cor 6:2-3). The Adventist hope looks forward to the moment when the redeemed ones will
join the heavenly court and will participate in the examination of the lives
of those who persisted in their rebellion against God. They will reign with
Christ for a thousand years in the sense that they will participate with him
in his judicial responsibility. The redeemed ones will have a contribution to
make toward the resolution of the cosmic problem of sin. They have had a
first hand knowledge of the phenomenon of sin by experiencing its enslaving power in their own lives. But they have also experienced the redeeming
power of the cross and they know that there is no valid excuse for sin and
19 The phrase "doxology of judgment'' is used by scholars to refer to a legal act by which
a person charged with a crime acknowledges the crime and the justice of the God's
punishment. Cf. Gerhard von Rad, Old Testament Theology (2 vols.; New York: Harper
& Row, 1962), 1:357-58. See particularly Friedrich Horst, "Die Doxologien im
Amosbuch," ZAW 47 (1929): 45-54, who pointed out that there was within the Israelite
sacral law a practice or a ceremony in which the culprit was admonished to give glory
to God by recognizing that the Lord was righteous even when condemning him to
death. Apart from Josh 7, he also makes reference to Jer 13:15-16; 1Sam6:5; Ps 118:1721; Amos 4:6--13, and other passages. Gerhard von Rad comments that "in accepting a
justly imposed judgment, the man confesses his transgression, and he clothes what he
says in the mantle of an avowal giving God the glory. The essence of this and of every
act of praise is that in all circumstances it declares God to be in the right." Von Rad,
Old Testament Theology, 1:259. We will extend it to include the cosmic proclamation of
the righteousness of God in his eschatological judicial decisions.
Towards an Adventist Theology of Hape
301
personal submission to evil powers. The decision to obliterate the anomaly

of sin from the cosmos will not be an arbitrary one but will take place in the
court of law and every citizen of the kingdom of God will be involved. The
people of God here on earth are already part of the family of God in
Heaven and will enjoy the same privileges.
Third, the reflection on earth and the reflection in the form of judicial
proceedings in heaven will reach a common conclusion at the end of, and
after the Millennium. Both reflections will converge in acknowledging that
God's judicial decisions are just and righteous. They will both result in an
eschatological theodicy that will exonerate God from all charges raised
against him by the satanic powers. The wicked and Satan and his angels
will appear before the throne of God to experience the result of their rebellion (Rev 20:9-15). The examination of their own records will persuade
them of their guilt and of God's justice in his judgment against them.
The Adventist eschatological hope embraces the universe and longs for
the moment when the reconciliation obtained through Christ's sacrificial
death will reach cosmic dimensions. This theodicy will occur before the
throne of God and will result in a doxology of judgment on the part of evil
powers. They will publicly and voluntarily recognize that they were fighting for the wrong cause, will confess the righteousness of God, accept the
Lordship of Christ, acknowledge that the divine sentence pronounced
against them by the divine tribunal is just, and accept that they deserve to
die (cf. Phil 2:9-11). At that moment the universe will be ready to witness
the eternal extinction of sin and sinners from God's creation. Without that
universal harmony of purpose and action the sin-problem would not be
resolved. The final resolution of the great controversy will take place
through the persuasion and the surrender of evil powers and through their
voluntary acceptance of their deadly sentence. They will echo the praises of
those in heaven who exclaimed: "You are just in these judgments, you who
are and who were, the Holy One, because you have so judged" (Rev 16:5;
cf. 19:1-2). The Adventist hope looks forward to the time when that event
will take place.20
20
The eschatological doxology of judgment pronounced by the evil powers, and also by
the whole universe, is beautifully described by Ellen G. White as follows: "Satan sees
that his voluntary rebellion has unfitted him for heaven. He has trained his powers to
war against God; the purity, peace, and harmony of heaven would be to him supreme
torture. His accusations against the mercy and justice of God are now silenced. The
reproach which he has endeavored to cast upon Jehovah rest wholly upon himself.
And now Satan bows down and confesses the justice of his sentence.[ ... ] With all the facts of
the great controversy in view, the whole universe, both loyal and rebellious, with one accord
declare: 'Just and true are thy ways, thou King of saints."' Ellen G. White, The Great
Controversy (Mountain View: Pacific Press, 1939), 670--71 (emphasis mine).
302
5.3. The New Earth21

Adventist hope projects itself into the ages of eternity. That hope anticipates
the moment when God will recreate an environment that will facilitate the
peaceful and joyful co-existence of humans with the rest of creation, free
from the anguish of suffering and death in the eternal presence of God
(Rom 8:19-23). Obviously the anticipated hope could hardly express or contain the reality eagerly awaited. In fact, at this point the Adventist understanding of what is hoped for ceases to be as specific as it was before. The
mystery that surrounds the realization of that hope, the hope itself of a
world that will be so radically different from the one we know, makes it
impossible to describe in detail the nature of that hope.
Adventists simply embrace the language of the Scriptures recognizing
its limitations to express the unfathomable and unique. So, they accept that
existing in the presence of God will be a permanent reality, but they do not
fully understanding the richness and depth of that experience; they anticipate a permanent mode of existence divested of the limitations imposed by
our mortality without fully comprehending what it will be like to exist forever in the company of loved ones, Jesus, and God; they anticipate dwelling
in the heavenly city, the New Jerusalem, without being able to apprehend
the greatness, beauty, and nature of that most glorious place. The concreteness of the biblical language emphasizes the reality of those experiences
and the language is retained because that is the way God wants the Christian hope to be fleshed out while its realization is awaited (e.g., Rev 21:10-27).
In Adventist thinking the self-realization and self-fulfillment of humans

in the new earth takes place through, among many other possibilities, the
productivity and creativity of work and through the unhindered development of the potential with which God originally endowed the human race. 22
The Adventist hope eagerly waits for the moment when,
21
22
See Daegeuk Nam, "New Earth and the Eternal Kingdom," in Handbook of Seventh-day
Review & Herald, 2000), 947~8; and Roberto Badenas, "New Jerusalem-The Holy
City," in Symposium on Revelation, Book 2: Exegetical and General Studies (ed. F. B.
Holbrook; DARCOM 7; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 1992), 243--71.
Ellen G. White comments: "To dwell forever in this home of the blest, to bear in soul,
body, and spirit, not the dark traces of sin and the curse, but the perfect likeness of our
Creator, and through ceaseless ages to advance in wisdom, in knowledge, and in
holiness, ever exploring new fields of thought, ever finding new wonders and new
glories, ever increasing in capacity to know and to enjoy and to love, and knowing
that there is still beyond us joy and love and wisdom infinite-such is the object to
303
every faculty will be developed, every capacity increased. The acquirement of knowledge will not weary the mind or exhaust the energies.
There the grandest enterprises may be carried forward, the loftiest aspirations reached, the highest ambitions realized; and still there will arise
new heights to surmount, new wonders to admire, new truths to comprehend, fresh objects to call forth the powers of the mind and soul and
body.23
Such hope can only imagine the human race ranging "from world to
world," and employing much of their time "in searching out the mysteries
of redemption. And throughout the whole stretch of eternity, this subject
will be continually opening to their minds." 24 Nothing will bring more joy
to the redeemed ones than exploring the mystery of their salvation, the significance of the cross of Christ. The subject of the atonement will keep on
challenging their intellectual and spiritual capacities throughout eternity as
they attempt to gain a more complete understanding of the love of God
revealed on the cross, and the cost of their salvation. 25
6. Conclusion
Humans are creatures of hope for which each second is a moment of expectation. Our awareness of the passing of time and the capacity to project ourselves into the future by planning what it will be like or by imagining its
content, establishes the fact that hope is an intrinsic part of our existence.
The Adventist hope, like the biblical hope, is not based on the human ability to imagine a future and then attempt to bring it into being, but on the
future that God has reconfigured for the human race in the person of Jesus.
That future reaches us in the form of a promise, but it is more than a promise in that it is already here in the person of Jesus. Surrounded by a world
characterized by suffering and death, we look forward to a new heaven and
23
24
2s
which the Christian's hope is pointing." Ellen G. White, Counsels to Parents, Teachers,
and Students (Mountain View: Pacific Press, 1913), 55.
White, Great Controversy, 677.
"Ellen G. White Comments-Revelation," BC 7:990.
"The cross of Christ will be the science and the song of the redeemed through all
eternity. In Christ glorified they will behold Christ crucified. Never will it be forgotten
that he whose power created and upheld the unnumbered worlds through the vast
realms of space, the Beloved of God, the Majesty of heavea, he whom cherub and
shining seraph delighted to adore-humbled Himself to uplift fallen man; that he bore
the guilt and shame of sin, and the hiding of his Father's face, till the woes of a lost
world broke his heart and crushed out his life on Calvary's cross. That the Maker of all
worlds, the Arbiter of all destinies, should lay aside his glory and humiliate Himself
from love to man will ever excite the wonder and adoration of the universe." Ellen G.
White, Maranatha: The Lord is Coming (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1976), 362.
304
a new earth free from the curse of sin and death. But it is that hope that motivates and moves us to seek ways to limit the inroads of suffering and hurt
on the planet. It is not that we are attempting to establish what we await
through human ingenuity. It is rather that, following the example of Jesus,
we want to reveal the loving concern of God for those who suffer by easing
their hurt. Such foretaste of our eschatological hope may motivate others to
embrace the divine future for the human race.
The Adventist hope is fulfilled through different eschatological events
that deal with particular aspects of the cosmic controversy. Thus the personal and collective hope of the people of God is realized at the second
coming while the cosmic dimensions of sin are dealt with during and after
the Millennium. The Millennium as a time of cosmic reflection will result in
a cosmic theodicy and a doxology of judgment. That is to say, after the
judgment of the wicked, every intelligent creature in the universe, including Satan, his angels and the wicked themselves, will acknowledge that
God is indeed a God of love and justice, that his verdict against the forces of
evil is righteous and that the evil powers deserve the sentence pronounced
against them.
Free from the stain and presence of sin, the universe will be restored to
its original pristine condition of harmony and peace. Then the divine intention for the human race will be fully realized as humans develop throughout eternal ages their God-given potential, enjoying the eternal presence of
God accompanied by the loving presence of their Redeemer, whose love
and sacrifice will be their textbook for the study of the mystery of atonement.
ANOTHER LOOK AT THE PRE-ADVENT JUDGMENT1

NORMAN R. GULLEY
1. Introduction
"He (angel) said in a loud voice, 'Fear [reverence] God and give him glory because
the hour of his judgment has come. Worship him who made the heavens, the earth,
the sea and the springs of water"' (Rev 14:7 NIV [parenthesis supplied]). Only
the Seventh-day Adventist church believes this verse heralds a pre-advent
judgment, a judgment that precedes the second corning of Christ. What do
non-Adventists say?
The investigative judgment is unacceptable to most Christians. Donald
Barnhouse in the foreword to Walter Martin's book The Truth about Seventhday Adventism (1960) said, "I believe that the ideas of investigative judgment
and a secondary sanctuary ministry have no basis in Scripture." Further,
"The doctrine of investigative judgment, is held by no other group of Christians, and was unknown until the middle of the nineteenth century. It was
promulgated at that time, in my opinion, as a means of softening the harsh
blow of 'The Great Disappointment." 2 He refers to the disappointment on
October 22, 1844 when Christ didn't return to earth to cleanse the sanctuary
(the earth) as William Miller taught, but actually entered the second phase of
His heavenly ministry to cleanse the heavenly sanctuary.
In his later book The Kingdom of the Cults (revised, 1997), Walter Martin
rejects the "investigative judgment," saying, "Several judgments are mentioned in the Bible, but it is my opinion that no one passage substantiates the
'investigative judgment' theory-for theory it truly is, relying upon out-ofcontext quotations and supported by the 'Spirit of Prophecy."' 3 Martin rejected the sanctuary cleansing from sin in the investigative judgment be-
It is a privilege and pleasure to contribute to a Festschrift honoring my valued

colleague and friend Gerhard Pfandl, who has made an important contribution in
proclaiming biblical truth, including truth about the pre-advent judgment. I offer this
contribution as a footnote to his work on the pre-advent judgment.
Donald Grey Barnhouse, "Foreword" in Walter R. Martin, The Truth About Seventh-day
Adventism (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1960), 7.
Walter Martin, The Kingdom of the Cults (rev. and updated ed.; Minneapolis: Bethany,
1997), 585. The "Spirit of Prophecy" is a reference to the writings of Ellen G. White,
one of the founders of the Seventh-day Adventist church, and was biblically tested to
have the prophetic gift.
306
Norman R. Gulley
cause sins are forgiven and forgotten immediately upon repentance. He

notes that Scripture teaches, "If we confess our sins, he is faithful and just to
forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness" (1 John 1:9),
and he quotes Christ's promise: "He that hears my word and believes him
that sent me has everlasting life and shall not come under judgment but is
passed from death to life (literal translation)." 4 These texts teach immediate
cleansing when forgiven and there is no need to come to judgment for believers in Christ. I fully agree with these texts, but we must ask: do these
texts deny the investigative judgment?
2. Redemption and Restoration: Solving the

Whole Sin-Problem
The present judgment is called "pre-advent," denoting its time; and "investigative," denoting its method (Rev 14:6, 7). Why is a pre-advent judgment
necessary? We need to penetrate to the heart of what is underway in the preadvent judgment, and for that matter, what will continue in the millennial
and postmillennial judgments (Rev 20:7-15). God doesn't need the judgments, because he is omniscient (Pss 33:13-15; 56:8, 104:24; 139:2, 6; 147:4; Isa
44:28, 46:9, 10; Mal 3:16; Matt, 10:29, 30; Acts 15:8; Rom 11:33; Eph 3:10). "The
LORD knows those who are his" (2 Tim 2:19). Jesus declared "I[ ... ] know my
sheep" Gohn 10:14). God holds these judgments for the sake of created beings.5
Redemption has to do with forgiving sins, cleansing them, and forgetting them. In fact God says, "For as high as the heavens are above the earth,
so great is his love for those who fear [reverence] him; as far as the east is
from the west, so far has he removed our transgressions from us" (Ps
103:11, 12, [parenthesis added]). Hezekiah, king of Judah, said about God,
"In your love you kept me from the pit of destruction; you have put all my
sins behind your back" (Isa 38:17b). After the sins of Judah (see Ezek 8) and
their return from exile, Micah said of God, "You will again have compassion on us; you will tread our sins underfoot and hurl our iniquities into the
depths of the sea" (Micah 7:19). These metaphors forcefully prove God forgives and forgets sins in his work of redemption. These texts are as solid as
Christ's completed sacrificial atonement for sinners at the cross. Just as
nothing has to be added to his death, neither does anything have to be
added to his cleansing from sins when they are forgiven and forgotten. The
Martin, The Kingdom of the Cults, 584-85.

See footnote 39 below: all intelligent created beings participate in the evaluation of
God's judgments, and find him to be just (Rev 15:3). The issue in the cosmic
controversy, calling into question the love and justice of God, is thus answered.
Another Look at the Pre-Advent Judgment
307
status of Christians as forgiven sinners, experiencing life in Christ Gohn

3:15, 36; 6:47), is unchanged by the pre-advent judgment.
So what is the judgment all about? It is about Christ's work of restoration. Redemption requires restoration, or else redemption is not complete.
Christ's completed sacrifice on the cross was both to redeem humans and to
restore them and the universe to its pre-fall pristine sinless state. The judgment does not change the relationship of the forgiven with the Forgiver.
The judgment is not a loss of grace through God remembering past sins.
The judgment is a further unfolding of redemption to its restoration level
for eternity. How is this possible? Redemption is not an end in itself, for it
moves towards restoration and freedom from sin and sorrow forever. Restoration is the final fruitage of redemption, the full flowering of grace.
3. Contemporary Research: Two

Ministries and Theodicy
Yahweh said to Moses "have them make a sanctuary for rfl.e, and I will
dwell among them. Make this tabernacle and all its furnishings exactly like
the pattern (m:;ir:i) I will show you" (Exod 25:8-9, cf. v. 40); so the earthly
sanctuary is a "copy (UTTOOEiy011) and shadow (OKIQ) of what is in heaven"
(Heb 8:5a), with two rooms, "the Holy Place" and the "Most Holy Place"
(Heb 9:2, 3). Richard Davidson demonstrated that "the typological structures of Heb 8 and 9 (viewed in the light of Exod 25 and numerous other
OT passages) appear to indicate that vertical as well as horizontal typology
is indigenous to the biblical perspective." 6
The daily ministry, in the Holy Place, was every day of the cultic year
(Lev 4) and the yearly ministry, in the Most Holy Place, was on the Day of
Atonement of the cultic year (Lev 16). These two ministries typified what
transpires in heaven's sanctuary, Christ's daily ministry from ascension to
the close of probation, to fit humans to enter heaven (applying the benefits
of Calvary); Christ's yearly ministry, the antitypical Day of Atonement, is a
day of judgment (as in the type, Lev 23:27-32). This last phase is what most
Christians reject. They say, "why is a judgment in heaven necessary when
Calvary was Judgment day Gohn 12:31, 32)?"
The cyclical cultic rituals, in two phases, repeated year after year, gave
insight into Christ's post-resurrection ministry in heaven's sanctuary. Applying the benefits of Calvary to humans is a well known biblical truth, as
Richard M. Davidson, Typology in Scripture: A Study of Hermeneutical TUTToc; Structures

(AUSDDS 2; Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1981), 407.
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Norman R. Gulley
seen in Calvin's Institutes.7 Whereas Calvary was provided once for all as
the objective side of atonement, applying the benefits of Calvary is the subjective side of atonement, a work of sanctification, or fitness for heaven.
This is a work of redemption.
Isn't redemption enough? Why is there a judgment, or second phase to
Christ's ministry in the heavenly sanctuary? This second phase reaches beyond redemption to deal with the cosmic controversy.8 Satan's rebellion
calls into question the character of God. He slanders God, or distorts the
truth about him. That's why Christ said of Satan, "When he lies, he speaks
his native language, for he is a liar and the father of lies" Gohn 8:44). The
Hebrew word i17;::>'"1 used in reference to Satan (Ezek 28:16) means "trading"
or "peddling" referring to goods or gossip. In this context Satan spreads
gossip about God, disinformation about him, so that a third of the angels
joined his rebellion against God. 9 Rebellion means distrusting God. In this
context, if Christ takes some humans to heaven, and not others, this could
be seen as evidence for Satan's claim. That's why there is a pre-advent
judgment, so all intelligent beings can see why some will go to heaven,
while others will not. Traditional theology does not comprehend the cosmic
controversy, and hence what God needs to do to prove the charges false.
God has nothing to hide. He is not the God of traditional theology
(Augustine-Calvin) who in eternity predestined who will be saved and who
will be rejected, so that destiny has nothing to do with what happens in
human history. He is not the God whose eternal secret double decree is off
limits for humans to pry into, and to question. "After all," Predetinarians
say, "He is God, and can do what he likes with humans, for none are worthy of salvation. It is an act of mercy and grace that he saves any." 10 This is
why traditional theology has no contribution to make to answering the
charges of the enemy. An investigative judgment indicates that God is willing to reveal that humans choose their own destiny, which is compatible
with God's love (1John4:8-16). The judgment has nothing to do with salvation by human works, but has everything to do with the salvation work of
Christ.
10
"So long as we are without Christ and separate from him, nothing which he suffered
and did for the salvation of the human race is of the least benefit to us." John Calvin,
Institutes of the Christian Religion (trans. H. Beveridge; 2 vols.; London: James Clark,
1962), 2:463 (3.1.1).
See Norman R. Gulley, Systematic Theology: Prolegomena (Berrien Springs: Andrews
University Press, 2003), 387--453.
See Richard M. Davidson, "Cosmic Metanarrative for the Coming Millennium," /ATS
11, no. 1-2 (2000): 108.
To follow the debate on predestination, see Norman R. Gulley, Systematic Theology:
God, Creation, Christ (Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 2008), chs. 9 and 10.
309
At the cross Christ was judged in the place of humans, providing a substitutionary atonement: "God made him who had no sin to be sin for us, so
that in him we might become the righteousness of God" (2 Cor 5:21). Salvation depends on acceptance of Christ's death. Loss of salvation depends
upon rejection of Christ's death. That's why John 3:16 says that whoever
believes in Christ will not perish but have eternal life, indicating that to perish is due to lack of belief. Those accepting Calvary as the only basis of salvation are candidates for salvation; those rejecting Calvary are not
candidates for salvation.
This turns traditional predestination on its head, for those who elect
Christ as their Savior will be saved, those who reject Christ as their Savior
will be lost. Election-rejection is not a decision made by God in eternity, but
a decision made by humans in time. Humans do the electing or rejecting
rather than God. The judgment process ends in a verdict of judgment.
Genuine Christians do not come into judgment. Rather, God reveals their
loyalty as the basis of his decision to save them, and by doing so is seen to
be fair. So the end-time judgment would not be necessary if the cosmic controversy charges against God were not before the universe. Christians need
to gain an enlarged vision of what is going on in the heavenly sanctuary, of
Christ's mission of restoration which completes his mission to redeem.
There is another level of the cosmic controversy that is addressed in
Daniel 7. Those in rebellion against God and his followers are the ones who
come into judgment.
There are three eschatological judgments, which reveal God's fairness to
three groups of intelligent beings. The pre-advent judgment is for all nonhuman beings, the millennial judgment for redeemed humans, the postmillennial judgment for rebel humans, and witnessed by all intelligent beings. These judgments reveal the fairness of God, and give further indica- ,
tion that God is not like Satan has tried to make him out to be, and the
revelation of this fact by these judgments is why rebellion will never arise
again (Nah 1:9). God is securing the security of intelligent beings, for eternity, through these judgments. This is restoration that completed redemption. There is no questioning of redemption by restoration, no change to
salvation through these judgments.
Jacob Milgrom, Professor Emeritus of Biblical Studies at the University
of California, Berkley, considers the sanctuary system a theodicy. 11 Whereas
Milgrom argues that one phase of purgation was sufficient, Roy Gane
documents that two phases of purgation are necessary:
11
Jacob Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16 (AB 3; New York: Doubleday, 1991), 260.
310
Norman R. Gullet}
Analysis of the Day of Atonement rituals, including terms for the evils
that they purge, shows that they provide a second major phase of 1!l:J for
expiable moral faults. This phase constitutes corporate judgment for the
community, through which YHWH is cleared of judicial responsibility for
having forgiven guilty people. YHWH's vindication results in moral clearing for those who continue to demonstrate loyalty to him, but he rejects
those who are disloyal.1 2
From the numerous details of pentateuchal cultic legislation, the present
study has established that expiable sins are removed from their offerers
by purification offerings throughout the year (e.g., Lev 4), and these are
included among the evils purged from the sanctuary in a corporate second phase of 1!l:J on the yearly Day of Atonement (ch. 16). Penetrating a
long-standing puzzle, I have found a reason for this second phase: when
YHWH forgives guilty people, he incurs judicial responsibility (11ll) by
creating an imbalance between justice and kindness that affects his reputation as ruler (cf. 2 Sam 14:9). Restoration of equilibrium is enacted
through ritual purification of the sanctuary, which represents vindication of YHWH's administrative justice as he sheds judicial responsibility.
As a result, Israelites who show their continuing loyalty to him receive
the secondary benefit of moral cleansing/clearing in the sense that the
forgiveness already granted them is confirmed when the Forgiver is
vindicated. 13
God's dwelling among forgiven sinners was vindicated by the annual Day
of Atonement, for God's reputation was not compromised because those
forgiven had remained loyal, and those who were not forgiven (because
defiant rebels) were shown to have remained disloyal.
Consider what happened on the typical Day of Atonement. After a sin
offering and burnt offering (Lev 16:6), two goats were presented to the
LORD at the entrance of the Tent of Meeting (v. 7). With casting of lots, the
goat for the LORD was sacrificed as a sin offering (v. 9) whereas the other
goat "shall be presented alive before the LORD to be used for making
atonement by sending it into the desert as a scapegoat" (v. 10). The sins of
Israel for the past year are placed upon the head of the scapegoat, which
carries the guilt of Israel, and is released into the desert (vv. 20-22). The
death of the first goat represents Christ's sacrificial atonement to save sinners for eternity, whereas the guilt placed upon the scapegoat represents a
judicial atonement (not a sacrifice for sin, but because responsible for sin,
must bear all sin). This goat represents Satan who is responsible for all sin
in the universe. The end of the yearly Day of Atonement finds the camp of
12
13
Roy E. Gane, Cult and Character: Purification Offerings, Day of Atonement, and Theodicy
(Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2005), xxi.
Ibid., 379-80.
Anotlta Look at tlte Pre-Advent Judgment
311
Israel cleansed (v. 30), for Christ bore the sins for loyal forgiven sinners (2
Cor 5:21), and Satan bears all sin because responsible for all sin Gohn 8:44).
"It is a sabbath rest" (v. 31a).
This yearly enactment focuses on the resolution of the controversy, or
sin-problem in the universe. At the end of the Day of Atonement all loyal
Hebrews (individually) were clean, restored to an original state through
Christ's expiation, and all of Israel (corporately) were clean, restored to an
original state, with all sin placed on the typical Satan, the original cause of
all sin. This typical Day of Atonement gives insight into the antitypical Day
of Atonement, the end of which finds the eradication of Satan, sin and sinners (cf. second death, Rev 20:11-15; 21:8), and sinless saints rejoicing in
their salvation, in a new earth (Ka1v6c; "new in quality," not vtoc; "new in
point of time"), with all results of the cosmic controversy eradicated (Rev
21:1-7).
It follows that there is no redemption without resolution of the cosmic
controversy. In his doctoral dissertation, Brazilian OT scholar Elias Brasil de
Souza says:
The examination of several passages conveying the idea of judgment
from the heavenly sanctuary/temple reveals that this judgment, in some
cases, occurs in a two-stage process. Thus, as implied in Gen 11:1-9 and
made more explicit in passages such as Mic 1:2-3, Pss 11:4, 102:19-20, the
actual execution of the judgment is preceded by an investigative phase
in which the facts of the matter are weighed and evaluated. The same
idea can also be discerned in Dan 8:9-14 which, as suggested by the contextual indications of Dan 7, portrays the purification/vindication of the
heavenly sanctuary in the context of the judicial activities of the Day of
Atonement. In this regard, the connection of the heavenly council of
YHWH in conjunction with the heavenly sanctuary/temple allows one tp
infer that the heavenly beings were also involved as assistants or witnesses in this process of judgment, an inference that can be made on the
basis of texts such as 1Kgs22:19-23, Zech 3:1-10, Dan 7:9-14. 14
The contribution of the sanctuary as a system to systematic theology is the

visual aids it provides about redemption and resolution of the cosmic controversy, in the context of the origin of Satan's rebellion in heaven's sanctuary, the investigative judgments in heaven's sanctuary, and the execution of
the final judgment from heaven's sanctuary, to destroy sin and sinners. God
rules the universe from heaven's sanctuary, and all human history takes
place within the scope of that rule. Christ left heaven's sanctuary to come to
14
Elias Brasil de Souza, The Heavenly Sanctuary/Temple Motif in tlte Hebrew Bible: Function
and Relations/tip to tlte Earthly Counterparts (ATSDS 7; Berrien Springs: Adventist
Theological Society, 2005), 486-87.
312
Norman R. Gulley
live and die in human history, and ascended to heaven's sanctuary to begin
a two-phased ministry, the judgment part of which is absent in biblical
commentaries and theological systems.
So the sanctuary opens up this further ministry of Christ necessitated by
the cosmic controversy. The controversy questions God, and through the
sacrifices and services of the sanctuary God reveals himself as contrary to
the charges against him. Redemption and resolution are held together in
the sanctuary system, and both have everything to do with the ministry of
Christ. So the sanctuary presents the whole ministry of Christ from the inception of sin until its resolution, documenting that God is not timeless (as
traditional theology teaches), but acts in time throughout the sequential
process.
From the above it is clear that the sanctuary system is not merely confined to the nation of Israel. Those who unwittingly diminish the sanctuary
relevance to a nation whose mission is finished, by-pass the universal and
cosmic significance of the heavenly sanctuary for all intelligent created beings, for redemption and resolution of the cosmic controversy is relevant to
all of them. God bears witness to this expanded view: Yahweh said "my
house will be called a house of prayer for all nations" (Isa 56:7b), and Christ
repeated these words about the temple (Mark 11:17). This means that even
in the OT, and time of Christ, the earthly temple (sanctuary) was in principle available for all humans, just as the gospel was available for all humans.
4. Time of the Judgrnent15

The Jewish religious calendar included a number of festivals (iin). We will
mention some of them. Those in the spring (Passover, Pentecost) and those
in the fall (Trumpets, Day of Atonement, Tabernacles). All festivals except
the Day of Atonement "were times of celebration and rejoicing." 16 This is
significant, because the Passover (Exodus from Egypt) and Pentecost (Law15
16
There is a temporal line unfolding throughout the book of Daniel. This line covers a
number of nations, such as Babylon, Medo-Persia, Greece and Rome. Daniel 2
introduces these as different parts of a metallic image. In Dan 7 a parallel represents
the nations as lion, bear, and leopard. Daniel 8 does not present another parallel
unfolding of these nations (as done in Dan 2 and 7) but changes the beasts (from the
wild ones mentioned in Dan 2 and 7) to two tame and clean ones in Dan 8 (MedoPersia is represented by the two-homed ram, and Greece by the shaggy goat). Unlike
the other animals these are sanctuary animals, and only these two are mentioned (note
three as in Dan 2 and 7). This is to call attention to the Day of Atonement, because
these two are used during that day (Lev 16:7-8). See Jacques B. Doukhan, Daniel: The
Vision of The End (rev. ed.; Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1987), 25-28.
Willem A. Van Gemeren, "Feasts and Festivals, Old Testament,'' in Evangelical
Dictionary of Theology (ed. W. A. Elwell; 2d. ed.; Grand Rapids: Baker, 2001), 441.
313
giving on Sinai) were equally reasons for rejoicing, for the first liberated
Israel from Egypt and the second prescribed how to keep them free-both
provided by the pre-incarnate Christ. The festivals pointed beyond themselves to Calvary (Passover) and to the outpouring of the Holy Spirit (Pentecost), the two greatest gifts ever given to humans. The Feast of Trumpets
calls attention to the Day of Atonement, on the first day of the seventh
month (Tishri). None of the other festivals have such an introduction,
which indicates its significance to God who gave these instructions. The
significance of the Day of Atonement (the antitypical pre-advent, millennial, and post millennial judgments) is also noted by Keil and Delitzsch:
The whole course of the month was raised to a Sabbath. This was enjoined, not merely because it was the seventh month, but because the seventh month was to secure to the congregation the complete atonement for
all its sins, and the wiping away of all the uncleannesses which separated
it from its God, viz. On the day of atonement, which fell within this
month, and to bring it a foretaste of the blessedness of life in fellowship
with the Lord, viz. in the feast of Tabernacles which commenced five
days afterwards.17
It is significant that the Feast of Tabernacles (ni::>l:J) took place after the Day
of Atonement, the same month (Tishri, 15-21). "These shelters, however,
are not to recall the hardship of the wilderness, but the grace of God in providing for his people in so many ways in such an austere environment." 18
This includes the miracles of food and water, and remembers Israel dwelling together in the wilderness with the pre-incarnate Christ in their midst in
the sanctuary; but more importantly it points to the new earth when the
redeemed will dwell together, and God dwells with them (Rev 21:3). This
means the Day of Atonement Gudgment) precedes the time of dwelling
together, which provides the context for knowing the specificity of the time
of the judgment in Daniel 7. The judgment is prior to God dwelling on earth
with humans, and so is pre-advent.
Daniel 7 presents a court scene in heaven's sanctuary: "The court was

seated, and the books were open" (Dan 7:10b); and the session ends with a
verdict:
As I watched, this horn was waging war against the saints and defeating
them, until the Ancient of Days came and pronounced judgment in favor
of the saints of the Most High, and the time came when they possessed
the kingdom. (Dan 7:21-22)
17
18
C. F. Keil and F. Delitzsch, Commentary on the Old Testament (10 vols.; Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1986), 1:445.
John E. Hartley, Leviticus (WBC 4; Dallas: Word, 1992), 389; cf. Keil and Delitzsch,
Commentary on the Old Testament, 1:449-50.
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Norman R. Gulley
He [the little horn] will speak against the Most High and oppress his
saints and try to change the set times and the laws. The saints will be
handed over to him for a time, times and half time. But the court will sit
and his power will be taken away and completely destroyed forever.
Then the sovereignty, power and greatness of the kingdoms under the
whole heaven will be handed over to the saints, the people of the Most
High. (Dan 7:25-27a)
Note the time sequence. (1) The little horn wages war against the saints in
phase one. (2) "Until," a temporal adverb, introduces the second phase in
the time sequence. This is the phase of judgment at the end of which a verdict is pronounced in favor of the saints. (3) "At that time," another time
expression, introduces the third phase. This indicates that the time of judgment ends when another "time comes" and that time is the time of the
"saints taking possession of the kingdom" at the Second Advent. This triple
time sequence is repeated in Daniel 7:25-27. This time sequence places the
investigative phase of the judgment prior to the Second Advent.
This pre-advent time-focus is corroborated by the larger context of
Daniel. For Daniel traces the rise and fall of human kingdoms until God sets
up his kingdom. God's on-going judgment lies behind these changes. For
God "sets up kings and deposes them" (Dan 2:21).
Dan 2:37-44
Babylon, Medo-Persia, Greece, Rome, 10 kingdoms, God's kingdom
Dan 7:4-14, 22, 27
Babylon, Medo-Persia, Greece, Rome, little horn, God's kingdom
Dan 8:2-9, 20--26
Medo-Persia, Greece, little horn (Rome, Pagan/Papal)
Table 1: God's On-Going Judgments

Daniel names three of the kingdoms as Babylon (2:24, 38), Medo-Persia
(8:20), and Greece (8:21). The data on Medo-Persia and Greece, from Daniel
8, informs us which two nations follow the Babylonian kingdom of Daniel
2. History corroborates this sequence 19 and records that Rome followed
Greece. According to Daniel 7:7-8, the little horn follows the fourth kingdom (Rome). The crucial fact is, the little horn not only follows Rome, but is
followed by God's kingdom according to Daniel 7:14, 22, 26, 27. So Daniel 7
reveals that a judgment is convened and concludes by (1) taking away the
19
H. H. Rowley gives the three interpretations of these four kingdoms held through the
Ouistian era, noting that the Babylon, Medo-Persia, Greece, and Rome "view has
been by far the most popular traditional view." Cf. H. H. Rowley, Darius the Mede and
the Four World Empires in the Book of Daniel: A Historical Study of Contemporary Theories
(Cardiff: University of Wales, 1964), 6. Rowley is representative of critical scholars
who divide the second kingdom into Media and Persia. For a full historical accounting
see Samuel Nunez, The Vision of Daniel 8: Interpretations from 1700 to 1800 (AUSDDS 14;
Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1987), particularly 396-408.
Another Look at tile Pre-Advent Judgment
315
dominion of the little horn (vv. 23-26) and in (2) establishing the dominion
of God's eternal kingdom (vv. 27-28). The removal of the one gives way to
the establishing of the other. This judgment must therefore be pre-advent in
its investigation and execution. 20
The Book of Daniel is written in the Hebrew way of thinking, for God
allows prophets to express the truth he gives in their own language, literature, and logic. For the Hebrew mind, the logical structure of a presentation
is to give the conclusion before giving the story, and hence opposite to
western thinking. So Daniel gives the result of the judgment in Daniel 7 and
the cause of the judgment in Daniel 8. 21 Daniel 7 presents the time when the
court in heaven convenes (vv. 9-10), with its double verdict of destruction
of the little horn (vv. 25-26) and "judgment in favor of the saints" (v. 22).
The execution of this judgment is found in Revelation: "God has judged
her for the way she treated you" (Rev 18:20b) and "Hallelujah! Salvation
and glory and power belong to our God, for true and just are his judgments. He has condemned the great prostitute who corrupted the earth by
her adulteries. He had avenged on her the blood of his servants" (Rev 19:1b,
2). In the Second Advent the wicked call for the mountains and rocks, "Fall
on us and hide us from the face of him who sits on the throne and from the
wrath of the lamb. For the great day of their wrath has come, and who can
stand?" (Rev 6:16, 17; cf. 19:14-21).
During the antitypical Day of Atonement, there are three angels with
messages for the world (Rev 14:6-13) indicating there is still time to respond to the messages. Then the scene changes from a process of judging to
an implementation of judgment at the second coming of the Son of Man
(Rev 14:14-20). With Christ are three angels with a mission, and each one
comes from the temple in heaven. It is harvest time, the good are harvested
by Christ (Rev 14:15, 16) and the wicked receive God's wrath (Rev 14:17-20;
cf. 6:15-17). Here is the implementation of the judgment.
This pre-advent destruction-deliverance verdict is the final pre-advent
unfolding of the double verdict of the Calvary judgment (deliverance of
those who accept Calvary and destruction of those who reject Calvary) because God honors human freedom of choice, and allows all to decide their
destiny. Note how this is Christ-centered and Calvary-centered, and hence
judgment in the context of the gospel. John's statement confirms the gospel
context: "Then I saw another angel flying in midair, and he had the eternal
gospel to proclaim to those who live on the earth-to every nation, tribe,
language and people. He said in a loud voice, 'Fear [reverence] God and
20
21
The execution of the judgment on the little horn includes the Second Advent (see Rev
18 and 19).
See William H. Shea, Daniel 7-12 (ALBA; Boise: Pacific Press, 1996), 22-25.
316
Norman R. Gulley
give him glory, because the hour of his judgment is come" (Rev 14:6-7a,
[italics and parenthesis supplied]). The pre-advent judgment is the outworking of the gospel in human history in the end-time, so it is eschatological with respect to time. The time of the pre-advent judgment is stated in
Daniel 7 and 8 as can be seen in Table 2 below.
Daniel 7:21, 22a, 25-27
Daniel 8:11-14
"This horn was waging war against the
This horn will "set itself up to be as great
saints and defeating them. Until the An-
as the Prince of the host; it took away the
cient of Days came and pronounced judgment

in favor of the saints of the Most High, and
High and oppress his saints and try to
daily sacrifice from him, and the place of his

sanctuary was brought low. Because of rebellion, the host of the saints and the daily sacrifice were given over to it. It prospered in
everything it did, and truth was thrown to the
ground.
change the set times and the laws. The
Then I heard a holy one speaking to an-
saints will be handed over to him for a
other holy one said to him, 'How long
time, times and half a time.
will it take for the vision to be fulfilled-
the time came when they possessed the

kingdom."
This horn "will speak against the Most
But the court will sit and his power will be

taken away and completely destroyed forever.
Then the sovereignty, power and greatness of the kingdoms under the whole
the vision concerning the daily sacrifice,
the rebellion that causes desolation and the

surrender of the sanctuary and of the host that
will be trampled underfoot?'
heaven will be handed over to the saints,
He said to me, 'It will take 2,300 evenings
the people of the Most High. His king-
and mornings, then the sanctuary will be
dom will be an everlasting kingdom."
reconsecrated'"
Table 2: Pre-Advent judgment of the Little Horn
Note the following details in the box above:

Daniel 8 reveals why the little horn should be judged. It (1) takes away
the daily sacrifice, (2) the sanctuary is brought low, and (3) truth was
thrown to the ground. The daily service in the sanctuary on earth is continued in the daily mass. The truth about Christ's "once for all" (E:cpcmat Rom
6:10; Heb 7:27; 9:23-28; 10:1-14), completed death is not understood, for his
death brought an end to all types (sacrifices, services, and earthly sanctuary) that pointed to his death. On the basis of his death Christ ministers in
the heavenly sanctuary (Heb 9:15; 10:4, 11, 12). Priests, mass, and the confessional detract from direct access to Christ as High Priest (Christ said,
"No one comes to the father except through me" John 14:6b), and so a
priestly ministry on earth during the Christian era detracts from "the truth
that is in Jesus" (Eph 4:21b), and so casts truth to the ground.
The little horn that casts truth to the ground is an abomination, or rebellion "that causes desolation" (Dan 8:13b). This horn or counterfeit system of
317
theology was a great concern to Christ. In his teaching on end-time events,

Christ said, "So when you see standing in the holy place 'the abomination
that causes desolation' spoken of through the prophet Daniel (see also Dan
9:27; 11:31; 12:11)-let the reader understand" (Matt 24:15). What an urgent
plea for comprehension. Christ knew that most Christians would never
grasp the full significance of his heavenly ministry commensurate to their
understanding of his earthly ministry, and yet the earthly ministry was a
pre-requisite for the heavenly, and is not complete without it. Christ knew
that the greatest need for Christians would be to understand his heavenly
ministry, and he knew that for lack of that knowledge, a counterfeit priestly
ministry on earth would cast truth to the ground, hiding the reality of his
heavenly priesthood by causing a great number of Christians to focus on
human priests who have no credentials to be priests in the Christian era, for
only the one who died for sinners at Calvary is qualified to be the priest in
the Christian age.
The abomination is the religious system (little horn) that deflects attention away from the heavenly ministry of Christ to its own counterfeit ministry of priests on earth (Dan 8:13). The question is raised-how long will this
abomination continue to detract from Christ's ministry (see Dan 8:13)? The
answer is: The vision (Heb. Jitr;i, Dan 8:1, 2, 13, 14, 17, 26; 9:2; 10:14; 11:14
meaning the entire vision, of which the vision il~lO is a segment, 8:26; 9:23;
10:1, 7, 16) "concerns the time of the end" (Dan 8:17b). 22 The entire vision
(Jitr;i) reaches from the time it was given (third year of Babylonian king
Belshazzar, Dan 8:1) to the time of the end. That means it begins at the time
of the kingdom of Babylon and spans the kingdoms of Medo-Persia,
Greece, Rome (Pagan and Papal) and lasts till the time of the end. The text
(Dan 8:14) puts it this way: "Unto two thousand and three hundred days,
then shall the sanctuary be cleansed (Heb. i'1~)."
In order to cover such an expanse of time the 2,300 days must be 2,300
years, which concurs with a prophetic day representing a literal year (Num
14:34; Ezek 4:6). What is to take place at the end of the 2,300 years? The
sanctuary (must be the heavenly sanctuary as the earthly temple was destroyed in A.O. 70) will be "cleansed" (KJV, NKJV); "cleansed and restored"
(Amplified); "properly restored" (NASB); "emerge victorious" (NEB); "restored to its rightful state" (RSV) and "wrongs of the sanctuary be righted"
22
The ;11:~"')T,l segment is the final segments of the longer vision. "The vision (Heb. :i~:r;i)
of the evenings and mornings that has been given to you is true, but seal up the vision,
for it concerns the distant future" (Dan 8:26). Clearly Gabriel is speaking of a period
near the end of the Christian age. Daniel was given a previous vision, forgotten by
King Nebuchadnezzar, that traces kingdoms from Daniel's day until Christ sets up his
Kingdom (Dan 2:31-44).
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Norman R. Gulley
(Goodspeed). These interpretations suggest that, after 2,300 years, the sanctuary is cleansed and restored to its rightful place. In the type, every year
the Day of Atonement ministry of the High Priest brought ritual cleansing
of the sanctuary by removing all the sins of the past year (Lev 16). In terms
of being cleansed the sanctuary was restored to its proper place. In the endtime the restoration to its proper place includes a restoration of focus away
from a counterfeit priestly to the priestly ministry of Christ in the end-time
judgment; as well as a restoration of the universe to its pre-fall sinlessness.
The cleansing and restoration of the sanctuary to its proper place has in
mind the context of the little horn and its abominating work (Dan 7, 8).
What will stop this abomination? During much of the Christian era little
attention has been given to Christ's ministry in the heavenly sanctuary. Far
more attention has been given to human priests ministering in a human
church. In other words, Catholics have looked to their human priests on
earth instead of looking to Christ's high priestly ministry for them in
heaven. Through this means "the place of his sanctuary was brought low"
(Dan 8:11). In this context the restoration of the heavenly sanctuary means
that people once more will look up to the second phase of Christ's ministry
in heaven, rather than focus on a counterfeit ministry on earth. The change
of focus is due to a message sent by God: "Then I saw another angel flying
in midair, and he had the eternal gospel to proclaim to those who live on
earth-to every nation, tribe, language and people. He said in a loud voice,
'Fear God and give him glory because the hour of his judgment has come.
Worship him who made the heavens, the earth, the sea and the springs of
water"' (Rev 14:6--7).
In effect, the angel points to heaven where the hour of Christ's judgment
has come in his sanctuary ministry. The focus is on the beginning of the
second phase of Christ's ministry, the phase of judgment.
Thrones were set in place and the Ancient of Days took his seat. His
clothing was as white as snow; the hair of his head was white like wool.
His throne was flaming with fire, and its wheels were all ablaze. A river
of fire was flowing, coming out from before him. Thousands upon thousands attended him; ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him.
The court was seated, and the books were opened. (Dan 7:9-10)
As a result of this new focus, the heavenly sanctuary is being restored to its
proper place in the thinking of many Christians. Christ's message that
urged people to study about this abomination in Daniel (Matt 24:15) did so
because he wanted Christians to look to his heavenly sanctuary ministry,
and away from the abomination of a human priesthood on earth. It is an
abomination because it is contrary to the gospel, and detracts from Christ as
the only priest recognized by God, the only mediator between God and
humans. Only when Christians look away from everything human to
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Christ in his heavenly sanctuary ministry will truth no longer be thrown to

the ground. "Let us fix our eyes on Jesus, the author and perfecter of our
faith, who for the joy set before him endured the cross, scorning its shame,
and sat down at the right hand of the throne of God" (Heb 12:2).
Robert Lethal said, "If the ordained ministry is defined in priestly terms,
the danger arises of human priestly intermediaries between God and his
people. The Roman Catholic Church has historically veered in this direction." Also "a stress on the priesthood of all believers can often undermine
the biblical focus on the exclusive priesthood of Christ. The clear message of
Hebrews is that Christ is our great high priest to the exclusion of all others.
He has no rival. He is supreme. If we place the priesthood of all believers in
center stage, Christ is displaced from his throne." 23 Christ in the heavenly
sanctuary engages in an investigative judgment, and the verdict will destroy the counterfeit system and deliver the saints. This is wondrous good
news! No wonder Revelation speaks of the judgment in the context of the
everlasting gospel (Rev 14:6, 7).
Classical and apocalyptic prophecies are found in Scripture, the former
given in literal time, the latter given in symbolic time; as in Daniel 7 and 8.
In Daniel 7 the writer speaks of a time the saints will be persecuted and in
Daniel 8 he speaks of a time when the persecuting system will begin to be
judged. The first is said to be a time, times and half a time, and the second is
said to be 2,300 evenings and mornings (underlined in Table 2 above). These
expressions are not the normal way to speak about time, for biblical writers
or in general speech. The normal way would be to say three and a half
(years, month, days, or minutes, depending on context) and nearly seven
years, respectively. In other words, apocalyptic time prophecies use symbols, classical time prophecies do not. Some examples of classical time
prophecies are: (1) 120 years predicted until the flood (Gen 6:3); (2) 400
years predicted for the enslavement of Abraham's descendants (Gen 15:13);
(3) 7 years of abundance predicted in Egypt (Gen 41:26) to be followed by a
predicted 7 years of famine (Gen 41:27); and (4) 70 years of Babylonian captivity predicted for Judah Ger 25:11).
The above time prophecies give adequate time for the various purposes
to be fulfilled, yet the three and a half times (Dan 7) and less than seven
years (Dan 8), if literal would be inadequate time periods, because the little
horn rises in the time of pagan Rome and reaches until the end-time, which
is nearly one and a half millennia, and the judgment has been in session for
more than one and a half centuries, hence three and a half years or less than
23
Robert Letharn, The Work of Christ: Contours of Christian Theology (Downers Grove:
InterVarsity, 1993), 122.
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Norman R. Gulley
seven years respectively fall far short of the time required. 24 William Shea
compares classical and apocalyptic prophecies:
In the prophecies found in historical narratives of the OT the time periods are connected generally with people either contemporaneous or
immediately successive to the time of the prophet. Apocalyptic prophecies, on the other hand, not only speak to the immediate historical context of the prophet, but also to more distant times-even down to the
end of time when the ultimate kingdom of God will be set up. Thus a
difference in focus-in terms of time-is involved here. Classical prophecy concentrates on the short-range time view while apocalyptic includes the long-range view. These differences pose a paradox. The time
periods in classical prophecy which concentrates on the short-range
view are longer than those occurring in apocalyptic which focus on the
long-range view (that is, if the time elements in apocalyptic are interpreted as literal). The most reasonable way to resolve the paradox and
restore parallelism and balance to this equation is to interpret the time
periods in apocalyptic as symbolic and standing for considerably longer
periods of actual historical time. 25
With reference to the "evenings and mornings" (Dan 8:14), the Hebrew for
"evening and mornings" is ,i?.j :r~.JJ,, which is not found as a composite unit
in the creation record where it says; "there was evening (:rw) and there was
morning (,p'.:!)," followed by the designation day 1 to day 6 (Gen 1:5, 6, 13,
19, 23, 31). Shea states that "this composite unit does not appear elsewhere
in the OT as a unit by which time was commonly quantified numerically. It
probably was selected for this prophecy because it was particularly appropriate for the sanctuary activity and the symbolism involved with it." 26
Consider examples from the sanctuary: (1) "In the tent of meeting, outside
the curtain that is in front of the testimony (note this reference to the law),
Aaron and his sons are to keep the lamps burning before the LORD from
evening till morning" (Exod 27:2lb); (2) regular burnt offerings in the
courtyard to be presented to the LORD "morning and evening" (reverse order; 1 Chron 16:40a; 2 Chron 2:4).
24
25
26
See the two chapters entitled "Year-Day Principle" Parts 1 and 2 in William H. Shea,
Selected Studies on Prophetic Interpretation (DARCOM l; Washington, D.C.: Review &
Herald, 1982), 56--88, 89-93. These chapters are a thorough study that provides
evidence for "a prophetic day representing a literal year" in apocalyptic prophecy.
Time-symbols employed in apocalyptic prophecy are found in the context of other
symbols, like the little horn representing a church-power, and the parts of the image of
Dan 2 representing successive nations. This study goes far beyond what we need for
our purpose, but is valuable support for the interpretation of apocalyptic timepassages. I am indebted to insights from Part 1.
Shea, Selected Studies, 59.
Ibid., 62.
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With respect to Leviticus 16, specific events took place chronologically

during the typical Day of Atonement,2 7 which was a day of judgment that
began in the most holy place of the earthly sanctuary, and ended in a wilderness far from the sanctuary. So we would expect the antitypical Day of
Atonement, or second phase of Christ's heavenly ministry, to begin a similar process that ends far beyond the heavenly sanctuary. For the antitypical
Day of Atonement reaches until the final judgment, after the millennium.
5. Antiochus IV Epiphanes
The placement of the little horn in this sequence of nations (as seen
above) clearly puts it beyond the time of Antiochus IV Epiphanes (ruled
from 175 to 163 B.C. believed to be the little horn by many Christians), 28 as
he is not alive today in this end-time when the dominion of the little horn is
27
28
Here is a summary of what took place each Day of Atonement in the OT

sanctuary/temple services. The Most Holy Place was entered once a year by the high
priest. It was a day of judgment, a time for getting rid of all sin from the
sanctuary/temples, putting them on a scapegoat and leading it out into the wilderness
to die. This was the final removal of sins from the people (Lev 16:20-34). This type
points to the removal of sin and placing it on Satan before his demise. This is not a
redemptive act, like Christ bearing human sin at Calvary (2 Cor 5:21). This is a
judgment act, for all sin is caused by Satan, and he will be judged for this fact. So the
Most Holy Place ministry was completed outside the sanctuary/temples in the
wilderness. The entire process took place on the Day of Atonement (Lev 16:30, 34).
Because atonement can only be realized when sin is finally removed, and the cause of
sin and sinners are finally destroyed. The present Day of Atonement does not end at
the Second Advent, but includes a millennial judgment and a post-millennial
judgment, and the final eradication of sin and sinners.
The earliest known source for supporting the Antiochus interpretation is the pagan
neo-Platonist philosopher Porphyry (A.O. third century; cf. Jerome, Commentary on
Daniel [transl. G. L. Archer, Jr.; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1977), 80). According to Jerome,
"Porphyry wrote his twelfth book against the prophecy of Daniel" (p. 15). Whereas
Christ accepted Daniel's prophecy of a coming desolation (Matt 24:15), Porphyry
rejected Daniel's ability to predict the future, so he jettisoned a sixth century B.C. date
for Daniel's composition, opting for a second century B.C. date so that in his view the
prophecies were merely events recorded after the fact (vaticinia ex eventu). Porphyry's
ideas were rejected by Jerome, Eusebius of Caesarea, Apollinarius of Laodicea, and
Methodius (p. 151), but historical critical scholars follow Porphyry in these matters.
The basic difference between Christ and these critics is their world view. Christ
believed in a God who is in control of human history, who knows the end from the
beginning, and can therefore predict future events, and who evidently inspired Daniel
to present authentic predictions. In fact, this is a fundamental theme in the book of
Daniel. Recent scholarship provides evidence for a sixth century B.C. date for Daniel
and therefore for its predictions (see Gerhard F. Hase!, "Interpretations of the
Chronology of the Seventy Weeks," in 70 Weeks, Leviticus, Nature of Praphecy [ed. F. B.
Holbrook; DARCOM 3; Washington D.C.: Biblical Research Institute, 1986), 3-63).
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Norman R. Gulley
about to be taken away at the Second Advent of Christ. 29 However, Antiochus IV Epiphanes is a local fulfillment of hatred against the Jews, their
temple, worship, the Sabbath, and a death decree. 30 What Antiochus (pagan
Rome) did to the Jews in their end-time as a nation, the little horn (papal
Rome) will do to Christians during the Christian era, and particularly in
their end-time. History will be repeated. What the cosmic controversy did
against God's people through Antiochus in Jerusalem and Judah, the cosmic controversy will do against God's people on a global scale prior to
Christ's return.
29
30
In Genesis an "evening and a morning" is one day (Gen 1:5b, Sb, 13, 19, 23, 31b), so
Dan 8:14 represents 2,300 days, which are 2,300 prophetic years (see biblical evidence
given in the article). Those attempting to interpret the little horn as Antiochus IV
Epiphanes, whose time was shorter than 2,300 literal days, attempt (but fail) to fit the
time frame by reducing the 2,300 days to 2,300 evening and morning sacrifices, and
thus to 1,150 days. Keil is correct that "there is no exegetical foundation for this
opinion." Keil and Delitzsch, Commentary on the Old Testament, 9:302. Nevertheless,
Keil believes the little horn is Antiochus, but does not take into account that the little
horn must be in existence until the end-time, which is 2,000 years after the death of
Antiochus.
Two primary sources for Antiochus IV Epiphanes are (1) First Book of Maccabees
(although a part of the apocryphal writings, it is accurate history), and (2) Josephus,
Antiquities of the Jews (see The Works of Flavius Josephus [transl. W. Whiston; Grand
Rapids: Baker, 1974], referred to afterwards as Works), another accurate source of
history. Antiochus stripped the temple of furniture, silver, gold and other treasures.
"He massacred people and spoke with great arrogance" (1 Mace 1:20--24). The
"sanctuary became desolate like a wilderness" and "sabbaths became a reproach" (1
Mace 1:39). Antiochus "sent word by messengers to Jerusalem and the towns of Judah
to follow practices foreign to the country and put a stop to whole burnt offerings and
sacrifices and drink offering at the sanctuary, and to break the sabbath and profane
the feasts and pollute sanctuary and sanctified; to build altars and sacred precincts
and idol temples and sacrifice hogs and unclean cattle; and to leave their sons
uncircumcised and defile themselves with every unclean and profane practice, so that
they might forget the Law and change all their religious ordinances; and anyone who
did not obey the command of the king should die" (1 Mace 1:43b--50). Furthermore,
"wherever they found the book of the Law, they tore them up and burned them, and
if anyone was found to possess a book of the agreement or respected the Law, the
king's decree condemned him to death" (1 Mace 1:56--57). Josephus said about
Antiochus "he left the temple bare" and "forbade them to offer those daily sacrifices
which they used to offer to God, according to the law" (Works 3.181; Antiquities,
12.5.4). "And when the k4tg had built an idol altar upon God's altar, he slew swine
upon it, and so offered a sacrifice neither according to the law, nor the Jewish religious
worship in that country. He also compelled them to forsake the worship which they
paid their own God, and to adore those whom he took to be gods; and made them
build temples, and raise idol altars, in every city and village, and offer swine upon
them every day" (Works 3:182; Antiquities 12.5.4). This was a counterfeit daily ministry
set up in place of the one prescribed by God.
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Scholars have noted the close relation between Daniel 2 and Daniel 7,31
but have overlooked the eschatological conclusion of both Daniel 2 and 7
(Dan 2:31-35, 44, 45; 7:13, 14, 17, 18, 21, 22, 27). It is precisely this eschatological time-frame that disqualifies Antiochus IV Epiphanes. Maurice Casey's assertion that the destruction of Antiochus inaugurates the eternal
kingdom of the Jews lacks empirical evidence. 32 Jerome answered this question in refuting Porphyry. He said, if the Jew Judas Maccabeus defeats Antiochus, how does Judas come with the clouds of heaven like a Son of man
to the Ancient of Days in heaven (see Dan 7: 9, 13), how was royal power
bestowed upon him, and how is his kingdom eternal (see Dan 7:14). 33 Obviously the prophetic view of Daniel 7 is far broader than Judas and Antiochus. By contrast, G. K. Beale refers to the judgment "book" of Daniel 7 and
12 as appearing "in contexts of eschatological persecution."34
6. Global Little Horn

