The Shamer and the Shamed Sometimes it’ a theory, sometimes ics a speaker who uses nist ideas to shame others. One such occurrence happened y years ago when I was a graduate student. A big name ‘io town, an American who speci igevent, had an hour as of men (not surprising) and also of women ‘painted fembots.” That was pretty normal, chose days. Bue what was strange was her scem~ Ad high gad for ancien Greeks, ‘Tavas confused by this combination of topics: bad men, en in makeup, and good dead white male philosophers. ‘was also a bit hot in the room full of excited and sweary yoimes. Iwas probably wearing lipstick—a lone fembot in the ‘ond. With the foolhardiness of youth, I gor up to ask a ques sion. [had to go down the stairs to the stand-up mike in the iddle of the auditorium. I don't recall the exact wording of my juestion, nor do I even remember what exactly had got me so it up. I came out with something about why she felt the need rouse the Greeks asa bedrock of truth in her feminist theory. *What?” she hollered. "Um, what is ic about the Greeks ... ?” I spluctered, She roared, “I don't understand the question.” And chen B‘The Shamer and the Shamed seho is hurt and who is to blame and who feels resentment against whom, shame is bound to flourish. Wendy Brown's wwork has been notable for critiquing currens uses ofa “tights discourse”? While the civil rights movement was a pivotal moment in history, Bro to remedy the effects of oppression isa limited strategy. Drawing on Nietzsche's formulation of resrentimen: whereby the dominated use cheis “injury” wo claim reparation, "Brown questions whether we can “learn to contest de tion with the strength of an alternative vision of coll rather than through moral roproach?"? Against the dynamics of guilt that underpin moral reproach, shame may provide us, ‘with a mote positive ethos. Drawing on the deeply embodied experience of shame compels 2 different approach to envision- ing social Life: ic highlights the connections and proximi of individuals to one another asthe basis on which political action ultimately ress. In secking a constructive use of shame, swe need first to contest certain ways that shame has been put ro work within progressive movernents such as feminism. she followed with a line that I have not forgotten. “What is ic about chese frigid wornen?” she asked her crowd. The crowd. ‘went wild, calling out her name and hissing at me, Unable to ‘void them, I got on my hands and knees and crawled out of the room. Asa moment of shaming, it stands out. Its nothing new that ferninism makes people impassioned. The potent shame is all the greater because feminism has put fu ideals that often inspire the best also easy to fall shore, Equally, fer +0 use Bourdicu’s term. It is undervvriteen by a plethora of rules and unstated knowledges, It’s easy to trip over one’ principles co trip over someone else's, Ideals also cant be others: “Sh: he critique could equally be lev- | groupings—tef, right, and in sive movements. It flourishes within groups that come together around a perceived instance of injury, and historically these hhave been groups of minorities: women, people of colon gays and lesbians, and so on. However, increasingly it seems the injured appear in any number of guises, for example, vrorking- class white men who fee! disenfranchised by economic and industrial changes or white men in general who perceive that their worth is debased by the rise of successful women, blacks, gays, and so on. GENDERED SHAME, According to Benjamin's analysis of shame, itis “an intimate human reaction, but at the same time it has social preten- shame, then, is no mote personal than the life and ch govern it In these terms, shame is intimate revision of theories and practices dognitive and those who are interested is On the side of scientific analyses of affect, descr actions of our bodies are more precise and vatied than tends to be the case in the humanities. There is also less concern ‘wich depicting feeling as anything other than a physiological action. » because often groups spring up around sites of experienced shame, which then coalesce into fields where those assumptions and rules are used to shame others. In 2 culruce organized around increasing!y complex questions of The Shamer and tse Shamed 7‘The Shamer and the Shamed Hear, for example, the way in which Robert Zajonc, an ‘experimental psychologist, expresses In contrast co cold cognition, afective responses are of fortless, inescapable, irrevoceble, holistic, mote dificult to easy to communicate and understand > Zajonc’s confidence in the premise that affect just isis refresh- ing. So what, he seems to say, if we can’t put a name to it; we science, he is apparently well known for making provocative statements. And given how he straddles the hard sciences and itself caught becween hard and soft), to heart Zajonc’s argument thac affect exis ‘Rachman concedes tha s affect and cogai- tion do not operate in the same system.” For clinical psycho- therapy, the point of intervention shifts radically from behay- {ot modification to “affect modification” Ivs an interesting idea: instead of managing che behavior caused by different affects, one would focus on the source. The point is to get “direct access to the affective system."6 Rachman admits thar drugs already offer eccess to the affoc- tive system and bypass the cognicive, but he challenges his own discipline to develop nonpharmaceutical methods of access. One of the problems he doesn't mention is that affect may not bein one definable location. Ie may be all over the place. Even if we agree with the idea that “affect is basi” (which I do), i nay be basic to all sorts of arrangements beyond the ken of one The Shamer and the Shamed discipline: as basic to the human orgenism as itis to human, isthe total human as «elements that is important. His stence on an assemblage of the physiological, the psycho- logical, and the social also highlights the necessity of accessing * theaffects in more than one place; we may have to work at three Jevelsall at once. The question also has to be posed a a level of totality—at the level of what afece dee, rather than simply ‘what it &¢ What are che politics of shame? What are the political cffects of shame? How could a full or toral account of is affec- ive, physical, and social cognitive force change ideas about how to intervene in the publie sphere’? In other words, we need to think through shame’s passage he sphere in which it becomes argued, shame is a powerful instance of em- also called into being by, and then inflects, historical and political circumstance. Governments around che ‘world now apologize or express shame to those who were the je ims of past practices. Shame gets named and in concrete political and social spheres. The questions remain: What isthe point of shame? What can it doand nor do? ‘These questions speak of a normative project. Iw cexplicidly normative models of shames is more evaluative and explozato ical movements. Shame is bodies and in the body p arena, it becomes a football or even a grenade bed at an opposing camp.