Gender, Race, and Urban Policing: The Experience of African American Youths

Author(s): Rod K. Brunson and Jody Miller

Source: Gender and Society, Vol. 20, No. 4 (Aug., 2006), pp. 531-552
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27640908
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GENDER, RACE,

AND URBAN POLICING

The Experience
of African
American
Youths
ROD K. BRUNSON
University

of Alabama-Birmingham

JODYMILLER
of Missouri?St.

University

Louis

in poor urban commu

policing
strategies produce a range of harms to African Americans
across gender by ado
is experienced
nities. We know little, however, about how aggressive policing
in these neighborhoods.
that important
The authors argue
lescents
insights can be gained
by
the perspectives
of African American youths and draw from in-depth interviews with youths
examining

Proactive

to investigate how gender shapes interactions with the police. The comparative
in St. Louis, Missouri,
'
with and
adolescents
reveals important gendered facets
experiences
of African American
men
as
described
treated
law
suspects regardless
being
routinely
enforcement. Young
of
expectations
in delinquency
violence.
and also reported police
Young women
typically
of their involvement
analysis

being stopped for curfew violations but also expressed concerns about police sexual mis
the differential
harms of urban policing for African American
conduct. This study highlights
young
to the intersections
women and men and highlights
attention
the need for systematic
of race and
gender in research on criminal justice practices.
described

policing;

Keywords:

enforcement

Reisig,

NOTE:

Sciences,

This

This article

racial discrimination

communities
includes

(Fagan

and

excessive

Davies

and Toya Like, Dennis

Mares,

police

Mastrofski,

to explain these

is based on research funded by the National

Consortium
David Klinger, and the editors and reviewers
co-PI;

of

experi
force,

2000;

2003). Attempts

on Violence
at Gender

&

Jenna St. Cyr, and Iris

assistance.

Rod K. Brunson, University of Alabama-Birmingham,

REQUESTS:
UBOB 210, 1201 University Boulevard, Birmingham, AL 35294-4562.

& SOCIETY, Vol. 20 No.

10.1177/0891243206287727

2006 Sociologists

a range

produce
disproportionate

treatment,

disrespectful

protections

thank Christopher Mullins,

their comments; Norm White,

GENDER
DOI:

urban

2002; Smith and Holmes

We

Society for
Foster for their research
REPRINT

stops,

police

and McCluskey

AUTHORS'
Research.

and

fewer

discrimination;

residents.

American

surveillance
and

deviance,

gender

in poor

strategies

to African

harms
Law
ences
with

Americans;

African

for Women

4, August

2006

Department

of Justice

531-552

in Society

531

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

GENDER & SOCIETY /August 2006

532

examine

patterns

how

(Skolnick
(Smith and Holmes

2002;

neighborhood
It is taken
for

experienced.
of negative
targets
Feminist

juvenile

and

Chesney-Lind
treatment
punitive

1999; Visher
are

less

system

the

justice

interventions

2001),

and African

than

than

2000).
feminist

their

how

inter

gender

behaviors

police
are

men

minority
are

far from

are more

Girls

the primary

minor

than

offenses

relatively
women

and

American

to

receive

(MacDonald

illuminated

women

and

crime victims

we

know

and

(Robinson

how formal aspects

girls,

more
Miller

1998;

assistance

police

less

to

boys

receive

girls

(Bush-Baskette

counterparts

from

immune

likely

research suggests that Black women

research has
Black

women

Black

for

white

women

white

affect

adversely

young

system.

justice

1983). Moreover,

likely

Chandek
While

stereotypical

how

considered

in determining
that

granted

that young

suggest
with

experiences

experience

the

symbolize

experiences.

police

scholars

negative

to

have

context

and

are

come

studies

few

However,

1997).

Klinger
race
with

sects

men

Black

young

1994) and have drawn from minority group threat theories

2003) and social ecological models (Anderson 1990; Kane

offender

of the justice

about

their

experi

ences with the police, including discretionary police activities in their neighbor
hoods. Officers' ability to use discretion is a low-visibility but defining feature of
policing, and the process through which many racially biased practices emerge
(Bass

In general,

2001).
with

riences
work

is based
studies

Few

on

largely
have

of

standing

the

analyze

community
of
tions
their

to

context

personal
and

events

of

interviews

investigate

how

We

comparative
in shaping

on

data
which

their meanings

citizen

the

for

complaints.
under

allow

deeper
individuals

involved

youths'

with

African

gender

shapes
women's

young

with

American
their

the police,

in a poor

youths

interactions
and

with
men's

young

their

and

urban
percep

accounts

of

of

understanding
neighborhood
misconduct
in their communities.
Our
police
us to examine
how
race and
with
intersects
gender
of law enforcement
and the nature
of police/
expectations
of

RACE, AND URBAN

GENDER,
Police

actions

upper-class

minority
drug

official

interactions.

youth

and

and

compare

experiences
their knowledge
allows
analysis

place

or

interviews,

in-depth

of minority
citizens'
expe
than adolescents,
and
this

investigations
rather
adults

2003).

in-depth

the police.

policing,

from

on

research

survey

drawn

(Phillips and Bowling

We

criminological
have
focused

the police

and

responsive

in poor

urban

racial

segregation

gang

suppression

policing

are

are

communities
Areas

characterized

subject

to aggressive

neighborhoods.

efforts,

higher

levels

POLICING
different

from

policing
of police

(Bass 2001; Kane 2002; Klinger

in middle

those

concentrated

by

poverty

strategies,

misconduct,

1997). Aggressive

and

including
and under

policing

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Miller

Brunson,

in temporary

in policing

Americans

African

among

both concentrated

with

Tuch 2002). Although

subject

The

to examine

studies

few

police
than white

contacts
white

their

ing.

also

they

and

arrests"

on

less

favorable

adults.

attitudes

more

of

2000;

and

Nalla,

focused

experience

Browning

and

(Weitzer

has

distrust

greater

with

1998) and

large segment of

(Leiber,

policing
they have
youths

have
and

Frank,

that
to one

includes

samples

narrows

simply
Farn worth

the

police

the police

than

Nalla,

and

Leiber,

discriminatory
on the
tives

gender

are

They

inequalities
struc

intersecting
on

in research
women

but

of inequality
race

fails

and polic
to
to attend

2000; but see Fine et al. 2003), while

to

focus

of

and
policing
a
presumption

men

young
the

Likewise,

display

police

and

class,

in the nature and effects

1998).

patterns

race,
another.

is ignored
of men
and

often

gender

(Hurst, Frank, and Browning

and

contacts

police

and

race
suggest

that result in variations

research

Some

Nalla,

theoretical

their
of

1990;

(Anderson
models

gender

to explain

used

to citizens'

relationship

or

neutrality

other

Leiber,

perspec

an

uncritical

on men.

focus

strong
treatment

can glean
that African

evidence
within

justice
"war on

the contemporary

delinquent

girls

detention,

while

whites

at work

Visher's
race

the police
in arrest

are more

to

treat women
decisions.

to be

For

counterparts.

to unprecedented

Americans

levels

of

punitive
example,

incarceration

on the adjudication

are disproportionately
into treatment-oriented
tracked

of
in

placed
pro

1999). It stands to reason that similar processes

study was the first to demonstrate

Visher

she

that

white,

(1983,
... for

It was

interactions.

police/citizen
shape
in a "chivalrous"

that

older,

white

their

is

There

policing.

behaviors
found

and

1998). Research

likely

(1983) groundbreaking
intersect

led

that African

exists
"chivalry
and characteristics."

instead

has

drugs"

1993; Miller
within

than

system

research.
previous
more
receive
girls

from

knowledge
women

(Bush-Baskette

suggests

(Bartollas

be

American

the

among Black women

grams

some

we

Nonetheless,

and

on

isolation

However,

1990).

research

may

contacts

demonstrates
in

understood

tural positions

gender

involuntary

American

and

ismore prevalent
is correlated

up a disproportionately

African

(Hurst,

scholarship

be

(Collins

citi

law-abiding

1998).