Revelation 13 says the whole world will follow the first beast (811piov, wild
beast), 35 whose power, throne, and great authority was given to it by Satan
(Rev 13:2b, 4; 12:9), and the beast-power will be worshiped by all the world
(v. 3), and make war against the saints (v. 7), those who keep God's commandment (12:17; cf. 14:12). Clearly this wild beast of Revelation 13 is the
same power as the little horn of Daniel 7, for the little horn wages war
against the saints (Dan 7:22a) in the end-time until the pre-advent judgment
verdict is handed down against it (7:22, 25, 26). The little horn is boastful
(Dan 7:8b), speaks against the Most High (7:25), changes the law dealing
with time (Sabbath, 7:25), takes away the "daily sacrifice" (8:11), and opposes the heavenly sanctuary ministry of Christ, the Prince (8:11-13).
Ancient Babylon (in book of Daniel) was a type of modem Babylon (in
the book of Revelation), 36 local Babylon was a type of global Babylon, literal
31
32
33
34
35
36
Louis F. Hartman and Alexander A. Di Lella, The Book of Daniel (AB 23; Garden City:
Doubleday, 1978), 20S-9; Andre Lacocque, The Book of Daniel (transl. D. Pellauer;
Atlanta: John Knox, 1979), 122; H. C. Leopold, Exposition of Daniel (Grand Rapids:
Baker, 1969), 276-78.
Maurice Casey, Son of Man: The Interpretation and Influence of Daniel 7 (London: SPCK,
1979), 45-46.
Jerome, Commentary on Daniel, 80, 91.
Gregory K. Beale, The Use of Daniel in Jewish Apocalyptic Literature and in the Revelation
of St. John (Lanham: University Press of America, 1984), 239.
The second beast is also wild (0flpiov, Rev 13:11)
"This title was written on her head. MYSTERY BABYLON THE GREAT THE
MOTHER OF PROSTITUTES AND OF THE ABOMINATIONS OF THE EARTH. I
saw that the woman was drunk with the blood of the saints, the blood of those who
bore testimony to Jesus" (Rev 17:5--6).
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Norman R. Gulley
Babylon a type of spiritual Babylon. Both Babylon's enforce worship with a

death decree: (1) Bow down to Nebuchadnezzar's image of gold or bum
(Dan 3:1-28), and worship the image to the beast or die (Rev 13:15; worship
is mentioned five times in Revelation 13).
The daily ministry of Christ in heaven's sanctuary (intercession for his
followers) is replaced by a counterfeit papal priesthood on earth, where the
church is the only way to gain salvation. This fulfils God's prophecy: "It set
itself up to be as great as the prince of the host (Christ), it took away the
daily sacrifice from him, and the place of his sanctuary was brought low."
Much of the Christian era the counterfeit priesthood on earth detracted/
detracts from Christ's priestly ministry in heaven, and from his law. That is
why Revelation says "the dragon [Satan, Rev 12:9] went off to make war
against the rest of her offspring (end-time remnant of true Christians)those who obey God's commandments and hold to the testimony of Jesus"
(Rev 12:17). That's why true Christians are described as those "who obey
God's commandments and remain faithful to Jesus" (Rev 14:12b).
This includes the day of worship. God gave an image in vision, and Nebuchadnezzar build an image. Both were images, but Nebuchadnezzar
changed God's image (gold not confined to head, as in God's image), and
decreed all to worship it. Spiritual Babylon (little horn/ first wild beast)
changes the law (Dan 7:25), from one day of worship to another. Two images are types of two days of worship. Loyalty to God is tested by worship,
which includes his day of worship. Jesus said "If you love me you will obey
what I command" Oohn 14:15).
7. Christ-Centered Judgment
During the pre-advent judging process, intelligent beings look to see
whether individuals have accepted or rejected the saving work that Jesus
did for them on the cross. 37 Their relation to the substitutionary judgment of
the covenant-Savior is determinative. Christ said, "I am the way and the
truth and the life. No one comes to the father except through me" Oohn
14:6). "For my father's will is that everyone who looks to the son and believes in him shall have eternal life, and I will raise him up at the last day"
Oohn 6:46).
It is precisely this, and nothing else, that determines personal destiny.
God is not asking us to .be preoccupied with our own perfection but with
his. It is his garment of righteousness we need. So the pre-advent judgment
is Christ-centered and not human-centered. It is not so much what indi37
Tilis involves clinging not only to Calvary but to the crucified one's continuing
intercession, which is a result of the cross.
325
viduals have or have not done per se that is decisive (Eccl 12:14; Matt 12:3637). Rather, it is whether they have accepted or rejected what Christ has
done for them when he was judged in their place at the cross Gohn 12:31).
Those who cling to Christ will go to heaven, those who do not will not. God
is thereby shown to be loving and just, allowing human freedom of choice
to be decisive. This is why the judgment is pre-advent, so the onlooking
universe can see that human destiny is fair before the saints are taken to
heaven at the Second Advent (1Thess4:16-18).
Accepting Christ's death is accepting his substitutionary atonement for
law-breaking, accepting all of his law as a gift, including his chosen day of
worship (Exod 20:8--11; Gen 2:1-3). If the law can be changed, Christ's death
was unnecessary. The fact that he died is evidence that his law in as unchangeable as he is. God cannot change (Mal 3:6a), and "Jesus Christ is the
same yesterday and today and forever" (Heb 13:8).
No subsequent judgment calls into question the judgment of Calvary,
neither is it different from, nor does it add to, but only reveals and applies
what was completed there. In other words, judgment day primarily took
place at Calvary.38 Jesus said of the cross, "Now is the time for judgment on
this world; now the prince of this world will be driven out" Gohn 12:31).
Calvary judgment means ultimate deliverance for God's people and destruction of their enemy/enemies. This is worked out in salvation-history
through pre-advent, millennial and post-millennial judgments. Calvary's
double verdict of "deliverance-destruction" needs to guide our understanding of the pre-advent judgment verdict.
These subsequent judgments are compatible with judgment at Calvary:39 (1) they reveal that God is loving and just, and (2) they contribute to
38
39
Scholars rightly find in Calvary the antitype of the typical Day of Atonement (Lev 16),
but almost all fail to see further correspondence in a pre-advent judgment. Once the
additional correspondence is seen, the implications of the cross to understanding the
pre-advent judgment need to be explored.
There are three judgments connected to the resolution phase of Christ's ministry, and
each one convinces a different segment of intelligent created beings with the justice
and love of God: (1) the pre-advent judgment convinces all non-human intelligent
beings, plus the relatively few humans present in heaven today; (2) the post-advent
millennial judgment convinces the redeemed; and (3) the post-millennial judgment
convinces the lost. All see that each individual decided their own destiny, and God
responds to each according to their choice. Fallen angels have no desire to change, nor
do wicked humans. They are hardened rebels against God, and prove it by gathering
to "battle" and "surrounded the camp of God's people. The city he loves," with the
obvious intent of conquering it; but God intervenes and "fire came down from heaven
and devoured them" (Rev 20:7-9, presented in past tense to emphasize certainty). In
utter contrast, the redeemed are those who love God, have a heart relationship with
him, and never want to be separated from him, and love to do his will. Christ died for
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Norman R. Gulley
the resolution of the cosmic controversy. So these subsequent judgments do

not question God's gift of salvation at Calvary, but rather reveal God's
character as contrary to the charges of Satan, so that the final resolution of
the cosmic controversy assures that the gift of salvation through Calvary
will never be jeopardized by another rebellion (Nah 1:9).
8. Conclusion
Christ promised that the Spirit of truth would guide his followers into all
truth Gohn 16:13). The Book of Daniel was closed until the time of the end
(Dan 12:8). We live in the time of the end. Now is the time to pray that God
will open our minds to the truths studied in this article. One of the greatest
needs for Christians is to respond to Christ's specific concern, "when you see standing in the holy place 'the abomination that causes desolation' spoken through the
prophet Daniel-let the reader understand" (Matt 24:15). God aided this understanding by sending the first angel's message (Rev 14:6, 7), pointing to Christ's
judgment phase of ministry which will overthrow the abomination and reveal the
truth about Christ in heaven's sanctuary (cf Dan 7:13-27).
The judgment does not repudiate Calvary. It is the crucified who intercedes for humans. The pre-advent judgment is part of the unfolding in salvation-history of what was accomplished at the cross. Calvary moves
inexorably to the deliverance of God's people and the destruction of their
enemies because both were accomplished by Christ on the cross. It is by the
authority of Calvary that Christ delivers His saints and destroys Satan and
all their enemies in the coming battles of Armageddon (Rev 19:14-21; 20:1115). This will be the pre-advent and post-advent implementation of the
judgment verdict. The judgment verdict carries out the deliverance-destruction
verdict of Calvary.
The pre-advent judgment has a double verdict (1) deliverance of God's
saints, and (2) destruction of their enemy/enemies, which is an unfolding of
the double verdict of Calvary. Internal contextual evidence in Daniel, beyond chapter 7, seems also to support this double verdict. Thus, "deliverance" (.:irw Dan 3:17, 28; 6:20; 7~ 3:29; 6:16; t>?r;i 12:1) of Daniel and his three
friends, from lions' den and fiery furnace, gives insight into the end-time
deliverance of those who have their names written in the "book" (i-?Q 12:1),
which is the book used in the pre-advent judgment (Dan 7:10). Escalation
all humans. He wants to save all of them. But, he allows humans the freedom to
accept or reject his death. He carried the sins of the whole world on Calvary judgment
day. Acceptance or rejection of that judgment death for them, determines human
destiny, and nothing else.
327
from local deliverances to a universal deliverance is involved. 40 The historical deliverances for God's people also include destruction of their enemies
in both the fiery furnace (Dan 3:22) and lions' den (Dan 6:24). 41 Likewise,
the eschatological deliverance of the saints has its counterpart in the destruction of their enemy (little horn; Dan 7:26-27).42
Christ's death eventually destroys the devil and saves humans. "The
reason the Son of God appeared was to destroy the devil's work" (1 John
3:8). Christ "shared their humanity so that by his death he might destroy
him who holds the power of death-that is, the devil" (Heb 2:14). Judgment
day was Calvary. 43 Jesus said of the cross, "Now is the time for judgment on
this world; now the prince of this world will be driven out" Gohn 12:31; cf.
Rev 12:9-13). Calvary judgment means ultimate deliverance for God's people and destruction of their enemy/enemies. In the pre-advent judgment it's
God's people who are delivered (Dan 7:22, 26-27) and the little horn that is
destroyed (Dan 7:11-14, Rev 19:11-21). That is the outworking in history of
the double verdict of Calvary. We are looking at the two sides of the cosmic
controversy. All claiming Calvary will be saved; all rebels will not be saved.
This destruction/deliverance verdict was given in the first gospel text in
Scripture. The creator Christ turns from speaking about sin's curse on serpents (Gen 3:14) to addressing the serpent Satan (Rev 12:9), stating that he
will put enmity between Satan and the woman Eve, between Satan's seed
(followers, John 8:44, Acts 13:10, 1 John 3:10) and the woman's seed Gesus
Christ, Rev 12:1-5, cf. Gal 3:16, 19) for Christ came to "destroy the works of
the devil" (Heb 2:14, cf. 1 John 3:8). He [singular, the one seed of the worn-
41
42
43
Compare the deliverance from Babylonian captivity, after the 70 years, as a type of the
call to come out of Babylon in Rev 14 and 18.
If looked at sequentially, the destruction came first before the deliverance in the fiery
furnace incident, and the reverse in the lions' den experience. Although the typology
should not be overly pushed, there is correspondence in the double result of
"deliverance-destruction" between these two historical events and the result of the
pre-advent judgment. It would appear that these historical events give some insight
into the result of the apocalyptic pre-advent judgment, which is climaxed in the
deliverance of the saints and the destruction of their enemies in Dan 12:1 (cf. Rev 1619).
Hans LaRondelle rightly sees that "the historical narratives of Daniel's own
experiences in Babylon and Persia carry also typological significance for the end
time." Hans K. LaRondelle, "The Middle Ages within the Scope of Apocalyptic
Prophecy," JETS 32 (1989): 345. Compare also idem, Chariots of Salvation (Washington,
D.C.: Review & Herald, 1987), 155-57.
Scholars rightly find in Calvary the antitype of the typical Day of Atonement (Lev 16),
but almost all fail to see further correspondence in a pre-advent judgment. Once the
additional correspondence is seen, the implications of the cross to understanding the
pre-advent judgment need to be explored.
328
Norman R. Gulley
an, Jesus Christ] will bruise [literally crush] the devil's head [not his followers] and the devil will bruise the heel of the woman's seed, Christ."
It appears from Scripture that the cosmic controversy is primarily between Christ and Satan.
The battle between Christ and Satan began in heaven (Rev 12:7-9)
After the fall of humans, Christ was predicted to defeat Satan (Gen 3:15)
Christ defeated Satan at the cross (Heb 2:14; Rev 12:9-13)
Christ will destroy Satan at the end of the millennium (Rev 20:10)
Christ will have eternal reminders of Calvary, "the bruised heel" Oohn
20:24-27; Zech 12:10, 13:6)
The controversy of Satan against Christ reveals a hatred for and a hiding of
Christ's two-phased ministry in heaven's sanctuary. Presently the pre-advent
judgment allows the onlooking universe to see that God is just and loving in
the way human destiny is determined, through a free acceptance or rejection
of the atonement for all at Calvary. The unfolding of Calvary's verdict in the
pre-advent judgment verdict reveals that God is loving and just, and thus
contrary to Satan's cosmic controversy charge against him. If God predetermined human destiny by eternal decree, irrespective of human response to
him, he would fail to be seen as just in these final judgments.
Nowhere in the sanctuary on earth was forgiveness gained on the basis
of predetermination. All humans, without exception, could only receive
atonement through accepting the death of a substitute. A careful understanding of the sanctuary, God's most important and longest used teaching
device, would have disallowed the focus on God's sovereignty which violates human freedom. If theology had penetrated to the biblical worldview
of the cosmic controversy, then it would have become clear that God can
only be seen to be loving and just when he allows humans to enter a free
reciprocal response to his love that mirrors the free reciprocal love response
in the inner-history of the trinity.
The rejection of the pre-advent judgment by most scholars is understandable. They do not want anything to detract from Calvary, from the
gospel. That is a legitimate concern. Yet when this judgment is understood
in the context of the cosmic controversy, it is seen that Christ provides this
process for the sake of others just as Calvary is for the sake of others. There
is no difference in God's unfathomable love in both judgments (Calvary
and pre-advent). For in a sense, Christ is on trial in the pre-advent judgment, not that created beings have the right or the ability to judge him, but
God has a right to reveal his justice and love to answer any questions that
the cosmic controversy has raised. God's revelation is so overwhelming and
irrefutable, that all concur he is loving and just, when they bow in the final
judgment (Isa 45:23b; Rom 14:11; Phil 2:10, 11; Rev 5:13; 15:3; 19:1-6).
329
The pre-advent judgment is compatible with Calvary, for the intercession of Christ continues during the Day of Atonement judgment process,
for the daily intercession took place every day of the cultic year in the
earthly sanctuary (Exod 29:38--42; Lev 6:9, 12-13; Num 28:3--8) It is the
Christ of Calvary, the Christ who intercedes, who is given the pre-advent
judgment verdict that implements the double verdict of Calvary. Hence the
pre-advent judgment is part of the gospel, as it proves that the controversy
charges against God are false, and clears the way for redemption to find
completion in restoration, for there is no redemption without restoration. In
other words, there is no completion to the gospel without the pre-advent
judgment.
THE SEVENTH-DAY ADVENTIST DOCTRINE

OF THE SANCTUARY (1844-2007): A
BRIEF HISTORICAL OVERVIEW
ALBERTO R. TIMM
1. Introduction
The Seventh-day Adventist doctrinal system was originally built upon the
doctrine of the sanctuary. At the core of this doctrine was the notion of
Christ's two-phase priestly ministry in the heavenly sanctuary. The first
phase, which He performed in the holy place of that sanctuary from A.O. 31
to 1844, was an atoning ministry for the forgiveness of sins. In 1844, at the
end of the 2,300 symbolic evening and mornings of Daniel 8:14, Christ
moved from the holy into the most holy place to carry on, besides His atoning work, also a preadvent investigative judgment of the professed people of
God. Meanwhile, on the earth, the preaching of the three angels' messages of
Revelation 14:6-12 helped to restore the so-called "system of present truth,"
having the sanctuary as its central nucleus, around which the major doctrines of the Adventist faith gravitated. However, with the passing of time,
the all-encompassing nature of the sanctuary was gradually overshadowed
by a reductionistic emphasis on the eschatological preadvent investigative
judgment. But, in more recent years, some significant attempts have been
made to restore the centrality of the sanctuary doctrine within the Adventist
doctrinal system.
Several historical studies have overviewed the nineteenth-century development of the sanctuary doctrine. 1 Yet, thus far, no significant treatment has
See, e.g., Robert Haddock, "A History of the Doctrine of the Sanctuary in the Advent
Movement, 1800-1905" (B.D. thesis, Andrews University, 1970); P. Gerard Damsteegt,
Foundations of the Seventh-day Adventist Message and Mission (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1977), passim; C. Mervyn Maxwell, "Sanctuary and Atonement in SDA Theology: An
Historical Survey" and "The Investigative Judgment: Its Early Development", in The
Sanctuary and the Atonement: Biblical, Historical and Theological Studies (ed. A. V.
Wallenkampf and W.R. Lesher; Washington, D.C.: [Biblical Research Institute], 1981),
516--81; Paul A. Gordon, The Sanctuary, 1844, and the Pioneers (Washington, D.C:.
Review & Herald, 1983); Frank B. Holbrook, ed., Doctrine of the Sanctuary: A Historical
Survey (1845-1863) (DARCOM 5; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 1989);
Alberto R. Timm, The Sanctuary and the Three Angels' Messages: Integrating Factors in the
Development of Seventh-day Adventist Doctrines (ATSDS 5; Berrien Springs: Adventist
332
Alberto R. Timm
exposed its whole history. The present chapter provides a brief historical
overview that can be used as a basic framework to understand its development across time. After a few introductory remarks on the Millerite understanding of the cleansing of the sanctuary of Daniel 8:14, the exposition deals
specifically with the development of the Seventh-day Adventist doctrine of
the sanctuary within the following four periods: (1) systematic-integrative
(1844-1886); (2) typological-Christ-centered (1886-1955); (3) evangelicalreductionistic (1955-1980); and (4) exegetical-restorationistic (1980-2007).
The overall discussion highlights some of the most significant contributions
to the topic and explains why over the years many Adventists lost sight of
the sanctuary as the great platform of present truth.
2. Millerite Background
William Miller's study of the Scriptures led him to the conclusion that the
word "sanctuary" in Daniel 8:14 referred to the Christian church,2 which he
qualified as "the true sanctuary which God has built of lively stones to his
own acceptance, through Christ, of which the temple of Jerusalem was but
a type." 3 Investigating further the topic, Miller developed the parallel concept that the sanctuary could also refer to the earth. 4 This twofold interpretation of the sanctuary became "the predominant view among the
Millerites." 5 There were, however, some Millerites who considered the
Promised Land as the sanctuary of Daniel 8:14. 6
Theological Society, 1995), passim; Merlin D. Burt, "The Historical Background,
Interconnected Development, and Integration of the Doctrines of the Sanctuary, the
Sabbath, and Ellen G. White's Role in Sabbatarian Adventism from 1844 to 1849"
(Ph.D. diss., Andrews University, 2002), passim.
W[illia]m Miller, "A Few Evidences of the Time of the 2nd Coming of Christ to Eldr.
Andrus by Wm. Miller," (February 15, 1831), Advent Source Collection.
William Miller, Evidence from Scripture and History of the Second Coming of Christ, about
the Year 1843: Exhibited in a Course of Lectures (Troy: Kemble & Hooper, 1836), 38.
The twofold meaning of the sanctuary of Dan 8:14, as both the church and the earth, is
presented by Miller in his 1842 Letter to Joshua V. Himes on the Cleansing of the
Sanctuary William Miller, Letter to Joshua V. Himes on the Cleansing of the Sanctuary
(Boston: Joshua V. Himes, 1842).
Damsteegt, Foundations, 34.
Josiah Litch, Prophetic Expositions; or A Connected View of t/ze Testimony of tlze Prophets
Concerning the Kingdom of God and tlze Time of Its Establislzment (2 vols.; Boston: Joshua
V. Himes, 1842), 1:117; Apollos Hale, The Second Advent Manual (Boston: Joshua V.
Himes, 1843), 45-46; J[ohn] Starkweather, "The Reasonings of True Faith Respecting
the 2300 Days in Dan. 8:14," True Believer (February 1, 1844): 7; R(obert] Winter, "A
Lecture on the Cleansing of the Sanctuary," Second Advent Harbinger [England] (April
16, 1844): 39; Geo[rge] Storrs, '"Then Shall the Sanctuary Be Cleansed.' - Dan. 8:14,"
Midnight Cry (April 25, 1844): 321.
The Seventh-day Adventist Doctrine of the Sanctuary (1844--2007)
333
The cleansing of the sanctuary was regarded by Miller as the cleansing

of both the earth and the church, to be brought about by the Second Coming of Christ at the very end of the 2,300 symbolic evenings and mornings
of Daniel 8:14. While the earth would be then be "cleansed by fire" (2 Pet
3:7-12),7 the church would be cleansed, through its "complete redemption
from sin, both soul and body, after the resurrection, when Christ comes the
2nd time 'without sin unto salvation."' 8
In harmony with the contemporary English-speaking Protestant trend
of interpreting the 2,300 evenings and mornings as 2,300 literal years to be
fulfilled in the 1840s,9 Miller expressed already in 1822 his personal conviction that that period would end "on [sic] or before 1843", when Christ
would return to this earth. 10 Later on, he stated that "some time between
March 21st, 1843, and March 21st, 1844, according to the Jewish mode of
computation of time, Christ will come." 11 Additional chronological studies
led the Millerite Samuel S. Snow to the conclusion that the 2,300 year-days
extended from "the autumn of B.C. 457 [... ]to the autumn of A.D. 1844" 12 or,
more precisely, from de "the 10th day of the 7th month B.C. 457" to "the
10th day of the 7th month A.D. 1844" (i.e., October 22, 1844).13 The fulfillment of the 2,300 year-days in the autumn of 1844 would be kept by early
Sabbatarian Adventists as the basic prophetic landmark for the end-time
restoration of truth.
3. Systematic-Integrative Period (1844-1886)

The founders of Sabbatarian Adventism kept the time understanding suggested by late Millerism, but redefined the nature of both the sanctuary and
its cleansing mentioned in Daniel 8:14. Convinced that the "sanctuary"
mentioned in that passage is not an earthly entity, but rather the heavenly
sanctuary/temple (Heb 8:1, 2; Rev 11:19; etc.), they believed that on October
10
11
12
13
William Miller, article manuscript for the Vermont Telegraph, no. 7, [ca. 1832], Advent
Source Collection; idem, Evidences from Scripture & History of the Second Coming of
Christ, about the Year 1843, and of His Personal Reign of 1000 Years (Brandon: Vermont
Telegraph Office, 1833), 57.
Miller, "A Few Evidences."
See Timm, The Sanctuary and the Three Angels' Messages, 21-24.
William Miller, ["Statement of Faith"], Sept. 5, 1822, Advent Source Collection, art. 15;
Sylvester Bliss, Memoirs of William Miller, Generally Known as a Lecturer on the Prophecies,
and the Second Coming of Christ (Boston: Joshua V. Himes, 1853), 79.
Miller, "Synopsis of Miller's Views," Signs of the Times [Millerite] Oanuary 25, 1843):
147.
S.S. Snow, True Midnight Cry (August 22, 1844): [2].
[S.S.] S[now], "Prophetic Chronology," Jubilee Standard Oune 5, 1845): 100.
334
Alberto R. Timm
22, 1844, Christ moved from the holy into the most holy place of that sanctuary/temple to begin its antitypical cleansing (cf. Heb 9:23). Already in the
first number of the Day-Dawn, published in March 1845, 0. R. L. Crosier
argued that in 1844 "the Son of Man came, not to the earth; but to the Ancient of days and received dominion and a kingdom" (see Dan 7:13, 14). 14
Yet, the most influential early document to lay the biblical foundation tj! the
Seventh-day Adventist doctrine of the sanctuary was Crosier's article "The
Law of Moses" published in the Day-Star Extra of February 7, 1846. 15
The 1844-transition in the heavenly sanctuary was described in 1851 by
Ellen White as involving the passing of both the Father and the Son from
the holy into the most holy place of that sanctuary (cf. Dan 7:9-14). She declares,
I saw a throne, and on it sat the Father and the Son. [... ] And I saw the
Father rise from the throne, and in a flaming chariot go into the Holy of
Holies, within the vail, and did sit. Then Jesus rose up from the throne,
and the most of those who were bowed down arose with him: and I did
not see one ray of light pass from Jesus to the careless multitude after he
arose, and they were left in perfect darkness. Those who rose up when
Jesus did, kept their eyes fixed on him as he left the throne and led them
out a little way. Then he raised his right arm and we heard his lovely
voice saying, "Wait here-I am going to my Father to receive the kingdom; keep your garments spotless, and in a little while I will return from
the wedding and receive you to myself." And I saw a cloudy chariot,
with wheels like flaming fire, and angels were all around it as it came
where Jesus was. He stopped into the chariot and was borne to the Holiest where the Father sat. There I beheld Jesus, standing before the Father,
a great High Priest.16
The post-1844 priestly ministry in the heavenly sanctuary was seen as comprising a preadvent investigative judgment of God's people. Although the
expression "investigative judgment" was first used in Sabbatarian Adventist publications in a letter penned by Elon Everts on December 17, 1856, and
14 [O. R. L. Crosier], "To All Who Are Waiting for Redemption," Day-Dawn (March
15
16
1845); transcription by fyierlin D. Burt from a reprint in Ontario Messenger

[Canandaigua, NY] (March 26, 1845).
0. R. L. Crosier, "Law of Moses," Day-Star Extra (February 7, 1846): 37-44.
Typographical corrections to this article were suggested by the author himself in
idem, "Letter from Bro. Crosier," Day-Star (March 14, 1846): 7--8.
Ellen G. White, A Sketch of the Christian Experience and Views (Saratoga Springs: James
White, 1851), 43-44.
The Seventh-day Adventist Doctrine of the Sanctuan; (1844-2007)
335
published in the Review of January l, 1857, 17 the concept conveyed by this

expression was already fostered by Sabbatarians in the late 1840s.
Meanwhile, with a strong emphasis on the distinctive components of
the Adventist message, early Sabbatarian Adventists began to develop, as
already mentioned, a harmonious and consistent system of present truths
integrated by the sanctuary of Daniel 8:14 and proclaimed eschatologically
by the three angels' messages of Revelation 14:6--12. Up to 1863 the integrative process was limited basically to the distinctive doctrines of (1) the perpetuity of God's law and the seventh-day Sabbath, (2) Christ's heavenly
ministry, (3) Christ's Second Coming, (4) the conditional immortality of the
soul, and (5) Ellen G. White's prophetic gift. Yet, after 1863, several other
doctrines were also integrated into the expanding system of present truth,
with special reference to health reform and justification by faith.
J. N. Andrews spoke of the sanctuary in 1867 as "the great central doctrine" of the Seventh-day Adventist doctrinal system, "for it inseparably
connects all the points in their faith, and presents the subject as one grand
whole." 18 The following year (1868), James White stated that the cleansing
of the heavenly sanctuary "is the key to the great Advent movement, making all plain," and that "without it the movement is inexplicable." 19
One of the most significant portraits of the integrative function of the
sanctuary was suggested by Uriah Smith in 1877 through an analogy of a
wagon wheel. Based on the concept that no other subject so fully "unites
together all parts of revelation into one harmonious whole" as the sanctuary does, Smith argued as follows:
The spokes of a wheel, considered by themselves and apart, may be
symmetrical and beautiful; but their uses are made apparent and their
utility demonstrated only when, fixed together by a central hub and exterior fellies, they appear as component parts of a perfect wheel. In the
great wheel of truth, the sanctuary occupies this central position. In it,
the great truths of revelation find their focal point. From it, in every direction, they radiate. It unites the two great dispensations, the Mosaic
and the Christian, and shows their relation to each other. It divides with
no other subject the high honor of explaining the position and work of
our Lord Jesus Christ. Like a brilliant lamp introduced into a darkened
room, it illuminates the whole Mosaic economy. In the light of this sub17
18
19
E[lon] Everts, "Communication from Bro. Everts," Advent Review and Sabbath Herald
Oanuary l, 1857): 72.
John N. A[ndrews], "The Sanctuary," Advent Review and Sabbath Herald Oune 18, 1867):
12.
James White, Life Incidents, in Connection with the Great Advent Movement, as lllustrated
by the Three Angels of Revelation xiv (Battle Creek: Steam Press of the Seventh-day
Adventist Publishing Association, 1868), 308.
336
Alberto R. Timm
ject, the books of Moses, with their detail of offerings and sacrifices, their
minutiae of rites and ceremonies, usually considered so void of interest
and use, if not of meaning also, become animated with life and radiant
with consistency and beauty. It is a key to the interpretation of the most
important prophecies which are having their fulfillment at the present
time. 20
Four years later (1881), Smith added that the subject of the sanctuary is the
"great central subject of that system of truth which belongs to this time," for
it (1) "makes provision for a preliminary work of Judgment, which must
take place before Christ appears"; (2) "provides a time and place for Christ
to confess before the Father and the holy angels the names of his friends,
and deny those of his enemies" (Matt 10:32, 33); (3) "provides a time and
place for a blotting out of sins before Christ comes" (Acts 3:19, 20), "or the
blotting out of names from the book of life" (Rev 3:5); (4) "guards against
the error of continually setting times for the Lord to come"; (5) "enables us
to distinguish between the work of Christ as an offering for sin, and his
work as a High Priest atoning for sin"; (6) "establishes the doctrine of the
immutability of the law and the perpetuity of the Sabbath" (Rev 11:19); (7)
"establishes the doctrine of the soon coming of Christ"; (8) "establishes the
doctrine of the unconscious state of the dead"; (9) "gives us more clear,
definite, and beautiful views of Christ's position and work than can be
evolved from any other subject"; and (10) "sets the seal of divine truth, and
of divine providence, to the message now going forth." 21
Speaking of the 1844 experience, Ellen White stated forty years later
(1884) that Daniel 8:14 was "the scripture which above all others had been
both the foundation and central pillar of the Advent faith." 22 She explained
that "the subject of the sanctuary" "opened to view a complete system of
truth, connected and harmonious." 23 In 1886, she added that "around the
sanctuary and its solemn services mystically gathered the grand truths
which were to be developed through succeeding generations." 24
Resembling his 1881 statement, Uriah Smith wrote in 1887 that the subject of the sanctuary (1) "is essential to an understanding of many of the
20
21
22
23
24
Uriah Smith, The Sanctuary and Twenty-Three Hundred Days of Daniel viii, 14 (2d rev.
and enlarged ed.; Battle Creek: Steam Press of the Seventh-day Adventist Publishing
Association, 1877), 10-11. See also idem, Looking unto Jesus; or, Christ in Type and
Antitype (Battle Creek: Review & Herald, 1898), 56-57.
[Uriah Smith], "The Great Central Subject," Advent Review and Sabbath Herald
(November 22, 1881): 328.
Ellen G. White, Spirit of Prophecy (4 vols.; Battle Creek: Review & Herald, 1884), 4:258.
Ibid., 4:268
Ellen G. White, "The Two Dispensations," Advent Review and Sabbath Herald (March 2,
1886): 129.
The Seventh-day Adventist Doctrine of the Sanctuary (1844-2007)
337
prophecies"; (2) "provides a place for, and brings to view, the preliminary
Judgment which must precede the coming of Christ"; (3) is basic for the understanding of "such prophecies as Rev. 10:5-7 and Rev. 11:19"; (4) "is the
most wonderful auxiliary to the argument on the Sabbath question"; (5) is
basic for "the question of the second coming of Christ"; (6) "guards against
time-setting for the Lord to come"; (7) "is the only question which explains
the great Advent movement of the past"; (8) "holds us to correct views in
regard to the condition of man in death"; (9) "guards against two errors,
Universalism on the one hand and predestination on the other"; (10) "brings
before the mind Christ as a tangible Saviour, and his work as a reality, and
they are not brought out in any other theme treated upon in the word of
God"; (11) "explains the parable of Matt. 22:1-14"; (12) "explains the important parable of the ten virgins of Matt. 25:1-13"; and (13) "is the foundation
of the Third Angel's Message of Rev. 14." 25
Even with such early systematic-integrative emphasis, no systematic
theology was ever produced having the sanctuary as its integrating principle. This reality was largely due to (1) "the strong anti-creed tenor that
characterized Seventh-day Adventism from its very inception"; (2) "the
increasing world-mission awareness that characterized post-1863 Seventhday Adventism"; (3) "the post-1886 Seventh-day Adventist emphasis on the
evangelical components of their message"; 26 and (4) D. M. Canright's criticism of the Adventist theology of the sanctuary,27 who even stated correctly
that "Seventh-day Adventists make everything tum upon their view of the
sanctuary." 28 But already in the 1880s the all-encompassing view of the
sanctuary as the main integrating factor of Adventist doctrines began to
lose ground to a new emphasis.
4. Typological-Christ-centered Period (1886-1955)

The first four decades of Seventh-day Adventism was marked by much
emphasis on the distinctive Adventist components of its message to the
detriment of the teachings held in common with the Evangelicals. Yet, a
new emphasis on salvation by grace through faith (see Eph 2:8-10) began
within Adventist circles in 1886, reaching its climax in 1888, with the doc-
25
26
27
28
[Uriah Smith], "The Sanctuary," Advent Reviroi and Sabbath Herald (September 27,
1887): 616.
Timm, The Sanctuary and the Three Angels' Messages, 262~3.
See D. M. Canright, Seventh-day Adventism Renounced: After an Experience of Twentyeight Years by a Prominent Minister of that Faith (2d ed.; New York: Revell, 1889), 117-28.
Ibid., 117.
338
Alberto R. Timm
trinal discussions that took place at the Minneapolis General Conference. 29

Many delegates left that conference with a personal commitment to justification by faith and "the truth as it is in Jesus". The new Christ-centered
emphasis contributed, positively, to foster both a clearer understanding of
Christ's atoning sacrifice on the cross and a more Christ-centered approach
to the Adventist message; and, negatively, to pave the way for a gradual
losing of the systematic-integrative view of the sanctuary. 30 The process
brought about more replacements than enrichments to the doctrine of the
sanctuary.
Up to the 1880s, Seventh-day Adventists understood sanctuary typology mainly from the perspective of its interrelationship between the typical
earthly sanctuary and the antitypical heavenly sanctuary. But after the
1880s that perspective was largely refocused on the interrelationship between the typical earthly sanctuary system and Christ's sacrifice on the
cross and priestly ministry in the heavenly sanctuary/temple. So, the Adventist concept of theological center moved gradually from the moresanctuary-than-Christ extreme to the more-Christ-than-sanctuary extreme,
without remaining at the Christ-within-his-sanctuary balance.
A significant exposition of Seventh-day Adventist doctrines from a
Christ-centered perspective was W.W. Prescott's book entitled The Person of
Christ (1920), 31 in which the sanctuary doctrine no longer functions as the
basic integrating factor of Adventist theology. Meanwhile, several studies
published during the period under consideration (1886-1955) stressed the
way in which the earthly sanctuary and its services were antitypically fulfilled in Christ and His priestly ministry. Of special significance were F. C.
Gilbert's Practical Lessons from the Experience of Israel (1902) 32 and Messiah in
His Sanctuary (1937); 33 S. N. Haskell's The Cross and Its Shadow (1914); 34 and
29
30
31
32
33
For a more detailed study of the 1888 Minneapolis General Conference, see, for
example, Arnold V. Wallenkampf, What Every Adventist Should Know about 1888
(Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1988); George R. Knight, Angry Saints: Tensions
and Possibilities in the Adventist Struggle over Righteousness by Faith (Washington, D.C.:
Review & Herald, 1989); idem, A User-friendly Guide to the 1888 Message (Hagerstown:
Review & Herald, 1998).
Alberto R. Timm, "A Singularidade da Mensagem Adventista," Ministerio [Brazil]
Oune-July 1996): 9.
W.W. Prescott, The Doctririe of Christ (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1920).
F. C. Gilbert, Practical Lessons from the Experience of Israel for the Church of Today (South
Lancaster: Press of South Lancaster, 1902). A second revised and enlarged edition was
published in 1914, followed by a third revised and enlarged edition in 1926.
F. C. Gilbert, Messiah in His Sanctuary: A Series of Bible Studies on the Sanctuary and Its
Services in Both Type and Antitype, with Particular Application to the Church Following the
Advent Movement of the Years 1834-1844 (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1937).
339
M. L. Andreasen's The Sanctuary Service (1937) 35 and The Book of Hebrews

(1948). 36 Many key-sanctuary passages of Scripture were commented on in
the Seventh-day Adventist Bible Commentary (1953-1957). 37
Having lost, in the post-1886 era, much of its systematic-integrative
function, the sanctuary doctrine was largely reduced, after 1955, to the eschatological dimension of the preadvent investigative judgment.
5. Evangelical-Reductionistic Period (1955-1980)

The 1955-1956 "Evangelical Conferences" between some Evangelicals (Walter R. Martin, George E. Cannon, Donald G. Barnhouse) and Seventh-day
Adventists (LeRoy E. Froom, W. E. Read, and Roy Allan Anderson) helped
the former recognize Seventh-day Adventism as a genuine Christian denomination.38 The most significant literary contributions of those dialogues
were the publication of the Adventist book Seventh-day Adventists Answer
Questions on Doctrine (popularly known as Questions on Doctrine) (1957) 39
and the Evangelical work by Walter Martin titled The Truth about Seventhday Adventism (1960). 40 M. L. Andreasen's41 strong criticisms of the concepts
34
35
36
37
36
39
40
Stephen N. Haskell, The Cross and Its Shadow (South Lancaster: Bible Training School,
1914).
M. L. Andreasen, The Sanctuary Service (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1937);
idem, The Sanctuary Service (2d rev. ed.; Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1947).
The chapter on "The Last Generation" in the revised edition of this book became
influential in shaping modem Adventist perfectionism (see ibid., 279-97).
M. L. Andreasen, The Book of Hebrews (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1948).
Francis D. Nichol, ed., The Seventh-day Adventist Bible Commentary (7 vols.;
Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1953-1957). The content of this commentary was
slightly revised and updated between 1976 and 1980. It was translated into Spanish by
Victor E. Ampuero Matta with the assistance of Nancy W. Vyhmeister, and published
under the title Comentario Biblico Adventista del Septimo Dia (Boise: Pacific Press, 19781990).
See T. E. Unruh, "The Seventh-day Adventist Evangelical Conferences do 1955-1956,"
Adventist Heritage 4 (Winter 1977): 35-46; R. W. Schwarz, Light Bearers to the Remnant
(Boise: Pacific Press, 1979), 542-45.
Seventh-day Adventists Answer Questions on Doctrine: An Exposition of Certain Major
Aspects of Seventh-day Adventist Belief (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1957). A
new, annotated edition was published in 2003 by Andrews University Press (ed. G. R.
Knight).
Walter R. Martin, The Truth about Seventh-day Adventism (Grand Rapids: Zondervan,
1960). Cf. Ministerial Association of the General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, Doctrinal Discussions: A Compilation of Articles Originally Appearing in The
Ministry, June, 1960-July, 1961, in Answer to Walter R. Martin's Book The Truth About
Seventh-day Adventism (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, n.d.).
340
Alberto R. Timm
of the atonement and the human nature of Christ presented in Questions on

Doctrine contributed to the publication of this book being discontinued until
its republication in 2003. 42
Questions on Doctrine classified Adventist doctrines into the following
three major groups: (1) doctrines "in common with conservative Christians
and the historic Protestant creeds"; (2) "certain controverted doctrines
among conservative Christians"; and (3) a few Seventh-day Adventist "distinctive" doctrines. 43 Even with a balanced doctrinal classification and an
acceptable general content, the work contributed to the consolidation of a
reductionistic understanding of the sanctuary more like a single eschatological doctrine among others than as the foundational structure of the Adventist doctrinal system.
L. E. Froom, one of the main contributors to Questions on Doctrine, tried
later on to overcome that reductionism in the chapter "Sanctuary Truth
Pivotal Teaching of Adventism" in his book Movement of Destiny (1971). 44
Froom argued:
The one distinctive, separative, structural truth-the sole doctrinal teaching that identifies and sets Seventh-day Adventists apart from all other
Christian bodies past and present-is what we have always designated
as "Sanctuary truth." [... ] It consequently behooves us not only to believe and teach the Sanctuary truth today but to give it central place in
our distinctive, identifying emphasis for this time. It is consequently incumbent upon us clearly to understand and then to proclaim it in and
through our message to men. And for this very simple reason: It is the
all-encompassing essence of Adventism. 45

But this view of the "all-encompassing" nature of the sanctuary ended up
being just a rhetorical acknowledgement, without any major impact on the
process of building an Adventist theological system from that perspective.
Besides Siegfried H. Hom and Lynn H. Wood's The Chronology of Ezra 7
41
42
43
44
45
See M. L. Andreasen's writings in The M. L. Andreasen File: Manuscripts and Letters

Pertaining to the Evangelical Conferences of 1955-1956 (St. Maries: LMN, 1988), 1-41, 5988; idem, Letters to the Churches (Conway: Gems of Truth, n.d.).
For a critical analysis of that controversy, see Jerry Moon, "M. L. Andreasen, L. E.
Froom, and the Controversy over Questions on Doctrine" (term paper, Andrews
University, 1988).
See Questions on Doctrine, 21-25.
See LeRoy E. Froom, Movement of Destiny (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1971),
541-60.
Ibid., 541-42 (italics his).
341
(1953, 1970),46 Edward Heppenstall's Our High Priest (1972), 47 and William
G. Johnsson's In Absolute Confidence (1979), 48 not very many significant materials were produced on the sanctuary between 1955 and 1980. It was indeed during the same period that (1) the notion of a "preadvent judgment"
of the little horn began to be used as a technical expression in replacement
of the concept of an "investigative judgment" of the saints, and that (2) the
idea of "two phases" started to be regarded as more acceptable than "two
apartments" or "two places."
Yet, the lack of interest in the sanctuary that characterized many Adventist academic circles of the 1960s and 1970s came to an end in 1980, under the strong impact of the so-called "Ford crisis."
6. Exegetical-Restorationistic Period (1980-2007)

The greatest crisis the Seventh-day Adventist Church faced about the sanctuary doctrine was brought about by the Australian Desmond Ford, who
had written his M.A. thesis in 1959 defending the Adventist view of the
sanctuary, 49 and who in 1980, in a close-to 1000-page manuscript, denied his
former position on the topic. 50 The content of the manuscript was discussed
on August 10-15, 1980, at the Glacier View Ranch, Colorado, by a group of
more than 100 Adventist theologians and administrators representing the
world field. The crisis contributed, negatively, for many church workers
and lay members to be disfellowshiped from the church; and, positively, for
the production of a large number of new studies. Such studies placed the
doctrine of the sanctuary on a much stronger exegetical-theological biblical
foundation.
Worthwhile mentioning are the special October-1980 issue of Ministry
magazine on the sanctuary, 51 Robert W. Olson's One Hundred and One Questions on the Sanctuary and on Ellen White, 52 and several scholarly books pub-
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
Siegfried H. Hom and Lynn H. Wood, The Chronology of Ezra 7 (Washington, D.C.:
Review & Herald, 1953); idem, The Chronology of Ezra 7 (2d rev. ed.; Washington, D.C.:
Review & Herald, 1970).
Edward Heppenstall, Our High Priest (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1972).
William G. Johnsson, In Absolute Confidence: The Book of Hebrews Speaks to Our Day
(Nashville: Southern, 1979).
See Desmond Ford, "Daniel 8:14 and the Latter Days" (M.A. thesis, Seventh-day
Adventist Theological Seminary, 1959).
See Desmond Ford, Daniel 8:14, the Day of Atonement, and the Investigative Judgment
(Casselberry: Euangelion, 1980).
See Ministry 53, no. 10 (Oct. 1980).
See Robert W. Olson, One Hundred and One Questions on the Sanctuary and on Ellen
White (Washington, D.C.: Ellen G. White Estate, 1981).
342
Alberto R. Timm
lished by the Biblical Research Institute (BRI) of the General Conference of

Seventh-day Adventists. The BRI production includes the 730-page volume
entitled The Sanctuary and the Atonement, and edited by Arnold V. Wallenkampf and W. Richard Lesher, 53 as well as the seven volumes of the "Daniel
and Revelation Committee Series" (DRCS), edited by Frank B. Holbrook. 54
Several doctoral dissertations directly related to the sanctuary were produced at the Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary of Andrews
University, Berrien Springs, Michigan, 55 and other universities. 56 Mean-
53
54
55
56
See Arnold V. Wallenkampf and W. Richard Lesher, eds., The Sanctuary and the
Atonement: Biblical, Historical, and Theological Studies (Washington, D.C.: [Biblical
Research Institute], 1981). The volume was republished in an abridged version as
Frank B. Holbrook, ed., The Sanctuary and the Atonement: Biblical, Theological, and
Historical Studies (abridged ed.; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 1989).
See William H. Shea, Selected Studies on Praphetic Interpretation (DARCOM l;
Washington, D.C.: Biblical Research Institute, 1982; rev. 1992); Frank B. Holbrook, ed.,
Symposium on Daniel: Introductory and Exegetical Studies (DARCOM 2; Washington,
D.C.: Biblical Research Institute, 1982); idem, ed., The Seventy Weeks, Leviticus, and the
Nature of Prophecy (DARCOM 3; Washington, D.C.: Biblical Research Institute, 1986);
idem, ed., Issues in the Book of Hebrews (DARCOM 4; Silver Spring: Biblical Research
Institute, 1989); idem, ed., Doctrine of the Sanctuary: A Historical Survl!IJ (1845-1863)
(DARCOM 5; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 1989); idem, ed., Symposium on
Revelation, Book 1: Introductory and Exegetical Studies (DARCOM 6; Silver Spring:
Biblical Research Institute, 1992); idem, ed., Symposium on Revelation, Book 2: Exegetical
and General Studies (DARCOM 7; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 1992).
See Roy Adams, The Sanctuary Doctrine: Three Approaches in the Seventh-day Adventist
Church (AUSDDS 1; Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1981); Richard M.
Davidson, Typology in Scripture: A Study of Hermeneutical rtJrro<; Structures (AUSDDS 2;
Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1981); Angel M. Rodriguez, Substitution in
the Hebrew Cultus (AUSDDS 3; Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1979);
Arthur J. Ferch, The Son of Man in Daniel 7 (AUSDDS 6; Berrien Springs: Andrews
University Press, 1979); Samuel Nunez, The Vision of Daniel 8: Interpretations from 1700
to 1800 [actually 1900) (AUSDDS 14; Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 1987);
Gerhard Pfandl, The Time of the End in the Book of Daniel (ATSDS 1; Berrien Springs:
Adventist Theological Society, 1992); Brempong Owusu-Antwi, The Chronology of
Daniel 9:24-27 (ATSDS 2; Berrien Springs: Adventist Theological Society, 1995); Nilton
D. Amorim, "Desecration and Defilement in the Old Testament" (Ph.D. diss.,
Andrews University, 1986); Alberto R. Timm, The Sanctuary and the Three Angels'
Messages: Integrating Factors in the Develapment of Seventh-day Adventist Doctrines

(ATSDS 5; Berrien Springs: Adventist Theological Society, 1995); Elias Brasil de Souza,
The Heavenly Sanctuary/Temple Motif in the Hebrew Bible: Function and Relationship to the
Earthly Counterparts (ATSDS 7; Berrien Springs: Adventist Theological Society, 2005).
See, for example, Roy E. Gane, Ritual Dynamic Structure (Gorgias Dissertations
Religion 14; Piscataway: Gorgias, 2004); Joao Antonio Rodrigues Alves, "El juicio
investigar anterior al advenimiento: una evaluaci6n de su desarrollo hist6rico en los
escritos de Urias Smith, Edward Heppenstall y William H. Shea" (Th.D. diss.,
Universidad Adventista de! Plata, 2005).
343
while, several commentaries on the Book of Daniel, 57 the Epistle to the Hebrews,58 and the Revelation of John, 59 as well as many other books60 helped
to strengthen the sanctuary doctrine.
Noteworthy mentioning also is Juarez R. de Oliveira's book entitled
Chronological Studies Related to Daniel 8:14 and 9:24-27 (2004), 61 with helpful
exegetical, historical, and astronomical insights on the beginning, extension,
and fulfillment of the 70 weeks of Daniel 9:24-27 and the 2,300 evenings
and mornings of Daniel 8:14. Alberto R. Timm's article "Miniature Symbolization and the Year-Day Principle of Prophetic Interpretation" (2004) 62
suggests that the year-day principle is applicable only to those symbolicprophetic time-periods (such as the 2,300 evenings and mornings) in which
the main entity involved can be considered a symbol (like in Ezek 4:5--6) or
a type (like in Num 14:34) of a broader corporative reality.
The studies mentioned previously are only representative of a much
larger number of books and articles, which strengthened the exegeticaltheological foundation of the biblical doctrine of the sanctuary. With such a
foundation in place, some scholars believe that the time has come for the
57 See, for example, C. Mervyn Maxwell, The Message of Daniel, God Cares, vol.
58
59
60
61
62
1 (Boise:
Pacific Press, 1981); Jacques B. Doukhan, Daniel: The Vision of the End (Berrien Springs:
Andrews University Press, 1987; rev. 1989); William H. Shea, Daniel 1-7: Praphecy as
History (ALBA; Boise: Pacific Press, 1996); idem, Daniel 7-12: Praphecies of the End Time
(ALBA; Boise: Pacific Press, 1996); idem, Daniel: A Reader's Guide (Nampa: Pacific
Press, 2005).
See, for example, William G. Johnson, Hebrews: Full Assurance for Christians Today
(ALBA; Boise: Pacific Press, 1994).
See, for example, C. Mervyn Maxwell, The Message of Revelation, God Cares, vol. 2
(Boise: Pacific Press, 1985); Ranko Stefanovic, Revelation of Jesus Christ: Commentary on
the Book of Revelation (Berrien Springs: Andrews University Press, 2002).
See e.g. Gerhard F. Hase!, Reden(tiO Divina Hoje: Estudos Sobre a Doutrina do Santuario
(Brasilia, Brazil: Seminario Adventista Latino-Americano de Teologia, 1981); Alberto
R. Treiyer, The Day of Atonement and the Heavenly Judgment: From the Pentateuch to
Revelation (Siloam Springs: Creation Enterprises, 1992); Clifford Goldstein, 1844 Made
Simple (Boise: Pacific Press, 1988); idem, How Dare You fudge Us, God (Boise: Pacific
Press, 1991); Leslie Hardinge, With Jesus in His Sanctuary: Walk Through the Tabernacle
Along His Way (Harrisburg: American Cassette Ministries, 1991); Clifford Goldstein,
False Balances: The Truth About the Judgment, the Sanctuary, and Your Salvation (Boise:
Pacific Press, 1992); Roy Adams, The Sanctuary: Understanding the Heart of Adventist
Theologtj (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 1993); C. Mervyn Maxwell, Magnificent
Disappointment: W/1at Really Happened in 1844 ... and Its Meaning for Today (Boise:
Pacific Press, 1994); Frank B. Holbrook, The Atoning Priesthood of Jesus Christ (Berrien
Springs: Adventist Theological Society, 1996).
Juarez R. de Oliveira, Chronological Studies Related to Daniel 8:14 and 9:24-27
(Engenheiro Coelho, SP, Brazil: Imprensa Universitaria Adventista, 2004).
Alberto R. Timm, "Miniature Symbolization and the Year-Day Principle of Prophetic
Interpretation," AUSS 42 (2004): 149-67.
344
Alberto R. Timm
development of an Adventist systematic theology integrated by the sanctuary motif. Since 1987, Fernando L. Canale has been teaching that while the
mainstream Roman Catholic and Protestant theological traditions have systematized the content of Scripture by means inherited from Greek philosophy, the subject of the sanctuary provides a genuine biblical "heuristic
principle" for the systematization of Bible doctrines. 63 Alberto R. Timm's
Ph.D. dissertation, "The Sanctuary and the Three Angels' Messages: Integrating Factors in the Development of Seventh-day Adventist Doctrines"
(1995) 64 tried to systematize, from a historical perspective, sporadic attempts to integrate Seventh-day Adventist doctrines by means of the sanctuary motif. Those contributions should be taken into consideration in any
further doctrinal systematization from such a perspective.
7. Summary and Conclusion

The founders of Seventh-day Adventism built their doctrinal system of
"present truths" on the platform of the sanctuary doctrine. But across time
the foundational nature of sanctuary was largely overshadowed by new
doctrinal concerns. Consequently, the early systematic-integrative efforts
based on the sanctuary (1844-1886) were replaced, after 40 years, by a new
typological-Christ-centered emphasis (1886-1955) and, eventually, by an
evangelical-reductionistic approach (1955-1980). The climax of the Ford
crisis in 1980 challenged the denomination to move into a new exegeticalrestorationistic period (1980-2007). Several studies have been produced
since, strengthening the exegetical-theological foundation of the biblical
doctrine of the sanctuary, and suggesting that the sanctuary should again
be used as the integrating factor for the development of a true Adventist
theology.
The contrast between the periods evidences the need for restoring the
foundational significance of the sanctuary for the Adventist message. Both
its biblical basis and its all-encompassing structural nature allow the sane-
63
64
See [Fernando L. Canale], "Sanctuary as Biblical System" (unpublished class notes for
THST685 Seminar in Systematic Theology, Andrews University, fall 1988); idem,
"Sanctuary as 'Heuristic Principle' for Discovering and Constituting the Biblical
Paradigm (System) for Theology" (unpublished class notes for GSEM610 Doctrine of
the Sanctuary, Andrews . University, fall 1989]; idem, "Sanctuary Doctrine and
Theological System" (unpublished class notes for GSEM610 Doctrine of the Sanctuary,
Andrews University, fall 1989); idem, "System, Ecumenism, and Mission"
(unpublished class notes for THST685 Seminar in Systematic Theology, Andrews
University, fall 1989); idem, "Philosophical Foundations and the Biblical Sanctuary,"
AUSS 36 (1998): 183-206.
See Timm, The Sanctuary and the Three Angels' Messages, 21-24.
345
tuary to function as an integrating factor naturally derived from Scripture

itself, instead of artificially imposed on it. Since salvation by grace through
faith has always been made available from the various sanctuary expressions-patriarchal altars, mosaic tabernacle, Jerusalem temple, and heavenly sanctuary/temple-no other motif is able to place so effectively the
Adventist doctrinal system within the unfolding history of salvation. This
motif is able to provide the system with a true Christ-centered flavor, without overshadowing the distinctive components of the Adventist message.
After all, the core of the Adventist identity is found in what Christ already
did (on the cross), is still doing (in the heavenly sanctuary), and will do (at
His second coming) for our salvation.
WAS ELLEN G. WHITE A FUNDAMENTALIST?