‘Doe Sbamer and the Shamed 0 ‘To give some color to these statements, I turn to two ‘examples, The first is from the Web site www:backlash.com, ‘This seems to be a space where disgruntled men can actively advance a backlash movement against what they see as the ‘excesses of feminism. Accordingly, itis filled wich affect and ‘emotion. Wade Balder, in “The Me Gender” section of the sie, states the followi While most of us shame to some degree, my guess is chat ‘women use fe more than men... Men have used ther larger ate and contol people. Women have had t0 zo moze subtle devices, such as shame, _ . Women will probably contin co shame men a laage degre ferinism has shamed men i sphere... To silence in the ime, as well s chivalry and paternal- have allowed feminism to get away with murder. ‘The second example comes from a television documentary and the accompanying Web material. "Battle of the Sexes” was aired in Australia on Catalyst, the ABC's popular science pro- gram. “The program starts wit ‘a bang—we explore how men ‘emotionally, bio-mechenically and practically” From the programs transcript, here’s how che research on emotional differences is present and women approach sex. ansation: Raquel and Ruben Gur are neuroscientisc. ‘They are interested in how men and women vse their brains to perform a range of activities. They also happen to be mar- sed to each othes, so ike most couples chey have a few leads, “They wanted to see which par ‘when men and women think about emotions. The volunteers are shown photographs of faces which depict various moods “They are then asked questions about the emotions expressed while their brains are scanned. The inital indings—shat -women are beter at recognizing emocions chan men, RUBEN GuR: A woman is able to recognize the emotion ona face even before she would recognize that t's 2 face, rather than something ele, A man fist has to make suse that is ‘vfice and then starts Sguring out what the emotion “Tort isa nifty diagram of the female brain divided into ac which elas deed jou ned for com ‘onal thoughts, phone skills, shopping, anda faic- lage "choose cener* The program goes on co deere he presumably moze serious research findings that women’s brains have more neural connections becween the nwo hemispheres. ‘To express emotions both hemispheres are needed simultane- ‘ously, Emotional thought starts in the limbic system and is processed on the r cof che brain, while speech is theleft. The poorer information flow becween the herai- in the male brain means th really is biologically «whereas women are words, ofhis brain to interpret harder for aman 2 expe bexteewiced to comers felis By coincidence I came across these two examples on the same day. The examples seem to speak to each other, albeit in strange ways and across gulf. They both assume that shame and affect are gendered, ether atthe level of men's and women’s brains or in terms of how shame is deployed socially. If women ate better equipped socially or neurologically at shaming, what connection between feminism and shame? How can we respond ro those who argue that women are politically sham- ing mea into silence? WHAT A WOMAN FEELS ‘That women have been associated with the emotions is #0 prevalent a notion in our culeure that it can go unquali- fed. This ‘common sense” underpins countless treatises that posit women as mired in the body’s feeling and place men 2s masters of reason. It doesn’t eave women alot of room to ‘The Shamer and the Shamed 6‘The Shamer and the Sbansed maneuver. We can celebrate women's emotional engagement. But this has poli ically women have evolved a greater ‘otder to compensate for men’s supe- tior physical strength. In this framing of women’s “natural” the capacity to shame men is seen as a weapon. Of this also plays into a negative view of women as emo- tors duiting che was ie the shame on the woman, or is shea hile fora larger societal shame? ‘Lehtinen reports that the men and women in the audience ‘reacted differently to the photo. The women tended to empa- ‘thize immediately with the degradation of che woman collabo- (or, whereas che men wondered, “How do you know that the syoman did not instead feel strengthened by her experience did not end up feeling moraly superior to her per ‘Lehtinen makes the argument chat women feel an inner shame ‘anidithat men fel i as outer. In other words, men may feel shame ina less penecrating way. - his connects in interesting ways with the Gur research I discussed earlier, about bow men have difficulty locat ‘communicating theit understanding of emotion. Li ‘exterds hee point to argue that there are gender-specific ways ‘of understanding and knowing the significance of shame. Notsurprisingly, she departs from the brain research in her ‘argument about the source of gendered emotional experi- and emotion cross-culturally and in American discourses. From interviews with women, she identifies a prevalent belief that women have a problem controlling their feelings. She also reports that women are commonly seen aé better ble to read facial emotions than men because ofa “history of being. primary caretakers of infants.” Her concera, however, is more about how emotions have come to be understood culeurally and in dominant social scientific discourse. She posits a theory as to why society associates emotions men. “In all societies, body disorders—which emotion is considered co be in this sociecy—become crucial indicators of problems with social control and, as such, are more likely to occur or emerge in a discourse concerning social subordinates.”° Ullalina Lehtinen, a Swedish philosopher, takes a different tack, asking “how to understand whata woman knows when she féels shame (or recognizes another woman's shame), and. bow, by what means. .. she knows whar she knows or claims to know." It’s an interesting question: does shame feel differ- ? Lehtinen discusses the reactions of an audience 1own and still-shocking photograph of a woman in ion France. Robert Capra's photo ofa woman with she shaved head ofa collaborator accompanied by her child seems to cmbody the shame of the woman. The histori context of Nazi collabo: ofcourse, murky, as Alain Resnaiss complexly disturbing film Hiroshima mon amour so 2 In the portrayals of women collabora- 1en raise interesting points that concur ‘with analyses of working-class women and their experience cof shame and anger. In this sense, shame might be a type of feedback loop that continually connects the individual and her environment. Both from anecdotal experience and froma of shaming carly on have a greater capacity to reexperience the feeling, In Tomkins’s work, early experiences—and he ‘The Shamer and the Shared‘Dhe Sbamer and the Sbamed for predicting, interpreting, responding to, and conssolling” primal affective scenes.6 Although, as I discussed previously, vane’ work is based in the Menta eract and are amplified in certain social nn of the script also foregrounds chat such scripts are partial, and incomplete. Affective scripts are the ways and pattems of how lif +e composed. In this we can hear another way ‘of describing what was described in the previous chapter as the habitus. Our early experiences, framed by class, race, and gender, are reproduced in how we understand possibilisy and limication, Events in the individual’ life will be “variously combinable, recombinable or decomposable” according to the individual's script. Tomkins cites che example of a man who having suffered humiliation all his life suddenly meets with ‘The question is: how will the man integrate praise into a lifetime of experienced humiliation, which has in part been shaped by his negative script? Tomkins’s answer is that he will tend co repeat the negative scipes and nor understand praise. While itis possible to develop positive scripts, which Tomkins calls antitoxic and remedial, the weight of experience is played out in the nuclear script. These “appear to the