Feminist
cannot

such

between

(Sampson and Bartusch

adolescents

adults;

youths;

counterparts

Farn worth

and

police
research

most

than

the

of

the police

of

disadvantage

negative
to

the population
Farn worth
1998,

toward

Distrust

"juveniles make

152),

when

relations

research is that legal cynicism

whites.

than

neighborhood

experiences

personal

Even

2001).

numbers

large

533

POLICING

undermine

they

expose

URBAN

contacts.

police

A consistent finding

(Bass

reductions,
and

AND

RACE,

Americans

crime

communities

and minority
to unwelcome

police
zens

African

targets

disproportionately
result
strategies

/ GENDER,

manner,
5)

challenged
those women

Drawing
and deferential

from

providing
this
who

data

women

preferential

suggesting

appropriate

police/citizen
more
received

that

treatment

assumption,

display
on

long

how gender
assumed

gender

encounters,
leniency

This content downloaded from 152.15.112.8 on Mon, 27 Apr 2015 19:56:22 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

than

534

GENDER

other

women.

women

& SOCIETY

In fact,

women

Younger

were

received

more

significantly
arrest
faced

they

2006

/ August

at rates

directly

respect,

and

has

documented

know

that

such

actions

about

little

studies

how

gender

these

shapes

within-race

report

men

the Black

race

in their

sample

and

the police

and

bolic

Such

1996).

in the eyes

assailant"

An

American

additional

sive
poor

urban

one

vein,

area

tic violence

calls.

incidents
guides

with

that police

white

of African

of private

and

In

two-fifths

(1995)

51
suggest

Although
women

reviewed
men

their

here

experience

racial

com

profiling

samples
that

found

(2004)

had been stopped by

than

likely

other

is also

Gender

racial

statistically

et al. 1994) and violence

men

Black

the

typify

of underpolicing,

"sym

that

women
with

certain

is differential

be

respon

responsive
are normative

as deserving.

In this

that domes

found

undermines

men

by

policing

chivalry
it suggests

Moreover,

by the differential

gendered

emphasizing

sexual misconduct

that

claim

are mediated
and

victims

the

women.

has received

understandings
the

latter.

limited research

Fine
and her colleagues
(2003)
report
of sexual
harassment
officers,
by police
complained
of whites
and 38 percent
of Blacks.
Kraska
and Kappeler
women
are
who
racial
and
otherwise
young
poor,
minority,

of
survey
women

adolescents,

of young
percent
that

few
and

vulnerable

studies
men

suggests
higher

have

experience
this is an
rates

of

to sexually

specifically

abusive

practices.

compared

discretionary
area
important
involuntary

in

to domes

response

example,

the

less likely to result in arrest than

American

aggressive

less

crimes

police

for

(2000),

research

African

are

contexts

in such

victims

including
and

crimes,

investigate
the police

that

to African American

are most

marginalized

young

they

Such

American
space

more

young

believe

and Chandek

toward

public

of expo

likelihood

et al.

(Browning

service,

attention

the problem of police

Finally,

including

contacts.

argues

view

victims.

responses

treatment

that

were

police

that

for

(1997)

Robinson

behaviors

police

attention.

youths

incidents with Black victims were

tic violence

with

Friedman

is the problem

to calls

they
received

that has

in the

the police.

because

neighborhoods
communities
and

in these

of

2002),

behaviors.

experiences

confirms

consideration

to respond
promptly
to crime
victims.
Klinger

failure

during

research

minority

and McCluskey

The few studies with adolescent

separately.

abuse

physical

in poor

citizens

differences

in studies of police harassment

(Worden

men.

and 45 percent of young women

that African

to report

significant

American

and Tuch (2002) found that 73 percent

reported

differences

gender

73 percent of young men

groups

of African

Reisig,

police

gender

pared to 38 percent of Black women.

report

or men.

target

2000; Mastrofski,

sure to involuntary police contact. Weitzer

of

women

provide evidence of differential policing but

disproportionately

(Fagan and Davies

Several

to those

American

than white

to other discretionary
dis
and searches,
speak
police
practices.
Stops
arrest. While
the use of force do not consistently
research
coincide
with

communities
we

and African

treatment,

arrested

comparable

Patterns of arrest decision making

do not

harsher
to be

likely

police

how African

of

practices,
inquiry. While

contact

and

American
the

police

research

young
police

Black

violence,

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Miller

Brunson,

young

Black

police.

Our

women

from

far

from

of minority

URBAN

POLICING

encounters

harmful

from

is to examine

investigation
the police
in their

the perspectives

AND

RACE,

immune

in this

goal
with

experiences

are

/ GENDER,

535

with

the

how

influences
gender
youths'
to consider
and
these
issues

neighborhoods
themselves.

youths

METHOD
This investigation is based on survey and in-depth interviews with 75 African
American youths living in St. Louis, Missouri. The sample includes 35 young
women

and

40

men.

young

in age

range

They

12 to

from

a mean

19, with

of

age

16 for both genders. Interviewing began in spring 1999 and was

approximately
in
the
completed
spring of 2000. Interviews were voluntary and typically lasted
about one and a half hours. Youths were paid $20 for their participation and
strict

promised

and

ticipants
Youths
zations
agency
young
was
author

confidentiality.
streets
they

the

for

throughout

occasionally
into the project

schools

alternative
of

variety

center
drop-in
at the center
served

participation when

narrow

We

our

focus

involuntary

and Browning
women
and
with

counselor

to urban

of

equal

St. Louis.

Black

because

frequent
in nature.

was
2000).
Sampling
purposive
men
us to examine
young
permits
of the police.
and perceptions

how

gender

we
those

would

who

for

study

in

at each

are

the

inclusion

group
Frank,

(Hurst,
of

young

expe
youths'
to compare
sought

shapes
we

In addition,

in serious
involved
youths
delinquency?whom
have more
contact?with
involuntary
police

for

classroom

salient

Our

two

The

youths

they

and

second

The

neighborhoods

or empty

adolescents

are most

of

agency

schools

public

identified

office

organi

collection.

to reside in disadvantaged

contacts

par

community
numbers

community

Louis

school

several

a local

to data

prior
from
St.

in a private

conducted

police

in north

adolescents
summer

expelled
at each

they were known

were
the city.
Interviews
of the research
sites.

for whom

youths

The

infractions.

for
the

research

reference.

were
the cooperation
recruited
with
"at-risk"
with
and delinquent
working
youths,
including
and two alternative
schools.
public
high
Approximately
men
were
and women
drawn
each
The
from
location.

a neighborhood
volunteered

riences

are used

Pseudonyms

were

to

expect

reasonably
not.

In all, 16 of the 40 young men and 15 of the 35 young women reported partici
pating in serious delinquency in the past six months. Serious delinquency included
the

self-report
following
someone
with
attacking
ting
hand,

thing,

more
stealing
or with
the

than
intent

a robbery,
and selling
crack-cocaine,
marijuana,
all of the youths
having
engaged
reported

including
things,

items:
a weapon

skipping classes,

being

$5 or less, lying
stealing
or running
away. Research

loud or rowdy

about
suggests

their

a motor
$50,
stealing
to seriously
hurt them,
or other
On
drugs.
in minor

in public,

forms

of

avoiding

vehicle,
commit
the

other

delinquency,

paying

or
to get into someplace
buy
that girls are more
than
likely
boys
age

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

for

some
to face

536

GENDER & SOCIETY /August 2006

interventions for such minor

juvenile justice
Lind

Data

our

Thus,

2001).

collection

baseline

provided

of

ceptions
harassment
their

the

police

and

mistreatment,

communities.

involvement.

day.

personal

of
incidents
knowledge
involving
were
as a reference
used
point

responses

Surveys

in delinquency,
with
experiences

participation

neighborhoods,

to partici

asked

then

the same

completed

youths'

and

Survey

typically

about

in their

and

survey,

and Chesney

(MacDonald

in delinquent
were
youths

per
police
in

others

the

during

interviews.

in-depth
Our

was

goal

of youths'
that

to collect

The
allowed
about

responses

that

could

the police

a relatively

provide

assessment

holistic

and their perceptions

in their

of policing

were
interviews
semi structured
with
ques
in-depth
open-ended
were
for considerable
Youths
reminded
of their survey
probing.
to provide
with
the police
and were
asked
detailed
experiences

the

of
descriptions
and the youths'

data

with

experiences

communities.
tions

the

interview,

in-depth
information

offenses

variations

captured

with

began

in an audiotaped

pate

sample

circumstances

these

surrounding
of what
happened

interpretation

their

events,

and why.

consequences,
were

also

They

asked

their perceptions of policing in their neighborhoods, and they were encouraged

discuss problematic police incidents they had witnessed or heard about.

to

author
neither
the study
conducted
the interviews,
and inter
Although
design
viewer
the development
of rapport.
The
with
facilitated
survey
training
began
innocuous
and slowly
made
school)
relatively
questions
(demographics,
family,
to questions
the transition
about
and other
sensitive
topics.
delinquency,
policing,

the survey first allowed the interviewers to establish familiarity with

Completing
before
participants
moving to the in-depth interview and provided the opportunity
a relaxed

to set
when

and

were

issues
In addition,

tone.

nonjudgmental

revisited

social

distances

during
that

the

This

in-depth

include

(Taylor, Gilligan,

this, we

interviewees

interviewers

and

discussion

open

in relative

differences

in suspicion and affect disclosure

matched

more

facilitated
interviews.

and Sullivan

on

social

can

power

result

1995). To address
to the extent

characteristics

possible. The majority of interviews (61 of 75) were conducted by an interviewer of

the

same

In addition,

gender.

college

and
The

agencies.
Where
that

a female

professor,

participants,

are

1995,

32).

For

of

the

M.A.

were

someone

instance,

student
was

interviewer

distances
to

student

Ph.D.

a female

fourth

social
known

three

four

on

interviewers

the

project

were

and they completed 47 of the 75 interviews. They included amale

African American,

a white
we

present,

with

the white

from
with

insider

the

same

experience
male
Ph.D.
used
status"

interviewer

these

as

community
working
student
to help

from
"elicit

(Taylor,

Gilligan,
note
made

routinely

the research

in social

service

Holland.
explanations
and Sullivan
of his

outsider

status (which was evident by his Dutch accent), stating that he was "not from
around here" and asking youths to help him understand how things work in
America.
those

Such
for whom

denied
Bowling

an
can
approach
social
and economic

the opportunity
2003).

to have

be

beneficial,
marginalization

their perspectives

particularly
has

when
routinely

taken seriously

interviewing
meant
they are

(Phillips and

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Brunson,

The

interviews

Miller

/ GENDER,

by

the African

completed

AND

RACE,

URBAN

American

537

POLICING

and

professor

African

American Ph.D. student yielded the consistently richest results. This is likely a
function of their shared racial identity with participants and their having more
research
75

than

experience

interviews.

reveal

other

two

across

the

the

Comparisons
in the kinds

inconsistencies

was more
African

variation

student

and

Reliability was strengthened

asking
accounts

questions

during
used
drawn
techniques
for and explication
of deviant

however,

in the 36 interviews
Ph.D.

European

there

instead,

provided;

the
not

did

by the

completed

student.

through triangulated data collection

techniques, by

from

grounded

cases

methods,

theory

(Strauss

We

1987).

took

the search
including
care to ensure
that the

and illustrations provided typified themost common patterns in

concepts developed
accounts.

data,

youths

of

39

completed

across
two
and obtaining
detailed
interviews,
points
To achieve
interviews.
in our analy
internal
validity

at multiple
the in-depth

sis, we

youths'

They

interviewers'

information

in the level of detail

M.A.

American

of

interviewers.
four

we

In addition,

note

make

of

to these

exceptions

where

patterns

appropriate. We first analyzed data and identified thematic patterns independently.

Once

this was

conceptual
was
Louis,
becoming

completed,
The
schema.

we
first

a
officer
police
an academic.
The

notes
compared
an African

author,

in respondents'
second
author

and

worked

American

man

neighborhoods
woman
is a white

we brought
Thus,
complementary
study of gender.
our study
not
Although
statistically
generalizable,
on the
of
urban
of
African
gender
policing
impact

insights
raises

in St.

up

before

years

in the
expertise
to the analysis
process.
with

important

American

grew

seven

for

our

to refine

together
who

issues

the

about

youths.

STUDY SETTING
St. Louis
that

poverty
Table

is a highly
in
result

distressed
social

1 compares
youths'
were
drawn
from

ticipants
rates
high
Youths
experience.

of

poverty,

provided
Asked

city with
large concentrations
and high
limited
resources,
and
St. Louis
county.
city

U.S.

isolation,
neighborhoods,

characterized

neighborhoods

unemployment,
a stark
account
to describe

her

and
of

by

female-headed

how

neighborhood,

these

racial

extreme

of
crime

Study

rates.
par
and

segregation

families.
statistics

Cleshay

translate

into

lived

explained,

in the sense of raggedy,

uncool
[It's] terrible. Every man for theyself. Ghetto,
people
street light never come on, police
in after four
to people,
don't come
just outside,
. . .
the old
o'clock.
loud, they don't care about, you know,
Heavy
drug dealing. They
or
in
nuttin'.
the
neighborhood
people

Likewise,

Maurice

explained,

a lot of gangs,
A lot
like the streets are polluted.
lot of drugs, dirt. Dirty,
[There's]
'Cause of the drugs and the gangs
lot of burned
of abandoned
houses,
up houses.
. .. Vandalism.
value down, you
I guess.
They get into a lot of fights. Bring property

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1 :

TABLE

Select

2006

/ August

& SOCIETY

GENDER

538

Characteristics

Neighborhood

(in Percentages)

Youths'
St. Louis

Neighborhoods
82.6

American

African

43.1

U.S.

SOURCE:

Census

Many

youths

said

drug

dealing,
saw

youths
Asked

community.

not

"It's

that be

4.6

28.8

10.7

how

drug

and

all do

And

the

and

activity

don't

know,

you

nobody

same

gang

thing."

really

"In

noted,

Raymond
And
Tami

activity."

explained,

Or people

got drug dealers in they neighborhood.

every neighborhood
stuff."
are

descriptions

lacking

they houses.

at all. They

with

consistent

that poor African American

in

of

were
and most
run-down,
neighborhoods
physically
as
street
and
associated
violence
gangs,
commonplace.
as
own
of the surrounding
their
typical
neighborhoods
sur
to others
Tisha
her neighborhood
nearby,
compared

there's

shootin'

These

http://www.census.gov/).

their

different

neighborhood

"It's mostly

care

take

described
Moreover,

see

(2000;

don't
people
live there.

know,
wanna

every

11.3

with Children

Families

mised,

18.9

County

6.9
24.6

33.8
Poverty
18.0

Unemployment
Female-Headed

51.2

St. Louis

City

demonstrates

tend to be ecologically

neighborhoods

resources

institutional

which

research,

scholarly
to

necessary

insulate

clustered and

from

them

crime

(Krivo

and Peterson 1996). In fact, even when youths described their immediate blocks
as relatively problem free (which they attributed to having primarily older adults
or young

children

nearby.
These

are

the

precisely
and

deviance,

ing, police
borhoods

relied

heavily

drugs and gangs. This

officers,

we

now

police,

focusing

turn
on

nonetheless

described

contexts

ecological

underpolicing.
on proactive

gangs,

associated

to youths'
similarities

of

specialized
accounts
narrative
and

differences

and

drugs,

with

violence

aggressive

polic

in respondents'
strategies
to address
problems

Policing
encounters

and vehicle

involved frequent pedestrian

and members

detectives,

further,

they

present),

units.
of

across

To
their

neigh
such

as

stops by patrol

examine
experiences

these

issues

with

the

gender.

