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Lessons
(that
should
be)
Learned:
Case
Note
on
“How
a
City
Slowly
Drowned”
Michael
Walter
January
27,
2010
PSAA
634
Public
Management
The
George
Bush
School
of
Government
&
Public
Service
Texas
A&M
University
Dr.
Scott
Robinson
Walter
1
Introduction
and
Key
Decision
Hurricane
Katrina
was
the
worst
natural
disaster
in
the
history
of
the
United
States,
causing over 1,000 deaths and costing over $90 billion in damage. (Federal Commission. 2006)
While compelling arguments can be made in regards to the slow action from on all levels of
government in the immediate aftermath, it does not negate the lack of proper preparation and
mitigation necessary to prevent the flooding of New Orleans. Perry and Lindell (2007, 5) define
mitigation as, “activities [that] try to eliminate the causes of a disaster… [by] either reducing the
likelihood of its occurrence or limiting the magnitude of it’s negative effects.” One of the most
evident failures was that of the inaction in creating the infrastructure necessary to protect the
The previous attempts at mitigating the hazard of river flooding from the Mississippi
may have contributed to the lack of action to minimize the effect of storm surge on the city. In
fact, the Army Corps of Engineers used techniques that would lessen the impact of an 800-‐year
river flood as opposed to a 200-‐year hurricane. This coupled with the building of infrastructure
for economic purposes and the failure to take into account their effect, either positive or
negative, during a hurricane may have led to more deaths. Grunwald and Glasser cite the
example of the Mississippi River Gulf Outlet, which, during a hurricane, became a “storm surge
While these two factors significantly contributed to New Orleans’ demise, one of the
most telling and manageable effects was the lack of political will, on all levels of government, to
adequately identify, and mitigate the effect that a category 3 hurricane with a base as large as
Katrina’s
would
have
on
the
city.
Grunwald
and
Glasser
cite
examples
ranging
from
local
Walter
2
officials not wanting to participate in mitigation practices so that they wouldn’t have to pay
their half of the project (2010, 227), to Congressmen pushing for projects to create navigable
rivers in upstate Louisiana while the threat of a disastrous hurricane was imminent. (2010, 231)
Recommended Action
In order to address the issues expressed above, I recommend that the following action
should have been taken. The notion that New Orleans could be destroyed by a major hurricane
was not unknown in Louisiana or Washington, DC (Grunwald and Glasser, 2010, 227) and even
as early as 1956, the Army Corps determined that a “Standard Project Hurricane” could flood a
major swath of the city. After hurricane Betsy in 1965, it became apparent that the disaster
scenario was realistic. At that time, Congress should have used the “window of opportunity”
that follows a disaster (Perry and Lindell, 2007, 402), which allows for easier passage of disaster
preparedness policy, to direct the Army Corps of Engineers (ACE) to evaluate the threat of a
hurricane larger and stronger than Betsy; and to create a systematic plan that identified
weaknesses and provided ways to reduce the hazard. Alongside that commission, a
congressional evaluation led by both governmental entities, constituency groups, and private
industry should have evaluated and made a final recommendation for appropriations to move
forward with the projects. In essence, the recommended course of action reflects Lindbloom’s
rational-‐comprehensive or root method of decision making rather than the disastrous use of the
incremental or branch method (Lindbloom, 2010, 215). By identifying the problem (in this
case, the fact that in a strong enough hurricane, the city would be inundated with water from
both Lake Pontchartrain and Lake Borgne as a result of storm surge,) they could create
infrastructure
to
guard
the
city
against
the
effects
of
the
storm.
Walter
3
“The Corps is America’s water resources agency. But American does not have a water
resources policy.” (Grunwald and Glasser, 2010, 227) The fact that our nation does not have
comprehensive water resources policy contributed to the disorganization that led to the Katrina
disaster. Another recommendation would be that a body of law be adopted to reorganize the
preexisting pieces of water and environmental policy into a central piece of governmental
authority; whether that be a piece of legislation or the creation of an agency.