individual to have robbed him of what might otherwise have been a possibly better life ‘These ideas have something of the clarity of common sense. Somewhere between the physiological fring of affects ‘encapsulation of whae they mean, we follow the individual women have experienced carly in res primal scenes of shame and humiliation, seeing coher women shamed will tend ro reactivate the feeling. Ie’ a somewhat despairing picture, nor unlike Bourdiew’s dour depiction of the habitus. Against these seatic descriptions of the seructure of experience, Sedgwick and Frank's point is im- portant to recall: “The pulsations of cathexis around shame, of the mimetic structure whereby shame is experienced as onl replaying of early experiences. As I've argued, shame needs i interrupts lines say there aren't compelling reasons to argue ty of shame-prone groups of individuals. On this point, Lehtinen argues for the distinction between “the aristocrats shame” and “che underdog’s shame”: “What might only slighy embarrass a privileged person might evoke shame inthe socially subordinate.” This happens because those who fhave not been shamed by their gender, class, ot race have “the internalize or defy” the prompt to shame. | Conversely, Lehtinen argues that for women there is seem= ingly no possibility of defying the shame: “Being a woman. ‘was not considered a contingent, abscractable fact.” Seeing awoman shamed, “you are ashamed that you are ashamed."2 Rather than drawing a purely causal connection—I am a ‘woman; therefore, J feel another woman's shame—we might find it more intriguing to think about how women tend vo bbe brought up around women, in women's spaces, such as kitchens. In this atmosphere, talk is encouraged, and empathy ingrained. Lines of intezest and cor are forged from ceadly on. Common faces of women's lives (menscruation and so on) are framed as shameful and may make some forms of shame more contagious among women. "Tris undeniable that repeated exposure to scenes of shame reactivates and feeds the individual's capacity to experience shame. It’ equally undeniable thata collective history of being shamed will affece the scripted responses to shame of indlvidu- als within the shamed group. The public cireulation of specific scripts about shame makes it easier for individuals to catch shame. Popular culture is a rich ground for the propagation ofThe Sbamer an the Shamed 96 shame. Television in particular exploits the individual viewer’ response to what resembles an intimate shameful moment, which is aired forall 10 see. As TV increasingly shows @ wider range of identities and actively attends to the representation of marginal ously excluded groups, it allows for a greater circulation of images of specifically gendered, sexed, and raced shame. The increased representation of groups such as women and queers now allows individuals a specific reexperience of the shame of their gender, sex, or race. While a lack of representation ‘may have been painful, it may have been les shaming, But of ‘course cultural representations of gays, lesbians, blacks, and. ‘more generally women were never completely absent; rather, these groups were overrepresented in terms of pathological depictions. The sad gay man, the demented housewife, and the infantilized black subject were indeed shameful representa- ‘ions that fueled a public knowledge and pechaps acceptance of certain forms of gendered, raced, and sexed shame. Prized ‘moments of putative pride can also be shameful. For instance, the BBC production of Sarah Walter's novel Tipping the Veloer was lauded for bringing explicit representation of lesbian sex to primetime television. While many lesbians laughed at the program's dubious grasp of what constitute tices, other viewers watched it as document: popular represencations of sexuality can provide fertile ground for the airing of shame. In regard to gay shame, Sally Munt argues thar a primal shaming of queers is met again and again with public reenactments of that shame. Along with many emphasizes the or previ- és proj xing this shame. ; Munt’s project is directed at rehabilitating uct movement in general, incuding ques theory has pted to replace sexed shame with sexual pride. Mune Je between queer politics and the overturn ‘of shame: “gay identity as 2 desirable (no longer shamed) | commodity” produces “modalities of shame-avoidance."28 ‘An T’ and a“we" emerge... from che double-alenced interstices of shame, Shame then has a contradictory latency on the one band, i an reinforce coaformity, and on che other ican liberate new grammars of gender which emerge npr, shame’ corollary ‘While it's hard not to laud these new grammars, Muncs depiction of shame tends to generalize about who or what sastitutes shame’s object. Munt is “reminded that in classical |“ Western culture shame is discursively linked to women, and © be ‘passively’ receptive to anal sex is associated with fernininity and non-citizenship."5 ‘WHO IS THE SHAMER? ss shame as linked to women, she doesn't suggest ee queers might be better at shaming others. This wouldn't necessarily contradict her argument, although it might compromise her insistence on pride. Afterall, if his~ totically women and queers have been made to feel ashamed and as a consequence have become mote attuned to dececting the shame of others, it makes a certain sense that the sul inated may have more nuanced skills at shaming than a privileged. The common sense of this proposition is eviden in shaming slogans used by queers and feminists: from the cer either “reeders” crete at sug (and inden the appellation “straight”, wo the more complex equations famil- {ar co feminism, such as “porn isthe theory, rape the prac- | tice” and “a woman needs a man like a fish needs a bicycle: Despite all this, che idea of being 2 shamer is not widely and, ‘The Shamer and the Shamed aThe Sharer and the Shamed a ‘enchusiastically circulaced in queer and ferninist cizcles. OF women have acted as a civilizing agent througho from colonial sectlement to the inclusion of girs in previously all-male schools and colleges. “The concept of shaming's role in the good sociecy has been most developed in the work of John Braithwaite, an Australian His 1989 book, Crime, Shame, and Reintsgration, inology and subsequencly in Braichwaite’s output is prodigious. Despice his intentions, his work has also inspised some rather dubious for example, forcing drunk drivers to wear a sand- wich board co identify chemselves publicly is now an accepted he United States, as previously stated. Braithwaite’s articulation of shaming at shame can be either reincegeative or svigmatizing. Tt li depends on the context in which shaming takes place. Braithwaite took the idea originally from a New Zealand legal initiative that had been based on Maosi traditions. Ic is argued shat within close communities, shaming the offendex works berxer than ocher more formal sanctions, because individuals care deeply about what their family and friends think about them. Braithwaite argues that the desire to be accepted by those close to us is a common aspiration of humankind: we all fear that “devi among 2cq) le He cites particular societies where shaming works well, such as China, Japan, and North Aftica. Shaming’s success depends on whether it produces re- sgration as opposed t0 is, “Much turns on this distinction."”” Braithwaite’s ideas are underpinned by communitarian ideals, which have become ‘more pronounced in his recent work. The capacity for inter- dependency is crucial to a good