FINDINGS
The
Black

survey

reports

neighborhoods.

been harassed

offer

evidence

Table

by the police,

shows

nature
the gendered
of policing
someone
that most
knew
youths

of

including

37 young men

in urban
who

had

and 33 young women.

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Brunson,

TABLE

2:

Miller

/ GENDER,

of Neighborhood

Perceptions

or mistreated
someone

Knows

by the police
has been
37

who

URBAN

POLICING

539

Policing
Young
=
40)
(n

Men
Harassed

AND

RACE,

Young
=
Women
(n
35)

16

33
30

or mistreated

harassed

by the police
to talk to" 5 5
easy
are almost
never easy
to talk to"
are often polite to people
4 2
are often

"The police
"The police

19 26

"The police
in the neighborhood"

or mistreat

"The police often harass

in the neighborhood"

However,

men

young

33 young
In addition,

more

versus

men,

men

young

of

women

young

In all,

themselves.

experiencing
of
regardless
we
interviewed

harassment

the

19

mistreated

being
reported
described

women,

reported

more

while

delinquency,

often

16 young

18

people

harassment.
police
their participation

in

harass

reported

ment when they were involved in delinquency. Specifically,

19 of the 24 young
men who did not engage in serious delinquency nonetheless
said they had been
harassed by the police, compared to 6 of 20 young women. The majority of young
men (14 of 16) and young women (10 of 15) who reported participation in seri
ous

were

borhoods

experiences
to survey
items
across

consistent

harassment.
police
in their neigh
the police
behave
how
2 shows,
As Table
similar
of
numbers

with

noted

also
delinquency
Youths'
responses

about

gender.

young men and women described the police as impolite and difficult to talk to,
and about half said the police often harass and mistreat people in their neighbor
In fact,

hoods.

one

about

only

in five

survey
findings
youths'
the extent
and nature
by the police,
how
about
and their beliefs
gender
in their

in-depth
of police
shapes

'cause

they

mean.

treat people

They

Black

like
police

don't

They
are

people

were

behaviors

know

how

worthless."
typically

to people

many
for young

little stuff they be sayin' to us [girls], but like with

them

The

up

and

police

standing

try

to take

them

will mess with

across
the street

fina [getting
police]
the girls.
with

ready

to jail."

Tommie

neighborhoods,

harassment

explained,

and especially

However,
reserved

in their

These
treatment

stops as the primary policing

of police

to talk

like they ain't nothing,

occurs.
their

of

interactions.

police/youth

how the police behaved during such stops. Cherise

never

accounts

harassment

accounts

Their

neighborhoods.

almost

this

interview

frequent pedestrian and vehicle

Youths described
strategy

said

youths

corroborate

right,

emphasized

"I don't like police

they

disrespectful.

act

Black people. They

that

youth
suggested
men.
remarked,
Destiny

the dudes,

severe
"It's

they'll try to lock

noted,

If it's a group of girls

than the females.
the males
quicker
across
the street,
and it's a group of dudes
[the
standing
to] shine they lights on the dudes and they ain't fina mess

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540

GENDER

Tommie

also

men

young
momma,

& SOCIETY

2006

were
that the police
somewhat
less aggressive
when
in the company
of women:
"You alright
if you with
your
a different
or some
that's
then
kids
[with]
your
story,

suggested

were

stopped

your
girlfriend,
. . .
still
They'll

thing.

/ August

bother

but

you,

at you

look

won't

they

that.

like

[Their

behavior] wouldn't be different [but] they'd hesitate." Wayne believed that the
police posed one of the primary dangers for young men in his neighborhood:
"I would

are

say males

in more

[than

danger

'cause

females]

you

gotta

deal

with

police. All police ain't good police. You ain't even gotta be doing nothing. If they
think you doing something, they get out [of their cars. If] they can't catch you,
next

time

were

not

the

they
immune
a

guys

they'll

Men

and
men's

Young

you,

put

they

from

than

Next

on

something
encounters.

negative

bit more

to harass."

pick

Young

little

see

the

we

but

girls,

examine

Nonetheless,

you."

Janelle

clarified,

harass

police

certain

there's

women

young
"The

these

always
in detail.
patterns

females

their

frequent

contact

that

the Police
discussions

on

focused

involuntary

with

the police. They believed that the police besieged their neighborhoods because
officers believed that many of the people living there, particularly young Black
were

men,

criminals.

attention,

police

how

described

Ricky

regardless

of whether

anyone

hanging
was

out

on

street

the

attracted

in crime:

involved

blocks
it's like a liF heroin area. The police
is real hot on this area
up from me
. . .One
. . . seen me
from over there and the police
day I was walkin'
standing
out over there. I mean,
I don't sell dope,
I go to school every
they know
they know
. . .
don't got to be doing
the same thing. This what
I tried to explain
day.
Everybody
to them: "Just 'cause I'm out here don't mean
I sell dope, man.
Imean,
every time you
. .How am I sellin'
check me [I'm clean]."
Imean
I don't even carry money
no more..
in my pocket? Check my shoes, make me take
dope and I don't never have no money

Two

now.

it's cold outside.

my socks off. Man
and it's freezin' outside. Make
you

Such
plaints

were

searches
about

also

the police

Young men believed

ignating

neighborhood

as

described
"trying

to put

the police
locations

... All
"Pull your pants down."
types of stuff, man,
the ground. To me,
that's police brutality.

lay on

physically
hands

they

with

intrusive,
all

in your

com

numerous

mouth."

sought to limit their use of public space by des

as crime

hot

spots.

Shaun

noted,

"They

trip, we

be sitting on the front [porch] or something, they'll pull up just 'cause we sitting
there. Or we be chillin' in front of the store, [they] get out checking everybody."
Terence

observed,

On

certain days,
do a sweep
come
the neighborhood.
[police] might
through
They'll
in like, three or four cars deep,
two paddy wagons,
and they'll just roll down every
block
that they think mainly
sellin' drugs or whatever.
And anybody
if they
outside,
think you got something,
to be on
that happen
they gon' check you. Just everybody
the block.
If you look like you got something
or look like you fina do
something?so
or whatever.
the position
they say?then
they just come up to you, tell you to assume
Put your hands on the hood, check you . . . talk bad to you for a lil' minute
and then
tell you to go on about your business.

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Miller

Brunson,

Young men believed

also

might
seemed

be

addressing

they

neighborhood

Darnell

"Police
commented,
. . . Sometimes
real.

you

for

your

mouth

young men

suspicion,

as

them

a lot

they'll

pull

going."
that certain

job.

They

especially
no
suspicion.

warranted
Eugene

you

Because

merely

be

contexts

like,

stops

pedestrian

that

'get

might

men

with
them.
with
out

crack

to

increased

They believed

Black

young

damn

them

subject

it prejudicial.

were

crime hot spots

concerned
really
in harassing
interested
to mess
stop you
they
just

by me,
up and

they

541

POLICING

were

the police

found

because

[of] money,

a good
having
men
were
Young

school.

there

nonetheless

criminals

days

believed

over

URBAN

that designated

gather.

youths

or were

living

officers
in poor

"[Police] feel that if you have fancy clothes or

Jamal commented,

neighborhoods.
have

keep

understood

they

viewed

and

boy!'