The action described above would have benefited the people of New Orleans and,
arguably the people of the United States in numerous ways. First and foremost, by identifying
the issues ahead of time and creating a singular plan for defense against storm surge, an
inherent fiscal efficiency would have taken place. The cost of mitigating storm surge near Lake
Pontchartrain vastly exceeded what the original budget allocation was, by over 1,000 percent
between the late 1960s and 1982. Had the project been evaluated ahead of time, with
interested parties as part of the discussion, and been properly allocated appropriation, then the
project may not have encountered the legal and organizational hurdles that it did. One former
aid to Sen. J. Bennett Johnston Jr. even said, in regards to the money spent on mitigation in
New Orleans, “ They could have built the Hoover Dam around New Orleans with the money
they brought home,… But they always pissed it away on politically attractive projects.”
Undoubtedly, by creating a singular approach to storm surge and hurricane protection,
the city’s defenses would have been heightened. The piecemeal plans that were executed in
the
forty
years
between
hurricanes
Betsy
and
Katrina
resulted
in
the
expression
of
numerous
Walter
4
approaches to flood and storm surge mitigation. What you had were numerous types of
mitigation techniques, such as levees and storm gates that were not necessarily designed to
work together to prevent or diminish the impact of storm surge. In fact, there were some
projects that had been deemed to negatively affect the city’s ability to resist waves of ocean
water during a hurricane. An example of this is the Mississippi River Gulf Outlet, which
provided a path of least resistance for surging ocean water to inundate parts of Eastern New
Orleans, the Lower Ninth Ward, Holy Cross and St. Bernard Parish (Grunwald and Glasser,
2010, 229). By involving community organizations and private industry into the discussion of
protection procedures, the ACE could have foreseen conflicts and created mutually beneficial
The lack of political will for proper protection at all levels of government, including the
Bush Administration’s reduction in ACE and hurricane protection funding in 2002 (Grunwald
and Glasser, 2010, 235-‐236) is demonstrative of a culture that tends to not think ahead. If
political forces paid closer attention and expended the political effort to establish water
resources policy and include that with already preexisting hazard mitigation policy, the
devastation to the gulf coast would have been less. A reorganization of governmental agencies
and/or the adoption of a body of water resource law that took into account public safety,
environmental protection, and economic development may have been able to coordinate the
The recommendations found above constitute one person’s view of the necessity of
protecting
human
life
and
property
in
hurricanes.
However,
the
political
realities
that
Walter
5
accompany any policy change are multi-‐faceted and in many cases, infinite. The interests of
business, citizen groups, environmentalists, and even personal interests of elected and
appointed officials will always have an impact on the policies set forth within a representative
democracy. The idea that a single plan to address the need for hurricane protection could even
be created still leaves room for both error and political meddling. Any plan put forth by the ACE
would still need to be funded by Congress, a body which is constituted of members from all
across the United States, who serve the interests of their individual constituencies. Necessary
funding would be subject to the scrutiny of individual committees and would be compared to
what “other districts” are getting. As we have seen over and over again, congressional projects
tend to be underfunded and need to be matched by state or local jurisdictions, which involve
The singular plan would also need to be implemented in the window of opportunity that
Perry and Lindell (2007, 402) describe as the time after a disaster where public opinion on
hazard mitigation and preparedness policy is positive. The reality, as they describe, is that plans
need to be preexistent before the initial disaster in order to be adequately executed during the
window.
Another drawback to the recommendation of the singular plan is that although
intentions may be positive, we are, as people, not blessed with omniscience and the plans that
we may make and implement may not be the best for us in the end. This can be illustrated by
ACE’s plans to create floodgates at the eastern end of Lake Pontchartrain, whose construction,
subsequent
research
has
found,
would
have
made
the
flooding
worse
during
Katrina.
Walter
6
While hindsight may give us the whole picture of what occurred, and the lapses in
forecasting the damage caused by Hurricane Katrina, it is important to note that failures at the
political level caused inadequate preparedness and mitigation to take place even after the
threat was known. As we move forward in our nation’s history, let us not forget the lessons
learned
from
Hurricane
Katrina
and
create
and
adapt
policy
to
protect
future
generations.
Walter
7
Bibliography
Federal Commission on the Federal Response to Hurricane Katrina. 2006. The Federal Response
Grunwald, Michael and Susan B. Glasser. 2010 “How a City Slowly Drowned.” In Public
Lindbloom, Charles E. 2010. “The Science of Muddling Through.” In Public Management, ed.
Perry, Ronald W. and Michael K. Lindell. 2007. Emergency Planning. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley