Apocrypha 5, 1994 PDF

SOMMAIRE
The Apocalypseof Peter: a JewishChristianApocalypse

from the Time of Bar Kokhba,
par Richard BAUCKHAM
-Introduction.
-I.
-II.
The literary and historicalcontext.

Judgment.
-III.
The Destiny of the Elect
-IV:
Peter.
-Bibliography.
7
7
16
43
86
97
106
Une nouvelle citation desActesde Paul

chezOrigene,
parFran~oisBovoN
113
Genre of the Acts ofPaul:

One Tradition EnhancingAnother,
parAnnG.BRocK
119
Un manuscritsyriaquede Teherancontenant
desapocryphes,
parAlainDEsREUMAUX
137
A propos d'une refonte de la Narratio Iosephi,

jadis confondueavecles Acta Pilati,
et d'un drame religieuxqu'elle a inspire,
par Remi GOUNELLE
165
Sells et usaged'apocryphusdansla Legendedoree,

par Remi GOUNELLE
189
Les Viesde la Vierge: etat de la question,

par SimonC. MIMOUNI
211
Themesapocryphesde l'iconographiedeseglises
de Tarentaiseet de Maurienne (Savoie),
parCatherinePAuPERT
249
Les apocryphesdansla tragedie

ChristusPatiens,
parMarekSTAROWIEYSKI
269
Colloque sur la
litterature apocryphe chretienne
Lausanne-Geneve
22-25mars 1995
Ce colloque est organise par leg Facultes de theologie des Universites de

Lausanne et de Geneve, it l'initiative des membres du groupe suisse romand de
l' Association pour l'etude de la litterature apocryphe chretienne. Le programme est
maintenant definitivement etabli. La centaine de savants qui ont annonce leur participation concentreront leurs travaux autour de deux grands themes.
Reecriture et image
La reecriture et la mise en image comme phenomenesconstantsde la production
et de la reception des apocryphes. Comment se transforment et survivent ces textes
dans la litterature medievale, l'iconographie, Ie folklore?
La litterature apocryphe face au questionnement theologique

Les problemes souleves par leg divers types de rapport que leg ecrits apocryphes
entretiennent avec 1,Ecriture et avec la formation du canon biblique. Quelles sont leg
caracteristiquestheologiques de chacun de ces textes et comment leg reperer et leg evaluer?
Le colloque s'ouvrira Ie mercredi soir par une conference de Michel Tardieu (College
de France) intitule Le proces de Jesus vu par les Manicheens. Pendant leg deuxjours
suivants, it Geneve et it Lausanne, leg participants travailleront en sessionsparalleles.
Le jeudi, ils visiteront la Bibliotheque Bodmer it Cologny, et Ie vendredi soir, ils
pourront assisterit un debat sur la question Pourquoi publier leg apocryphes it destination du grand public?. Les exposes de la sessionpleniere du samedi, ouverte it un
public plus large, reprendront leg themes principaux du colloque.
La publication des actes ducolloque est prevue.
Pour Ie Comite d'organisation

I.-D. Kaestli
Institut des sciencesbibliques

Universite de Lausanne
Batiment central
CH-IO15 Lausanne
tel.: (41 21) 692 27 39
fax: (4121) 692 2735
E-mail: Afrey@clsuni51.bitnet
APOCRYPHA
APOCRYPHA
Revue Internationale des Litteratures Apocryphes
International Journal of Apocryphal Literatures
Comite de redaction
P. GEOLTRAIN, R. GOUNELLE, E. JUNOD,
S. C. MIMOUNI, J.-C. PICARD
Secretariat de redaction
S. C. MIMOUNI
Revue publiee avec Ie concours scientifique

de l' Association pour l'etude de la litterature apocryphe chretienne
(A.E.LA.C.)
et de la Societe pour l'etude de la litterature apocryphe chretienne
(S.E.LA.C.)
BREPOLS
@ 1994BREPOLS
All rights reserved.
No part of this publication may be reproduced,stored
in a retrieval system,or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic; mechanical, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of the publisher.
Depot legal: 4etrimestre 1994
D/1994/0095/43
Imprime en Belgique
ISSN 1155-3316
ISBN 2-503-50398-5
113
137
189
SOMMAIRE
The
from
Apocalypse
the
Time
of
of
Peter:
Bar
Jewish
Christian
Apocalypse
Kokhba,
-Introduction.
-II.
par
-I.
Richard
The
Judgment
literaryBAUCKHAM
"""""""""""""""'"
and
historical
context.
7
7
16
43
-III.
-Bibliography.
-IV:
Peter.
The
Destiny
of
the
Elect
86
97106
Une nouvelle citation desActesde Paul
chezOrigene,
par Fran~oisBOYaN.
Genre of the Acts of Paul:
One Tradition EnhancingAnother,
parAnnG.BRocK
119
Un manuscritsyriaquede Teheran contenant

desapocryphes,
par Alain DESREUMAUX
A propos d'une refonte de la Narratio Iosephi,
jadis confondueavecles Acta Pilati,
et d'un drame religieux qu'elle a inspire,
par Remi GOUNELLE
165
Senset usaged'apocryphusdansla Legendedoree,

par Remi GOUNELLE
Les Vies de fa Vierge: etat de la question,
par Simon C. MIMOUNI
.211
Themesapocryphesde l'iconographiedeseglises
de Tarentaiseet de Maurienne (Savoie),
parCatherinePAuPERT
249
Les apocryphesdansla tragedie

ChristusPatiens,
par Marek STAROWIEYSKI
.
269
RichardBA UCKHAM
University of St. Andrews, Fife, Scotland.
THE APOCALYPSE OF PETER

JEWISH CHRISTIAN APOCALYPSE
FROM THE TIME OF BAR KOKHBA
Dans cette etude,I' Apocalypse de Pierre, trap longtempsnegligeepar

les critiques, apres une miseen contextelitteraire et historique, estpresentee en insistant sur les nombreusesthematiquesconcernantIe jugement
eschatologique.
The Apocalypse of Peter deservesto be rescuedfrom the extreme
scholarly neglect it has suffered. This is not becauseit is a work of any
great literary or theological merit. But, of course, texts of historical
importance for our understanding of the history of religion frequently
have no great literary or theological merit.
INTROD{!JCTION
1. Why studythe ApocalypseofPeter?
The Apocalypse of Peterdese~es to be studied for the following reasons:
1.- It is probably the most neglected of all Christian works
written before 150 C.E. It has, of course, suffered the general
stigma and neglect accorded to apocryphalworks by comparison
with those in the canon of the New Test~ment or even those
assignedto the category of the Apostolic Fathers. But whereas
other Christian apocryphal literature of the earliest period such as apocryphal Gospels or the Ascension of Isaiah -have
very recently been studied in some depth and are beginning to
be rescued as significant evidenQeof the early development of
Christianity, the Apocalypse of Peter has been given very little
serious scholarly attention. Sureltj for those who are interested
in Christian origins any Christian work from the first century or
so of Christian history deservesthe closeststudy.
Apocrypha 5,1994, p. 7-111
R. BAUCKHAM
2.- In section II of this book I shall argue that the

Apocalypse of Peterderives from Palestinian Jewish Christianity
during the Bar Kokhba war of 132-135C.E. This makes it a very
rare example of an extant work deriving from Palestinian Jewish
Christianity in the period after the New Testamentliterature. It
deservesan important place in any attempt to consider the very
obscure matter of what happened to Jewish Christianity in
Palestine in the period after 70 C.E.
3.- Outside Palestinian JewishChristianity, the Apocalypseof
Peter evidently became a very popular work in the church as a
whole, from the secondto the fourth centuries1. It seemsto have
been widely read in east and west. In some circles at least it was
treated as Scripture. Along with the Shepherdof Hermas, it was
probably the work which came closest to being i:ncluded in the
canon of the New Testament while being eventually excluded.
After an early period of popularity, however, it almost disappeared. This must have been largely becausein its major function as a revelation of the fate of human beings after death -it was
superseded by other apocalypses: in the Latin west and in the
Coptic and Syriac speaking churches of the east by the
Apocalypse of Paul, in the Greek east by the Apocalypse of the
Virgin Mary. For a number of reasonsthese proved in the long
run more acceptable, and the Apocalypse of Peter very nearly
perished altogether. But the fact that for two or three centuries
it seems to have appealed strongly to the Christian religious
imagination makes it an important historical source.
4.- The Apocalypse of Peter preserves Jewish apocalyptic
traditions. Becauseof the prevalent artificial distinction between
the Jewish apocalypsesand the Christian apocalypses,this is the
respect in which the Apocalypse of Peter has been neglected
even more than in other respects. But there is in fact relatively
little that is distinctively Christian about the Apocalypse of Pete!:
Much of its content reproduces Jewish apocalyptic traditions. It
can therefore be used, of course with appropriate caution, as a
source for Jewish apocalyptic ideas of the early second century
C.E. And it reminds us how very much Judaismand Christianity
had in common at that period.
1. R. BAUCKHAM, The Apocalypse of Peter: An Account of
Research, in W. HAASEed., Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen
Welt, vol. 2.25/6 (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1988), p. 4739-4741;
D. D. BUCHHOLZ,Your Eyes Will Be Opened,'A Study of the Greek
(Ethiopic) Apocalypse of Peter (SBLDS 97; Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars
Press,1988),p. 20-80.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
As these four reasons for studying the Apocalypse of Peter

suggest,our study of the work in this article will focus on the original work in the context in which it was first written. This is
only one aspect of the way in which the Christian apocryphal
literature needsto be studied. Many Christian apocryphalworks
(and the same is true of Jewish apocryphal literature) are best
understood as developing literature: works which developed as
they were transmitted over many centuries in a variety of cultural
contexts. They were translated, expanded,abbreviated, adapted.
In some casesthe attempt to reconstruct an original text may be
quite impossible or inappropriate. However, in the case of the
Apocalypse of Peter we may fairly confidently assign it a date
and place of origin, and also, despite the fact that most of the
text does not survive in its original language, we may be fairly
confident of the content of the original work. There are places
where we may not be able to be sure of the original text, but by
and large we can know what the first readers read. So in the case
of the Apocalypse of Peter,the liistorical exercise of placing the
work in its original context is a justifiable one and will yield
significant historical results.
2. The Text of the ApocalypseofPeter.

The Apocalypse of Peter was probably written originally in
Greek and certainly was known in Greek to the Church Fathers.
(Whether a Latin version was known in the Latin-speaking
churches in the early centuries is much less certain.) Unfortunately, because, after an initial period of popularity, the
Apocalypse of Peter fell out of favour in most of the church, very
little of it survives in Greek. We have only two small manuscript
fragments (the Bodleian and Rainer fragments) and a few
quotations in the Fathers. (For details on these fragments and
quotations, see the Bibliography below.) In addition, there is
one lengthy fragment in Greek (the Akhmim fragment), but this
is a secondary,redacted form of the text, which cannot be relied
on as evidence of the original form of the Apocalypse of Peter
(see below). For our knowledge 'of the apocalypsewe are therefore largely dependent on the Ethiopic version. This version,
which contains the full contents of the original second-century
Apocalypse of Peter, is the only version of the Apocalypse of
Peter known to be extant. It was probably, like most Ethiopic
versions of apocryphal works, tr~slated from an Arabic translation of the Greek, but an Arabic yersion has not beendiscovered.
Any study of the Apocalypse of Peter must therefore depend
10
R. BAUCKHAM
heavily on the Ethiopic version. Probably this is one reasonwhy,

since the identification of the Ethiopic version by M. R. James in
1911, the Apocalypse of Peter has received very little scholarly
attention. Scholars have been dubious whether the Ethiopic
version can be trusted to give us reliable accessto the secondcentury Apocalypseof Peter.Those who have studied the matter
with some care, such as M. R. James himself and, more recently,
D. D. Buchholz, have not shared suchdoubts. But some indication
of the reasons for trusting the Ethiopic version must be given
here, in order to justify our use of it in this book.
Only two, closely related manuscripts of the Apocalypse of
Peter are known. (For details, see the Bibliography.) In both
manuscripts the Apocalypse of Peter is the first part of a longer
work <The second coming of Christ and the resurrection of the
dead ), the rest of which was clearly inspired by the Apocalypse
of Peter. This continuation of the ancient apocalypse, which
probably originated in Arabic, would be of considerable interest
if we were studying the later history of the Apocalypse of Pete!:
But for our present intention of studying the Apocalypse of
Peter in its original, early second-centurycontext, the important
point is that we can be sure that the text of the Apocalypse of
Peter itself has not been affected by this later continuation of it.
The section of the Ethiopic work which is the ancient
Apocalypse of Peter can be distinguished from the rest with no
difficulty. Whereas the Apocalypse of Peter itself is written as
though by Peter in the first person, the later continuation begins
by introducing Peter's disciple Clement, who writes in the first
person and reports what Peter said to him (accordingto a literary
convention of the later Pseudo-Clementine literature). Moreover, Buchholz has demonstrated that the writer responsible for
the continuation of the Apocalypse of Peter which we have in
the Ethiopic text did not tamper with the content of the
Apocalypse of Peteritself. He merely added; he did not modify 2.
The general reliability of the Ethiopic version as faithful to
the original text of the Apocalypse of Peter can be demonstrated
by four main points:
1.- There is the general consideration that the Ethiopic
translation of apocryphal texts seems, as a general rule, to be
faithful translation, and suchworks were not usually adapted or
2. D. D. BUCHHOLZ,Your Eyes Will Be Opened, op. cit, p. 376-386.

Buchholz argues for some minor changes,but I do not find his argument
that these are due to the author of the continuation at all compelling.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
11
modified in the Ethiopic tradition. This contrasts with some

other languagesin which apocryphalworks have beentransmitted
-such as Slavonic and Armenian -where creative development
of the text has often taken place in those traditions. Of course,the
Ethiopic may well include erroneous translations and textual corruptions -and in the case of the Apocalypse of Peter these are
certainly present -but deliberate adaptation of the text is rare.
2.- The general reliability of the Ethiopic version is
confirmed by the two small Greek fragments and the patristic
quotations 3.
3.- There are passagesin the secondSibylline Oracle,probably
from the late second century, which are clearly closely dependent on the Apocalypse of Peter as we know it from the Ethiopic
version and confirm the reliability of the Ethiopic version4.
4.- Detailed study of the Apocalypse of Peter repeatedly
confirms that the content of the work in the Ethiopic version
belongs to the period in which the ancient Apocalypse of Peter
was written. All the parallels with other literature show this.
There is hardly a single idea in the Ethiopic Apocalypse of Peter
which can only be paralleled at a date much later than the early
second century.
These reasons for confidence in the general reliability of the
Ethiopic version do not mean that it is reliable in every detail.
The translation is clearly sometimes erroneous and was apparently. made by a translator whose command of Ge'ez was very
limited 5, so that the Ethiopic text is frequently obscure. But
such obscurities can often be clarified by careful use of parallels
in ancient Jewish and Christian literature.
As well as thus justifying our predominant reliance on the
Ethiopic version in this book, it may be necessaryalso to justify
the fact that little reference will be made to the Akhmim Greek
fragment. This fragment is part of a manuscript, probably of the
eighth or ninth century, which also contains a section of the
Gospel of Peter (the only substantial section of this work which
has survived) and parts of 1 Enoch, and which was placed in the
grave of a Christian monk. It is clear that the manuscript is a
small collection of texts about the other world, and was placed in
3. M. R. JAMES,
A New Text of the Apocalypseof Peter, Journalof
TheologicalStudies12 (1911),p. 367-375,573-583;K. PRIMM,De
genuinoApocalypsisPetri textu: ExamentestiUmiam notorumet novi
fragmenti Raineriani, Biblica 10 (1929),p. 62-80; BUCHHOLZ,
Your
EyesWill Be Opened,op. cit.,p. 145-152,418-422.
4. M. R. JAMES,
A NewText, op. cit.,p. 39-44,51-52.
5. This is the judgmentof P.Marrassini.
12
R. BAUCKHAM
a grave in accordance with the traditional Egyptian practice of

providing the dead with a guide to what they will encounter after
death 6. The problem with the fragment of the Apocalypse of
Peter is that it differs significantly in several ways from the
Ethiopic version. But some of its important differences from the
Ethiopic version are at points where the patristic quotations and
the Bodleian fragment confirm the originality of the form of the
text in the Ethiopic version7. So it has now come to be universally
accepted by those who have examined the issue carefully that
the Akhmim fragment is a deliberately edited form of material
from the Greek Apocalypseof Pete!: It may not even be, as such,
a fragment of the Apocalypse of Peter itself: it may well be a
fragment of another work which utilized the Apocalypse of Peter
as a source. There is still a caseto be made for the view of some
earlier scholars that it is actually another section of the Gospel
of Peter8. In any case, although it may sometimes help us to
clear up an obscurity in the Ethiopic version of the Apocalypse
of Peter, it must be used with great caution in studying the
Apocalypse of Pete!: Priority must be given to the Ethiopic
version.
3. Outline and Summary of the Apocalypse ofPeter.

The Apocalypse of Peter can be divided into three main sections, whose contents canbe briefly outlined as follows:
I. Discourseon the Signs and Timeof the Parousia.
1:1-3
1:4-8
2
The disciples' enquiry.

The parousia will be unmistakable.
The parable of the fig tree: the false Messiah and
the martyrs of the last days.
II. Vision of the Judgment and its Explanation.
3
Picture of the judgment and Peter's distress.
4
The resurrection.
S
The cosmic conflagration.
6:1-6
The last judgment.
6. M. TARDIEU,Arda Viraz Narnag et l'eschatologie grecque , Studia

lranica 14 (1985),p. 20.
7. Seereferences in n. 3 above.
8. See R. BAUCKHAM,The Apocalypse of Peter: An Account of
Research, op. cit., p. 4719-4720.
APOCALYP$
OF PETER
13
6:7-9
The judgment of the evil spirits.
7-12
The punishments in hell.
13
The punishments confirmed asjust.
14:1
The prayers of the elect savesome.
14:2-3
The elect inherit the promises.
14:4-6
Peter's earthly future.
III. Visionsof the Rewardof theRighteous.
15
Vision of Moses and Elijah.
16:1-6
Vision of Paradise.
16:7-17:1 Vision of the true T~mple and Audition about the
true Messiah.
17:2-7
The ascension.
For readers coming fresh to the Apocalypse of Peter, a fuller
summary of its contents may be helpful.
I. Discourse on the Signsand Time of the Parousia
(chapters1-2):
[Although it is not made clear by the opening of the work, the
events take place after Jesus' resurrection.] Jesus and his
disciples are on the Mount of Olives. They ask him about the
signsand the time of his parousia and the end of the world. Jesus
warns them not to believe the false claimants to messiahshipwho
will come. His own coming to judgment will be in unmistakable
glory.
In order to indicate the time of the end, Jesusgives them the
parable of the fig tree: when its shoots become tender, the end
of the world will come. When Peter asks for explanation, Jesus
tells another parable of a fig tree: the barren fig tree which will
be uprooted unless it bears fruit. The fig tree in both parables is
Israel. The sprouting of the fig tree will take place when a false
messiaharises and Israel follows him. When they reject him, he
will put many to death. They will be martyrs. Enoch and Elijah
will show them that he is not the true messiah.
II. Vision of the Judgment and its Explanation (chapters3-14)..
Jesusshows Peter a vision of the judgment of all people at the
last day. Peter is distressed at the fate of sinners, but his claim
that it would have been better for them not to have been created
is rejected by Jesus, who promises to show Peter the sinners'
deeds (in order to enable him to appreciate the justice of their
condemnation).
A long prophecy (by Jesus)of the judgment of sinners follows.
It begins with an account of the resurrection, which must take
R.
14
BAUCKHAM
place so that all humanity may appearbefore God on the day of

judgment. God's word will reclaim all the dead, becausefor God
nothing is impossible. Then will follow the cosmic conflagration,
in which a flood of fire will consumethe heavensand the seaand
drive all people to judgment in the river of fire. Then Jesus
Christ will come and be enthroned and crowned as judge. All
will be judged according to their deeds, which will appear in
order to accusethe wicked. The river of fire through which all
must pass will prove their innocence or guilt. The angels will
take the wicked to hell. The demons will also be brought to
judgment and condemned to eternal punishment.
There follows a long description of the punishments in hell. A
specific, different punishment is described for eachof twenty-one
types of sinner. The types of sinner and their punishments are:
1) those who blasphemed the way of righteousness-hung
2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
tongues;
by
those who denied justice -pit of fire;

women who enticed men to adultery -hung by necks;
adulterers -hung by genitals;
murderers -poisonous animals and worms;
women who aborted their children -in a pit of excrement
up to the throat;
7) infanticides -their milk produces flesh-eatinganimals;
8) persecutors and betrayers of Christ's righteous ones ~
scourgedand eaten by unsleepingworm;
9) those who perverted and betrayed Christ's righteousness~
bite tongues, hot irons in eyes;
10) those who put the martyrs to death with their lies -lips cut
off, fire in mouth and entrails;
11) those who trusted in their riches and neglected the poorfiery sharp column, clothed in rags;
12) usurers -in pit of excrement up to the knees;
13) male and female practising homosexuals-fall from precipice repeatedly;
14) makers of idols -scourged by chains of fire;
15) those who forsook God's commandmnts and obeyed demons
-burning in flames;
16) those who did not honour, their parents -roll
down fiery
precipice repeatedly;
17) those who disobeyed the teaching of their fathers and elders
-hung and attacked by flesh-eatingbirds;
18) girls who had sex before marriage -dark
clothes, flesh
dissolved;
19) disobedient slaves-bite tongues continuously;
15
APOCALYP$OFPETER
20) those who gave alms hypocritically -blind and deaf, coals
of fire;
21) male and female sorcerers-: on wheel of fire in the river of
fire.
The elect will be shown the p*ishments of the damned. The
latter cry for mercy, but the angel in charge of hell,
Tartarouchos, tells them it is now too late for repentance. The
damned acknowledge the justice of their punishment. But when
the righteous intercede for the daqrned,JesusChrist the judge will
grant their prayers. Those for w~om they pray will be baptised
in the Acherusian lake and will Jshare the destiny of the elect.
The elect will enter Jesus Chri t's eternal kingdom, with the
patriarchs, and his promises to them will be fulfilled.
Concluding the prophecy of judgment, Jesus now addresses
Peter personally about his future. He is to spread the Gospel
through the whole world. He is tq go to Rome, where he will die
a martyr at the hands of the soq of the one who is in Hades 9.
III. Visions of the Reward of t~e Righteous (chapters15-17).Jesusand the disciples go to the holy mountain , where the
disciples are granted five revela~ons. The first is of Moses and
Elijah, appearing in resplende t beauty as heavenly beings.
When Peter asks where the othe patriarchs are, they are shown
the heavenly paradise. Jesus says that this destiny of the
patriarchs is also to be that of those who are persecuted for his
righteousness.
When Peter offers to construct three tents for Jesus, Moses
and Elijah, he is severely rebuked by Jesus, but promised a
vision and an audition (the third and fourth of the five revelations) to enlighten him. The v~sion is of the tent which the
Father has made for Jesus and the elect. The audition is of a
voice from heaven declaring Jesu~to be God's beloved Son who
should be obeyed. Finally, the di$ciples witness the ascensionof
Jesus, with Moses and Elijah, through the heavens.Jesustakes
with him people in the flesh . The disciples descend the
mountain, glorifying God, who has written the names of the
righteous in the book of life in heaven.
9. Quotations from the APocalYP

~
based
on
preliminary
English
tra
of
slation
Peter
(Ethiopic
by
Paolo
version)
Marrassini,
are
from
his edition of the Ethiopic text. Thi edition and an improved English
translation will appear in the Cor us Christiano rum Series Apocryphorum volume on the Apocalypse0 Peter.
16
R. BAUCKHAM
I. THE LITERARY AND mSTORICAL CONTEXTS

1. LiteraryContext.
We cannot be sure whether the title Apocalypse of Peter is
original. It does not occur in the Ethiopic version, which has a
lengthy title or prologue which certainly does not belong to the
original text. But the title Apocalypse of Peter is already used by
the Muratorian Canon and by Clement of Alezandria, and so it
may well be original. It is true that many of the works which now
bear the title Apocalypse came to be so called only at a later
date (quite apart from those which have been so called only by
modern scholars), but the period in which the Apocalypse of
Peter must have been written -the early second century C.E.
-is one in which it is plausible to hold that the term &no1(l1AU'l'1.~
could be being used as the description of a literary work
containing the account of a revelation given by a supernatural
being to a prophet or visionary.
But whether or not its title is original, the Apocalypseof Peter
certainly belongs to that rather broad genre of ancient literature
which we call apocalypses.Indeed, its date -in the early second
century C.E. -places it in a golden age,perhaps the golden age
of Jewish and Christian apocalyptic literature. The period between the two great Jewish revolts (between 70 and 132 C.E.)
produced the greatest of all the Jewish and Christian apocalypses: the Book of Revelation,4 Ezra and 2 Baruch -works in
which the genre of apocalyptic becamethe vehicle for truly great
literature and truly profound theology. A considerable number
of other extant Jewish and Christian apocalypsesalso date from
the late first and early second centuries: the Apocalypse of
Abraham, the Ladder of Jacob, the Ascension of Isaiah, the
Greek Apocalypse of Baruch (3 Baruch), the Shepherd of
Hermas, and quite probably also the Parables of Enoch, the
Slavonic Apocalypse of Enoch (2 Enoch), and so-called 5 Ezra.
It is hard to be sure whether thi& period really was exceptionally
productive of apocalypses,or whether that impression is due to
the accidentsof survival. There certainly were more Jewish apocalypses in earlier periods, such as the early first century C.E.,
than have survived, and it is always very important to remember
that all extant ancient Jewish apocalypses,with the exception of
Daniel and the apocalyptic works found at Qumran, have been
preserve.d by Christians. Many which were not congenial to
Christian use may not have survived. With due allowance for
these factors, however, it does seemprobable that the writing of
APOCALYP~E OF PETER
17
apocalypsesespecially flourished in the period from 70 C.E. to

about the middle of the secon century. The reasons will be
partly that the destruction of erusalem and the temple in
70 C.E. posed for Judaism issu s of theodicy and eschatology
which were most suitably wres led with or answered in the
literary genre of apocalypse, a d partly that much of early
Christianity remained during this eriod a strongly eschatological
religious movement which theref re found one of its most natural
forms of expression in the apoc lypse. I do not make the mistake of consideringeschatologyt e sole content of apocalypses1,
but most of the apocalypsesI h ve mentioned do in fact focus
especially on matters of eschatol gy, as the Apocalypse of Peter
also does. Of course, during t e same period -the second
century -the genre apocalypsewas also adopted and adapted
by Christian Gnostics as a vehi Ie for the kind of revelations
they wished to present.
The Apocalypse of Peterhas so e close links, by way of themes
and traditions, with some of the J wish apocalypsesof its period:
4 Ezra, 2 Baruch, the Parables0 Enoch. If, as I shall argue, the
Apocalypse of Peteris a Palestini n Jewish Christian work, these
links with contemporary Palestini n Jewishapocalypsesare especially interesting. They help to e plain the preservation of these
Jewish works by Christians, b showing us the context of
Palestinian Jewish Christian apo alyptic in which these Jewish
apocalypseswould have been of i terest. It was doubtless in such
Christian circles as those from hich the Apocalypse of Peter
comesthat Jewishapocalypsessuchas 4 Ezra were read and then
passedon to the wider church whi h later preservedthem.
That there is actual literary de endence by the Apocalypse of
Peter on any extant Jewish apoc ypse is much less certain. The
links which exist are explicable as common apocalyptic tradition,
current in Jewish and Christia apocalyptic circles of that
period. It is an important genera feature of the apocalypsesof
this period that they are all de ndent on blocks of traditional
apocalyptic material 11.The mor one studies the way the same
traditions reappear in various apocalypses,the more it becomes
impossible to suppose that literary borrowing from one apocalypse to another can fully explai~ the recurrence of traditional
10. This mistake has been correcte \ especially by C. ROWLAND,The

Open Heaven(London: SPCK, 1982)
11. Cf., e.g., M. E. STONE,Fourth zra (Hermeneia; Minneapolis:
Fortress Press,1990),p. 21-22,on suqhblocks of traditional material in
4 Ezra.
I
R.
18
BAUCKHAM
material. Apocalyptic traditions must have existeq in some form,

oral or written, independently of the apocalypsesin which such
traditions are now incorporated. (Of course, such traditional
material is also sometimes preserved in works which are not
apocalypses,such as the Biblical Antiquities of Pseudo-Philo or
the letters of Paul.) We do not know the sociological context in
which these apocalyptic traditions were handed on, whether as
oral traditions in circles of apocalyptists or as written notes
passed between learned individuals. But certainly what passed
from one apocalyptist to another was not just ideas, but blocks
of tradition.
Every apocalypseis therefore a mixture of tradition and originality. The truly great apocalypses-Revelation and 4 Ezra, for
example -are works of remarkable creativity, in both literary
and theological terms. The traditional material they certainly
incorporate is used in highly creative ways. In these works the
use of tradition is consistent with considerable originality and
with very carefully studied composition. In other cases,traditional
material has been put together by a much lessgifted writer and a
much less profound thinker. In one sense, the Apocalypse of
Peter is one of the least original of the apocalypses.Blocks of
traditional material seemto be incorporated often more or less
as they stand. Virtually all the contents of the Apocalypse of
Peter probably already existed in some form, some as Gospel
traditions, most as Jewish apocalyptic traditions. Probably no
passageof more than a few verses was freely composed by the
author. But this does not mean that the author is a mere compiler of traditions. The combination and redaction of his material
has been done with a certain real skill. His creative redactional
activity has made of the traditional material he used a particular
whole with a coherent message.While the Apocalypseof Peteris
not a great example of the genre,while its literary and theological
merit is small, it is neverthelessa literary work in its own right. If
we are to appreciate what it meant to its contemporaries and
later readers, we must study its traditional components not only
as blocks of tradition, but as they relate to each other in this
particular literary whole.
So the Apocalypse of Peterturns out to have a double interest.
Becauseof its very conservative preservation of apocalyptic traditions, it is actually a source of knowledge of Jewish apocalyptic
traditions. It has rarely been treated in this way, becauseof the
artificial distinction which is prevalent between the apocalypses
which belong to the so-called Old Testament Pseudepigrapha
and those which belong to the so-called New Testament

Apocrypha. So far as apocalypsesgo, this distinction between
19
APOCALYP~E OF PETER
Old
Testament
is
wholly
was
Pseudepigrapha
artificial.
almost
entirely
second
recently
as
written
and
Christian
with
have
were
Moreover,
there
Christian
apocalypses
written
figures
such
as
Testament
to
So
traditions
non~Christian
work
no
in
doubt
own
read
functioned
their
its
immediate
after
popular
it
literary
of
apocalypses
to
the
the
authors
hiding
behind
as
Christ.
The
is
closely
was
have
Jews
it
in
reached
not
but
for
it
as
it
also
Christians
a
wide
century
or
evidently
proved
of
makes
The
to
most
revelation
specifically
is
within
purports
Olive;
in
thus
the
fact
placed
to
ecord
U. On this point, see R. BAUCKHf

Pseudepigrapha
, Journal
p.105-106,111-113.
not
their
own
But
like
by
earliest
Jesus
extant
pseudonym.
is
that
-is
with
with
within
of
by
in
the
have
Jesus
differs
Hermas,
given
apostolic
itbegins
ends
iod
of
prophets.
ypses
pe
of
it
revelation
form
revelation
writing
.terary
apoca
mountframework. of
Jewish
tradition
probably
an
its
the
Shepherd
but
is
use
Christian
's
Peter
is
the
as
it
the
from
apocalyptic
nym
revelation
-which
narrative
on
the
pseud
distinguish
pseudonymous,
and
which
this
It
eing
Jewi
ancient
does
apocalypse
akin.
In
with
Apocalypse
framework
It
may
case,
about
Peter.
of
which
ances.
Christi
apocalypses,
difference
Gospel
disciples
interest
such,
Christian
church
feature
Apocalypse
apocalypse
heaven.
it
broke
Christian
Jesus,
which
apostle
recipients
Christian
of
as
an
those
to
Peter
Johannine
whose
names
of
As
it
by
any
hing
of
Christian
relevant.
Apocalypse
to
also
though
Jewish
Some
New
closely
preservation
own.
used
the
of
less
to
is
its
In
name
no
its
it
of
ws.
0
written.
important
Christ
re
througho
was
and
One
ians,
literat
readership
for
But
Chris
the
Testament
common
sage
studied
former.
were
me
non-Christian
readership
more
from
by
the
period.
a
missionary
to
Christian
the
with
mostly
as
mission
only
of
right,
Old
are
interest
which
Jews
its
of
be
between
of
under
are
is
The
must
latter
the
Christians.
name
The
tha
Peter
In
apocalypses
distinction
the
ritten
Peter
apocalypses
tradition.
period
useful
er
apocalypses
Jewish
by
the
0
un
those
of
Jewish
imitated
of
as
Apocalypse
apocalyptic
and
an
Apocrypha
writing
even
is
and
such
Jewish
the
those
Ezra
figures
related
the
apocalypse
together.
Testament
of
indicated,
read
Christian
New
tradition
continuous
century,
Jewish
dnd
The
the
Jesus'
The
the
in
narrative
this
Jesus'
Jesus
the
resurrection
final
case
ascension
and
Gospel
a
the
story
appear-
revelatory~
' The Apocalypses

in the New
y of the New Testament 26 (1986),
for the St
20
R. BAUCKHAM
teaching to his disciples prior to his departure to heaven. In a

sense this gives it the character of a testament of Jesus, but it
would be a mistake to make too much of this testamentary
character of the Apocalypse of Peter: apart from revelation of
the future, it sharesnone of the standard features of the Jewish
testament literature. It is better to think of it as an apocalypse
set at the end of the Gospel story of Jesus.
As an apocalypse set at the end of the Gospel story of Jesus,
the Apocalypse of Peter is an example of a genre of Christian
apocalypses which seems to have become very popular in the
second and third centuries: the revelatory discourse of Jesusto
one or more disciples or the revelatory dialogue of Jesus with
the disciples after the resurrection. Like the Apocalypse of Peter,
such works are often set on the mount of Olives or some other
mountain 13;they often end with an account of the ascension14.
Unlike the Apocalypse of Peter they usually begin with an
account of the risen Jesus' appearance to the disciples; in this
respect, the Apocalypse of Peter is rather peculiar. The way it
does open makes it unlikely that an account of an appearanceof
Jesus has been lost at the beginning, but means that there is
actually no way of knowing that the sceneis set after the resurrection until one reachesthe account of Jesus' ascensionat the
end of the work.
The genre of the post-resurrection revelatory dialogue is often
thought of as a Gnostic literary geme. It did indeed become very
popular with the Gnostics. But it did not originate with them.
Non-Gnostic examplesof the geme -such as the Apocalypseof
Peter,the Epistle of the Apostles,the Testamentof our Lord and
the Questionsof Bartholomew -are not imitations of the Gnostic
use of the geme. They show that the geme itself originated before
Gnostics adopted it. Those who wished to attribute to Jesus
Christ further revelations additional to those known from the
Gospel traditions evidently found it appropriate to place such
revelations in the period of the resurrection appearances.This
was because these additional revelations presupposed the
teaching of Jesus already given in the Gospel traditions. They
interpreted and developed the teaching of Jesusthat was already
13. lApJas (CG V,3) 30:18-31:2; EpPetPhil (CG VIII,2) 133:14-17;

SophJesChr (CG 111,4) 90:14-20 (ct. 91:18-20); Pistis Sophia;
QuestBarth4:1; ApPaul (Coptic conclusion); HistJos 1.
14. ApocrJas (CG 1,2) 15:5-16:2; EpApp 51; Testament of our
Lord 2:27; ct. SophJesChr(CG 111.4)119:10.
21
APOCALYPrSE OF PETER
known.
They
often
before
his
death
meant
or
further
teaching
may
had
be
large
of
part
of
this
genre
esoteric,
In the
to
the
is
which
is
those
who
in
be
of
Matthew's
the
sake,
Matthean
saying,
heaven,
leaves
the
from
in
We
a
the
and
and
who
word
your
to
of
par
he
to
sitting
him,
We
of
church,
understand
tea
hing
wa
the
on
the
come
your
to
Apocalypse
thought
of
by
fill
The
in
of
which
to
reward
undeveloped.
out
is
the
Peter,
notably
author
the
of
mere
hints
Jesus.
Apocalypse
bowed
saying,
of
understand
will
is
eded
in
for
of
Peter
begins
way:
him.
and
the
to
author
heaven
reward
in
the
beatitude
of
revelation
s,
be
the
was
asked
dise
ic
in
certainly
persecuted
reference
heavenly
traditio
Peter
understand
approached
coming
the
pre-resurrection
similar
As
of
of
Peter
the
the
are
kingdom
quent
glory
written
is
to
who
the
apocalyp
Gospel
of
should
rather
of
the
Apocalypse
given
nature
kind
is
Gospel
and
paradise,
and
reference
15,
revela-
of
(16:5).
written
subs
vision
which
hose
theirs
the
revelation
the
absent
the
for
traditions,
further
honour
The
only
us
the
that
the
Gospel
by
the
reference
righteousness
t .
are
and
apocalyptic
precisely
of
Peter
the
then
conveying
explicit
Peter
Peter
my
Chri
Blessed
righteousness'
given
for
of
in
in
apoca-
Gnostics
for
very
to
Peter,
oldest,
The
teaching.
is
one
esus
has
evidently
5:10:
res'
of
Jesus
Apocalypse
Lord.
had
earlier
revelation
the
vehicle
understood
Lord
Gospel,
Matthew
Jes
th ;
Jesus'
of
in
given
Jesus
further
and
our
revelation
Such
had
what
Apocalypse
revealed
persecuted
our
that
literary
now
subjects
Apostles,
Peterof
Jesus
of
the
of
Jesus
Then
scripture
in
is
to
are
ih
the
teaching
16:5-6.
said
comments:
The
meaningof
meaning
This
of
is
obvious
earlier
full
it
Testament
Gnostic
Apocalypse
whose
of
Epistle
the
teaching
covered.
as
the
the
explanation
pn
sufficiently
the
found
tio
furth~r
information
not
lyptic
tion.
back
offer
eschatological,
part
back
refer
and
"Tell
end
of
Mount
own
s,
the
what
time
of
our
us,
thos
to
whom
om
we
so
the
that
time
and
they
w
too
of
ay
you
be
-so
the
coming,
hear
coming"
Olives,
begged
will
orld?
after
Gospel
of
and
we
shall
and
his
him
the
signs
of
that
we
and
instruct
shall
put
apply
(ApPet
own
privately
may
your
know
those
preach
in
charge
the
of
themselves
1:1-3).
15. See R. BAUCKHAM,The ApoLalypse of Peter: An Account of

Research, op. cit.,p. 4723-4724. r
22
R. BAUCKHAM
Ostensibly this does little more than reproduce, with a little

expansion and adaptation, the opening of the eschatological
discourse of Jesusin Matthew 24. But the author is not intending
to give, as it were, a version of that eschatological discourse,
moving it from its Matthean place before the resurrection to a
post-resurrection setting. Rather he is intending to represent
Jesus, in response to the disciples' questions, as taking up the
same subject again and this time going into much more detail on
many aspectsof the eschatologicalevents. The whole of Jesus'
discourse, which continues to chapter 14, is intended to develop
what is undeveloped and to add what is lacking in the Matthean
eschatologicaldiscourse.The way in which this is done, of course,
is by resort to Jewish apocalyptic traditions.
Just as the eschatologicaldiscourseof Jesusin chapters 1-14is
not a version of the Matthean eschatological discourse, but
another post-resurrection eschatological discourse, intended to
supplement the first, so the narrative of chapters 15-17, which is
modelled on the Matthean account of the transfiguration of
Jesusshould not be mistaken for a version of the transfiguration
narrative 16.It gives no support to the idea that the transfiguration
was originally a post-resurrection tradition, transferred in our
Synoptic Gospels into the ministry of Jesus. Chapters 15-17 of
the Apocalypse of Peter actually do not describe a transfiguration of Jesus at all. It is the glorious appearanceof Moses and
Elijah which is featured, not the glory of Jesus.The point is that
the author is simply using material from the transfiguration
narrative in order to develop a new account of an apocalyptic
revelation of the glorious destiny of the elect. He saw in
the Matthean transfiguration narrative hints which could be
developed further in a post-resurrection setting. Again he draws
on Jewishapocalyptic traditions in order to develop them.
In summary we can say that the Apocalypse of Peteris a revelation by the risen Christ to Peter and the disciples, set within
a post-resurrection Gospel narrative framework. It borrows
materials from the Gospel traditions which were especially susceptible to development in an apocalyptic direction. It develops
them by means of Jewish apocalyptic traditions, which form the
greater part of its content.
16. Ct. ibid., p. 4735-4736.
APOCALYPfSE OF PETER
23
Apocalypseof Peter 1-2
Matthew 24
1 1As he was sitting on the

Mount of Olives,
his own approached him. We
bowed down and begged him
privately 2 and asked him,
saying, Tell us, what will be
the signs of your coming and
of the end of the world? so that we may know and
understand the time of your
coming, and instruct those
who will come after us,
3 those to whom we shall
preach the word of your
Gospel and whom we shall
put in charge of your church,
so that they too may hear
and apply themselves to
understand the time of your
coming . 4Our Lord answered us, sayingto us, Be careful not to be led into error,
not to become doubtful and
not to worship other gods.
5 Many will come in my
name, saying that they are
the Messiah.
Do not believe them, and do
not approach them, 6because, as for the coming of the
Son of God, it will [not] be
recognized, but like a bolt of
lightning which is visible
from the east to the west, so
shall I come
on a cloud of heaven, with
great power in my glory, with
my cross going before me.
7 I shall come in my glory,
shining seven times more
brightly than the sun. I shall
come in my glory with all my
holy angels, when my Father
3When he was sitting on the

Mount of Olives,
the disciplescame to him,
privately, saying, Tell us,
when will this be, and what
will be the sign of your
coming and of the end of the
age?
4Jesusansweredthem,
Beware
that noone leads you astray.
5 For many will come in my

name, saying, "1 am the
Messiah!" (...)
23,26(...)do not believe it (...)
27For as the lightning comes
from the east and flashes as
far as the west, so will be the
coming of the Son of man.
30b(...) and they will see the
Son of man coming
on the clouds of heaven with
power and great glory.
30aThen the sign of the Son
of man will appear in heaven
(...)
[16 27For the Son of man is

to come with his angels in
the glory of his Father,
R.
24
BAUCKHAM
sets a crown on my head, so

that I may judge the living
and the dead, 8and so that I
may repay everyone according to his deeds.
21 As for you, learn from the
fig tree its parable. As soon
as its shoots have sprouted
and its twigs have become
tender, at that time will be
the end of the world.
7 (...) Indeed, I have said to
you, "when its twigs have
becoI;ne tender", [meaning
that] in the last time false
Messiahs will come, 8 and
they will promise, "I am the
Messiah,who have come into
the world".
and then he will repay everyone for what has been done.]
32From the fig tree learn its
lesson: as soon as its branch
becomes tender and puts
forth its leaves,
you know that summer is
near.
24 For false messiahs and

false prophets will appear
(...) 5 saying, "I am the
Messiah!"
(...)
(...)
11 (...) Many will die and

there will be martyrs, 12
because Enoch and Elijah
will be sent to make them
understand that he is the
impostor who is to come into
the world and who will perform signs and wonders in
order to deceive.
24 (...) and produce great

signs and omens, to lead
astray, if possible, even the
elect.
2. HistoricalContext
It is unusual to be able to give a precise date and place of origin for an ancient apocalypse,but I think that in the caseof the
Apocalypse of Peter we can do so with considerable confidence.
In this section I shall argue that the Apocalypse of Peter can be
dated during the Bar Kokhba war, i.e. during the years 132-135
C.E., and that it was written in Palestine, deriving from the
Jewish Christian churches. If this is correct, it makes the
Apocalypse of Peter a very significant document for the history
of Palestinian Jewish Christianity. It is perhaps the only work of
APOCALYPSEOF PETER
25
second-century Palestinian Jewish Christianity which survives in

its complete and original form.
The argument for the date and place of the Apocalypse
concerns especially the first two chapters and the last two chapters
of the work 17. In chapters 1-2 the author has adapted and
expanded parts of the Synoptic apocalyptic discourse as found in
Matthew 24. The wording of the Apocalypse of Peter in these
chapters is in several places very close to the specifically

Matthean redaction of the Synoptic apocalyptic discourse, and
so we can be sure that the author knew the text of Matthew 24
itself. But he has used Matthew 24 very selectively: he has in fact
drawn on only eight verses of that chapter -or,
to put it another way, he has used only two sections of Matthew 24: v. 3-5
and v. 24-32. To these borrowings from Matthew 24 he has added
additional traditional material from other sources in order to
develop those themes in Matthew 24 in which he was interested.
So by observing his selection and expansion of material from
Matthew 24 we can see how his apocalyptic expectations were
focussed. As we shall see, they are focussed, in these first two
chapters of the Apocalypse, on just two themes.
The first three verses of the Apocalypse of Peter are the
disciples' question, to which the rest of the first two chapters are
Jesus' response:
As he was sitting on the Mount of Olives, his own
approached him. We bowed down and begged him privately
and asked him, saying, "Tell us, what will be the signs of your
coming and of the end of the world? -so that we may know
and understand the time of your coming, and instruct those
who will come after us, those to whom we shall preach the
word of your Gospel and whom we shall put in charge of
your church, so that they too may hear and apply themselves
to understand the time of your coming"
(ApPet 1:1-3).
The setting and question follow closely Matthew 24:3, except
that in the Apocalypse the disciples ask about the time of the
parousia, not simply so that they themselves should understand
it, but also so that their successors should understand it. Clearly
the author writes in a post-apostolic period: the generation of
the apostles has passed and it is now a subsequent generation
17. Most of the following argument so far as it concerns chapters 1-2

was presented in more detail in R. BAUCKHAM,The Two Fig Tree
Parables in the Apocalypse of Peter , Journal of Biblical Literature 104
(1985),p. 269-287.
26
R. BAUCKHAM
which needs to be able to recognizethe signs that the parousia is

imminent. Moreover, whereas Matthew refers to the time of thb
destruction of Jerusalemand the temple, as well as to the time of
the parousia, in the Apocalypseof Peter it is only the time of the
parousia that is of interest. Evidently the author lives after
C.E. 70, and he is not interested in providing post eventum
propheciesof events, suchas the fall of Jerusalem,which lay between the time of Jesus,the supposeddate of the prophecy,and his
own time. He is interested only in his readers' immediate situation
and the events which he believes to lie in their immediate futur~.
The rest of the material he derives from Matthew 24 readily
falls into three categories:
a) There is the warning about false Messiahs, This subje t
occurs twice in the apocalyptic discourse in Matthew 24:3(where it is the opening subject of the discourse) and 24:23-2
(where the subject recurs immediately before the description f
the parousia itself). The author of the Apocalypse of Peter h
drawn on both these passagesand ignored everything that com
in between them in Matthew, He has therefore rightly identifie
a major theme of the Matthean discourse,and he has also, as we
shall see, rightly understood the way this theme of false Messiahs
is connected in Matthew 24 with the parousia. But as far as
Matthew's account of the events that will precede the parousia is
concerned, he has selected only this one theme, It must have
been the prominence of this theme in Matthew 24 which drew
him to this chapter and led him to make it the basis of the opening of his Apocalypse. The theme of the false Messiahsand the
warning against being led astray by these imposters who mak
deceptive claims is one of his main interests.
But there are two further, very important points about th
way he usesthis material from Matthew 24, which we can see 'f
we look closely at the texts in the Apocalypse of Peter, Th
words of Jesus in the Apocalypse of Peter, as in Matthew 2 ,
begin with this theme:
Our Lord answeredus, sayingto us, "Be careful not to b
led into error, not to become doubtful and not to worshi
other gods. Many will come in my name, saying that they ar
the Messiah. Do not believe them, and do not approac
them" (ApPet 1:4-5).
But he then returns to the theme in 2:7-8:
(...) false Messiahs will come, and they will promise, "~
am the Messiah,who have come into the world" (...)
I
APOCALYPSEOF PETER
27
And again towards the end of chapter 2 :

Enoch and Elijah will be sent to make them understand
that he is the impostor who is to come into the world and
who will perform signs and wonders in order to deceive.
(ApPet 2:12: the reference to the deceptive signs and
wonders there is taken from Matthew 24:24.)
In those passages the false messianic claim and the false
Messiah's potential to deceive, of which Christians must beware,
derive from Matthew 24. But we should notice, first, that
whereas Matthew 24:24 speaks of false Messiahs and false
prophets ('i'Eu86XP1CJ'tOlKat 'i'Eu80npo<pfl'tal), the Apocalypse of
Peter speaks only of false Messiahs. The author is not interested
in people who claimed to be the eschatological prophet, but only
in those who claimed to be Messiah. But, notice also, secondly,
that whereas Matthew speaks throughout of false Messiahs, in
the plural, the Apocalypse of Peter, while it begins by following
Matthew in this respect and warning against many false
Messiahs (1:5), goes on in chapter 2 to focus on a single messianic pretender. In the Ethiopic text as it stands the transition is
very awkward and abrupt: the end of 2:7 speaks of false
Messiahs, in the plural, but 2:8 speaks of his evil deeds , and
although verse 9 is very obscure, from verse 10 onwards it is
quite clear that only one false messianic claimant is being
spoken of. It may be that the text of v. 7 should be corrected to
refer to only a single false Messiah. But even if we accept such an
emendation of the text, there is a transition from the several false
Messiahs of chapter 1 to the single false Messiah of chapter 2.
Moreover in 2:12, the phrase which the author has borrowed
from Matthew <signs and wonders in order to deceive:
Matt 24:24) applies in Matthew to the false Messiahs, but in the
Apocalypse of Peter has been applied to the single false Messiah.
It seems clear that the author of the Apocalypse of Peter is
interested in Matthew's predictions of false Messiahs mainly
because they provide a startingpoint from which he can narrow
the focus to the single and last false Messiah, who is his real
concern. I shall be arguing that this is because at the time of
writing there was a particular, single messianic claimant -by
whom the Apocalypse's readers were in danger of being misled.
However, we should not too easily jump to this conclusion. The
expectation of a single final Antichrist who would deceive
people with his false claims and who would persecute the people
of God, as the false Messiah in chapter 2 of the Apocalypse of
Peter does, was after all a common feature of much early
Christian apocalyptic expectation. The coming of Enoch and
28
R. BAUCKHAM
Elijah to expose him as a deceiver (2:12) was probably also

already a traditional apocalyptic feature 18.May not the author
simply be putting together Matthew 24's predictions of the false
Messiahs and other traditional material in which a single
Antichrist was expected? No doubt, he is doing this. But we still
need to explain why his interest in the events preceding the
parousia is so selective, so overwhelmingly focussed on the
figure of the false Messiah.That this is becausean actualmessianic claimant threatened the church of his time and place will
become clearer as we proceed.
b) The second of the three categories of material that our
author has drawn from Matthew 24 is the prediction of the
manner of the parousia:
As for the coming of the Son of God, it will not be re cognized, but like a bolt of lightning which is visible from the
east to the west, so shall I come on a cloud of heaven, with
great power in my glory, with my cross going before me. I
shall come in my glory, shining seven times more brightly
than the sun. I shall come in my glory with all my holy angels,
when my Father sets a crown on my head, so that I may
judge the living and the dead (ApPet 1:6-7).
Here the author depends on Matthew 24:27,30,and perhaps
also on Matthew 16:27, but he has both selected from the
Matthean depiction of the parousia and expanded it with other
traditional material. The elements here which do not come from
Matthew can all be shown to be very probably already traditional in Christian depiction of the parousia. Nothing here is original19, but the author has both selected from Matthew and
added from other apocalyptic tradition in order to make very
emphatically two points about the parousia. One is that Christ
will come with divine authority to exercise judgment: When
my Father sets a crown on my head, so that I may judge the
living and the dead, stet so that I may repay everyone according
to his deeds (1:7b-8). This is the point at which the author
18. See R. BAUCKHAM,The Martyrdom of Enoch and Elijah: Jewish

or Christian? , Journal of Biblical Literature 95 (1976), p. 447-458;
K. BERGER,Die Auferstehung des Propheten und die Erhohung des
Menschensohnes (SUNT 13; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1976) Part 1.
19. For the parallels, see R. BAUCKHAM,The Two Fig Tree Parables ,
op. cit., p. 273-275;R. BAUCKHAM,
Jude and the Relatives ofJesusin the
Early Church (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1990),p. 101-102.
APOCALYPSE
OFPETER
29
introduces the central theme of the Apocalypse of Peter, which

will be expounded at length in chapters 3-14. But of more
immediate interest to us is the second point about the parousia :
that it will be unmistakably the parousia of JesusChrist. This is
how the depiction of the parousia in v. 6 connects with the warning against false Messiahs in v. 5. The coming of the true
Messiah will be evident to all people. The disciples should not be
deceived by the claims of the false Messiahs,becausethe coming
of the true Messiah will be unmistakable. This point the author
has taken from Matthew, who also places the saying about the
lightning immediately after the misleading claims about the false
Messiahs in order to make the point that the parousia, like the
lightning which flashes across the sky from east to west, will be
evident to all (24:27). Matthew contrasts this with the misleading
claim that the Messiah is out in the desert or is in the inner
rooms (24:26): the Apocalypse of Peter drops this point.
Evidently the false Messiah who concerns this author is not
gathering his followers in the desert (like some of the messianic
claimants before 70 C.E.) or hiding in secret in houses. But his
appearance can be easily distinguished from the unmistakable
character of the parousia of Jesus Christ, as expected in
Christian tradition.
As well as the simile of the lightning, the Apocalypse of Peter
labours the unmistakablenessof the parousia by emphasizingthe
glory of the coming Christ, of course a well-establishedtraditional aspectof the parousia. Three times Jesussays I shall come in
my glory (1:6-7), and this is reinforced, the first time, with on
a cloud of heaven, with great power; the second time, with
shining seventimes more brightly than the sun ; the third time,
with with all my holy angels. These details make the parousia
an unmistakably supernatural, transcendentoccurrence. But one
further detail makes it unmistakably the parousia of JesusChrist:
my cross going before me (1:6). This appearanceof the cross
at the parousia -perhaps an interpretation of Matthew's sign
of the Son of man (24:30), certainly a stock feature of early
Christian expectation (EpApp 16; ApElijah 3:2; SibOr 6:26-28;
Hippolytus, In Matt. 24:30; cf. Did 16:6)-serves here to make it
clear that, by contrast to any other messianic claim, the only
appearance of the Messiah which Christians can expect is unmistakably the coming of Jesus,the crucified, in glory. So we can
see that the author's depiction of the manner of the parousia is
very closely connected with his interest in the figure of the false
Messiah. It is designedto counter the false Messiah'spotential to
deceive those of the Apocalypse's readers who were evidently
tempted to accepthis claim to messianicstatus.
30
R. BAUCKHAM
c) The third andfinal category of material which the author has

taken from Matthew 24 is the parable of the fig tree, which 2:1
borrows from Matthew 24:32:
As for you, learn from the fig tree its parable. As soon as
its shoots have sprouted and its twigs have become tender, at
that time will be the end of the world.
It is in this parable that the author of the Apocalypse of
Peter finds the real answer to the disciples' question about the
time of the parousia. The end of the world will come when the
fig tree sprouts. But what is the meaning of the sprouting of the
fig tree? Peter is understandably puzzled and has to ask for an
interpretation (v. 2-3).
Peter's request for an interpretation shows that for the author
of the Apocalypse of Peter the meaning of the parable of the
budding fig tree is not to be found within Matthew 24 itself. He
does not accept the indication in Matthew 24:33 that by the
sprouting of the fig tree is meant simply all these things -all
the events which Matthew 24 has depicted as preceding the
parousia. The author of the Apocalypse of Peter requires a more
specific interpretation. The sprouting of the fig tree must be
some specific sign of the end. So he seeks the interpretation
elsewhereand finds it in another Gospel parable about a fig tree,
which he reproduces in 2:5-6. This is the parable of the barren
fig tree, elsewhere found only in Luke's Gospel (13:6-9). I have
argued elsewhere tliat the author has drawn this parable not
from Luke, but from some independent tradition of the
parable 2. The important point, however, is that the author is
doing what other early Christian interpreters of the parables
also sometimes did: he is assumingthat the imagery common to
the two parables must have a common meaning. Therefore one
parable can be used to interpret the other.
The second parable, the barren fig tree, tells how for many
years the fig tree failed to produce fruit. The owner proposes that
it be rooted out, but the gardenerpersuadeshim to allow it one
more chance of fruiting. This fruiting of the fig tree is treated by
our author as equivalent to the sprouting or budding of the fig
tree in the parable of Matthew 24. He correctly perceives that in
the parable of the barren fig-tree the fig tree representsIsrael, and
the contribution which this parable makesto the interpretation of
the other is that it establishes that the fig tree is Israel. Jesus'
20. R. BAUCKHAM, The Two Fig Tree Parables op. cit.,p. 280-283.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
31
interpretation of the parable begins: Do you not know that the

fig tree is the house of Israel? (2:4). Then after quoting the
parable of the barren fig tree, he repeats: Did you not understand that the trunk of the fig tree is the house of Israel? (2:7).
So it is the house of Israel which must sprout as the final sign of
the end. But we still do not know what the sprouting or fruiting
of the fig tree is. To explain this the author returns to the theme
of the false Messiah, who (we are now told) will put to death
those who refuse to accept his claim to messiahship.The sprouting of the fig tree representsthe many martyrs of the house of
Israel who will die at the hands of the false Messiah.
So finally we seethat the author'sthird principal interest in these
chapters -along with the false Messiah and the unmistakable
manner of the coming of the true Messiah -is martyrdom. This
is the theme which dominates the second half of chapter 2,
where we are repeatedly told of the many martyrs who will die
at the hands of the false Messiah. Like the other two themes,
this theme of the martyrs of the last days is anchored in
Matthew 24, by means of the author's interpretation of the
parable of the fig tree. By means of skilful selection of material
from Matthew 24 and expansion of this material from other traditional sources,the author has found dominical authority for a
very clearly focussedapocalyptic expectation. He depicts a situation in which a false Messiah puts to death those who are not
deceived by his claims becausethey know that the true Messiah,
Jesus Christ, will come in unmistakable glory. The deaths of
many martyrs of the house of Israel at the hands of the false
Messiah will be the last sign that the end of the world and the
parousia of JesusChrist asjudge of the world are imminent.
We could reduce the dominant concerns of these first two
chapters of the Apocalypse of Peter to two closely connected
concerns: a) the question of the true and false Messiahs, and
b) martyrdom. The two concerns are closely connected because
those who are not deceived by the claims of the false Messiahare
to be put to death by him. This means, of course, that those who
heed the warning against believing and following false Messiahs
with which Jesus' words begin (1:4-5) are going to incur martyrdom. By contrast with Matthew 24, where martyrdom is mentioned (24:9) but is not a major theme and is not connected with the
false Messiahs, in the Apocalypse of Peter martyrdom at the
hands of the false Messiah completely dominates the expectation
of what must happen before the parousia. We have to conclude
that the author envisagedhis readers having to discern and resist
the claims of a false Messiah and facing martyrdom as a result.
The question arises: Are the readers already in this situation ~
32
R. BAUCKHAM
has the false Messiah appeared, is he already persecuting

Christians -or is his appearance and persecution still future?
This is the familiar problem of identifying the point at which an
apocalyptic prediction moves from the presentinto the futQre.
The writer's exclusive concern with the false Messiah and the
persecution he carries out must indicate that this persecution is
already under way. If these were simply features of a traditional
apocalyptic scenario which the author reproduces as expectation for the future, the exclusion of all other features of such
traditional apocalyptic scenarios would be inexplicable. The
false Messiah must be already a threat; the Apocalypse's
readers must be already tempted to believe his claim; some of
those who, out of loyalty to the MessiahJesus,refuse to follow
him must have already been put to death. This impression given
us by the first two chapters is confirmed by the evidence which
the rest of the Apocalypse of Peter provides that it was written
in a situation of persecution. There are two main pieces of
evidence of this kind:
a) In the account of the punishments in hell after the last
judgment. As we shall see later (in our section 1I.7, below), the
Apocalypse of Peter, in the long account of the many categories of sinners and the specific punishments each receives in
hell (chapters 7-12), is certainly taking over traditional apocalyptic material. We have many other similar accounts of the
punishments in hell, which derive from common streams of
apocalyptic tradition. The literary relationships among these
so-called tours of hell are debatable and complex, but there
can be no doubt that, here as elsewhere, the Apocalypse of
Peter takes over traditional material. The other tours of hell
show us the kind of material which was the Apocalypse of
Peter'ssource for 7-12. By this means we can be confident that
most of the categories of sinners which the Apocalypse of Peter
depicts in hell were traditional. By and large, the author did
not decide which sins to mention in his account of hell: he
took them over from apocalyptic tradition. But there are three
categories of sinners in hell in the Apocalypse of Peter which
cannot be paralleled in other tours of hell and which occur in
succession as a group of three in 9:1-4. The first group are
those who persecuted and betrayed my righteous ones i.e. those who put the martyrs to death. The second group are
those who blasphemed and perverted my righteousness probably those who apostatized in order to escapemartyrdom.
The third group are those who caused death by their false
witness -presumably those who informed on the martyrs.
APOCALYPS~ OF PETER
33
The unique 21inclusion of these three categoriesof sinners in an

account of the punishments in hell must indicate a situation of
persecution and martyrdom as the Sitz im Leben of the
Apoca.lypse ofPeter.
b) In chapter 16, when the disciples are given a vision of paradise, Peter is told by Jesus that this is the honour and glory of
those who are persecuted for my righteousness (16:5). This
makes it clear that the concern with paradise in the latter part of
the Apocalypse of Peter is primarily a concern for the reward
that awaits the martyrs in the next life.
If chapter 2 therefore refers to a persecution by a false
Messiah which has already begun, we may note two further
points about the martyrs. In the first place, they are Jews, as
2:11 insists <It is at that time that the twigs of the fig tree, which
alone is the house of Israel, will have become tender. There will
be martyrs at his hand). Secondly, the persecution can only
have begun. Presumablyv. 12 refers to an event still in the future:
Enoch and Elijah will be sentto make them understand that he
is the impostor who is to come into the world... Unless we
suppose that the author identified two of his contemporaries as
Enoch and Elijah, of which he gives no hint, we must suppose
that the enlightenment as to the falsity of the false Messiah's
claim which Enoch and Elijah will bring to many of those who
are to be martyred still lies in the future. Probably, a few of the
author's fellow Jewish Christians have already been martyred:
they are those who, because of their faith in Jesus as Messiah,
already recognize the deception of the false Messiah. But the
author expectsmany more Jews-those who are not yet believers
in Jesus -to reject the false Messiah when Enoch and Elijah
expose him. These will be the majority of the martyrs and their
martyrdom lies still in the immediate future. Thus 2:13 explains:
This is why [i.e. because Enoch and Elijah have demonstrated
that the false Messiahis the deceiver] those who [then] die at his
hand will be martyrs, and will be numbered with the good and
righteous martyrs who have pleased the Lord with their lives
[that is, with those who have already died as martyrs] . This
means that the currently unbelieving Jews who, enlightened by
21. The only parallel I know is in one of the medieval Hebrew apocalypses translated by M. GASTER, Hebrew Visions of Hell and
Paradise , reprinted from Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1893),
p. 571-611, in M. GASTER,Studies and Texts,vol. 1 (London: Maggs,
1928), p. 136 (Revelation of Moses A, 43): they have delivered up
their brother Israelite to the Gentile .
34
R. BAUCKHAM
Enoch and Elijah, will die at the hands of the false Messiah in
the future, are going to be numbered with the Jewish Christian
martyrs who have already suffered death at his hands.
Who then is the false Messiah who is already persecuting
Jewish Christians and who can be expected to turn against other
Jews if they too reject his messiahship?The historical situation
of the early church and other early Christian literature suggests
only two possibilities: a Roman emperor or a Jewish messianic
pretender. Against the first possibility, we may note that the
author's quite explicit limitation of horizon to Jewish Christians
and Jews would be very surprising if a Roman persecution of
Christians were in view. But more decisively, when early
Christian apocalyptic associatesthe persecuting Antichrist figure
with the Roman imperial power there is always allusion to the
Roman imperial cult. The Antichrist is then said to claim divinity
and to require worship. The false Messiah of the Apocalypse of
Peter merely claims to be the Messiah, and all the emphasis is
put specifically on the issue of who is the true Messiah (1:5;
2:7-10). This points to an inner-Jewish context: a debate between the Christian claim that Jesusis Messiah and the claims of
a Jewishmessianicclaimant..
If then, the false Messiah of the Apocalypse of Peter is a
Jewishmessianicpretender of the period after 70 C.E. (since the
Apocalypse of Peter must be dated later than 70), there are only
two possible identifications:
In the first place,we cannot neglectthe possibility that the false
Messiahis the leader of the Jewish revolt in Egypt and Cyrenaica
in the years 115-117in the reign of Trajan 22.Though we know
very little about it, it is clear that this revolt was on a considerable
scale. Of its leader we know (from Eusebius) only his name
Lucuas and the fact that Eusebius calls him their king (Hist.
Eccl. 4.2.4). A major Jewish revolt against Rome at this period
must have had a messianiccharacter,and a leader of sucha revolt
described as king must have been seenas a messianicfigure. Our
meagre sources tell us nothing of any persecution of Christians
during this revolt, and we may note that Eusebius,had he known
of such persecution, would certainly have mentioned it. But on
the other hand, we know that the rebellious Jews massacred
22. On this revolt and its messianic character, see especially
M. HENGEL,Messianische Hoffnung und politischer "Radikalismus"
in der "judisch-hellenistischen Diaspora" , in D. HELLHOLM ed.,
Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the Near East
(Tubingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1983),p. 655-686(with referencesto other
literature).
APOCALYP~E OF PETER
35
Gentiles in large numbers. It is likely enough that Jewish

Christians who refused to join the Tevoltwould also have suffered.
One feature of the Apocalypse of Peter could support a suggestion that it originated among Jewish Christians in Egypt
during the revolt of 115-117.In 10:5,one category of the sinners
in hell are the manufacturers of idols. The idols they made are
described as the idols made by human hands, the images which
resemble cats, lions and reptiles, the images of wild animals .
This has often been taken to refer specificallyto Egyptian religion
and therefore to point to an origin for the Apocalypse of Peter in
Egypt. Images of gods in the form of animals were of course
especially characteristic of ancifnt Egypt, and of the specific
animals mentioned the first, dats, would infallibly suggest
Egyptian religion. Other Jewish texts which certainly or probably originated in Egypt have similar references to animal
images (Wisd 12:24; 15:18; SibOr5 :278-280;Philo, Decal. 76-80;
De vita contemp. 8; Leg. 139; 163), often specifying cats and
reptiles (LetAris 138; SibOr 3:30-p1;SibOr Frag 3:22,27-30).
Since the Apocalypse of Peter qtost probably reached Ethiopia
via Egypt, it is possible that the rfference to idols in the form of
animals is a later glossintroducedIinto the text of the Apocalypse
of Peter in Egypt. The reference is missing in the parallel passage
of the Akhmim text. On the other hand, there are few other
points in the Ethiopic version of the Apocalypse of Peter where
there is any very good reasonto suspecta gloss,so that we should
be very cautious about resorting to this explanation. In fact, there
is no Teal difficulty in supposing that this description of idols
could have been written by a P~lestinian Jew (cf. TMos 2:7;
LAB 44:5, for referencesto anim~l idols in a Palestiniancontext).
Paul in Romans1:23refers to idol~ as imagesresemblingmortal
man or birds or animals or reptiles , and Justin refers to the worship of animals in a general discussionof idolatry, evidently using
specifically Egyptian forms of idolatry as an instance of idolatry
in general (Apol. 1.24). A Jewish Christian opponent of idolatry
might well have consideredthe worship of animal forms the most
degrading form of idolatry (as lat;er Christian writers did) 23and
singled it out for mention for this teason. At this period Egyptian
cults were practised outside Egypt, and the Egyptian veneration
of cats must have been very well known 24,
23. E.g. Aristides, Apol. 12.1; Theophilus, Ad Auto/. 1.10; Tertullian,
Ad Nat.2.8; Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech.6.10.
24. For the general reputation of Egypt for animal worship, see K. A.
D. SMELIKand E. A. HEMELRIJK,"Who knows not what monsters
demented Egypt worships ?" : Opinions on Egyptian animal worship in
36
R. BAUCKHAM
That the Apocalypse of Peter originated in Egypt during the

Jewishrevolt under Trajan is a possibility which perhapscannotbe
entirely excluded.However, there are strongergrounds for identifying the false Messiahof the Apocalypseof Peterwith the leader
of the Jewish revolt in Palestine in the years 132-135C.E., the
leader whose real name we now know to have been Shim'on bar
Kosiva, but who is still generallyknown by his messianicnickname
Bar Kokhba. The argumentsfor seeinga referenceto Bar Kokhba
in the Apocalypse of Peterand therefore for the origin of the work
in Palestineduring the Bar Kokhba revolt, are asfollows:
a) First, it is necessaryto defend the view that Bar Kokhba
was seen by many of his supporters as the Messiah, since this
view has been contested by some recent writers 25. For our
purposes we do not need to know whether Bar Kokhba himself
made a messianicclaim, only that such a claim was made on his
behalf by his supporters 260In favour of this, there is, first, the
rabbinic evidence, most importantly the well-known tradition
(yoTa'ano68d) 27that Rabbi Aqiva declared Bar Kokhba to be
the King Messiah, and connected his name with the prophecy of
the star (kokhav) that will come forth from Jacob (Num 24:17),
a favourite messianic text of the period. Whether this view of
Bar Kokhba is correctly attributed to Aqiva is unimportant for
our purpose. What is significant is that such a view of
Bar Kokhba could certainly not have originated after
Bar Kokhba's defeat and death. The tradition must preserve an
identification of Bar Kokhba as the Messiah and the star of
Antiquity as part of the ancient conception of Egypt , in Aufstieg und

Niedergang der romischen Welt, 2.17/4, ed. W. HAASE (Berlin/New
York: de Gruyter, 1984),p. 1852-2000.
25. L. MILDENBERG, The Coinage of the Bar Kokhba Revolt
(Aarau/Frankfurt am Main/ Salzburg: Sauerliinder, 1984),p. 75-76; and
cf. B. ISAAC and A. OPPENHEIMER,
The Revolt of Bar Kokhba:
Ideology and Modern Scholarship , Journal of Jewish Studies 36
(1985), p. 57; A. RHEINHARTZ,Rabbinic Perceptions of Simeon bar
Kosiba , Journal for theStudy of Judaism 20 (1989), p. 173-174, for
references to others who deny that Bar Kokhba was seen in messianic
terms.
26. A. RHEINHARTZ,
Rabbinic Perceptions , op. cit., argues that the
claim was made during the war, as an explanation of Bar Kokhba's success,by some of his supporters,though not by all.
27. On this tradition, see P. SCHAFER,Der Bar-Kokhba-Aufstand
(TSAJ 1; Tubingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1981),p. 55-57; P. LENHARTand
P. VON DENOSTEN-SACKEN,
Rabbi Akiva (ANTZ 1; Berlin: Institut
Kirche und Judentum.1987). D. 307-317.
APOCALYPfE
OF PETER
37
Jacob which was made during the revolt 28. Second, from
Christian sources, beginning with Justin, who was writing only
twenty years after the revolt, we know that Bar Kosiva must
have been quite widely known as Bar Kokhba <son of the
star ) 29.This pun on his real name is explicable only as an identification of him as the messianic star of Jacob (Num 24:17)and
thus corroborates the rabbinic tradition attached to the name of
Aqiva. Thirdly, rabbinic traditions which explicitly deny that
Bar Kokhba was the Messiahand Christian sourceswhich depict
him as a false messianicpretender indirectly confirm that during
the revolt he was regarded by many as the Messiah. If it is unlikely that Christian writers would represent as a false Messiaha
Jewish leader for whom messianic claims had never been
made, it is even less likely that. rabbinic traditions hostile to
Bar Kokhba would have invented a messianic claim for him in
order to deny it 30.Fourthly, the fact that in the recentlydiscovered
Bar Kokhba documentshe is treated as a purely human military
and political leader is not, as somehave supposed,in contradiction
to the claim that he was regarded as Messiah.Messianic expectations of the time certainly included the purely human figure who
would restore Jewish national sovereignty by force of arms.
b) Turning to more detailed correlations between what we
know of Bar Kokhba and the Apocalypse of Peter, we know
from Justin (1 Apol. 31.6) that Bar Kokhba ordered that
Christians who would not deny Jesus as the Messiah should be
punished severely.This is very early evidence of persecution of
Jewish Christians by Bar Kokhba and there is no reason at all to
doubt it. The Bar Kokhba letters show that the rebel government
took strong action againstJews who failed to support the revolt,
and it is therefore intrinsically likely that Jewish Christians, who
could not acknowledge Bar Kokhba's political authority without
accepting his messiahship,would suffer. It is true that there is
not much evidence that the revolt extended to Galilee 31,where
probably the majority of Jewish Christians who lived west of the
Jordan at this time were to be found. But there is no difficulty in
supposingthat there were also Jewish Christians in Judrea,while
our interpretation of the Apocalypse of Peter does not require
28. So A. RHEINHARTZ,
Rabbinic P~rceptions , op. cit.,p.176-177.
29. The treatment of this evidence liy MILDENBERG,Coinage, op. cit.,
p. 79-80,is irresponsible.
30. A. RHEINHAR1Z,
Rabbinic Perceptions , op. cit.,p.177.
31. P. SCHAFER,
Der Bar-Kokhba-Aufstand, op, cit.,p.102-134; B. ISAAC
and A. OPPENHEIMER,
The Revolt of Bar Kokhba , op. cit., p. 53-54.
38
R. BAUCKHAM
there to have been very large numbers of Jewish Christians

killed by Bar Kokhba's troops. A small number of martyrs
would sufficiently explain the expectation that many more
martyrdoms would soon follow.
c) Apocalypse of Peter 2:12 calls thefalse Messiahthe imposter who is to come into the world and who will perform signs
and wonders in order to deceive. This is a traditional expectation of the Antichrist, taken here from Matthew 24:24. The
author may have understood the signs and wonders as Bar
Kokhba's military successwhich no doubt persuaded many to
regard him as the Messiah. But it is also noteworthy that later
Christian tradition about Bar Kokhba attributed to him the
deceptive miracles expected of the Antichrist. Eusebius, in a
statement that may well be based on Aristo of Pella and may
therefore preserve Palestinian Jewish Christian tradition, says
that Bar Kokhba claimed to be a star which had come down
from heavento give light to the oppressedby working miracles
(Rist. Eccl. 4.6.2).Jerome (Ad Rufin. 3.31)says that Bar Kokhba
pretended to breathe fire by means of a lighted straw in his
mouth. These statementscannot, of course,be taken as evidence
that Bar Kokhba really claimed to work miracles, but they do
reveal a Christian tradition of identifying Bar Kokhba with the
false Messiahwho works miracles, a tradition which may well go
back to the Apocalypse of Peter, written during the revolt itself.
d) Thereseemto have beentwo punning variations on Shim'on
bar Kosiva's name. One was the messianicnickname Bar Kokhba
<son of the star). The other was a derogatory nickname,
denying his messianic claim. This derogatory version is formed
by spelling his name not with a samek but with a zayin: bar
Koziva <son of the lie [kozav]), that. is, liar . This spelling
(Koziva) is consistently used in rabbinic literature. It has sometimes recently been regarded as no more than an alternative
spelling 32,but the Bar Kokhba letters consistently spell the
name either with a samek Of,occasionally,with a sin, and so it is
likely that the spelling with a zayin originated as a derogatory
pun 33.The fact that rabbinic traditions use it even in positive
statements about Bar Kokhba, such as that attributed to Aqiva,
merely indicates that it had become the only designation of
32. E.g. A. RHEINHARTZ,

Rabbinic Perceptions , op. cit., p. 191.
33. P. SCHAFER,
Der Bar-Kokhba-Aufstand,op. cit.,p. 51-52;P; LENHART
and P. VONDENOSTEN-SACKEN,
Rabbi Akiva, 0]). cit.,p. 312-313.
APOCALYP$E OF PETER
39
Bar Kokhba in rabbinic tradition. From the rabbinic evidence

we cannot tell whether this derogatory pun on the leader's name
originated only after his defeat and the general discrediting of
his messianic claim or whether it was already in use during the
revolt by those Jews who refused to support him. But there is
one statement in the Apocalypse of Peter which would gain particular force if the derogatory pun Bar Koziva was already in
use. 2:10 declares: As for that liar, he is not the Messiah. The
word in the Ethiopic is different from imposter in 2:12, and
presumably translates the Greek \j/Eucr"tT1<;.
The idea of the
Antichrist as a deceiver was, of course, thoroughly traditional in
early Christian apocalyptic traditions, and 1 John 2:22 may well
indicate that the Antichrist was sometimes known specifically as
the liar ()\j/Eucr"tT1<;).
But the statement in the Apocalypse of
Peter would certainly be peculiarly apposite if it could be
understood to allude also to the derogatory pun on the false
Messiah'sname: this Bar Koziva is not the Messiah.
e) For the last indication that the Apocalypse of Peterwas written in specific opposition to Bar Kokhba's messianic movement,
we must turn to a passage towards the end of the book, in
chapters 16-17.The two issuesof the identity of the true Messiah
and the fate of those who are loyal to him -the issues which
dominate the first two chapters of the apocalypse -are the
issues to which the apocalypse teturns in its closing chapters.
In 16:7-17:1we read:
I [Peter] said to him [Jesus],"My Lord, do you wish me to
make three tents here, one for you, one for Moses, and one
for Elijah ?" 8He said to me, in wrath, "Satan is fighting you
and has veiled your mind! Worldly affairs overcome you! 9
But your eyes will be opened!and your ears will be opened,
[toperceive] that there is one tent, not made by human hand,
which my heavenly Father has made for me and for my
elect". We saw [it], rejoicing~ 17 1 And behold, suddenly a
voice came from heaven, sa~ing, "This is my Son, whom
I love and with whom I am well pleased.Obey him!"
I
This is a crucially important ~assage. Its inspiration is the

Matthean account of the transfiguration of Jesus, from which
our author has drawn the beginning and the end of this passage:
Peter's proposal to build thret; tents for Jesus, Moses and
Elijah (16:7) and the voice fro~ heaven declaring Jesus to be
God's beloved son (17:1). But the! material in between (16:8-9)is
the author's addition. In 16:8 Peter is very severely rebuked by
Jesus. Although reminiscent df Jesus' rebuke of Peter in
40
R. BAUCKHAM
Matthew 16:23, this sharp rebuke of Peter for his proposal to

build the three tents is rather surprising. Why is Peter's proposal
evidence that his mind is veiled by Satan, who has conquered
him with matters of this world? We shall see. But following the
rebuke, Peter is promised a revelation: specifically, a two-part
revelation consisting of a vision <your eyes will be opened)
and of an audition <your ears will be opened ). The vision is of
the one tent, not made with human hands, which God has made
for Jesusand his elect (16:9). The audition is the voice declaring
Jesus to be God's beloved son, whom the disciples must obey
(17:1). By this double revelation -of the tent not made with
hands and of Jesusas God's son -the veil Satan has cast over
Peter's mind is removed and he is shownthe truth.
The importance of the audition (the words of the heavenly
voice) is clearly that it makes clear the identity of the true
Messiah. Whereas in chapter 1 we were told only that the
parousia of Jesus Christ will make his identity as the Messiah
unequivocally clear, here at the climax of the whole book Jesus'
messiahshipis already declared by the divine voice. Clearly we
are back in the same context of issues as chapters 1 and 2
presuppose.
Less obvious is the significanceof the vision: the one tent, not
made with human hands, contrasted with the three tents Peter
proposes to make. The tent not made with human hands (the
Greek must have been O"lCllvlil1XEtpo7toill'tll) reminds us of
Mark 14:58, where Jesus' prophecy of the destruction of the
temple contrasts the present temple, made with hands, and the
eschatological temple, not made with hands. It also resembles
Hebrews 9:11, which contrasts the earthly tent (the tabernacle),
made with hands, and the heavenly sanctuary: the greater and
perfect tent, not made with hands, that is, not of this creation .
Our text is not dependent on either of these passagesbut moves
in the sameworld of ideas.The tent not made with human hands
which the Father has made for Jesusand his elect is the heavenly
temple. It is God's heavenly dwelling-place in which he will
dwell with his people in the eschatological age, when God's
dwelling -God's O1(llVll- will be with his people (Rev 21:3). In
Jewish and Jewish Christian Greek O"lCllVll
was used as equivalent to mishkan because of the correspondence of the consonants of O"lCllVll
with the Hebrew root shakan.So it really meant,
not so much tent , as dwelling-place : the tabernacle or the
temple as the divine dwellingplace. (In Tobit 13:11 0"1C1lvf1
is used
for the temple which is to be rebuilt in the eschatological age.)
So the connexion is easily made betweenthe three tents or dwellings which Peter proposes to build for Jesus,Moses and Elijah,
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
41
and the heavenly temple which is to be the real eschatological

dwelling-place of Jesusand his elect with God. Peter's error is to
propose to build earthly tents himself, instead of the heavenly
temple, not made with human hands, which God has made.
But why is Peter so severelyrebuked for this error, and why is
it corrected, not simply by the vision of the heavenlytemple, but
also by the voice which makes clear the identity of the false
Messiah? Peter's proposal is taken to show that Satanhas blinded
his mind both to the identity of the true Messiah and to the
nature of the eschatologicaltemple. The point must be that the
proposal to build earthly tents, made with human hands, associates Peter with the false Messiah. The whole passagemakes
excellent sense and connects with the concerns of the opening
chapters if we assume that the messianic pretender whom the
Apocalypse of Peteropposeswas intending to rebuild the temple
in Jerusalem. The author understands Peter's proposal to build
the three tents as,so to speak, endorsingthis project of the false
Messiah. By contrast, the temple in which God will dwell with
the true Messiah Jesusand his people is not an earthly temple,
constructed by human hands, but the heavenly temple, made by
God himself. Thus the distinguishing of the true Messiah from
the false is closely linked with understandingthe kind of temple
that each promises to his people. The climactic revelation of the
Apocalypse of Peter, by revealing both the true Temple and the
true Messiah, counters the satanically inspired temptation to
follow the false Messiah in his proposalto build an earthly temple.
This interpretation of the passageis further confirmed and
reinforced when we notice the location of the scene.For this we
must go back to 15:1. The first fourteen chapters of the
Apocalypse of Peter were located, like Matthew's eschatological
discourse, on the Mount of Olives. But in 15:1,there is a change
of location: Jesussays to Peter: Let us go to the holy mountain . The last three chapters of the apocalypseare thus located
on the holy mountain. Which mountain is meant? It is true that
2 Peter (1:18) locates the transfiguration on the holy mountain,
and the author of the Apocalypseof Peter probably knew 2 Peter.
But this does not mean that he would not have intended a
specific mountain. He would probably have understood, in
2 Peter'sreference to the transfiguration, the deliberate allusions
to Psalm 2, where God says: I have set my king on Zion, my
holy mountain 34.Moreover, he would have known that the
34. R. BAucKHAM,Jude, 2 Peter(Word Biblical Commentary 50; Waco,

Texas: Word Books, 1983),p. 219-221.
R.
42
BAUCKHAM
only mountain which the Old Testament ever calls the holy
mountain is mount Zion, the temple mount. So in Apocalypse
of Peter 15:1,Jesusis proposing that he and the disciples cross
the Kidron valley from the Mount of Olives to the Temple
mount. Thus the visions that follow are located where, for
example, in the Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch (13:1), Baruch
receives revelations from God about the eschatological future
-revelations
which answer Baruch's anguish and perplexity
about the destruction of Jerusalem and the Temple (cf. also
3 Baruch: introduction). Baruch received his revelations amid
the ruins of the Temple (cf. 2 Bar 8-9). The author of the
Apocalypse of Peter,of course, knew that at the fictional time at
which his own work is set the second Temple was still standing,
but he passesover it in silence. He thus allows the implication
that it is actually on the site of the temple that Peter proposesto
erect the three tents. In this climax of his work, our author is
actually offering his own answer to the issue that preoccupied
the Jewish apocalyptists of his time: in the divine purpose what
is to replace the second temple? Like some of them -for his
answeris distinctively Christian only in making a connexion with
the messiahship of Jesus -he turned from all thought of a
human attempt to rebuild the earthly temple in favour of a
transcendenttemple provided by God.
This argument about the meaningof Apocalypse of Peter 16:717:1 really requires that the rebuilding of the temple in
Jerusalem was a central policy of the messianic movement the
Apocalypse opposes. From the coins of the Bar Kokhba revolt
we know that this was indeed the case with Bar Kokhba's campaign. There is no need for us to decide the debated question of
whether the rebels succeeded in capturing Jerusalem35.In any
case, the intention to liberate Jerusalem was undoubtedly the
central proclaimed intention of the revolt. But this carried with
it the intention to rebuild the temple 36.From the beginning of
the revolt, a representation of the temple featured on all the
tetradrachma coins of the regime. Various objects associated
with the worship of the temple featured on other coins 37.The
temple and its worship seem to have been one of, perhaps the
central symbol of the revolt. Anyone asking the purpose of the
revolt might well have been told: to liberate Jerusalem, to
35. Cf. B. ISAACand A. OPPENHEIMER,

The Revolt of Bar Kokhba
op. cit.,p. 54-55.

36.Cf. ibid.,p. 47-48.
37.Cf. ibid.,p. 49.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
43
rebuild the temple, to restore the temple worship. It was this

central religious as well as political purpose which united most
Palestinian Jews in support of Bar Kokhba 38and presumably
encouraged them to see him as the Messiahanointed by God to
fulfil this purpose.
Understood against this background, the Apocalypse of Peter
very interestingly reveals to us that the Jewish Christians of
Palestine -or, at least, those who took the same view as our
author -not
only could not acknowledge Bar Kokhba as
Messiah, but also that they had no sympathy for his central aim
of rebuilding the temple. For them an earthly temple had no
further place in the divine purpose. To any who were tempted to
join their fellow-Jews in this aim of rebuilding the temple, the
Apocalypse of Peter says that Satan has veiled their minds. Its
apocalyptic revelation of the true Messiah and the true Temple
is designed to open their eyes and uncover their ears, as it did
Peter's.
II. JUDGMENT
The dominant theme in the Apocalypse of Peter is the eschatological judgment. The concern with this theme of judgment
relates to the situation which the Apocalypse of Peter addresses,
as we considered it in the last chapter. It is a situation in which a
false Messiah is putting to death those who refuse to support
him out of their loyalty to the true Messiah.The persecutorsand
apostatesflourish, while those who follow the way of righteousnesssuffer persecution and martyrdom. It is the classicapocalyptic situation, which we can trace right back to the Book of
Daniel. It is the classic apocalyptit problem of theodicy. It is precisely the context in which the cla$sicearly Jewish expectation of
the resurrection and judgment of the dead, the achievement of
justice in the end by means of eschatological rewards and
punishments, had taken shape. Thus the author of the
Apocalypse of Peter was heir tb a long tradition which had
addressedprecisely such a situation as his and had developed a
scenario of eschatological judgment which he was able to represent by means of a series of highly traditional themes.
Nothing in the Apocalypse of Peter's account of eschatological
38. L. MILDENBERG,
Coinage,op. cit.,p. 31-48.
1.
44
R. BAUCKHAM
judgment is specifically Christian except the identification of the

divine judge as Jesus Christ in his parousia. The interest of the
accountlies in its exceptionallydetailed and complete compilation
of traditional apocalyptic themes on this subject.
In this chapter we shall study the various themes connected
with eschatologicaljudgment in the first fourteen chapters of the
Apocalypse of Pete!: For the most part, we shall consider them in
the order in which they occur in the text.
Each according to his deed .
This is a highly significant phrase which occurs five times in
the Apocalypse of Peter,eachoccurrenceof it strategicallyplaced.
The first occurrence is in the initial description of the parousia in
1:7-8. Jesusthe true Messiah will come in glory with his angels
and his Father will place a crown on his head, giving him
authority to exercisedivine judgment on the living and the dead,
so that he may repay everyone according to his deeds (v. 8).
The phrase encapsulatesthe theme of eschatologicaljudgment
which will dominate chapters6-13.
Then there are two further occurrencesof the phrase, each
according to his deeds in chapter 6 (v. 3 and 6). Chapter 6 is the
detailed account of the last judgment itself, in which the wicked
and the righteous are distinguished and the wicked assignedto
their punishment. In 6:3 the point of the phrase, each according
to his deeds , is that each will be confronted, in the judgment,
with his or her own deeds that he or she did during his or her
lifetime, and will be judged accordingly. In 6:6 the point is that
appropriate punishment for the wicked will follow: in other
words, the punishment of each will fit his or her particular
crimes.
The use of the phrase in 6:6 -with reference to the eternal
punishment of each according to his deeds -is
really
programmatic. It states the theme for chapters 7-12 in which the
punishment appropriate to each sin is described. In all, twentyone specific sins and the punishments allotted to each are listed
in those chapters. The point of this description of hell is mainly
to make precisely this point: that each particular kind of sin will
receive its appropriate punishment. Thus although the phrase,
each according to his deeds , is not actually used within
those chapters (7-12), it is in fact the theme of them, already
stated in 6:6. (The way in which the punishments are designed
to fit the crime in each case is a topic we shall consider in our
section 11.7below.)
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
45
Finally, the phrase is again used twice in the chapter which

follows the description of hell: chapter 13. In 13:3 it again states
the principle by which the punishmentswhich have beendescribed
are allotted. It indicates the justice of the punishments in hell.
The point is then reinforced in v. 6, where the damned themselves,suffering their punishments,finally acknowledgethe justice
of their punishments: The judgment of God is righteous,
becausewe have been paid back, each according to his deeds.
Thus the positioning of the phrase in each of its five occurrences is very significant. It occurs first in the programmatic
description of the parousia as Jesus Christ's coming to exercise
divine judgment. Then it occurs twice in each of the two chapters (6 and 13) which frame the long description of the punishments in hell. It states the principle of strict justice by which the
punishments in hell are allotted. Repeated statement of the
principle that each should be punished strictly in accordance
with his or her own deeds makes it clear that the eschatological
judgment is concerned with nothing but the wholly impartial
judgment of individuals on their merits.
As a standard statement of the principle of divine justice, this
phrase was utterly traditional in the Jewish and Christian
tradition. It occurs most often in the longer form which the
Apocalypse of Peter uses in 1:8 and 13:6: to pay back each
according to his deeds. (In Greek the wording is most often
l17tOOtOovat
tx:am(j} x:atn tn f:pya auto\), but there are variations.)
The expressiongoes right back into the Old Testament tradition
(Ps 62:12 [LXX 61:13]; Prov 24:12; Job 34:11; Jer 17:10) and
continues in early Judaism down to the time of the Apocalypse
of Peter (Sir 16:14; LAB 3:10). In post-biblical Jewishwritings it
can be used of God's eschatologicaljustice at the last judgment,
as in Pseudo-Philo, LAB 3:10, where it occurs in a catena of
traditional apocalyptic phrases describing the eschatological
events of resurrection, judgment and new creation. This
standard current Jewishway of referring to God's eschatological
judgment is reflected also in early Christian writers (Rom 2:6;
1 Pet 1:17; Rev 20:13; 2 Clem 11:6), but most often in early
Christian literature it is Jesus Christ who will render to each
according to his deeds, for early Christianity commonly transferred to Jesus Christ, as the one who will execute the judgement, all the traditional language about God's eschatological
judgment (e.g. Rev 2:23).
It is important to notice that the precise contexts in which the
Apocalypse of Peter usesthe phrase were in some casesat least
already traditional. In the first place, the phrase was a standard, almost credal, formula in descriptions of the parousia
46
R. BAUCKHAM
(Matt 16:27; Rev 22:12; 1 Clem 34:3; 2 Clem 17:4; Did 16:8;
Hegesippus, ap. Eusebius, Rist. Eccl. 2.23.9; 3.20.4; Hippolytus,
Dan. 4.10.1-2; QuEzra B14), so much so that it later occurs in a
number of actual creeds.The author of the Apocalypse of Peter
certainly knew one of these texts: Matthew 16:27, which may
well have been in his mind, especially in view of its proximity to
the Matthean transfiguration narrative. But he certainly also
knew the phrase, to render to each accordingto his deeds , as
part of common traditional formulations about the parousia,
along with other phraseswhich he usesin 1:6-8.
Secondly, the phrase is also found with reference to the last
judgment itself and Christ's judicial activity there (Barn 4:12;
EpApp 26, 29; De Universo3), as in Apocalypseof Peterchapter6.
Thirdly, the phrase is used in visions of the punishments in hell,
with reference to the various punishments allotted to various
sins. Thus it is found in chapters 56 and 57 of the Acts of
Thomas,which certainly is not dependent on the Apocalypse of
Peter (as has sometimes been alleged), but on the same tradition
as some of the Apocalypse of Peter's description of the punishments in hell. Furthermore, in the Hebrew Apocalypseof Elijah,
Elijah says: I saw there [in Gehenna] spirits undergoing
judgment in torment, each one according to his deed 39.This is
most probably a relic of the ancient Apocalypse of Elijah, and
should be connected with the Latin Elijah fragment (preserved
in the apocryphal Epistle of Titus40)which actually describesthe
various punishments for various sins, again in a way that shows
common tradition with the Apocalypse of Peter and the Acts of
Thomas. Similarly, in the fragment De universo, which used to
be ascribed to Hippolytus 41,the angels in Hades distribute the
various punishments according to each one's deeds42.Thus the
author of the Apocalypse of Peter almost certainly already knew
the phrase, each according to his deeds , already used in
39. M. BUTTENWIESER,
Ver hebriiische Elias-Apokalypse und ihre
Stellung in der apokalyptischer Litteratur des rabbinischen Schriffttums
und der Kirche (Leipzig: Pfeiffer, 1897),p.15.
40. M. STONEand J. STRUGNELL,The Books of Elijah: Parts 1-2
(SBLTI' 18; Missoula, Montana: Scholars Press,1979),p. 14-15.On the
connexion between this text and the Hebrew Apocalypse of Elijah, see
R. BAUCKHAM,Early Jewish Visions of Hell , Journal of Theological
Studies41 (1990),p. 362-365.
41. According to C. E. HILL, Hades of Hippolytus or Tartarus of
Tertullian? The Authorship of the Fragment De Universo , Vigilire
Christianre 43 (1989), p. 105-126,it should be attributed to Tertullian.
42. K. HaLL, Fragmente vorniciinische Kirchenviiter aus den sacra
Parallela (TU 5/2; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1899),p.138, lines 7-9.
APOCALYPSE: OF PETER
47
connection with a description of various kinds of punishments

for various sins, suchas he reproduces in chapter 7-12.
The already traditional use of the phrase in these three
contexts is what has enabled the author of the Apocalypse of
Peterto connectthe various parts of his portrayal of the judgment
by means of this phrase, each according to his deeds. It is the
catchphrase which he found connected the parousia, the judicial
activity of the day of judgment and a description of the various
punishments in hell. Actually, the Apocalypseof Peteris the only
ancient Christian work in which the parousia of Jesus Christ is
connected with an account of the! different punishments allotted
to different sins in hell. But thei connection was, so to speak,
waiting to be made in the traditional associationof the phrase
each according to his deeds with both themes.
2. The cosmicconflagration.
The chapter on the resurrection (chapter 4), which we must
pass over quickly, is a compilation of apocalyptic traditions
about the eschatological resurrection of the dead 43.But this
material is integrated into the theme of judgment by the strong
emphasis through the chapter on the fact that the resurrection
takes place on the day of judgment (the phrase day of judgment occurs four times in the chapter, as well as the equivalent
phrases day of God and day of condemnation). The
author is interested in resurrection as the prelude to the
judgment of the dead.
The end of chapter 4 forges a link with the following chapter:
On the day of judgment the earth will give back everything
that is in it [i.e. in resurrection], for it too [the earth] will have to
be judged, together with the heaven (4:13). The judgment of
the heavenand the earth is evidently the cosmic conflagration the burning of the whole creation -which
takes place in
chapter 5. But from chapter 5 it does not seem that the author
attributes an independent significance to the judgment of the
heavenand the earth as such. The cosmic conflagration seemsto
43. For a study of one of these traditions, see R. BAUCKHAM,

Resurrection as Giving Back the Dead: A Traditional Image of
Resurrection in the Pseudepigrapha and the Apocalypse of John , in
J. H. CHARLESWORTH
and C. A. EVANSed., The Pseudepigraphaand
Early Biblical Interpretation (JSPSS14; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993),
p. 269-291.
48
R. BAUCKHAM
be envisagedasthe means of bringing human beings to judgment.

Chapter 5 opens: What will happen on the day of judgment to
those who have perverted the faith of God and to those who
have sinned is (...>
The description of the conflagration in verses 2-6 of chapter 5
is rather obscure in its details. But the picture seems to be of
flowing cataracts of fire, apparently flowing down from the sky,
which bum, consume and melt everything: the firmament, the
stars, the oceans and the earth. This is the flood of fire which
some Jewish expectation envisagedas the second destruction of
creation, a parallel to the universal Flood of water in Genesis
(LAE 49:3; Josephus,Ant. 1.70)44.Descriptions of the eschatological conflagration which are quite closely parallel to that in
the Apocalypse of Peter occur in Jewish texts: the Qumran
Thanksgiving Hymns (1 QH 3:19-36), the Sibylline Oracles
(SibOr 3:54-87; 4:173-181), and the Pseudo-Sophocleanverses
(ap. Clement of Alexandria, Strom. 5.14.121.4; 5.14.122.1;
Ps.-Justin, De Mon. 3). Such descriptions may owe something to
Iranian eschatology-more likely than to the Stoic idea of the
conflagration -but there can be no doubt that the author of the
Apocalypse of Peter is immediately indebted for his description
to Jewish apocalyptic tradition. In such tradition the cosmic
conflagration was related to certain OT texts about judgment by
fire (such as Mal 3:19: the day [of the Lord] is coming, burning
like an oven ) and especiallyto Isaiah 34:4,which describesthe
destruction of the sky and the stars on the day of the Lord. The
Hebrew text of this verse appears to have no reference to fire,
but the Septuagint has: all the powers of the heavens shall
melt (and cf. 2 Clem 16:3). Apocalypse of Peter 5:4 <the stars
will melt in a flame of fire ; and cf. v. 6) is certainly an allusion
to that interpretation of Isaiah 34:4.
Following the description of the physical destruction of the
world by fire, in 5:7-8 we are told the effect of the conflagration
on people:
People that [live] towards the east [will flee to the west;
people that live] towards the west will flee to the east; people
that [live towards the south] will flee to the north; [and
people that live towards the north will flee] to the south. But
everywhere the wrath of the frightful fire will find them (...)
(ApPet 5:7-8).
44. On the eschatologicalconflagration in Jewishand Christian literature,

seeR. BAUCKHAM,
Jude. 2 Peter,00. cit.. D. 300-301.
APOCALYPSF. OF PETER
49
This is a vivid description of the terror of sinners, fleeing in all

directions to escapethe flood of fire. In whichever direction they
flee the fire pursues them and finds them. This passage is an
interesting example of the way apocalyptic tradition works. For
the image has not been invented by the author of the
Apocalypse of Peter.It was a traditional apocalyptic topos, as we
can see from a parallel in the Book of Thomas from Nag
Hammadi, which is unlikely to be dependent on the Apocalypse
of Pete!: It describes in the following terms the fate of the soul
imprisoned after death in Tartarus :
If he flees westward, he finds the fire.
If he turns southward, he finds it there aswell.
If he turns northward, the threat of seething fire meets him
agaIn.
Nor does he find the way to the eastso as to flee there and be
saved, for he did not find it in the day he was in the body, so
that he may find it in the day of judgment
(BkThom
143:2-8).
It is quite clear that this picture originally applied, as it does in
the Apocalypse of Peter,to the fire of judgment that engulfs the
world on the day of judgment. The Book of Thomashas transferred it to hell, in the other world, appropriately in the sense
that hell is also characterized as fire, but inappropriately in that
the points of the compass are hardly relevant to Tartarus. But
the form of the tradition in the Book of Thomasis also interesting in that it does not treat all four points of the compassequally,
as the Apocalypse of Peterdoes.The eastis evidently a direction
in which the fire of judgment will not be found, it is the direction
of salvation from the fire, which the sinner fails to find. Perhaps
the idea is that the east, the land of Israel, is the place where
God's people are protected from the fire that consumesthe wicked. If the author of the Apocalypseof Peter knew the tradition in
this form, he found it an inappropriate image, because, as we
shall see,he seemsto envisagethe fire as an ordeal of judgment
through which all must pass, though the righteous will pass
through it unharmed.
Verse 7 is therefore an example of the kind of traditional apocalyptic image which was probably transmitted orally. Many
similar examples can easily be found. It was from a stock of such
traditions that apocalyptic writers composed their prophetic
accounts of the last days. This was the accepted way of writing
and readers would not be surprised to find such familiar images
constantly reappearing: they would expect it. Of course, the
more creative apocalyptists doubtless added new imagesof their
50
R. BAUCKHAM
own to those they drew from the common stock of apocalyptic

traditions. But even so unoriginal writer as the author of the
Apocalypse of Peter could give vividness and liveliness to his
work by reusing traditional apocalyptic images such as this one.
Re usesthis particular image in order to portray the fire that
consumesthe world as serving, so to speak, to round up sinners
and drive them to the judgment of wrath in the river of fire:
But everywhere the wrath of the frightful fire will find
them, and the inextinguishable flame, pursuing them, will
bring them to the judgment of wrath in the river of inextin guishable fire, which flows while fire is burning in it. When its
seethingwaves are separated,there will be much gnashingof
teeth for humanity (ApPet 5:8-9).
The river of fire, as will become clear in chapter 6, is the
means of judgment. It is a kind of ordeal through which all must
pass. It is not clear whether this river of fire actually is the same
flood of fire which has flowed down from the sky and burned
and melted the whole creation. In any case, the author has
brought together two rather different traditions about the fire of
judgment: the fire which judges by burning the heavensand the
earth, and the fire which tests all people as they pass through it.
(We shall consider the latter in our section II.5 below.)
3. JesusChristthe Judge.
Before describing the judgment itself, the Apocalypse of Peter
must describe the judge. This is the apocalypse'sseconddescription of the parousia :
All of them will see me coming on a shining, eternal
cloud, and the angelsof God sitting with me on the throne of
my glory at the right hand of my heavenly Father. He will
place a crown on my head. Then, when the nations see it,
their tribes will weep, eachone by itself (ApPet 6:1-2).
Like the first description of the parousia (in 1:6-8),this one is
composed of already traditional formulre. The allusions to
Daniel 7:13; Ps 110:1; and Zechariah 12:10-14; 14:5 are those
which Christians had already brought together in various combinations to portray the coming of JesusChrist as the eschatological judge. (The image of Christ's coronation by the Father, not
found elsewhere in early Christian literature, may derive from
Psalm 21:3. For the crown itself, worn by Christ as judge, see
Rev 14:14.)
APOCALYP.sjEOFPETER
51
Some of the imagery is common to both of the Apocalypse of

Peter'stwo descriptions of the parousia, but there is also a major
difference. Whereas the first description (1:6-8) is designed primarily to representthe parousia as the unmistakable appearance
of Jesus Christ in glory, and only secondarily to emphasize his
role as judge, this second description (6:1-2) is exclusively
concerned with depicting Christ's status as judge, exercisinghis
Father's divine authority to judge the world. All the images are
selected for that purpose. So againwe have a good illustration of
the way very little of the content of the Apocalypse of Peter is
original, but, on the other hand, how the traditional images are
carefully selected and combined to fulfil the author's purpose.
He composes from a stock of tradition, but his composition is
nonethelessdeliberate and careful.
4. DeedsasWitnesses.
After the judge, the witnesse~ at the trial are introduced:
Each one's deeds will stand befbre him, each according to his
deeds (6:3). In this, at first sight rather curious image, the
deeds of each individual, what he has done in his lifetime, are
personified. The deeds of each stand there before him or her.
The reference in fact seemsto be only to the wicked and their
evil deeds, because the next verse distinguishes, as a separate
category, the elect, those who ha~e done good .
The significance of this image ~f the evil deeds of the wicked
standing b~fore them at the judgment will be clearer if we compare someIoccurrences of the same image in other literature,
for here again we are dealing with a traditional image. One
parallel is Wisdom 4:20. At the eschatological judgment, the
wicked w II come with dread when their sins are reckoned up,
and their lawless deeds will aonvict them to their face
(t~EaVttac; equivalent to before him in the Apocalypse of
Peter).
Even m re illuminating is a pa~allel in so-called 6 Ezra 16:65.
The contex is the impossibility oflsinners' hiding their sins from
God at his schatologicaljudgment:
Let no sinner sayhe has not sinned (...) Behold, the Lord
knows ;illl the works of men, Itheir imaginations and their
thought~ and their hearts .(...) 63Woe to those who sin and
want to hide their sins! Becaus~the Lord will strictly examine
all their works, and will make a public spectacleof all of you.
And when your sins come out before men, you will be put to
R.
52
BAUCKHAM
shame; and your own iniquities will stand as your accusersin

that day. What will you do? Or how will you hide your sins
before God and his angels? (6 Ezra 16:53-54,63-66).
The significance of the image is clearly that the evil deeds are
personified as witnesses against the sinner, accusing him. We
should remember that in Jewish judicial practice the witnesses
were the accusers.It was they who accusedthe person on trial of
the crimes which they had witnessed.So the idea in these apocalyptic passagesis that whereas human justice is imperfect becausepeople can be convicted only of crimes which have been
witnessed and becausewitnesses may not always be reliable in the eschatologicaljudgment of God sinners will not be able to
escapecondemnation for every sin, becausethe sins themselves
will be the witnesses accusingthem. Even sins witnessed by no
other human being, sins done in secret, will come to light and
will be undeniable. If the evidence presented against the sinner
is his sins themselves appearingto accusehim, then the evidence
against him will be irrefutable.
The image is thus a way of presenting the idea -which we
have seento be the dominant idea -of eschatologicaljudgment
according to the deeds of each person. It has the same function
in the depiction of the last judgment as another, parallel image:
the opening of the books in which all the deeds of every person
are recorded. This may be a more familiar image, because it
occurs in biblical depictions of the last judgment, especially
Revelation 20:12: The dead were judged according to their
works, as recorded in the books . But the alternative image
used in the Apocalypse of Peter is a peculiarly powerful one. In
the eschatologicaljudgment the sinner will be confronted by his
own sins.His condemnation will not be an external -and therefore always disputable -judgment passedon him by the judge.
His own evil will condemn him. The justice of his condemnation
will be indisputable.
5. The Ordeal of Fire.

The motif of the sins as witnesses,taken literally, would hardly
cohere very well with the image with which it is combined in
Apocalypse of Peter 6:2-4: the river of fire through which all
must pass.But of course both are imagesand need not be literally
compatible.
The river of fire is the ordeal which tests people's guilt. The
righteous pass through unharmed, the wicked are burned. (As it
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
53
stands the text might seem to suggestthat the righteous do not

pass through the river at all, but v. 4 is obscure in the Ethiopic
and probably corrupt. From parallels elsewhere to this kind of
judgment scene, the meaning must be that the righteous are
unharmed by the flames which devour the wicked.) Like the
accusingwitnesses,this feature also derives from ancient judicial
practice: the notion of a judicial ordeal which distinguishes the
innocent from the wicked. The judicial ordeal was, of course,
actually used in caseswhich could not be decided by the evidence
of witnesses, as in the one example in the Pentateuch:
Numbers 5:11-31.This provides for the case of a wife suspected
by her husband of adultery, although there are no witnessesto
give evidence against her. So the woman is subjected to an
ordeal (drinking the water of bitterness) in order to prove
her innocence. This example makes clear why the image of the
ordeal in the river of fire is strictly incompatible with the image of
the deeds of the sinners as witnessesaccusingthem: in terms of
judicial practice no ordeal should be necessarywhen the evidence
of witnessesis conclusive.
An ordeal by plunging in a river was actually an ancientjudicial
practice: it occurs in the code of Hammurabi, for example. The
idea of an eschatological ordeal by a river of fire is an ancient
Zoroastrian idea. Unlike some of the ideas which Jewish apocalyptic is sometimes said to have borrowed from Zoroastrian
tradition, which in fact cannot be securely traced back to
Zoroastrian sources old enough to have influenced Jewish
apocalyptic, this idea of the eschatological river of fire which
distinguishes the righteous from the wicked is a genuinely old
Iranian one, which is found already in the Gathas. The
Apocalypse of Peter seemsto be the earliest Jewish or Christian
text in which it occurs, but it presumably was already to be
found in Jewishapocalyptic tradition.
6. The Judgmentof Evil Spirits.

Although chapter 6:6 could very well lead straight into the
description of the various different punishments in hell which
begins in chapter 7, in fact there is a further passagerelating to
the last judgment itself:
Uriel, the angel of God, will bring the spirits of the sin ners who perished in the Flood, and of all those who have
dwelt in every idol, every molten image, every fetish, and
{( every statue, and those who have dwelt in every high place,
54
R. BAUCKHAM
in the stones and in the road, and have been called gods.
They will be burned with them in the eternal fire. When all of
them and the places in which they dwelt have perished, they
will be punished for ever (ApPet 6:7-9).
This passage must be related to the traditions found in the
Enoch literature and in Jubilees about the origin of the evil
spirits. According to 1 Enoch and Jubilees, evil is to be traced
back to the fallen angels, the Watchers, the sons of God of
Genesis6, who before the Flood mated with women and corrupted the earth. Their offspring by their human wives were the
giants, the Nephilim. The Watchersthemselveswere punished at
that time by being chained in the underworld, awaiting the last
judgment but no longer perpetrating evil in the world. But their
children the giants became demons: when the giants died, their
spirits continued to live in the world as evil spirits, the demons
who are henceforth responsible for the evil in the world.
In Apocalypse of Peter 6:7, the spirits of the sinners who
perished in the Flood cannot be the human sinnerswho died in
the Flood. For one thing, to introduce this particular category of
humans after the universal judgment of the dead has already
been apparently concluded would be odd. For another, since the
dead have been presented as resurrected in bodily form, one
would have to ask why it is only the spirits of these sinners who
are brought to judgment by Uriel. These sinners who died in the
Flood must be the giants, the sons of the fallen angels,and their
spirits are therefore the demons. Admittedly, in the Enoch
traditions the giants did not actually die in the Flood. They
slaughtered each other prior to the Flood. So the Apocalypse of
Peter must reflect a slightly variant version of the tradition.
But that these spirits are the demons is confirmed by the
following verses which associatethem with those who have lived
in every idol and have been called gods. In the Enoch literature
there is only a brief reference associatingthe spirits of the giants
with idolatry (1 Enoch 19:1), but in early Christian writers who
took over the same tradition about the origin of the demons Justin (2 Apol. 5) and Athenagoras (Apol. 24-26) -there is
considerable development of this theme. These writers make it
quite clear that it is the spirits of the dead giants,the demons,who
have inspired idolatrous religion and who are actually worshipped
in pagan religion under the namesof the pagangods.
That the Apocalypse of Peter in this passageis referring to the
demons who inspire the idolatry of pagan religion is confirmed
by a later passagein the book. One of the categories of sinners
punished in hell is that of people who manufacture idols (10:5-6).
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
55
Then the very next category of sinners (10:7) is that of people

who have forsaken the commandmentof God and have followed
the will of demons. These must be paganreligious worshippers:
people who worship idols and follow the will of the demons who
inspire idolatrous religion.
So our passagein chapter 6 describesthe final judgment of the
demons who have been responsible for all idolatrous religion. It
is a version of a traditional feature of the expectation of eschatological judgment: that not only wicked people will be judged,
but also the powers of supernatural evil.
7. The Punishmentsin Hell.

The centrepiece of the whole depiction of judgment in the
Apocalypse of Peter is chapters 7-12, where we are given a description of twenty-one different tprms of punishment allotted to
twenty-one different categorie$ of sinner. (Presumably the
number twenty-one [3 x 7] is the: sort of number that appealsto
apocalyptists. It may indicate completeness,suggestingthat the
21 punishments are, not all the punishments in hell, but representative of all the punishments in hell. But the number seemsto
have no further significance: the punishments do not fall into
three groups of sevenor sevengr9ups of three.)
a) Relationshipto other tours rf hell .
This account of the punishmerlts in hell is clearly very closely
related to a whole series of other Jewish and Christian apocalyptic texts which describe the various punishments for various
sinners in hell. These include later Christian apocalypses,suchas
the Apocalypse of Paul and the Apocalypse of the Virgin, and
medieval Hebrew visions of hell. The same sins and the same
punishments often recur, with variations, in these texts. We are
clearly dealing with an apocalyptic tradition which continued for
many centuries and in which the latest texts frequently preserve
very old traditional material. Most of thesevarious texts and their
relationships have been studied by Martha Himmelfarb in the
book she devoted to them: Tours of Hell.. An Apocalyptic Form
in Jewish and Christian Literature (Philadelphia, 1983). I reached
rather similar conclusionsto hers, at first independently 45,and I
45. R. BAUCKHAM, The Apocaliypse of Peter An Account of

Research, op. cu., p. 4726-4733.
56
R. BAUCKHAM
have tried to develop some aspectsof her work in more detail 46.
Here I shall make a number of points about Himmelfarb's work
and with specific reference to the Apocalypse of Peter.
First, Himmelfarb called these texts tours of hell because
in almost all of them a visionary (such as Paul or Elijah) is given,
as it were, a guided tour of the punishments in hell, usually by an
angel or some other figure from the otherworld. She pointed out
a particular feature of the literary form of these texts. On seeing
a particular group of sinners undergoing punishment, the visionary usually asks,Who are these? , and receives from his guide
an answerbeginning, These are... (e.g. these are those who
have committed adultery or these are people who used to
gossipin church ). The statements beginning These are... which explain what sort of sinners are being punished Himmelfarb calls the demonstrative explanations. They characterize almost all the texts which describe the various punishments in hell. But there is another feature of these texts to which
Himmelfarb does not draw any particular attention: it is that
almost all of them are describing the punishments suffered by
the wicked now, immediately after death, before the day of
judgement at the end of history. This is why someone like Paul
or Rabbi Joshua ben Levi can be taken on a tour of the punishments -because they are actually taking place already. So the
texts are an expression of the belief in the active punishment of
the wicked immediately after death, before the last judgement.
This belief only developed and gained adherence in both
Judaism and Christianity over the course of the first and second
centuries C.E. The literary genre of the tours of hell within
Jewish and Christian apocalyptic most probably originated in
the first century C.E., along with the belief in punishments for
the wicked immediately after death.
The account of the punishments in the Apocalypse of Peter,
however, is quite exceptional amongthe tours of hell, in that it is
not really a tour of hell at all. That is, Peter is not shown around
the punishments in hell that are already taking place when the
revelation is made to him. Rather the account is a prophecy by
Christ to Peter of what will happen to the wicked after the last
judgment. For this reason, the question-and-answer literary
form of the tours of hell is absent. Peter does not see the damned and ask who are these? The demonstrative explanations,
however, are usually present. Without being asked to explain,
Christ, having described each punishment, then identifies the
46. R. BAUCKHAM, Early Jewish Visions of Hell , Journal
Theological Studies41 (1990),p. 355-385.
of
APOCALYPS~ OF PETER
57
sinners in a sentence beginning These are they who... or

These people... It seems clear that 1he tradition which the
author of the Apocalypseof Peter usedwas a genuine tour of hell,
in which some visionary saw the punishments, asked questions
and received explanations. But the author wished to use this
traditional material to describe, not the intermediate state, but
the eternal punishments which follow the last judgment. So he
has transformed a description by a visionary of his experiences
into a prophecy put on the lips of Christ. He has eliminated the
questions and retained the demonstrative explanations47.
One reason for this is no doubt the author's imminent expectation. We do not know what he thought of the intermediate state,
whether he retained, as some other contemporary apocalypses
still did, the old belief that the wicked after death are not yet
actively punished, but are merely detained in the underworld
awaiting punishment at the last judgment; or whether he did hold
the newer belief in the active punishment of the wicked
immediately after death. In either case,the intermediate state was
of no great concernto him, becausehe clearly expectedthe end of
history and the last judgment to occur within the very near future.
Secondly, Martha Himmelfarb has done probably almost as
much as canbe done to sort out the literary relationships between
the texts which she calls the tours of hell, including the
Apocalypse of Peter.We cannot be sure of the literary relationships becausethere were certainly other texts, especially in the
early period, which have not survived, and also because there
were probably oral traditions as well as literary relationships
involved. What is clear is that the Apocalypse of Peterwas not the
first such description of the punishments in hell, nor are many of
the later tours of hell to be regarded as indebted to the
Apocalypseof Pete!: The view, which was propounded by M. R.
James and once rather commonly held, that the Apocalypse of
Peterwas the source of this whole tradition of descriptionsof the
punishments in hell has proved to be untenable. The Apocalypse
of Peter is simply one product of a tradition which antedated it
and which continued after it independently of it. We have at least
one tour of hell which is almost certainly older that the
Apocalypse of Peterand is also Jewish rather than Christian: the
Elijah fragment preserved in the apocryphal Epistle of Titus,
47. The Akhmim text of the Apocalypse of Peter,which is a secondary,
redacted version, restores the form of a vision (cf. A2l, A25, A26), but
that this is secondary can be seen from the fact that Peter asks no
questions and the demonstrative explanations are not ascribed to
Christ, his guide, but are simply part of the narration.
58
R. BAUCKHAM
which is almost certainly a fragment of the original Apocalypse of

Elijah of the first century C.E. So, once again, we must see the
Apocalypseof Peteras taking over and adaptingtraditional material from the existing traditions or literature of Jewishapocalyptic.
Thirdly, Martha Himmelfarb claims to have disproved the
influential older view of Albrecht Dieterich 48as to the source of
the Apocalypse of Peter's account of hell. Dieterich (who knew
only the Akhmim Greek text, not yet the Ethiopic version of the
Apocalypse of Peter) argued that the Apocalypse of Peter
borrowed directly from an Orphic katabasis: one of the accounts
of a descentto the underworld, describing the rewards and the
punishments of the dead, which were popular in the GrecoRoman world, allegedly in a tradition of popular OrphicPythagorean religion. In opposition to this, Himmelfarb has
convincingly shown that the Jewish and Christian apocalyptic
tradition of tours of hell developed within the Jewish apocalyptic tradition. Probably her best evidence for this is the literary
form of question by the seer followed by demonstrative
explanation from the supernatural guide. This literary form was
already well-established in the Jewish apocalyptic tradition,
where it occurs in many caseswith reference to symbolic visions
or to features of the other world other than the punishments in
hell. The tour of hell most probably developed as a special
category of the cosmic tour apocalypses.
But if Himmelfarb has shown that the tour of hell as an apocalyptic genre developed within the Jewishapocalyptictradition, she
has probably played down too much the extent to which this development was indebted to Greek ideas. The idea of describing a
variety of punishments going on now in the underworld may well
have come from the Greco-Roman katabasisliterature. Certainly,
specificpunishmentswere borrowed by Jewishand Christian apocalyptists from the Greco-Roman tradition, as also occasionally
from Egyptian tradition. We need to remember both that Jewish
apocalyptic was a literature which freely borrowed images and
ideas from other cultural traditions, and also that especiallyin this
area of eschatology -the expectation of rewards and punishments after death -the various cultures and religious traditions
of the ancient Mediterranean world had very similar concepts,so
that it was easyfor particular imagesand ideas to move from the
apocalypticof one religion to that of another49.
48. A. DIETERICH,Nekyia.. Beitriige zur Erkliirung der neuentdeckten
Petrus Apokalypse (1st edition 1893; 3rd edition: Stuttgart: Teubner,
1969).
49. Ct. C. KAPPLERed., Apocalypses et Voyagesdans l'Au-dela (Paris:
Cerf, 1987),p. 15,18,44.
59
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
So, with reference to the Apocalypse of Peter, it is important

to be clear on two points and on the difference between them:
1) that the immediate sources of the Apocalypse of Peter's
description of the punishments in hell were certainly in Jewish
apocalyptic; but also 2) that these Jewish apocalyptic traditions
may very well include images and ideas which ultimately derive
from the Greek katabasisliterature.
b) The concept ofjustice.
So with this introduction to the background and literary
context of this section of the Apocalypseof Peter(chapters 7-12)
we can now turn to look more specifically at the ideas of divine
judgment that this account of the twenty-one infernal punishments expresses. The most important thing that needs to be
appreciated about this account is that it is designedto vindicate
God's justice. To modern readers it is grotesque and cruel in the
extreme. But in order to understand its very different impact on
ancient readers and hearers we must recognize that the idea of
justice which it presupposes has certain features which we no
longer easily appreciate.
First, its concept of justice is, ot:course, purely retributive. It is
putting wrongs to right by inflicting on the offender suffering
which corresponds to his offencf. The idea of purificatory or
reformatory punishments, whic~ appears in some strands of
Greek thought about the afterlife and occasionally makes an
appearancein Jewishand Christian apocalyptic,has no place here
at all. The punishmentsdescribedare justified as pure retribution.
Secondly,it is probably not easy for us to understand why the
punishments should be eternal inf uration,
since,
even
assuming
a
purely
retributive
notion
of
pu
ishment,
the
eternal
duration
of the punishments seemsto us t make them grosslydisproportionate to the seriousness Ofl the crimes. However, the
Apocalypse of Peter insists that t e punishments are eternal. In
the Ethiopic version of the acco nt of the various punishments,
it is explicitly stated eleven times! that they are eternal, and this
point is also very emphatically mape made in eachof the chapters
which frame the account of the pl)nishments (chapters 6 and 13).
(However, there is a problem abqut these referencesto the eternity of the punishment in the Et~iopic version. It is an interesting and consistent difference b~tween the Ethiopic and the
Akhmim Greek fragment that the latter, in the eight places
where it parallels statements ab~ut the eternity of the punishments in the Ethiopic version, ~as none of these statements.
Moreover, the Akhmim fragment is supported in this respect
60
R. BAUCKHAM
[though not in others] by the Bodleian fragment of 10:6-7.

Comparison of the latter with the Ethiopic version suggeststhat
the Ethiopic has so translated the Greek in 10:6 as to turn a
reference to unceasing punishment into a reference to eternal
punishment, while in 10:7 it has added a reference to eternal
punishment which was not in the Greek. However, we should
not too quickly conclude that none of the referencesto the eternity of punishment in the Ethiopic are original. The editor of the
Akhmim fragment probably had his own reason for not depicting the punishments as eternal, since he understood them
[differently from the original apocalypse]as the punishments of
the wicked in the intermediate state, taking place contemporaneously with the disciples' vision of them, not the eternal
punishments which follow the last judgment. It therefore seems
probable that in the Ethiopic version references to eternal
punishment have been increased, but not that there were none
in the original text of the apocalypse.)
If we are to understand the eternity of the punishments,
I think we should have to suppose that for apocalyptic writers,
eternity is not so much a kind of continuation of this life, but
rather a kind of establishment of the real truth of this life.
Eschatological judgment is when the real truth of this life is
revealed and receiveswhat is finally due to it. This is final justice.
Of course,the idea no doubt has also a kind of parreneticfunction.
Everything is really decided already in this life; repentance and
good deeds cannot be put off to the next life; and so the need to
live well in this life is absolute.
Thirdly, the impetus to a description of a whole series of
different punishments for different sins, suchas we find here and
in other apocalyptic texts, is the notion that each sin ought to
have a specific kind of punishment. Although we have not
entirely lost this idea, modern people think more often and more
naturally in terms of the relative severity of punishments. The
punishment should fit the crime in the sense that it should be
more or less severe according to the relative severity of the
offence. But our text operates with a different idea of the sense
in which the punishment should fit the crime. It is that eachcrime
should have a specifickind of punishment appropriate to it.
This idea is found sporadically in ancient legal systems,which
sometimes prescribe quite specific punishments exclusively for a
specific kind of crime 5. For example in the old Roman law
50. cr. J.-P. CALLU, Le jardin des supplices au Bas-Empire , in
Du chatiment dans la Cite.. supplices corporels et peine de mort dans
Ie monde antique (Collection de I'Ecole fran<;aisede Rome 79; Rome:
Ecole fran<;aisede Rome, 1984),p. 341-342.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
61
parricides were punished with the sack: that is, they were put
into a sack along with four animals: a dog, a cock, a snake and a
monkey. The four animals were probably supposedto represent
the vices which had led to the crime. Thus the idea was not just
that this particularl-y heinous crime should be punished with
exceptional cruelty, but also that it should incur a specific kind of
punishment symbolically appropriate to it. In general, of course,
ancient legal systems-including Jewish law -did not have a
different punishment for each crime. But doubtless the thinking
behind accounts of hell such as that in the Apocalypse of Peter
was that the ideal justice which earthly legal systems cannot
achieve will be realised in God's eschatological judgment. He
will be able to allot a punishment precisely appropriate to each
kind of crime. The idea is not necessarilypeculiarly Jewish. For
example, at the end of one of Lucian's satirical dialogues about
the other world (the Cataplus), Rhadamanthus the judge in
Hades and a Cynic philosopher who has come blamelessout the
judgment together consider what kind of punishment would be
most appropriate for the tyrant Megapenthes.They reject someof
the usual punishmentsof Hades in favour a novel idea, devised by
the Cynic especially for Megapenthes' case: unlike the rest of
the dead, he will not be allowed to drink of the waters of Lethe
and so will never be able to forget the luxury and power he
enjoyed on earth.
In the Apocalypse of Peter the idea of a different punishment
for each sin is seen as the outworking of the principle of the
judgment of each person according to his works. However, it
does raise a difficulty. Surely most sinners are guilty of more
than one of the twenty-one sins catalogued in the Apocalypseof
Peter and should therefore incur more than one of the twentyone punishments? There seemsto be no provision for suffering
more than one punishment either simultaneously or successively.
Perhapsthis is an indication that we should not take the description of hell too literally. It is perhaps more concerned to drive
home imaginatively the principle of eschatologicaljustice than
to offer literal description of hell. Despite the vivid descriptions
of actual people suffering each punishment, we should perhaps
think of the account as more in the nature of an eschatological
law code, setting out what is in strict justice due to eachsin.
Fourthly, the general idea that each sin ought to have its own
punishment becomes more specific in the idea of measure for
measure punishments. Martha Himmelfarb gives to a specific
category of the punishments in hell the description measure for
measure punishments, because the principle is described in
rabbinic literature as measure fo~ measure (e.g. b. Sanh. 90a)
62
R. BAUCKHAM
-or more fully: By the measure a man measuresout, so it is

measured out to him (e.g. Tg. Neot Gen 38:25; m. Sot. 1:7)51.
(In the Gospel tradition the saying is used rather differently:
Matt 7:2; Mark 4:24; Luke 6:38.) The basic idea that the
suffering one inflicts is what one should suffer oneself as retribution was common in the ancient world: Aristotle quotes the
Pythagoreans as attributing to Rhadamanthus, the judge of the
dead in Hades, the maxim, If one suffers what one did oneself,
it is true justice (Nichomachean Ethics 5.5.3). In Jewish legal
tradition the principle was enshrined in the famous lex talionis
of the Torah: an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth
(Exod 21:24; Lev 24:20). If one knocks out someoneelse'stooth,
one should lose a tooth oneself.
For the vast majority of crimes the principle in that simple
form makes little if any sense. But the conviction that the lex
talionis is how justice ought to operate leads to attempts to
conform to it somehow. Ancient legal practice sometimes exhibits the notion that somehowthe kind of punishment should correspond to the crime 52.An obvious case is that of burning to
death as the punishment for arsonists. A more indirect kind of
correspondencecanbe seenin a story which is told of the emperor
Alexander Severuswho condemned his friend Vircunius Tirinus
to die by choking in smoke. Tirinus had been in the habit of
making false promises which he did not fulfil, and the Latin
idiom for such behaviour was to sell smoke (fumum vendere).
The emperor condemned him with the words: he who has sold
smoke is punished by smoke (fumo punitur qui vendidit
fumum) (Hist. Aug. Alex. Sev.35.5-36.3).Even though this is by
no means lex talionis in the strict and literal sense,there was felt
to be a kind of obviousjustice when the punishmentcorresponded
in some such way to the crime.
In Jewish tradition what is most important is the conviction
that the lex talionis must be the principle of divine justice. This
seems to have been applied originally more with reference to
divine judgments within history, and,then later applied also to
eschatological punishment. Occasionally, the application is
obvious: what the criminal has done to others is done to him
51. For this saying in the Targums and rabbinic literature, see
M. McNAMARA, The New Testamentand the Palestinian Targum to the
Pentateuch (Analecta Biblica 27; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute,
1966), p. 138-142; H. P. RUGER,"Mit welchem Mass ilir messt,wird
euch gemessenwerden" , Zeitschrift fur neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 60 (1969),p.174-182.
52. cr. I.-P. CALLU,Le jardin , OF.cit.,p. 340 n. 112,p. 342-343.
APOCALYPSf; OF PETER
63
(2 Macc 5:9-10). Sometimes, the correspondenceis the kind of

loose appropriateness we have just considered. In PseudoPhilo's Biblical Antiquities 44:10we read:
And the race of men will know that they will not make
me [God] jealous by their inventions that they make, but to
every man there shall be such a punishment that in whatever
sin he shall have sinned, in this he will be judged. If they have
lied before me, I will commal1dthe heaven and it will deny
them rain. And if anyone wished to covet the wife of his
neighbour, I will command death and it will deny them the
fruit of their womb. And if the~ will make a false declaration
in my name, I will not hear th~ir prayers. And when the soul
is separated from the body, tlilen they will say, "Let us not
mourn over these things that we suffer; becausewhatever we
ourselveshave devised,these we will receive",
There the principle is applied first to judgments in this life and
then extended to the next. The measure-fur-measurecharacter
of the punishments given as examplesis quite vague and not too
easyto discern, but it is quite clear that this is intended -and,
furthermore, it is quite clear that this measure-fur-measurecharacter gives the punishments a kind of obvious justice which the
damned themselves in hell will have to acknowledge.To receive
something corresponding to what you yourself have done is
to find, as it were, your own sin boomeranging back at you.
A modem newspaper story may help to make this point.
Apparently, a local medical centre was troubled by young
vandals putting bricks through the windows, and so they had
toughened glass put in the windows. Soon afterwards a woman
came into the centre to complain about what had happened to
her son. He had suffered a cut on the head when he threw a
brick at a window and it bounced back and hit him on the head.
Probably most people's instant reaction is to feel that that is justice of the sweetestkind: the sin i self rebounding on the sinner.
That is the kind of effect which easure-fur-measure punishments had on the ancient mind however artificial they may
sometimesseemto us.
In their attempt to understand divine justice in terms of the
lex talionis, Jewish writers tried t refine the principle in various
ways. One form of the principle, hich is stated as a principle of
divine punishment both in Jubilees 4:32 and in Wisdom 11:16,is
that the instrument of sin should be the instrument of punishment. For example, Cain killed Abel with a stone, and so he
himself was killed by the stones of his house when his house fell
on him (Jub 4:31). The Egyptian$ worshipped animals, and so,
64
R. BAUCKHAM
among the plagues of Egypt, they were punished by plagues of

animals (Wisd 11:15; 12:27; 15:18-16:1). Many examples could
be given (cf. Jub 48:14; LAB 44:9; Wisd 11:6; 18:4-5; Rev 16:6;
b. Gitt. 57a; Gen. Rab. 1:18): but I do not know of this form of
the principle being applied to judgments after death.
Another way of making the punishment correspond to the
crime is to say that the part of the body which sinned is the part
which should be punished. Biblical examples could again be
found: e.g. Samsonsinned by following the desire of his eyes,
and so the Philistines put his eyes out (LAB 43:5; m. Sot. 1:8);
Absalom gloried in his hair, and so was hanged by his hair
(m. Sot. 1:8). The principle can be stated in three slightly
different ways, and we should note that all three forms are
applied to punishments in Gehenna:
-The
limb which began the transgression,from it will begin
the punishment (Sifre Num. 18). So, for example, say the
rabbis, according to this principle, the divine punishment of the
adulterous woman in Numbers 5 begins in her sexual parts
(Sifre Num. 18; cf. m. Sot. 1:7). But the Babylonian Talmud
provides an eschatological example: A man shall not let his
earshear idle chatter, for they will be burnt first of all his limbs
(b. Ket. 5b).
-The limbs that committed the sin are punished in Gehenna
more than the other limbs (Darkhei Teshuvah).This statement
occurs in one of the medieval Hebrew visions of the punishments in hell which belong to the samegenre and include many
of the same punishments as the account in the Apocalypse of
Peter53.After providing descriptions of punishments in which
people are punished by the sinful limb, the account says that
these punishments are to show that the Holy One, blessedbe
he, is a righteous judge. The limbs that committed the sin are
punished in Gehenna more than the other limbs . Notice that,
once again, this correspondence of punishment to sin is said to
demonstrate the justice of the punishments.
-The third statementcomes from the Christian Epistle of Titus,
which quotes a vision of the punishments in Gehenna attributed
to Elijah. The quotation probably comes from the ancient
Apocalypse of Elijah, which was older than the Apocalypse of
53. Seethe translation and discussionin J.-M. ROSENS11EHL,

Les revelations d'Elie: Elie et les tourments des damnes , in La Litterature
intertestamentaire..colloque de Strasbourg (17-19 octobre 1983) (Bibliotheque des Centres d'etudes superieures specialistes; Paris: Presses
universitaires de France, 1985),p. 99-107.
APOCALYPSf; OF PETER
65
Peter. In fact, this quotation is most likely the oldest extant

Jewish account of the punishments in hell, the oldest example of
the genre of the tours of hell. The statement of the principle is
not actually given in the quotation, but is part of the Christian
writer's introduction to the quotation. But it seemsvery likely he
was drawing on his source when he says: You know that
different judgments must be passed on sinners. In the member
with which each man has sinned, in the same also shall he be
tormented . This is the simplest form of the principle.
c) Types ofpunishment in theApocalypse of Peter.
If we now turn to the series of infernal punishments in the
Apocalypse of Peter, we find that there are certainly four and
probably five punishments which are designed according to the
principle that it is the part of the body which sinned that should
be punished. Three of them are in the category of hanging
punishments which frequently occur in the tours of hell. In
many of the tours of hell there are a group of these hanging
punishments, usually consistingof people hung up by the part of
the body which sinned 54.So in the Apocalypse of Peter,there
are, first, those who blasphemed the way of righteousness,suspended by their tongues (7:2). Then there are women suspended
by their necks and hair (7:5) : these are adulteresses,who adorned
their hair in order to seduce men into adultery with them.
Finally in 7:7, there are the men who committed adultery with
them. They are suspended by their thighs, according to the
Ethiopic version: certainly a euphemism for the sexual organs.
(Other tours of hell represent people guilty of sexual sin as
hanging by their sexual organs.)
The origin of the idea of these hanging punishments is somewhat debatable. Hanging was used in the ancient world both as a
form of non-lethal torture and also as a means of lingering and
very painful death, as in crucifixion. Hanging women by their
hair seemsto have been actually used as a form of torture in the
Roman world 55.The notion of hanging may have appealed to
those who imagined punishments after death because it was a
form of punishment which could easilybe imagined as eternal: it
could be prolonged as a form of unending pain without
54. See, especially, M. HIMMELFARB,iTours of Hell: An Apocalyptic
Form in Jewish and Christian Literatltre (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press,1983),p. 82-92.
55. S. LIEBERMAN,On Sins and th~ir Punishments , in Texts and
Studies(New York: Ktav, 1974),p. 43 n. 86.
66
R. BAUCKHAM
destroying its victims. But who originated the idea of hanging in

hell? Martha Himmelfarb tends rather to discount the idea that
Jewish apocalyptic borrowed it from Greek ideas of the underworld, but I think myself that the evidence for a Greek origin is
stronger than she allows. We should remember that the popular
descriptions of the underworld which certainly existed and from
which Jewish apocalyptists would most likely have borrowed
have not survived. We can only gather their contents from
sources indebted to them -the philosophers, the poets, the
parodists. Given this limitation of the sources,the evidence that
hanging in Hades was a feature of traditional Greek descriptions
of punishments in Hades seemsto me quite good. As early as
Plato's Gorgias (525C), we are told that the worst sinners are
hanging in Hades. A reference to a lost account of Pythagoras'
descent to the underworld says that he saw the soul of Homer
hanging from a tree as punishment for his sacrilegious stories
about the gods (Diogenes Lrertes, Lives 8.21). Virgil's /Eneid
speaksof people hanging in Hades (6.740-741).Most interesting
of all is Lucian's account of a hanging punishment in his parody
of popular descriptions of Hades in his True History (2.26). He
seesthe adulterer Cinyras hanging by his genital organ. This is
precisely the same punishment for the same sin as we find in the
Apocalypse of Peter and in some of the other tours of hell. It is
of course possible that Lucian knew Jewish apocalyptic tours of
hell or Greek sourcesinfluenced by Jewish apocalyptic tours of
hell. In the intercultural world of eschatologicalimagery there is
no reason why borrowings should all have been in one direction.
But on the other hand, in view of the much earlier evidence for
hanging in the Greek Hades, it seemsmore likely that the more
specific idea of hanging by the part of the body that had sinned
had also developed within the Greek tradition and was borrowed
from it by Jewish apocalyptists. It is worth noting that this kind
of measure for measure punishment is also evidenced by another passageof Lucian, not relating to punishment after death:
he has Heracles threaten a slave who had disguised himself as
a philosopher that he will punish him by hanging him by his
beard (the beard with which he pretended to be a philosopher)
(Fugitivi 31).
The fact that the hanging punishments are measure-for-measure punishments does not prove that they were of Jewishorigin.
As we have already noticed, the measure-for-measureprinciple
was not confined to Judaism. However, the fact that the hanging
punishments are measure-for-measurepunishments does explain
why Jewishapocalyptistsintent on depicting hell as perfectjustice
should have borrowed them and given them a greaterprominence
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
67
in Jewish accountsof hell than they probably had in Greek ones.

Certainly, since they occur in Jewish and Christian tours of hell
which are not dependent on the Apocalypse of Peter, the
Apocalypse of Peter did not borrow them direct from a pagan
source but from Jewish apocalyptic tradition. Their prominence
in the Apocalypse of Peter,as the first, third and fourth punishments in the series of twenty-one, is no doubt due to the fact
that they embodied the measure-for-measureprinciple so clearly
and vividly.
As well as the three hangingpunishments, there are two other
punishments in the Apocalypse of Peter which embody the
principle that the part of the body which sinned should suffer.
The first occurs in 9:4, where we are told of those who bore false
witness -whose lies have led to the deaths of the martyrs that their lips are cut off and fire is put into their mouths and
intestines. So the lips and the mouth which uttered the lies are
punished, and presumably the intestines too becausethe deceit
comes from within the liar.
The other example is not so obvious. In 11:6-7the punishment
of girls who did not keep their virginity before marriage is
described. They are dressed in black clothes and their flesh is
torn in pieces or dissolved. The idea of the flesh dissolving may
be borrowed from the punishment of the adulterous wife in
Numbers 5:27 <her thigh shall fall away). In that case, the
flesh of the young women is a euphemism for their sexual
parts, and it is that part of their body which sinned that is punished. The black clothes indicate shame, as we can see from the
Mishnah's discussion of the case of the suspected adulteress in
Numbers 5: her husband shames her by exchanging her white
garments for black (m. Sot 1:6-7).
We have so far identified five measure-for-measure punishments in the Apocalypse of Peter..those in which the guilty limb
is punished. Other measure-for-measurepunishments, in which
the punishment is merely in some way appropriate to the sin, are
not always so easyto identify. I think we can probably identify at
least six:
1.- In 8:8-9 is described the punishment of mothers who
killed their infants at birth, presumably by the common ancient
practice of exposure: Their mothers' milk flows from their
breasts, but it curdles and smells. Flesh-eating creatures come
out of it, return and punish them eternally. Clement of
Alexandria, who quoted and commented on this punishment
(Eclog. 49), rightly saw it as a measure-for-measurepunishment.
The milk which the mothers denied to their children becomes
the instrument of their torture.
68
R. BAUCKHAM
2.- This account of the punishment of infanticides is preceded by an account of the punishment of those guilty of abortion.
Here part of the punishment (8:1) is that they stand up to their
necks in a pit of excrement -or, perhaps, as Buchholz's translation suggests:menstrual discharge. Probably the meaning is that
they treated their fretusesas mere excrement.
3.- In 9:5-7,we have the punishment of those who trusted in
their riches and neglected charity to the poor. Part of their
punishment is that they are clothed in filthy rags. This seemsto
be the only case in the Apocalypse of Peter of the lex talionis
principle in its most basic and straightforward form: these
people suffer what they made others suffer.
4.- In 11:8-9,slaveswho disobeyed their masters chew their
tongues eternally. This may be a measure-for-measurepunishment, if the idea is that they disobeyed verbally: they answered
back.
5.- The next group of sinners are hypocrites: men and
women who are blind and deaf, dressed in white. Then they
push one another and fall on the inextinguishable coals of fire.
These are those who gave alms, saying, "We are righteous",
[but] did not rightly seek God (12:1-2). Presumably these
people are wilfully ignorant -blind to their own motives -and
so their punishment is to be blind and deaf.
6.- Finally, the murderers (in 7:9) are put in a fire full of
poisonous reptiles. Perhaps these are intended to represent the
murderers' evil desires that led them to murder. In that case,this
would be a sort of measure-for-measurepunishment.
These are the only punishments -eleven in all, out of the full
catalogue of twenty-one -in which I have been able to discover
a measure-for-measureelement, at least. Other people's ingenuity
may be able to identify a few other measure-for-measurepunishments in the Apocalypseof Pete1:But it is clear that by no means
all the punishments are measure-for-measure. Perhaps the
authors of the traditions and the author of the Apocalypse of
Peter itself were simply unable to devise measure-for-measure
punishments for every sin they wished to include. But if the
measure-for-measureprinciple does not explain al~the punishments, how can we explain the origin of the ideas for the other
specific punishments? Three other considerations will account
for most of the punishments in the Apocalypse ofPete1:
The first is the reproduction in hell of punishments used in
human justice on earth. We have already noticed that hanging is
a caseof this. Others are burning (10:7), equivalentto the practice
of burning people to death; and scourging with whips and
flogging with chains (9:2; 10:6). Scourging was widely practised
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
69
as a punishment, usually as non-lethal, but sometimesas deliberately flogging to death (e.g. Suetonius, Gaius 27.7). From earthly
use it had long ago entered the Greek Hades, where it was a
thoroughly standard feature of the punishment of the dead
(e.g. Virgil, /En. 6.556-557;Lucian, Men. 14; Verahisl. 2.29) and
so must have migrated to the Jewish hell from the Greek. The
wheel, on which sorcerers are stretched in 12:5-6,was an exotic
form of human punishment, but famous as a feature of the
Greek Hades. Ixion, punished by being fixed to a wheel, was one
of the famous individual sinners featured in descriptions of the
Greek Hades, along with Sisyphus,Tityos, Tantalus and others.
The punishments of these famous mythological individuals had
long come to be seenas representative punishments, which other
sinners could also expect to suffer (cf. Virgil, /En. 6.616-617).
Ixion's is the only one which appears in the Apocalypse of Pele!:
Before leaving the category of infernal punishments modelled
on earthly punishments, we should notice two interesting variations on the punishment of precipitation: that is, killing someone
by throwing them off a high cliff, usually into the sea
(e.g. Suetonius, Tib. 62.3). First, male and female homosexuals
are punished thus:
Other men and women hurl themselves down from a
high precipice. They come back again and run, compelled by
the demons. They put them on the brink of the precipice, and
they hurl themselvesdown. In doing this continually they are
punished for ever. (ApPel 10:2-3)
(Probably the words these are the idolaters in v. 2 are
a mistaken intrusion into this text, since v. 4 identifies these
sinners as homosexuals.)
Then also those who fail to honour their parents suffer a
punishment which, despite a rather corrupt text, is probably
similar to that of the homosexuals:
And there is another very high place, [...] and a precip ice, in which the fire burns, and it burns from the edge. The
men and women who fall [into it] roll down to where there is
terror. And while the [...] is flowing, they go up and down,
and in this way roll repeatedly. In this way they are punished
for ever. (ApPel 11:1-2)
In both cases,people fall to their death from a high precipice,
but are then obliged to repeat the exercise continually for eternity. This is a way of turning an earthly punishment which ends
with someone'sdeath into a means of eternal torment. This device is one which recurs in the apocalyptic accounts of hell in a
70
R. BAUCKHAM
variety of ways. Another example (which is found both in the

Testamentof Isaac [5:6-16] and the medieval Hebrew vision of
Joshua ben Levi 56)is an eternalized version of the punishment
of being thrown to the lions: the damned are eaten by the lions,
but then reconstituted so that they can be eaten again, and so on
eternally.
As well as punishments which reflect earthly punishments,
there are also, secondly, a few punishments which reflect what
happens to corpses on earth. The flesh-eating birds who attack
the damned in 11:4 are presumably modelled on the vultures
and such-like that feed on corpses.(These people are said to be
hung up while flesh-eating birds attack them: the image of
hanging here perhaps derives from the hanging up of corpses,
rather than of living people.) The numerous worms of 7:9 are
also a feature of what happens to corpses, although Jewish
tradition had also delighted to recount stories of notorious sinners being consumed by worms while still alive (2 Macc 9:9;
LAB 44:9; 63:4; Acts 12:23; b. Sot. 35a).
Thirdly, there are the traditional features of the Jewish
Gehenna, notably darkness and fire, darkness original to Sheol,
fire to Gehenna. Darkness is mentioned in just one of the
punishments (in 9:1; cf. also 6:5), but fire is all-pervasive.No less
than fourteen of the twenty-one punishments in the Ethiopic
version include some form of fire (7:4,7,9; 8:4; 9:1, 3, 4, 5;
10:5, 6, 7; 11:1, 8; 12:1; 12:4-7; cf. also 6:5). The Akhmim text
actually has fire in two punishments in which it does not appear
in the Ethiopic (A22, A24), but the more interesting contrast
between the Ethiopic text and the Akhmim Greek fragment is
that three times the Akhmim text refers to the mire in which the
damned are sunk (A23, A24, A31). The Ethiopic has none of
these references to mud. Immersion in mud was an important
ancient feature of the Greek Hades, whereas fire, though
present in the torches of the Furies (e.g. Pseudo-Plato,
56. See M. R. JAMES,The Testament of Abraham (Texts and Studies

2/2; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1892),p. 159.The repetition is not found in the text translated by M. GASTER, Hebrew Visions
of Hell and Paradise , reprinted from Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society (1893), p. 571-611, in M. GASTER,Studies and Texts,vol. 1
(London: Maggs, 1928), p. 158-159.For other punishments involving
continual restoration and repetition, see M. GASTER,ibid., p. 136, 148149, 161; W. LESLAU,Falasha Anthology (Yale Judaica Series 6; New
Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1951), p. 86 (Apocalypse of
Gorgorios).
71
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
Axiochus 372) and the fiery river Pyriphlegethon (e.g. Lucian,

Cat. 28), was probably rather less prominent. So it is worth
noticing that the Apocalypse of Peteris thoroughly Jewish in the
pervasivenessof fiery punishments in its hell, while the Akhmim
fragment's additional references to mud probably reflect a
further approximation to Greek pictures of the underworld by
the author who adapted this text. Fire, of course, was not only
the traditional content of Gehenna, but also more broadly a
deeply traditional Jewish image of divine judgment.
One Old Testament text played an important part in the development of the doctrine of Hell: the last verse of Isaiah: They
shall go out and look at the dead bodies of the people who have
rebelled against me; for their worm shall not die, their fire shall
not be quenched... (Isa 66:24). We can be sure of the influence
of this text on descriptions of hell wherever the fire is inextinguishable or undying, and wherever the worm is singular (as in the
Hebrew of Isaiah) and also undying or unsleeping. The inextinguishable fire appears in Apocalypse of Peter 12:1 (coals of fire
which never go out) and the un sleeping worm appears in 9:2
(where those who are flogged by a spirit of wrath also have their
entrails eaten by an unsleepingworm).
So perhaps these remarks may help us to begin to understand
the kind of imagination which produced the apocalyptic
accounts of the manifold punishments in hell. They are not just
products of a diseased imagination run riot. They are based on
certain principles and use recognizable forms of imagery.
Certainly they are evidence of an age when justice was generally
thought to require considerable cruelty. It is the cruelty of
contemporary human justice which is here reflected in hell and
refined in such a way as to make it, not lesscruel, but, to authors
and readers of the time, recognizably more just. The overriding
concern is that the wicked should face the truth of their own evil
and suffer it.
8. Angels of judgment.
The account of the eschatologicaljudgment in the Apocalypse
of Peter features four named angels, as well as unnamed angels
of punishment. We look first at the named angels: Uriel, Ezrael,
Tartarouchos and Temelouchos.
Uriel appearsthree times in the Ethiopic version:
1.- At 4:9, where (according to the most probable interpretation) it is Uriel, described as the great Uriel , who supplies the
soul and spirit to the bodies that have been resurrected. It is
R.
72
BAUCKHAM
then explained that God has set him over the resurrection of
the dead on the day of judgment }};
2.- at 6:7, it is Uriel, the angel of God }},who will bring the
spirits of the sinners who perished in the Flood}} -who I have
argued are the demons -to the judgment;
3.- at 12:5 he sets up the wheel of fire in the river of fire in
which sinners are punished.
Uriel appears frequently in early Jewish and early Christian
literature 57,often listed as the third in a list of the four archangels: Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, Raphael (e.g. ApMos 40:2; 3 Bar
[Slav] 4:7; cf GkApEzra 6:1-2; cf 1 En 9:1 [Gk], where he comes
second; SibOr 2:215,where he comes last; and 1 En 20:1, where
he comes first in a list of seven; PrJos also implies he is one of
seven archangels). Although the expression God has set him
over the resurrection of the dead}} is in accordance with the
general way in which particular angelsare frequently said, in the
literature of this period, to be over}} some aspectof the world
and God's governance of it, this particular sphere of authority
for Uriel is not attested elsewhere. However, the functions and
spheres of authority of the archangels seem to vary constantly
from one text to another. Uriel's role in 6:7, of bringing the
demons to judgment, corresponds roughly to the statement in
the Greek of 1 Enoch 20:1 that he is over Tartarus }}. Finally,
the mention of Uriel at 12:5comesas rather a surprise, since it is
Ezrael who has previously been mentioned throughout the
account of the punishments in hell (7:10; 9:1; 10:5; 11:4; 12:3)
and has in fact only just appeared at 12:3. The Ethiopic's reference to Uriel in 12:5 may therefore be a mistake for Ezrael. On
the other hand, since one interpretation of Uriel's name could be
flame of God}} (from 'ur, flame}}, rather than 'or, light}}),
he may have been thought the most appropriate archangelto set
up the wheel of fire in the river of fire.
Ezrael, who is mentioned five times in chapters7-12, described
like Uriel as the angel of God}} (12:3), but also more
specifically as the angel of his wrath}} (9:1), is otherwise unknown by this name. But he is probably, as Buchholz suggests58,
the archangel Sariel59,whose name appears to be corrupted to
57. On Uriel, seeJ. T. MILIK, The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments
of Qumran Cave 4 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), p. 172-174;
M. DANDO, L'archange Ouriel , Cahiers d'etudes cathares 34/3
(1983),p. 3-11.
58. D. D. BUCHHOLZ,Your Eyes Will Be Opened,op. cit.,p. 316.
59. On Sariel, see G. VERMES,The Archangel Sariel: A Targumic
Parallel to the Dad Sea Scrolls . in J. NEUSNERed.. Christianitv.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
73
'IO"tpallA in one Greek manuscript of 1 Enoch 10:1, and to

, Asre'elyer in one Ethiopic manuscript of the same verse. Sariel
occasionally appears as one of the four archangels in place of
Uriel (lQM 9:14-15; 4QEnb 1:3:7 = 1 Enoch 9:1; and in Manichean sourceswhich reflect the Enochic Book of Giants), but he
also appears along with Uriel in the list of seven archangels in
1 Enoch 20. In Targum Neofiti (Gen 32:25) he is the angel
who wrestles with Jacob, although this angel is Uriel in the
Prayer of Jacob. In the Ladder of Jacob, as the angel in charge
of dreams (3:2), he interprets Jacob's dream at Bethel. The
similarity of his name to Jacob's new name Israel (noted in
LadJac 4:3) probably accounts for his association with Jacob
stories. In 1 Enoch 20:6, Sariel is said in the Ethiopic version
to be in charge of the spirits of human beings who cause
the spirits to sin , while the Greek has over the spirits which
sin in the spirit . Clearly, something is wrong with both versions
and it is impossible to reconstruct the original with certainty. It
may have represented Sariel as in charge of the spirits of human
sinners, in which case his role here would accord with the role
the Apocalypse of Peter gives him, of bringing the damned to
their punishments. But more probably 1 Enoch 20:6 originally
put Sariel in charge of the demonic spirits which lead human
beings astray.
In the Apocalypse of PeterEzrael seemsto be mainly concerned
with moving people around in Gehenna. In 9:1 he brings a particular group of sinners, the persecutors of the righteous, to their
place of punishment. In 7:10 he brings the victims of murder to
view the punishment of their murderers. In 11:4, according to
the Ethiopic version, he seems to bring children to view the
punishment of other children who have disobeyed their parents.
Perhaps the text originally meant that he brought the children
who were to be punished to their punishment. If the point is to
show the punishment of guilty children to other children, then it
cannot be as a warning, since the sceneis set after the last judgment, but presumablyto increasethe satisfactionof the righteous
who see what would have happened to them had they disobeyed
their parents. Finally, in 12:3 Ezrael brings another group of sinners, the hypocrites, out of the flame which constitutes part of
their punishment: again the text is rather obscure. It seemsthis~
Judaism and Other Greco-Roman Cults: Part III: Judaism before 70
(SJLA 12/3; Leiden: Brill, 1975),p. 159-166;J. T. MILIK, The Books of
Enoch, op. cit., p. 172-174; J. Z. SMITHin J. H. CHARLESWORTH
ed.,
The Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,vol. 2 (London: Darton, Longman
and Todd, 1985),p. 708-709.
74
R. BAUCKHAM
is not the end of their punishment, but only of one phaseof their
punishment. From these four references,we might think Ezrael
has the exclusive function of bringing people from one place to
another in hell, but in 10:5 he has a role in the punishments
themselves: he makes the place of fire in which the makers of
idols and their idols burn.
The other two angels are Tatirokos, who in 13:5 rebukes the
damned when they cry for mercy, telling them it is now too late
to repent, and Temlakos, to whom, in 8:10, the victims of infanticide are committed, after they have seenthe punishment of their
parents. These are the angels called in Greek Tap'tapouxo<;and
TE~EAOUXO<;
(or TTl~EAOUXO<;),
who occur in a considerable
number of apocalyptic texts about hell, Tartarouchos more often
than Temelouchos. They have been thoroughly studied in a
definitive study by J.-M. Rosenstiehl60.
Tartarouchos is the angel in charge of Tartarus, which is what
his name means (compare God as oupavol>Xo<;
in SibOr 8:430).
The word is sometimes used as an adjective which can describe
more than one angel: the angels who preside over the punishments in hell. In the Apocalypse of Peter it seems to be the
proper name of a single angel.
Temelouchos is more problematic. But since in chapter 34 of
the Apocalypse of Paul he wields a three-pronged fork, surely
modelled on the trident of the Greek god Poseidon, Rosenstiehl
convincingly argues that his name must derive from an epithet
which was occasionally used of Poseidon: eE~EAtoUXO<;
<in
charge of the foundation ). He also conjectures, plausibly, that
originally Tartarouchos and Themeliouchos (Temelouchos)
corresponded respectively to Pluto, the god of the underworld,
and Poseidon, the god of the ocean. They were used in Jewish
apocalyptic to designate respectivelythe angelic ruler of the subterranean underworld -Hades or Tartarus -and the angelic
ruler of the submarine abyss.As the underworld and the abyss
coalesced in the concept of hell, they became two of the angels
of hell, and Temelouchos, whose name was no longer understood, became rather redundant, appeared less often and was
sometimesreplaced by Tartarouchos.
In the Apocalypse of Peter and also the Apocalypse of Paul
(40) -the latter probably dependent not on the Apocalypse of
60. J.-M. ROSENSTIEHL,

Tartarouchos- Temelouchos: contribution a
l' etude de l' Apocalypse apocryphe de Paul, in Deuxieme journee
d'etudes coptes: Strasbourg, 25 mai 1984 (Cahiers de la Bibliotheque
corte 3; Louvain/Paris: Peeters,1986),p. 29-56.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
75
Peter itself, but on a common source -Temelouchos has a

special role, not as an angel responsible for the punishments of
the wicked in hell, but as the angel to whose care the children
who are victims of infanticide are delivered. When Clement of
Alexandria (Eclog. 48) and Methodius (Symp. 2.6) allude to this
passageof the Apocalypse of Peter, they spell the word with a
long e: tll~EAO\)XO<;,which associates it with the verb
tll~EAtro, to care for, to look after . Methodius in fact uses it
as an adjective applied to more than one angel who look after
aborted infants. This seemsto be a case of a word whose real
derivation had been forgotten, being given a new derivation
which was highly appropriate to the role Temelouchos plays in
chapter 8 of the Apocalypse of Pete!: Rosenstiehl thinks it was
Clement, who, in the interests of giving the word this meaning,
changed TE~EAO\)XOC;
into Tll~EAO\)XO<;.
But since Methodius,
who also usesthis form, seemsdependent on the Apocalypse of
Peter independently of Clement, it is more likely that the spelling Tll~EAO\)XO<;
is original to the Greek text of the Apocalypse
of Pete!: This would help to explain the abruptness of the text
which simply says that the children will be given to the angel
Temelouchos, with no indication of the purpose for which they
are given to him. If his name itself implied his role as one who
looks after these infants, explanation was not needed. So it may
be that already in the Apocalypse of Peter any other role for the
angel Temelouchos has been forgotten: his name is understood
to give him this special role of taking care of those who died in
infancy.
In addition to the four named angels,there are also four referencesto unnamed angels of judgment:
a.- in 6:6, the angels of God prepare for the wicked a place
where they they shall be punished, each according to their
sins : this means that they prepare hell with its variety of
punishments for eachspecificsin;
b.- in 7:4, angels of punishment (A23 has aYYEAOt
!3acravtcrtai, but cf. also A21 : ot 1CoAa~OVtE<;
aYYEAOt)
ignite the fire in
which a particular group of the damned are punished. This term
is also used in the Parables of Enoch (1 Enoch 53:3; 56:1; 62:11;
63:1) for the angels who punish the wicked in hell (cf. also
De universo 1; GkApMary 23);c.- in 9:2 a group of the damned are scourged by a spirit of
wrath.. Here spirit , as commonly in early Jewish literature,
means an angel, and the wrath is God's: the angel's function is
be the agent of God's wrath punishing the sinner;
d.- finally, and more problematically, in 10:2the Ethiopic refers
to demons. The damned here are being punished by throwing
76
R. BAUCKHAM
themselves headlong from a precipice, and then forced by

demons}} to return and repeat the exercise,and so on eternally.
The reference to demons}} is problematic because only in
much later Christian literature do the demons become the
agents of punishment in hell. In Jewish and early Christian apocalyptic literature, the agentsof punishment in hell are righteous
agents,who obey God's will in carrying out his judgment on sinners. They may be described as merciless}} (e.g. 2 Enoch 10:3;
cf. TAbr 12:10) and of horrifying appearance (ApZeph 4:2-4),
but this is not because they are evil, but becausethey carry out
divine justice in all its unqualified rigour. So we must suspectthe
originality of the reference to demons}} in the Ethiopic of 10:2.
Fortunately, this is a rare casewhere the Akhmim text probably
preserves the original wording which has been lost in the
Ethiopic translation: it refers to the agents of punishment here
as those set over [them]}} (trov f.7rtKEtl.1&vroV).
This is a
standard way of referring to angels put in charge of something
by God (cf. 4:9: God as set [Uriel] over the resurrection of the
dead }}; and especially Tlsaac5:28, which describesTemelouchos
[Sah.: Abdemerouchos; Boh.: Abtelmolouchos] as in charge
of the punishments}}; cf. also GkApMary 15). In 10:2 the
reference is to the angels in charge of this particular punishment.
Thus the general picture that emerges is that two named
angels -Ezrael and Tartarouchos -are in overall charge of
hell and its inhabitants, while numerous subordinate angels of
punishment take charge of the specific punishments of specific
groups of the damned. However, this picture is not at all systematically presented: it emerges from incidental and sporadic references to the various angels of judgment. The roles of angels in
hell were no doubt an assumedfeature of the traditions taken
over by the Apocalypse of Peter:The use of divergent traditions
may account for the ambiguity as to whether it is Ezrael or
Tartarouchos (whose name ought to mean that he is in overall
charge of hell) who is the angel in charge of hell.
The function of the referencesto the angels,within the general
theme of judgment, is that, as angels of God, they make it clear
that what the wicked suffer in hell is God's judgment.
9. Those who did not believe they would be punished after
death.
This is a theme which appears twice in chapter 7. About one
category of sinners being punished in hell, as it happensthe adulterers, this is said: They say to each other, "We did not realise
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
77
that we would have to come into eternal punishment" (7:8).

The same theme -or
a similar theme -is repeated with
reference to the next category of sinners, the murderers: They
sayto eachother, "The judgment of God is just and righteous, for
we heard that we would come to this eternal place of punishment,
but we did not believe it" (7:11).
The adulterers say they did not know they would be punished
after death. The murderers say they heard but did not believe
they would be punished after death. I suspect the meaning is
really much the same.The adulterers no doubt had theopportunity to know that adultery will be punished in hell, but they
would not listen and therefore did not know. The murderers
were told their crimes would incur punishment in hell, but they
did not believe it. I think the attachment of this theme to these
particular categories of sinners is probably arbitrary. They are
taken as representativeof any sinners in hell. This is confirmed in
chapter 13, where all the sinners in hell voice the same idea:
Have mercy on us, becausenow we know the judgment of God,
of which he told us before, but we did not believe [it] (13:4).
The idea that the wicked do not believe that there will be
retribution after death, with the implication that if they did they
would not sin, is again a traditional topos. In 4 Ezra 7:126,Ezra,
who is there identifying himself as one of the damned, says:
While we lived and committed iniquity we did not consider
that we should suffer after our death . 2 Clement 10:4 says of
those who prefer the iniquitous pleasures of the present to the
promises of the future: For they do not know how great
torment the pleasures of the present entail, and what is the joy
of the promised future 61.We,could also recall the long passage
in chapter 2 of the Book of Wisdom about the attitude of the
wicked who think this life is all there is and therefore indulge in
wickedness: we are not specifically told that they disbelieved in
punishment after death, but we are told that they did not expect
the righteous to be rewarded after death (2:22)and the correlative
fate of the wicked is certainly implied. Where the Apocalypse of
Peter differs from these parallels is in putting this view in the
mouths of the wicked when they are actually suffering in hell the
punishment they did not expect during their lifetimes. The
motif, of course, serves to give a strong parrenetic thrust to the
portrayal of retribution in hell: it warns those who may be
61. Ct. also 2 Clement 17:5; Theophilus, Ad Autol.

Petrou,fragments 3,4.
14; Kerygma
78
R. BAUCKHAM
sceptical about the afterlife of the foolish risk they are running
and it makes clear the moral function of teaching about postmortem punishments: to deter people from sin.
This repeated motif in the Apocalypse of Peter -which
it
may well have taken over from traditional apocalyptic portrayals
of hell -raises the interesting question of the extent of popular
scepticism about judgment after death. It would be a mistake to
focus this question exclusively on the Palestinian Jewish context
in which the Apocalypse of Peter originated, since in this respect
as in many others that context was not isolated from the whole
Mediterranean world. Belief in retribution after death was a
common feature of Jewish and pagan religions. Images of
reward and punishment after death were among those religious
ideas which passed quite easily from one religious context to
another. The notion that a belief in retribution after death was
morally necessaryin order to deter people from evil was widespread 62. Scepticism about such retribution no doubt also
crossedspecific religious and cultural boundaries.
Franz Cumont (in his book on the After Life in Roman
Paganism)argues that belief in retribution after death had been
very seriously weakened by the period of the late republic and
early empire, not only among intellectuals but also among the
populace at large 63.It seemsto me that he has at least somewhat
exaggerated the case. He is able to quote Roman writers who
claim that noone is any longer childish enough to believe the
traditional pictures of Hades and Tartarus. That there are
Manes , says Juvenal (for example), a subterraneankingdom,
a ferryman armed with a pole, and black frogs in the gulfs of the
Styx, that so many thousandsof people can cross the dark water
in a single boat -these are fables only small children believe
(Sat. 2.149-152). But the waning credibility of the traditional
pictures of the underworld does not necessarily imply that
people had ceasedto believe in post-mortem retribution as such.
Platonists, for example, while partly demythologizing the
images, were strongly insisting on the reality of reward and
62.Cf. H. D. BETZ,The Problem of Apocalyptic Genre in Greek and

Hellenistic Literature: The Case of the Oracle of Trophonius , in
D. HELLHOLMed., Apocalypticism in the Mediterranean World and the
Near East (Tiibingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1983),p. 595.
63. F. CUMONT,After Life in Roman Paganism (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1922), p. 17-18, 83-84. He rather underplays the
contrary evidence he cites on p. 84-87.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
79
punishment after death, as Plutarch does, by way of refuting the

Epicureans (especially in De sera)64.
However, to mention the Epicureans is to remember the availability of eschatologicalscepticismthrough the popularization of
Epicurean views 65.The Epicureans denied any kind of survival
after death, and saw this as a liberating truth, delivering people
from the fear of retribution in the next life. Their scornful
attacks on the stories of punishment in Hades were wellknown.
Of course, serious Epicurean philosophers did not regard this
teaching as a licence for immorality, but those who upheld the
common view of the need for supernatural deterrence treated
the Epicureans as providing such licence and so did a kind of
vulgar Epicureanism of the eat, drink and be merry, for tomorrow we die character. The most interesting evidence for the
spread of the Epicurean denial of post-mortem retribution
among ordinary people comes from epitaphs: not only many
which declare death to be the end of existence, but also those
which go out of their way to say that their authors die without
fear because they are not taken in by the fables about the next
life: I do not let myself be taken in by the Tityi and the Tantali
whom some representin Hades 66(Tityus and Tantalusof course
were subjected to specific well-known punishments in Hades and
by this time often treated as representative casesof retribution
after death), or There is no boat of Hades, no ferryman
Charon, no lEacus as doorkeeper, no dog Cerberus. All we,
whom death sends down to the earth, become bones and ashes
and no more 67.
Of course, not all scepticism about the afterlife need be
Epicurean in origin. But the widely known Epicurean position
-or at least a caricature of it -provided an available category
both for those inclined to be sceptical to identify with and for
those wishing to counter such scepticismto oppose. Jewish scepticism about judgment after death never speaks to us with its
own voice in the extant literature 68: its expression is always
attributed to it by its opponents, who sometimes at least cast it
64. H. D. BETZ,The Problem of Apocalyptic Genre , op. cit., p. 593595; H. D. BETZ ed., Plutarch's Theological Writings and Early
Christian Literature (SCHNT 3; Leiden: Brill, 1975),p.181-182.
65. F. CuMoNT,After Life, op. cit.,p. 7-12.
66. Cf. ibid., p. 9.
67. Cf. ibid., p.10.
68. A possible exception is the inscription on the tomb of Jason,probably a Sadduceanaristocrat, in Jerusalem: seeM. HENGEL,Judaism and
Hellenism,vol. 1 (London: SCM Press,1974),p. 124.
80
R. BAUCKHAM
in Epicurean terms. The sinners whose attitudes are described in

detail in the early chapters of Wisdom are certainly cast in the
popular image of Epicureanism: they regard death as the end of
existence and see this belief as leaving them free to live as
wickedly as they choose.
More immediately relevant to the Apocalypse of Peter,if we
are right to locate it in Palestine, is a tradition that occurs in the
Palestinian Targums 69. Such traditions are, of course, very
difficult to date, but this one has been quite plausibly argued to
go back to our period 7. It occurs at Genesis4:8 and describesa
dispute between Cain and Abel following the acceptance of
Abel's sacrifice and the rejection of Cain's. Cain takes this as evidence that the world is not governed justly, i.e. good deeds are
not rewarded as they should be. But the denial of providential
justice is then extended to a denial of eschatologicaljustice in
another world. Cain says:
There is no judgment, there is no Judge,
there is no other world,
there is no gift of good reward for the just
and no punishment for the wicked .
Abel's reply affirms that there is each of these things. There
has been discussion of whether Cain is here represented as a
Sadduceeor as an Epicurean 71.A decision is perhaps not really
necessary, for opponents of the Sadducees would very likely
have associatedthe Sadducees'denial of reward and punishment
after death with the Epicurean position. The tradition is not just
polemic againstSadduceesby attributing their views to Cain. By
representing Cain the archetypal sinner as denying eschatological judgment, it condemns all eschatological scepticism as antinomian. Similarly, when the term 'app"iqiiriis became a rabbinic
term for those who live dissolutely and deny reward and punishment after death 72,the usageneed not imply that the people so
69. On this tradition, seeJ. H. NEYREY,The Form and Background of
the Polemic in 2 Peter (unpublished diss.,Yale University, 1977),p. 221230 (references to extensive further literature: p. 221-222 n. 18);
R. BAUCKHAM,Jude,2 Peter,op. cit., p. 79-80.
70. G. VERMES,Post-Biblical Jewish Studies (SJLA 8; Leiden: Brill,
1975), p. 116; S. ISENBERG,An Anti-Sadducee Polemic in the
Palestinian Targum Tradition , Harvard Theological Review63 (1970),
p. 433-444.
71. Cf. J. H. NEYREY,The Form and Background, op. cit., p. 226-230.
72. Cf. ibid., p. 234-237; cf. M. HENGEL,The Hellenization ofJudrea
in the First Century after Christ (London: SCM Press/Philadelphia:
Trinity Press International, 1989),p. 32.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
81
categorized were professed followers of Epicurus, though some

may have been. It simply means that Epicurus was popularly
conceived as representingthe associationbetween eschatological
scepticismand licence for immorality.
So the motif we are considering in the Apocalypse of Peter
belongs to a tradition of considering retribution after death as a
necessarydeterrent to scare people into avoiding evil. It asserts
this tradition in the face of current scepticism about eschatological judgment, which is not very likely at this date to have
been Sadduceanin inspiration but may in part at least have been
influenced by vulgar Epicureanism. It hardly needsa philosophical influence for those intent on disregarding current standards
of morality to ignore and scoff at religious doctrines of judgment
after death. But awarenessthat there was a popular philosophical
position that could justify such attitudes may well have helped.
It is likely that scepticism about judgment after death made
fewer inroads into Palestinian Jewish culture than into some
others, but the evidenceshows that JewishPalestinewas certainly
not immune from wider currents of Mediterranean culture, in
this as in other respects.
10. No more time for repentance.