While

you

law-abiding
whether

questioned
crime

AND

RACE,

officers failed to consider

where

places

arbitrary,

/ GENDER,

see a Black
can't
male
drugs.
They
over
or
want
to
search
you
always
pull
you."
when
frustrated
occurred
in situations
stops

these

selling

described

Several

on

stopped

being

their way

they
to

explained,

I was going
to school one time and a cop just swerved,
I'm like,
up on me.
pulled
of some dude that robbed a store. So
"Whoa, what's
up?" He said I fit a description
a store where?"
I'm like, "Robbed
He's
I am like, "I'm
like, "Way on the southside."
on the northside
so that don't got nothin'
to do with me." And
then they . . . put my
or nar
hands on the car, you know,
frisked me, asked me did I have any weapons
cotics.
I was
to
I'm like, "I'm going
like, "No." He
said, "Where
you going?"
across
school"
and stuff, you know. And
then people
the street lookin'.
like,
They
I'm like, "I don't know."
"Dang, why
they stop you?"
An

additional

that

ing

was

frustration

even

cence,

no

when

young

men

young

Finally,

officers'
was

evidence

merely
men
were

"got

remarks,

and

guage,

derogatory
to change
the way

they

of

epithets.
. . .
They

to people.

talk

men's

inno

as express

time."

officers'

racial

young
described

Instead,
this

lucky

critical

to acknowledge
they were

refusal

found.

use

routine

of

us

no

lan

antagonistic

commented,

Cooper
show

respect

need
"They
. . .
[call us]

niggers and all that."Ricky concurred: "They'll talk bad, call you all types of punks
and

be nothing
and you
ain't
be nothing."
say you don't wanna
gon'
a passing
to a friend
when
officer
"told me,
'Shut up
whistling
Black
men's
about
Thus,
you
young
monkey!'"
complaints
police
were
not just about
as suspects
and treated
but
routinely
stopped
being
to their sense
to treat them with
that officers
refused
and respect.
dignity
and

sissies,

Tony

described

whistling,
harassment
were

tied

Young

Women

and

the Police

women's
Young
common
most
Their
other

was

girls,

On weekends
by

your

complaint,

being
we

house.

of police

descriptions

stopped

can be out
But

if you

harassment

when
particularly
for curfew
violations.

'til twelve,
like outside

differed
alone
Katie

from
or

in

the

young

men's.

company

explained:

but long as you sittin' on your front or close

our gate or in the street or something
the

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of

542

If we

they be like,...
police,
. . We
.
whatever.
just

2006

/ August

& SOCIETY

GENDER

sittin'

lock you
ride past again then we're
gonna
the house
there, I don't know why

outside

...

all up

or

they always

us.

messin'

with

Kristy

observed,

"Police

be

you

harassing

I mean,

constantly.

if

not

they

trying to get you for truancy, [they] trying to get you for curfew." She described
a recent

encounter:

off the Lake Street bus. I walked

at night.
I was getting
o'clock
on me,
'Where you
like,
they was
put their high beams
police
me
alone.'
leave
I'm
like, 'Don't
home,
'Man,
like,
They was
going
going?'
talk to us like that, we the police, we deserve
[I'm]
respect, we here to protect y'all.'
me.
like, 'Man, y'all ain't doin nuttin' but bothering
It was

like eleven

down

the

street,
I'm
And

Once

Kristy

the

the officers,

challenged

escalated:

situation

Like hands on the

assume
the position.'
like, T heard you fit a description,
I'm like, T ain't doin' nuttin'.' They
hands behind
like, 'You must
your head.
...
us to put your
'Just let me go home,
little black ass in jail.'
like],
[I was
in the morning.'...
that's all I'm trying to do, I got school
like, 'Well fuck
They was
home mad as a dog.
her, we got better
things to do.' So they let me go. I walked
was

They
wall,
want

After

Kristy

challenged

that point,
however,
from young
differed
of

onset

the

their

they
men's

the police,
they treated
to
be
concerned
appeared
accounts:

encounters

the

that

described

They

with

as a criminal

her

being
In

police.

suspect.
Up
out past curfew.
as suspects
treated

she was

addition,

whereas

until
This
from
men

young

described being stopped throughout the day, young women described being stopped
at night. That
they were
the
intervene
that
police

mostly
gesting

Kristy

that

they were

"there

to protect

y'all,"

research

sug

the
Despite
women
young

police's

initially

believed

such stops had little to do with genuine concern about their well-being.
who

LaSondra,
the

tension

telling

violations
confirms
for curfew
stopped
or status offenses.
on girls
for minor

for

had

young

been
women

and the desire for protection

sexually
between

assaulted
concern

from neighborhood

in her
over

neighborhood,
how
the police

illustrates
treat

people

dangers:

over for no reason

at all. Sometimes
they just check
just pull people
It could be the innocent
if they got some drugs.
person on the block
they
'em. . . . It's messed
up. They'll
yell at 'em
pull 'em over and just start checking
. . . Sometimes
the police,
for no reason you know.
they just sit on the block and
the block
and stuff. . . .But over there you have to watch.
Especially
just watch
be behind
or something
'cause you never know who might
you.
you walking

[The police]
see

people,
just
too
they
when

she
came
sexual
to the hospital
after LaSondra's
the police
assault,
Although
do nothing.
were
she explained,
don't
not responsive.
Asked
"Police
why,
they
care
less."
could
of 'em just give
Some
up. They
as respond
the police
nine
four
described
In the survey,
(vs.
boys)
girls
only
a
when
the
to
described
Several
for
calls
service.
calling
police
girls
ing quickly
felt

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Miller

Brunson,

woman

was

but

victimized

/ GENDER,

robbed and beaten near her home and brought

because

her
so

looked

called

parents

about

Complaints
women

and

such

comes

are more

her

are more

did

likely

30 minutes

and

she

emerged
violence

to result

in calls

be

and
they ain't
the bus home."

caught

child asked for help

in interviews
with
primarily
women.
This may
be
against
out
for service;
thus, negative
are

the police

that

less

calls because
and Chandek

2000).
to come

the police

to the aid of crime

victims,

the
are

police

of

lack

there

responsiveness
to protect
and

toward
serve

not

you,

as suspects
they were

that

vehicle

purpose

occurred

stops

was

of young

to search

girls

became

the guise

of

men,

under

and

for weapons

drugs.

expected

Their

frustration

interactions and
"I feel

surmised,

you

for no

reason."

in two

contexts:

when

to harass

involved

in offending.

the

were
they
Most
often,

in vehicles driven by young Black

they described being stopped while passengers

In the company

Jamelle

victims.

(Robinson

interviewed

women.

particularly

crime

women
treated
being
Young
reported
and when
of young men
in the company

men.

were

who

stemmed both from negative

with the police in their neighborhoods

from

women

the young

way,

to such

responsive

they do not fit neatly into the urban crime-fighting mission

Either

lil' girl

"The

explained,

come."

of

it may

Or

apparent.

like

Rennesha

her mother.

responsiveness
on incidents

police
centered

...

to call the

in her house

after a neighboring

the police

beating
never
the police

events

because

waited

stop with

was

stepfather
sorry. But

young

.
. . We

come.

at the bus

I waited

So

show.