FRANK
M. HASEL
1. Introduction
The word fundamentalism has gained a rather negative reputation in recent
times. It is often associated with a stubborn conservatism and narrow
mindedness that is opposed to all change and unwilling to dialogue. Fundamentalists are depicted as pitifully naive at best and paranoid at worst. In
the minds of many, fundamentalism demonstrates a dreadful reliance upon
external authorities and is motivated by fears. 1 The relationship to other
minded people is frequently characterized by a rather aggressive and militant behavior. 2 Christian fundamentalism, 3 moreover, is associated with a
Cf. the helpful overview in the dissertation by Stephan Holthaus, Fundamentalismus in

Deutsch/and: Der Kampf um die Bibel im Protestantismus des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts
(Biblia et Symbiotica l; Bonn: Verlag fiir Kultur und Wissenschaft, 1993), 11-22, as
well as the concise and fair presentation by T. P. Weber, "Fundamentalism," in
Dictionary of Christianity in America (ed. D. G. Reid et al.; Downers Grove: InterVarsity,
1990), 461-65, and Eckhard J. Schnabel, Sind Evangelikale Fundamentalisten?
(Wuppertal: Brockhaus, 1995), 5, who has pointed out that the word fundamentalism
often is used to stigmatise those, who dare to stand for certain convictions and who
uphold that truth is more objective and universal than one's individual preferences:
According to George Marsden "a Fundamentalist is an Evangelical who is angry
about something." George Marsden, Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1991), 1, 4.
Holthaus has pointed out that at the beginning of the 1970's the term fundamentalism
received a religious and political broadening and was used by representatives of
critical rationalism for the opponents of their liberalism and a short time later for antiwestem movements in Islam and reactionary groups in Judaism. It was used for such
diverse groups as ultra-conservative strands in Roman Catholicism (the group around
French Archbishop Lefebvre) and the political green movement. In short it became the
common derogative word for all forms of conservatism. Stehphan Holthaus,
"Fundamentalismus," in Evangelisches Lexikon for Theologie 1md Gemeinde (ed. H.
Burkhardt and U. Swarat; 3 vols.; Wuppertal: Brockhaus, 1992-1994), 1:657. Today the
word fundamentalism encompasses far more than the Christian movement. It is used
for political groups, and other religions, such as Islamic fundamentalism. Cf.
Holthaus, Fundamentalismus in Deutsch/and, 11-22; and Schnabel, Sind Evangelikale
Fundamentalisten?, 5-8. Some like the sociologist Manfred Spieker from the University
of Osnabriick have spoken of a "fundamentalist Antifundamentalism." Manfred
Spieker, "Waren Petrus und Paulus, Maria und Josef Fundamentalisten? Christentum
zwischen Bedrohung der Freiheit und der Suche nach Werten," Frankfurter Allgemeine
348
Frank M. Hase!
simplistic, literal reading of the Bible and especially an infallible belief in its
complete inerrancy. 4
In order to better understand and appreciate the theological position of
Ellen G. White vis-a-vis that of Fundamentalism it is imperative to gain an
overview of the historic origins of Christian Fundamentalism and its theological hallmarks before we will briefly compare this with Ellen G. White's
theological position.
2. The Genesis of Modern Christian

Fundamentalism.
Christian fundamentalism as a modem movement arose in the United
States of America at the beginning of the twentieth century in reaction to
the challenges of theological liberalism, so-called higher criticism of the
Bible, Darwinism and other -ism's regarded as harmful to the Christian
faith. 5 Charles Darwin's Origin of Species (1859) and the subsequent rise of
evolutionary philosophy with its long ages in geology won rapid acceptance in scientific and intellectual circles and made many doubt the biblical
creation account and the accuracy of the Bible. Changes in the study of his-
Zeitung 102 (12 May 1993): 12. Political scientist Otto Kallscheuer even has coined the
phrase of an "antifundamentalist Ecumenism." Otto Kallscheuer, "Okumene welcher
Modeme? Fi.inf Nachfragen zur Marschrichtung im antifundamentalistischen
Kampf," Fundamentalismus in der modernen Welt: Die Internationale der Unvernunft (ed.
T. Meyer; Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1989), 62-80, esp. 63.
The use of the term fundamentalist is complicated by a number of broader and
narrower usages. "Sometimes the word is used generically to designate any religious
anti-modernists, hence 'Islamic fundamentalists'. Or opponents. of Protestant
fundamentalism may use the term loosely to describe almost any of the features,
especially common in the American South. Such usage invites confusion of
fundamentalism with revivalism generally and with several closely related
movements with revivalist roots." G. M. Marsden, "Fundamentalism," in New
Dictionary of Theology (ed. S. B. Ferguson, D. F. Wright, and J. I. Packer; Downers
Grove: InterVarsity, 1988), 266--67.
"Fundamentalism should be seen as a rather distinctive modem reaction to religious,
social and intellectual changes of the late 1800s and early 1900s." Weber,
"Fundamentalism," 462. For a helpful and balanced overview of the history of
Christian Fundamentalism see Holthaus, Fundamentalismus in Deutsch/and, 69-132;
Schnabel, Sind Evangelikale Fundamentalisten?, 9-31. It has been pointed out that up
until now Fundamentalism has gone through several phases of expression while
maintaining an essential continuity of spirit, belief, and method. C. T. Mcintire
recognizes four phases ("Fundamentalism," in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology [ed.
W. A. Elwell; 6th ed.; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1989], 433), while Weber mentions "five
distinct but overlapping phases in the history of American fundamentalism"
("Fundamentalism," 462).
Was Ellen G. Whitea Fundamentalist?
349
tory, sociology psychology, and comparative religion undercut confidence

in the uniqueness of the Christian faith and questioned the possibility of
absolute religious and moral truth. 6 Historical-critical presuppositions and
methods called into question traditional views of biblical accuracy and authority as well as foundational Christian beliefs. Many Protestants adjusted
to these challenges by adopting a New Theology. It has been pointed out
that "by the end of World War I liberals were well entrenched in the major
North-American denominations, dominating perhaps half of the seminaries
and a third of the Protestant pulpits." 7
As a reaction to these liberal trends a series of twelve volumes, called
The Fundamentals were written from 1910 to 1915. The Fundamentals laid out
a core of non-negotiable Christian beliefs that were articulated by eminent
Evangelical leaders and theologians from different denominations across
North America and the United Kingdom, including such scholars li).<e B. B.
Warfield, James Orr, H. C. G. Moule and G. Campell Morgan. When the
volumes were completed a wealthy Californian Oilman, Lyman Stewart,
who financed the project, sent out three million individual volumes free to
Protestant religious workers all over the English speaking world. 8
The doctrines that were defended in The Fundamentals covered the
whole range of traditional Christian teachings and identified what was
wrong with modern liberal theology. Even though the essays in The Fundamentals addressed diverse topics9 almost all contributors defended the authority of Scripture against the claims of modern science and historical
criticism. "For the most part The Fundamentals were scholarly, wellreasoned, carefully nuanced and polite" 10 and the authors "presented their
criticisms fairly, with careful argument, and in appreciation of much that
their opponents said." 11
The terms fundamentalist and fundamentalism seem to have been coined
first in 1920 by Curtis Lee Laws in the Baptist Watchman-Examiner when he
used it for his anti-modernist party in the Northern Baptist Convention.
10
11
Weber, "Fundamentalism," 462.

G. M. Marsden and B. J. Longfield, "Fundamentalist-Modernist Controversy," in
Dictionary of Christianity in America (ed. D. G. Reid et al.; Downers Grove: Inter Varsity,
1990), 466.
G. M. Marsden, "Fundamentals, The," in Dictionary of Christianity in America (ed. D. G.
Reid et al.; Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 1990), 468.
On the variety of different standpoints expressed in the various essays in The
Fundamentals see Marsden, "Fundamentals, The."
Weber, "Fundamentalism," 463.
Mcintire, "Fundamentalism," 433. Marsden similarly states that "the essays were
generally moderate in tone and a mix of both scholarly and popular interests and
styles." Marsden, "Fundamentals, The," 468.
350
Frank M. Hase/
Fundamentalism had become a self-conscious movement with a list of nonnegotiables.12 The term "pops up everywhere in the early 1920s as an obvious way to identify someone who believed and actively defended the fundamentals of the faith." 13 The Fundamentals represented an early stage in an
emerging movement, where a variety of conservatives rallied to form an
alliance against the spread of liberal doctrines. Marsden has pointed out
that
from the 1920s to the 1940s, to be a fundamentalist meant only to be
theologically traditional, a believer in the fundamentals of evangelical
Christianity, and willing to take a militant stand against modernism.
Conservative was sometimes used as a synonym. So to call oneself a fundamentalist did not necessarily imply, as it virtually does today, that one
was either a dispensationalist or a separatist. Neither did it necessarily
imply, despite efforts to the contrary by its detractors, that one was obscurantist, anti-intellectual, or a political extremist. 14
3. What Is Typical Fundamentalist?

Already in 1910 the General Assembly of the Northern Presbyterian Church
had affirmed five essential doctrines which, it believed, had come under the
attack of liberal historical-critical theology. These five fundamentals became
the identifying core of the fundamentalist concern: (1) the infallibility and
inerrancy of the Bible; (2) the virgin birth of Christ; (3) the substitutionary
atonement of Christ; (4) Christ's bodily resurrection; (5) the historicity of the
miracles. 15 These five fundamentals were believed to be the sine qua non of
Christianity. 16
12 Mcintire, "Fundamentalism," 433-34. Interestingly Gresham Machen of Princeton
13
14
15
16
Seminary argued in his influential book that because of its radically different
assumptions, liberalism was not Christianity at all: Gresham J. Machen, Christianity
and Liberalism (New York: Macmillan, 1923; repr., Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985).
Mcintire, "Fundamentalism," 433.
G. M. Marsden, Reforming Fundamentalism: Fuller Seminary and the Nl!W Evangelicalism
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987), 10.
Weber, "Fundamentalism," 463; Mcintire, "Fundamentalism," 433.
Later other beliefs such as the second Coming of Christ, dispensationalism and
premilleniallism were associated with Fundamentalism as well. See Holthaus,
Fundamentalismus in Deutsch/and, 68, and William Vance Trollinger, Jr.,
"Fundamentalism," in A Nl!W Handbook of Christian Theology (ed. 0. W. Musser and J.
L. Price; Nashville: Abingdon, 1992), 195. James Barr has pointed out that
fundamentalism is a form of conservative evangelical Protestantism in which
traditional Christian teachings such as the Trinity, the Incarnation, the deity of Christ,
original sin, the sinfulness and lostness of humanity, justification through faith are
affirmed as well as a special emphasis on the inerrancy and infallibility of Scripture as
an essential element of truth James Barr, "Fundamentalismus," in Evangelisches
Was Ellen G. White a Fundamentalist?
351
Looking at those five fundamentals it is obvious, to speak with Alan

Richardson, that "in general fundamentalism is akin to pre-Enlightenment
evangelical theology." 17 The claim that fundamentalist theology is only a
modem phenomenon in Christianity overlooks the fact that there was a
strong and widespread opposition against Rationalism and Liberalism in
theology in Germany in the 19th century, that was fundamentalist in its theology as Holthaus has shown in his noteworthy dissertation, long before the
term fundamentalism was in vogue. 18 The theological roots of fundamentalism are indeed far older than the beginning of the twentieth century. 19 This
leads us to the question whether Ellen G. White theologically was a fundamentalist.
4. Was Ellen G. White Theologically a

Fundamentalist?
When one looks at the five foundational tenets of the Fundamentalist
movement that originated at the beginning of the 2Qth century in North
America, it is obvious that Ellen G. White affirmed much of the fundamentalist theological positions.
17
18
19
Kirchenlexikon (ed. E. Fahlbusch et al.; 4 vols.; 3d ed.; Giittingen: Vandenhoeck &

Ruprecht, 1986--1996), 1:1404. Along similar lines Mcintire states: "Fundamentalists
and evangelicals in the 1950s and 1960s shared much; both adhered to the traditional
doctrines of Scripture and Christ; both promoted evangelism, revivals, missions, and a
personal morality against smoking, drinking, theatre, movies, and card-playing; both
identified American values with Christian values; both believed in creating
organizational networks that separated themselves from the rest of society." Mclntir-e,
"Fundamentalism,'' 435.
Alan Richardson, "Fundamentalism,'' in A Dictionary of Christian Theologij (ed. A.
Richardson; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1969), 132.
Holthaus, Fundamentalismus in Deutsch/and, 1. Similarly Robert Spaemann has pointed
out that already Luther's reformation was in some sense a fundamentalist movement.
Robert Spaemann, cited in Holthaus, Fundamentalismus in Deutsch/and, 21.
The honest words of the respected liberal NT scholar Kirsop Lake deserve to be
heeded when he states: "It is a mistake, often made by educated men who happen to
have but little knowledge of historical theology, to suppose that Fundamentalism is a
new and strange form of thought. It is nothing of the kind: it is the partial and
uneducated survival of a theology which was once universally held by all Christians.
How many were there, for instance, in Christian churches, in the eighteenth century,
who doubted the infallible inspiration of all Scripture? A few, perhaps, but very few.
No, the Fundamentalist may be wrong; I think he is. But it is we who have departed
from the tradition, not he, and I am sorry for the fate of anyone who tries to argue
with a Fundamentalist on the basis of authority. The Bible and the corpus
theologicum of the church is [sic] on the Fundamentalist side." Kirsop Lake, cited in
Nigel M. S. de Cameron, The Evangelical-Liberal Debate (Leicester: Religious and
Theological Studies Fellowship, 1984), 4.
352
Frank M. Hase!
Ellen G. White certainly affirmed the historicity of the biblical miracles.

She repeatedly affirms the supernatural character of the many miracles recorded in the Bible and states that the biblical writers wrote under the impulse and influence of the Holy Spirit so that "the inspired writers did not
testify to falsehoods" but have given "a plain, unvarnished account of what
actually occurred" (4T 9). 20
She believed and affirmed the bodily resurrection of Christ (DA 779-87;
EW 190; TA 208, 211; RH, April 7, 1891, 10).
She supports a substitutionary understanding of the atonement of
Christ. She affirms that "as man's substitute and surety, the iniquity of men
was laid upon Christ; He was counted a transgressor that He might redeem
them from the curse of the law. [... ] He, the Sin-Bearer, endures judicial
punishment for iniquity and becomes sin itself for man" (FLB 104). Repeatedly she affirmed the truth that "Christ died for us" (AG 10; HP 42; LHU
233; 7BC 487 and passim). Because Christ gave Himself as a sacrifice (CT
268) and ransom (7BC 469) "the cross must occupy the central place because
it is the means of man's atonement" (7BC 464).
Ellen G. White affirmed the virgin birth of Christ when she quoted Isa.
7:14 while speaking about the birth of Christ (LHU 75; RC 15).
She also repeatedly affirmed the divine authority and infallibility of
Scripture. To her the Bible is "God's revelation" (BT 325), and a "complete
revelation" (UL 187; BE, July 20, 1892). At the same time Scripture is "the
inspired word of God" (ST, March 21, 1906). According to Ellen G. White all
Scripture is given by inspiration of God (2 Tim 3:16; AA 502; Ed 171; FLB
12; SW 46; SpTEd 148; BE, Oct. 1, 1892). Hence she did not hesitate to state
that the Bible is "an unerring counselor and infallible guide" (FE 100). 21 She
believed that the Bible "is infallible; for God cannot err" (ML 27).
20
21
All abbreviations of works by Ellen G. White cited in this article are based on: Board of
Trustees of the Ellen G. White Estate, Comprehensive Index to the Writings of Ellen G.
White (4 vols.; Boise: Pacific Press, 1962-1992), 1:14. Cf. also Ellen G. Wlzite Writings
Complete Published Edition 2005 (PC) on CD-ROM, The Ellen G. White Estate, 2005.
In light of such and other equally clear statements by Ellen G. White on the infallibility
of Scripture and its unerring character the statement by George Knight that Ellen G.
White "led Adventism away from ideas of inerrancy and infallibility" (George R.
Knight, Anticipating the Advent: A Brief History of Seventh-day Adventists [Boise: Pacific
Press, 1993], 106) does not do justice to her position and smacks of a biased agenda.
For a comprehensive presentation of Ellen G. White's understanding of the revelationinspiration process in Scripture and her own writings see Frank M. Hase!, "Revelation
and Inspiration," in Ellen G. White Encyclopedia (ed. D. Fortin and J. Moon;
Hagerstown: Review & Herald, forthcoming).
3S3
Ellen G. White was also aware of the dangers of higher criticism and the
implications of evolutionary thought. 22 Repeatedly she spoke against the
use of higher critical methods in theology and warned about the disastrous
effect of biblical criticism (cf. ST 709). She strongly warned all those who
with their finite mind think themselves to be competent to pass judgment
upon what is divine and what is human in Scripture. Instead she encouraged to "let the word of God stand just as it is" (ST 711), "as the inspired
Word" (lSM 17). She deplored that "higher criticism, in dissecting, conjecturing, and reconstructing, is destroying faith in the Bible as a divine revelation" (AA 474; Ed 227). It is Satan who is making the world believe that the
Bible is uninspired, no better than a storybook (EW 91, 26S). Therefore no
"living man should dissect God's Word, telling what is revelation, what is
inspiration and what is not, without a rebuke" (7BC 919).
It is obvious that Ellen G. White has much in common with basic fundamentalist beliefs and is more fundamentalist than some would like to
believe. At the same time Ellen G. White differed from fundamentalist sentiments and theology in some significant areas.
5. Differences between Ellen G. White and

Fundamentalism
It should be noted, that in stark contrast to the aggressive demeanor of
many fundamentalists Ellen G. White never promoted or pushed her convictions in a militant manner or in a combative way. Instead, her behavior
toward other believers and even unbelievers was peaceful and very unlike
the combative style that characterizes especially later Fundamentalism.
It also seems that much of her theology originated not so much out of
any reactionary motives against liberalism but rather out of her genuine
desire to communicate to others what God had entrusted to her.
Furthermore, Ellen G. White was a firm defender of religious liberty and

of freedom of conscience. She did not support the idea of mingling politics
with religion. Instead she strongly supported a separation of state and
church, pointing to the manifold dangers of such a union, especially for the
religious freedom and conscience of belief. While being a loyal American
citizen and a respected member of society during her lifetime Ellen G.
White never identified American values with Christianity and warned
about the perils of a union between church and state (cf. GC S63-92).
22
See the discussion in Frank M. Hase), "Ellen G. White and Creationism: How to Deal
with Her Statements on Creation and Evolution: Implications and Prospects," ]ATS 17,
no. 1 (2006): 229-44.
354
Frank M. Hase/
Ellen G. White also never endorsed a dispensationalist hermeneutic and

understanding of Scripture, especially with regards to the role of Israel that
became typical of later fundamentalism. She also differed significantly from
the premilleniallism so typical of many fundamentalists. 23 In all these aspects Ellen G. White differs considerably from a significant segment of contemporary fundamentalism.
Because the authority of Scripture and here especially its infallibility and
inerrancy is at the heart of all other fundamentalist beliefs and is foundational to Ellen G. White's theology as well we need to look at this important
aspect more closely in order to see similarities as well as differences in Ellen
G. White's thought. 24
6. The Inspiration of Scripture in

Fundamentalism and in Ellen G. White
We will briefly describe and then compare the understanding of inspiration
in fundamentalism and in Ellen G. White.
6.1. Fundamentalism and Inspiration

A fair and balanced treatment of the subject of the authority of Scripture in
fundamentalism reveals that much of the discussion on the inspiration and
authority of Scripture is hampered by a vehement polemic by its critics.
Often the fundamentalist position is associated with a rigid and narrow
understanding of verbal inspiration that is equated with a mechanical dictation of every word and even individual letters of the Bible. 25 However, it
should be pointed out, in all fairness, that most fundamentalist representatives do not share such a rigid understanding of inspiration and in fact often distance themselves from any form of mechanical inspiration.
According to Holthaus the self-understanding of fundamentalism builds on
an inerrant revelation of God without holding to a mechanical dictation
23
24
25
It should be noted, however, that not all Fundamentalist are premillenial in their
theology. Many authors of the fundamentals did not share a premillenial understanding
of the eschatological events.
For the following discussion see my forthcoming article ,,Revelation and Inspiration"
in the Ellen G. White Encyclopedia.
This also seems to be the case with George Knight who does not adequately
differentiate between the position of verbal inspiration and a mechanical dictation
view of inspiration. Cf. George R. Knight, A Search for Identity: The Development of
Seventh-day Adventist Beliefs (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2000), 133-38.
355
form of inspiration. 26 However, often such a position on the absolute inerrancy of Scripture seems to be influenced by certain philosophical presuppositions that are rooted in the Greek idea of God's timelessness and
perfection27 and that spill over in the theological understanding of God's
sovereign predestination, as is typical for much of Christian theology. This
leads representatives of such a position to conclude that the very words of
the Bible are directly inspired by God in such a perfect manner, that the
Bible is completely free from all imperfections in all it states and touches
upon. 28
6.2.
Ellen G. White and Inspiration
When we look at Ellen G. White's view of inspiration and the nature of

Scripture we notice that she affirmed the divine inspiration of Scripture and
believed in the full trustworthiness and reliability of the Bible. However,
she did not deify Scripture: to her God alone is infallible (Letter 10, I895, in
ISM 37). For her there exists a genuine concurrence between the human
dimension in the writing of the biblical books and their divine origin. While
written by human hands, God is acknowledged as the ultimate author (GC
v; ISM 25). God "gives the message and then takes special care that it is not
corrupted" (Letter 8, I860, in 6MR 333; IMR 306). Ellen G. White affirmed
God's supervision in the revelation-inspiration process where the prophet
"under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, presents what is most forcibly impressed upon his own mind" (ISM 26). She was convinced that God "by
His Holy Spirit, qualified men and enabled them to do His work. He
guided the mind in the selection of what to speak and what to write" (ISM
26; GC v-vi). As a result of this divine revelation-inspiration process the
Bible can be fully trusted. It is "the guidebook to the inhabitants of a fallen
world" (ISM I6), "an unerring guide" (AA 506; ST 389), and an "unerring
standard" (Ev I56; CT 425; 4T 3I2), by which even man's ideas of science
26
27
28
Holthaus, "Fundamentalismus," 657. Ekkehard Schnabel has pointed out in a

balanced treatment of the subject that some think fundamentalism exists already as
soon as Christians believe that the text of Scripture is the inspired Word of God, given
through the Holy Spirit, and therefore reliable in its statements and normative for
faith and life. In such a case, Schnabel concludes, already Paul was a fundamentalist
(Schnabel, Sind Evangelikale Fundamentalisten?, 24), and we might add, Jesus as well.
Cf. John W. Wenham, Christ and the Bible (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1994).
Fernando Canale, "Revelation and Inspiration," Understanding Scripture: An Adventist
Approach (ed. G. W. Reid; BRIS l; Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 2005), 5253.
According to Holthaus fundamentalism believes "that the Bible is free from
contradictions and errors and trustworthy even in its statements on nature and
history." Holthaus, "Fundamentalismus," 657.
356
Frank M. Hase!
have to be tested (8T 325). Hence "the Holy Scriptures are to be accepted as
an authoritative, infallible revelation of His will" (GC vii; FLB 13). As such
the Bible is the "the standard of character, the revealer of doctrines and the
test of experience" (GC vii; LHU 118). For Ellen G. White the Bible "is plain
on every point essential to the salvation of the soul" (ST 706). From the
above statements it is abundantly clear that Ellen G. White did not question
the divine revelation of Scripture, neither did she doubt its divine inspiration and trustworthiness.
6.3. The Issue of Inspiration: Ellen G. White and

Fundamentalism Compared
In contrast to many discussions in fundamentalist camps on the issue of
inspiration Ellen G. White does not so much argue the infallibility and inerrancy of Scripture from a perspective of divine perfection and from God's
sovereign predestination, as is common in Calvinistic fundamentalism. Instead she has a more comprehensive understanding of the inspiration process and also endorses the idea that the divinely chosen human instruments
are inspired. Interestingly Ellen G. White did not follow the unbiblical notion of a timeless God who in His overpowering divine providence operated as an irresistible sovereign influence, overruling any initiative
originating in human freedom. For her human freedom and the historical
contexts are not bypassed in favour of timeless divine truths, 29 as is done in
much of fundamentalist theology. Therefore she never endorses any mechanical view of inspiration but recognizes and acknowledges the human
dimension of the prophet and biblical writer in the composition of the biblical text.
Furthermore, in contrast to most fundamentalist writers Ellen G. White
sees the primary locust of the inspiration process on the biblical writer and
the thoughts God inspires.
The Bible is written by inspired men [... ] It is not the words of the Bible
that are inspired, but the men that were inspired. Inspiration acts not on
the man's words or his expressions but on the man himself, who, under
the influence of the Holy Ghost, is imbued with thoughts. But the words
receive the impress of the individual mind. The divine mind is diffused.
The divine mind and will is combined with the human mind and will;
thus the utterances of the man are the word of God." (lSM 21)
This important passage indicates that while inspiration begins to function at
the level of the thoughts of the inspired writer the process of inspiration
also extends to some degree to the written result of inspiration whereby
29
Cf. Canale, "Revelation and Inspiration," 52-53.
357
"the utterances of the man are the word of God" (ISM 21). 30 In the words of
the Apostle Paul: "All Scripture is given by inspiration of God" (2 Tim 3:16
KJV, emphasis added).31
Thus, the biblical process of inspiration involves "thoughts as well as
words." 32 For her, inspiration is not limited to merely the thoughts of the
prophet who is then left completely alone in writing down what God has
shown. Neither did she believe that the written words are mechanically
dictated by God. In fact Ellen G. White rejected a mechanical concept of
inspiration where God dictates every word to the prophet, which would
30
31
32
It seems that George Knight, Alden Thompson, and Graeme Bradford, among others,
recently emphasize the idea of thought inspiration in Ellen G. White to a point where
they find room to allow for mistakes, errors, and discrepancies in the Bible as well as
in the writings of Ellen G. White. This, however, does not do justice to Ellen G. White's
understanding and position of this issue. Cf. Knight, Anticipating the Advent, I06;
Alden Thompson, Inspiration (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, I99I), 223--36, and
passim. Thompson has deliberately employed "gentle, friendly words" to describe
those "differences" (Thompson, Inspiration, I44-45). See also more recently idem,
Escaping the Flames: How Ellen G. White Grew from Fear to Joy - and Helped Me Do It Too
(Nampa: Pacific Press, 2005); and Graeme Bradford, Prophets are Human (Victoria,
Australia: Signs, 2004). These writers emphasize the (fallible) human aspect in the
process of inspiration in order to account for the contradictions, mistakes and errors in
Gods prophets. It should be pointed out however that human communication is not
necessarily false and inaccurate. While it is possible to err and to communicate falsely
and deceptively it is a fact that most of our human communication is characterized by
truthfulness and correctness. Even fallible human beings are fully capable of
communicating truth in a trustworthy manner. In Gods communication with man this
can be assumed even more, because God is truth and can be trusted. As creator of
language He is capable to communicate in such a way as to ensure the reliability and
trustworthiness of His message. While God does not overrule the normal function of
the human agency in writing and communicating His message we know several
examples of remedial-corrective patterns of direct intervention that are used by the
Holy Spirit in the process of inspiration that ensure that the divine message is passed
on in a reliable and trustworthy manner. Ellen G. White, for instance, mentions the
fact that the memory is enhanced (2SG 292-93; ISM 36-37), that there is help finding a
"fit word" (2MR I56-57; IMCP 3I8) and the giving of new revelation (3SM 36, 110).
Similarly in the Bible we have the example of Balaam's prophecies (Num 22:I-24:25;
cf. PP 439, 443, 448--49) where God occasionally intervenes to prevent that He is
misrepresented by his prophet, who because of self-interest, wants to change God's
truth into a lie. Hence "we can affirm the total reliability of Scripture within the
parameters of the normal human limitations of the thought and the linguistic process.
Since the whole Bible is revealed and inspired within the level of human thought and
language, tit does not represent divine perfection; yet, its words reliably disclose
God's thoughts and will to us." Canale, "Revelation and Inspiration," 65.
Likewise Ellen White repeatedly affirms that the product of the inspired writers is
inspired by God: "I take the Bible just as it is, as the Inspired Word" (ISM I7).
Peter van Bemmelen, "Revelation and Inspiration" in Handbook of Seventh-day
Adventist Theology (ed. R. Dederen; Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 2000), 40.
358
Frank M. Hase!
make everything in Scripture is "as inspired as the Ten Commandments"

(ISM 24), that is, written word by word by God's own finger. She never
employed the phrase "verbal inspiration" so often associated with a mechanical mode of inspiration. Instead she spoke of the "truth of Scripture"
(PP 238) and of the "reliability of the records of the Old and New Testaments" (CE I93; GC 522; cf. BT 258).
Even though she never acknowledged any error in the original autographs of Scripture and did not once call attention to any specific error in
Scripture, she admitted that in some instances words of Scripture were
changed by learned men (EW 220-2I), in the process of translation and
copying (ISM I6), in order to support their established views, governed by
tradition. Yet she was convinced that in spite of this "true seekers need not
err" (ISG 117), because those "mistakes will not cause trouble to one soul,
or cause any feet to stumble, that would not manufacture difficulties from
the plainest revealed truth" (ISM I6). 33
Ellen G. White acknowledges that "different meanings are expressed by
the same word" (ISM 20), thereby giving everything human an imperfect
touch. Yet she claims that the Bible is nevertheless characterized by a "simple beauty of language" and an "unerring truthfulness" (YI, May 7, I884, cf.
LHU I27). In other words she was convinced that God is able to effectively
use human language to communicate his truth to humanity in a reliable
manner. Although "the Bible is not given to us in grand superhuman language" (ISM 20) she affirms that "God speaks to the human family in language they can comprehend" (TM 135). The expressions of the Bible are not
exaggerated (ISM 22). Rather the Spirit of God guides in choosing "appropriate words with which to express the truth" (3SM 5I-52).
33
Occasionally Ellen White used the phrase that "the scribes of God wrote as they were
dictated by the Holy Spirit" (4T 9; RH, Jan 22, 1880; cf. lSG 175). This expression,
however, should not be interpreted to mean an endorsement of a mechanical
understanding of a verbal dictation model of inspiration (cf. Burry, 48--50). A careful
investigation of the use of the term "dictated" in her own writings makes clear that
she employed this expression not to describe a mechanical dictation of written
material but to emphasize the divine origin and motivation of various actions (cf. IT
610; 17MR 221; SpM 435; ST 101; 3T 507; YI, May 4, 1893). Just as man's purpose is
"dictated by the wisdom of Satan" (RH, July 26, 1898) Ellen White wants to emphasize
that the biblical writers were not guided by Satan but prompted and motivated by
God. They wrote under the impulse and influence of the Holy Spirit so that "the
inspired writers did not testify to falsehoods" but have given "a plain, unvarnished
account of what actually occurred" (4T 9).
359
7. Conclusion
Ellen G. White did not present her understanding of the inspiration process
in a theologically trained manner and systematic fashion. While some
might deplore this as a sign of theological inferiority and simple mindedness it is in fact a blessing because she was not influenced by extra-biblical
notions of Greek philosophy so prevalent in much of Christian theology.
Thus she was able to present and affirm authentic biblical perspectives of
fundamental truths. This also helped to prevent some of the unfortunate
tensions that developed in theology over the process of divine inspiration.
Ellen G. White envisioned concrete historical, spatiotemporal truths and
assumed God's providence within the spatiotemporal flux of concrete human freedom and history, where the human agency in the inspiration process is affirmed. Thus, God's "guidance" in the process of prophetic writing
"did not assure absolute divine perfection, but in their entirety the Scriptures truthfully and trustworthily represent God's teachings, will, and
works." 34
This sets Ellen G. White apart from traditional fundamentalism and reveals the beauty and originality of her thought. In her theological thinking
she is neither narrow minded nor anti-intellectual, but rather open to the
guiding norm of Holy Scripture. There is still much to be learned from her
theological insights as well as from her deep love of the Word of God. She
valued the written Word of God and dealt with it respectfully. She continuously showed an appreciation of the Bible as the only norm and final authority for all of her theology and was willing to follow by the written
Word of God in all she taught and preached. This attitude also has been
characteristic for Gerhard Pfandl in his fruitful and loyal ministry throughout the years. May it be an inspiration to many more to be faithful to the
inspired Word of the living God.
34
Canale, "Revelation and Inspiration," 67.
THEOLOGY OF TITHING IN
ELLEN G. WHITE
KWABENA DONKOR
1. The Nature of Theology

To appreciate the theology of tithing in Ellen White, 1 we should begin by
briefly addressing the nature of theology itself. The word theology is derived from the Greek word theologia which is a combination of two words,
theos and logos. Etymologically, then, theology may be understood as discourse about God. More specifically, theology is discourse about God and
his relation to the created world. This general characterization of theology
may be further defined in Christian terms as the discourse or account of the
Christian faith, since the Christian faith is taken as an account of God's relation to his creation as understood from the Christian perspective. The logos
component of the word theology brings to view a rational dimension to the
theological task. The rational aspect of theology, however, is not there to
subordinate the discourse about God to reason because reason in this case is
used in terms of a logical account of the Christian faith as opposed to an
incoherent or inconsistent account of the faith. Therefore, to compose a theology of tithing in Ellen White is to give a rational account of her understanding of the concept of tithing.
Theology as an account of the Christian faith is an activity, albeit a rational activity that people undertake. It is an activity that produces results
in the nature of "understanding," the understanding of such things as the
nature and purpose of Christian ideas and concepts. But any activity of a
theological nature proceeds, either consciously or unconsciously, with certain principles in mind. These include fundamental ideas, first, about God
and his relation to the world and man, and, second, the sources one employs as the data base of thinking. These principles are what theologians
talk about when they discuss "theological method."
To come to a proper appreciation of Ellen White's understanding of tithing, her views on the two principles of method should be mentioned.
All abbreviations of works by Ellen G. White cited in this article are based on: Board of
Trustees of the Ellen G. White Estate, Comprehensive Index to the Writings of Ellen G.
White (4 vols.; Boise: Pacific Press, 1962-1992), 1:14. Cf. also Ellen G. Wh.ite Writings
Complete Published Edition 2005 (PC) on CD-ROM, The Ellen G. White Estate, 2005.
362
Kwabena Donkor
1.1. God, Man and the World

Ellen White is clear in her understanding that "Christ and the apostles
taught clearly the truth of the existence of a personal God" 2 who, out of
nothing, brought the world as we know it, including man, into existence. 3
The strong acknowledgement of God as creator of all reality has two important related conceptual implications for our discussion on Ellen White's
theology of tithing. These two implications, which concern God's relationship to created reality, are the concepts of ownership and providence. The fact
that God created the world means not only that he owns it but also that he
preserves it. As far as man is concerned, his/her relationship with the world
becomes circumscribed by God and his will. This is an implication of God's
creatorship. In a rather significant statement within the context on the use
of money, Ellen White brings together the consequences of the doctrine of
creation for the God-man-world relation.
That which lies at the foundation of business integrity and of true success is the recognition of God's owncrship. The Creator of all things, He is
the original proprietor. We are His stewards. All that we have is a trust
from Him, to be used according to His direction. This is an obligation that
rests upon every human being. It has to do with the whole sphere of
human activity. Whether we recognize it or not, we are stewards, supplied from God with talents and facilities and placed in the world to do a
work appointed by Him (emphasis mine). 4
In this statement, the use of the word "proprietor" connotes God's legal
right or exclusive title to, or ownership of the world and everything in it,
while man's placement in the world, for the purpose of doing an appointed
work under God's direction, indicates God's care of the creation through his
providence. The close relation in Ellen White's thinking between God's
ownership and providence towards the world forms an important methodological principle in her understanding of tithing.
Ellen White's understanding of providence requires further comment.
Generally, theologians use the term to designate the outworking of God's
governance of nature, man and history so as to bring about the purposes for
which the world was made. And God is understood to carry this out without interfering with human freedom. Ellen White's understanding is in full
agreement with the theological use of the term and goes beyond it, since,
unlike some contemporary theologians, she has no reservations about di-
8T288.
3MR208.
AH367.
Theology of Tithing in Ellen G. White
363
vine, supernatural agency in providence. Thus, God's providence has been

miraculously at work in the experiences of his church and his workers. 5
What is special in Ellen White's portrayal of God's providence is her
understanding and appreciation of its strong implications and significance
for man. In man's fallen and sinful state, she understands his restoration to
be under the providence of God. First, she recognizes that "God's providence is the school in which we are to learn the meekness and lowliness of
Jesus." 6 Second, as man is providentially made to be a part of God's work of
restoration/ God expects man to play his part according to his providence.
Thus in the context of acquisition of property for a certain school she wrote,
"The Lord wishes us to exercise faith at every step. He wants us to manifest
a faith in His working. Let us trust Him, and seek to work in harmony with
His providence. I am confident that the Lord has wrought for us, and that if
we will conduct our school in the fear of God, there will never again be
upon it such a debt as exists at present." 8 The importance of the issue of
providence in Ellen White's thinking is already evident in her endorsement
of the use of tithe towards the medical missionary work under God's
providence. She wrote, "In the night season I am laboring earnestly with
persons who do not seem to understand that in the providence of God the
medical missionary work is to be as the right hand of the body." 9
Methodologically,, God's ownership and providence frames Ellen
White's thinking on God-man-world relationship as it relates to tithing. But
one more methodological issue needs to be brought out, and this is the issue of the data or sources that lie at the base of her thinking. In other words,
where does she go for her source of knowledge?
1.2. Ellen White's Source

When one studies contemporary theologies on different aspects of the
Christian faith, one detects a complex mixture of the use of such sources as
Scripture, tradition, reason/science, experience, art, culture, etc. The Bible
was Ellen White's primary source of knowing God's will. Since for her indeed "The Bible is God's voice speaking to us, just as surely as if we could
hear it with our ear," 10 "it is the first and highest duty of every rational be-
10
AA 93, 524, 537; GC 30, 47, 82, 197.

GC623.
CS20.
1MR337.
Manuscript 58, 1901, 1.
ML283.
364
Kwabena Donkor
ing to learn from the Scriptures what is truth." 11 With Ellen White, however,
there is one more unique source which cannot be overlooked. This source
was her insight and visions which she obtained from the Lord. In connection with her views on tithing, this latter source becomes particularly relevant. This is not to say that the visions were the primary source of her
views on tithing. Rather, her direct insights from the Lord served to
heighten her sensitivity to the significance of the tithing question. 12 The
need on the part of Ellen White to follow the will of God on this question,
either as revealed through the Scriptures or as revealed directly to her, is
linked to her understanding of providence discussed above. For her, to follow the revealed will of God is to be led by God's providence.
The two broad methodological principles discussed above go a long
way to determine Ellen White's specific understanding of tithing to which
we will now tum. Four main issues will engage our attention in this exercise: the nature of the tithe, the basis for estimating the tithe, the giving of
the tithe, and the purpose of the tithe.
2. The Nature of the Tithe

Ellen White understood the tithe to be spiritual in nature and it is extremely
important to correctly evaluate this since it determines whatever else may
be said about or done with it. Among the different characterizations that
may be found in Mrs. White's writings, three have important theological
connotations that are worth exploring. Besides describing the tithe as an
ordinance, she spoke of it as a covenant and stressed its sacredness.
2.1. Tithe as
an Ordinance
Speaking in the context of faithfulness in returning the tithe Mrs. White

wrote,
This is not a request of man; it is one of God's ordinances, whereby His
work may be sustained and carried on in the world. God help us to repent. "Return unto Me," He says, "and I will return unto You." Men
who have a desire to do their duty, have it all laid down in clear lines in
this chapter. No one can excuse himself from paying his tithes and offerings to the Lord.13
Theologically, an ordinance has the nature of a decree, order or direction
which is authoritative. Furthermore, an ordinance has an enduring nature,
11
12
13
GC598.
Letter 40, 1897; lMR 187.
CHL 71.
365
therefore, Mrs. White could note that "The law of tithing was founded upon
an enduring principle and was designed to be a blessing to man." 14 Elsewhere she explains that the principle is "as enduring as the law of God," 15
and that the tithing system goes beyond Moses. 16
The theological significance of understanding the tithe as an ordinance
from the Lord is immense. It is to indicate to all, either in returning or managing the tithe, that it is the Lord that we have to do with. As an ordinance
founded on an enduring principle, it is important that actions with respect
to the tithe are based on principles that conform to the original principle on
which the tithe is based. We are also put on notice that since the idea of direction is implied in an ordinance, we may not act without reference to the
Lord who ordained it. Thus we are cast back onto the idea of providence as
we deal with the tithe question.
2.2. Tithe as Covenant

The full context of Mrs. White's depiction of the tithe as founded on an enduring principle shows that that enduring principle is the blessing of man.
She wrote,
The special system of tithing was founded upon a principle which is as
enduring as the law of God. This system of tithing was a blessing to the
Jews, else God would not have given it them. So also will it be a blessing
to those who carry it out to the end of time. Our heavenly Father did not
originate the plan of systematic benevolence to enrich Himself, but to be
a great blessing to man. He saw that this system of beneficence was just
what man needed.17
In view of this fact that tithing is based on the principle of blessing man, we
should not be surprised that Ellen White understands the tithe in covenantal terms. Since the fall of man, God in his infinite wisdom has seen it fit to
bestow his blessings towards man in the context of covenant. Ellen White
prefixed her statement on the covenantal nature of the tithe by saying that
those who have the truth in their heart and have been sanctified by it will
be faithful in returning to God a portion in tithes and offerings. Then she
observed, "Every church member is bound by covenant relation with God
to deny himself of every extravagant outlay of means [... ] I entreat my
brethren and sisters throughout the world to awaken to the responsibility
14
RC270.
15
cs 67.
16
Review and Herald, August 25, 1874.

3T404-5.
17
366
Kwabena Donkor
that rests upon them to pay a faithful tithe. [... ] Keep a faithful account with
your Creator." 18
We may explore the theological implications of a covenantal understanding of the tithe from the perspective of the parties, God and man. Just
as in all the covenants of the Bible God's requirements are based on his
prior gracious activity, just so is the tithe requirement based on God's blessings. Ellen White writes, "God blesses the work of men's hands, that they
may return to Him His portion." Then after mentioning the particular blessings of sunshine, rain, vegetation, health and the ability to acquire means
she continues, "Every blessing comes from His bountiful hand, and He desires men and women to show their gratitude by returning Him a portion
in tithes and offerings." 19 What is particularly insightful is that not only is
the tithe a response to God's grace, it evidences grace in the hearts of those
who return it. Mrs. White writes, "Humility, self-denial, benevolence, and
the payment of a faithful tithe, these show that the grace of God is working
in the heart." 20
From the perspective of a covenant, returning the tithe does not simply
evidence one's dependence on God, 21 but true to the covenantal form, the
tithe imposes an obligation. In this connection Ellen White points out that
"This matter of giving is not left to impulse. Cod has given us definite instruction in regard to it. He has specified tithes and offerings as the measure
of our obligation." 22 Hence, it is in this sense that God does not appeal to
gratitude or generosity for the return of the tithe. 23 It appears that it is for
this reason that Mrs. White tirelessly emphasized the withholding of tithe
as sin24 and as robbery, embezzlement and fraud. 25
2.3. Tithe as "Sacred Reserve"

Ellen White appears to have provided the reason for characterizing the tithe
as a "sacred reserve" when she wrote concerning God, that "He claims the
tithe as His own, and it should ever be regarded as a sacred reserve." 26
From this statement, it appears that the sacredness of the tithe is based on
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
AG 151.
AG 151.
CH 590.
CG 152.
CSW129.
LHU304.
481040.
CS 67; AA 336; 3T 394.
COL300.
Theologi; of Tithing in Ellen G. White
367
God's claim of ownership of the tithe. But what about the observation we
made earlier on about God's ownership of all that there is? It should be obvious that God claims ownership of the tithe in a very special sense, as a
reserve in the sense of something set aside for a particular purpose. Therefore, the tithe is holy in the same sense as the Sabbath is holy, and Mrs.
White draws the parallelism.
The very same language is used concerning the Sabbath as in the law of
the tithe: "The seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God." Man has
no right nor power to substitute the first day for the seventh[ ... ) In like
manner a tithe of our income is "holy unto the Lord." The New Testament does not reenact the law of the tithe, as it does not that of the Sabbath; for the validity of both is assumed, and their deep spiritual import
explained. [... ) While we as a people are seeking faithfully to give to God
the time which He has reserved as His own, shall we not also render to
Him that portion of our means which He claims?27
The question of the sacred always raises its "other," namely, the common. Is
it possible to desecrate the tithe and if so how? The possibility of such an
occurrence appears to be implied in Mrs. White's counsel that "The tithe
money should be kept sacred." 28 As to how this may be done, it seems to
depend on the purposes to which the tithe is put. It is interesting to observe
that Mrs. White used the word "common" to describe activities to which
the Lord has not ordained the use of the tithe. 29 On another occasion a similar phrase was used in the context of the shortage of gospel workers. "There
should be workers in Michigan, and yet men are questioning in regard to
using the tithe for other purposes than that which the Lord has specified.
Why does it allow the treasury which should be kept for the purpose. of
sustaining the ministry, to be drawn upon, and diverted to common
things?" 30 It seems that for Mrs. White the sacred tithe has been consecrated
for a sacred work. 31 Failure to match the two, namely, the sacred tithe to the
sacred work, results in a failure to keep the tithe sacred. This is an important
theological implication for understanding the nature of the tithe as sacred.
3. The Basis for the Tithe

The discussion above focused on exploring Mrs. White's understanding of
the spiritual nature of the tithe in a rather formal sense. In this section we
27
cs 66.
28
East Michigan Banner, April 12, 1905.
29
21MR 185.
30
The General Conference Bulletin, July 1, 1897.
31
DG 256.
368
Kwabena Donkor
are interested in knowing the material aspects of the tithe with respect to its
assessment. By 1878 it had become clear to the church that the plan of giving which was titled Systematic Benevolence was somewhat defective. Part of
the problem with the plan was the basis for ascertaining the obligations of
the believers. In the plan, the basis of assessment was possession of property, although a link was sought thereby with income. The proposition on
Systematic Benevolence was that the believers "give a tithe, or a tenth of
their income, estimating their income at ten percent on what they possess."32 As it turned out, a General Conference Committee charged with the
task of reviewing the plan of giving found in 1878 that "those who had little
or no property, and at the same time had considerable income, in some
cases robbed the Lord of nearly or quite all the tithes of their actual income."33 To the question, "how much ought I to give for the support of the
gospel?" the Committee responded after their study, "A tithe of all our income." Mrs. White took the Committee's position on the subject and went
further. She explained that "As did Abraham, they are to pay tithe of all
they possess and all they receive" (emphasis mine). 34 The inclusiveness of
Mrs. White's understanding of the basis for assessing the tithe is also expressed in her perception of Jacob's experience. She mention's that "Jacob
gave the tenth of all that he had, and then reckoned the use of the tenth, and
gave the Lord the benefit of that which he had used for his own interest
during the time he was in a heathen land and could not pay his vow." 35
Clearly Ellen White finds the basis for assessing the tithe in an uncompromising understanding of the tithe as an ordinance. She was clearly convinced that the Lord had ordained a faithful tithe as his portion, 36 a position
she took which is reflected in her constant reference to Mal 3:10. 37
4. Returning the Tithe

So far, the study of Ellen White's understanding of tithing has highlighted
two key points. First, the Lord has ordained a covenant claim on the tithe as
a holy, sacred reserve for himself. Second, as an ordinance, all that we possess and receive are prescribed to be the basis for the assessment of the
Lord's claim. Important as both points made above are, they are primarily
32 The Good Samaritan, No. 5, January, 1861.

