Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
www.bergpublishers.com
Contents
Illustrations
vii
Preface
ix
Introduction
Milpa Alta, DF
Organization of the book
1
4
5
7
7
8
11
12
15
18
22
29
29
32
36
39
43
47
49
49
50
54
66
68
vi Contents
Commercial Green Salsa for barbacoa, Salsa
pasillala buena for Eating barbacoa on Special
Occasions at Home, Commercial Red Salsa for
barbacoa, Barbacoa
4
71
71
75
76
78
82
85
89
90
93
97
98
102
106
108
109
113
113
115
118
120
122
124
127
Notes
137
Works Cited
149
Index
159
Illustrations
Tables
2.1 Terminology Employed by Gell, and Corresponding
Food Terms
2.2 The Art Nexus as Food Nexus
5.1 Feast Food in Milpa Alta, Arranged According
to Type of Celebration
34
35
100
Figures
5.1 Linear Progression from Green Chile to Complex Guacamole
5.2 An Example of Some Interrelations among Recipes,
Shown as Families
vii
103
104
Preface
I love to eat. So I had to learn to cook. During a period of culinary experimentation
when I was into peppers of all colours and types, I visited Alfred Gell in his office
and told him, Im thinking of maybe doing a PhD, if I can focus it on peppers.
Of course you can, he said. Go to Mexico.
Despite my hesitation, he repeated that if I was interested in chile peppers, then
Mexico was the place to go to. So I went off to read up on Mexico and Mexican food
before deciding for myself.
This book is dedicated to the memory of Alfred Gell. I was fortunate to be one
of his last students before his untimely death in 1997. I wish I could thank him
personally for all his understanding and encouragement, especially for taking me
seriously whenever I came up with odd ideas. His advice to enjoy fieldwork and take
note of any interesting trivia kept me going and looking forward. Without him I
would never have begun this investigation, nor would I have even thought of going
to Mexico. He was my inspiration, guide, supervisor and, most of all, friend.
In Alfreds absence, I am grateful for the continued friendship and support of
Simeran Gell. Even just thinking of her is always encouraging and reminds me time
and again to live in the present. She shares her and Alfreds love for life with all those
who are fortunate to know her.
Back in London, several more people helped me to bring this project to completion with incomparable patience, kindness and academic rigour. Maurice Bloch was
always inspiring and warm, particularly important to me before my fieldwork. I am
grateful to Peter Loizos, who taught me that there are tram-line people and zigzag
people, that they all eventually arrive at their destination and that the different routes
are equally valid. Fenella Cannell was especially helpful in grounding me during the
period immediately following Alfred Gells death. Charles Stafford was consistently
most reliable, thoughtful, thorough and frank. Peter Gow always provided timely
encouragement and helped me to learn how to see. Their sensitive comments and
insight were invaluable as I waded through the process of writing my dissertation on
which this book is based.
Looking back, Sally Engle Merry first introduced me to anthropology and instilled in me an immediate devotion to the subject during my undergraduate years.
Through her patience and understanding I discovered a new field of study as well
as a different direction for my academic life. She gave me my first opportunity for
fieldwork and supported my initial shaky steps into anthropology.
ix
x Preface
In Mexico I owe a great debt to many whose generosity and presence made my
stay both pleasant and stimulating. I was in Mexico City for 24 months from 1995
to 1998 and within a few weeks of my arrival, I met Chef Ricardo Muoz Zurita.
I was eager to learn all I could about Mexican cooking and to taste everything; he
was eager to share with someone his favourite eateries and his love for the cuisines
of Mexico. Even before my tiny flat in Coyoacn became flooded and unliveable,
we had become inseparable friends. Now I guess you have to move in with me, he
said. Ricardo was my Muchona the Hornet of Mexican food. Other friends of his
who were also chefs repeatedly told me that with my interest in traditional Mexican
food, I didnt know how lucky I was to have met him. He is now internationally
acknowledged as an authority on Mexican cookery and has published five books of
renown. He welcomed me into both his professional and personal lives and was a
constant friend even during the most awkward of times and strove to accommodate
my every possible need.
The people with whom I lived in Milpa Alta, especially Yadira Arenas and
Luis Enrique Npoles, Ma. Primitiva Bermejo, Doa Margarita Salazar, Alejandro
Enriquez and Guille Arenas, took a strange foreigner into their homes and shared
much more than their lives, homes and food with me. I wish for the time when they
can come stay with me, in Manila, Berlin or wherever I may be. Conmigo siempre
tienen su casa. Ivn Gomezcsar shared with me thoughtful insight about Milpa Alta
as well as several texts, which I would have not found on my own.
Andrs Medina welcomed me to the Institute of Anthropological Research (IIA)
in the Universidad Nacional Autnoma de Mxico (UNAM) with a sense of humour.
He was the first person to really understand what I was getting at when I arrived
in Mexico for the first time. With his warmth, constant moral support and generous interest in me and my work, he helped me to eventually find my way during
fieldwork. It was he who introduced me to Luz del Valle, who offered me valuable
friendship and a link into Milpa Alta. Leticia Mndez was the second person I met in
the UNAM who understood me both academically and emotionally. Her premature
death in 1996 was one of the great shocks that I encountered in Mexico, and I have
missed her ever since.
Janet Long-Sols generously shared her books and her contacts with me. She introduced me to Jos Luis Curiel in the Universidad del Claustro de Sor Juana. He
in turn allowed me to sit in some classes of the gastronomy program and get to know
the students and faculty. It was through him that I met other scholars of Mexican
cuisine who influenced my understanding of Mexican gastronomy, including Jos
Luis Jurez and Ricardo Muoz.
Other friends in MexicoPatricia Salero and her family, Ileana Bonilla, Ricardo
Bonilla, Gabriel Gutierrez, Fabiola Alcntara, Antonio Rivera, Abdiel Cervntes,
Juan Carlos Lpez, Juan Manuel Horta and the rest of the staff of the Executive Dining Room in the UNAMopened their hearts and homes to me. Their friendship and
thoughtful conversations constantly provided me with security and fruitful ideas.
Preface xi
My occasional meetings with Chef Rick Bayless were always inspiring. His openness and offers to help encouraged me in the academic path that he himself chose not
to take. Michael Schutz provided valuable technical support at short notice. Anonymous readers of an earlier draft of my manuscript gave me something to chew on,
providing much constructive criticism and tipping me onto certain crucial references
that have helped me improve this book immensely. I would also like to thank Tom
Jaine at Prospect Books for his always quick and witty responses to queries, and for
permission to reuse my material published previously in Petits Propos Culinaires 67,
and the Proceedings of the Oxford Food Symposium 2001. Thank you also to Simon
Lord at Oxford University Press for granting unhesitating permission to use and
modify Gells table of the Art Nexus. And of course many thanks to Hannah Shakespeare at Berg, who showed humanity and equanimity at every blip along the way.
Good friends and peers, especially Yuehping Yen and Anja Timm, commented
on drafts of this manuscript at various stages and were immeasurably helpful and
intellectually stimulating, critical when necessary, as well as willing eaters of all
my culinary experiments. Yuehping was the first and staunchest supporter of my
using Alfreds theory of art in my analysis. Anjas editorial eagle eye never failed
to impress and amuse me. Thank you! Uta Raina read through a chapter at a critical time and, like Liese Hoffmann, helped me to reach bibliographic sources that I
had difficulty accessing. Marilya and Scott Reese supplied me with timely stocks of
Mexican ingredients and new cookbooks, keeping up my interest in Mexican food
when I was distracted by other things. Most importantly, David Sutton was endlessly
patient, enthusiastic and supportive. Without his belief in my work this book would
not have been published.
My family, especially my parents and sister, have supported me in all possible
ways, even when they did not understand what I was doing. My survival and sanity
depended on their constant presence and love. Saskia filled my days with such happiness that working at night seemed a fair enough exchange. And finally, much love
and gratitude to Kai Kresse, for all the reasons mentioned above and more, and for
his astounding commitment to my work and to me.
Introduction
As a once aspiring chef, I had always believed that anthropological studies of food
were overly concerned with staple crops, ignoring the fact that food had flavour
and was enjoyed and relished by those who ate and prepared it. When I began this
research, I was struck by the fact that many ethnographies of food failed to take into
account that cooking was a creative, even artistic process, that spices were as important as staples, and that individual dishes could be as meaningful as symbolic ingredients. One dish that was personally meaningful for me during my time in Mexico
was chilaquiles.
Chilaquiles is typical Mexican breakfast food. It is made of fried pieces of day-old
tortillas bathed in a chile-tomato sauce and garnished with mildly soured cream,
white cheese and onions. Before going to Mexico, I had never tasted or cooked
anything like it. My interest in and knowledge of cooking came mostly from my
own research, reading, tasting, exploring, experimenting. So for me, experiencing
chilaquiles, not just preparing or eating it, was a key ethnographic moment. (Some
readers may be aware of Meredith Abarcas (2006) recent book on Mexican and
Mexican American women and cooking, where she begins metaphorically with her
mothers chilaquiles.1 I will discuss Abarcas work elsewhere, but I am still compelled to begin with chilaquiles, for I have my own story to tell . . .)
One morning I arrived early at the kitchen of my friend, Chef Ricardo Muoz. In
a pot Ricardo had boiled green tomatoes (tomates verdes, tomatillos), a bit of onion
and garlic, serrano chiles and epazote. He poured this into a blender with some of
the cooking liquid, liquefied the mixture thoroughly and strained it into hot oil. The
salsa sizzled for some moments, and then he lowered the heat for it to simmer with
some salt. The day before he had cut up leftover tortillas into eight wedges each and
left them to dry overnight. That morning he deep-fried them till crisp to make totopos
and set them aside for the excess oil to drain. When the salsa was ready, he tossed in
the totopos, quickly coating them evenly and warming them up. I like to keep them
crispy, he said. He arranged a mound of chilaquiles onto each plate, topping them
with thin slices of white onion, crumbled white cheese (queso fresco or de canasto)
and a dollop of thick cream (crema de rancho, like crme frache). He told me that
he sometimes liked to put a bit of fresh coriander on top but that it was not really
necessary. With or without, it was delicious, and it also looked beautiful. This is a
typical Mexican breakfast, he told me.
Introduction 3
point of readiness when something was cooked until its done or to discern how
much water or broth to put into the rice pot until it was enough.
I had come to Mexico interested primarily in chiles but found that there was so
much more to consider. Chiles could not be examined without the context of the
whole cuisine. Even before my first visit to Mexico, reading cookbooks convinced
me that Mexican cooking could be thought of as a form of art, and that this art was
to be found in everyday home cooking rather than in restaurants. The imagination at
work in the use of local ingredients means that eating is not the domain of the rich in
Mexico. Culinary tradition here is really peasant food raised to the level of high and
sophisticated art (Cowal, 1990, pp. 12). From what I read, Mexican cuisine was
also considered a particularly fine art in relation to other cuisines.3 Food-as-art easily
rolls off the tongue, but what might it mean to take this idea seriously analytically?
This study focuses on cooking as a deeply meaningful social activity, on food as
a form of art. If we think of cookery as art, we recognize the creative skill needed to
produce good food. The people we study care about the flavour of the food that they
eat, so I specifically use the word flavour, rather than taste, more often throughout
this book. Flavour has more sensual than sociological connotations, which I prefer to
emphasize (see Howes, 2003; Korsmeyer, 2005; Stoller, 1997). Though my analysis
is based on ethnographic practice, this is not intended as ethnography of Mexican
foodways, in the first instance. Rather, my aim is to explore how we can use a theory
of art to analyze food anthropologically. My concern with Mexico is secondary to
this consideration of a cuisine as an art form. Alfred Gells theory of the art nexus is
the theoretical basis of this book. Using Gells notion of art as a technical practice
highlights the social as well as gastronomic virtuosity that is embodied in skilful
cooking.
Approaching cooking as artistic activity is most salient when what is under scrutiny can be defined as an elaborate cuisine, or, in Jack Goodys terms, a differentiated or high cuisine (1982, pp. 979). In fact, Goody counts Mexican cuisine
among other haute cuisines such as those found in China, France, Italy, Turkey
and India (Goody, 2006, pp. 510, 514). As he defines it, a high cuisine depends
on a variety of dishes which are largely the inventions of specialists. But by no
means entirely. For the higher cuisine also incorporates and transforms what, from
the national standpoint, is the regional food of peasants and the cooking of exotic
foreigners (1982, pp. 1045). What can be inferred from this is that any good cook is
a specialist. Such a situation is what has existed in Mexico since before the Spanish
arrived (see Coe, 1994; Corcuera, 1981; Cowal, 1990; Sahagn, 19501982). Since
then, throughout Mexicos history, there has been continuous adjustment, development and innovation of culinary techniques; new foodstuffs have been introduced
and incorporated, enriching the cuisine through the sharing of culinary and cultural
knowledge.4
Food in Mexico is a richly satisfying topic, for thinking as well as for cooking
and eating. My discussion of the art of Mexican cooking is based on the gastronomic
Milpa Alta, DF
Milpa Alta is the smallest municipality of Mexico City (Federal District), in the
southeastern edge, adjacent to Xochimilco.5 Yet Milpaltenses talked of Mexico City
as a separate entity, and they were self-consciously attached to their land and traditions. Milpa Alta is a semi-rural, mountainous area spoken of as the province of
Mexico City. The name literally translates as Highland Cornfield in that it is a
region of high elevation, formerly dedicated to maize and maguey (agave/century
plant) production.6 The word milpa refers to a maize plantation, whose borders were
traditionally delineated with a border of magueys. The maize was planted in rows
and intercropped with beans, chiles, squash and sometimes tomatoes. Plantations
were organized like this since before the Spanish came to Mexico, and Milpa Alta
began to produce less maize only since the latter half of the twentieth century.
The population was fairly young; 79.8 per cent under 40, and those in the most active productive ages made up 61.9 per cent of the population (Departamento de Distrito Federal (DDF), 1997, pp. 1564). According to the figures for 1990, among the
45,233 who were over the age of 12, 43.4 per cent were economically active. Among
them, three-quarters were men and a quarter were women (p. 77). Three-quarters of
the economically inactive were women, more than half of whom were classified as
housewives (dedicated to housework; p. 83). As I later explain, a large proportion
of these people may actually contribute their labour to the family business, although
they did not officially represent themselves as wage earners, consciously choosing to
define themselves as dedicated to their homes and families rather than as businesswomen (comerciantes).7
Around half the inhabitants of Milpa Alta lived in Villa Milpa Alta, the municipal capital. Villa Milpa Alta has seven barrios called San Mateo (the site of this
research), La Concepcin, Los Angeles, Santa Cruz, San Agustn, Santa Martha and
La Luz. Barrio San Mateo is one of the largest barrios, with around 1,000 families
residing there. Following the census of 1990, each household contained an average
of 5.2 occupants (as opposed to 4.6 for the whole Federal District; DDF, 1997, p. 83),
making the population of Barrio San Mateo an estimated 5,0006,000.8
Milpa Altas barrios are each dedicated to a particular trade. In Barrio San Mateo,
most people prepare barbacoa de borrego, pit-roast lamb, for a living. Barbacoa is
usually eaten on special occasions since it is a dish made in large amounts because
Introduction 5
whole sheep or goats are cooked overnight in an earth oven. There are restaurants in
Mexico City which serve only barbacoa, but it is more commonly prepared like a
cottage industry by families called barbacoieros. Unofficially, barbacoieros earned
an estimated Mx$3,000 per week (equivalent then, in the mid-1990s, to around 214
per week). Several families earned more, because the barbacoa business can be very
lucrative, but since all transactions were in cash, they needed not declare all their
earnings. This meant that though they enjoyed considerable economic comfort, at
least on paper they were consistently portrayed as among the poorest of Mexico
City.
1
Perceptions of Mexican Cuisine
Mexican cuisine is something like a historical novel which has a gorgeously wanton
redhead on its dust jacket.
Richard Condon, The Mexican Stove (1973, p. 13)
This chapter introduces the cuisines of Mexico in general, largely drawing from what
I learned from reading food history and cookbooks and from my early fieldwork in
the centre of Mexico City among chefs, students and researchers of Mexican gastronomy. This served as thorough preparation for the culinary life that I encountered
later in Milpa Alta, on which most of this book is focused. Food writing colours our
perceptions of other cuisines, and in my case, I became enamoured of Mexican cooking from what I had read prior to my first visit. In what follows I describe some of
the ways that people think of and write about the cuisines of Mexico, starting with
the all-important chile.
Some writings on Mexican cooking state that the ancient Mesoamerican victuals
were based on a holy triad of corn, beans and squash. The image of a basic culinary
triad is tempting, except that with the exclusion of the chile, it fails to adequately
describe Mexican cuisine. Food historian Sophie Coe (1994, pp. 389) asserts that
[t]his triad was invented by foreigners and imposed on the high cultures of the New
World, and the proof of this is to be found in the omission of chile peppers, which
the outsiders viewed as a mere condiment, while the original inhabitants considered
them a dietary cornerstone, without which food was a penance.
The possible reason that squash was included is because of the traditional style
of planting milpas, cornfields, with beans and squash. Clearly these three crops are
basic foodstuffs in the Mexican diet, but any Mexican interested in eating would
place the chile above the squash in a list of priorities for the dining table. The power
of the chile in this Mexican culinary triangle is wonderfully described by Zarela
Martnez, a New York restaurateur, who enthuses that
Chile is history. It has outlasted religions and governments in Mexico. It is part of the
landscape, literally ... It belongs to the holy trinity that has always been the basis of our
diet: corn, beans, and chile. Without each other, none of the three would be what it is.
Corn is an incomplete protein, beans are difficult to digest. Together they would be good
basic sustenance, but hopelessly monotonous. Chile makes the gastric juices run for a
dinner of beans and tortillas. It also provides the vitamins they lack, especially vitamins
A and C. The combination of the three makes a nutritionally balanced meal. Its magic.
(1992, p. 218, emphasis added)
Mexican cuisine uses many kinds of chiles in diverse ways, too numerous to list
here,1 but even a brief perusal of Mexican cookbooks indicates that chiles are significant in Mexican life, and not just in their use as flavouring for food.2 Diana Kennedy echoes Bartolom de las Casas, who wrote in the sixteenth century that without
chiles Mexicans did not believe they were eating. Indeed the chile has played such
an important role in the economic and social life of the country that many Mexicans
feel their national identity would be in danger of extinction without it (Kennedy,
1989, p. 460).
By the nineteenth century, Mexican cooks sought the essence of their art in popular traditions rather than in formalized techniques (Pilcher, 1998). These popular
traditions partly consist in the culinary techniques and gastronomic knowledge
that have been passed down the generations through the family kitchen. Historian
Cristina Barros states that contemporary Mexican cuisine is 90 per cent indigenous
and 10 per cent other influences. The most delicious cuisines [in Mexico] are those
with more indigenous influence.9 She asserts that the indigenous cuisines of Mexico
did not undergo the miscegenation that most people claim. There were few Spanish
who arrived during the Conquest, and though they did influence the local cuisines,
which integrated the new flavours and foodstuffs, the bases remained Mexican. On
the other hand, Jurez Lpez (2000) argues that the bases of much contemporary
Cooking Tradition
Ricardo is one among many other researchers whose passion for traditional Mexican
food inspired an investigation that to some extent is like salvage ethnography.11 To
me it seems he is like a contemporary Sahagn, in his data collection and awe of the
foods of Mexico. Recording food customs and recipes (lest they fall into disuse) is an
active part of cultural revival given that the books where they are recorded influence
readers activities, discovery or rediscovery of these things. But even without books,
sometimes home cooking is reproduced in restaurants, then in turn is re-reproduced
in peoples homes, ultimately expanding, redefining or refining the cuisine.