Rennesha's

never

ain't

"[They]

police:
never

a woman

saw

Jamellah

the victim

543

POLICING

URBAN

come.

not

did

they

reported

AND

RACE,

as well.

suspects

traffic

enforcing
Felicia's

example

Youths

laws,

believed

but

their

true

is illustrative:

to
to get something
to Taco Bell
and we went
from the riverfront
. . . [The officer]
us over.
us . . . and they pulled
had followed
[the police]
...
or any
Is there any illegal
substances
like, "Do you have any warrants?
we know of." He was
we
not
was
that
and
the
car?"
in
"Well,
like,
"No,
like,
drugs
can everybody
step out of the car?" So we asked him, why did we need to step out
two
about it, just get out of the car." . . .There was
the car? He said, "Don't worry
even us girls.
searched
officers.
male police
everybody,
They

We

was

the search failed to produce

When
a

series

having

coming

and

eat,
was

of

tickets

that were

windows

"Everything
no warrants?so
tickets,

for minor

came

out
[the

just writing

"too

tinted,"

'em up."

and playing

driver's]

clear?[the
officer]

including

got mad.
She

He

not

their
seatbelts,
wearing
too loud. Felicia
the radio
noted,

insurance,
got

issued

said the officer

contraband, Felicia

infractions,

to going

his

registration,
he got

off,

his

license,

to writing

continued:

us and we
'cause they searched
they was wrong
we
us
a
to
needed
if
felt
that
female
officer
search
they
They
no
no need for everybody
to get out of the car. Wasn't
I felt there wasn't
to be searched.
no need for all that. The boy gave
need for him slamming
they heads into the car.Wasn't
disre
you asked for. He didn't talk back, he didn't get loud, he wasn't
you everything
'cause all his stuff was
legit so you feel like if you can't get him
spectful. You got mad
come
and
into your mind
on nothing
tickets on whatever
in his car then you can write
'im.
to pull over when he flagged
that's what he did....
[Even for] not using his blinker
I felt

women.

they was

wrong.
should've

In one

sense

called

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up

544

GENDER & SOCIETY /August 2006

Felicia believed
men

had

concern.

ilar

the officer

rude

in the car, talking

about
they
can whup my ass or whatever.
so they be like, 'We gonna
take

should

comment

about

a female

officer.

Given

often

excluded

Yvonne's
about

made

and

women,
(Harrington

young

why
with

are

they
and Lonsway
women
were

cross-gender

officers'

was

I'm

the

and

about

large,

mess

car,'

and

with

you

trying

something
said her negative

Destiny

Like

you

to the

said

was

this

store

especially
to lock you
police

young

off

gang

explain

not

did

dealt

distinguish

they found Black

forthcoming).
and searched

by

she was

told

men,

take off
shoes,
your
a soda."
Janelle
had

to get

"probably"

why

the

police

your
been

targeted

next time they see you they are

if they don't
up on."

encounters

units

officers

male

also

youths

of girls.
'take
know,

is walk

. . .

to find

how

are

officers

it does

treated them, although

her: "[If] they've had to deal with you before,

gonna

police
and

However,

surprising.

reference

explicit

in narcotics

company

to do

trying
times

numerous

arrested

young

on

hands

all

work

is not

only
of

and Miller
(Brunson
egregious
woman
to report
being
stopped

in the exclusive

your

and

socks,'

just

from

By

the

11 percent

concerned

particularly
contact.

only

was

lady"

that

this

especially

the

when

the police
to "'put

"white

and Black officers

mistreatment

Janelle

the

2004),

physical

how white

between

a sim
reported
said
she moved

Yvonne
Yvonne

became

on me,
to me,
put me
they put handcuffs
so this white
take me out to the county
lady
men police
to search women,1
Because
ain't allowed
you out there and she gonna beat your ass.'
real

and also was troubled that

inappropriately

women.
searches
of the young
body
to get off
the street
by an officer,

Asked

and

slowly

the officer behaved

conducted

like

occurred

you,

when

they're

gonna

she was

keep

on

crack:

selling

sell drugs and stuff, so they try to talk about us and do us wrong.
else
they never did take me down. They used to take everybody
I mean
I used to talk my way up out of it. . . .The white
like,
police
. . and be
the Black
ones'll
doin' something.'
Even
say that.
always

know
that we
us down. But

They
Take

down, because
'These niggers
try in' to beat on

'em and

stuff.

Although the surveys indicated that most of the young women stopped by the
police were involved in serious delinquency, Destiny and Janelle provided the only
accounts

that

connected

more

girls

spend

their

greater

they

tend

their

participation

likelihood
to be

Destiny's
Although
less of
ficient

time

on

behaviors
police
than
the streets

of

being
for minor

stopped
in crime.

and

atypical
their criminal

Janelle's
for

distinguished
talked
police

suspicion.
between
her

poorly

to "us,"

Perhaps
delinquency.
and this presence

girls,

their

However,
like

descriptions
parallel
were
such
incidents

girls,
activities.

to warrant

stopped.
offenses

to their
other

those
routine

For boys,
In addition,
treatment
but

beat

simply
being
shifts
through
and
that received

on

and

descriptions
and truancy

curfew

arrested

delinquent
accounts
for
suggest

rather

than

that
for

men.
by young
provided
for young
men,
regard
was
in public
suf
spaces
in pronoun

usage,
Destiny
men:
The
by the young
resonates
also
"them."
This

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Miller

Brunson,

with

Felicia's

but

described

Police

was

She

complaints:
the officers

/ GENDER,

about

upset

being
men's

the young

slamming

AND

RACE,

URBAN

searched
heads

545

POLICING

by male
the car.

into

officers

Violence

to harassment,

In addition

of or experience

knowledge

21 young men
more

with

and

3 young

The

level

of violence

girls

noted

recounted

that boys

concerns

about

men

young

Many

women

personal
experiences
was more
severe. On

reported
sexual

police

regarded

14 young women
of police

reported
Most

misconduct.

toward family or friends.2 In addition,

incidents involved police violence

men

and
forms

serious

violence.

police

the other

several

hand,

violence.
as an expected

violence

police

with

10 young

of being

consequence

young Black men in their neighborhoods. Ricky noted, "I been thrown on the
ground, I been kicked [laughs], I been choked, man I could go on forever." Tyrell
"I know

concurred:

people

an undercover

described

beat

getting

officer's

choking

up

the police
in an attempt

by

him

all

the

time."

to recover

Travis

drugs:

I had some dope

in my mouth.
So this one cop grabbed me and just
They
thought
started squeezing
and spitting up stuffand
I'm like, 'What
[my throat]. Iwas coughing
this for?' and they kept on like,
'Don't
swallow
it son.' I'm like
you all doing
I ain't got no dope!'
'Swallow?
I opened
after they let go. I was
show
up my mouth
Imean

ing them and everything.

but I mean
I don't think

Several
crime

men

young

and

said
he

described

the police
and

that's

it is their job

used

another

they job
to literally

to make
squeeze

violence
police
to obtain
violence

beaten

after

plices

in an auto theft were hiding:

refused

suspect

sure dope
someone's

isn't on
Adam's

the street
apple.

in
engaged
they were
Frank
described
being
the police
where
their accom
when

evidence.

to tell

was
like, 'Where the rest of 'em at?' I'm like, 'Where the rest of who at?'
... He drives out to the dark,
'Oh you wanna
stops and pow, pow,
play?'
us. [I'm like,]
pow, pow, got to hittin' hard, he hittin' us with a stick, hurting
'Dang,
I don't know where
at.' He like, 'You lying.' Pow, hit me again
in my face."
anybody
[The police]
like,

They

Frank

a serious
assault
that occurred
because
the police
physical
his co-offenders
and hindering
their apprehension.
In
protecting
women's
with
violence
involved
personal
experiences
police
rough

described

believed

he was

contrast,

young

handling. Kenisha described being thrown to the ground before being arrested for a
curfew
We

violation.

Cherise

said an officer

on

was

the [gas station]

lot and
. . .Police
came, and I'm
gonna hold me then I ain't got time
threw me on the car and did all kinds
I was only
14 years
way back. And
and

stuff.