33 Arthur L. White, quoted in: General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists, "Use of
Tithe Study Commission, Historical Documents," 2005, 106.
34
cs 66.
35 4T 466.
36 CS66.
37 CH374.
Theology of Tithing irz Ellen G. White
369
formal in nature in the sense that they do not actually constitute or put in
place the fund which God lays his claim on as holy unto him. The real, material constitution and preservation of the sacredness of the tithe begins
with concrete actions of the believer, who has the responsibility of returning
the tithe, in actually returning it.
Looking at the tithe from this perspective and with the focus on the believer's responsibility to return the tithe, at least three key issues deserve
attention. These are the injunction itself to return the tithe, the motivation
for returning the tithe, and the place to return the tithe. Mrs. White has expressed herself on all of these.
4.1.
The Injunction
Under the covenantal nature of the tithe, it was noted that from the perspective of man the tithe imposes an obligation. The word injunction is being used here to indicate the fact that in Ellen White's view, the obligation
that rests on the believer to return the tithe is not merely a moral obligation,
but rather something of a judicial nature. This is how she understood Mal
3:8--10. Failure to return the tithe brings about a judgment in the form of a
curse. Her various ways of describing the robbery involved in the failure to
return the tithe have the same juridical connotations. Thus to fail to return
the tithe is to rob God of his "just dues" 38 or "just claims" (emphasis mine}, 39
not to forget that we will be "tested in God's balances" 40 and failure to return the tithe will provoke "divine displeasure." 41
If we seek to know the basis of the order or injunction to return the tithe
we are told plainly that "A faithful tithe is the Lord's portion. To withhold
it is to rob God." 42
4.2. The Motivation

If the covenantal nature of the tithe helps us to understand it as an obligation and, therefore, imposes upon us an injunction to return it, it also helps
us to see that embedded in the obligation is a gracious motivation to return
the tithe. In deeply moving language Ellen White writes,
I speak of the tithing system, yet how meager it looks to my mind! How
small the estimate! How vain the endeavor to measure with mathemati-
38
cs 324.
39
TSS 99.
13MR235.
40
41
42
cs 67.
cs 66.
370
Kwabena Donkor
cal rules, time, money, and love against a love and sacrifice that is measureless and incomputable! Tithes for Christ! Oh, meager pittance,
shameful recompense for that which cost so much! From the cross of
Calvary, Christ calls for an unconditional surrender. 43
This gracious motivation has wider purposes which provide additional
incentive for the believer to return the tithe. Having experienced the immeasurable grace of Christ from Calvary which calls the believer to unconditional surrender, man is now called upon, through the returning of the
tithe, to extend the message of salvation to others. Ellen White writes:
The principle laid down by Christ is that our offerings to God should be
in proportion to the light and privileges enjoyed. "Unto whomsoever
much is given, of him shall be much required." Luke 12:48. Said the Saviour to his disciples as he sent them forth, "Freely ye have received,
freely give." Matthew 10:8. As our blessings and privileges are increased
-above all, as we have before us the unparalleled sacrifice of the glorious Son of God-should not our gratitude find expression in more
abundant gifts to extend to others the message of salvation? 44
In the light of the gracious motivation sketched above, however, the moral
obligation that the tithe imposes upon man becomes transformed into a
moral motivation since the believer is convinced from the depth of her or
his being of God's ownership of not just the tithe, but everything she or he
possesses. It is in this context that Ellen White counsels all, to strictly, honestly and faithfully return what is the Lord's portion to him. 45
4.3. The Storehouse

The believer's responsibility in the process which begins to constitute and
maintain the sanctity of the tithe ends with the lodging of the tithe in the
storehouse. Goodwill on the part of the believer to return the tithe is not
enough, neither is it enough to keep the tithe personally, whether due to
lack of confidence in the management of the tithe46 or a plan to use it according to one's own judgment.47 "Without failure," Mrs. White states, "the
tithe is to be brought to the treasury of God" ;48 "They are to be placed in His
treasury." 49 One does not need to read far into Ellen White on the tithing
question to realize that she uses the words "treasury" and "storehouse"
43
44
45
46
47
4T 119.
pp 528-29.
cs 82.
9T 240.
9T 248.
48
Review and Herald, December 25, 1900.
49
9T 248.
371
interchangeably. She writes, "If all the tithes were brought into the storehouse, God's treasury would not be empty." 50 Therefore, the treasury of the
organized church, for Ellen White is the storehouse of Malachi 3. In the context of discussing the use of tithe of those who appear to have lost confidence in leadership, Ellen White points to the local church and Conference
as constituents of the storehouse.
You ask if I will accept tithe from you and use it in the cause of God
where most needed. In reply, I will say that I shall not refuse to do this,
but at the same time I will tell you that there is a better way. It is better to
put confidence in the ministers of the conference where you live, and in
the officers of the church where you worship. Draw nigh to your brethren. Love them with a true heart fervently, and encourage them to bear
their responsibilities in the fear of God. 51
Once the tithe has been placed in the storehouse, the maintenance of its
sanctity continues with the way it is administered and disbursed. Discussing the use of the tithe, then, will bring us to the end of this discussion on
the theology of tithing in Ellen White.
5. Using the Tithe

Everything we have said about Ellen White's understanding of the nature
of the tithe comes to bear on her discussion on the use of it. For her, the
tithe as a scared reserve of the Lord needs to be approached, in its use, with
a commensurate reverence. Looking at her statements on the use of the tithe
is important, but just as important is her approach to the issue, an approach
which seems to reinforce the fact that the use of the tithe should be attended
to with care and reverence.
In the record provided in vol. 9 of the Testimonies for the Church Ellen
White provides one of her more sustained counsels on the use of the tithe. 52
At the center of this counsel is the use of the tithe, but the way the counsel is
structured appears to be quite insightful. It is introduced with the purchase
of our redemption as a "treasure" which is given to us freely by God. Then
as a way of forcefully drawing out the implication of this gift, she asks,
"How much owest thou unto my Lord?" 53 Her response is that it is impossible to tell, noting that all that we have is from God, apparently beyond his
gift of redemption to us. With these thoughts, she draws the principle that
we are only stewards, namely, that "In trading with the Lord's goods, we
50
Pacific Union Recorder, October 10, 1901.
51
lMR 196.
9T 245--51.
9T 245.
52
53
372
Kwabena Donkor
are to seek Hirn for wisdom, that we may not use His sacred trust to glorify
ourselves or to indulge selfish irnpulses." 54
Next, she spells out the solemn implications of the principle of stewardship in the context of support of the gospel. First, pastors have the duty, by
precept and example, of setting before the believers the idea that a portion
of their income is "sacredly bestowed to His work," 55 that "it is no better
than sacrilege for a man to take from God's treasury in order to serve himself or to serve others in their secular business." 56
After dealing with the sacred implication of "stewardship" for the believer in general, she then shifts attention to the use of the tithe. What is
significant in the counsel is the via negativa which she adopts in the main.
The via negativa is an approach in theology which speaks about the nature
of God in "negative" terms, in the sense of what God is not. This approach,
it is recognized, is motivated by a profound sense of God's transcendence.
The via negativa has been rightly criticized but its value in accentuating the
sacred is valuable, especially when it is balanced with the via positiva.
Although it may be possible to give other explanations to Ellen White's
via negativa approach in this particular counsel on the use of the tithe, the
context forces one not to overlook the possibility, on her part, of emphasizing the sacred nature of the subject at hand. The counsel on the use of the
tithe for "the support of the rninisters" 57 and "to sustain the gospel laborers
in their work" 58 is set, significantly, in warnings about what the tithe is not
to be used for. This via negativa appears to be presented in an increasing
order of responsibility. First, for individual believers, "Let none feel at liberty to retain their tithe, to use according to their own judgment. They are
not to use it for themselves in an emergency, nor to apply it as they see fit,
even in what they may regard as the Lord's work." 59 Second, for the minister, apart from not giving his influence to any plans that divert the tithe
from its legitimate use, "He should not feel that he can retain and apply it
according to his own judgment because he is a minister. It is not his. He is
not at liberty to devote to himself whatever he thinks is his due." 6 Finally,
in general categories that may specifically apply to administrators, although
they are not explicitly mentioned, the tithe may not be used to care for the
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
9T245.
9T246.
9T247.
9T249.
9T249.
9T247.
9T247.
Theolo)?y of Tithinf( in Ellen G. White
373
house of worship, 61 or canvassers and colporteurs, or to perform "some

deed of charity or giving some gift or some offering when or how they, the
human agents, shall see fit." 62 At this point, Ellen White brings to bear on
her counsel the idea of providence which we mentioned at the beginning.
It is a very poor policy for men to seek to improve on God's plan, and
invent a makeshift, averaging up their good impulses on this and that

occasion, and offsetting them against God's requirements. God calls
upon all to give their influence to His own arrangement. He has made
His plan known, and all who would co-operate with Him must carry out
this plan instead of daring to attempt an improvement on it. 63
So what are God's plans for the use of the tithe as Ellen White understood
them? There is no question, as we mentioned about Ellen White's sources
for theology, that she claimed direct revelation from God regarding plans
for the use of the tithe. This is not to say that what was revealed to her was
somehow at variance with what Scripture teaches. The biblical basis of tithing in terms of its origin, use and continuity she discusses in the context of
such texts as Gen 14:20, 28:22 64 and Matt 23:23. But she claimed revealed
insight into tithing in the context of the remnant people and their task.
Based on existing studies in Ellen White on this subject, 65 her counsel is
usually divided into three sections: appropriate uses of the tithe, exceptional uses of the tithe, and inappropriate use of the tithe.
5.1. Appropriate Use of Tithe

The following uses are the ones generally understood as directly identified
by Ellen White as appropriate for the tithe.
5.1.1. To Support Gospel Ministers

Let each regularly examine his income, which is all a blessing from God,
and set apart the tithe as a separate fund, to be sacredly the Lord's. This
fund should not in any case be devoted to any other use; it is to be devoted solely to support the ministry of the gospel. 66
I have never so fully understood this matter as I now understand it.
Having had questions directed here to me to answer, I have had special
instruction from the Lord that the tithe is for a special purpose, conse-
61
9T 248.
62
9T 248.
63
9T 248.
pp 525.
64
65
General Conference, "Use of Tithe Study Commission."
66
cs 81.
374
Kwabena Donkor
crated to God to sustain those who minister in the sacred work as the
Lord's chosen, to do His work not only in sermonizing but in ministering.67
5.1.2. To Support Bible Teachers

Light has been plainly given that those who minister in our schools,
teaching the word of God, explaining the Scriptures, educating the students in the things of God, should be supported by the tithe money. This
instruction was given long ago, and more recently it has been repeated
again and again. 68
5.1.3. To Support Pastors' Wives Working in the Gospel Ministry

There are ministers' wives-Sisters Starr, Haskell, Wilson, and Robinson-who have been devoted, earnest, whole-souled workers, giving Bible readings and praying with families, helping along by personal efforts
just as successfully as their husbands. These women give their whole
time, and are told that they receive nothing for their labors because their
husbands receive wages. I tell them to go forward and all such decisions
will be revised. The Word says, "The labourer is worthy of his hire"
(Luke 10:7). When any such decision as this is made, I will in the name of
the Lord, protest. I will feel it my duty to create a fund from my tithe
money to pay these women who are accomplishing just as essential
work as the ministers are doing, and this tithe I will reserve for work in
the same line as that of the ministers, hunting for souls, fishing for
souls. 69
5.1. 4. To Support Medical Missionaries

Some, who do not see the advantage of educating the youth to be physicians both of the mind and of the body, say that the tithe should not be
used to support medical missionaries, who devote their time to treating
the sick. In response to such statements as these, I am instructed to say
that the mind must not become so narrowed down that it cannot take in
the truth of the situation. A minister of the gospel who is also a medical
missionary, who can cure physical ailments, is a much more efficient
worker than one who cannot do this. His work as a minister of the gospel is much more complete. 7D
67 DG 256.
68
cs 103.
69
12MR 160--61.
70
MM245.
111eology of Tithing in Ellen G. White
375
5.1.5. To Support Retired Ministers and their Families

In response to a letter written on February 24, 1911, by E. R. Palmer describing plans where "Each of our conferences contributes five per cent of its
tithes to the Sustentation Fund," Ellen White writes on what she considers a
sacred privilege and duty:
It is right that a fund should be created to make comfortable these faithful soldiers who still long to put brain, bone, and muscle into the work of
giving the last note of warning to the world. Let us not become weary in
sustaining the afflicted or the aged standard bearers, who have in the
past labored faithfully, but who are now unable to carry the work as
they have done formerly. This is a part of our duty at this time.7 1
5.1.6. To Support Needy Mission Fields

The conferences should feel a burden for the regions beyond their own
borders. There are missions to be sustained in fields where there are no
churches and no tithes, and also where the believers are new and the
tithe limited. If you have means that is not needed after settling with
your ministers in a liberal manner, send the Lord's money to these destitute places. Special light on this point has been given. I was listening to
the voice of a heavenly Messenger, and the directions given were that
the churches that had buildings and facilities should in this way assist
the missions in foreign countries. 72
5.1.7. To Support Publishing Department Directors

Although there is no direct statement from Mrs. White the following statement from W. C. White in a letter to W. S. Lowry on May 10, 1912, is generally taken as a legitimate indication of her support.
In many conferences in the past years the question has arisen as to
whether it was lawful and expedient to pay the State canvassing agent
from the tithe. This matter has been discussed in Union and General
Conference councils, and our bretheren feel clear in supporting the State
agent from the tithe because the books are very effective preachers.
Whenever this question has been brought to Mother, she has given her
approval of the plan generally adopted by our people.
5.2. Exceptional Use of the Tithe

5.2.1. For Houses of Worship
There are exceptional cases, where poverty is so deep that in order to se71
72
3MR 272-73.
IMR 183.
376
Kwa/Jena Donkor
cure the humblest place of worship, it may be necessary to appropriate

the tithes. But that place is not Battle Creek or Oakland. 73
5.2.2. For Medical Missionary Work, to a very Limited Degree

Ellen White gave approval to a tithe-to-tithe exchange plan by Dr. Kellogg
by which an equal amount of tithe paid by workers at the sanitarium to the
conference was appropriated for the purpose of doing missionary work
connected with the sanitarium. As part of her response to the apparent
misunderstanding on the issue with the leaders she wrote:
You should come to an understanding, and work harmoniously. For him
to separate the tithe from the treasury would be a necessity I greatly
dread. If this money in tithe is paid by the workers into the treasury,
why, I ask, should not that amount be apportioned to the carrying forward of the medical missionary work?74
5.2.3. For Paying the Clerk and Treasurer of Large Churches

On the basis of recollections by W. C. White penned in a letter written on
October 31, 1912, to C. F. McVagh on this matter, Ellen White is reported to
have given her approval. The rational for this policy, approved by Ellen
White as recorded in W. C. White's correspondence, runs as follows:
In the olden days when Battle Creek church was growing, it was found
that unless the collecting of the tithe was followed up regularly that the
amount received was much less than if the matter were followed up in a
businesslike way by a collector who made the work his regular duty. We
also found that this work demanded more time than it was right for us
to ask any one, two, or three of the deacons to give to the matter, and it
was thought by the church council that it would be good policy, and for
the best interest of the tithepayers, and for the best interest of the conference, to have a good collector chosen and employed and paid a reasonable amount for his time.
5.3. Inappropriate Use of Tithe

5.3.1. Personal
God has given special direction as to the use of the tithe. He does not design that His work shall be crippled for want of means. That there may
be no haphazard work and no error, He has made our duty on these
points very plain. The portion that God has reserved for Himself is not
to be diverted to any other purpose than that which He has specified. Let
73
lMR 191.
74
7MR366.
none feel at liberty to retain their tithe, to use according to their own
judgment. They are not to use it for themselves in an emergency, nor to
apply it as they see fit, even in what they may regard as the Lord's
work. 75
5.3.2. Ministerial
The minister should, by precept and example, teach the people to regard
the tithe as sacred. He should not feel that he can retain and apply it according to his own judgment because he is a minister. It is not his. He is
not at liberty to devote to himself whatever he thinks is his due. He
should not give his influence to any plans for diverting from their legitimate use the tithes and offerings dedicated to God.76
5.3.3. Educational Assistance

Now in regard to educating students in our schools. It is a good idea; it
will have to be done; but God forbid that in the place of practicing selfdenial and self-sacrifice our individual selves, to do this work, we
should subtract from the Lord's portion, specially reserved to sustain the
ministers in active labor in the field, and to [keep] at work those who are
already ordained for the work.77
5.3.4. The Poor, Sick and Aged

The tithe is set apart for a special use. It is not to be regarded as a poor
fund. It is to be especially devoted to the support of those who are bearing God's message tu the world; and it should not be diverted from this
purpose. 78
5.3.5. Schools, Canvassers and Colporteurs

One reasons that the tithe may be applied to school purposes. Still others
reason that canvassers and colporteurs should be supported from the
tithe. But a great mistake is made when the tithe is drawn from the object for which it is to be used-the support of the ministers. 79
5.3.6. C1zurc/1 Care

I was shown that it is wrong to use the tithe for defraying the incidental
expenses of the church. In this there has been a departure from correct
methods. [... ] But you are robbing God every time that you put your
75 9T 247.
76
77
78
79
9T 247.
IMR 193.
cs 103.
cs 102.
377
378
Kwabena Donkor
hands into the treasury for funds to meet the running expenses of the
church. 80
5.3.7. Politicking Employees

The tithe should not be used to pay any one for speechifying on political
questions. Every teacher, minister, or leader in our ranks who is stirred
with a desire to ventilate his opinions on political questions, should be
converted by a belief in the truth, or give up his work.Bl
6. Conclusion
Ellen White's writings on the tithe reveal a coherent theological understanding in which her comprehension of the use of the tithe, either at a personal or corporate level, reflects her insight into the nature of the tithe as
revealed to her in Scripture and in her personal encounter with God. It is an
understanding which is based on God's sovereignty and providence and its
implications for the believer's relationship with created reality in the context of God's plan of redemption. Based on her understanding of the nature
of the tithe she has given concrete counsel on several aspects of it including
the demand for faithfulness in its return by the believer, and the need to
follow divine counsel in its use. Embedded in these counsels of a concrete
nature are principles which may provide guidance to the church in new
historical situations.
BO
Bl
CS 103.
FE477.
PRACTICAL-THEOLOGICAL STUDIES
A RATIONALE
FOR SPIRITUAL FORMATION IN

THEOLOGICAL EDUCATION
CAROL
M. TASKER
1. Introduction
Seminary students, church administrators, and church members assume
that the spirih.lal life of pastors will be addressed during their ministerial
training, however research indicates otherwise. Seminary professors often
think that those who enrolled in pastoral training already have a strong
relationship with God. However, sh.ldent profiles suggest this is not the
case. What sort of students enroll in the seminary, and what expectations of
personal spiritual growth do such students have? To what extent should a
theological seminary concern itself with the spiritual formation of its students? In what ways can seminary professors assist in the process of spiritual formation of their sh.ldents, and what are the benefits of intentional
spirih.lal formation initiatives?
2. Seminary Student Profiles

The religious profile of seminary sh.ldents usually reflects current religious
trends in society, in fact "seminary sh.ldents are a reflection of humanity." 1
Unlike the typical seminary sh.ldent of the 70s who was raised in a Christian home, many students now come to the seminary as the result of a recent conversion in adult years. 2 Without any previous religious background, they arrive "with great expectations and great commitment, but
relatively little knowledge of Scriph.lre and the history of the church." 3 Indeed some sh.ldents are in seminary "not always because they have found
God but because they have decided to search for him." 4
Virginia S. Cetuk, Wlwt to Expect in Seminary: Theological Education as Spiritual
For111atio11 (Nashville: Abingdon, 1998), 49.
George K. Brushaber, "The Twenty-First Century Seminary," Christianity Today 37, no.
6 (17 May 1993), 46.
Donald Senior and Timothy P. Weber, "What is the Character of Curriculum,
Formation, and Cultivation of Ministerial Leadership in the Good Theological
School?" Theological Education 30, no. 2(Spring1994), 18.
Paul Wilkes, "The Hands That Would Shape Our Souls," The Atlantic Monthly 266, no.
6 (Dec. 1990), 70.
382
Carol M. Tasker
The reasons people choose to study at a seminary are numerous and diverse, and have also changed over the years. 5 The 1960s saw a demand for
relevance, with some coming to seminary unsure of a genuine call to ministry from God. Others came to seminary to avoid the draft. 6
Rebecca Chopp's interviews with seminary women over 4 years describe as "startling" the revelation that, for many women, theological education is used to rewrite their history, or to write a new story, and that
career pursuits may not be their primary concern. Furthermore, "external
events-death, divorce or other unusual experiences-lead women to use
theological education to make sense of their future" 7 "Unfortunately," says
Thomas Gillespie, President of Princeton Theological Seminary, "many
students come to seminary expecting to have a perpetual mountain experience"8 however, this is often short-lived.
Students who arrive expecting to find a "spiritual hothouse" often find
seminary to be a singular test of faith. The crushing academic work-load,
the uninspiring and unhelpful courses, the equally hard-pressed fellow
students all contribute to the spiritual debilitation. I have known a number of students who have stopped going to church while in seminary,
and others who wander from church to church in a fruitless search for
genuine Christian fellowship, yet unwilling (some of them would say
"unable") to give enough of themselves to others to make such fellowship possible.9
For example, in the 1950s, most students wanted to learn all they could before going
out as ministers of the Word; nevertheless, Niebuhr outlines IO different motivations
for seeking theological education. People enrolled because they were sent by family or
home congregation, needed personal healing, sought a stable career, wanted to further
an already successful pastoral experience, were zealous to work for God, enjoyed
intellectual stimulation, had humanitarian and social justice interests, or had issues of
faith to clarify. The tenth category of students, said Niebuhr, is a small group with
mature faith, who are more interested in learning than in grades, and who have the
maturity to see that effective ministry requires knowledge and education that is
merely begun in seminary and will continue throughout the years of ministry. H.
Richard Niehbuhr, The Purpose of the Church and its Ministry: Reflections on the Aims of
Theological Education (New York: Harper, 1956), 145-59.
Lyle E. Schaller, Reflections on a Contrarian: Second Thoughts on the Parish Ministry
(Nashville: Abingdon, 1989), 171-72.
Timothy C. Morgan, "Re-Engineering the Seminary," Christianity Today 38, no. 12 (24
Oct. 1994), 77.
Dennis Voskuil, "Creative Tensions in Theological Education," Perspectives: A journal
of Reformed Thought 9, no. 8 (Oct. 1994), 13-14.
J.M. Frame, "Case Study: Proposals for New North American Model," in Missions and
Theological Education in World Perspective (ed. H. M. Conn and S. F. Rowen,
Farmington: Urbanus, 1984), 371-72.
A Rationale for Spiritual Formation in Theological Education
383
Other students entering seminary with a view to ordination in the future

are likely to have expectations of the seminary centering on the "how to's"
of ministry, where they will receive answers for all possible future questions and solutions for all possible future problems. But, as Cetuk points
out, this view of seminary education is flawed by its assumption of a static
humanity and an unchanging civilization, for in a world that changes
quickly, is complex and ambiguous, and has technological capability which
far outdistances its moral maturity-in our world-it is simply not possible
to cover everything or prepare for all that will come your way in ministry. 10
She suggests that a more appropriate expectation is for students to be
taught how to think critically and theologically about the issues of faith, life,
and ministry. 11 Donald McCullough, President of San Francisco Theological
Seminary, agrees that seminary education cannot do everything expected of
it. He suggests that the seminary can start some people on the road toward
greater wholeness, it can be a center where students develop their gifts for
more effective ministry and are helped to develop basic disciplines of spirituality, but he says to students, "If you think you're ready for ministry,
we've failed you. At most, you're more able to learn what you'll need to
know in the coming years." 12
Though students increasingly call for spirituality to have a higher profile in seminaries, their struggles at seminary revolve around the present
day-to-day realities of trying to cope with excessive commitments-to
church, job, family, and their seminary studies, often within the confines of
finishing their studies as rapidly and as inexpensively as possible13 thus
allowing little time for their own spiritual nurture.
3. Expectations for Spirituality in the Seminary

Most theology students are looking for ways to enhance their walk with
God, and assume that this will happen during their time of theological
training, so it comes as a shock when they realize, "I was in a worse shape
spiritually when I left the seminary than when I started my seminary experience." Barber comments:
We knew how to prepare a paper for a Greek course and the proper
steps one is to follow in preparing a homiletically sound sermon. What
10
11
12
13
Cetuk, Whal lo Expect in Seminary, 64.

Ibid., 65.
Donald W. McCullough, "Seminary Education: Its Limits," Ministry 73, no. 1 (Jan.
2000), 24.
Robert R. Banks, Reenvisioning Theological Education: Exploring a Missional Alternative to
Current Models (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000), 200.
384
Carol M. Tasker
we did not know was how to care for our own spiritual selves. The devotional life was not a major topic in any curriculum we studied. Professors geared courses to show us how to minister to other people, but they
did not attempt to place in our hands tools for the cultivation of our
spiritual selves. 14
In fact the most frequently voiced concern of men and women who enter
seminary has to do with spirituality. 15 "They commonly enter seminary
motivated by a commitment to God and a desire to serve their Lord in
some form of ministry, and then find that they are being either distracted or
deflected from that intention at every turn." 16 Peterson goes on to say that
40 years ago seminaries were regarded as graveyards of spirituality where
men and women lost their faith. Forty years later, after both attending and
teaching in a number of seminaries, he has found no evidence to suggest
that these claims were exaggerated. "Seminary education is dangerousand many have lost their faith in its classrooms and libraries." 17 These sentiments are echoed by Robert Banks, who reports that in a 1992 survey of
seminaries, less than 40% of the students felt that their experience had
helped them grow spiritually. One student lamented: "My time in seminary
was spiritually speaking, the driest time in my life." 18 A survey of a large
well-known theological college found that 93% of students studying for the
ministry said, "I have no devotional life." 19
Leaders of these training instih1tions are also concerned about the situation, saying that their greatest concern relates to the spiritual life of their
students and ways in which they could help them grow. 20 Increasingly, the
concern of laity, church leaders, and seminary presidents is that there
should be a clear message accompanied by appropriate steps that would
give the assurance that "those sent out to be preachers, teachers and church
leaders should not only know about the eternal God but that they should
know firsthand the One to whom the Scriptures bear witness." 21
In thinking about the spiritual lives of their students, seminary teachers
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
Ibid., 2.
Eugene H. Peterson, "The Seminary as a Place of Spiritual Formation," Theology, News
and Notes 40, no. 3 (Fall 1993), 4.
Ibid., 4
Ibid.
Banks, Reenvisioning Theological Education, 200.
0. B. Lands, "Dangerous Trends in the Church Today," Pulpit Helps 12 (1979), 1.
Terry C Hulbert, "The Quest for Renewal in Theological Education," Africa Journal of
Evangelical Theology 16, no. 2 (1988), 38.
L. Babin, L. Briner, P. Hoon, W. Martin, T. Smithy, I. Van Antwerp, and P. Whitney,
Voyage Vision-Venture: A Report by the Task Force 011 Spiritual Development (Dayton:
American Association of Theological Schools, 1972), 1.
A Rationale for Spiritual Formation in 11ieological Educafio11
385
have identified four major faculty concerns. First, they were worried about
how to "develop, model, and offer personal help for the spiritual life." 22
Second, they questioned whether they themselves are adequately equipped
for such a task. Third, faculty wondered how to approach spirituality in
classroom teaching-whether by special classes, or whether by integrating
spirituality in the academic subjects, as well as personal, professional, and
community arenas. Fourth, faculty wanted to know how seminaries can
assist the spiritual life of spouses and families of seminarians. 23 Thus, while
seminary faculty recognize the need for spiritual formation initiatives, they
don't know how to go about it.
4. Why Seminary Students Need Help in

Personal Spiritual Formation
The struggle to reconcile pre-seminary faith with what is being learned at
seminary can leave students confused and uncertain regarding what is true
and how one's faith can be maintained, resulting in all kinds of physical
and psychological symptoms of stress, says Gary Harbaugh. 24 There are at
least seven significant reasons for including an intentional spiritual formation initiative in the curriculum for pastors in training. First, the faith of
some pastors in training can be significantly shaken in the process of their
theological education, and not all faculty may appreciate the impact this has
on their students. Cetuk speaks of "many conversations with students
whose primary goal had become graduating with some shred of faith intact" while trying to satisfy faculty requests of curricular requirements. 25
Harbaugh observes that when faculty sensitively minister to students in
holistic ways, balance is restored to the students' lives, and these pastors in
training are then better equipped for future tasks of helping other people as
they struggle through their life transitions. Thus, intentional spiritual formation initiatives in the seminary can assist in bringing more balance to a
largely academic program and support students in a time of spiritual, mental, and emotional upheaval and change. 26
Second, Roy Oswald's research of seminary graduates from 10 seminaries, which reviewed their first 3 years following graduation, indicated that
22
23
24
25
26
Tilden H. Edwards, Jr., "Spiritual Formation in Theological Schools: Ferment and

Challenge," 111eological Educafion 17, no. 1(Autumn1980), 14.
Ibid., 12-20.
Gary. L. Harbaugh, "Preparing the Person for Ministry: Three Challenges," Trinity
Seminan1Review6 (1984), 58.
Cetuk, What to Expect in Seminary, 33-34.
Harbaugh, "Preparing the Person for Ministry," 58.
386
Carol M. Tasker
these new pastors recognized a "personal vacuum" and "a sense of failure
in maintaining their own sense of spiritual feeding and growth" as they
experienced a decline or loss of spiritual wholeness. 27 For many, the beginnings of their spiritual demise began with their call to Christian ministry.
Having passed the academic hurdles of entering seminary, they assumed
that any doubts or questions would be addressed during their training, and
that the academic studies and chapels would make them spiritual giants.
As graduation grew closer, and feelings of inadequacy in the realm of personal spirituality remained, students believed that spiritual growth would
automatically "take an upward turn" once they began parish ministry. It
was only in hindsight that these graduates realized they had gone through
4 years of seminary without once being asked about their personal life, their
personal relationship with God, or how their spiritual lives might be nourished. When things got worse instead of better in the field, they felt
"trapped without skills and resources." 28 The situation was made more
painful for these pastors because of the high congregational expectation
that pastors were the source of spiritual nourishment, thus making it difficult for these pastors to seek the spiritual help they so desperately needed
for themselves.
Ellen White adds a third perspective, when she links a lack of a personal
relationship with God with ineffective pastoral ministry: "The reason why
our preachers accomplish so little is that they do not walk with God. He is a
day's journey from most of them." 29 Furthermore, she suggests that all those
in training
need the quiet hour for communion with their own hearts, with nature,
and with God .... They need to have a personal experience in obtaining a
knowledge of the will of God, and individually hear Him speaking to
the heart. ... 'Be still and know that I am God,' Psalm 46:10. 30
She sees daily personal communication with God as effectual preparation
for all workers for God, resulting in a life that will reveal divine power and
reach people's hearts. It appears that the pastor's personal relationship with
God, which often seems either forgotten, neglected, or taken for granted as
an already functioning part of the pastor's life, is at the heart of a successful
and satisfying ministry.
Fourth, George Barna' s more recent research affirms that many pastors
are so frustrated, unsatisfied, and overwhelmed by their work that they
27
28
29
30
Roy M. Oswald, Crossing the Boundary between Seminary and Parish (Washington, DC:
Alban Institute, 1990), 18.
Ibid., 18.
Ellen G. White, Testimonies for the Church (Mountain View: Pacific Press, 1948), 1:434.
Ellen G. White, The Ministry of Healing (Mountain View: Pacific Press, 1905), 58.
387
tum inward for strength, rather than upward for God's guidance and
power. He concludes:
Those of us who conduct research on the spiritual lives of pastors, have
reason to wonder if perhaps greater attention needs to be placed on developing his closeness to God, before he can exhort others to devote
themselves to following the Creator.31
Fifth, Seventh-day Adventist (SDA) young people are looking to pastors to
model a life lived in relationship with God, as identified in the Valugenesis
report analyzed by Roger Dudley.32 This study of 13,000 (SDA) youth in
North America, designed to gain a picture of their value system, reveals
that they are wanting a deeper personal relationship with God and feel that
undue importance is placed on the peripherals of religion. 33 On the basis of
these findings, Dudley makes three recommendations to pastors which
directly relate to the issue of spiritual formation. 34 Pastors and church leaders need to:
a. Consistently model life lived in relationship with God
b. Preach and teach that religion is basically a matter of relationships,
with God and fellow humans, rather than a system of beliefs or a code of
behavior
c. Give new emphasis to practices that make a rich devotional life.
When young people were presented with a list of topics and asked how
interested they would be in learning more about each one at either school
or church, the topic "gaining a deeper relationship with God" attracted the
highest interest with figures of 74% for the school setting, and 77% for
church. 35 These young people want to learn more about nurturing their
spiritual lives and are looking to pastors to show them how.
Sixth, evidence of a link between spiritual formation initiatives and
church growth has been furnished by the 2001 Faith and Communities Today (FACT), which studied 14,000 United States churches, synagogues, and
mosques. The relevant conclusion drawn from the 406 participating SDA
churches stated that "the activity most likely to generate growth among
Adventist congregations is the congregation focusing on helping individu31
32
33
34
35
George Barna, Today's Pastors: A Revealing Look at W/Jat Pastors Are Saying about
Themselves, Their Peers and the Pressures They Face (Ventura: Regal, 1993), 164.
Roger L. Dudley and V. Bailey Gillespie, Valuegenesis: Faith in the Balance (Riverside: La
Sierra University Press 1992), 270-72.
Jimmy Kijai, "A Synopsis of the Valuegenesis Study of Faith Maturity and
Denominational Commitment," Journal of Research on Christian Education 2, no. 1
(Spring 1993), 81-84.
Dudley and Gillespie, Valuegenesis, 270-72.
Ibid., 23-24.
388
Carol M. Tasker
als develop a relationship with God, and helping persons deepen that relationship."36
Finally, the Bible itself is clear that a personal (intimate) knowledge of
God is closely related to eternal life when the apostle John states: "Now this
is life eternal: that they may know you, the only true God, and Jesus Christ,
whom you have sent" Gohn 17:3).
5. Barriers to Spiritual Formation Initiatives

It is evident from the above statements of researchers, seminary students
and faculty, church youth and church leaders, and the Scriptures that the
pastor's personal spiritual life is important, yet it appears that classes promoting spiritual formation have typically not been given high priority in
theological education.
George Knight37 observes that SD As have too often taught religion on an
intellectual level and have therefore failed to bridge the gap between
knowledge and experience, despite the warning that in all human experience a theoretical knowledge of truth has been proved to be insufficient for
the saving of the soul.38 Many of the SDA colleges, universities, and seminaries responsible for pastoral training do not address personal spiritual
formation in their curriculum. Indeed, when administrators of 42 SDA universities and tertiary colleges from around the world responded to the
question "Does your institution teach any classes in personal spiritual formation?", only 7 gave an affirmative answer. 39 Many of these administrators
needed an explanation of the class content before they could answer the
question, thus indicating a lack of awareness in the area of teaching for personal spiritual formation, rather than a lack of interest in ministerial training.
Walter Liefield and Linda Cannell 40 observe that resistance to spiritual
formation centers around the concerns that the church is the proper environment for spiritual formation, that legalism 41 will eventually characterize
36 Celeste Ryan, "U.S. Adventists Participate in Largest-ever Church Study," Adventist
Review 178, no. 15 (12 Apr. 2001), 19.
37 George R. Knight, Mytl1s in Adventisrn (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 1985), 175-79.
38
Ellen G. White, E.G. The Desire of Ages (Boise: Pacific Press, 1940), 309.
39 Data collected by Carol M. Tasker, April, 2001, cited in "Spiritual Formation;

40
41
Unexpected Surprises for Pastors" (Ph.D. diss., Andrews University, 2002), 9.

Walter L. Liefeld, and Linda M. Cannell, "Spiritual Formation and Theological
Education," in Alive to God: Studies in Spirituality Presented to fames Houston (ed. J. I.
Packer and L. Wilkinson; Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 1992), 246.
However a legalistic perception of spiritual formation may indicate a
misunderstanding of the term. Spiritual formation is the process of learning to live life
A Rationale for Spiritual Formation in Theological Ed11catio11
389
such programs, and that the spiritual environment of the seminary is

healthy enough without such a program.
6. Competing Priorities for Pastoral Training

Perhaps the general feeling of discomfort about teaching spiritual formation
is related to the fact that most seminary teachers feel ill-equipped and unprepared to teach and model this subject. This situation is further complicated, when one looks at the varying, and often conflicting priorities for
pastoral training. When the Murdock Charitable Trust asked more than 800
pastors, lay people, and seminary professors what abilities seminary
graduates needed for effective church ministry, the results were dramatically disparate. Table 1 shows the ranked priorities for pastoral training
according to the perspective of lay persons, pastors, and seminary professors.
Lay Priorities
Pastors' Priorities
Professors' Priorities
First
Spirituality
Relational Skills
Theological Knowledge
Second
Relational Skills
Management Abilities
Character
Third
Character
Communication Skills
Leadership Skills
Fourth
Spirituality
Fifth
Table 1: The Perfect
Counseling Skills
Pastor4 2
Laity saw spirituality as the top priority for pastoral training, pastors rated
it in fourth position, while spirituality for the professors did not rank in the
top five places. On the other hand, theological knowledge was the foremost
42
as it was always meant to be-living in the presence of God, with God at the center of
our lives, so that who we are with ourselves and with others and the world depends
on who we are with God. Ben Maxson's definition additionally adds a reference to
openness and receptivity on the part of the individual. "Spiritual formation is the
movement of the entire life towards God, opening every area of life to intimacy with
God, and allowing Him to do His will." Ben Maxson, Principles of Leaders/1ip for
Spirituality (Washington, DC: General Conference of Seventh-day Adventists,
Stewardship Dept., 1999), 25. According to Dwight Grubbs, John Wesley saw the
process of spiritual formation as a response to God's initiatives: "Spiritual formation is
not seeking new ways to discover God, nor working harder to make God real to us.
Rather, it is living in such a way as not to resist God's gracious initiatives. Put very
simply it is paying loving attention to all of God that we know, with all of our selves
that we can, using all the resources we can gather." Dwight Grubbs, Beginnings:
Spiritual Formation for Leaders (Lima: Fairway, 1994), 23.
Ibid., 75.
390
Carol M. Tasker
consideration for professors, but ranked fifth for both pastors and laity. 43 So
while church members and stakeholders are clearly looking for spiritual
leaders in their pastors after graduation, the seminary curriculum has typically not addressed the personal spiritual lives of their students. It is the
students themselves who sense the need of help, but are unsure where it
will come from.
Furthermore, there is a shortage of teaching faculty/staff who feel competent, confident, and called to become involved in the spiritual nurture of
their students, 44 and even institutions committed to enhancing the spiritual
life of their students are at a loss to know just how to go about the task. 45
Paul Bassett's survey of 81 American evangelical seminaries 46 found a
unanimous belief that a personal relationship with Christ is central to theological education, yet only 8% attempt to explain the why or how of this
belief. And although 95% of these institutions include the student's spiritual
welfare in their mission statements, only 21 % of these institutions offered
anything more regular for the student's spiritual development than chapel
services.47 Clearly the issues cluster around a lack of awareness concerning
both the need for personal spiritual formation and the means of nurturing
it.
David VanDenburgh 48 suggests that SDA reluctance towards spiritual

formation initiatives may come from the denomination's emphasis on eschatological urgency, which makes it easy for SDAs to equate busyness
with doing good; thence the myth that taking time to be quiet before God is
unproductive and a waste of time. Thus Jon Dybdahl's comment "We can
be so busy working for the Lord that we don't have time for the Lord of the
work." 49 White outlines the results of such a strategy:
As activity increases and men become successful in doing any work for
God, there is danger of trusting to human plans and methods. There is a
tendency to pray less, and to have less faith. Like the disciples, we are in
danger of losing sight of our dependence on God, and seeking to make a
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
Morgan, "Re-Engineering the Seminary," 74-78.

Edwards, "Spiritual Formation in Theological Schools," 12-20.
See Cetuk's comment on Janet Fishbum's study on seminaries, in What to Expect in
Seminary, 195.
Cited in R. K. Johnson, "Reclaiming Theology for the Church," I71eologi;, News and
Notes 40, no. 3 (Fall 1993), 7.
Ibid.
David VanDenburgh, "The Effective Pastor: A Theology of Equipping Ministry for
Seventh-day Adventist Pastors," (D.Min. diss., Fuller Theological Seminary, 1992).
Class notes from Jon Dybdahl's "Spiritual Formation" class held at Andrews
University, Fall 1999.
A R11tion11/e for Spiritual Formation in TI1eological Education
391
Savior of our activity. We need to look constantly to Jesus, realizing it is

His power which does the work. 50
A further reason for lack of spiritual formation initiatives in the seminary is
related to the various paradigms for theological education, which may not
include the personal devotional life of a pastor as a relevant value. 51
Cheesman asserts that if theological education is serious about focusing
on the kind of person we expect the student to become, then the emphasis
must be on the training of students and not on the courses, and that a "person-related, holistic approach has a number of advantages," for example,
"it requires humility on the part of teachers. We cannot dole out spiritual
maturity, fitness for ministry, or knowledge of God as we can lecture notes;
it is the work of God." 52 This understanding helps a college or seminary
realize that its role is not to dispense the Holy Spirit, but rather to be available for its reception, and the centrality of the student in training, as opposed to what subjects should be taught, has the potential of providing
focus to what has been seen as a very fragmented task.
Not all seminaries and institutions of theological education have exhibited a clearly defined paradigm in their history. However, an historical survey of the literature over the last 150 years reveals that in every period,
there have been calls and pleas from the church, students and administra50
51
52
Ellen White, The Desire of Ages, 362.

See Grahame Cheesman, "Competing Paradigms in Theological Education Today,"
Evangelical Review of Theologi; 17, no. 4 (Oct. 1993), 485-99. For example, in the Academic
paradigm with its emphasis on teaching knowledge by focusing on a knowledge of
God in cognitive terms, the personal relationship aspect is ignored, or relegated to a
place of minor importance. Additionally, the academic model "usually promotes the
educator primarily as a lecturer," and this, says Cheesman, "then becomes the role
model for the aspiring servant of God." The problem with this training is that the
student may enter some form of ministry, "seeing the task as primarily a cerebral one"
The Training Paradigm for Theological education is task oriented and mission driven.
The chief disadvantage is seen in the elevation of technique above conviction and
relevance above truth, and an activity-oriented person who gains more satisfaction in
doing rather than in being. In this paradigm, theological education is defined more by
what the church does than what the church is. A model measured by success in
accomplishing a mission is likely to have a workforce with the potential to suffer from
burnout in its ceaseless activities. The Business Paradigm for theological seminary
education has been influenced by market concepts of leadership and management
from the business world, and when the product is the focus rather than the students,
then the training and formation of students become a side issue. Further, a marketdriven approach does not guarantee that courses of the greatest importance to the
mission of the institution will be chosen by the students. Thus a cafeteria style of
course selection by students means that the school has minimal opportunity for
crafting a program that aims at the student's personal formation.
Ibid., 497.
392
Carol M. Tasker
tion for more spiritual preparation for students.53 Secondly, it is also seen
that spiritual formation initiatives have not been met with uniform enthusiasm by those involved in theological education. 54
7. Spiritual Formation as the Goal of

Theological Education
Graeme Chapman postulates that the groundswell has become sufficiently
numerous and articulate to be taken seriously, concerning the argument
that "the spiritual formation of theological students ought to be the principal goal of theological education." This assertion is based on two presuppositions: (1) that such an aim is far more comprehensive than either the
practical goal of professional formation or the traditional institutional emphasis on theological sophistication, and (2) "that mature spirituality is the
sine qua non of effective ministry."ss As Leonard Griffith comments, "Men
and women who expect to share Christ's ministry ... must understand that
its main motive ... is to bring God into the experience of men [and women],
and to bring men [and women] into the presence of God." 56
s3
ss
56
See for example, Benjamin Warfield, "Spiritual Culture in the Theological Seminary,"
The Princeton Theological Review 2, no. 5 Oan. 1904), 65--87; Mark M. May, The Education
of American Ministers (Vol. 3; New York: Institute of Social and Religious Research,
1934); William Brown, The Education of American Ministers (Vol. 1; New York: Institute
of Social and Religious Research, 1934); Ray Marion Johnson, "Relation Between the
Religious Needs of Theological Students and the Provisions Made for Their Religious
Development in Theological Seminaries (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1932); H.
Richard Niehbuhr, The Purpose of The Church and Its Ministry: Reflections on the Aims of
Tlzeological Education (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1956); Samuel W. Blizzard, "The
Protestant Parish Minister's Integrating Roles," I<eligious Education 53, no. 4 Ouly-Aug.
1958), 374-80; Don Jacobsen, "Preparation for Ministry: A Study of the 1969-1973
Graduates of the Seventh-day Adventist Theological Seminary, Andrews University,
Berrien Springs, Michigan" (Ph.D. diss., Andrews University, 1974).
Responses have ranged from hostility that spiritual formation should even be
considered to be a part of theological training, to a total ignoring of the issue, to
apathy, to the idea that it probably happens automatically in a religious school, to a
general assent that "something should be done about it," to the conviction that it must
be intentionally included in the curriculum, to the belief that it must be integrated
with the intellectual and professional aspects of the curriculum, to the overriding
passion that spiritual formation is the overarching theme around which the entire
theological education curriculum should focus. See Tasker, "Spiritual Formation," 4482.
Gary Chapman, Spiritual Development: The Purpose of Theological Education: An
Examination of the Purpose, Content and Context of Theological Education (Melbourne:
CCTC, 1986), 9.
Leonard Griffith, We Have the Ministry (Waco: Word 1973), 9.
A Rationale for Spiritual Formation in TheoloRical Education
393
Although various official church documents seem to attest to the importance of personal spirituality 57 few intentional spiritual formation initiatives
for seminary students have been researched and documented.
8. A Spiritual Formation Initiative

A required class in Personal Spiritual Formation, for all first-year students
at the Adventist Theological Seminary at Andrews University, was the focus of an extensive research project in 1999-2001.58 120 students from over
40 countries participated in the study, which looked at the impact of four
distinct components of the course-a day retreat, learning about and practicing a variety of spiritual disciplines, and a weekly accountability small
group meeting.
8.1. The Retreat

The retreat was the catalyst for increasing honesty and openness with God,
self, and others. In response to their new view of God during their personal
scriptural journaling, students talked of a longing to celebrate life with
Him, wanting to draw closer to God, and frequently mentioned their sense
of need to spend more time with God, to reflect on His goodness, to accomplish His purpose, to cultivate His friendship, to abide in His presence, and
to trust Him more. Students were surprised at the similarity of struggles
that were faced by many of their colleagues, which gave way to feelings of
relief, hope, encouragement, and support.
8.2. Learning About and Practicing Spiritual Disciplines

The class lectures, which gave practical examples of how to incorporate
spiritual disciplines into the daily life, provided fresh ideas to vitalize devotional times as well as new perspectives on the value and importance of
such practices. The more time students spent with God, the more enjoyable
and the more desirable their devotional times with God became. Furthermore, increased personal time with God helped students to see themselves
more realistically and in tum helped them to be more open and honest in
the small groups.
In addition to recognizing the spiritual need to spend more time in
prayer, Scripture, journaling, and reflecting on His goodness, other areas of
need came into focus as time with God increased in both quantity and quality as a result of the required 4 hours of personal devotional time. Needs in
57
58
See, e.g., chs. 1, 2, 9, 10 and 15 of Seventh-day Adventist Minister's Handbook (1997).

Tasker, "Spiritual Formation."
394
Carol M. Tasker
other areas of life included, for example, the need to spend more time with
family, more time in the community, to let go of the TV, to learn to relate to
others better, to be more humble, "to worry less, to accept my limitations
and learn to forgive myself." The recording of devotional time cultivated
habits of consistency and increased appreciation for God's love and character.
8.3. Accountability Small Groups

Sharing some of these new revelations in the small groups not only
strengthened and encouraged these new goals, but also encouraged others
to go deeper in their spiritual journey, and although most students would
not have personally chosen to be in a group with others from different cultures, life-long cross-cultural bonds of friendship have nevertheless been
formed. Tolerance and appreciation for individual differences grew as they
saw the unique ways that God works on individual lives.
The positive impact of the class extended to family members, church
members, future ministry plans and the unchurched. Students grew personally and spiritually in diverse yet beneficial ways, and were grateful for
life-changing attitudes, perceptions, and habits, regarding spiritual formation as a highlight in their seminary experience. The teacher's own authenticity and commitment to personal spirituality were seen as crucial factors
for the positive impact of the class.
8.4. Attitudinal and Behavioral Changes towards the

Devotional Life and Spiritual Disciplines
Prior to the class, most students did not have a consistent devotional life.
Some admitted they had wished for a regular time with God but had failed
in their efforts to achieve this goal. The retreat gave students a taste of the
real joy and satisfaction that comes from taking time to listen to and talk
with God. This prompted a desire to continue the practice, setting the stage
for the next intentional learning experiences of the class-that of learning
about different spiritual disciplines and then practicing them for a minimum of 4 hours per week. Learning a variety of ways of spending time
with God had a dramatic impact on those who had previously found devotional time boring and tedious, turning their perception of spiritual disciplines to one of excitement and anticipation, with their time with God
greatly enhanced in quality and duration, for example, from a few minutes
occasionally, to daily devotions totaling more than 8 hours per week. 59
59
Ibid., 312-13.
395
Despite some initial resistance to the recording of one's devotional time

each week, many testified to its value in terms of uncovering self-deception,
revealing needs, providing accountability, establishing habits of consistency, and assisting in the establishing of priorities and time schedules, so
that by the end of the class there were no complaints about recording devotional time. Instead, a number gave grateful thanks that a habit had now
become permanent, and that the motive had changed from getting a grade,
to spending time with their "Best Friend." Even the benefit of having a
weekly devotional plan was seen to be beneficial as a previously "sporadic,
hurried, unplanned activity, became a joyful time which is planned and
time-tabled." 60
Passivity in worship as shown by mere attendance at a church service
was changed to the idea that worship is an active gift brought to God in
gratitude by His children. Others recognized that worship can occur any
time or any place that a person sets aside time for God, and may include
any interaction with God including singing, praising, meditating, giving,
and praying.
8.5. Attitudinal Changes towards the Class

Despite the fact that many students did not see the necessity of a spiritual
formation class for pastors in training, the comments one year later overwhelmingly pointed to grateful appreciation for a class that changed their
priorities, impressing students with the vital importance of staying connected to God, and not getting so busy that "I don't have time for the one
for whom I work."61
Clearly student perceptions regarding both the need and the value of
the Spiritual Formation class for pastors in training had radically altered to
the point that they felt the Personal Spiritual Formation class was the most
practical and beneficial class of the seminary; that it was essential for the
seminary experience, bringing a much needed balance to the academic demands, "helping to re-capture what was slowly disappearing from my
spiritual experience." Fortunately, the final outcomes were not restricted by
the students' initial attitudes. One student stated, "It is a testimony to the
quality of this class that one with such negative feelings towards the class
could receive such a blessing."62
60
Ibid., 313.
61 Ibid., 315.
62 Ibid., 315-16.
396
Carol M. Tasker
8.6. The Role of the Holy Spirit

The role of the Holy Spirit is particularly important to religious educators of
adults, since, according to James Wilhoit, a key feature of adult spiritual life
concerns their ability to deceive themselves and others regarding their level
of spirituality, by mimicking appropriate religious behavior and vocabulary. Such extrinsic religion is often practiced unknowingly by persons who
have deceived themselves into believing that their largely external religion
flows from a true love to God. 63 And since self-deception and selfjustification stern from an inability or an unwillingness to face reality, the
work of the Holy Spirit to guide into all truth is especially necessary. Wilhoit further maintains that spiritual formation is a twofold work involved
in reducing the negative effects of common blocks and barriers to spiritual
growth and fostering an openness to God. 64
8.7. The Catalyst for Change

The beginning day retreat proved to be the potent catalyst for change, by
facilitating an encounter with God that revealed spiritual needs, by prompting a desire for change, and by providing clear evidence that spiri~al formation is possible and rewarding.
Prior to the commencement of the Spiritual Formation class, attitudes
concerning the compulsory nature of the class ranged from resenhnent,
annoyance, apathy, and boredom, to curiosity, anticipation, and enthusiasm. Although many of the negative attitudes resulted from student ignorance about the nature and function of spiritual formation, the teacher did
not try to remedy this student lack with a lecture about spiritual formation
in the first instance. Instead, the teacher facilitated a spiritual formation
experience for each student, through carefully planned retreat activities, incorporating the forrnational reading of Scripture, prayer, meditation, journaling, and sharing in small groups.
The forrnational 65 reading of Scripture was an enriching experience for
most, since few had read Scripture in order to commune with God by listening and responding to His word. Pastoral students are more frequently engaged in the informational reading of Scripture to gain knowledge about
63
64
65
James C. Wilhoit, "Christian Adults and Spiritual Formation," The Christian Educator's
Handbook of Adult Education (ed. K. 0. Gangel and J. C. Wilhoit; Grand Rapids: Baker,
1993), 53.
Ibid., 58.
See Robert M. Mulholland, Shaped by tlie Word: The Power of Scripture in Spiritual
Formation (Nashville: Upper Room, 1985) 47--60, for a comprehensive comparison
between the informational reading and formational reading of Scripture.
A Rationale for Spiritual Formation in 111eological Education
397
God, and in the process of trying to cover as much material as quickly as

possible for a particular assignment, deeper levels of personal meaning for
life application are missed.
Attending a retreat does not necessarily guarantee that students will be
drawn closer to God. However, at this retreat, the combination of meditating on the specially selected passages (Isa 49:1-7; Ps 139:1-24; Isa 55), together with reflecting and journaling on penetrating and personal
application-guided questions, created life-changing responses and insights.
The questions for each passage had a strong impact because they invited
students to re-evaluate their lives by looking back in self-examination, looking at the present to assess current trends, and looking forward to plan for
future possibilities. Since the students were at the beginning of a new life
transition (i.e., starting a new vocation or beginning seminary education), it
was an effective time for such self-appraisal.
Neither the students nor the researcher could have predicted that the
theme that emerged from the study was concerned with openness, honesty,
and authenticity-before God, self, and others. 66 Some seminary students
begin their seminary studies with a feeling of spiritual achievement or arrival. Others come seeking tools or knowledge for a future ministry to change
the lives of others. Few students think they need to be changed, nor do they
expect to be personally confronted with their own standing before God, yet
in gaining a clearer perception of a dependable, loving and impartial God,
students saw themselves in a more honest light that revealed their weaknesses and needs. In gaining a clearer perspective of what God does, students recognized a deeper need for God in their own lives. One student
spoke of becoming increasingly open about his feelings, hopes, and fears.in
this way:
Honesty with God and myself has not always been easy. But I know
God can see past any pretense and as I have come to know more of Him
and His amazing love, I have felt more comfortable about opening up,
viewing the real me, and confessing my faults. I have also begun to see
past myself to the needs of others, and I have never been more motivated for service than I am at this time. 67
Spirituality cannot be legislated or manufactured, since it has more to do
with recognizing who God is and allowing Him to be God in all aspects of
our lives, than it has to do with human endeavor. Yet without intentionally
planning personal time for God, the busyness of everyday life is likely to
crowd out activities that could enhance relationship building initiatives.
Spiritual formation is the process of learning to live life as it was always
66
67
Tasker, "Spiritual Formation," 321-24.

Ibid., 322.
398
Carol M. Tasker
meant to be-living in the presence of God, with God at the center of our
lives, so that who we are in our own view and in the view of others and of
the world, depends on who we are with God. Appreciating and enjoying
God becomes the greatest treasure, and open, honest, and authentic relationships, without mask or pretension, become the valued by-product. Thus
spiritual formation initiatives commencing with those charged with the
responsibility of nurturing spirituality in others is an important place to
begin modeling the process of personally knowing God, whom to know is
life eternal Gohn 17:3).
SELF-DISCIPLINE AND SPIRITUALITY

REX 0. EDWARDS
1. Introduction
At the beginning of his treatise on patience (de patientia), Tertullian confessed that he was often troubled by the faults of impatience. He acknowledged that it might appear unseemly that he, a most impatient man, should
undertake to extol the merits of patience. He justified his endeavor by reasoning that as an invalid may speak feelingly about the blessings of health;
so ordinary and fallible mortals may speak about the blessings of those virtues which they lack. It is with this justification that a minister who is painfully aware of the difficulties involved in trying to exercise self-discipline,
ventures to make some observation on the necessity for self-discipline in
the Christian ministry.
2. Encouragements versus Assistance

When William Adams Brown was writing six decades ago in The Church
Catholic and Protestant of what Protestants could learn from Roman Catholics, one of his points was that Protestants might learn from them the necessity for discipline in the culture of the spiritual life. He noted that Protestantism set its ideals for man very high, and that it had been right in this,
but that it had tended to underestimate the difficulty of achieving the ideals
and the necessity for discipline if they are to be approached at all. Roman
Catholicism, on the other hand, insists that everyone needs discipline in the
culture of the spiritual life, and that even the Pope should have a confessor.
The methods used have often been crude, and Protestants have been
right in rejecting them; but they have done little to fill the empty place.
Wesley did something by his institution of the class leader. The Salvation
Army has done something by its adoption of military methods. For the
most part Protestants have assumed that prayer was a simple matter and
each person could be trusted to practice in his own way. There has been
no rule to which one was asked to conform and when a rule has been
self-imposed there is no one to see whether it had in fact been observed.
So for many Protestants prayer has become a forgotten art. 1
William A. Brown, The Church Catholic and Protestant (New York: Scribner, 1935), 329-30.
400
Rex D. Edwards
Here is a problem which all of us who are Protestants know at first hand. In
the use we may make of any spiritual disciplines we are free to be as strict
or as easy upon ourselves as we choose, and human nature being what it is,
our tendency is to be easy on ourselves. A lady who left one of the larger
Protestant denominations to join a Christian Science group gave, as one of
her reasons, the fact that Christian Science required her to read specific portions of the Bible every day. The church she was leaving, she pointed out,
did not require this of her. It is not quite an answer to this implied criticism
to say that the church she was leaving would have been delighted to see her
read her Bible every day. Her point was that it was not required of her.
One of the weaknesses of traditional Protestantism has been the disproportion between the time and effort expended on securing religious conversions in the first place and the time and effort expended in providing help,
nurture, and encouragement for the converts' growth in grace after they
have been received. In the Minister and His Own Soul, Thomas Hamilton
Lewis wrote,
The minister's daily routine, so comforting, so helpful, so blessed to his
people, may be his own spiritual vampire. The surgeon becomes increasingly insensible to suffering in his intentness upon removing it. And that
is well for the surgeon as for us. But it is not well for a minister to become dulled in his spiritual sensibilities by ministering so constantly to
keep alive the sensibilities of others. 2
The traditional "means of grace," the reading and preaching of the Word
and the administration of the sacraments, are offered in the churches, but
there is little direction given to communicant members regarding the disciplines which are necessary if these are really to be a means of grace. Many
Protestants assume that they can take them or leave them, and nobody
seems very much concerned that so many do leave them. There is a tendency to suppose that one great act of decision and commitment is all that
is necessary to assure a full-orbed Christian life, and that this decision is a
step that puts us the pathway towards heaven. No one would belittle the
importance of a decisive act of commitment; but such a decision for discipleship commits us to the making of a whole series of decisions, which go
on all through life, and which are by no means always easy to make. We
Protestants have had a great deal to say about the Pauline word: "For by
grace you have been saved through faith" (Eph 2:8 NKJV). We have not had
nearly as much to say about another word which is equally Pauline: "But I
Thomas Hamilton Lewis quoted in Richard Exley, Mark Galli, and John Ortberg,
Dangers, Toils & Snares: Resisting the Hidden Temptations of Ministry (Mastering
Ministry's Pressure Points; Sisters: Multnomah, 1994), 28.
Self-Discipline and Spirituality
401
discipline my body and bring it into subjection, lest, when I have preached
to others, I myself should become disqualified" (1 Cor 9:27 NKJV).
The lack of spiritual disciplines, which marks Protestantism generally, is
felt acutely in the ranks of the Protestant ministry. The clergy of the Roman
Catholic Church are required to read the daily offices of the Breviary. Day
by day they have access to the treasures of the Psalter and a rich collection
of prayers and devotional readings. The clergy of the Church of England
are expected to read the offices of Morning and Evening Prayer daily,
which means that they go through the Psalter once a month, and the greater
part of the Bible once a year. The rest of us are left largely to our own devices. It is reported that at a denominational convention the delegates were
asked to indicate the amount of time spent, on the average, in private
prayer. Despite the widespread tendency towards inflation in figures given
in ecclesiastical statistics, the answers indicated that the average time spent
in private prayer was about three minutes daily. 3 Like the worthy workmen
of Ecclesiasticus, our prayers may be in the work of our hands, but it may be
suspected that the spending of so little time directly in spiritual exercises
can be a serious handicap to us. Nolan B. Harmon, in his work on Ministerial Ethics and Etiquette, has drawn attention to our common temptation to
allow our devotional life to deteriorate:
A man's very familiarity with sacred things may breed, not contempt,
but spiritual obtuseness. "The Bible" becomes a quarry out of which to
dig texts, "not a reservoir for personal spiritual refreshment. Prayer becomes a something done for others, not for personal needs. The lives of
the saints," the rich devotional writings [... ] of classic worthies of the
past "furnish sermonic material for the mind, not the heart throbs out of
which life should be made: and we become-God forgive usprofessional. The quiet hour, prayer, that rigid discipline which we
should like to impose on others, should be enterprised by ourselves." 4
Our Protestant churches have long expressed their desire to have the services of "a learned and godly ministry." In practice it would seem that there
are more encouragements offered and more helps provided to assist us in
becoming learned than to assist us in becoming godly.
A more accurate statistic is reflected in the Nov./Dec. 1992 issue of Ministries Today:
"Peter Wagner surveyed 572 pastors across America to find out about their prayer
lives. The results concerning actual prayer time follow: the pastors spent an average of
22 minutes a day in prayer; 57% spent less than 20 minutes a day in prayer; 34% spent
between 20 minutes and 1 hour a day in prayer; 9% pray for an hour or longer daily."
Quoted in H.B. London, Jr., and Neil B. Wiseman, Pastors At Risk: Help for Pastors, Hope
for the Church (Wilhelm: Victor, 1993), 179.
Nolan B. Harmon, Ministerial Ethics and Etiquette (Nashville: Cokesbury, 1928), 46.
402
Rex D. Edwards
3. Penalties for Neglect

There are penalties we pay for this neglect of spiritual discipline. The usefulness of our abilities and our learning may be short-circuited by the
growth of flaws of character. In Jane Eyre we are told of the reactions of a
parishioner to the eloquent preaching of the Rev. St. John Rivers:
The heart was thrilled, the mind astonished by the power of the
preacher: neither were softened. Throughout there was a strange bitterness, an absence of consolatory gentleness. [... ] Instead of feeling better,
calmer, more enlightened by his discourse, I experienced an inexpressible sadness: for it seemed to me that the eloquence had sprung from a
depth where there lay turbid dregs of disappointment-where moved
troubled impulses of insatiate yearnings and disquieting aspirations. [... ]
I was sure that St. John Rivers had not yet found the peace of God that
passeth understanding: he had no more found it than I had. 5
The turbid dregs of disappointment, the resentments we have nursed, the
bitterness caused by the little hurts we carry with us to our graves-all
these in various combinations can impair our spiritual health and vitiate the
usefulness of our ministries.
We are exposed in the Christian ministry to all the temptations to which
the flesh is heir. Some take on an aggravated form because we have to meet
them in solitariness. We give pastoral counseling, but there is no one to
counsel us. One temptation is to so identify "our work with Christ's work
that Christ himself recedes into the shadows and our work is spotlighted at
center stage." 6 Service in the church often puts us in the position of competing, or appearing to compete, with our brethren. There is rivalry among us
for the more desirable pastorates and for the positions of influence and
power in our denominations. However sincere we may be in our desire to
serve the church of Jesus Christ and render a faithful stewardship of our
gifts, few of us can claim that we are not motivated to some extent by the
appeals of larger stipends and increased prestige. Daniel D. Walker, in The
Human Problems of the Minister, suggests that like the poor who are with us
always, the status seeker is always likely to be with us in the church.
In all denominations the ways in which a man assigned to a church often
seems compelled to compete with his predecessors by telling what bad
shape he found the records in, or how many people were glad to see the
change, is embarrassing. And even denominational executives, after they
have been elected, and presumably have reached the top rung of the
ladder, are not free to enjoy the spiritual fellowship of a ministry untar-
Charlotte Bronte, Jane Eyre (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969), 449.

Eugene Peterson, Under the Unpredictable Plant (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1992), 114.
403
nished by personal ambitions and the drive to stand at the top. They vie
with one another for key committee assignments and membership on
principal boards; intense jealousies are sometimes found among their
wives, who insist on their prerogatives; they are often over-conscious of
the popularity of other church leaders and they pull strings to gain additional advantages.7
We could rationalize this statement by suggesting that Mr. Walker was describing conditions which exist in the American church. We know too well,
however, that such conditions exist in all churches. In all of them ambitious
men reflect sometimes upon the necessity of cultivating the acquaintance of
the right people, pulling the right strings, and playing their cards properly
to get ahead in the church. This goes on even in churches which assert the
parity of ministers, yet also assert in practice that some are a little more
equal than others. Even in the church of the apostles there was a man
named Diotrephes who wanted to have pre-eminence (3 John 1:9), and even
in the company of the twelve disciples there were two who wanted the best
positions in the Lord's kingdom.
We have no monopoly on this professional rivalry, with its concomitants of envy and uncharitableness. There was a proverb current among the
Greeks, "Praise not to the potter another potter's pot," which suggests that
the trait of professional rivalry was not unknown to the Greek potters. Sir
William Osler noted its prevalence among physicians, and spoke of it as
being "more disastrous than intemperance, because destructive of all mental and moral nobility." It is natural and wholesome to have an ambition to
excel in the work we undertake. We would be poor creatures without some
such ambition. It is no solution to the problem to tell us to discard ambition,
as the sin by which angels fell. Is it not much more wholesome to direct it in
self-discipline, into useful and constructive channels? St. Paul counseled the
ambitious young cleric, Timothy, to study or, as it may be rendered, be ambitious to show himself approved unto God. To keep ambition focused on
this high goal in a competitive society requires self-discipline of the highest
order. When it gets out of control it appears in various unlovely forms.
Wrote Stolz: "The neurotic minister is prone to sacrifice the Christian qualities of love, service, and humility, on the altar of rivalry. If he gains power
and admiration he is likely to become anxious lest he lose his gains. If he
fails he feels depressed, defeated, scorned and frustrated." 8
The common ministerial faults which are pilloried so often in the portraits of ministers in fiction, and which appear so often in real life-egotism,
4
Daniel D. Walker, The Human Problems of the Minister (New York: Harper, 1960), 40.
Karl R. Stolz, The Church and Psychotherapy (New York: Abingdon-Cokesbury, 1943),
235.
404
Rex D. Edwards
dogmatism, intolerance, and thinly veneered selfishness-will flourish anywhere if they are not kept in check by spiritual disciplines. Even very brief
devotional exercises, consistently followed, offer help for us in our problems of self-discipline. The discipline of devotional reading of the Scriptures, where we read them, not to hunt for texts or illustrations for sermons,
but to hear what God has to say to us; the reading of devotional classics in
which men have voiced their struggles with their doubts and sought to arm
themselves for their warfare; the disciplines of prayer, in all the varied
forms which prayer may take-all these help to bring us face to face with
objective standards by which we may evaluate our achievements and our
shortcomings. Their employment brings us for brief intervals at least, out of
our spiritual isolation into a place of vision where we may see ourselves
and our problems in the wider perspective of God's purposes.
4. The Values of Spiritual Disciplines

Apart from any other values they may have, the consistent practice of spiritual disciplines helps to give poise and balance to the emotional states
which affect our judgments, our utterances, and our behavior. A pertinent
biblical illustration of the consequences of being subject to such variations
of mood is seen in the spiritual depression of Elijah after his contest with
the prophets of Baal. He plummeted from a mood of elation to a mood of
despair. In his despair he abandoned his work, concluded that the cause of
God was hopeless, and that life was not worth living. "It is enough! Now,
LORD, take my life, for I am no better than my fathers!" (1Kgs19:4 NKJV).
What had gone wrong? It would appear that he was suffering from a
break-down of spiritual discipline. His egotism had grown to unhealthy
proportions. When a man complains that he is ready to die because he is
not better than his father, it is fair to assume that he must have thought, at
one time, that he was better than his fathers. He had apparently thought
that he was going to succeed where all his predecessors had failed. He may
have thought that the fathers overlooked the possibility of staging a contest
with the prophets of Baal. His own contest had come off as well as he could
have hoped, but the results were disappointing. Baalism was still in business, and Jezebel had vowed to have his life. His egotism had been painfully deflated, and he had discovered that he was not, after all, better than
his fathers.
It cannot be claimed that he was troubled by rivalry, or by envy of his
fellow-workers. He thought he was so far out in front that he had no rivals.
He was, however, in a state of spiritual isolation. He thought that he stood
alone. "I alone am left" (1 Kgs 19:10, 14 NKJV). In the grip of this mood of
depression his whole outlook upon life and upon his work was blackened.
405
God ministered to his despondent servant by first prescribing food and

rest. Elijah lay down and slept and when he wakened there was a cruse of
water for him, and a cake baked on the coals. There may be a suggestion
here that when the prophet had a good rest and a good meal he would take
a less despondent view of the situation in which he found himself. Physical
exhaustion and prolonged emotional stress can affect our powers of judgment and bring us to the point where things look blacker than they are because we have lost the courage to face them. Prophets who are tempted to
join the "We've Had It" school might sometimes be well advised to have a
good rest and a good meal before giving voice to dismal utterances about
the decay of manners and morals in contemporary society.
When the prophet had been refreshed with food and with a sleep that is
"the balm of hurt minds" and "chief nourisher in life's feast," he was summoned to go and stand upon the mount before the Lord. Here is a sound
prescription for many of our moods of frustration and discouragement-to
stand upon the mount before the Lord. Any spiritual discipline which
brings us for even a few brief moments into the presence of God may help
us to see our problems and ourselves in an altered perspective.
Then, at the end, the prophet was reminded that he was not, after all,
alone: "Yet I have reserved seven thousand in Israel, all whose knees have
not bowed to Baal, and every mouth that has not kissed him" (1 Kgs 19:18
NKJV). Elijah was not quite as important in the scheme of things as he had
fancied himself to be when he thought that he stood alone. He was reminded that there were others who shared his faith and his concern. With
one of these thousands at his side he went back to the work he had been
prepared to abandon.
The regular practice of some form of spiritual discipline can have something of the same therapeutic value as this experience of Elijah. For the minister who has so often to contend with fluctuating moods and emotional
strains the spiritual disciplines which open our eyes to the wonders of
God's wisdom and God's patience can be an effective call to stand upon the
mount before the Lord.
Spiritual direction is the act of paying attention to God, calling attention
to God, being attentive to God in a person or circumstance or situation.
A prerequisite is standing back, doing nothing. It opens a quiet eye of
adoration. It releases the energetic wonder of faith. It notices the Invisibilities in and beneath and around the Visibilities. It listens for the Silences between the spoken sounds. 9
Eugene Peterson, Under the Unpredictable Pinnt, 181.
406
Rex D. Edwards
5. Strategies for Spiritual Discipline

There is, of course, difficulty in finding time for such exercises in spiritual
discipline. In the pattern of our lives it may be difficult to have set times for
devotional exercises, although most of us, if we were honest with ourselves,
would have to admit that we could have more regularity in such practices if
we were really concerned about them. Our tendency is to alternate between
extremes of spiritual apathy and spiritual zeal. At one extreme, often in
abject penance for past failures, we outline for ourselves a program of devotional exercises which would require the leisure of a monastic establishment to carry out. We weary of it, or find it impossible to follow, and then
go for intervals without anything. It is advisable to prescribe for ourselves a
course of devotional exercises modest enough in its demands upon our
time to permit us to follow it consistently. There is then a much better prospect of our disciplining ourselves to keep to the program and to follow it
through whether we like it or not.
The finding of time for devotional practices, and indeed the whole problem of our use of time, is basically a spiritual issue, involving our stewardship of one of God's precious gifts-the gift of time. We cannot do very
much about delimiting our work loads, or stretching out the time available
for them, but most of us could do something towards plugging the leaks
though which our time is wasted. One step towards plugging the leaks is to
cultivate the habit of intense concentration upon the task in hand. In the
work of the ministry we often leave many irons in the fire at the same time.
Many projects have a claim upon our attention. There is a strong temptation
to let our minds drift to various other projects while we have one before us.
We start thinking about decisions we made yesterday, or decisions we will
have to make tomorrow, and take twice as long as necessary to make up
our minds about finishing the job that is before us now. Another step towards plugging the leaks is to cultivate the habit of decisiveness in our decisions. In making decisions about complicated problems there is often a
wasteful procrastination about coming to a final judgment, even after all the
evidence is in. While it may be a grievous fault to develop the impetuosity
which leaps to decision without taking pains to collect and evaluate the
evidence on which a sound decision should be made, it can also be a timeconsuming fault to postpone the making of decisions because we are unable
to make up our minds. We may hope that it will be easier to make up our
minds tomorrow, but tomorrow will bring its own tasks. When the case of
Guido was carried to the Pope in The Ring and the Book, the Pope realized
that his judgment was to be the final one. The evidence was confusing to
him, as it was to those who had tried the case in the lower courts. He was
aware that he might err in his judgment, and that there could be no appeal
407
from his judgment, but he had to make up his mind. Browning represents
him as saying, after he had concluded that Guido was guilty:
So and no otherwise, in after-time,
If some acuter wit, fresh probing, sound
This multifarious mass of words and deeds
Deeper, and reach through guilt to innocence,
I shall face Guido's ghost nor blench a jot.
"God, who set me to judge thee, meted out
So much of judging faculty, no more:
Ask Him if I was slack in use thereof!" 10
This is a healthy-minded attitude to take towards such decisions as we have
to make. We have so much of judging faculty, no more. We may make mistakes in exercising it, but it can be an even more serious fault to be slack in
its use.
A final step towards avoiding waste of time is to learn to desist from
remaking and reconsidering decisions already made. Whether we regret
them or approve them, when our decisions have been made, their consequences begin to work themselves out. As Esau discovered when he realized the value of the birthright he had thrown away, there are some
decisions whose consequences we cannot alter. For them we can find no
place of repentance though we seek it earnestly, with tears. While the remembrance of such mistakes may serve a useful purpose in encouraging
care and caution, it is disastrous to dissipate in regret over what happened
yesterday; the energies which should be given to the tasks of today.
Through the careful husbanding of the time we have, most of us could find
room for the spiritual disciplines which can contribute to our own spiritual
growth and to the usefulness of our ministries.
In addition to the devotional reading of the Bible many of us could
make much more use than we do of the classic aids of devotion. The Confessions of St. Augustine, The Imitation of Christ of Thomas a Kempis, Jeremy
Taylor's Holy Living, Brother Lawrence's Practice of the Presence of God, William Law's Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life, the Letters of Samuel Rutherford, Amiel's Journal and Bunyan's Grace Abounding, are works which
have stood the tests of time and use. There are modern works like Ellen G.
White's Steps to Christ, Richard J. Foster's Prayer and Celebration of Discipline
and The Challenge of the Disciplined Life, Dallas Willard's The Spirit of the Disciplines and Hearing God: Developing a Conversation, Craig Barnes's The Sacred
Thirst, and John Baillie's Diary of Private Prayer, and modern collections of
prayers, which may be found helpful. There is enough variety in the range
10
Robert Browning, The Ring and the Pope (ed. T.

Peterborough: Broadview, 2001), 581.
J. Collins and R. D. Altick;
408
Rex D. Edwards
of such devotional guides to suit varied needs and varied tastes. The Imitation of Christ has gone through more editions than any other book in print,
with the exception of the Bible. It was once estimated that there were 1,500
editions of it in existence, and it is still being reprinted. It is, as George Eliot
said, "a lasting record of human needs and human consolations, the voice
of a brother who, ages ago, felt and suffered, and renounced." 11 Another
devotional work which may be helpful is the Private Prayers of Lancelot
Andrewes. This is a collection of prayers which makes extensive use of the
devotional language of the Bible and the liturgies of the Eastern and Western churches. One of his admirers said of him that anyone who prays with
Andrewes for a week will pray with him always. This may not be true of
all, since God breaks not all hearts alike; but probably there will always be
some for whom he will be a helpful guide in the art of prayer.
6. Conclusion
People sometimes expressed surprise that Alexander Whyte, a Presbyterian
divine, studied the writings of the mystics and the devotional treasures
which have come to us from all branches of Christ's Church. He not only
read and studied them himself, but he urged others to read and study them.
His explanation for the catholicity of his taste was that "the true catholic, as
his name implies, is the well-read, the open-minded, the hospitablehearted, the spiritual exercised Evangelical." 12 Such a man, he claimed, "belongs to all sects, and all sects belong to him." 13 The use of such aids to devotion may often tide us over those times which can come to any of us,
when we do not feel great devotion ourselves, or when we can find no
words with which to voice the surges of the movement of the Spirit within
us. In the providence of God, it may be through the use of such help that he
answers the prayer which rises from us in our bewilderment, our perplexities and our varying moods, "Lord, teach us to pray" (Luke 11:1 NKJV).
11
12
13
George Eliot, The Mill 011 the Floss (New York: Harper & Pooley, 1860), 257.
George F. Barbour, Life of Alexander Whyte (New York: Doran, 1924), 389.
Ibid.
AN EXTRAORDINARY LAST-DAY GIFT FROM GOD

TED N. C. WILSON
1. Characteristics of God's People

God has always had a people, those who love him, accept his creatorship
and honor him through complete submission as Heb 12 illustrates. This
thread of belief, truth and active faith extends to God's last-day people who
are identified by two distinctive characteristics specified in Rev 12:17: (1)
those who "keep the commandments of God" and (2) "have the testimony
of Jesus." 1
These two characteristics can be amplified further. The first characteristic is that the remnant church will keep the commandments of God including the pivotal and immensely important fourth commandment. That
commandment identifies who God is and will identify the believers' allegiance to their Creator who in six, literal, 24 hour, consecutive days of recent origin created the earth by his word and rested the seventh day, the
Sabbath as indicated in Gen 1:1-2:3. It is a sign and seal of God's people for
eternity with God himself. "The Sabbath question is to be the issue in the
great final conflict in which all the world will act a part ... God has called us
to uplift the standard of His down-trodden Sabbath." 2 It is the special day
of rest as sanctified by God himself and noted in Gen 2 at the end of creation and re-emphasized in the Ten Commandments given at Mt. Sinai as
reported in Exod 20. The seventh-day Sabbath is integral to our church's
faith and even to our name. The importance of the seventh day lies in the
fact that it signifies the connection and relationship with God. It is not a
sign of legalistic mechanism for eternal life but a sign of the believers' love
and allegiance to their Creator and Redeemer.
The second characteristic is that God's remnant church will have the testimony of Jesus, which in Rev 19:10 is identified as the spirit of prophecy. The
For a study on the expressions "testimony of Jesus" and "spirit of prophecy" see
Gerhard Pfandl, ,,The Remnant Church and the Spirit of Prophecy", in Symposium on
Revelation, Book 2: Exegetical and General Studies (ed. F. B. Holbrook; DARCOM 7; Silver
Spring: Biblical Research Institute, 1992), 295-334. [For a study on the
"commandments of God" see the essay by J. Kovar, "Die Gebote in Offenbarung
12,17" in the present volume; ed.)
Ellen G. White, Testimonies for the Church (10 vols.; Mountain View: Pacific Press, 1948),
6:352.
410
Ted N. C. Wilson
spirit of prophecy was given by the Lord, who is the origin of inspiration.
In a research paper soon to be published in a book about ecclesiology,
Gerhard Pfandl explains that in
Revelation 1:2, 9; 12:17 and 20:4 the expression "testimony of Jesus" is
each time balanced symmetrically with the expression "the word of
God" or the phrase "the commandments of God." In other words, the
commandments of God and the testimony of Jesus or the Spirit of
Prophecy come from the same source[ ... ] heaven. 3
Pfandl goes on to indicate that
the parallelism between the "Word of God" or "the commandments of
God" and the "testimony of Jesus" is vital for an understanding of the
latter expression. "The Word of God" in John's time referred to the Old
Testament, and the "testimony of Jesus" to what Jesus had said in the
gospels and through His prophets, like Peter and Paul. 4
So Rev 12:17 states that in the last days of earth's history God's remnant
people will have communication from heaven as the testimony of Jesus or
the spirit of prophecy, which Seventh-day Adventists believe was manifested in the work and writings of Ellen G. White. 5 Juan Carlos Viera, retired secretary of the Ellen G. White Estate, explains:
The expression 'testimony of Jesus' speaks of a loving Saviour who
wants to maintain communication and close fellowship with us. It tells
us that Jesus lies at the center of the gift and that through it He wants to
continue a special divine connection with us forever. 6
2. Spirit of Prophecy is the Testimony of Jesus

Paul explains in Phil 2:5--11 that the one who took the form of a man, a servant, humbled himself even to his death on a cross so that at the name of
Jesus every knee should bow and every tongue should confess that Jesus
Christ is Lord. Such is the living testimony and life of Christ. This Lord
gave the Word, the Holy Scriptures. At the same time he himself is the
Word and the Word was made flesh Oohn 1:14) and testifies of what is right
and true. So the Lord, who is the Word, is the inspiration of the Word and
the inspiration of the spirit of prophecy because it is his testimony. Thus,
the spirit of prophecy is the testimony oJJesus.
Gerhard Pfandl, "Identifying Marks of the Remnant Church" (unpublished paper,
Silver Spring: Biblical Research Institute, n.d.), 8-9.
Ibid., 9.
Seventh-day Adventist Church Manual (17th ed.; [Silver Spring]: Secretariat, General
Conference of Seventh-day Adventists; 2005), 15.
Juan Carlos Viera, "God's Guiding Gift," Adventist Review 174, no. 30 Ouly 24, 1997),
13.
An Extraordinan; Last-Day Gift from God
411
The writings of Ellen White, in which Adventists believe the spirit of

prophecy has been manifested, are not equal to the Bible as part of the biblical canon. As Ellen White indicates, her writings are to lead to the Bible. 7
The important point to understand is that her work is inspired by the same
heavenly inspiration as that of the Bible since it is the testimony of Jesus.
She explains:
Through His Holy Spirit the voice of God has come to us continually in
warning and instruction, to confirm the faith of the believers in the Spirit
of prophecy. Repeatedly the word has come, Write the things that I have
given you to confirm the faith of My people in the position they have
taken. Time and trial have not made void the instruction given, but
through years of suffering and self-sacrifice have established the truth of
the testimony given. The instruction that was given in the early days of
the message is to be held as safe instruction to follow in these its closing
days. 8
The testimony of Jesus, which is the spirit of prophecy, is part and parcel of
the Advent movement. It is centered in Christ and all he represents-his
salvation, grace, and current ministry in the most holy place in the heavenly
sanctuary-and it shares what Jesus wants for his end-time people who are
waiting for his imminent second coming.
3. Spirit of Prophecy's Relevance for Today

It is imperative that the gift of the spirit of prophecy be understood as relevant for today as Christ's coming is approaching. 9 It is evident that the
spirit of prophecy is an extraordinary gift because it is part of the biblical
Caller ID portraying the characteristics of God's last-day, remnant church. A
helpful feature of advanced telephone technology is that you can know
who is calling on the phone if you have a feature called Caller ID. In a spiritual sense, Rev 12:17 is the great Caller ID of God's remnant people. It
shows who are called to fulfill God's special last-day work.
Since the Seventh-day Adventist Church understands that it was given

the prophetic ministry of Ellen White, they should use her writings. One of
the greatest threats to following God's counsel in the writings of Ellen
White is not necessarily animosity against it but rather the threat of indifference or being unacquainted with it. Unfortunately, many Adventists do
White, Testimonies for the Church, 5:665; idem, Selected Messages (3 vols.; Washington,
D.C.: Review & Herald, 1958), 3:30--31.
White, Selected Messages, 1:41.
Of course, the believers do not know the exact date of the return of Christ (cf. Matt
24:36), but the signs of his coming point to the soon, culminating events of earth's
history (cf. Matt 24).
412
Ted N. C. Wilson
not read her writings or conveniently ignore them. Ellen White indicates in
regard to some of her books the following:
The volumes of the Spirit of Prophecy [forerunner of the Conflict of the Ages
series; T. Wilson], and also the Testimonies, should be introduced into
every Sabbathkeeping family, and the brethren should know their value
and be urged to read them. It was not the wisest plan to place these
books at a low figure and have only one set in a church. They should be
in the library of every family and read again and again. Let them be kept
where they can be read by many, and let them be worn out in being read
by all the neighbors. [... ] You should lend Spirit of Prophecy to your
neighbors and prevail upon them to buy copies for themselves. 10
In fact, Ellen White suggests that the Conflict of the Ages series "should be
placed in every family in the land." 11 This is what publishing houses and
literature evangelists are doing, and church members are to participate.
Herein lies one of the reasons for the General Conference and Ellen G.
White Estate worldwide plan called "Connecting with Jesus." 12 It is a distribution plan to place two million sets of ten Ellen White books into the
hands of church members around the world in printed and electronic form.
These sets will have study guides for each book. The study guides are prepared by seminary students at Andrews University and translated into
various languages. The rapid expansion of the Seventh-day Adventist
Church demands that our members, young and old, be acquainted with the
prophetic counsel God has for his last-day church.
For the Adventist church, the prophetic gift manifested in Ellen White
has been instrumental in establishing so many of God's institutional activities-publishing, health, and education. It has guided the pastoral, evangelistic, missionary, and administrative expansion of the church. In fact, in her
writings one finds counsel on just about every aspect of life including theology, lifestyle, personal health, the family, the home, young people, interpersonal relationships, personal stewardship, etc. Through the writings of
Ellen White the spirit of prophecy is still guiding God's people and always
will until the Lord returns.
4. Spirit of Prophecy Amplifies Last-Day

Message and Mission
The Seventh-day Adventist Church is a heaven-born movement-the Advent movement. It has a special destiny: a mission and message to proclaim
10
11
12
White, Testimonies for the C/1urc/1, 4:390-91.

Ellen G. White, The Adventist Home (Hagerstown: Review & Herald, 1980), 479.
General Co11fere11ce Committee, Spring Meeting, April 14, 2005.
An ExtraordinanJ Last-Day Gift from God
413
the three angel's message in Rev 14:6--12 to "nation and tribe and tongue
and people."
In a special sense Seventh-day Adventists have been set in the world as
watchmen and light bearers. To them has been entrusted the last warning for a perishing world. On them is shining wonderful light from the
Word of God. They have been given a work of the most solemn import- the proclamation of the first, second, and third angels' messages.
There is no other work of so great importance. They are to allow nothing
else to absorb their attention. 13
It is no wonder that the prophetic gift for the Adventist church is under
attack since it has such vital instruction from God. Ellen White clearly depicts the end-time challenges:
(1) The very last deception of Satan will be to make of none effect the testimony of the Spirit of God. [... ] Satan will work ingeniously, in different
ways and through different agencies, to unsettle the confidence of God's
remnant people in the true testimony. He will bring in spurious visions
to mislead, and will mingle the false with the true, and so disgust people
that they will regard everything that bears the name of visions as a species of fanaticism; but honest souls, by contrasting false and true, will be
enabled to distinguish between them. 14
(2) Soon every possible effort will be made to discount and pervert the
truth of the testimonies of God's Spirit. We must have in readiness the
clear, straight messages that since 1846 have been coming to God's people.is
(3) There will be a hatred kindled against the testimonies which is satanic. The workings of Satan will be to unsettle the faith of the churches
in them, for this reason: Satan cannot have so clear a track to bring in his
deceptions and bind up souls in his delusions if the warnings and reproofs and counsels of the Spirit of God are heeded. 16
(4) We must follow the directions given through the Spirit of Prophecy.
We must love and obey the truth for this time. This will save us from accepting strong delusions. God has spoken to us through the Testimonies
to the Church, and through the books that have helped to make plain
our present duty and the position that we should now occupy. 17
What is the position that the Seventh-day Adventist Church now occupies?
Through the blood and grace of Jesus Christ, he has called this church to be
13
White, Testimonies for the C/1urch, 9:19.
14
White, Selected Messages, 2:78.

Ibid., 1:41.
Ibid., 1:48.
15
16
17
White, Testimonies for the Church, 8:298.
414
Ted N. C. Wilson
the "remnant of her seed" (Rev 12:17), to stand firm for Christ and the truth,
to proclaim the Advent message, to bear the testimony of Jesus, to tum
people's eyes to Jesus, who is the center of all truth, and lead people to a
true worship of him. Jesus thus remains the center of attention.
Our faith increases by beholding Jesus, who is the center of all that is attractive and lovely. The more we contemplate the heavenly, the less we
see desirable and attractive in the earthly. The more continually we fix
the eye of faith on Christ, in whom our hopes of eternal life are centered,
the more our faith grows. 18
5. Spirit of Prophecy and Unity

One of the greatest challenges to the Advent movement is unity. Believers
are never to take their eyes off Christ and look to themselves. Of all the
various areas of counsel given in Ellen White's writings, one of the most
important areas is that of unity in the church. If God's people look to themselves and their own opinions instead of looking to Christ and the leading
of the Holy Spirit the results will be dissention and tension. Such is probably one of the greatest threats for the mission of the Adventist church.
God has called all believers to be involved in his final and great proclamation to the world which brings about the culmination of God's plan of
redemption. He has given them the task of sharing Christ-who lived a
sinless life, died for us, rose again, is now interceding on our behalf as the
great High Priest in the most holy place in the heavenly sanctuary, and who
will soon return to take us home with him-and sharing the Word of God
in all its power through the guidance of the Holy Spirit. While pursuing
such a calling, believers may be confronted by people who will not agree
with this message and mission. They may become discouraged with the
apathy of others within the church and tend to be critical of others. Whatever may be faced, the individual believer should not listen to influences
that lead away from the organized body of Christ or use any methods leading to independent action and organization beyond the church. The believer is called to work within the church, not apart from it. It is vital to stay
unified with the local church and with the church at large regardless of its
imperfections. Believers should keep the mission given to the church by
Christ first and foremost in all their activities, and, even more importantly,
should keep the Lord of the mission constantly in focus.
The following is some remarkable unifying counsel from the Lord
found in the writings of Ellen White.
18
Ellen G. White, In Heavenly Places (Washington, D.C.: Review & Herald, 1967), 127.
An Extraordinary Last-Day Gift from God
415
God has a church upon the earth who are His chosen people, who keep
His commandments. He is leading, not stray offshoots, not one here and
one there, but a people. [... ] It is our individual duty to walk humbly
with God. We are not to seek any strange, new message. We are not to
think that the chosen ones of God who are trying to walk in the light
compose Babylon. [ ... ] Although there are evils existing in the church,
and will be until the end of the world, the church in these last days is to
be the light of the world that is polluted and demoralized by sin. The
church, enfeebled and defective, needing to be reproved, warned, and
counseled, is the only object upon the earth upon which Christ bestows
His supreme regard. [ ... ] The church of God below is one with the
church of God above. [... ] God has bestowed the highest power under
heaven upon His church. It is the voice of God in His united people in
church capacity which is to be respected.[ ... ] The Word of God does not
give license for one man to set up his judgment in opposition to the
judgment of the church, neither is he allowed to urge his opinions
against the opinions of the church. If there were no church discipline and
government, the church would go to fragments; it could not hold together as a body. There have ever been individuals of independent
minds who have claimed that they were right, that God has especially
taught, impressed, and led them. Each has a theory of his own, views
peculiar to himself, and each claims that his views are in accordance
with the Word of God. Each one has a different theory and faith, yet
each claims special light form God. These draw away from the body,
and each one is a separate church of himself. All these cannot be right,
yet they all claim to be led of the Lord. [... ] The church is God's appointed agency for the salvation of men. It was organized for service,
and its mission is to carry the gospel to the world. From the beginning it
has been God's plan that through His church shall be reflected to the
world His fullness and His sufficiency. [ ... ] The Son of God identified
Himself with the office and authority of His organized church. His blessings were to come through the agencies that He has ordained, thus connecting man with the channel through which His blessings come. [ ... ]
Those who start up to proclaim a message on their own individual responsibility, who while claiming to be taught and led of God, still make
it their special work to tear down that which God has been for years
building up, are not doing the will of God. Be it known that these men
are on the side of the great deceiver. Believe them not. 19
Strive earnestly for unity. Pray for it, work for it. It will bring spiritual
health, elevation of thought, nobility of character, heavenly-mindedness,
enabling you to overcome selfishness and evil surmisings, and to be
19
Ellen G. White, Counsels for the Church (Nampa: Pacific Press, 1991), 240-43.
416
Ted N. C. Wilson
more than conquerors through Him that loved you and gave Himself for
you. [... ] Union is strength; division is weakness. When those who believe present truth are united, they exert a telling influence. Satan well
understands this. Never was he more determined than now to make of
none effect the truth of God by causing bitterness and dissension among
the Lord's people. 20
The Adventist church is called to a great work within and without. It is to
lift up Christ and the Scriptures. It is important to accept the prophetic gift
provided by God during the final days of earth's history. The Word of God,
as well as the writings of Ellen White, under the Holy Spirit's guidance, will
bring the believer to complete humility and to the foot of the cross. God can
do his work to fully prepare believers on earth for his coming.
I was shown the people of God, and saw them mightily shaken. Some,
with strong faith and agonizing cries, were pleading with God. Some
[... ] seemed indifferent and careless. [... ] I asked the meaning of the
shaking I had seen, and was shown that it would be caused by the
straight testimony called forth by the counsel of the True Witness to the
Laodiceans. This will have its effect upon the heart of the receiver, and
will lead him to exalt the standard and pour forth the straight truth.
Some will not bear this straight testimony. They will rise up against it,
and this will cause a shaking among God's people.[ ... ] The testimony of
the True Witness has not been half heeded. The solemn testimony upon
which the destiny of the church hangs has been lightly esteemed, if not
entirely disregarded. This testimony must work deep repentance and all
that truly receive it will obey it and be purified. 21
6. Spirit of Prophecy Points to Jesus Christ

and His Return
The Word of God and the writings of Ellen White point to the true witness,
Jesus Christ, who has inspired both. Her writings give great insight as to
the church's Laodicean-like condition and its need of the righteousness of
Christ (cf. Rev 3:14-21)-to be justified and sanctified by him and ultimately glorified through his power.
The work of the Seventh-day Adventist Church was initiated and is protected by God. It is guided by the Holy Spirit through the Word of God and
the prophetic gift manifested in Ellen White's writings. It is the church's
responsibility to nurture and foster the belief in what God has given in this
prophetic gift. On each believer is placed the trust to accept this gift, to
20
21
Ibid., 290-91.
White, Testimonies for the Church, 1:179-81.
An Extraordinary Last-Day Gift from God
417
carry the torch of belief in divine revelation and to keep the flame of faith
alive until its work is finished and the Lord returns. That day is nearing and
God is calling each believer to stand for him.
The return of Christ to our world. will not be long delayed. Let this be the
keynote of every message. The restraining Spirit of God is even now being withdrawn from the world. Hurricanes, storms, tempests, fire and
flood, disasters by sea and land, follow each other in quick succession.
[... ] Satan hopes to involve the remnant people of God in the general
ruin that is coming upon the earth. As the coming of Christ draws nigh,
he will be more determined and decisive in his efforts to overthrow
them. [... ]Just before us is the closing struggle of the great controversy
when, with 'all power and signs and lying wonders, and with all deceivableness of unrighteousness,' Satan is to work to misrepresent the character of God that he may 'seduce, if it were possible, even the elect.' If
there was ever a people in need of constantly increasing light from
heaven, it is the people that, in this time of peril, God has called to be the
depositaries of His holy law and to vindicate His character before the
world. Those to whom has been committed a trust so sacred must be
spiritualized, elevated, vitalized, by the truth they profess to believe. 22
7. Spirit of Prophecy-an Extraordinary Gift

Seventh-day Adventist believers are to unreservedly commit themselves
to the proclamation of the Advent message-the three angels' messagespointing people to Christ, his righteousness, and the true worship of God.
Believers are to understand that God has his end-time church as identified
in Rev 12:17-a people who keep the commandments of God and have the
testimony of Jesus, which is the spirit of prophecy. God will guide and protect his church as it carries out the tremendous mission entrusted to it. The
true inspiration of the Word of God and the writings of Ellen White is Jesus
Christ himself who will not leave his church nor forsake his believers. He
will stand by his identified church until his second coming when he will
receive his church. He will also stand by each believer in his or her service
for him.
Christ is the origin of all truth. He is the Truth. He is the Word. He is the
Spirit of Prophecy. God is calling his people to commitment and service as
they proclaim the Advent message and fulfill, in every respect through the
Holy Spirit's power, the prophecy and reality of Rev 12:17.
22
White, Counsels for tlte Clturc!t, 343-46.
HISTORICAL STUDIES
BER DIE CHRISTIANISIERUNG DES

FRANKENREICHS IN SPTANTIKE
UND FRHMITTELALTER
HEINZ SCHAIDINGER
1. Einf.hrnng
Das Thema stellt sich auf mehreren Ebenen dar. Zuerst will festgehalten
sein, dass in etlichen Gebieten, die spter das Frankenreich ausmachen,
schon seit Jahrhunderten das Christentum bekannt ist. Die sptantike bodenstndige Bevlkerung im Sden Galliens ist christlich. Zweitens sind
die Franken als germanisches Volk zwar vorerst heidnisch, nehmen aber zumindest die Oberschicht - Ende des 5. Jh. das Christentum rmischer Prgung an. Drittens findet ab dem 6. Jh. die eigentliche Volksmission unter
den Franken statt, die bis ins 8. Jh. dauert und von zwei verschiedenen,
miteinander im Widerstreit liegenden Einflssen geprgt ist: von der iroschottischen Mission einerseits und von der angelschsich-rmischen andererseits. Mitte des 8. Jh. hat der rmische Einfluss im Frankenreich
eindeutig die Oberhand gewonnen. Bei allen Berhrungen des Frankenreichs mit dem Christentum (respektive mit der rmischen Kirche) spielt
auch machtpolitisches Kalkl eine nicht geringe Rolle - und zwar auf beiden Seiten. Dies wird bereits bei Chlodwig deutlich, die sptere Merowihgergeschichte gibt ebenfalls Zeugnis davon und vor allem auch die Zeit der
Karolinger.
Ein immer wieder anzutreffendes Problem ist die Parteilichkeit der
Quellen und Autoren bis in die jngste Zeit. Quellenkritik ist erforderlich,
da die richtige Deutung des vorhandenen Materials fr das Ergebnis der
Untersuchung entscheidend ist.
2. Das Christentum im sptantil~en Gallien

Wohl ist das Christentum in Gallien auf ganz natrliche Weise verbreitet
worden, durch die Erstverbreitung im 1. Jh. von der Mediterranee aus. Bereits im 2. Jh. begegnen uns berhmte Kirchenvter auf gallischem Boden,
die lateinisch schreiben, so z. B. Irenus von Lyon. Natrlich knnen wir
noch nicht von einer rmischen Kirche sprechen, sondern von einer christlichen Kirche im Rmischen Reich. Dazu Gregor von Tours:
422
Heinz Schaidin:;rer
Als aber in Asien die Verfolgung sich erhob, wurde der heilige Polycarpus, der Schler des Apostels und Evangelisten Johannes, im achtzigsten
Jahre seines Alters im Feuertod dem Herrn als das reinste Opfer dargebracht. Aber auch in Gallien wurden viele um Christi Namen willen
durch den Mrtyrertod mit himmlischen Edelsteinen geziert, deren Leidensgeschichte treu bei uns bewahrt wird bis auf den heutigen Tag[ ... ]
Der heilige Irenus aber, der Nachfolger dieses Mrtyrers, der vom heiligen Polycarpus nach dieser Stadt geschickt war, 1 strahlte in wunderbarem Tugendglanz, und in kurzer Zeit wurde durch seine Predigt die
ganze Stadt christlich. [... ] Den heiligen Irenus selbst lie jener Henker
vor seinen Augen mit vielfachen Plagen heimsuchen, und brachte ihn
dann Christus dem Herrn durch den Mrtyrertod zum Opfer dar. 2
Gewiss ist Gregor bei diesen Geschichten ber die Frhzeit des Christentums in Gallien nicht in allen Einzelheiten vertrauenswrdig, dennoch offenbart sein Bericht den Universalcharakter der frhen gallischen Kirche
und Mission. Wenn er weiter erzhlt, dass Mitte des 3. Jh. zur Zeit des Kaisers Decius sieben Mnner zu Bischfen geweiht und nach Gallien geschickt wurden, erwhnt er immer noch keine zentrale Rolle Roms. 3 Doch
ist diese Kirche zweifellos - zumindest in Sdgallien - in den spteren
Jahrhunderten (nach 300) nach Rom orientiert, als sich langsam ein eigenes
kirchliches Verwaltungssystem herausbildet, nach dem die Kirchen ihre
Sprengel einteilen (diese an Rom orientierte Organisationsform der Kirche
ereignet sich begreiflicherweise nach der Konstantinischen Wende4 ). Diese
Einteilung erfolgt im Prinzip den rmischen Verwaltungsebenen der Spt-
Dies zeigt deutlich, dass sich die Mission in dieser Zeit im Zustand einer Art MultiGenese" befand, d. h., nicht zentral organisiert war, auch nicht von Rom aus. Kleinasiatische Missionsvorstellungen wirkten sich offensichtlich bis nach Gallien aus.
Gregor von Tours, Historiarium Libri Decem, I 28--29, in Gregor von Tours: Ze/111 Biicher
Geschichten, Bd. 1, Buch 1-5, hg. R. Buchner (Freiherr-vom-Stein-Gedchtnisausgabe 2),
Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 71990, 33--35. Fortan zitiert als: Gregor
von Tours, FSGA 2.
Gregor von Tours, FSGA 2:35.
Als Konstantin das Christentum mit dem Rmischen Reich verband, schuf er damit
die Basis zur eigentlichen Christianitas", die andersartigen Ansichten intolerant
begegnete. Wenn wir im Rahmen einer geschichtlichen Betrachtung dieser ersten
Epochen Gnostizismus, Montanismus oder Arianismus als Hresien bezeichnen, so ist
dies im etymologischen Sinne des Wortes airesis durchaus korrekt: Bei den klassischen
Autoren bedeutete dieser Ausdruck so viel wie ,Wahl', ,Meinung', ,philosophische
Schule', niemals jedoch, wie spter dann, ,Sekte' oder ,Splittergruppe'. Das anfangs
kaum mit Konflikten beladene Nebeneinander dieser verschiedenen 'Schulen' nderte
sich erst, als Konstantin die christliche Lehre mit dem Rmischen Reich verband und
eine Kirche mit zentraler Autoritt schuf, die souvern ber die zugelassenen
,Wahrheiten' entscheiden konnte." Josep Fontana, Europa im Spiegel: Eine kritische
Revision der europischen Geschichte (Europa bauen), Mnchen: Beck 1995, 32.
ber die Christianisierung des Frankenreichs
423
antike - bemerkenswert auch die meisten Bischfe aus dem senatorischen

Adel kommen. Alles knpft an das Imperium Romanum an. 5 Vor allem die
Regierungen Diokletians und Konstantins fhren zu einem neuen Organisationsschub der gallischen Provinzen. Die nach der Konstantinischen
Wende neue politische Theologie zielt dann darauf ab, civitas Dei und imperium vollends zusammenzufhren. 6
In der Sptantike nach der Konstantinischen Wende wird das Christentum auch
verwaltungsmig ein Bestandteil des Imperiums. Die Kirchengeschichte dieser Zeit

ist charakterisiert durch die Vereinigung mit der politischen Macht des Kaiserreichs,
durch die das Christentum zu einer ,kirchlichen Regierungsinstanz parallel zur
weltlichen Herrschaft' wurde und mithalf, die vom Reich erlassenen Verordnungen
und Gesetze durchzusetzen. Wie radikal diese Umwandlung [im Gegensatz zum
Urchristentum] vonstatten ging, zeigt uns ein Dekret, das auf der Synode im Jahre 314
erlassen wurde: es drohte allen den Kriegsdienst verweigernden christlichen Soldaten
mit der Exkommunikation und verurteilte damit voll die Haltung jener Mrtyrer, die
einst lieber den Tod als ihre Eingliederung in das Heer in Kauf genommen hatten wie
Maximilian davon berzeugt, da ein Christ seinem Nchsten kein Leid zufgen
drfe." Fontana, Europa im Spiegel, 33--34.
Als Exponenten der romanisch-christlichen Bevlkerung bernahmen die sptantiken Bischfe teilweise Funktionen der weltlichen Amtstrger; begnstigt wurde
diese Entwicklung durch ihre soziale Herkunft aus der Oberschicht, durch die
kaiserliche Politik und den Modus der Bischofsbestellung. Zunehmend erlangte eine
kleine Schicht von Laien neben dem Ortsklerus, den Komprovinzialen und dem
Metropoliten Gewicht bei den Bischofswahlen, fr deren Procedere die um 475 in
Gallien entstandenen Statuta ecclesiae antiqua eine Form gefunden hatten, die fr das
Frhmittelalter verbindlich werden sollte. An die vereinzelt nachgewiesene
Bestellung der Bischfe durch die Kaiser und die Heermeister konnte die frnkische
Praxis der Kontrolle und Beeinflussung der Bischofswahlen durch die
merowingischen Knige anknpfen. Die soziale Herkunft der Bischfe entsprach
diesem Bestellungsmodus. Seit dem Anfang des 5. Jahrhunderts wuchs die Anzahl
gallischer Senatoren unter den Bischfen. Fr manche war das Bischofsamt der
wrdige Abschlu oder der Ersatz eines weltlichen cursus honorum. In einigen
bedeutenden Bistmern im Rhnetal, in der Auvergne, in Mittelgallien und Burgund
besetzten fast ausschlielich Angehrige des senatorischen Adels die Bischofssthle."
Reinhold Kaiser, Das rmische Erbe und das Merowingerreich, Mnchen: Oldenbourg,
1993, 15. Das Christentum wird zur Christenheit, die sich seit ihrer offiziellen
Anerkennung als eine einheitliche, hierarchisch aufgebaute Gemeinschaft versteht
und danach strebt, die gesamte Menschheit in sich aufzunehmen und ihre Kontrolle
auf alle Bereiche menschlichen Tuns und Seins auszuweiten. In diesem
Zusammenhang sei daran erinnert, da das Christentum die einzige der groen
Religionen ist, die sich der Kontrolle eines hierarchisch gegliederten Klerus
unterworfen sieht." Fontana, Europa im Spiegel, 34. Die Kirche wurde so zu einer der
wichtigsten Sttzen dieses neuen ,christlichen Reiches', das sich im Osten bis ins 15.
Jahrhundert halten konnte. Im Westen, wo die Reichsstruktur viel frher
zusammenbrach, war es gerade die Kirche, die mehrmals den Versuch einer
Neubelebung unternahm." lbid., 35. Man kann also wirklich von einem Miteinander
von civitas Dei und imperium seit der Konstantinischen Wende sprechen. An diese
424
Heinz Schaidinger
Fr den Rest seines ersten Buches seiner Zehn Bcher Geschichten" beschftigt sich Gregor von Tours bereits mit der Entwicklung des Mnchtums in Gallien: Antonius, Hilarius (von Piotiers) und natrlich Martinus
(von Tours). 7 Fr das christliche Gallien ist die bei weitem wichtigste Integrationsfigur dieser Zeit Martin von Tours (er wirkt von 371-397). Er bringt
den Mnchsgedanken, die Askese, in Gallien zu voller Blte, obwohl sein
Wirken nicht mit dem Anfang des altgallischen Mnchtums gleichgesetzt
werden darf. Der Gedanke des Mnchtums ist in der frhen Kirche nicht
unwidersprochen hingenommen worden, wird aber von der Kirche Roms,
die in der Sptantike immer strker ihren Fhrungsanspruch geltend
macht, gefrdert. Gewiss ist, dass die ersten Mnche Eremiten waren, nach
orientalischem Vorbild. Allerdings setzte sich mit Martin eine gallische
Version des Eremitentums durch, in dem die allerhrteste Einsamkeit auf
ein menschlich durchaus duldbares Ma zurckgeschraubt wurde. Das
altgallische Mnchtum ist somit zwar eremitisch, aber doch koinobitisch. 8
ber Martin selbst wissen wir einiges, und zwar aufgrund der Vita
Sancti Martini. Sie wurde von seinem Schler Sulpitius Severus verfasst (um
390/400), er verfasste auch drei Briefe und drei Dialoge. Um 470 schreibt
Paulinus von Perigueux ein Gedicht ber den Heiligen Martin, und dann
ist vor allem Gregor von Tours um 560 zu erwhnen, der 19. Amtsnachfolger Martins.9 Die Zeitgenossen Johannes Cassianus, Hilarius von Arles,
Eucherius von Lyon, Vincentius von Lerins, Salvian von Marseille, Faustus
von Riez oder Caesarius von Arles erwhnen Martin nicht. Gregor von
Tours wiederum lebt bereits kurz vor der Zeit, in der die iroschottische
Mission Gallien zu erfassen beginnt. Tatsache ist, dass das Andenken Martins vorerst nur dort berlebt, wo seine Schler und Nachfolger sitzen. 10
Dieser Tatbestand bleibt fr das 6. Jh. bestehen. Whrend die Schler und
Nachfolger Martins seinen Kult nach Spanien, Italien, England etc. tragen,
fllt das Rhnegebiet auch im 6. Jh. fr die Martinsverehrung fast vllig
aus. 11
IO
lI
Situation mussten die Franken tatschlich nur mehr anknpfen. Das Miteinander von
Kirche und Staat war keine merowingische Erfindung, sondern ein status qua der
Sptantike seit Konstantin. Er wurde von den Franken nur bernommen.
Gregor von Tours, FSGA 2:35-53. Damit ist die Bhne bereit fr die eigentliche
Geschichte der Franken, die Gregor mit seinem zweiten Buch beginnt.
Christian Courtois, Die Entwicklung des Mnchtums in Gallien vom Heiligen Martin
bis zum Heiligen Columban", in Mnchtum und Gesellschaft im Frhmitte/alter, hg. F.
Prinz, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1976, 14-22.
Friedrich Prinz, Friihes Mnchtum im Frankenreich, Mnchen: Oldenbourg, 1965, 19.
lbid., 23.
Jbid., 24-37.
425
Der Raum der Martinsklster und -kirchen war im 4. und 5. Jahrhundert

Aquitanien mit Ausstrahlungen nach Spanien. Mit der Adoption" Martins als merowingischen Reichsheiligen, die bereits auf Chlodwig 1. zurckgeht, breiten sich der Martinskult und die unter seinem Namen
gegrndeten Klster im gesamten Frankenreich aus; Martin gewinnt
jetzt erst seine berragende Bedeutung. 12
In den folgenden Jahrhunderten nimmt sie jedoch weiter zu, mit Ausnahme
des Rhnegebiets.
Die Mnchsbewegung und ihr Siegeszug durch Gallien vom 4. bis zum
8. Jh. hatten nicht nur edle Motive. Sobald die Klostergemeinschaften das
Eremitentum mehr und mehr ablsten, wurden sie fr das einfache Volk in
der Zeit der Vlkerwanderung und danach nicht nur das beste Unterpfand fr das Seelenheil", sondern gleichzeitig auch die beste menschliche
Lebensbedingung":
Diesem Umstand verdankt das Mnchtum wahrscheinlich seinen aufsehenerregenden Erfolg [.] Natiirlich stellen uns die Heiligengeschichtsschreiber das Klosterleben niemals als die groe Versuchung fr die
Armen des Volkes dar. Falls sie nicht berhaupt die Existenz von
schlechten Mnchen verschweigen, wollen sie in der conversio nur edle
Motive sehen. Nur das Leben vorbildlicher Mnche halten sie fest und
vergessen ganz selbstverstndlich die namenlose Masse, deren Umfang
allein die Anzahl der Klster vermuten lt. Doch gibt es Konzilsbeschlsse, und diese zeigen uns eine weniger glanzvolle Wirklichkeit.
Aus ihnen erfahren wir, da es nicht an Mnchen und Nonnen fehlte,
die fr das weltliche Leben eher geeignet erschienen als fr das klsterliche.13
3. Die Franken: Heidnische Herrscher

ber Christen
Die Franken bestehen aus mehreren Stmmen: Chamaven, Chattuarier,
Brukterer, Amsivarier und Salier. Sie treten schon zur Zeit des antiken Imperium Romanum auf in Verbindung mit den groen Invasionen der Jahre
257-261, 270/74-278. In jener Zeit kommen die Franken aus der Gegend des
heutigen Holland, des Mnsterlands und des Rheingebiets. 14
12
Ibid., 88.
13 Courtios, Die Entwicklung des Mnchtums", 32-33.

14
Dies nach Eugen Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer,
21993, 9. Detailliertere Angaben zu den verschiedenen Bewegungen der Frankenstmme finden sich dort auf den folgenden Seiten.
426
Heinz Schaidinger
Im 4. Jh. bahnt sich ber das Heer und den Kaiserhof von Trier eine
Symbiose zwischen dem Rmischen Reich und den Franken an, obwohl es
da und dort durchaus noch zu greren Einfllen der Franken kam, wenn
dies opportun schien. Doch wurden die Barbaren aufgrund von Bndnisvertrgen immer strker auch ins rmische Heer eingegliedert. So wurden
z. B. von Caesar Julian 358 die eingedrungenen Salier als dediticii in Toxandrien zwischen Maas und Scheide angesiedelt. Der von den Rmern
organisierte exercitus Gallicanus beschftigte viele der Barbaren in seinen
Reihen. Die Franken unter ihnen waren indes besonders zahlreich. 15 Sie
machten im Rmerheer Karriere:
Am Mailnder Hof Konstantius II. begegnen sie um 355 als Kommandanten von Auxilien (tribuni). Unter Valentinian 1. und Gratian begann
ihr Aufstieg zu den hchsten Kommandostellen. Aus dem Hauptquartier der beiden Kaiser kamen vier frnkische Heermeister (Oberbefehlshaber des Reichsheeres): Merobaudes (372-383, unter Valentinian und
Gratian in Trier), Richomer (382-394, unter Theodosius d. Gr. in Konstantinopel), Bauto (383-387/88, unter Valentinian II. in Mailand) und
Arbogast (388-394, unter Valentinian II. und Eugenius in Trier). Diese
Generle erhielten das rmische Brgerrecht, das die Barbaren unterer
Grade nicht besaen. Drei von ihnen bekleideten sogar das Konsulat.
Die Tochter Bautos heiratete Arcadius, den ltesten Sohn des Kaisers
Theodosius. Gegenber diesen franko-rmischen Generlen muten die
Stammesknige als arme Verwandte erscheinen. Die Aufstiegschancen
boten gewi fr Frsten und Adel einen besonderen Anreiz zum Eintritt
ins rmische Heer. 16
Im 5. Jh. begannen die Franken vom Rhein her, in Gallien einzudringen.
Damit stieen sie endgltig auf rmisches Gebiet vor. Zwar brachte Aetius,
der letzte Rmer", den Franken mehrere Niederlagen bei, doch konnten
sie sich trotzdem im linksrheinischen Gebiet festsetzen und halten. Die Salier kommen nach 440 auf die Bhne und stoen bis nach Cambrai vor,
zwar wieder von Aetius geschlagen, doch trotzdem niedergelassen. Damit
vernderte sich auch die Stammesorganisation der Franken, die sich angesichts der in Gallien vorhandenen Verwaltungsebenen mehr in Richtung
von kleinen Territorialstaaten entwickelte, aus denen spter dann das groe
Frankenreich entstand.
Die rmischen Verwaltungsstrukturen wurden von den Franken nach
und nach bemommen, 17 damit sahen sie sich auch der Kirche gegenber,
15
16
17
So auch Kaiser, Das rmische Erbe und das Merowingerreich, 16--17.

Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 11.
Sehr anschaulich wird dieser Vorgang beschrieben von Patrick
Merowinger: Europa vor Karl dem Groen, Mnchen: Beck, 1996, 95-102.
J.
Geary, Die
427
deren Verwaltungseinheiten den rmischen der Antike quasi entsprachen.