The motif we have just considered is linked, on its last occurrence, with a plea for mercy by the damned: Have mercy on
us, becausenow we know the judgment of God, of which he told
us before, but we did not believe [it] (13:4). But the plea for
mercy is rejected: The angel Tartarouchos comes and admonishes them with a severe punishment, saying to them, "Now
you repent, when there is no time left for repentance,and no life
is left" (13:5).
Although I do not know another instance where the unavailability of repentance after the judgment is dramatized in this
way, the idea that the opportunity for repentance is available
only in this life is a common one. In connexion with the theme of
final judgment it is found especially in the Jewish apocalypses
contemporary with the Apocalypse of Peter: 2 Baruch and
4 Ezra. 2 Baruch 85:12 is a verse which piles up phrases to
express the finality of the last judgment: not only does the list
begin, there will not be an opportunity to repent anymore , it
also repeats the point later in the list: nor opportunity of
repentance. 4 Ezra 7:82 saysof the spirits of the wicked in the
intermediate state after death, when their final fate at the last
judgment is already sealed, that one of the causesof their grief
82
R. BAUCKHAM
will be that they cannot now make a good repentance that they
may live .
The idea that after the judgment it is too late to repent is
closely connected in the literature with the conviction that at the
last judgment there can no longer be mercy, only strict justice,
and that there can be no intercession of one person for
another 73.This complex of ideas is rooted in the sense that the
last judgment is the moment when the truth of eachperson'slife
is finally exposed and given what is due to it in justice. This
moment of eschatologicaltruth must seala person's destiny with
finality.
As we shall see, the Apocalypse of Peter in chapter 14 introduces a major qualification of this absolute finality of the judgment. But this does not alter the fact that the tradition used
in 13:4-5was designedto expressit.
11.The damnedacknowledge
God'sjustice.
Following Tartarouchos's merciless rebuttal of their plea for
mercy, the damned acknowledge the justice of the punishments
they suffer: And they all say,"The judgment of God is righteous,
becausewe have been paid back, each according to his deeds"
(13:6). Actually this theme was already anticipated in 7:11,
where those suffering punishment for murder say to one another: The justice of God is just and righteous .
This is a traditional theme. For example, in one of the medieval Hebrew visions of hell which certainly preserve ancient traditions, the wicked, receiving punishment, acknowledge the
justice of their punishment and say: "Thou hast rightly sentenced us and rightly judged us. With thee is righteousnessand with
us shame, as it is with us today" 74. Or in 1 Enoch 63:8-9,the
kings who have been the oppressors of the righteous, having,
like the damned in the Apocalypse of Peter,begged for mercy
and been denied it, then acknowledge the justice of God's
condemnation of them.
73. Cf. M. E. STONE,Fourth Ezra (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress

Press,1990),p. 150 and n. 41.
74. M. GASTER,Hebrew Visions of Hell and Paradise, op. cit., p. 22;
cf. also G. W. BUCHANAN, Revelation and Redemption: Jewish
Documents of Deliverance from the Fall of Jerusalem to the Death of
Nahmanides (Dillsboro, North Carolina: Western North Carolina
Press,1978),p. 545.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
83
The function of this theme, of course,is to provide the final

confirmationof thejusticeof the punishmentsin hell.
12. Mercyfor the damned.
The most remarkable aspect of the Apocalypse of Peter's
treatment of the destiny of the wicked comes only after all the
themes we have so far considered. After their plea for mercy has
been rejected, apparently definitively, by Tartarouchos and the
justice and finality of their punishment confirmed (13:4-6), the
prospect of their salvation from hell is introduced at the beginning of chapter 14. Since the meaning is obscured in the
Ethiopic, we are very fortunate that at this point we have access
to the original Greek in the Rainer fragment:
Then I will grant to my called and elect ones whomsoever
they request from me, out of the punishment. And I will give
them [i.e. those for whom the elect pray] a fine (KaAOV)baptism in salvation from the Acherousian Lake (which is, they
say, in the Elysian field), a portion of righteousnesswith my
holy ones (ApPet 14:1, translating the text as corrected by
M. R. Jamesand confirmed by SibOr 2:330-338).
Thus, those of the damned for whom the righteous intercede
are delivered from hell and admitted to paradise. It is Christ
who effects this release of the damned from hell, becausehe is
the eschatologicaljudge who has condemned them to hell.
This theme of the mercy of the righteous for the damned is
not an afterthought. In fact the whole accountof the judgment is
framed by two references to this theme: first in chapter 3,
secondly in chapter 14. In chapter 3 it is Peter himself who
pleads for mercy for the damned, when he seestheir suffering in
the vision of judgment given him by Christ. His plea is then
rejected by Christ. But when the righteous intercede for the
wicked after the last judgment, in chapter 14, Christ grants their
prayers. We shall see that this contrast makes sense precisely
becausethe lengthy accountof judgment intervenes between the
two occurrencesof the theme of mercy.
Chapter 3 employs a theme which recurs in many of the apocalypses which deal with hell: that the righteous when confronted
with the suffering of the wicked in hell will be moved to compassion 75.The point is strongly expressed: the disciples saw how
75. Cf. R. BAUCKHAM,
The Conflict of Justice and Mercy: Attitudes to
the Damned in Apocalyptic Literature ,Apocrypha 1 (1990),p.181-1%.
84
R. BAUCKHAM
sinners were weeping in great affliction and sadness,to the point

that all who saw it with their eyes -the righteous, the angels
and even he himself [Christ] -wept (3:3). Peter's expression
of compassion- It would have been better for them had they
not been created (3:4) -was traditional in such a context in
the apocalypses(cf. especially2 Enoch 41:2; 4 Ezra 7:62-64,116117; cf. 4:12), but he is able to call it your [Christ's] word about
these sinners (3:4), because it occurs in the Gospel saying
about Judas (Matt 26:24). In spite of this attempt to ascribe this
expression of compassionto Jesus Christ himself, Peter is then
rather severely rebuked by Christ, who criticizes the expression
as opposition to God (3:5). The point is that Peter seemsto be
implying that if God were truly compassionate he would not
have created those who will be damned. But Peter cannot be
more compassionate towards God's creation than the Creator
himself is (3:6). This responseto a plea for mercy to the damned
is also found elsewhere (4 Ezra 5:33; 8:47; ApPaul 33; 40). It is
possible that the Apocalypse of Peter is here dependent on
4 Ezra, but also possible that both works draw on common tradition. But most important is the way Christ concludes the
dialogue: When you sawthe lamentation that there will be for
sinners in the last days, you heart was saddened because of it.
But as for those who have sinned against the Most High, I will
show you their deeds (3:7).
Peter's compassionis rejected at this stagebecauseit is cheap.
It takes no account of the demands of justice. The chapters
which follow (4-13), with their account of the judgment itself
and the punishment of each sinner specifically for his or her
particular sin, are designed to demonstrate to Peter that hell
is required by God's justice. Only when this has been made
abundantly clear, by means of a whole series of traditional
themes, can mercy be allowed a voice which does not detract
from justice. There can be no suggestionthat the wicked do not
deserve hell or that they themselves can secure their release
from it by repentance. The claims of justice must therefore be
vindicated and admitted even by the damned themselvesbefore
those claims can be waived at the impulse of compassion.This is
why chapter 13 insists on the irrevocable finality of the judgment
immediately before chapter 14revokes it.
But we have still to understand why it is in response to the
prayers of the righteous that the damned are released from hell.
After all, according to the vision of 3:3, Christ himself weeps to
see the suffering of the damned, so that we should expect his
release of the damned to spring from his own compassionand
not be simply a concessionto the righteous. The key to this issue
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
85
is to appreciate that the justice of hell is a justice owed to the

right~ous, because they have been the victims of the wicked.
This can be seenin those descriptions of punishmentswhere it is
said that the victims of the crimes in question are brought to see
the punishment of those who have injured them: the victims of
murder see the murderers being punished (7:10), aborted
children not only see but are actually instruments of their
mothers' punishment (8:3-4), and victims of infanticide condemn
their parents (8:5-7). More generally, in 13:2 the righteous view
the just punishment of the wicked. We should also remember
the overriding context of persecution, so that especially in the
author's mind is the justice due to the martyrs againstthose who
have persecutedand betrayed them (cf. 9:2-4). But if the punishment of the wicked is in this senseowed to their victims, it can
be remitted only if the victims themselves request mercy for
their oppressors.Noone else has the right to forgive oppressors,
but those whom they have oppresseddo have this right. So if it is
for his people's sake that Christ must judge their enemies,for his
people's sake he can savethose for whom they desire mercy.
It may be surprising to discover that this idea must have entered Jewish apocalyptic from the Greek Hades. In the Greek
underworld, the Acherusian lake, into which the river Acheron,
one of the four rivers of Hades, flows, is not in the Elysian fields
(paradise), where the Apocalypse of Peter apparently locates it,
but is a place of purificatory punishment in Hades. According to
Plato (Phaedo 114), a certain classof sinners,who have committed crimes but are curable, must spend a year in Tartarus and are
then brought to the Acherusian lake. But they cannot leave the
lake until they persuade those they have killed or injured to let
them out. If they fail to obtain the forgiveness of their victims,
they must return to Tartarus and suffer further, until at last their
victims permit their release from punishment. The major
difference between this concept and that in the Apocalypse of
Peter is Plato's notion of purificatory punishment after death.
For the Apocalypse of Peter punishment is purely retributive:
the wicked cannot escapehell becausethe punishmenthaspurged
them of their sin, but the punishment can be remitted through
the sheer mercy of their victims. (This also distinguishes the
Apocalypse of Peter from Origenist universalism, which interpreted hell accordingto the Platonic idea of purificatory punishment.) But Plato's picture does share with the Apocalypse of
Peter the idea that the victims of injustice should have a say in
the punishment or release of the perpetrators of injustice, and it
must be the ultimate source of the tradition the Apocalypse of
Petertakes up.
86
R. BAUCKHAM
It may be the fact that the Acherusian lake has been dissociated from any idea of purificatory punishment, and assimilated
instead to the Jewish and Christian idea of purificatory batheing
in water (it is also a meansof purification after death, though not
for those condemned to hell, in ApMos 37:3; ApPaul 22-23),
that accounts for its location, in the Apocalypse of Peter, in the
Elysian field . Just as the latter no doubt functions as a Greek
name for the Jewish paradise, so the Acherusian lake is perhaps
identified with the water of life, a traditional feature of the
Jewishparadise76.
Finally, although the text provides no explicit basis for this, it
is tempting to think that the idea of the salvation of the damned
by the intercession of the righteous appealed to the author of
the Apocalypse of Peter because of its congruence with the
Christian tradition of praying for enemies and persecutors
(Matt 5:44). If the martyrs, instead of predicting their persecutors'
punishment in hell (4 Macc 10:11; 12:12; cf. 1 Enoch 47:1-4),
prayed for their forgiveness (Acts 7:60), surely (it could have
been thought) they will do so all the more when their erstwhile
persecutors beg their forgiveness and intercession on the day of
judgment. In fact, precisely this argument is reported by
Augustine as the view of some of those merciful Christians
who were probably influenced by the Apocalypse of Peter
(De civ. Dei 21.18)
III. mE DESTINY OF THE ELECT

In the central section on the eschatological judgment (chapters 3-14), the focus is on the fate of the wicked and the destiny
of the elect is only briefly mentioned (3:2; 6:4; 13:1; 14:2-3). A
full treatment of the latter is reserved for the third main section
of the apocalypse: the series of revelations which are given to
Peter and the disciples on mount Zion in chapters 15-17.But, in
order fully to understand chapters 15-17,we need first to return
to the question of the historical context in which the Apocalypse
of Peter was written and to explore an aspect of this context
which we have not yet considered.
76. One wonders whether this baptism of the dead after the Last
Judgment has any connexion with the ritual baptism on behalf of the
dead to which 1 Corinthians 15:29refers.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
87
1. The Birkat ha-Minim.

The major aspect of the historical context of the Apocalypse
of Peter which we have so far considered is Bar Kokhba revolt.
But another significant factor which must have considerably
affected the relationship between Palestinian Jewish Christians
and their fellow-Jews already before the Bar Kokhba revolt was
the so-called birkat ha-minim <the benediction of the minim ,
i.e. the benediction [of God] for cursing the minim [heretics or
sectariansD. This is the twelfth benediction of the daily (Amidah
or Eighteen Benedictions. In the version known from the Cairo
Genizah manuscripts it reads:
For the apostates (mesummadim) let there be no hope,
and uproot the kingdom of arrogance (malkut zadon),
speedily and in our days.
May the Nazarenes (no!jerim) and the sectarians (minim)
perish as in a moment.
Let them be blotted out of the book of life,
and not be written together with the righteous [Ps 69:28].
You are praised, 0 Lord, who subdues the arrogant
(zedim) .
As we shall see, it cannot be taken for granted that this text of
the birkat ha-minim goes back to our period.
The birkat ha-minim and its significance for the split between
Judaism and Christianity has been a subject of quite extensive
recent discussion77,the details of which we cannot enter here.
77. My account is indebted to the following: P. SCHAFER,

Die sogenannte Synod von Jabne: Zur Trennung von Juden und Christen im
ersten/zweiten Jh. n. Chr. , Judaica31 (1975),p. 54-64; R. KIMELMAN,
Birkat Ha-Minim and the Lack of Evidence for an Anti-Christian
Jewish Prayer in Late Antiquity, in E. P. SANDERSand A. I.
BAUMGARTEN
ed., Jewish and Christian Self-Definition, vol. 2: Aspects
of Judaism in the GriEco-Roman Period (London: SCM Press, 1981),
p. 226-244; W. HORBURY,The Benediction of the Minim and the
Early Jewish-Christian Controversy, Journal of Theological Studies33
(1982), p. 19-61; S. T. KATz, Issues in the Separation of Judaism and
Christianity after 70 C.E.: A Reconsideration , Journal of Biblical
Literature 103 (1984), p. 43-76; R. A. PRITZ, Nazarene Jewish
Christianity (SPB 37; Jerusalem: Magnes Press/Leiden: Brill, 1988),
p. 102-107; P. S. ALEXANDER,"The Parting of the Ways" from the
Perspective of Rabbinic Judaism , in J. D. G. DUNN ed., Jews and
Christians.. The Parting of the Ways A.D. 70 to 135 (WUNT 66;
Tiibingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1993),p. 1-25.
88
R. BAUCKHAM
For our purposes the following points will indicate its

significance for the context of the Apocalypseof Peter:
1.- According to two different traditions in the Babylonian
Talmud (b. Bel: 28b-29a)and the Palestinian Talmud (y. Ber. 4:3
[8a]), the birkat ha-minim was added to the 'Amidah by the
rabbis at Yavneh in the late first century C.E. Only the bavli
tradition connects this with a rabbinic editing of the' Amidah as
a whole <Shim'on ha-Paqoli arranged the Eighteen Benedictions in order). The use of the birkat ha-minim in the
second century is confirmed by Justin's references to Jews
cursing Christians in synagogue(Dial. 16; 96).
2.- In this period the wording of the' Amidah was not fixed.
What the rabbis must have prescribed was that there should be a
cursing of minim in one of the benedictions, not an obligatory
form of words for cursing minim. Thus none of the varied
formulations of the birkat ha-minim which we have in later liturgical texts can be taken as the authoritative text of our period.
Some may represent forms of wording which go back to our period, but they have to be treated with great caution as evidence
for the precise content of the birkat ha-minim in our period.
3.- The institution and promotion of the birkat ha-minim by
the rabbis should be seen as an attempt to establish rabbinic
Judaism as orthodox Judaism in the synagogues.The aim was to
exclude all forms of non-rabbinic Judaism from the synagogues.
This aim was not accomplished quickly. The mere institution of
the birkat ha-minim at Yavneh would certainly not in itself have
secured its widespread use. Its introduction into synagogue
worship must have been part of the slow process-continuing
throughout the second century -by which rabbinic Judaism
made itself normative Judaism in Palestine78.
4.- The minim envisaged in the benediction are all forms of
non-rabbinic Judaism, which the rabbis wished to label sectarian
and to exclude from the synagogue. The term does not refer
exclusively to Jewish Christians, but includes them. (Whether it
also refers to Gentile Christians, as Justin seems to assume,is
more debatable, but need not concern us here.) However, it is
probable that in many parts of Palestine Christians would be the
principal target of the birkat ha-minim. Jewish Christianity was
rabbinic Judaism's major rival in its attempt to win Palestinian
Jews to its own interpretation of Judaism. Thus it is quite~
78. Cf. M. GOODMAN,Stateand Society in Roman Galilee,A.D. 132-212
(Oxford Centrefor Postgraduate

HebrewStudiesSeries;Totowa,New
Jersey:Rowanand Allanheld,1983),p. 93-118,82
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
89
possible that in particular places the usefulness of the birkat

ha-minim as an instrument for excluding Jewish Christians from
the synagoguewas sharpened by specific reference to Nazarenes
(no~erim) in the words of the benediction. Some extant texts of
the birkat ha-minim include the word no~erim,and the evidence
of Jerome and Epiphanius suggeststhat by the fourth century
explicit reference to the no~erimwas common.
5.- In texts of the twelfth benediction, the cursing of the
minim is remarkably closely linked with prayer for the downfall
of the kingdom of arrogance 79,i.e. the Gentile oppressorsof
God's people, the Roman empire. Although rabbinic tradition
consistently refers to this benediction as that of the minim, it has
been fairly pointed out that in the extant texts it is aimed just as
much againstthe kingdom of arrogance as it is againstJewish
apostates and sectarians. The explanation for this feature is
debated. It has been suggestedthat the rabbis at Yavneh added
the curse on the minim to an already existing prayer againstthe
Gentile enemies of Israel, or that the birkat ha-minim was originally a distinct benediction, later combined with another on the
the kingdom of arrogance. Most likely, the twelfth benediction is conceived as a prayer for the judgment of all the enemies
of Israel, including both Jewishsectariansand Gentile oppressors.
The aim of excluding the minim from the religious community
would have been aided by associating them with the Roman
oppressors.
6.- We should note the nationalistic and eschatologicalthrust
of the whole (Amidah. God is the God of our fathers, God of
Abraham, God of Isaac, and God of Jacob , who will soon
restore Jewish national sovereignty, Jerusalem and the Temple.
It is in this context that the minim are to perish along with the
Gentile oppressors,and are to be excluded from the eschatological
people of God who will inherit the promises. Appropriately, the
Genizah text quotes Psalm 69:28: Let them be blotted out of
the book of life, and not be written together with the righteous .
It is in agreement with the implications of this that rabbinic
tradition places the minim in Gehenna (t. Sanh. 13:5; Exod.
Rab. 19:4).
7.--': The effect of the birkat ha-minim on Jewish Christians in
Palestine in the early second century will no doubt have varied.
In many synagoguesit will not yet have been in use. But where it
was used its effect will have been serious. Where minim were
understood as those who did not accept rabbinic halakhah or
79. With this term for Rome, cf. 4 Ezra 11:43.
90
R. BAUCKHAM
where no~erfm were perhaps even specifically named in the

benediction, then the birkat ha-mfnfm will have effectively
excluded Jewish Christians from the religious community
defined by the synagogue.
Thus, as well as the Apocalypse of Peter'sspecific context in
the Bar Kokhba revolt, in which Christians were suffering for
their refusal to accept Bar Kokhba as Messiahand to participate
in the revolt, we have to reckon also with the broader context
of the rabbinic attempt to exclude Jewish Christians from the
religious community of Israel. The former context no doubt
exacerbated the latter and brought to a head the developing
crisis of Jewish Christian identity in Palestine. Christians who
were already in many places being excluded and ostracized by
the successof the rabbinic attempt to establish rabbinic orthodoxy now found themselves further threatened by the wave of
triumphant nationalism that supported Bar Kokhba's movement
for the liberation of Jerusalem. In this context, the association
of minim with the gentile oppressor in the birkat ha-mfnfm
would gain greater force: Jewish Christians who failed to
support Bar Kokhba could be seen as renegades who were
taking the side of the kingdom of arrogance against God's
people Israel. The crisis for Jewish Christians was therefore not
simply the actuality and the threat of martyrdom. It was also
their fellow-Jews' exclusion of them from the religious community of the people of God who would inherit the eschatological
promises of God.
i
Thus, while, as we have seen, Bar Kokhba and his intention of
rebuilding the Temple raised for the author of the Apocalypseof
Peter and his readers the question of the true Messiah and the
question of the true Temple, the birkat ha-mfnfm raised the
further, closely connected question of the true people of God.
Are Christians excluded from the number of God's chosenones
to whom his promises to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob belong?
Have their names been blotted out of the book of life in which
the members of the eschatologicalpeople of God are recorded
in heaven?
As a preliminary indication that the birkat ha-mfnfm lies
consciously in the background to the Apocalypse of Peter, we
may note that the very first category of sinners in hell are those
who have blasphemed the way of righteousness (7:2). The
way of righteousness is here a designation for Christianity,
considered as a way of life (as in 2 Pet 2:21; Barn 5:4). Those
who have blasphemed it could be precisely those who pronounce
the birkat ha-mfnfm. We may note that a term for Christianity
which characterizesit as an ethical way of life would be especially
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
91
appropriate if what is in mind is the rabbinic accusationof mlnut

againstthose who did not acceptrabbinic halakhah.
But it is for the Apocalypse of Peter's account of the postmortem destiny of the righteous that the birkat ha-mlnlm will
provide the most enlightening context.
2. The Visions on Mount Zion (15:1-17:1).

The brief reference to the final destiny of the elect in 14:2-3
already adumbrates the main concerns of the visions which follow in chapters 15-16: I will go away, I and my elect ones
rejoicing with the patriarchs, into my eternal kingdom. And with
them I shall carry out the promises I have promised them, I and
my Father who is in heaven (14:2-3: Rainer fragment). The
two points especially to notice here are that JesusChrist's elect
will inherit God's promises and that they will do so in company
with the patriarchs. Thus, Jewish Christians are not disinherited
from the eschatologicaldestiny of Israel, as the birkat ha-minim
pronounced them to be. The God of the patriarchs, Abraham,
Isaac and Jacob, is the Father of Jesus Christ, and so Jewish
Christians are assuredof the glorious destiny promised by God
to the patrairchs and their descendants.This theme, announced
in 14:2-3, is developed at greater length and validated by
visionary revelations in chapters 15-16.
A major transition in the apocalypseis marked by 15:1,where
the disciples accompany Jesus to mount Zion, praying. Their
prayer is the appropriate preliminary to a visionary revelation,
which takes the form, first, of two men of dazzling splendour and
indescribable beauty (15:2-7), whom Jesus then identifies as
Moses and Elijah (16:1). The idea of an appearance of Moses
and Elijah derives, of course, from the transfiguration narrative,
but is here put to a use quite different from its function in the
Synoptic transfiguration tradition. The account in the
Apocalypse of Peter is not of a transfiguration. Jesus is not
transfigured: his appearance is not mentioned and the account
has, in fact, at this point no christological interest at all.
(A christological concern appears only at 17:1.) But whereas the
Synoptic transfiguration tradition has no interest in what Moses
and Elijah looked like, for the Apocalypse of Peter this is the
content of the revelation. Moses and Elijah appear in their
glorious heavenly forms. The descriptions are composed of
features traditional in descriptions of the appearanceof heavenly
beings: most can be paralleled in other such descriptions (cf.,
e.g.,1 Enoch 14:20; 71:10; 106:2; 2 Enoch 1:5; 19:1; 4 Ezra 7:97;
92
R. BAUCKHAM
ApAbr 11:2-3; ApZeph 6:11; TAbr A 7:3; Rev 1:14-16; 10:1).

What is notable,is the relatively lengthy description, designedto
convey a strong impression of the glory and beauty of the two
figures. The point that they enjoy the glory of heaven is very
emphatically made.
The reason for this emphasis is not clear until Peter and the
disciples have been given a second revelation. Not content with
this vision of the glory of Moses and Elijah, Peter asks,Where
are Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and the other righteous fathers?
(16:1). In response to this request, the disciples are granted a
revelation of paradise (16:2-3). From 16:4 it is clear that they
saw the patriarchs in paradise, but the account of the revelation
exclusively describesthe place, not the people in it. (The editor
who revised the text in the form we have it in the Akhmim
version noticed this lack and supplied it: AI7-19.) The inhabitants
of paradise are not described becauseit is taken for granted that
the patriarchs will have the same glorious heavenly appearance
as Moses and Elijah. The elaborate description of the glory of
the elect after death need not be repeated. Instead, a brief description of paradise itself is now given: a large garden, full of
fragrant and very fruitful trees. Again, these features are wholly
traditional (cf., e.g., 1 Enoch 24:3-5; 32:3-4; 2 Enoch 8:1-8;
ApAbr 21:6; Rev 22:2; 3 Enoch 23:18), but the a,ccount is
perhaps rather surprisingly brief. The author is evidently content
briefly to evoke the well-known features of paradise, in order
to make his real point: that it is in paradise that the patriarchs
rest (16:4) in their heavenlyglory.
The purpose of both revelations -that of the glorious appearance of Moses and Elijah and that of paradise -now becomes
apparent in Jesus' words at 16:4-5: "You have seen the crowd
of the fathers. Such is their rest !" I rejoiced and believed [it].
[He said,] "This is the honour and glory of those who are persecuted for my righteousness" . The phrase honour and
glory may be a reminiscence of 2 Peter's transfiguration
account (2 Pet 1:17), while those who are persecuted for my
righteousness certainly alludes to the Matthean beatitude,
Blessedare those who are persecutedbecauseof righteousness,
for theirs is the kingdom of heaven (Matt 5:10). This is clear
from Peter's subsequentcomment: I understood what is written
in the scripture of our Lord Jesus Christ (16:6). In other
words, the heavenly reward for J,esus'persecuted followers,
which the Gospel of Matthew specifies only as the kingdom of
heaven , is now more fully revealed to Peter: it is to be
glorified like Moses and Elijah and to rest in paradise with the
patriarchs.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
93
As well as the obvious motive of providing encouragementfor

readers who may be faced with martyrdom for their discipleship
of Jesus, the emphasis on the patriarchs is notable. Moses and
Elijah, as representativesof the glorified elect, were given by the
transfiguration tradition. But the author has chosento emphasize
that it is also with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob and the other
righteous fathers that those who are persecuted for Jesus
Christ's sake will share heavenly glory. Moreover, as in 14:2-3,
participation in the destiny of the patriarchs is here identified
with the promise that JesusChrist has made to his elect, i.e. with
the beatitude of Matthew 5:10. This emphasis makes excellent
sense against the background of the rabbinic attempt, by means
of the birkat ha-mfnfm, to exclude Jewish Christians from the
religious community of Israel and its eschatologicalpromises.
Thus, 15:2-16:6 answers the question: do Jewish Christians
belong to the true people of God? As we have already seen in
our section I, the subsequentsection, 16:7-17:1,goeson, by means
of two further revelations -a vision of the heavenlytemple and
a declaration of Jesus' messiahship,to answerthe related questions of the identity of the true temple and the true Messiah.
3. The Ascension(17:2-6).
The series of four revelations in 15:2-17:1 is completed by a
fifth: Jesus' ascensioninto heaven.This completes the seriesand
unites the answersto the three issuesthat the other four revelations have given. It does so because it reveals the true Messiah
leading his people into the heavenlytemple.
17:2-6reads:
And a very large, very white cloud, came over our heads
and took away our Lord, Moses and Elijah. I trembled and
was terrified. We looked up [and saw] that the heaven open ed, and we saw people in the flesh. They came to meet our
Lord, Moses and Elijah, and they went into the secondheaven. And the words of scripture were fulfilled: "This generation seeks him; it seeks the face of the God of Jacob".
[Ps 23:6 LXX] There was great fear and great terror in heaven, and the angels flocked together, so that the words of
scripture might be fulfilled, which says: "Open the doors,
0 princes !" [Ps 23:7, 9 LXX] Then that heaven which had
been opened was closed.
The cloud, of course, has been borrowed from the transfiguration narrative, and like the other elements borrowed from the
94
R. BAUCKHAM
transfiguration narrative in chapters 15-17 it has been given

a quite different function from that in the Synoptic tradition.
But, unlike the ascension narrative in Acts 1, the disciples do not
just see the cloud bear Jesus (with Moses and Elijah) up into the
sky. They see the heavens opened; that is, they are allowed to
see into the lowest of the heavens above the firmament. The rest
of the account is given in two stages, each as a fulfilment of
words from Psalm 23(24). Evidently this psalm is the author's
principal means of interpreting the ascension. There is other
second-century evidence of the application of this psalm to the
ascension (Justin, 1 Apol. 51; Dial. 36; 85; Irenreus, Dem. 84;
Adv. Hl1!r. 4.33.13), although the Apocalypse of Peter is the
earliest text in which the psalm is so used and the only one in
which verse 6 is interpreted with reference to the ascension.
Justin and Irenreus refer only to verses 7-10.
In the first of the two stages of the account (17:3), Jesus,
Moses and Elijah are joined, in the first heaven, by people in
the flesh , and proceed, accompanied by them, into the second
heaven. These people in the flesh are then identified as
the people to whom Psalm 23:6 (LXX) refers. The importance
of this reference lies in the fact that in the psalm the reference
is to the people who are able to enter God's presence in the
temple (v. 3). The author of the Apocalypse of Peter has taken
this to be the heavenly sanctuary, in which God dwells in the
highest heaven. The people in the flesh therefore join Jesus
on his ascent through the heavens, in order to accompany him
into the heavenly sanctuary.
Precisely what interpretation the author gave to the psalm's
words, seeks him, and seeks the face of the God of Jacob
(cf. LXX: ~1l't06v't(J)vau'tov, ~1l't06v't(J)v'to 7tpocrcO7tOV
'tou 9EOU
'IalCcOf3),it is impossible to be sure. He may have taken him
to be Jesus, so that their seeking him is shown by their meeting
Jesus in the first heaven, while their seeking the God of Jacob
refers to their ascent with Jesus through the heavens to God's
presence in the heavenly temple. Probably it is a happy coincidence that the psalm's reference to the God of Jacob
continues the apocalypse's emphasis on the patriarchs.
In the second stage of the account, Jesus' ascent, with his retinue, through the heavens is greeted with fear and astonishment,
and the angels gather together in order to fulfil the words of the
psalm (repeated in verses 7 and 9 of Ps 23 LXX): Lift up the
gates, you princes (LXX: ~pa'tE 7t6A.a~0\ apxov'tE~ Ul.Lo>v).
Either the angels gather in order to cry out this command to the
doorkeepers, who are the apxoV'tE~ of the psalm, or else the
angels are themselves the apxoV'tE~ who hurry to open the
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
95
gates. In any case,the gates are those of the heavenly sanctuary,

opened in order to let the king of glory enter (Ps 23:7-9).
He enters, of course, along with the people in the flesh .
Whereas Justin and Irenreus,who quote only v. 7-10 of the psalm,
speak only of the angelic doorkeepers of heaven admitting Jesus
the king of glory into heaven, the author of the Apocalypse of
Peter, by referring also to verse 6 of the psalm, finds in it a depiction of Jesus'taking with him those who are permitted to ascend
to God's heavenly sanctuary. In this way his portrayal of the
ascensionis able to bring together all three themes of the earlier
revelations on mount Zion: the true people of God who will be
glorified with the patriarchs (15:2-16:6),the true temple in heaven
which the Father has made for Jesusand his elect (16:7-9), and
the true Messiah Jesus (17:1). In his ascension, the Messiah
takes his people with him into the heavenlytemple.
But who are the people in the flesh who meet Jesusin the
first heaven? They must be righteous people of the past whom
Jesusin his descentto Hades and his resurrection delivered from
death. Other second-centurytexts attest the view that many of
the righteous dead left Hades with Christ at his resurrection
(OdesSoI42:11) and ascendedto heaven with him at his ascension (Asclsa 9:17; cf. Origen, Comm. in Rom. 5:10). According
to a saying which occurs quite widely in patristic literature, he
descended alone but ascended with a great multitude (Acts of
Thaddeus, ap. Eusebius, Rist. Ecc!. 1.13.20; Melito, New
frag. 2.17; Cyril of Jerusalem, Catech. Lect. 14.18; Ps.-Ignatius,
Trail. 9; Armenian Acts of Callistratus 9). Moreover, there is
good evidence that originally the conception was of an actual
resurrection of dead people with Christ. Language normally
reserved for bodily resurrection is used (Ignatius, Magn. 9.2;
Melito, Peri Pascha 101; New frag. 2.12, 15; Origen, Comm. in
Rom. 5:10; Irenreus,frag. 26, which connectsthis resurrection of
the saints with Matt 27:52).So the Apocalypseof Peter'sreference
to people in the flesh is entirely in line with this tradition.
Presumably they are envisaged as having risen from the dead
with Christ at his resurrection, and then, during the period of his
resurrection appearances to the disciples, waiting in the first
heaven until they can ascendwith him through the heavens.
These people in the flesh would then be pre-Christian
Jews, but they would function in the Apocalypse of Peter as
representative of the whole of the Messiah's people whom he
takes into heaven. If it is Jesuswho leads these righteous people
of the past into heaven, then Jesus' own followers in the present
can be assured of the same destiny. But a problem arises as to
the relation between these people in the flesh and the
R.
96
BAUCKHAM
patriarchs whom Peter and the disciples have just seen in paradise (16:1-4). We might have expected the latter to have been
among the righteous dead that Jesusdelivered from Hades and
took with him at his ascension.We can dismiss at once the possibility that the paradise of 16:2-3 is only their temporary abode,
prior to their ascensionwith Jesusto the heavenly sanctuary8.
Such a temporary paradise, no longer (since the ascension)inhabited, would certainly not be portrayed as the destiny of the
Christian martyrs (16:4-5). It is possible that 16:1-4 should be
understood as a proleptic vision of the paradise which the
patriarchs and the Christian elect will enter together after the
last judgment (cf. 14:2-3). Alternatively, we should have to
suppose that before Jesus' resurrection and ascension the
patriarchs were already in paradise, but other righteous
Israelites were in Sheol. Only the latter rise and ascend with
Jesus.This rather anomalous view is found in the Ascension of
Isaiah, which makes a distinction between, on the one hand,
the holy Abel and all the righteous (9:8; cf. 9:9, 28), who in
Isaiah'stime have already received their robes (their heavenly
bodies) and are in the seventh heaven, and, on the other hand,
many of the righteous (9:17), whom Christ plunders from the
angel of death (9:16) at his descent into Hades and who only
receive their robes when they ascend with him to the seventh
heaven(9:17-18).
(We should note that in any case the Apocalypse of Peter
seems to have no very consistent view about resurrection.
Chapter 4 portrays all the dead, righteous and wicked, raised at
the end of history prior to the last judgment. But it is only after
the last judgment, in 13:1, that the righteous put on the
garments of the life above . Eschatological imagery is not
always used consistently, especially in a work compiled from a
variety of traditions, as the Apocalypseof Peter is.)
4. Written in the Book of Life (17:7).

The Apocalypse of Peterconcludes with the statement that the
disciples descended from the mountain, giving praise to God,
who has written the names of the righteous in the book of life in
the heavens (17:7). This is a highly significant statement,
confirming that the major concern of the visions on mount Zion
80. In De universo 1, Abraham's bosom is a temporary abode for the

fathers and the righteous until the Last Judgment.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
97
was with assuringJewishChristians of their eschatologicaldestiny.

The book of life is the heavenly register of the members of
the people of God. To have one's name written in it was to be
assured of a share in the eschatologicalfuture of God's people,
whereas to have one's name blotted out of it was to be deprived
of that share.
The image derived from the Old Testament (especially
Ps 69:28,the only OT text to use the actual term book of life ;
cf. also Exod 32:33, and, for the eschatological reference,
Dan 12:1) and was commonly used. It was commonly said that
the names of the elect were in the book of life (JosAs 15:4;
Phil 4:3; Rev 13:8; 17:8; 20:15; 21 :27) or written in heaven
(JosAs 15:4; Luke 10:20; Heb 12:23; cf.] Enoch 104:1),and that
the names of the wicked (wicked or apostate members of the
people of God) were blotted out of the book of life (Jub 30:22;
] Enoch 108:3; Rev 3:5; cf. JosAs 15:4). Thus the terminology of
Apocalypse of Peter 17:7is not surprising. But it should be noticed that, in referring to the righteous , this text is verbally
closer than any other to Psalm 69:28 <Let them be blotted out
of the book of life, and not be written together with the
righteous), suggestingthat this text may be consciouslyin mind
and that the possibility of being blotted out of the book of life is
being deliberately countered. (Also very close to the Apocalypse
of Peter is JosAs 15:4, which likewise rejects that possibility:
your name was written in the book of the living in heaven...
and it will not be erased.)
Such a deliberate allusion to Psalm 69:28 may be significant
when we remember that the version of the birkat ha-minim in
the Cairo Geniza manuscripts quotes this verse against the
minim. We cannot be sure that this usagegoes back to the early
secondcentury, but if it does the conclusion of the Apocalypse of
Peter could be read as a deliberate reassurance to its readers
that God will not enact that curse againstJewish Christians.
IV. PETER
.Our author's choice of Peter as his apostolic pseudonymis not
in the least surprising. Peter in the apocalypsetakes the role of
leader or spokesman among Jesus' disciples, as he does in the
Synoptic traditions generally and especially in the Gospel of
Matthew, which seemsto be the only written Gospel our author
used. No doubt, our author shared the Palestinian Jewish
98
R. BAUCKHAM
Christian reverence for Jamesthe Lord's brother, but the latter's

role was never understood as in competition with the preeminence of Peter among the twelve. The two were preeminent in
different ways: James as the leader of the mother church in
Jerusalem, Peter as leader of the twelve in their apostolic
missionto preach the Gospel throughout the world.
Also influential in the author's choice of Peter may have been
Peter's special role in the transfiguration narrative, which the
apocalypse reflects in 16:7 (Peter's proposal to construct tents
for Jesus,Moses and Elijah). But the principal passagein which
traditions specifically about Peter himself feature is one we have
not yet considered: 14:4-6.These verses are really an appendix
to the second major part of the apocalypse(chapters 3-14). With
the words, I have told you, Peter, and I have informed you
(14:3b), the revelation of the judgment which began with chapter 3 is at last concluded. But Jesus now addresses,in 14:4-6,
some words of personal relevance to Peter himself. They
concern his eventual martyrdom and his commission to preach
the Gospel throughout the world. The inclusion of this material
may be largely due to the appropriatenessof these themes in a
post-resurrection setting, in which the commissioning of the
apostles to preach the Gospel is standard (Matt 28:16-20;
Mark 16:15-18; Luke 24:47-48; Acts 1:8; EpApp 19; 30;
EpPetPhil [CG VIII,2] 137:23-25;cf. Testamentof our Lord 1:14)
and in which the Johannine tradition also knew a specific commissioning of Peter and a prophecy of his martyrdom
(John 21:15-19).
For the text of this passagethe Rainer fragment provides the
Greek of verse 4 and five words only of verse 5, but since the
Ethiopic of verse 4 is clearly very corrupt the Rainer fragment is
extremely valuable here. It reads in translation:
Go now to the city that rules over the west, and drink the
cup that I have promised you, at the hands of the son of the
one who is in Hades, so that his disappearance (l1<pavl::tu)
may receive a beginning. 5And you, chosen (correcting
0I::K't6<;
to tKAI::K't6<;)
of the promise...
The Ethiopic from verse 5 onwards has:
As for you, you have been chosenfor the promise I have
made to you. So send out my proclamation throughout the
world in peace,6since it is full of joy. The source of my words
is hope of life, and suddenlythe world will be snatchedaway.>~
Unfortunately, verse 6 is probably corrupt beyond recovery.
But the whole passage is of considerable interest for two
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
99
reasons: its evidence and understanding of the martyrdom of

Peter, and its view of Peter as the apostle to the Gentiles. It is
also the only passage in the Apocalypse of Peter which looks
beyond the sphere of Jewish Christianity in Palestine, and so
gives us a rare glimpse of the attitude to the wider Christian
mission held by second-centuryPalestinian JewishChristians.
As far as Peter's martyrdom is concerned,our passageneedsto
be placed alongsidea roughly contemporarypassagein the

Ascension of Isaiah, which refers to Nero as responsible for
Peter'sdeath: a lawless king, a matricide, who himself, this king,
will persecutethe plant which the twelve apostlesof the Beloved
have planted, and one of the twelve will be delivered into his
hands (AscIsa 4:2-3). Here the reference to Nero and the
Neronian persecutionof the church is unequivocal,becauseof the
term matricide , which was frequently used to identify the
figure of Nero without naming him (e.g. SibOr 4:121; 5:363;8:71;
cf. Philostratus, VitoApoll. 4.32). This makes it likely that Peter's
martyrdom is located in Rome, but the point is not made explicitly. By contrast, in the Apocalypseof Peterthe identity of Peter's
murderer would not be clear unless we had other evidence to
connectPeter's martyrdom with Nero, but the location of the martyrdom at Rome is unequivocal. The city which rules over the
west is certainly Rome 81.The expressionmight actually reflect
the time of writing during the Bar Kokhba war, when Rome'srule
in the east (Palestine)was conte~ted,but more probably it reflects
a Palestinian sense of place, according to which the Roman
empire lay to the west and the Parthian empire to the east.
These two texts, in the Ascension of Isaiah and the
Apocalypse of Peter, in fact provide together the earliest unequivocal evidence of Peter's martyrdom at Rome during the reign
of Nero. 1 Clement 5:4 cannot really bear the weight which has
usually been placed upon it as evidence for this event 82,and so
the Ascension of Isaiah and the Apocalypse of Peter are actually
much more important historical evidence for the date and place
of Peter's death than has usually been realised. (Oscar
Cullmann's highly influential discussionof the evidence 83draws
81. Ignatius, Rom. 2.2; cf.] Clem 5:6-7.

82. See R. BAUCKHAM,The Martyrdom of Peter in Early Christian
Literature , in Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt, 2.26/1,
ed. W. HAASE(Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1992),p. 539-595,which
contains a full discussion of all references to Peter's death in Christian
literature before 200 C.E.
83. O. CULLMANN,Peter: Disciple -Apostle -Martyr,
trans. F. V.
FILSON(London: SCM Press,1953),p. 70-152.
100
R. BAUCKHAM
unwarranted conclusions from 1 Clement 5:4, plays down the

significance of Ascensionof Isaiah 4:2-3,and takes no account at
all of the Apocalypse of Peter.)Moreover, both texts, as we shall
see in the case of the Apocalypse of Peter, probably preserve
early tradition, in that they reflect an apocalyptic understanding
of the significance of Peter's martyrdom which must have
originated in the years immediately after the event.
Nero was the first Roman emperor to persecute the church,
and, although the persecution was confined to Rome, it must
have seemed of major significance for the whole church,
especially if Peter, regarded as the leader of the apostles, was
martyred during it or soon afterwards. Nero's attack on the
church could easily have been seen as the Antichrist's final
onslaught on the people of God. The civil wars which threatened
the very survival of the empire at the time of Nero's death and
later could have seemed the final internecine strife in which,
according to some apocalyptic expectations, the enemies of
God's people were to slaughter each other immediately before
the end (e.g. Zech 14:13; 1 Enoch 56:7; 100:1-4). A Christian
apocalyptic tradition which identified Nero as the Antichrist
would have been able to maintain this identification by accepting
the widespread rumour that Nero had not really died and would
return from hiding in the east. Some early Christian writings
(Rev 17:7-14; Asclsa 4:2-14) therefore expect the Antichrist in
the form of the returning Nero.
That such an identification of Nero as the Antichrist belonged
to the tradition which the Apocalypse of Peter usesis suggested
by the description of Nero as the son of the one who is in
Hades (14:4). Admittedly, the expression is a little odd. If it
means that Nero is the son of the devil, this would be a quite
appropriate description of the Antichrist (cf. John 8:44) and
there is some later Christian evidence for the idea that
Antichrist will be the son of the devil 84. But in Jewish and
Christian literature of this period, the devil is not usually located
in Hades, the place of the dead. Only from the fourth century
onwards does the concept of Satan as the ruler of the dead become common 85.Perhaps a mistranslation of the Semitic idiom,
the son of perdition (which describes the Antichrist in
2 Thess 2:3; cf. John 17:12), lies behind our passage.
Alternatively, we would have to regard it as a rare early instance~
84. W. BOUSSET,
The Antichrist Legend,trans. A. H. Keane (London:
Hutchinson, 1896),p. 140.
85. J. A. MACCULLOCH,The Harrowing of Hell (Edinburgh: T. &
T. Clark,1930),p. 227-234,
p. 345-346.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
101
of the location of the devil in Hades (along with TDan 5:11;

perhaps AscIsa 1:3).
Also rather puzzling are the following words: so that his
destruction (or disappearance) may receive a beginning . The
Ethiopic translator apparently took his destruction (uu'tou ti
a<paVEtu:literally his disappearance) in an active sense: his
work of destruction . But a<paVEtUcan scarcely bear this
meaning. It must refer to God's destruction (in judgment) of the
one who has put Peter to death. The antecedentof uu'tou could
be either 'tou utou (i.e. Nero) or 'tou gV ':t\lc5ou(i.e. the devil):
Peter's death brings about the beginning either of Nero's
destruction or of the devil's. Probably the former is meant. The
Jewish martyrological idea that the death of the martyr brings
down divine judgment on his persecutor and thus brings about
his destruction is probably in mind.
The choice of the word a<paVEtU,
though it can mean simply
destruction, may be more significant: it may allude to the widespread belief that Nero had not really died at all, but fled secretly
to the east, where he was awaiting in hiding the moment when
he would return to conquer the Roman Empire 86.This expectation was taken up into Jewish apocalyptic in the Jewish Sibylline
Oracles, where the returning Nero was identified with the eschatological adversary, and was also echoed in early Christian
apocalyptic in the Ascension of Isaiah and in the Book of
Revelation. Allusions, in this connexion, to Nero's disappearance
(at his supposeddeath) or invisibility during his flight to the east
or sojourn in the east, are quite common (SibOr 4:120; 5:33;
5:152; John of Antioch, fragment 104; Commodian, Carmen de
duobus populis 831; Lactantius, De mort. pers. 2.7). It seemsto
have been a stock theme of the legend of Nero's return, and so it
is quite probable that a<paVEtUin Apocalypse of Peter 14:4
alludes to it. In that case,the statementthat Nero's disappearance
will receive a beginning (apxi1v), may mean that Nero's supposed death, as judgment for his putting Peter to death, was only
the beginning of his disappearance,becausehis final disappearance (destruction) will happen only when he returns as the final
86. On the legend of Nero's return, see R. H. CHARLES,The Ascension

of Isaiah (London: A. & C. Black, 1900),p. lvii-lxxiii; R. H. CHARLES,
A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Revelation of St. John,
vol. 2 (ICC; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1920),p. 76-87; J. J. COLLINS,
The Sibylline Oracles of Egyptian Judaism (SBLDS 13; Missoula,
Montana: Scholars Press, 1974), p. 80-87; A. YARBRO COLLINS,
The Combat Myth in the Book of Revelation (HDR 9; Missoula,
Montana: Scholars Press,1976),p.176-183.
102
R. BAUCKHAM
Antichrist and is judged by Christ at his parousia. (It is possible

that the word apXf1Vis also a play on the idea of Peter as the
apXf1of the church, as in, e.g., the Nag Hammadi ApPet 71:19.)
A later passage which spells out the ideas to which
Apocalypse of Peter 14:4 briefly alludes is Lactantius, De morti-
buspersecutorum
2.5-8:
It was when Nero was already emperor that Peter arrived
in Rome; after performing various miracles -which he did
through the excellence of God Himself, since the power had
been granted to him by God -he
converted many to
righteousnessand establisheda faithful and steadfasttemple
to God. This was reported to Nero; and when he noticed that
not only at Rome but everywhere great numbers of people
were daily abandoning the worship of idols and condemning
the practice of the past by coming over to the new religion,
Nero, abominable and criminal tyrant that he was, leapt into
action to overturn the heavenly temple and to abolish
righteousness,and, first persecutor of the servants of God, he
nailed Peter to the cross and slew Paul. For this he did not go
unpunished; God took note of the way in which His people
were troubled. Cast down from the pinnacle of power and
hurtled from the heights, the tyrant, powerless, suddenly
disappeared; not even a place of burial was to be seenon the
earth for so evil a beast. Hence some crazed men believe that
he has been borne away and kept alive (for the Sibyl declares
that "the matricide, though an exile, will come back from the
ends of the earth" [SibOr 5:363]), so that, since he was the
first persecutor, he may also be the last and herald the arrival
of Antichrist...
The first sentenceof this passagecorrespondsto the narrative
in the second-century Acts of Peter, but the later part about
Nero's punishment, disappearanceand expected return does not
correspond to anything in the extant text of the Acts of Pete1:
Though Lactantius was writing in the early fourth century, he
frequently made use of early sources, especially of an apocalyptic character. It is notable that the passageseemsto be really
about Peter: the mention of Paul's martyrdom under Nero is an
afterthought, quite possibly Lactantius' own addition to his
source. It is credible that Lactantius is echoing an old tradition
about Peter's death in Rome and the subsequentfate of Nero.
Certainly he makes the same connexion between the two as is
made in Apocalypseof Peter 14:4.
The idea of the return of Nero as the eschatologicaladversary
was probably not part of the eschatological expectation of the
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
103
author of the Apocalypse of Peter himself. As we have seen, he

himself identified Bar Kokhba as the Antichrist, and his apocalyptic scenario in chapters 1-2 scarcelyleaves room for another,
Roman Antichrist. But, as we have frequently noted, most of his
work is compiled from already existing traditional material.
There is no difficulty in supposing that, for his prophecy of
Peter's martyrdom, he took up a Christian apocalyptic tradition,
similar to that in the Ascensionof Isaiah 87,which had connected
Peter's martyrdom under Nero with the expectation of Nero's
eschatologicalreturn.
Apocalypse of Peter 14:5 indicates that Peter's martyrdom will
come at the end of a ministry of preaching the Gospel
throughout the world and probably suggeststhat he has been
chosenby Christ as the apostle to the Gentiles. The reference to
the promise Christ has made to Peter is most likely an allusion to
Matthew 16:18 and interprets this promise of Jesusto build his
church on Peter as fulfilled by Peter'sworldwide preachingof the
Gospel. If we compare the passagein the Apocalypse of Peter
with the eulogy of Paul's ministry and martyrdom in 1 Clement
5:5-7 ...) After he (...) had preached in the East and in the
West, he won the genuine glory for his faith, having taught
righteousnessto the whole world and having reachedthe farthest
limits of the West (...) ), Apocalypse of Peter14:4-5looks rather
like a Petrine alternative to Clement's view of Paul. However, we
should be cautious about concluding that it is a deliberately
polemical rejection of Pauline Christianity by Jewish Christians
who transferred the image of the apostle to the Gentiles from
Paul to Peter. Some Palestinian Jewish Christians rejected Paul
and his mission and in their literature (notably the so-called
Kerygmata Petrou source of the Pseudo-Clementines)polemicized againsthim, but others approved of the Pauline mission from
a distance (as can be seen from Jerome's quotations from a
Jewish-Christian targum to Isaiah) 88.The Apocalypse of Peter
ignores Paul and evidently knows nothing of the Pauline literature: this should probably be interpreted as the attitude of a
group which was remote from contact with Pauline Christianity,
but need not imply explicit hostility to Paul.
87. The argument of E. PETERSON,
Das Martyrium des hI. Petrus nach
des Petrus-Apokalypse , in Miscellanea Giulio Belvedere (Vatican
City: Societa Amici delle Catacombe , 1954), p. 130, for a literary
connexion between Apocalypse of Peter 14:4 and AscIsa 4:2-3 is not
convincing.
88. See R. A. PRITZ,NazareneJewish Christianity (SPB 37; Jerusalem:

Magnes Press/Leiden : Brill, 1988),p. 64-70.
104
R. BAUCKHAM
In any case,the idea of Peter as apostle to the Gentiles certainly has roots of its own, independent of polemical rivalry with
Pauline Christianity's image of Paul. At least from the late first
century, Jewish Christianity developed the idea of the twelve
apostles as commissioned to preach the Gospel to the Gentile
world as well as to Israel (Matt 28:19-20; cf. Luke 24:47;
Acts 1:8), and this idea became common in the early second
century in literature which ignores Paul (Asclsa 3:17-18;
Mark 16:15-18; Kerygma Petrou, ap. Clement of Alexandria,
Strom. 6.5.43; 6.6.48; Acts of John 112)as well as in works which
take account of Paul's Gentile mission (EpApp 30; cf. 31-33).
This tradition must have some basis in actual Jewish Christian
mission to Gentiles, independent of the Pauline mission. Since
Peter was widely regarded as having a position of special eminence amongthe twelve and since he was known to have gone to
Rome, the capital of the empire, the idea of Peter as preeminently the apostle to the Gentiles arises naturally out of the idea
of the twelve as apostles to the Gentiles. Again there is almost
certainly some basis in fact 89.The traditions in Acts represent
Peter as actually the pioneer of the Gentile mission (10:1-11:18).
According to the agreement of Galatians 2:7-9, Peter's mission
outside Palestine -in Antioch and Rome -would have been
primarily to diaspora Jews. But just as Paul also preached the
Gospel to Jews, so Peter can hardly have regarded himself as
forbidden to preach to Gentiles. In Antioch he seems to have
associated himself with the Antiochene church's enthusiastic
outreach to and inclusion of Gentiles (Gal 2:12). 1 Peter shows
him associatedin Rome with men who had been connected both
with the Jerusalem church and with Paul's Gentile mission
(1 Pet 5:12-13). As a letter sent from the church of Rome to
churches (Pauline and non-Pauline) of Asia Minor, but sent in
the name of Peter, asthe most eminent amongthe Roman church
leadership, 1 Peter shows that Peter during his last years (or
perhaps only months) in Rome was not associatedmerely with a
narrow Jewish Christian group, but with the Roman church as
such, a church which probably at that stagecombined close links
with Jerusalem and strong commitment to the Gentile mission.
Thus the Apocalypse of Peter'sportrayal of Peter asthe apostle
to the Gentiles, who spread the Gospel throughout the world
before ending his ministry at Rome, is an idealization and exaggeration with some basis in fact. Moreover, it shows us that
89. Ct. M. HENGEL,Acts and the History of Early Christianity, trans.

J. BOWDEN
(London: SCM Press,1979),p. 92-98.
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
105
probably the mainstream of Palestinian Jewish Christians in the

early secondcentury, while themselvespreoccupied with mission
to their compatriots and increasingly isolated from developments in the wider church, neverthelessretained a positive view
of the Gentile mission and the wider church whose foundation
they attributed primarily to Peter.
Finally, we may ask whether this passageabout Peter has any
particular relevance to the overall messageof the Apocalypse of
Peterin its historical context. In a documentconcernedto encourage those faced with the possibility of martyrdom, clearly reference to Peter's own martyrdom is appropriate. In the sequence
of material in the apocalypse, Peter, now knowing that he
himself is going to face martyrdom, has a personal interest in the
revelation in chapters 15-17of the honour and glory of those
who are persecuted for my righteousness (16:5). However,
there may also be a special significance in the fact that Peter,
unlike the Jewish Christian martyrs of the Bar Kokhba period,
was put to death by the imperial power of Rome. We noted in
connexion with the birkat ha-mfnim that Jewish Christians who
did not support Bar Kokhba would probably have been regarded
as collaborators with the Roman oppressors.Such an accusation
is implicitly countered by recalling that the leader of the apostles
himself died in Rome as a victim of Roman power.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. TextsandTranslations.
Ethiopic version.
The Ethiopic version of the Apocalypse of Peterwas probably
made from the Arabic (though no Arabic version is now known
to be extant), which in turn would have been translated from the
original Greek. The Ethiopic version is now known in two
manuscripts: D' Abbadie 51 (Paris) and Hammerschmidt Lake
Tana 35 (photographed in 1969 by E. Hammerschmidt). These
two manuscripts are closely related. R. W. COWLEY,
who was the
first to discuss the Lake Tana manuscript's text of the
Apocalypse of Peter in print <The Ethiopic Work Which is
Believed to Contain the Material of the Ancient Greek
Apocalypse of Peter, Journal of Theological Studies36 [1985],
p. 151-153)thought D' Abbadie 51 was a copy of Lake Tana 35,
106
R. BAUCKHAM
but D. D. Buchholz (see below) thought that either D' Abbadie 51

was an ancestor (but not the immediate ancestor) of Lake
Tana 35, or both shared a common ancestor.This last position is
supported (in an unpublished communication) by P. Marrassini,
who is preparing a new edition of the Ethiopic text for the
Corpus Christianorum SeriesApocryphorum. Unfortunately, the
text in both manuscripts is frequently corrupt.
In both manuscripts the ancient Apocalypse of Peter does not
appear as a distinct work but forms the first part of a larger
work, called The second coming of Christ and the resurrection
of the dead , which is followed by another, closely related work
called The mystery of the judgment of sinners. Both works
have been inspired by the Apocalypse of Peter and were most
probably composed in Arabic before being translated into

Ethiopic. However, once the section corresponding to the
ancient Apocalypse of Peter has been identified, it is readily
distinguishable from the secondarycontinuation of it.
The text of these two Ethiopic works was first published, with
French translation, by S. GREBAUTfrom MS D' Abbadie 51.
Under the title, Litterature ethiopienne : Pseudo-Clementine,
he first published The mystery of the judgment of sinners
(Revue de l'Orient chretien 12 [1907], p. 139-151,p. 285-297,380392; 13 [1908], p. 166-180,314-320), and then The second
coming of Christ and the resurrection of the dead (Revue de
l'Orient chretien 15 [1910], p. 198-214, 307-323, 425-439).
Grebaut himself did not recognize that the latter contained the
ancient Apocalypse of Peter (p. 198-214,307-323), but this was
immediately pointed out by M. R. JAMES<A New Text of the
Apocalypse of Peter , Journal of Theological Studies12 [1911],
p. 36-54,157,362-367).Grebaut's remains the only edition of the
whole Ethiopic text of The second coming of Christ and the
resurrection of the dead and The mystery of the judgment of
sinners (P. Marrassini is now preparing a new edition for the
Corpus Christianorum SeriesApocryphorum), the only complete
translation of both of these works in any modern language
(though Erbetta provides an Italian translation of The second
coming of Christ and the resurrection of the dead: see below),
and the only French translation of the Ethiopic version of the
Apocalypse of Peter. Unfortunately the translation is full of
mistakes. (A new French translation of the Ethiopic version of
the Apocalypse of Peter by P. Marrassini will appear in the
Pleiade edition Ecrits Apocryphes chretiens,vol. 1.)
For the Apocalypse of Peter itself, a new critical edition of the
Ethiopic text, based, for the first time, on both manuscripts,has
beenpublished in D. D. BUCHHOLZ,
Your EyesWill be Opened..A
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
107
Study of the Greek (Ethiopic) Apocalypse of Peter (SBLDS 97;

Atlanta, Georgia: ScholarsPress,1988). This book is Buchholz's
1984 Claremont Graduate School Ph.D. dissertation (published
unaltered). It is the fullest monograph study of the Apocalypseof
Peter to date, including a study of introductory questions and a
brief commentary on the text. But it is most important for the edition of the Ethiopic text, two new English translations of the
Ethiopic (one literal, one free), and the demonstrationof the reliability of the Ethiopic version as witnessto the original Apocalypse
of Pete,; (Buchholz also divided the chapters into verses for the
first time. His versedivisionsshould be adopted as standard.)
The new German edition of the New Testament Apocrypha
includes a translation of the Ethiopic (along with the Greek
fragments and patristic quotations): W. SCHNEEMELCHER,
NeutestamentlicheApokryphen in deutscher Ubersetzung,vol 2
(5th edition; Ttibingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1989), p. 562-578.
Unfortunately, the translation is that of H. DUENSING,
which was
made from Grebaut's edition of the text, was first published in
1913 ( Ein StUcke der urchristlichen Petrus-Apokalypse enthaltender Traktat der Athiopischen Pseudoklementinischen
Literatur , Zeitschriftfur die neutestamentlicheWissenschaft14
[1913], p. 65-78), appeared in earlier editions of HenneckeSchneemelcher,and is here reproduced with hardly any changes.
The editors (C. DETLEFand G. MULLER)make no reference to
the Lake Tana manuscript, and appear to know no literature on
the Apocalypse of Peterpublished after 1952.
M. ERBETTA, Gli Apocrifr del Nuovo Testamento, vol. 3
(Casale Monferrato: Marietti, 1981),p. 209-233,gives an Italian
translation of Grebaut's text of the whole of The second
coming of Christ and the resurrection of the dead , including
the Apocalypse of Peter (as well as of the Greek fragments and
patristic quotations).
Patristic quotations.
In the absenceof a complete Greek text of the Apocalypse of
Peter,the patristic quotations from the work are important, both
for verifying the content of the original apocalypseand also for
giving us some accessto the original Greek. There are five or six
quotations in Greek:
1) Clement of Alexandria, Eclog. 41a and 48 [the only words
actually quoted from the Apocalypse of Peter are the same in
both these texts and correspond to Apocalypse of Peter8:10] ;
2) Clement of Alexandria, Eclog. 41b [corresponding to
Apocalypseof Peter8:4] ;
108
R. BAUCKHAM
3) Clement of Alexandria, Eclog. 49 [corresponding to

Apocalypse of Peter8:8-9];
4) Methodius, Symp. 2.6 [corresponding to Apocalypse of
Peter8:6, 10] ;
5) Macarius Magnes, Apocrit. 4.6 [corresponding to Apocalypse
of Peter4:13].
6) Macarius Magnes, Apocrit. 4.7 [this has been taken to be a
quotation from the Apocalypse of Peter, but, although it
corresponds roughly to Apocalypse of Peter 5:4, it is in fact a
quotation of Isaiah 34:4 and should probably be understood as
no more than that].
The Greek texts of these quotations can be found in J. A.
ROBINSON
and M. R. JAMES,The Gospel according to Peter,and
the Revelation of Peter (London: C. J. Clay, 1892),p. 94-96 (with
English translations: p. 71-79); E. PREUSCHEN,
Antilegomena
(2nd edition; Giessen: Topelmann, 1905),p. 87-88(with German
translations: p. 191-192); E. KLOSTERMANN,
Apocrypha 1. Reste
des Petrusevangeliums,der Petrusapokalypseund des Kerygma
Petri (2nd edition; Bonn: Marcus & Weber, 1908), p. 12-13;
BUCHHOLZ,Your Eyes Will Be Opened (see above), p. 22-36
(with English translations).
There are also two patristic quotations in Latin.
-The first, which explicitly mentions the Apocalypse of Peter,is
from an anonymous sermon on the parable of the ten virgins,
perhaps from the fourth century. The Latin text is given in M. R.
JAMES,A New Text of the Apocalypse of Peter , Journal of
Theological Studies12 [1911],p. 383; BUCHHOLZ,Your Eyes Will
Be Opened,p. 38-39 (with English translation). In fact, it is not
so much a quotation as a reference to the river of fire as depicted
in Apocalypse of Peter6:2.
-The second, which should certainly be identified as a quotation from the Apocalypse of Peter, although the source is not
named, is in a sermon of uncertain date (perhaps c. 300):
Pseudo-Cyprian,Adv. Aleatores8. It correspondsto Apocalypse
of Peter 12:5. The Latin text is given in M. R. JAMES,A New
Text of the Apocalypse of Peter , Journal of Theological
Studies 12 [1911], p. 50, p. 383; ERBETTA,Gli Apocrifi (see
above), p. 223; BUCHHOLZ,Your Eyes Will Be Opened,p. 62-63
(with English translation).
Bodleianfragment.
This small fragment of an Egyptian manuscript (in the
Bodleian Library, Oxford) contains the Greek text, in fragmentary condition, of Apocalypse of Peter 10:6-7.The Greek text is
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
109
given in M. R. JAMES,A New Text of the Apocalypse of

Peter, Journal of Theological Studies 12 (1911), p. 367-369;
BUCHHOLZ,Your Eyes Will Be Opened (see above), p. 146 (but
he gives only James' reconstruction, with English translation).
Rainer fragment.
This fragment (in the Rainer collection in Vienna) of a thirdor fourth-century manuscript contains the Greek text of
Apocalypseof Peter 14:1-5a.It was first published (with a French
translation) by C. WESSELY,
Les plus anciens monuments du
christianisme ecrits sur papyrus (II) , Patrologia Orientalis 18/3
(Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1924), p. 482-483,but Wesselythought it
must be a fragment of the Acts of Pete!: It was first identified as
part of the Apocalypse of Peter by K. PRUMM,De genuino
Apocalypsis Petri textu: Examen testium iam notorum et novi
fragmenti Raineriani , Biblica 10 (1929), p. 62-80 (including the
text with Latin translation: p. 77-78). The Greek text, with
emendations which have been widely accepted, and English
translation are given in M. R. JAMES,The Rainer Fragment of
the Apocalypse of Peter , Journal of Theological Studies 32
(1931), p. 270-274; and BUCHHOLZ,Your Eyes Will Be Opened
(see above), p. 228. James argued that the Bodleian and Rainer
fragments are of the same manuscript (Journal of Theological
Studies32 [1931],p. 278).
Akhmim fragment.
In 1887 the French Archeological Mission discovered, in a
cemetery near Akhmim (Panopolis) in Upper Egypt, a small
vellum book, probably of the eighth or ninth century, which is
now in the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities in Cairo. The
manuscript contains the now well-known fragment of the Gospel
of Peter in Greek and some fragments of 1 Enoch in Greek, as
well as a Greek text which, when it was discovered, was
identified as part of the Apocalypse of Peter. It becamethe main
basis for study of the Apocalypse of Peter until the identification
of the Ethiopic version in 1911. But in the light of the Ethiopic
version, the Bodleian and Rainer fragments it becameclear, and
is now accepted by all who have worked in detail on the
Apocalypse of Peter, that the Akhmim text is not of the
Apocalypse of Peter in its original form, but a heavily redacted
version in which the text has been abbreviated and otherwise
considerably modified in both major and minor ways. It cannot,
like the Ethiopic version, the Bodleian and Rainer fragments,
R.
110
2.
BAUCKHAM
and the patristic quotations, be used as evidence of the original,

second-centuryApocalypse of Peter as such.
It was first published (with a French translation) in 1892 byV.
BOURIANT,Fragments du texte grec du livre d'Enoch et de
quelques ecrits attribues a saint Pierre , Memoires pub lies par
les membres de la mission archeologique franr;aise au Caire 9
(1892-93),p. 142-146; and photographs of the manuscript are inA.
LODS, Reproduction en heliogravure du manuscrit d'Enoch
et des ecrits attribues a saint Pierre , in the same volume,
p. 224-228, with Plates VII-X. The text has frequently been
edited: see especially J. A. ROBINSON
and M. R. JAMES,The
Gospel according to Petet; and the Revelation of Peter (London:
C. J. Clay, 1892), p. 89-93 (with English translation: p. 48-51);A.
HARNACK,Bruchstucke des Evangeliums und der Apokalypse
des Petrus (TV 9/2; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1893) (with German
translation, and establishing the division into 34 verses which is
now generally used); E. PREUSCHEN,
Antilegomena (2nd edition; Giessen: Ttipelmann, 1905), p. 84-87 (with German translation: p. 188-191); E. KLOSTERMANN,
Apocrypha 1. Reste des
Petrusevangeliums,der Petrusapokalypseund des Kerygma Petri
(2nd edition; Bonn: Marcus & Weber, 1908), p. 8-12. For translations, see also W. SCHNEEMELCHER,
NeutestamentlicheApokryphen in deutscher Obersetzung, vol 2 (5th edition; Ttibingen:
Mohr [Siebeck], 1989), p. 570-577; E. HENNECKE,
W. SCHNEEMELCHER
and R. McL. WILSONed., New Testament
Apocrypha, vol. 2 (Cambridge: James Clarke/Louisville:
Westminster/John Knox Press, 1992), p. 628-635; M. ERBE1TA,
Gli Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento,vol. 3 (Casale Monferrato:
Marietti, 1981),p. 216-218.
Slavonic version.
The possibility of a Slavonic version of the Apocalypse of

Peter is raised and a reference to a Moscow manuscript which
may contain it is given by A. DE SANTOSOTERO,Die hands-chrifilichen
Uberlieferung der altslavischen Apokryphen, vol. 1
(PTS 20; Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1978), p. 212-213, butthe
existence of sucha version has not yet been verified.
SecondaryLiterature.
A detailed history of research on the Apocalypse of Peter up
to c. 1982 and an exhaustive bibliography up to 1987 will befQund
in R. BAUCKHAM,The Apocalypse of Peter: An Account
111
APOCALYPSE OF PETER
of Research , in W. HAASEed., Aufstieg und Niedergang der

romischen Welt, vol. 2.25/6 (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter,
1988),p. 4712-4750.
Recent publications of specialimportance are:
-M.
HIMMELFARB,Tours of Hell.. An Apocalyptic Form in
Jewish and Christian Literature, Philadelphia: University of
PennsylvaniaPress,1983. (A major study of the group of apocalyptic texts to which Apocalypse of Peter7-12 belongs.)
-D. D. BUCHHOLZ,Your Eyes Will Be Opened..A Studyof the
Greek (Ethiopic) Apocalypse of Peter, SBLDS 97, Atlanta,
Georgia: ScholarsPress,1988.
In a series of articles dealing in whole or in part with the
Apocalypse of Peter I have treated some of the topics discussed
here in more detail and more technically. These articles, together with the present work, are also preparatory work for the
edition (with introduction and commentary) of the Apocalypse
of Peter, by R. BAUCKHAMand P. MARRASSINI,
to appear in the
Corpus Christianorum SeriesApocryphorum. The articles are:
- The Martyrdom of Enoch and Elijah: Jewish or Christian? ,
Journal of Biblical Literature 95 (1976), p. 447-458.
-The
Two Fig Tree Parables in the Apocalypse of Peter ,
Journal of Biblical Literature 104 (1985),p. 269-287.
-The Conflict of Justice and Mercy: Attitudes to the Damned
in Apocalyptic Literature , Apocrypha 1 (1990),p. 181-196.
-Early
Jewish Visions of Hell , Journal of Theological
Studies41 (1990), p. 355-385.
- The Martyrdom of Peter in Early Christian Literature , in
W. HAASE ed., Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt,
vol. 2.26/1 (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1992),p. 539-595.
-A
Quotation from 4Q SecondEzekiel in the Apocalypse of
Peter, Revuede Qumran (1992), p. 437-446.
--'- Resurrection as Giving Back the Dead: A Traditional
Image of Resurrection in the Pseudepigrapha and the Apocalypse of John, in J. H. CHARLESWORTH
and C. A. EVANSed.,
The PseudepigraphaandEarly Biblical Interpretation (JSPSS14;
Sheffield: JSOT Press,1993),p. 269-291.
Frant;ois BOVON
Harvard University
UNE NOUVELLE CITATION

DES ACTES DE PAUL CHEZ ORIGENE
In his treatise On Easter (36,6-37,I), Origen quotes a macarism of
Paul, the apostle,wich the editors and translators link to 1 Corinthians
7,28. This quotation wich raises a textual problem would seem to come
more probably from Paul's speechin the Acts of Paul (= Acts of Paul
and Thecla) 5.
Dans son traite Sur la Paque 36,36-37,1,Origene cite un macarismede
l'apotre Paul que les editeurset traducteursrattachenta 1 Corinthiens 7,28.
Cette citation, qui pose un probleme textuel, sembleplutot provenir du
discoursde Paul danslesActes de Paul ('" Actes de Paul et Thecle)5.
Moins tolerantque Clementd'Alexandrie,Origeneadopte,a

l'egard des ecrits apocryphes,une attitude moins exclusive
qu'Eusebede Cesaree1. Il distinguesurtout, parmi cesecrits,
1. Sur l'attitude d'Origene face aux ecrits apocryphes chretiens,
cf. Ferdinand PIONTEK,Die katholische Kirche und die hiiretischen
Apostelgeschichtenhis zum Ausgange des6. lahrhunderts. Ein Beitrag
zur Literaturgeschichte,Breslau, 1907; Adolf VONHARNACK,Der kirchengeschichtlicheErtrag der exegetischenArbeiten desOrigenes (Texte
und Untersuchungen, 42,3 et 42,4), Leipzig, 1918-1919,I, p. 7-38 et II,
p. 34-54; Gustave BARDY, Les traditions juives dans I' <l:uvre
d'Origene , in Revue biblique 34 (1925),p. 217-252; Jean RUWET,Les
"antilegomena" dans leg <l:uvresd'Origene , in Biblica 23 (1942),p. 1842; 24 (1943),p. 18-58; Jean RUWET,Les apocryphes dans leg <l:uvres
d'Origene , in Biblica 25 (1944), p. 143-166,311-334; Eric JUNODet
Jean-Daniel KAESTLI,L 'histoire des Actes apocryphes des apotres du
IIIe au Ixe siecle..Ie cas desActes de Jean (Cahiers de la Revue de theologie et de philosophie, 7), Geneve/Lausanne/Neuchatel, 1982;
Concetta Aloe SPADA,Origene e gii Apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento ,
in Origeniana Quarta, Lothar LIES (ed.), Innsbruck-Wien, 1987,p. 4453; Ernst BAMMEL,Die Zitate aus den Apokryphen bei Origenes , in
Origeniana Quinta, Robert J. DALY (ed,), Leuven, 1992,p. 131-136;
Annewies VAN DEN HOEK, Clement and Origen as Sources on
"Noncanonical" Scriptural Traditions During the Late Second and
Earlier Third Centuries , a paraitre in Origeniana Sexta, Alain
LE BOULLUEC
et Gilles DORIVAL(ed.), 11,
Leuven.
Apocrypha 5,1994, p. 113-117
F.
114
BOVON
ceux qu'il considere comme compatibles avec la foi de l'Eglise et

ceux qu'il repousse vigoureusement2. Quand l'Ecriture sainte,
dont il sait les contours, reste muette ou elliptique, il ose utiliser
les textes non canoniques les moins suspects pour soutenir sa
position theologique 3. Parmi ces ouvrages figurent les Actes de
Paul qu'il cite a tine ou deux reprises et dont il s'inspire ailleurs4.
Dans l'un de ses ecrits, Ie traite Sur la Paque, decouvert a
Toura en 1941 et edite en 19795, Origene puise une fois aux
Actes de Paul, certes sans les mentionner explicitement. Celie
citation, qui doit etre ainsi ajoutee aux quelques autres, parait
avoir echappe jusqu'ici aux editeurs et traducteurs.
Dans son explication d' Exode 12, Ie maitre alexandrin reprend
une interpretation traditionnelle des reins ceints: l'imperatif
2. Ct. Origene, Hom. Luc., Prologue; Antonio v: NAZZARO,11prologo del vangelo di Luca nelPinterpretazione di Origene , in Origeniana
Secunda, Henri CROUZELet Antonio QUACQUARELLI(ed.), Roma,
1980,p. 231-244.
3. Ct. Concetta Aloe SPADA,art. cit. (n. 1), p. 50. .
4. Avec mention de Pouvrage,ct. De principiis, 1,2,3; Comm. foh., 20,12.
Sans mention de Pouvrage,ct. Hom. fer. 20,1; et la notice preservee par
Eusebe, Hist. Ecd., III, 1,1-3; Adolf VaN HARNACK,op. cit. (n. 1), II,
p. 38-39; Louis VOUAUX, Les Actes de Paul et ses lettres apocryphes.
Introduction, textes, traduction et commentaires (Les apocryphes du
Nouveau Testament), Paris, 1913, p. 27-29; Jean RUWET,op. cit., in
Biblica 23 (1942), n. 1, p. 39-40; Eric JUNOD,Origene, Eusebe et la
tradition sur la repartition des champs de mission des apotres (Eusebe,
HE III, 1,1-3) , in Fran",ois BOVONet al., Les Actes apocryphes des
apotres. Christianisme et monde palen (Publications de la faculte de
theologie de l'universite de Geneve, 4), Geneve, 1981, p. 233-248;
Wilhelm SCHNEEMELCHER,
Paulusakten , in Neutestamentliche
Apokryphen in deutscher Obersetzung, 5. Auftage der von Edgar
Hennecke begriindeten Sammlung, II, Wilhelm SCHNEEMELCHER
(ed.),
Tiibingen, 1989,p. 196; Annewies VAN DENHOEK, art. cit. (n. 1), n. 96
(a paraitre).
5. Octave GUERAUDet Pierre NAUTIN, Origene. Sur la Paque. Traite
inedit publie d'apres un papyrus de Toura (Christianisme antique, 2),
Paris, 1979; ct. Ie long compte-rendu d'Adele Monaci CASTAGNOin
Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa 17 (1981), p. 87-92; Stuart
G. HALL, Textual Notes on Origen Peri Pascha 40 , in Origeniana
Tertia, Richard HANSONet Henri CROUZEL(ed.), Roma, 1985,p. 119120; Giuseppe SGHERRI,Origene. Sulla Pasqua. Introduzione, traduzione e note (Letture Cristiane Del Primo Millennio, 6), Milan, 1989;
Robert J. DALY, Origen. Treatise on the Passover and Dialogue of
Origen with Heradides and His Fellow Bishops on the Father, the Son,
and the Soul (Ancient Christian Writers, 54), New York, NY, et
Mahwah, NJ, 1992.
ACTES DE PAUL CHEZ ORIGENE
115
divin invite a tenir la chair en laisse et a dominer leg passions.

Depassant cette exegese que l'on conna!t par Ie PseudoHippolyte 6,il s'engagedans un developpement de tonalite ascetique. Si Ie texte biblique precise que leg croyants doivent manger la Paque les reins ceints et par familIes , c'est que
l'ordre no us est donne d'eviter, quand no us consommons la
Paque, la souillure charnelle . Sansetre vraiment encratite, cette
lecture du texte biblique jette une lumiere negative sur la sexualite et interdit, semble-t-il, tout rapport conjugal avant la participation a l'eucharistie 7. (Et si consommer la Paque a un gens
plus large, tel celui de beneficier de la Parole de Dieu , l'ascese
pourrait alors etre plus rigoureuse encore 8.) Origene introduit a
cet endroit deux temoins en faveur d'une telle pratique severe:
Jean-Baptiste, dont la ceinture de peau autour des reins symbolise la mortification 9, et l'apotre Paul. Voici Ie passagerelatif a
Paul: L'homme marie qui mange la Paque "ceindra" lui aussi
ses "reins", car "bienheureux sont ceux qui ant des femmes [s'ils
vivent] comme ceux qui n'en ant pas", a dit l'apotre 1.
D'Octave Gueraud et Pierre Nautin a Robert J. Daly en passant par Giuseppe Sgherri, editeurs et traducteurs renvoient
tous, sans hesiter, a la Premiere epitre de Paul aux Corinthiens(1
Co 7,29) 11.Or l' Alexandrin, a moo avis, cite au contraire1
'une des beatitudes que contiennent les Actes de Paul 12.
6. Ct. Pierre NAUTIN, Homelies pascales, I. Une homelie inspiree du

traite sur la Plique d'Hippolyte (Sources chretiennes, 27), Paris, 1950.
7. Par rapport a l'eucharistie, ct. Fragment Ezechiel 7, 22 (PG 13,793)et
Fragment 1 Corinthiens 34,2-15 (cf. Claude JENKINS,Origen on
I Corinthians, III , Journal of Theological Studies9 [1907-1908],p. 501502); Henri CROUZEL,Virginite et mariage selon Origene (Museum
Lessianum, section theologique, 58), Paris, 1963,p. 53-65.
8. Sur l'ambiguite de l'expression consommerla Paque , ct. Giuseppe
SGHERRI,op. cit. (n. 5), p. 108, et Robert J. DALY, op. cit., n. 5, p. 100.
Sur Ie rigorisme d'Origene, sa mefiance a l'egard de la sexualite et l'image qu'il se fait de la femme, ct. Adolf VONHARNACK,op. cit, n. 1, .II,
p. 60-65.
9. Sur la Plique, 36,23-33.
10. Sur la Plique, 36,33-37,2.Sur Ie probleme textuel, voir plus bas.
11. Ct. Octave GUERAUDet Pierre NAUTIN,op. cit., n. 5, p. 226 et p. 46;
Giuseppe SGHERRI,op. cit. (n. 5), p 108; Robert J. DALY,op. cit., n. 5,
p.47.
12. Actes de Paul (= Actes de Paul et Thecle),5. En attendant l'edition
critique de Willy RORDORF,
ct. Richard Adalbert LIPSIUS,
Acta Pauli et
Theclre, in Richard Adalbert LIPSIUSet Maximilien BONNET,
Acta apostolorum apocrypha,I, Leipzig, 1891 (reprint Darmstadt, 1959),p. 238.
116
13.
F. BOVON
Que l'on en juge :

Sur la Piique :
~aKaplm
yap 01 EXOV't&C;yuvaiKac; roc;01 ~iI EXOV't&C;.
Actes de Paul:
~aKaplm
01 EXOV't&C;yuvaiKac; roc;
~iI EXOV't&C;.1
01 EXOV't&C;yuvaiKac; roc;
~iI EXOV't&C;
Corinthiens:
tva Kat
roo-1V.
Des expressions du type comme l'a dit l'apotre}} soot frequentes dans Ie traite 13.Elles servent a introduire ou a accompagoer des citations. En tant que telle, celle qui nons occupe ici ne
serait pas applicable aux parties narratives des Actes de Paul.
Elle est en revanche parfaitement adaptee a un discours, au sermon que l'apotre est cense prononcer a ce moment. Selon
Origene, c'est Paul qui formule cette beatitude et ce soot les
Actes de Paul qui transmettent cette parole 14. Le docteur
alexandrin y entend donc la voix meme de celui qui -ille
sait
bien -a aussi enonce, par ecrit, cette verite dans la Premiere
aux Corinthiens (1 Co 7,29).
Le texte grec du,macarisme, dans Ie traite Sur La Pilque, il fautIe
preciser, a embarrasse les editeurs. II porte, en effet, un redoublement encombrant de l'article defini 0\ !.lUKaplOl yap 0\
EXOV'tE~Y\)VU'iKU~ro~ 0\ !.lit EXOV'tE~.Traduite litteralement, labeatitude
signifie: Car bienheureux soot ceux qui ont desfemmes
comme ceux qui n'en ont pas . Non pas certes les uns et
les autres, mais les uns a la fa~on des autres. Cela signifie, selon
la logique ethique rigoureuse tant du traite Sur La Pilque que des
Actes de Paul: Car bienheureux soot ceux qui ont des femmes
[s'ils vivent] comme ceux qui n'en ont pas. Une telle interpretation s'impose, si l'on ne veut pas corriger Ie texte. En
revanche, si l'on prend Ie risque d'amender un texte dans lequel
Ie copiste a commis des erreurs, on eliminera alors, comme Ie
proposent Octave Gueraud et Pierre Nautin, Ie second 0\ et l'on
Sous tine forme ou sous tine autre (0 &noO",[ol..ol;

&iPllK&V,0 &noO"'[o-1..01;...
I..E"{&t, btbacrK&t I..E"{OOV,
6>1;0 &noO",[ol..ol; ~ap,[\Jp&i I..E"{OOV),cf. SurLa
Pdque, 3,12-13; 6,17; 12,17.30;26,-13.-9;33,16.32; 34,12.1819;35,5;37,2 (notre passage);37,26;38,27.
14. La scene se passedans la maison d'Onesiphore, dont Paul vient de
franchir Ie seuil. Le contexte est cultuel: au COUTS
d'une fraction du
pain, l'apotre preche la Parole de Dieu au sujet de la continence et de
la resurrection . II commence son discours par tine serie de beatitudes
d'orientation encratite qui s'inspirent des evangiles et des epitrespaulinienne
ACTES DE PAUL CHEZ ORIGENE
117
dira que Ie copiste responsable de la faute s'est laisse influencer

par 0\ i::XOV'tE~de la ligne precedente et l'on traduira car
bienheureux ceux qui ont des femmes comme s'ils n'en avaient
pas 15.Personnellement, j'hesiterai a corriger, car tel q\}'il est,
Ie texte peut avoir un gens satisfaisant. De plus, je remarque
qu'une partie de la tradition manuscrite des Actes de Paul certes avec une inversion -connait
aussi Ie redoublement de
l'article. Ainsi Ie Parisinus grtPcus 7691it-il: J.1UKUptOt
0\ i::XOV'tE~
cb~ 0\ i::XOV'tE~16.A cela s'ajoute la presence de dJcrtV,qu'ils
soient , dans 1 Co 7,29 dont l'auteur des Actes de Paul, cite par
Origene, s'inspire evidemment. Le qu'ils soient comme n'en
ayant pas de l'epitre a pu doDDer naissance au comme ceux
qui n'en ont pas de notre citation. La correction du texte
d'Origene ne s'impose donc peut-etre pas 17. Quoi qu'il en soit,
Ie macarisme que Ie traite d'Origene attribue a l'apotre parait
trahir, jusque dans sa forme textuelle difficile, son appartenance
aux Actes de Paul et non a la Premiere aux Corinthiens, car de
telles hesitations n'alourdissent pas l'apparat critique du texte
canonique 18,
En conclusion, j'estime qu'Origene se refere ici a I'une des

beatitudes des Actes de Paul. Ce faisant, il manifeste du respect
a I'egard de cet ouvrage non canonique, un respectque quelques
autres citations avaient deja manifeste 19.Pour I' Alexandrin,
c'est la me-mepersonne qui s'exprime ici et la, ici (Actes de Paul)
par oral, la (1 Co 7,29), par ecrit.
15. Ct. Octave GUERAUDet Pierre NAUnN, op. cit., n. 5, p. 46 et 225227. II taut preciser que les editeurs s'appuient sur l'absence du second
ot dans1 Co 7,29 pour avancer leur conjecture.
16. Ct. Richard Adalbert LIPSIUS,
op. cit., n. 12,p. 238, apparat relatif it
la ligne 16.
17. L'ethique du 0>1;
1111
paulinien et de 1 Co 7,29 a fait l'objet de nombreuses etudes; ct. en particulier, Gottfried HIERZENBERGER,
Weltbewertungbei Paulusnach 1 Kor. 7,29-31.Eine exegetisch-kerygmatische
Studie (Kommentare und Beitrage zum Alten und Neuen Testament),
Dusseldorf, 1967; Christophe SENft,La Premiere epitre de saint Paul
aux Corinthiens (Commentaire du Nouveau Testament,deuxieme serie,
7), Geneve, 19902,p. 101-103.
18. Aucune variante n'est signalee it cet endroit dans l'editio octava crifica major de Constantin TISCHENDORF,
Novum TestamentumGriEce...,
II, Leipzig, 1872, p. 495, ni dans la vingt-sixieme edition de NESTLEALAND,Novum TestamentumGriEce,Stuttgart, 1981,p. 452.
19. Ct. plus haut, n. 4.
Ann G. BROCK
Harvard University
GENRE OF THE ACTS OF PA UL

ONE TRADITION ENHANCING ANOTHER
Les Actes de Paul et Thecle (APITh) sont importants pour determiner Ie genre desActes de Paul. Cettecontribution examine les structures
du dialogue, aussi bien les fractures litteraires qu'ideologiques, pour
monfrer comment Thecle,un temoin chretien independant,a ete recupere
sous l'autorite de Paul. Ainsi, les APITh ne sontpas une compilation de
traditions sur Thecle, incorporees a des traditions sur Paul et Thecle,
mais sont, au contraire, une simple greffe de Paul sur la legende de
Thecle. C'est ainsi que l'auteur cree une composition litteraire fondee sur
un modele semblableaux evangilesdu Nouveau Testament.
The Acts of Paul and Thecla (APITh) is crucial to determining the
genre of the Acts of Paul. This paper will examinepatterns of dialogue,
as well as, literary and ideological fissures in the text of the APITh to
show how Thecla,an independentChristian witness,has beensubsumed
under the authority of Paul. The APITh, then,is not a compilation of traditions about Thecla incorporated into traditions about Paul and Thecla,
but is instead merely a grafting of Paul onto the Thecla legend.
The author thus createsa literary composition modeled similarly to the
gospels ofthe New Testament.
I propose that the genre and Sitz im Leben of the Acts of Paul
(APi) is a religious propaganda tract for the early Christian community which the author writes in order to enhance the prominence of Paul as an apostle. Such a proposal takes seriously
Tertullian's statement that the Asian presbyter who wrote APl
did so because he wished to add something of his own to the
prestige of Paul 1.Whether or not Tertullian's statementindeed
contains some historical reminiscence, these words adding to
the prestige of Paul encapsulate what appears to be the rhetorical dynamic of the text. The author enhances Paul's status
within the composition in numerousways:
1. Ernest EVANS,Q. septimii Florentis Tertulliani De Baptismo Liber.