outcome of shaming, 2s is context of respect. In this way, “reintegrative shaming commu- ‘cates disapproval within a continuum of respect for the of andei: the offender is treated as a good person who has done a “ had’deed.”2* A disintegrative use of shame, on the other hand, | produces stigmatization and has dire consequences: “When people shame us in a degrading way, this poses 2 shreat to our identiy. One way we can deal with threat i to reject our rejecters. Once Ihave labeled them as dire, does iemateer hac they regard me as dirt... Disrespect begets disrespect... . Thave no hope of secking out a respected, identity under your values. Braithwaive supports his argument with various examples. “The Nanante ceremony in Afghanistan, for instance, fearures sascenario in which the offender not only me: also brings a sheep as a peace offering, The di of the Japanese schoclroom is cited for the lengthy process ‘conducted by teachers of communicating to the offender's parents and to other scudents why the offensive behavior in {question must be punished, Braithwaite's theory formed the basi for ax99t pilot po- icing project in Wagga Wagga, a rural town in New South “Wales. The program was called Effective Cautioning Using Family Group Conferencing—a reference to the conferencing ‘movement, Which since 1989 has been a part of New Zealand ‘common law. Iewas run by local police and evaluated by cximi- nologists at Charles Sturt, the local ity. John McDonald and David Moote, directors of Transformative Justice Australia and advisers to police commissions, were involved in assessing ‘he program. MeDonald and Moore found that “the expres- sion of shame occurs ata turning point in the conference.” In line with Braithwaite’ insistence on reintegrative shaming, they also found that “the offer of forgiveness can be a very imporcant reaction—or interaction.”3? In their recent review of the Wagga Wagga program, ‘McDonald and Moore now argue that while the criminological The Shamer and the Sharad o‘The Sheer and the Shamed $0 theory made important pre conferencing: the individual offender's admission of shame but in the collec- unt offers a much-needed ground- general claims. Their ap- in is focus on community tention to “wharis happen- decail drops out about the “what” ill pretcy interesting, Statements such as. content” or “we all need a refresh- cx course in the consequences of a compromised conscience” ‘whee the appetite for de | Gshment of the son embodies an afec © asdisgust or contempt. The mother’s: ) thedesize not co lose the object of interest, and her use of shame family by shaming them Tn this description we might query whether the father’s ban- her chan shame, such is clearly bound by instigates only a temporary break in communication. , Asa generalized syseem of justice, sharing has also been ‘universalism that underlies the model returns it to Braithwaire’s starting poine—Indigenous New Zealand. Maori society, ac- cording to Blagg, cannor be used to draw general conclusions, es- pecially not with segard to other indigenous societies. Alchough shaming does appear to work within a Maoti cons because of che highly struccured, hierarchical society, Ie works in spite of rather than because of its appropriation by white administrators. From the anthropoogialterarue, in many as the public recognition of that sentiment!”3* agg is especially concerned with how reintegrat cexts. He points‘The Shermer and the Shamed 2 police-led conferencing group is laughable.» Blage's critique suggests thar shaming within che justice system may not have the desired effect on those who systemati abjects of historical shaming, This much is preety obvious: if you and your people have been the object of governmental practices that seek ro devalue any sense of selfand culeure, why would you care if those authorities, or the wider society they represent, do not have regard for you? And if shaming docs work within the close-bonded necwork of friends and ’sa different matter altogether when shame is wielded by unknown bodies of white authority. ‘To be fair, Braithwaite and his followers recognize this point. Braithwaite’s underlying communicarianism places much hope ‘on a conception of individuals and society in which respect and interdependency are integrated. As he states, “Shaming is more ‘han jase when bonds of respect are maintained."#© Not only does shaming require an a priori network of respect, Bur also waongly used it may destroy respect. In the case of already damaged individuals, shaming may be lethal. In this regard, Braithwaite recounts an episode that served as inspiration for his model and also chillingly speaks of how far wrong shaming can go. ‘The example comes from his father, who was a prisoner ‘of war in Borneo after the fall of Singapore in 1942. Living in absolutely degrading conditions, che prisoners nonetheless had ascrict system of honor. They were paid a pittance fo work, and, having nowhere safe to keep their money, che men kept itnear their beds. At one point some money went miss~ ing. One of the men was suspected and tried in a kangaroo court. Pound guilty, he was sent to Coventry. As Braithwaite the physical abuse of the camp and che emotional anguish of being rejected by his fellow prisoners proved too such, and the young man died. After his death, the other men happened upon a rat's nest, where lo and behold they found the missing money. Braithvrae takes this tale to heart and states that the im= ipetusof his book “has been about the power of shaming to do 10d! Obviously, his father’s story affected him gready. les e only time that a sense of the viscerality of shame interrupes his argument. An added detail makes it even more gripping. (On their return, the soldiers had to face the relatives of the sd man, Braithwaite doesn’t sey what chis experience did to such deep shame may have had on his own childhood. His use of this example seems to concentrate on the moment the man ‘presumed to be a thiefis shamed. But itis impossible to read it ing about the shame experienced by the soldiers ‘who had to live with the memory of their mate’s death, caused ctions. Obviously, Braithwaite would be aware of this aspect of shame. In reaction to his father’s shame, he has evolved an ‘transcends mater this is mostly unsaid, he argues strongly chat his model rejects bad uses of shame. He ends with an argument "> indiscriminare use of shame: such a sociery would “inevitably use its power to shame both rapists and homosexuals.” Against bad uses of shaming, Braithwaite holds that “the realm of political choice, of conflict, of human agency” appropriate use.4? From this discussion of shame justice systema, Lov turn to the use of shame more broadly ‘within the public sphere. Asa concreve instance of good sham- ing at work, Braithwaite cites femi respect new laws about sexual harassment and rape. In terms dF their gendes, women ace positioned in his model.as in- formed by reintogrative shaming and are experienced as good. shamers in wielding their powers. While ferninism may bean instance of good shaming, Braithwaite doesn’t discuss how those who are the object of feminist shame will feel. ‘From the example I cited ’s clear some people take shaming badly. From the backlash Web site example of the The Shaner anid the Shamed‘The Sbamer anid the Shamed ‘man who sees men being shamed all around him, one senses not reinvegration but stigmatization. More generally, the back- lash movernent scesitselfas whipped by the symbolic power that feminism supposedly deploys. “They've made us—men— fecl bad about ourselves” might be a common complaint. In this refrain we hear echoes of Braithwaite’ claim that “sham- ing is mote pregnant with symbolic content than punishment 8 Tes, however, felt by some as punishiment. easly what emerges froma the above dise some uses of shame can close down the possi social organization. Shame can serve to produce and police ‘morality that lends itself to the desire for codifica- Ic really depends on where you think shame comes from and whether ic is considered “bad” from the outset. If a5. Pre argued, sham to conceive of how we would get rid of, And if you think the shame response alerts us to the presence of another and attunes us to our actions in the world, i’'s bard co see why we would want co get rid oft. However, if shame is construed ‘only as a means of reproach and becomes a way of wielding power under the guise of moral rectitude, its uses are likely to be unpalatable. Moreover, for those groups who have born the ‘brunt of this type of insidious power, shame is something to be feared. SHAME ON THE NATION Let me now explore these ideas in a more concrete way. I want +o raise the differences and the connections between personal feelings of shame and a wider politics of shame and shaming. The following example focuses on white feminist shame— primarily my own—but it also concerns public declarations of being ashamed. ‘The site where my shame as a white feminist ited was the Australian Reconciliation Convention. Held 3997 in Melbourne, it coincided with the thirtieth anniversary of the referendum thar, according to the conven- m “bri jc human sights for y's program, was to “bring about basic human rights indigenous peoples” Organized by the Aboriginal ‘Reconciliation Counci,.then headed by Patrick Dodson, the convention was a nodal point that brought together neat tured by competing accounts of che past, with lic! vision of the future. Not that much has changed since then, although certain prominent personages, such as the leader of the right-wing and openly xenophobic One Nation Pareys!> ‘have departed from the political main stage. ‘The convention coincided with the publication of Bringing ‘Them Home: The Report of the National Inquiry into the Separation of Aboriginal and Torves Strait Islander Children from Their Families 6 This inquiry took evidence from 535 Indigenous people about their experience of the govern- ment policies that forcibly removed thousands of Indigenous ‘children from their families, commonly Generations. In the words of the inquiry, the laws, practices, and policies that continued into the 1970s were dedicated to the removal and the genocidal eradication of the Indigenous people of Australia.” Tes not quite true that the Australian political climate hasn't changed since 1997. Interest. have dropped off. The Recondi Dig events have occurred such as the war with Iraq and bombings in Bali, and whit {ng problem of Aboriginal people dying twenty years younger than the rest; interest seems to have turned elsewhere. But lev’s get back to the convention, It was held in the big, and somewhat bland Melbourne Exhibition and Convention Centre. For all the solemnity of the occasion, the space buzzed with excitement. Groups of Aboriginal people gathered and then went off and then came together again. After sitting on the floor or in the uncomfortable chairs, they would go for The Sbamer and the Shared &‘The Shamer and the Shamed ‘a smoke or to say hi to a friend. Conference delegates met ‘up with friends and family chey hadn't seea in a while. The Aboriginals looked with respect at their elders, who moved around shyly. Younger leaders in suits or casual clothes were surrounded by journalists. The place hummed. Tewas all brand new to me. Iveas these with my gislfriend ac the time, a white woman who had been involved in many Idi white The fairness of some of the Aboriginal people made me Lines of knowing and ignorance engulfed me: who was Aboriginal, who was not, who knew whom, which were the “good” groups. I waneed to sie invisibly in a corner, At che same time I wanted to be a part of those groups of Aboriginal women talking so animaredly, with such intel- where to put myself I's more ofa grimace. In any case ey vwere busy. They didn't have the time (or worse, the interest) to smile back. "We settled into our seats in the main hall. Prime Minster John Howard was going to address the convention. On stage were the leaders of various groups, Indigenous and non- Indigenous, who had sometimes fought sometimes not. As the session began, there was talk about Reconciliation as a people's movement. While the conven- tion marked a moment measured ous in bureaucratic time, it seemed like a celebration too. The sheer diversity of people in the hall attested to its specialness. Young and old, black and ‘white, multiculnural—we were, above all, hopeful. Having missed the 1960s and the manifestations of civil rights move- ments, I wondered if they had been something like this. Excitement squeezed out cynic fe was sm: Interest crackle scenes in Australia. She knew the protocol better than. juse wanted to stare or, conversely, fade away. I felt very The Shamer ani the Shamed ing to shed my awkwardness, a shift happened. The prime ster got up to speak. His voice got louder. He got pink: ‘and angry. What an unappealing man, I thought. Then I real- ie room had shifted. Without a sign, the majority of the audience had risen and turned their backs to the stage. Tean't remember whether my girlfriend rose and did the her body turned. I was totally caught out and torn, Whether to rise and join ranks? Whether to sit and gawd I sat with my head in my hands. Cop-out or white-out: too much going on; too much to process. In'the subsequent coverage of the convention and in rela- ion to the Stolen Generations report, shame was everywhere. Pronouncements of shame on the part of ordinary Australians could be heard in lerers to the editor, talk-back shows, and ‘on the street, Shame was also expressed by prominent ike queen,” Poppy King (the ‘owner ofa cosmetics enterprise), who declared that know- ing what she now knew, she wouldn't have accepted her 1995 ‘Australian of che Year award: “I am ashamed t0 say today that I am Australian.” # The expat Germaine Greer told an audience in London “she would not return to Australia until ‘Aboriginal sovereignty was recognised” (which to many in Australia came asa bit #9 The minister for ‘Aboriginal and Torres S fairs at the time, John ‘Herron, replied: “I have Australians going overscas and dump- ing on our country."S° “Was that shame? It seemed sincere, it seemed to be differ- dor from guilt, was profoundly discurbing. It drove a wedge between previously sanctioned ignorance and newly owned knowledge. This played out in tortuous attempts to find the right analogy. Where do you find the words with which to speak a new knowledge, a new emotion? In response to the report on the Stolen Generations, respected wrivers such a5, Bob Ellis were tongue-tied. The analogies bred like ra m7‘The Sbamer an’ the Shamed 38 to the lynchings in the American South ofthe 1930s, ro white Vietims of losing a pet dog and never en he spoke about the bigger man than Howasd. ‘And what was the nature of that remark? ‘One of Sedgwick’s aphorisms is that “people are diferent” Mine is thar people are weird. When I thinle back to that period following the convention and the report, fl like we whites were ‘wisting in the wind. Peshaps more apdly, we were acting out, 0 use the psychoanalytic term to describe wild and unproductive behavior. e's hard to read aca distance exactly which affects were being. re may have been some fear-tervor and maybe some Ne ie interest and excitement about the possibility ofa new phase of polities. Without question, a1 ffs were at play and hey may even have ben ar odds ech the emotions expressed. However, we need to cake at face value the public statements. These are social expressions of emotion, ceven as chey get blurred or channeled into both predictable and unreadable political directions. As Sedgwick wries, che "poycho- logical operations of shame, denial, projection around ‘ignorance’ produce pulsations of wild en ‘The Reconciliation Convention and the Scolen Generation report sparked shame at an intersection of ignorance and ‘ronda and rendered obvious and painful the nature of -hot, and it could not be ignored. Of course the events were extraordinary, and they The Shamer and the Sharned ved for white ignorance to be accepted (by other whites) exraordinary. But nothing new was really said. No | pation was released that could have been new to peopl “they'could not have known about for some time. Many would ‘have had firsthand knowledge of the forced abduct ‘Aboriginal children, and others would have heard their parents and grandparents. and the repore cause such an outpouring of shs ‘painful reading, acceptance of shame allowed people to own up ignorance. As such, shame allowed for knowledge to circulate, softened by che affective cloaking of shared emotions. ‘A film was made in 2002 that focused on one scory of ab- duction. Rabbit-Proof Fence was written by Doris Pilkington, the daughter of a woman who had been stolen. The “true ‘scory” concems three Aboriginal sisters who run away from the mission school where they have been placed after being » and they follow a rabbit-proof fence selationship with Ab affecting people, Tho Compared with the hard facts in the report, Noyce’ film lets us face our ignorance and shame in a less confronting way. In an interview in the Observer prior to the film's opening in the United Kingdom, Noyce offers this reading of the film's popularity in Australia: 8‘The Sharer ani the Shamed 100 I says that whive Australians needed a “Longing to come out of ignorance” While Noyce may ‘overstate the nature of the shift, it’s undeniable that the film: touched those who had somehow managed to remain outside the previous debate. One could. ince, but set themselves apart from the emotional fray. INCOMMENSURABILITIES How did white women handle that moment of white shame? ‘Women were prominent within many of the white community organizations represented at the Australian Reconciliation “The grassroots expression of shame came fiom over the country. Following the convention, they found many that sprang up, th come impotence. Shame became a prompt for action. As C! © the individual voices comt re aimed at “providing both fusal to say sorry and paraded down .e Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras. ese groups remain important as activist organizations, ‘Where the queer groups diverge substantially from some parts of feminism is their unwillingness to speak on bebalf of tricky ching not to do, despite years of caution and. the felings and fears of ot charged emotional times. .”impoctane distinctions emerge. The movement from the firsc-person singula tothe collective inaugurars avery dif ferent deployment of sbame’s effets. “Lam ashamed” demands some recognition of on: ce involvement within a shaming moment it requites a pause and reflection on what has provoked the shame response Ideally, it provokes some level of considera- tion about where and how a connection based in interest has been broken. “We are ashamed,” however, can quickly become the ery of one group against another, wherein the intricacy of shame is lst. As soon as it becomes a rallying call, che potential fr ree 3 for action? elsewhere, white been notably used «shame focusing on Indigenous women. The Shamer ari the Shamed Jor‘The Sbamer ard the Sbamed 02 in order to shame whice women. White feminist indignation: often uses the bodies of nonwhite women as an alibi. For. ance, in an infamous moment in Austealian feminism, a white anthropologist, apparently feeling compelled to speak out against rape in Aboriginal communities, asked a question that didn‘ really belong to her. In an article published in 1999, Diane Bell, in an accusing manner, dizeceed this question in the ‘ain to white feminists: “Who speaks of the anguish, shame and risk for the Indigenous woman?” The gist of her argu- ave acted in good faith, the manner and mode of address ‘were wrong, especially in regard to Aboriginal protocol. In Aboriginal English she performed a “shame job,” which is to say she singled herself out from the group in a way thac brought shame on herselfand the group. The “Bell debate” caused an immense amount of rectiminacion within white feminism and, more important, between white and Aboriginal women. 6° Aileen Moreton-Robinson, an Aboriginal scholar, reviews the siruation in these terms: “The female body is not the site of empathy of unity between all women." Moreton-Robinson’s groundbreaking book Talkin’ Up 40 the White Woman isa clear exposition of the dynamics of feminist knowledge and ignorance in postcolonial societies. She argues that white feminism often takes its knowledge of Aboriginal women from white sources, di compound the shame, we hide our ignorance behind thar stolen knowledge. In Moreton-Robinson's words: Jn seeing to analyze and explain the role and satus of Indigenous women, women anthropologists have sought to Jvesigae how their cultural spheres are in substance unlike : like chose ofcheis white sisters, through the centering of thei analyses on the areas of concem to white feminist discourse. was that rape is indigenous to all women. While she may ‘The Shamer and the Shamed wich interviews scecon-Robinson supports her argument she enducred with white academic feminists in. a me ofthe responses weren't prety. In the words of onc: nef hi igheyou geben op aloe—708 Cae rtagracie ot inte pal seu seta been up and of oureyou ge ped of Cece joe knw fam ely sping—y woth 2 Sclum aly eying. -O8 God; weil ee gi “cn denmteter e dou kno ba en is not welling ' important co note that Moreton-Robinson is not a omen to sop eying to counter ther racism and char of ‘chess, I hope this frustraced woman has kept on trying to “get “he whire woman's exasperated cry of “we will never ght,” one can heas the desire co take the ie road. sedable, asin Lehtinen’s argument, chat we use eee gourd that cannes usall and allows ws ‘empathy in shame. ‘Shame violently affects our tarts a ‘self. It's understandable that we seck to share our shame : that fntensly painful feeling A sense o ion to connect in the name of shame can a poem by Paula Gunn Allen called “Some Like Indians Endure” ihaveitin mind thas dykes are indians > indian isan idea some people have of themselves dyke isan idea some women bare of themselves the place where we live now isidea 05‘The Shamer and the Shamed 108 because whiteman took all the rest s0 dykes arelike indians because everyone is related, in disappearance shat never quite manages to de disappeared we never go sway even if we're always Teaving ‘The connection of our it, blood, and shame bonds us che shame, guile, and remorse “The poem engages us so beaut bodies caried through terror, -n, a Laguna Pueblo/Sioux poet and a former professor of Native American studies, proffers this connection ‘between Indians and dykes isa testimony to her intellectual and policical generosity. It would, however, be a travesty of that gen- gate the grounds for connection. -Robinson would argue the existence of profound es between white and Indigenous women ally disturb the possibility of connection. She places umensurabilicies at the heart of different embodied © that ignorance berween whites an stead. of hearing 2 The Shamer and the Sharned {andigenous women as embodiments of racial diference can never know what icis ike to experience the world as a white ‘woman, just as white women can never know what iti tke co experience the world as an Indigenous woman. Te know an Indigenous constructed social world you must experience it from within; to hnow abous such a world means that you re ‘imposing a conceptusl framework from ousside.® ‘Heer argument is a challenge on several counts. For white ‘women it means that we need to clarify what our shame is about and what we need to do wi also indicates the immense amount More productively, rest that lows between the two groups—nor always "pleasurable interest, but incerest nonetheless. Does that mean that shame will also always be a part of the public realm in | Australia and in other colonized countries? Would this be a ‘bad thing? Ie epends greatly on how we understand shame and what we do wich it. Recurning co my previous distinc~ say that the affective physical level of shame fact we are feeling and ro the facts of our feel- { is productive. The social expression of shame ings. Ar thi ‘the public sphere has another logic and raises other concerns. I ishere that grassroots actions and other intexventions in pub- lic debates are crucial. Small and large responses, big and lite shames, help keep interest alive. Shame has the vask of making that incerest urgent. ‘Shame also reminds us that getting along together in a tyemer and more equitable way is hard work. No easy con- nections can be made across the gulf of different experiences and histories. Shame works at a bodily level to open and close lines of connection: shame is a switching point rerouting the dynamics of knowing and ignorance. But unlike empathy, shame does not permit any automatic sharing of commonality; rather, ic poses deep limits co communication. This masking of 105The Shamer a3 the Shamed 106 incommensutability may, however, produce localized action, reconciliation performed in local realities, bringing the past into the present. It cercainly produces interest that overwhelms the possibility of remaining in ignorance. Shame thus can be used to initiate what Sedgwick calls “a fight not against origi- nary ignorance, nor for originary ignorance, but against the ig pretence that a culture does not know what ie does.”66 “The Reconciliation events produced shame that posed a challenge to learn, and not to know. To rerurn to Wendy Brown's question cited at the beginning of this chapter, i's clear that while feminism has been good at moral reproach, we need a broader and more affecting way of engaging in ‘one that is emotionally interested in people. One of Iwould level a some feminist uses of shame is wielding emotional power, we forget to be interested se we see as our enemy. For all its normative nature, Braithwaite’ use of shaming reminds us thas respect is crucial. ‘The lack of respect in so many areas of politics makes i dene that feminism is noc alone in this regard. But that docsne Ancestral Shame Nats CHAPTER, I take up the idea of ancestral shame to consider how we are relaced to shame in the past. The term from Nicolas Abraham and Maria Torok’s psychoanalytic. rork, which locates shame as “buried alive’ in one's ego"! use it beyond its psychoanalytic frame to explore the effects of | shame over generations. Ancestral shame reminds us of how ‘we are forged in many different zelations—those of kin but ‘also those of geography and history. These different proximi- ‘des produce very particular emotional responses and affective identities, which are transgenerational as well as intereulcural. “Iecrosses my mind that many of us are far away from our ‘but we exist in 2 place that transcends geography, we a place of blood and other bonds” sates Australian artist William Yang. He makes this comment in the context of apiece called “Blood Links,” in which he explores his famlly’s incercultural experiences. Being gzy, of Chinese ancestry, and an Australian of several generations gives Yang a partic itvityto shame, Focusing oa same-sex relationships and k interest in those who are considered outsiders, outside the cause, We need to remember that any politics not interested. in those who are placed beyond its ken will continue to be a politics of shaming: a bastion of moral reproach. And that is shameful small communities. In his recent performance piece Shadows, Yang portrays cwo seemingly incomparable stories: one about an extended Aboriginal family in rural New South Wales JorNote fer Obapter 5 I 55. bid, 20. 56. Paul Gileoy, Againse Rece: Imagining Political Culsre beyond the Color Line (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univesity Press, 2000), 17 57. Nathanson, ed. Krowing Feling 16 58. Beale Van der Koll, "The Body Keegs the Score: Memory and the Evolving Psychobiology of Post Traumnatic Suess” (i994), 8 ‘See worw-sraumarpages.comfvanderk hem (accessed 7/25/02). 59, Nathanson, ed, Knowing Feeling, 2 60. Michael Franz Basch, “Affece and Defense,” in Knowing Feeling, ed. Nathanson, (61. Kim Mahood, Crafi fora Dry Lake (Sydney: Anchor and Random House, 2000). 62. Tid. 35 “2 set of visceral alignments,” 174; "He described i men's spiritual roles and duties. (65. Mahood, Craft for « Dry Lake rom the perspective ofan anthropologist, name,” Australian Feminist Sruies 12,20. 26 4: 227-39) deseibes—in an embodied and therefore ground ‘breaking epproach—other aspects of these forms of slaton. 67. Mahood, Craft for a Dry Lake; uotations, 395; except forthe phrase “scratches on is fiom Mary Louise Pratt's book Imperial yes, 0 ore derail in chapter i Papadopoulos for this insight. iy: Power and Freedoms in Late sity Press, 1995). 25, ‘Rachman, “The Primacy of Affecc: ‘Behaviour Research and Therapy 19 Note for Chapter 3 6. Tbid, “search for cognitive explanations,” 286; “Affect is pre- 287; “direce access,” 289. amazed at how calling a debate emotior cher commented on this in an appreciative eas an areack on men because I had called chem emotional and therefore irational, o atzacked me for having been emotional in re “calling the kerele black” This framing ‘of emotion as bad or as irational is real hindrance to furthering public debate. 8. worw:backlash.com (accessed 9/26/02). ig quae are taken from ies/s680863,hem (accessed 9/26/02). ceher columns and Dicas etells of the shame mixed with longing of French woman, ‘who had a German lover during Woeld War Il row Does One Know What Shame 12?” 57 14. Thid., “experiences of subordination,” 68 fective attunement” 6. See also Sandra Bar nin ‘Domination: Seudies in the Phenomenology of Oppression (New Yorks Routledge, 1990). 15. For one such ancly ley Skeggs, Class Self and 16, Tomkins, “Shame-Hiumiliation and Contempt Disgust” V7 bid, 188. 418. Sedgqwvick and Frank, “Shame in the Cybernetic Feld,” 19, Lebtinen, “How Does One Know Whar Shame Is 20. Ibid, 21. Ibid,Notes for Chapter 5 shame with pride, which I argue can suffocate other acemps to ‘come up with new politics. See Probyn, Carnal Appeizes, 23, Sally Mant, “Shame/Pride Dichotomies in Queer as Folk” Textual Practice 14, no. 3 (2000): §34 24, Wid, 536. 