So konnte spter nach und nach die merowingische Reichskirche entstehen18 - aufgrund der kirchlich-administrativen Kontinuitt.1 9
Das Papsttum des ausgehenden Altertums und des frhen Mittelalters
steht auf vielen Gebieten in der Nachfolge des sptantiken rmischen
Kaisertums, die damit gegebene rmisch-ppstliche Kontinuitt ist dabei
viel ungebrochener, unmittelbarer und intensiver als die zwischen irgendeinem der germanischen Nachfolgeregna auf dem Boden des einstigen Imperiums und der rmischen Sptantike. 20
Trotzdem sollte zur genaueren Unterscheidung festgehalten werden: Sdgallien war wirklich christianisiert, die Wurzeln reichen ins 2. Jh. zurck. In
Innergallien und Nordgallien aber war das Christentum noch nicht vllig
siegreich, antikes Heidentum berlebte hier das Rmerreich und vermischte sich mit dem neu ankommenden Barbarenheidentum. Es kam unter den
ersten Frankenstrmen sogar zu einer Art Repaganisierung, bis eben
Chlodwig das Christentum annahm.21
451 auf den katalaunischen Feldern stehen die Franken auf der Seite des
Aetius gegen die Hunnen. Danach aber, als Aetius und Valentinian III. ermordet werden, breiten sich die Salier in Gallien weiter aus. Es kommt zu
vorbergehenden Wirren, in denen die Salfranken und die Rheinfranken
nicht immer dieselben Parteien untersttzen, die Burgunder, Westgoten
und Sachsen kommen ins Spiel. Nunmehr, ab den 470er Jahren, beginnt ein
interessanter Machtkampf zwischen Aegidius, seinem Nachfolger Paulus
und dem fderierten General Childerich von Tournai, der noch 463 und 469
an deren Seite in Orleans gegen die Goten gekmpft hat. Mit Paulus kmpft
er 469 auch gegen die Sachsen an der Loiremndung und vertreibt sie. Offiziell ist Childerich dabei noch fderierter General, nicht Knig von Tournai. Gleichzeitig spielt aber auch schon die Kirchenverwaltung eine gewisse
Rolle in der Aufeinanderfolge der damaligen Machthaber.
Chlodwig tritt 482 das Erbe seines Vaters Childerich an. Das Rmische
Reich hat im Westen seine Einheit verloren. Es sind viele Germanenreiche
entstanden, die mit Hilfe der vorhandenen Romani verwaltet werden.
18 Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 102: Die Germanen fanden im lateinischen
19
20
21
Okzident eine Kirche vor, deren Organisation auf der administrativen Ordnung des
Imperiums, d. h. auf den rmischen Provinzen und Civitates beruhte. Grosso modo
entsprach jeder civitas ein Bistum, jeder Provinz eine Kirchenprovinz, an deren Spitze
der Metropolit, d. h. der Bischof der Provinzhauptstadt stand."
Kaiser, Das rmische Erbe und das Merowingerreich, 13.
Hans H. Anton, Studien zu den Klosterprivilegien der Ppste im frhen Mittelalter
(Beitrge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters 4), Berlin: de Gruyter,
1975, 1.
Kaiser, Das rmische Erbe und das Merowingerreich, 14.
428
Heinz Scliaidinger
Gleichzeitig existieren noch romanische Restreiche wie z. B. das des Syagrius in Nordgallien. Die mchtigsten Germanenstmme sind die Franken, die
Gepiden, die Alamannen, die Goten, die Sachsen, die Burgunder. Die fhrende Macht in Gallien sind die Westgoten mit ihrem Zentrum in Toulouse.
Chlodwig, gerade 16-jhrig, festigt nach dem Tod seines Vaters Childerich
zuerst seine Macht bei den Salfranken selbst, danach sucht er auch die rheinischen Franken zu gewinnen. Doch nach wenigen Jahren beginnt er seinen
Kampf nach auen. 486/87 schlgt er Syagrius, der nach Toulouse zu Alarich II. flieht. Chlodwig gliedert das Reich des Syagrius in sein eige~s ein,
nimmt dessen Truppen in seinen Dienst und herrscht um 491 z~iscpen
Somme und Kohlenwald. Warum kann Chlodwig so steil aufsteigen? 1
Der kometenhafte Aufstieg Chlodwigs ist nicht denkbar ohne die schon
von seinem Vater Childerich vorbereitete bernahme des Erbes der
nordgallischen Heermeister. Die Auseinandersetzung zwischen den Merowingern von Tournai und Syagrius erscheint in gewisser Hinsicht als
ein Kampf sptrmischer Generle um die Macht in Nordgallien. Aber
man erfat damit nur einen Aspekt der 486/87 gefallenen Entscheidung,
die ber einen bloen Herrschaftswechsel hinausging. Childerich und
Chlodwig waren zugleich Frankenknige. Der Sieg ber Syagrius war
auch der Sieg eines rex Francorum ber einen rex Romanorum, und insofern der Franken ber die Gallormer. Er sicherte zugleich die Vormacht, wenn nicht gar die Herrschaft Chlodwigs im gesamten
salfrnkischen Bereich. Aus dem nordgallischen Militrsprengel wurde
die Francia zwischen Kohlenwald und Loire. 22
In den 490er Jahren kommt es zu einer Befriedungspolitik von Seiten Theoderichs des Ostgoten. Er heiratet Chlodwigs Schwester, verheiratet seine
Tchter mit Alarich II. und dem Burgunder Sigismund. Chlodwig wiederum heiratet Chrodechilde, die Burgunderprinzessin. Dieser neuen Bndnispolitik fllt der Altrmer Syagrius zum Opfer, der von Alarich an
Chlodwig ausgeliefert wird. In den Augen Theoderichs aber ist ein solches
Bndnis eine groe Chance fr die Germanenvlker. Theoderich wei um
die Fragilitt der Germanenreiche auf rmischem Boden.
Ostgoten, Westgoten und Burgunder sind Arianer, wenn auch das burgundische Herrscherhaus rmisch-katholisch ist. Chlodwig selbst ist wie
sein Vater Childerich immer noch ein germanischer Heide, ebenso sind es
die Frankenstmme, seine burgundische Frau ist rmisch-orthodoxe Christin.23 Trotz seines berzeugten Heidentums ist der Merowinger Chlodwig
jedoch schon wiederholt mit der Kirche in Berhrung gekommen, da ja die
Kirche auf der Verwaltungsebene des ehemals Rmischen Reiches in Gai22
Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 20-21.
23 Ibid., S. 22.
ber die Christianisierung des Frankenreicl1s
429
lien anzutreffen ist, damit einen wertvollen Beitrag zur Verwaltung des
Landes leistet und auch selbst unter dem Zerfall der sptantiken rmischen
Zentralgewalt zu leiden hat.24 Und irgendwie versucht der heidnische Merowingerknig Chlodwig, die Kirche, die ihm in der Verwaltung und Regierung seines immer mehr expandierenden Reiches vielleicht ntzlich sein
kann, nicht zu vergrmen.2s
Die gallische Kirche war geprgt vom Geist der groen Bischfe Hilarius
von Piotiers und Martin von Tours, die im 4. Jahrhundert Vorkmpfer
der katholischen Orthodoxie gegen den Arianismus gewesen waren. Die
romanisierten Nachkommen der frnkischen Heermeister des 4. Jahrhunderts wurden katholische Christen. Durch die frnkische Landnahme zwischen Rhein und Somme war die kirchliche Ordnung in diesen
Gebieten allerdings schwer erschttert worden. Die berlebenden Restgemeinden konnten an keine Mission denken, und die einwandernden
Franken blieben Heiden. Die Situation nderte sich, als die Franken in
mehr oder weniger intakt gebliebene Provinzen des rmischen Gallien
24
25
Vgl. Kaiser, Das rmische Erbe und das Merowingerreich, 101. Man kann nicht genug
herausstreichen, dass nur die Oberschicht der herrschenden Franken heidnisch, die
beherrschte galloromanische Bevlkerung jedoch christlich war. Zwei Gesellschaftsphnomene berlagern hier einander im 5. und frhen 6. Jh.: In ganz Gallien gab es
praktisch Metropoliten, Bischfe, im Sden freilich noch zahlreicher als im Norden.
Wenn auch die Franken bis Ende des 5. Jh. Heiden sind, sind sie doch stndig mit der
Kirche als Verwaltungstrger der alten Verwaltungsordnung, von der ja auch die
Merowinger profitieren, konfrontiert. Der Metropolit war primus inter pares, nicht
Vorgesetzter der Bischfe seines Sprengels. Zu seinen wichtigsten Rechten gehrte die
Besttigung der Bischofswahlen sowie die Einberufung und Leitung der Provinzialsynoden, deren Kompetenz sich vornehmlich auf Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung, Rechtsprechung und Kult erstreckte. Er hatte zudem eine Aufsichts- und Frsorgepflicht,
die in der Mitwirkung bei Wahl und Weihe der Bischfe zum Ausdruck kam, ihn
auch zu Visitationen und zur Entgegennahme von Anklagen gegen die Bischfe
berechtigte. ber den Provinzialsynoden standen die Reichs-synoden, die auch
Fragen der Lehre entschieden und den Charakter von Universalkonzilien hatten, da
das Imperium sich rumlich weitgehend mit der christlichen kumene deckte.
Konkurrierend zu den Reichssynoden hatte sich die Autoritt des Bischofs von Rom
als des Nachfolgers Petri zu einem Primat in Glauben und Recht verdichtet, der im
lateinischen Westen weitgehend anerkannt war. Fr den gallischen Episkopat des 5.
und 6. Jahrhunderts war der Nachfolger Petri 'a fatherly figure, ultimate judge in
causae maiores und Hter des rechten Glaubens' (Wallace-Hadrill). Als Vikar des
Papstes fungierte in Gallien der Bischof von Arles." Ewig, Die Merowinger und das
Frankenreich, 102. Dies bedeutet, dass die Kirche mchtig und politisch fhig war, was
Chlodwig natrlich klar erkannte. Die Machtverhltnisse verschoben sich nach seiner
Bekehrung von der Kirche weg zu seinen Gunsten, doch war seine Einheit mit der
Kirche letztlich fr das Gelingen der frnkischen Expansion wichtig.
Vgl. Gregor von Tours, FSGA 2:111-13. An dieser Stelle wird eine Geschichte erzhlt,
wie Chlodwig fr eine Kirche aus der Kriegsbeute ein dieser Kirche geraubtes
Beutestck rettet, um es wieder zurckzugeben.
430
Heinz Schaidinger
vordrangen. Als Childerich von Tournai Statthalterfunktionen in der

Belgica secunda bernahm, trat er auch in Kontakt mit Remigius von
Reims, dem Metropoliten der Provinz. Obwohl Childerich Heide blieb,
waren seine Beziehungen zum Episkopat so gut, da Remigius 482 dem
jungen Chlodwig das Beispiel der parentes vor Augen halten konnte.
Chlodwig trat in die Tradition des Vaters ein. Nach dem Sieg ber Syagrius war er bemht, bergriffe seiner Truppen gegen Kirchen nach
Mglichkeit wieder gut zu machen. 26
Die Lage spitzt sich zu. Chlodwig steht durch seine Frau Chrodechilde unter katholischem Einfluss, seine beiden ersten Shne werden auf deren Verlangen katholisch getauft. Lantechild aber, eine Schwester Chlodwigs,
nimmt am Hof Theoderichs den arianischen Glauben an. Die Wahl zwischen Katholizismus und Arianismus ist nun von groer politischer Tragweite. Entscheidet sich Chlodwig fr den Arianismus, dann passt er gut in
das von Theoderich aufgebaute Gebilde von germanischen Allianzen, die
durchaus wenig zugunsten des Bischofs von Rom im Schilde fhren. Entscheidet er sich aber fr den Katholizismus, ist nicht nur der husliche
Frieden gesichert, sondern gleichzeitig sein eigenes Reich gefestigt - und
zwar in dem Sinne, dass sich die gallormischen Untertanen besser mit
rmisch-katholischen Machthabern identifizieren knnen, auch wenn diese
Germanen sind. Einen hnlichen Weg geht ja schlielich auch das Herrscherhaus in Burgund. Die Entscheidung fr den Arianismus wrde die
innere Konsolidierung des frnkischen Reiches hemmen, da die Untertanen
gallormisch, d. h. rmisch-katholisch sind. So liegt die Entscheidung fr
den Katholizismus ganz auf der Linie der bisherigen Politik und erffnet
bei einer weiteren Expansion in Gallien ein weites Feld positiver Propaganda. Damit entscheidet sich Chlodwig aber langfristig fr die bodenstndige
christliche Kultur und fr das Papsttum, aber gegen die von Theoderich
betriebene intergermanische Allianz. Der weitere Verlauf der Geschichte
gibt Chlodwig Recht, denn die anderen germanischen Reiche sind binnen
kurzem untergegangen. 27
4. Die Bel~ehrnng Chlodwigs und ihre Folgen

Mit der Bekehrung Chlodwigs tritt das Frankenreich in eine neue ra. Sie
ist der eigentliche Beginn der Christianisierung des Frankenreichs. Dabei
mssen wir uns mit Gregors Bericht auseinandersetzen, wohl wissend, dass
Gregor nicht allein Geschichtsschreiber, sondern vor allem Geschichtsdeu-
26
27
Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 22-23.

hnlichen berlegungen folgt Peter Brown, Die Entstehung des christlichen Europa
(Europa bauen), Mnchen: Beck 1996, 108.
ber die Christianisierung des Frankenreic/1s
431
ter ist. Das will keineswegs besagen, dass im Groben nicht passiert sei, was
Gregor von Tours schildert, doch hat er oft seine eigene Deutung in seiner
Erzhlung dabei. Er schildert die Ehe Chlodwigs mit Chrodechilde, die
zwar aus kniglichem Blut, aber von Gundobad vom Hofe verbannt ist.
Chlodwig lsst sie kommen, findet Gefallen an ihr und heiratet sie. Dann
kommt der erste Sohn Chrodechildes, nmlich Ingomer, zur Welt (etwa
493/94). 28 Natrlich will die Mutter ihn taufen lassen, da kommt es zu einer
religisen Debatte zwischen Chlodwig und seinem Weib, die allerdings von
Gregor selbst stammt und als Lehrdiskussion ber Sinn und Unsinn der
heidnischen Gtter dem Knigspaar in den Mund gelegt wird. 29 Die Knigin setzt sich durch und bereitet eine groartige Tauffeier vor, damit der
Knig, wenn nicht durch Argumente, so doch durch die Schnheit der Feier
beeindruckt wrde. Doch die Geschichte endet tragisch: Der Knabe stirbt
sehr bald darauf. Hier die von Gregor wiederum den beiden zugeschriebene Diskussion:
Da schwoll dem Knige die Galle, und er schalt heftig die Knigin und
sprach: Wre der Knabe geweiht im Namen meiner Gtter, gewi er
lebte noch; nun aber, da er im Namen eures Gottes getauft ist, konnte er
nicht leben." Die Knigin erwiderte: Gott, dem Allmchtigen, dem
Schpfer aller Dinge, sage ich Dank, da er mich nicht fr unwert erachtet, die Frucht meines Leibes in sein Reich aufzunehmen. Denn mein
Gemt wird vom Schmerz ber diese Sache nicht berhrt, da ich wei,
da die, die im weien Taufgewand von dieser Welt gerufen worden
sind, vor Gottes Angesicht leben werden." 30
Beim zweiten Sohn, Chlodemer,31 ging es anders herum. Zwar wurde er
auch krank, nachdem er getauft worden war, und Chlodwig befrchtete
schon seinen Tod, doch wurde er wie durch ein Wunder auf das Gebet der
Mutter hin wieder gesund. 32 Wandte sich nun der Zorn der Gtter gegen
das Knigshaus oder nicht? Die Zeichen waren zweideutig. Chlodwig
brauchte ein eindeutiges Zeichen. Dieses lie nicht mehr lange auf sich war-
28
29
30
31
32
Nach der Ahnentafel der Merowinger in Martin Heinzelmann, Gregor von Tours (538594): Zehn Bcher Geschichte". Historiographie und Gesellschaftskonzept im 6. Jahrhundert,
Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1994, 40--41.
Gregor von Tours, FSGA 2:113--15.
Ibid., llS-17.
Eigentlich Chlodwigs dritter Sohn. Er hatte schon einen Sohn vor den beiden
Chrodechildes, nmlich Theuderich, von einem Kebsweibe, wie Gregor von Tours
sagt, oder einer Friedelehe, wie Eugen Ewig es nennt. Interessant ist bei der ganzen
Namensgebung, dass die Wortwurzel -rich Knig bedeutet und die Silbe mer
(Ingomer,
Chlodomer)
ein
Zeichen
fr
frnkische
Knigsnamen
(Merowingergeschlecht) ist. Vgl. Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 13--14.
432
Heinz Schaidinger
ten. Dabei fallen ungemein die Parallelen zur Geschichte Konstantins und
seiner Schlacht gegen Maxentius auf; hren wir dazu Gregor von Tours:
Die Knigin aber lie nicht ab in ihn zu dringen, da er den wahren Gott
erkenne und ablasse von den Gtzen. Aber auf keine Weise konnte er
zum Glauben bekehrt werden, bis er endlich einst mit den Alamannen in
einen Krieg geriet: da zwang ihn die Not, zu bekennen, was sein Herz
vordem verleugnet hatte. Als die beiden Heere zusammenstieen, kam
es zu einem gewaltigen Blutbad, und Chlodovechs Heer war nahe daran, vllig vernichtet zu werden. Als er das sah, erhob er seine Augen
zum Himmel, sein Herz wurde gerhrt, seine Augen fllten sich mit
Trnen und er sprach: Jesus Christ, Chrodichilde verkndet, du seiest
der Sohn des lebendigen Gottes; Hilfe, sagt man, gebest du den Bedrngten, Sieg denen, die auf dich hoffen - ich flehe dich demtig an um deinen mchtigen Beistand: gewhrst du mir jetzt den Sieg ber diese
meine Feinde und erfahre ich so jene Macht, die das Volk, das deinem
Namen sich weiht, an dir erprobt zu haben rhmt, so will ich an dich
glauben und mich taufen lassen auf deinen Namen. Denn ich habe meine Gtter angerufen, aber, wie ich erfahre, sind sie weit davon entfernt,
mir zu helfen. Ich meine daher, ohnmchtig sind sie, da sie denen nicht
helfen, die ihnen dienen. Dich nun rufe ich an, und ich verlange, an dich
zu glauben; nur entreie mich aus der Hand meiner Widersacher." Und
da er solches gesprochen hatte, wandten die Alamannen sich und fingen
an, zu fliehen. Als sie aber ihren Knig gettet sahen, unterwarfen sie
sich Chlodevech und sprachen: La, wir bitten dich, nicht noch mehr
des Volkes umkommen; wir sind ja dein." Da tat er dem Kampfe Einhalt, ermahnte das Volk und kehrte in Frieden heim; der Knigin aber
erzhlte er, wie er Christi Namen angerufen und so den Sieg gewonnen
habe. 33
33
Im 15. Jahr seiner Regierung, also 497 oder 498. So erzhlt von Gregor von Tours,
FSGA 2:117. Auffallend sind hier vor allem der alttestamentliche Duktus der
Erzhlung und die fr Chlodwig sicher vllig unmglichen Metaphern, die ihm von
Gregor in den Mund gelegt werden. Fr Gregor von Tours ist es aber sichtlich von
groem Interesse, dass Chlodwig Christ wird, da dies eine immense Strkung der
Kirche in Gallien bedeutet, die sie unbedingt brauchen kann - angesichts der
arianischen Reiche, die sich auf gallischem Boden zu jener Zeit bilden. Die Arianer
waren fr Gregor Ketzer, Irrglubige - und auch hchst gefhrlich, siehe seine
Vorrede zu den Zehn Bchern Geschichte und seine Schilderungen der Vandalen in
seinem zweiten Buch. Siehe dazu auch Heinzelmann, Gregor von Tours, 110. Am
interessantesten in dieser Diskussion erscheint mir Heinzelmanns Feststellung, dass
im letzten Drittel des 6. Jh. der Arianismus gar keine Gefahr mehr fr die frnkische
Kirche darstellte. Warum also die stndige Herausstellung dieser Hresie durch den
Bischof von Tours? Der Arianismus ist nur ein Vehikel fr die Verdeutlichung des
eigenen Konzeptes." Ibid., 113. Es wird einfach das Verhalten der Knige beurteilt:
Waren sie antiarianisch und damit orthodox und damit rmisch-ppstlich oder
433
Der nun folgende Bericht, wie es zur Taufe Chlodwigs kam, ist verdchtig.
Historisch wahr ist natrlich, dass Chlodwig den katholischen Glauben
annahm und getauft wurde. Fraglich aber sind etliche Details der Geschichte Gregors. Warum wird Remigius von Reims heimlich durch die Knigin
gerufen? Warum beschied Remigius Chlodwig im Geheimen zu sich, um den
Knig zu belehren? Hier lsst Gregor als Geistlicher einen Primatsanspruch
der Kirche gegenber der Krone deutlich werden. Die Angst des Knigs,
die alten Gtter zu verlassen, wird ihm vom Volk selbst zerstreut, noch
ehe er den Mund auftat, denn die gttliche Macht kam ihm zuvor: 'Wir tun
die sterblichen Gtter ab, gndiger Knig, und sind bereit, dem unsterblichen Gott zu folgen, den Remigius verkndet."' 34 Daraufhin wird von Remigius die Taufkirche vorbereitet (anscheinend bestand in Gallien im 6. Jh.
noch der Taufritus des Untertauchens, wie aus Gregors Bericht en passant
34
arianisch und damit hretisch und antippstlich? Ein Desiderat dieser Arbeit wre
unter anderem, die Frage zu studieren, inwieweit der Arianismus der Goten,
Burgunder, Vandalen und anderer germanischer Vlker wirklich ideologisch Arius
folgte oder einfach ein rmisch-katholisches Krzel war, mit dem man jene behaftete,
die sich nicht dem Bischof von Rom unterordnen wollten. Eine solche Tradition der
Verwendung des Begriffes arianisch" knnte auf Athanasius selbst zurckgehen, der
es als gewaltttiger und verschlagener Bischof von Alexandrien verstand, sich als
Vertreter einer zeitlosen und universalen christlichen Orthodoxie hinzustellen, die
235 auf dem Konzil in Nica ein fr allemal definiert worden war. So bestritt er
unablssig die Legitimitt derjenigen, die ihn anklagten, indem er deren
Anschauungen als ,arianisch' bezeichnete( ... ] Auf diese Weise verteidigte Athanasius
seine eigene wachsende rtliche Macht in Alexandrien [... ] Erst spter feierte die
siegreiche ,nicische' Partei Athanasius als den Helden der in Nica festgesetzten
christlichen Orthodoxie. Doch die Geschichte gewann viel beim Erzhlen - und
besonders im lateinischen Abendland. Gegen Ende des 4. Jahrhunderts erzhlte man
die Geschichte des ,arianischen Streits' als diejenige einer ideologischen Auseinandersetzung. ,Orthodoxe' Bischfe htten ,hretische' berwunden und dabei der Schmeichelei und mitunter sogar den Drohungen ,hretischer' Kaiser heroischen Widerstand
geleistet. Doch solche Erzhlungen ex post facto verschleierten die Realitt, von der sie
handelten. Die Christen des Abendlandes blickten auf den arianischen Streit als auf
den Anfang der Auseinandersetzung zwischen Kirche und Staat zurck." Brown, Die
Entstehung des christlichen Europa, 55--56. Eine hnliche Argumentation ber die
Hresiologen, die politischerweise aus ppstlichen Machtgrnden gegen den
Arianismus auftreten, obwohl er dogmatisch keine Gefahr darstellt, finden wir bei
Fontana, Europa im Spiegel, 37-38. Fontana schildert Konstantin: So untersttzt der
Kaiser die Verurteilung des Arianismus durch das Konzil von Nica, obwohl er sich
persnlich derart stark von dieser Lehre angezogen fhlt, da er sich kurz vor seinem
Tod noch von einem arianischen Bischof taufen lsst. berraschen sollte uns dies
kaum, denn Konstantinopel blieb noch lange ber den Tod seines Grnders hinaus
eine ausgesprochen arianische Stadt und verlor diesen Charakter erst im ausgehenden
4. Jahrhundert." Ibid., 38. hnlich einzuschtzen ist die hresiologische Anklage in
Bezug auf den Manichismus. Sie war bis ins Hochmittelalter wirksam.
434
Heinz Schaidinger
zu erschlieen ist), und natrlich verlangt der Knig, von Remigius getauft
zu werden. Die weitere Schilderung des Geschehens offenbart dann unverdeckt die Einstellung Gregors von Tours:
Er [Chlodwig; Arun. d. Verf.] ging, ein neuer Constantin, zum Taufbade
hin, sich rein zu waschen von dem alten Aussatz35 und sich von den
sclunutzigen Flecken, die er von alters her gehabt, im frischen Wasser zu
reinigen. Als er aber zur Taufe hintrat, redete ihn der Heilige Gottes [Bischof Remigius; Arun. d. Verf.] mit beredtem Munde also an: "Beuge still
deinen Nacken, Sicamber36, verehre, was du verfolgtest, verfolge, was
du verehrtest." Es war nmlich der heilige Bischof Remigius ein Mann
von hoher Wissenschaft und besonders in der Kunst der Beredsamkeit
erfahren, aber auch durch Heiligkeit zeichnete er sich so aus, da er an
Wundertaten dem heiligen Silvester gleich kam [... ] Von seinem
[Chlodwigs; Anm. d. Verf.] Heer wurden mehr als dreitausend getauft.37
In dieser Geschichte wird nicht nur Chlodwig symbolisch zum zweiten
Konstantin gemacht, er soll auch die gleiche Rolle spielen: Verfolge, was
du verehrtest!" Hier wird das ganze politische Selbstverstndnis der rmischen Kirche im 6. Jh. klar: Die Geschichte von Chlodwigs Taufe wird zum
groen Sieg der Kirche stilisiert, die Kirche praktisch als Herrscherin ber
den Herrscher dargestellt. Historisch ist das natrlich nicht zu akzeptieren,
denn Chlodwig war kein Abhngiger der Kirche. Ja, mehr noch, was ist von
einer Religion zu halten, deren Gott sich als siegreicher Schlachtengott in
Expansionskriegen erweist? Wenn Chlodwig auf seine Taufe vorbereitet
wurde, wie stand es um die mehr als dreitausend aus seinem Heer? Ging es
nicht vielmehr darum, dass Rom einen Verbndeten hatte, um gegen die
Arianer" nicht ganz allein dazustehen? Freilich, spter, im 6. Jh., wrde
noch einmal Justinian von Byzanz aus versuchen, alles in Ordnung zu bringen, mit nicht geringem Erfolg, vernichtete er doch die Reiche der Vandalen und der Ostgoten. Doch bis dahin vergingen noch einige Jahrzehnte,
und der Frankenknig kam als Verbndeter gegen die Westgoten und spter gegen die Langobarden gerade recht. 38 Gewiss ist es kein Zufall, dass
11
11
35
36
37
38
Nach den Actus S. Silvestri (... ]soll Konstantin wegen der Ttung von Christen mit
Aussatz geschlagen worden sein, wovon ihn die Taufe durch Papst Silvester befreit
habe." (Funote in FSGA zur Stelle.)
Die Sugambrer oder in spterer Entstellung Sicambrer waren gefrchtete Feinde der
Rmer an der Sieg. 8 v. Chr. werden sie auf das linke Rheinufer verpflanzt und
verschwinden aus der Geschichte. Vielleicht sind sie im Frankenstamm aufgegangen,
der gelegentlich, freilich selten und spt, mit ihrem Namen bezeichnet wird."
(Funote in FSGA zur Stelle.)
Diese Darstellung erscheint mir mehr als berechtigt. Die universalhistorische
Bedeutung von Chlodwigs Religionswechsel ist den Zeitgenossen bewut gewesen,
denn Avitus von Vienne weist in seinem Glckwunschbrief ausdrcklich auf die
ber die Christianisierung des Franke11reic/1s
435
das Frankenreich aus den Wirren der Vlkerwanderung gestrkt hervorging und das ganze Frhmittelalter prgte, whrend die nicht mit Rom
verbundenen Reiche entweder aufgerieben wurden oder spter, wie z. B.
im Falle der Westgoten, als stark geschwchter berrest das orthodoxe Bekenntnis annehmen mussten. In jenen Zeiten war Mission nicht nur eine
religise oder ethische Frage, sondern auch, und das offensichtlich vor allem anderen, eine machtpolitische Frage. Deshalb finde ich interessant, was
Eugen Ewig zu dieser Problemstellung festhlt: Dass nmlich Chlodwig
seine Bereitschaftserklrung zur Taufe, die er am Grab Martins von Tours
abgelegt haben soll, allgemein verschickt hat! Und zwar nicht nur
an den Episkopat Nordgalliens [also an die Geistlichkeit seines eigenen
Herrschaftsgebiets], sondern [.] auch an die Bischfe oder Metropoliten
des Sdens. Er rechnete zweifellos mit einer propagandistischen Wirkung in ganz Gallien, namentlich im Reich Alarichs, mit dem er sich 498
im Kriege befand, aber auch bei den Burgundern an der Rhone. Avitus
von Vienne [ein orthodoxer Bischof; Anm. d. Verf.] verhehlte nicht seine
Freude ber die durch Chlodwig eingeleitete Wende, lenkte aber den
missionarischen Eifer des Frankenknigs diskret auf die noch heidnischen Nationen ab, da er zum burgundischen Knigshaus in besten Beziehungen stand. 39
Tatschlich wollte Chlodwig weiter expandieren, scheiterte aber vorerst;
Theoderich versuchte, das Gleichgewicht der Krfte zwischen Burgundern,
Westgoten und Franken aufrechtzuerhalten. Allein, 506 trat ein unvorhergesehenes Ereignis ein: Die Alamannen rebellieren, werden aber von
Chlodwig vernichtend geschlagen. Ihr Reich wird nun der Francia zugeschlagen. Dadurch wird Chlodwig so gestrkt, dass er 507 den Kampf gegen die Westgoten aufnimmt. Es ist auch hchste Zeit, denn Alarich, der
Knig der Westgoten, hat sich unterdessen auch der Loyalitt seiner katholischen Untertanen versichert, und die Werbewirkung von Chlodwigs
Taufpropaganda ist durch Alarich gewiss bereits eingeschrnkt worden
und wird weiter nachlassen:
39
berwindung des Arianismus hin, ferner darauf, da es nun neben dem Griechenkaiser auch im Westen einen Herrscher gebe, der den rechten katholischen Glauben
schtzen und durch die Heidenmission seine Macht ausweiten knne. Auch wenn die
Christianisierung der Franken mit Chlodwigs bertritt erst eingeleitet wurde und
sptere Legendenbildung das Faktum berwucherte, bedeutete diese Entscheidung
fr das merowingische Knigtum eine Abkehr von der heidnischen Vergangenheit,
eine Wendung gegen Theoderichs Bndnispolitik der germanisch-romanischen
Reiche, und bildete die Voraussetzung fr den Ausgleich und die Zusammenarbeit
mit dem katholischen Episkopat." Kaiser, Das rmische Erbe und das Merowingerreich,
23-24.
436
Heinz Schaidinger
Beunruhigt vom Aufstieg einer unberechenbaren neuen Macht im nrdlichen Gallien, waren die arianischen Westgoten willens, alles zu tun
(ausgenommen allerdings sich der Zumutung zu fgen, offiziell zum
Katholizismus berzutreten), was versprach, sie der Loyalitt ihrer eigenen katholischen Untertanen zu vergewissern. Im Jahre 506 gab der
westgotische Knig Alarich II. seinem Volk eine abgekrzte Fassung des
theodosischen Codex als Gesetzbuch, der er seinen eigenen Namen gab,
das Breviarium Alaricianum. Das Gesetzeswerk wurde ratifiziert von rmischen Aristokraten der Provinz und von deren katholischen Bischfen. Im gleichen Jahr berief Alarich die katholischen Bischfe nach Agde
zur ersten jemals in Gallien abgehaltenen Landessynode der katholischen Kirche ein. Die Bischfe waren entzckt: Und dann, am Boden
kniend, beteten wir fr das Knigreich [Alarichs; Anm. d. Verf.] [.] also
da der Herr die Herrschaft dessen erweitern mge, der uns die Gelegenheit dieser Begegnung gegeben." Fr Chlodwig war es damit hchste Zeit zu handeln. Wenn die bei dieser Gelegenheit bekundete Loyalitt
der katholischen Bischfe sich im westgotischen Knigreich konsolidierte, war zu befrchten, da ihm der Weg nach Sden auf die Dauer versperrt blieb. 40
Chlodwig proklamiert diesen Krieg von 507 als Religionskrieg gegen die Arianerf41 Alarich fllt in der Schlacht bei Vouille. Der Krieg geht 508 weiter, im
Verein mit den Burgundern. Die Burgunder sollen die Mittelmeerprovinzen der Westgoten erobern, dies wird aber 508 durch Theoderich vereitelt,
40
41
Brown, Die Entstehung des christlichen Europa, 109.

Es sprach aber Knig Chlodovech zu den Seinigen: ,Es bekmmert mich sehr, da
die Arianer noch einen Teil Galliens besitzen. Lat uns mit Gottes Beistand
aufbrechen, sie besiegen, und dies Land in unsere Gewalt bringen.' Und da allen diese
Rede wohl gefallen hatte, brach er mit seinem Heere auf und zog gen Poitiers. Dort
hielt Alarich sich damals auf. Dieweil aber ein Teil des Heeres durch das Gebiet von
Tours zog, erlie er aus Verehrung gegen den heiligen Martinus einen Befehl,
niemand solle aus dieser Gegend etwas andres nehmen, als Gras zum Futter und
Wasser." Gregor von Tours, FSGA 2:129-31. Gregor erzhlt des Weiteren, wie
Chlodwig nach einem Zeichen des heiligen Martin sucht, deren ihm auch mehrere
gewhrt werden. Fr den Kampf gegen die Arianer besonders bedeutsam erscheint
das Zeichen in Verbindung mit dem Arianerbekmpfer Hilarius: Wie der Knig aber
gegen Piotiers kam und noch in der Feme im Lager verweilte, da sah er, wie ein
Feuerglanz von der Kirche des heiligen Hilarius ausging und gleichsam zu ihm
hinberkam; das geschah, da er um so ungehemmter, von dem Licht des heiligen Bekenners
Hilarius geleitet, die ketzerischen Scharen bekriegen sollte, gegen welche dieser Bischof so oft
fr den Glauben gestritten hatte." Ibid., 131 (meine Hervorhebung). Reinhold Kaiser
spricht von Chlodwigs geheiligtem Kampf gegen die Arianer" (Das rmische Erbe und
das Merowingerreich, 24). Aus heutiger Sicht ist es natrlich absolut unethisch, die
Expansionsgier Chlodwigs religis zu verbrmen, doch was Chlodwig recht war, war
der Kirche billig - man hatte gemeinsame Feinde. Mit dem Neuen Testament aber
hatte das alles lngst nichts mehr zu tun.
437
der zuerst noch mit der kaiserlichen Flotte einen Strau auszufechten hat,
sich dann aber in die Kmpfe der Germanenstmme einmischt und schlielich selbst diese Gebiete des Westgotenreichs regiert. Toulouse aber und die
aquitanische Provinz bis zum Atlantik hin bleiben fest in frnkischer Hand.
Von Toulouse aus geht Chlodwig nach Tours mit reichen Gaben an die
Martinsbasilika (508), denn den heiligen Martin verehrt er als Sieghelfer4 2
(vergleiche das bereits oben Gesagte).
In Tours erwartete ihn eine kaiserliche Gesandtschaft, die ihm seine Ernennung zum Ehrenkonsul mit dem Akklamationsrecht und einen kniglichen Ornat (Purpurtunica, Chlamys, Diadem) berbrachte. Kaiser
Anastasius legalisierte so die Reichsgrndung Chlodwigs und erhob den
Frankenknig in den Rang Theoderichs [der den Ostrmern ohnehin ein
Dom im Auge war, Anm. d. Verf.]. 43
Mit dieser feierlichen staatsrechtlichen Anerkennung von Chlodwigs
Kleinkaisertum" hatte der Basileus von Byzanz wohl nicht nur dem politischen Aufstieg des frnkischen Knigs Rechnung getragen; mit entscheidend fr das Zustandekommen der Allianz zwischen Ostrom und
dem frnkischen Reich drfte insbesonders Chlodwigs Konversion zum
katholischen Christentum gewesen sein. Anders formuliert, war Chlodwigs Glaubenswechsel nicht nur eine Werbung um die romanische Bevlkerung jenseits der Grenzen seines Machtbereichs, sondern zielte
letztlich darauf, die Anlehnung an den Kaiser in Byzanz zu erneuern,
die bereits sein Vater Childerich gesucht hatte." 44
Zwischen Chlodwig und Theoderich kam es zu keinem echten Krieg mehr,
doch der Friede und die Eintracht waren auch dahin. Beide Reiche gingen
nun getrennte Wege. In den neu eroberten Gebieten des Sdens trifft
Chlodwig auf die intakten Verwaltungsordnungen der altrmischen civitates und lsst sie bestehen, organisiert auch die Kirche wieder in deren Sinne. Hier gilt Chlodwig durch den Gotenkrieg als Befreier der katholischen
Romani. 45 Diese Neuorganisation der Kirche als merowingische Reichskirche katholisch-orthodoxer Prgung findet endgltig auf der Synode von
42
43
44
45
Zu Martin als Sieghelfer Chlodwigs vgl. Ursula Swinarski, Herrschen 111it den Heiligen:
Kirchenbesuche, Pilgerfahrten und Heiligenverehrung frh- und hocl1111ittelalterliclier Herrscher (ca. 500-1200) (Geist und Werk der Zeiten 78), Bern: Lang, 1991, 273-81.
Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreicl1, 28.
Swinarski, Herrschen mit den Heiligen, 280.
Gregor von Tours, FSGA 2:129. Gregor stellt die Gefhle vieler unter den Goten
lebender Menschen an dieser Stelle so dar: Viele wnschten schon damals in allen
gallischen Landen von ganzem Herzen, die Franken zu Herren zu haben. So kam es,
da auch der Bischof von Rodez Quintianus um dieser Sache willen aus seiner Stadt
vertrieben wurde. Man warf ihm nmlich vor: ,Du wnschest, da die Franken dieses
Land besitzen und darin herrschen."' Gregor meint damit die Haltung der Leute vor
dem frnkisch-westgotischen Krieg von 507/08.
438
Heinz Schaidinger
Orleans 511 statt46 Die Ausarbeitung des Programms dieses ersten frnkischen Reichskonzils stammt von Chlodwig selbst, will er doch hinter Alarich II. und der Synode von Agde 506 nicht zurckstehen, er besttigt auch
die Dekrete des Konzils. Erinnert das nicht ebenso und allzu sehr an Konstantin und Nica 325 (u. a. Verurteilung des Arianismus)? Die Frage bleibt,
wie theologisch kompetent Konstantin oder Chlodwig waren. Doch es ging
um Herrschaft: Da der Kanon 4 der Synode den Eintritt in den Klerus von
einer kniglichen Genehmigung abhngig machte, ist a fortiori anzunehmen, da Chlodwig sich auch ein Mitspracherecht bei den Bischofswahlen
vorbehielt. " 47
Durch die Bekehrung Chlodwigs gewinnt die Kirche rmischer Prgung in Gallien deutlich die Vorherrschaft, der Arianismus" wird nachhaltig zurckgedrngt und je lnger je mehr ausgerottet. Chlodwig war an der
Martinsverehrung sehr interessiert, Martin wurde zum merowingischen
Nationalheiligen. Chlodwig war zwar mit Rom verbndet, doch verstand
er sich im eigenen Land nicht als Diener der Kirche, sondern als deren Herr
- eben ein zweiter Konstantin. Verschiedene Klostergrndungen werden
Chlodwig zugeschrieben. 48 Trotz aller klsterlichen Fortschritte in mehreren Richtungen bleiben aber handfeste sozial-religise Probleme bestehen.
Fr die Germanen in dieser Zeit gilt nmlich grundstzlich, dass die
Verchristlichung ,der Gesellschaft erst in ihren Anfngen" steht, inmitten
eines kirchlichen Lebens, das sich allen Mistnden und manchmal sogar
gewaltsam ausgetragenen Rivalitten zum Trotz frei entfaltete", was auch
auf Probleme in der gallormischen Bevlkerung schlieen lsst:
Nicht nur in der frnkisch-barbarischen Kriegerschicht, sondern auch in
der gallo-rmischen Landbevlkerung bestanden noch heidnische Vorstellungen und Gebruche. Die Fehden waren als anerkanntes Rechtsmittel der Selbsthilfe nicht aus der Welt zu schaffen; den Bischfen blieb
46
47
48
Hier sollte fairerweise festgehalten werden, dass die Kirche auch unter der
arianischen Herrschaft" der Westgoten im Sden nicht untergegangen war. Die
Kirche war sehr anpassungsfhig. Waren frher die rmischen Verwaltungseinheiten
strukturgebend gewesen, waren es nun eben die germanischen. So wurde von Alarich
506 die Synode von Agde einberufen, auf der Caesarius von Arles den Vorsitz fhrte.
So furchtbar kann die arianische" Herrschaft nicht gewesen sein, wenn 538 die
bedeutende Gesetzgebung der provem;:alischen Provinzialsynoden des groen
Metropoliten Caesarius von Arles in der merowingischen Reichskirche nachtrglich
rezipiert worden ist. Das eigentliche Problem der Kirche im 6. Jh. dauerte in anderer
Form an: Nicht arianisch oder orthodox, sondern die stndigen Reichsteilungen der
Merowinger machten Probleme, da die Verwaltungsstrukturen der Kirche stndig
neu angepasst werden mussten und die Autorittsverhltnisse stndig durcheinander
gerieten. Siehe Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 102--<i.
Alles nach Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 2S-31, Zitat auf S. 31.
Prinz, Frhes Mnchtum im Frankenreich, 154.
439
nur der Versuch, sie durch Vermittlung beizulegen. Ein heies Eisen war
die christliche Ehemoral. Vor dem Leben an den Hfen der Knige und
der Groen schlo man am besten die Augen. Die Konzilien ignorierten
Scheidung und Konkubinat und beschrnkten sich auf das Verbot inzestuser" Heiraten. 49
Auf der einen Seite stehen also die heidnischen Barbaren, die, orthodoxchristlich geworden, die gallormische Welt von den hretischen Arianern
befreiten; auf der anderen Seite steht eine organisierte Kirche, selbst in die
Antike zurckreichend und dadurch Mittrgerin der gallormischen Kultur, deren ethische Normen aber in weiten Teilen der Bevlkerung, vor allem im Norden, noch nicht verwurzelt sind. Diese verhltnismig gut
organisierte und eigene ethische Normen vertretende Kirche richtet aber nach dem Vorbild der sptantiken rmischen Dizesanverwaltung - durch
ihre Synoden, Klster und Bistmer einen eigenen Gesetzes- und Verwaltungsapparat auf, mit dem jeweiligen Bischof als oberster lokaler Verwaltungsinstanz50 - einen Gesetzesapparat, in den sich aber auch der christliche
Knig nach Chlodwig mehr und mehr einschalten will und das auch tatschlich tut! 51 So sehen wir ein unstetes Hin- und Herwagen von Kompetenzen und Machtbereichen, von fiskalen und hochpolitischen Interessen.
49
50 Ibid., 107-11. Vor allem der letzte Punkt ist brisant: Vernderungen von
51
revolutionrer Sprengkraft kndigten sich jedoch an, als der Ire Columban, Mnch
der Abtei Bangor (Ulster), 591 mit 12 Gefhrten im Frankenreich landete und mit Hilfe
Knig Gunthrams und Childeberts II. an der Grenze der Dizese Besam;on gegen
Toul in den Vogesen die Klster Annegray, Luxeuil und Fontaines grndete. In
Irland, das auerhalb des rmischen Imperiums geblieben war und keine Stdte
kannte, waren die Klster im 6. Jahrhundert zu Zentren von groen, auf der Basis des
Klosterguts gegrndeten Seelsorgesprengeln geworden, die die lteren, nach
kontinentaler Art gegrndeten Missionsdizesen berwucherten und zum Teil
auflsten. So war eine Mnchskirche entstanden, die von bten geleitet wurde.
Manche bte waren zugleich Bischfe, andere - wie Comgall in Columbans
Heimatkloster Bangor - lieen Mnchen ihres Klosters die Bischofsweihe erteilen. In
solchen Fllen traten Leitungs- und Weihegewalt auseinander; der Bischof war der
Jurisdiktion des Abts unterworfen, die traditionelle Kirchenordnung damit gleichsam
auf den Kopf gestellt." Ibid., 111. Das war allerdings Sprengstoff und musste letztlich
zu Problemen mit der eher nach den Gebruchen Roms ausgerichteten Kirc'1e
Galliens fhren.
Roland Kaiser spricht u. a. von der Verchristlichung der merowingischen
Knigsherrschaft". Von einem merowingischen Herrscher wurden iustitia, pietas und
clementia erwartet. Chlodwig wird seit dem 6. Jh. als novus Constantinus bezeichnet.
Kraft seines von Gott gewollten und gegebenen Amtes hat der Knig nicht nur das
Recht, sondern als Nachfolger Konstantins sogar die Pflicht, sich in kirchliche
Probleme einzuschalten. Das galt schon fr die Merowinger, war keine karolingische
Idee. Die Karolinger griffen diese Konzeption nur noch konsequenter auf. Kaiser, Das
rmische Erbe und das Merowingerreich, 86--87.
440
Heinz Scliaidinger
Wo aber blieb die Mission, der echte Bekehnmgsversuch an den unwissenden Heiden", der in rein ethischen Grnden wurzelte und von der
Nchstenliebe des Christentums her motiviert war?
5. Die iroschottische Mission unter den Merowingern

Um 570 oder wohl eher um 59052 kommt der irische Mnch Columban mit
zwlf Gefhrten ins Frankenreich. Die Anfnge der irischen Kirche, die
hinter Columban steht, werden nun und auch zu Beginn des nchsten Kapitels diskutiert. Die Situation ist sehr verflochten, historisch nicht immer
einfach zu durchschauen. Die nachstehende Karte soll einen ersten berblick verschaffen:s3
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Aus der historischen Karte werden mehrere Dinge klar: Das Missionsgebiet
des Patrick steht am Ursprung der spteren irischen Kirche. Das Hauptkloster ist Armagh. Columcille, oder Columba der ltere, verlegt im 6. Jh.
52
5J
Die Meinungen der Historiker sind diesbezglich nicht auf einen Nenner zu bringen,
die Mehrheit votiert fr den spteren Termin.
F. W. Putzger (Hg.), Historischer Weltatlas, Wien: HPT & BV, 1972, 37, Karte:
lroschottische und angelschsische Mission".
441
den Hauptsitz der irischen Kirche nach Iona. Von dort aus werden die Pikten und Schotten christianisiert. Columban der Jngere, ein Schler Columbas des lteren, geht dann von Bangor aus ins Frankenreich. 54 Nicht
bersehen werden darf die altbritische Kirche in Wales. Man kann also sagen, dass die keltische Bevlkerung der Britischen Inseln eine eigene, von
Rom unabhngige Kirche kannte. In der Zeit, in der Columban der Jngere
ins Frankenreich ging, setzte der Mnch Augustinus ber zu den Britischen
Inseln, um sie zu romanisieren. Zu Beginn des 7. Jh. also beginnen beide
Kirchen, einander wahrzunehmen und um ihre Einflusssphre zu kmpfen.55 Dieser Kampf dauert etwa ein Jahrhundert lang, wobei in Britannien
54
55
Nach Johann Heinrich August Ebrard, Die iroschottische Missionskirche, Hildesheim:

Olms, 1971 (Nachdruck: Gtersloh, 1873), 285-304, ist nicht Columban der Jngere,
sondern Fridolt der erste iroschottische Missionar im Frankenreich, bereits im frhen
6. Jh. Seine Argumentation ist kompliziert, er identifiziert Fridolt mit Fridolin. Sicher
ist jedenfalls, dass dieser frhe Missionsvorsto, selbst wenn er angenommen werden
darf, keinen bleibenden Einfluss hinterlie.
So traf nun in den angelschsischen Reichen der Strom der iroschottischen oder
culdeischen Mission mit dem der rmischen in verhngnisvoller Weise zusammen.
Der Anblick einiger schner angelschsischer Jnglinge, die in Rom als Sklaven
verkauft wurden, bewog Gregor I von Rom, jenem Volke 596 in der Person des
Benediktiners Augustinus einen Missionar zu senden (.] Und weil er [Gregor] recht
wohl wute, da auf den britischen Inseln eine romfreie britannische irische Kirche
und Mission schon bestehe, so verlieh er dem Augustin ohne weiteres den Supremat
ber smmtliche Bischffe [sie] der britannischen Kirche." So Ebrard, Die iroschottische
Missionskirche, 15. Interessant in diesem Zusammenhang ist, dass Beda von einem
Brief wei, in dem Gregor dem Augustin sagen lsst, dass er in Britannien die
Heiligtmer der germanischen Gtzen nicht zerstren, sondern in Kirchen
umwandeln und ihren heidnischen Gtzendienst ins Christentum umdeuten soll, uin
die Germanen zu gewinnen und nicht zu verrgern. Cf. HE I 30. An Ethelbert, den
Knig von Kent, schreibt Gregor: Beeile Dich, den christlichen Glauben bei den Dir
untertanen Vlkern zu verbreiten; vergrere den Eifer Deiner Rechtschaffenheit bei
ihrer Bekehrung; verfolge die Gtzenverehrung; zerstre die Gebude der Heiligtmer;
strke die Sitten der Untertanen aus groer Lauterkeit des Lebens durch Ermahnung,
Schrecken, Schmeichelei, Zurechtweisung [.] So brachte nmlich einst der sehr
fromme Kaiser Konstantin den rmischen Staat von den trichten Gtzenkulten ab
(.] Und deshalb mge sich jetzt Eure Herrlichkeit beeilen, die Kenntnis des einen
Gottes (.] den ihr unterstellten Knigen und Vlkern einzupflanzen, damit sie [.]
auch bei den eigenen Snden um so sicherer vor dem schrecklichen Gericht des
allmchtigen Gottes wird, je mehr sie die fremden Snden von ihren Untertanen
nimmt. Alles wozu Euch unser ehrwrdigster Bruder, der Bischof Augustin, der in
der Klosterregel erzogen wurde, (.] ermahnt, das nehmt bereitwillig auf, fhrt
demtig aus, behaltet sorgfltig im Gedchtnis, denn wenn Ihr in dem, was er um des
allmchtigen Gottes willen sagt, auf ihn hrt, erhrt der allmchtige Gott ihn
schneller, wenn er fr Euch bittet. Wenn Ihr freilich, was nicht geschehen mge, seine
Worte vernachlssigt, wann wird dann der allmchtige Gott um Euretwillen ihn
erhren knnen, auf den Ihr um Gottes willen nicht hren wollt? Verbndet Euch also
von ganzem Herzen mit ihm." HE 1, 32 in Beda der Ehrwrdige: Kirchengeschichte des
442
Heinz Schaidinger
selbst ab 664 auf dem Kolloquium von Streaneshalch (Synode von Whitby)
die Weichen eindeutig in Richtung Rom gestellt werden, wenngleich das
noch nicht bedeutete, dass aller Kampf vorber war.
Im Frankenreich dauert dieser Kampf bis ins 8. Jh., bis in die Zeit des
Bonifatius. Aus der historischen Karte wird klar, wie weit verbreitet die von
Columban und seinen Schlern begonnene Missionsarbeit im Frankenreich
war. Neben der iroschottischen Klosterlandschaft ist besonders die Legende
zu beachten Von Bonifatius neu errichtete bzw. reorganisierte Bistmer" Reorganisation der iroschottischen Mission im Sinne Roms, ganz massiv
zwischen Donau und Alpen. Weiters ist auffllig, dass nach der Legende
der historischen Karte neben Bonifatius auch Willibrord und Suidbort fr
die angelschsische Mission reklamiert werden, was historisch aber nicht
eindeutig ist. Die angelschsische Mission scheint sich auf Friesland und
Thringen zu konzentrieren, whrend in den bayerisch-salzburgischen
Klstern und Bistmern gem der Legende der historischen Karte hauptschlich die Verdrngung der iroschottischen Organisation auf dem Programm der angelschsischen Missionare steht.56
Columban kommt als erfahrener Heidenmissionar ins Reich der Franken, doch will er dort vorerst etwas anderes: Fr ihn liegt die frnkische
Kirche im Argen, er will ein Reformprogramm durchfhren. Die frnkische
Kirche seit Chlodwig war im Sinne einer Nationalkirche entstanden,
Chlodwigs Bekehrung zum rmischen Katholizismus hat aus dem merowingischen Herrscherhaus keineswegs eine Marionette des rmischen
Stuhls gemacht. Dieser Umstand kommt Columban zugute. Er wendet sich
an den Hof Knig Sigiberts57 und bringt seine Klostergrndung in Luxeuil
dadurch in enge Verbindung zum frnkischen Hochadel. 58
Columban war eine faszinierende, aber hchst eigenwillige Persnlichkeit. Er ignorierte in souverner Weise das geltende gallofrnkische Kir-
56
57
58
englischen Volkes, hg. G. Spitzbart (Beda Venerabilis: Historica Ecclesiastica gentis

Anglorum), Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1997, 117 (meine
Hervorhebung). Man sieht, dass Gregor in seinen Missionsmethoden wankelmtig
sein konnte (Zerstrung der Heiligtmer oder nicht?) und dass der Trick mit
Konstantin bei den Angelsachsen genauso gut funktionierte wie seinerzeit bei
Chlodwig ein Jahrhundert zuvor, ja, dass die Ermahnungen, den ppstlichen Legaten
und Bischof dabei zu untersttzen, das Land mit allen Mitteln der Kirche Roms
zuzufhren, nicht davor zurckschreckten, den Charakter von versteckten
moralischen Drohungen anzunehmen.
Von vielen modernen Autoren wird dieses Ringen geflissentlich bergangen oder
anders interpretiert. Eine rhmliche Ausnahme bildet hier Brown, Die Entstehung des
christlichen Europa, 308--19. Seine Darlegungen sind zurckhaltend, aber objektiv. Er
geht ber dieses heikle Thema nicht einfach hinweg.
Hier Friedrich Prinz anders als Eugen Ewig.
Prinz, Frhes Mnchtum im Frankenreich, 121-22.
443
chenrecht, regierte selbstherrlich von Luxeuil aus seine Klster, reiste

nach Belieben, lie Weihen durch einen ortsfremden Bischof vornehmen
und bte seelsorgerliche Funktionen auerhalb des Klosterbereichs aus.
Alle diese Dinge standen hinter seinem Konflikt mit dem frankoburgundischen Episkopat, der 602/03 durch den Streit ber die Divergenz
zwischen dem irischen und dem kontinentalen Ostertermin ausgelst
wurde. Columban folgte der Vorladung auf die Synode von Chalon
(602/03) nicht, blieb aber zunchst unbehelligt. Erst als er sich brsk weigerte, die unehelichen Shne Theuderichs II. zu segnen, entzogen ihm
Brunichild und Theuderich [ihr Enkel; Anm. d. Verf.] den Schutz, den
sie ihm bis dahin gewhrt hatten, und wiesen ihn 610 mitsamt den irischen Mnchen[ ... ] aus Frankoburgund aus.59
Columban - selbst von Adel - sucht die Untersttzung der Herrschenden
fr sein Reformprogramm, das zuerst von seiner, der columbanischen, spter dann, nach seinem Tod, ab etwa 632, immer mehr von der benediktinisch-columbanischen Regel, der so genannten regula mixta, getragen
wird. 60 Gleichzeitig aber ist er von einem unbndigen Reformwillen getrie59 Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 111-12. Jonas von Bobbio sagt in seiner
60
Vita Columbani I 18-19, dass der Knig den Rat Columbans sehr schtzte und auch
tatschlich eine Frau nehmen wollte, was aber von seiner Gromutter Brunichild aus
Eifersucht hintertrieben wurde. Sie sei es gewesen, die seine Ausweisung veranlasste.
So wei auch der so genannte Fredegar zu berichten, dass Theuderich die spanische
Prinzessin Emenberga (Gotin) zur Frau nahm. Diese Ehe wurde aber von Brunichild
so gestrt, dass Emenberga wieder schmachvoll an den spanischen Hof zurckgesandt wurde. Fredegar IV 30 in Quellen zur Geschichte des 7. und 8. Jahrhunderts, hg.
H. Wolfram (Freiherr vom Stein-Gedchtnisausgabe 4A), Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 21994, 185-87, 451-55.
Hier nun muss das Problem der Regula Columbani diskutiert werden. Dabei sttze ich
mich auf die detaillierten Ausfhrungen von Ebrard, Die iroschottische Missionskirche,
147-58. Immer wieder begegnet einem in der Literatur die Meinung, die Regel der
irischen Mnche sei sehr streng gewesen, unerhrt asketisch, und dass die
Benediktinerregel hier menschlichere Zge hereingebracht habe. Andere verteidigen
die Regel Columbans als eine gemigte und schreiben der Benediktinerregel groe
einschrnkende Gewalt zu. Die Lsung findet sich, wenn man erkennt, dass es zwei
Schriften gibt, die den Namen Columbans tragen: die Regula Columbani selbst und
die Regula coenobialis Columbani. Beide sind vllig verschiedenen Charakters. Die
Regula Columbani hat wirklich einen milden, empfehlenden Ton, whrend die
Regula coenobialis mit Brachialgewalt und Prgelstrafe ins Himmelreich treibt. Die
Regula Columbani ist in vier Handschriften erhalten, wobei zwei aus dem Wirkungskreis Columbans stammen: aus St. Gallen und aus Bobbio. Zwei weitere kommen aus
bayerischen Klstern: Ochsenhausen und Augsburg, beides Benediktinerklster. Die
Regula coenobialis ist nur in den Codices aus Augsburg und Ochsenhausen
vorhanden, beide nachweislich jngere Handschriften als die St. Galler oder die aus
Bobbio. Die Regula Columbani nach dem St. Galler und nach dem Bobbio Codex
erweist sich von der inneren Kritik her schon als echt, weil sie manche Regeln in
direkten Gegensatz zur Benediktinerregel bringt. Columban fordert Gehorsam,
444
Heinz Schaidinger
ben, er will offensichtlich nicht die Augen schlieen" vor den unmoralischen Zustnden bei Hofe, ist auch wenig bereit, sich um der Macht willen
mit dem frankoburgundischen Episkopat zu einigen. Ein Mann mit Sendungsbewusstsein also. Warum lassen ihn die Merowinger anfangs gewhren? Sie sind noch nicht so sensibilisiert auf das, was Rom als Hresie"
bezeichnet, und knnen mit jedem zusammenarbeiten, der sie respektiert aber auch nichts gegen ihren Lebenswandel sagt. Religis sind die Merowinger ber weite Strecken nicht ideologisch geprgt, sondern reine Pragmatiker. Dies fhrt dazu, dass in ihren Herrschaftsgebieten z~ei ganz
verschiedene, auf lange Sicht einander widerstreitende Einflsse zum Tragen kommen: der ltere, bodenstndige, gallormische und der neuere,
iroschottisch-missionarische. Luxeuil wird zum Motor fr eine Bewegung
von weiteren Klostergrndungen, auch nach der Vertreibung Columbans,
der brigens nicht nach Irland zurckgeht, wie vorgesehen, sondern nach
Austrasien weiterzieht. Auf Anregung des austrasischen Knigs TheudeSchweigsamkeit, Einfachheit in der Nahrung, Gebet, ist aber gegen jede exzessive
Abstinenz oder Askese. Er warnt vor der Eitelkeit des Herzens, fordert Keuschheit aber nicht im Sinne der Ehelosigkeit, sondern im Hinblick auf Ehebruch und Unzucht,
und tritt fr die bergabe des Willens an den Willen Gottes ein, im Austausch gegen
den Stolz des Menschen. Die Regula coenobialis hingegen redet nur von Prgeln und
vom Strafpsalmsingen. Beide Schriften kommen aus ganz verschiedenen theologischen Richtungen. Eine von ihnen muss zu Unrecht den Namen Columbans
tragen. Wenn man bedenkt, wie schnell sich die iroschottische Mission ausgebreitet
hat, fllt einem die Vorstellung schwer, dass diese Mnche bei den geringsten
Vergehen geprgelt wurden. Gleichzeitig lautet das Zeugnis der Vita Columbani I,
dass Columbans Klosterfhrung gewaltlos war und auf Freiwilligkeit beruhte. Der in
Luxeuil von Columban erzogene Walarich wendet in der Erziehung seiner Zglinge
nicht krperliche Zchtigung, sondern gutes Zureden an (Vita Walarici 32). Das passt
nicht zur Regula coenobialis, die aber noch ein Gegenstck hat, nmlich den Liber
poenitentialis, der in Bobbio in spteren Jahrhunderten dem Columban zugeschrieben
wird. Es ist also wirklich etwas kompliziert. In einem St. Galler Codex findet sich
ebenfalls der Liber poenitentialis, wird dort aber nicht Columban zugeschrieben,
sondern trgt den Titel: Praefatio sancti Cumeani abbatis in Scotia orti super librum
poenitentiarum; er ist somit die Vorrede und Einleitung zum Poenitentiale Cumeani. In
einem anderen St. Galler Codex findet sich jener Liber poenitentialis ebenfalls, und
zwar als Anhang zur Benediktinerregel. Offensichtlich sind die Prgelschriften auf
den zur rmischen Partei bergetretenen Cummianus zurckzufhren, eine
Vermischung oder Verwechslung mit der Tradition Columbans ist da leicht mglich.
Was klar wird, ist, in welche Dressur die iroschottischen Klster bei der bernahme
der Benediktinerregel genommen wurden. Weil dann lange die Regula mixta galt,
verschwimmen beide Einflsse ineinander, und so kommt es vor, dass man
Columban Dinge zuschreibt, mit denen er nichts zu tun hatte. Der Trick war, die
Prgelregel dem Iren Columban zuzuschreiben, um die Benediktinerregel, die viel
einschrnkender war als jene Columbans (columbanische Mnche waren an kein
Kloster gebunden, reisten als Seelsorger umher etc.), als angenehm und akzeptabel
darzustellen.
ber die Christianisierung des Frankenreicl1s
445
bert geht er unter dessen Schutz von dort aus fr kurze Zeit in die Gegend
von Bregenz und wirkt als Missionar im Alemannenherzogtum. Bereits 612
muss er aber nach Italien weiterziehen, weil der expandierende Machtbereich Theuderichs II. von Neustrien, der Theudebert ausschaltet, Columban
auch in Bregenz einholt und ohne den Schutz Theudeberts, des austrasischen Knigs, die Mission in Rtien unmglich wird. 61 In Italien gestattet
ihm der Langobardenknig Agilulf trotz seiner Kritik an der arianischen
Konfession eine neue Klostergrndung in Bobbio an der Trebbia.
Die Klster um Luxeuil in den Vogesen hat Columban seinem Schler
Athala anvertraut. Das Luxeuiler Mnchtum gert durch Theuderich und
seine Gromutter Brunichild zwar in eine schwere Krise, doch Clothar II.
triumphiert ber die frankoburgundische Linie der Merowinger, und die
Krise ist pltzlich behoben. Columban wird eingeladen, nach Luxeuil zurckzukehren. Er lehnt jedoch ab und stirbt als Abt von Bobbio am 23. November 615. 62
Das irofrnkische Mnchtum trat jedoch nun seinen Siegeszug im Merowingerreich an und prgte das Gesicht der frnkischen Reichskirche im 7.
Jahrhundert." 63 Irofrnkisch: Diese Klster werden in der Folge mehr und
mehr frankisiert", das heit, die Entwicklung zur frnkischen Nationalkirche wird weiterbetrieben. Der Einflu Columbans auf den frnkischen
Adel kann kaum berschtzt werden. " 64 Chlothar II. und sein Hof begnstigten die Columbangrndungen ungemein. Am strksten wurden sie vom
Rhnemnchtum bekmpft, das eben am meisten in der Antike verankert
war. Dies nimmt z. B. 626 auf dem Konzil von Mcon Gestalt an, wo die
61
62
63
64
Zu Columbans Mission in Rtien und zur Rolle der Iren fr die missionarische
Erschlieung des Gebiets bis ins B. Jh. sowie zur Gegnerschaft des Bonifatius zu
diesem Wirken siehe Heinrich Bttner, Frhmittelalterliches Christentum und frnkischer
Staat zwischen Hochrhein und Alpen, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,
1961, 7-54.
Diese Informationen nach Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 112. Dazu
Wilhelm Levison: Es war fr ihn eine kampfesreiche Zeit, erfllt von Streitigkeiten
mit dem frnkischen Klerus, von Kmpfen gegen die Unsittlichkeit am Knigshofe
wie zur Behauptung der Besonderheiten der irischen Kirche, und Columban war eine
kampfesfrohe Natur, der keine Rcksichten kannte, der ebenso den natrlichen
Kindern des Knigs den Segen verweigerte, wie er sich nicht scheute, dem Papste
Ermahnungen zukommen zu lassen. Er mute schlielich weichen, und in Nebendingen, die freilich jener Zeit wesentlich erschienen, ist seine Sache bald unterlegen."
Wilhelm Levison, Die Iren und die frnkische Kirche", in Mnchtum und Gesellschaft
im Frhmitte/alter, hg. F. Prinz, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1976,
93.
Geary, Die Merowinger, 173. Sehr anschaulich Gearys Beschreibung des christlichen
frnkischen Adels auf S. 173-80 seines Buchs.
446
Heinz Schaidinger
Lyoner und Vienner Bischfe gegen die Columbangrndungen zu Felde

ziehen. Die Kirchenprovinzen Lyon und Vienne waren fest verankert in
der kanonischen Ordnung der Sptantike. Die autonomen columbanischen
Klster, deren Mnche sogar in die Seelsorge eingriffen, muten hier von
vielen als Sprengkrper empfunden worden." 65 Dennoch entschied die Sy-
node zugunsten von Eustasius, dem Nachfolger Columbans in Luxeuil,
wohl nicht zuletzt aufgrund der Haltung Chlothars II. und mchtiger
Freunde bei Hofe. Innerhalb eines Jahrhunderts entstehen mehr als hundert
Klster im Frankenreich, organisiert nach dem Vorbild der Columbangrndungen.66
Angesichts dieser fr die Infrastruktur der Kirche im Frankenreich
durchaus positiven Entwicklungen im 7. Jh. ist dennoch festzuhalten, dass
65 Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich, 125. Die Rhnegegend war aufgrund ihrer
66
antiken Wurzeln die am meisten rmische" in Gallien. Lyon wurde zur wichtigsten
Stadt, berflgelte sogar Arles, dessen Bischof der eigentliche Vicarius des Papstes in
Gallien war. Noch im 7. Jh. liefen ber Lyon die Verbindungen Galliens zu Rom
(Augustinus, Wilfrid von York). Siehe Kaiser, Das rmische Erbe und das
Merowingerreich, 101. Der Sprengkrper" bestand in der ganz anderen Kirchenverfassung der Iren. Man wurde Geistlicher durch Ordination und war dann ein
Monachus". Diesen Mnchen stand aber keine Weltgeistlichkeit gegenber. Es gab
nur die Monachi, die man auch Presbyteroi" nannte. Wenn man als Presbyter nun
ein irisches Kloster leitete, wurde man zum Abt oder Pater des Klosters und seiner
Zglinge, meist jungen Leuten, die man ausbildete (hnlich einer heutigen Internatsschule). Wurde durch die Missionsarbeit eines solchen Klosters die heidnische
Umgebung christlich und entstanden Gemeinden, wurde der Abt zum Episkopos".
Die Episkopoi aber waren den Presbyter-bten untergeordnet. Darum braucht sich
der Presbyter-Abt Virgil in Salzburg nicht gleich zum Bischof ordinieren zu lassen,
diese Notwendigkeit ergibt sich gar nicht, hat er doch als Abt das ganze Bistum in der
Hand. Die irischen Klster hatten also die Oberleitung. Das konnte den lateinischen
Episcopis, denen ja die Klster im Bereich ihres Bistums untertan sein mussten, sofern
sie nicht durch Dekrete von der Gewalt des Bischofs befreit waren, nicht gefallen. Die
irischen Bischfe werden bestimmt (destinati"), und zwar vom Presbyter-Abt des
Hauptklosters (die erfolgreiche Mission fhrt zur Ernennung von Aufsehern" der
neu gegrndeten Gemeinden), die rmischen ordiniert! Siehe Ebrard, Die iroschottische
Missionskirche, 167-80.
Prinz, Frhes Mnchtum im Frankenreich, 124. Die rechtliche Stellung dieses Klosterwesens muss ein Problem dargestellt haben. Von irischer Seite aus war Iona das
Zentrum. Alle irischen Klster (im 7. Jh. insgesamt ber 1000) unterstanden dem
Presbyter-Abt von Iona. Als zwischengelegte Instanz galten in den einzelnen Lndern
der Missionsgebiete Hauptklster, die zwar Iona verpflichtet waren, ihrerseits aber
wieder Anlaufstelle fr die von ihnen gegrndeten Klster waren, so z. B. Lindisfarne
oder Luxeuil. Das Entstehen eines eigenen Landeskirchentums war damit natrlich
stark begnstigt. Das wiederum erklrt die Haltung der Herrscher, die, wie die
Merowinger, zwar oft rmisch-katholisch, den irischen Klstern aber dennoch nicht
abgeneigt waren. Diese Situation muss fr Rom eine ernste Herausforderung gewesen
sein. Siehe bei Ebrard, Die iroschottische Missionskirche, 184-89.
447
wir uns zwei einander berlagernde Situationen vorstellen mssen: Einerseits finden seit Chlodwig Reorganisationen von Bistmern berall im
Frankenreich und nach Chlodwig in den verschiedenen Frankenreichen
statt, auch in den rechtsrheinischen Gebieten, andererseits steht diesem
Machtkonstrukt der Bistmer eine Bevlkerung gegenber, vor allem in
den germanischen Gebieten, die nicht wirklich christianisiert ist. Bayern
war im frhen 7. Jahrhundert noch Missionsland." 67
Die Iren hatten auch Frauenklster, allerdings nicht im Sinne von benediktinischen Nonnenklstern. Wohl gab es die puellarum monasteria, doch
waren das Schulen zur Erziehung von Mdchen und jungen Frauen. Man
sollte die irischen Klster nicht als zlibatre Mnchs- oder Nonnenanstalten verstehen, sondern als Erziehungseinrichtungen zur Bildung im christlichen Sinn allgemein und zur Ausbildung von Missionaren im
Besonderen. 68 Es ist bezeichnend, dass in solchen puellarum monasteria auch
Mnner anwesend waren, wie es auch Frauen in Mnnerklstern gab. Solche Dinge mussten natrlich benediktinisch ausgerichteten Klstern ein
Dom im Auge sein. 69
An dieser Stelle ist es vielleicht angebracht, von einem weiteren Unterschied zwischen dem irischen und dem benediktinischen Mnchtum zu
reden: von der Mnchsehe. Die irischen Mnche waren vielfach verheiratet,
natrlich nicht alle, vor allem nicht jene, die in neuen Missionsgebieten als
Pioniere arbeiteten. 70 In den benediktinischen Klstern und auch in der gallormischen Klosterbewegung des 5. und 6. Jh. war die Ehelosigkeit aber
eine lebenslange Forderung (Konzil von Orleans 51l, Konzil von Tours 567:
Hier wird ber verheiratete Mnche die Exkommunikation ausgesprochen,
die Auflsung solcher Ehen gefordert). Bei den Iren war Ehelosigkeit kein
hherer Stand als die Ehe. 71 Verheiratete Paare gehen gemeinsam in ein
67
68
69
70
71

Leslie Hardinge spricht von ecclesiastical seminaries". Leslie Hardinge, T/1e Celtic
Church in Britain, Brushton: TEACH, 31995, 175.
Zu den Frauenklstern und ihrer Rolle als Erziehungsinstitutionen siehe Ebrard, Die
iroschottische Missionskirche, 203-6.
Ihre Vorbilder waren offensichtlich Petrus (verheiratet) und Paulus (unverheiratet) im
Neuen Testament: Paulus sagt ber sich und Petrus in 1 Kor 9,5: Haben wir etwa
kein Recht, eine Schwester als Frau mitzunehmen wie die brigen Apostel und die
Brder des Herrn und Kephas [Petrus]?" (meine Hervorhebung).
Wrzburg cod. lOa: Nicht gengt dir, dass du ohne Gattin seist, wenn du nicht gute
Werke tust. Welcher Stand es auch sei, in dem gelebt wird, entweder Ehelosigkeit
oder Ehe, so ist doch ntig, darin die Gebote Gottes zu erfllen." Darum muss groer
Wert gelegt werden auf die Formulierung der Regula Columbani cp 6: castitas
monachi in cogitationibus judicatur" - die innere Keuschheit im Denken wird
verlangt, nicht grundstzlich die Ehelosigkeit. Zitiert nach Ebrard, Die irosc/101tische
Missionskirche, 206--7.
448
Heinz Schaidinger
irisches Kloster, um zu erziehen und missionarisch zu wirken. Fratres und

sorores wohnen beisammen, nicht in einem Gebude, sondern in vereinzelten Htten innerhalb einer gemeinsamen Ringmauer. Der Schluss, dass
irische Mnche ihre Shne und Tchter jeweils vor dem Eintritt ins Kloster
gezeugt htten, versucht, das irische Mnchtum durch eine benediktinische
Brille zu sehen. 72 In den Ancient Laws of Ireland finden sich bemerkenswerte
Aussagen zum Thema des Nebeneinanders von ehelosen und verheirateten
Mitgliedern der irischen Klster, die ihre Ehe weiterfhrten und deshalb
nicht in einem weniger ehrwrdigen Stand waren. 73
Offensichtlich wurde dieser Zustand durch Columban auch auf den
Kontinent verpflanzt, denn einer der strksten Vorwrfe der Angelsachsen
und anderer rmischer Missionare ist, dass die Iren und auch die frnkische, noch nicht reformierte" Geistlichkeit fornicatores und adulterii seien. 74
72
73
74
Zur irischen Mnchsehe vgl. auch Hardinge, T/1e Celtic C/wrch in Britain, 155--56, 166.
Hardinge, The Celtic Church in Britnin, 180. Auf S. 184-90 zeigt er, wie diese Bruche
dann eingeschrnkt, im benediktinischen Sinn verndert und berhaupt abgeschafft
wurden, sobald der Einfluss Roms in die Sphre der irischen Klster einbrach, und
wie vor allem die spteren, rmisch beeinflussten Viten der irischen Heiligen die
Mnchsehe zu verbergen suchen und daraus Propaganda fr besonders keusch
durchgehaltenes Zlibat machen (denn wie heilig mussten diese Leute gewesen sein,
wenn Mnche und Nonnen im selben Kloster keine Skandale verursachten). Dies
zeigt bereits Ebrard, Die irosclwttische Missionskirche, 209-10. ber das Problem der
rmischen Geschichtsschreibung schreibt Josep Fontana: Nach der erfolgreichen
Durchsetzung ihrer Autoritt sah sich die Kirche der Christenheit alsbald dazu
gezwungen, ein neues Bild von den Anfngen des Christentums zu entwerfen. Durch
einfaches Totschweigen oder rckwirkende Verurteilung verschwanden so alle
Anzeichen eines ursprnglich vorhandenen Pluralismus, und das eigene Werden
wurde voll mit der Geschichte Roms verkoppelt [... ] ,Die siegreiche Orthodoxie
verkndet ein Monopol und schreibt ihre eigene Geschichte um.' Durch dieses
,Umschreiben' konnte ein uerst praktisches Negativbild entwickelt werden, das in
sich alle unerwnschten Zge des frhen Christentums aufnahm und personalisierte.
Im Zerrspiegel dieser nun mit einer neuen Bedeutung ausgestatteten ,Hresie' bildete
sich das Antlitz der Orthodoxie heraus und hob sich dort ab von vielen anderen
Abbildern, die als solche zwar unter den verschiedensten Bezeichnungen, im
allgemeinen aber stets mit den gleichen Zgen in Erscheinung traten: orientalischer
Ursprung, dualistische [... ] Elemente, Sittenlosigkeit und Hexerei. Dieses Modell
erwies sich als so effizient, da die Kirche viele Jahrhunderte lang darauf zurckgriff,
um Abtrnnige zu entlarven; es wurde sogar noch bei der Verurteilung der Templer
und der Katharer erfolgreich angewendet." Fontana, Europa im Spiegel, 37.
So Winifred/Bonifatius an Papst Zacharias in ep. 50 aus dem Jahr 742, ebenso in den
Akten zur rmischen Synode aus dem Jahr 745. Siehe Reinhold Rau (Hg.), Briefe des
Bonifatius!Willibalds Leben des Bonifntius (Freiherr vom Stein-Gedchtnisausgabe 4B),
Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 31994, 142-44, 398-400. Weitere
Quellen zur Mnchsehe in den irischen Klstern bei Ebrard, Die iroschottische
Missionskirche, 211-22.
ber die Christianisiernng des Franke11reic/1s
449
Eine solche Beurteilung der Dinge aus benediktinischer Sicht ist wohl verstndlich, wenngleich man sie weder damals noch heute teilen muss.
Gewiss mssen wir uns aber im Frankenland eine bergangsphase vorstellen, in der die vorerst irischen Klster langsam frankisiert, sptestens
unter Bonifatius romanisiert wurden.
Dieses Jahrhundert der irofrnkischen Wirksamkeit ist nicht zuletzt der
Mission am Volk, der Christianisierung des Landes gewidmet. Die iroschottisch-irofrnkischen Missionare sind faktisch berall anzutreffen. Nicht,
dass erst jetzt die Mission erfunden worden wre, nein, doch macht sich
durch die irofrnkische Wirksamkeit ein neuer Impetus bemerkbar, der
bescheidene gallormische Missionsttigkeiten des 5. und 6. Jhs. entscheidend verstrkt und in vielen Gebieten, vor allem in der Peripherie des Reiches, zum Hhepunkt und Abschluss bringt.
Gegen Ende des 7. Jh. wird die Luxeuil-Bewegung immer strker in die
politischen Wirren hineingerissen. Die Parteienkmpfe zwischen Merowingern und Karolingern wirken sich auch in der Kirche aus: Whrend die
Luxeuil-Klster es mit den Merowingern und auch etlichen Karolingern
halten, tritt die neue, von Rom aus initiierte und dirigierte angelschsische
Missionsbewegung nur mehr in Verbindung mit den Karolingern und mit
dem Rhnemnchtum auf. Gleichzeitig erlebt die Columbanbewegung die
stndige Angleichung an die politischen Zustnde im frnkischen Reich,
verliert also auch ihre Ursprnglichkeit.
Die Merowinger bleiben zwar Klostergrnder, treten aber immer mehr
hinter den eigentlich mchtigen Karolingern zurck, die ihrerseits ebenfalls
Klostergrndungen vornehmen, vor allem im Bereich zwischen Maas und
Rhein, der fr die Merowinger praktisch immer unzugnglicher wird.
6. Resume
Die Christianisierung des Frankenreichs ist nicht monokausal zu sehen.
Zuerst haben wir die antiken Reste des Christentums in Gallien vor der
Konstantinischen Wende. Danach die Angleichung der Kirchenstruktur an
die sptantike rmische Dizesanverwaltung. Dieser sptantiken Kirche
sahen sich die Franken gegenber, als sie selbst das Christentum annahmen. Da sie die rmische Form des Christentums whlten, wurden sie zum
Werkzeug bei der Zurckdrngung jener germanischen Christenvlker, die
nicht rmisch-katholisch ausgerichtet waren, sondern als arianisch" bezeichnet wurden. Gleichzeitig verband sich die frnkische Herrscherschicht
mit der Kirche, die sie in ihrem Reich vorfand.
In dieses gleichzeitige Nebeneinander von sptantikem Christentum,
galloromanischer Bevlkerung, noch groen Bereichen des Heidentums,
450
Heinz Schaidinger
frnkischem Katholizismus und eigenen katholischen Unterstrmungen

(Martinskult, Rhnemnchtum) bricht am Ende des 6. Jhs. die Welle der
iroschottischen Mission. Diese versteht sich als Missionsbewegung an den
Heiden (wie schon auf den Britischen Inseln), aber auch als Reformbewegung fr die frnkische Kirche. Dazu verbindet sie sich mit dem merowingischen Herrscherhaus. Gleichzeitig beginnt ein zher Kampf zwischen
Rom und dieser iroschottischen Mnchskirche, der in Britannien lange gefochten wird und schlielich zugunsten Roms ausgeht (664 und die folgenden Jahrzehnte). Auf dem Kontinent hat die iroschottische Mission
unterdessen sehr viel erreicht. Durch viele Klostergrndungen quer durch
das grofrnkische Reich war ihr Einfluss ungeheuer gewachsen, sehr zum
Wohl der Expansion der Franken, aber auch zum Wohl der Christianisienmg der Heiden im Frankenreich selbst (vor allem im Norden sowie in den
peripheren Gebieten). Die berwindung dieses iroschottischen Einflusses
auf dem Kontinent war fr die rmische Bewegung bedeutend schwieriger
als in Britannien und nahm auch etwa ein Jahrhundert mehr in Anspruch.
Schlielich gelang sie aber doch durch die angelschsischen Missionare,
deren hervorragendster Kopf Winifred/Bonifatius war.
Durch die Verbindung der angelschsischen Missionare mit den Karolingern und deren Anbindung an Rom wurde gleichzeitig der Dynastiewechsel zwischen Merowingern und Karolingern vorbereitet und letztlich
durchgefhrt. Dies und die berwindung der iroschottischen Missionen in
den peripheren Gegenden des Reichs durch Bonifatius fhrten nach und
nach zu einer Zurckdrngung des irischen Einflusses bis zu seiner Niederschlagung sptestens zur Zeit Karls des Groen. Somit war es Rom, das
schon seit Beginn des 6. Jh. im Frankenreich einen starken Verbndeten
suchte, gelungen, bis zur Mitte des 8. Jh. sein Ziel zu erreichen. War sein
Einfluss zuerst nur auf Italien beschrnkt (Byzanz rckte immer mehr ins
Abseits), konnte ber England im 7. Jh. und bis zur Mitte des 8. Jh. dennoch
auch das Frankenreich unter die rmische Observanz gebracht werden.
Damit war die Bhne fr den weiteren Verlauf der Geschichte des Mittelalters vorbereitet; der Aufstieg beider Mchte, sowohl des westlichen Kaisertums als auch des Papsttums, war durch deren Schulterschluss praktisch
vorprogrammiert, wie auch die Tatsache, dass sie aneinander zerbrechen
wrden, weil der daraus resultierende Kampf um die politische und geistliche Vorherrschaft von keiner der beiden Parteien auf Dauer zu gewinnen
war.
Als sozialgeschichtlich positives Ergebnis der Christianisierung aber ist
deren Auswirkung auf das einfache Volk zu bewerten. Trotz der internen
Kmpfe zwischen den verschiedenen christlichen Parteien (irofrnkische
Kirche und Rom z.B.) haben die Bewohner des Frankenreichs sozial und in
ihrer Lebensqualitt durch das Christentum hinzugewonnen, besonders im
451
Bereich der Familie. Dies ist zumindest der Fall fr die Zeit der Mission im
Frhmittelalter selbst, wenngleich wir im Hochmittelalter zugestehen mssen, dass aufgrund anderer Faktoren, die hier nicht mehr zu erlutern sind,
wieder eine rcklufige Entwicklung einsetzt.
ADVENTISTEN IM OSMANISCHEN REICH - EIN

FALLBEISPIEL FR ISLAMISCHE INTOLERANZ
DANIEL HEINZ
1. Einleitung
Wie wurden Adventisten als kleine christliche Minderheit in einem Land
mit Staatsislam" behandelt? Um diese Frage beantworten zu knnen, wollen wir einen Blick in die Trkei werfen, die das erste moslemisch geprgte
Land darstellt, in dem die Adventisten gegen Ende des 19. Jh. missionarisch
Fu fassen konnten. 1 Sie scheuten in der Trkei, einem Kernland des Islam,
zunchst die Auseinandersetzung mit Moslems und suchten unter Armeniern und Griechen Eingang zu finden, was ihnen auch in eindrucksvoller
Weise gelang. Zweifellos stellte das Osmanische Reich damals fr Adventisten - und nicht nur fr sie! - das schwierigste Missionsgebiet berhaupt
dar. Was die christliche Missionsarbeit generell unter Moslems anbelangt,
hat sich daran bis heute nichts gendert. Umgekehrt bedient sich der Islam
im Umgang mit christlicher Mission bis in die Gegenwart hinein gewaltsamer und menschenverachtender Mittel. Der vorliegende Beitrag stellt daher
kein historisch-abgeschlossenes Kapitel der Missionsgeschichte dar. Die
angesprochenen Probleme der Christen in der islamischen Welt, ihre Diskriminierung und Verfolgung, haben keineswegs aufgehrt, sondern unter
dem Einfluss des modernen Islamismus in alarmierender Weise zugenommen. Wie gehen wir als Christen mit dieser Gefhrdung und Bedrohung
um? Knnen wir die Augen davor verschlieen, dass in anderen Lndern
Menschen fr ihre christliche Glaubensberzeugung gefoltert und gettet
werden? Whrend Jesus fr sich und seine Jnger jede Gewalt ausgeschlossen hat, knnen sich Moslems bei der Anwendung von politischer Gewalt
in Glaubensfragen auf die ausdrckliche Weisung Mohammeds und auf
sein Vorbild berufen. 2
Beim Schreiben dieses Artikels waren besonders Frau 1. Ashod-Greer (Lama Linda,
Kalifornien), Herr N. Ouzounian (Montreal) und Frau M. Thompson Olson
(Tillamook, Oregon) behilflich. Alle drei Personen lebten viele Jahre lang in der Trkei
und im Nahen Osten und lieferten wertvolle Hinweise, wofr ihnen an dieser Stelle
ein herzlicher Dank gebhrt.
Vgl. Sure 22,40; 9,5; 9,29; 48,16 (Koranausgabe nach Max Henning, Leipzig: Reclam,
1901). Siehe auch Hans Heinz und Daniel Heinz, Das Christentum begegnet dem Islam:
Eine religise Herausforderung, Zrich, Advent-Verlag, 2007, 36--39.
454
Daniel Heinz
Die Geschichte der Trkei ist untrennbar mit der Geschichte des Islam
verbunden. Die Grenzen der modernen Trkei sind freilich nicht mit den
Grenzen des frheren Osmanischen Reiches identisch, das als letztes islamisches Imperium der Weltgeschichte in der Zeit seiner grten Ausdehnung (17. Jh.) ganz Sdosteuropa, Sdrussland, Vorderasien, den Nahen
und Mittleren Osten, Nordafrika und groe Teile der Arabischen Halbinsel
umfasste. Die Sultane als Nachfolger der Kalifen herrschten vom Beginn
des 14. Jh. bis 1922. Ihr Reich gefhrdete zu gewissen Zeiten wie kein anderes die Existenz der christlichen Zivilisation in Europa. Das orientalische
Christentum war dem Islam nicht gewachsen und musste weichen.
Im Zentrum der Botschaft Mohammeds stand der Kampf fr den Glauben an den einen und einzigen Gott. Polytheisten, aber auch Juden und
Christen (Schriftbesitzer) galten als Glaubensfeinde. Schon bald nach seinem Tod setzte die islamische Expansion ein: 635 eroberten die arabischen
Heere Damaskus, 638 Jerusalem und Antiochia und 641 Alexandria. Von
672 bis 678 und nochmals von 717 bis 718 standen sie vor den Toren Konstantinopels, konnten aber zurckgeschlagen werden. Unter der glnzenden Herrschaft der Abbasiden (8. bis 13. Jh.) bestand eine Pax Islamica von
Sdspanien ber Nordafrika bis Zentralasien und Indien. Mit dem Niedergang der Araberherrschaft war das Vordringen des Islam in Richtung Westen zunchst zum Erliegen gekommen, doch nur fr kurze Zeit. Entscheidend fr die weitere Ausdehnung war das Aufkommen der islamisierten
trkischen Seldschuken im 11. Jh., die, aus Zentralasien kommend, das
Kernland der heutigen Trkei eroberten. Sie unterlagen im 13. Jh. den hereinbrechenden Horden der Mongolen. In den Wirren des Mongolensturms
gewannen die trkischen Osmanen, ein weiterer innerasiatischer Nomadenstamm, so genannt nach ihrem Fhrer (Emir) Osman I. Ghazi (12581326), immer mehr an Bedeutung, indem sie ihre islamische Religion kriegerisch verbreiteten, dabei aber die hellenistisch-byzantinische Kultur bis
zu einem gewissen Grad bernahmen. 3 Osman bedeutete Knochenbrecher" - so hie im Orient seit dem alten gypten der Knigsgeier, der
Kraft, Herrschaft und Macht symbolisierte. Wolfgang Gust schrieb:
Der erste Herrscher des Osmanischen Reichs machte seinem Namen alle
Ehre, als er nach einer Ratssitzung eigenhndig mit dem Pfeil seinen
Onkel Dindar niederstreckte, weil der sich gegen weitere Eroberungen
Die Ghazis" waren berittene nomadische Krieger, die systematisch christliche Stdte
und Gebiete berfielen. So vertrieben sie im Laufe der Zeit die Christen aus Anatolien.
Nur in einzelnen Regionen wie in Pontus oder Kappadokien hielten sich griechischorthodoxe Christen bis zum Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs. Die Hhlenklster von
Greme und die unterirdischen Besiedlungen dienten den Christen als Versteck und
Schutz vor den Ghazis, die den Dschihad (Heiligen Krieg) fanatisch vorantrieben.
Adventisten im Osmanischen Reich
455
ausgesprochen hatte. Der Mord unter Angehrigen sollte zu einem

Markenzeichen der Osmanen werden. 4
Um 1350 drangen sie zum ersten Mal auf europisches Gebiet vor. 1361 fiel
die Stadt Adrianopel (Edirne) in ihre Hnde, und mit dem Sieg ber ein
Heer christlicher Balkanvlker auf dem Amselfeld (Kosovo Polje, 1389) geriet ganz Serbien unter ihre Herrschaft. Die Osmanen drangen bis zur Donau vor, spter sogar bis Wien. Mit der Einnahme Konstantinopels 1453
erreichte ihr Siegeszug seinen symboltrchtigen Hhepunkt. Nach einer
ber 1000-jhrigen Geschichte war das Ende des Byzantinischen Reiches
gekommen und mit ihm der endgltige Rckzug und Niedergang des
Christentums im vorderasiatischen Raum. Im 19. Jh. verlor dann die Trkei
als kranker Mann am Bosporus" den grten Teil ihrer frheren Eroberungen, und zu Beginn des 20. Jh. wandelte sich das osmanische Vielvlkerreich durch die sich radikalisierende jungtrkische Bewegung in einen
islamischen Nationalstaat (Trkisierung"), der keinen Platz mehr fr
Christen (Armenier, Griechen, Syro-Aramer) lie. In einem beispiellosen
Vlkermord, der Hitler als Vorbild fr den Holocaust diente, verloren ber
zwei Millionen von ihnen bei Massakern oder Todesmrschen (Deportationen") ihr Leben.
Dieses Verbrechen versetzte auch der jungen und blhenden Adventgemeinde in der Trkei den Todessto. Nahezu 250 von knapp 450 Gliedern starben auf grausame Weise, einige konnten in andere Lnder flchten
oder in den Westen emigrieren. 5 Die Verfolgung, Vertreibung und Vernichtung der Christen in der Trkei war einerseits politisch motiviert, verdeutlicht aber andererseits auch die religise Intoleranz des Islam gerade dort,
wo er uneingeschrnkt herrschen konnte. 6 Die tragische Erfahrung der Ad-
Wolfgang Gust, Das Imperium der Sultane: Eine Geschichte des Osmanischen Reichs,
Mnchen: Hanser, 1995, 17.
Die genaue Zahl der adventistischen Opfer lsst sich nicht mehr ermitteln. Zu den
etwa 250 Opfern zhlen mglicherweise rund 50 ungetaufte Jugendliche und Kinder.
Genaueres zu den Angaben am Ende des Beitrages!
Bat Ye'or, Der Niedergang des orientalischen Christentums unter dem Islam (bers. K.
Maier), Grfelfing: Resch, 2002, 220-21, bemerkt dazu: Der Genozid an den
Armeniern war ein Dschihad; Raya [Dhimmi, also einheimische christliche oder
jdische ,Schutzbefohlene', Anm. des Verf.] waren nicht daran beteilig [... ] Diese
Massaker wurden ausschlielich von Muslimen begangen [... ] Die vier Stufen der
Liquidierung - Deportation, Versklavung, Zwangsbekehrung und Massaker - spiegeln die historischen Umstnde wider, unter denen der Dschihad seit dem 7. Jahrhundert im Dar al-Harb [,Haus des Krieges', die nicht-islamische Welt, Anm. des
Verf.] gefhrt wurde." Die Autorin kommt zu dem Schluss, dass der Genozid an den
Armeniern das natrliche Ergebnis" einer Politik war, die nach dem Dhimmi-System
die absolute politische Herrschaft des Islam durchzusetzen trachtete. Das System der
Duldung (Dhimma-Vertrag) wurde letztlich nur mit dem Ziel entwickelt, die
456
Daniel Heinz
ventgemeinde soll hier als Fallbeispiel dienen. Der Islam duldete zunchst
die Adventisten als Christen", obwohl sie in den Augen der Behrden als
rechtlos galten. Die Verbindung des Islam mit dem Nationalismus, die eine
untrennbare Einheit von Nationalitt und Religionszugehrigkeit, wie sie
vorher im osmanischen Vielvlkerstaat in dieser Form nicht existiert hatte,
schuf, fhrte schlielich zum Untergang des adventistischen Missionswerkes in der Trkei. In keinem Land der Erde wirkten sich die vielfltigen
Folgen der herrschenden Religion, der Politik und des Krieges langfristig so
verheerend fr die adventistische Mission aus wie in diesem Land.
2. Zwischen Duldung und Verfolgung

Die Christen (und Juden) als Schriftbesitzer" (Anhnger einer geoffenbarten Religion) wurden vom islamischen Staat geduldet, solange sie sich der
islamischen Herrschaft unterwarfen. Als Preis fr ihren Schutz mussten sie
die Kopfsteuer entrichten. 7 Auerdem wurde ihnen der Status einer
Millet", d. h. einer eigenstndigen Gemeinde, zuerkannt. Das MilletSystem stellt eine Besonderheit des osmanischen Rechts dar, das zunchst
den groen Kirchen (der griechischen, armenischen, lateinischen) grozgige Privilegien gewhrte. So konnten die Christen unter osmanischer
Herrschaft ihre inneren Angelegenheiten, rechtliche wie religise, weitgehend autonom regeln. 8 Dennoch blieben sie Brger zweiter Klasse, abgeSchriftbesitzer" Ouden, Christen u. a.) nach ihrer Unterwerfung schrittweise in den
Islam einzugliedern. Aus diesem Grund war die Duldung auch immer mit Diskriminierung verbunden. So war auch die Wehrunwrdigkeit" der Dhimmi bei genauer
Betrachtung kein Privileg. Sie waren ja das Ziel des Dschihad und konnten deshalb
nicht als seine Ausfhrende auftreten, wie H. Busse richtig feststellt (ibid., 19-20).
Gemessen an den intoleranten religisen Verhltnissen des katholischen Mittelalters
mag das Dhimmi-System zunchst einen Vorteil dargestellt haben. Seit dem 17./18. ]h.
aber, als sich in Europa der Gedanke der Toleranz und Gleichberechtigung durchzusetzen begann, erscheint die islamische Duldung als rckstndig, ja gefhrlich. Dass
sie das tatschlich ist, hat der Vlkermord an den Armeniern bewiesen. Die ber
Jahrhunderte auf Ablehnung von Minderheitenrechten und Individualfreiheiten
gegrndete Duldung konnte dem nationalen Wahn der jungtrkischen Bewegung
nichts entgegenhalten. Nun war nicht nur die Religion, sondern auch die Nationalitt
ein trennendes Merkmal zwischen den Menschen geworden.
Fr die moslemischen Herrscher bedeutete die erhhte Kopfsteuer in mehrheitlich
christlichen Gebieten eine eintrgliche Geldquelle. So muss die Toleranz" auch unter
wirtschaftlichen Gesichtspunkten gesehen werden.
Eine Millet war eine Krperschaft mit eigener Jurisdiktion fr die Regelung des
Personen-, Familien- und Erbrechtes innerhalb der eigenen Glaubensgemeinschaft.
Das stellte eine Parallele zum islamischen Recht dar. Das Oberhaupt einer religisen
Gemeinschaft, der Patriarch der einzelnen Nationalkirchen, wurde Beamter des
Sultans. Er erhielt von ihm einen Schutzbrief, in dem die Rechte und Pflichten seiner
Gemeinschaft festgelegt wurden." Gabriele Yonan, Christliche Minderheiten in der
457
sondert und untergeordnet, denen die Ausbung hherer mter - von wenigen Ausnahmen abgesehen - verwehrt war. 9 Eine ffentliche Reprsentation ihres Glaubens wie auch die Mission unter Moslems lie die
osmanische Regierung nicht zu. Auerdem war ihr Alltag von zahlreichen
Verboten und Einschrnkungen bestimmt. Wiewohl das Millet-System die
religisen Vorrechte der verschiedenen Millets (Religionsgemeinschaften)
garantierte, schrieb es auch den Islam als Staatsreligion fest und schuf so
ein duales Rechtssystem, dessen einer Teil auf Gleichheit, der andere auf
Ungleichheit basierte." 10
Die Grndung einer protestantischen Religionsgemeinde (Millet") kam
erst um die Mitte des 19. Jh. zustande. Nachdem unter den Armeniern kongregationalistische Missionare aus dem anglo-amerikanischen Raum Eingang gefunden hatten, erging 1850/51 ein Erlass (Ferman) des reformfreudigen Sultan Abdul Medjid (trkisch Abdlmecit l., 1839-1861), der die
protestantische Gemeinde endgltig konstituierte. Von dem Erlass profitierten auch freikirchliche Missionen wie die der Methodisten und Quker,
die schon relativ frh im Osmanischen Reich (z.B. in Mazedonien und Bulgarien) Fu gefasst hatten, nicht aber die Adventisten.
1897 wurde von der trkischen Regierung ein Religionsgesetz erlassen,
das die Einfhrung einer neuen Religion" untersagte. Die Religionsbehrde wollte mit diesem Gesetz politischen Aktivitten von Anarchisten", die
unter religisem Deckmantel" auftreten, einen Riegel vorschieben. Das
Gesetz stellte jedoch ein groes Hindernis" fr die Missionsarbeit der Adventisten dar, besonders in Konstantinopel. Es dauerte nicht lange, bis der
adventistische Missionar Dzadur G. Baharian festgenommen wurde und 53
Tage lang Kerkerhaft erdulden musste. Die junge adventistische Gemeinde
10
Trkei: Ein berblick, Bonn: ZDWF, 1993, 11. Das System, das bis in die Zeit von Sultan
Mehmet II. (1451-1481) zurckreichte, hatte bis zur jungtrkischen Revolution von
1908 Bestand. Historisch gesehen bewahrte dieses System die christlichen Konfessionen und die Juden im Osmanischen Reich ber Jahrhunderte vor der drohenden
Islamisierung und Trkisierung. Mehr zum Millet-System bei Beatrice Hendrich, Milla
- Mil/et - Nation: Von der Religionsgemeinschaft zur Nation? ber die Vernderung eines
Wortes und die Wandlung eines Staates (Europische Hochschulschriften, Reihe 31:
Politikwissenschaft 465), Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2003.
Durch den Reform-Erlass von 1856 wurde zum ersten Mal in der islamischen Welt,
dem Vorbild europischer Rechtsnormen folgend, vor dem Staat eine Gleichstellung
aller Brger proklamiert. Die Ungleichbehandlung von Christen und Juden bei der
Steuer hatte ein Ende. Staatsdienst und Militr standen nun auch Christen offen. Die
Reformideen wurden jedoch in der Praxis oft nicht umgesetzt. Die Tanzimat-ra
(Reformperiode"), die bereits 1839 begonnen hatte, endete wieder 1878, als der
absolutistisch eingestellte Abdlhamit II. (1876-1909) die Regierung bernahm.
Taner Ak~am, Armenien und der Vlkermord: Die Istanbuler Prozesse und die trkische
Nationalbewegung, Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1996, 21-22.
458
Daniel Heinz
in der Stadt wurde von der Polizeibehrde aufgelst und musste sich im
Untergrund versammeln. 11 Immer wieder kam es aufgrund der restriktiven
Gesetzeslage zu Konflikten mit den Behrden. Baharian, der bei den Behrden unbeirrt zu Protokoll gab Ich kann es nicht unterlassen, das Evangelium zu verkndigen", 12 wurde im Laufe seines 23-jhrigen Missionsdienstes ber dreiigmal inhaftiert. So verbrachte er zwischen November
1903 und Februar 1904 79 Tage in einem Gefngnis in Konstantinopel, um
nur ein Beispiel zu nennen. Danach wurde er ins Exil nach Aintab geschickt
und verbrachte anschlieend weitere neun Monate in einem Gefngnis in
Urfa. 13 Die widrigen Umstnde von Ausweisung, Exil, Haft und Misshandlung wiederholten sich wie ein Ritual, ganz gleich wo Baharian gerade
wirkte. hnlich erging es anderen einheimischen adventistischen Predigern. Adventisten in der Trkei waren in jeder Beziehung rechtlos. Der
deutsche Missionsangestellte P. Bridde beschreibt die schwierige Situation
aus eigenem Erleben:
Ist jemand kein Glied einer bestehenden Gemeinschaft oder Kirche
[Millet, Anm. des Verf.], die von der Pforte [Hohe Pforte, Name fr die
osmanische Regierung, Anm. des Verf.] anerkannt ist, so geniet er keinen Schutz durch das trkische Gesetz. Der Raum gestattet es nicht anzufhren, unter welch groen Schwierigkeiten und Hindernissen wir in
jener Zeit arbeiteten. Wir hatten kein Versammlungsrecht. Keine Eheschlieung war rechtsgltig ohne vorherige Taufe nach dem Ritus der
armenischen oder griechischen Kirche. Auch Beerdigungen waren nur
aufgrund einer eingeholten Erlaubnis seitens der einheimischen Kirchen
mglich. So durfte auch niemand ohne Erlaubnis reisen. Unsere einheimischen Missionsarbeiter wurden ganz besonders beobachtet und waren oft wochenlang verhindert, irgendeine Missionsarbeit zu verrichten.14
Aufgrund dieser rechtlosen Lage wagten die Adventisten im Jahr 1900 einen bemerkenswerten Vorsto. Man konnte nur gewinnen, denn zu verlieren gab es nichts. Es war der Missionsdirektor Ludwig R. Conradi, der in
Begleitung seines armenischen Mitarbeiters D. G. Baharian beim trkischen
Innenminister vorsprach, um den Status der Adventgemeinde zu klren.
Wahrscheinlich bemhten sich beide um die Aufnahme der Adventisten in
die protestantische Millet. Die Antwort der Behrden war eindeutig: Die
11
12
13
14
Zions-Wchter, Okt. 1898, 89-90.

Zions-Wchter, 1. Febr. 1904, 31.
Siehe Zions-Wchter, 2. Mai 1904, 102; Zions-Wchter, 5. Sept. 1904, 181---82.
Der Adventbote, 1. Mai 1925, 130.
459
Mission der Adventisten ist im Osmanischen Reich ausdrcklich verboten.15

Wenn es sich tatschlich um den Versuch gehandelt haben sollte, in die
protestantische Millet aufgenommen zu werden, dann knnte fr die Ablehnung dieses Ansuchens folgender Sachverhalt eine Rolle gespielt haben.
Von Anfang an wurden die Adventisten von den bereits in der Trkei wirkenden protestantischen Gemeinschaften abgelehnt. Vielleicht lag das an
der etwas engen Sicht der ersten adventistischen Prediger im Land (Theodore Anthony, Dzadur G. Baharian), die im Eifer ihrer Pioniermission den
Protestantismus, und nicht nur ihn, als abgefallen" betrachteten. 16 Einen
Hinweis dazu liefert ein Brief Baharians aus dem Jahr 1892, in dem er eine
Begegnung mit einem hohen Beamten der trkischen Regierung schildert.
Dieser Beamte hatte Anklage gegen ihn erhoben. Im Gesprch gab sich Baharian als ein Protestant aus, der nur echtes Christentum" predigen wrde. Der Beamte antwortete daraufhin: Ich fragte den protestantischen
Vertreter [der Millet, Anm. des Verf.] und er leugnete, dass Sie Protestant
seien. Sie [die Protestanten, Anm. des Verf.] nehmen die Adventisten nicht
an." 17 Sehr wahrscheinlich nahmen die trkischen Behrden die allgemeine
Ablehnung der Adventisten durch die protestantische Millet zum Anlass,
um dieses ausdrckliche Verbot im Jahr 1900 auszusprechen. Conradi besttigte diese Vermutung, als er schrieb:
Die trkische Regierung kmmert sich im Grunde genommen nicht um
die christlichen Religionen; sie fhrt weder Zivilstandsregister, noch erteilt sie direkt Psse. Sie berlsst dies vielmehr den vom Sultan besttigten Vertretern der griechisch und rmisch-katholischen Kirchen und
einem weiteren fr alle Protestanten. Der jetzige protestantische Vertreter hat uns bisher aber noch nicht als Protestanten anerkannt. [... ] Dadurch sind viele unserer Glieder in den Augen des Gesetzes rechtlos. 18
1s
16
17
18
Siehe Zions-Wchter, Dez. 1900, 135.

Fr Baharian, der einen intensiven Glauben an die unmittelbar bevorstehende
Wiederkunft verkndete, stellten die christlichen Kirchen Babylon" dar. An die
Christen dieser Kirchen ergehe der endzeitliche Ruf Gehet aus von Babylon". Das
Sendungsbewusstsein Baharians, Trger und Rufer dieser Endzeitbotschaft zu sein,
verlieh seiner Missionsttigkeit eine groe Dynamik, belastete aber offensichtlich die
Beziehung zu anderen Christen, die angesichts der feindlichen Umklammerung durch
den Islam mehr Sensibilitt und Verstndnis von den Adventisten einforderten.
Spannungen, Uneinigkeit und Konkurrenzverhalten zwischen den christlichen Kirchen schwchten natrlich ihr Zeugnis unter Moslems. Zur Einschtzung Baharians
im Blick auf andere Kirchen siehe Zions-Wchter, 3. Juli 1911, 260-61.
Herold der Wahrheit, 15. Dez. 1892, 190. Der adventistische Missionsvorsteher H. P.
Holser lie sich aufgrund des Briefes von Baharian zu der Bemerkung hinreien, dass
die Trken wohl toleranter" seien als die Protestanten".
Zions-Wchter, 20. Jan. 1908, 26.
460
Daniel Heinz
Conradi, der sich um ein gutes Einvernehmen mit den Kirchen bemhte,
versuchte 1908 erneut, eine gewisse rechtliche Basis fr die Adventisten in
der Trkei zu erwirken, diesmal unter der Schirmherrschaft der Amerikanischen Missionsgesellschaft", die zur protestantischen Millet zhlte. Sein
Anliegen wurde jedoch von den Vertretern der Missionsgesellschaft trotz
ihres einmtigen Bekenntnisses zur Religionsfreiheit zurckgewiesen. 19 Ein
Grund fr die Zurckweisung mag tatschlich am exklusiven und universalen Missionsverstndnis der Adventisten gelegen haben, das in den Augen der Missionsgesellschaft zu einer Abwerbung ihrer Mitglieder htte
fhren knnen. Conradi beurteilte das Gesprch mit den Verttetern der
Missionsgesellschaft trotzdem positiv, war es ihm doch gelungen, larig gehegte Vorurteile gegenber Adventisten abzubauen. Erst im Juli dJs Jahres
1908 erhielten die Adventisten ein gewisses Ma an Freiheit (Presse- und
Versammlungsfreiheit, Abschaffung der Millets) durch die politischen
Umwlzungen, die durch die jungtrkische Bewegung hervorgerufen
wurden und das ganze Land erfassten. Die Freude der Adventisten darber war so gro, dass sie ein Dankschreiben an den Sultan verfassten. 20
Nun konnten neue Missionsplne gelegt werden, aber die Herausforderungen der Stunde waren immens. Der bereits schwer erkrankte Missionsvorsteher C. D. AcMoody appellierte 1909 an die adventistische Generalkonferenz in Nordamerika:
Nun sind die Tren offen [... ] es ist wichtig, dass wir bereit sind, das
Gebiet jetzt in dieser kritischen Stunde zu betreten[ ... ] Brder, bedenkt
nur einen Augenblick, dass es 200 Millionen Moslems in der Welt gibt,
aus deren Reihen bis jetzt nur einer fr die Wahrheit [Adventgemeinde,
Anm. des Verf.] gewonnen wurde. 21
Die Dringlichkeit seines Missionsaufrufes wird verstndlich, wenn man
sich vor Augen fhrt, dass bis zu jenem Zeitpunkt (1909) vom hchsten
Kirchengremium der Adventisten - immerhin waren schon 45 Jahre seit
Beginn der ersten Missionsttigkeit auerhalb Nordamerikas vergangen noch keine organisierte Missionsinitiative ergriffen wurde, um Moslems
mit der adventistischen Botschaft zu erreichen. Die Impulse zur adventistischen Moslem-Mission kamen, wenn auch zaghaft, aus Europa, wo sich
Adventisten in den verschiedenen Kolonialgebieten der europischen
Gromchte, in Russland, auf dem Balkan und im Nahen und Mittleren
19
2o
21
Ibid. Die Amerikanische Missionsgesellschaft" oder American Board of

Commissioners for Foreign Missions" stellte die grte protestantische Mission in der
Trkei dar. Im Jahr 1895 zhlte sie dort 111 Gemeinden mit etwa 50.000 Gliedern.
Schwerpunkte ihrer Arbeit waren die rztliche Mission und das Schulwerk.
Herold der Wahrheit, 7. Dez. 1908, 197.
Der Adventbote, 1. Mai 1925, 130.
461
Osten stndig mit dem Islam konfrontiert sahen. Gerade die neu gewhrte
Presse- und Versammlungsfreiheit aus dem Jahr 1908 sollte den Adventisten im Osmanischen Reich einen Trspalt ffnen, um mit Moslems, vor
allem durch das persnliche Zeugnis und durch die Schriftenmission, ins
Gesprch zu kommen, auch wenn sie darauf nicht vorbereitet waren.
Trotz des anfnglichen Verbots im Osmanischen Reich und der daraus
folgenden illegalen Existenz mit den oben angefhrten alltglichen Beispielen von Diskriminierung und Verfolgung hatten die Adventisten unter der
charismatischen Fhrung ihres Missionsvorstehers Baharian eine rege Missionsttigkeit entfaltet, allerdings fast ausschlielich unter ihren armenischen bzw. griechischen Landsleuten. Ein kleiner Rckblick soll dies
verdeutlichen. Die adventistische Mission im Osmanischen Reich hatte 1889
begonnen. In diesem Jahr lie sich der griechische Schuhmacher und Laienmissionar Theodore Anthony, der in die Vereinigten Staaten ausgewandert war, in Konstantinopel nieder, um missionarisch im Untergrund zu
wirken. Der Armenier Dzadur G. Baharian war einer der ersten, den Anthony zum Adventismus bekehrte. 22 Der 1865 geborene Baharian hatte das
presbyterianische College besucht und als Lehrer gearbeitet. 23 Nach seiner
Bekehrung zum Adventismus erhielt er durch Untersttzung des Schweizer Missionsvorstehers H. P. Holser, der ihn getauft hatte, von 1890 bis 1892
eine theologische Ausbildung in Basel, dem frhen Zentrum der Adventisten in Europa. Gemeinsam lieen nun Anthony und Baharian ab 1892 Traktate in Trkisch bzw. in Grko- und Arrneno-Trkisch (Trkisch in griechischer bzw. armenischen Schrift) drucken und verteilten sie hauptschlich unter Armeniern und Griechen in Konstantinopel. Dort konnte schon
1894 mit 20 Gliedern die erste adventistische Gemeinde im Osmanischen
Reich gegrndet werden. 24 Bereits im Herbst 1895 war die Gliederzahl auf
70 angestiegen. Der Erfolg von Baharian bestand darin, dass er eine Gemeinde aufbaute, die nicht als westlicher Fremdkrper wahrgenommen
wurde, sondern fest in der armenischen Kultur verankert war. 25
Von Konstantinopel aus brachte Baharian als Wanderprediger" die
adventistische Botschaft nach Ovajik (Ovajuk, heute Juvacik), Bardizag
(Baghtschedjik, heute Bahcecik) und Shagshag (bei Jalova). Die nicht weit
22
23
24
25
Zum Leben und Wirken Baharians siehe auch Mildred Thompson Olson, Diamondo/a,
Washington, D. C.: Review & Herald, 1966.
Als Geburtsjahr wird auch 1863 angefhrt. Sein Geburtsort Aintab (Gaziantep) ist
ebenfalls nicht ganz gesichert. L. R. Conradi fhrt Aleppo als Geburtsort an und
verlegt seinen Studienort (amerikanische Hochschule") nach Aintab (Herold der
Wahrheit, Mai 1925, 35).
Review and Herald, 10. April 1894, 230.
So schuf er schon recht bald ein eigenes armenisches Liederbuch fr die Gemeinden.
Mehr zu seinem kontextualisierten Missionsverstndnis weiter unten im Artikel.
462
Daniel Heinz
voneinander entfernt gelegenen Orte befanden sich in Kstennhe des

Marmara-Meeres nahe der Stadt Izmit/Kocaeli (Provinz Nikomedien, etwa
70 km stlich von Konstantinopel, heute Provinz Kocaeli) und waren fast
ausnahmslos von Armeniern bewohnt. Die Bevlkerung der Region war
arm. In manchen Orten hatte exzessiver Alkohol- und Tabakgenuss zu efner Dezimierung der mnnlichen Einwohnerschaft gefhrt. Bahariatt grndete zwischen 1894 und 1896 in jedem der oben erwhnten Orte Tine
adventistische Gemeinde. Spter folgten noch weitere kleinere Gemeindegrndungen in der Region. In Adabazar und Brussa (Bursa) entstanden
griechische Gemeinden (1903). Baharian stie in seiner Arbeit anfnglich
auf groen Widerstand, besonders im Dorf Ovajik, wo er zweimal nur
knapp dem Tod durch Steinigung entging. 26 So erlebte er stndig Verfolgung und Kampf von zwei Seiten: der armenischen Kirche und den islamischen Behrden. Doch der starke soziale Zusammenhalt, besonders in den
Drfern, ermglichte wiederum ber die Einzelgewinnung hinaus die Bekehrung ganzer armenischer Familien und Gruppen. Ein weiterer geographischer Schwerpunkt des frhen missionarischen Wirkens Baharians lag
in der Provinz Kilikien (Tarsus, Adana) und in Aintab, seinem wahrscheinlichen Geburtsort. 1895 und 1896 organisierte er mehrwchige Missionskurse in Konstantinopel, um die evangelistische Arbeit in die Hnde
bodenstndiger Laienmissionare zu legen, die als Kolporteure und Zeltmacher" ausgesandt wurden. Die nach dem Apostel Paulus benannte
Zeltmacher-Methode - das Ausben des erlernten Berufes am Missionsort
als Grundlage fr unaufflliges, aber gezieltes missionarisches Werben erwies sich als besonders erfolgreich. Bis 1899 konnten so die Adventisten
in 19 Stdten der Trkei Fu fassen. 27 1901 waren bereits 30 Orte und Stdte
erreicht. Die Gemeinden und Gruppen im Land zhlten in jenem Jahr zusammen etwa 200 Glieder, die von sieben reisenden, bodenstndigen Missionsarbeitern betreut wurden. 28 1908 waren es bereits ber 280 Glieder.
Einen Hhepunkt erlebte die adventistische Mission mit dem aus den
Vereinigten Staaten entsandten Arzt A. W. George, der 1904 in Konstantinopel eine Praxis einrichtete und die Missionsleitung im Land bernahm,
26
27
28
Review and Hern/d, 1. Mai 1894, 276.