Tertullian's Homily on Baptism. (London: SPCK, 1964),p. 37.
Apocrypha 5, 1994,p. 119-136
120
A. G. BROCK
1.- Paul's actions often parallel those of Christ as he is depicted in the New Testament. For instance, Paul preaches in
beatitudes, performs miracles, is martyred, and then makes an
appearanceto others.
2.- Through various interactions, the author placesthe figure
of Paul in a position of prominence over other early Christian
missionaries, thereby crediting Paul for having baptized,
strengthened, or commissionedthem.
3.- Specifically, the writer takes the well-known Christian
witness of Thecla and remoulds her tradition, grafting Paul into
the story.
Before discussing genre and the effect of the above three
points of the author's strategy, however, I will first present some
groundwork concerningthe nature of the text of APi.
I. Introdnctionand Snmmaryof GenreDebate.

A reference made by Tertullian in De Baptismo (XVII, 5)
gives some assistancein placing the API both geographicallyand
chronologically:
quod si quae Acta Pauli, quae perperam scripta sunt,
exemplum Theclae ad licentiam mulierum docendi tinguen dique defendunt,sciant in Asia presbyterum qui earn scriptu ram construxit, quasi titulo Pauli de suo cumulans,convictum
atque confessumid se amore Pauli fecisseloco decessisse
.
But if certain Acts of Paul, which are falsely so named,
claim t~.e example of Thecla for allowing women to teach
and to baptize, let men know that in Asia the presbyter who-~o~piled
that document, thinking to add of his own to Paul's
reputation, was found out, and though he professed he had
done it for love of Paul, was deposed from his position 2.
Thus, if Tertullian's reference is trustworthy, Asia Minor is the
probable place of origin of the text. Furthermore, this reference
from De Baptismo was written approximately 200CE, providing
the terminus ante quem for the API 3. When Tertullian refers to
2. Ibid., p. 36-37. It must be noted, however, that few manuscripts from
Tertullian are extant, and, with this text, only two (Codex T and B). For
more information
see: Thomas W. McKAY, Response to Davies'
"Women, Tertullian, and the Acts of Paul" , Semeia 38, p.145-149.
3. SCHNEEMELCHER,W., Acts of Paul , New Testament Apocrypha,
E. HENNECKEand W. SCHNEEMELCHER
eds. (Philadelphia: Westminster,
GENRE OF THE ACTS OF PAUL
121
Thecla's example above, it is unclear whether Tertullian refers to

the API in its entirety or only to the segment, the Acts of Paul
and Thecla, which circulated independently as well. This subsequent lack of consensus on the primitive integrity of the API
makes the issue of genre more complex. For instance, in addition to the Acts of Paul and Thecla (APITh) several other fragments, such as the Corinthian correspondence (3 Cor) and the
Martyrdom of Paul (MP) also circulated both independently and
as part of the Acts of Paul4.
According to Rostalski's statistics, the API has an overall uniformity of language5. Rordorf, likewise, states that the style of
the Greek remnants of the API so resemble the APITh that
the identity of the author of the two narratives can hardly be
doubted 6. Therefore, for the sake of brevity, I will work from
the assumption that the same person who compiled and wrote
APITh also compiled and wrote the API 7. Having in a cursory
manner established the text, the next step, before coming to
any conclusions about genre, is to spend some time carefully
analyzingthe text.
1964), II, p. 235. Unless otherwise indicated, all English references to

the API will be from Schneemelcher.
4. Davies raises the issue of whether Tertullian is referring to this document or another one altogether. He suggestssome lost pseudepigraphical Pauline letter used by feminist groups. My disagreement with this
hypothesis is presented later in this paper.
5. Friedrich ROSTALSKI,
Die Spracheder griechischen Paulusakten..mil
Berucksichtigung ihrer lateinischen Obersetzungen(Myslowitz: Buchdruckerei Max Rolle, 1913).
6. Willy RORDORF,
Tradition and Composition in.the Acts of Thecla,
Semeia38,p. 44. He also cites Schmidt and Schubartas further support.
If the author composedthe narrative framework of the Acts of Paul and
Thecla,this would explain its similarities in vocabulary with the rest of
the API without negating the possibility of the absorbtion of an independent Thecla tradition into the text.
7. The greatest amount of scholarly debate concerning the integrity of
the text occurs with respect to Third Corinthians. [See Thomas
W. MAcKAY's article, Responseto Davies' "Women, Tertullian, and the
Acts of Paul",., Semeia 38, p. 148.] McKay points out that of the five
Latin witnesses, only the Zurich manuscript preserves the narrative
bridge between the Correspondence of the Corinthians and Paul's
response. Thus, although the Coptic version of the API and the ZUrich
manuscript of the Latin text associate3 Cor with the API, scholarsoften
contend that 3 Cor is a later accretion. For the Latin manuscripts see
Oscar VONGEBHARDT,
Die LateinischenObersetzungender Acta Pauli et
Theclae.Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Altchristlichen
Literaturs. VII, I. Leipzig: Hinrichs Buchhandlung,1902.
122
A. G. BROCK
II. Portrayal of Paul in API.

The portrayal of Paul's actions in the API is strikingly similar
to the portrayal of Christ's actions in the New Testament gospels. For example, the author portrays Paul as preaching in beatitudes just as Jesus did (Mt 5:3-12; Lk 6:20b-23)8. Like Jesus,
Paul was persecuted and martyred for his message.Likewise, he
also makes a post-resurrection appearance (MP 6). In fact, an
even more direct emphasis of the parallels between the two
figures appears in the author's statement that when Thecla
looked upon the crowd, she sawthe Lord sitting in the form of
Paul (c. 21).
Not only does the text parallel Paul's actions to those of
Christ, but the text also portrays Paul as more than a mere
human being. For example, the beginning of the APITh states
for now he appeared like a man, and now he had the face of an
angel (c. 3) echoing the synoptic accounts of the transfiguration of Christ. Another similarity to Christ is Paul's hearing a
heavenly voice that others around him cannot hear9. As Thecla
looks steadily upon him, he departs into the heavensand, in the
next scene, is fasting in an open tomb. Further parallel circumstances in the gospels include numerous miracles such as exorcisms (PHeid 40) and a raising of the dead (the boy in Antioch).
Moreover, just as Mary sat at the feet of Jesus (Lk 10:39), so,
too, Thecla sits at the feet of Paul. She hears him proclaim the
mighty acts of God (c. 18) and is even portrayed as kissing his
fetters -possibly reminiscent of the woman kissing Jesus' feet
(Lk 7:38). Another resemblanceto the gospelsappears in Paul's
being betrayed to the authorities by people with whom he
traveled (Demas and Hermogenes). Likewise, he undergoes
rejection by the crowd and also a scourging. Furthermore, at
Paul's death, a soldier is amazed and glorifies God (MP 5,
Lk 23:44). Finally, Paul's tomb is visited by Luke and Titus who
are praying there at dawn (MP 7). Thus in numerous ways, Paul
is portrayed in the API as being in especiallyclose proximity to
the divine sphere.
This unusually high correspondence between the actions of
Paul in the API and the actions of Jesus in the canonical
8. AP1Th5 containsthe only two sentenceswhichcorresponddirectly

with the NT: specificallyMt 5:8and9.
9. From the unpublished Coptic papyrus: the beginning of the stay in
Ephesus,SCHNEEMELCHER
II, p. 263-264.
123
gospels10are not necessarilysufficient to establisha similarity in

genre. However, the close parallels in depictions point to the
possibleuse of sucha gospel model in the portrayal of the apostle
Paul. The result is that Paul'sstatus in the APt is noticeably higher
than his status in Luke~ Acts. Although Paul is a significantfigure
in the canonical Acts, in the APt he is raised to superhuman
status.The next section will examine how the portrayal of Paul in
interactions with other missionary figures aids in establishing an
elevated, or evenhierarchical, position for the apostlePaul.
III. Furtherelevationof the statusof the ApostlePaul.

Paul not only encounters numerous early Christian missionary
figures in the API, but is almost always portrayed in a position of
authority over them. By means of motivations and words placed
upon the lips of the characters,the author rhetorically enhances
the authority of Paul. For example, Thecla, who I will argue
later was a prominent figure in the early Christian movement, is
portrayed with the words, She desired to be counted worthy
herself to stand in Paul's presence... (c. 7). Likewise, on a strikingly familiar note, API describes the prominent missionary
couple Aquila and Priscilla as praying that they might be found
worthy for Paul to set foot in their house 11.The author establishes Paul's spiritual superiority over other characters not only
through such descriptions, but also through interactions with
them, suchas visitations, baptisms, and commissionings.
Paul's visitation and conversation with Prisca (Priscilla) and
Aquila serve to heighten his hierarchical position over them.
Prisca and Aquila were among the prominent early Christian
founders of house churches in Rome, Corinth, and Ephesus.
They worked independently of Paul 12;their names were probably well-known across Asia Minor 13.Significantly, in the API,
10. The references to the canonical gospels or the canonical Acts

are only a means of identification and not an indication that the author
of APl necessarilyknows of the existence of a canon.
lL The next references are from the beginning of the stay in Ephesus
-unpublished Coptic papyrus, SCHNEEMELCHER,
II, p. 263.
12. Elisabeth SCHUSSLER
FIORENZA,In Memory of Her: A Feminist
Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins. (New York: Crossroad,
1983),p. 178.
13. Aquila and Priscilla (actually usually listed with Prisca's name first
because she was the more prominent of the two -Rom 16:3 and
2 Tim 4:19). Ibid., p. 178.
124
A. G. BROCK
when Paul visits Prisca and Aquila, an angel of the Lord appears
as well. Although the angel appearsto all of them, only Paul can
hear the words. Paul's subsequent conversation with the group
further underscores his apostolic prominence. For instance,
immediately following a reference to Pentecost (the point at
which Peter and others received apostolic legitimation), Paul
makes these three points:
1) he makes a reference to his own Damascusexperience;
2) he establishesGod the Father as the source of his message:
The [...] Father, he it is who preached to me the Gospel of his
Son [...] ;
3) and then, he traces his apostolic lineage by pointing out that
he entered the great church through the blessed Judas, the
brother of the Lord. All three of these points function to fortify
his status with respectto the rest of the apostles.
Various early Christian communities often aligned themselves
with different apostles. Competition for apostolic authority is,
therefore, a motive for apostolic propaganda and could be one
way of explaining the context for the author's elevation of the
apostle Paul. Such use of apostolic propaganda could also
explain why the API contains a version of the Quo Vadis speech
(PH 7-8) which also appears in the Acts of Peter (APt) in
Act. Verc. c. 35. If the APt contains a personal appearance of
Jesusto the apostle Peter in order to tell him that he would be
crucified, then in all fairness he must also appear to Paul. The
account in APt is probably the primary version because the
context for the one in the API seemsmore contrived.
Another method for establishing Paul's spiritual authority is
through the baptism of other characters in the API, especially
characters of no small distinction. For example, Artemilla and
Eubula come to Paul for baptism. The prominence of Artemilla
is demonstrated in a number of ways. For example, the highest
level of Greek language of any of Paul's four speechesis his
speech to Artemilla. According to Schmidt, this conversion
speech shows much more rhetorical art than any of the other
three speeches,including his speechto the governor 14.Not only
does Paul's elevated language signal Artemilla's prominence in
the community, but so does his choice of words in addressing
her: Woman, ruler of this world, mistressof much gold, citizen
of great luxury... (PH 2). Another character,Procla, is described~
14. Carl SCHMIDTand Wilhelm SCHUBART,IIpa~Et<; IIauA.ou, Acta Pauli

nach dem Papyrus der Hamburger Staats-und Universitiits-Bibliothek.
(Gliickstadt and Hamburg: J. J. Augustin, 1936), p.14.
125
GENRE OF 1HE ACTS OF PAUL
as a woman in the city who did many <good> works for the
Ephesians (Ephesus 13). Likewise, Paul baptizes her and all
her household.
Although the author does not portray Paul baptizing Thecla,
the author, nevertheless, also establishes Paul's authority over
her. Perhaps the legend of Thecla's self-baptism was already too
well-known for Paul to be portrayed as the one who baptizes
her. Instead, the author uses another device for establishing
hierarchy -Paul is the one who commissionsThecla. Although
Thecla has already been teaching the word of God and has even
converted Tryphaena's entire household, Paul says to her, Go
and teach the word of God (c. 41). This commissioningoccurs
almost at the end of APITh. Again, one canseeobvious similarity
to the gospels, as Paul's action parallels that of Jesus,who also
sent out disciples with a commission to teach. Even though
Thecla has already been teaching, Paul's statement functions as
an official conferring of authority, effectively making Thecla one
of Paul's disciples. That such an action, in fact, establishes a
hierarchy is further supported by the Syrian version of the
APITh, which contains the colophon: The history of Thecla a disciple of Paul 15.This discipleship effectively subsumesthe
figure of Thecla to Paul.
IV. Evidence of the Remoulding of the Thecla Tradition.
Schneemelcher states that one cannot distinguish the traditions from the author's literary composition, becausethe traditions are part of homogeneous creations 16.Nevertheless, I
contend that some speculations may be made about the legend
cycle that lies behind the APITh. As a starting point, I maintain
the improbability that someone would have composed the Acts
of Paul and Thecla as a literary unit in its present form. For
example, where is Paul when Thecla is being burned at the stake
or being attacked by an aggressive suitor or by wild beasts?
Paul's being conspicuously absent at climactic, dangerous
moments, seemsto be in contradiction to the propaganda motive of adding to the prestige of Paul . In fact, Davies does not
think that this API could possibly be the text to which Tertullian
15. Willy WRIGHT,Apocryphal Acts of theApostles: I: The Syriac Texts;

II: The English Translations. (Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1968), p. 116
and 145.
16. SCHNEEMELCHER,
II, p. 80.
A.
126
G. BROCK
refers,because,in his estimation,this text certainly does not add to

the prestige of Paul. Instead, it depicts him as deserting her just
when sheneeded him most, refusingto baptize her, [and] failing to
recognizeher spiritual worthiness until the concludingpassagesof
the narrative 17.I suggestthat while it appears that Thecla has
been abandonedby Paul at crucialjunctures of the story,in fact, in
those instances,he did not desert her; rather, the characterof
Paulwas never in the original story in the first place.
I propose a reconstruction of the textual history in which the
author does not take traditions about Thecla and join them
with traditions about Paul and Thecla, but rather compiles
traditions solely about Thecla and then grafts Paul onto the
narrative. The author portrays Paul as the person who teaches
her in the beginning and commissions her in the end, thereby
crediting Paul as the source of her contributions. In all probability, it was this framework and not the text itself that was
written by the presbyter from the love of Paul . In this
reconstruction my methodology is to read against the grain,
looking for inconsistency in character portrayal, the presence
of ideological or literary fissures in the text, and changes in
patterns of dialogue.
1. Inconsistencyin CharacterPortrayal.
Even in the earliest commentaries, scholars have mentioned
the noticeably secondaryposition Paul holds in the APlTh. This
response may well be a recognition that Paul is a later accretion
to some legend, story, or historical reminiscence, which I will
refer to as the Acts of Thecla(abbreviated AThe).
The APl contains an ecclesiasticaltradition that maintains the
memory of a strong legendary/historical female figure who is an
early Christian teacher and preacher. She suffers persecution for
her religious convictions, especially for resisting familial and
social pressures.Thecla becomesa particularly prominent figure
in Asia Minor from the second century through at least the sixth
century CEo She is mentioned by Church Fathers, such as
Tertullian, who resents the way in which Christians appealed to
Thecla to legitimize the practice of women baptizing and
teaching. Numerous other legends sprang up about Thecla.
Dagron's book, Vie et miracles de sainte Thecle,includes among
other materials, forty-six accounts of miracles attributed to her
17. Stevan L. DAVIES,Women, Tertullian, and the Acts of Paul

Semeia 38. 0.139-143.
GENRE OF nIE ACTS OF PAUL
127
even after her death 18.Such a figure became an inspiration to

many, as evidenced by the spread of the cult of Thecla as far as
Spain. In fact, the feast day of Saint Thecla is celebrated both in
the West (on September 23) and in the East (on September24).
This strong figure of Thecla, described above, is preserved in
the early Christian traditions as a solitary missionary figure.
However, this memory of the martyr contrasts sharply with the
figure of Thecla depicted in the author's redactional framework.
The following passages demonstrate some of the rhetorical
means by which the figure of Thecla is subsumed beneath the
authority of Paul:
1.- she is so entranced with Paul's word that for three days and
nights she does not leave her window (c. 8) ;
2.- Thecla is placed at Paul's feet in the prison scene.The phrase
sitting at someone's feet is symbolic language for being
someone'sstudent. So, too, did Mary sit at the feet of Jesus in
Bethany, and Paul at the feet of Gamaliel (Acts 22:3);
3.- Thecla not only sits at the feet of Paul, but also kisses his
fetters (c. 18);
4.- after Paul is taken away, she throws herself into the place
where Paul had sat (c. 20);
5.- after the trial, Thecla seeks Paul <<asa lamb in the wildernesslooks about for the shepherd (c. 21) ;
6.- when she looks upon the crowd, she seesthe Lord sitting
in the form of Paul... (c. 21);
7.- Thecla sets out to find Paul, and upon finding him, she cries
out to the Father, I praise thee that thou didst save me from
the fire, that I might see Paul! (c. 24);
8.- Paul's reply to her implies that she was saved becausePaul
prayed for her, and then he humbly offers praises that God hast
so speedily <accomplished> what I asked, and hast hearkened
unto me (c. 24);
9.- she wishes to join Paul in his mission, offering to get a short
haircut and follow him wherever he goes(c. 25) ;
10.- she asks Paul to baptize her (c. 25);
11.- Paul gives her his commissionto teach, Go and teach the
word of God! (c. 41);
12.- not only does Thecla throw herself into the place where
Paul had sat in prison, but later, when she returns to Iconium to
the house of Onesiphorus, she again throws herself down on the
floor where Paul had sat and taught the oracles of God (c. 42).
18. Gilbert DAGRON,Vie et miracles de sainte Thecle,textegrec, traduction et commentaire,Subsidia Hagiographica 62, (Brussels: Societe des
Bollandistes.1978).
A.
128
G. BROCK
Because of these variations in character portrayal, I maintain

that the protagonist Thecla who single-handedly rips off
Alexander's cloak and removes his crown (c. 26) is not the same
Thecla who sits at Paul's feet in prison and kisses his fetters
(c. 18). The following textual inconsistencieswill help to determine points in the text in which the legend of Thecla ends and
the portrayal of the fictional disciple of Paul begins.
2. Fissures-Ideological or Literary.
Numerous inconsistenciesin the text, primarily in the form of
ideological or literary fissures, clearly demonstrate that the
APITh as a whole was not a literary creation from the beginning.
1.- In addition to myself, others suchas Schneemelcherhave
pointed out an inconsistencyin the justice of the governor's verdict. It is striking that Paul, who is really the guilty party, is
accordingto c. 21 expelled from Iconium, but Thecla must suffer
death by tire 19.This inconsistencypoints to one of the sites at
which the author has absorbed the Thecla tradition. The core
Thecla legend probably continues at c. 22, immediately after the
author's redaction that Paul departed into the heavens (c. 21).
2.- Another ideological inconsistency reveals itself in what
appears to be two different understandings of baptism which
exist in the text of API. Whereas one might think that Thecla's
endurance of a trial of fire and her miraculous deliverance might
be a sufficient indication that she is worthy of baptism, Paul still
hesitates and denies her baptism until a later time. By contrast,
in the last section of the API, Luke and Titus are seized with
human fear when they see Longus and Cestus arrive at the
tomb becausethey think they will be killed. Yet, in the very next
sentence,Longus and Cestus are baptized simply because they
say that they saw Paul standing between Luke and Titus (MP 7).
Several explanations are possible for the different approachesto
baptism: 1) Two different sources would account for the
different understandingsof baptism. 2) Or, as mentioned earlier,
perhaps Paul does not baptize her becausehe cannot, becauseit
is already a well-known part of the legend that she has baptized
herself. In the remoulded version, however, she asks Paul for the
baptism (c. 25), and he tells her to have patience (in other
words, the time will come). Therefore, when she baptizes
herself, the words are placed on her lips, Now is the time for
my baptism , and she throws herself in the water, saying: In
19. SCHNEEMELCHER,
II, p. 221
129
the name of JesusChrist . The unevennessof the text may indicate that the author has again added to the legend, because
herein lies another apparent literary fissure. In the next two
lines, oddly enough, the text repeats itself, she threw herself
into the water, in the name of JesusChrist (c. 34).
3.- There exists a rather weak attempt at the end of AP1Th
to patch the rift between Thecla and her mother. Strikingly, the
only female character in all of AP1Th who is not supportive of
Thecla is her own birth mother, the one who says, Burn the
lawlessone! (c. 20). The initial legend may have preserved the
way in which traditional family bonds were broken in the early
Christian communities and new families were formed. Thecla's
ally, Tryphaena, may be part of this new family bond in that she
becomes like an adopted mother to Thecla. After inviting
Thecla into her house, Tryphaena tells her, I will assignto thee
all that is mine . This section of the text clearly contains an element of closure which I contend could well have been the end of
the AThe legend: Thecla goes into Tryphaena's house, instructing her and the maidservants with the result that they all believed and there was great joy in the house (c. 29). The author
then augments the legend with a new section beginning with
the statement that Thecla once againyearns for Paul and goes in
search of him. Interestingly, the appended narrative framework
includes in its closure an attempt to eversethe rift in the original
family.
3. Change in the Sourcesof Dialogue.
Using the criteria of which characters receive a voice in the
narrative, one may make further claims about the lack of literary
unity of the API. With the exception of the APITh, women have
practically no speaking parts in the entirety of the dialogue of
the Acts of Paul. In the APITh, however, the proportion is radically altered. Not only do women speak, but they do so in
greater proportion than do the men other than Paul. The
amount of dialogue for women in APITh is 43 lines, whereasthe
amount of dialogue for all the men including Paul is 60 lines.
Male characters other than Paul have about half the male
dialogue. In a similar comparison of women's dialogue to men's
in the rest of the API (not counting 3 Cor) women receive not
even one percent, but one-third of one percent. This change in
percentage cannot be attributed to the absenceof women in the
remainder of the API. Rather, Paul encounters numerous other
women, including Nympha, Myrta, Procla, Priscilla, Artemilla,
and Eubula. However, all of these women together have a total
130
A. G. BROCK
of only five lines of dialogue between them. [Ironically, the lion

who comesto Paul.for baptism also has one half of one percent,
with four lines of dialogue]. Paul is portrayed as speaking to
the women in dialogue, sometimes even long speeches,
but the women rarely speak in return. By contrast, even the
supporting female characters in the APiTh have twenty lines
of dialogue.
In summary, the male characters speak about as often as Paul
does in both APiTh and the rest of APi. However, in APiTh,
Paul and the male characters combined speak only 59 % of the
time, compared to 99 % in the rest of APi. I seriously doubt that
this trend is an abrupt reversal in style on the part of the author,
but rather indicates the insertion of earlier material into the
literary framework.
V. Sitzim Leben.
When reading ancient texts, one frequently becomes accustomed to reading certain names in combination such as Prisca
and Aquila, Joseph and Aseneth, and in the AAA, of course,
Paul and Thecla. However, judging by the aforementioned
fissures in the story of Paul and Thecla, I maintain that in all
probability there never was a missionary team of Paul and
Thecla. Instead, the two names are deliberately juxtaposed for
some purpose. Some scholarshave suggestedthat the API incorporates the legend of Thecla to lend Thecla the authority of the
apostle Paul. While this may be true, I wish to point out that the
opposite may also be true. The Acts of Paul incorporates the
Acts of Thecla in order to maximize upon her popularity within
certain communities or geographicalareas.This option has greater probability when one takes into accountthe rhetorical dynamic of the remainder of the text as a whole in which interactions,
conversations,and descriptions of Paul all appearto be working
together to enhancehis apostolic authority.
The deliberate juxtaposition of the names of Paul and Thecla
also indicate a social milieu, at least with respectto the author of
API, in which the linking of a Pauline apostleship and strong
female leadership are ideologically compatible. In sharp
contrast, the Pastorals present Pauline apostleship and strong
female leadership as mutually exclusive. In this respect, I find
MacDonald's research concerning the competition among
groups claiming Paul to be especially thought-provoking. He
suggests that the Pastoral epistleswere written in response to
those groups who follow the Paul depicted in the apocryphal
131
traditions 2. That there exists some theological interaction

between the Pastoralsand the tradition behind the API is quite
probable. For example, it seemssignificant that such a high correlation exists between proper namesmentioned in the API and
those also mentioned in I and II Timothy, including Onesiphorus
(II Tim 1:16 & 17; 4:19), Demas (II Tim 4:10), Hermogenes
(II Tim 1:15), Titus (II Tim 4:10), Luke (II Tim 4:11), Prisca
(II Tim 4:19), Aquila (II Tim 4:19), and Alexander (I Tim 1: 20,
and II Tim 4:14). These common referenceslead one at the very
minimum to acknowledge that they both draw upon a common
tradition. However, the existence of a struggle for authority
among early Christian groups may be even more compelling as
an explanation of the common references above and the underlying tensions between the groups21.
VI. Theoriesof Genre.

The body of literature encompassing the apocryphal acts
contains so many striking variations that one cannot assignthe
totality of these texts to one genre. No doubt these differences
account for the numerous conflicting theories with respect to
their genre. Many scholars consider the AAA to be literary
fictional creations. Scholars suchas von Dobschiitz, for example,
draw parallels between the apocryphal acts and the Hellenistic
novel 22.Reitzenstein also perceives fictional origins, but argues
that the apocryphal acts arise not from the genre of novel but
from Hellenistic miracle stories. Pliimacher sees the AAA as
Christian versions of the Hellenistic romance 23.Pervo suggests
20. Dennis Ronald MACDoNALD, The Legend and the Apostle: The
Battle for Paul in Story and Canon. (Philadelphia: Westminster Press,
1983), p. 56-57.
2L It is perhaps relevant that the name Onesiphorus and the church in
his house is mentioned eleven times in a text as short as the APlTh. In
fact, the setting of Onesiphorus' house seems to be the very framework
within which the story of Paul and Thecla is set. It is from the house of
Onesiphorus that Thecla first hears the word of God coming. And again
at the end she announces to Paul that she is going to Onesiphorus'
house. There she teaches on the floor where Paul had sat. Subsequently,
when she prays, she addresses and identifies God as : [ ...] God of this
house where the light shone upon me [...] -in
reference once again
to Onesiphorus' house.
22. SCHNEEMELCHER,II, p. 80.
23. Ibid., II, p. 80-81.
A.
132
G. BROCK
the genre of historical novel with motives of entertainment,

instruction, and propaganda 24.
Several other scholars also perceive a relationship between
the AAA and the Hellenistic novel, but do not interpret the
similarities as necessarily indicating the literary dependence of
the AAA on the novel genre. Soder, for example, identifies
novelistic elements in the AAA in that she finds strong similarities in motifs: travel, propaganda, erotic elements, crowds; and
oracles. She points out, however, that these elements also exist
in folk tales and folk narratives. Likewise, Kerenyi sees the
apocryphal acts and the novel as related and contends that both
the apocryphal acts and the novel, therefore, contain similar
non-literary folkloric elements. Thus, for these scholars, folk
stories are the primary source for the stories and motifs in
the AAA 25.
Kaestli, however, does not agree that the AAA are popular
literature as Soder suggests.Nor are they a Christian form of the
novel becausethe miracle stories of apostles are not part of the
Gattung of novel 26.He seesthe AAA, shaped by the novelistic
genre, as an attempt to preserve ecclesiasticaltraditions.
In the last decade scholars such as Burrus and MacDonald
have continued the scholarly investigation into the folkloric
origins of the AAA, highlighting the characteristics of oral
narration which are evident therein. For example, Burrus, by
applying Propp's structural analysis, concludes that the chastity
stories of the AAA are more likely to have derived from oral
legend than from novels. She assertsthat these stories represent
traits of the social world from which they emerged. Since they
are, therefore, not merely fictional creations, they need to be
taken seriously as revealing elements of historical information 27.
Rather than attempting to squeezethe AAA into a particular
genre, which, as we have seen above, presents difficulties, it is
perhaps more helpful to examine what models have influenced
24. Richard PERVO,Profit with Delight: The Literary Genre of the Acts
of the Apostles. (Philadelphia: Fortress Press,1987).25.
Virginia BURRUS,Chastity as Autonomy: Women in the Stories of
theApocryphal Acts. (Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press,1987),p. 18.
26. SCHNEEMELCHER,
II, p. 80.
27. Virginia BURRUS, Chastity as Autonomy: Women in the Stories of
the Apocryphal Acts , Semeia38, p. 101-117.I must add, however, that
I am not completely convinced that the chastity stories need be limited
to being stories about women transmitted by and for women. The
legend of Thecla, for instance, may well have appealed to a broader
audience than just communities of women.
GENRE OF 1HE ACTS OF PAUL
133
the AAA. Although Lukes Acts has frequently been suggested

as a model, there exist some significantdifferencesbetween it and
the AAA. One concedesthat similarly to Acts, the AAA contain
travel narratives, discourses,miracles,and liturgical scenes28.Yet,
the canonical Acts is lacking some crucial elements such as the
protagonist's death and the focus upon one primary apostle.
Moreover, numerous elements of the overall structure of API
causeit to more closelyresemblethe form of a gospel than the
canonical acts 29.As already indicated in the beginning of this
paper, recurrent parallels exist between Paul's and Jesus' ministry such as performances of miracles, preaching in beatitudes,
persecution, death, and resurrection appearances.Thus, I agree
with Bovon that the gospels more closely resemble the model
for the API than does the canonicalActs. The next step, beyond
the scope of this paper, would be to examine the way in which
both the gospels and the apocryphal acts contain some interesting parallels to the genre of the life of the philosophers 30.
VII. Conclusion.
Not only is assigningthe wide range of contents within AAA
to one particular genre difficult, but even establishingthe genre
of one apocryphal act presentsproblems. This difficulty is especially the case in the API becauseit portrays a mixture of genres
and contains a complex textual history. APITh resembles both
literary invention and the transmissionof oral tradition precisely
because it is both. I maintain that parts of API are tradition or
legend, especially the segments which transmit the experiences
of Thecla. Other parts of API were the purposeful literary creation of the author. While I concur that novelistic elements do
appear in the API, the genre of novel simply does not fully
encompasswhat I perceive as the force and motive behind the
API. Instead, a religious propaganda tract modeled somewhat
after the gospels more closely describes the rhetorical dynamic
28. Gonzalo DEL CERRa,Los Hechos Apocrifos de los Apostoles Su

Genero Literario , Estudios Biblicos 51 (1993),p. 207.
29. Fran~ois BOVON, La vie des ap6tres : traditions bibliques et narrations apocryphes, in Les Actes apocryphesdesapotres: christianismeet
monde palen. Publications de la faculte de theologie de l'universite de
Geneve,n 4, (Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1981),p.141-58.
30. Richard GOULET,Les Viesde philosophes dans I'Antiquite tardive
et leur portee mysterique , in Les Actes apocryphesdesapotres: christianisme et monde pai"en,op. cit.,p. 161-208.
134
A. G. BROCK
I see present in the API. In this paper I have indicated three primary techniques by which the author elevates Paul's position:
through numerous parallels to the life of Jesus, through
hierarchical interactions with other apostles, and through the
remoulding of the Thecla legend into a reverent disciple of Paul.
In support of my conclusions, I also add Tertullian's ancient witness as to the author's purpose -that the presbyter in Asia
compiled the document, thinking to add of his own to Paul's
reputation and doing so out of love for Paul 31.Thus, I see in
the Acts of Paul a Christian propaganda tract which promotes
the apostolic prominence of Paul. Although it was never included in the canon, this apocryphal text remains valuable in that it
preserves for us some intriguing traditions not only of Paul but
also of the missionary Thecla.
Bibliography.
ALBRECHT,
R.
1986 Das Leben der heiligen Makrina auf dem Hintergrund der
Thekla; Gottingen : Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht.
BOVON,F., JUNODE., KAES11..I
J.-D. (eds).
1981a Les Actes apocryphes des apotres: christianisme et
monde pai.en;Geneve: Labor et Fides.
BOVON,F.
1981b La vie des apotres: traditions bibliques et narrations
apocryphes , in Les Actes apocryphesdesapotres: christianisme
et monde pai.en,p. 141-158.
BURRUS,V
1987 Chastity as Autonomy: Women in the Stories of the
Apocryphal Acts; Lewiston : Edwin Mellen Press.
CERRa,G. DEL.
1993 Los Hechos Apocrifos de los Apostoles Su Genero
Literario , Estudios Biblicos 51, p. 207-232.
DAGRON,G.
1978 Vie et miracles de sainte Thecle: texte grec, traduction et
commentaire; Subsidia Hagiographica 62; Brussels:
Societe des Bollandistes.
DAVIES,S. L.
1980 The Revolt of the Widows: The Social World of the
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles; New York: Winston/
Seabury.
31. Ernest EVANS(ed.), Q. Septimii Florentis Tertulliani De Baptismo
Liber. Tertullian's Homily on Baptism. (London: SPCK, 1964), p. 37.
135
EVANS,E. (ed).
1964 Q. Septimii Florentis Tertulliani De Baptismo Libel: Tertullian's Homily on Baptism; London: SPCK.
GEBHARDT,
O. VON.
1902 Die lateinischen Obersetzungender Acta Pauli et Theclae.
Texteund Untersuchungenzur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, VII, I; Leipzig: Hinrichs' Buchhandlung.
GOULET,R.
1981 Les Vies de philosophes dans I' Antiquite tardive et leur
portee mysterique , in Les Actes apocryphes des apotres..
christianismeet monde paien, p. 161-208.
HOLZBERG,
N.
1986 Der antike Roman. Eine Einfiihrung; Artemis Einfiihrungen 25.
JUNOD,E.
1981 Les Vies de philosophes et les Actes apocryphes des
apotres. Poursuivent-ils un dessein similaire? , in Les
Actes apocryphes des apotres.. christianisme et monde
palen, p. 209-219.
KAESTLI,J.-D.
1981 Les principales orientations de la recherche sur les Actes
apocryphes des apotres , in Les Actes apocryphes des
apotres..christianismeet monde pai'en,p. 49-67.
KASSER,
R.
1960 Acta Pauli 1959, Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses40, p. 45-57.
KOESTER,
H.
1982 Introduction to the New Testament,vol. 2: History and
Literature of Early Christianity; New York & Berlin:
Walter de Gruyter, 1982.
LIPSIUS,
R. A.
1887 Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichtenund Apostellegenden;
Braunschweig: C. A. Schwetschke.
LIPSIUS,
R. A., BONNETM..
1959 Acta apostolorum apocrypha; Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.
MACDoNALD,D. R.
1983 The Legend and the Apostle.. The Battle for Paul in Story
and Canon; Philadelphia: WestminsterPress.
1986 (ed) Semeia..An Experimental Journal for Biblical Criticism, vol. 38: The Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles.
Decatur, GA: ScholarsPress.
MACKAY,T. W.
1986 Response to Davies' "Women, Tertullian, and the Acts of
Paul" , in Semeia38, p.145-149.
136
A. G. BROCK
PERYO,R.
1987 Profit with Delight: The Literary Genre of the Acts of the
Apostles; Philadelphia: Fortress Press.
PROPP,
v:
1968 Morphology of the Folktale; Austin and London: University of TexasPress.
RoRDORF,W.
1986 Tradition and Composition in the Acts of Thecla , in
Semeia38,p. 43-52.
ROSTALSKI,
F.
1913 Die Spracheder griechischenPaulusakten: mit Berucksichtigung ihrer lateinischen Ubersetzungen;Myslowitz: Buchdruckerei Max Rolle.
SCHMIDT,
C., SCHUBART
W..
1936 IIpci~Glr;lIavAov, Acta Pauli nach dem Papyrus der Hamburger Staats-und Universitiits-Bibliothek; Gliickstadt and
Hamburg: J. J. Augustin.
SCHMIDT,
C.
1965 Acta Pauli aus der Heidelberger koptischen Papyrushandschrifi NI: 1; Hildesheim : Georg alms.
SCHNEEMELCHER,
W.
1964 Acts of Paul, New TestamentApocrypha. Edited by
E. HENNECKEand W. SCHNEEMELCHER;
Philadelphia:
Westminster,II, p. 322-390.
SCHUSSLER
FIORENZA
E.
1983 In Memory of Her: A Feminist Reconstruction of Early
Christian Origins; New York: Crossroad.
VOUAUX,L.
1913 Les Actes de Paul et seslettres apocryp~es.Les apocryphes
du Nouveau Testament. Paris: Librairie Letouzey et Ane.
WRIGHT,W.
1968Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles: vol. I: The Syriac Texts,
vol. II: The English Translations.Amsterdam: Philo Press.
Alain DESREUMAUX
CNRS
UN MANUSCRIT SYRIAQUE
DETEHERANCONTENANT
DES APOCRYPHES
This Syriac manuscript of Teheranprobably comesfrom Azerbaidjan.
Its colophon datesfrom 174/-/742; parts of its model from 1243-1244.
The codicological description of this manuscript reveals19 examples of
apocryphal, hagiographical and liturgical literature.
La description codicologique de ce manuscrit syriaque de Teheran
(colophon date de 1741-1742; modele date partiellement de 1243-1244)
-originaire probablement d'Azerbai"djan -met en evidencedix-neuf
textes de litteratures apocryphe, hagiographique et liturgique.
En 1985, l'Ecole pratique des hautes etudes, section des

sciencesreligieuses, a fourni les films photographiques n?ir et
blanc pour enregistrer Ie plus possible des manuscrits de l'Eglise
chaldeenne de Teheran. Bernard Outtier, aujourd'hui charge de
recherche au CNRS, a prete gracieusementson appareil photographique personnel et Michel van Esbroeck, aujourd'hui professeura Munich, s'est rendu a Teheran et a procede aux operations. A tOllSdeux, nous disons notre gratitude pour avoir ete
ainsi les artisans d'une moisson particulierement fiche -environ sept mille deux cents folios photographies! -qu'ils
ont
genereusementofferte a la communaute scientifique 1.
Nous sommesparticulierement reconnaissantsa sonexcellence
Mgr Jean Issayi, archeveque metro polite de Teheran, d'avoir
autorise la photographie de cesmanuscrits, favorisant ainsi l'etude de traditions dont son Eglise est depositaire. Qu'il re<;oiveIe
present article comme un signe de notre respectueuxhommage.
L De plus, je dois a B. Guttier de precieux renseignementspour I'etablissementdes notices ci-dessous.
Apocrypha 5, 1994,p. 137-164
138
A. DESREUMAUX
Les manuscrits de Teheran avaient ete signales en 1970 par

W. F. Macomber, qui avait laisse sur place une liste dactylographiee des titres des ouvrages lui paraissantles plus interessants.
Dans un article, Macomber signaleque Iesmanuscritsproviennent
de Ia cathedrale chaldeennede Senandaj2. En tout cas,Ies cotes
anciennesd'une partie de I'actuel fonds Mgr Issayi montrent que
certains manuscrits out jadis appartenu au RvdVaroo M. Neesan,
du serninaire persall anglican.
Un manuscrit contient des reuvres apocryphes. j'en donne ici
Ia description, d'apres Ie microfilm.
Teheran,Archevechechaldeencatholique,
Fonds Issayi 18 (olim Neesan8).
Codex (17 x 22,5 cm) de 234 folios en papier (16 x 21,5 cm).
Une seule colonne par page, 19 a 21 lignes par page; surface
ecrite: 11 x 17cm.
Aucune pagination ni foliotation. Chaque page est marquee,
en haul et a droite, que ce soil recto ou verso, du signe1:,:..
Encre noire. Titres et explicit a l'encre rouge.
Ecriture orientale; ponctuation orientale; hauteur des lettres :
4 a 8 mm.
Diagramme codicologique.
Le codex actuel est constitue de quatre groupes de cahiers,
presque tous des quinions, presque tous signes. La signature
consiste en chiffres-lettres disposesentre deux motifs decoratifs
symetriques, dans la marge inferieure au rO du premier folio et
au VOdu demier folio du cahier signe. Le cahier I est signe r< , Ie
cahier II est signe .=:J,et ainsi de suite. Selon ce systeme,la signature r< du fD10 VOest suivie de la signature .=:Jdu fD11 rOet ainsi
de suite. Je distingue leg quatre groupes de cahiers par des
lettres capitales A, B, C, D lorsque la numerotation des signatures reprend a r< (= 1). J'indique leg numeros des folios du
manuscrit dans son etat actuel et, entre crochets droits [ ] leg
numeros probables des folios du manuscrit d'origine, lorsque la
2. Voir dans A. DESREUMAUX,

Repertoire des bibliotheques et des catalogues de manuscrits syriaques, (Documents, etudes et repertoires
Rublies par l'lnstitut de recherches et d'histoire des textes), Paris,
Editions du CNRS, 1991,p. 237.
LE MS. TEHERAN ISSAYI 18
139
restitution est possible. C'est Ie cas lorsque les photos montrent

les fils de couture au milieu de la feuille centrale d'un cahier et
la separation entre deux cahiers successifs.Mais, dans plusieurs
sequencesanormales, il est impossible de deceler Ie fait (folio
aTTache,
folio ajoute, folio deplace): pour reconstituer certaines
sequences,il faudrait examiner Ie manuscrit lui-meme. Je numerote donc de maniere continue les photos du film actuel, chacune comportant a droite (dr.) un VOet a gauche (g.) unTO.
Cahier A I : incomplet; 9 folios: photos 1 dr. a 9 dr.
ro 1 ro : blanc
[ro 2] : manque
signe r< au ro 9 va [ro 10 va] : photo 9 dr.
Cahier A II: complet; 10 folios 3: photos 9 g. a 19 dr.
(OS10 [11] a 19 [20]; signe..:J aux (OS10 ro [11 TO]et 19 va [20 va].
Cahier A III: complet; 10 folios 4: photos 19 g. a 29 dr.
(OS20 [21] a 29 [30] ; signe ~ aux (OS
20 rO[21 TO]et 29 va [30 va].
Cahier A IV: complet; 10 folios5: photos 29 g. a 39 dr.
(OS30 [31] a 39 [40]; signe ~ aux (OS30 ro [31 To].et 39 va [40 va].
Cahier A V et A VI: incomplet(s)?; anomalie; 18 folios 6: photos 39 g. a 57 dr.
(OS40 rO[41 TO]a 57 va; signe m au ro 40 ro [41 fa]. 11manque la
signature correspondante de fin de cahier. Des (OS40 rOa 44 va
(photos 39 g. a 44 dr.), Ie texte (qui represente une version
desordonnee par rapport au texte edite par Budge) se suit, ce
qui exclut un desordre des folios ou une lacune materielle.
3. Les fils de couture au milieu du cahier A II sont visibles sur la

photo 14, entre leg OS
14 VO[15 VO]et 15 rO [16 rO].
4. La separation entre leg cahiers A II et A III est visible sur la photo 19,
entre leg OS
19 VO[20 VO]et 20 rO[21 rO]. Les fils de couture au milieu du
cahier A III sont visibles sur la photo 24, entre leg OS24 VO [25 VO]
et 25 rO [26 rO].
5. La separation entre leg cahiers A III et A IV est visible sur la
29 VO[30 yO] et 30 rO[31 rO]. Les fils de couture au
milieu du cahier A IV sont visibles sur la photo 34, entre leg OS
34 VO
[35 VO]et 35 ro [36 rO].
6. La separation entre leg cahiers A IV et A Vest visible sur la photo 39,
entre leg OS
39 VO[40 VO]et 40 rO[41 rO]. Les fils de couture sont visibles
a la photo 42, entre leg OS
42 VOet 43 ro; ils sont egalement visibles a la
50 VOet 51 rOo
140
A. DESREUMAUX
CarnerB I: complet; 10 folios 7: photo 57 g. it 67 dr.

f"" 58 ro it 67 vo; signer:< aux f"" 58 rOet 67 vo.
Cahier B II : anomalie; 9 folios 8: photo 67 g. it 78 dr.
fos68 ro it 78 vo; signe ..::Iau fo 68 ro seulement.
II manque au moins 1 folio et peut-etre 1 folio + n cahiers
entre les f"" 78 VOet 79 ro (entre photo 78 dr. et 78 g.).
Carner C I : complet; 10 folios 9: photo 78g. a 88 dr.
F 79 ro a 88 yO;signer< au 088 yOseulement.
Cahier C II : complet; 8 folios 10: photo 88 g. a 95 dr.
F 89 ro a 95 yO;signe..:J au fo 89 ro et au 095 yo.
II manque l'equiyalent textuel d'un yOet d'un rOentre F 91 ro
et 92 yO: il manque donc la photo entre leg photos 90 et 91.
Cahier C III: complet; 10 folios 11:photo 95 g. a 105dr.
F 97 rOa 106yO;signe ,au 097 rOet au 0106yo.
Cahier C IV: complet; 10 folios 12: photo 105g. a 115dr.
F 107 rOa 116yO;signe:1 au 0107 rOet au 0116yo.
Cahier C V: complet; 6 folios 13:photo 115g. a 121 dr.
F 117ro a 121 yO;signe m au 0117ro seulement.
Cahier D I: complet; 10 folios 14: photo 121 g. a 131 dr.
{OS
123 rOa 132yO;signe t< au F 132yo.
Cahier D II: complet; 10 folios 15:photo 131 g. a 141 dr.
{OS
133ro a 142yO;signe ..:Jau F 133ro et au F 142yO.
7. Les fils de couture au milieu du cahier B I sont visibles sur la
photo 62, entre les f"" 62 VOet 63 rOo
8. La separation entre les cahiers B I et B II est visible sur la photo 67,
entre les f"" 67 VOet 68 rOoLes fils de couture sont visibles a la photo 73,
entre les f"" 73 VOet 74 rOo
9. Les fils de couture sont visibles a la photo 83,entre les f"" 83 VOet 84 rOo
10. La separation entre les cahiers C I et C II est visible sur la photo 88,
entre les f"" 88 VOet 89 rOoLes fils de couture sont visibles a la photo 91,
entre leg f"" 91 VOet 92 roo
11. Les fils de couture sont visibles a la photo 100,entre les f"" 101 VO
et 102rOo
n. Les fils de couture sont visibles a la photo 110, entre les f"" 111 VO
et 112 rOo
13. La separation entre les cahiers C IV et C Vest visible sur la
photo 115,entre les f"" 116 VOet 117 rooLes fils de couture sont visibles
a la photo 118,entre les f"". 119 VOet 120 roo
14. La separation entre les cahiers C V et D I est visible sur la
photo 121,entre les f"" 122 VOet 123 rOoLes fils de couture sont visibles
a la photo 126,entre les f"" 127VOet 128 rOo
15. La separation entre les cahiers DIet
D II est visible sur la
photo 131,entre les f"" 132 VOet 133 rOoLes fils de couture sont visibles
a la photo 136,entre les f"" 137 VOet 138rOo
141
Cahier DIll: complet; 12 folios 16: photo 141 g. a 153dr.

fos143ro a 154vo; signe~ au 0143 ro et au 0154vo.
Cahier D IV: complet; 10 fofios 17:photo 153g. a 163 dr.
F 155 ro a 165vo; signe:l au 0155ro et au 0164vo.
Cahier D V: anomalie: 11 folios 18:photo 163 g. a 174dr.
fos165 ro a 175vo; signe m au 0165ro et au 0175vo.
Apres leg 10 folios relies normalement, se trouve ajoute Ie
0175, plus petit; l'etrange est que c'est lui qui porte la signa-
ture.
Callier D VI: complet; 10 foliosl9: photo 174g. a 183 dr. + 193g.
+ 1.94dr.
F 176 ro a 184VO+ 195; signe (\ au 0176 rOet au 0195vo.
Lors d'une restauration, Ie cahier suivant D VII a ete place
tout entier entre leg deux demiers folios de D VI (F 184 et
195,photos 183 dr. et 193 g.).
Cahier D VII : complet; 10 folios: photo 183g. a 193dr.
F 185ro a 194vo; signe, au 0185 ro et au 0194vo.
On verifie que Ie texte se suit dans l'ordre suivant:
photo 174g. (0176 TO)a 183dr. (0184 VO)
photo 193 g. (0195 TO)
photo 194dr. (0195 VO)
photo 183 g. (0185 TO)a 193dr. (0194VO).
Cahier D VIII : complet; 10 folios 20:photo 194g. a 204 dr.
F 196ro a 205 vo; signe.)) au 0196 ro et au 0205 vo.
A partir du 0206, leg indications manquent pour reconstituer
leg cahiers; la presencede fils de couture au milieu de la photo
227 permet de proposer l'hypothese suivante :
Cahier D IX : 8 folios: photo 204g. a 212 dr.
F 206 rOa 213vo; signe \ au 0206 rOseulement.
Demi-folio supplementaire : photo 212g. et 213 dr.
0214.
16. La separation entre les cahiers D II et D III est visible sur la

photo 141, entre les OS
142 VOet 143 rooLes fils de couture sont visibles
it la photo 147, entre les OS
148 VOet 149 roo
17. Les fils de couture sont visibles it la photo 158, entre les OS
159 VOet
160 roo
18. La separation entre les cahiers D IV et D Vest visible sur la
169 VOet 170 roo
19. La separation entre les cahiers D V et D VI est visible sur la
180 VOet 181 roo
20. Les fils de couture sont visibles it la photo 199, entre les OS
200 VO
et 201 roo
A.
142
DESREUMAUX
Carner D X : 8 folios: photo 213g. a 221 dr.

{OS
215 ro a 222vo; non signe.
Cahier D XI : 12 folios 21: photo 221 g. a 232 dr.
{OS
223ro a 234vo; non signe.
.:
La photo 232 g. montre une page blanche; Ie F 234 est blanc
au rOet au Vo.
Le premier texte possedeun double colophon, l'un en persan,
l'autre en syriaque (F 44 VO);Ie secondrevele Ie nom du scribe,
Ie pretre Jeremie fils du pretre Thomas et la date du modele,
1243-1244ap. J.-C.
Un autre colophon, en syriaque, se trouve au F 172 To,apres
Ie quatorzieme texte; il semble concemer seulementce demier,
pour lequel il nomme Ie copiste, Ie pretre cabdi~o,fils du pretre
Isaie, et la date de 1741-1742ap.J.-C.
ContenD textuel du manuscrit.

1. Histoire de la Vierge22,
-Titre, F 1 yO,ligne 1-523
~~
,~~ rnk\ h
..~~~ r:<~~
.:;}~
~~
~r:< r:<~:\D r:<~o~ -p..~
~
~~ ;;c~ .~o~
.~r:< ~
t<Ji~~ ..mfu~~r:<O
~~
Grace a la force de Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Christ,nous commenc;ons a ecrire l'histoire de Notre-Dame Marie la Sainte
Vierge, mere du Christ notre Sauveur; que ce qu'il en ressort et
Ie profit que nous en retirons nons sauve.Amin .
Incipit, 01 vo, ligne 6 :
~r< ~r< .:. ~r< t<Jm r<~

~~
~~
~:\
~i:\:\.-C\ t<J~~IrJ]C\
~ ~r< .:. t<.xW.::J

~ ~m~
..::1\ bC\ A:\
~
.~m~C\~1..C\
...~m...~C\1...~00J...~r<
21. Les fils de couture sont visibles a la photo 217, entre les OS
218 VO
et 219 roo
22. Voir S. C. MIMOUNI,Les Vies de la Vierge. Etat de la question , in
Apocrypha 5 (1994),p. 211-248.
23. Dans la copie des textes syriaques,je respecteles alineas.
143
Freres, leg sagesaussibien que leg insenseset leg savantsont

celie habitude: ils deprecient leurs tresors aux yeux des
hommes, meme aux yeux de leurs fils et heritiers, tant qu'ils sont
jeunes, et bien qu'ils soient leurs heritiers...
Apres cette introduction, qui Teste inachevee par suite du
manque d'au moins un folio, vient, au {O2 rO [3 TO],ligne 1, Ie
texte de 1' Histoire proprement dite, a laquelle il manque Ie
debut:
r<~C'-.x.~ awr< ~~
.~
~ i~~ ~~
~r<C'
r<~~
r<C'm
r<~
.:\~r< ~C'
..roii~
r<~(\J ~r<C'
~~
\
...] Ii.Dieu, et il dit : "Je ne monterai pas sur Ie tapis de moo
lit et je ne donnerai pas de repos Ii. mes yeux ni de sommeil Ii.
mes sourcils jusqu'li. ce que Ie Seigneurm'agree" .
-Desinit,
fo 44 vo, lignes 8-12 :

C\.:Jm...o
r<~~
h r<1~
~r<o
~~
r<~~
t<.xhi::> "~ It<J ~ ~ ~ C\L~ m i:::1c~
r<~~
mo~r<o ~~ ~~
: ~r<i.ml
et ils donnerent une somme d'argent a Dinah et mirent
des gardes a la chambre sepulcrale de Jesus afin que leg gens
ne s'y rendent pas pour y prier et ils closirent Ie sepulcre
soigneusement...}}
-Colophon en persan, ligne 13-1424:
~L.: <..$"!
,
..;
~~..s ~
.:;1
.:;I~ 4i ~~I~ ~;ij ~L--,~

J:.IJ:. ..s...,...s.:;I ..;
,
I .;:...
.:;I~L- ~.;o.o.:;1
~J-:'~
~
Qu'est-ce que cette chose,faite par un ecervele?
(Le copiste) est repute a deux titres: considere Ie bon (cote).
C'est un ane l'homme qui ne sait pas;
l'homme ignorant est encore plus bas.
24. Ie remercie monsieur Francis Richard, de la Bibliotheque nationale

de France, de son aide pour lire ce colophon dans lequel Ie copiste,
comrne de coutume dans leg manuscrits syriaques, fait acte d'humilite,
en persan, cette fois. Il etait donc persophone. L'ecriture de ces veTS
approximatifs, du nastalik assezclair, n'est pas calligraphiee. L'origine
petit etre l' Azerbaldjan.
144
A. DESREUMAUX
-Texte:
Histoire de la Vierge (BRO 643-644; CANT 94), de
type nestorien, semblablea celle editee par E. A. W. BUDGE,The
History of the BlessedVirgin Mary, Londres, 1892,p. 3-93.
Par rapport a ce texte, l'ordre des sequences de celui de
Teheran est different; il semble plus proche de BRO 643.
cr. aussims. Siirt 82(A. BAUMSTARK,
Geschichteder syrischen
Literatur, Bonn, 1922,p. 99,n. 4).
Souscription, lignes 15-21:
~
I<Im t<..:J~ m.:J~t< mkt<
~ ~C\~
~
~
i.:> ~it<
t<i~:\
~
~~
~ t< ~
t<~~:\;:)
m-\..:\ ):J~
m:t.t<..:J~:\ ~ b '0 0 0 4':\

~~
t<C\('t:1J
m~
~ ~~
t<~m.:Jt< Wi~~C\
~~~:\
C\n:>
t< C\~
C\n:>
~~
1<1~
p:>t<C\
Ce livre, c'est Ie pretre Jeremie, fils du defunt pretre

Thomas, qui l'a fait ecrire a sespropres frais a l'image du modele,
de l'an 155525.Tout ce qui est passe par sa main, il ne l'a pas
change; quant a son possesseur,qu'il soit sous l'anatheme des
trois cents dix-huit Peres. Que leg corporels et leg incorporels
(Ie) declarentjuste. Ainsi soit-il et Amin .
2. Onirokritikon.
-Titre,
F 45 ro, lignes 1-2,sous un bandeaude tressebicolore :

a.Y.~ t<l.:J~ ~
r< ~r< ~ ..::>(\~
r<irn1V~r<~i:\.. ~
Autre chose.Avec l'aide du Dieu vivant, j'ecris l'interpretation

des reves selon les jours de la lune .
Incipit, ligne 2,
.x:J
t:< ~
..m,,~t:< t:<imm.:J~..l
m~cu~ ~
t:<j.))
~~"
Si un homme fait un songe, regarde comme est la lune et

selon Ie decompte desjours...
25. C'est ainsique DOUg

proposonsd'interpreterI'expression
4~. qui
seraittranscritedu turc. L'an 1555des Grecscorresponda I'an 12431244ap.J.-C.
145
Desinit, F 54 yO,lignes 8-9
~ir< m~~
r<~~~
~~~
+~C\.x.
Celui qui voit que lui est retire son anneau: la puissances'en
eloignera .
Explicit, F 54 va, lignes 9-10
a.x.~~
~r<~C\%.r<~~
Fin de l'interpretation des TeVeS.

Gloire aDieu. Amin
Les folios sont perturbes, si bien que leg paragraphessont

desordonnes.
-Texte : Onirocritikon.
Un texte syriaque semblable,avecde notables differencesdans
l'ordonnancement des chapitres et dans Ie contenu de certaines
phrases,se trouve dans Ie ms. Londres, BL (Bibliotheque britannique), Or. 4434,f"" 78 ro a 93 vo; il a ete publie par G. FuRLANI,
Une cle des songesen syriaques, in Revuede ['Orient chretien
XXII (1920-1921),p.118-144, 225-248.
3. PoemedeljnaniSode Nisibe.
-Titre,
fo 54 vo,lignes 12-13:
~~
~C\:r..~;,
.b..
~~
..i:::7J;,V\,;n;, ~~
Par la force de Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Christ, nous commen-
~ons.J'ecris Ie poeme de Mar I:inanio .
Incipit, ligne 13:

~C\.r.
~~
.~
..~ ~~ ~C\.r. ~
t<~~
.~ t<"m~ .,.~.."m ~I".
~I
... Gloire
a Dieu dans toute son reuvre,gloire a lui; dans taus
les temps et les epoques est sa grace.
-Desinit, F 56 vo, lignes 15-18:
~~
t<J:lJ
C\.r.~
,~ r:<;:\~~ r:<~.
~
=J. ~~
~r:< ~"r:<,~:\
'11
rn.\...r:<:\,~
r:<~~ ,~,,~
(De) quel tourment leg (vous) a delivres Ie roi

Christ celeste! Pecheurs,elle ne vous chatie pas
.Texte
146
A. DESREUMAUX
La misericorde de Notre-Seigneur Dieu. Fils de sa droite,

Comparez-vous au demier de vous tons, moi aussi26.
Explicit, f" 56 va,ligne 19 et demiere
pr:< "",;0:\~
J'ai acheve Ie poeme. Amin .
: poeme.
Un bandeau representant une tresse occupe Ie bas de la page.
4. HistoiresdesRechabites.
-Titre, fD 57 ro, lignes 1-5:
~~~,~~~h
~m~ r:<~~
~i~
..::>~
~i.:c;;o;I
,~ t<J6C\\ t<.:iJ~
~~C'
~'i:J
'" pr:<C' ~r:< ~~

Par 1a puissancede Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Christ,nous oommen~onsa ecrire l'histoire de ces hommes bienheureux. NotreSeigneur, aide-moi dans ta misericorde et fais-moi parvenir a
l'achevement dans la grace qui vient de toi. Ainsi soit-il et
Amin .
-Introduction,
ligne 15 :
ligne 5, au texte qui commence plus loin
~o~r<
~~
~m~ r<~~
~oi~
~mo
r<~o
,~
~~~
.~~~o
...I<.Y.~<'-D~
Mes freres bien-aimes, nous vous relatons l'histoire de ces

justes et bienheureux, demeures et temples de l'Esprit saint...
Visionde ZosimeparJacquesd'Edesse.
Incipit, fD57 To,ligne 15 :
~r< r<om ..mo~~ r<~~

~o
r<i.::>~ r<om ~
~:\D ~m om ~o,
r<~o
r<om hr< ~ ~
~ ~ ~ir<
26.La traductiondonneeesttresincertaine.
147
~C\s~
~r<C\ .:;cC\b ~ ..~r< ~

...~ ~ir<
r<~ ~ l<.xJi.:::I:\
(dans Ie desert oil se trouvait) Ie peTeZosime; ce saint habitait dans Ie desert depuis quarante aDSsans jamais manger
de viande ni boire de vin; pendant quarante aDS,il n'avait vu
Ie visage d'aucun humain...
-Desinit,
{O78 ro, lignes 4-7 :
~
.))so (T).J~0:\~~
..::>io~~mo
oom ~~
~mo
~ it<.=>o~
~im..Y. "biO
t<.x..:\D ~:iuuo
~~~~
.I ~iC\DO

Ainsi Ie Seigneur a-t-il magnifie sa memoire et son nom est
celebre au ciel et sur la terre; les peres et les saints moines se
rassemblentpour la vigile et l'oblation chaque annee.
Suivent des benedictions pour ceux qui ecoutent cette histoire, pour celui qui l'a ecrite, pour l'Eglise.
-Explicit,
F 78 va,ligne 6 :
r<~~~
:"C\.'r.r<mj~(\
~(\
I<L~(\
~~..<:J~~:\
: r<~~(\.r<~:\(\~(\
r<~r\
~~.~(\..m~l
pr<
J'ai acheve l'histoire des bienheureux elus et saints. ADieu,

gloire, glorification, louange et adoration; sur DOllSsa misericorde et sa grace pour les sieclesdes siecles.Amin .
-Texte:
Histoire des Rechabites (J. H. CHARLESWORTH,
The
History of the Rechabites, [SBL Texts and Translations 17,
Pseudepigraphia Series 10], Chico, Cal., 1982) de la Vision de
Zosime par Jacques d'Edesse (A. BAUMSTARK,
op. cit., Bonn,
1922,p. 251).
Autres mss.:
Paris, BN, Syr. 234,5 et 6;
Paris, BN, Syr. 235, 15 (incipit semblable);
Paris, BN, Syr. 236,17.
Vatican, Borgia sir. 39 (ct. J.-M. SAUGET,Un cas tres curieux
de restauration de manuscrit: le Borgia syriaque 39 . Etude
codicologique etanalyse de contenu,Rome, 1981.)
Birmingham, Mingana syr. 598 (copie sur Ie ms. Alqosh 212),
(ct. S. P. BROCK, Notes on some texts in the Mingana
Collection ~~,in Journal of Semitic Studies14 (1969), p. 215-216).
148
A. DESREUMAUX
5. Paraphrasede Dt 24.
Sanstitre.
Incipit, {O78 yO,ligne 11
.~~
'<i~
~(\
Et MoIse monta sur Ie moDi Nebo...

-Desinit,
F 78 va,ligne 20 :
~;~C\...
r<~~ .-ph;C\r<) t<i;~
l..~
.~
~ ~
i.:> ~ (\oX..)
Ensuite les fils d'!srael entrerent dans la terre de Jerusalem

grace a Josuefils de Nun .
II manque ensuite un folio et plusieurs cahiers.
Texte: Resume-paraphrase
de Dt 34.
6. Actesde Philippe.
-Titre,
fD79 ro, lignes 1-2:
~~:\
~~~
r:<~~ r<i.:J~ ,~:\ ~

.l.hi~ ,~ ~~(\
~
*~r:<
Par la force de Notre-Seigneur, j'ecris l'histoire de l'apotre

et evangeliste Philippe. Notre-Seigneur, aide-moi dans ta
bonte .
-Incipit,
ligne 3:
~~
.~
~
-pni(\~
~~~
~r\
~(\
~:\
r\~
.~
t Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Christ parla a l'apotre Philippe

dans une vision nocturne et lui dit a Jerusalem...
Desinit, fD 93 To,lignes 4-7
C'~C'
.pr<
.~C';C'
~
C\.1~C'r< C'~C' ~~
hC'
r< i. i-Y. r< ~ r< C':\.)) C'~ r< C' ~

C'
..m<'-.:Jr< ~C'
~
~C\L ,,~
: ~C'
: (\~C' r<ia.r<C' : (\.x. ~C'
Et tous ceux qui avaient entendu et vu, celebrerent, adorerent, glorifierent et dirent: Rejouissez-vous du Dieu veritable
Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Christainsi que de son PeTeet son Esprit;
a lui la gloire, l'honneur, la louange et l'adoration pour leg
siecles.Amin .
149
Explicit, ligne8
~
'" ~r<
Q)~~
~C\X
r<~~
r<~~(\
~~(\
J'ai acheve l'histoire de Philippe apotre et evangeliste.

Gloire aDieu. Amin .
-Texte : Actes syriaquesde Philippe dans la ville de Carthagene.
Le texte est identique a celui du Ms. de Londres, Royal Asiatic
Society(BRO 974; CANT 253)elite par W. WRIGHT,Apocryphal
Acts of theApostles,Londres, t. I (Texts), 1871,p. ~ a ~ 11nons
manque seulement l'equivalent de page n.$' ligne 6 a.)).$'ligne 5,
soit 42 lignes de Wright, ce qui correspond a un VOet un rOde 2
folios successifs:c'est donc la photo des folios 91 VOet 92 rOqui
manque.
Le texte est celui dont parle A. BAUMSTARK,
op. cit, Bonn,
1922,p. 68, qui signale en outre Ies mss.: .
Paris, BN, Syr. 235, 9;
Berlin 74, 7;
Urmia 103,8;
Urmia 38,5;
Londres, BL Or. 4526, F 176 roo
Baumstark note I'edition de Wright, mais sans donner Ie ms.
(qui n'est pas, bien sur, Ie meme que celui de BL Or. 4526,
puisque celui de Wright commencea F 107VO).
7. Histoiredu roi et desonfils.

0Titre, fO93 ro, ligne 10 :
'" r<~o;, ~
r<~~
~~
.=:Jo~
Autre chose.Nous ecrivonsune histoire pleine de merveilles.

-Incipit,
ligne 11 :
~r<C\ r<~C\'i~r< ~
:\)) ~
r<C\m ~r<
i.::I r< i (\i , r<i.::I :\)) ~
r< C\m
II y avait un roi, dans certains lieux, qui avait un jeune fils

age de cinq ans.)).
-Desinit,
F 96 ro, lignes20-21 et F 96 vo,lignes 1-2 :
:\1i ~ "
r:<bD ~
h ~~~r:<
r:<m"
.~
...m r:<i.:\-::) ~
~~r:<~ ~ t<J,~~ ~~
~
mi.:J~
Et lorsqu'il quitta cette vie, il rut depose a cote du tombeau

de son fils dans ce monastere me-me.Et voici qu'il jaillissait de
ces (tombeaux) des guerisons pour tons leg aftliges.
150
A. DESREUMAUX
Explicit,
fO96 yO,lignes 3-4
r<~{\:\ ~
r<~~
~r<
..m~1
~{\
: ~ r<~~{\
J'ai acheve l'histoire pleine de merveilles. Gloire aDieu et
que sesmisericordes soient sur nous. Amin .
8. Histoire de Nestol:
-Titre,
fD96 yO,lignes 5-6 :
~~
r:<m.1r<~r:<~
r:<~~
.).:\01t<.:) .YJ~
..::I"~
.m..i~
Autre chose. Histoire de l'homme de Dieu nOmIne Nestor,

que personne n'a reconnu .
-Incipit,
f' 96 yO,ligne 6 :
r<~~
r<~
()mJr< .~~r<
r<~i~:l~:l
t<:\r< ..n:ll ~ ()m ~m:l t<h~
m~
r<~
..m,,-,inI
'i ~m.b:l ()~ ..m"-'~

~~
r<~~
~:l ri:>-.~r< .~.x. ~m ~:l
r<~
i.::I .~m
.r)m
r<~.
~m
..m()~r< ~i
..mC'-h:l
r<;..~
Nous disons: histoire d'un homme admirable; mais si nons

l'appelons homme, celui qui etait ainsi, cela n'est pas juste. C'est
"ange" que nons nommerions celui qui a meprise tons leg plaisirs de ce monde. C'est donc a son sujet l'histoire suivante. Cet
homme etait fils d'un homme ires fiche .
-Desinit,
F 103vo, lignes 18-20:

mi:J,,~ m.h h ~1C'-X"
):1~" .~~~
t<J-\o))r;<".r;<im~~ ~:\D
.~~~
Et il lui indiqua toute sa vie: la premiere, une vie

merveilleuse, et l'autre, humiliee; et il ne lui cachait rien .
Texte: Vie la d'Alexis (BRO 36).
9. Histoiredu saintd' Edesse.

-Titre,
fO103 vo, lignes 20-21 et 104ro, ligne 1 :
~'i~;, r<~~
~:u..).:\.-
~.YJr<
~.
r<m..)r<;, r<~
:m~~
Deuxieme histoire de l'homme de Dieu qui n'a pas connu
d'homme jusqu'a sa mort .
Incipit,
151
Desinit,
{O104 rD, lignes 1-6:
t<~
m~~~
t<c\.x.t<i1~~~
m~~
'im km ~i6
t<~~
..mi,,~
~m~~
t<~
:\.L:)t<~t<~
~ .~
~~t<"
I<:J~,,~
.i~,
t<i.::J,
~ -pc b t<~t<~ t<~

.t<~~
Ce qui est revele de l'homme de Dieu grace it la diligence du

sacristain (1tapaJ.1ovapto~)est digne d'une bonne memoire.
Apres donc que rut passe un temps non petit, et qu'on eut re~u
l'histoire de l'homme de Dieu qui s'est leve du tombeau dans la
ville d'Edesse...
{O109 yO,lignes 3-12
bJ..uo
I<1.:JI:\r<~(\J ~:\D:\
~:\ ~~
r<~~:\
.~M~
.r<~~r<
r<~m~
~ ~
~~~
~:\D
~~o
..m ~
~o
~o~o
~om
i.:J ~
"\ i.:J~r< ~:\ .u~

~C\.x. m~:\
.m~ru$
.j:\~
r<~~~C\.x. .~i
~owo
.~
mJ..:Ji~ ~:\
~
~ ~:\
.~r<
~~r<
m1.})-sb3
Et commen~aa surgir du reliquaire du saint, et ce, en continu, l'huile sainte jusqu'a ce qu'il ne Testeplus a Rome et dans
to us les environs, un seul homme qui ne fut bent par ce don
divin, afin que soit a son Seigneur la gloire, au monde entier
l'aide de sesprieres, au miserable scribe et au lecteur constant la
communion avec lui, de par la promesse du Christ, lui qui exalte
et donne sanscessela victoire. Amin .
-Explicit,
F 109 va, lignes 12-15:
r<~r<~ r<~
,,~'i~~ r<~~
r<~i.:J ri:1h.\'l." .~C\.%. r<~~"
ho:>" r<-Y.m.,,~~
~"
..m~'i
]'ai achevela deuxieme histoire de l'homme de Dieu; gloire
aDieu; que sa misericorde et sa grace soient repandues sur
toute la creation, maintenant et dans tons (sic) .
Texte: Vita 2a d'Alexis (BHO 42).
152
A. DESREUMAUX
10. Actes de Matthieu et Andre au pays des anthropophages.

-Titre,
0109 yO,lignes 16-21; 0110 To,ligne 1 :

.:. \oC1.:)~
.:. ;I; .:. -=>,,~ ;I;
Q)r<;:ur<" ..~:I r<~~

"~~,,
$ b .~
r<~~
~ro" ""00 ~r< ~

""ro ~ro"
.r<"i.i.Y.~b
ri1.1~:1
""ro"
'"~ -p1n::1J
" ro:I ~
;I; r<:lro r<~~:1 r<;~~
~
r<~,,~
Autre chose.J'ecris l'histoire des apotres Matthieu et Andre

qui allerent precher dans la vine dont leg habitants mangent des
humains; ceux-la se convertirent, devinrent de vrais chretiens et
crurent en Christ Notre-Seigneur; que celui-ci soit favorable au
narrateur de cette histone au moment des felicites .
Incipit, F 110 To,lignes 1-6
ori:1.::l
~C\m~~~;,~'
r:<~C\i~r:< C\C\0),~C\
..~
.r:<~r:<
r<:i.:\C
r:<C\m
~C\ "'O)~
.U.=:J
~i~;,
..m r:<~~
~,~;,
.C\C\0) ~r:<
t<.xJ~
En ce temps-Iii. donc, alors que les saints apotres se trouvaient ensemble et se partageaient les regions entre eux, Ie sort
decida que I'apotre Matthieu irait dans la ville dont les habitants
mangent des humains .
-Desinit,
{O122 ro, lignes 20-21 et {O122 yO,lignes 1-7:

C'C'm~C'
.Q)C'~i:u~~ mm.\~ C'm :\.))~i-':::rJ~C'
: M
m.\~
.~~i-':::rJ
C'm :\.))C'
bC\DC'. ~~~C'
~~~C'~C' ~~~C'
~m.h hC' .~i-':::rJC'i ~~~
~
m~~~
~~C'
.~~:\O
~C'~
~m
~~:\i~
m.;~
..m~1C'
.~~C'
~C'm.J
p~C'
~~ ~
~C'
Et its s'ecriaient: Unique est Ie Dieu d' Andre, unique est
Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Christ a qui soit la gloire, l'honneur, la
louange, l'adoration, l'action de graces (et) l'exaltation; et que
sur tous leg enfants de l'Eglise sainte soient sa grace et sesmisericordes, Ie soin de sa bonte, et qu'elles abondent, maintenant et
dans tous leg temps et pour leg sieclesdes siecles.Ainsi soit-il et
amin .
153
Pasd'explicit. (Le restede la page estblanc).

Le texte est complet. II comporte de nombreusesvariantes par
rapport au texte edite par Wright.
-Texte: Actes d'Andre et Matthieu dans La ville des anthropophages (BHO 733; CANT 236). Ct. A. BAUMSTARK,op. cit,
Bonn, 1922,p. 68, qui signale d'autres mss:
Londres, BL, Add. 14645, 2 (935 ap. J.-C.), edite par
W. WRIGHT,op. cit, t. I (Texts), Londres, 1871 , p. ~ a ~
(102-126)et t. II (Traduction anglaise),Londres, 1871,p. 93-115;
Londres, BL, Or. 4404, f'O19 yO(XIXesiecle);
Sinal 82,5 (XlIe-XIlIesiecle), CatalogueA. SMITHLEWIS,p. 57;
Paris, BN, Syr. 234, 40 (XIIIe siecle), Catalogue ZOTENBERG,
p.184;
Paris, BN, Syr. 309,4 (1869 ap. J.-C.);
Berlin 74,12 (1694ap. J.-C.), Catalogue E. SACHAU,9;
Berlin 75, 4 (1881 ap. J.-C.), Catalogue E. SACHAU,222;
Urmia 103,2 (1715 ap. J.-C);
Urmia 41,1 (XVIlIesiecle);
Urmia 179,2 (XIxesiecle);
Alqosh, N.-D. des Semences112 (1895 ap. J.-C.);
Alqosh, N.-D. des Semences96 (1887ap. J.-C.).
11. Dialogue de Moise avecDieu.
.Titre, f" 123 ro, lignes 1-3 :
t<~~~~~(\.x.-J~
.:. t<.x.~
~~
f'{;"~~y~~
Au nom de Notre SeigneurJesus-Christ,j'ecris l'histoire du

plus illustre des prophetes, MoIse .
-Incipit,
fU 123 ro, lignes 3-6:
~~
~:\
~:\
r<i~
~
r<.Y.~
.r<~~
~~:\
boo .r<~r<-p:l.
.l.im.. ~ ~ru .<Jic~ (Y)..::)
r<om ~r<o
Lorsque Ie prophete Moise monta sur la montagne du Sinai
pour parler avec Dieu, il re~ut l' Ancien Testament oil se
trouvent les commandementsdestines aux Israelites .
Desinit, F 131 ro, lignes 8-11:
il~'-<n : l.im... ~ ~ j,'-<n .~~

~n
.-<~:\ ~
..-<~.-< ~ ~.-<:\ ~.-<.
~
~~
'-<~C\.:J.x.~: ~
~.-< ~:\
~n
:~.-< ~
~
~:\C\D:\ ~n~n .-<i::1:\n
154
A. DESREUMAUX
Et MoIse redescendit aupres des Israelites et leur raconta

comment Dieu lui avait parle; ce qu'il avait vu et entendu, ille
leur dit. Gloire au Pere et au Fils et au Saint-Esprit pour les
sieclesdes siecles.Amin .
Explicit, {O131 ro, ligne 12
r<:\m r<~~
J'ai achevecette histoire .

-Texte:
Dialogue entre Dieu et Moise, qui s'acheve sur une
annonce du Christ. 11est vraisemblable qu'il s'agit du meme
texte que celui de
Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University, Houghton Library,
Syr. 59,f" 105 ro;
Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University, Houghton Library,
Syr.166;
edition I. H. HALL, The Colloquy of Moses on Mount
Sinai , in Hebraica 7 (1890-1891),p. 161-177.
Vatican, Vat. sir. 597, f" 186ro-191vo.
12. Histoire d'Arsene et du roi d' Egypte.
-Titre,
F 131 ro, lignes 12-15:
,~ ~
..:J~~
~ir<
t<.::Ir<:\r<~~
~:\.<n..r<~i?:\~~
~~
.:.~ ~C'-X,~
Autre chose.Par la force de Notre-Seigneur,

nousecrivons
l'histoire du pere Arsene et du roi d'Egypte; comment l'a ressuscite Notre-Seigneur a qui soit la gloire .
-Incipit,
fO131 ro, lignes 15-20:

~:\~"-'..::)
.r<~":'\:)). ~:\.))
~,r<1:\ ...m"~~
.-phior<:\
~ i~
.~:\
r<:\.))r<~ic
..mo~r< .~:\.)):\
~ ,,~ r<om -po
cum .:\002..:\ ~ i~
.~ior<
h o~"
..i<~
Donc, un dimanche, qui etait Ie "dimanche apres Paques",

Notre-Seigneur se mit en route avec sesdisciples pour se rendre
au pays de Judee, c'est-a-dire au pays de Jerusalem. Sur Ie bord
du chemin, ils virent un crane desseche...
Desinit, fO134vo,lignes 15-20 et fO135 ro, lignes 1-4:
~:\
r<i~
)"r< ~~m
.~
~~
.r<i.Y.~ h"
r:<~s
-Texte:
155
.r:<~ru~ ~(\so:::> r:<~

r:<b(\;, t<Jm..:J
r:<~ ~
~(\ r:<C:'mhr:< ~ ~
b
~:\.).)
~ .;,~
~;'C\D ~r:< .r:<C:'m
-phr:< .~
~~
i~
~(\ .~~
.~~(\
r:<~~m\:J ~(\
m~
~(\
r:<~(Y]..:)r:<~(\
~;,
r:<~~
.~
~(\
-pm.:J~ .~:'I(\
.~r:<
Il se rendit a la montagne de Bethsaide et il y commen~a

avec diligence pendant quatre-vingts aDSdans celie belle regIe
du jeOne et de la priere, ne mangeantpas de pain, ne buvant pas
d'eau, mais prenant seulementla communion chaque dimanche.
Et apres ces quatre-vingts annees, son corps et son ame furent
accomplis en vertu. Meritons nous ausside jouir du royaume des
cieux avec lui et avec nos Peresles prophetes, avec les apotres et
les justes. Amin .
-Explicit,
F 135 ro, lignes 4-6 :
t<:l.:Jn\:\m~~
~C\.Y.
: ~r<"
r<~~
: ~ir<
"r< ..m~1
~"
j'ai acheve l'histoire du bienheureux Arsene. Gloire aDieu

et que sa rnisericorde soil sur nous. Ainsi soit-il et Amin .
Legende d'Arsene (cf. A. BAUMSTARK,
op. cit, Bonn,
1922,p. 284, f)
Autres mss.signalespar Baumstark:
Seert59 (date 1567ap. J.-C.);
Vatican, Vat. Borgia 39 (cf. J.-M. SAUGET,op. cit., Rome,
1981,p. 75-76);
Berlin 59 (Orquart. 802);
Paris, BN, Syr. 352 (date 1706ap. J.-C.);
Urmia 103(date 1706-1715ap. J.-C.);
Urmia 161 (date 1777-1778ap. J.-C.);
Urmia 44 (date 1826ap. J.-C.);
Cambridge, Mass.,Harvard Syr. 166,p. 49-55;
9ambridge, Mass.,Harvard Syr. 51, fD1.
Edition des deux derniers mss: I. H. HALL, The Story ofArsenius
, in Hebraica 6 (1890),p. 81-88.
13. Prefacea l'Apocalypse de Paul.
Titre, F 135 ro, lignes 7-16:
')'C'-L~:\
.;:)~
~~
I<.b ...~ t< :\ ...b t< ~ C\.\~
C'i.:>
156
A. DESREUMAUX
m~
.~
~~ ~ I<.:\~~m~~m
.r:<~~~
~~~
~i~
~m.:)..).~~
~~~
~;'1
h ~~(\
~~~
r<~~(\
~
..~~ ..<..~r:< r:<(\l))
~~
~:\l.
~(\
.~~~
~~
r:<~(\~
Par la force de Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Christ,nons commen~ons a ecrire une apologie a l'adresse de ceux qui disent avec
impiete qu'elle n'est pas authentique la Revelation de Paul
l'apotre de la verite, parce qu'ils veulent aller jusqu'au bout de
la passionde leur creur et de l'insatiabilite de leur ame en doutant des visions divines que Ie Christ a montrees au bienheureux
Paul que Notre-Seigneur a ravi jusqu'au troisieme ciel .
Incipit, fO135 To,lignes 16-20:
~~
~i:\\.))o ~~
~
~~
~:\C\D:\
~ ,~(\.).)r<'
1'<.))0; ..(\.).):\~~r<'
,~
~:\
m~rui.::>~ h .r<'11~
.t<.L:J1:\r<'~~
r<'~ .Y.::).:\.):\
):1:\0
Mes bien-aimes, je vais vous demontrer, a partir des livres
saints et des visions divines, que l'Esprit saint a montre aux prophetes en symboles l'economie du Christ Notre-Seigneur avant
que celui-ci revete un corps a la fin des temps...
-Desinit,
f' 138va,lignes 17-20 et f' 139 To,lignes 1-3:
r<I,r< h.::> ~m.J(\ ~

~(\i
.m.1
:)
~~
: M:\ ~(\~
..(\.)):\t<..~r<.
m..=>(\.)) ~
.r<~~
,r<:\ ~~
~(\
~ r<:lr<
~(\\))(\ ~,
r<~(\
~ .<oX.:\C\D:\
; {\.x.~~
~mh ~
~bJ(\i
~th::>(\ .<oX.m
.~~
~r<
Mais nous tous, soyons lui agreables et croyons en tous les

mysteresspirituels et les visions diVinesque l'Esprit saint a montres a ceux qui cherissentsatendresseet accomplissentsavolonte.
Gloire au PeTe,adoration au Fils, exaltation a l'Esprit saint,
par toutes les bouches terrestres sensibles, maintenant et dans
tous les temps et pour les sieclesdes siecles.Amin .
Explicit, F 139 ro, lignes 3-5 :
~(\ i.::1~
..::J~
Q)ru~ ~<\\,:\
.:. pr<
~~r\
-ph
~~
h:\
r<uix.
157
Est acheveel'apologie de la Revelation du bienheureux Paul,

apotre veritable et divino Amin .
-Texte : Preface de I' Apocalypsede Paul, qui suit.
On en connait quatre autres manuscrits:
Birmingham, Selly Oaks Colleges, Mingana Syr. 598, fD1 yO4rO.,
Vatican, Vat. sir. 180, fo 1 yO-4yO;
Paris, BN Syr. 352, fD8 ro (pagine 1) au fD11 ro (pagine 7);
Gottingen, Staats-und Uniyersitatsbibliothek, Syr. 1, fD103 ro,
ligne 20 a 105yO.
Voir A. DESREUMAUX,
Des symbolesa la realite : la preface a
I' Apocalypse de Paul dans la tradition syriaque , in Apocrypha
4 (1994),p. 65-82.
14. ApocalypsedePaul.
-Titre,
ro 139 ro, lignes 5-8 :
~h
~
:\ ~~.<1.:J ~ ~
(\.x:..J
~ :\
,~~
Q)~~ .<1.:J~:\ r<im~
: ~r\
~r<
m~rur
...t.i:\i
Par la puissance de Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Christ, j'ecris la
revelation merveilleuse du bienheureux apotre Paul. Qu'a ses

prieres, Notre-Seigneur m'aide. Amin et Amin .
-Incipit,
F 139 ro, lignes 9-12 :
~~
~~~
I<..~~ ~~
.~
r<~
ir<~ ~
~ r<"ro"
~r<
~~~"
~~
~, 1<.XJi.::>
..b~
...r<~h
La parole du Seigneur fut sur moi pour me dire: "Fils

d'Homme, va dire au peuple de la terre: Jusques a quand et
combien de temps pecherez-vous,accumulerez-vouspeches sur
peches
-Desinit,
"
fD171 yO,lignes 11-16:
~i::7).<J:\
~
~(\ :J ~~
,~~ .~
~m~1C'r<' ~
t<um .I<h:\:\
~:\
r<'~i~1 r<'~
~r<':\
~r<'
r<'C'm~C' .~~
~ ~~
~I.:J:\ C'r<'
~r<' C'"r<' ~r<' r<'~~
.r<'~C'~ ~
Toutes les paroles vaines que les hommes aurant dites recevrant leur reponse au jour du jugement. Ainsi done, suivez vas
158
A. DESREUMAUX
voies sansque la moindre parole vaine ou blamable ne sorte de

votre bouche, qui soil pour vous pierre d'achoppement et de
chute. Amin, ainsi soit-il et Amin .
Bandeaudecoratif,ligne 17.
-Explicit,
{O171 vo,lignes 18-19 et {O172 To,lignes 1-9 :

Q)~~
r<.I.::>,,\:1 t<~..:J~
-p.\.Y.
~:1 ~(\
~:1
~(\
~
..::."1K~ ~~t<J
t<Jrn r<..:::I~ ~
K i.:1:\ K ~ :1(\~ (\ ~
:1 r<..:::I
~ ~
C\.%
~:1C\C:1 ~(\~
K~~(\.~:1
~(\
~~(\
~rn
.~i.,.):1
t<Jrn ~~
~~
~:1 ~(\
.pK
K~C\.1~~
~(\
,~(\K
~ :;pi.,.) K(\(Y:1J
~(\ .~~:1
K~:\.1 ~(\ .K~:\D
~
~t<J(\
.K"i..i.x. ~K:1
K~:\.1
.:. *pK(\~K~
Est achevee la Revelation du bienheureux Paul apotre et

docteur des nations. Quiconque n'aura pas transgressece livre,
DOUglui dirons: "Freres. Gloire au PeTetout-puissant, louange
au Fils secourable, adoration a l'Esprit saint misericordieux,
maintenant et dans tous leg temps, et pour leg sieclesdes siecles.
Amin". Et quiconque ne croira pas en celie Revelation, qu'il
soil excommunie de l'Evangile, de la sainte Trinite et de la lisle
des angeset de la lisle des hommes de verite. Que tout Ie peuple
dise: Ainsi soit-il et Amin .
-Texte: Apocalypsede Paul (CANT 325).
Voir M. ERBETrA,Gli apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento,vol. III,
Lettere e Apocalissi, Rome, 1969,p. 354-356,n. 4. Le commence-'
ment du texte donne ici correspond au debut du texte grec edite
par C. VONTISCHENDORF,
Apocalypses apocryphae, Leipzig,
1866,p. 35, verset3.
La liste provisoire des autres manuscrits syriaques est aujourd'hui la suivante:
Vatican, Vat. sir. 180, 01 ro-40VO(Xlyesiecle?);
Vatican, Borgia sir. 39, 0122 vo-137VO(XVlesiecle?);
Vatican, Vat. sir. 597, 044 ro-49VO(XVIIesiecle?);
Cambridge, University Library, Add. 2043, 01rO-4VO(XVlleXVIIIesiecle?);
New York, Union Theological College (XVIIIesiecle?);
Alqosh, N.-D. des Semences,Scher 113 = Voste 212; aujour-
d'huiaDawra(vers1700ap.J.-C.);
Paris, BN Syr. 352, fO7 rO-17rO(1706 ap. J.-C.);
159
Cambridge, Univ. Lib., Add. 2050(1788 ap. J.-C.), {O58.47;

Urmia 42 (1795 ap. J.-C.);
Gottingen, Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek, Syr. 1 (olim
orient. 18d),{O103 ro-130 Vo(1870ap. J.-C.);
Cambridge (Mass), Harvard University, Houghton Library,
Syr. 59 (3985), (olim Semitic Museum 47), fo 117 ro-159 VO
(1853 ap. J.-C.);
Birmingham, Selly Oaks Colleges, Mingana Syr. 598, {O4 rO23 VO(copie faite en 1932sur Ie ms. Alqosh 212);
New York, Columbia University, Butler Library X 893.4.At 3;
Paris, BN Syr. 377,{O89 ro-123ro;
Montserrat, Abbaye Sainte-Marie, Syr. 24, fO46-113;
Cambridge (Mass), Harvard University, Houghton Library,
Syr. 169 (2179) (XVIllesiecle);
New Haven, Library of the American Oriental Society
RnR32;
New Haven, Library of the American Oriental Society
RnR32b.
Ed.: les deux premiers mss. ont ete edites par G. RICCIOlTI,
Apocalypsis Pauli syriaci iuxta codices vaticanos , in
Orientalia (1933), p. 1-149.
-Colophon,
F 172 To,lignes 9-22:

[ ] ..:J~~t<
')'C\.x..:\.::J.).
~
~C\
t<..C\:\..~t< ~
~fu:\
: ~t< t< .~
.~t<
~
: t<~C\~
):1"-'..:): \::i:x. .~i...::I
.~b
~ 1JJt<m.::;t< C\~ t< ~

: (Y)..::)
:~
t<~t< ):I:\Dt<~
t<~~s ,N~:\ ~m
1<::.\:\
.~C\~:\
..mC\~:\ ~(\.)) ~
~i:\
t<~~ ~m ~i:\.X.-J Q)~
~~
t<~
~ t<C\m~ I<::.\t<.~m ~~
~
~ ~~C\
.m~
~W:\
bc~t<:\ t<~C\
t<~~C\
t<~C\
t<m~
.<.x..:\D~
~C\
~ t<~t< ~b : ~t<
~')'C\.x..,~
~i 1<::.\:\
~ + ,,"i:\i~
+ ~
t< ):I ~
t< C\(T).J
A ete ecrit (...) de la main du miserable pecheur Ie pretre

(Abdi~o, fils du pretre Isale en I' an beni 2053 des Grecs 27,au
mois de fevrier, Ie vendredi 25. Je vous en supplie, freres et
peres lecteurs de ce livre, de faire des prieres d'intercession
devant Dieu pour la remission des peches du scribe, afin qu'il ne
27. L'an 2053 des Grecs equivaut a l'annee 1741/42ap. J.-C
A.
160
DESREUMAUX
soit pas puni de res chatiments severesdecrits dans celie revelation, mais qu'il ait part a la beatitude qui y est inscrite, et qu'il
jouisse d'etre re~u avec Ie publicain, Ie palen, Ie pecheur, Ie
samaritain et la cananeenne.Amen. Beni soit Dieu dans les hauteurs et gloire a son saint nom de generations en generations. t
Celui qui n'aime pas Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Christ, qu'il soit
excommunie. Amin t .
15. Histoirede Constantinople.

-Titre,
{O172 vo, ligne 1-3 :
r:<~~
~~
~
~m~ r:<~~
r:<m..)r:<:\.1..:J
.:::1{\~
~{\""'\'\vM~~
.:. r:<~i
~{\m,
~m
Autre chose. Par Ie Dieu vivant, j'ecris l'histoire de la vine

de Constantinople, qui est la grande Rome .
Incipit, lignes 3-7
~m..~i< ~mn
.r<~U::73n r<~~
r<~
r<~n
.~m..'i:\)) ~r< ~
~ i~ ~ ~r< n .riJ...~r< ~
.r<~'ir<
.r<~~n
.r<~~
.~m~~
Ainsi, il y a quatre quartiers. Le quartier oriental, l'occidental et Ie meridional, la mer leg entoure. Le quartier septentrional
est au sec; il a la porte d'or...}}
-Desinit,
f" 175 To,lignes 13-18:
~~
~;,
~~
r<~~ ~ ~~ ~C'
~C' .~i~
~, ~~
r<..C'~ ~~.
r<im~ ~
~~r<C'
~~r<
~mh
I<l.Y-:JI<l.r. h
~r< C'I.))
.:. ~r<
~m
C' ~
h r<~C';,C'
~~C'
Uti i.::I
Et les fils de l'Eglise les transportaient, en extrayaient l'huile

pour l'oblation: il y en avail suffisammentchaque annee. Gloire
au Createur qui met en ordre. Amin. Voyez, freres, je me suis
tenD dans l'emerveillement et l'etonnement devant toutes res
choses.Mon esprit y a reflechi, j'ai vu de roes yeux et j'ai observe attentivement .
-Explicit,
f" 175 To,ligne 19 :
r<~i
~C\mi
r<~~~
J'ai achevel'histoire de la grande Rome .
r<~~
bh
161
16. Pericopedu livre desluges..Samson.

-Titre,
f' 175 va,lignes 1-2:

,~~
r<~~
t<.L::I~ ~
r<~r<
:t...::).;)(\~
~~
Autre chose. Par Ie Dieu vivant, j'ecris l'histoire de Samson
Ie Philistin .
-Incipit,
fD175 vo,lignes 2-3:
~" ~ i ~ ~ r<~
r<~~
.~~
r<"m"
~:1 r<~iY.r<:\b ~"

Il y avait un homme de Ser'a,de la tribu de Dan, qui se nommait Manoah. Sa femme etait sterile et sansenfant .
-Desinit,
m~~r<"
~"
F 181 va,lignes 15-16:

.))~~
+~
roi::ln:::!
~~
.\...im..:\
~ "ro" ..roC'-:Jr<
...dans Ie tombeau de Manoah son pere; il avail juge Israel

pendant vingt ans.
Pasd'explicit.
Texte: Jg 13
16
17. Histoiredu recensement

desHebreux.
-Titre,
F 181 vo, lignes 17-18:

~:\
bim..~:\
t<l.::J~
.=:J"~
"""' ",~~r<
Autre chose.J'ecris Ie recensementdes fils d'!srael; combien

ils etaient .
-Incipit,
f" 181 vo,!ignes 18-20:
~r< r<m ~~
,(\J~~..ic.
r<~r< ~r<"
~(7)..::)r<:\
~i,,~
~r< .:\,r<
."\:~~
Et Dieu dit a MoIse: Voici que tu vas descendresur la voie

de tes peres. Appelle Josuefils de Nun, ton disciple...
-Desinit,
f'O182 yO,Iignes 5-6 :
r\m.J~ ;;cmb~
r<rn..\r< ~r<~ ~t<-::>~(\~
... depuis Ie jour oil Dieu dit a Aoraham qu'il serait un
etranger en terre d'Egypte .
-Explicit,
162
A. DESREUMAUX
F 182 yO,ligne 6 :
~-p.\.x-
Fin du recensement .
18. Histoire de Joseph,par Basile de Cesaree.

-Titre,
F 182 vo,lignes 7-9:

~fu:\ r<~~
~~
r<~r<
Q)~~.:::J ..~
r<~:\
.:::J(\~
.:::J~
i.::>
: ~ r< ~
1.=>
.1.h
in" i::1J .,<.. imc
Autre chose. Par Dieu, nous ecnvons l'histoire de Josephfils
de Jacob, faite par Basile de Cesaree.Notre Seigneur, aide-moi
par ta grace. Amin .
-Incipit,
F 182va,lignes 10-12:
~ ~~ 'i~ m) -:1mJ..:>~
t<.L:JC'-\,
~~
~"r<'" .r<'~~r<' ~~'i~" .r<'~'i~
r<'~"m.."..~" ~"
h..:J"i .~ ~ ~
Le bienheureux Jacob prit deux femmes libres; deux meres;
il en engendra douze fils: Ruben, Simeon, Levi, Juda...
-Desinit,
F 214 To,lignes 2-4:

.~i
t<br<
..m(:'i..))r<t<br<
m.\ C\:\::liC\
~C\:\.:)
..mC\i::1DC\~~
,,~m;b.C\
"'~~
Et ses freres lui firent une grande lamentation funebre, et

toute l'Egypte avec eux; its l'inhumerent dans un sarcophageen
Egypte.
Explicit, fO214 ro, ligne 4:
~fu~ t<~~
bh
J'ai achevel'histoire de Joseph.

(Le reste du folio est dechire et Ie F 214VOestblanc).
-Texte:
Histoire de Joseph, attribuee a Basile de Cesaree.
Ct. A. BAUMSTARK,
Geschichte,p. 79.
Edition: M. WEINBERG,Die Geschichte Josefs angeblich
verfasstvon Basilius dem grossen,aus CtEsarea,II, Berlin, 1895.
19. Partie du rituel.
-Titre, f" 215 ro, lignes 1-2:
L~GD ~r<
-=>~ r<m..\r< :\L::J -=>O~
.~
~~ ~~
Autre chose. Par Dieu, j'ecris la consecrationd'un autel sans
huile .
Texte:
163
Incipit, F 215 ro, lignes 2-3
~~(\
~~
[ ]~~:\C
r<~~
.~:\
~r<
D'abord, on commence: "Notre PeTe qui es aux cieux".

Priere "Adorons et glorifions..."
-Desinit
]~
et explicit, F 233 vo,lignes 21-24:
.x.:\D~ ~~ : ~~
t<~f'[i-\.
]
~~f'
t<1..mJ.:. ~
..:Jm..~ ~f' .:. ~~C\D m..::>
.~C\L
~ t<~f' t<~~
t<ia.~ ~
.D~'
.:. [ ] ~
-ph .:. ~t< : ~1
~f' : ~ ~~
~t<f'~t<
[ Ie ven]dredi saint, l'eucharistie n'y est pas consacree;cela

n'est pas du tout permis. Les luminaires, les encensementset les
[
] doivent etre faits pour la celebration liturgique et Ie
Seigneur Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Chri(st) a qui soil la gloire. Et
sur nous ses misericordes. Amin. Fin de l'ordo ( ). Ainsi soit-il
et Amin .
Le F 234et dernierestblanc
Autre ms.:
Paris, BN, syr. 283, n 12.
Consecrationde l'autel sans l'emploi du saint chreme.
Le manuscrit syriaque Issayi 18 est un recueil d'histoires

diverses, melant textes hagiographiques et apocryphes.II DOllS
afIre plusieurs temoins supplementaires de textes apocryphes
chretiens bien connus: Histoire de la Vierge, Actes de Philippe,
Actes d'Andre et Matthieu, Dialogue de Moise avec Dieu,
Apocalypse de Paul avec sa Preface.
II afIre aussi plusieurs temoins supplementaires d'reuvres
patristiques connues: Vision de Zosime par Jacquesd'Edesse sur
l'histoire desRechabites,Viesla & 2a d'Alexis, Histoire d'Arsene
et du roi d' Egypte,Histoire de Joseph par Basile de Cesaree.
II oflre quatre textes nouveaux, a ma connaissance: Histoire
du roi et de son fils, Histoire de Constantinople, Histoire du
recensementdes Hebreux, Poemede Hnanisho.
II apporte aussi un temoin d'un Onirokritikon. II s'acheve
enfin avec un rituel de consecration d'autel sans huile, connu
dans plusieurs manuscrits liturgiques nestoriens. Le premier
texte, celui de I' Histoire de la Vierge,a ete carie sur un modele
date 1243-1244.Le colophon de l'Apocalypse de Paul donne la
164
A. DESREUMAUX
date de 1741-1743.L'ensemble du manuscrit date du milieu du

XVIIIe siecle et reproduit d'anciens manuscrits. Comme l'ensemble de la collection Issayi, Ie manuscrit 18 appartenait au
fond de la cathedrale de la Vierge-Mere-de-Dieu a Sanandaj,
dans Ie Kordestan (Kurdistan iranien), 0\1se trouvaient la plupart des chaldeens catholiques avant que ceux-ci emigrent a
Teheran a la fin 1944. Le diocese catholique de Sena (ancien
nom de Sanandaj) rut en eifel ronde au XVIlIesiecle loTSde la
lIe union de certains nestoriens avec Rome. II etait alors rattache au diocese de Kirkuk (aujourd'hui en Irak). La collection
des manuscrits chaldeenscatholiques provient donc de la tradition nestorienne au XVlIIesiecle.A cette epoque, manifestement,
les nestoriens conservaientet utilisaient les apocrypheschretiens.
Remi GOUNELLE
Universitede Lausanne
A PROPOS D'UNE REFONTE

DE LA NARRATIO IOSEPHI
JADIS CONFONDUE AVEC
LES ACTA PILATI, ET D'UN DRAME
RELIGIEUX QU'ELLE A INSPIRE
The apocryphal story of Christ$ Passion in ms. Parisinus gl: 1021 is
commonly regardedas a version of the Acts of Pilate. In fact, howevel; it
is a recasting of the Narratio Josephi, whose author has drawn on the
Acts of Pilate to expand the very hastyaccountof Christ's trial found in
his main source. The Cyprus Passion Cycle of ms. Palatino-Vaticanus
gr 367, j' 34-39 is basedon this reworked text of the Narratio, and not
on the Acts of Pilate. Thanks to this discovery,it is possible to put a new
reconstruction and translation of the secondpart of the scenewhosetitle
is Peter's Betrayal
Le texte transmis notamment par Ie Parisinus gl: 1021 est classiquement considere comme une forme des Actes de Pilate. Or il s'agit en
realite d'une refonte de la Narratio Iosephi. Pour completer Ie recit du
proces de Jesus,tres rapide dans la Narratio, Ie compilateur s'est servi
desActes de Pilate. C'est cette refonte de la Narratio qui esta la source
du drame sur la Passion du Christ transmis par Ie Palatino- Vaticanus
gl: 367, r 34-39, et non les Actes de Pilate. Cette constatationpermet
de proposer une nouvelle reconstitution et une nouvelle traduction de
la secondepartie de la sceneconsacreeau Reniement de Pierre.
Le Parisinus gr. 1021 est un manuscrit qui a intrigue tant

J. C. Thilo que C. yon Tischendorf 1 lorsqu'ils ont prepare leur
edition de la recension grecque A des Actes de Pilate. Tous
deux signalent en effet I'aspect composite du texte transmis par
L J. C. THILO, Codex apocryphus Noui Testamenti,I, Leipzig, F. C. G.

Vogel, 1832,p. cxxix-cxxv,487-802, et C. VaN TISCHENDORF,
Euangelia
apocrypha, adhibitis plurimis codicibus grO!ciset latinis, Leipzig, 18762,
p. lxxii, qui ne fait que resumerla notice que THILO,op. cit., a consacree
a ce manuscrit.
Apocrypha 5, 1994,p. 165-188
166
R. GOUNELLE
ce codex, et ne l'utilisent que pour leur edition des chapitres 1VIII. L'utilisation du Paris. gr. 1021 en rapport avec les Acta
Pilati depuis les premieres editions de cet apocryphe jusqu'a
celIe de Tischendorf 2, ainsi que les indications extremement
sommaires donnees par Tischendorf sur les problemes poses
par ceUe forme textuelle ont provo que une complete
identification du fecit transmis par ce manuscrit avec les Actes
de Pilate, alors que Thilo faisait preuve de prudence sur la
nature de ce texte 3.
Une question se pose donc: Ie texte transmis par ce manuscrit
est-il reellement une forme des Acta Pilati grecs? A la lumiere
de la reponse que nons donnerons a celie question, il nons faudra reexaminer la question de la parente des Acta Pilati avec un
celebre drame religieux chypriote, puisque S. Lambros, son premier editeur, avail des 1916 attire l'attention de ses lecteurs sur
les parentes de ce drame avecIe Paris. gr. 10214.
Depuis Tischendorf, Ie dossier manuscrit de ce texte -que
nons designerons arbitrairement par la lettre T -s'est amplifie,
et on en compte maintenant quatre temoins, tons du XVIesiecle5,
pour lesquelsnons proposons provisoirement les siglessuivants:
2. Ce temoin est signale des l'edition de J. A. FABRICIUS (Codex

Apocryphus Noui Testamenti, I, Hambourg, B. Schiller, 17192, p. 237),
qui n'editait qu'un texte latin des Actes de Pilate. Ce manuscrit a ete utilise par MEURSIUSet DU CANGE dans leurs dictionnaires, ce qui a donne
one certaine celebrite a cette forme textuelle (cf. R. GOUNELLE, Acta
Pilati grecs B (BHG 7798u-w) -Traditions
textuelles , in Recherches
augustiniennes 26 (1992), p. 274, n. 6; l'identification de l'Anonymi de
Passione Domini utilise par MEURSIUS avec Ie texte du Parisinus gr.
1021 a ete effectuee par THILO, op. cit., p. cxxv). L'argumentation mise
en place par A. C. MAHR (The Cyprus Passion Cycle, Notre Dame
[Publications in Medireval Studies, IX), 1947, p. 1-2] pour montrer que
cet Anonymi de Passione Domini est en fait one seconde copie (perdue) du drame transmis par Ie Palatino-Vaticanus gr. 367 n'est pas
convainquante; leg parentes -au
demeurant inegalement pertinentes
-qu'A.
C. MAHR a trouvees entre ce drame et l'Anonymi utilise par
MEURSIUS s'expliquent par Ie fait que Ie Parisinus gr. 1021 est one
recension d'un texte qui a servi de source a ce drame, comme nous
allons Ie montrer.
3. Cf. plus haul, n. 1.
4. Bu~uvttVTt 0"K1lVO9EttKTtOtatuf,t<; tmV 1tu9mv tOU XptO"tOU, Neal;
~).)."vaJ1vliJ1(J)v13 (1916), p. 381-408. Sur ce drame et leg diverges editions qui en ont ete faites, ct. plus bas.
5. Les catalogues de manuscrits ont systematiquement repertorie ce
texte sous Ie titre Gesta Pilati.
A PROPOS DE LA NARRATIO JOSEPHI
167
Istanbul, Ecole theologique de Chalki, gr. 100(92), {OS202222 yo.
Jerusalem, Saint-Sabas,gr. 422, OS

1-386.
Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, gr. 947 (a. 1574), OS
115 yO-
pI
133.
p2
Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, gr. 1021,{OS

347-367.
Analyse de T et hypothesessur son origine.
Un titreproblematique.
A la lecture de T, du mains tel qu'il est transmis dans I et p2,
on comprend la perplexite de Thilo et de Tischendorf. Des Ie titre
en effet, T arbore une physionomie complexe 7: 'Yno~V1'1~a'ta 'tau
Kupiou 1i~&v 'l11aou Xpta'tou Ka't' aKpi(3Etav, Kai Ei<; 't1'JVanoKa91'1AOOatv 8 au'tou auyypa<pE1aa
napa
'tau ayiou
'looavvou
0EOAOYOU, avaytVOO<J1CO~EVa
'tn ayi;z Kai ~EyaAn napaaKEUn.
Ce titre pose quelques problemes de comprehension
et de traduction. A quai faut-il en effet rattacher Ie participe auyypa<pE1aa? L'indication
de Jean camille auteur ne peut grammaticalement se rapporter a uno~v1'1~a'ta, seul autre mot au nominatif, a
mains de carriger auyypa<pE1aa en auyypa<pEV'ta (comme avaytvooaKo~Eva, qui, lui, est lie a uno~v1'1~a'ta). Le texte parait donc
fautif. 11 est possible de carriger auyypa<pE1aa en auyypa<pE1aav
et de Ie faire ainsi se rapporter a anoKa91'1AOOatV,mais il est difficile de mettre sur Ie meme plan les complements
notre seigneur
Jesus Ie Christ , au genitif, et sur sa crucifixion , introduit par
6. Ce manuscrit est lacunaire en son debut et tres fautif, au point que Ie

texte en est parfois illisible. Le texte qu'il donne est particulier (il
contient notamment des doublets -ainsi la seconde prosternation du
messagerdevant Jesus [ro 5 VO]est-elle repetee au ro 6 To,mais en des
termes differents). Nous ne recourrons donc a ce temoin que partiellement, notre but n'etant pas de fournir une edition critique de T, mais de
signaler a la recherche l'existence de ce texte et sesprincipales caracteristiques. Nous exprimons notre vive reconnaissancea l'archimandrite
Aristarche, bibliothecaire du Patriarchat grec-orthodoxe de Jerusalem,
qui nous a accueilli dans son domaine et a tout mis en reuvre pour nous
obtenir un microfilm de ce manuscrit.
7. pI donne un titre tres court: IIEpi "tiil; maupoocrEO><;
"tou Kupiou fll1tbv
'Illcrou Xplcr"tOU.Jest lacunaire en son debut, et ne transmet donc pas
de titre.
8. Ce terme, rare si rOD en croit les dictionnaires classiqueset patristiques que nous avons consultes,s'utilise pour parler de la deposition de
la croix.
168
R. GOUNELLE
EtC;.Nous proposons donc plutot d'en rester a la solution proposee de Thilo 9: suppleer btTlYllcrtC;(ou icr'topiu) devant &tc;permet d'obtenir une structure coherente.
Tout se passe donc comme si Ie titre primitif etait 'Yno!lVTl!lU'tU 'tOU Kupiou fI!lrov 'Illcrou Xptcr'tOU KU't' aKpij3&tUv, avuytVrocrKO!l&VU'tfll'zyic;r KUt !l&ya"-n nupucrK&ufl <memoires de
notre Seigneur Jesus Ie Christ [faits] avec precision, Ius Ie
Vendredi saint), et que la mention d'une (histoire) sur sa
deposition ecrite par saint Jean Ie Theologien (&tc; 'tilv anoKu9Tl,,-rocrtvUO'tou cruyypucp&icrunapa 'tOU I'zyiou 'Iroavvou 0&0"-0you) avait ete ajoutee dans un second temps, ce qui expliquerait
la curieuse construction grammaticale de la phrase.
Plusieurs remarques s'imposent. D'une part, Ie rapport de T
avec les Actes de Pilate parait d'emblee problematique. En effet,
Ie titre primitif de T, tel que nous proposons de Ie reconstituer,
est assezproche des titres des Actes de Pilate donnes par la tradition manuscrite grecque A 1,mais nous avons la trace explicite
de l'utilisation liturgique de T, alors qu'une telle mention est
absente des manuscrits de la recension grecque A des Acta Pilati
dont nous avons connaissance 11.D'autre part, il semble que T se
presente comme Ie resultat de la fusion de deux autres textes des memoires du Christ auxquels auraient ete ajoutee une
(histoire) sur sa deposition . Que croire dans ce qu'affirme Ie
titre? T est-it compose a partir de deux textes? La realite
semble beaucoup plus complexe.
Un textepuisant a au moins trois sources.

De fait, T parait resulter de la fusion de trois textes: la
Narratio Iosephi, les Acta Pilati, et un recit inconnu -peut-etre
tine homelie pour Ie temps de Paques12.
9. Op. cit., p. cxxiv (cette conjecture est reprise par TISCHENDORF,
op. cit.,p. 210,dans l'apparat).
10. On trouvera un bon echantillon des divers titres de la tradition
manuscrite dans l'apparat de l'edition de TISCHENDORF
(op. cit.,p. 210).
On notera que Ie titre qui s'est impose ('Y7to~v1'J~atatOUKupiou ft~mv
'IllO"ouXplO"tOU)est peu representedans les manuscrits.
11. Andros, Moni Ag. 46; Athos, Lavra K81, Al17; Londres, Bristish
Libr., Harleian. gr. 5639; Milan, Bibl. Ambros., gr. 4 (A56 sup.),C92 sup.;
Munich, Bayer. gr. 192,276,524; Paris, BN gr. 770,929. Ces manuscrits
forment la quasi-totalite des temoins des Actesde Pilate grecsde type A
reperes par MmeB. Tambrun-Krasker, qui en a fait line collation qui est
maintenant en cours d'etude par MmeC. Furrer.
12. THlLO, op. cit., p. cxxv, avait bien repere ces differentes sourcesde
T, mills il n'en a malheureusement pas tire toutes les conclusions qui
169
T s'ouvre en effet par un resume du deuxieme prologue de la

recension grecque A des Acta Pilati, avec quelques particularites: un seul consul est mentionne, et on indique la pretrise
d' Anne et de Calphe 13.
-Du
vol des rouleaux de la Loi a l'arrestation de Jesus.
Apres cela commence un curieux fecit, introduit par la cheville 'Ev of. 'ta'i~ ti~Epat~ tKEivat~ 14.II s'agit des premiers chapitres de I"Y cpilYllcrt~'Iwcrilcpou Narratio Iosephi 15(I, 1 a III, 1),
repris en abrege, et avec quelquesvariantes dans Ie texte.
II debute par une presentation des deux larrons, Dysmas et
Gestas, et de leurs mefaits. Dysmas en particulier a vole les rouleaux de la Loi dans Ie sanctuaire, ce qui empechait les Juifs de
feter la Paque. Judas Iscariot, dont on apprend qu'il etait parent
de Calphe 16,et qu'il n'etait pas un disciple sincere de Jesus,
accuseJesus du vol des rouleaux de la Loi. Nicodeme, qui etait
charge de veiUer sur ces rouleaux, s'oppose a une teUe accusation, mais la fine de Calphe 17,que les Juifs tenaient pour une
prophetesse, rappeUe les propos de Jesus sur la destruction du
Temple. Le sanhedrin arrete donc Jesus.III'interroge, mais en
vain. Le sanhedrin fait rechercher la fine de Calphe afin de la
mettre a mort 18,puisqu'ils ne peuvent celebrer la Paque. Mais
Calphe detoume I'accusation et promet que si on met Jesus a
mort, on retrouvera les rouleaux de la Loi. Les chefs juifs
donnent en secret de l'argent a Judas pour qu'il temoigne au
peuple qu'il a vu Jesus voler la Loi et liberent Jesus.Judas se
rend dans Ie Temple et demande queUerecompense il aura s'il
s'imposent, ce qui a permis 11.

la recherche ulterieure de continuer 11.
considerer T comme une forme des Actes de Pilate. On verra que, si nos
conclusions rejoignent sensiblementcelles de THrLo, il nous semble en
revanche qu'elles remettent profondement en cause cette attribution.
13. Nous suivons Ie texte de I, non qu'il soit preferable aux autres,mais
parce qu'i! est particulierement bien lisible. Nous avons verifie sur les
autres temoins mentionnes qu'il ne s'agissepas d'une forme de T qui
presente trap de specificites.
14. I, f" 202.
15. Sur ce texte, cf. M. GEERARD,ClavisApocryphorum Novi Testamenti,
Turnhout, Brepols, 1992,p. 55, s. n 76. Ce texte, fort peu etudie, a ete
edite par TrSCHENDORF
(op. cit., p. 397-401),et traduit dans les principaux recueils de textes apocryphes.On affirme generalementqu'il s'agit
d'une reecriture tardive des Actesde Pilate(cf. par ex. ibid., p.lxxxi).
16. La Narratio Iosephi precise qu'il etait son neveu.
17. La Narratio Iosephi la nomme >:appa.
18. Dans ce passage,Ie texte ne nous parait pas d'une absolueclarte.
170
R. GOUNELLE
revele l'auteur du vol des rouleaux. Trente pieces d'argent lui

sont offertes. Suit Ie fecit de l'arrestation de Jesus.
-Du proces a la sentence.
Apres l'arrestation de Jesus, T enchaine sur Ie texte de la
recension grecque A des Acta Pilati, qu'il suit jusqu'a la sentence de Pilate (IX). Le lien entre les deux textes est fait. assez subtilement par une phrase dont Ie debut provient de la Narratio
Iosephi et la fin des Acta Pilati grecs A.. IIoAAa obv OElva 7tpa~aVtE~ tif> 'IllO"ou, tn of; VUKtt EKEivn, /O"U~~OUAlOVE7toillO"av
Kata tau 'IllO"ou ~vva~ Kat Kala<pa~...19
Le fecit des Acta Pilati, tout comme celui de la Narratio
Iosephi qui Ie precede, est resume, parfois amplifie, parfois
modifie. Voici un exemple des modifications apportees par Ie
redacteur de Tala recension grecque A des Acta Pilati V:
Acta Pilati, V, 120
In
'Eyc'o Etnov tOt<; npEO"I3UtEpOt<;

Kat tOt<; iEpE\)m Kat AEUitat<;
Kat navtt
tlj) nAf1eEt troy
'Iouoairov
EV tft O"uvayroyft.
ti ~lltEttE
J.1Eta to\) uvepmnou tOVtOU;
() QVeprono<;
obto<; nOAAa O"llJ.1Eta nOtEt
Kat
napaoo~a,
a OUOEt<;
EnoillO"Ev OUOf.nOtf1O"Et. ~<pEtE aUtOv Kat J.1i1130VAEO"eE
tt
novllPOv Kat' auto\).
Ei EK
E>EO\) EO"ttv ta
O"llJ.1Eta a
nOtEt, O"taef1O"ovtat.
Ei of.
'Eyill Ei7tov 'to'iC; llpXtEpEucrtv

Kat 'to'iC; 7tpEcr(3U'tEpOtC;, Kat
'to'iC; AEU1'tatC; llAAa Kat 7taV
'to 7tA~9oC; 't~c; cruvaYffiY~C;
o'tt. 't1 ~l1'tE'i 'tE EK 'tou llv9pro7tOU'to6'tou : () yap aV9pffi7tOC;
OO'tOC; 7tOAAa cr11JlE'ia 7tOtE'i
E~ uvepmnrov, KataAUef1-
E~ llv9pro7tffiV,
crov'tat.
O"ovtat.
Kat yap MroUO"f1<; unoO"taAEt<;napa E>EO\)Ei<; Aiyuntov
EnoillO"Ev O"llJ.1Eta noAAa, a
Kat
7tapaOo~a,
oUOE'iC;
UAAOC; 7tE7tO111KEV. 'A~E'tE

au'tov Kat JlTJ(3oUAij911'tE Ka't'
au'tou 7tOV11pa. Kat Ei JlEV EK
0EOU Eicr1v 'ta cr11JlE'ia a
7tOtE'i, cr'tEPEffi9ijcrov'tut. Ei OE
Ka'taAu9ij-
19. I, fa 204 va. Nous traduisons: Ayant fait beaucoup d'autres terribles chosesa Jesuscette nuit-Ia, / Anne et CaIphe convoquerent une
seancecontre Jesus.
20. TISCHENDORF,
op. cit.,p. 234-235.
21. Fa 206 yo. Nous corrigeons leg quelques fautes d'orthographes
(confusions de at et de E,et quelques iotacismes)sansIe signaler.
171
Et7tEY abtlJ> () 0EO<; 7tott;crat

f:~7tpOcr8EY apam l3acriAEffi<;
Aiyu7ttou.
Kat
~craY EKEl
aYOpE<; 8Epa7tOYtE<; apam
'IaYYt;<; Kat tOY 'Ia~l3pt;Y,
Kat
E7toillcray
Kat
abtot
crll~Ela ObK oAiya a E7toiEt
Mffiucrt;<;, Kat EtXOY abtoi>c;
01 Aiyu7ttot
00<; 8EOU<; tOY
'IaYYt;Y
Kat tOY 'Ia~l3pt;Y.
Kat
E7tEtOTl ta crll~Ela
a
E7tOtllcray ObK ~craY EK 0EOU,
a7troAOYtO Kat abtot Kat 01
7ttcrtEUOYtE<; abtol<;. Kat YUY
acpEtE tOY aY8pffi7tOY tOUtOY.
ob yap EcrttY a(;to<; 8ayatou.
Le texte des Acta Pilati a ete nettement reduit : toute la seconde

partie de l'intervention de Nicodeme qui fait un discret parallele
entre MoIse et Jesus est omise dans T. Peut-etre a-t-elle ete
consideree par Ie compilateur comme accessoire.Ce phenomene
d'abreviation peut aussi se constater dans Ie detail du texte;
ainsi par exemple la foule des Juifs dans la synagogue
devient-elle la foule de la synagogue . On peut en outre
remarquer des modifications d'ordre stylistique : dans la premiere
phrase, Ie peuple est mentionne a l'accusatif et non au datil
comme dans les Acta; un peu plus loin, la preposition ~E'ta ('tou
avepro7tOU)
devient EK...
Dans T figure en outre une longue omission qui couvre les
chapitres II, 5-IV, 5 des Acta Pilati, c'est-a-dire la partie de cet
apocryphe qui est la plus proche des evangiles canoniques: les
Juifs pieux favorables a Jesus refusent de jurer, et confirment a
Pilate que les autres Juifs veulent mettre a mort Jesuspar jalousie; Pilate sort du pretoire et essayede convaincre les Juifs de
juger par eux-memes Jesus,ce qu'ils refusent, puis, retournant
dans Ie pretoire, il dialogue avecJesussur sa royaute; Pilate sort
reaffirmer l'innocence de Jesus mais les Juifs lui renvoient les
paroles de Jesus sur Ie temple de Salomon; il fait une tentative,
desesperee,aupres des Juifs pour Ie sauver,va demander a Jesus
ce qu'il doit faire, et essayede nouveau, sans espoir, d'obtenir
des Juifs qu'ils Ie jugent eux-memes.
Des Ie debut du chapitre IX des Acta Pilati, les divergences
entre Ie texte des Acta et T augmentent. Les paragraphes1 a 3
en particulier deviennent meconnaissables.Dans les Acta Pilati,
Pilate convoque Nicodeme et les douze hommes pieux qui
172
R. GOUNELLE
avaient affirme que Jesusn'etait pas ne de la fornication, et leur

demande ce qu'il doit faile, etant donne que Ie peuple s'agite.
Mais la reponse est evasive: Nous ne savonsque faire! Pilate
donne alors a la foule Ie choix entre Barabbas et Jesus.La foule
choisit Barabbas, et demande que l'on crucifie Ie Christ. Des
Juifs poussent a bout Pilate en lui presentant comme incompatible sa loyaute face a l'Empereur et la vie de Jesus.En colere,
Pilate rappelle alors aux Juifs qu'ils ont de tout temps ete un
peuple seditieux, qui s'est toujours oppose a ses bienfaiteurs;
puis il cherche a sortir du pretoire, mais les Juifs Ie retiennent et
lui apprennent que Jesus est l'homme qu'Herode avait recherche et a cause duquel a eu lieu Ie massacre des enfants nes a
Bethleem. Dans T en revanche, Pilate sort du pretoire et prend
a temoin Ie soleil de l'innocence de Jesus.Le peuple s'agite dans
tous les sens,et les Juifs crient a Pilate que s'illibere Ie Christ, il
n'est pas ami de Cesar, et que quiconque se proclame roi est
contre l'Empereur. Pilate invite alors les Juifs a prendre Jesuset
a Ie juger par eux-memes,car il ne trouve pas de chef d'accusation contre lui. Mais les Juifs demandent qu'il soit crucifie, et
rappellent en passantque Jesus avait ete recherche par Herode.
Le contenu de T et des Acta Pilati est donc sensiblement Ie
meme, mais T deplace ici une partie de ce que les Acta placent
en III, 1... En outre, la formulation differe, ainsi que l'agencement meme du fecit -dans T, Pilate sort du pretoire, ce qu'il ne
peut faire dans les Acta; dans T, Pilate ne cite pas les Ecritures.
On peut se demander d'ou provient Ie texte de T. En tout cas
pas de la Narratio Iosephi, qui est extremement concise sur la
condamnation de Jesus22.Notons simplement que Test beaucoup plus proche des evangilescanoniquesque les Acta 23.
-Le
dialogue sur la croix et la mort de Jesus.
Apres la mention de la crucifixion des deux larrons, T poursuit son fecit a partir de la Narratio Iosephi (III, 2-III, 4). II peut
ainsi narrer une sequence qui n'est pas presente dans les Acta
Pilati, a savoir Ie discours du mauvais larron, Gestas, qui ne
reconnait pas en Jesus Ie Christ, mais un homme VIis comme
une bete sauvage et depourvu d'aide, puis celui du bon larron,
Dysmas, qui reconnait en JesusIe Christ, et qui lui demande de
Ie sauverdes enters, et enfin la reponse de Jesus.
Resumant la suite de la Narratio (III, 4-IV, 3) en quelques
lignes, Ie texte nous montre les etres celesteschanter Ie Trisagion
22. Ct. Narratio Iosephi,III, 1

23. Ct. In 19,4 s.
173
a la vue du type de la croix 24porte par Ie bon larron camille par

un roi qui en serait ceint.
-Une
curie use transition,
d'Arimathee.
suivie
de la saga de Joseph
On lit alors tine phrase curie use dans ce contexte: "IOE'tE,

aoEA<poi !lOU, 07tocrov KUAOVt.cr'ttV tl t.AEll!lOcrUVll. llUpUKUA&
obv u!la<;, aoEA<poi, 7tpocrEXE'tE!lE'ta aKptf3Eiu<; 7tpo<;'tilv eEiuv
OttlYllcrtV 25. Cette interpellation des auditeurs nous confirme
que nous sommes bien ici en presence d'une lecture de type
liturgique, mais elle est surprenante, puisqu'il n'etait pas auparavant explicitement question de misericorde. Elle renvoie probablement a la promesse de Jesus a l'egard du bon larron. La presence de cette formule indique-t-elle
que nous serions en
presence du debut d'un autre texte?
De fait, la suite de T est bien differente de ce qui precede.
Thilo et Tischendorl 26 ant affirme sans plus de precision qu'il
s'agissait d'un texte composite. En tout cas, ce fecit reprend
l'histoire des Ie complot des Juifs et la trahison de Judas, et
narre la crucifixion, la demande du corps de Jesus par Joseph
d' Arimathee sur la requete de Marie, l'ensevelissement de Jesus
et les lamentations qui s'y deploient, l'arrestation de Joseph
d' Arimathee, et sa liberation de prison. On y parle de Marie
Theotokos, et de Jean Ie Theologien, qualificatifs absents de la
recension grecque A des Actes de Pilate.
Le centre du fecit est Joseph d' Arimathee. En eifel, des Ie
debut du complot contre Jesus, Joseph cause les inquietudes des
Juifs parce qu'il n'est pas de la partie, alors que Pilate, lui, est
tres peu present. Joseph apparait d'ailleurs camille un nouveau
Jesus. En eifel, les Juifs, apres l'avoir arrete, Ie conduisent a
Pilate qui se met en colere, et se lave les mains. Le scenario de la
comparution de Joseph devant Pilate afIre ainsi de curieuses
ressemblances avec celIe de Jesus dans Ie pretoire.
Cette mise en abime de la figure du Christ dans celIe de
Joseph, nous pouvons egalement la deceler dans la recension
grecque B des Acta Pilati 27.De fait, la lecture de cette partie de
24. I, fO209 rOo
25. I, fO209 rooNous traduisons : Voyez,roes freres, combien la misericorde est une belle chose! Je valls en prie donc, vallS,roes freres, faites
soigneusementattention it la lecture divine!
26. Op. cit.
27. Cf. R. GOUNELLE,Recherchessur les Actes apocryphes de Pilate
grecs,recensionB (memoire de DEA), I, Paris-X Nanterre, 1991,p. 62 s.
(inedit).
174
R. GOUNELLE
T evoque sanscessecette recension, en particulier dans la mise

en scene de l'ensevelissement de Jesus. Cependant, a part Ie
theme de Jesus comme etranger (~tvo<;), qui n'apparait pas au
meme endroit dans les deux textes 28,les ressemblances textuelles sont quasiment inexistantes. Une rapide comparaisonde
T avec un celebre sermon attribue a Epiphane de Chypre 29
aboutit au meme resultat. Ces trois textes sont proches en esprit,
mais manifestement il s'agit bien de trois recits differents3O.
Qu'est donc cette fin de T? II est possible qu'il s'agissed'un
sermon, du moins en son debut. En effet, l'apparition de Joseph
d' Arimathee donne lieu a une citation commentee du Ps 1, 1,
cite dans Ie texte de la Septante: Heureux l'homme qui ne suit
pas Ie conseil des impies et qui n'est pas dans Ie chemin des
pecheurs, et qui ne s'assied pas sur Ie siege des affames .
L'interpretation qui est faite de ce texte n'est pas d'une originalite absolue 31: L'homme proclame heureux est Joseph
d' Arimathee, qui ne suit pas Ie conseil d' Anne, de Caiphe, des
pIetIes, des scribes et des pharisiens, qui n'est pas sur Ie chemin de Judas, qui est un pecheur, et qui ne s'assied pas sur Ie
siegedes affames, a savoir des Juifs.
Conclusion.
T semble donc etre un texte compose a partir des Acta Pilati,
de la Narratio Josephi,et d'un ou de plusieurs autres textes non
encore identifies, et ce afin de creer un fecit liturgique destine au
vendredi saint.
T a ete de bonne heure considere comme une forme des Acta
Pilati 32.Cela est-il vraiment Ie cas? II semble plutot que Ie
passagedes Acta qui figure dans T serve a combler une lacune
narrative de la Narratio Josephi. Si en effet ce texte est prolixe
sur la crucifixion, il ne donne que peu de renseignementssur Ie
proces: Ayant fait beaucoup d'autres terribles chases contre
28. Ct. I, F 212 VOet les Actes de Pilate, XI, 3 (texte signale dans l'apparat de TISCHENDORF,
op. cit., p. 312 (manuscnts B et C) et edite dans
R. GOUNELLE,Recherches...,op. cit., II, p. 38 [XI, 3c,texte de type B2]).
29. PG 43,440-464.
30. TulLO, op. cit., p. cxxv, avail deja remarque cette proximite dans la
difference entre la fin de T et les Actes de Pilate.
31. Elle se retrouve par exemple dans la Narratio Iosephi, II, 4b:
Nicodeme et moi Joseph,a la vue du "siege des affames", nous nous
sommes eloignes d'eux, ne voulant pas penT avec eux a cause du
"conseil des impies" .
32. Ct. plus haul.
175
Jesuscette Quit-la,ils [les Juifs] Ie livrerent au gouverneur Pilate,

alors que Ie jour du vendredi se levait, afin qu'ille crucifie. Et ils
vinrent tous pour cela. Apres avoir donc mene une enquete, Ie
gouverneur Pilate ordonna qu'il soit cloue a une croix avec deux
larrons. Ils crucifierent en meme temps que Jesuspres de lui a sa
gauche Gestas et a sa droite Demas (III, 1). Le fait que la section des Acta Pilati qui a ete reprise en T s'intercale juste a la
place de ce passageet qu'elle narre en detail ce que la Narratio
Iosephi resume ici quelque peu grossierement,est une trace claire du fait que Ie compilateur de T s'est servi des Acta Pilati pour
completer la Narratio 33.
Le destin de la Narratio Iosephi apparait bien etrange, s'il
s'avere, comme on l'affirme un partout sansl'etayer, qu'il s'agit
d'une reecriture des Actesde Pilate. T serait en effet une reecriture de la Narratio a partir de la sourcememe de cet apocryphe.La
genesede textes apocryphes est une chosecomplexe, et T est un
bon exemple du constant travail de reelaboration de traditions
qui a ete effectue au COUTS
des siecles afin de les adapter aux
questionsdes auditeurs et aux besomsliturgiques du moment.
Un drame religieux chypriote et T: parentes et essai

de reconstitution d'une scenedu drame.
Nous avons a plusieurs reprises evoque l'enracinement liturgique de T. II convient cependant d'aller plus loin dans ce sens.
En effet, en 1916,S. Lambros a edite un scenariode mystere 34
33. Le compilateur de T a prefere Ie prologue des Actes de Pilate it celui

de la Narratio, qui est mains solennel, et qui faisait peut-etre mains
autorite.
34. Nous reprenons ce terme, eminemment conteste, it A. VOGT,
Etudes sur Ie theatre byzantin I. Un mystere de la Passion , in
Byzantion 6 (1931), p. 37-74,sans nous prononcer sur l'existence d'uo
theatre religieux byzantin. Sur ce probleme complexe -au
creur
duquel se situe Ie texte de ce drame religieux -on pourra se reporter
aux deux articles suivants de S. BAUD-Bovy: Sur un sacrifice
d' Abraham de Romanos et sur l'existence d'un theatre religieux it
Byzance , in Byzantion 13 (1938), p. 321-334et Le theatre religieux,
Byzance et l'Occident , in 'E;;",vIKa 28/2 (1975), p. 328-349;cf. egalemeat W. PuCHNER,Die "Reprresentatio figurata" der Repriisentation
(sic) der Juogfrau Maria im Tempel yon Philippe de Mezieres (Avignon
1372) und ihre zypriotische Herkunft , in @l7rJavp{rJ,ua-ra
23 (1993),
p. 91-129. Nous remercions Ie professeur B. Bouvier de DOllSavoir
signale et fourni plusieurs etudes sur Ie theatre byzantin introuvables
par ailleurs en Suisse;cesquelquespages lui doivent beaucoup.
176
R. GOUNELLE
grec decouvert dans un manuscrit du XIye siecle, Ie PalatinoVaticanus gr. 36735. En 1931, Albert Yogi en a propose une
reedition afin de Ie porter a la connaissancedes chercheurs tant
orientaux qu'occidentaux, la guerre ayant fait passerinaper<;uIe
travail de S. Lambros 36.Tous deux ont affirme que ce drame
avait utilise les Actes de Pilate tels que transmis par Ie Paris.
gr. 1021,particulierement dans la sceneV, intitulee Du reniement
de Pierre 37.Mais les notes de l'edition d'A. Vogt montrent bien
la difficulte qu'il a eue a determiner precisementde queUeforme
textueUe des Acta il s'agissait exactement, meme si Ie Paris.
gr. 1021 lui semblait Ie plus proche du mystere . Lorsqu'en
1947A. C. Mahr a donne au public une briUante etude sur ce
drame religieux 38,il a ferris l'hypothese de ses predecesseurs,
en l'affinant et en la precisant; il a cependant ete oblige, pour
reconstruire Ie texte du drame, de recourir a deux formes textueUesdes Actes de Pilate (les recensionsgrecques A et B) et a
la Narratio Josephi pour decrire les sourcesutilisees par Ie dramaturge, sans oublier quelques renvois au Christus Patiens,et a
des homelies attribuees a Epiphane de Chypre.
Or une confrontation de la scene V de ce mystere et de T
permet de simplifier Ie dossier, en affirmant que l'auteur de ce
drame religieux a connu et a utilise T. Les paraUeleseffectues
par A. C. Mahr avec tout un pan de la litterature apocryphe sont
donc a revoir, car beaucoup d'eux pourraient probablement
s'expliquer par une utilisation intensive de T39.
35. S. LAMBROS,
op. cit. Ce drame est transmis aux F 34-39.Ce manuscrit date des annees1317-1320selonA. TURYN,CodicesGrlEci Vaticani:
slEculis XIII et XlV scripti annorumque notis instructi..., Vatican,
Bibliotheque apostolique vaticane (Codices e Vaticanis selecti, 28),
1964,p. 117-124.On debat pour savoir si Ie scripteur du manuscrit est
l'auteur du texte ou non, de meme que sur l'origine occidentale ou proprement orientale de ce drame (d. les introductions des editions citees,
et S. BAuo-Bovy, op. cit., p. 338 s). On trouvera tine rapide presentation de cette piece dans v: CO1TAS,Le theatrea Byzance [these de doctorat es-lettres], Paris, P. Geuthner, 1931,p. 95-97.
36. Op. cit. II taut partout corriger dans cet article Paris. gr. 1215 en
Paris. gr. 1021. Cette edition est fautive si on en croit S. BAUD-BoVY
<Le theatre religieux... , op. cit., p. 337-338,n. 8).
37. N'ayant pu avoir accesa l'edition de S. LAMBROS,
op. cit., nous nous
referons priopritairement a celIe d'A. VOGT,op. cit.
38. Op. cit. Cette etude fouillee est malheureusement difficilement
accessible; l'edition et la traduction anglaise figurent aux p. 123-216.
Selon ce travail- dans lequel sont reprises et critiquees notamment leg
theses de S. BAUD-Bovy (cf. n. 35), il est probable que ce drame provient d'un milieu monastique chypriote (p. 3 s).
39. S. BAUD-Bovy a raison de souligner que les reconstitutions de
177
Parentesentre une scenede cedrame medieval et 1:

Le manuscrit ne donne generalement que les premiers mots
des paroles des acteurs, ainsi que quelques indications didascaliques. Or, dans la scene appelee dans les manuscrits Du reniement de Pierre,ces bribes de phrasescontiennent des particularites de vocabulaire et de syntaxe qui ne se retrouvent que dans
les manuscrits de T, et pas dans les temoins connus des Acta
Pilati grecsde type A. Nous signalonsci-dessousles formules du
scenario propres a T en les mettant en gras40.
Kat lI7tEAeov'tE<; 7tpO<;IItAa'tov
AEyoUcrlV a6't~. 41
-Tou'tov
oioallEv 'I11O"OUVOVOJia~6JiEVOV42,
~JtoKpivE'tal 43 au'to'i<; b lltAa'to<;'
-ll&<;
buvacrOE 44;
AEYOUO"tv au'tif> ot 'Iouoa'iot'
-'HJU':i<; ou AEYOIlEV,
IIpO"KaAEO"aIlEVo<; b lltAa'to<; 'tOY K06pO"mpa O"'tEAAEt
au'tov lIyaYE'iv 'tOY 'I11O"oUV,'EKf3a<; of: Kat yvmpiO"a<; 'tOV
'ITtcrovv 45, 7tPO"KUVE'i au'tif>, Kat tKlJaAmv 46 'to <paKEOAtOV47 au'tou a7tArovEt au'to xallai AEymv 'tif> 'I11O"OU'
-K6ptE JiOU48, tv'tavOa 49 7tEpt7ta't11O"ov, o'tt KaAE'i O"Eb
t;YEllrov,
A. C. MAHR,op. cit., soot en grande partie arbitraires (op. cit., p. 344).

Faute de connaitre Ie texte de T, A. C. MAHRa en eifel parfois ete oblige d'effectuer quelques acrobaties pour reconstituer et commenter Ie
texte du drame (d. p. ex. plus bas notre n. 71).
40. Nous citons Ie texte edite par A. VOGT,op. cit. (et Terris par A. C.
MAHR, op. cit.) en en conservant l'orthographe. Nous indiquons en
notes Ie ou les manuscrits de T qui transmettent la le~on reconstituee.
Les chiffres indiques entre crochets droits et en italiques renvoient au
decoupagetraditionnel des Actes de Pilate.
41. I, J, pI, p2.
42. I, J, pI, p2.
43. Le texte de T a ete ici modifie (pI et p2 lisent Cr.nElCpi91l;
I et J lit
Cr.nolCpt9Ei<;),
mais aucun des manuscrits de la recensiongrecque A des
Actes de Pilate n'emploie ici ce verbe.
44. pl, p2. I lit: ti<;bUVatat. J transmet : nro<;~v bUVatOV;
45. I, J, pl, p2.
46. I, J, pI, p2.
47. I, J, pI, p2. Tous les manuscrits de la recensiongrecque A des Actes
de Pilate lisent apres ce mot () lCatE1XEv
tv tn XEtpi ou un equivalent.
48. I, pI, p2.
49. I, pI, p2 lit ttauta, qui est tres probablement fautif, et qui doit etre
corrige en tvtau9a.
R.
178
50.
GOUNELLE
'IOOV'tEC;
of. oi 'Iououiot 'to ytVO~EVOVKU'tEYKUAOUcrt
'tOY
lltAa'tOV AEYOV'tEC;.
-dta
'ti OO'tCl><;
50tKtAEU<ra<;
51;
[I,3J
[I, 4J
ME'tUKUAEi'tUt () lltAa'tOC; 'tOY K06pcrffipU KUt AEYEtUU'tq>.

-Ti'tou'to;
AEYEt UU'tq>() K06pcrffip.
-K6ptE
1iYE~roV.
AEyoucrt oi 'Iouoaiot npoc; K06pcrffipa'
-Oi
~f.V nuioEC;'troy 'E!3puiffiV;
AEYEt uu'toiC;() K06pcrffip.
-'E Pro'tl1cra 52'ttVU 'troy 'E!3paiffiv.
AEYEt qu'toiC;() lltAa'toc;.
-Ei
o6v 53b~EiC;~up'tupEi'tE ;
01 of. 'Iouoaiol 54 crtffinrocrt. AEYEt () 1iYE~roV 'tq>
[I, 5J
[V, 1J
K06pcrffipt.
-"E~EAeE KUt d><;
55.
'E~EAeroV of. () K06pcrffip notEi Ka9a Kat to npOtEpOV56,
unArocruc;'to CPUKEOAtOV
au'tou 57KUt Einrov 'tq>'ll1croU.
-K6ptE,
E1crEAeE.
Kat EicrEPXE'tat t~npocreEV 'tou lltAa'tou, KUt KU'tl1Yop06~EVOC;bno 'troy 'lououiffiV, l1noKpivE'tUt NtKOOl1~OC;
AEYffiV'
-E6<rEJJfi 1\'YEJicOV
58.
AE'YEt UU'tq>() lltAa'toc;'
-EinE.
AE'YEt
;
' E 'NtKOOl1~OC;.
-'Yffi
Etnov.
[V, 2J59 eu~uivov'tUt oi 'Iououiot.
:t\noKpivE'tat uu'toiC;() lltAa'to<;" -Ti
AEyoucrt V oi 'Iououiot.
'tOUC;
OOOV'tUC;;
I, pI, p2.51.
I, pI, p2.52.
Lire 'Hfmtllaa.53.
I,pl, p .J lit: fiyouv.54.
I, J.55.
I, J, pI, p2.56.
Seuls les temoins de T transmettent cette formule, mais ils lisent
ICa8m~
(I, pI, p2) ou ICa8a7tEp
(J) et non ICa8a.57.
J, pI, p2 sont les seuls manuscrits, avec un temoin du mont Athos
qui a un texte tres divergent des autres temoins des Actes de Pilate
(Lavra A 117),a lire l17tAmaa~
to <paICEOAtOV
aOtou.
58.I,J,p2.59.
L'omission de la fin de Y, 1 et du debut de Y, 2 est faite seulement
.par les temoins de T.
-Toi>
179
NlKOc)ftfiOU 60.
AtYEt NtKOb11~O~.
-:I\~T1v ytVOltO61.
[VI, I] :l\7tOKpiVEtat ttEpO<;62 EK troy 'Ioubaiwv ocrtt~ ~V 7tapaAUto<;63.
-KtAEU(JOV
fiE 64.
AtYEt aUt!>() itYE~cbv.

-Ei7tt 65.
AtYEt () livopO>7tOC;
66.
-'Eyro tptUKOVta.
[VI, 2] Kat 677tA11pcbcra~obto~ to AOYOV,a7toKpiVEtat () tU<pAO~
[VII]
AtyWV.
-'Eyro
tU<pAO~
tE,fLAOOV
68.
Kat 7tA11Pcbcra~obtO~, a7toKpivEtat
it at~oppooi)cra
Atyoucra.
-'Eyro
69at~oppooi)cra.
Toutes les parentes que nous venons de signaler entre T et Ie

texte de ce drame ne sont pas signifiantes -par exemple la
presence du nom de Jesusou tel mot de liaison. Mais leur abondance, la presencede plusieurs variantes significatives -et surtout Ie fait que nous n'avons pas trouve de coIncidences
signifiantes entre la recension grecque A des Actes et Ie mysteTe qui ne se retrouvent pas dans T -nous amenent a penser
que Ie texte de ce drame derive non directement des Acta Pilati,
mais de T. II est donc possible d'enconclure que Ie retravail des
Acta Pilati qui a amene a un texte tel que celui qui a ete incorpore dans Test ante rieur a la premiere moitie du XIVesiecle
-date de redaction du Palatino-Vaticanusgr. 36770-peut-etre
meme nettement plus ancien.
60. pI, p2. I lit tOU NllCOO1'1~,
que nollS proposons de corriger en tOU
NllCOO1'1!.lOU
(mais ct. plus bas n. 81). J lit: 'H tOUNllCOO1'1!.lOU.
61. I, J, pI, p2.
62. I, J, pI, p2.
63. I, J, pI et p2 emploient un peu plus loin ce terme, qui est inconnu
des manuscrits de la recensiongrecque A des Actes de Pilate.
64. I, J, pI et p2 (qui lisent KEAEUcrOV
!.lOl).
65. Les manuscrits des Actes de Pilate font preceder Ei7tEd'une subordonnee (E'l tl eEAEl~Ei7tE"iV
ou un equivalent), a la difference de I, J, pI,
p2.
66. I, J, pl. p2 est manifestementfautif: illit AEYElb 1IYE!.lO>V!
67. I, J, pI et p2 omettent l'interrogatoire du paralytique par Pilate.
68. J, p2.
69. I.
70. Ct. n. 35.
180
R. GOUNELLE
Une etude comparee de la suite du mystere et de T devra

encore etre effectuee, en particulier dans Ie fecit sur la
crucifixion et sur la mise au tombeau, afin de deceler d'eventuelles autres influences de T sur ce drame. Nous noDScontenteTonsde faire remarquer que les quelques phrases qui precedent
l'extrait de T dans ce mystere pourraient provenir de la derniere partie de T: Que Joseph se tienne dans Ie temple en
lisant et que les chef des pretres lui envoient quelqu'un l'appeleT. Ce dernier etant parti apres avoir vu Joseph lisant, qu'il
s'eloigne encore 71.De meme, la plupart des rapprochements
effectues par A. C. Mahr entre Ie texte dramatique et la recension grecque B des Actes de Pilate sont entierement it revoir 72:
etant donnee la proximite entre T et cette recension 73,il n'est
pas impossible que Ie mystere cite non les Actes, mais la
secondepartie de T.
Essai de reconstitution de la sceneDu reniement de Pierre.
Cette constatation permet de mieux reconstituer Ie texte de la
scene Du reniement de Pierre que ne l'ont fait A. Vogt et, plus
scrupuleusement74,A. C. Mahr, qui n'avaient pu que se fonder
sur l'edition deficiente des Actes de Pilate de Tischendorf.
71. Si ce parallele entre T et notre drame s'avere solide, cela permettra

de simplifier l'argumentation developpeepar A. C. MAHR,op. cit. p. 56 s.
sur la presencede Josephdans Ie Temple en train de lire. II est en effet
contraint de supposerune associationd'idees faite a partir d'une homelie de JeanDamascene.
72. Gp. cit., p. 33 s. La prudence de S. BAUD-BoVYface aux paralleles
proposes par A. VOGTet A. C. MAHR,op. cit., et les Acta Pilati grecs B
est exemplaire (op. cit., p. 343) car il conviendrait d'examiner en detail
la liturgic medievale avant to ute conclusion hative sur une parente
directe entre ces deux textes. Les paralleles qu'A. C. MAHRtrace entre
Ie drame du Palatino-Vaticanusgr. 367 et les Actes de Pilate grecs B tels
qu'attestes par Ie manuscrit C de TISCHENDORF
(op. cit. -il s'agit d'un
texte de type B2 dans la terminologie que nous avons proposee dans
Acta Pilati grecs B... , op. cit., p. 283-294),se font sur des passages
des Acta pour lesquelsla liturgic byzantine offre de boos paralleles.
73. Cf. plus haut ce que nous avons dit sur la saga de Joseph
d'Arimathee .
74. Par rapport au travail de A. Vogt, celui de A. C. Mahr a en effet Ie
merite d'essayer de retrouver Ie plus precisement possible Ie ou les
manuscrits des sourcessupposeesdu drame qui en sont Ie plus proche,
afin de proposer une reconstitution aussifiable que possible (cf. notammeot op. cit., p. 31 s). Ceci explique pourquoi notre reconstitution est
plus proche de celIe de A. C. Mahr que de l'essai de A. YOgI.
181
Aucun des quatre manuscrits de T ci-dessusmentionnes ne semblant etre directement a la source de ce drame, notre reconstruction ne petit qu'etre eclectique 75.Nous suivons donc de cas en
cas la forme de T qui se rapproche Ie plus du mystere , ou,
dans Ie cas011ce critere est insuffisant, Ie texte transmis par pI et
p2, qui nous semblent dans la majorite des casplus proches de T
qu'!, ou Ie texte majoritaire en cas de divergence entre pI et p2.
Notre reconstitution -qui figure entre crochets obliques -est
bien evidemment dans Ie detail discutable. On peut notamment
se demander quelle etait la longueur des paroles de chacun des
personnages: Ie texte integral de T etait-il ferris a chaque fois?
Dans l'impossibilite de repondre a une telle question, nous
avons essaye de retrouver la forme des reponses telle qu'elle
pouvait se trouver dans la version de T utilisee pour ecrire ce
drame.
Kat a7t&A90v't&C;
7tpOC;
ThAa'tov AEyoumv au't&.
-Tou'tov
otoaJl&v 'l11crouv6voJla~oJl&voV, <uiov of. 'ImO"T'\cp
'tou
'tEK'tOVOC;,
Kat 11JlTl't11P
au'tou MaptaJl.>
I, pI
uiov I, pI, p2 I lif; I, pI I 'Iroui!<p-au'tou I, pI, p2
[pI: Mapia].
~7toKpiv&'tat au'toic; () ThAa'toc;'

-II&C; o6vacr9& <'tOY f3acrtAEaUJl&v tE,&'tacrat>;
pI, p2
'tOv-Ef,E'taUatI, p2.
AEyoucrtV au'tq> oi 'Iouoaiot.

-'HJl&iC; OUAEYOJl&V
<au'tov f3acrtAEa.>
pI, p2
'HI!Et<;-!3aulA.EaI, pI, p2.
IIpocrKaA&craJl&voc; () ThAa'toc; 'tOY K06pcrmpa cr'tEAA&tau'tov

ayay&iv 'tOY 'l11crouv 76. 'EKf3ac; of. Kat yvmpicrac; 'tOY 'l11crouv,
7tpocrKuv&i au'tq>, Kat tKf3aArov 'to cpaK&OAtOVau'tou lJ.7tAroV&t
au'to xaJlat AEymv 'tq>'l11croU'
-K6ptE
Jlou, tv'tau9a 7t&pt7ta't11crov,
o'ttKaA&i cr&() 11Y&JlroV.
pl,p2.
75. Nous indiquons apres chaque replique Ie ou leg manuscrits leg plus
proches du drame puis ceux qui transmettent Ie texte que DOUgreconstruisons. Nous ne signalons leg variantes orthographiques que lorsqu'elles soot signifiantes. Nous ne prenons en compte que leg manuscrits I, pl, p2. J transmet en effet un texte beaucoup trop problematique
(ct. plus haut) pour pouvoir etre utilise ici; signalons sans plus que J et
pl soot probablement apparentes de loin.
76. Selon, A. C. MAHR (op. cit., p.173, n. 4) il manque ici un dialogue; il
propose done de restituer: A&YroV.MEta ~7ttEt1CEia<;
ax91ltro (, 'Illcrou<;
!bOE.Un tel ajout ne DOUgsemble pas necessaire.
182
R. GOUNE1LE
'IoovtE<; of. 0\ 'Iouoaiot

to yt VO!lEVOV KatEYKaAovcrt
lltAatOV AEYOVtE<;.
-Ata
t1 OUtffi<; EKEAEucra<; <aUtOV !lEta tt!lfl<; EicrEA9E'iV;>
I, p2
uu'tov-EicrEAOEivI, p2.
tOY
MEtaKaAE'itat
() ThA.iJotO<;tOY Koupcrffipa Kat AEYEt aUt~.
-T1 tOVtO <E7tO1llcra<;;> 77
pI
enoillcruc;pl. Vide adnotationem nostram.
AEYEt aUt~ () KOUpcrffip.

-KUptE
llYE!lrov, <OtE !lE a7tEcrtEtAa<; EV 'IEpoucraA1'I!l 7tpO<;
:l\AEc,avopov,
EKE'i Eloov aUtOV Ka9E~O!lEVOV E7tt 7troAou, Kat
0\ 7ta'ioE<; trov 'E~pa1ffiv
EKpa~ov, KatEX!lEVOt
KAaoou<; EV
ta'i<; XEpcrtV aUtrov. '.Qcravva t~ u\cp Aau1o. EUAOYll!lEVO<; ()
EPX!lEVO<; EV OVO!latt Kup10u.>
pI
O'tE-:A.AE~UVOpov
I, pI, p2 [pI: I1E'tanEa'tllAUC;]
I eKEi pI I
Eloov-'Eppuirov I, pI, p2 [pI iterauit et expunxit Eloov uu'tov
KUOE~OI1EVOV
en! nWAou] I ~KpU~OV-au'trov pI cuius lectionem
KaT/iXO/l/iVOC;
emendaui (uide 1 et p2 qui KU'TEXOV'tEC;
habent)] I
'Qcruvva-Kupiou I, pI, p2.
AEyoucrt 0\ 'Iouoa'iot 7tpO<;Koupcrffipa.
-0\
!If.V 7ta'ioE<; trov 'E~pa1ffiv < 'E~paicrtt
EKpa~ov.
"EAAllV rov, 7tro<;tOVtO fYVffi<;;>
pI
Ol-OE pI! "EAAllV-~YVroc;I, pI, p2 [pI : ~yvro].
LU of;
AEYEt aUto'i<; () KOUPcrrop.

-'Eprotllcra
78tt va trov 'E~pa1ffiv.
I, pI, p2 Textum restituere quod actum fuit hic multum difficultatis
habet, quia 1 et p2 nihil habent post 'Eppuirov. Dubito utrum on.
'ttvu ecr'tlv /) Kpa~oucrlv restituendum sit post 'Eppuirov (ut in pI) an
nihil.
Af;YEt aUto'i<; () lltAatO<;.
-Ei
OOV U!lE'i<; !laptUpE'itE
<ta'i<; <pffiva'i<; tautat<; 7tapa trov
Vll7t1rov AEx9E1crat<;, t1 Tl!laptEV () KOUpcrffip;>
pI
'tuiC;-KoupcrropI, pI, p2 [I, p2: AEXOl:icrE1C;
quod emendandum est].
0\ of. 'Iouoa'iot crtro7trocrt. Af;YEt () llYE!lmV t~ KOUpcrropt.
-"Ec,EA9E
Kat 6><;<~OUAEt EicrayaYE aUtov.>
I, pI
POUAE1-aU'tOV
I, pI, p2.
77. SelonA. C. MAHR(op. cit., p. 174,n.1), Ie texte du manuscrit semble

indiquer que la replique n'a pas besoin d'etre completee. II est donc
possible que Pilate ne dise que ti tOUtO;
78.Ct. n. 53.
A PROPOS DE LA NARRATIO JOSEPH I
183
'EE;EAerovof: (, KOUPcrrop
nO1E1Kaeil Kat 'to npO'tEpoV,unArocrac;
'to q>aKEOA10V
au'tou Kat Einrov 'tc!>'Illcrou.
-Kup1E, EicrEAeE.<KaAE1 crE (, TlYEllroV.>
p2
KUAEi-';YE!lcDVpI, p2.
Kat &icrEPXE'ta1fllnpocreEV 'tou lltAa'tOU, Kat Ka'tllyopOUIlEVOC;

uno 'troy 'Iouoairov, unoKpivE'ta1 N1KO81l1l0C;
AEYroV.
-EUcrE~fI TlYEllrov,<KEAEUcrOV
IlO179EinE1VAOYOVoAiyov.>
I
KEAEUcrov-OAiyovI. Utrum JIOlan JIGrestituendum sit, uide
adnotationem nostram.
AEYE1au'tc!>(, lltAa'toc;"
-EinE.
I , pI , p2
AeYEl NlKOOTl!lO<;.
-'Eyro
Et1tOV <'t01<; 1tpEO"(3u'tepOl<;Kat 't01<; apXlEpEUO"l Kat 't01<;
A.Eui'tal<; Kat1taV 'to 1tA.i\80<; 'ti\<; O"uyaJffiYi\<;' 'ti ~Tl'tE1'tE EK 'tOU
av8pro1tou 'tOU'tou; " yap liv8pffi1t0<; ou'to<; 1toA.A.a O"Tl!lE1a1tOlE1
Kat1tapaoo~a,
li OfiOEt<;liA.A.o<;1tE1toiTlKEV ofiOe1to'tE a<p' tau'tmv.
Kat !lit (3oUA.f1eTl'tEKa't' afi'tou 1tovTlpa. Ei !If.V EK 0EOU EiO"iv 'ta
O"Tl!lE1ali 1tOlE1, 0"'tEpEffi8f10"0v'tal. Ei of. E~ av8pro1tffiV, Ka'taA.u8f1O"ov'tal.>
I, pI, p2
'toiC;-Kai pI, p2 l1tiiv-cruyayroyfic;
I, pI, p2 I 'ti-crTJI1ia pI,
p2 l1toti Kai I, p2 l1tapi1()oE,a-1t1toiTJKV I, pI, p2 I ou1>&1to't-Kai

pI, p2 1111')-1tovTJpaI, pI, p2 I Ei pI, p2 II1EV-icriv I, pI I 'ta-Ka'taAu9ftcroVtat I, pI, p2,
-Ti
0u!laivov'tal
0\ 'Iouoa10l. :J\1tOKpivE'tal afi't01<;" ThA.a'to<;.
'to\)<; ooov'ta<; <U!lmv 'tpi~E'tE 'tou Ka'ta 'titv aA.f18Elav
Ei1tov'to<;;>
pI
Ti-'tpi~'t
pI, p2 I 'tou-i1tov'toc; I, pI, p2,
AeyouO"lv 0\ 'Iouoa10l'
-Tou
NlKOOf1!lOU <'titv
afi'tou.> 80
pI, p2
tationem
aA.f18Elav afi'to<; A.a(3n Kat 'to !lepo<;
't1')ViJ),ft9tav I, pI, p2 I au'tOC;pI, p2. De au'toc; uide adnonostram. I Aal3n-aU'toiJ I, pI, p2. De Aal3n uide adnotatio-
nem nostram.
79. Comme Ie signale A. C. MAHR (op. cit., p. 176), it est possible qu'il
faille restituer plutot I!E, etant donne qu'un peu plus loin Ie paralytique,
en s'adressant a Pilate, dit: K&AEUcrov I!E la ou T met unanimement
dans sa bouche K&AEOOOVI!t (cf. plus haut n. 65). 11 s'agit cependant
d'une variante sans grande importance.
SO.Le texte du drame et celui de T sont problematiques. Si en effet on
rapporte auto<; a Nt!CoOlll!o<;, Ie sellS devient curieux: Tou Nt!Coof1I!OU
tT]V CtAf18EtaV0 Nt!CoOlll!o<; Aa~n !Cai to I!&p<; autou. Constatant que
les manuscrits des Acta Pilati lisent A&youmv ot 'Iouoa'iot ttj')
Nt!CooTtI!O)oTTjv CtATt8EtaVau1:ou Aa~n !Cai 1:0 I!&p<; au1:ou, A. VOGT
R.
184
GOUNELLE
A&YEt NtKOO11~O<;.
-:A..~TtVY&VOt'to <~Ot>.
pI, p2
It\ I, pl.
:A..7tOKpivE'tat E'tEpO<; ~K 'trov 'louoai(J)v ocr'tt<; ~V 7tapaAu'to<;.

-K&AEucrov
~E, <"YE~roV, EVa AOYOVEi7tElv.>
I, p2
';YEl!ffiv pI, p2 I &va-El7tEIV I, pI, p2.
A&YEt au'tq> () "YE~roV.

-Ei7t&.
I, pI
A&YEt () Uvep(J)7tO<;'
-'EyOJ
'tptaKov'ta
<OK'tOJ E't11 7tapaAu'to<; l1~11V, ~Tt ouva~&vou
'ttvo<; ia'tpou iacraeat ~E. 'EAeOV'tO<; OE 'tou 'l11crou, 7tOAAOU<;oat~Ovt~O~EVOU<;Kat 7tOtKiAOU<;vocrOU<;Kat ~eEpa7tEucrEv, Kai 'ttVE<;
vEavicrKOt, iOOV'tE<; 'ta<; eau~a'touPyia<;
Kat 'ta<; iacrEt<; acr7tEp
~7tOiEt () 'l11croU<;, cr7tAaYVcre&V'tE<; ~7t' ~~oi, Kat apaV'tE<; ~E 'tfi<;
KAiv11<;, Ee11Kav ~E ~vro7ttOV 'tou ~111croU.'lorov ~E () 'l11crou<; Kat
cr7tAayxtcreEt<; ~7t' ~!loi, AOYCPEi7t& !lOt. EYEtpE Kat apov 'tOY
Kpaj3j3a'tov crou Kat 7tEpt7ta'tEt. Kat cruv 'tq> AOYCPau'tou EUe&(J)<;
lll&P~V
Kat ~pa 'tOY Kpaj3j3a'tov !lU Kat a7tfiAeOV uYtTt<; Ei<; 'tOY
OtKOV !lOU, oo~a~(J)v 'tOY 0EOV.>
pI
1:p\aKOV1:a <OK1:ro pI I T]1tT]V I, pI I ItTt-1:\vo<; I I la1:pou
lacra9a\ I, pI, p2 I ItE pI, p2 I 'EA90v1:0<;-7t0\KiAOU<; I, pI, p2
[pI: 7tOAAU\] I vocrOU<; e9Epa7tEucrEv I, p2 I Kat-'IT]crou<; I, pI, p2
[pI: loov1:a<;] I cr7tAayxicr9tv1:E<;-eltoi pI I Kat-ItE I, pI, p2 litE fortasse legendum est ItE ItE1:i1.Quae praepositio est in pI, cuius ramen tex(us corrumptus esse uidetur. I 1:fI<;KAivT]<; I, p2 I ~9TjKav-'Iocbv I, pI,
p2 litE pI! Kat pI, p2 I cr7tAayvcr9Ei<;-eltoi I, pI, p2 I AOyq>EI7tE pI I
1t0\-~YE\PE pI, p2 I Kat-7tEp\7ta1:E\ I, pI, p2 I Kat-cruv
pI, p2 I
1:C[>-airrouI, pI, p2 I Eu9&0><;I, p2 I 1'Iy&p9Tjv-ltoU I, pI, p2 I Kat a7tfiA90v I, p2 I by\Tt~-eEOV I, pI, p2.
Kat 7tA11Procra<;ou'tO<; 'to AOYOV, a7toKpivE'tat () 'tU<pAO<;A&Y(J)V'

-'EyOJ
'tU<pAO<; ~~fiAeOV <~K KOtAia<; !l11'tPO<; !lU. (J)VTtV
l1KOUOV,
7tpocr(J)7tOV
'l11crou, EKpa~a
OE OUK
Ej3AE7tOV.
<p(J)vfI !lEyaAn.
Kat
7tapayov'to<;
~A&11crov liE, utE Aauio.
tOU
Kat
(op. cit., p. 58) propose de voir dans Ie 'too NtICooijJ.10Udu drame une
faute pour 'ttjJNtICOOijJ.1cP,
et de restituer Ie texte des Acta (en modifiant
donc !lu'to<; en !lu'too). Une telle corection n'est pas sans poser probleme, car taus les temoins de T lisent Too NtICooijJ.10U;Ie texte n'est donc
probablement pas corrompu. La solution est probablement a chercher
dans Ie sens de I'etude de A. C. MAHR (op. cit., p. 31-32), qui propose
de rapporter !lu'to<; a b ThAa'to<;, et de voir en Aa\3n une faute d'iotacisme pour Aa\30t. Le texte a restituer devient donc: Too NtICooijJ.10U
't1')VaAij9&t!lv !lu'to<; 1.11\30tIC!ll 'to J.1EpO<;
!lu'toiJ. Nous suivons jusqu'a ce
point I'analyse de A. C. Mahr, mais estimons inutile de carriger 1.11\30t
en Aa\30t<;.
185
Eu9ffi<;&cr7tAayxvicr91l E7t' E~oi, Kat 7t'tucra<;E7toillcrEv 7tllAOV,

Kat E7t91lKEE7tt'to\><;6<p9aA~ou<;
~ou, Kat avj3AE'I'a.>
p2
tK-~OiJ I, pI, p2 I !Drovitc; p2 1 ilKouov-tOU
I, pI, p2
[p2 : 7tapayoVtac;, quod emendandum
est] 1 'IllO"oiJ-l!l:yaAn pI, p2 I
tA&llO"OV I, pI, p2 I ~I:-\)tf. pI, p2 1 dauiO-t7t'
Kai
I,
pI,
p2
7tt60"ac;-t7toillO"l:v
p2
I, pI, p2 I t~oi
1 7tllAov-t7ti
I,
I, pI I
p2
tOuC;-l1V&(3AI:'I1aI, pI, p2.
Kat 7tAllpOOcra<;
00't0<;, a7toKpivE'tal 11ai~oppooucra Ayoucra.
-'Eyoo ai~oppooucra <Tl~llV &'t1l orooEKa,Kat c1><;
~6vov 1I'I'a~llv
'to\) Kpacr7tOou 'tou i~a'tiou au'tou, Eu9ffi<;Ecr'tll 11 pUcrl<;'tou
ai~a't6<; ~ou.>
I, pI
I, pI!
il~llv-Omol:Ka
toiJ-l~atiou
[p2: fUtl]
pI I Kai-d><; pI, p2 1 ~ovov I, pI, p2 I fI'I1a~llv
I, pI, p2 I aOtoiJ I, p2 11:09&roc;pI, p2 1 fO"tll I, p2
1fI-~OU I, pI, p2.
Le texte du mystere ainsi reconstitue est fort different de

ce qu'avait pu proposer jusqu'ici la recherche. One nouvelle
traduction s'impose donc81:
Et ils se rendent aupres de Pilate et lui disent :
-Nous savonsque cet homme s'appelle Jesus, <qu'il est Ie fils
de JosephIe charpentier et que sa mere est Marie.>
Pilate leur repond:
-Comment pouvez-vous <interroger votre roi ?>
Les Juifs lui repondent:
-Nous, nons ne <Ie> disons pas <roi!>
Pilate convoque son courTier et l'envoie amener Jesus.Mais
(Ie courTier) sort, reconnalt Jesus,se prosterne devant lui, jette
son linge 82,et l'etend it terre en disant it Jesus:
-~on
Seigneur,marche lit dessus,car Ie gouverneur t'appelle.
A la vue de ce qui s'est passe, les Juifs accusent Pilate en
disant :
-Pourquoi
as-tu ordonne <de Ie faire entrer avec les honDenTs?>
Pilate convoque Ie courTier et lui dit:
-Pourquoi <as-tu fait> cela? 83
81 Nous traduisonsIe texte reconstitueen signalantpar des crochets

obliquesles passages
reconstitues.Pourles problemesd'etablissement
du texte,ct. plushaul.
82. Il s'agit probablementdu linge que Ie courrier portait sur Ie bras.
L'actede taire marcherdessusJesuscorresponda un hommageroyal.
83. Il taut peut-etrene rien restitueret ne lire que: Pourquoicela?
(ct.Ia notea notrereconstitution).
186
R. GOUNELLE
Le messagerlui dit :
-Seigneur gouverneur, <quand tu m'as envoye a Jerusalem
aupres d' Alexandre, je l'ai vu la-bas,assissur un petit (d'anesse),
et les enfants des Hebreux, des rameaux dans les mains,
criaient: Osanna au fils de David! Beni soit celui qui vient au
nom du Seigneur!>
Les Juifs disent au courTier:
-Les enfants des Hebreux <criaient en hebreu. Toi qui es grec,
comment as-tu su cela ?>
Le messagerleur dit :
-J'ai demande a un des Hebreux.
Pilate leur dit:
-Si donc vous-memes vous temoignez <que les petits des
Hebreux ant dit cela, en quai Ie courTier a-t-il commis une
faute? 84>
Les Juifs se taisent. Le gouverneur dit au courTier:
-SOTS et <fais-le entrer> comme <tu Ie veux.>
Le courTier sort, fait comme auparavant, en etendant son
linge et en disant a Jesus:
-Seigneur, entre. <Le gouverneur t'appelle.>
Et il entre devant Pilate, et, alors qu'il est accusepar les Julfs,
Nicodeme repond en disant :
-Pieux gouverneur, <permets-moi de dire quelquesmots.>
Pilate lui dit :
-Parle.
Nicodeme dit :
-Moi, j'ai dit <aux pretres et aux grands-pretres et aux levites
et a toute la foule de la synagogue: que recherchez-vousen cet
homme? Car cet homme a fait beaucoup de signes extraordinaires, que personne d'autre n'a fait, pas meme eux-memes.Et
ne complotez pas contrelui. Si les signesqu'il a faits viennent de
Dieu, ils seront affermis, mais s'ils viennent des hommes, ils
seront aneantis.>
Les Juifs sont irrites. Pilate leur repond :
-Pourquoi <grincez-vous> des dents <contre celui qui parle
selon la verite ?>
Les Juifs disent :
-<Que lui-meme (Pilate) re~oive la verite> de Nicodeme <et
sonparti!> 85
84. au: a-t-il peche?

85. Le texte du drame, comme les temoins de T, a ici un texte problema.
tique (ct. plus haul nos precisions dans la note 81).
187
A. PROPOS DE LA NARRATIO
JOSEPHI
Nicodeme dit:
-Amen!
Qu'il en gait ainsi <pour moi.>
Un autre parmi leg JUllS,qui etait paralytique, repond :
-Permets-moi, <gouverneur, de dire un seul mot.>
Le gouverneur lui dit :
-Parle.
L'homme dit:
-Moi, cela faisait trente-<huit aDSque j'etais paralytique, et
aucun medecin ne pouvait me guerir. Mais Jesusvint et soignait
de nombreux demoniaques et des maladies de toutes sortes, et
des jeunes hommes qui avaient vu leg miracles et leg guerisons
qu'avaient faits Jesus,me prirent en pitie, me prirent avec man
lit, et me placerent devant Jesus.Jesusme vit, me prit en pitie, et
me dit cette parole: leve-toi, prends ton lit et marche. Et aussitot qu'il eut dit cela,je fus debout, je prig man lit et je m'en allai
chezmoi, en bonne sante, rendant gloire aDieu.>
Et quand celui-ci a fini ce qu'il a a dire, l'aveugle repond en
disant:
-Moi, je suis sarti aveugle <do ventre de ma mere. J'entendais
leg voix, mais je ne voyais pas leg visages. Et comme Jesuspasgait, j'ai crie d'une voix forte: roe pitie de moi, fils de David! Et
aussitot il m'a prig en pitie, a crache, a fait de la bone, me l'a placee sur leg yeux, et j'ai retrouve la vue.>
Et quand celui-ci a fini, celIe qui souflre d'une perte de sang
repond en disant :
-Moi, <cela faisait douze aDSque> je souffrais d'une perte de
sang, <et comme j'avais simplement touche la frange de sa
tunique, aussitotma perte de sangs'arrreta.>
Conclusion.
Le destin de T est en definitive assezexemplaire du destin de
nombre d'apocryphes. Les premieres editions de cette litterature
furent souvent insatisfaisantesparce qu'elles ne prenaient pas en
compte suffisamment de manuscrits, mais aussi parce qU'elleS
reposaient sur une ideologie du texte qui commence a nous etre
etrangere. Les travaux ulterieurs, malgre les progres indeniables
qu'ils ant suscitesdans Ie domaine de l'etude critique des textes
apocryphes n'ont pas toujours pu ou su critiquer les a priori de
leurs predecesseurs,et remettre Ie travail sur Ie metier 86.
86. cr. J.-C. PICARD,L'apocryphe a l'e:troit. Notes historiographiques

sur les corpusd'apocryphesbibliques , in Apocrypha 1 (1990)[=La fable
188
R--nO UNELLE
Les consequencesen furent parfois nefastes, comme dans Ie

cas de T: considere comme one forme des Actes de Pilate, il n'a
a notre connaissancepas fait l'objet d'etudes particulieres; s'il
avail ete per~u plus tot comme un texte different, A. Vogt et
A. C. Mahr 87auraient pu arriver a one meilleure reconstitution,
et, par la-meme, a one meilleure comprehension du drame religieux qu'ils editaient. En outre, DOUgn'aurions pas attendu si
longtemps pour enfin trouver des temoignages du retentissement qu'a pu avail la premiere partie des Actes de Pilate. Car si
on est habitue a rencontrer des textes ou des images faisant echo
aux aventures de Josephd' Arimathee et a la descentedu Christ
aux Enters, il ne DOUg
Testeque de tIeS fares traces de la posterite du fecit du proces du Christ transmis par cet apocryphe, si on
excepte ses multiples attestations manuscrites, et ses nombreusestraductions. Les deux reecritures que sont T et Ie drame
du Palat. gr. 367 sont des temoignages clairs du succesqu'a pu
avail Ie debut des Actes de Pilate. II Testemaintenant a ce que T
soil edite, date, peut-etre meme localise, et que ses rapports
avec ce drame soient plus amplement etudies.
apocryphe, I], p. 69-117. On trouvera un exemple concret des consequences des choix editoriaux des premieres editions sur l'ensemble de
la critique ulterieure dans R. GOUNELLE,
Acta Pilati. .0, op. cito
87. Ovocito
Remi GOUNELLE
Universitede Lausanne
SENS ET USAGE D' APOCRYPHUS
DANSLALEGENDEDOREE
It is surprising that whereasJacob of Voraginedrawson many apocryphal traditions to write his legends,he hardly ever usesthe term apocryphus in his Legenda aurea.After the instances of this term in this text has
been listed, it is subjected to a synchronic and diachronic analysis in
order to determine its meaning and bring out Jacob of Voragine'sambiguous attitude towardsapocryphal literature.
II estfrappant de constater que Jacquesde Voragine recourt a beaucoup de traditions apocryphespour ecrire seslegendes,mais qu'il n'utilise que rarement Ie terme apocryphus. Apres un inventaire des occurrencesde ce mot dans la Legende doree, une analysemelant synchronie
et diachronie rente d'en saisir Ie sens et d'analyser l'ambigui"tede l'attitude de Jacquesde Voragineface aux traditions apocryphes.
Si quis ut apocrifum hoc uelit repro bare,

Caueat,ne ueritatempresumat condempnare1,
Le concept d' apocryphe fait couler beaucoupd'encre, tant
il apparait aujourd'hui problematique 2. Force est en effet de
constater qu'une barriere rigide s'est dresseeentre les textes dits
canoniques et les autres, rejetes au nom d'un antique verdict.
Cette dissociation de la tradition textuelle du christianisme en
deux ensembles de taille disproportionnee l'un par rapport a
l'autre a provoque et provoque encore de serieusesconfusions:
que l'on rejette sansautre la litterature apocryphe souspretexte
1. Vita beate uirginis Marie et saluatoris rhythmica, I, Prol., v. 3-4 (ed.

A. VOEGTLIN,Tiibingen, 1888). Nous reprenons cette reference a
Z. IZYDORCZYK,The Latin Evangelium Nicodemi in the Middle
Ages , a paraitre dans Ie volume collectif que Ie meme auteur prepare
sous Ie titre The Medieval Gospel of Nicodemus..Some WestEuropean
Perspec;tives,
Toronto (Medieval Text and Studies).
2. Cf. E. JUNOD,~"Apocryphes du Nouveau Testament" : une appellation erronee et une collection artificielle. Discussionde la nouvelle definition proposee par W. Schneemelcher, Apocrypha 3 (1992),p. 17-46.
Apocrypha 5, 1994,p. 189-210
190
R. GOUNELLE
qu'elle est de moindre qualite litteraire etde faible interet theologique3, ou bien qu'au contraire on la surevalue au nom de son
absencedu Canon qui, presque it elle seule, prouverait que cette
litterature transmet des traditions cachees par la Grande
Eglise 4; qu'on cherche it classifiercestextes fort divers it l'aide
des genres litteraires apparents du Nouveau Testament-evangiles, actes, lettres, apocalypses-, et, par lit meme, it les associer etroitement it la notion de Canon et aux traditions ecclesiastiques qui se sont imposees5,au, qu'it l'inverse, on les mette plus
ou mains discretement en rapport avec les traditions spirituelles
orientales, en tentant de les sortir du moule dans lequel its ant
ete ecrits 6, toutes ces attitudes ant l'inconvenient de miser
sur les Eglises instituees contre les apocryphes 7 ou sur les
apocryphescontre les Eglises instituees8.
3. Ct. par exemple l'introduction de F. QuERE a son recueil de traductions de textes apocryphes (Evangiles apocryphes reunis et presentes par
F. QUERE, Paris, Seuil, Points Sagesses 34, 1983, p. 13s.).
4. Ct. par exemple leg conceptions de l'association Metanoia, qui se fonde
sur l' Evangile de Thomas (ct. l'introduction de l' Evangile selon Thomas.
Presentation, traduction et commentaires de E. GILLABERT,P. BOURGEOIS,
Y. HAAS, Paris, Dervy-Livres, 1985). Vne telle attitude, qui part du
prJncipe errone que la litterature apocryphe est la trace des vaincus de
l'Eglise, n'est en fait qu'un renversement de la caricature de l'orthodoxie
du lye siecle (cf. J.-D. DUBOIS, The New Series Apocryphorum of the
Corpus Christianorum , The Second Century 4/1 (1984), p. 29-36 (texte
Terris en resume et en franc;:aisdans Canal-infos 2 (1985), p. 15-23]).
5. Ct. E. JUNOD, op. cit., qui presente cette conception (dans la formulation qu'en donne W. Schneemelcher) et la critique.
6. On en trouvera un bon exemple dans l'introduction que J.-Y. LELOUP
a donnee a sa traduction commentee de l' Evangile selon Thomas (Paris,
A. Michel, Spiritualites vivantes 61, 1988, p. 7-12), ou bien dans l'edition publiee par l'association Metanoia (cf. n. 4).
7. On trouve un superbe exemple de cette opposition sous la plume de
J.-B. BAUER (Les apocryphes du Nouveau Testament, Paris, Cerf, Lire la
B~ble 37, 1973, p. 14-15): Les Ecrits apoc~hes renseignent sur ce que
l'Eglise ne voulait pas dans son Canon des Ecritures. Rien ne laisse mieux
discerner combien sa main fut heureuse, loTs de la determination du
Canon -ou,
pour etre plus precis, lien ne montre de fac;:onplus claire et
convaincante que l'Esprit guidait alors l'Egiise -que la lecture des ecrits
rejetes comme apocryphes . Vne telle position n'est historiquement
guere soutenable, un certain nombre des textes que I.-B. BAUER cite
comme apocryphes etant probablement posterieurs a la cloture du Canon.
8. H.-C. PuECH a bien resume, a propos de l' Evangile selon Thomas, les
apories auxquelles conduisent des attitudes de ce type: Parler de "cinquieme evangile': n'a (...) pas grand gens: ou l'on adopte Ie point de
vue du croyant, et l'on ne saurait alors admettre que quatre evangiles
proprement dits, ceux de Matthieu, de Marc, de Luc et de Jean, doni
191
APOCRYPHUSDANS LA LEGENDE DOREE
Or il semble possible de sortir de telles oppositions. Ainsi,

dans Ie cadre de l' Association pour l'etude de la litterature apocryphe chretienne, un certain nombre de chercheurs ont deja
montre que les apocryphes reftetent la tradition vivante des
communautes chretiennes au COUTS
des siecles, et qu'ils laissent
des traces parfois uniques de leurs pratiques rituelles, de leurs
liturgies et de leurs theologies9. Celie approche de la litterature
apocryphe comme lieu de memoire et d'identite des Eglises de
tous temps permet de depasser la dichotomie Eglises/
apocryphes. Cependant, ces a priori de travail laissent de cote
une interrogation centrale: comment les rapports etroits qui ont
pu exister entre vie ecclesiale et traditions apocryphes ont-ils pu
devenir a ce point problematiques? Quel senscela a-t-il pour les
Eglises de renier une partie de leur passe en rejetant ou en laissant plus ou moins dans l'ombre des textes qui ont parfois ete a
la source de leurs reftexions theologiques et de leurs pratiques?
11n'est point ici question de vouloir reintroduire les apocryphes
dans Ie Canon 1,mais de se demander si les Eglises chretiennes
l'authenticite et l'autorite ont ete definies par l'Eglise, ou l'on range
sous Ie meme titre tOlls les ouvrages de type evangelique, qu'ils soient
ou non canoniques, et, en ce cas, etant donne la multiplicite, Ie foisonDement des evangiles extra-canoniques, pourquoi accorder la cinquieme place ai' Evangile selon Thomas,ou la lui reserver, de preference a
telle ou telle autre composition de la meme espece? <Une collection
de paroles de Jesus recemment retrouvee: l'Evangile selon Thomas
[communication faite a l'Institut en 1957]dans H.-C. PUECH, En quete
de la Gnose,II: Sur l'Evangile selon Thomas. Esquissed'une interpretation systematique, Paris, Gallimard, Bibliotheque des sciences
humaines, 1978,p. 33-34).
9. On trouvera tine presentation de cette demarche dansl'avant-propos
de Apocrypha 1 (1990) (=La Fable apocryphe, I), p. 8-12, ou dans
J.-D. DUBOIS,op. cit. Ct. egalement,plus vulgarise,J.-D. KAESTLI,La
diversite des ecrits apocryphes chretiens. Temoins de la rencontre entre
christianisme et culture , Cahiersprotestants 1992/6,p.11-18.
10. Cette tentation, assez ancienne, d'elargissement du Canon s'est
manifestee par exemple dans Ie titre de deux recueils de textes apocryphes: A. HILGENFELO,Novum testamentum extra canonem receptum..., Leipzig, T. O. Weigel, 18762-edition
des Peres dits apostoliques; A. HONE,The Apocryphal New Testament,.
being all the Gospels,
Epistles,and other Piecesnow extant,.attributed in thefirst four centuries
to Jesus Christ, his Apostles,and their Companions,and not included in
the New Testamentby its Compilers..., Londres, 1820-il ne s'agit pas
ici d'apocryphes du Nouveau Testament,mais d'un Nouveau Testament
apocryphe, qui comprend des apocryphes et des ecrits apostoliques; la
premiere partie de ce titre (The Apocryphal New Testament)a ete reprise
par M. R. JAMESpour designer son recueil de traductions de textes
apocryphes paTti a Oxford en 1924 (il avait pourtant vigoureusement
192
R. GOUNELLE
ne devraient pas reconnaitre plus explicitement Ie role joue

par cette litterature dans leur histoire, et continuer en to ute
clarte ales utiliser dans leur vie liturgique et dans leur reflexion
theologique du moment 11.
La Legende doree pent sur ce point alimenter noire reflexion.
11est en effet connu depuis longtemps que Jacquesde Voragine
a utilise de nombreuses traditions apocryphes pour constituer
sesnotices hagiographiques; or, s'il s'avere que nons avons bien
la un manuel pour predicateurs dominicains 12,que pent signifier
l'utilisation de cette litterature dans Ie cadre d'une Eglise disposant d'un Canon determine? 11est difficile de savoir dans quelle
mesure Jacques de Voragine tenait pour apocryphes tallies les
histoires que nons avons tendance a associera ce terme, notamment en raison de l'utilisation liturgique de nombre d'entre
elles, et donc d'estimer a quel degre ces traditions se construisaient pour lui en tension ou en harmonie avec les traditions
ecclesiastiques doni il relevait 13.Mais on trouve a plusieurs
reprises dans la Legende doree des emplois du terme meme
critique Ie titre et la demarche d'A. HONEdans sa preface p. xiv-xvii);

cette malheureuse expression a en outre ete conservee par J. K.
ELLIO1Tpour sa refonte du recueil de M. R. JAMESparue egalementa
Oxford en 1993 (it justifie la reprise de ce titre p. xi-xii). La tentation de
reintroduire les apocryphes dans Ie Nouveau Testamentse manifeste
explicitement au Moyen Age par l'incorporation d'apocryphes dans des
bibles manuscrites (cf., a propos du cas particulier des Actes de Pilate,
Z. IZYDORCZYK,
op. cit.).
11. Un assez bon exemple de tentatives de ce type est Ie recueil de
prieres elabore par A. G. HAMMAN(La priere dans l'Eglise ancienne,
BERNEet al., P. Lang, Traditio Christiana 7,1989), recueil qui contient
de nombreux textes apocryphesa cote de textes bibliques ou de prieres
qui se sont imposeesdans la vie liturgique des Eglises chretiennes.
12. Ct. B. FLEITH,Studien zur Oberlieferungsgeschichte
der lateinischen
Legenda Aurea, Bruxelles, Societe des Bollandistes, Subsidia hagiographica 72,1991, p. 37-42.Ct. egalementA. BOUREAU,La Legendedoree.
Le systeme narratif de Jacques de Voragine (t 1298), Paris, Cerf,
Histoire, 1984,p. 21-25.
13. Par exemple, Ie fait qu'il utilise a plusieurs reprises I' Evangile de
Nicodeme,sansmise en garde d'aucune sorte, peut signifier qu'il recoufait a cet apocryphe comme a un texte de la tradition chretienne rejete
du Canon, mais qu'il estimait neanmoins liable, ou bien comme a un
texte authentifie par son utilisation dans la liturgie et dans les pratiques
de piete personnelle, ou encore qu'ille considerait comme une chronique historique -toutes cesperceptions de la nature de cet apocryphe
se trouvent dans des textes medievaux (cf. Z. IZYDORCZYK,
op. cit.).
L'analyse que l'on pourra faire de l'utilisation de cet apocryphe dans la
Legendedoreeseramodifiee par la solution que l'on aura adoptee.
APOCRYPHUS,. DANS LA LEGENDE DOREE
193
apocryphus,emplois qui n'ont it noire connaissancepas encore

fait l'objet d'etudes particulieres. A ce terme est souvent associee une critique du fecit qu'il qualifie. II convient donc d'interroger ces emplois d'un terme devenu problematique, afin d'en
determiner Ie gens, et d'essayer de cemer la maniere doni un
dominicain du XlIle siecle a pu utiliser des textes absents du
Canon pour la constitution d'un document qui allait acquerir
une forte popularite dans la litterature et dans l'art chretiens.
Somme tonie, il s'agit de se demander si, face it des textes non
canoniques,Jacquesde Voragine a fait acte de vilipendeur ou de
canonisateur -allant ainsi dans Ie sens des tendancescontemporaines que nons avons mises en exergue -ou bien s'il a travaille avec ces textes en critique eclaire, nons montrant d'une
certaine maniere que textes canoniques et apocryphes peuvent
etre compatibles dans la vie des Eglises chretiennes.
1. Occurrences d'apocryphus et premieres conclusions.

Nous avons releve des occurrences du terme apocryphusdans
huit notices de la Legendedoree14:
14.Ce releve a ete etabli avec l'aide du professeurEric Junod, que nons
remercions vivement de son aide. Nous reprenons Ie texte edite par
Th. GRAESSE(Jacobi a Voragine. Legenda Aurea vulgo Historia
Lombardica dicta, ad optimorum librorum fidem recensuit Th. Graesse,
Vratislava, G. Koebner, 18903),en francisant la ponctuation; nons Ie
traduisons en nons inspirant des deux traductions fran~aisesexistantes:
Le bienheureux Jacques de Voragine. La Legende doree. Traduite du
latin d'apresles plus anciensmanuscritsavec une introduction, des notes,
et un index alphabetiquepar Teodorde Wyzewa,Paris, 1900[nons citons
d'apres la reedition de Perrin-et-Cie, 1913], et Jacquesde Voragine. La
Legende doree. Traduction de J.-B. M. Roze. Chronologie et introduction par Ie reverend-pereHerve Savon,Paris, 1900 [nons citons la reedition de 1967,parue aux editions flammarion, GF 132-133].Aucune de
ces deux traductions n'est malheureusementfiable; la seconde,meme si
elle est beaucoup plus fautive que la premiere, a neanmoins l'avantage
de traduire Ie texte integral de la Legende doree,a la difference de celIe
de Teodor de Wyzewa qui ecourte les developpements de type scolastique et les etymologies (il s'en explique brievement dans son introduction, p. xxvii-xxviii). Nous renvoyons dans la suite aces travaux par Ie
seul nom de leur auteur, suivi du numero de page, et aux textes ici
traduits par leur numero dans cette liste. Pour faciliter la lecture de
ces extraits de la Legende doree,nons avons mis entre guillemets les
passages00 Jacques de Voragine dit citer un autre ecrit -que cette
citation soit precise ou non. Nous remercions Mme I. Backus d'avoir
acceptede relire attentivement nos traductions.
194
R. GOUNELLE
Texte 1: Cap. V -De sancto Thoma apostolo,1 (GRAESSE,

p. 33-34; RazE, I, p. 58-59; WYZEWA,p. 31-32):
(Un echansongifle Thomasqui ne mangeni ne boil, faisant ainsi
injure au repas.Thomasse tache, et predit a l'echansonqu'il va
perdrelamain aveclaquelleil a oseIe trapper.Alors que l'echanson
va chercherde l'eaua la fontaine,un lion Ie tue et deschiensdechiquettentsoncorps.Un chiennoir s'emparede la maincoupableet
l'apporteau milieu du festin.)
Huius autem ultionem reprobat Augustinus in libro Contra
Faustum 15et asserita pseudohoc fuisse insertum,unde et legenda
ha?cquo ad pluTa suspectahabetul: Passelramen dici quod non
animo impetrandi, sed modo pra?dicendi dictum sit. Si ramen
Augustini uerba diligenter inspiciantur,non penitus reprobaTeisla
uidentul: Ait enim sic in eadem libro: Perlegimus scripturas
apocryphas. Legunt scripturas apocryphas Manichei, nescio a
quibus sutoribus fabularum sub apostolorum nomine scriptas,
qua?suorum scriptorum temporibus in auctoritatemsancta?ecclesia?recepi merentur si sancti et docti homines qui tunc in hac uita
erant et examinare poterant, eos uera locutos essecognoscerent.
Ibi ramen legunt, apostolum Thomam... Utrum illa uera sit an
conficta narratio, nihil mea nunc interest... Sivehoc verum sit sive
confictum, cur nolunt credere... Ha?CAugustinus.
Mais sa vengeance, Augustin la blame dans son livre Contre
Faustus, et il declare qu'elle a ete interpolee par un faussaire,
d'ou vient Ie fait que cette legende 16est consideree comme
suspecte a plusieurs points de vue. Pourtant, on pourrait dire
que son but est non de no us aider a obtenir l'objet de nos
15. Contra Faustum,22, 79 (CSEL 25/1, p. 681). Sur cette utiIi~ation des
Actes de Thomas en contexte polemique par Augustin, cf. E. JUNODJ.-D. KAESTLI,L'histoire des Actes apocryphes des apotres du 111'au
IX' siecle,' Ie cas des Actes de Jean, Geneve/Lausanne/Neuchiitel,
Cahiers de Ia Revue de theologie et de philosophie 7, 1982,p. 62 s. La
notice de Jacques de Voragine est surprenante a plusieurs points de
vue: d'une part Ia phrase perlegimus scripturasapocryphasne se trouve
pas dans Ie texte augustinien, et parait curieuse dans Ie contexte;
d'autre part, Augustin n'affirme pas dans Ie Contra Faustum -ni dans
les autres passagesou il fait allusion a ce fecit (Contra Adimantum,
17,2, CSEL 25/1, p. 166; De sermone Domini in monte, 1,20,65,
CCL 35, p. 75) -que cette legende a ete interpolee. L'affirmation que
Ie texte premier des Actes a ete modifie par des heretiques est un topos
des heresiologues; cf. p. ex. Philastre de Brescia, Diversarum hereseon
liber, 88, 5, CCL 9, p. 255 -d'autres textes allant dans Ie me-mesens
sont signalespar E. JUNODet J.-D. KAESTLI,op. cit., p. 61,n. 53.
16. Ce terme est technique: il designe une vie de saints lue dans Ie
cadre de la liturgie.
APOCRYPHUS"DANSLALEGENDEDOREE
195
prieres, mais d'avertir. Cependant, si on considere attentivement

les propos d' Augustin, ces chosesne paraissentpas totalement
blamees. Voici en effet ce qu'il dit dans Ie meme livre. Nous
lisons des ecrits apocryphes. Les manicheens lisent des ecrits
apocryphes, ecrits par je ne sais queIs compilateurs de fables
sous Ie nom des apotres, textes qui, au temps de ceux qui les ont
ecrits, auraient obtenu de l'autorite dans la sainte Eglise si de
saints docteurs qui vivaient alors et qui pouvaient les examiner
avaient connu qu'ils disaient des choses vraies. Cependant, ils
disent ici que l'apotre Thomas... Qu'il s'agissed'un fecit vrai ou
forge de toutes pieces, cela m'importe peu... Que ceci soit vrai
ou forge de toutes pieces, pourquoi ne veulent-ils pas croire
que... Voici ce que dit Augustin.
Texte 2: Cap.XLV -De sancto Mathia apostolo (GRAESSE,
p.183-185; RazE, I, p. 214-216; WYZEWA,p. 160-163):
Sed primo ortum et origin em ipsius Juda?breviter videamus.
Legitur enim in quadam hystoria licet apocrypha quod fuit quidam vir in Jerusalem nomine Ruben... Pa?nitentiaigitur ductus
suadente Cyborea dominum nostrum Jesum Christum adiit et
suorum delictorum veniam implorauit. Hucusque in pra?dicta
hystoria apocrypha legitul: Qua?utrum recitanda sit, lectoris arbitrio relinquatul; licet si potius relinquenda quam asserenda.
Mais considerons brievement en premier lieu la naissanceet
l'origine de ce Judas. On lit en eifel dans une certaine histoire
apocryphe que: II y eut un homme du nom de Ruben a
Jerusalem... Donc, mll par Ie repentir, sur les conseils de
Cyboree, il alIa veTSnoire seigneurJesusIe Christ et implora Ie
pardon de ses peches. Jusqu'ici, on a lu dans l'histoire apocryphe susdite. Si elle do it etre recitee 17ou non, je laisse au
jugement du lecteur 18Ie soin de Ie decider, meme si elle est
plutot a abandonnerqu'a defendre.
Texte 3: Cap. LIII (51,52) -Depassione Domini (GRAESSE,
p. 231-234; ROZE,I, p. 265-269; WYZEWA,p.199-202):
Sed de plEna et origine Juda: invenies in legenda sancti
Matthia:, de plEna et excidio Juda:orum in legendasancti Jacobi
minoris,' de plEna autem et origine Pylati in quadam hystoria licet
17. Terme technique pour designerla lecture d'un texte lors d'un office
(ct. A. BOUREAU,ibid.).
18. Ce mot est ic,i a prendre dans Ie sensde celui qui est charge de la
lecture dans les Eglises (ct. A. BOUREAU,
ibid.).
196
R. GOUNELLE
apocrypha legitur: Fuit quidam rex nomine Tyrus... Qui cum

nimis prlEfatis infestationibusgravarentul; ipsum a se removerunt
et in quodam puteo montibus circumsepto immerserunt, ubi
adhuc relatione quorundam qulEdam dyaboliclE machinationes
ebullire videntur. Hucusque in prlEdicta historia apocrypha
leguntur. QUlE utrum recitanda sint, lectoris judicio relinquatur.
Mais on trouve ce qui concerne Ie chatiment et l'origine de
Judas dans la legende de saint Matthias, et ce qui concerne Ie
chatiment et la ruine des Juifs dans la legende de saint Jacques
Ie Mineur; quant a ce qui concerne Ie chatiment et l'origine de
Pilate, on Ie lit dans une certaine histoire apocryphe: 11y eut
un roi du nom de Tyrus... Ceux-ci, excessivementtourmentes
par des attaques deja mentionnees, l'oterent de leur territoire et
Ie plongerent dans un puits encercle:de montagnes ou aujourd'hui encore, aux dires de certains, des machinations diaboliques
semblent bouillonner.}} Voici ce qu'on lit dans l'histoire apocryphe susdite. Si elle doit etre recitee ou non, je prefere laisser
au jugement du lecteur Ie saiDde Ie decider.
Texte 4: Cap. LXVII (63,65) -De sanctoJacobo apostolo,2
(GRAESSE,
p. 299-301; ROZE,I, p. 337-340; WYZEWA,p. 254-
257):
Ha?cautem fuit causa adventus ipsorum in Ierusalem,siGutin
quadam hystoria invenitul; licet apocrypha: VidensPylatus quia
Jesum innocentem condemnaverat... Titus autem , ut in eadem
hystoria apocrypha legitul; audiens patTern suum in imperium
sublimatum... Post hoc, Titus et servum in sui gratiam et
Josephum in sui amicitiam recepit. Utrum autem ha?chystoria 19
narranda sit, lectorisjudicio relinquatur.
Voici ce qui leg fit veniTa Jerusalem,comme on Ie trouve dans
une certaine histoire apocryphe: Pilate, voyant qu'il avail
condamne Jesusqui etait innocent... Or Titus , comme on Ie lit
dans la meme histoire apocryphe, apprenant que sonpeTeavail
ete eleve empereur... Apres cela, Tite accordasesbonnes graces
a son esclave,et son amitie a Jasephe. Si cette histaire dait etre
racantee au non, je prefere laisser au jugement du lecteur Ie sain
de Ie decider.
19. J.-M. B. RaZE traduit a tort Histoire apocryphe

Th. GRAESSE
ne donnant pas la le<;onhystoria apocrypha.
'edition de
APOCRYPHUS DANS LA LEGENDE DOREE
197
Texte 5: Cap. LXVIII (64, 66) -De inventione sanctrecrucis

(GRAESSE,
p. 304; RazE, I, p. 342; WYZEWA,p. 259-260):
In quadam vero hystoria Grrecorum licet apocrypha 20legitur
quod angelus de ligno in quo peccauit Adam eidem tradidit
dicens... Utrum autemhrec vera sint, lectorisjudicio relinquatu1;
cum in nulla chronica vel hystoria authenticahreclegantur2\
Mais dans une certaine histoire apocryphedes grecs on lit que:
Un ange lui a donne (un morceau de) l'arbre par lequel Adam
a peche en disant... Si cela est vrai ou non, je prefere laisser au
jugement du lecteur Ie soin de Ie decider, puisqu'on ne lit cela
dans aucune chronique ni dans aucunehistoire authentique.
Texte 6: Cap. LXXXIX (84) -De sancto Petro apostolo, 3
(4) (GRAESSE,p. 376-377; RazE, I, p. 423-424; WYZEWA,
p. 319-321):
Nero... quorum scelerumhic aliqua breviter inseramus.Cum
Senecamagister suus, ut in quadam hystoria, licet apocrypha,
legitur, condignam mercedem laboris suis spectaret... Hic
Senecaduosfratres habuisse legitur. Rursus Nero nefaria mentis vesania ductus , ut in eadem hystoria apocrypha reperitur,
matrem occidi et scindi jussit... PrlEcepit ergo ut fetus suusaleretur et testudini lapidum servandusincluderetu1: HlEc autem in
chronicis non leguntur,sedapocrypha sunt.
Neron... DOllSallons rapporter ici brievement quelques-unsde
ses mefaits. Alors que Seneque, son precepteur, esperait recevoir un salaire tout a fait digne de son travail , comme on Ie lit
dans une certaine histoire apocryphe... On lit que ce Seneque
eut deux freres. Vne autre fois, Neron, mil par la folie criminelle
de son esprit , comme on Ie trouve dans la meme histoire apocryphe, ordonna de tuer sa mere, et d'ouvrir son ventre... II
20. Ce fecit se trouve dans certaines versions de la Vie d'Adam et Eve,
ainsi que dans I' Evangile de Nicodeme. Sur cesdifferentes formes d'une
meme histoire et leurs relations, ct. M. NAGEL,La Vie grecque d'Adam
et Eve -Apocalypse de Moise [these de doctorat], I, Universite de Lille
III, 1974,p. 159-175).Ct. en outre plus loin ce que nous disons sur l'histoire apocryphe dont s'est apparemment servi Jacquesde Voragine pour
ecrire plusieurs de sesnotices.
21. On peut hesiter a rapporter la mise en garde finale au seul fecit
attribue a une histoire apocryphe des Grecs , ou bien aux differents
textes cites successivementau debut de la notice. L'association qu'on
trouve dans d'autres notices entre la mention d'une hystoria licet apocrypha et cette meme mise en garde (cf. plus bas) nous invite cependant
a trancher dans Ie premier sens.
198
R. GOUNELLE
ordonna donc de nourrir son fretus et de l'enfermer dans une

voftte de pierres pour Ie conserver. Cela cependantne se lit pas
dans les chroniques, mais est apocryphe.
Texte 7: Cap. CXIX (114, /17) -De
assumptione beata'
Maria' virginis, 1 (GRAESSE,
p. 504-510; RazE, II, p. 86-91;
WYZEWA,p. 430-435):
Assumptio heara' virginis Maria' qualiter facta sit, ex quodam
libello apocrypha qui lohanni evangelista'adscribitur22,edocetur
(...) Thomas autem cum abessetet rediens credere recusaret,
subito zonam qua corpus ejus [Maria'] pra'cinctum fuerat, ab
aere recepit illa'sam ut uel sic intellegeret quod totaliter fuisset
assumpta. Hoc autem quod pra'dictum est,forum illud apocryphum est23,de quo Hieronymus in epistola uel sermone ad
Paulum et Eustochium 24sic ait: Ille sanelibellus vereapocryphus est censendus,nisi quo ad aliqua fide digna qua' videntur a
sanctis approbata, qua' sunt novem... Porro alia multa sunt ibi
posita potius ad simulation em quam ad veritatem, ut quod
22. Ce fecit est absent des recits de l' Assomption attribues a Jean;
Jacquesde Voragine renvoie ici probablement au TransitusMarire attrihue a Josephd' Arimathee (TransitusA edite dansC. VaNTISCHENDORF,
Apocalypses apocryphre Mosis, Esdrre, Pauli, Iohannis item Marire
Dormitio, additis evangeliorum et actuum apocryphorum supplementis,
Leipzig, H. Mendelssohn,1866,p. 113-123).Sur ce fecit, et sur Ie probleme de l'absence de Thomas lacs de l'assomption de Marie, ct. M. VAN
ESBROECK,
Les textes litteraires sur l' Assomption avant Ie xe siecle ,
dans F. BOYONet al., Les Actes apocryphesdesapotres. Christianismeet
monde pai.en, Geneve, Labor et Fides, Publications de la taculte de
theologie de l'universite de Geneve 4, 1981,p. 265-276 et A. WENGER,
L'Assomption de la TresSainteVierge dansla tradition byzantine du vi'
au X' siecle,Paris, 1955,p. 170. Ct. en outre S. C. MIMOUNI,Dormition et
Assomption de Marie. Histoire des traditions anciennes(souspressechez
Beauchesne).
23. Variante : videtur esse.

24. Jacquesde Voragine renvoie a la lettre attribuee par la tradition a
Jerome et pretendument adresseea Paula et Eustochium sur l'assomption de Marie, lettre attribuee par la recherche a Radbert de Corbie
(Ps.-Jerome, Epist. IX = Paschase Radbert, De assumptione...,
CCCM 56C, p.110-135); ce traite affirme clairement l'apocryphicite,du
Transitus du Ps.-Jean (ct. 11,7), et a ete souvent cite au Moyen Age
pour cette raison, parfois SOliS
la denomination de sermo(ct. H. BARRE,
La croyance a l' Assomption corporelle en Occident de 750 a 1150
environ , in Etudes mariales.Assomption de Marie, II [= Bulletin de la
Societefranfaise d'etudes mariales, 1949], Paris, Vrin, 1950,p. 70s.) et
aussiA. WENGER,op. cit., p. 144s.).Nous n'avons cependantpas trouve
dans cette lettre les ohrasesQueJacQuesde Voragine lui attribue.
APOCRYPHUSDANS LALEGENDEDOREE
199
Thomasnon affuerit et veniens dubitaverit, et his similia, qUa?per

sepatent quod sunt relinquendapotius quam asserenda..
La fa~n dont a eu lieu l'assomption de la bienheureusevierge
Marie est racontee par un certain livre apocryphe attribue a Jean
l'Evangeliste: (...) Or Thomas, comme il n'etait pas la, refusail, une fois de retour, de croire, soudain il re~ut la ceinture
dont son corps [de Marie] etait ceint, qui tomba d'en haul, intacte, afin qu'il croie par la qu'elle [Marie] etait entierement montee au ciel. Mais ce qui vient d'etre raconte est 25entierement
apocryphe; au sujet de cela, Jerome parle en ces termes dans sa
Lettre, ou, autrement dit, son Sermona Paul et a Eustochius: II
taut considerer ce livre comme vraiment apocryphe, a l'exceplion de quelques points dignes de foi qui semblent avoir ete
approuves par de saints hommes, points qui sont au nombre de
neuf... Mais beaucoup d'autres choses narrees ici sont plus
proches du mensonge que de la verite, comme Ie fait que
Thomas n'etait pas la, et, qu'une fois de retour, il a doute, et leg
chosessemblablesa celles-ci, dont il est clair qu'elles sont plutot
a abandonnerqu'a defendre.
Texte 8: Cap. CLXX (165, 167) -De
sancto Clemente
(GRAESSE,
p. 783-784;RazE, II, p. 380, 381; WYZEWA,p. 650):
(Profitant de ce que Faustinien a bien malgre Iui pris Ies traits de
Simon Ie mage,Pierre Iui ordonne d'aIIer a Antioche, et de retracter
toutes Ies medisancesrepandues a son propre sujet par Simon, en se
faisant passerpour ce demier.)
Hoc ramen nullo modo credendum est quod beatus Petrus

mentiri mandaverit, cum Deus non indigeat nostro mendacio 26,
Ideo Itinerarium Clementis in quo hrec scripta sunt,liber apocryphus est nec, ut quibusdam placet, suscipiendus in talibus.
Verumtamendici palest quod... Hrec omnia Clemensin libro suo
de se ipso narrat et hanc hystoriam ibidem inseruit.
11ne taut cependant en aucune maniere croire que Ie bienheureux Pierre ait commande de mentir, puisque Dieu n'a besoin
d'aucun mensonge. Aussi I' ltineraire de Clement , dans
25. Variante: semble etre .

26. Ce recit figure a la fin des Reconnaissancespseudo-clementines
(X, 53s.). On trouvera une edition de ce texte dans GCS 51, p. 359s.,et
une antique traduction dans Abbe MAISTRE,Saint Clement de Rome.
Son histoire renfermant les Actes de saint Pierre. Ses ecrits avec les
preuves qui les rehabilitent. Son glorieux martyre, I, Paris, 1883,p. 573s.
200
R. GOUNELLE
lequel res chasessont ecrites, est-il un livre apocryphe,et qui ne

doit pas etre accepte sur de tels points, contrairement a ce qui
parait bon a certains. Mais cependant il est possible de dire
que... Voici tout ce que Clement raconte de lui-meme dans son
livre, et il a insere celie histoire au meme endroit.
Premieresconclusions.
Vne remarque s'impose a la simple lecture de ce releve: Ie
vocable apocryphe est relativement absent sous la plume de
Jacquesde Voragine27.Lorsqu'il se trouve dans son reuvre, c'est
Ie plus souventdans un titre ou dans une citation.
En outre, les vies dans lesquelles ce terme apparait sont
majoritairement consacrees a des personnages -apotres
Thomas (1), Matthias (2), Jacques(4), Pierre (6) -et a des eveDements-Passion du Seigneur (3) -presents dans les evangiles canoniques. Trois exceptions sont cependant a noter:
l'Invention de la Croix (5), l' Assomption de Marie (7) et la vie
de Clement (8). On remarquera cependant que la premiere se
situe explicitement dans la prolongation des recits evangeliques 28,et que la deuxieme traite de Marie, egalementpersonnage biblique. Seule la vie de Clement semble faire exception.
Ene est cependant aussia rattacher aux origines, puisqu'ene met
en scened'importantes figures apostoliques-Bamabe et Pierre.
La notion d' apocryphe semble donc liee aux fondements
sacres de la geste chretienne, et particulierement a des recits
consacresa la vie du Christ. Les textes apocryphes apparaissent
ainsi comrne des lieux de memoire, comme les conservatoiresde
traditions fondatrices pour la foi du peuple chretien. Cependant,
certains des evenements racontes dans ces notices et qualifies
d' apocryphes peuvent renvoyer a des temps plus anciensque
celui des origines chretiennes ou a des evenementssans rapport
apparent avec la geste chretienne -ainsi en est-il des aventures
de Seth (5) ou du fecit de la mort de Seneque (6). Mais leur
integration dans un cycle liturgique entierement oriente sur la
vie du Christ -Invention de la Croix, vie de saint Pierre -leur
donne sells. L'histoire de Seneque et de Neron sert en effet a
souligner les mefaits de Neron a I'egard de Pierre, tandis que Ie
fecit de la rencontre entre Seth et I'archange Michel sert a
27. Une enquete dans sesautres reuvres serait necessairemais depassefait largement Ie cadre de cette etude.
28. Jacques de Voragine commence en eifet sa notice en situanl
l'Invention deux cents anneesaores la Resurrection du Christ.
APOCRYPHUS
~ DANS
LA LEGENDE
DOREE
201
raconter l'histoire du bois sur lequelle Christ a ete crucifie. Ces

recits doivent donc leur presence dans la Legende doree au fait
qu'ils sont intrinsequement lies aux fondements de l'histoire
chretienne; ce n'est peut-etre qu'en tant qu'ils figurent dans des
notices qui font memoire des fondations chretiennes qu'ils
peuvent etre dits apocryphes.
2. Jacquesde Voragiue est-if uu vilipeudeur d'apocryphes?

2.1 De frequentes mises en garde contre des textesapocryphes.
A la lecture de la Legende doree,on ne peut qu'etre frappe de
la recurrence des mises en garde contre des textes apocryphes . On ne peut cependant pas leg mettre toutes sur Ie
meme plan.
En effet, leg deux amples mises en garde contre des textes
apocryphes proviennent, aux dires de Jacquesde Voragine luimeme, l'une d' Augustin (1), l'autre de Jerome (7).
Dans leg autres vies en revanche,Jacquesde Voragine semble
prendre lui-meme la plume pour denoncer Ie caractere apocryphe des traditions qu'il rapporte, par exemple dans la vie de
Clement (8), 011il souligne la faussete du fecit de la Dormition
de Marie qu'il utilise. Dans d'autres legendes (2, 3, 4, 5, 6), leg
expressions employees par Jacques de Voragine paraissent en
partie stereotypees, et contiennent deux elements importants:
-mention du lecteur auquel revient Ie choix de lire ou non
(recitare, narrare) ces recits (229,3, 4) ou bien (5) de determiner
leur veracite (vera esse);
-opposition
des chroniques et des histoires authentiques
d'une part, et des apocryphesde l'autre: 5,6.
Ces deux precisions sur les textes apocryphes soot negatives. Elle reviennent en effet a laisser au lecteur Ie choix de
leg lire, en des formules qui encouragentplutot ales abandonner
qu'a leg utiliser. Elles apparaissentcependant toujours a la suite
de textes qui mentionnent une histoire apocryphe . Le lien
constant entre celie expression et des mises en garde stereotypees appelle deux questions: la formule histoire apocryphe
29. Dans Ie texte 2, Jacquesde Voragine affirme que Ie texte apocryphe

qu'il cite potius reliquenda (est)quam asserenda.On retrouve la me-me
formule dans la lettre attribuee a Jerome citee en 7. La proximite des
deux formules est si frappante qu'on petit se demander si la conclusion
de 2 ne cite pas Ie texte pseudo-hieronymiensansIe dire.
R.
202
GOUNELLE
est-elle Ie titre d'un texte qui circulait au temps de Ia redaction de

Ia Legendedoreeou bien indique-t-elle Ie caractereapocryphe du
fecit qui suit? Ces mises en garde proviennent-elles donc de
Jacquesde Voragine Iui-meme ou bien d'une de sessources?
2.2 UneHistoire apocryphe a la sourcede la Ugende doree.
II est aujourd'hui possible de repondre en partie a ces deux
questions. Un certain nombre de manuscrits transmettent en
effet one Historia apocrypha dont la parente avec leg extraits
transmis par la Legendedoree n'est plus a prouver3o.
La physionomie de ce texte, qu'E. van Dobschtitz date du
~ siecle 31,Testecependantencore a preciser,leg manuscritsne
transmettant pas toujours Ie meme nombre de recits successifs.
La recherchea identifie des temoins qui transmettent leg histoires
que Jacques de Voragine rapPorte dans les textes 2, 3, 4, 6.
L'occurrence de la fameuse formule quredam hystoria licet apocrypha et de la mise en garde du lecteur dans Ie texte 5 ne semble
en revanche pas avoir encore ete reperee 32.La presence d'un
fecit sur Seth n'est a notre connaissancepas attestee dans leg
formes de l' Histoire deja editees, mais it ne faut pas en conclure
que dans certains manuscrits un tel fecit ne figurait pas a cote de
la source de Jacques de Voragine, ou meme interpolee en son
sein, etant donnee la variance des manuscrits conDOS.Si des
temoins manuscrits s'averent DarTerl'histoire de Seth, on pourrait
alors adopter avec one grande vraisemblance la precision que
30. Cf. B. DE GAIFFIER,"L'Historia apocrypha" dans la Legende

Doree , Analecta Bollandiana 91 (1973),p. 265-272,Oil on trouvera un
bilan de la recherche anterieure. Depuis cet article est paru: J. KNAPE,
Die "Historia apocrypha" der "Legenda aurea" in J. KNAPEK. STROBEL,Zur Deutung van Geschichte in Antike und Mittelalter,
Bamberg, Bayerische Verlagsanstalt, Bamberger Hochschulenschriften
11,1985,p. 113-172,etude dans laquelle on ne trouvera pas grande nouveaute sur la tradition latine de I'Histoire apocryphe, mais l'edition
d'une antique traduction allemande de ce texte. E. VONSTEINMEYER
a
donne au debut de ce siecle one edition d'une forme de cette Historia
avec l'indication des paralleles de la Legendedoree <Die Historia apocrypha der Legenda aurea , Munchener Museum fur Philologie des
Mittelalters und der Renaissance3 [1915-1923],p. 155-166).
31. Christusbilder. Untersuchungen zur christlichen Legende, Leipzig,
J.C. Hinrichs, TV 18, 1899,p. 278*-279*.
32. B. DE GAIFFIER,
op. cit., p. 266 signale avec raison que les chercheurs
qui ont etudie l' Histoire apocryphe ont souvent ignore les travaux de
leurs predecesseurs,ou bien s'en sont inspires sansrefaire Ie travail de
recherche des occurrencesde cette expression.
DANS LA LEGENDE DOREE
203
Jacquesde Voragine donne dans la notice consacreea l'Invention

de la Croix (5): cette Histoire apocrypheprovient des Grecs33,
L'identification de la source utilisee par Jacquesde Voragine
permet en outre d'aller plus loin. En effet, P. F. Baum a repere
dans certains des manuscrits transmettant la vie de Judas attestee dans l' Histoire apocryphe la formule de mise en garde qui se
retrouve dans les notices de la Legende doree qui utilisent cette
source34.II est donc probable que Jacquesde Voragine ait recopie avec les passagesqu'il a repris de sa source les remarques
introduites par un scribe inquiet sur l'authenticite historique de
ce qu'il recopiait. II taut cependantse garder de toute conclusion
trap rapide: d'une part la recherche n'est pas unanime sur ce
point 35;d'autre part l'absence d'index detaille de la Legende
Doree ne permet pas de savoir si ce sont la des formules frequentes SOliSla plume de Jacquesde Voragine, ce qui amenerait
a nuancer ce jugement.
II convient donc de rester prudent et de ne pas trap rapidement voir en Jacquesde Voragine un critique acerbe contre les
traditions qu'il nomme apocryphes . Somme toute, la plupart
des remarques critiques a l'egard des apocryphes dans la
Legende doree provient soit assurementsoit fort probablement
de sessources.
3. Jacquesde Voragiue est-il uu sauveur
de traditions apocryphes?
La prudence semble d'autant plus de mise qu'il arrive frequemment a Jacques de Voragine de nuancer les critiques de
textes apocryphes qu'il rapporte.
3.1 Jacques de Voragine et Augustin face Ii un apotre vindicatif
En voici un exemple assezfrappant (1): loTs d'un repas, un

echansongifle Thomas parce qu'il ne mange ni ne boil, mais se
contente de regarder Ie ciel. Thomas lui dit alors: Mieux vaudrait pour toi etre pardonne dans Ie futur et etre puni ici-bas
d'un chatiment passager.Je ne me leverai point que la main qui
a frappe n'ait ete rapportee ici par les chiens. Les paroles de
33. Dans cette notice, Jacques de Voragine precise en effet qu'il s'agit
de qutedamhystoria Grtecorum licet apocrypha.
34. The medireval Legend of Judas Iscariot , Publications of the
Modem LanguageAssociation of America 31 (1916),p. 496-501.
35. Cf. p. ex.les remarques de B. DE GAIFFlER,op. cit., p. 271.
APOCRYPHUS"
204
R. GOUNELLE
Thomas se realisent bien evidemment, et Jacques de Voragine

continue en cestermes :
Mais (la) vengeance (de Thomas), Augustin la blame
dans son livre Contre Faustus,et il declare qu'elle a ete interpolee par un faussaire,d'ou vient Ie fait que cette legende est
considereecomme suspecteit.plusieurs points de vue.
Cette condamnation de la legende de Thomas ne semble pas
satisfaire Jacques de Voragine qui corrige immediatement la
perspective:
Pourtant, on pourrait dire que son but est non de nous
aider it. obtenir l'objet de nos prieres, mais d'avertir. Cependant, si on considere attentivement les propos d' Augustin,
ceschosesne paraissentpas totalement blamees.
Suit une longue citation d' Augustin, ou Ie fecit en cause est
reinterprete: Thomas, en agissantcomme ill'a fait, a en realite
obtenu Ie pardon de l'echanson; sa vengeance terrestre a ete
compensee par l'obtention de son salut; par cet acte, Thomas
temoigne donc de sa misericorde.
Nous assistonsici au sauvetaged'une tradition. Mise it.mal par
les autorites ecclesiastiquesit.causedu jugement d' Augustin rappele en premier lieu, comme Jacquesde Voragine lui-meme Ie
signale -ce fecit est une interpolation, une legende suspecte-,
et susceptible de choquer les auditeurs ou les utilisateurs de la
Legende doree,cette tradition avait besoin d'etre legitimee pour
etre rapportee par notre dominicain. Subtilement, il ne prend
pas la parole lui-meme, mais il cite respectueusementun texte
d' Augustin qui blame ce fecit, pour Ie nuancer aussitot par un
autre texte du meme auteur.
L'interpretation positive qu' Augustin fait de ce fecit obeit
pour Jacquesde Voragine it.une double fonction. D'une part il
est couvert face aux autorites ecclesiastiques-puisque ce fecit
a ete approuve par Augustin qui y voit un texte it.portee spirituelle -, mais, d'autre part, ill'est aussiface it.sesdestinataires
-pour lesquels, par l'intermediaire de saint Augustin, il donne
un sens eleve it.l'histoire, les invitant it.ne pas s'arreter au sens
premier, choquant, qui voudrait faire de l'apotre Thomas un
mechant homme qui se venge cruellement d'un echansonsomme
toute justement vexe par son refus de manger et de boire. Si, en
outre, on admet l'hypothese que la LegendeDoree a pu servir de
manuel aux predicateurs dominicains 36,on per~oit d'autant
36.cr. plus hauln. 12.
APOCRYPHUS,. DANS LA LEGENDE DOREE
205
mieux l'importance de l'argumentation de Jacquesde Voragine:

en meme temps que Ie lexie, il donne son interpretation, ici
peut-etre difficilement discernable au premier coup d'reil, et, par
la meme, Ie rend apte a etre utilise dans les predications.
Jacquesde Voragine fait meme davantagepuisque, par l'intermediaire d' Augustin toujours -qui
affirme: Qu'il s'agisse
d'un fecit vrai ou forge de toutes pieces,cela m'importe peu...
-, il invite Ie lecteur a aller au-dela de la question de la veracite
des faits racontes dans la Legende Doree, pour y rechercher
avant tout de la nourriture spirituelle. Nous trouvons ici une
idee qui apparait ailleurs chezJacquesde Voragine: un fecit, s'il
est conforme a ce qui est bon, peut etre laconte, quel que soil
son degre de veracite; Ie caractere apocryphe d'un ouvrage ne
signifie pas d'emblee qu'il est faux ou fabuleux. C'est au titre
de ce principe, nous Ie verrons, qu'il rejette Ie temoignage de
certains apocryphes, et non parce qu'il s'agit de textes non
canoniques.
3.3 Jacquesde Voragineface a un apotre qui incite a mentil:
On trouve un exemple semblable de sauvetagede traditions
que Jacques de Voragine lui-meme qualifie d' apocryphes
lorsqu'il raconte leg mesaventuresde Simon Pierre avec Simon
Ie mage (8): Simon Ie mage, grace a un onguent, avait fait
prendre ses traits a Faustinien. Pierre a alors l'idee d'utiliser
cette metamorphose de Faustinien, et lui demande de se TeDdIe
tel quel a Antioche, et de retracter tout ce que Simon y avait
dit, en se faisant passer pour lui, afin de detruire son reuvre.
Jacquesde Voragine parait alors indigne de cette histoire :
II ne taut cependant en aucune maniere croire que Ie
bienheureux Pierre ait commande de mentir, puisque Dieu
n'a besoin d'aucun mensonge. Aussi l'ltineraire de Clement,
dans lequel c~schosessoot ecrites, est-il un livre apocryphe,et
qui ne doit pas etre acceptesur de tels points, contrairement a
ce qui parrot bon a certains.
II continue cependant sans s'interrompre en un gens plus
nuance: Mais cependant il est possible de dire que Pierre n'a
pas demande a Faustinien de se faire passer pour Simon Ie
mage, mais de se montrer sous l'apparence de Simon, et de
dementir ce que celui-ci avait dit; Faustinien ne pretend pas etre
Simon quant a la realite , mais quant a l'apparence . Le
texte doit donc fa ire l'objet d'une interpretation: lorsque
Faustinien dit: Moi, Simon , il taut comprendre: Quant a
l'avvarence. ie varais etre Simon ...
206
R. GOUNELLE
On notera la subtilite de l'argumentation de Jacques de

Voragine, qui permet de dedouaner Faustinien et Pierre de l'accusation de duperie. De nouveau, il commence par exprimer
l'opinion la plus radicale: ce texte est irrecevable. Ensuite commence son analyse modeste: Mais cependant il est possible de
dire que... , de meme que, au sujet de la mesaventure de
Thomas avec l'echanson (1), il avait commence par ecrire:
Mais sa vengeance, Augustin la blame... pour continuer de
fa<;onplus positive: Pourtant, on pourrait dire que... Mais
il n'a pas trouve semble-t-il, dans Ie cas present, d'autorite it
invoquer. Son travail des loTSest d'accepter Ie texte tel qu'il est,
mais de montrer qu'il est possible de l'interpreter dans un sens
tout it fait satisfaisant-recourant ici it la distinction scolastique
traditionnelle entre ueritaset apparentia.
La consequence est double, comme dans Ie cas de la vie de
Thomas: Jacquesde Voragine est couvert it l'egard de l'autorite
-puisque Ie texte qu'il a rapporte est interpretable dans un
sens bon grace it des distinctions traditionnelles -et it l'egard
de sesauditeurs -en leur disant, de nouveau, ce qu'il faut y lire
-ou des predicateurs dominicains -qui disposent de la clef
d'interpretation leur permettant d'utiliser ce texte.
4. Jacquesde Voragine fait-il reuvre de critique eclaire

face aux apocryphes?
Mais Jacquesde Voragine apparait-il reellement dans ces deux
cas comme un sauveur de traditions apocryphes apparemment
douteuses? Si Qui, pourquoi ne l'a-t-il pas fait plus systematiquement? Une autre ligne d'interpretation nous semble ouverte. II
est probable en effet que ces textes ont ete vehicules dans la
liturgie des fetes de Thomas et de l'!nvention de la Croix 37.Dans
ce cas, Voragine ne pouvait guere faire autrement que les
reprendre. II chercherait des loTsnon a sauverdes traditions apocryphes pour qu'elles continuent a etre utilisees liturgiquement,
mais a expliquer, a sauver des usagesliturgiques qui lui posent
probleme, ou qui risquent de poser probleme a sesdestinataires.
On Ie voit, dans un cas Jacques de Voragine passerait pour un
esprit plutot ouvert, dans l'autre plutot pour un traditionaliste...
37. Ainsi l'histoire de Thomas qui se venge d'un echansonse retrouve-teIIe dans Ie Speculum historiale de Vincent de Beauvais, IX, 63
(cf. Bibliotheccmundi seuspeculi maioris Vincentii Burgundi prcsulis
Bellovacensis...,IV, Duaci, B. BeIIerus, 1624,p. 344b).
APOCRYPHUSDANS LA LEGENDEDOREE
207
4.1 Les apocryphes..destextesqui ne sanepasfiables

jusque dansIe detail.
La qualification d' apocryphe donnee a l'histoire de l'assomption de Marie qui s'acheve par Ie fecit de Thomas qui, dans
son incredulite, refuse d'y croire (7), pent aider a mieux cemer
l'emploi de ce terme dans la Legende doree et l'attitude de
Jacquesde Voragine par rapport a de telles traditions.
Fidele a la tradition qui fait de lui un apotre peu credible,
Thomas refuse de croire a l'assomption de Marie lorsque les
autres apotres lui en font part, mais une ceinture tombee du ciel
lui donne la foi. L'ouvrage dans lequel celie histoire est narree
-ainsi que toute ce que Jacquesde Voragine en avail tire dans
les pages qui precede celie histoire -est dans un premier temps
condamne en bloc:
Mais ce qui vient d'etre raconte est entierement apo cryphe; au sujet de cela, Jerome parle en ces termes dans sa
lettre,on, autrement dit, son Sermon a Paul et a Eustochius:
"11 faut considerer ce livre comme vraiment apocryphe..."
Cependant, Jacques de Voragine continue la citation de la
lettre pseudo-hieronymienne:
(...) "a l'exception de quelques points dignes de foi qui
semblent avoir ete approuves par de saints hommes, points
qui sont au nombre de fleUr' (...)
De nouveau, la premiere sentence, radicale, est immediatement nuancee. Cependant, a la difference des exemples precedents, Ie fecit apocryphe n'est pas sauve dans son ensemble. Le
texte cite par Jacquesde Voragine ne fait en effet qu'isoler neuf
points acceptablesdu fecit pour condamnerles autres :
Mais beaucoup d'autres choses narrees ici sont plus
proches du mensonge que de la verite, comme Ie fait que
Thomas n'etait pas la, et, qu'une fois de retour, il a dollie, et
les chosessemblablesa celles-ci, doni il est clair qu'elles sont
plutot a abandonnerqu'a defendre.
L'attitude de Jacques de Voragine est ici ambigue. 11 ne
cherche manifestement pas a doDDerau fecit qu'il rapporte un
statui ires sur. La citation qu'il a choisie en est significative, car il
aurait tout aussi bien pu trouver dans la tradition ecclesiastique
des textes appuyant davantage ce fecit 38.11semble chercher
dans Ie cas present a operer un tri pour seslecteurs entre ce qui
38. Cf.les etudes citees plus haut dans l'annotation du texte 7.
208
R. GOUNELLE
est vrai et ce qui est inacceptable dans celie legende. Le statut

ambigu qu'il donne a sa source est probablement a l'origine de
la qualification d' apocryphe qu'illui donne d'emblee.
De meme, alors que la quasi-totalite de la notice consacreea
la vie de Clement (8) est tiree de l'ltineraire pseudo-clementin39,
Jacques de Voragine s'exclame apres Ie fecit 0\1 Dieu semble,
par la bouche de Pierre, inciter au mensonge, que ce texte est
apocryphe 4. On aurait pu s'attendre a ce qu'une telle
qualification soit donnee bien avant dans sa notice, comme ill'a
fait dans la legende consacree a l'assomption de Marie dans
laquelle il previent des Ie depart son lecteur du caractere apocryphe de la source qu'il utilise (7). Ici, il a semble-t-il attendu
d'etre arrive a un passage problematique pour s'arreter et
denoncer Ie caractere ambigu de sa source, dans laquelle il est
necessaired'operer un tri entre Ie bon grain et l'ivraie.
La notion d' apocryphe ne parait donc pas liee a la canonicite d'un texte, mais a son manque de fiabilite jusque dans Ie
detail 41.Le probleme qui se pose des lors pour qui veut recourir
a des textes apocryphes n' est pas celui de leur statut, mais de
leur vraisemblance et de leur rigueur theologique.
4.2 Des apocryphesa critiquer au servicede l'histoire
et de la Joi.
L'opposition etablie a deux reprises entre apocryphes et
chroniques va egalementdans ce sens(cf. 5, 6). apocryphe
ne signifie en effet pas ici non canonique, mais douteux, inauthentique, faux, par opposition aux chroniques , lieux fiables
d'histoire. Les textes apocryphes sont bien utilises, au meme
titre que les recits bibliques et que les diverses histoires ecclesiastiques ecrites depuis Eusebe de Cesaree,comme des documents historiques a critiquer, comme des lieux de memoire dont
la fiabilite doit etre verifiee.
La critique a laquelle sont soumis ces textes apocryphes
prend dans la Legende doreeplusieurs visages: la raison qui fait
de l'ltineraire de Clement un apocryphe (8) est son aspect
incroyable, c'est-a-dire, ici, son manque de tenue theologique,
puisqu'il fait mentir Dieu. Dans un autre cas, celui du fecit de la
processiondu corps de Marie et de son enlevementaux cieux (7),
39. Ct. notre annotation au texte 8.
40. Ct. plus haut.
41. Cependant,la non-canonicite du texte conceme est probablement un
critere de base -nous ne sayanspas que dans la litterature medieyale
un fecit canonique ait ete qualifie d' apocryphe , meme dans ce gens.
APOCRYPHUS,.DANSLALEGENDEDOREE
209
c'est l'absencede vraisemblance qui pousseJacquesde Voragine

a rejeter un temoignage comme apocryphe. L'isolement de sa
source (ou, a contrario sa confirmation -meme partielle -par
une autre document) est egalement un critere qui amene a rejeter (ou, a contrario qui pourrait conduire a accepter) Ie fecit de
la montee au paradis de Seth (5).
L'enquete parmi leg apocryphes ne releve pas d'autres regles
du jeu, et leg critiques que Jacques de Voragine fait aux apocryphes ne sont somme toute pas differentes de celles qu'illance
parfois contre des histoires ecclesiastiques renommees 42ou
meme contre des usagesliturgiques 43.
4.3Desquestionsensuspens...
Sont donc qualifies d' apocryphe SODS
la plume de Jacques
de Voragine des recits douteux consacresau temps des origines.
Ces textes ne soot pas certes pas recevablesen tant que tels puisqu'ils ne soot pas fiables en raison de leur manque de vraisemblance ou de tenue theologique, mais ils ne soot pas pour autant
meprisables, puisqu'ils transmetient des donnees valables, qu'il
convient d'isoler du reste. II ne s'agit pas d'une position tres originale 44,mais elle amene a se poser deux questions: lorsque
42. Ct. p. ex. la fin de la notice consacree a la Passion du Seigneur

(Th. GRAESSE,
op. cit., p. 234-235; J.-B. M. ROZE, op. cit., I, p. 269;
T. DEWYZEWA,op. cit., p. 202).
43. Ct. p. ex. la notice sur l'Invention de la Croix, ou Jacq~es de
Voragine oppose les chroniques aux lectures faites dans les Eglises
(Th. GRAESSE,
op. cit., p. 307; J.-B. M. ROZE,op. cit., I, p. 345; T. DE
Wyzewa ne traduit pas Ie passagecorrespondant).
44. L'emploi du terme apocryphe pour designerdes textes dans lesquels tout n'est pas a recevoir se retrouve chez de nombreux autres
auteurs, par exemple chez Hugues de Saint-Victor (Didascalicon, IV; 7
-nollS remercions M. M. Grandjean de nous avoir signale ce texte) ou
Rudolphe de Liebegg (Pastorale nouellum, V, 12,v. 1005-1007).a. egalement la remarque critique de Vincent de Beauvais en marge de sa
notice sur I' Assomption de Marie dans son Speculum historiale, VII, 79
(cf. op. cit., p. 250), ou il note que ce fecit est utile a lire pour les
croyants, et qu'il peut susciter la foi, bien qu'il fasse partie des ecrits
apocryphes, et que tout ce qu'il raconte ne soit pas acceptable. On
trouve egalement une position ambigue face aux apocryphes chez
AmouldGreban, qui au debut de sa Passion affirme qu'il va poursuyvans sans prolix-ite/l' euvangile a nostre st;avoir/ sansapocriphe recevoir,
mais qui utilise dans son reuvre de nombreux textes apocryphes (nous
reprenons cette citation a E. Boz6CKY, Les aocryphes bibliques ,
dans P. RICHE-G. LOBRICHONdir., Le Moyen Age et la Bible, Paris,
Beauchesne,Bible de taus les temps 4,1984,p. 439).
R.
210
GOUNELLE
Jacques de Voragine cite un texte non canonique sans preciser

son statut, cela signifie-t-il que la fiabilite de ce texte etait etablie
de son temps? En outre, lorsqu'il ne qualifie pas lui-meme un
texte d' apocryphe mais qu'il recourt it.des autorites comme
Augustin ou Ie Pseudo-Jeromeavec toutes les subtilites de leur
argumentation, cela n'est-il pas pour lui un moyen d'essayer
d'enlever it. ces recits leur etiquette d' apocryphe? 45 En
l'absence d'etude detainee des sources de la Legende doree, il
est impossible aujourd'hui de repondre it.res questions.
Au terrne de ce parcours parcellaire de la Legende doree,la
figure de Jacquesde Voragine continue a etre ambigue: il n'hesite pas a recourir a des donnees apocryphes la 04 la tradition
ecclesiastiqueen a deja legitime l'utilisation, mais il indique l'origine douteuse de ces recits, tout en en approuvant partiellement
la pertinence; en outre, s'il apparait comme un esprit plus ouvert
qu'on a pu l'imaginer, faisant reuvre de critique exigeant par rapport a sessources,qu'elles soient proprement ecclesiastiquesou
apocryphes,cette ouverture ne tranche guere avec celIe que l'on
observe chezd'autres ecrivains ecclesiastiquesde son temps.
Quoi qu'il en soil de l'aspect novateur ou non du travail de
Jacquesde Voragine, il nons rappelle qu'entre des attitudes extremistesa l'egard des apocryphes-les excluant ou au contraire les
surevaluant -, il existe des positions medianes qui considerent
res recits comme des temoignagesa critiquer, comme des apports
extra-scripturaires qui, au meme titre que tout texte ecclesiastique, sont utiles a la vie de l'Eglise, a condition cependant de
leur accorder suffisammentde valeur pour prendre Ie temps de
les lire, de les evaluer, et de les adaptera noire temps46...
45. Jouant sur leg differentes facettes de l'argurnentation d' Augustin ou
du Pseudo-Jerome,l'reuvre de Jacques de Voragine pourrait en effet
apparaitre comme une tentative de nuancer leg jugements it l'emportepiece vehicules par une tradition ecclesiastiquequi a pu ne pas retenir
taus leg aspectsde leur argumentation. En ce cas,Jacquesde Voragine,
en ne qualifiant pas lui-meme leg textes d' apocryphes , mais en
reprenant des jugements severescites un peu partout et en leg relativisant, subvertirait en quelque sorte leg autorites qu'il invoque: plutot
que de s'appuyer sur elles, il chercherait it detruire l'usage qui en est
fait en montrant que Ie jugement qu'on leur attribue n'est pas si absolu
qu'on a voulu Ie croire.
46. On trouvera d'interessantesreflexions sur la necessited'une interaction entre Ie travail ecclesial de lecture et d'interpretation des textes
bibliquesd'une part ~t l'etude des textes apocryphes-con~us comme
reactualisations des Ecritures -d'autre part dansA. LAEPPLE,
Ausserbiblische Jesusgeschichten.Ein Pliidoyer [iir die Apokryphen, Munich,
Don Bosco. 1983.
Simon C. MIMOUNI
Ecole pratique des hautes etudes,Paris
LES VIES DE LA VIERGE

ETAT DE LA QUESTION
This brief survey on the Virgin's Lifes essentiallydeals with Greek literary tradition; nevertheless,it does not ignore the Georgan, Syriac and
Latin literary traditions. As we shall notice further in due course, the
collection of the Virginia's Lifes is intricately linked with that of the
Transitus Maria:.
Ce brei status questionis sur lesVies de la Vierge concerneprincipalement la tradition litteraire grecque,mais n 'ignore pas pour autant les traditions [itteraires georgiennes,syriaque et me-melatine. Comme on aura
['occasion de [e constater,Ie dossier des Vies de la Vierge entretient
d'etroites relations aveccelui desTransitus Marire.
Les Vies de fa Vierge, egalement appelees Histoires de fa

Vierge,relevent d'un genre litteraire intermediaire entre Ie fecit
hagiographique et Ie fecit homiletique; elles soot aussiconsideTees,du moins pour certaines d'entre elles, comme des ecrits
apocryphes1. Ce soot pour la plupart des compositions, parfois
des remaniements ou des continuations, attribuees a des auteurs
connus, et quelquefois anonymes.
En dehors d'une eventuelle utilisation polemique des Histoires
de fa Vierge,toujours possible du moins loTsde leur genese,leur
* L'ossature et Ie contenu de cette contribution reposent principalement sur S. C. MIMOUNI,Geneseet evolution des traditions sur Ie sort
final de Marie (la Dormition et l'Assomption), vol. II. Les traditions
litteraires sur Ie sortfinal de Marie, Paris, 1992,p. 264-287(these de doctorat). Sous Ie titre Dormition et Assomption de Marie. Histoire,des tradition.\'. anciennes,ce travail est en voie de publication aux Editions
Beauchesne,Paris.
1. Outre que certaines Vies de la Vierge sont reellement des apocryphes,
il est utile de constater,des a present, que toutes les reuvres relevant de
cette categorie litteraire utilisent abond~ent
les apocryphes,tout en
se plac;antsousl'autorite des Peres de l'Eglise les plus celebres.
Apocrypha 5,1994,p. 211-248
212
S. MIMOUNI
destination parait etre essentiellement la lecture liturgique en

milieu monastique, voire meme en milieu paroissial.
Les Vies de fa Vierge ont ete, dans l'ensemble, aussi peu editees qu'etudiees2. Elles n'ont guere interesseleg chercheursqui,
generalement, leg consideraient comme des reuvres tardives, et
donc d'un interet secondaire. Pourtant, il ne serait pas impossible que ce genre litteraire, si l'on peut dire, etant donne son
indeniable caractere composite, soit plus ancien que ne Ie pensent generalementleg trop fares chercheurs qui se sont penches
sur cette question.
Les programmes de certains manuscrits syriaques, au demeurant fort anciens, livrent, en effet, des quasi Vies de fa Vierge;
mais leg textes se trouvant dans ces documents y figurent encore
a l'etat independant, en ce gensqu'ils ont ete simplement copies
leg uns a la suite des autres sansaucun lien redactionnel.
Le manuscrit de Londres, BL gyroAdd. 14484,par exemple,
datant de la fin du ye siecle ou du tout debut du VIe,contient aux
fOS12a-14b,un fecit de la Nativite de Marie (= Protevangife de
Jacques [CANT 50]); aux fos14b-16a,un fecit de la Jeunessede
Jesus(= Evangife de f'Enfance du Pseudo-Thomas[CANT 57])
et aux F 16a-45a,un fecit de la Dormition de Marie (= Dormitio
syriaque dite des Six Livres [CANT 123]). Ces trois textes,
entrant habituellement dans la composition des Histoires de fa
Vierge, apparaissentencore, dans Ie cas present, de fa~on independante; ce manuscrit est donc, en quelque sorte, l'ancetre de
ce type de litterature. Mais dans de nombreux autres manuscrits
syriaques,plus tardifs il est vrai, cesmemestextes se rencontrent
parfois dans une seule et meme composition intitulee alors
Histoire de fa Vierge3.
2. Cf. M. GEERARD,Clavis apocryphorum Novi Testamenti,Thrnhout,

1992, p. 71-73 (CANT 90-96); J. H. CHARLESWORTH,
The New
TestamentApocrypha and Pseudepigrapha: A Guide to Publications,
with Excurseson Apocalypses,Metuchen/NJ-Londres, 1987,p. 250-255.
On trouvera une ires breve etude dans A. WENGER,Foi et piete
mariales a Byzance , in H. DU MANOIR (ed.), Maria. Etudes sur la
Sainte Vierge,t. 5, Paris, 1958,p. 929-931.
3. Dans Ie manuscrit palimpseste et fragmentaire, doni la premiere ecriture syriaque remonterait a la fin du ye siecle ou au debut du VIe,publie
par A. Smith-Lewis, avant Ie fecit de la Dormition de Marie figurait
apparemment un fecit de la Nativite de Marie (cf. A. SMITH-LEWIS,
Apocrypha Syriaca, in Studia Sinaitica, t. XI, Londres, 1902). Il est
d'ailleurs possible de conjecturer que dans des folios, aujourd'hui disparus ou non encore retrouves, figurait aussiun fecit de l' Enfancede Jesus.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
213
C'est pourquoi, quand Epiphane Ie Moine, auteur grec d'une

Vie de la Vierge,bien souvent considere, a tort d'ailleurs, comme
Ie createur de ce genre litteraire, annonce comment il va composer son reuvre, nul doute que ce type de composition existe deja
depuis un certain temps, si ce n'est dans la forme du moins dans
Ie fond 4.
Pour la periode anterieure a l'an mil, cinq Vies de la Vierge
soot actuellement reperees avec certitude. Les quatre premieres
soot attribuees a des auteurs bien connus par ailleurs; la derniere est d'un auteur inconnu. 11s'agit des Vies de la Vierge de
Maxime Ie Confesseur (du debut du Vile siecle), d'Epiphane Ie
Moine (de la fin du Vllle siecle), de Jean Ie Geometre (de la fin
du xe siecle), de Symeon Ie Metaphraste (de la fin du xe siecle)
et de la Vie de la Viergenestorienne (difficile a dater dans l'etat
actuel de la recherche).
Les Vies de la Vierge d'Epiphane Ie Moine, de Jean Ie
Geometre et de Symeon Ie Metaphraste soot redigees en grec;
celIe de Maxime Ie Confesseurn'a ete conserveeque dans une
version georgienne; la derniere est evidemment ecrite en
syriaque.
A celie lisle, il convient d'ajouter tine Vie de la Viergecopte,
fragmentaire, attestee uniquement en dialecte sahidique5.
Dans l'edition de A. Smith-Lewis, il convient de ne pas retenir Ie

titre donne aux deux pieces identifiees, a savoir: Le livre de I'Histoire
de la Mere de Dieu Marie, du jour de sa naissanceau jour de sa sortie
de ce monde . Celui-ci, en effet, ne figure pas dans Ie manuscrit
palimpseste et fragmentaire, mais a ete emprunte aune autre piece alors propriete du Dr Rendell-Harris -concernant une Histoire de la
Vierged'origine jacobite dont il va etre question plus bas.
4. Les manuscrits de la tradition grecque ne fournissent pas de programmes aussi semblables que ceux de la tradition syriaque. Ceci est
normal, etant donne qu'aucun manuscrit grec aussi ancienque certains
manuscrits syriaques,ne nous est parvenu.
S.Au sujet de la Vie de la Viergecopte (BHO, p. 138,n 2, d [= CANT
96]), dont il ne sera pas question dans ce status quO!stionis,mentionnons
que huit fragments sont connusa ce jour (apparemment tous originaires
du monastere Blanc [Ahmim]). Quatre ont ete edites par F. ROBINSON,
Coptic Apocryphal Gospel,Cambridge, 1896,p. 2-41 (texte copte et traduction anglaise) [mss Oxford, Oarendon B. 3, 14 (Bodleian Library);
Vatican, copte 109 (Borgia copte 117, 118, 119, 120)]. Pour les quatre
autres, tout en se demandant s'il convient de les rattacher a ce texte, cf.
E. REVILLOUT,La sage-femme Salome , in Journal asiatique XIS
(1905), p. 412-413 et p. 418-420 [mss Paris, BN copte 129/17, f'" 27 et
129/18, F 162]; W. E. CRUM, Theological Textsfrom Coptic Papyri,
Oxford, 1913,p. 11-16 [mg. Pierpont-Morgan M. 4]; O. VONLEMM,in
214
S. MIMOUNI
Une telle lisle ne saurait etre considereecamille definitive. Au

corns de notre recherche, nous avons, par exemple, repere une
Vie de la Viergejacobite, apparemmentinconnue jusque la, bien
qu'elle se trouve attestee dans un certain nombre de manuscrits
connus par ailleurs 6. Precisons enfin que ce domaine litteraire
est mal connu, que bien d'autres textes peuvent etre mis a jour,
notamment dans l'aire linguistique latine encore peu exploree
de ce point de vue7.
On s'accorde a situer d'habitude l'eclosion de ce type de litterature au debut du IXesiecle dans Ie monde byzantin de langue
grecque8. Camille on Ie verra, depuis la decouverte de la Vie de
la Vierge de Maxime Ie Confesseur,dont l'authenticite de l'attribution a ete plus ou mains demontree par M. van Esbroeck, rien
n'est mains sftr. II est possible, en eifel, qu'il faille remonter
celie date au mains jusqu'au debut du VIle siecle. Voire plus
haul, si l'on considere que la Vie de la Vierge jacobite pourrait
etre une reuvre du courant du w siecle9.
Les Vies de la Vierge soul des compositions heteroclites, peu
originales. De fait, ce soul des vies de Marie dans lesquelles sont
enchasseesdes vies de Jesus. D'un point de vue structurel, en
regIe generale, ces textes commencent par une Nativite et une
Enfance de Marie et se terminent par une Dormition ou une
Assomption de Marie, en passantpar les episodesde la Nativite,
de l'Enfance, du Bapteme, du Ministere, de la Passion et de la
Koptische Miscellen, t. CXXXIV (1914), p. 493-513 [Nachdruck,

Leipzig, 1972,p. 462-483][mg. Paris, BN copte 129/17,F 44-49].
D'apres M. R. JAMES,The Apocryphal New Testament,Oxford, 1924,
p. 87-89,des passagesd'homelies attribuees a Cyrille de Jerusalem et a
Demetrius d'Antioche seraient a mettre en relation avec leg fragments
de la Vie de la Viergecopte.
cr. aussi G. ARANDA, Maria en log evangeliosapocrifos coptos.
Fragmentas sahidicos de la Vida de la Virgen , in Scripta de Maria 1
(1978),p. 115-126;ce dernier ne connait que leg quatre fragments edites
par, F. Robinson.
.
6.A ce sUjet,cr. plus bas,n.128-129.
7.11 existe par exemple tine importante version latine de la Vie de la
Vierged'Epiphane Ie Moine. A ce sujet,cr. plus bas.
8. C'est l'avis par exemple de M. JOGIE,La mort et l'Assomption de la
Sainte Vierge. Etude historico-doctrinale, Vatican, 1944, p. 258 et de
A. WENGER,op. cit., in H. DOMANOIR(ed.), Maria. Etudessur la Sainte
Vierge,t. 5, Paris, 1958,p. 929.
9. A moins qu'il faille considerer ces textes comme des pieces strictement hagiographiques,qui ont ete composeespour servir dans Ie conflit
opposant leg iconoclastes aux iconodules; auquel cas,ils ne seraient pas
anterieurs aux VIIIe-IXesiecles.A ce sujet,cr. plus bas,n. 36.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
215
Resurrection de Jesus.Ces longues narrations posent parfois de

delicats problemes d'identification des sources1.
De par leur caractere composite, les Vies de la Vierge sont des
documents touchant de nombreux dossiers,notamment celui des
traditions sur la Dormition et l' Assomption de Marie 11.En effet,
dans chacune de ces reuvres, on trouve, bien sur, un recit sur Ie
sort final de Marie redige, generalement, a partir de l'un des
textes de I'Histoire de la dormition et de l'assomptionde Marie 12.
Le dossierdes Genealogiesde Marie est aussia mettre en relation avec celui des Viesde la Vierge13.Il est fort possible que Ie
premier genre soit plus ancienque Ie second14.
D'un point de vue doctrinal, les Vies de la Vierge,qui meriteraient plutot Ie nom de Vies de Marie et de Jesus,imposent un
lien solide entre la Mere et Ie Fils, entre la mariologie et la christologie. Dans ce genre d'ecrits, il y a, sans nul doute, une dialectique entre les doctrines christologique et mariologique, en ce
sensque la valeur de l'une est etablie par l'autre.
Dans cet etat de la question, on dressera,en quelque sorte, la
fiche signaletique de chacunedes cinq principales Histoires de la
Vierge actuellement accessibles,en s'attardant tout particulierement sur certainesd'entre elles. Pour chacunede cesreuvres,on
examinera principalement Ie passagesur Ie sort final de Marie,
plus d'ailleurs du point de vue doctrinal que topologique. En guise
d'epilogue, on presentera, fort brievement, une Vie de la Vierge
latine qui, quoique du xn~ siecle,releve, de fa~oncaracteristique,
10. On reviendra sur cette question, de fa<;onplus precise,lors de l'examen de chacunde cestextes.
11.Le dossierdes Viesde la Viergetouche aussicelui des traditions de la
Nativite de Marie, comme celui des traditions de I' Enfancede Jesus(naissance et jeunesse). II interesse aussicelui des Miracles de Marie, dont les
developpementsseront importants tant en Orient qu'en Occident.
12. Par Histoire de la dormition et de l'assomption de Marie, il taut
comprendre l'ensemble des ecrits relevant du Transitus Maria!. Pour
plus de precisions it ce sujet, on ne petit que renvoyer it S. C. MIMOUNI,
Dormition et Assomption de Marie. Histoire des traditions anciennes
(sous presse).
13. Au sujet des Genealogies de la Vierge, ct. M. VAN ESBROECK,
Genealogiede la Vierge en georgien ,Analecta bollandiana 91 (1973),
p. 347-356. Voir aussi F. MANNS,Une tradition judeo-chretienne:
Marie dans la lignee de David , in Terre Sainte,1991,p. 107-112.
14. On petit conjecturer, en effet, que les Genealogiesde Marie sont de
veritables forgeries, creees sur Ie modele des Genealogiesde Jesus,dans
Ie cadre du conflit entre les partisans de Severe d'Antioche et ceux de
Julien d'Halicarnasse, afin d'assurer Ie caractere humain de Marie
fortement alors conteste.
216
S. MIMOUNI
de la composition apocryphe, il s'agit d'un texte connu sons Ie

titre de Vita Beata: Virginis Maria et Salvatoris Rhythmica. On
laissera de cote toutes les Vies de la Viergequi, dans l'Occident
medieval, ont ete ecrites, soil en latin soil dans les langues vernaculaires 15;celles-ci, reuvres bien souvent de circonstance,
relevent aussid'ailleurs, en regIe generale, de la composition 16.
I. La Vie de fa Vierge de Maxime Ie Confesseur17.

La Vie de la Viergede Maxime Ie Confesseur18,dont l'original
grec sembleperdu, ne nollSest accessibleque dansune traduction
georgienne realisee vers 980 par Euthyme I'Hagiorite 19.
Cette reuvre n'etait connue durant longtemps que par les trop
breves mentions de K. Kekelidze 20et A. Wenger21.Depuis lors,
15.La ConceptionNostre Dame de Wace (xne siecle) est,dans l'Occident

medieval,la Vie de la Viergela plus celebre, du mains en langue vemaculaire (vieux fran~ais). Ct. R. BEYERS,La Conception Nostre Dame de
Wace: premier poeme narratif sur la Vierge en ancien fran~ais , in
W. VERBEKE(ed.), SerraDevota. In memoriam G. Lourdaux. Pars altera
(sous presse).Nous remercions Rita Beyers de nous avoir communique
son manuscrit.
16. Au sujet des Vies de la Vierge en irlandais, ct. M. McNAMARA,
The Apocrypha in the Irish Church, Dublin, 1984,p.123-124.
17.11s'agit de CANT 90.
18. Sur Maxime Ie Confesseur, ct. H. I. DALMAIS, art. Maxime Ie
Confesseur, in Dictionnaire de spiritualite 10 (1980),col. 836-847; ainsi
que l'indispensable ouvrage de M. L. GATTI, Massimo il Confessore.
Saggiodi bibliografia generaleragionata e contributi per una ricostruzione scientifica del suopensiero metafisico e religioso, Milan, 1987.
19. Sur Euthyme I'Hagiorite, ct. P. PEETERS,
Histoires monastiques
georgiennes, in Analecta bollandiana 36-37 (1917-1919),p. 5-317. Voir
tout particulierement aux p. 8-68 pour la Vie des Sts Jean et Euthyme,
et aux p. 34-36 pour la liste des reuvrestraduites par Euthyme.
Ct. aussiM. VANESBROECK,
Euthyme l'Hagiorite: Ie traducteur et
ses traductions , in Revue des etudes georgiennes et caucasiennes4
(1988), p. 73-107. Dans cette contribution, l'auteur, contre l'avis de
K. Kekelidze, rehabilite l'reuvre de traducteur d'Euthyme l'Hagiorite:
Euthyme ne traduit pas tout a fait litteralement, (...) il prend toujours
la liberte d'ajouter ou de retrancher non pas des paragraphes entiers,
mais seulement des mots, (...) il ins ere parfois quelque reflexion
personnelle... (cf. p.104).
20. K. KEKELIDZE,Informations donnees par les sources georgiennes
sur Ie venerable Maxime Ie Confesseur, in Trudy Kievskoj duxovnoj
Akademii, septembre 1912,p. 40-42 (en russe).
21. A. WENGER,op. cit., in H. DU MANOIR(ed.), Maria. Etudes sur la
Sainte Vierge,t. 5, Paris, 1958,p. 930.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
217
on doit a M. van Esbroeck une edition critique de cette Vie de La

Vierge,reposant essentiellement sur deux manuscrits, accompagnee d'une traduction fran~aise 22.Ce texte se rencontre, en
revanche, dans d'asseznombreux temoins manuscrits originaires
aussibien de Georgie que de Palestine23.
D'emblee, une question fondamentale se pose: cette Vie de La
Vierge est-elle reellement I' reuvre de Maxime Ie Confesseur?
Pour M. van Esbroeck, il n'est pas du tout exclu que Maxime
ail reellement ecrit la Vie de LaViergeattachee a son nom dans la
tradition georgienne 24.La demonstration de l'auteur repose
sur quatre points qui meritent d'etre examinesde pres.
1. La Vie de la Vierge dansLatradition georgienne.
Cette reuvre se presente comme une traduction georgienne
faite a partir d'un original grec par Euthyme I'Hagiorite veTSla
fin du xe siecle. Pour M. van Esbroeck, il est evidemment
impensable qu'Euthyme lui-meme ail invente l'attribution a
Maxime, car Ie titre porte tons les attributs du Confesseur25.
2. La coherenceinterne du plan d'ensemble
de la Vie de la Vierge.
Celie reuvre se presente comme une compilation de diverses
compositions anterieures qui sont: la Nativite de Marie; une Vie
de la Vierge,aujourd'hui disparue; la Dormition de Marie.
Si l'on reconnait Maxime comme l'auteur de cet ecrit, un de
cestrois elements porte a discussion.II s'agit de l'existence d'une
Vie de la Viergeanterieure a celIe de Maxime. Autrement dit: la
Vie de la Vierge de Maxime datant du debut du VI~ siecle, cela
laisserait supposer que la Vie de la Vierge aujourd'hui perdue
daterait du VIe siecle au mieux. Une telle eventualite semble
difficile, etant donne Ie contenu doctrinal des Viesde la Vierge en
general. En eifel, la doctrine, relativement elaboree de ce type
de litterature, tend plus veTSune datation tardive que veTSune
22. M. VAN ESBROECK,Maxime Ie Confesseur. Vie de la Vierge,

2 volumes,Louvain, 1986 (CSCO 478 et 479). II existe aussitine traduction italienne, cr. G. GHARIB, Testi Mariani del Primo Millenio, t. II.
Padri e altri autori bizantini (VI-XI sec.),Rome, 1989,p. 183-289.
23. On en connait au moins douze temoins. On trouvera tine etude
exhaustive de la tradition manuscrite dans M. VANESBROECK,
op. cit.,
vol. 1, Louvain, 1986,p. I-XVII.
24.Cf. M. VANESBROECK,
op. cit.,vol. 2, Louvain, 1986,p. v:
25.cr. M. VANEsBROECK,
op. cit., vol. 2, Louvain, 1986,p. VIII.
218
S. MIMOUNI
datation haute (notamment a cause de la question de l'incarnation qui est au centre de la composition). D'autre part, l'utilisation prudente de certains apocryphes comme la Nativite de
Marie, la Dormition de Marie, et Ie rejet d'autres apocryphes
comme l'E"vangilede l'Enfance, militent contre l'existence d'une
Vie de Viergeanterieure a celIe de Maxime, aujourd'hui disparue.
3. La Vie de la Vierge dans la tradition grecque.
Pour demontrer l'anciennete de la Vie de la Viergeattribuee a
Maxime Ie Confesseur, M. van Esbroeck la compare aux Vies
ecrites par Jean Ie Geometre et Symeon Ie Metaphraste, ainsi
qu'a une Homelie de Theodore Ie Syncelle (Vile siecle) 26.La
demonstration repose sur des comparaisonslitteraires concluant
que la theologie de l'reuvre attribuee a Maxime Ie Confesseurest
plus primitive que celIe des auteurs sus-cites. L'editeur appuie
son hypothese sur Ie fait que Ie fameux Recit de Galbios et
Candidosse retrouve aussibien dans Ie texte attribue a Maxime
que dans ceux du Syncelle27,du Geometre et du Metaphraste. Il
tente de montrer que la narration du Syncelledepend de celIe du
Confesseur,donc que cette demiere lui est anterieure.
L'hypothese est possible, mais l'inverse l'est aussi. D'autant
plus, comme Ie souligne si bien M. van Esbroeck, que la Vie
attribuee a Maxime Ie Confesseurdemarque au debut et a la fin
la Vie de SymeonIe Metaphraste, et que tout Ie Testeest en rapport constant avec la Vie de Jean Ie Geometre. De ces donnees,
il est evidemment tentant d'y voir un rapiecement de ces deux
sourcesopere par Euthyme 28.
4. La Vie de la Vierge dansl'a:uvre et la theologie
de Maxime Ie Confesseul:
M. van Esbroeck pose a juste titre leg deux questions
suivantes: L'existence de cette piece est-elle invraisemblable
dans Ie cadre de la vie de Maxime Ie Confesseur?; Faut-il
26. II s'agit de cpa 7935 (= BHG 1058). C'est un Discours sur l'invention et la deposition de la relique vetementde la Vierge aux Blachernes,
prononce entre 620 et 625.
27. II s'agit de CANT 105a (= BHG 1058aet BHG 1058b).
28. M. van Esbroeck refuse une tel Ie hypothese. Selon Iui, Jean Ie
Geometre donne une metaphrase de Maxime Ie Confesseur.Jean et
Maxime foumissent des citations paralIeIes: chez Ie premier eIIes sont
implicites, chezIe secondelles sont Iitterales.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
219
par ailleurs voir dans l'attribution un de sir de rehabiliter

Maxime? 29. Les reponses apportees soot positives; elles
reposent sur les arguments suivants. La Vie syriaque de Maxime
Ie Confesseur30,redigee peu de temps apres sa mort, laisserait
attendre quelques semitismesdans une reuvre de jeunesse que
serait alors la Vie de La Vierge. La numerotation des Psaumes
selon l'hebreu et la fidelite a l'eglise de la Sainte-Sionpourraient
renvoyer a une origine semitique de l'reuvre.
II est certes possible que Maxime Ie Confesseursoit d'origine
palestinienne <origine a moitie samaritaine). II est egalement
possible, et presque certain, que la Vie de La Vierge soit d'origine
hierosolymitaine. Mais est-ce suffisant pour attribuer cette
reuvre a cet auteur?
Force est de reconnaitre que des quatre points sur lesquels
M. van Esbroeck appuie sa demonstration, seul Ie premier
presente une certaine fiabilite.
Si cette Vie de La Vierge est de Maxime Ie Confesseur, elle
serait Ie seul ecrit de cet auteur portant sur Marie. Or, jusqu'a
present, leg specialistesde Maxime Ie Confesseur s'entendaient
pour dire que cet auteur n'avait jamais rien ecrit au sujet de la
Theotokos; c'est l'opinion, par exemple, de U. von Balthasar31.
Pour M. van Esbroeck, Ie texte grec, etant a l'origine de la
traduction d'Euthyme I'Hagiorite, serait anterieur a la Vie de La
Viergede Jean Ie Geometre. II serait meme la source que JeanIe
Geometre, a mots couverts , avoue plus d'une fois utiliser.
Suivant l'editeur, cette Vie de La Vierge recupere nettement leg
donneespropres au fecit syriaque en six Livres32,particulierement
quant aux recits de miracles de la Vierge, et surtout quant a
29. Cf. M. VANESBROECK,

Op. cit.,vol. 2, Louvain, 1986,p. xxx.
30. Cette piece a ete editee par S. BROCK,An Early Syriac Life of
Maximus the Confessor, in Analecta bollandiana 91 (1973),p. 299-346,
a partir d'un manuscrit d'origine maronite.
31. Cf. U. VONBALTHASAR,
Kosmische Liturgie, Maximus des Bekenner,
Fribourg-en-Bresgau,1941.
M. O'CARROL, The Life of Mary , in The Irish Theological
Quarterly 53 (1987), p. 234-236, qui a recense Ie travail de M. van
Esbroeck, s'est dit surpris de l'attribution a Maxime Ie Confesseur,mais
il ne l'a pas refutee. G. GHARIB,op. cit., Rome, 1989,p. 183,estime que
pour Ie moment on ne possedepas d'argument en faveur ou en defaveur d'une telle attribution.
11n'en demeure pas moins, fait troublant, que, sur Ie plan doctrinal,
cette Vie de la Vierge parait entretenir peu de points de contact avec
l'reuvre de Maxime Ie Confesseur.
32.11s'agit de CANT 123 (= BHO 620-625).
220
S. MIMOUNI
l'attaque repoussee par la main de Dieu, lorsque les assaillants

juifs voulurent mettre Ie feu a la maison33.
Ces elements ne renforcent en aucun cas la these de M. van
Esbroeck quant a l'attribution et a la datation de l'reuvre 34.En
revanche, les caracteristiquestopologiques, notamment la localisation de la maison de Marie au Mont Sion, autorisent a considefer la Vie de La Vierge attribuee a Maxime Ie Confesseur
comme une reuvre de la premiere moitie du Vilesiecle35.
Si rien n'empeche d'accepter la datation proposee par M. van
Esbroeck de celie Vie de La Vierge, peut-on en faire de meme
avec l'attribution a Maxime? Non, pas necessairement, mais
rien ne s'oppose reellement a ce que celie reuvre puisse etre
attribuee a Maxime Ie Confesseur.On ne peut donc que difficilement refuter, et par consequent refuser, les propositions de
M. van Esbroeck36.
33. Ct. M. VAN ESBROECK,Op. cit., vol. 2, Louvain, 1986, p. XV:

34. La question des sources devrait etre reprise, non pas sur la base
d'une critique externe mais sur celIe d'une critique interne.
35. Voici les references concernant la maison de Marie a Sion dans la
Vie de la Vierge de Maxime Ie Con:fesseur: 70 (p. 60 de l'edition van
Esbroeck): les disciples achetent la maison de Sion qui devait devenir
la maison de la mere de Jesus (contradiction avec Ie 93); 82 (p. 72 de
I'edition van Esbroeck) : apres la crucifixion de Jesus, Ie disciple bienaime emmene Marie dans sa maison de Sion; 93 (p. 81 de I'edition
van Esbroeck): apres la resurrection de Jesus, Marie retourne dans la
maison de Sion qui appartient au disciple bien-aime (contradiction avec
Ie 70); 95 (p. 83 de I'edition van Esbroeck) : simple citation: la mere
de Jesus habite la maison de I'apotre bien-aime a Sion; % (p. 84 de
I'edition van Esbroeck): idem; 104 (p. 91 de I'edition van Esbroeck):
idem; 127 (p. 113 de l'edition van Esbroeck): les ap6tres transportant
de Sion a Gethsemani Ie corps de Marie -Ia dormition est donc localisee
a Sion.
Cette Vie de la Vierge contient deux traditions topologiques localisees a Sion : la tradition relative a l'achat de la maison de Marie a Sion
par les disciples (c'est l'unique attestation de cette tradition); la tradition relative a la maison du disciple bien-aime a Sion, qui abrite Marie
(il s'agit d'une tradition tardive qui n'apparait pas avant Ie debut du
VIle siecle et que l'on rencontre dans d'autres ecrits, ct. I' Homelie de
Sophrone de Jerusalem sur l'annonciation (CPG 7638 = BHG 1098) et
I'Homelie de Modeste de Jerusalem sur l'assomption (CANT 106
= CPG 7876 = BHG 1085).
36. Neanmoins, il se pourrait aussi que cette Vie de la Vierge soit un
arrangement fait par Euthyme I'Hagiorite a partir de I'reuvre de Jean Ie
Geometre et de celIe de Maxime Ie Confesseur (dont Ie texte grec est
perdu). L'arrangement serait surtout marque d'un point de vue doctrinal. Dans ce cas, la pensee de Jean Ie Geometre, sur la dormition
notamment, aurait influence celIe d'Euthyme I'Hagiorite qui aurait, de
221
VIES DE LA VIERGE
La Vie de la Vierge de Maxime Ie Confesseurest Ie plus ancien

representant de ce genre litteraire. Cette piece repousseIe terminus a quo de ce type de litterature a la premiere moitie du
VIlesiecle37.Toutefois, il conviendrait de nuancer sensiblementde
telles conclusions, du moins si l'on accorde quelque importance
aux reservesprecedemmentemises.
La structure litteraire de la Vie de la Vierge de Maxime
Ie Confesseur est la suivante: 1-2: prologue; 3-18: naissance
et enfance de Marie; 19-29: annonciation a Marie; 30-45:
nativite de Jesus; 46-63: presentation et enfance de Jesus;
64-72: bapteme et ministere de Jesus; 73-91 : passion de
Jesus; 92-102: resurrection de Jesus; 103-118: dormition de
Marie; 119-124: invention et translation de la relique du vetement de Marie; 125-134: finale. Comme c'est toujours Ie cas,la
vie de Jesusest enchasseedans la vie de Marie.
Le passagesur Ie sortfinal dansla Vie de la Vierge.
Dans la Vie de la Vierge de Maxime Ie Confesseur,Ie sort final
de Marie est aborde aux 103-118.En deux endroits, l'auteur de
la composition decrit Ie devenir de Marie apres la mort.
-Au
110, il est dit:
Et ainsi Ie maitre et les disciples, Ie ciel et la terre condui sirent la Sainte Vierge, Ie maitre et seigneur gracieux et glorieux emmena la sainte ame de sa mere immaculee dans Ie
ciel, les disciples recueillirent son corps immacule sur la terre
pour l'oindre d'aromates et Ie porterent la oil elle Ie voulait,
la sorte, transforme celie de Maxime Ie Confesseur.Mais on setrouve la

en pleine conjecture, d'autant plus que Ie texte grec suppose est aujourd'hui apparemmentperdu!
Vne autre hypothese peut aussi etre avancee. A l'epoque des luttes
entre iconoclastes et iconodules, Ie culte marial (comme celui des icones
et des saints) etait largement au centre des debats. II ne serait alors pas
impossible que cette Vie de La Vierge, a cause de sa doctrine plus favorable a la dormition qu'en l'assomption, ait ete composee dans un
monastere palestinien, proche des milieux iconodules, et mise sousl'autorite de Maxime Ie Confesseur,afin de renforcer la ferveur des partisans d'un culte moins idolatrique . Auquel cas,elle ne daterait pas du
Vilemais du milieu du VlIIesiecle. II serait d'ailleurs interessantde comparer cette Vie de La Vierge aux HomeLiessur L'assomptionattribuees a
Jeande Damas (CANT 108 = CPG 8061-8063= BHG 1114,1097,1089),
contemporaines,dont les opinions iconodules sont connues.
37. PrecedemmentIe terminus a quo etait fixe a la fin du IXesiecle avec
la Vie de LaVierge d'Epiphane Ie Moine.
222
S. MIMOUNI
et apres peu de temps pour etre porte au paradis, ou en

quelque endroit que Ie veuille son fils et Dieu 38.
-Au
117, il est dit:
Car comme il s'est soumis au tombeau lorsqu'il a supporte

la mort dans Ie corps pour noire salut, et estressusciteIe troi sieme jour, ainsi aussi il a paru bon que soil Mis au tombeau
Ie corps immacule de sa ires sainte mere et qu'elle gait transferee dans l'incorruptibilite eternelle comme ill'a voulu, ou
que leg deux matieres aient ete reunies it nouveau l'une it
l'autre, si jamais c'est ainsi que Ie createur de toute chose
agrea d'honorer sa genitrice, ou comme Ie gait lui seulle roi
de gloire et Ie Seigneurde la vie et de la mort 39.
Dans res deux passages,l'auteur evite de trancher parmi leg
representations doctrinales relatives au sort final de Marie. Au
110, il envisage seulement la dormition. Au 117, il envisage
gait la dormition, gait l'assomption, mais en ajoutant que seul
Dieu gait quel rut Ie sort posthume de Marie, paraphrasant ainsi
l'opinion d'Epiphane de Salamine 4. Ce doute reffete une
connaissance des controverses doctrinales qui eurent lieu au
sujet du sort final de Marie; elle renvoie d'une part it Jean Ie
Geometre, d'autre part au Transitus armenien41,doni la representation doctrinale est en tout point semblable it celle de la Vie
de LaViergegeorgienne42.
La Vie de La Vierge de Maxime Ie Confesseur affirme clairement la croyance en la dormition, mais elle n'ignore pas la
croyance en l'assomption. De ce point de vue, elle rejoint donc
d'une certaine maniere l'reuvre de JeanIe Geometre.
Si l'attribution et la datation proposees par M. van Esbroeck
soot acceptees,cela signifierait que la reaction en faveur de la
dormition et contre l'assomption trouve lit son origine. Dans une
telle eventualite, comment expliquer au sujet de la dormition Ie
silence de la tradition grecque du debut du VI~ siecle au milieu
du xe siecle?
38. Ct. p. 96-97de l'edition van Esbroeck.

39. Ct. p. 102 de l'edition van Esbroeck.
40.Ct. Epiphane, Panarion LXXVIII, 11 (PG 42,col. 716A).
41.11s'agit de CANT 160 (= BHO 640-641)
42. Le Recit de l'histoire euthymiaque (CANT 104 = BHG 1056e) est
aussil'une des sourcesde la narration du sort final dans cette Vie de la
Vierge. Pour M. van Esbroeck, l' Histoire euthymiaque, dont la these
majeure est la substitution du corps de Marie par des reliques, serait
anterieure au Vilesiecle.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
223
Entin, M. van Esbroeck a raison de souligner l'utilisation liturgique de la Vie de la Vierge de Maxime Ie Confesseurqui a servi
de lecture pour Ie cycle marial de l'annee liturgique entiere 43.
D'ailleurs, dans certains manuscrits de la traduction d'Euthyme
I'Hagiorite, on trouve trace d'une division en 21 sections de longueur inegale, a des tins liturgiques. Et l'auteur ajoute que leg
dates correspondent avec leg donnees du Calendrier palestinogeorgiende JeanZosime.
On ne peut que Ie constater,celie Vie de la Vierge de Maxime
Ie Confesseurpose de nombreux problemes d'attribution et de
datation, dont leg solutions proposees ne sauraient etre
detinitives, du mains dans l'etat actuel de la recherche.
II. La Vie de la Vierge d'Epiphane Ie Moine 44.

Epiphane, moine et pretre du monastere de Kallistratos, a
Constantinople, a vecu a la fin du VIIIe siecle et au debut du
IXesiecle45.En dehors de celie Vie de La Vierge,il est egalement
l'auteur d'une Vie d'Andre46.
La Vie de La Vierge d'Epiphane Ie Moine, doni Ie titre est:
Discours sur La Vie de La TresSainteMere de Dieu et sesannees,a
ete composeeentre 783 et 813. On connait de ce texte deux recensions sensiblementdifferentes. La premiere a ete publiee par J. A.
Mingarelli en 177447,la seconde par A. Dressel en 184348.Le
43. cr. M. VANESBROECK,
op. cit., vol. 2, Louvain, 1986,p. XXXIV:
44. II s'agit de CANT 91 (= BRa 1049).
45. Sur Epiphane Ie Moine, cr. J. DARROUZES,art. Epiphane de
Constantinople, in DSp 4/1 (1960), col. 862-863;J. DARROUZES,
art.
Epiphane, moine de Constantinople , in DHGE 15 (1963),col. 614615. Bien qu'ancien, ct. aussiJ. DRASECKE,
Der Monch und Presbyter
Epiphanios , in Byzantische Zeitschriji 4 (1895), p. 346-362 et
E. KURTZ, Ein bibliographisches Monitum ftir den Verfasser des
Aufsatzes Der Monch und Presbyter Epiphanios , in Byzantische
Zeitschriji 6 (1897),p. 214-217.
M. Jugie a consacre deux courtes notices a l'reuvre mariologique
d'Epiphane Ie Moine, cr. M. JUGIE,op. cit., Vatican, 1944,p. 258-259et
M. JUGIE,L' Immaculee conception dansI' Ecriture sainte et dansla tradition orientale,Rome, 1952,p.132-133.
46. II s'agit de BRa 102. Au sujet de cette Vie d'Andre, cr. J. FLAMION,
Les Actes apocryphes de l'apotre Andre, Louvain, 1911, p. 70-78 et
p. 192-212, et en dernier lieu J.-M. PRIEUR,Acta Andrt, vol. I,
Thmhout, 1989,p. 18-20.
47.J. A. MINGARELLI,Anecdota litteraria, t. III, Rome, 1774,p. 29-94.
48.A. DRESSEL,
Epiphanii monachi et presbyteri edita et inedita, ParisLeipzig, 1843,p. 13-44.
224
S. MIMOUNI
texte de J. A. Mingarelli a ete reproduit dans la Patrologia grreca

de Migne 49.Depuis loTS,ce texte attend une edition critique 5.
Cette Vie de fa Vierge est une compilation, comme Ie declare
l'auteur au debut de son reuvre: son travail s'est borne it doser
plus ou moins savammentleg materiaux utilises, et Ie resultat est
un defi it la critique. C'est donc une histoire critique que pretend
doDDer Epiphane Ie Moine; de ce fait, dans un prologue, il
prend soin d'informer fort longuement leg lecteurs au sujet de la
methode suivie :
Beaucoup, parmi leg anciens docteurs out disserte sur Ie
compte de celIe qui est proprement et veritablement la Mere
de Dieu, Marie, vierge perpetuelle. Les uns out annonce it
l'avance par diverges figures prophetiques leg merveilles
qu'elle devait operer (...) Les saints apotres, d'autre part, out
ecrit avec zele sur Ie Verbe qui s'est incarne en elle, mais
d'elle-meme ils n'ont ecrit que pen de choses.Tous affirment
qu'elle descendait de David. Quant it ses panegyristes, c'est
parmi leg saints peres qu'on leg trouve. Aucun d'eux toutefois n'a ecrit de maniere precise et acceptable sur sa vie, sa
jeunesse,son education ou sa mort.
Ceux-lit meme qui out fait effort pour en doDDerquelque
partie n'ont pas ete jusqu'au bout et out senti leurs forces leg
trahir, tels JacquesI'Hebreu 51et Aphrodisianos Ie Perse52,et
d'autres encore, qui apres avoir uniquement parle de sa
naissance out aussitot coupe court. Sur la dormition, Jean
de Thessalonique a fait un discours fort celebre, mais finalement il s'est porte ombrage it lui-meme. Un autre Jean qui se
49.PG 120,col. 186-216.

50.11existe depuis peu une traduction italienne, cf. G. GHARIB,op. cit.,
Rome, 1989,p. 782-799.Cette traduction a ete realisee a partir du texte
de la PG.
51.11s'agit de l'auteur traditionnel du Protevangilede Jacques,a savoir
Jacques Ie Frere du Seigneur, connu aussi SOliSIe nom de Jacques Ie
J'uste. Cette appellation de Jacques I'Hebreu renvoie aux origines
judeo-chretiennes de ce personnage.
Dans Ie texte d'Epiphane, Jacques est considere comme Ie chef des
apotres. De ce point de vue, comme sur d'autres, un rapprochement est
a etablir ave~les Actes de Jean du Pseudo-Prochore(nous devons cette
remarque a Eric Junod que DOllSremercions).
52.11 s'agit d'un dialogue sur les questions religieuses soi-disant tenu a
la cours des rois iraniens de la dynastie sassanide.L'ouvrage serait de la
fin du VIesiecle. De nombreux manuscrits l'attribuent a Anastase Ie
Sina"ite.Cf. A. A. VASILIEV,Anecdota grlEco-byzantina, t. I, Moscou,
1873,p. 73-125.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
225
pare du titre de theologien s'est attire a lui-meme Ie reproche

de mensonge.Andre de Jerusalem,eveque de Crete, qui a dit
quelques bonnes choseset fort justes, s'est arrete en cours de
route et au lieu d'une histoire a donne un sermon. Pour
nous, nous avons procede avec critique et avons rassemble
les chosescroyables, solides et vraies, d'abord dans I'Histoire
ecclesiastique d'Eusebe surnomme Pamphyle, puis dans
les reuvres des autres ecrivains et docteurs, et que nous
presentons aux amateursde style simple 53.
En ce qui concerne leg traditions sur Ie sort final de Marie,
Epiphane affirme avoir lu et utilise la Dormitio grecque du
Pseudo-Jean 54, Ie Discours sur la Dormition de Jean de
Thessalonique 55et leg Homelies sur l'Assomption d' Andre de
Crete 56.A ces documents, toujours selon leg precisions de l'auteur, il convient egalement d'ajouter d'une part leg Homelies sur
l'Assomption de Germain de Constantinople 57,d'autre part la
Chronique d'Hippolyte de Thebes 58,sans oublier bien sur un
certain nombre de renseignements en provenance du PseudoDenys l' Areopagite 59.Enfin, d'apres un des manuscrits transmettant la Vie de la Vierge d'Epiphane Ie Moine, parmi leg
sources,il est aussiquestion des VoyagesdesApotres 60,
Par rapport a certaines Vies de la Vierge,celIe d'Epiphane Ie
Moine est bien plus courte; elle ne s'en trouve que plus simple,
notamment sur Ie plan du merveilleux. II y est bien entendu
question du Christ, mais c'est bien plus line vie de Marie que de
Jesus.Cette reuvre resume assezbien leg donneestraditionnelles
(ou historiques et legendaires) sur Marie, accepteespar certains
milieux vers la fin de la crise entre iconoclastes et iconodules 61.
53. Cf. PG 120,col. 185-186.
54.11s'agit de CANT 101 (= BHG 1055-1056).
55.11s'agit de CANT 103 (= CPG 7924a = BHG 1144a-c).
56.11s'agit de CANT 107 (= CPG 8181-8183= BHG 1115,1122,1109).
57.11s'agit de CANT 109 (= CPG 8110-8112= BHG 1119,1135,1155).
58. Au sujet de ce dernier texte, cf. F. DIEKAMP,Hippolytos von Theben.
Texteund Untersuchungen,Munster, 1898.
Relevons que F. DIEKAMP, op. cit., Munster, 1898, p. 134-145,
consacre un important excursus a Epiphane Ie Moine, afin d'etablir
son identite face a un autre Epiphane Ie Moine, auteur d'un Guide de
pelerinage en Terre Sainte.
59. II s'agit du passagedu chapitre III des Noms divins, ou il est apparemment question de la mort de Marie.
60. A ce sujet, ct. E. JUNOD& J.-D. KAEslLI,L'histoire des Actes apocryphes des apotres du Ill" au IX" siecle: Ie cas des Actes de Jean,
Geneve/Lausanne/Neuchatel, 1982,p.130.
61. Une analyse critique de l'reuvre devra determiner veTSquel parti
226
S. MIMOUNI
Selon M. Jugie, Epiphane est un auteur consciencieuxqui a

bien etudie son sujet 62;mais a qui on peut seulement reprochef de ne pas connaitre la topographie de Jerusalem: il
confond, en eifel, Ie Mont Sian avec Gethsemani.
L'auteur est Ie premier a fournir une description de l'aspect
physique de Marie qu'il fait vivre jusqu'a un age fort avance.De
plus, ilIa montre accompagnant la communaute de Jerusalem
jusqu'a Pella, loTs du siegede la Ville Sainte par Titus 63.II s'agit
la d'une attestation interessante de la tradition de la Fuite a
Pella , apparemmentla seule qui fassereference a Marie.
Relevons encore qu'Epiphane donne une genealogie de
Marie, fort compliquee, qui, tout en reposant sur la genealogie
de Jesusfoumie par l' Evangile de Matthieu, finit par embrasser
les principaux personnagesde la trame rapportee dans les evangiles. Cette genealogie a vraisemblablement pour but d'etablir
que Marie est a la fois de la lignee de David par sonpere,de celIe
de Levi par sa mere, reunissant ainsi les deux dignites royale
et sacerdotale.
Dans son fecit sur Ie sort final de Marie, Epiphane, tout en l'utilisant librement, a beaucoupemprunte a Jean de Thessalonique;
ce qui ne l'empeche pas de pretendre pourtant que son Discours
a porte ombrage a sa reputation 64.
Epiphane raconte que Marie prophetisa sa mort quinze jours
a l'avance, et que, trois jours avant, l'archange Gabriell'avertit
de son depart et de la venue de Jesus.Au moment de la mort de
Marie, les ap6tres se reunissent autour d'elle. Jesusapparait, et
Marie, ayant ouvert la bouche comme pour un doux sommeil, lui
remet son esprit 65.Les ap6tres deposentIe corps de Marie dans
un sepulcre a Gethsemani; peu apres en presence de taus son
corps rut enleve.
son auteur penchait. Une telle analyse pourra etre conduite seiGnles
principes methodologiques elabores par M.-F. AUZEPY,L'analyse
litteraire et l'historien: l'exemple des vies de saints iconoclastes , in
Byzantinoslavica53 (1992),p. 57-67.
62. Ct. M. JUGIE,op. cit., Vatican, 1944,p. 258.
63. Ct. PG 120,co1211.
64. Ct. PG 120,col. 186.
65~Ct. PG 120, col. 213. II est interessant de noter que dans Ie texte
d'Epiphane Ie Moine, il est question de l'esprit de Marie (1tVEi)~a)alors
que dans la Dormitio grecquedu Pseudo-Jean(ct. 45), par exemple, il
est question de l'fime ("'UIiI).
Notons aussiqu'Epiphane cite la tradition seiGnlaquelle les apotres,
absentsde Jerusalem,ant ete partes sur des nuees -mais pour la rejeter, invoQuant a cette fin Ie temoignage du Pseudo-Denys l' Areopagite.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
227
Le fecit d'Epiphane semble plutot dormitioniste . Le corps

de Marie, apres un court sejour au tombeau, est enleve; mais il
n'est pas reuni a l'esprit, et il n'est pas question de resurrection.
Ce texte, du mains tel qu'on peut Ie lire dans certains manuscrits 66,est plus proche de la Dormitio du Pseudo-Jean-et cela
malgre un certain nombre de variantes parfois significatives egalement dormitioniste , que du Discours de Jean
de Thessalonique, plutot assomptioniste . Dans ces conditions, il n'est pas etonnant que Ie moine de Kallistratos denigre
l'archeveque de Thessalonique.
De tels indices, encore bien maigres dans l'etat actuel de la
recherche, perrnettent, peut-etre, de situer Epiphane Ie Moine
dans Ie camp iconoclaste67.
Celie Vie de La Vierge est un texte tIeS fiche. II est clair,
en effet, que son auteur travaille d'apres de tIeS nombreuses
traditions qu'il conviendrait d'identifier.
En latin, il existe une traduction de la Vie de la Vierge
d'Epiphane Ie Moine 68.Cette traduction est l'reuvre de Paschal
Romain, qui croyait mettre a la disposition de l'Eglise catholique
et romaine un ouvrage d'Epiphane de Salamine, connu en
Occident grace a la correspondancede Jerome. Plusieursmanuscrits de la version latine de cette Vie de la Viergeont ete reperes69.
66. Les nombreux manuscrits de la Vie de LaVierge d'Epiphane fournissent des le<;onsdivergentes. Par exemple, dans la finale du Vatican
Ottob. gr. 415 (du XIve siecle), editee par M. JUGIE,Saint Jean archevequede ThessaLonique(mort vers 630), Discours sur LaDormition de La
Sainte Vierge,in PO 19 (1925),p. 436-437,on parle du transfert du corps
de Marie, constate Ie troisieme jour, apres l'ensevelissement, loTs de
l'arrivee de Thomas.
67. La presence minimale du merveilleux,
oriente aussi veTSline telle hypothese.
du moins pour l'epoque,
68.11 s'agit de BHLns 5345v. Un certain nombre des informations qui

vont suivre sont dues it F. DOLBEAU,De vita et obitv prophetarvm.
Une traduction mediolatine des Viesgrecquesdes prophetes , in Revue
benedictine100 (1990),p. 513,n. 29.
69.11 s'agit des manuscrits Vatican Reg. lat. 648, F 50-57 VO(du XIIeXIIIesiecle); Oxford Balliol College 227 (du XIIIe-x:ryesiecle); Londres
BL Royal 13 A XIV; F 270 vo-272ro (du XIIIe-XIvesiecle) (ce dernier est
fragrnentaire) et Prague Statni Knihovna CSR XIV: E.10 (2544),F 61 ro7 VO(du debut du XIVe siecle). Selon F. Dolbeau, Ie manuscrit du
Vatican, qui ne contient pas la dedicaceinitiale au patriarche du Grado,
Henri Dondolo (ca 1130-1186),est mediocre, mais it est independant du
manuscrit d'Oxford et se revele plus fidele au grec sous-jacent.
II se pourrait encore, selon F. DOLBEAU,Un second manuscrit de la
Vie de La Vierge, traduite du grec par Paschal Romain , in AnaLecta
228
S. MIMOUNI
Vne edition a ete publiee en 1938par E. Franceschini7;elle s'appuyait sur un seul manuscrit 71.Selon F. Dolbeau, du fait de
l'apparition de nombreux autres temoins, Ie travail est a refaire 72.
La diffusion de cette Vie de la Vierge latine dans les milieux
occidentaux est a mettre en relation avec les multiples developpements du culte marial au Xlle siecle 73.D'autre part, il existe
deux epitomes latins de la Vie de la Vierged'Epiphane Ie Moine.
Le premier depend de Pascal Romain 74; Ie second semble
remonter a l'original grec75.
II n'est peut-etre pas inutile de signaler une version en ancien
franc;ais, realisee a partir de la traduction latine de Paschal
Romain 76.
III. La Vie de la Vierge de Jean Ie Geometre77.

Jean Ie Geometre (dit aussiIe Kyriotes), poete et orateur de la
seconde moitie du xe siecle, etait un officier de l'armee imperiale. En disgrace, il acheva son existence dans la piete, sans
d'ailleurs entrer vraiment en religion 78.II convient donc de Ie
bollandiana 104 (1986), p. 382, qu'un extrait se lise dans Ie Munich

Universitatsbibliothek 136,f' 44 VO(du XIvesiecle).
70. E. FRANCHESCHINI,
Studi e note di filologia latina medievale,Milan,
1938,p. 111-124.
71. II s'agit du manuscrit Oxford Balliol College 227 (du XIIIeXIVesiecle). Celie edition correspond au texte repertorie BHL 5345 vo.
72. a. F. DOLBEAU,op. cit., in Revuebenedictine100 (1990),p. 513,n. 29.
73. A ce sujet, cr. notamment H. BARRE,Immaculee Conception et
Assomption au XII" siecle , in Virgo lmmaculata, vol. V, Rome, 1955,
p.151-180.
74. On Ie trouve dans Oxford Merton College I. 13 (du XIve-Xvesiecle).
75. II est atteste dans Florence Laurentienne, Santa Croce Pl. XV d. U
(du XIvesiecle; ou du XIIIesiecle, selon F. Dolbeau) et Vienne National
Bibliothek 930 (du xve siecle).
Le manuscrit de Florence fournit une importante collection de pieces
mariales. II contient ainsi l'unique exemplaire connu d'une version latine
de la Dormitio grecque du Pseudo-Jean.
76.On la trouve dans Dublin Trinity College 951,F 27-47(de la seconde
moitie du XIII" siecle).
77.11s'agit de CANT 92 (= BHG 1102g-1102h,1123m,1143c).
78. Sur Jean Ie Geometre, cr. V. LAURENT,art. Jean Ie Geometre,
in Catholicisme6 (1964), col. 604-606;J. DARROUZES,
art. Geometre
(Jean Kyriatos, dit Ie Geometre) , in DSp 6 (1967),col. 253-236.
M. Jugie a consacre deux courtes notices it l'reuvre mariologique de
Jean Ie Geometre, cr. M. JUGIE,op. cit., Vatican, 1944,p. 316-320 et
M. JUGIE,op. cit., Rome, 1952,p.185-188.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
229
considerer comme un laic ayant cultive les lettres chretiennes 79,

notamment dans Ie domaine marial. En eifel, en dehors de celie
Vie de la Vierge, il est egalement l'auteur de cinq hymnes en
I'honneur de Marie et d'un discours sur I' Annonciation 8. De
fait, son reuvre, en grande partie inedite, demeure encore peu ou
mal connue81.
Si la Vie de la Vierge de Jean Ie Geometre est posterieure a
celIe d'Epiphane Ie Moine, elle est.,en revanche, contemporaine
de celIe de SymeonIe Metaphraste 82.
II existe au moins quatre temoins manuscrits de Ia Vie de la
Vierge de Jean Ie Geometre 83. C'est une reuvre encore inedite 84,du moins dans sa totalite. Seule, en eifel, la derniere
partie, qui se rapporte au sort final de Marie, a ete publiee par
A. Wenger85.
Le titre sous lequel figure Ia Vie de la Vierge de Jean Ie
Geometre, dans un des manuscrits, est Ie suivant: Discours
79. De fait, on discute encore pour savoir si Jean est reste laic ou s'il est
devenu clerc, on discute meme pour savoir s'il acceda au sacerdoce.On
tend a penser qu'i! fut simplement moine et non pas pretre, mais une
telle eventualite ne se trouve pas ou peu fondee. Sur ce point,
ct. J. SADJAK,Que signifie KUp1cOtllC;
rEro~tPllC;?, in Byzantion 6
(1931), p. 343-353; S. G. MERCATI,Che significa rEro~tPllC;?,
in Studi bizantini e neoeLLenici
4 (1935),p. 302-304.
SO.Ces hymnes etcette homelie sont reunies dans PG 106,col. 811-889.
Ct. J. SADJAK,Joannes Kyriotis GeometrtE Hymni in Sts. Deiparam,
Poznan, 1931; ainsi que V. LAURENT,Les poesies mariales de Jean
Kyriotes Ie Geometre , in Echos d'Orient 31 (1932),p. 117-120.
81. En PG, col. 889-1002, on trouve un poeme fragmentaire de
1042 iambes en I'honneur de Panteleimon (col. 889-902) ainsi que
173 epigrammes ou petits poemes sur des themes religieux (col. 903-
1002).
82. Au sujet de la dependancede ces deux auteurs,ct. plus bas.

83. II s'agit des manuscrits (I'ordre est chronologique): Vatican gr. 504,
F 173 vO-I94 VO(de 1105); Paris BN gr. 215, p. 1-296 (du XIIIe siecle)
(assez mutile); Genes 32, F 241-309 (du XIVe siecle); Bruxelles,
Bibliotheque des Bollandistes 196,F 59-182 VO(cette demiere piece est
une carie du illS. de Genes, accompagneed'une traduction latine de
Balthasar Cordier).
84. M. van Esbroeck prepare une edition critique de cette Vie de La
Vierge,qui devrait paraitre aux Sourceschretiennes.
85. A. WENGER,L 'Assomption de La1:S. Vierge dansLa tradition byzantine du VI' au X" siecLe.Etudes et documents, Paris, 1955, p. 185-201
(introduction et commentaire), p. 363-415(texte grec et traduction franc;:aise).Cette edition a ete faite a partir du Vatican gr. 504, en collation
avec Ie Paris BN gr. 215.
II existe une traduction italienne faite a partir de l'edition Wenger,
ct. G. GHARIB.aD. cit.. Rome. 1989.0.951-967.
230
S. MIMOUNI
d'adieu et oraison funebre pour la Dormition de la TresGlorieuse

Notre-Dame Mere de Dieu. Du BienheureuxJean le Geometre86.
Le contenu ne repond que ires imparfaitement au titre. II est
certes question de la Dormition de Marie, mais seulement a la
fin. Le Testeest occupe par un fecit suivi de la vie de Marie et de
sa participation a la vie de Jesus,de la Nativite a la Resurrection.
Contrairement a Epiphane Ie Moine et a Symeon Ie
Metaphraste, Jean Ie Geometre ne se contente pas uniquement
de raconter la vie de Marie. Son reuvre est plus celIe d'un theologien que d'un hagiographe. Celie Vie de la Vierge fournit, en
eifel, une veritable reflexion spirituelle sur les mysteres attaches au pers()nnage de Marie. On y releve de leIs accents de
piete que son auteur peut, apparemment du mains, etre considere comme un ferme partisan du culte marial. C'est un ecrit
important, voire fondamental, qui reflete la doctrine et la devotion mariales byzantines de la fin du xesiecle87.
Celie Vie de la Vierge de Jean Ie Geometre, qui se presente
sousforme de traites ou d'homelies, celebre taus les mysteres
de la vie de Marie et de celIe de Jesus, selon l'ordre chronologique et dans Ie cadre des fetes liturgiques. Celie reuvre n'est
86. II s'agit du titre que Pon trouve dans le Vatican gr. 504. Les titles
figurant dans les autres manuscrits sont sensiblement diflerents mais
n'apportent aucun complement a ce dernier.
87. C'est donc un excellent temoin permettant de remonter, avec line
ceI!aine exactitude, a la doctrine mariale de sontemps.
Ace sujet, cf. par exemple Petude de J. GALOT,La plus ancienne
affirmation de la coredemption mariale. Le temoignage de Jean
Ie Geometre , in Recherchesde sciencereligieuse45 (1957),p. 187-208.
Dans cette contribution, Pauteur met en evidence Ie principe doctrinal
qui commande toute Preuvrede Jeanle Geometre, a savoir: le principe
d'association unissant la Vierge au Christ en toute action, attitude et
volonte . Pour Jean le Geometre, en eflet, Marie est demeuree unie a
Jesus; Punion est due a la maternite divine, etablissantune solidarite
ontologique entre Marie et Jesus; c'est ainsi que Pauteur parle d'une
consubstantialite du Fils avec sa Mere par Plncarnation. C'est avec
raison, semble-t-il, que J. Galot insiste sur le fait que dans sa Vie de
la ViergeJeanle Geometre etait guide par le besoin de mettre en valeur
la coredemption mariale, en soulignant le role de Marie tout au long de
la vie de Jesus,de Plncarnation a PAscension en passantpar la Passion
et la Resurrection.
Si Pon excepte la Vie de la Vierge de Maxime le Confesseur,cette
reuvre est apparemment la premiere a fournir line telle formulation
doctrinale -du moins a un stade si elabore -que l'on retrouvera
d'ailleurs au XII" siecle,mais en Occident latin.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
231
pas, a proprement parler, un sermon, elle est un traite SODS

forme de sermon, destine a etre lu plutot qu'a etre prononce.
Les etudes sur Jean Ie Geometre montrent qu'il se contente
souvent, a l'exemple d'ailleurs de Symeon Ie Metaphraste son
contemporain, de demarquer des ouvrages anterieurs 88.Mais il
a en propre un reel souci d'aborder les realites theologiques de
son temps avec une grande originalite 89.
Le fecit sur Ie sort final de Marie dans la Vie de La Vierge de
Jean Ie Geometre se divise en trois parties. La premiere ( 1-45)
est la narration de la dormition depuis l'apparition de l'ange a
Marie jusqu'au transfert de ses reliques (vetements) a
Constantinople 90.La deuxieme ( 46-58) est une consideration
theologique sur la dormition et un eloge du 15 aout. La troisieme ( 59-71) est une conclusion a toute l'reuvre SODS
forme
d'un chant d'action de graces au Christ redempteur et a la
Vierge coredemptrice.
La Dormition de Marie est rapportee de la maniere suivante :
Marie remet son esprit a Jesuset aux anges,tandis que son corps
est porte par les apotres au tombeau d'ou, apres trois jours, il est
transfere au ciel. Pour Jean Ie Geometre, Marie est morte, mais
son corps est demeure incorruptible. Selon lui, dans la croyance
en la dormition, il faut confessera la fois la nature et la grace, et
ne pas se livrer a des speculations trop audacieuses. L'auteur
semble viser les partisans de la croyance en l'assomption, ceux
de l'assomption mortaliste comme ceux de l'assomption
immortaliste 91,dont nODSallons parler plus bas.
Les sources du fecit sur Ie sort final de Marie dans la Vie de
Jean Ie Geometre seraient, en dehors de SymeonIe Metaphraste
-la
question est controversee -, la Dormitio grecque .du
Pseudo-Jean et Ie Discours sur La Dormition de Jean de
Thessalonique. Cette opinion, defendue par M. Jugie 92,a ete
88. Ct. F. SCHEIDWEILER,Studien zu Johannes Geometres , in

Byzantinische Zeitschrift45 (1952),p. 277-319.
89. Sur ce point, ct. par exemple l'etude de A. WENGER,La matemite
spirituelle de Marie dans la theologie byzantine du IX. au XV" siecle ,
in Etudes mariales 17 (1960),p.1-18.
90. Notons que pour prouver la reunion des apotres lors du trepas de
Marie, Jean Ie Geometre cite Ie texte Des Noms divins du PseudoDenys I'Areopagite ( 11,p. 371-373de l'edition de Wenger). Puis, il se
demande pourquoi Ie Pseudo-Denys ne mentionne pas Paul ( 12,
p. 373 de l'edition de Wenger).
91. Sur ce point, on ne peut que renvoyer S. C. MIMOUNI,Dormition et
Assomption de Marie. Histoire des traditions anciennes(sous presse).
92. Ct. M. JUGIE,OF. cit., Vatican, 1944,p. 319-320.
232
S. MIMOUNI
contredite par A. Wenger 93,pour qui ce serait Ie Transitus

grec R 94,et non pas la Dormitio grecque du Pseudo-Jeanqui
serait l'apocryphe sous-jacent utilise par Jean Ie Geometre.
Comme, on Ie YeTTa,il est possible que Ie Discours sur La
Dormition de Jean de Thessalonique soil une des sources
utilisees par JeanIe Geometre.
Recemment, M. van Esbroeck a avanceque la Vie de LaVierge
de Maxime Ie Confesseurserait une des sourcesde l'ouvrage de
Jean Ie Geometre 95.C'est une hypothese plausible, d'autant
plus que la Vie de Maxime, tout comme celIe de Jean, affirme la
croyance en la dormition et non pas celIe en l'assomption96.
On peut donc retenir, dans l'etat actuel de la recherche,
l'hypothese que les sources de la Vie de La Vierge de Jean Ie
Geometre sont : la Vie de LaVierge de Maxime Ie Confesseur; Ie
Discours sur LaDormition de Jean de Thessalonique et la Vie de
LaViergede SymeonIe Metaphraste 97.
L'interpretation du fecit sur Ie sort final de Marie ayant ete
l'objet d'une vive controverse entre les critiques, il n'est pas
inutile de s'y arreter.
La croyancesur Ie sortfinal de Marie deJean Ie Geometre.
M. Jugie a propose de voir dans JeanIe Geometre un partisan
de la dormition ou comme il l'appelle de la theorie de la
double assomption . D'apres lui, cette theorie accorde a la
Mere de Dieu, apres son depart de ce monde, une situation
intermediaire entre l'etat de resurrection glorieuse, qui Teste
l'apanage de Jesus,et Ie sort commun des mortels dont Ie corps
est soumis a la dissolution du tombeau 98.Pour lui, Jean Ie
Geometre a cherche a appuyer sur des considerations theologiques la theorie de la double assomption ou, si l'on prefere,
de la ~E'tacr'tacr1<;
de l'ame et de la ~E'taeEcr1<;
du corps99.
93. cr. A. WENGER,op. cit., Paris, 1955,p. 198.

94.11s'agit de CANT 102 (= BHG 1056d).
95. cr. M. VANESBROECK,
op. cit.,vol. 2, Louvain, 1986,p. XXVI.
96. Etant donne les reserves emises precedemment, il ne faudrait pas
trop majorer la portee d'une telle eventualite.
97. A condition de considerer que l'reuvre de Symeon Ie Metaphraste
est anterieure a celIe de Jean Ie Geometre, ce qui n'est pas certain. A ce
sujet, ct. plus bas.
98. M. JUGIE,op. cit., Vatican, 1944,p. 316-320.
99. On trouve deja cette distinction dans les Homelies sur l'assomption
d' Andt;e de Crete, mais non pas avec Ie relief que lui donne Jean
Ie Geometre.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
233
M. Gordillo 100et P. Balic 101ont conteste cette interpretation.

lIs ont propose de voir dans Jean le Geometre un partisan de la
resurrection. Cette position, qui ne trouve aucune justification
dans Ie texte, est insoutenable.
A. Wenger a repris a frais nouveaux cette question 102.Pour
lui, Jean Ie Geometre aflirme certes uniquement l'incorruption
du corps et non sa resurrection, mais en disant que l'ame de
Marie est elevee au ciel sansIe corps, et Ie corps sansl'ame, il ne
nie pas explicitement la reunion des deux elements au ciel, il se
tait seulement sur ce mystere. La position de A. Wenger est
asseznuancee.
M. Jugie a defendu l'idee d'une dependance entre Jean
Ie Geometre et la Dormitio grecque du Pseudo-Jean,voyant la
une sorte de preuve indirecte qu'il enseignait la dormition non
suivie de resurrection. Pour A. Wenger, aucun trait du recit du
sort final de Marie, tel qu'il se lit chez Jean Ie Geometre, ne
provient du Pseudo-Jean. Jean Ie Geometre suit librement Ie
Discours sur la Dormition de Jean de Thessalonique.La dependance litteraire entre ces deux recits est evidente: messagede
l'ange, remise de la palme, reunion des apotres arrives sur des
nuees, incident de Jephonias, mise au tombeaq, episode de
l'apotre retardataire, ouverture du tombeau Ie troisieme jour.
Tout comme dans certains manuscrits de l'reuvre de Jean de
Thessalonique, celIe de Jean Ie Geometre affirme la translation
du corps et se tait sur son sort ulterieur.
A. Wenger cite deux passages de Jean Ie Geometre, qui
seraient contradictoires. Pour l'auteur, Ie premier defend la
Dormition et Ie secondI' Assomption.
-Premier passage: Marie vient de rendre l'ame entre les
mains de Jesus.Jean Ie Geometre commente l'evenement: Jesus
et les anges re~ivent l'esprit de Marie; les apotres re~oivent Ie
corps. Et l'auteur ajoute :
Ainsi Ie Maitre et les disciples,Ie ciel et la terre se partagent la Vierge comme dans un peu de temps [sela partageront]
Ie ciel et Ie paradis 103.
100. M. GORDILLO, L' Assunzione corporale della Sts. Vergine

madre di Dio Deiteologi bizantini (sec. X-XV) , in Marianum 9 (1947),
p. 44-89.
101. P. BALIC, Testimonia de Assumptione R.M. Virginis ex omnibus
stculis.Parsprior: Ex ttateante Concilium Tridentinum, Rome, 1948,
p.116-118.
102.A. WENGER,op. cit., Paris, 1955,p. 196-201.

103.cr. 23,p. 380de l'6dition de Wenger.
234
S. MIMOUNI
Ce passageaffirme clairement que, apres la translation, Ie ciel

possederal'ame et Ie paradis Ie corps.
-Second passage:Les apotres en ouvrant Ie tombeau constatent que Ie corps a ete enleve. L'auteur declare a ce propos:
C'est ainsi que la Vierge est transportee tout entiere
aupres de son Fils et Dieu pour vivre et regner avec lui; et de
cette maniere, ce n'est pas seulement par son Fils, c'est aussi
par elle, que notre nature est introduite dans leg cieux et
regne sur toutes choses,leg visibles et leg invisibles 104.
On peut remarquer qu'aucune mention de la resurrection ne
figure dans ce passage qui parait plutot faire reference a la
doctrine de la mediation mariale.
SelonA. Wenger,ces divers passages permettent de conclure
que si la resurrection de Marie n'est affirmee nulle part d'une
maniere explicite par Jean Ie Geometre, elle est supposee par
l'ensemble de sa doctrine mariale .
II apparait difficile de suivre A. Wenger dans seshypotheses.
Le premier passage est dormitioniste , Ie second l'est aussi.
II n'affirme pas la resurrection, ni d'ailleurs l'assomption.
Comme par ailleurs Jean Ie Geometre defend avec acharnement l'opinion mortaliste 105,on ne voit pas comment, si
Marie ne beneficie pas du privilege de la resurrection, elle
pourrait profiter de celui de l'assomption. II vaut mieux reveniT a la position de M. Jugie qui estimait que Jean Ie
Geometre etait un partisan de la dormition, dans la meme
ligne que la croyance affirmee par Ie Pseudo-Jean, meme si
aucune dependance litteraire ne saurait etre soutenue. Une
dependance doctrinale n'impose pas une dependance litteTaiTe, d'autant plus qu'il se peut fort bien que Jean Ie
Geometre ait utilise Ie meme fecit apocryphe que Jean
de Thessalonique, a savoir l'hypothetique Dormitio grecque
du Pseudo-Jacques106.
104.Cf. 41,p. 392 de l'edition de Wenger.

105.Jean Ie Geometre affirme l'idee de la mort, tout en se defendant
d'y mettre un sens dommageable pour Marie. Selon lui, la mort de
Marie est une necessite et non pas une peine resultant du peche. De
plus, selon lui, seule la mort garantit la nature humaine de Marie, et
ainsi, la nature humaine de Jesus.
106. Au sujet de ce lexie, on ne peut que renvoyer a S. C. MIMOUNI,
Dormition et Assomption de Marie. Histoire des traditions anciennes
(souspresse).
VIES DE LA VIERGE
235
L'reuvre de Jean Ie Geometre se situe dans un courant

doctrinal en reaction contre l'assomption et en faveur de la
dormition 107.
IV. La Vie de la Vierge de SymeonIe Metaphraste 108,

Symeon Ie Metaphraste, egalement appele Symeon Ie
Logothete, haut fonctionnaire a Constantinople, a vecu dans Ie
courant du xe siecle. Tout comme son contemporain Jean Ie
Geometre, Symeon, d'une famille aristocratique, est un laIc
s'interessant a l'hagiographie chretienne 109.II est notamment
l'auteur d'une composition celebre a qui il doit son sumom et sa
renommee litteraire, a savoir Ie Men%ge dit de Symeon
107. Dans la Vie de La Vierge de Jean Ie Geometre, on per~oit une

difference assezsignificative entre la notion de I1EtacrtUmc;et celIe de
I1Eta9Emc;.En effet, la I1EtacrtucrlC;
designe,apres la mort, la migration
de l'ame de Marie au ciel, alors que la I1Eta9EcrlC;
serapporte a la translation du corps de Marie au paradis. L'auteur etablit d'abord une distinction entre les faits naturels et les faits surnaturels. Du cote des faits
naturels, il place la l1tacrtucrlC;
en compagnie de la corruption naturelle
et de la separation de l'ame et du corps. Du cote des faits surnaturels, il
situe la I1Eta9EcrlC;
en compagnie de l'incorruption surnaturelle et de
l'exemption de la dissolution.
Au 49 (p. 349 de l'edition de Wenger), on peut lire: (...) je (c'est
Jean Ie Geometre qui parle) ne me montre ni trap ami de la Vierge en
la declarant immortelle et inaccessible a la separation de l'ame et du
corps; ni trop ami des proprietes du corps, par Ie fait que je la suppose
facilement separable de l'ame tout comme Ie notre, et n'ayant naturellement aucun doit a la translation au ciel... je confesse la migration
(I1EtacrtucrlC;)
(...) j' affirme la translation (I1Eta9EcrlC;)
(...); en honorant
cette migration du privilege de l'incorruption, je ne nie point la naturelle corruption qui resulte de la mort (cp90pa,separationde l'ame et du
corps, et non pas olucp90pa,dissolution du cadavre apres la mort), mais
en affirmant la separation qu'opere la mort, je l'honore par l'exemption
de la dissolution... .
Ce texte est a considerer comme une veritable confessionde foi en
faveur de la dormition et contre l'assomption. D'autant plus, qu'au 48,
Jean Ie Geometre dit que Marie fut elevee tout entiere comme son
Fils, mais divisee et apres la disjonction .
108.11s'agit de CANT 93 (= BHG 1047-1048et 1048a-1048b).
109. Sur Symeon Ie Metaphraste, cf. J. GROUILLARD,art. Symeon
Logothete et Magistros, surnomme Ie Metaphraste , in DThC 14
(1938), col. 2959-2971; M.-H. CONGOURDEAU,art. Symeon
Metaphraste, in DSp 14 (1990),col. 1383-1387.
M. Jugie a consacre une courte notice a l'reuvre mariologique de
SymeonIe Metaphraste, cf. M. JUGIE,op. cit., Vatican, 1944,p. 320-321.
236
S. MIMOUNI
le Metaphraste11;ce dernier nous a conserve, sous une fomle

particuliere (souvent resumee ou raccourcie) 111,un grand
nombre de pieces hagiographiquesdisparues par ailleurs 112.
La Vie de la Vierge de Symeon Ie Metaphraste se trouve bien
souvent, mais pas toujours, dans Ie Menologe qui porte son nom,
plus precisement dans Ie dernier volume (celui des mois de mai,
juin, juillet et aout).
On rencontre la Vie de la Vierge de Symeon Ie Metaphraste
dans de nombreux manuscrits doni certains sont presque
contemporains du celebre hagiographe113.Dans certains manuscrits, on rencontre un fragment detache de la Vie de la Vierge,se
rapport ant uniquement au sort final de Marie 114.
110. II n'est peut-etre pas inutile de rappeler qu'un menologe est un
recueil de vies de saints classees dans l'ordre du sanctoral et destinees
aux lectures liturgiques quotidiennes.
111. Les recherches sur Ie Menologe de Symeon Ie Metaphraste doivent
beaucoup aux travaux de A. Ehrhard et de H. Delehaye qui, malgre des
divergences sensibles sur Ie plan de la methode, sont parvenus a un
accord sur Ie plan des resultats. On se bomera a de simples indications
bibliographiques:
H. DELEHAYE, La vie de saint Paul Ie Jeune et la
chronologie de Metaphraste , in Revue des Questions Historiques 10
(1893), p. 49-85; A. EHRHARD, Die Legendensammlung des Symeon
Metaphrastes , in Festschrift des deutschen Campo Santo in Rom,
Fribourg, 1896, p. 46-82; H. DELEHAYE, Les menologes grecs , in
Analecta bollandiana 16 (1897), p. 311-329; A. EHRHARD, Symeon
Metaphrastes
und die griechische Hagiographie , in Romische
Quartalschrift 11 (1897), p. 531-553; H. DELEHAYE, Le Menologe de
Metaphraste , in Analecta bollandiana 17 (1898), p. 448-452.
En demier lieu, ct. J. DUMMER, Symeon Metaphrastes und hagiographisches Werk , in Byzantinische Forschungen 18 (1992), p. 127-136.
112. L'entreprise de Symeon Ie Metaphraste eut pour consequence que
les anciennes vies de saints ne furent plus recopiees et que beaucoup
disparurent de la sorte.
113. On peut citer les manuscrits suivants (l'ordre est chronologique):
Moscou 382 (de 1063); Paris BN gr. 1215, {OS156-210 VO(de 1080);
Rome Chigi gr. R. VII-50, {OS131 vo-161 VO (du XIe siecle); Paris BN
gr. 1474, {OS
156 vO-174 VO(du XIe siecle); Paris BN gr. 1527, {OS
136-164 VO
(du Xlie siecle); Paris BN gr. 1528, {OS
153-182 (du Xlie siecle); Escurial 'II,
11,11, {OS101-123 (du Xlie siecle); Messine Universite 49, {OS187 vo-225
(du Xlie siecle); Vatican Barberini gr. V, 12, {OS
53-73 (du XIV"-XV" siecle);
Escurial 'II, II, 6, {OS95-105 VO(du xV" siecle); Venise Marcienne II, 104,
{OS158-190 VO (du XVIe siecle). Tous les manuscrits de cette liste, qui
n'est certainement pas complete, renferment des Menologes de Symeon
Ie Metaphraste (sauf Ie Paris BN gr. 1215).
114. On rencontre ce fragment dans les manuscrits suivants: Vatican
Barberini gr. V, 13, {OS222-223 VO (du XlIIe siecle); Vatican Barberini
gr. IV, 38 (du XlIIe-XIV" siecle). Bien d'autres manuscrits renfermant ce
fragment existent.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
237
On doit a B. Latyschev une edition du texte grec, qui date de

1912 115. On possede aussi une traduction latine due a
A. Lipomani; celle-ci remonte a 1558116.Ene a ete reproduite
dans la Patrofogia GrtEca de Migne 117.Cette traduction latine
est accompagnee de quelques courts fragments du texte grec
original qui avaient deja ete publies par A. Mal en 1837 118.
n n'existe pas encore d'edition critique du texte grec de cette Vie
de fa Vierge119.
Titre du texte: on trouve dans les manuscrits deux types de
titre: Ie premier concerne Ie discours complet, Ie second se
rapporte au discours fragmentaire.
a. -Titre
du discours complet :
Discours embrassant les faits relatifs a la vie de Notre Dame la Toute-Sainte Mere de Dieu, a partir de sa venerable
naissanceet education, et de la nativite divinement glorieuse
du Christ notre Dieu; et tous ceux qui se passerentjusqu'a sa
mort vivifiante (~ffill<P6po~),
suivis du fecit de son precieux
manteau montrant comment les chretiens lucent mis en pos sessionde ce grand tresor .
b. -Titre
du discoursfragmentaire :
Discours sur la mort vivifiante (~ffill<P6po~)

et la translation
(~EtaO"taO"l~)de la Tout-Sainte pure Notre-Dame Mere de
Dieu et toujours vierge Marie .
La Vie de fa Viergede SymeonIe Metaphraste est posterieure a
celIe d'Epiphane Ie Moine; elle estcontemporainede celIede Jean
Ie Geometre. Mais une question fondamentale se pose: la Vie de
Symeondepend-ellede la Vie de Jean, ou bien est-ceIe contraire?
Dans un article, M. Jugie demontrait que la Vie de fa Viergede
Jean Ie Geometre a ete l'inspiratrice et Ie modele de l'reuvre de
Symeon Ie Metaphraste 12. Notamment a cause de certains
115.B. LATYSCHEV,
Menologii anonymi byzantini sfEculi X qUfEsupersunt fragmenta, t. II, Saint-Petersbourg,1912,p. 345-383
116.A. LlPOMANI,Vitarum sanctorum Patrum,t. VI, Rome, 1558.
117.PG 115,col. 529-566.
118.A. MAl, Scriptorum veterum nova collectio, t. IX, Rome, 1837. Les
fragments grecsse lisent dans PG 115,col. 531-544.
119. Recemment line traduction italienne a paru, d. G. GHARIB,op. cit.,
Rome, 1989,p. 979-1019.EIle a ete realiseea partir de l'edition Latyschev.
120. M. JUGIE, Sur la vie et les procedes litteraires de Symeon
Metaphraste. Son fecit de la vie de la Sainte Vierge , in Echos
d'Orient 22 (1923),p. 5-10.
238
S. MIMOUNI
emprunts verbaux et de la marche generale du fecit qui se

contente de resumer a grands traits l'reuvre de son modele,
auquel il prend surtout les donnees historiques en laissant la
majeure partie des donnees theologiques et des reflexions spirituelles 121. Pour l'auteur, l'argument majeur est que Ie
Metaphraste constitue a peine un cinquieme du Geometre: Ie
premier est donc par consequent un resume du second. Cet
argument n'est pas determinant; on pourrait Ie retourner et
considerer que Ie Geometre est un developpement du
Metaphraste.
Dans son livre, M. Jugie est revenu sur la question, toujours
dans Ie meme sellS. Pour lui, la Vie de Symeon Ie Metaphraste
suit pas a pas son predecesseur et Ie pille sans Ie citer, lui
empruntant des passagesentiers et des expressions caracteristiques 122.
A. Wenger s'est interesseace probleme, mais il a dft renoncer
a l'espoir d'arriver a une certitude 123.La critique externe n'est
d'aucun secours puisque les deux auteurs sont contemporains.
La critique interne porte a penserque Jean Ie Geometre depend
litterairement de Symeon Ie Metaphraste. Et de conclure: II
nons semble fort probable que Ie fecit de Symeon a servi de
canevasa celui de JeanIe Geometre .
Comme on pent Ie constater,la question de la dependancedes
deux auteurs est des plus controversees.Deux certitudes peuvent
etre toutefois avancees: un des auteurs depend de l'autre; la Vie
de Symeon est une narration hagiographique alors que la Vie de
Jean est une reflexion theologique et une meditation spirituelle;
elles relevent donc de deux genres litteraires differents. II est
preferable de ne pas trancher tant que l'on ne dispose pas
d'editions critiques de res deux textes, rendant compte des multiples variantes -parfois d'ordre doctrinal -figurant dans les
manuscrits.
Pour Ie 15 aoftt, Symeondonne tout un resume de la Vie de La
Vierge, au lieu de se contenter de raconter sa mort et les evenements miraculeux qui l'accompagnereni.--
12L M. Jugie dresseune liste de certains emprunts: col. 534D et 535A

de PG 115, compare avec fo 178 rO premiere colonne au milieu du
Vatican gr. 504; col. 543A de PG 115,avec fO181 deuxieme colonne du
Vatican gr. 504; col. 547D de PG 115, avec fO 182 a la fin du Vatican
gr. 504; col. 560BC de PG 115, avec fO192 VOdeuxieme colonne du
Vatican gr. 504 (une phrase transcrite mot a mot a propos de la mort de
Marie).
122. Cf. M. JUGIE,op. cit., Vatican, 1944,p. 320.
123.Cf. A. WENGER,op. cit., Paris, 1955,p.193-195.
V.
VIES DE LA VIERGE
239
D'un point de vue doctrinal, pour M. Jugie, Symeon Ie

Metaphraste suit Jean Ie Geometre 124.
Le Metaphraste ne parle
pas de la resurrection de Marie; il ne lui accorde que Ie privilege
de la dormition. Pour appuyer son allegation, l'auteur cite une
phrase:
Bien que Ie Verbe, ne d'elle, l'ait transporte tout entiere
et lui ail accorde la faveur de vivre aupres de lui et de rester
pour toujours en sa compagnie, elle, cependant, a la place de
son corps sans tache, DOllSlegue comme un heritage son
propre vetement 125.
II est difficile, a partir de celie simple citation, de dire si
Symeon Ie Metaphraste etait dormitioniste ou assomptioniste . Le texte laisse entendre que Marie est vivante aupres de
Jesus; il presupposedonc la resurrection, meme si elle n'est pas
explicite, et donc l'assomption.
La Vie de fa Vierge nestorienne126.

La Vie de LaVierge nestorienne se retrouve dans de nombreux
manuscrits. Ces derniers presentent la particularite d'etre tous
d'origine nestorienne, raison pour laquelle ce document a ete
qualifie de nestorien 127.
Cet ecrit n'est pas a assimiler, et encore moins a amalgamer,
avec un autre ouvrage egalementintitule Vie de la Vierge 128,
124.Cf. M. JUGIE,op. cit., Vatican, 1944,p. 320-321.
125.Cf. mg. Rome Chigi gr. R. VII-50, f'O155 roo
126.11s'agit de CANT 94 (= BHO 643-645).
127. On petit legitimement se demander si l'origine nestorienne des
manuscrits, connus jusqu'a present, implique necessairement que la
composition de cette Vie de la Viergereleve d'un milieu nestorien. Le
fait que cette forme de texte ne se retrouve que dans des manuscrits
nestoriens permet, semble-t-il, de Ie penser. D'autant plus que des
manuscritsjacobites transmettent une tout autre forme de texte.
128.Cette Vie de la Viergeou Histoire de la Vierge a ete fort peu remarquee par leg chercheurs,ou alors confondue avecla Vie de la Viergenestorienne. Sa diffusion manuscrite para!t relativement importante, a titre
d'exemple, citons: Cambridge Add. 2001, fos1-151 (de 1480-1481);
Vatican Borgia gyro128 (de 1720); Londres BL Add. 4526 (de 17261727); Mingana gyro48 (de 1906,mais copie a partir d'un manuscrit date
de 1757); Mingana syr. 5 (de 1790) et Berlin Or. 1130 (de 1814-1815).
D'autres manuscrits, contenant cette Vie de la Vierge, peuvent etre
encore signales: Cambridge (Massachusetts,USA), Harvard University, Houghton Library, 2177 (Semitic Museum accessionnumber 535),
3961 (Semitic Museum accessionnumber 23), 3962 (Semitic Museum
240
S. MIMOUNI
dont la composition est sensiblement differente 129.Cette derniere, qui n'est pas encore editee 13,semble attestee uniquement
dans des manuscrits d'origine jacobite 131.
Enfin, la Vie de la Vierge nestorienne ne doit pas etre aussi
confondue avec un autre ouvrage portant dans les manuscrits Ie
meme titre 132,mais qui est en realite une legende etiologique,
accessionnumber 24), 3965 (Semitic Museum accessionnumber 27) [il

s'agit du ms. Rendel-Harris utilise par A. Smith-Lewis pour completer
son ms. palimpseste et fragmentaire (CANT 124 = BHO 626-630)],
4010 (Semitic Museum accessionnumber 73), 4063 (Semitic Museum
accessionnumber 128); New York (New York, USA), Colombia University, Butler Library, Self-Number X893. B47; Princeton (New Jersey,
USA), Theological Seminary,Speer Library, sanscote (Clemons 346?).
On connait aussi des manuscrits en carschouni, notamment les
Mingana Syr. 39 (de 1773)et Mingana syr.114 (plus recent).
129. Cette piece est organisee en six livres: livre I: Annonciation a
Marie; livre II: Nativite de Jesus; livre III: Vision de Theophile;
livre IV: Enfance de Jesus;livres V et VI: Dormition de Marie. Malgre
cette repartition en six livres, il ne s'agit pas de la Dormitio syriaque
dite des Six Livres (CANT 123 = BHO 620-625). Cette repartition
est relativement variable selon les manuscrits; dans certains d'entre
eux, on trouve, par exemple, l'ordre suivant: livres I et II: Nativite de
Marie et de Jesus; livre III: Enfance de Jesus; livre IV: Vision de
Theophile ; livres V et VI : Dormition de Marie.
130. SeulIe livre III, concernantla Vision de Theophile, a ete publie par
A. MINGANA,Vision de Theophile. Or the Book of the Flight of the
Holy Family into Egypt , in Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 13
(1929),p. 383-474.
Cette piece avait deja ete reperee par F. NAU, La version syriaque
de la vision de Theophile sur Ie sejour de la Vierge en Egypte , in
Revue de l'Orient chretien 15 (1910), p. 125-132(Recension in Analecta
bollandiana 29 (1910)p. 457).
Dans Ie ms. Vatican Borgia syr. 128 (dontle debut manque), la Vision
de Theophilefigure au Livre IV et non pas au Livre III.
Au sujet de cette piece, qui existe sousune forme independantedans
de nombreuses versions (CANT 56 = CPG 2628), cf. S. C. MIMOUNI,
Genese et evolution des traditions anciennessur Ie sort final de Marie.
Etude de la tradition litteraire copte , in Marianum 42 (1991),p.126-129.
13L L'origine jacobite des manuscrits parait indiquer que cette Vie de la
Vierge releve d'un milieu jacobite; meme problematique que pour la
Vie de la Vierge nestorienne,cf. plus haut, n. 127.
L'etat actuel de la recherche nous oblige a ne pas traiter plus en
detail ce document, deja connu mais pas encore identifie en tant
qu'reuvre originale et independante. C'est, en effet, par nos soins, que
ce document figure, des a present, dans Ie repertoire de M. GEERARD,
op. cit., Tumhout, 1992,p. 73 (sous la cote CANT 95).
132. Cf. par exemple Ie manuscrif Notre-Dame des Semences 183
(de 1680).
VIES DE LA VIERGE
241
d'origine nestorienne, redigee pour expliquer Ie nom du village

de Hourdapna.
En 1899, E.A. W. Budge a donne une edition de la Vie de La
Vierge nestorienne; elle reposait sur une copie realisee en 1890a
partir d'un manuscrit datant du Xllle ou du XIyesiecle133.L'edition
de Budge s'appuyait aussi sur la collation d'un second manuscrit
conserve a la bibliotheque de la Societe royale asiatique de
Londres 134.Actuellement, dans Ie cadre du projet d'un volume
de la Bibliotheque de la Pleiade sur la litterature apocryphe
chretienne, une traduction fran~aiseest en cours d'elaborationon la devra a Alain Desreumauxet a Frederic Rilliet.
A. Baumstark a signale de nombreux manuscrits qui contiendraient Ie texte de la Vie de LaViergenestorienne, avec ou sansIe
fecit relatif a la Dormition de Marie 135.Le fait que certains
133. E. A. W. BUDGE,The History of the Blessed Mary , in Luzac's

Semitic Texts and Translations,t. IV; p. 3-153 (texte syriaque) et t. V,
p. 3-168 (traduction anglaise), Londres, 1899. La copie utilisee dans
cette edition a ete faite par ~t<
i.::> ~
(ou 'Isa'a bar 'Is'a'a)
diacre nestorien d' Al-Kosh, pour l'auteur.
II faut bien avouer que la datation de Budge fait probleme. En effet,
il est possible que Ie mg. publie par Ie savant angiais soit identique au
codex n 183 du catalogue de J.-M. VOSTE,in Angelicum 5 (1928),
p. 326, lui-meme correspondant au n 98 du catalogue de A. SCHER,
in Journal asiatiqueX/8 (1906),p. 62. Or, Ie colophon de ce mg. Ie date
de 1680, non pas du XlIIe ou du XIV"siecle! Nous devons cette importante remarque a E. DE STRICKER,La forme la plus ancienne du
Protevangilede Jacques,Bruxelles, 1961,p. 372.
Relevons aussi que, fort curieusement, dans sa publication, Budge
reimprime des parties entieres empruntees a W. WRIGHT,Contributions
to the Apocryphal Literature of the New Testament,Londres, 1865.
Cf. par exemple E. A. W. BUDGE, in Luzac's Semitic Texts and
Translations, t. IV, p. 213-217 (texte syriaque du Protevangile de
Jacques), p. 217-222 (texte syriaque de l'Evangile de l'Enfance du
Pseudo-Thomas)-ces textes ne soot pas traduits dans Ie t. V de cette
memepublication.
134. II s'agit ires certainement de l'unique manuscrit syriaque de la
Royal Asiatic Society Library signale par A. DESREUMAUX,
Repertoire
des bibliotheques et des cataloguesde manuscrits syriaques,Paris, 1991,
p. 176,n 556 (en revanche, il ne s'agit pas,comme cela est indique, du
Cambridge Or. 983). On ne dispose d'aucun renseignement sur ce
manuscrit; on ne connait ni sa datation, ni son origine, si ce n'est qu'il
presente de sensiblesdifferences avec la copie d' Al-Kosh, notamment
un certain nombre d'omissions.
135.Cf. A. BAUMSTARK,
Geschichteder syrischen Literatur, Bonn, 1922,
p. 99, n. 4. Les manuscrits qui incorporent la dormition de Marie soot
les suivants: Notre-Dame des Semences97 (de 1689-1690);Cambridge
Add. 2020, f"" 153b-188a(de 1697); Mardin 80 (entre 1728 et 1731);
242
S. MIMOUNI
manuscrits de la Vie de LaVierge sont justement amputesde cette

Dormition de Marie, est a souligner, meme si rien, dans l'etat
actuel de la recherche, ne permet de l'expliquer reellement 136.
Titre du texte: II s'agit du titre qui figure dans la copie du
manuscrit edite par E.A.W. Budge:
..~~:\ r<~~.=:)~
* pr< ~b
~i~
~i.x:::1J* ~
~
..~i
~r<
~C\x.~:\ m.hll h
r<~o~
-p.~
<Grace a la force de Notre seigneur Jesus Ie Messie, nous

commen~ons a ecrire I'Histoire de Sainte Marie, la Bienheureuse, la Mere du Messie. Notre Seigneur, aide-moi dans ta
compassion,Amen).
Ce document est censeetre un recit de la vie de Marie, de sa
naissance a sa dormition. II integre divers ecrits portant aussi
bien sur la vie de Marie que sur celIe de Jesus, a savoir: une
Nativite de Marie 137;un recit abregede l'enfance et du ministere
de Jesusjusqu'a la resurrection 138;une collection des Miracles
de Marie 139et une narration de la Dormition de Marie. La Vie
de La Vierge nestorienne n'est donc pas une reuvre originale; il
s'agit d'un document composite, qui utilise des recits independants en les paraphrasant par des developpements ou des raccourcissements. Ce qui produit un texte ires long, verbeux au
possible, et oules digressionsabondent140.
Diarbekir 99 (?); Urmia 43 (de 1813); Urmia 38 (de 1885) et Urmia 47
(de 1885). Un manuscrit est signale sans la dormition de Marie:
Seert82 (du XVIesiecle).
136. Nous remercions Alain Desreumaux de DOllSavoir signale le
manuscrit Teheran, Issayi 18 (= Neesan 8), F 1vo-44vo(du XVI~ siecle).
Ce dernier est ampute du recit de la Dormition de Marie.
Pour tine description de ce manuscrit, ct. maintenant
A. DESREUMAUX,
Un manuscrit syriaque de Teheran contenant des
apocryphes, in Apocrypha 5 (1994),p.137-164.
137. Cette Nativite de Marie est tine sorte de paraphrase du
Protevangile, relativement distincte de la version syriaque connue et
editee.
138. A ce sujet, ct. P. PEETERS,
Evangiles apocryphes,vol. II. L'Evangile
de I' Enfance, Paris, 1914,p. IV-VIII.
139.Fort curieusementles Miracles figurent apres la Dormition. Us sont
repartis en deux series (une de six et tine de Delli). Contrairement aux
collections arabes des Miracles des Marie, les collections syriaques
n'ont pas ete encore etudiees. Au sujet des premieres, ct.
L. VILLECOURT,Les collections arabes des Miracles de la Sainte
Vierge , in Analecta bollandiana 42 (1924),p. 21-68 et p. 266-287).
140. Parmi ces digressions, relevons, par exemple, les traditions sur
l'emprisonnement et la delivrance de JosephIe Charpentier, ainsi que Ie
VIES DE LA VIERGE
243
II convient de rappeler que certains manuscrits contenant Ie

texte des Dormitiones syriaques dites des Six Livres}} ou des
Cinq Livres }} 141,
contiennent egalement,dans leur programme,
la Nativite de Marie du Pseudo-Jacqueset l' EvangiLede l' Enfance
du Pseudo-Thomas142.
Avant d'aborder l'etude du passagesur Ie sort final, relevons
que la Vie de LaVierge nestorienne est l'ouvrage paraissantavoir
ete condamne, en 1599, au synode de Diampera, preside par
l'archeveque de Goa, Alexis de Menezes.Dans sa troisieme section, decret XIV, Ie synode reprouve et interdit un certain
nombre de livres syriaques en usage chez les nestoriens du
Malabar. II nomme en premier lieu Librum vocatum de
Infancia SaLvatorisvel Historia DominIE NostrlE}} 143.Ce titre et
certains exemplescites dans les considerantsde la condamnation
prouvent que l'ouvrage vise n'etait qu'une redaction alteree de
la Vie de LaViergenestorienne.
Le passagesur Ie sortfinal dans la Vie de la Vierge.
La representation du sort final de Marie dans la Vie de la
Viergenestorienne est assezsemblable a celIe que l'on rencontre
dans la Dormitio syriaque dite des Six Livres 144.
-Caracteristiques topologiques.
Le passagesur Ie sort final dans la Vie de la Vierge localise la
maisonde Marie a Bethleem 145,
et son tombeaudansune caveme
du Mont desOliviers.
conflit entre les sadduceensqui gardaient la prison de Joseph et les pharisiens qui veillaient sur Ie tombeau de Jesus.
141. II s'agit de CANT 123 (= BRa 620-625) et de CANT 124
(= BRa 626-630).
142.C'est Ie cas du manuscrit de Londres, BL Add. 14484 dont il a ete
deja question; egalement, du mains en partie, celui du manuscrit
palimpseste et fragmentaire edite par A. Smith-Lewis.
143. Ct. J.D. MANSI,Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio..., t. XXXV, col. 1194-1195.
144. Dans la Vie de la Vierge nestorienne, on trouve aussi la Lettre
d'Abgar a Sabinus,prefer de Tibere.
145.Dans Ie fecit sur Ie sort final de Marie, on trouve la mention de la
chambre haute. Celle-ci renvoie a la chambre haute d'Actes 1, 13,
lieu de reunion et de priere de la communaute primitive de Jerusalem.
II est vraisemblable que Ie redacteur ait fondu deux traditions: celIe qui
situe la maison de Marie a Bethleem, que l'on trouve dans les textes
anciens de I'Histoire de la dormition et de l'assomption de Marie; celIe
qui localise la maison de Marie a Jerusalem,que l'ontrouve dans taus
les textes recents. II aurait pris la localisation dans la premiere tradition
244
S. MIMOUNI
-Caracteristiques doctrinales.
Dans ce meme passagesur Ie sort final, on trouve affirme la
croyance en la dormition. Jesus annonce a sa mere qu'il vient
pour la porter au paradis jusqu'a son second avenement.
Croisant les mains sur la poitrine, Marie remet son ame entre les
mains de Jesus, qui la transporte dans les demeures de la
lumiere . Les apotres ensevelissentIe corps de Marie dans une
caverne du Mont des Oliviers -dans un sepulcre neuf taille
dans Ie roc -qu'ils ferment avec une pierre. C'est alors que les
juifs essaientde mettre Ie feu a la caverne et de brOler Ie corps
de Marie 146.A ce moment, des chars lumineux apparaissent
et transportent Ie corps de Marie au paradis, ou il y est depose
en presence des apotres. Apres que ces derniers ont quitte Ie
paradis, Jesus ressuscite Marie pour lui faire visiter les sejours
d'outre-tombe. A la fin de la visite, Jesus reconduit sa mere au
paradis, ilIa fait mourir de nouveau et la laisse la jusqu'au jour
de la vivification ou ilIa fera monter dans Ie royaume qu'il
lui a deja montre. La resurrection provisoire de Marie n'entre
pas en contradiction avec la croyance en la dormition. Cette
resurrection provisoire releve du genre litteraire des apocalypses,dans lesquellesseulsles vivants peuvent visiter les sejours
d'outre-tombe 147.
Comme dansla Dormitio syriaquedite des Six Livres , Ie passage sur Ie sort final dans la Vie de la Vierge nestorienne foumit
une notice au sujet desfetes celebrantla memoire de Marie. Dans
ce dernier aussi,elles sont au nombre de trois; elles ont lieu:
-au mois de Kanun I (decembre), des la veille du samedi qui
suit Noel, car Marie quitta ce monde Ie jour meme de Noel 148;
et la precision dans la secondetradition. Une telle possibilite tendrait a
prouver que la redaction de cette Vie de la Vierge est asseztardive, en
tout cas d'une epoque oilla tradition de la maison de Marie etait deja
localisee au Mont Sion oil on situait aussila tradition de la chambre
haute . II serait donc posterieur au debut du Vile siecle, etant donne
que la tradition de la maisonde Marie au Mont Sion n'y estpas attestee
anterieurement.
146.Ce trait est probablement ancien: il est a mettre en relation directe
avec l'origine de la croyance a la dormition. Le passagede la dormition
dans la Vie de la Vierge est Ie seul texte oil ce trait apparait a l'etat brut.
147. Au sujet de ce type de litterature, ct. S. C. MIMOUNI, Les
Apocalypses de la Vierge. Etat de la question , in Apocrypha 4 (1993),
p.111-112.
148.Cette indication estinteressante:elle temoigne d'une epoqueancienfie, oil, dans la liturgie syriaque,la mort de Marie etait commemoree au
VIES DE LA VIERGE
245
-au 15 du mois de Jar (mai), pour obtenir la protection de

Marie sur leg epis;
-au 15 du mois de Ab (aoOt), pour obtenir la protection de
Marie sur leg vignes.
11apparait donc qu'a l'epoque de la redaction de cette Vie de
La Vierge,on celebrait une fete de la Memoire de la Dormition
de Marie au mois de Kanun J,juste apres la fete de la nativite de
Jesus. 11est possible que l'on ait la un temoignage ancien qui
appartient a une epoque oul'on commemorait la dormition de
Marie en relation avec la nativite de Jesus,car plus tard leg nestoriens, tout comme d'ailleurs leg jacobites, celebreront la fete
de la Dormition au 15 aoOt.
Mentionnons que ce passagesur Ie sort final dans la Vie de La
Vierge nestorienne, tout comme l'ensemble de la tradition
syriaque, releve du groupe ancien de la typologie proposee loTs
d'une precedente recherche149.
Elle reunit, en effet, leg elements
caracterisant Ie groupe ancien, aussi bien du point de vue topologique (maison de Marie a Bethleem) que du point de vue
doctrinal (croyance en la dormition).
Si la localisation de la Vie de La Viergenestorienne ne fait pas
probleme, en revanche, la datation de cet ecrit souleve de
multiples difficultes.
Le texte contient des traditions anciennes, notamment Ie
calendrier liturgique, mais cela n'implique pas que sa composition releve d'une haute epoque. On considere generalementque
l'introduction de la liturgie mariale dans l'Eglise nestorienne
date de l'epoque du patriarche Iso'yabh III (647-658?). Mais
etant donne Ie caractere particulier de cette tradition, qui DOUg
est transmise par un Pseudo-Georges d' Arbeles (VIlIeIx" siecle?), il est permis de s'interroger au sujet de sa realite et
donc de sa datation au Vilesiecle 150,
On Ie constate, leg questions de chronologie soot epineuses,
surtout quand il s'agit des textes nestoriens. 11est toutefois possible que la Vie de La Vierge nestorienne date de l'epoque
d'Iso'yabh III. Mais, il faut bien reconnaitre que cette hypothese
mois de decembre et non au mois d'aout. Cette date serait it rapprocher

de celIe it laquelle la liturgie copte celebre la mort de Marie. lIne serait
pas etonnant qu'il y ait line relation entre la date ancienne de la dormition dans la liturgie syriaque et celIe dans la liturgie copte.
149. A ce sujet, on ne peut que renvoyer it notre travail qui est en COUTS
de publication, cf. plus haut, note preliminaire.
150. A ce sujet, cf. S. C. MIMOUNI,The Feast of Mary's Dormition in
the Syriac Area during the Byzantine Period , in The Harp 5 (1992),
p.157-174.
246
S. MIMOUNI
ne s'impose pas necessairement,surtout au regard de la tradition

manuscrite qui n'est apparemment pas anterieure a la fin du
xve siecle.
VI. La Vita BeatiE Virginis MariiE et Salvatoris Rhythmica.

La Vita Beatt Virginis Marit et Salvatoris Rhythmica
(citee VR) est une veritable Vie de la Viergeen latin, qui compte
8 032 veTS rimes par paires 151.De cet ouvrage anonyme,
on connait des adaptations en langue allemande et en langue
irlandaise.
La VR est datee de la premiere moitie du XIIIesiecle; elle est
situee dans Ie sud-est de l'aire linguistique germanique. De
fa~on plus generale, cette reuvre est egalement a sittler dans Ie
contexte du developpement marial, qui marqua l'Occident
medieval des XIIe-XIIIesiecles.
Il existe un grand nombre de manuscrits de la VR (environ
60 pieces, la plupart completes). L'ouvrage parait avoir servi a
la lecture liturgique en milieu monastique (ou peut-etre seulement a la lecture de table dans les convents), mais aussi a
l'enseignementdans les ecoles.
On dispose d'une unique edition, tres defectueuse, que l'on
doit a A. Vogtlin 152.
La VR mele les recits des vies de Marie et de Jesus; celIe de
Marie occupe cependantla premiere place.
L'auteur prend fortement position a propos de certains points
de la doctrine mariale de son temps: d'une part, il affirme la
croyance en l'Immaculee Conception; d'autre part, il propage la
croyance en l'assomption.
On s'interessera principalement a la question des sources de
la YR. L'auteur dit lui-meme qu'il a utilise un grand nombre de
sources-il designe son reuvre comme une compilatio 153.
De l'avis general, la Vie de la Vierge d'Epiphane Ie Moine,
dans sa traduction latine, constitue Ie fond de l'reuvre. L'auteur
a aussi puise dans l' Evangile du Pseudo-Matthieu154,l' Evangile
151. Sur la VR, ct. principalement W.J. HOFFMANN,art. Vita Beata:

Virginis Maria: et Salvatoris Rhythmica , in DSp 16 (1993), col. 10251029. Nous sommes grandement redevable de cette utile contribution.
152. A. VbGTLIN, Vita B.V Marite et Salvatoris rhythmica, Tiibingen,
1888.
153. Ct. v. 7 975.
154.11s'agit de CANT 51 (= BHL 5334-5342b).
VIES DE LA VIERGE
247
du Pseudo-Thomas155;I' Evangile de Nicodeme 156ainsi que leg

Homelies sur l'Assomption de Jean de Damas et de Cosmas
Vestitor traduites en latin 157.II utilise en outre des ouvrages de
Peres latins, surtout Ambroise, Augustin et Jerome, de meme
que des ecrits medievaux comme Ie Speculum ecclesite
d'Honorius Augustodunensis (vers la premiere moitie du
XIIe siecle) et I'Historia scholasticade Pierre Comestor (vers la
secondemoitie du XlIesiecle).
Dans leg prologues et dans l'epilogue, l'auteur cherche a etablir la valeur des apocryphes qui constituent Ie groupe Ie plus
important de ses sources.II y souligne avant tout leur caractere
complementaire par rapport aux evangiles canoniques qui parlent tres peu de la vie de Marie et de celIe de Jesus (notamment
pour la periode de l'enfance).
Ce bref aperc;umontre l'interet de la longue duree pour l'etude d'un genre litteraire qui ne saurait etre limite ni dans Ie temps
ni l'espace. Les apocryphes, qui entrent diversement dans la
composition des Vies de la Vierge, doivent etre apprecies non
seulement dans leur etat independant mais aussi dans leur etat
interpole, au risque de se dispenserde tout un pan important des
traditions qui y sont vehiculees 158,
Conclusion.
Pour conclure fort provisoirement, soulignons que les Viesde
La Vierge representent un champ de recherche encore en friche.
De fait cet etat de la question doit etre considere comme un
point de depart commode pour toute recherche ulterieure; il ne
vise en aucun cas l'exhaustivite, difficile a atteindre lorsqu'on
ouvre tant de dossiers.
Les Vies de La Vierge representent un genre litteraire fort
caracteristique, permettant de retrouver un certain nombre de
contextes conflictuels, comme par exemple la crise entre iconoclasteset iconodules159.
155.11s'agitde CANT 57.