An example is a traditional soup from central Mexico known as squash blossom or milpa plantation soup, sopa de flor de calabaza or sopa de milpa. The soup
On Learning Techniques
Before my first visit to Mexico, I bought or read a number of Mexican cookbooks,
hoping to try out some recipes. It was intimidating, to say the least. Some cookbooks
suggest sample menus or traditional accompaniments, which are helpful, but this
does not compare with having the experience of cooking and eating in Mexico with
Mexican people to give you a feeling for the cuisine. Often recipes looked deceptively simple, but in fact they were full of parenthetical references to other recipes or
basic techniques. Here is an example from the cookbook of a well-known restaurant
in Texas that has been known for serving authentic Mexican food of the interior,
Fonda San Miguel. Inspired by a recipe from Diana Kennedy, these are the three
ingredients of their recipe for Pescado Tikin Xik:
6 6- to 7-ounce red snapper fillets, skinned
Achiote Rub (see recipe for Cochinita Pibil)
Cebollas Rojas en Escabeche (see separate recipe) (Gilliland and Ravago, 2005,
p. 134)
In addition, they recommend serving the fish with arroz blanco (white rice) and frijoles negros (black beans), or with chipotle mayonnaise, recipes for which are found on
other pages of the book. The rice and beans would be the most common accompaniments for this fish in the Yucatn where the recipe originates, so it is good advice to
follow. (Thank goodness we can ask the fishmonger to fillet and skin the fish for us!)
Some professional chefs ascribed the source of their success to things other than
love. They talked of having a passion for food, in general, but they were also likely
to relate their cooking skills to art or to their being professional. Ricardo says
that he cooks with love, and also with passion. Chef Abdiel Cervantes says he is a
lover of Mexican cuisine (Soy un amante de la cocina mexicana), and his success
is because of his genuine fondness (cario) for Mexican cuisine. Chefs like Ricardo
and Abdiel, who were singled out as specialists in Mexican cuisine, each had profound childhood memories or training that influenced their cooking. They grew up
cooking Mexican food, helping their mothers, who sold local food commercially or
who often prepared food for large parties. In fact, Abdiel was a self-taught chef who
became successful in Mexico City without any formal culinary training.
Ricardo tried to explain to me his idea of love when cooking Mexican food: You
dont cook just for the hell of it; theres something to transmit through the food. It is
something very very personal, so hard to explain that the only way to express your
feelings is through action. He continued, Every single thing you do in the pot, you
do because it has a reason. When a salsa comes out very hot (muy picosa), the explanation often given is that the cook was angry or that she lacked love. When the
salsa is watery, the cook was feeling lethargic, lazy or dispirited ( flojera, sin nimo,
sin amor). As Ricardo always emphasized, the emotional state of mind of the cook is
always revealed in the outcome of the cooking.
Cooking with love was Ricardos favourite topic of discussion. La comida es
una verdadera manifestacin del amor, he said (Food is a true manifestation of
love). He explained that when you truly love someone, not necessarily in a romantic
sense, with pleasure you might say, Te voy a cocinar un mole para tu cumpleaos
(I will make you a mole for your birthday). It is a way to assure your friend that
you will provide the best for him or her. Saying, Te voy a cocinarte algo (I will
cook something for you) means Te quiero mucho (I love you very much), but not
necessarily in a sexual sense. Ricardo emphasized the Mexican saying that the way
to a mans heart is through his stomach, un hombre se enamora por el estmago, or
un hombre se conquista por el estmago. A cook invests many hours in preparing
food for others, he added (his emphasis). It is a way of expressing how much you
Recipes
Though I have just explained at length that it is difficult to reproduce Mexican cooking without demonstration and practice, I provide recipes throughout this book to
give readers an idea of Mexican home cooking (comida casera). The recipes and
cooking tips in this chapter are taken from Ricardos first book, Los chiles rellenos
en Mxico (1996). Because of his training as a chef, instructions are meticulously
written. I have abridged it only a little as I translated it. I hope that Ricardos detailed
explanations will compensate for the lack of his presence.
When I first began my own research, my working title was Chiles rellenos a la
mexicana, Stuffed Chiles a la Mexicana. From reading cookbooks I was charmed
with the idea of stuffing chiles and on my first visit to Mexico I was naturally most
eager to taste this very special, yet also very humble and everyday dish. All kinds
of chiles are stuffed and are served in peoples homes, but what is most commonly
found in Mexico City, and in market stands and fondas, are poblano chiles stuffed
with chopped or minced meat ( picadillo), or cheese. In the market the chiles are sold
wrapped in a tortilla like a taco, but in a fonda or at home, stuffed chiles would be
served with a thin tomato sauce, caldillo. The picadillo filling for the chile recipes
Chiles
15 chiles poblanos, ready for stuffing
See How to Peel chiles poblanos, below.
Picadillo
3 cups potatoes, peeled and cut into -cm (-inch) cubes
cup corn or canola oil
1 cup white onions, finely chopped
1 tablespoon garlic, finely chopped
300 g (11 oz) minced beef
350 g (12 oz) minced pork
sea salt to taste
black pepper, freshly ground, to taste
Blanch the potatoes in water and set them aside. They should be cooked but
not very soft.
Heat the oil until it smokes lightly and fry the onions until soft and golden. Add
the garlic and as soon as it is fried, stir in the beef and pork. Cook until the
meat is crispy, stirring from time to time to separate the lumps and to avoid it
sticking to the pan.
Capeado
8 eggs at room temperature, separated
sea salt to taste
flour, as necessary
corn or canola oil for frying
See How to Achieve a Perfect capeado, below.
Caldillo
cup corn oil
2 cups white onions, sliced into thin segments
4 cloves garlic, peeled
1 cup tomato, chopped
teaspoon whole cumin seeds
sea salt to taste
black pepper to taste
Heat the oil in a pan until it smokes lightly, and fry the onion until golden.
In a blender, liquefy the garlic, tomato and cumin. Strain the mixture and pour
it over the onions.
Allow the caldillo to cook for about 15 minutes, and season with salt and pepper to taste.
Serve the chiles with this sauce, accompanied with white rice and/or brothy
beans and corn tortillas or bread.
2
Cooking as an Artistic Practice
29
Strangely enough, he discusses the art of cooking, using this label without questioning its meaning. But his interest is in comparative analysis over a broad historical,
Put into context, the cultural meanings of culinary activity as part of womens work
is different from a semiotic analysis of foodstuffs.
Thus I avoid analysis of semiotic relations such as corn with blood or chiles with
penises (in the wordplay albur). Instead, my research focuses on the meanings of interrelating cultural formsthe corpus of cuisine, womens domestic and extradomestic
roles, and social interaction and hospitality in fiesta and quotidian occasions. Thinking
of food as art which is based on action (Gell, 1998) allows for using Nancy Munns
conception of meaning that is not static: actors construct this meaningful order in the
process of being constructed in its terms (1986, p. 6). What Mexican cooking actually
appears to mean is a harmonious family and socio-cosmological life. Women do the
cooking, and the cuisine demands a certain discipline and lifestyle which partly structures the daily, weekly, monthly, and yearly timetables of women as well as men.
These are important points which could lead to further investigation, and my approach attempts to respond to such a gap. So, rather than trying to explain why one
foodstuff may stand for something else, my position with specific regard to food
is to locate the source of meaning in the social relations between cooks and eaters
and in culinary agency. If foods are full of meaning, and therefore meaning ful, the
social meanings or meaningfulness of foods can be better understood if we analyze
cuisine as a whole, focusing on culinary practice, but also acknowledge the artistic
quality of the act of cooking. To help in thinking about food anthropologically, therefore, I mainly draw upon Alfred Gells theory of art, as he developed it in several
publications (e.g. 1998, 1999b). Thus, I am taking cuisine as art in the way that Gell
sees art, as a system of action, intended to change the world rather than encode
symbolic propositions about it (1998, p. 6).
Artist
Artwork
Object or person depicted by artwork
Spectator, patron
Cook
Food, dish, meal
Recipe
Eater
Index
Prototype
Recipient
Patient
Cook
Recipe
Eater
Artist
Cook-ACook-P
Food-ACook-P
Recipe-ACook-P
Eater-ACook-P
Cook
Food dictates cooks action with it, e.g. avocado; making barbacoa bestows prestige
Index
Cook-AFood-P
Food-AFood-P
Recipe-AFood-P
Eater-AFood-P
Prototype
Cook-A Recipe-P
food-Arecipe-P
recipe-Arecipe-P
eater-Arecipe-P
Recipe
Recipient
Cook-AEater-P
Food-AEater-P
Recipe-AEater-P
Eater-AEater-P
Eater
Captivation by cooks
skill;Life is wonderful effect
by chef; diner in awe
35
Artist
Source: Table 1 from Gell (1998). Oxford University Press. By permission of Oxford University Press. Modified/Adapted.
He also wrote, Artworks can also trap eels or grow yams. The interpretation of
such practically embedded artworks is intrinsically conjoined to their characteristics
as instruments fulfilling purposes other than the embodiment of autonomous meaning (1999b, p. 211). For the purposes of this analysis, that means that artworks can
also satisfy hunger or fulfil gastronomic desires. A food, a meal or a special dish can
be thought of as an art object, a social nexus embedded within a culinary system,
which is in itself a social system within a matrix of other interrelated social systems.
Thus, form and function are merged when externally exhibited in bodily action via
the aesthetic, which he describes as a dimension of habitus and systematic choices
produced in practice.
So in the case of food, if form is constituted by flavour, then flavour is socially
functional. Perhaps this is better explained with Gells method of analyzing art, as
he approaches art from another perspective. Following Gell, therefore, rather than
beginning with social classifications, I suggest focusing primarily on the art world
(cuisine) and the artists, and then considering the audience and how this informs an
artist to modify an artwork; in other words, how it comes about that a society places
value on an object and judges one thing to be in better taste, or to taste better, than
another.
The skill required in culinary labour is the kind of technical mastery which Gell
refers to as necessary for the production of an artwork, and also for the homologous
3
Barbacoa in Milpa Alta
In this chapter, I wish to portray the daily pursuit of gastronomic quality in ordinary
life by describing how a typical week might pass in the lives of barbacoa makers
in Milpa Alta. Barbacoa refers to a preparation of pit-roast meat which has been
used in Mexico since pre-Hispanic times. It is a method of slow cooking whole
animals by burying them for several hours or overnight in a pit lined with aromatic
leaves and filled with hot coals, herbs and spices. The word barbacoa is of Caribbean origin, but the corresponding cooking methods used all over Mexico are based
on the Mayan pib or earth oven. In the central states the meat is flavoured with
the fleshy leaves of the maguey. The meat typically used is lamb (borrego, usually
1- or 2-year-old sheep), pit-barbecued in a cylindrical clay- or brick-lined oven.
Depending on the region and tradition, there are also barbacoas of other meats such
as rabbit, chicken, turkey, beef, pork or goat (kid). Since the whole animal is used,
including the head, and because of its long, labour-intensive preparation and cooking
process (described below), it is considered to be festive food, reserved for special
celebrations or weekends.
