Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
Encounter
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British functional anthropology began to emerge as a distinctive discipline shortly after World War I through the efforts of Malinowski and
Radcliffe-Brown, but it was not until after World War II that it gained an
assured academic status in the universities. Compared with the two
decades before World War II an enormous quantity of anthropological
writing was published in the two decades after it. Within this brief period
its claim to academic respectability was virtually unchallenged. By 1961 a
prominent sociologist could write that "social anthropology is, among
other things, a small but I think flourishing profession. The subject, like
social work and unlike sociology, has prestige" (MacRae 1961:36). A
few years later a political scientist contrasted social anthropology favorably with sociology, declaring that unlike the latter, but like the other
bona fide social sciences, social anthropology "had built up a body of
knowledge which cannot readily be described as anything else"
(Runciman 1965:47).
Functional anthropology had barely secured its enviable academic
reputation when some serious misgivings began to make themselves felt
from within the established profession. In 1961 Leach claimed that
"functionalist doctrine [has] ceased to carry conviction" (1961:1). Five
years later Worsley wrote his trenchant critique under the significant title
"The end of anthropology?" By 1970 Needham was arguing that social
anthropology "has no unitary and continuous past so far as ideas are
concerned. . . . Nor is there any such thing as a rigorous and coherent
body of theory proper to social anthropology" (1970:36-37). A year
later Ardener observed that
Originally prepared for and also appearing in: Towards a Marxist anthropology: problems
and perspectives, edited by Stanley Diamond, World Anthropology (in press).
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The most interesting of these included Banaji (1970), Copans (1971), and Leclerc
(1972).
It is this line of reasoning that Firth (1972) adopted to explain and endorse the recent
anthropological interest in Marx. See for example the Introduction by Max Gluckman and
Fred Eggan to the first four volumes in the ASA Monographs series and the Social Science
Research Council's Research in social anthropology (1968).
Anthropology
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88
Anthropology
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This was achieved partly by challenging the functional anthropologist's dogma that only
written records could provide a reliable basis for reconstructing history (Vansina 1965). The
general tendency of functional anthropology was to assimilate indigenous history to the
category of myth, i.e. to view it in terms of instrumentality rather than of truth in the
classical, nonpragmatist sense.
4
Leading sociologists in America, e.g. Parsons, Merton, and Homans, had always taken
an active and sympathetic interest in British social anthropology, and their writings in turn
were a source of inspiration and support to functional anthropologists. The attack on
American structural-functionalism by such writers as Ralf Dahrendorf and C. Wright Mills
was bound therefore to affect the doctrinal self-confidence of British social anthropology.
5
That this distinction remains unclear to many anthropologists even today is apparent
from the over-confident remarks of Levi-Strauss in his polemic against Sartre: "It is possible
that the requirement of 'totalization' is a great novelty to some historians, sociologists and
psychologists. It has been taken for granted by anthropologists ever since they learnt it from
Malinowski.. : (The savage mind, 1966:250). What anthropologists learnt from Malinowski
was ethnographic holism, not the method of totalization.
89
See Gluckman and Eggan (1965:xii). By 1968 the Association had about 240 members
(Social Science Research Council: 79).
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91
Claude Levi-Strauss was one of the first anthropologists to note this important fact,
although he has barely gone beyond noting it (1967:51-52).
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93
possibility. It made possible the kind of human intimacy on which anthropological fieldwork is based, but ensured that that intimacy should be
one-sided and provisional. It is worth noting that virtually no European
anthropologist has been won over personally to the subordinated culture
he has studied; although countless non-Europeans, having come to the
West to study its culture, have been captured by its values and assumptions, and have contributed to an understanding of it. The reason for this
asymmetry is the dialectic of world power.
Anthropologists can claim to have contributed to the cultural heritage
of the societies they study by a sympathetic recording of indigenous forms
of life that would otherwise be lost to posterity. But they have also
contributed, sometimes indirectly, toward maintaining the structure of
power represented by the colonial system. That such contributions were
not in the final reckoning crucial for the vast empire which received
knowledge and provided patronage does not mean that they were not
critical for the small discipline which offered knowledge and received that
patronage. For the structure of power certainly affected the theoretical
choice and treatment of what social anthropology objectified more so
in some matters than in others. Its analyses of holistic politics most of
all, of cosmological systems least of all were affected by a readiness to
adapt to colonial ideology. (Once should, in any case, avoid the tendency
found among some critics and defenders of social anthropology to speak
as though the doctrines and analyses labelled functionalism were parts of
a highly integrated logical structure.) At any rate the general drift of
anthropological understanding did not constitute a basic challenge to the
unequal world represented by the colonial system. Nor was the colonial
system as such within which the social objects studied were located
analyzed by the social anthropologist. To argue that the anthropologist's
expertise did not qualify him to consider such a system fruitfully is to
confess that this expertise was malformed. For any object which is subordinated and manipulated is partly the product of a power relationship,
and to ignore this fact is to misapprehend the nature of that object.