25, Ibid. 538. 26, John Braithwaite, Crime, Shame, and Reintegration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 70. 27. Ibid. 76 28. John Braithwaite, “Shame and Criminal Justice,” Canadian Jara of Criminology 42, n0.3 (2000): 28%. 29, Thid, 287-88. 30. John McDonald and David Moore, “Community ‘Conferencing as « Special Case of Conflict Transformation,” in Restorative Justice and Civil Society, ed. Heather Serang and Jobn Braithwaite (Cambridge: Cambridge University sexe, 2003), 252. te, Crime, Shayne, and Reinsegrason, $5, 73 > 9 Massaro, “Shame, Culture, and American Criminal ‘and Community Conferencing in Australia,” British Journal of Criminology 37, no. for respect that are completely lacking, 40. Braichwaite, Crim and Reinsegration, x62. Al Ibid. 257 42. Ibid, both quorasions, 266 43. Ibid, 72, 44, There have, of course, been many efforts, both theo- retical and practical, in rethinking the past, present, and futuce 6 Note for Obapter 3 of Australia, Maay of these are ongoing. Aboriginal scholars have been insrumencal in forging new relations and conceptions of the past and present. See, for example, Jackie Huggins, “Black Women and Women’s Liberation,” in A Reader in Feminist Knowledge, ed Sneja Guneve (London: Routledge, ca Langwon, "Estate of the Mind,” in Indigenous People's Rights in Australie, Canads, and Neao Zealand, el. P. Hsveraon (Auckland: Oxford University Press, 3999); and Aileen Moreton-Robinson, Talk White Woman: Indigenous Women and Feminism (St Lucia, Queensland: ueensland Press, 2000). Non-Indigenous schol fines have also hugely contributed to the de- froma range of bate See for instance, Heather Goodall, nvasion to Embasy: Land ‘Nevw South Wales 1770-1972 (Sydney: Alen Australia (Sydney: Allen &¢ Unwin, 1996); and Diane Evelyn Seat son, eds. Fighting Over Country: Anthropological ‘Ceatze for Aboriginal Economic Policy of bingiag history tothe present, the ‘Reynolds on the ABC of responding to the ian philosophers have endeav- concepts. Se, for instance, Paul of Deleuze ara way of offering new lines of thinking in ramifications of the Mabo and Wik decisions in Paul stice and Difference: The Mabo Cas.” in Transformations in Society, ed. Paul Patton and Diane Austin-Broot (Sydney: Universicy of Sydney, Research Insticue for Humanities and Social Sciences Publications, 1997)- In regard to Mabo see also Desmond Manderson, “Guile, Shame, and Reconciliation.” Quadrant 4, n0.7-8 (937): 36-99. Raymond Ge essay on Mab, “Mabo Part One.” Quadrant (September 1993): 36-39, and “Mabo Pact Two.” Quadrant (October 1993): 44-48, later book Between Hope and Fear: Bybrid Teougpe on Pubic Values Sydney: ABC Books, 1997), the 5Notes for Chapter 5 I point that “where i is possible to be proud ashamed” (Gaia, Citizenship,” Critical Inquiry 24 argument about what she that allows “the perace its authori moment” Along. in chapters, Povi to pecform the adjustments necessary to recu+ and values ina ‘postideological’ (postcolonial ines of Berlant’s argument, which I discussed argues thae “shame displaces issues and exidences of power, hegemony and contradiction” (“The State of Shame,” 597). In response to her argument, John Frow and Meaghan ‘Mors angue that she may have overemphasized the role of che state 1 monolithic and therefore missed much ofthe “fury of normal” politics chac have aceompanied the legal changes and challenges row and Mortis, “Two Laws Response Intimacy, ed. Laucen Berlant (Chicago: Unive of Chisgo Pr, 99,429) While find Poin a ‘gument very interesting, I tend ro agree that some of the abstraction ‘with which she discusses many of che key tems, including shame, detract fom the objective of er esey—to raise the on tity. In her new project on love and carnali- addresses how indigenous bodies ate affected ly formed group bringing national and on ro win the federal sea of Ipswich in Queensland as an indepen dent Mi. The One Nata Puy has undergone muriar ofc tral concerning the legality ofc status as poliieal party and Notes for Chapter 3 right to claim electoral Funding from the Queensland Electoral Commission, In 2002, Hanson stepped down as leader of the party while she defended charges of electoral fraud, of which she and One Nation cofounder, David Ecsidge, were convicted in August 2003, Boch ware sentenced to three years in jail. For a gripping account of Hanson's rise to public prominence, see Margot Kingston, OF ‘the Rail: The Pauline Hanson Trip Sydney: Allen & Unwin, is of Hansons affective appeal, Hanson and the Epide 5 National Inqy “Torres Strait Islander Children from Their Familics, Bringing Them Home: The Repor of te Nasional Inguiry into the Sqparasion of “Aboriginal and Torres Serait blander Children from Their Families (Canberra: Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission, Commonwealth of Australia, 997) 47. For reactions tothe report see, for instance, B and Lisa Greenwell, “Re-membering and Taking Up an. Liscening: A Response o Loss and the Maternal in ‘the Stolen Chil- deen)” Australian Humanities Review 15 (October-November 3995), ac hepr/ Foro atrobe.edu.aul clubas html and Robert Manne, “Blind to Truth, and History? Sydney Morning Herald, Decerbe 48. “Poppy Ashamed of Being Australian,” Courier Mel, Queensland, June 28,1997 49. Sun-Herald, June 8, 1997. 50, Ibid 31 Bab Eli “Why We Msc ang Our Hens Sydney Morning Herald, Mi 52. Sean Beresford, “AD Sie Moning Hl, June 61997514 ‘Tendencies (Dusham, NC: Duke "Home Truth,” Sun- 55. Phil Noyce quoted in Kevin Makes, “Review: Screen: ‘Walkabout to Freedom,” Ofserver, London, Ociobet 27, 2002, 9. rzNote for Chapter 4 56, Sedgwick, Tendencies. 57. Chris Cunneen, “Repa Justices Responding to the Gross Viol tative Jusiee and Gil Society, Scag ad Be also Chris Cunneen and Terry Libesman, “ ‘The Contemporary Removal of Indigenous Children and Young People ftom Their Families in Australia” Auralien Journal of Social iru 35, 20.2 58, Dane Bal ced Moreon-Roknson, Tain Up th White Woman, 123 Women's Ssuiies Internasional Forum ): 404. The article in question was written by Bell and ‘an Aboriginal woman, Topsy Napurrula. For an incisive account of the debate that followed, see Moreton-Robinson, Takin’ Up to the White Woman, (60. Huggins, “Black Women and Womea’s Liberation.” 61. Moteton-Robinson, Tallin’ Up to she White Woman, 145. 62. Ibid, go. 4: ANCESTRAL SHAME 1. Ciced in Satochi Uke, “The Furure of an Affect: The 1+ Histosicey of Sane” Tracet (20% 2 January 20-35, 2005 3. bid 4. bid 5. Edouard Glissant, The Poetis of Relation, (Ann Arbor: Univ 6. Ibid, both quotations, x 7 Thi, 8 180 Notes for Chapter 4 8. Gershen Kaufman, Share: The Power of Caring sed ed. (Rochester: Schenkeman Books, 1992), 2415238. 9. Cited in Brace Robbins, “Actually Existing Cosmopoliic,” i Conmapoliis: Thinking and Feeling beyord the Nation, ed. Pheng Cheah and Bruce Robbins (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998) 10. Cited in John Kraniausias, “Translation and the Work of| Teanseulturation,” Traces (2001): 97 11, Mary Louise Pratt, imperial Eyes: Travel Whiting and Trenscalturation (London: Routledge, 1992), 7. 12. Ibid. 13, Clifford Geerez, The interpretation of Cultures (New York: Batic Boole, 1973), 30. 14, Ukai, “The Future ofan Affee,” 28, Sce also Nicolas Abraham and Matia Torok, The Shell and the Kernel, vol. 1 “a primitive shame,” 197 ay: The Case ofthe 1ns Hopkins Universicy Ps 22. Ibid, 109, 27. With thanks to Wendy Brady. 181