Eating barbacoa
Whilst it is more commonly prepared as a cottage industry by families called barbacoieros, there also are restaurants in Mexico City which exclusively serve barbacoa
with its traditional accompaniments. These barbacoa restaurants offer a complete celebration with the meal. Urban families who avoid eating in the marketplace frequent
these restaurants for family celebrations such as birthdays or anniversaries. There is
usually space for at least 400 diners, although smaller parties are welcome. A cultural
show with dancing and singing of ranchera music gives the place the festive air of a
cantina or countryside fiesta. Customers can order traditional snacks such as gorditas or
chalupitas as their starters. Although these are antojitos, typically eaten in the streets,
restaurants offer them because a large part of their clientele rarely eat street food.
Ordering them would be indulgent, however, because barbacoa is tasty and complete
enough the way it is normally served and requires little more to be satisfying.
It is common to start with a bowl of the consom de barbacoa, a flavourful broth
consisting of the meat drippings which have amalgamated with herbs and spices
49
Wednesday: Rest
Wednesday is the day of rest for barbacoiero families. This is spent like a typical
Sunday for anyone else, unless there is a major holiday midweek, in which case they
would prepare more barbacoa to sell on these special days. Otherwise they are free
Conclusion
From the first time that I observed and participated in the preparation of barbacoa
I was fascinated with the process. There was a distinct division of labour between
men and women, with the main responsibility lying with the marital couple, particularly the wife. When I later learned, as mentioned earlier, that only married couples
prepare barbacoa for a living, whilst single men and women only helped their parents but had separate careers, it was evident that this was an industry that had significant social effects. But I had not realized how much the preparation of the dish
affected the way that barbacoieros interacted socially with others.
When a couple decides to dedicate themselves to barbacoa, they commit themselves to working excessively hard during weekends and having free time in the
middle of the week, when most people are very busy working. Whatever the weather,
they have to work long, disciplined hours to continue to earn a living and not disappoint their customers. As indicated in this chapter, discipline, order, cleanliness
and frugality are necessary to perform the culinary technique. After slaughtering, all
parts of the animal are used either in the cooking or for other purposes. The sheepskins are sold to make into jackets and rugs, the bones are sold to make detergents,
and the tallow is sold to make soap. All other parts of the animal are eaten. Nothing
is wasted.
Their work rhythm dictates some of their values as well as their timetables. Having the opportunity to socialize at the same times, it makes sense that people of similar occupation should group together. This proximity to one another also encourages
competition, so unsurprisingly, issues of trust and envy are highly relevant in the
community of all those who are involved in the same business. Families carefully
protect their belongings and social standing. Since Milpa Alta is officially an area
of Mexico City of relative poverty, barbacoieros seem to be both more attractive as
well as more cautious when dealing with others. The recent prosperity associated
with barbacoa has made the wealth of barbacoieros a new value to protect.
The fact that they are concentrated in Barrio San Mateo gives the barrio a reputation of being excessively proud and stingy. Those from San Mateo are said to be
much less friendly than those of other barrios. Women who married into San Mateo
often commented to me that they had not been used to how people in San Mateo
rarely greet one another in the streets, nor do they share with each other unless there
is a particular fiesta. It is uncommon to borrow ingredients from the neighbours as
they are expected to pay for whatever foodstuff they require, even if it is only a bit
of sugar or a few tortillas. This behaviour is attributed to wealth, and wealth in the
area is attached to barbacoa.
Recipes
Commercial Green Salsa for barbacoa
Ma. Primitiva Bermejo Martnez
green husk tomatoes, raw
green chile de rbol, stemmed
garlic
avocados
Barbacoa
I used to think it inconceivable to prepare barbacoa at home unless I dug a pit in the
garden and grew my own magueyes. Then one day I decided to try making it and was
4
Women as Culinary Agents
Although many men in Milpa Alta are involved in food industries, home cooking is
considered womens work. This chapter focuses on the role of women in the network
of Milpa Alta society. Maintaining the leitmotif of cooking as an artistic practice, we
can think of womens agency as a culinary agency. Women are the key actors in the
culinary system, and just as their agency is mobilized by the family during fiestas
in community-wide sociality1 (see Chapter 5), they can also mobilize the agency of
others, such as when they hire domestic helpers.2 I begin by describing local social
relations and different kinds of womens work in Milpa Alta, referring to the sazn
de amor that is responsible for good flavour, and go on to develop my argument in
relation to how women andor viatheir cooking are valued in Milpa Alta.3
71
A similar kind of dynamic exists in Milpa Alta, and probably in other parts of
Mexico as well. Villareals case study clearly demonstrates that women are not passive. They can take an active role in modifying their social spaces. They do not
necessarily succumb submissively to the dominant discourse, but actively use the
ideals of cooking and motherhood to avoid forcing direct confrontation. Melhuus
and Stlen (1996) argue that gender ideology is in constant flux, yet it continues to
organize and perform functions in society. They write, Neither the fact that women
often comply with practices that subordinate them nor the fact that they resist the exercise of such practices can be understood in terms of the exclusively repressive view
of power common in womens studies (p. 20). Some cases cited in their volume
indicate a certain complicity among women, as well as resistance, which undermines
the power of the accepted gender imagery.
Culinary Agency
The material I have presented thus far suggests that women can gain empowerment
through cooking or can draw it from their culinary agency (cf. Abarca, 2006). This is
Recipes
Huevos a la mexicana
A typical recipe for almuerzo.
oil
onion, finely chopped
1 green chile, finely chopped
1 large tomato, finely chopped
4 eggs
salt
Taco placero
When there is little time to make a proper meal, some women buy various foods
in the market to serve taco placero or tacos de plaza. This is a combination of
foods that can be bought in the market or tianguis and eaten right there in the plaza
as fillings for tacos; hence its name. Some people buy food and combine it with
what they have at home for making any kind of tacos. Some or all of the following
foods are offered for taco placero, with the essential ingredients marked with an
asterisk (*):
*tortillas
*queso fresco
*avocado
*chicharrn
*ppaloquelite
*pickled chiles
salsa
cebollas desflemadas
nopales compuestos
tamal de sesos
tamal de charales
pascle
salpicn
barbacoa
carnitas
cecina
lime
spring onions
beans
Carnitas
Jos Arenas Berrocal
Yadiras brother, Jos, learned to make carnitas by watching others. The first time
he prepared carnitas was for a fiesta that I attended. The food turned out so well that
his sisters congratulated him as if he were a young girl, saying, Now you are ready
to marry! (Jos was divorced and had two adolescent sons.)
One whole pig (about 20 kg) serves around 140 people. For this recipe Jos used
two medium-sized pigs.
The pig must be cut into large pieceslegs, loin, shoulders, ribs, skinand
marinated in vinegar for several hours to overnight.
In a large cauldron, heat abundant lard until boiling. Add meat in this order:
first legs, then shoulders, loin, ribs, with skin on top, covering all the meat.
When the lard comes to a boil once more, add around 5 large cans of evaporated milk, the juice from around 40 oranges, and the peels of 5 oranges. You
may add garlic, but this is optional.
Allow the meat to boil until it is very soft. Add saltpetre to redden and flavour
the meat.
Serve with hot tortillas and red or green salsa.
5
Mole and Fiestas
This chapter analyzes the social meanings of the food served during fiestas in Milpa
Altathat is, mole, barbacoa, carnitas and mixiotes. Fiesta food, like daily food,
is also prepared or organized by women, although we have seen that barbacoa is
a product of mens and womens complementary labour, and carnitas is a similar
dish. Whichever fiesta food is chosen, it is prepared in large amounts, usually to
serve at least around five hundred guests, and thus also requires more than one cook
to prepare it. These celebratory dishes are repositories of the value of social actors as groups rather than as individuals. As described in the previous chapter, the
high value of culinary elaboration is interwoven with the social value placed upon
womens (sexual and gastronomic) virtue as wives and mothers within the domestic
sphere. Women are also valued in the community specifically for their role in rituals,
that is, fiestas (cf. Stephen, 2005, Chapter 9). One of Stephens Zapotec informants
is quoted to have said, The men respect our work and say that we work hard. They
know the food is the most important thing about a fiesta, and we do that. So our work
is most important, but its hard (p. 261). This is similar to Milpa Alta, where food
preparation is recognized and appreciated as work in family as well as in community
contexts.
What I found striking about fiestas was the predictability of the menu; in Mexican
cuisine, feast food is mole, and likewise having mole makes eaters feel that they are
celebrating something. This is significant, but not just as an indication of the symbolic power or value of foods. Special occasions require elaborate dishes so that they
can be marked as special,1 but there are other features of a fiesta apart from the food
that together characterize celebration.
The fiesta incorporates local social systems (the mayordoma and compadrazgo),
including music, ritual and convention, which will be explained in this chapter. The
mayordoma organizes the town fiesta (la fiesta del pueblo), one of the most important public festivities. During this time the community cooperates with the local
mayordoma to hold a large-scale celebration where all are welcome. Similarly, compadrazgo (the system of ritual kinship or co-parenthood) helps families cooperate
to organize and celebrate their private life cycle rituals. Fiestas of varying scales
require greater or lesser individual involvement, depending on family and community demands and whether they are personal celebrations of life cycle events or local
or national holidays. In the following pages I describe some aspects of the fiesta of
89
Compadrazgo
Compadrazgo3 is the system of ritual kinship, which at its most basic is the relationship between a couple and the godparents ( padrinos) of their child. When a couple
chooses their compadres, it is because they hold them in high esteem and would thus
be honoured if they would accept the role of godparent for their child. Compadrazgo
ritualizes these close social relationships between families based on their mutual
respect. The ties bound by shared responsibility over the ahijado (godchild) provide
a social assurance which may be necessary in future, although not necessarily for
economic assistance.
Apart from baptism, there are other kinds of compadres for marriage, house blessings and almost any kind of inaugural or life cycle event. Both husbands and wives
choose their compadres, sometimes jointly, sometimes singly. Compadres, especially baptismal compadres, are couples married in church with whom they wish to
maintain a lifelong relationship. By extension, other family members on both sides
call one another compadre/comadre or padrino/madrina, and the families maintain
commitments as of kinship into future generations.
The respect that characterizes compadrazgo relationships implies personal affection, mutual admiration and also social distance. To speak with respect, therefore,
is natural under these circumstances. Thus, friends who become compadres may
change the form of address that they use with one another and begin to use Usted
when they used to call each other t (cf. Lomnitz, 1977). Accompanying heightened
respect, the actual relationship between compadres may be characterized by competition, envidia (greed) and initial distrust, and these also extend throughout the families of the compadres. Indeed, each family thereafter maintains this bond between
them, and one would begin to address the mother of ones comadre, for example, as
comadrita. The way Yadira explained it, she said that compadres (and friends) are
inherited in Milpa Alta. They are ritual kin.4
Her statement is telling in that she mentions eating well at home as a luxury. Holding large parties, serving mole, barbacoa, or carnitas, is socially enjoyable and beneficial, but the deepest pleasure, of highest value, is eating a meal at home, surrounded
by loved ones (close family members).
Since her wedding day, Yadira told me, she had gained quite a lot of weight.
This was mainly because she then moved to Milpa Alta, where parties are taken so
seriously and where hospitality requires a guest to eat everything she is offered. If
a guest cannot eat it, she can surreptitiously take it away to eat at home later. As I
The most famous dish in Mexico is the mole poblano, the Pueblan mole, formerly
called mole de olor, mole of fragrance (Bayless and Bayless, 1987 p. 196). Considered to be the ultimate Mexican dish, it is eaten primarily for celebrations. There
are several different kinds of regional recipes for mole, but generally speaking, it
is a richly flavoured, thick sauce which incorporates up to thirty ingredients, both
native and non-native to Mexico. The name for this dish is a Hispanicization of the
Nhuatl word for sauce, molli. The word now connotes a combination of dried chiles,
spices, nuts, herbs, fruits, seeds and starches (like bread and tortillas). It is often
misrepresented as a combination of chiles and chocolate, but it is more complex,
and chocolate is not an essential ingredient, although it is commonly included. Each
ingredient requires individual preparation before all are ground together into a paste,
then diluted with broth and cooked.
There is some disagreement about what makes a mole poblano distinct from other
moles. Some cooks say that the mole poblano is distinguishable by the chiles used
mulato, ancho and pasilla. Others believe it is particular in its incorporation of chocolate, although many other moles may contain chocolate. The majority say that its most
characteristic difference is that Pueblan mole includes a lot of sesame seeds and typically is strewn with more as a garnish. Even in artistic images, such as paintings, photographs, or the sculptural sweets made for the Days of the Dead called alfeiques, the
mole poblano is recognized as the thick dark brown sauce with sesame seeds sprinkled
on top just before serving. The popular Mexican saying above, Eres ajonjol de todos
los moles, draws upon this common knowledge about festive food in Mexico. Since
Table 5.1 Feast Food in Milpa Alta, Arranged According to Type of Celebration
Type of fiesta/practice
Specific fiesta
Birthdays, weddings,
quinceaos, town fiestas,
Christmas, Easter Sunday,
ninth day after funeral
Catholic seasons
(most dishes with clear
Spanish origins, all meatless)
Lent, Advent
Pescado a la vizcaina
Chiles rellenos de queso o atn
Ensalada de betabel sangre de
Cristo
Capirotada or torrejas
Buuelos, calabaza en tacha
green chile
|
pico de gallo
(green chile + tomato + onion + salt)
|
guacamole 1
(green chile + tomato + onion + salt + avocado)
guacamole 2.1
guacamole 2.2
(green chile + tomato + onion
(green chile + tomato
+ salt + avocado + lime juice)
+ onion + salt + avocado +
pipicha + guajes)
|
guacamole 3
(green chile + tomato + onion + salt
+ avocado + lime juice + coriander leaves)
|
guacamole 4
(green chile + tomato + onion + salt + avocado +
lime juice + coriander leaves + garlic + olive oil)
Figure 5.1 Linear Progression from Green Chile to Complex Guacamole
chile
104
lard + masa
tortillas + salsa 1 salsa 2 salsa x
chilaquiles
enchiladas
pastel azteca
mole
Pinpointing exactly what it is that makes barbacoa like mole, for example, is not
as obvious as the similarity between a basic salsa and a mole (that is, both are salsas,
made with chiles and other ingredients). But my purpose here is not to examine the
defining style of what makes one dish Mexican and another not Mexican.13 What is
necessary is to accept the logic that there is something called style which allows
certain recipes to be grouped within the corpus of Mexican cuisine, and from this, we
can observe the interrelations of this level of meaning (culinary) with other levels of
meaning in social life (much like Munns value transformations, and somewhat like
Levi-Strausss culinary triangle/tetrahedron).
As far as Mexican cuisine is part of Mexican tradition, its history (or biography)
can be understood as having come into being by the work of many persons (mostly
women) simultaneously in separate households. It continues to be modified and improved as each cook prepares each meal every day. Cooking is activity in two ways,
as a physical activity and as a creative activity of continuous innovation. What is
considered to be traditional cooking has emerged and continues to emerge out of
the domestic sphere and as a part of local social life.
As a distributed object, each of the varied recipes which make up a cuisine may
develop in its own way, spread out over space and time (see Gell, 1998, p. 235, Figure 9.4/1, The Artists Oeuvre as a Distributed Object). The recipes are separately
refined by a collection of individuals who interact with and influence one another,
leading to further innovation and growth. This, in essence, is how all traditional arts
develop. Thus, a cuisine is a collective work, constructed by the efforts of individuals
who prepare dishes based on recipes. The recipes are drawn from their memories,
or they learn them from other individuals in the community,14 who may have greater
skill in using the traditional knowledge of the culinary arts, and who are in turn
Fiesta Food
To return to the question of how barbacoa, carnitas and mixiote came to be accepted
as fiesta food, it is first interesting to note some of the similarities amongst these
dishes. Barbacoa is made by roasting a whole lamb in a pit lined with maguey leaves
and left to cook overnight over hot coals and aromatics. It is always served with particular salsas accompanying it. Mixiote is made of meat (rabbit, pork and/or chicken)
which is rubbed with an adobo (a mole-like) paste, then is wrapped in a mixiote, the
skin of the leaves of the maguey (the same plant used to line the pit for making barbacoa). Carnitas is made by stewing a whole pig in its own fat. It is flavoured with
oranges and garlic, and, like barbacoa, it is always served with salsas and tortillas.
The relative costs of preparing these dishes are also relevant. The high-quality
ingredients for mole (chiles, nuts and spices) are expensive. One kilo of mole costs
more than one kilo of barbacoa, carnitas or mixiote. Also, mole is prepared at home
even though it is available commercially, and it is always made as a special effort for
Recipes
Tamales de nopales for the Barrio Fiesta
Doa Margarita Salazar
Fry chopped onions in butter.
Add chopped nopales.
Toast chile de rbol in lard and crush roughly.
Mix chiles with nopales and queso oaxaca.
Fill prepared corn husks as if they were tamales but without masa, placing a stick
of double cream cheese in the centre as if it were a piece of meat. Steam.
Buuelos de lujo
Ma. Primitiva Bermejo Martnez
In Mexico buuelos are broad, crispy fritters served in stacks, dribbled with a
light flavoured syrup or honey. They are served at Christmas parties or during posadas and are said to represent the diapers of the Baby Jesus Christ. This is how Primy
always makes buuelos. I began calling them her luxury buuelos or buuelos de
lujo because they were so different from the kind that you find being sold at fairs all
over Mexico during Christmas, Easter or Carnival. The measurements are approximate because, like most home cooks, Primy just throws in whatever amounts feel
right to her. Makes 50 to 60 buuelos.
a pinch of aniseed, boiled in a little water
2 kg plain flour
910 eggs
kg butter, melted
zest of 2 oranges, finely grated
orange juice, freshly squeezed
2 fistfuls of lard
3 cups of sugar
abundant oil for frying
Combine all the ingredients, except for the oil, in a large bowl, adding enough
orange juice to make an elastic dough. Knead it well to develop the glutens, occasionally throwing the dough forcefully onto a metate. Do this several times
and make sure that you hear a loud slapping noise with each throw. (Primy said
that sometimes she would ask Alejandro or any available man to do the kneading for her because it is physically quite difficult.)
When the dough is elastic, flour a work surface and pull off walnut-sized balls.
Flatten or roll each ball into a rough circle. Sitting down, cover your knee with
a clean tea towel. Place the circle of dough on the rounded surface and very
gently pull the dough from the edges in small increments, turning it constantly
and sustaining it on your knee. The dough can be stretched to a very thin disk
about 25 cm in diameter. If the dough breaks easily it is not elastic enough and
may lack kneading.
Fry each circle in hot oil, making sure to press the centre into the oil so that it
cooks evenly. Turn to brown the other side, and do not worry about it breaking,
as the dough is strong. Drain on absorbent paper and allow to harden.
To Serve
Drizzle with a light syrup made of crude sugar ( piloncillo) and water (this may be
flavoured with aniseed or guava).
Torrejas
Ma. Primitiva Bermejo Martnez
Torrejas are a Lenten dessert typical of the state of Michoacan. This is the way
Primy makes them, which is a bit unusual in that they are coated in the egg batter
called a capeado, like the capeado for chiles rellenos. Most recipes for torrejas are
reminiscent of Spanish torrijas, like French toast. Primys version contains no milk,
and it probably would not matter if the bread used was very fresh. This is something
that she rarely prepared because her mother-in-law, Doa Margarita, did not like the
idea of a sweet made with spices. When Doa Margarita was persuaded to try these
torrejas, she liked them so much that she had seconds. Serves 12.
4 slightly stale teleras, each cut into 3 pieces, or 1 baguette,
cut into 6-centimetre slices
250 g queso cotija, or use an aged white cows milk cheese
like Romano or Sardo
3 eggs, separated
vegetable oil for frying
Hollow out each piece of bread by removing some of the central crumbs, leaving
an open pocket. Fill each space with cheese and proceed with the capeado as for
stuffed chiles.
Spiced Syrup
1 cone of piloncillo (crude sugar) or 1 cup firmly packed dark brown sugar
8 cm of Ceylon cinnamon (not tough Cassia)
5 whole cloves
5 whole allspice berries
around 750 mL of water
Boil all the ingredients in enough water to make a light syrup. To serve, warm the
fried bread pieces in the syrup to impregnate them with the flavours and to heat them
through. Serve in low bowls with lots of syrup.
6
The Centrality of Gastronomy in Social Life
The conjunction of a member of the social group with nature must be mediated through
the intervention of cooking fire, whose normal function is to mediatize the conjunction
of the raw product and the human consumer, and whose operation thus has the effect of
making sure that a natural creature is at one and the same time cooked and socialized.
Lvi-Strauss (1994, p. 336, original italics)
In this book I have approached Mexican cuisine by thinking of cooking as an artistic practice, situating this in the context of Milpa Alta. I offer an interpretation
based on the point of view of food as a form of art to argue the following points:
flavour is functional in an active sense; flavour is achieved via love (the sazn de
amor necessary for good cooking); observing cooking shows how actors are acted
upon by their actions (following Munn, 1986); gender is not intrinsically hierarchical
(cf. McCallum, 2001) and women are able to use cooking to exert power and enact
their social value (Abarca, 2006; Melhuus and Stlen, 1996); and social organization
can be understood as a social-relational matrix with food as indexes within the active
art nexus (following Gell, 1998). This means that we can understand different social
levels (family-compadrazgo-mayordoma) by analyzing food in terms of cooking,
from everyday hospitality to fiesta hospitality. In the following sections I will explain
these conclusions.
113
Sexual food metaphors may therefore reveal notions about oral and sexual desire
or I would rather say appetiteand not so much about the relations between specific fruits or vegetables. The significance of albur is that food, especially the chile,
is subject to linguistic and conceptual manipulation by men, explicitly relating it to
sex. On the other hand, more generally and among women, the chile is manipulated
in another, culinary way, and is explicitly related to eating and flavour. The relationships among food and cooking and love and sex can be understood through albur to
have ramifications in the assessment of flavour and morality in terms of eating a meal
cooked at home or enjoying snacks in the streets.
1 Variations on Salsa
1.1 Salsa roja cruda (Raw Red Salsa)
2 large ripe red tomatoes, cut into pieces
medium onion, roughly chopped
2 small green chiles, chopped
salt to taste
Chop all ingredients and mix well. If left chunky, this is the classic salsa mexicana, which is often used to accompany grilled fish or meat or eggs. In any
case, this is a table salsa.
The ingredients can be more mashed or liquefied and other ingredients added.
Mash in a mortar with a pestle or put all in a blender with a little water if necessary. Blend to desired consistency.
Fresh, raw salsas are nice left chunky. This is a perfect accompaniment for
guacamole and tortilla chips as well as for eggs, grilled meats or fish, or anything.
1.2 Guacamole
Raw red salsa with mashed avocado added. Variations or optional ingredients, as
with raw red salsa
1.2.1 Guacamole
2 large ripe avocados
1 small tomato, finely chopped
white onion, finely chopped
1 small green chile (serrano or jalapeo), finely chopped (optional)
salt to taste
coriander (cilantro), finely chopped (optional)
lime juice (optional)
2 Tortillas
Tortillas can be made by boiling corn with lime (CaOH), grinding it to a soft dough,
masa, and patting out by hand, pressing out with a tortilla press, or putting masa
through an industrial tortillera machine. Tortillas can be thick or thin, large or small,
long or short. Well-made tortillas puff up as they bake and have two different sides,
a front and a back.
2.2 Tostadas
Fry whole day-old tortillas until crisp, keeping them flatthese are now called tostadas. They are served alongside pozole (hominy soup) with crema espesa, avocados,
lime, onions, sliced radish, shredded lettuce and chopped coriander.
Tostadas are also eaten on their own, topped with a variety of different things,
always with some kind of salsa or chile on the side. Some other optional toppings
that can be combined as you wish are as follows:
refried beans
shredded lettuce
shredded boiled chicken or pork
salpicn
avocado
sliced onions
crema espesa
crumbled, grated or shredded cheese
2.4 Tlacoyos
This is typical street food in Mexico City. Prepare masa for tortillas and refried
beans. Before pressing out the tortillas, place a length of beans in the centre of a ball
of masa and press it out into an oblong shape, about 1015 cm long, 8 cm wide, and
1 cm thick. The beans should be encased in masa. Bake on both sides on a hot comal,
dry frying pan or griddle. Top with cooked salsa, chopped onions, grated cheese,
chopped coriander and cream.
2.4.1 Huaraches
Huaraches are like tlacoyos but are much wider, thinner and crisper. Seoras sell
them on street corners and outside metro stations in Mexico City. They can be up to
40 cm long and 25 cm wide and are served with the same toppings as tlacoyos.
Typical Toppings
white onion, sliced into very thin wedges, rings or half-rings
shredded or crumbled white cheese (queso oaxaqueo, queso fresco, mild feta)
crema espesa/de rancho/crme frache
chopped coriander/cilantro
Variations: optional side dishes to place on or beside chilaquiles
fried egg
fried or breaded thinly pounded chicken breast, pork or beef filet (milanesa)
fried crumbled Mexican longaniza (sausage)
shredded boiled chicken
frijoles refritos (refried beans, see below)
bolillos or teleras (crusty white bread roll)
3.2 Enchiladas
corn tortillas
thin cooked salsa, as for chilaquiles
shredded boiled chicken, pork or beef or boiled potatoes
chopped white onions
grated cheese
Heat 1 cm oil in a frying pan beside the pan where the salsa is cooking.
One by one, dip each tortilla in the pan of hot salsa and pass it through to
quickly coat it. Then pass it through the hot oil to soften it a bit and make it
pliable.
One by one, lay tortillas on a plate or ovenproof serving dish, place about a
tablespoon of filling in the centre and roll into a cylinder. Arrange rolls side by
side.
Sprinkle with chopped onions and grated cheese.
3.2.1 For Enchiladas suizas
Use green salsa, shredded chicken and yellow melting cheese and drizzle over
crema espesa or sour cream. Arrange in ovenproof dish and bake till heated
through and cheese has melted.
4.3 Enfrijoladas
See 3.2.3 above.
Variations
combine 2 or more types of fruit
stir in chopped mint before serving
serve with crema espesa/de rancho (crme frache)
Notes
Introduction
1. Abarca (2006) takes a political and feminist standpoint to analyze the same
topics of food in Mexico that had also struck me as most importantnamely,
sazn, food as art, and cooking as a source of womens agency and empowerment. Any researcher of Mexican food would find them to be part of the reality
of Mexican culinary culture. Yet while her treatment of these subjects appeared
to overlap with mine, in fact her approach is necessarily different, given our
different disciplinary training and personal backgrounds. Abarca draws from
literary, gender and cultural studies and is herself a native Mexican. She grew
up with the creative artistry of Mexican cooking as part of her normal daily
life. So for her, her experience was intellectualized before she revalued and
reevaluated her appreciation of the Mexican kitchen. In my case, I approached
Mexican cuisine with the curiosity, sense of adventure and discovery of an outsider or tourist, and indeed of an anthropologist. As can be expected, there are
certain things which non-natives notice that natives may not immediately see or
may take for granted, and vice versa. Our different perspectives can only further
enrich our understanding of food and cooking and Mexican gastronomy.
2. Where . . . food production depends on the skilled handling of tools, and indeed
of ones own person, the productive forces appear as the embodied qualities of
human subjectsas their technical skills (Ingold, 2000, p. 318). Sutton (2006)
also discusses how acquiring cooking skill is a matter of learning bodily habit
memory and not simply following a simple set of rules.
3. The regional cuisines of the Middle East, India and China are comparable in
their complexity of everyday cooking.
4. The mixing of cuisines and culinary culture is far from a simple matter, of
course. This is very well explained by Wilk (2006, Chapter 6) in his discussion
of the creolization of Belizean food.
5. At the time of my research in the nineties, the population was only about
1 per cent of the Federal District (81,102 for Milpa Alta and 8,489,007 for
the whole city), though it occupied 19.2 per cent of its area. Most of this land
was put to agricultural use, 3.5 per cent was inhabited, and 1 per cent was
used for urban buildings and other purposes (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica Geografa e Informtica 1997, pp. 212). The people of Milpa Alta rarely
137
138 Notes
6.
7.
8.
9.
emigrated; 96.7 per cent of the population were natives of Milpa Alta and had
never changed their place of residence as of the census of 1990 (Departamento
de Distrito Federal, 1997, p. 15).
The maguey is the source of pulque, a mildly fermented viscous drink made of
the maguey sap. When unfermented, it is called aguamiel, or honey water. Pulque used to be a common drink in this region, and it had religious significance
during Aztec times.
Lynn Stephen describes similar differences between how women describe
their occupations as recorded in the national census and what they actually do
(2005, p. 205).
Unfortunately, for the barrio level there are no demographic figures in print, so
my data here is reliant upon personal communication with Enrique Npoles of
Barrio San Mateo, Villa Milpa Alta.
Goody (1982) highlights four main areas of investigation for studying food,
based on household and class. These are production (economic factors), distribution (political factors, market, allocation), preparation and consumption.
His own work focuses on production and consumption, and on a comparative
perspective of cuisines since cultures must be situated within the world system.
I draw my main conclusions from my data of the local system of Barrio San
Mateo in relation to the rest of Milpa Alta. A comparative study of another
group in a different, even neighbouring, community of Mexico City, or another
community of central Mexico with Nhuatl roots, as Milpa Alta has, would
surely provide a broader perspective than my limited research allowed. Also,
while I have been unable to treat the topics of food production and distribution at a level beyond the barrio, and acknowledging that there is insufficient
space for me to include a comparative analysis with other cuisines or other
cultures, my work does provide particular attention to the one aspect of cuisine
that Goody was unable to discuss at length in his own work: food preparation,
the arts of cooking and the cuisine (p. 38).
Chapter 1
1. For an idea of the variety of uses of chiles in Mexican cuisine, see Muoz (2000),
Andrews (1984), Kennedy (1989, esp. pp. 459 84), Bayless and Bayless (1987,
esp. pp. 33 49, 32838), and van Rhijn (1993), to name a few.
2. See Long-Sols (1986), and also Coe (1994), Lomel, (1991), Martnez (1992),
Muoz, (1996), among others.
3. See Sophie Coes brilliant book, Americas First Cuisines (1994), and Muoz
(2000).
Notes 139
4. A chinampa is a very fertile type of artificial island, inaccurately referred to as
a floating garden (Long and Vargas, 2005, p. 3).
5. The culinary merit is perhaps more if one considers, analyzing the texts carefully, that the variety [of foods] was not as great as it first appears at first sight
(Corcuera, 1981, p. 29, my trans.).
6. See also Long and Vargas (2005) for an excellent overview of food in Mexico.
7. The cooking of corn in Mexico with all its elaborations and ramifications is,
and always has been, within the realm of the highest culinary art, beyond that
of any other country (Kennedy, 1989, p. 4).
8. For an excellent discussion of culinary blending, culture contact and creolization, see Wilk (2006). For a comprehensive compilation of papers on different
aspects of the cultural/culinary influences between the Old and New Worlds,
see Long (1996). For a lighter account, see Sokolov (1991).
9. Public talk in Universum, Mexico City, 29 September 1997.
10. The word pueblo refers to a small town or village, usually in a non-urban context. In Mexico City, which is made up of several residential districts, these are
called colonias in the central, more urbanized areas, and on the edges of the
city the divisions of the municipalities are called pueblos (which may be further
subdivided into barrios). Using the word pueblo to describe the residential area
where you live actually has other connotations that living in a colonia does not.
Coming from a pueblo implies a connection with a community of people who
share a common hometown. Most people from the more central colonias of
Mexico City are not quite as engaged with their neighbours and co-inhabitants
in the way that those from the pueblos of Mexico City and other parts of the
country are involved in one anothers lives. Furthermore, ones life can easily
be contained within the boundaries of ones pueblo, in spite of work-related
movement and interaction with other parts of the city.
11. Diana Kennedys work would fall into this category. See also Cruz Daz (2000)
and the regional family cooking series published in 1988 by Banco Nacional
de Credito Rural (Banrural).
12. In a thought-provoking article, Rachel Laudan (2001) questions the meaning
of authentic cuisine. She argues that depictions of traditional recipes as rural
and natural is romantic nostalgia, and that the foods we think of as traditional
and authentic actually depend upon the modern, industrial global economy that
supporters of the authentic criticize. See also Wilk (2006) and Hobsbawm and
Ranger (1999).
13. National pride and identity are qualities which a peoples cuisine can sometimes help determine. See Pilcher (1998), Appadurai (1988), and Brown and
Mussell (1985). See also Long and Vargas (2005).
14. See Wilk (2006), Pilcher (1998), and Hobsbawm and Ranger (1999).
15. I am grateful to Kai Kresse for pointing this out to me.
140 Notes
16. There is much to say about Ingolds theories of habitus, livelihood, knowledge
and skill in relation to the topic of culinary knowledge and skill, which I am
unfortunately unable to develop fully here. But see Sutton (2006).
17. For a discussion of cooking without written recipes, see Abarca (2006), especially chapter two on sazn. For a critical discussion of how culinary knowledge is transmitted, see Sutton (n.d.), who questions the linear transmission of
cooking skill.
18. In some communities this is still the case. See Vizcarra (2002).
19. Hay que trasladar la cocina casera a la cocina restaurantera, y debe ser un
currculo en las escuelas de cocina, tal y como es, en vez de tratar de copiar el
modelo europeo. Deben prepararlos bien de principio, como en la casa de la
abuela, pero en restaurante, claro, sin el sazn del amor. Entonces, debe utilizar
los ingredientes mejores. Imitar las cocinas famosas no sirve.
20. Abarca emphasizes what she calls the sensory logic or sensual, corporeal
knowledge of sazn, which she also describes as a discourse of empowerment
(2006, p. 51). As I explain in Chapter 2, I rather prefer to avoid applying metaphorical, semiotic, textual or language-based models to food and cooking.
21. In Milpa Alta I have seen women beat their egg whites in plastic bowls and the
capeado still worked. My friend Primy also overturned her bowl to check if the
whites were ready.
Chapter 2
Notes 141
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
about art, but her thesis analyzes the symbolic meanings of Mexican wheat
bread, focusing on the panadero, baker, and his craftsmanship in making bread
with particular names and shapes. Kanafanis (1983) ethnography of women in
the United Arab Emirates focuses on the culinary arts, although not on cooks as
artists. She emphasizes the artistic nature of foods and personal adornment, including perfumes, describing the interconnections among sensory experience,
aesthetics and body rituals among women. She argues that aesthetic satisfaction enhances the experience of the senses, and is also used to avoid pollution
and to restore oneself to a state of purity. Her analysis locates the source of aesthetic meaning on the recommendations of the Prophet Muhammad, because
the aesthetic cannot be isolated from (Islamic) social or cultural values, and
beauty is pleasing to Allah. This conclusion may seem unsatisfying, but at least
there is an attempt to understand the artistic notions attached to cooking tasty
food.
See, for example, Dornenburg and Page (1996). It is also interesting to note that
one of the chefs represented as culinary artists in this book is Chef Rick Bayless,
who specializes in so-called traditional or authentic Mexican cooking (see Bayless,
1996; Bayless and Bayless, 1987). See also Abarca (2006, Chapter 3).
This is possibly because the two cultures in which he did fieldwork, the LoDagaa and the Gonja, both had simple cuisines. For them, the main difference
between feast food and daily fare was abundance rather than special preparations of dishes.
See Chapter 4, and Mintz (1996, Chapter 3).
E.g., Lvi-Strauss (1966, 1994), Douglas (1975); for a particularly effective and
convincing ethnographic analysis, see Hugh-Jones (1979); and for a successful
use of semiotics in analyzing cuisine, see Weismantel (1988).
Gell was not the only one to emphasize the technical aspect of art, nor was he
the first. It is a received notion that one cannot assess art without looking at
techniques (see Bateson, 1973; Firth, 1996; Ingold, 2000).
Gell was also neither the first nor the only one to ascribe agency to objects or
artworks (see Latour, 1993; Layton, 1981, 2003).
The work of art is inherently social in a way in which the merely beautiful or
mysterious object is not: it is a physical entity which mediates between two
beings, and therefore creates a social relation between them, which in turn provides a channel for further social relations and influences (Gell, 1996, p. 52).
As Andrew Martin describes Latour, Objects are really the end result of a long
process of negotiation between the material world, historical associations and
peoplewho give things names and relationships (2005, p. 285).
See Sutton (2006).
[A]nimal traps might be presented to an art public as artworks. These devices embody ideas, convey meanings, because a trap, by its very nature, is a
transformed representation of its maker, the hunter, and the prey animal, its
142 Notes
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
Notes 143
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
with food portions. The food product transacted remains the same, so the sociality produced is of the kind that McCallum (2001) describes.
Discussed further in Chapter 5.
In a way this seems to echo Simmel, though Bourdieu argues a different point.
Ingold also considers practical knowledge to be embedded in a social matrix
of relations, as links in chains of personal rather than mechanical causation
(2000, p. 289).
See Miller (2002) on expressing love through food shopping.
Nowadays (within the last 20 years), instead of mole, many families who hold
large celebration banquets serve carnitas, mixiote or barbacoa. These dishes
are also technically difficult to prepare, and the menu rarely varies beyond these
three choices. However, since mole is to fiesta as fiesta is to mole, i.e. they
mutually imply one another (mole fiesta), oftentimes people serve a small
amount of mole with tamales after the main course so that guests do not leave
without their mole de fiesta (see Chapter 5).
Also adobo, which is used to make mixiote.
Cf. Stoller (1989, Chapter 1), where he writes of the social meanings behind
serving a bad sauce among the Songhay in Niger.
E.g. locally reared sheep, borregos criollos, for barbacoa.
Cf. for art, Gell (1996, 1999b).
144 Notes
10. Alternatively, Alejandro hoped that one of his sons would become a traffic policeman and Primy hoped they would study medicine. This does not necessarily
mean, however, that they are supposed to stop making barbacoa!
11. This is an indication that people tend not to make gastronomic compromises.
12. The works of Ohnuki-Tierney (1993) and Rutter (1993) are examples of studies
that deal with more symbolism and the power of specific foodstuffs to incorporate individuals into society.
13. Mole probably ranks as the highest.
Notes 145
7. In Milpa Alta the stereotype of self-sacrificing women exists: la mujer abnegada is a woman whose husband controls family decisions. Quin es l que
manda? (Who is in charge?) is a rhetorical question the answer to which is
supposed to be the husband. Yet in practice, the response is not so clear. In
an article called Quin manda? , Roseman (1999) describes a similar
ambiguity in rural Galicia, where there is a discourse of gender hierarchy and
womens submissiveness but also of egalitarianism.
8. This is a large topic that goes beyond the scope of this discussion, but see, for
example, Mummert (1994).
9. In some cases, this relative freedom can be seen as problematic in regard to
relations between jealous husbands and wives. See Levine (1993, esp. chapters
2 and 3) for more on courtship and marriage.
10. A comparative case is what Stephen (2005, p. Chapter 7) describes for women
in Teotitln. Women had restrictions on their movements outside the house as
any errand could be construed as an excuse for an illicit rendezvous.
11. Ejido land is distributed by the government in accordance with the law on agrarian reform. Like communal land, it is not privately owned and it cannot be sold.
12. For a vivid comparative account, see Levine (1993, Chapter 3).
13. Regularmente cuando un hombre se hace tonto es por tanto amor que le tiene
para su mujer. Una mujer se hace tonta por pendeja, para que la gente no habla
mal de ella, para guardar las apariencias.
14. Luls words were, La mujer es el eje conductor, el timn de la familia. Debe a
su familia, a los hijos, y tiene que sufrir. Mujeres trabajan el doble de sus maridos. Si no sufren, no son buenas personas. Son persinadas. (See also Melhuus,
1992; J. Martin, 1990).
15. There was apparently also a compromise on taste. Almost everyone I met still
maintained that handmade tortillas taste better than factory made, and I also
agree.
16. Stephen (2005, Chapter 9) explains that unlike in business, which is conducted
in Spanish and requires mathematical skills, Zapotec women play a strong role in
ritual decision making, conducted in Zapotec, wherein planning the food is
foremost. In other words, womens culinary agency gives them their ritual
power.
Chapter 5
1. Dissanayake (1995) argues that human artistic behaviour is a necessary, naturally selected, practice which aided the survival of the species. The power of
human artistry hinges upon the crucial aspect of making something artistic,
decorated, special and extra-ordinary (cf. Gell, 1996).
146 Notes
2. For a thorough history and description of the cargo systems in Milpa Alta, see
Martinez R. (1987). For a theoretical analysis, see Greenberg (1981, Chapter 1).
For more on compadrazgo and the mayordoma in Milpa Alta, also see Adapon
(2001).
3. For thorough analyses of compadrazgo as a principle for networking and reciprocal exchange, see Lomnitz (1977), Sault (1985, 1987), and Stephen (2005).
4. Stephen (2005, Chapter 9) also describes how relationships of compadrazgo are
inherited.
5. For a town or barrio fiesta in Milpa Alta the unmarried youths are organized
to get involved in preparing for the fiesta. Particularly the single young ladies
(seoritas) of the barrio hire mariachis or other musical groups (conjuntos) to
sing the maanitas in front of the altar of the church. They begin at around half
past four in the morning of the feast day (21 September for San Mateo). The seoritas are also expected to provide typical breakfast foods, hot tamales verdes
and atole champurrado, for members of the public who attend the singing event
at this cold, early hour.
6. Just as Lomnitz argues that compadrazgo strengthens social ties between equals,
furthers social mobility and economic advancement, and affords a magic symbolic protection against latent personal aggression (1977, p. 160), ties amongst
barrios are strengthened and aggression can be averted when mayordomas bring
promesas to other town or barrio fiestas. For example, San Mateo and Santa
Martha are rivalling barrios from within which there is much intermarriage as
well as competition. Their fiestas are occasions when they can socialize freely
when the residents of the barrios ritually visit one another bearing salvas.
7. The dictionary definition of this word, fiestero, is pleasure-seeking, fond of parties.
8. This is comparable to what Stephen (2005) describes occurring in Teotitln, where
some women spend their money on their compadrazgo gifts and obligations
rather than on their daily meals. Because of how guests are fed during fiestas,
especially the excesses of food given to compadres to take home, women, as
central figures in ritual community life, juggle their ritual responsibilities with
quotidian needs.
9. La gente de Milpa Alta es muy trabajadora porque la naturaleza no les di
tanto, entonces es un lujo quedarte a comer en la casa, porque no hay tiempo.
Hay que trabajar desde la madrugada hasta la noche para salir adelante. Y es por
eso que es un pueblo tan fiesteropara mostrar a los dems que s tiene dinero
para festejar y hacerlos bien.
10. In Milpa Alta, and elsewhere in Mexico, this is commonly done at home for
breakfast the day after a fiesta as part of the recalentado.
11. This idea of homemade products being better than their commercial counterparts
is prevalent and put into practice more by suburban, rural or lower-middle-class
people than central urban or upper-middle-class to upper-class people. In urban
Notes 147
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
centres this is starting to change, as traditional and authentic Mexican cuisine is growing in popularity.
If she were making mole poblano she would also sprinkle sesame seeds on top.
She was one other person who confided in me that her culinary secret was that
she cooks with love.
See Wilk (2006, Chapter 6) for a convincing attempt to define the style of
Belizean food.
See Sutton (n.d.) for a thought-provoking article on how culinary knowledge
and apprenticeship are not necessarily passed from mother to daughter.
This is a notion that Mary Douglas (1983) and David Sutton (2001) have both
explored in different ways, and which I consider to be useful, though as a means
to another end.
This relates to an anecdote I mentioned in Chapter 1, when I was told, It is not
because we want to stop following traditions, it is so that we can use up what is
in the fridge.
Wilk also notes that consistency is just as difficult to maintain as innovation
(2006, p. 122).
This is what Munn calls the relative extension of spacetime.
148 Notes
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
pervade all of social life and, through frequent repetition, persuade villagers to
live according to prevailing contractual norms (1988, p. 87).
Here I would also classify cookbook writers, who are involved in a wider discourse of taste than local Milpaltenses.
Self-critical members of Milpa Alta society pointed out that their attitude to
land is also envidioso. They discourage non-Milpaltenses from buying property
in the municipality by keeping the prices high, but if a Milpaltense is interested
in the land, they reduce the price considerably (see Flores Aguilar, 1992).
See Woodburn (1998) for a view which refutes the idea of (food) sharing as
exchange.
In a study of seven countries in Africa and Asia, Tinker (1987) shows that in
four countries street food vendors were usually middle-aged women (32 to 41
years old). Women vendors were often in polygamous unions or unmarried
and were the primary earners in the family, or at least did not share their income with their husbands. Their income was mainly used for their children and
school fees. Where vendors were mostly men, there were religious or customary reasons for this. In these cases, women still often contributed their labour
from home, preparing the food for their husbands to sell.
As mentioned in Chapter 4, Taggart (1992) also describes a link between eating
and sex in his analysis of the Sierra Nahuat. His study is a comparative analysis of
gender segregation in Mexico and Spain, which he bases on early childhood relationships with parents. His data on Mexico emphasize cooking as part of womens
role and link cooking and eating with the relationship between husband and wife,
because of the links between Nahuat conceptions of eating and sex. The public
separation of women from men on family ceremonial occasions is understandable
if one considers that all rituals involve eating and that the Sierra Nahuat connect
eating with sex. A woman and a man eating together in public would make a
Sierra Nahuat uncomfortable because it would suggest the unleashing of powerful and potentially destructive human emotions (p. 81, emphasis added).
Works Cited
Abarca, Meredith E. (2006), Voices in the Kitchen: Views of Food and the World
from Working-Class Mexican and Mexican American Women, College Station:
Texas A&M University Press.
Abarca, Meredith E. (2007). Charlas culinarias: Mexican Women Speak from Their
Public Kitchens, Food and Foodways, 15: 183212.
Adapon, Leonora Joy (2001), The Art of Mexican Cooking: Culinary Agency and
Social Dynamics in Milpa Alta, Mexico, PhD dissertation, Social Anthropology,
London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London.
Andr, Mara Claudia, ed. (2001), Chicanas and Latin American Women Writers
Exploring the Realm of the Kitchen as a Self-Empowering Site, xxxii, Womens
Studies, Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press.
Andrews, Jean (1984), Peppers: The Domesticated Capsicum, Austin: University of
Texas Press.
Appadurai, Arjun (1988), How to Make a National Cuisine: Cookbooks in Contemporary India, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 30/1: 324.
Babb, Florence E. (1989), Between Field and Cooking Pot: The Political Economy
of Marketwomen in Peru, Austin: University of Texas Press.
Bateson, Gregory (1973), Style, Grace and Information in Primitive Art, in Anthony Forge, ed., Primitive Art and Society, London: Oxford University Press.
Bayless, Rick (1996), Rick Baylesss Mexican Kitchen: Capturing the Vibrant Flavors of a World-Class Cuisine, New York: Scribner.
Bayless, Rick, and Bayless, Doreen Groen (1987), Authentic Mexican: Regional
Cooking in the Heart of Mexico, New York: William Morrow.
Beardsworth, Alan, and Keil, Teresa (1997), Sociology on the Menu: An Invitation to
the Study of Food and Society, London: Routledge.
Becker, Howard S. (1982), Art Worlds, Berkeley: University of California Press.
Bourdieu, Pierre (1984), Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste,
London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Brandes, Stanley (1988), Power and Persuasion: Fiestas and Social Control in Rural
Mexico, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
Brown, Linda Keller, and Mussell, Kay, eds (1985), Ethnic and Regional Foodways
in the United States: The Performance of Group Identity, Knoxville: University
of Tennessee Press.
Caplan, Pat, ed. (1997a), Food, Health and Identity, London: Routledge.
149
Index
Abarca, Meredith, 1, 45, 84, 123, 126
on sazn, 212
on womens empowerment, 32, 724, 113
agency, 29, 31, 32 6, 412, 47, 716 passim, 95, 124
intention and, 313, 36, 106, 1178
albur. See love
art nexus, 3, 29, 34, 35, 113
barbacoa, 45, 4970, 1015 passim, 11516, 119
as fiesta food, 44, 89, 92, 96, 106 9
Bayless, Rick, 11, 20 1, 97
Brandes, Stanley, 6, 91, 92, 95
cargo system. See mayordoma
carnitas, 51, 87, 89, 92, 1002, 106 8
chefs, 7, 1221 passim, 29, 34, 46, 120
chilaquiles, 12, 58, 94, 104, 114, 1312
chinaquear, 1237
Coe, Sophie, 3, 8, 10
compadrazgo, 76, 8992, 108, 113, 11720 passim,
127
confianza, 21, 95, 121, 124
cookbook(s), 2, 3, 711 passim, 15, 20, 31
Corcuera, Sonia, 3, 9
Cowal, Victoria, 3, 9, 10
culinary agency, 5, 32, 71, 825, 106, 11526 passim
see also agency
decoration, 39 40, 67, 113
envidia, 90, 123, 124
see also greed
Esquivel, Laura, 18, 38
expertise, 2, 16
culinary, 2, 9, 40, 42, 75, 115
see also technical mastery
Firth, Raymond, 37
fusion, 10
see also mestizaje; miscegenation
Gell, Alfred, 30, 51, 101, 106, 109, 113
artworks as traps, 75, 126
on commodity exchange, 126
on decoration, 67
distributed object, 105
intentionality, 117
style, 105, 106, 108
technology of enchantment, 29, 33, 101, 119
theory of art, 5, 29 48, 103, 118
generosity, 41, 124, 125, 127
159
160 Index
Pilcher, Jeffrey 10, 84, 98
Sahagn, Fray Bernardino de, 3, 9, 12
sazn, 5, 212, 29, 34, 75
love and, 21, 37, 71, 75, 82, 113, 120, 125
Simmel, Georg, 37, 401, 47, 107, 119
sistema de cargos. See mayordoma
skill, 1417, 2930, 367, 417 passim, 53, 85
cooking and, 712, 84, 99, 101, 116, 120
womens, 71, 121
Stephen, Lynn, 73, 85, 89, 92, 95
street food, 4, 41, 46, 1227
Sutton, David, 14, 17, 30
tamal(es), 9, 14, 74, 114, 117
angry, 389
as feast food, 99104 passim, 109
street food, 122, 123
taste, 3, 9, 22, 33, 75, 79, 123
agency and, 42
Bourdieu, 434, 83, 107, 115
flavour and, 30, 34
judgement of, 1247
Mintz, 83
technical mastery, 32, 34, 44, 47, 109
barbacoa, 67