he was sometimes accusingly called "a Red," "a socialist," or "an anarchist" by administrators and settlers, did this not merely reveal one facet
of the hysterically intolerant character of colonialism as a system, with
which he chose nevertheless to live professionally at peace?
I believe it is a mistake to view social anthropology in the colonial era as
primarily an aid to colonial administration, or as the simple reflection of
colonial ideology. I say this not because I subscribe to the anthropological
establishment's comfortable view of itself, but because bourgeois consciousness, of which social anthropology is merely one fragment, has
always contained within itself profound contradictions and amibiguities
and therefore the potentiality for transcending itself. For these
contradictions to be adequately apprehended it is essential to turn to the
historical power relationship between the West and the Third World and
to examine the ways in which it has been dialectically linked to the
practical conditions, the working assumptions, and the intellectual product of all disciplines representing the European understanding of nonEuropean humanity.
REFERENCES
ARDENER, EDWIN
1971 Pour une histoire et une sociologie des etudes Africaines. Cahiers des
Etudes Africaines (43).
EVANS-PRITCHARD, E. E.
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LEVI-STRAUSS, CLAUDE
1967
1961
NADEL, S. F.
1953
NEEDHAM,RODNEY
1970
RUNCIMAN, W. G.
1965
1971
volume three.
VANSINA, J.
1965
World Anthropology
General Editor
Editors
SOL TAX
GERRIT HUIZER
BRUCE MANNHEIM
Patrons
CLAUDE LEVI-STRAUSS
MARGARET MEAD
LAILA SHUKRY EL HAMAMSY
M. N. SRINIVAS
The Congress which created this book brought together all anthropologists, old and young, male and female, capitalist and socialist, industrialized and Third World. We talked about the scientific specialities
which had brought us together; but we had never been so highly conscious
of the common humanity which our differences clarified. So we talked as
never before of past illusions and of new roles, transcending, where we
could, our private preferences and interests. The result is this book, which
should be read together with the dozens of others on our special scientific
subjects. As those others justify to the world what we anthropologists do,
so this one explains why most of us do too little, often imperfectly, and too
late.
Like most contemporary sciences, anthropology is a product of the
European tradition. Some argue that it is a product of colonialism, with
one small and self-interested part of the species dominating the study of
the whole. If we are to understand the species, our science needs substantial input from scholars who represent a variety of the world's cultures. It
was a deliberate purpose of the IXth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences to provide impetus in this direction. The World Anthropology volumes, therefore, offer a first glimpse of
a human science in which members from all societies have played an
active role. Each of the books is designed to be self-contained; each is an
attempt to update its particular sector of scientific knowledge and is
written by specialists from all parts of the world. Each volume should be
read and reviewed individually as a separate volume on its own given
The symposium on "Ideology and Education of Anthropologists" was organized by Bruce
Mannheim who also undertook preliminary editing of the conference papers. Final editing
of the papers was done by Gerrit Huizer who assumes responsibility for the volume in its
present form.
Table of Contents
45
67
85
97
x Table of Contents
Aboriginal Woman: Male and Female Anthropological
Perspectives
by Ruby Rohrlich-Leavitt, Barbara Sykes, and Elizabeth
Weatherford
"^Women, Development, and Anthropological Facts and Fictions
by Eleanor Leacock
Table of Contents
111
131
269
275
281
145
291
161
171
297
187
309
201
On Objectivity in Fieldwork
by Carol Lopate
319
325
343
353
XI
215
227
259
373
xn Table of Contents
Research-Through-Action: Some Practical Experiences with
Peasant Organization
by Gerrit Huizer
Anthropology of the Multinational Corporation
by June Nash
Nationalism, Race-Class Consciousness, and Action Research on
Bougainville Island, Papua New Guinea
by Alexander F. Mamak
Research from Within and from Below: Reversing the Machinery
by Al Gedicks
SECTION ONE
395
421
447
461
Introduction
APPENDIX
481
Biographical Notes
495
Index of Names
503
Index of Subjects
511