In Konstantinopel, Adrianopel und in sieben weiteren Orten der Regionen Bithynien
und Nikomedien im westlichen Teil des Landes; dann in Tarsus, Adana, Aintab,
Marasch, Alexandretta (Iskenderun), Haleb (Aleppo), Hadjin, Albistan, Kaisarie im
sdstlichen Landesteil, sowie in Erzerum im Osten des Landes.
Die grten Gemeinden befanden sich in Konstantinopel (90 Glieder), in Ovajik (40)
und in Bardizag (30). Nach 1901 wurden besonders die Gemeinden in Ovajik und
Bardizag durch erhebliche Gliederverluste wegen Ab- und Auswanderung geschwcht. Doch kamen in den beiden Orten immer wieder neue Glieder zur
Gemeinde hinzu.
463
um Baharian zu entlasten. Leider arbeitete der Arzt ber seine Krfte und
starb bereits im Jahr 1907 an Tuberkulose. Auch der nachfolgende amerikanische Missionsvorsteher C. D. AcMoody musste seinen Dienst 1908 wegen
Krankheit beenden und verstarb kurze Zeit spter. Mit der Ankunft des
Schweizer Vorstehers E. E. Frauchiger im Jahr 1909 trat die Mission in eine
neue Phase. Der politische Umbruch im Land versprach einerseits mehr
Freiheit, lie andererseits aber auch schon Anzeichen einer nahenden Katastrophe erkennen.
3. Ausbreitung und Untergang des

Missionswerl~es
Die Revolution von 1908 (proklamierter Konstitutionalismus) fhrte zum
Niedergang des Osmanischen Reiches und ebnete der jungtrkischen Partei
Ittihat ve Terakki" (Einheit und Fortschritt) mit ihrem Bestreben, einen
homogenen trkischen und islamischen Nationalstaat zu grnden, den
Weg zur Macht. Das Ziel der neuen Bewegung, die liberal-aufklrerische
Ideen mit trkisch-islamischem Nationalismus in sich vereinte, sollte weitreichende politische Folgen haben. Um das Auseinanderfallen des Reiches
zu verhindern, gerieten in der Folge der Islam zur Staatsideologie und die
Christen zu Feinden des Reiches. Die armenische Frage" wurde zur Existenzfrage" der Nation hochgespielt. 29 Noch ahnte aber niemand, dass diese
verhngnisvolle Entwicklung in Krieg und Vlkermord mnden wrde.
Die Adventisten versuchten zunchst, die Gunst der Stunde missionarisch zu nutzen. Eine Vollversammlung der neugegrndeten adventistischen Levante-Unionsmission" in Beirut, zu der die meisten Lnder des
Osmanischen Reiches zhlten, befasste sich mit organisatorischen Fragen
und plante die Herausgabe von Missionsschriften in verschiedenen Sprachen. 30 Dafr wurde 1909 in Zusammenarbeit mit der Hamburger Internationalen Traktatgesellschaft" ein Verlagsdepot in Konstantinopel eingerichtet und die Kolportagearbeit offiziell begrndet. Das Depot stand als
handelsgerichtlich eingetragene Firma unter dem Schutz der deutschen
Regierung. Die Behrden verboten zwar den Verkauf von Schriften an Trken und andere Brger moslemischen Glaubens. Trotzdem wurde adventistische Literatur unter Moslems verbreitet. Als Einstiegslektre" diente
das Traktat Geheimnis der Gesundheit". Zeitweise waren bis zu 14 Kolporteure landesweit im Einsatz. 31
29
30
31
Ak<;am, Armenien und der Vlkermord, 25.

Herold der Wahrheit, 7. Dez. 1908, 197.
Im Jahr 1912 wurden vom Verlagsdepot in Konstantinopel Traktate und kleinere
Schriften (insgesamt immerhin 4.415.500 Seiten!) in sieben Sprachen zum Druck
464
Daniel Heinz
Die Schriftenverbreitung unter den Moslems zeigte jedoch, dass die

Adventgemeinde fr die missionarische Arbeit in einem islamisch geprgten Land noch gar nicht vorbereitet war. Es fehlten in der angebotenen Literatur, aber auch in der Verkndigung grundlegende Anknpfungspunkte", um bei Moslems Interesse fr die adventistische Botschaft zu wecken. Man hatte wohl schon etwas Erfahrung im Umgang mit ethnischen
und traditionellen Religionen in Afrika und Sdamerika gesammelt, doch
stellte die Begegnung mit dem Islam fr Adventisten ein absolutes Novum
in der Missionsarbeit dar, weshalb man sich - so die neu gewonnene Erkenntnis - in Zukunft speziell dem Studium mohammedanischer Probleme und berzeugungen" widmen msse, um mit besseren Methoden"
an diese groe Aufgabe" heranzugehen. 32 Allein dieser Erkenntnisgewinn,
der sich notgedrungen aus der praktischen Missionssituation vor Ort"
ergeben hatte, bedeutete schon einen wesentlichen Fortschritt fr die junge
Kirche. So gab es in den 1920er und 1930er Jahren bereits eine ganze Reihe
von adventistischen Missionaren in Afrika, im Nahen und Mittleren Osten
und in Asien, die sich eingehend mit Fragen der islamischen Religion und
Kultur beschftigten. 33 Diese Beschftigung bildete die Voraussetzung fr
die Entwicklung besonderer missionarischer Strategien in den darauf folgenden Jahrzehnten, die jedoch bislang nicht zu einem wirklichen Durchbruch in der Missionsarbeit gefhrt haben.
Trotz mangelnder Kenntnisse und begrenzter Mglichkeiten versuchten
die Adventisten im Osmanischen Reich, auf ihre Weise den Missionsauftrag zu erfllen, indem sie sich zunchst an die Christen im Land wandten.
ber den Umweg" der indigenen christlichen Bevlkerung (Armenier,
Griechen und Syro-Aramer), die historisch gewachsene Verhaltensweisen
und Berhrungspunkte im Umgang mit Moslems aufzuweisen hatte, erhofften sie schlielich, kulturelle und religise Schranken berwinden und
32
33
gebracht. Der Gesamtumsatz der zwlf Kolporteure betrug fr dieses Jahr 27.350
Piaster (638 Bcher, 40.437 Traktate). Siehe Zions-Wchter, 21. April 1913, 212.
Herold der Wahrheit, Advent-Nr. 1913, 172; vgl. Review and Herald, 22. Juni 1911, 13.
In einem 1925 erschienenen Artikel mit der berschrift Mohammedanismus und
Adventhoffnung" zeigt P. Bridde Anknpfungspunkte zwischen Islam und Adventismus auf: der Glaube an einen Gott, die Wiederkunft Jesu, die Grundstze eines
gesunden Lebens, und da besonders die Verwerfung des Schweinefleisches, und die
Ablehnung der allgemeinen orientalischen Christensitte der Bilderverehrung. Diese
gemeinsamen berzeugungen wrden - so Bridde - eine gute Brcke" fr das
Glaubensgesprch bilden (Herold der Wahrheit, Mai 1925, 36-37). H. Erzberger fhrt an,
dass Adventisten in der Trkei schon sehr frh wegen ihrer Ablehnung des
Schweinefleisches als unreine Speise mohammedanische" Christen genannt wurden
(ibid., 40). Auerdem konnten whrend des Ersten Weltkrieges adventistische
Kolporteure besonders viele Bibeln an Trken verkaufen, weil sie fr ihren Glauben
an das baldige Weltende bekannt waren.
465
einen Zugang zur islamischen Bevlkerung gewinnen zu knnen. 34 Dass

dieser ethnische" Missionsansatz zu kurz gegriffen war, zeigen freilich die
politischen Ereignisse der folgenden Jahre, die zur Vernichtung der christlichen Ethnien Kleinasiens fhrten. Mit diesen Gruppen wurde letztlich auch
die Adventgemeinde im Land vernichtet.
Eine Schlsselrolle in der ethnischen" Missionsarbeit fiel den einheimischen Predigern und Kolporteuren zu. Um sie heranzubilden, wurde 1910
eine kleine Missionsschule in Konstantinopel gegrndet. Diese Schule befand sich im Missionshaus der Adventgemeinde in der Karanfil Strae Nr.
63 im zentral gelegenen Stadtteil Galata. Auf zwei angemieteten Etagen des
fnfstckigen Hauses - es existiert heute nicht mehr - genauer im ersten
und im fnften Stock, waren das Missionsbro (der Levante-Unionsmission"), das Verlagsdepot, Wohnungen fr Missionsangestellte und die
Schule in zwei Rumlichkeiten untergebracht. Im ersten Stock befand sich
auerdem noch der Gottesdienstsaal fr die Gemeinde. Im ersten Jahr besuchten die Missionsschule neun Zglinge", darunter drei Frauen. Im
zweiten Jahr waren bereits 16 Schler eingeschrieben. Es wurde Unterricht
in Fremdsprachen, Allgemeinbildung, Buchfhrung, Gesundheitspflege,
Bibelfchern und Kolportagearbeit erteilt. Auch Fragen des moslemischen
Glaubens wurden in der Ausbildung errtert. Nachmittags wurde das Erlernte in der praktischen Missionsarbeit (Kolportage) erprobt. Es scheint,
dass die Missionsschule Ende 1912 wieder eingestellt werden musste. Ein
bedeutendes Instrument der Missionsarbeit stellte auch die medizinische
Hilfe dar, die von zwei adventistischen rzten - V. Pampaian in Konstantinopel (ab 1911) und A. J. Girou in Izmir (ab 1912) - angeboten wurde. Vortrge ohne auffllige Werbung und private Bibellesungen bildeten weitere
Mglichkeiten, um vorsichtig missionarische Kontakte zu knpfen. Eine
Gefahr fr den Fortgang der Mission stellte die kontinuierliche Emigration
von Gemeindegliedern dar (vor allem in die Vereinigten Staaten), die mit
jedem Jahr zunahm. Darunter waren viele junge adventistische Mnner, die
auf diese Weise dem Militrdienst zu entgehen trachteten, der seit 1909 fr
Nichtmuslime obligatorisch war. Trotzdem gelang es bis 1915, die durch
Auswanderung entstandenen Gliederverluste so auszugleichen, dass sogar
ein steter jhrlicher Gliederzuwachs zu verzeichnen war.
1914 zhlte die Adventgemeinde in der Trkei etwa 340 Glieder. Das
Land war in drei Missionsgebiete (im Westen und Norden: zentraltrkische Mission", im Osten: armenische Mission" und im Sden: kilikische
Mission") aufgeteilt, die jeweils von einem ordinierten Prediger (im zentraltrkischen Feld waren es manchmal auch zwei bis drei) und mehreren Mis34
Vgl. Baldur Ed. Pfeiffer, Die Adventisten im Nahen Osten, 1878-1939 (Archiv fr
internationale Adventgeschichte 7), Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1996, 21-42.
466
Daniel Heinz
sionsarbeitem und Kolporteuren betreut wurden. 35 In den drei Missionsgebieten gab es vor Ausbruch des Weltkrieges vier Gemeinden (Konstantinopel, Ovajik, Bardizag, Shagshag, alle im zentraltrkischen Missionsfeld, im
Groraum von Konstantinopel) und etwa 25 grere und kleinere Gruppen, die sehr weit verstreut waren und dem betreuenden Prediger und
Missionsarbeiter enorme Reiseanstrengungen abverlangten. 36
Wiewohl das Wachstum der adventistischen Mission in der Trkei unter den christlichen Minderheiten, vor allem unter den Armeniern, in den
Berichten der amerikanischen Kirchenleitung als vielversprechend"
(promising") eingestuft wurde, blieb es hauptschlich das Werk eines charismatisch eingestellten Mannes, Dzadur G. Baharian, der, von einer intensiven Wiederkunftshoffnung getrieben, alles daransetzte, um seine Landsleute auf das baldige Kommen Jesu vorzubereiten. Baharian sah seinen
Auftrag unter stark endzeitlichem Vorzeichen und beurteilte die Zukunft
der Mission weniger optimistisch als die Kirchenleitung. Ganz auf Gott
vertrauend, schrieb er 1911: Obwohl der Weg vor uns sehr dunkel zu sein
scheint, wissen wir, Gott ist Licht." 37 1914, ein Jahr vor seinem Martyrium,
stellte er rckblickend fest, dass er nicht damit gerechnet habe, dass die
Weltzeit noch so lange whren wrde." 38 Worin bestand der evangelistische Erfolg Baharians, der wie kaum ein anderer adventistischer Prediger
zu jener Zeit in seiner Missionsarbeit behindert wurde und trotzdem sehr
viele Menschen - allerdings fast ausnahmslos Armenier und Griechen - fr
die Adventgemeinde gewann? Drei besondere Faktoren kennzeichneten
Baharians Dienst: 1. Seine unmittelbare Naherwartung der Parusie, verbunden mit einem prophetisch-endzeitlichen Geschichtsverstndnis. 2. Seine Sensibilitt fr die Notwendigkeit einer ganzheitlichen Begegnung
zwischen Evangelium und Kultur (Indigenisierung der christlichen Botschaft) und 3. die Einsicht, dass Wort und Tat ein einheitliches Zeugnis in
der Missionsarbeit bilden mssen. Aus diesem Grund bemhte sich Baha-
35
36
37
38
Im Jahr 1912 sind in der Trkei fnf eingesegnete Prediger, fnf Hilfsprediger, fnf
Missionsarbeiter und Krankenschwestern und neun Kolporteure im Einsatz (Review
and Herald, 27. Juni 1912, 11).
Die Gemeinde in Konstantinopel zhlte 1914/15 ber 100 Glieder, weitere 100 teilten
sich zu jeweils einem Drittel auf die Gemeinden in Ovajik, Bardizag und Shagshag
auf. Das kilikische Missionsfeld im Sden des Landes mit den Stdten Konia, Adana,
Tarsus, Aleppo, Hadjin und Kaiseri zhlte etwa 80 Glieder. An der Westkste des
Landes (Bursa, Izmir) lebten etwa 20 Glieder, zumeist griechischer Herkunft. Der Rest
der Gemeindeglieder lebte verstreut in Zentral- und Ostanatolien sowie in der
Provinz Armenien im Nordosten des Landes.
Zions-Wchter, 3. Juli 1911, 261.
Brief vom 17. 1. 1914 an Br. Bowen (Historisches Archiv der Siebenten-TagsAdventisten in Europa, Friedensau).
467
rian schon frh, besonders in Konstantinopel, um soziale und medizinische

Hilfe als Angebote der Mission, wiewohl die finanziellen Mittel dafr sehr
beschrnkt waren.
Eine seelische Erschtterung fr Baharian und die junge Adventgemeinde in der Trkei stellte die Ermordung von mindestens sieben Gemeindegliedern und einigen Kindern im Jahr 1909 in der Region von
Adana dar. 39 Dort hatten Massaker unter der armenischen Bevlkerung
ber 20.000 Todesopfer gefordert. Baharian befrchtete zu Recht noch
Schlimmeres fr die Zukunft. Fr ihn und seine Gefolgschaft waren die
national-religise Bedrohung und die zunehmende islamische Intoleranz in
der Trkei ein Beweis fr den Beginn des endzeitlichen Szenariums. So
erlebten sie den Niedergang des Osmanischen Reiches als ein apokalyptisch geweissagtes Ereignis von weltgeschichtlicher Bedeutung, das sich
direkt vor ihren Augen erfllte. Der Kampf der Kulturen" - verschrft
durch ein koloniales, kriegslsternes Europa, das seine christliche Mission
an der Welt verfehlt hat- galt als Vorbote des Jngsten Gerichts.
Man muss sich zum besseren Verstndnis dieser Zeit in Erinnerung rufen, welch groe theologische Rolle die sog. orientalische Frage" im adventistischen Denken damals spielte. 40 Es braucht hier nicht besonders
hervor-gehoben zu werden, dass die Geschichte das adventistische Verstndnis in dieser Frage lngst widerlegt hat. Damals jedoch schien die orientalische Frage fr viele Adventisten der Fixpunkt prophetischer
Auslegung zu sein. Der Zusammenbruch des Osmanischen Reiches als Folge der politischen Auseinandersetzung zwischen dem Knig des Nordens" (Osmanisches Reich) und dem Knig des Sdens" (gypten im
Kampf um seine Unabhngigkeit) - wie die Interpretation in Anlehnung an
die im 11. und 12. Kapitel des Buches Daniel geschilderten Ereignisse lautete - wurde fr die nahe Zukunft erwartet. Die internationale Ausweitung
des fatalen Krftespiels zwischen Orient und Okzident wrde dann in der
Endzeitschlacht von Harmagedon ihren weltgeschichtlichen Abschluss finden. Die Proklamation der neuen Verfassung (1908) durch die jungtrkische Bewegung bedeutete fr Baharian nur eine Verzgerung dieser
Endereignisse, wodurch man noch etwas Zeit gewonnen habe, um den
39
40
Die Dunkelziffer der Ermordeten liegt hher. Namentlich bekannte adventistische

Opfer waren: H. Kupelian (ltester der Gemeinde Adana), G. Keshishian (aus
Tarsus), K. Nalbandian mit Frau und Kindern (aus Kozolouk?), D. Ashodian (aus
Adana) und G. Seyrekian (aus Antakia/Antiochia). Siehe dazu Anhang, erster
Zeitzeugenbericht. Mehr zum Massaker von Adana, 1909, bei Hans-Lukas Kieser, Der
verpasste Friede. Mission, Ethnie und Staat in den Ostprovinzen der Trkei, 1839-1938,
Zrich: Chronos, 2000, 28~8.
Siehe 0. Lpke, Die orientalische Frage, Hamburg: Internationale Traktat-Gesellschaft,
1913; vgl. auch Pfeiffer, Die Adventisten im Nalien Osten, 40-42.
468
Daniel Heinz
Missionsauftrag zu erfllen. Als dann der Weltkrieg ausbrach, der von den
Adventisten in der Trkei richtigerweise als Kreuzzug gegen die Christen"41 gedeutet wurde, sah man sich endgltig an das Ende der Zeit gerckt.
Die Adventisten in der Trkei standen mit ihrer Endzeitsicht durchaus
nicht allein. Viele Adventisten in Europa und Nordamerika waren damals
der berzeugung, dass die Geschichte der Trkei ein gttliches Thermometer ist, an dessen Sinken wir nicht allein das nahende Ende der Trkei,
sondern auch das des jetzigen Zeitalters erkennen sollen." 42 Erstaunlich
dabei ist, dass schon im Januar 1913 das adventistische Blatt Der Erzieher, in
dem dieser bemerkenswerte Satz erschienen war, von einem kommenden
Weltkrieg" spricht, der das Weltende besiegeln wird." So heit es dort
weiter: In Verbindung mit den Balkanwirren ist seit 1878 die Befrchtung
gestiegen, dass eine Verwicklung Europas, ja der ganzen Welt in einen entsetzlichen Krieg unvermeidlich ist. Selbst Zeitungen bedienten sich des biblischen Ausdrucks ,Harmagedon'."43 Diese apokalyptische Stimmung trieb
Adventisten weltweit zu noch greren Missionsanstrengungen an. In der
Trkei fanden sie jedoch 1915 ein jhes Ende, als der armenische Vlkermord durch das jungtrkische Regime einsetzte.
In diesem Vlkermord, der im April des Jahres 1915 begann und in groem Ausma bis 1917 anhielt, fanden etwa 1,5 Millionen Armenier den
Tod. Die offizielle trkische Politik bestreitet bis heute, dass es sich bei den
Manahmen gegen die bodenstndige christliche Bevlkerung in Kleinasien um einen staatlich gelenkten Vlkermord gehandelt habe. Der unmittelbare Anlass fr die Pogrome war das Scheitern der trkischen Kriegsoffensive im Weltkrieg gegen Russland, wofr die Armenier im Reich, die
mit ihren Landsleuten in Russisch-Armenien sympathisierten, verantwortlich gemacht wurden. Aus Sicht der osmanischen Fhrung stellte das virulente armenische Streben nach einem eigenen Staat eine Bedrohung der
Reichseinheit dar. In das Bild eines religis gefrbten Genozids, an dem
ausschlielich Moslems beteiligt waren, passt die Tatsache, dass besonders
viele christliche Geistliche und Wrdentrger den Tod fanden. 44 Nicht selten wurden Christen vor die Wahl gestellt, den Islam anzunehmen oder die
Todesmrsche (Deportationen") anzutreten. Auch Adventisten, wie im
Falle des Predigers A. M. Buzugherian und seiner Familie, wurden durch
41
42
43
44
Zions-Wchter, Dez. 1920, 257.

Der Erzieher, Jan. 1913, 22.
Ibid., 23-24.
Nach G. Koutcharian, zitiert in Tessa Hofmann (Hg.), Verfolgung, Vertreibung und
Vernichtung der Christen im Osmanischen Reich, 1912-1922 (Studien zur orientalischen
Kirchengeschichte 32), Mnster, Lit, 2004, 63-64.
469
ein persnlich berbrachtes Schriftstck aufgefordert, mit ihrer Unterschrift

den christlichen Glauben zu verleugnen und zum Islam berzutreten. 45
Adventistische Waisenkinder, deren Eltern umgebracht worden waren,
fielen der Zwangsislamisierung zum Opfer und wurden im Gesicht mit
trkisch-moslemischen Brandmalen versehen. 46
Bei Ausbruch des Weltkrieges befand sich Baharian auf einem trkischen Dampfschiff, das von Konstantinopel nach Samsun fahren sollte. Auf
seiner Missionsreise wollte er die abgelegenen adventistischen Gruppen in
Zentralanatolien nnd in der Provinz Armenien aufsuchen. Das Schiff wurde aber von der russischen Kriegsmarine entfhrt nnd Baharian geriet vorbergehend in Gefangenschaft. Nach seiner Entlassung reiste er auf dem
Landweg nach Sivas, wo er noch missionarisch wirken konnte. Im Juli 1915
schrieb er dann, dass er nach Konstantinopel aufbrechen wolle, um den
politischen Unruhen im Land zu entkommen. Seitdem galt Baharian als
verschollen. Ende Oktober 1915 hatte bereits die Nachricht von seinem gewaltsamen Tod die Gemeinde in Konstantinopel erreicht. Nach Ende des
Weltkrieges sind nhere Details von seinem Martyrium bekannt geworden.
Baharian wurde - so der Bericht eines am Mord beteiligten Augenzeugen auf seiner Rckreise bei Sivas von Kurden - es ist nicht klar, ob es Soldaten
oder Reisebegleiter waren - umgebracht. Er sollte Christus abschwren und
auf der Stelle zum Islam konvertieren. Als sich Baharian widersetzte und
die Hnde zum Gebet faltete, wurde er kaltbltig erschossen. Seine Kleider
nnd Schuhe nahmen die Mrder mit nnd verkauften sie auf dem Marktplatz.47 Wie Baharian wurden noch weitere adventistische Prediger und
Missionsarbeiter, zum Teil mit ihren Familien, ermordet oder zu Tode geqult: E. Ayvazian (36 Jahre alt, 14 Jahre lang Prediger, starb an Typhus und
Hunger bei Sivas 1915), B. Tousdjian (40 Jahre alt, fnf Jahre Prediger; seine
Frau, sein Vater und zwei Kinder wurden mit ihm bei Malatia 1915 massakriert; zwei Shne berlebten), G. Aressian (24 Jahre alt, fnf Jahre Missionsarbeiter, starb an den Folgen von Erschpfung 1917 in Thessaloniki), M.
Ashikian (30 Jahre alt, vier Jahre Hilfsprediger, mit seiner Frau 1915 bei
Malatia ermordet), H. Apovian (30 Jahre alt, vier Jahre Hilfsprediger, 1915
ermordet; seine Familie verschollen), H. Shadarifian (32 Jahre alt, vier Jahre
Prediger, 1915 ermordet, spter auch seine Familie), 0. Pirenian (Hilfsprediger, ermordet, keine weiteren Angaben) nnd D. Tcherakian (46 Jahre alt,
sechs Jahre Prediger, umgekommen auf einem Todesmarsch 1921 bei Diy-
45
46
47
Siehe Zions-Wchter, Dez. 1920, 258.

So z. B. Serpouhi Tavoukdjian aus Ovajik. Siehe Bericht im Anhang. Eine ausfhrliche
Schilderung der dramatischen Erlebnisse ist in ihrem Buch festgehalten: Exiled: Story of
an Armenian Girl, Washington, D. C.: Review & Herald, 1933.
Siehe Adventist Review, 22. Juli 2004, 13.
470
Daniel Heinz
arbakir). 48 Es verloren noch weitere Missionsarbeiter und Kolporteure ihr

Leben, doch ist meines Wissens nichts Nheres ber ihr Schicksal bekannt
geworden. Von ber 12 Kolporteuren berlebten lediglich zwei die Verfolgung. Wer nicht gleich umgebracht worden war, starb auf monatelangen
Todesmrschen in Richtung syrische Wste. 49
Besonders eindrucksvoll ist das Martyrium von Diran Tcherakian berliefert, der sich schon zu Lebzeiten als Hochschullehrer, Lyriker und Meister der armenischen Sprache einen Namen gemacht hatte. 50 Nach seiner
Bekehrung zum Adventismus verwarf er seine mystisch gefrbten literarischen Werke und wurde, von seiner Familie verlassen, ein glhender Adventist mit einem tiefen, charismatischen Glauben, der im buchstblichen
Sinne Berge zu versetzen vermochte. So ist von ihm eine im Namen Jesu
vollzogene Totenauferweckung berliefert, die durch ihre genaue und verlssliche Dokumentation ein einmaliges Ereignis in der adventistischen
Missionsgeschichte darstellt. 51 Nach dem Tod Baharians trat der 40-jhrige
Tcherakian als geistlicher Hirte der verfolgten Glieder in Erscheinung. Um
ihnen beizustehen, war er 1921 nach Anatolien aufgebrochen und wirkte
vor seiner Festnahme in Konia. Weil er vor Gericht nicht zum Widerruf
seines christlichen Glaubens bereit war, steckte man ihn in eine Todeskolonne. Zwei leibliche Brder aus der Adventgemeinde, die mit ihm angeklagt waren, wurden erschossen. Tcherakians Leidensweg begann im April
1921. Monatelang musste er, geschlagen und misshandelt von berittenen
trkischen Milizionren, durch das unwirtliche Bergland Zentralanatoliens
marschieren. Die Bibel in der Hand, trstete er die Gefangenen, die sich um
48
49
50
51
Die Angaben zu den adventistischen Mrtyrern sind verschiedenen Dokumenten aus

dem Historischen Archiv der Siebenten-Tags-Adventisten in Europa, Friedensau,
entnommen.
Siehe Berichte im Anhang. Zu den Todesmrschen liegen, neben den Erzhlungen
von A. Ayvazian und S. Tavoukdjian (ibid.), noch Berichte von einem adventistischen
Jungen (S. Daoudian aus Brussa) und einem Mdchen (M. Abelian aus Bardizag) vor,
die berlebt haben: Marie Abelian Egitkhanoff, Terror by Night and Day: An Armenian
Girl's Story, Mountain View: Pacific Press, 1980; Der Adventbote, 15. Sept. 1922, 283--84.
An dieser Stelle ist besonders Herrn N. Ouzounian (Montreal) zu danken, der viele
Informationen zur Biographie Tcherakians zur Verfgung gestellt hat.
Es handelte sich um die unermdliche Missionssekretrin, bersetzerin und
Schatzmeisterin Diamondola Keanides, die sich in der Pflege an kranken Flchtlingen
mit Typhus angesteckt hatte und im Missionshaus in Konstantinopel 1919 verstarb.
Der Tod wurde durch einen herbeigerufenen Arzt festgestellt und von Zeugen
besttigt, so auch von der Krankenschwester L. Erzberger, der Frau des Missionsvorstehers. Frau I. Ashod-Greer, die Tochter der verstorbenen und wieder zum Leben
erweckten Diamondola Keanides, besttigte Daniel Heinz persnlich den genauen
Tatverlauf dieses offensichtlich gttlich gewirkten Wunders, wie es auch im Buch von
Thompson Olson beschrieben ist (Diamondola, 167-71).
471
ihn scharten. Tcherakian konnte auf dem Todesmarsch auch schriftliche

Nachrichten hinterlassen, die auf Umwegen die Adventgemeinde in Konstantinopel erreichten. Nach 1.000 km Fumarsch unter grten Strapazen
war sein Ende nahe der Stadt Diyarbarkir am Ufer des Tigris gekommen.
Einige Leidensgenossen, selbst schon vom Tod gezeichnet, trugen den
frommen Prediger noch auf seiner letzten Wegstrecke, weil er sich, vom
Fieber geschttelt, nicht mehr auf den Fen halten konnte. Bis zuletzt betete Tcherakian und sprach seinen Gefhrten Hoffnung und Trost zu. 52
Wie viele Adventisten fanden im armenischen Genozid den Tod? Die
Frage ist nicht mehr mit letzter Sicherheit zu beantworten, weil die berlieferten Zahlen nicht einheitlich sind. Der Schweizer Missionsvorsteher
H. Erzberger, der 1918 die adventistischen Flchtlinge in Konstantinopel
betreute, spricht von 450 Gemeindegliedern im Jahr 1914, von denen 167 im
Vlkermord den Tod fanden. 53 Einige Monate spter - schlielich waren
noch nicht alle Opfer bekannt - korrigiert er diese Zahl und spricht von
etwa 200 ermordeten Adventisten. 54 Whrend der Generalkonferenzsitzung fr Europa im August 1920 in Zrich wurde eine Liste von 250 ermordeten und verhungerten armenischen Gliedern vorgelegt. Auch P.
Bridde gibt in den Jahren 1919 und 1925 beide Male die Opferzahl mit 250
an. 55 Diese Zahl drfte realistisch sein. Es bleibt die Frage, ob in dieser Zahl
(250) auch die vielen umgekommenen adventistischen Kinder und Jugendlichen, die noch nicht getauft waren, mitgezhlt wurden. Die Vermutung
liegt nahe. Dann wre auch die Differenz von 50 bei den beiden angefhrten Opferzahlen erklrbar. In der von Bridde angegebenen Zahl von 250
getteten Gliedern drfte dann die Opferzahl von etwa 50 Kindern und
Jugendlichen mit enthalten sein. An anderer Stelle wird berichtet, dass nach
dem Genozid weniger als hundert Gemeindeglieder in der Trkei gezhlt
wurden. Das lsst darauf schlieen, dass sich bei 250 Opfern etwa weitere
100 Glieder durch Flucht in andere Lnder (Griechenland, Syrien, Libanon,
Palstina, gypten) retten konnten. bertritte von Adventisten zum Islam
sind nicht direkt belegt, aber auch nicht vllig auszuschlieen. Dass 250
Adventisten mit ihren Kindern und Jugendlichen als christliche Mrtyrer
starben, weil sie ihrem Glauben treu geblieben waren, ist bis heute kaum in
das Bewusstsein der adventistischen ffentlichkeit gedrungen. Der heroi-
52
53
54
55
Vgl. Daniel Heinz, Christusbekenner unter Halbmond, Sowjetstern und

Hakenkreuz", Adventecho, Nov. 2006, 23--26.
Der Adventbote, 15. Jan. 1922, 28. Schtzungen zufolge waren 1914 mehr als 85 Prozent
der Glieder in der Trkei armenischer und weniger als 10 Prozent griechischer
Herkunft. Der Rest setzte sich aus anderen Nationen zusammen.
Der Adventbote, 15. Aug. 1922, 243.
Der Advent-Bote i11 der Hcidc11wc/t, Nr. l, 1919, 7; Der Arlve11tl10te, l. Mai 1925, 13L
472
Daniel Heinz
sehe Glaubensmut dieser Blutzeugen, die der islamischen Intoleranz widerstanden, scheint vergessen. Keine einzige Studie hat sich bislang mit den
armenischen Mrtyrern der Adventisten beschftigt. Man muss sich die
Frage stellen, welche Grnde fr diese unverzeihliche Mrtyrervergessenheit" der Kirche verantwortlich sind.
Zahlreiche Kinder adventistischer Eltern, die den Vlkermord als Waisen berlebt hatten, wurden in einem 1922 von der Adventgemeinde in
Konstantinopel eingerichteten Waisenhaus weiter betreut. Das Waisenhaus
wurde spter nach Thessaloniki verlegt. Von dem Massenmord an den armenischen Gliedern hat sich die Adventgemeinde in der Trkei niemals
mehr erholt. Seit 1922 existiert nur mehr eine kleine adventistische Gemeinde im Land - jene in Istanbul, die sich gegenwrtig zumeist aus osteuropischen Gliedern zusammensetzt, die vorbergehend in der Metropole
Arbeit gefunden haben. 56
Im Rckblick auf das adventistische Missionswerk im Osmanischen
Reich wollen wir jene Schwestern und Brder nicht vergessen, die auf steinigem Boden im feindlichen Land Jesus als ihren Heiland und Erlser bekannten, sich fr sein kommendes Reich der Liebe und der Hoffnung
aufopferten und ihrem Gott, ihrem Glauben und sich selbst auch dann treu
geblieben sind, als es sie das Leben kostete. Jesus spricht: Wer sich an sein
Leben klammert, der wird es verlieren. Wer es aber fr mich einsetzt, der
wird es fr immer gewinnen" (Mt 10,39).
56
Immerhin besitzt die Gemeinde seit 1960 ein eigenes Kirchengebude (Saray Arkasi
Nr. 14, Ayazpasa, Taksim, Istanbul). Das Grundstck fr das Gebude mit einem
Missionshaus wurde bereits 1926 erworben. Die Adventisten hatten als erste
Religionsgemeinschaft in der modernen Trkei die Erlaubnis zum Bau einer
christlichen Kirche erhalten.
473
Anhang: Zeitzeugenberichte ber die Verfolgung annenischer Adventisten

(aus den Jahren 1909 bis 1921)57
1. Brief des amerikanischen Adventisten und Missionsangestellten Charles Simmons vom 23. Mai
1909 aus Mersin an Ozadur G. Baliarian, den Missionsvorsteher der Adventisten in Konstantinopel
Lieber Bruder Baharian!

Ich erhielt deinen lieben Brief vom 14. Mai und freute mich sehr, etwas
von dir zu hren. Ich bin vom Elend und Leid so tief erschttert, dass ich
kaum fhig bin, ber irgendetwas anderes als ber das Geschehene nachzudenken. Die Berichte, die mir zu Ohren gekommen sind, sind so schrecklich,
dass es besser gewesen wre, nicht gelebt, als sie vernommen zu haben.
Nirgends sind Frieden und Trost zu finden, berall wird von furchtbarem
Gemetzel, von Qualen und Leiden erzhlt. Man hat Mnnern bei lebendigem Leib Nasen, Ohren, Wangen, Lippen und Hnde abgeschnitten.
Schwangere Frauen wurden aufgeschlitzt, das Kind wurde herausgerissen,
in die Luft geworfen, dann beim Herunterfallen mit der Schwertspitze aufgespiet und zerteilt. Anderen Frauen wurden die Brste abgeschnitten.
Wieder andere fand man durchbohrt, mit Stcken im After. Einige Mnner
wurden auf furchtbare Weise gefoltert: Ihre Kniescheiben wurden herausgeschnitten. Dann befahl man den Mnnern, Christus knieend anzubeten. Ihre
Fe wurden abgetrennt, aber sie sollten stehen; ein Arm wurde abgehackt,
um sie anschlieend zu zwingen, ihre Hnde zu Gott emporzuheben, damit
er sie errette. An Bumen festgebunden, wurde ein Stck Fleisch aus ihren
Schenkeln geschnitten, dann die Hand. Es konnten keine greren Qualen
erdacht, keine schlimmeren Folterungen ersonnen werden. Viele wurden
auf der Strae und in den Husern mit Petroleum bergossen und danri mit
gebundenen Hnden angezndet. Die Menschen blieben mit abgetrennten
Hnden und Fen liegen und starben unter unertrglichen Schmerzen am
Blutverlust. Fast alle jungen Frauen und Mdchen wurden geschndet und
viele verschleppt. Es wird hier berichtet, dass an die 1.000 Frauen weggefhrt worden sind.
Whrend eines Besuches, den unser lieber Bruder Hadji Kupelian, der
lteste der Adventgemeinde in Adana, gemeinsam mit Garabed Keshishian
aus Tarsus, in Kozolouk, einem nahe gelegenen armenischen Dorf, der adventistischen Familie von Kaspar Nalbandian, seiner Frau und seinen vier
Kindern abstattete, geschah Folgendes: [... ] Von allen umliegenden Orten
strmten Trken herbei und umringten das Dorf. Dann stiegen Mnner auf
die Dcher der Huser und besetzten sie mit ihren Flinten in der Hand. Am
darauf folgenden Tag erschien ein Polizeibeamter mit einem Schreiben, das
57
Quelle der Zeitzeugenberichte: Historisches Archiv der Siebenten-Tags-Adventisten

in Europa (Friedensau).
474
Daniel Heinz
er laut verlas. Es hie darin, dass nach Anordnung des Leiters des amerikanischen Colleges in Tarsus, Herrn Christie, den Dorfbewohnern nichts geschehen drfe, wenn sie bereit wren, ihre Waffen auszuhndigen. Sie taten
es. Dann drangen die Trken ins Dorf ein und forderten den Dorfltesten
auf, sich zum Islam zu bekehren. Er tat es. Am nchsten Tag wurde den Bewohnern mitgeteilt, dass sie alle das Dorf verlassen mssten, da es angezndet wrde. So verlieen sie das Dorf, wie es die Trken befohlen hatten
[.]
Eine Lehrerin, die berlebt hat, erzhlte, dass ein Bruder - sie denkt, es
war Bruder Hadji Kupelian, der Gemeindeleiter - zu ihr sagte: Ich muss
nach Tarsus gehen." Er kehrte deshalb um. Ein Trke, der dicht bei ihm
stand, wollte ihn niederschieen. Bruder Kupelian entblte die Brust und
sagte: Ich bin bereit, schie!" Der Trke lie ihn daraufhin gehen. Bruder
Kupelian wandte sich um, ging eine kurze Strecke, als sich ihm ein anderer
Trke in den Weg stellte - und ihn erschoss. Ich hrte, dass dieser liebe
Bruder noch aufgefordert wurde, den Islam anzunehmen. Er erwiderte, dass
es nur einen wahren Glauben gebe, den Glauben an Christus.
Ich hrte, dass Bruder Garabed Keshishian in Begleitung mehrerer Personen in eine andere Richtung gegangen war. Der befehlshabende Trke
hob das Gewehr, um ihn zu tten, als ihn jemand aus der Gruppe bat, es
nicht zu tun. Bruder Keshishian flehte um sein Leben: Erschie' mich
nicht." Doch sein Bitten blieb vergebens.
Bruder Kaspar Nalbandian hielt sich zwei Tage lang verborgen, dann
ging er [.] zur Polizeistation. Dort wurde er von dem Mann gettet, dem er
immer von den Soldaten die beste Portion seines getrockneten Fleischvorrates geschenkt hatte. Sein Leichnam wurde in eine Scheune gelegt, doch ein
Mann meinte, dass der Krper stinken wrde. So warf man ihn in einen
Graben [.] Die Frau und die Kinder von Bruder Nalbandian blieben eine
Zeit lang verschont, wurden dann aber auch umgebracht.
In Adana wurde Bruder Dikran Ashodian gebeten, sich zu verstecken,
aber er weigerte sich. Als die Trken in seine Wohnung eindrangen, fanden
sie ihn betend vor und schossen fnf oder sechs Mal auf ihn. Beim zweiten
Massaker war Bruder Aaron, ein griechischer Glaubensbruder, der sich erst
krzlich der Gemeinde angeschlossen hatte, unterwegs. Er kehrte nicht zuriick, und wir hren jetzt, dass auch er gettet worden ist. Unser lieber Bruder Ashodian war sehr eifrig und ernst, er hatte einen kindlichen Glauben.
Er bat mich noch, eine billige Reise fr ihn nach Europa zu organisieren. Ich
kam seinem Wunsch nicht sofort nach, da auch die anderen Briider ihn
nicht gerne ziehen lassen wollten. Das Unglck brach herein, und so verlor
er im besten Alter sein Leben. Die Briider, die gettet wurden, gehrten zu
den besten und aufrichtigsten Gliedern der Gemeinde. Die brigen Briider,
es sind neun an der Zahl, haben im Freien ihr Lager aufgeschlagen. Sie haben keine Kleidung zum Wechseln, knnen sich nicht waschen und sind in
475
groer Not. Bruder Evstadius geht es gut. Sein Laden ist der einzige in dem
Stadtviertel, der nicht angezndet oder geplndert worden ist. Ich habe die
Glieder in der letzten Woche besucht. Ich hoffe, Bruder Hovsep mit nach
Hause nehmen zu knnen, aber den Armeniern ist es nicht erlaubt, nach
Mersin zu kommen. Ich werde ihnen notwendige Sachen, die sie zum Leben
brauchen, zusenden. Die Brder in Adana sind wirklich in groer Not, denn
sie besitzen nicht einen Pfennig. Den Gliedern in Tarsus geht es etwas besser. Sie sind jetzt alle im Haus des Vaters unseres in Kozolouk ermordeten
Bruders Keshishian untergebracht. Sie haben natrlich auch Hilfe ntig [... ]
Ich bin gerne bereit, den Glaubensgeschwistern zu helfen, indem ich als
Vermittler Geld und Hilfsgter fr sie entgegennehme. Ich stelle mich ihnen
und dir zur Verfgung. Schreibe mir und lass mich bald wissen, was ich tun
soll. Ich konnte die Leichname der Brder in Kozolouk nicht suchen, da die
Regierung dies unterbindet.
In christlicher Liebe gre ich dich und die Brder mit dir.
Ich verbleibe in aufrichtiger Glaubensverbundenheit

Charles Simmons
2. Bericht von Arousiak Ayvazian (Er war der Sohn des adventistischen Predigers E. Ayvazian, der
im Alter von 36 Jahren 1915 auf einem Todesmarsch bei Sivas an Typhus und Hunger verstarb.)
Mein Vater war Prediger der Siebenten-Tags-Adventisten. Wir wohnten in

der Stadt Kaiseri, nrdlich des Taurusgebirges. In unserem netten und gemtlichen Heim hielt mein Vater gottesdienstliche Versammlungen ab und
gab Bibelstunden. An einem Novembertag des Jahres 1915 wurden wir auf
Befehl der trkischen Regierung mit allen armenischen Einwohnern der
Stadt in grausamer Weise aus unseren Husern vertrieben und auf die umliegenden trkischen Drfer verteilt. Ich war acht Jahre alt. Wir konnten nur
so viel in Bndeln mitnehmen, wie wir auf dem Rcken zu tragen vermochten. Whrend unseres kurzen Aufenthalts in diesen Drfern wurden wir oft
misshandelt und belstigt und wiederholt aufgefordert, den Islam anzunehmen. Als wir uns weigerten, wurden die Trken sehr wtend auf uns.
Sie steckten meinen Vater ins Gefngnis und qulten ihn auf mannigfache
Weise. Dann verbannten sie ihn ins Innere des Landes, wo er schlielich
starb.
Wir Zurckgebliebenen, meine Gromutter, meine Mutter, mein Bruder
und ich, mussten unter polizeilicher Bewachung das Dorf verlassen. Es war
an einem sehr kalten Wintertag im Januar des Jahres 1916. Zehn Tage lang
mussten wir durch den Schnee stapfen, ohne etwas Warmes essen oder
trinken zu knnen. Auf dieser Wanderung wurden wir dreimal in einen
Stall oder ein Gefngnis gesperrt, weil man uns zwingen wollte, unsere Religion zu wechseln. Nach zehn Tagen erreichten wir ein greres Dorf (Talas) am Fue des Taurusgebirges. Hier wurde uns gesagt, dass wir uns ohne
476
Daniel Heinz
weitere Belstigungen in diesem Dorf niederlassen knnten, wenn wir bereit

wren, uns zu Mohammed zu bekennen. Als meine Mutter den Heiland
nicht verleugnen wollte, befahl ein Polizist: Morgen frh wirst du diesen
schneebedeckten Berg besteigen." Meine Mutter erwartete ein Baby. So baten wir Gott den ganzen Tag und die darauffolgende Nacht sehr ernstlich
darum, dass Er die Herzen unserer Peiniger bewegen mge und uns wenigstens eine Woche lang in diesem Dorf ausruhen liee. Der liebe Gott erhrte unser Flehen und Bitten. Keiner der finster blickenden Polizisten lie
sich am nchsten Morgen sehen, um uns aus unserem Unterschlupf zu vertreiben. An diesem Tag wurde mein kleines Schwesterlein geboren. Ein
Bund Stroh war meiner Mutter Bett, und das Kindchen konnte nur in einige
Lumpen gehllt werden. Die in Talas wohnenden Amerikaner hatten von
uns gehrt und sandten uns Kleidung, Nahrung und Geld.
Anfang Mrz 1916 erhielten wir Nachricht, dass wir Talas bald verlassen
mssten. Meine Mutter war mit dem Geld der Amerikaner sehr sparsam
umgegangen und konnte sich nun damit einen Esel kaufen. Fr uns Kinder
hatte sie drei Tragscke gefertigt, die sie am Sattel des Esels befestigte. So
zogen wir weiter und wussten doch nicht wohin. Zwei Monate lang waren
wir unterwegs. Gott allein wei, was wir in dieser Zeit erdulden mussten.
Eine Ahnung von dem Leid bekommt man, wenn ich sage, dass wir auf diesem Marsch meinen Bruder und mein Schwesterchen durch Tod verloren.
Sie konnten das Elend und den Jammer nicht lnger ertragen. Wir briggebliebenen erreichten, dem Tode nahe, endlich den Ort Hadjin, wo uns eine
arme trkische Familie in einem Raum, der nicht besser war als ein Stall,
Unterschlupf gewhrte. Doch wir waren sehr dankbar, dass wir nach Monaten des Umherirrens, Tag und Nacht bei Schnee, Klte oder Hitze immer im
Freien unterwegs, ein Obdach gefunden hatten. Einige Tage nach unserer
Ankunft drangen einige Trken in unsere Htte ein, um meine Mutter zu
verschleppen. Meine Gromutter lschte sofort das Licht aus und warf den
Eindringlingen ins Gesicht, was sie gerade zu fassen bekam. Dafr wurde
sie tchtig verprgelt. Ich fing an zu weinen und vor Angst laut zu schreien.
Meine arme Mutter aber kroch im Schutz der Dunkelheit in eine Ecke und
verbarg sich dort unter einem Haufen alter Bettdecken, die uns die gutherzigen Hausbewohner berlassen hatten. Die Mnner tappten im Dunklen
herum, konnten aber meine Mutter nicht finden. Gott hatte sie zweifellos
mit Blindheit geschlagen. Endlich verlieen sie schimpfend den Raum.
Kurze Zeit spter mussten wir auch Hadjin verlassen und erreichten
nach vielen Mhsalen Aleppo, wo man uns dem Stadtobersten vorfhrte.
Dieser fragte uns, warum wir nicht Mohammedaner werden wollten. Als
meine Mutter ihre christliche Haltung begrndete, wurde er sehr zornig, rief
zwei Polizisten und befahl: Fhrt diese Hunde zum Richtplatz und schlagt
ihnen die Kpfe ab." So wurden wir zunchst ins Gefngnis geworfen. Dort
beteten wir die ganze Nacht hindurch inniglich zu unserem Vater im Hirn-
477
mel um Rettung. Gerade vor Anbruch des Tages hatte sich pltzlich ein
Freund meines verstorbenen Vaters zu uns hereingeschlichen. Er brachte
uns unerkannt in ein Haus in der Stadt, wo wir uns lange verborgen hielten.
Nachdem der Waffenstillstand geschlossen worden war, erhielten wir unsere Freiheit zurck.
3. Bericht von Serpouhi Tavoukdjian (Oie 10-jhrige Tochter adventistischer Eltern berlebte das
Pogrom in einem arabischen Harem, wo sie zwangsbekehrt werden sollte. Sie verlor Mutter,
Schwestern und Brder, die auf Todesmrschen umkamen. Nach langen fahren kam sie frei und
konnte 1924 in die USA auswandern.)
Meine Eltern, Aaron und Margaret Tavoukdjian, hatten sieben Kinder und
lebten in Ovajik bei Ismid, Trkei. Mein Vater war ein wohlhabender Kaufmann. Die Eltern waren eifrige und freudige Adventisten, die von D. G. Baharian zum adventistischen Glauben gefhrt worden waren. Im August des
Jahres 1914 kamen Milizionre in unsere Kleinstadt, die alle Mnner zwischen zwanzig und fnfundvierzig Jahren fr das trkische Heer rekrutierten. So wurden meine Brder von zu Hause weggefhrt. Auch mein Vater
wurde zum Heeresdienst gerufen. Den Stadtltesten wurde kurz und bndig erklrt, dass die brigen armenischen Bewohner vier Tage Zeit htten,
um sich fr das Verlassen der Stadt zu rsten.
Nach dem Verstreichen dieser Frist trieben uns die trkischen Soldaten
mit vorgehaltenen Waffen aus der Stadt. Mein Vater hatte uns viel Geld fr
die Reise mitgegeben. In den ersten Wochen konnten die Mtter noch ihre
Kinder versorgen. Spter aber, als uns die Milizionre immer weiter und
weiter in das Landesinnere trieben, ohne uns Ruhe zu gnnen oder zu erlauben, Nahrung zu kaufen, lieen viele Mtter aus Verzweiflung ihre Kinder zurck oder bergaben sie Arabern, nur um sie nicht in die Hnde der
Trken fallen zu lassen. Eine Gelegenheit, etwas Essbares zu erwerben, bot
sich in trkischen Drfern, wo die Menschen mit uns Geschfte machen
wollten. Die Preise fr Nahrungsmittel waren so hoch, dass nur diejenigen,
die viel Geld bei sich hatten, etwas kaufen konnten. Wasser wurde fr einen
Dollar das Glas angeboten. Viele gingen leer aus, weil sie nicht genug Geld
hatten. Wenn wir dann einen Fluss durchquerten, tranken alle, so viel sie
nur konnten, auch wenn das Wasser noch so schmutzig war. Oft durften wir
nicht stehen bleiben, um zu trinken. Die Soldaten trieben uns wie Vieh an.
Diejenigen, die kein Wasser trinken konnten, lieen sich einfach ins Wasser
fallen. Mit ihren nassen Kleidern befeuchteten sie spter ihre ausgetrockneten Lippen.
Auf dem langen Marsch schlugen und steinigten uns die Soldaten nach
Lust und Laune. Wir waren schon ber vier Monate unterwegs und trafen
dabei immer wieder auf neue Gruppen von Armeniern, die sich unserer Kolonne anschlieen mussten. Unser Deportationszug zhlte mittlerweile
schon mehrere tausend Gefangene. Zuerst wussten wir nicht, wohin man
478
Daniel Heinz
uns trieb. Aber zuletzt erfuhren wir, dass unser Weg nach Dar el Zor fhrte,
in die arabische Wste, wo wir hingerichtet werden sollten.
Wenn wir durch mohammedanische Drfer zogen, erschienen trkische
oder arabische Mnner, die nach hbschen armenischen Mdchen Ausschau
hielten und sie aus der Kolonne zerrten. Manchmal, wenn diese sich widersetzten, boten die Mnner den Eltern Geld an. Die Frauen meiner beiden
Brder wurden mit Gewalt von Arabern geraubt. Auf unserem Weg hatten
wir Adana und Aleppo hinter uns gelassen und nherten uns der arabischen Wste. Wir waren dem Verhungern nahe. Da kam eines Tages ein arabischer Hauptmann und bat meine verzweifelte Mutter, mich mit ihm
ziehen zu lassen. Meine Mutter wusste, dass sie sterben wrde. Sie weigerte
sich, Geld fr mich anzunehmen und bat den Araber nur, mich in Gottes
Namen gut zu behandeln. Als sie mich weinend dem Fremden bergab,
sagte sie noch, dass ich Brder in Amerika htte, die mich eines Tages finden wrden. Dies war meine einzige Hoffnung. Meine Mutter und mein
kleiner Bruder schauten mir lange nach, als der Araber mich wegfhrte.
Bald danach verlor meine Mutter ihr Leben, auch mein kleiner Bruder starb.
Meiner lteren Schwester stachen die Soldaten die Augen aus, nur um sie zu
qulen; auch sie starb bald an den Folgen der furchtbaren Misshandlungen.
Nun sollten die Deportierten in der Wste ermordet werden. An dem
Tag, an dem das Morden stattfinden sollte, umzingelten die Milizionre die
armenischen Gefangenen, und whrend Musik spielte, feuerten die Soldaten in die Menge, bis sich kein Mensch mehr regte. Anschlieend tteten sie
die Verwundeten mit dem Schwert. Einige Verwundete konnten sich retten,
indem sie sich tot stellten. Einern meiner lteren Brder gelang dies, doch er
verlor spter auf der Flucht sein Leben.
In dem Dorf, in dem ich spter mit meiner" neuen arabischen Familie
leben musste, waren noch andere armenische Mdchen untergebracht. Ich
musste Sklavenarbeit leisten, doch der arabische Hauptmann behandelte
mich auf seine Weise gut. Bald nach meiner Ankunft wurde allerdings mein
Gesicht ttowiert. Man hielt mich fest, und in Gegenwart einer groen Menschenmenge zeichnete eine Frau den trkischen Halbmond mit den Sternen
auf Stirn, Wange und Kinn. Das Ttowieren verursachte groe Schmerzen.
Ich sollte islamisch erzogen werden und den Sohn meines arabischen Herrn
heiraten. Ich betete aber weiterhin zu Jesus, und Er hat mich nach Jahren des
Wartens und der Einsamkeit auf wunderbare Weise aus der Sklaverei befreit.

For You Have Strengthened Me

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For You Have Strengthened Me

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"FOR YOU HA VE

WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF

SEMINAR SCHLOSS BOGENHOFEN

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme

Gerhard Pfand! in celebration of his sixty-fifth birthday / edited by Martin

Die Deutsche Bibliothek- Bibliographische Information

2007 by Seminar Schloss Bogenhofen, 4963 St. Peter am Hart, Austria

List of Contributors .......................................................................................... XVIII

Biblical Studies-Old Testament

Biblical Studies-New T estarnent

Above all, gratitude needs to be expressed to God, who in Gerhard has

Asia Adventist Seminary Studies

Asia Journal of Theology

Biblischer Kommentar Altes Testament

Bible and Literature Series

Feminist Companion to the Bible

Forms of the Old Testament Literature

Koehler, L., W. Baumgartner, and J. J. Stamm, The Hebrew and

Handbuch zum Neuen Testament

Harvard Semitic Monographs

Herders theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament

Irish Biblical Studies

International Critical Commentary

The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible. Edited by G. A. Buttrick.

Israel Exploration Journal

Indiana Studies in Biblical Literature

International Theological Commentary

Journal of Asia Adventist Seminary

Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement Series

Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series

Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha

Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar i.iber das Neue Testament

King James Version

Mitteilungen des deutschen archiiologischen Instituts Kairo

New American Commentary

New American Standard Bible

New Century Bible

New Century Bible Commentary

New English Bible

Neue Echter Bibel

The New Interpreter's Bible

New International Commentary on the New Testament

New International Commentary on the Old Testament

New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology. Edited

The New International Greek Testament Commentary

New International Version

The NIV Application Commentary

New Jerusalem Bible

Supplements to Novum Testamentum

New King James Version

New Studies in Biblical Theology

New Testament I Neues Testament

New Testament Commentary

New Testament Studies

Orbis biblicus et orientalis

Orbis biblicus et orientalis. Series archaeological

Oxford Bible Series

Oriental Institute Seminars

Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament

Tyndale New Testament Commentaries

A TRIBUTE TO GERHARD PFANDL

It is with appreciation that colleagues, friends, and former students con-

tribute their studies to the present Festschrift in honor of Gerhard Pfandl.