Cherise
but

because

believed
she was

the officers
not

physical

after

she was

uncooperative:

our bus

stop is right by there so we were playing

the type of person
that's like, 'Look, if you ain't
. .
to talk.'.
they
They
ripped my coat off of me,
of stuff for no reason. They bent my arm all the
old, and they did this for no reason.

became

sufficiently

became

rough with
deferential.

her not because

she was

a suspect

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546

GENDER & SOCIETY /August 2006

While

encounters

officers'

ical contact

or mouths

through
tacts with
woman

with

(being pushed
probed),

the police.
beaten

by

often

with

began

phys

aggressive

or the ground, having pockets

such

were

Shauntell
the police

men

young

against walls

with

incidents

at the extreme

rifled

con
girls'
a young

of

end

account
the only
of witnessing
provided
the severity
about
often
young
reported

men:

she a tomboy

and she was

sittin' on my grandmafs]
front [porch] one
take her, throw her
pulls up, tell her to put her hands up_They
check her, found nothin' on her, throw her on the ground and just
They
start kicking her. Put a gun up and put it in her mouth. Tell her if she tell anybody,
they'll
blow her Black brains out. Or they'll take her away and rape her and she won't be found.
cousin,

My

night_[The
into the wall.

believed her cousin was targeted both because she had a history of
and because she had been sitting with a group of boys just prior to

Shauntell
delinquency
the police's

police]

her.

stopping

The

she

assault

account

Shauntell's
sexual

of police

out

here

tection." Nykeshia

cousin's

was

Felicia

safer,

neighborhood
the police

of her

violence

raping

noted

by

was

an outlier.

other

several

girls.
a weapon,

carrying

nowadays,

people

severe

and

included

also

the threat that they would

beating

mentioned

was

described

an explicitly gendered component, with

assault and kill her if she reported it.

so you

can't

sexually

to make

how

noting,
count

even

"you
on

threat

the

However,

Asked

them

her
have

for

pro

said her friend had been raped by the police:

. . . Curfew
was
It was
like three o'clock
rollin' past.
had
[a.m.] and the police
so they was
lock her up and take her to juvenile.
But
passed
gon'
they didn't.
. . .
. . . She [told me],
Instead
they just drove out [to an isolated
spot].
'They held
me down and did what
me
to
had
if
told
I
do,
tell, they'll get me and lock me
they
so she didn't
tell nobody
but me.
up for real.' And

Later
who

in the interview, Nykeshia

had

threatened

sexually
it was

the man

and

described

her. Nykeshia's
who

calling
friend

to report a man

the police
present

when

the officer

"back
raped
no
back"
into
the
house
and
he
the
officer
said
action
took
upon
ing
seeing
against
the man who
to inter
had threatened
her. She was
the officer's
about
failure
angry
was
and her reaction
to
further
tainted
traumatic
reaction
vene,
by her friend's
the officer
had victimized
who
her. These
stories,
seeing
suggest
though
atypical,

arrived,

that girls'
cerns

distrust

about

More
men,

the

of
threat

commonly,

which

the police.
my friend
"I wasn't

they
Frank

the police
of sexual

youths
had witnessed
recounted

her. Nykeshia

was

also

includes

assault

described

an

by male
incidents

or heard

about.

incident

in which

described

a gendered

her

friend's

to con

component

tied

of police
violence
events
fostered

against

young

anger

toward

officers.

These

had got harassed

in front of his big brother and his
by the police
was two Black
it bad?it
there, but they said?make
cops who

little sister":
did

it. They
see nut
him. He couldn't
him, threw the dude on the car, they maced
grabbed
to punching
tin'. Got
his head against
the car. Dude's
brother
him,
like,
slamming
'Ya'll leave my
little brother
alone!' Little
sister like, 'Call momma!
call momma!

had

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Miller

Brunson,

call momma!'
had

took

it front

his head

the handcuffs

of

Frank's

to slamming
off and

Got
little

they

AND

RACE,

URBAN

547

POLICING

the thing, boom, boom,

boom. They
against
off. Man,
that's wrong.
How
they gonna do

scurried

sister?

this

about

anger

/ GENDER,

was

incident

Not

multifaceted:

use

the officers

did

only

excessive force, but they did so in front of his younger sister, whom he believed
should have been shielded from such violence. Moreover, he found it especially
that

egregious
Several
friends.

and

business

yo'

saw

Nicole

the alley,"
to get

into

custody

hands

when

by African
to intervene
when

officers

American
officers

officers.
mistreated

take him all back

[my cousin],
doin'?'
And
me, what
like, "Scuse
they was
y'all
I said,
'I'm not little,' I was
messin'
with
'You
like,

"was

yo'

committed

attempts

two

HI' girl.'

need

was

the beating
described

girls

'fore

off him
she

"grab

I call

in y'all
[car] number.'"
for answers
regarding

officers

pressed

or

family
...
there

in

'Mind

like,

Jamellah

you
family,
was
taken

injuries

her

brother

sustained:

. . . was

beatin'
and said, "The police
up on your
crying
I wanna
'Cause
up there, take me up there!"
stop
I get there, my brother
his
in the ambulance
holdin'
getting
I'm like, "What's
and blood
down.
What
do to my
head
y'all
gushin'
wrong?
his head bleedin'?"
And
brother? Why
go on the
they like, "Mind
yo' business,
and I wanna
know what's
is
corner."
I'm like, "That's my brother
happenin',
why

brother
My
girlfriend
brother!"
So I'm like,
So
it, it's my brother.

he bleedin'?
if you

The

lock you

to provide
she continued
as a

treated

And
they like, "I don't
. . . [and]
they put me

Jamellah

intervening

relative.

Youths

are detained

relatives

hafta

tell you nothing,

in the police
vehicle.

her brother's
any information
concerning
to know what
arrested
she was
happened,

concerned

male

watch

young

up"

to demand

rightfully

when
closely
women
described

dents

to him?"

do

refused

and when
than

y'all
I'ma

leave,

officers

injuries,
rather

What

don't

"Take me

directly.

said

resi

neighborhood

the police.
However,
only
confidence
girls have greater

by

Perhaps

in challenging officers. Since they are not the typical targets of police violence,
have

fear

less
In fact,

in our

that

the police

as earlier
said

sample

examples
that they

young men disapproved

with
up

officers,
[if you're

compliance

will

turn

illustrate,
challenged

of police behaviors,

as Cooper
explained,
In fact, research
uncooperative]."
because,

are

found

in

they

toward
them.
aggression
men
more
women
of the young
than young
officers
when
While
they were
stopped.

their

encounters

they typically described

"sometimes

officers
shows

between

that

white

try

the highest
officers

complying

to rough
you
rates of police

and

men

Black

(Mastrofski, Snipes, and Supina 1996). Our research suggests this is because police
interactions

with

young

men

are

seen

to pose

danger

(Anderson

1990).

DISCUSSION
Research
ers

on

the perspectives

race

and policing
of minority

is often
citizens.

inattentive
Feminist

to gender
and
scholars
insist,

rarely

consid

however,

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

that

548

GENDER & SOCIETY /August 2006

minority
that

are a vital aspect of sociological

standpoints

discriminatory

can

practices

best

be

cutting nature of gender and racial inequalities

we

in mind,
tions

with
and

with

pelling
borhoods
by

urban

described
the

police,

African

by

women's

youths'
and

of policing
in their neighborhoods.
perceptions
evidence
that the aggressive
strategies
policing
to their adolescent
and
harms
residents
pose

gender.
In keeping

Our

research

nature.

While

in their

both

men

young

neighborhoods,

and
also

they

harms

men

were

as
of

the dispro
searches.
and

intrusive
such
as

them

distinguished

neigh
shaped

incidents
gendered.

of guilt that

as

served

for aggressive
behavior.
justification
police
men
the unilateral
their
frustration
with
Young
emphasized
on
a
them. They
described
and
basis
being
stopped
regular

said officers

They

actions

intrusive
men

their
said

young Black men were burdened by a presumption

They believed

poor
are

and

stops

interac

experiences
com
offers

these

women

young

their

in urban

used

we
that young
found
research,
previous
of aggressive
such
tactics
policing
as harassment
such
incidents
because

with

portionate
recipients
Youths
characterized
antagonistic
were
routine

men's

that

these insights

of

young

cross

the

examining

accounts

and

building

1990). With

(Collins

American
young

comparing

knowledge

understood

wrongdoing
men
Young

to school.

walked

they
incidents

of police
and

this

has

and

social

theories
a significant
in poor
but

strategies

also

communities
that

they

controlling
they are defined

whereby
American

culture
these

that

demonstrates
hood
This
Gender

as well.

role

urban

and

but

has

also

such

is not

reverberating
to say young

shaped

the kinds

as

including
were
interviewed

recounted

were

in serious

not

involved

activities?street-level

targets

as

adolescents.
for

even

suspects,

explain
their
when

patterns
Our

by drawing
research

on

group

minority

that gender
suggests
as
It is not
status
their
youths
simply
minority
men
to aggressive
that exposes
young
policing

of

African

young

American

Black

to African

treatment

men

men
as

(Quillian

"symbolic

and

Pager

assailants,"

to as criminals,

responded

consequences
were
women
of

as well:

in the mornings

who

The
deeply
gendered.
are powerfully
conveyed

responses

criminal

dimension

temporal

uniformly

models.

are young

image
and

messages
that

such

ecological

young

of

evidence

(Bass 2001).

explained

The

2001).

trate

this interpretation

research

assumed

involve
disproportionately
and searches,
it is insufficient

stops
police
men
are treated

young

and

probes,
no
when

against
suspects.

in physically

language, engaged
cavity

men

the young

participation?that

contextualizes

Previous

living

and

those who
including
in urban
communities

policing

gang

behavior belies

plays

searches

of

harassment,

so many

threat

strip

Most

Proactive

delinquency.
sales
drug

ing why

as

than were
rather
innocent
"got
lucky"
was
was
an important
There
discovered.
at all hours,
described
harassed
being

merely

While

routinely used disrespectful

such

suspicion
as
treated

in
entrenched
is deeply
in our sample
illus
in adolescence.
In fact, research

young

American

men

boys

2001).
(Ferguson
immune
from negative
as well.
they experienced

begin

in early

child

encounters.
police
Previous
research

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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Miller

/ GENDER,

are more

likely

Brunson,

than

for relatively minor offenses

interventions
and

women

that young

suggests

that African

American

ined

women

other

Girls'
men's

women

than white
aspects

discretionary
accounts
most

tion, girls who reported participating

justice

2001)

than white

girls

little

of boys

suspicion

research

exam

has

women.
were

when

they
to young

applied

in young
In addi

men.

in serious delinquency described being stopped

were
they
involvement

by the police.
Ironically,
though,
violations
rather
than for their

juvenile

and Chesney-Lind

but

young

those

closely
paralleled
thus tainted
by the

and

company

for

to face

549

likely to arrest younger African

1983)

(Visher

of policing

POLICING

interventions

punitive

(Miller 1999). We know that the police are more

American

URBAN

men

young

(MacDonald

more

face

girls

AND

RACE,

or

for curfew
stopped
typically
in criminal
There
offenses.

truancy
were
also

across
women
differences
often
described
temporal
gender.
Young
being
at
were
as
treated
"out
of
in public
men,
however,
stopped
night. Young
spaces,
place"
of the time of day. The presence
men
of young
Black
in neighborhoods
regardless

notable

seemed to symbolize criminal wrongdoing

(Quillian and Pager 2001), while defin
itions of femininity deny young women access to public spaces after dark (Garber
and Turner 1995).
In addition,
of

not

did

conduct.

receive

It may

to sexually

mistreat

for such
penalties
dence
that police

to protect
of

knowledge

served to heighten
who

adolescent

community

both

could

sexual

misconduct

can

women

in such
because

are

These

and

than

results

also

results

they

desire.

Finally,
few

police,

young

Our

munity.

With

police protection

women

American

men,

youths

less

believed

experiences

Chandek

2000).

the police

should

of

women's

with

men
young
were
deeply

young

the

and

networks

(Harrington

context.
Research
community
of poor
residents
neighborhoods
We

found

"protect

denied

men

as
the

that
and
of

intersection

Black

being

the
evi

communities.

minority

1997), and this is exacerbated

that whereas

suggest

Black

by

and

(Kraska

in urban criminal
in poor

to view

likely

(Klinger

construction

in young

youths'

is exacerbated

and

(Robinson

findings
in the

exceptions,

and

this
are

that officers

as deserving

place

and

mis

is other

problem

widespread

of policing

facets

gendered

underage
there

Certainly

is not a highly valued part of the policing mission

2004),

Lonsway
demonstrates

more

important

assistance

lack

sexual
mis
police
are more
reticent

are

they

severe.

be

of

behaviors

1995) and is reported by adult women

Kappeler
(Maher 1997).
Victim

the

displayed

members?especially
inaction
and sexual

police

young

engage

girls
precisely
more
be much

action

They

their distrust further. On the other hand,

from

reports

systematic
that officers

be

about

victims

efforts

police
Direct

crime.

conduct by the police

we

concern
expressed
specific
in their communities.

to crime

about

deep
pessimism
women?from

women

young

many

responsiveness

police

serve"

women,
the
race,

gender,

com
and

assailants,

symbolic

adequate

for African

young

police

it

services

were
as well.
violence
police
deeply
gendered
severe
at the hands
faced more
violence
of the
troubled

by

the

frequency

of

such

incidents

This content downloaded from 152.15.112.8 on Mon, 27 Apr 2015 19:56:22 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

in

550

GENDER

their

neighborhoods.

officers who
that

suggest

& SOCIETY

2006

/ August

as

Perhaps

a consequence,

women

young

themselves

so more

do

may

women

young

they believed were conducting

than men

often

challenged

improperly. Our findings

because

they

such

believe

Snipes,
challenges will not be met with physical aggression. In fact, Mastrofski,
and Supina (1996, 276) argue that women may be "more likely to resist compli
...

ance

in anticipation

African
ence

of

American

youths

in their

tions.

policing
In addition,

contributes
evidence

of

within

boys

the

differential
juvenile

beyond

the

scope

policing

will

benefit

and

place,

of

provide

reveal

they
research

vital
and

police

on

tolerance."

police

neighborhoods

to

the

greater

race,
harms

knowledge
its effects

and

gender,
experienced

more

systematic

how

police/community

deeply

gendered.

policing
by African

this

system?in
justice
formal
intervention.

from

as

practices

about
on

case,

with

Future

research

attention

to the

they

experi
rela

Our

by

offering
American
a focus

study
further

and
girls
on events

on discriminatory
intersections
of race,

gender.

NOTES
some young women believed male officers were not permitted to search them, depart
allow men to conduct protective pat downs of women.
guidelines
2. Six young men described other forms of police misconduct,
including planting evidence, drop
ping them off in rival gang territories, and confiscating money without filing a report (Brunson and
1.Although

mental

Miller

forthcoming).

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is an assistant professor
of justice sciences at the University
of Alabama
in neighborhood
contexts, with a specific
Birmingham. His research examines youths' experiences
to criminal justice
focus on the interactions of race, class, and gender and their relationship
Rod K. Brunson

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in the British
practices. His work appears
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Jody Miller
Missouri-St.
the contexts

Journal of Criminology,

Justice Quarterly,

and the

is an associate

and Criminal Justice at the University

professor of Criminology
on gender, crime, and victimization, particularly
research focuses
sex industry.
youth gangs, and the commercial
of urban communities,
Louis. Her

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of
in