156.11s'agitde CANT 62.
157.11s'agitde CANT 108et de CANT 117.
158.L'histoire des traditions doit beneficierde la longue duree,tant
spatialequetemporelle.
15~.Cela pourrait etre assezvraisemblablepour la Vie de la Vierge
d'EninhaneIe Moine.
248
S. MIMOUNI
11est certain qu'il sera toujours difficile de retrouver les raisons premieres ayant motive les auteurs, qui sont d'ailleurs plus
des compilateurs que des createurs. De fait, I'interet majeur de
ces textes reside essentiellement dans les doctrines qu'ils ant
vehiculees160.
11convient d'etre attentif qu'a partir d'une periode, encore
difficile a preciser, les pieces mariales se rapportant a la fete de
la Dormition et de I' Assomption (au 15 aoftt), sont en fait, bien
souvent, des quasi Vies de fa Vierge et non pas seulement des
recits sur Ie sort final de Marie 161.
Du point de vue des croyances sur Ie devenir de Marie apres
son depart de la terre, il faut reconnaitre que fort peu de Vies de
fa Vierge se prononcent de maniere claire au sujet de son sort
final. En dehors de I'reuvre de Jean Ie Geometre qui affirme la
dormition contre I'assomption. 11est evident que Ie caractere
relativement tardif de ce genre litteraire est a prendre en consideration pour comprendre celie difference avecles TransitusMarilE.
Car, repetons-le, ces Vies de fa Vierge sont des compositions
de circonstance utilisant des textes deja exist ant mais en les
interpretant (on devrait dire, en les reactualisant) en fonction
des problemes doctrinaux de leur epoque162.
160. Les recits entrant dans la composition des Vies de ta Vierge sont
parfois tres anciens; c'est Ie cas par exemple pour Ie Protevangite de
Jacquesqui remonte Ala secondemoitie du lie siecle. Son insertion dans
line telle composition donne lieu A tine relecture, donc a interpretation
nouvelle, ce qui n'est pas sansinteret.
16L C'est Ie cas, on l'a vu, pour les reuvresde Jean Ie Geometre et de
SymeonIe Metaphraste. Mais c'est aussiIe cas pour des documents qui
relevent de ce que nous appelons I' Histoire de ta dormition et de ['assomption de Marie. Le premier exemple significatif en la matiere paralt
etre I' Hometie sur ta dormition de Marie attribuee A Jean Chrysostome
(Pseudo-Chrysostome)(CANT 163).
162. Au genre litteraire des Vies de ta Vierge, on pourrait rattacher
encore les six homelies mariales de Jacques de Kokkinobaphos (du
Xlesiecle), qui ensemble constituent line veritable Vie de ta Vierge.Ces
pieces, publiees partiellement dans la Patrotogia Grreca de Migne
(PG 127, col. 544-700), sont contenues par Ie Paris BN gr. 1208 et Ie
Vatican gr. 1162, manuscrits de la premiere moitie du Xlie siecle,
celebres par leurs riches miniatures en couleur representant la vie de
Marie (ct. C. STORNAJOLO,
Miniature delle omitie die Giacomo Monaco
(Cod. Vat.K1:1162), Rome, 1910).
Catherine PAUPERT
Canal, Paris
THEMES APOCRYPHES
DE L'ICONOGRAPHIE DES EGLISES
DE TARENTAISE ET DE MAURIENNE
(SAVOIE) *
Thepro jet of a register of apocryphal motifs in Sayoard churchesand

chapels, particulary in the dioceses of Tarentaise, Saint-Jean-deMaurienne and Chambery was initiated by the decision to developthe
Savoyardpatrimony by Savoyardpeoples themselves.
Le projet d'un repertoire des motifs apocryphes dans les chapelles et
eglisessavoyardesparticulierement aux diocesesde Moutiers, Saint Jeande-Maurienne et Chambery est ne de la volante de mise en valeur du
patrimoine savoyardpar les habitants eux-memes.
S'inscrivant dans la prise de conscienced'une civilisation originale, issue des hasards de rencontres, des amities, des competences et rassemblantune vingtaine de communiers 1,amoureux et bon connaisseursde leur paroisse,une equipe s'est mise
en place, encouragee par les societes savanteslocales et

quelques membres de l' Association pour l'etude de la litterature
apocryphe chretienne (AELAC): d'abord en Tarentaise, a
laquelle s'estjointe recemmentla Maurienne2.
* Travail auquel ont colla bore: Evelyne Blanc, Richard DeschampBerger, abbe Manus Hudry (t juillet 1994),Annie Maniak, Guy Michel,
Jean-Luc Penna,Jeanne,Emmanuelle et William Petracin.
L Au sens ancien etait communier qui residait depuis un certain temps
sur la commune et avail pare son admission au rang de citoyen par un
don, Ie plus generalement affecte a l'eglise. De nos jours, Ie terme est
entendu dans un sensplus large et moins institutionnel.
2. Pour des raisons d'ordre pratique cet article ne presente pas de
photographies des documents evoques.Mais l'enquete menee comporte
evidemment un repertoire photographique complet et d'excellente
qualite qui sera publie par ailleurs.
Apocrypha 5,1994,p. 249-268
250
C. PAUPERT
Dans ce territoire -pourtant de dimensions modestes -ce

sont environ cinq cent vingt-cinq eglises et chapelles qu'il s'agit
d'explorer. Comment aborder cette multitude? Le plus simple a
donc ete de s'interesser aux eglises paroissiales (quatre-vingts
pour la Tarentaise, quatre-vingt dix pour la Maurienne) et d'y
reperer un ensemblesuflisammentrepresente pour permettre un
travail de confrontation et de comparaison.
Apres quelques experiences, leg retables du Rosaire sont
apparus comme repondant Ie mieux aux conditions exigees3. En
eifel, ils n'existent, a quelques tres fares exceptions pres, que
dans leg eglisesparoissiales,car ils requierent uneerection canonique reservee a la seule paroisse: Ie champ de recherches se
trouve donc ainsi naturellement deli mite dans l'espace. Ces
memes retables recapitulent, par l'illustration des quinze mysteres du Rosaire, l'essentiel des verites du salut , ce qui d'ores
et deja permet de prevoir assezexactementleg principales pistes
de recherchesa venir.
On sera sans doute surpris que des paroisses anciennement
attestees ne no us livrent que des reuvres des XVlIe, XVIIIe et
XIXesiecles: pour l'expliquer, il faut se toumer vers l'histoire 4,
Etat souverainjusqu'en 1860-date de l'annexion a la France
-Ie duche de Savoie, doni les limites varierent constamment,
rut de tout temps une plaque tournante entre la France, l'Italie,
la Bourgogne et la Suisse-lieu de passageoil depuis la prehisloire, toutes les grandescivilisations laisserentleur marque; mais
aussi chemin d'invasions oil tous les envahisseursaccumulerent
leurs destructions; pays pauvre et dur doni les enfants devaient
souvent prendre Ie chemin de l'exil, d'oil ils revenaient au pays,
pauvres ou riches, mais toujours marques par la vie communautaire qu'imposaient climat et geographie: ce pourquoi ceux qui
avaient fait fortune etaient plus enclins a fonder ecoles, eglises
ou chapellesqu'a se construire de riches demeures5.
Succedantaux malheurs de la grande peste, les invasions fran~aises et espagnoles du XVlesiecle avaient devaste Ie pays; la
Reforme protest ante et son fetus des images avaient en
revanche peu touche les hautes vallees de la Savoie du Sud.
3. Voir en annexe I, la description du retable du rosaire de Saint-Jeande-Belleville et en annexe II, Ie Rosaire et ses "mysteres" .
4. Voir, plus bas,Ie tableau des paroissesde Tarentaise et de Maurienne
retenues dans cette etude.
5. Celles-ci n'existent guere que dans Pavant-payssavoyard mais it ne
sera ici question que des vallees de Tarentaise et de Maurienne.
251
THEMES APOCRYPHES DANS L'ICONOGRAPffiE
Mais, sous l'impulsion du concile de Trente (1545-1565),vint la

Contre-Reforme catholique qui n'admettait pas les eglises en
mauvais etat, les statues mutilees, a la peinture ecaillee et qui
participait du mepris de l'epoque pour tout ce qui ressortissait
du gothique . Sous l'impulsion de saint Fran~ois de Sales,
s'ouvrit donc une grande periode de rehabilitation des eglises,
marquee sftrement par de facheusesdestructions mais aussi par
un nombre imposant de reconstructions et de decorations a frais
nouveaux. L'histoire a retenu pour la Tarentaise les noms de
trois grands archeveques batisseurs: Germonio (1608-1627),
Chevron Villette (1632-1657),Millet de Challes (1653-1703).Ce
dernier consacra trente-trois eglises renovees ou reconstruites
pour cette seule vallee. Apres l'invasion revolutionnaire, il fallut
reparer de nouvelles destructions.
On ne s'etonnera donc pas que les eglises presentees dans
cette etude appartiennent au baroque. Au fur et a mesure de
l'avancement du travail, on rencontrera, bien SilT,mais rarement,
des images plus anciennes,tandis que Ie XIxe siecle temoignera
du neo-classicismepuis du neo-gothique.
II faut aussibien preciser comment, au COUTS
de la progression
de l'enquete l'on en est venu a une conception large et vivace de
l'apocryphicite. En effet, la tradition occidentale a, par l'usage,
suscite comme une vulgate des apocryphes: recits de
l'Enfance et de la Passionde Jesus,de la Vie de Marie (y comprig la Dormition et ou l' Assomption), de missions et de passions des apotres -representes essentiellement par l' Evangile
du Pseudo-Matthieu,leg Actes de Pilate, Ie TransitusMarire du
Pseudo-Meliton de Sordes et leg Actes des apotres du PseudoAbdias. Pourtant, il n'est que de parcourir la LegendeDoree de
Jacques de Voragine (1228-1298), dont on connait l'etonnante
fortune, pour s'apercevoir que ces textes ne sont que Ie tronc a
partir duquel branches, fteurs et fruits n'ont cessede prosperer.
Un Pierre Ie Mangeur (?-1160 ou 1198), un Ludolphe Ie
Chartreux (1295-1377) que relaieront Passions et Mysteres,
visions et revelations ont contribue a nourrir l;imaginaire chretien et a prendre leur place dans la religion familiere dont Ie
Rosaire est certainement une expressionprivilegiee.
Aussi seront releveestoutes leg representations qui ne se referent pas aux ecritures canoniques: certaines ont une claire origine dans leg textes apocryphes,d'autres dans des devotions attestees, d'autres poseront probleme : on ne leg evitera pas.
Pour choisir les sept eglises presentees ici, on a tout simplement, pour la Tarentaise, suivi Ie cours de l'!sere depuis sa
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THEMES APOCRYPHES DANS L'ICONOGRAPHIE
253
source jusqu'a Albertville. Pour la Maurienne, oil l'equipe se

met seulement en place, un seul retable a ete retenu.
li ne sera pas fait mention du tableau central autour duquel
s'ordonne les medallions: une excellente etude, a paraitre, en a
ete faire par Michele Brocard. Le sujet en est Ie don du Rosaire
fait par Marie generalement a saint Dominique et a sainte
Catherine de Sienne, ou a Elie et sainte Therese d' Avila, ou a
saint Fran~ois et sainte Claire: toutes representations qui n'ont
rien a voir avec l'histoire mais temoignent simplement de la predication du Rosaire par l'un ou l'autre des ordres evoques,
dominicains, franciscains ou carmes.
De quelles paroissess'agit-il? Pour faire rapide et clair, on a
prefere presenter SODS
forme de tableau( ci-contre) les renseignements doDoes par les archives: actes de fondation quand ils
existent, testament (ou acte de partage) de saint Pierre de
Tarentaise, consecrationde l'eglise, visites pastorales.
Que dire maintenant succinctement des medaillons? Une
generalite d'abord: malgre leur petite taille (25 a 30 cm) its ne
soot pas des miniatures, mais de petits tableaux destines a etre
vus d'assezloin; aussiont-ils pour objet de presenter l'essentiel
du sujet: partant, tOllSles elements ont une importance et ne
soot pas l'effet du hasard. lis font donc appel a des references
confiDes. lis ont aussi ete soumis a l'approbation des autorites
ecclesiastiques.On est en droit d'en conclure qu'on n'y trouvera
rien qui ne soit conforme a la tradition de l'Eglise romaine.
Malgre ces limites etroites, on a pourtant affaire a une grande
variete.
La Gurraz, la plus petite et la plus isolee des sept paroisses
etudiees, doit aux freres Borlet, qui firent fortune a l'etranger,
d'avoir ete erigee en paroisse (1714) et de posseder les plus
beaux medaillons, d'une superbe facture et dans la meilleure tradition du XVIIIesiecle. lIs sont l'reuvre de Zamora 6, originaire,
bien sur de la Valsesia, qui travailla a Verceil, Biella et Turin. A
Hauteville-Gondon, oula facture est maladroite, la composition
est interessante; il s'agit sansdoute de copies oul'influence siennoise est perceptible. A Saint-Bon, si Ie decor est somptueux,
reuvre de Jean-Baptiste Molino, les peintures sont d'une facture
et d'une composition mediocres. A Montfort, qui n'est pas
meme commune mais un village pauvre situe au revers, sans
grands alpages,l'ensemble est emouvant de pauvrete, Ie nombre
des personnages reduit au minimum et s'il s'est trouve un
6. Peintre estim6 que signale d'ailleurs Ie celebre catalogueBenezit.
254
C. PAUPERT
peintre pour realiser Ie retable, il ne devait pas veniTde bien

loin, ni coOter bien chef aux communiers. A Feissons-sur-Isere,
il ne s'agit plus de peinture, mais de bois sculpte: sur un fond
plat de couleur uniforme pour tOllSles medaillons, se detachent
les elements essentielsde la scene evoquee, la facture est naive
mais tIeS soignee. A Saint-Paul-sur-Isere,eglise on travaillerent
peut-etre Molino et Oudeard, un certain charme XVIIIes'allie a
une facture peu soignee; peut-etre faut-il accuserla degradation
due au temps. A Saint-Martin-de-la-Porte, Ie sculpteur sur bois a
voulu utiliser au maximum l'espace reduit qui lui etait imparti en
y multipliant les personnages: ambition qui contribue a la vie et
ala gaiete de l'ensemble que non pas a sa clarte.
Mais Ie propos n'etant pas l'histoire de l'art baroque savoyard,
il importe surtout de traiter du contenu des medaillons.
Si la methode employee -considerer chaque sujet dans chacune des eglises -peut paraitre fastidieuse, elle permet seule
une description exhaustive.
I. -Les
mysteresjoyeux7.
-L'Annonciation
(cf. Lc 1,26-39).
La Gurraz ..Marie
en priere dans un lieu indetermiDe. Ange adulte, drape, sur un nuage.

Marie encheveux.
Hauteville-Gondon ..Marie
en train de lire, dans une maison,
yeux baisses.Ange adulte, drape, sur un
nuage, entre par la fenetre qui se trouve
derriere lui. Marie voilee.
Saint-Bon..
Marie interrompt sa lecture, est tournee
vers l'ange, une main sur Ie creur, une
main sur Ie livre, ange adulte. Marie voi-
lee.
Montfort..
Marie en priere se tourne vers l'ange

mais ne Ie regarde pas. Ange adolescent,
sur un nuage. Marie a la tete legerement
couverte.
Feissons-sur-Isere..
Marie en priere avec un livre, tournee

vers l'ange mais ne Ie regard ant pas.
Ange adolescent,sur un nuage.
7. Pour les evangiles, les references renvoient a la synopse de

C. LAVERGNE,Synapse des quatre evangiles en fran~ais, Paris, 1947;
pour les Actes des apotresa la Bible d'Ostv, Paris 1973.
255
Saint-Paul-sur-/sere.. Marie en priere, yeux baisses,lieu indetermine. Ange volant dans l'air, presque
flU,enfantin. Marie en cheveux.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte.. Marie, interrompue dans sa priere, se
tourne vers l'ange adulte. Geste enseignant. Esprit au-dessus,dans une nuee
(3. Doter Marie en bien et blanc). Marie
en cheveux.
-La
Visitation (cf. Lc 1,39-57).
La Gurraz:
La scene est a I' exterieur, sur des

marches,cinq personnages.Marie (rouge
et bleu), une servante, un personnagede
dos, Zacharie en costume sacerdotal.
Elisabeth semble tres agee.Marie voilee.
Hautevilie-Gondon:
La scenese passea l'interieur. Architecture tres sobre. Marie (rouge et bleu) est
en cheveux. Elisabeth est voilee. Un personnage masculin nimbe entre par la
porte du fond a droite.
Saint-Bon:
La scene est a l'exterieur, sur des
marches conduisant a la maison. Marie
en cheveux, Elisabeth voilee.
Montfort:
La scene se passe a l'exterieur d'une
maison imposante. Presence de Joseph
(cheveux bruns). Marie a la tete legerement couverte.
Feissons-sur-lsere:
Marie et Elisabeth se donnent la main.
Presence de Zacharie et de Joseph
(bruns). Marie voilee.
Saint-Paul-sur-lsere: La scene se passe a l'exterieur, sur des
marches. Zacharie sur Ie seuil (cheveux
blancs). Joseph derriere Marie (cheveux
bruns). Marie en cheveux.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte: Marie et Elisabeth s'embrassent; de
chaque cote Zacharie et Joseph bruns.
Marie en cheveux, Elisabeth voilee.
-La
Nativite (ct. Lc 2, 1-21).

La scene se passe devant une creche
La Gurraz :
dans une structure architecturale imposante (Ie passage public ?), breuf, (pas
d'ane visible). Jesus sur les genoux de
256
C. PAUPERT
Marie, Joseph brun, trois bergers. Marie

voilee.
Hauteville-Gondon:
La scene se situe dans une grotte. Trois
personnages: Marie, Joseph (cheveux
blancs), un berger avec une moustache
de cadet de Gascogne. Ane et breuf.
Marie voilee. Jesus sur une grande
paniere d'osier couverte d'un tinge.
Montfort:
La scene se passe dans une etable (?)
ouverte sur la campagne.Marie, Joseph
(brun), un berger, ni ane ni breuf. Jesus
sur une espece de mangeoire mais couvelte d'un linge. Marie voilee.
Feissons-sur-/sere:
La scene se passe devant une charpente
de grange. Marie s'occupe de l'enfant
couche sur un berceau6leve et ires orne.
Joseph(brun), l'adore du cote gauche; a
droite l'ane et Ie breuf. Marie voilee.
Saint-Paul-sur-/sere: La scene se passe devant une charpente
de grange. Jesus est sur les genoux de
Marie. Joseph (cheveux blancs) derriere
Marie. Ane et breuf. Marie en cheveux.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte: L'enfant repose sur une litiere recouverte d'un linge. Derriere, Joseph (brun) et
Marie. De part et d'autre un berger, ane,
breuf; un ange domine la scene. Marie
en cheveux.
-La
presentation de Jesusau Temple (cf. Lc 2, 22-39).
La Gurraz:
Hauteville-Gondon:
Saint-Bon:
La scene se passe dans Ie Temple.

Simeon a l'enfant dans les bras. II est a
cote d'Anne. Joseph (cheveux noirs), a
cote de Marie, porte deux colombes. Un
personnage avec un livre dans Ie fond.
Marie voilee.
Au Temple, traite comme une eglise: Ie
grand pretre, sur les marches de l'autel,
tient l'enfant. II est accompagnede deux
acolytes. Marie, Joseph (cheveux blancs)
une servante portant deux colombes. Ni
Anne, ni Simeon. Marie voilee.
Dans Ie Temple. Le grand pretre a l'enfant sur les genoux. II est tenu par Marie.
Joseph a l'arriere (cheveux blancs). II
nIEMES
APOCRYPHES DANS L'ICONOGRAPHIE
Montfort:
257
semble qu'il s'agisseplutot de la circoncision. Marie voilee.

Dans Ie Temple, au centre Ie grand
pretre porte I'enfant. Marie et Joseph
(cheveux blancs) a droite. A gauche un
moine (rasure cistercienne). Marie
voilee.
Feissons-sur-lsere:
Au centre, Ie grand pretre portant I'enfant entoure d'un personnagemasculin a

cheveux bruns, d'un personnagefeminin
qui n'est pas Marie: dans ce retable, en
effet, Marie est toujours voilee, toujours
habillee de rouge et de bleu; ici Ie
personnage est en cheveux, habille de
rose. Ces deux personnages sont bien
jeunes pour etre Anne et Simeon. Marie
absente?
Saint-Paul-sur-lsere: Dans Ie Temple. Au centre, Ie grand
pretre, porte l'enfant dans ses bras. A
gauche, Simeon et Anne, a droite Marie
a genoux. Marie voilee.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte: Un grand pretre avec I'enfant dans leg
bras. Marie et Josepha droite. A gauche,
personnage indefinissable. Marie voilee.
-Le
recouvrement de Jesusau Temple (cf. Lc 2, 42-51).
La Gurraz..
Hauteville-Gondon..
Dans Ie Temple. Jesus, au centre d'une

discussion, sur un siege sureleve quatre
docteurs avec des livres. Ni Marie ni
Joseph: c'est Jesus parmi les docteurs.
Dans Ie Temple. Jesus sur un trone surmonte d'un dais. Nombreux personnages
de part et d'autre (peut-etre quelques
femmes). Joseph (cheveux blancs) et
Marie arrivent sur la gauche. Marie en
cheveux.
Saint-Bon..
Montfort..
Jesus est au milieu de la scene, sur un

trone, surmonte d'un dais; de part et
d'autre, quatre docteurs avec livre; ni
Marie ni Joseph.
Decor con~u comme une salle de classe.
Jesus, au fond, au pupitre du maitre.
Docteurs a droite. Marie et Joseph
(cheveux noirs) a gauche. Marie voilee.
258
C. PAUPERT
Feissons-sur-lsere..
Jesus au centre -geste d'enseignant domine quatre docteurs. Ni Marie, ni

Joseph. .
Saint-Pau/-sur-lsere.. Jesus debout a gauche. A gauche, les
docteurs assis avec des rouleaux. Ni
Marie, ni Joseph.
Saint-Martin-/a-Porte.. Jesus au milieu, geste d'enseignant. Au
mains trois autres personnagesdifficiles
a identifier.
II -Les
Mysteres douloureux.
-L'agonie au Jardin des oliviers (cf. Lc 22, 40-47; Mc 14,32-43;

Mt 26,36-46).
La Gurraz..
Jesus,a droite, adossea un Tocher.Sur la

gauche, arrive un ange portant un calice
surmonte d'une croix.
Hautevilie-Gondon ..Non repertorie.
Saint-Bon..
Christ en priere a gauche. Un ange sur
un nuage presente un calice surmonte
d'une croix.
Montfort..
Non repertorie.
Feissons-sur-/sere.. Christ a genouxtourne vets l'ange sur un
nuage qui porte un calice et une croix
monumentale.
Saint-Paul-sur-/sere.. Jesus a genoux au centre. L'ange est
derriere lui et semble Ie soutenir.
Saint-Martin-dla-Porte Jesusdebout a gauche. Un ange porte un
calice de la main droite, une croix de la
main gauche.Trois apotres endormis.
-La
flagellation (cf. Mc 15, 15b; Mt27, 26b;Jn 19, 1).
La Gurraz ..Christ
au centre, a genoux, attache par

les mains a une colonne basse. Quatre
flagellants. Au fond un spectateura demi
cache.
Hautevilie-Gondon ..Christ
au centre, debout, attache a une
colonne haute. Deux flagellants, a droite
un Juif, a gauche un Romain (qui a bien
des traits espagnolsI), vergesde bois vert
(les parties feuillues ionchent Ie sol).
THEMES APOCRYPHES DANSL'ICONOGRAPHIE
259
Saint-Bon..
Abime. Christ debout, attache a une

colonne haute. Deux flagellants de type
romaIn.
Montfort..
Christ debout, attache par les mains a
une colonne basse (derriere lui). Deux
flagellants atypiques.
Feissons-sur-lsere.. Christ au milieu, debout. Pas de colonne
visible mais la position du Christ postule
une colonne haute. Deux flagellants soldats romains.
Saint-Pau/-sur-lsere.. Christ au milieu, debout. Colonne haute.
Deux flagellants a moitie nus.
Saint-Martin-/a-Porte.. Christ au milieu, debout. Colonne haute.
Flagellants de part et d'autre, l'un soldat
romain, l'autre non identifie.
-Le
couronnement d'epines (ct. Mc 15, 16-20; Mt 27, 27-30
In 14,2-3).
La Gurraz:
Le Christ au milieu, assis sur des

marches avec la robe de pourpre et Ie
roseau. Deux soldats romains enfoncent
la couronne avec un baton. Deux autres
personnages.
Hauteville-Gondon
Non repertorie.
Saint-Bon:
Le Christ, au milieu, avec la pourpre leg
mains liees. A gauche, un soldat romain,
enfonce la couronne avec un baton, a
droite un Juif (?) grimace (Christ aux
outrages?).
Le Christ assis au milieu, a gauche un
Montfort
soldat demi-nu lui tend un roseau, derriere lui un personnage enfonce la couTonne d'epines. A droite un personnage
brandit une especede Tau.
Feissons-sur-Isere
Le Christ assisau milieu avec la pourpre,
un sold at de part et d'autre, celui de
droite enfonce la couronne avec un
baton.
Saint-Paul-sur-/sere Le Christ assisau milieu avec la pourpre.
Derriere lui un personnage enfonce la
couronne. A droite un soldat (costume
d'un soldat de l'Empire), a gauche persanDageaccroupi a moitie nu.
260
C. PAUPERT
Saint-Martin-la-Porte.. Le Christ assis au milieu, avec la

pourpre. Trois personnages demi-nus,
celui de droite pose la couronne, celui
du milieu, derriere Ie Christ, l'enfonce
avec un baton, celui de gauche est un
spectateur.
-Le portement de croix (cf. Lc 23,26-33; Mc 15,20-26;
Mt27, 31-32;Jn 19, 16-17).
La Gurraz ..Au
Hauteville-Gondon..
Saint-Bon..
premier plan Ie Christ tombe sous Ie

voids de la croix tandis qu'une femme lui
essuie Ie visage. A l'arriere deux soldats
s'appretent a Ie frapper.
Au centre Ie Christ tombe sous Ie voids
de la croix. A droite Simon de Cyrene
s'efforce de Ie soulager. A gauche,
devant Ie Christ, une femme lui tend un
linge. Trois personnages contemplent la
scene que domine un cavalier. Au fond
la colliDe du Golgotha ou sont dressees
deux croix.
Le Christ au centre porte la croix. Deux
femmes viennent a sa rencontre. Marie
(en rouge et bleu) et sans doute

Veronique, puisqu'on aper<;oit un linge
ou la Sainte Face semble imprimee.
Derriere Ie Christ, un soldat romain.
Marie voile~.
..Le
Christ au centre tombe sous Ie voids
Montfort
de la croix. Simon apporte son aide. Un
sold at (bonnet phrygien rouge) frappe
Jesus d'un bftton, un autre l'aide a se
relever.
Feissons-sur-Isere
..Jesus
tombe sousIe voids de la croix; un
soidat Ie frappe d'un baton, l'autre a Ie
bras leve pour Ie frapper de verges.
Saint-Pau/-sur-/sere..Au centre Jesustombe sous Ie voids de
la croix; trois personnages l'entourent,
un peu indistincts dont l'un est peut-etre
Simon de Cyrene.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte.. Jesus, tombe sous Ie po ids de Ia croix,
entoure de cinq personnages. Peut-etre
Marie a gauche.
THEMES APOCRYPHES DANS L'ICONOGRAPffiE
261
-Le crucifiement et la mort de Jesus(ct. Lc 23, 33-47;

Mc 15,22- 38; Mt27, 33-51; In 19,17-31).
La Gurraz..
Sur un fond de nuage. Au centre

Ie crucifie. A droite, Marie evanouie
soutenue par une femme, toutes deux
voilees. A gauche une femme en cheveux sans doute Marie-Madeleine.
Christ a trois clous. Marie voilee.
Hauteville-Gondon.. Sur un fond tres paysage,Ie crucifie est
au milieu. Marie est a gauche; Jean, a
droite, montre Jesus.Christ a trois clous.
Marie voilee.
Saint-Bon..
Fond de tenebres avec un quartier de
lune peu visible a droite. Crucifie au
milieu. Marie debout a droite, Jean a
gauche.Marie voilee.
Montfort..
Crucifie seul sur un fond de pays de
montagnes.Trois clous.
Feissons-sur-/sere.. Christ au milieu, Marie a gauche, Jean a
droite. Gestes d'enseignants. Christ a
quatre clous. Marie voilee.
Saint-Paul-sur-/sere.. Christ au milieu, Jean a droite, Marie a
gauche. Christ a trois clous. Marie en
cheveux.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte.. Jesus au milieu. Marie a droite, Jean a
gauche.Marie semble en cheveux.
III. -Les
Mysteres glorieux.
-La Resurrection (ct. Lc 24,1-12; Mc 16, 10; Mt28, 1-15;

In 20,1-19).
La Gurraz..
Le Christ avecune oriflamme s'eleve d'un

tombeau vide (cercueil de pierre). Au
premier plan un soldat est terrassepar la
surprise,tandis qu'un autre s'enfuit.
Hautevilie-Gondon Au-dessus d'un cercueil de pierre ouvert
Ie Christ s'eleve, dans un mouvement
dansant, une oriflamme a la main. De
part et d'autre, deux soldats epouvantes
dont l'un s'enfuit.
Saint-Bon
Le Christ seul en gloire, une oriflamme a
la main; on aper<;oiten bas Ie cercueil de
pierre vide.
262
C. PAUPERT
Montfort:
Le Christ seul surgit du tombeau, une
oriflammea la main.
Feissons-sur-lsere:
Le Christ, croix en mains, sort du tombeau (cercueil de pierre). De part et

d'autre, deux soldats dont l'un saine.
Saint-Paul-sur-lsere: Le Christ s'6leve d'un cercueil de pierre
vide. De part et d'autre un soldat se protege les yeux.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte: Le Christ s'6leve dans une gloire de
nuages. A gauche un personnage pen
visible.
-L'Ascension
(cf. Lc 24, 50-54; Mc 16, 19-20; Ac 1,9-12).
La Gurraz:
Le Christ s'eleve sur un nuage dans un

grand envol. Au-dessous six apotres
emerveilles.
Hauteville-Gondon:
Dans la partie superieure du tableau, Ie
Christ s'eleve, dans une attitude dansante, repoussantleg nuages qui assombrissent Ie Testede la scene,de chaque cote
un ange musicien jaDe de la trompette.
Au premier plan en bas du medaillon les
onze apotres. Marie est absente.
Saint-Bon:
Le Christ seul, nimbe de rayons, s'eleve
au milieu des nuages,montrant les plaies
de ses mains. La partie inferieure du
corps n'est pas representee.
Montfort:
Le Christ seul dans la lumiere. Tout
autour des nuagesplus sombres.
Feissons-sur-/sere:
Le Christ s'eleve entre Jean et Marie.
Tout en bas un personnage de dos dont
on n'aper~oit que la tete, leve la main en
signe d'adieu. Marie voilee.
Saint-Paul-sur-/sere: Le Christ seul sur un nuage s'eleve dans
la lumiere et quitte un univers grisatre.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte: Le Christ s'eleve dans une gloire de
nuages. A gauche Marie et un apotre, it
droite deux apotres.Marie est-eUevoilee?
-La
Pentecote (cf. Ac 2,1-5).
La Gurraz:
Motif en mauvais etat. Se passea l'exterieur. Marie au centre. Huit apotres. Pas
de languesde feu.
1HEMES APOCRYPHES DANS L'ICONOGRAPHIE
263
Hauteville-Gondon..
Marie au centre. Plafond ouvert sur Ie

ciel. aDze apotres. Langues de feu.
Marie voilee.
Saint-Bon..
Marie au centre. Dix apotres a l'exterieur. Langues de feu. Marie voilee.
Montfort..
Tres abime. Marie au centre, surelevee.
Langues de feu. aDze apotres. Marie
voilee.
Feissons-sur-/sere.. Marie. Six apotres (l'un avec un livre, un
autre avec un rouleau). Pas de langues
de feu. Marie voilee.
Saint-Paul-sur-/sere.. Marie au centre -a l'interieur -dix
apotres. Langues de feu. Marie en
cheveux.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte.. Marie au centre. Six apotres. Pas de
langues de feu. Pas de colombe? Marie
voilee.
-L'
Assomption de Marie au ciel.
La Gurraz:
Tres abime. Marie s'eleve dans Ie ciel

accompagneepar un ou plusieurs anges.
Les apotres en dessous contemplent Ie
tombeau vide. Marie voilee.
Hauteville-Gondon:
Au-dessusdu tombeauvide, Marie s'eleve
soutenue par un ange. Marie en cheveux.
Saint-Bon:
Marie en cheveux s'eleve dans Ie ciel
soutenue par deux angelots.
Montfort:
Marie seule dans un enveloppement de
nuees s'eleve au ciel. Marie en cheveux.
Feissons-sur-lsere:
Marie voiIee, assisesur un ullage, s'eleve
au ciel. Anges de part et d'autre.
Saint-Paul-sur-lsere: Marie assise sur un ullage, soutenu par
deux anges,s'eleve au ciel. Anges deminus et enfantins. Marie en cheveux.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte: Marie est en train de quitter Ia terre
environnee des apotres. On ne voit pas
netlement si Marie estvoilee ou non.
-Le
Couronnement de Marie au ciel.
La Gurraz :
Marie, voilee et it genoux, est couronnee

par Ie Pere et Ie Fils portant tine croix
glorieuse. Au-dessus l'Esprit. Couronne
royale.
264
C. PAUPERT
Hautevilie-Gondon:
Marie, voilee, mains jointes, couronnee

par Ie PeTe et Ie Fils (croix glorieuse).
L'Esprit au -dessus. Dans la partie
inferieure, deux anges.Couronne royale.
Saint-Bon:
Marie en cheveux, les mains jointes, couronnee par Ie PeTeet Ie Fils (on aper~oit
des elements de la croix). L'Esprit audessus.Couronne de marquise.
Montfort:
Marie en cheveux, couronnee par Ie Fils
(croix glorieuse) et Ie PeTe portant un
globe terrestre. L'Esprit au-dessus.
Couronne de comtesse ou marquise.
Marie en cheveux.
Feissons-sur-lsere:
Marie a genoux, voilee, couronnee par Ie
PeTe (globe terrestre) et Ie Fils. Esprit
au-dessus.Couronne imperiale.
Saint-Paul-sur-lsere: Marie en cheveux, debout, couronnee
par Ie PeTe,Ie Fils avec croix glorieuse. Ii
semble que la couronne soil une couronne de fleurs.
Saint-Martin-la-Porte: Marie les mains jointes, voilee, entouree
du PeTe(globe terrestre) et du Fils assis
sur des nuages, re~oit une couronne
royale.
Point n'est besoin d'une lecture tres perspicacepour s'apercevoir que leg scenesrepresenteesne s'en tiennent pas aux seules
donnees scripturaires. Le plus evident est certainement la presence des deux derniers mysteres glorieux, Assomption et
Couronnement de Marie au ciel, qui ne soot entres dans la tradition et la piete chretienne attestee qu'apres Ie VIesiecle et qui
s'appuient uniquement, a notre connaissance,sur des textes apocryphes. Mais que ce soit de maniere diffuse, comme dans
l' Annonciation, ou Marie orante et lectrice rappelle leg premiers
chapitres de l' Evangile du Pseudo-Matthieu,ou de maniere plus
precise, comme l'evocation du voile de Veronique, la presence
des apocryphes leg plus connus se fait jour dans l'ensemble des
representations.
11 n'est pas encore possible de se livrer, meme sur ce petit
echantillon de sept eglises seulement, a une recherche serieuse
de tOllSleg motifs apocryphes.
En effet, la methode de travail utilisee est la suivante : tOllSleg
details etrangers a l'Ecriture soot releves et examines.11est facile de repertorier leg representations qui se referent aux apocryphes leg plus connus, l'ane et Ie breuf de la creche, par
265
exemple. Mais un grand nombre de motifs souvent presents ant

une tout autre origine, qu'il s'agisse par exemple de ceux qui
proviennent des pelerinages comme les c()lonnes bassesde la
flagellation ou des traces des pieds du Christ sur Ie Tocher au
moment de l' Ascension. Mais d'autres requierent des recherches
dans des sources differentes, par exemple l'ange de
Gethsemanie port ant croix et calice provient-il d'homelies, de
visions ou de revelation? La rencontre de Marie sur la via d%rosa a-t-elle sa source uniquement dans la devotion du chemin
de croix? Ou bien encore certains motifs n'ont-ils pour origine
que les traditions des ecoles artistiques? Nombreuses aussi sont
les allusions historiques et certains details restent pour l'heure
sansexplication.
Comme la premiere etape indispensable demeure l'inventaire
et la description des medaillons, l'equipe se contente pour Ie
moment de relever les details etrangers a l'Ecriture et de les
classer rapidement. Une recherche approfondie sur un si petit
nombre d'exemples serait de mauvaise methode; elle demandefait un travail considerable, qui ne serait pas representatif et
serait a recommencer une fois l'inventaire complet realise.
D'ores et deja dans d'autres retables, nombreux sont les details
apocryphesautres que ceux evoquesdans cette etude.
L'echantillon presente est modeste mais deja passablement
suggestif,compte tenu de la coherence et de la delimitation tant
geographique et historique que thematique de l'etude. Les specialistes de la litterature apocryphe et du developpement de
l'apocryphicite y seront sans doute attentifs. Cet echantillon
aura-t-il ete convainquant? A-t-on pu faire entrevoir les pistes
ainsi ouvertes: importance de l'apocryphicite dans la tradition,
importance des personnages masculins (Joachim, Joseph et
Zacharie), influence de l'Orient et des pelerinages, integration
de l'histoire du temps dans l'iconographie... D'autres sansdoute
s'ouvriront encore8.
8. Pour une bibliographie de base sur la Savoie. ct. J.A. BESSON,

Memoires pour l'histoire ecclesiastique des dioceses de Geneve,
Tarentaise,Aoste et Maurienne et du decanatde Savoie,Annecy, 17591,
Moutiers 18712; V. DE SAINT-GENIS,Histoire de Savoie, Chambery,
1868-1869;J. BaRREL,Les monuments anciens de la Tarentaise,2 vol,
Paris, 1884; A. ROBBE, Les retables en bois sculpte de Tarentaise,
Chambery, 1939; A. GRas, Histoire du diocese de Maurienne, 2 vol.,
Chambery,1948; P. DUPARC,Confreries du Saint Esprit et communautes
d'habitants en Savoie, Revue de Savoie, 1958; R. OURSEL,Art en
Savoie,Paris/Grenoble 1975; J. PLASSIARD,
Les artistesde la Val Sesia
en Tarentaisedu XVI" au Xlxe siecle,Societe d'histoire d' Aime, 1977;
266
C. PAUPERT
Annexe I : la description do retable do rosaire

de Saint-Jean-de-BelleviIle9.
Dans l'eglise paroissiale de Saint-Jean-de-Belleville, la chapelle du Rosaire se trouve au sommet de la fief laterale gauche.
Les chapelles du Rosaire ne sont pas obligatoirement dans la fief
laterale droite comme on Ie dit parfois.
Comme la presque totalite des retables des autels secondaires
d'une eglise, celui du Rosaire est forme d'un seul panneau surmonte d'un attique. II est l'reuvre de Jean-Marie Molino, qui a
sculpte Ie retable majeur du sanctuaire de Notre-Dame-de-laVie a Saint-Martin-de-Belleville. D'ailleurs il en a Ie style: nombreux cartouches bas-reliefs, entablement avec decrochements
et brisures ainsi qu'un trapeze isocele en son milieu bien souligne par des comiches. Les sculptures des bas-reliefs sont assez
stylisees, mais gardent une certaine souplesse de vie dans leg
attitudes des personnages.
Ce retable presente toutes leg caracteristiques du baroque
alpin: symetrie surtout visible dans leg rinceaux des deux
M. HUDRY, Les confreries religieuses dans l'archi-diocese
de
Tarentaise aux XVIIe et XVIII" siecle , in Acte du 100" congres national
des societes savantes. Paris 1973, section d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, Paris, 1977, p. 347-360; C. ABRY, R. DEVOS, H. PAULIN, Les
sources regionales de la Savoie, Paris, 1979; Dictionnaire des communes
de Savoie et Haute-Savoie, 7 volumes, Roanne 1980; J. AUBERT,
L. CHAVOUTIER, La Savoie Baroque, numero special de L 'histoire en
Savoie, 1980; C. CRESSEND,Villaroger. Une commune de Tarentaise au
XIX" et XX" siecle, Chambery, 1983; J. PRIEUR, A. BOCQUET,
M. COLARDELLE, J.-P. LEGUAY, J. Loup, J. FONTANEL, La Savoie des
origines a l'an mil, Rennes, 1983; R. BRONDY, B. DEMOTZ, J.-P. LEGUAY,
La Savoie de l'an mil ala Rqorme, Rennes, 1984; B. GROSPERRIN,La
rqorme catholique en Savoie, n 75 de L'histoire en Savoie, 1984;
R. DEvos, B. GROSPERRIN,La Savoie de la Rqorme a la Revolution
franraise, Rennes, 1985; A. PALLUET-GUILLARD, C. SORREL,G. RATTI,
A. FLEURY, J. Loup, La Savoie de la Revolution a nos jours, XIX"XX" siecles, Rennes, 1986; A. PALLuEL-GUILLARD, D. PEYRE (eds.),
Fresques et peintures murales en pays de Savoie, Chambery, 1988; Les
chemins du baroque en Savoie, Montmelian, 1994.
En 19911es Editions Curandera (Voreppe) ont eu l'heureuse initiative de publier l'essentiel de l'reuvre de A. VAN GENNEP, ce grand
savoyard d'adoption et peTe de l'ethnographie modeme, sur La Savoie,
reuvre mal connue et dispersee bien qu'elle serve encore aujourd'hui de
reference.
9. Cette description
repose sur les travaux de l'abbe Hudry.
Cf. M. HUDRY, Les chemins du baroque en Savoie, t. II. Tarentaise,
Montmelian, 1994.
11fEMES APOCRYPHES DANS L'ICONOGRAPHIE
267
predelles des degres; colonnes torses; frontaD interrompu pour

permettre l'articulation de l'attique avec Ie panneau principal,
mais avec segmentsarrondis sur lesquels rampent deux personnages; piedestalsa volutes pour leg statues,etc...
Entre deux paires de colonnes torses symetriques surmontees
de chapiteaux composites avec enroulement de pampre pour leg
externes et d'eglantiers pour leg internes, une toile representela
Vierge a l'Enfant debout sur un croissantde lune; sesvetements
amples sont rouges et bleus. L'enfant comme sa mere tend un
chapelet. Au pied du tableau, quatre anges musiciens disposes
symetriquementjouent du violon, de la trompette, du violoncelle
et de la cornemuse.A la hauteur de l'Enfant, de chaque cote un
ange tient un parchemin. Plus haut, au niveau de la tete de la
Vierge, des angeschorephores.A l'exterieur des colonnestorses,
sur deux piedestals superposes,dont Ie superieur est contourne,
a gauche saint Dominique et a droite sainte Catherine de Sienne;
a part Ie visage,elles sont completement dorees. Dans l'entablement brise en septsectionsavecdecrochements,la frise n'a aucune decoration; mais l'architrave et la corniche sont dores;l'interieur du trapeze isocele est orne d'une griffe. Encastrant la base
de l'attique, leg segmentsde depart du fronton s'arrondissenten
dog d'ane pour permettre a deux personnagesde se tenir a moitie couches en position un peu acrobatique : un feminin a droite
et un masculin a gaucheavecbaThenoire.
Deux supports accostesd'anges soutiennent l'attique. Immediatement sur ces deux petits piedestals, des griffes donnent Ie
depart de pilastres transformes au sammet en cariatides, dont leg
mains sont jointes en imploration. Tout a fait a l'exterieur, un
epaulement avecvolutes et tetes d'anges.Le tout est domine par
une autre tete d'ange dans un lacisde courbes encastreedans un
fronton curviligne interrompu. Il est etonnant de ne pas y trouver
Ie PeTeeternel. Entin, pour proteger Ie tout, un toit en batiere,
qui devait avail autrefois la tringle d'un rideau.
Annexe II: Ie Rosaire et ses mysteres 1.
Le Rosaire est l'une des devotions les plus repandues dans
l'Eglise catholique. On connait mieux Ie chapelet: sur un cordon
10. A ce sujet, ct. H. THURSTON,

art. Chapelet , in Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de liturgie 3/2 (1913), col. 399-406; M.M. GORCE,art. Rosaire , in Dictionnaire de theologie catholique 13/2
(1937),col. 2902-2911,
268
C. PAUPERT
ou sur une chaine cinquante petites perles ou grains separesdix

par dix par une perle plus grosse, servent a compter les Ave
Maria, la grosse perle representant les Pater. Le Rosaire

comporte, lui, cent cinquante perles reparties egalement par
dizaines. Chacune de ces dizaines represente Ie mystere qui
est a mediter, tandis que se deroule la recitation vocale de l'Ave
Maria. L'origine des prieres repetitives comptees a l'aide de
perles ou de grains remonterait a la plus haute antiquite, in en a
peut-etre un temoignage vieux de sept siecles11.En Occident, il
semble que l'origine en soil angiaise. Avant que d'etre la couTonne de Notre-Dame , Ie Rosaire fut Ie patenotrier . En
effet, l'usage monastique de remplacer l'Office, pour les moines
eloignes de l'eglise, par cent cinquante pater correspondant
aux cent cinquante psaumes est bien atteste. VeTsIe debut du
XlIe siecle, petit a petit, l'usage s'installa de remplacer Ie Pater
par l'Ave Maria. La premiere mention de la meditation des mysteres (joyeux, douloureux, glorieux), initiee par Ie chartreux
Dominique Ruthenus, remonte au debut du xve siecle. Et c'est
veTSIe XVIesiecle qu'on en arrive a la forme du Rosaire telle
qu'elle est encore pratiquee.
Comme on Ie vail, l'attribution du Rosaire a saint Dominique
releve de la pure apocryphicite. Elle tient au fait que les dominicains en furent, par la suite, les predicateurs les plus zeles.
11. Ct. H. THURSTON,

art. cit., in Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienneet
de liturgie 3/2 (1913),col. 401.
Apocrypha
Marek STAROWIEYSKI
Universitede Varsovie
LESAPOCRYPHESDANS
LA TRAGEDIE
CHR/STUS PAT/ENS *
A new kind of examination on the Christus Patiens put in evidence

apocryphal documentson the nativity of Mary and the passion ofJesus.
Un examend frais nouveaux du Christus Patiens met en evidencedes
sources apocryphes traitant de Lanativite de Marie et de Lapassion de
Jesus.
I. La tragedie-centon XplO'TO<;
1laO'xwv1,
1. Le probleme de l'auteur de l'unique tragedie grecque chretienne XplaTOC;llaaxwv occupe leg philologues depuis quelque
400 ans1.La tragedie a ete publiee pour la premiere fois a Rome
en 1552 par Antonio Bladus, et c'est lui qui a donne Ie titre qui
manquait dans leg manuscrits: en grec XplaToc;llaaxwv et en
latin Christus patiens. Le meme savant, suivant leg manuscrits,
l'a attribuee a Gregoire de Naziance (t circa 390), mais
deja quelques annees plus tard Johannes Lovenklau et Ie cardinal Baronius ont mis en doute cette attribution. Aux XVIle et
XYIIIe siecles, les savants ont considere cette tragedie comme
l'reuvre d'autres auteurs du lye siecle, tel Apollinaire de
Laodicee ou d'auteurs plus tardifs; au Xlxesiecle on l'a attribuee
plutot a des ecrivains byzantins du Xlle siecle, comme Jean
Tzetzes, Theodore Prodrome, Constantin Manasseset d'autres.
* Je voudrais remercier M. R. Gounelle de Lausanne pour la lecture

attentive de cet article et pour sesremarques competentes.
L L'article de F. TRISOGLIO.
Christus patiens,rassegnadelle attribuzioni , in Rivista di studi classici22 (1974),p. 381-423,constitue une bonne
mise au point de l'etat des etudes sur Ie Xpl(J"fOI;
na(JXwv.Pour un complement a la bibliographie de Trisoglio, ct. M. STAROWIEYSKI,
Entre
Euripide, la Bible et les apocryphes -la tragedie Xpl(J"fOI;naaxwv, in
Actes du colloque de Varsovie(souspresse).
5, 1994,p, 269-288
270
M. STAROWIEYSKI
Meme si l'opinion contestant la paternite de Gregoire l'emportait, il existait toutefois toujours un groupe de savants serieux
qui consideraient Ie Xpla'rOr;nuaxwv comme une reuvre de
Gregoire de Naziance.
Une vive discussiona eclate de nouveau apres la publication
en 1969 de l'edition critique de la tragedie faite par Andre
Tuilier dans la collection des Sourceschretiennes (volume 149)2.
L'auteur a donne une edition exemplaire du texte, reconnue par
taus les critiques, mais dans son introduction au volume et dans
Ie commentaire il defend avec force la paternite de Gregoire.
L'reuvre a provoque une large discussion, mais les auteurs des
comptes-rendus,tout en louant l'edition meme, se sont montres
plutot sceptiques devant l'opinion de Tuilier sur l'auteur de la
tragedie, sans pouvoir donner toutefois des arguments decisifs3.
Jose Grosdidier de Matons -l'editeur
des Hymnes de
Romanos Ie Melode, poete du VIesiecle -a fourni la recension
la plus importante: il a prouve, semble-t-il, que notre tragedie
est posterieure a Gregoire, puisque Romanos y est cite litteralement 4. Si cette these resiste dans les discussions, nous
aurions comme terminus post quem de notre tragedie la moitie
du VIesiecle.
Mais contre la these de l'origine tardive de la tragedie, outre
les arguments codicologiques emis par A. Garzya 5,on peut citer
2. A. TUlLIER, Gregoire de Nazianze, La Passion du Christ, tragedie,
Paris, 1969 (SC 1949). Cette edition est citee dans Particle sousPabreviation : TulLIER.
3. Pour tine lisle des comptes-rendus,ct. F. TRISOGLIO,
op. cit., in Rivista
di studi classici22 (1974),p. 417-422.
4. Ct. J. GROSDIDIER
DE MATONS, A propos d'une edition recente du
XplO"rol;nauxwv , in Travaux et memoires5 (1973),p. 363-372.Ct. aussi
A. MOMIGLIANO, Un termine "post quem" per il Christuspatiens , in
Studi ltaliani di Filologia Classica,n.s. 10 (1932), p. 47-51. II Y a tine
coIncidence entre les v. 1-9 de l'hymne 35 de Romanos Ie Melode
(ct. J. GROSDIDIERDE MATONS,Romanos Ie Melode, Hymnes, t. IV,
Paris, 1967, p. 160 [SC 128]) et les v. 454-460 du XplO"rol; naO"xwv,
(ct. TulLIER,p.I64).
5. A. GARZYA, Per la cronologia del Christus patiens , in Sileno 10
(1984) et 11 (1985), p.237-240, et idem, Ancora per la cronologia del
Christuspatiens , in ByzantinischeZeitschfrit 82 (1989),p. 110-113.
En ce qui concerne Ie premier article, ct. les observations critiques de
W. HORANDER, Lexikalische Beaobachtungen zum Christos
Paschon, in E. TRAPp,J. DIETHART, G. FATOUROS,
A. STEINER,
W. HORANDER(ed.), Studien zur byzantinischen Lexikographie, Wien,
1988,p. 183-202 (Byzantina Vindobonensia18); Ie second article a ete
critique par E. FOLLIERI,Ancora una nota sui Christus Patiens, in
Byzantinische Zeitschfrit 84/85 (1991-1992),p. 343-346.
LES APOCRYPHES DANS LE CHRlSTUS PAT/ENS
271
les arguments theologiques de A. de Aldama 6: absencedu titre

eEo't61CO~,
courant dans la piete et la liturgie d'apres Ie concile
d'Ephese (431) et Ie fait qu'y sont soulignees les faiblesses de
Marie, opinion assezfrequente jusqu'au ye siecle, mais absente
dans les sieclessuivants7.
Toute cette discussion concernant la datation du Xpla'iOr;
naaxwv reste incomplete et manque d'une etude d'ensemble.
Seule une discussionentre les specialistesde theologie, de codicologie, de lexicographie et des autres disciplines menee
ensemble, pourrait donner des resultats et faire avancerce probleme si difficile. En tout cas pour aujourd'hui Ie probleme de la
datation de la tragedie du Christuspatiensreste ouvert.
2. La tragedie Christuspatienscompte 3 602 veTSet est divisee
en trois actesou, selon FrancescoTrisoglio, en quatre 8.Le texte
est precede par un prologue dans lequell'auteur presente son
but artistique et theologique: il voudrait exprimer la passion
redemptrice a travers les veTSd'Euripide :
vuv '[to Ku'['Eupt7t1011V
'[0 KOO"jlOO"CO'[f1ptov
E~Epro 7taeo<;9.
Dans Ie premier acte la passion et la mort de Jesussont racontees par la bouche des Messagers: Marie voit seulement une
partie du chemin de croix, se retire pour retourner ensuite sous
la croix et assistera la mort de Jesus.Au deuxieme acte, charge
de dialogues de Marie, Jean Ie Theologien, Josephd' Arimathee
et Nicodeme, on assistea la mise au tombeau. Le troisieme acte
est dedie aux evenements de la nuit et du matin pascals: on y
voit la veillee des femmes pieuses, Marie et Marie-Madeleine
qui visitent Ie tombeau, les apparitions du Christ; on y trouve un
long monologue du quatrieme Messager sur les temoins dormants ; ce monologue se transforme en une scene avec
6. J. DE ALDAMA, La tragedia Christus patiens y la doctrina mariana

en la Capadocia del siglo IV , in Epectasis.Melangespatristiquesofferts
au cardinal Jean Danielou, Paris 1972,p. 417-423.
7. M. STAROWIEYSKI,
L'omiletica mariana palestinese nel secolo V,
in S. FELICI(ed.), La mariologia nella catechesidei Padri (Eta post-nicena), Rome 1991,p.117-128.
8. F. TRISOGLIO,
La passionedi Cristo, Rome, 19791,19902.Par rapport
a la division de Trisoglio: la passion(v. 1-847),la mort (v. 848-1133),la
sepulture (v. 1134-1905),la resurrection (v. 1906-2531),Tuilier, dans son
edition, avail reuni les deux premiers actes: la passion et la mort du
Christ (v. 1-1133).
9. Cf.. TulLIER,p. 124.
272
M. STAROWIEYSKI
plusieurs personnages. A la fin de la tragedie on trouve en

epilogue une longue priere, tisseede veTSdes Psaumes.
Le Xpla't"Or;
nuaxwv est theoriquel1:lentune tragedie, mais Teste
quand meme une piece assezstatique, faite plutot pour etre recitee que pour etre jouee. La metrique est la meme dans toute la
tragedie -Ie trimetre iambique; les dialogues manquent de vie,
les personnes prononcent de longs monologues, souvent pathetiques comme les fameuseslamentations de Marie 1.La tragedie, malgre de beaux fragments, Teste quand meme un peu
monotone. II taut ajouter que l'auteur n'observe pas les regles
de la tragedie antique: l'unite de temps, de lieu et d'action : l'aclion dure trois jours et se dISplaceplusieurs fois.
3. Le XplaTOr:;
naaxwv est un centon. Les travaux du XIxesiecle
et ceux plus recents, particulierement ceux des savantsitaliens,
on tire au clair plusieurs points sur Ie centon meme et, en particulier, sur Ie XplaTor:;naaxwv 11.Le genre litteraire des centons,
qui s'est developpe particulierement a partir du lie siecle apres
Jesus-Christet s'est epanoui dans la langue latine au lye siecleayant aussi son theoricien avec Ausone 12-avail encore ses
representants au VlIle siecle, comme par exemple Come Ie
Melode 13.La plupart des centons latins sont des poemes, composes avec des veTSde Virgile, comme les centons grecs Ie sont
avec des veTSd'Homere. Le Christus patiens est -comme
l'reuvre latine de Hosidius Geta avec Medee 14-une tragedie,
composee de veTSempruntes des tragedies d'Euripide: Medee,
Les Bacchantes, Hippolyte, Rhesos, Oreste, Hecube, Les
Troyennes -auxquels il faut ajouter quelques quelques veTS
d'Eschyle (Agamemnon et Promethee) et de Lycophron
(Alexandre). Et ce n'est pas un hasard, car l'auteur, considerant
10. En plusieurs endroits de la tragedie nous trouvons des lamentations

de Marie, par exemple : v. 445-450et 453-476,682-888, 690-726,738-760,
767-795,848-930,1110-1133,1269-1275,
1309-1426,1434-1465.
11. Etudes generales sur Ie probleme des centons: G. SALANITRO,
Medea d'Osidius Geta, Rome, 1981,p.11-59 et 173-175;J. L. VIDAL,
Sobre el nombre del centon en griego y en latin , in Anuario de
Teologia 4 (1978), p. 145-153. Sur Ie Christus patiens comme centon,
ct. F. TRISOGLIO,
La tecnica centonica Del Christus patiens , in Studi
Salemitani in memoriam Ro. Cantarella,Saleme, 1981,p. 371-409.
12. A. PASTORINO,
Ausonius, Centonuptialis,Turin, 1971,p. 652-654.
13. Co-auteur du centon homerique attribue a Eudocie. Ct. plus bas
n.16.
14. R. LAMACCHIA,Hosidii GettE Medea, Cento vergilianus, Leipzig,
1981; G. SALANITRO,
op. cit., Rome, 1981.
LES APOCRYPHES DANS LE CHR/STUS PAT/ENS
273
les evenements du Golgotha comme la plus grande tragedie du

monde, a cherche les veTsles mieux adaptes pour l'exprimer. II a
donc pris les veTSdu plus grand des poetes tragiques grecs,
Euripide, et ainsi les faits bibliques ont alors ete exprimes par les
veTSrepris a la tragedie grecque.
Mais ce n'est pas la seule difference entre Ie XplO"TOr;
ndaxwv
et les autres centons. L'auteur prend la technique du centon au
serieux, comme Ie font d'ailleurs les autres auteurs de centons:
Proba 15,Pomponius 16ou Eudocie 17,mais il n'observe pas les
regles formulees par Ausone. Pour doDDer un exemple: il
emploie a plusieurs reprises quelques veTSqui se suivent dans
une meme tragedie d'Euripide 18.Mais Ie plus important est Ie
fait que la tragedie n'est que partiellement un centon. L'auteur
ne prend a Euripide uniquement une partie de sesversoLe Teste
de l'reuvre, plus de la moitie (62 %) 19,est essentiellementcompose par l'auteur. II a ainsi une plus grande liberte d'expression
et d'emploi des donneesbibliques, et peut mieux manifester son
propre talent, que les autres auteurs de centons, chez lesquels
presque la totalite du texte provient des auteurs centones
(Virgile, Homere, etc.)
4. Le Christus patiens,comme nous l'avons deja souligne, est
une reuvre typiquement biblique, mieux peut-etre, evangelique.
Son sujet est la passion, la crucifixion et la resurrection du
Seigneur, vues par les yeux de Marie. Tous les personnages
proviennent de l'evangile: Marie, Jean l'Evangeliste, Joseph
15. C. SCHENKL,
PlEtlE Latini minores, Vienne, 1888,p. 569-609(CSEL
16,1); A. CLARK,D. F. HATCH,The Golden Bough, the Oaten Cross,the
Vergilian Cento of Faltonia Betitia Proba, Ann Arbor, 1981.
16.C. SCHENKL,
op. cit., Vienne, 1888,p. 609-615(CSEL 16,1).
17. Publiee partiellement par A. LUDWICH,Leipzig, 1897.Vne nouvelle
edition est preparee par A. L. REy.
18. Ausone ne se Ie permet pas, alors que notre auteur par exemple
reprend dans les v. 622-6321esveTSdes Troyennesd'Euripide.
19. Vne analyse detaillee du nombre des veTSpris des tragedies
grecques par l'auteur du Christus patiens est donnee par F. TRISOGLIO,
of. cit., in Studi Salernitani in memoriam Ro. Cantarella,Saleme, 1981,
p. 371-373.Sa conclusion est: Dal prospetto emerge che 1 239 versi
(46,73% ) possono veniT considersati di integra composizione dell' autofe, ai quali tendono accostarsenealtri 391 (14,86 %) di coloritura centonica appena marginale. Ne deriva che un buon 62 % del Christus
patiens e di sostanzialeproduzione dell'autore, il quale si e quindi riservato una liberta di movimento pressoche pien~.in quali i due terzi del
suo lavoro (ct. p. 372).
274
M.STAROWIEYSKI
d' Arimathee, Nicodeme, Marie-Madeleine et naturellement

Jesus; seulle Chreur et leg Messagerssont repris de la tradition
classique.
Mais si l'on peut dire que Ie Christus patiens est une tragedie
biblique, il faut ajouter aussique la Bible est traitee par l'auteur
avec une certaine liberte.
Le protagoniste dramatique (j'emploie ici une heureuse
expression de Francesco Trisoglio) est Marie, traite non in se,
mais, selon la tradition patristique, strictement en lien avec Ie
Christ, qui est appele par Ie meme savantitalien, Ie protagoniste
dogmatique.
Les episodes de la passion du Christ sont racontes par leg

Messagers qui se presentent successivement;Marie elle-meme
voit seulement un fragment du chemin de croix de Jesus;ensuite
elle se retire dans un petit bois, d'ou elle est appelee au pied de
la croix pour assisterit la mort et it l'enterrement de Jesus; elle
est egalementpresente aux evenementsdu dimanche de Paques.
Mais leg episodes ne sont pas to us traites fidelement selon
l'evangile. Je donne seulement quelques exemples. En parlant
de la cene l'auteur met en relief Ie fait dramatique de la trahi:
son de Judas (particulierement les v. 183-266)2,mais il omet
l'institution de l'Eucharistie et il ajoute une priere finale dans
laquelle il changel'ordre des versetsevangeliques.L'auteur omet
aussileg celebres sept paroles de Jesussur la croix, en n'y faisant
que des allusions; en revanche il developpe la breve scene de
dialogue entre Jesus et Marie au pied de la croix (In 19,25-27)
dans un long dialogue rhetorique de plus de cent veTS(v. 727837), ou se perdent les recommandations de Jean it Marie et de
Marie it Jean, mais ou on trouve un element nouveau: l'intercession de Marie pour Pierre 21.De cette scene nous reparlerons
encore. L'episode avec Ie centurion (In 19,31-38)est longuement
developpe, et meme it deux reprises (v. 1079-1094 et 12121222)22.L'auteur introduit aussi un element nouveau: Pierre est
present au Golgotha et Marie supplie Jesusen sa faveur (v. 812819)23.On pourrait allonger cette liste.
L'auteur n'introduit pas seulement des changements, il
modifie aussi la perspective. Par exemple, dans la description
des evenementsde Paques,il cherche it accorderleg donneesdes
Synoptiques avec celles de l' Evangile de Jean. II developpe aussi
20. Ct. TUlLIER,p.142-149.

21. Ct. TulLIER,p.192-195.
22. Ct. TulLIER,p. 212-215,226s.
23. Ct. TUlLIER,p.192 s.
275
un fecit du Messagersur les temoins dormants dans un long

episode dramatique en quelques centaines de veTS(v. 21942377). En particulier, l'auteur met en relief la resurrection du
Christ, prouvee par les femmes, par Marie, par Pierre et Jean et
enfin par les temoins dormants .
L'auteur a introduit un element artistiquement interessant: il
donne aux personnages des attributs bases sur l'imagerie
biblique: Eve est appelee, par exemple, 7tAEupa<;
<puJ.1a
(v. 4
-cf.
Gen 2,22) 24,Nicodeme -J.1uO"'tll<;vuvo<; (v. 1137-cf.
In 3,1-21)25,Jean- t7ttO"'tf]9to<;
(v. 187-cf. In 12,13)26.
En resume: la trame de la tragedie est evangelique,mais l'auteur traite l'evangile assezlibrement, en changeant l'ordre des
faits, en en ajoutant de nouveaux et en modifiant ainsi la perspective des faits evangeliques.
5. Nous avons vu que leg faits evangeliques sont Ie noyau du
XpIO"'rOC;
nooxwv; la tragedie, comme DOUgl'avons dit, est donc
une tragedie evangelique. L'auteur fait ici et la des allusions aux
autres livres du Nouveau Testament, mais DOUgy rencontrons
rarement des elements de l' Ancien Testament. Nous ne trouvons pas dans la tragedie un texte aussi connu chez leg auteurs
chretiens que Is 7,14, generalement cite par leg Peres pour
prouver la virginite de Marie -sujet assezlonguement traite
dans Ie Christus patiens. Le lien entre leg deux Testaments est
souligne par l'auteur qui parle de l'economie du salut en mettant en relief Ie lien entre Ie peche des premiers parents et la
redemption du Christ. Il fait en outre mention des promesses
faites a Abraham (v. 202-204) 27,mentionne leg prophetes
(v. 1689, 1719) 28,leg promesses messianiques. La typologie
biblique est assezpauvre : Christl Adam, Marie/Eve (v. 1-26) 29,
Ie sacrifice d'Isaac (v. 1387 s.) 30,Jonas (v. 1400 s.) 31.Mais tout
cela est assezpeu.
On peut en dire autant de Marie, protagoniste dramatique.
Elle a ete celebree sous differents titres prig de l' Ancien
Testament aussi bien par l'homiletique que par l'hymnologie
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
Ct.
Ct.
Ct.
Ct.
Ct.
Ct.
Ct.
Ct.
TulLIER,
TulLIER,
TUlLIER,
TulLIER,
TulLIER,
TUlLIER,
TulLIER,
TulLIER,
p.128 s.
p.220 s.
p.142 s.
p.l44 s.
p.262 s., 266 s.
p.128-131.
p.240 s.
p.240 s.
276
M. STAROWIEYSKI
(comme par exemple les homelies mariales de Neophyte Ie

Reclus et Ie celebre Hymne Acathiste). Dans notre tragedie on
ne trouve pas ces elements. Marie est celebree, oui, et meme
avec des titres tres beaux, pour donner quelques exemples : no'tVIa (v. 101) 32,avacrcra (v. 1295) 33,oEcrnolva (v. 91) 34,KaAAIcr'ta
(v. 131)35, et plusieurs autres, mais ce ne sont pas des titres tires
de la Bible.
II. L'utilisation des apocryphes dans Ie XplO'TOr;1ltiO'XWV.
Toutes ces remarques ne constituent qu'une introduction,

mais one introduction necessaire, pour mieux comprendre Ie
probleme qui nons interesse, c'est-a-dire, l'utilisation des apocryphes dans notre tragedie.
Dans cette section nons etudierons les elements qui dans Ie
XpIU-rOI;nauxwv, proviennent des apocryphes. Nous les classeTons en deux groupes: ceux qui regardent la nativite et la jeunessede Marie et ceux qui touchent a la passion et a la mort de
Jesus.Dans Ie dernier paragraphe de cette section nons parleTonsde la methode apocryphe employee par nolle auteur.
Les elements repris des apocryphes,mieux, des evangilesapocryphes, sont presents dans toute la tragedie. Parmi les apocryphes sont employes assezfrequemment: Ie Protevangile de
Jacques (IIe-IIIesiecle), les Acta Pilati [Evangile de Nicodeme]
(lye siecle), particulierement la deuxieme partie -Ie Descensus
in inferos. Dans nolle tragedie on trouve aussi des traces
d'autres apocryphes.
1. -Les
apocryphesrelatif ala nativite et la jeunessede Marie.
On peut s'etonner de trouver des elements du Protevangile de

Jacques36-un apocryphe qui parle de la nativite de Marie et
ensuite de celIe de Jesus-dans une tragedie qui a comme sujet
la passion, la mort et la resurrection du Christ. Dans ses longs
monologues, Marie defend sa chastete et sa virginite. Comme
arguments de son apologie, Marie prend souvent ceux tires des
32. Ct. TulLIER,p.136 s.

34. Ct. TulLIER, p.134s.
36. E. DE STRYCKER,
La forme la plus ancienne du Protevangile de
Jacques,
Bruxelles,1961.
277
apocryphes: elle y fait des allusions ou meme cite des scenes

reprises du Protevangilede Jacques,apocryphe qui constitue, lui,
une grande apologie de la virginite de Marie. L'auteur de cet
apocryphe, dans plusieurs images, montre comment Marie,
Mere de Jesus,a conserve sa virginite, dans les deux sensde ce
mot: saintete et virginite au sensstrict. Si nous pouvons affirmer
l'influence du Protevangile de Jacquessur Ie XplUTOr;nauxwv, il
nous semble impossible d'y voir des traces de l'influence du De
Nativitate Maria?,remaniement latin du Protevangile de Jacques
provenant des temps carolingiens.
Dans les vers 1346-1357de la tragedie nous rencontrons un
resume poetique des chapitres VI a IX du Protevangile de
Jacques; on y voit aussil'influence des versets XII,3 et XV,3 de
notre apocryphe, oil Marie se defend contre les accusationsde
Joseph et des pretres. Le mot o{~al dans Ie vers 1346 montre
semble-t-il- selon Ie procede de l'auteur -qu'il n'emploie pas
ici Ie texte de l'evangile, mais propose seulementsa propre pensee ou une pensee extra-evangelique37.Voici Ie texte: Quand
je fus nee, c'est, je crois (o{~al), sur l'injonction de ton Pere que
mon pere refusa de m'elever parmi les mortels. Alors ma mere
me confia a la garde du temple oil je re~us miraculeusementma
nourriture des mains d'un ange. Le moment venu, Ie college des
pretres me pla~, conformement aux prescriptions legales, sous
tutelle d'un homme sage,ce qui ne put s'accomplir sansl'intervention de Dieu et de sa Providence; ainsi raisonnablement j'ai
eu en temps utile un defenseur et un protecteur pour Ie Fils que
j'ai miraculeusement enfante. Car je suis encore vierge apres
t'avoir enfante et je sais bien moi-meme que je demeure sans
tache 38.Ce texte provient du Protevangile, car on y trouve
quelques expressions semblables 39. Mais il y a aussi des
differences, car l'auteur distribue autrement les roles entre les
deux parents de Marie dans son education.
Les vers 553-555 sont aussi lies avec Ie Protevangile de
Jacques.Le fragment fait allusion au choix miraculeux de Joseph
pour devenir l'epoux de Marie (Protevangile IX) et a l'epreuve
37. Ct. TUlLIER, p. 237 s., n. 1. Ct. v. 563, 1094,2210-2377. L'auteur

n'emploie pas cette parole systematiquementpour signaler Ie caractere
extra-evangelique de ce qu'il rapporte; par exemple, il ne I'emploie pas
pour Ie Acta Pilati.
38. Ct. TulLIER,p. 236-239,ct. aussip. 237-239,n. 1.
39. Par exemple: Protevangile, 8,1; 13,2; 15,3 -~K XEtPOI;lIYYEAou
[rov]; Christus patiens,v. 1350 -XEtPOI; lIYYEAou;Protevangile,9,1; 9,2
-Ell; 'tTtPllO"tV;Christus patiens,v.1352 -'tllPEiv.
278
M. STAROWIEYSKI
de sa virginite (ibid., XVI). Marie declare: J'etais sans tache

quand un homme me prit d'entre les mains de Dieu [c'est-a-dire
du temple]; j'etais encore intacte quand il me laissa . On y trouve aussi des tournures et des expressions semblables a celles
qu'on rencontre dans l'apocryphe 40.
Dans un autre fragment (v. 563 s.) l'auteur du XplO"TOI;
nanxwv
fait allusion a la scene de la nativite miraculeuse de Jesus accomplie sans l'aide d'une sage-femme: Les mains de l'accoucheuse
n'ont pas recueilli ton heritage et elles attestent d'une maniere
eclatante ton enfantement 41. Une description semblable se
trouve dans Ie Protevangile de Jacques (XIX,2).
Ce dernier fut ecrit comme une apologie contre les accusations des Juifs et des patens contre la virginite de Marie et la
nativite miraculeuse de Jesus; on trouve l'echo de ces accusation
dans Ie Talmud, dans Ie Contre Celse d'Origene, dans les Acta
Pilau (2,3-5) et dans I' Evangile de Barthelemy (version grecque 2).
On pourrait supposer que l'apologie de Marie contenue dans
les veTS1361 s. et peut-etre aussi dans 1551-1553 de Christus
patiens42 pourrait etre en rapport avec les Acta Pilati (2,2-5).
Dans Ie v. 1363 de notre tragedie on trouve une etrange
affirmation relative a ces accusations. Marie y declare: les
injures qu'ils m'adressaient ne suffisaient pas; j'ai dft fuir en hate
jusqu'en Egypte 43.Ne trouve-t-on pas ici tine allusion aux Acta
Pilati gr. A 2,3 ou on affirme qu'ils devaient fuir en Egypte ota
'to ~Tt EX!:tVau'touc; 7tapPllcrtav tv 't{{>Aa{{>et en copte: quia libere in populo vivere nequibatis44.
La celebre vision de Joseph dans Ie Protevangile contient une
description du silence cosmique de toute la nature, ou, peut-etre
mieux, de l'immobilite cosmique au moment de la naissance de
Jesus (XIX,2).
Un semblable silence avait lieu, selon les
temoins dorm ants , pendant la resurrection du Sauveur
(v. 2260 s.): Puis l'ether se tut: Ie vallon boise fit taire son
feuillage et on n'entendit aucun bruit 45. On ne voit pas ici une
40. Ct. TUILLER,p. 170 s. Par exemp1e: Protevangile, 9,1; 9,2 -&il;
tijPTlcrtV; Christus patiens, v. 555 -tTlPoucrav; Protevangile, 16,1 &7tOOOI;;
Christus patiens,v. 550 -&7tEOCO1C&V.
41. Ct. TulLIER,p. 172S.,ct. n. 1.
42. Ct. TuILLER,p. 238 S.,252 s. Ct. J. C. THILO,Codex apocryphusNovi
Testamenti,t. 1, Leipzig, 1852,p. 526 S., ou1'on trouve un recueil des
temoignages sur ce sujet.
43. Ct. TuILLER,p. 238 S.,K. VONTISCHENDORF,
Evangelia apocrypha,
Leipzig, 18762,p. 225-228.
44. Ct. TUlLIER,p. 238 S.,K. VONCt. TrSCHENDORF,
op. cit., Leipzig,
18762,p. 225.
45. Ct. TUILLIER,p. 312 s.
279
selie d'images pittoresques avec des details, comme dans Ie

Protevangile de Jacques, mais une seule image, differente de
celles qu'on trouve dans Ie Protevangile,suivie de la conclusion:
la silence de toute la nature. Meme si l'image est differente, Ie
motif est semblable, et on peut quand meme supposer ici un
echo de la vision de Josephdu Protevangile.
II Testeencore un texte dans notre tragedie qui pourrait, peutetre, contenir aussi un echo du Protevangile de Jacques,mais ce
sont plutot les memes figures stylistiques. Les deux auteurs
emploient des contrastes: la nature affiigee enfante et n'enfante
pas (Xpza-ror:;
naaxmv,repete deux fois: v. 60 et 62) 46-dans la
vision deja mentionnee construite de contrastes, Joseph se promene et ne se promene pas (Protevangile XIX,2), Marie avant
d'arriver a Bethleem voit deux peuples: I'un qui se lamente,
l'autre qui Tit (Protevangile,XVII,2).
Est-ce que ces fragments montrent une dependance directe
entre Ie Xpla-ror:;naaxmv et Ie Protevangilede Jacques?Avant de
pouvoir tiler des conclusions, il faut se rappeler que notre apocryphe etait deja connu de Clement d' Alexandrie et d'Origene
au IIIesiecle, il devint populaire au lye siecle; apres Ie ye, on voit
partout sestraces: dans I'homiletique, dans l'hagiographie, dans
la poesie; on decouvre aussi son influence dans la peinture
byzantine et il entre meme dans la Iiturgie par les fetes de
Joachim et d' Anne, par Ia Presentation de la Vierge. De plus,
l'apocryphe et ses paraphrases sont Ius pendant la Iiturgie. II
devient donc une des plus populaires pieces de litterature dans
Ie monde grec47.
L'auteur du Xpza-ror:;
naaxmv emploie certainement les motifs
du Protevangile de Jacques,mais on y trouve aussi,comme nous
l'avons vu, des differences. II connait donc Ie texte, mais est-ce
par un contact direct ou a travers des homelies, des paraphrases
liturgiques ou des hymnes? D'apres Ies fragments mentionnes il
46. Ct. TUILLER, p. 132 s. On trouve de semblables contrastes chez

Tertullien, De came Christi,23,1 : Peperit et non peperit; virgo et non
virgo... Peperit enim, qure ex sua came; et non peperit, qurenon ex viTi
semine. Et virgo quantum a viro; non virgo quantum a partu
(CCL 2,914).
47. Pour line bonne etude sur l'influence du Protevangile de Jacquessur
la litterature grecque chretienne, ct. A. AMANN, Le Protevangile de
Jacques et ses remaniements latins, Paris, 1910, p. 109-137 et
E. JAS~BOWSKA, Das Evangelium desPs. Matthiius in den fruhristlichen Kunst von 4. bis 8 Jh (Diss.); ibid., Der antike Erbe in del
Ikonographie del Kindheitsevangelien Christi , in Boreas 16 (1993),
p. 115-124.
280
M.STAROWIEYSKI
est difficile de preciser davantage.Ce qu'on peut affirmer en tout

cas, c'est que les allusions au Protevangilede Jacquesdans notre
tragedie sont une preuve de plus de la popularite de cet
apocryphe dans Ie monde grec.
2. -Les
apocryphesconcernantla passion du Christ.
Selon les Acta Pilati (nous parlons ici de la version gr. B) 48,
l'Evangile de Gamaliel 49,l'homelie de Cyriaque (Heryaqos) de
AI-Bahnasa (Oxyrhynchos) 50comme aussi dans Ie Christus
patiens,Marie n'etait pas presente a la passion ni au chemin de
croix de Jesus (elle Teste ala maison de Jean, chez Cyriaque
avec Salome); elle n'arrive qu'au pied de la croix et elle assistea
la mort de Jesus et a la mise au tombeau. La passion du Christ
lui est racontee par Jean (Acta Pilati) ou par des messagers
(Evangile de Gamaliel,Cyriaque, Christuspatiens).
Marie prononce a plusieurs reprises ses lamentations 51: a
l'annonce de la passion de Jesus et sons la croix (tous les
ouvrages mentionnes), a l'enterrement de Jesus et devant Ie
tombeau (dans tons les ouvrages); chez Cyriaque et dans
I' Evangile de Gamaliel elle les prononce aussidevant Ie tombeau
vide. Nous trouvons aussides lamentations de Marie dans la Vie
de Marie de Maxime Ie Confesseur(t 666)52,dans un Kontakion
de Romanos Ie Melode (VIe siecle) 53, dans les homelies
de Symeon Metaphraste (t circa 1000) 54 et de George de
Nicomedie (IXe siecle) 55,ainsi que dans la liturgie byzantine 56.
48. Acta Pilati Evangelia apocrypha, ed. K. VaN TISCHENDORF,
op. cit.,
Leipzig 18762, p. 286-322; M. STAROWIEYSKI,Apokryphy Nowe
Testamenti,t. 1/2, Lublin, 1986,p. 441-444.
49. Evangile de Gamaliel (CANT 74), cr. M. A. VAN OUDENRIJN,
Gamaliel, Athiopische Texte zur Pilatusliteratur [Spicilegium
Friburgense 4], Freiburg, 1959; cr. aussi G. GHARIB,Testi mariani delprimo millenia, vol. 1, Rome, 1988,p. 880-892.
50. L' Evangile de Gamaliel se trouve dans l'homelie de Cyriaque
[Heryaquos] de Al-Bahnasa (Oxyrhynhos). cr. G. GHARIB,op. cit.,
vol. 4, Rome, 1991,p. 754-763.
51.cr. plus haul n. 10.
52. M. VANESBROECK,
Maxime le Confesseul:;Vie de Marie, Louvain,
1986(CSCO 478-479).
53. J. GROSDIDIER
DE MATONS,op. cit., Paris, 1967,p. 166 s (SC 128).
S4. G. GHARIB,op. cit., vol. 2, Rome, 1989,p. 1019-1025;(d. PG 114,
201-217).
55. G. GHARIB,op. cit., vol. 2, Rome, 1988, p. 744-764; (ct. PG 100,
1457-1489).
56. Plusieurstextes dans G.GHARIB, op. cit., vol. 1, Rome, 1988,p. 932
s., p. 948; ct. aussiG. GHARIB,op. cit., vol. 4, Rome, 1991,p. 289-291.
281
Les lamentations de Marie etaient populaires dans les langues

caple, arabe et ethiopienne. Je crois qu'il faudrait necessairement faire un repertoire des lamentations de Marie dans la litterature et dans les liturgies orientales, car DOllSavons a faire ici a
un genre litteraire a part 57.
Un autre element commun, non seulement dans les ouvrages
cites, mais aussichez les Peres grecs, est l'apparition du Christ a
sa mere 58.La scene est presente dans l' Evangile de Gamaliel,
dans l'homelie de Cyriaque, dans la Vie de Marie de Maxime Ie
Confesseur et dans notre tragedie. Mais celie scene du Christus
patiens est gachee par Ie fait que la ou no us attendons un
affectueux dialogue entre Marie et Jesus,Ie Christ, apres la salutation de sa Mere, lui annonce ce qu'elle doit dire aux apotres
(v. 2097-2115)59.
D'apres de ce que DOllSavons dit, on peut constater que DOllS
avons devant DOllSun stereotype ou schemalitteraire de la description du role de Marie pendant la passion: Marie n'est pas
presente a la passion qui lui est annoncee, elle pro nonce des
lamentations dans des lieux bien precis. C'est a elle que Jesus
apparait d'abord apres sa resurrection. Je crois, de plus, qu'on
peut trouver des discussionsautour de ce stereotype: dans la Vie
de Marie Maxime Ie Confesseur affirme a plusieurs reprises et
avec insistanceque Marie ne s'estjamais separeede Jesus,qu'elIe l'a accompagnedes son arrestation jusqu'au Calvaire, et que
c'est elle qui a raconte aux apotres les evenementsde la passion
de Jesus et leur a repete ses paroles 60.En outre, Romanos Ie
57. One bonne caracteristique theologique des lamentations de Marie

est donnee par J. LEDIT, Marie dans la liturgie de Byzance,Paris, 1976,
p. 194-220. Dans les apocryphes on trouve d'autres lamentations
comme celles de Marie et Marie-Madeleine devant Ie tombeau vide de
Jesus,ct. Acta Pilati gr. B, 11,4.
58. C. GIANELLI, Temoignages patristiques grecs en faveur d'une
apparition du Christ ressusciteIi.la Vierge Marie , in Revue des etudes
byzantines 11 (1953), p. 106-119.C. VONA, L'apparizione di Cristo
risoTto alIa Madre negli antichi scrittori cristiani , in Divinitas 1 (1957),
p.479-427.
59. TUlLIER,p. 298-301.

60. Chapitre 69 et particulierement chapitre 76. G. GHARIB,op. cit., vol.
2, Rome, 1989,p. 242s. Mais Ie texte n'est pas clair ici. Dans Ie chapitre
76, Maxime affirme: II giudizio e la condanna furono notificati alIa
Madre immaculata , tandis que dans Ie chapitre suivant l'auteur dit:
Lo [Cristo] seguida quando fu catturato fino al compimento della passione . Cette opinion est repetee dans plusieurs endroits de la Vie. Je
suppose ici les traces de deux opinions: celIe commune (Marie n'etait
pas presente pendant la passion) et celIe de Maxime.
282
M. STAROWIEYSKI
Melode, dans son hymne consacrea Marie aux pieds de la Croix,

met dans la bouche de Jesusles paroles suivantes: Les lamentations ne te conviennent pas, puisque tu as ete appelee "pleine
de grace". N'ensevelis done pas ce titre SODS
les sanglots. Aux
femmes inintelligentes ne te rends pas semblable, vierge toute
sage 61. II semble qu'aux accusations de ce type repond
Cyriaque dans l'introduction a son homelie ou il tente avec insistance de convaincre ses auditeurs qu'il convient que Marie
prononce des lamentations 62.
Il y a deux textes encore lies a nos evangiles de la passionde
Jesus.
Dans Ie Xpla'ror:;naaxmv nous trouvons un long monologueinvective contre Judas (v. 191-264)63.Est-ce que ce monologue
n'est pas une repercussion de reproches faits a Juda dans les
Gesta Pilati gr. B, 1, ou Ie peuple crie des accusations contre
Judas 64?Entre les deux scenesil n'y pas d'elementscommuns
qui peuvent prouver une dependance,mais reste Ie motif de l'accusation de Judas.
Un autre texte suscite aussi noire curiosite. Dans Ie Christus
patiens Marie sous la croix demande a Jesus de pardonner a
Pierre, qui est present pres de la croix (v. 812-819)65.Dans l'homelie de Cyriaque il y a une autre version concernant Pierre.
Cette fois c'est Marie qui prononce des accusations contre
Pierre, semblablesa celles deja mentionnees contre Judas dans
Ie Xpla'ror:;naaxwv,tandis que Jean defend Pierre 66.Nous avons
ici deux apologies de Pierre prononcees, respectivement par
Marie et par Jean. Y a-t-il ici une dependance?
Les allusions au Descensusad inferos 67sont, dans la tragedie,
encore plus nombreusesque celles au Protevangilede Jacqueset
toutes ont, comme sujet, la descente du Christ aux enfers et sa
61. J. GROSDIDIER
DE MATONS,Op. cit., Paris, 1967,p. 166 s. (SC 128)
62. G. GHARIB,op. cit.,vol. 4, Rome, 1991,p. 756.
63. TUlLIER,p.144-149,ct. v. 1407s.,p. 242 s.
64. K. VaN TISCHENDORF,
op. cit., Leipzig, 18762,p. 290 et 310 (dans
l'apparat critique); M. STAROWIEYSKI,
op. cit., t. 1/2, Lublin, 1986,
p.442.
65. TuILLIER,p. 192s.
66. G. GHARIB,op. cit., vol. 4, Rome, 1991,p. 758; G. GHARIB,op. cit.,
vol. 1, Rome, 1988,p. 883 s.
67. Nous citons Ie Descensus in inferos selon l'edition de K. VaN
TISCHENDORF,
op. cit., Leipzig, 18762,p. 383-432. Ct. R. GOUNELLE,
Recherchessur les Actes apocryphes de Pilate grecs, 1-2, Paris, 1991
(memoirede maitrise).
LES APOCRYPHES DANS LE CHRlSTUS PATlENS
283
victoire sur I'Hades (p. ex. v. 1505, 1922, 1926-29,2072, etc.) 68.
Mais la maniere de traiter Ie sujet dans l'apocryphe et dans la
tragedie est differente. Dans plusieurs versions du Descensus
nous trouvons une description vive et pittoresque de la descente
du Christ dans I'Hades, l'inquietude de Satan, les preparatifs des
patriarches et des saints pour en sortir, la mise en pieces des
portes de l'Enfer et, entin, la sortie du Christ victorieux de
l'Enfer. L'optique du Xpla't"Or;
naaxwv est differente, meme si on
y trouve des allusions aux faits mentionnes dans l'apocryphe:
c'est plutot une explication theologique et lyrique. On peut donneT deux exemples. Marie dit (vo1505-1528): C'est aux Enfers
que tu descends, moo tres chef Fils, pour te cacheTdans une
retraite dont tu veux garder Ie secret; mais, en penetrant dans
les tenebres epaissesde l'Enfer, tu porteras a Hades un coup
fatal. Tu descendsau repaire des morts et aux portes de l'ombre
pour eclairer et illuminer notre race et ressusciterAdam, Ie peTe
des tous les hommes... C'est pour eux que tu descendsdans les
profondeurs tenebreusesde I'Hades, apres avoir succombesous
les coups de tes ennemis et laisse ta mere dans Ie malheur [00.]
La terre te prend, moo enfant, pour te conduire aux portes de
l'Enfer obscur et infliger a I'Hades un trait cuisant. Car tu ne
descendsaux Enfers que pour liberer les moTts,mais eux ne te
prendront pas: tu les delivreras tous, puisque toi seul tu es libre
[..0] Les combats qui t'attendaient soot maintenant termines et
tu n'as plus que la victoire a remporter sur tes ennemis, en
ecrasantsans retour l'Enfer [...] 69.
Dans les veTS1926-19291'auteurdonne un resume.dela seconde partie du Descensus:Ie Christ va tiTer tous ceux que l'Enfer a
engloutis7.
Est-ce que Ie titre (1011<;
naJ.1cpayo<;
utilise dans notre tragedie
(v. 1922)71et employe plusieurs fois dans Ie Descensus72,est une
preuve suffisante de leur dependancelitteraire? II ne me semble
pas. Je crois que de nouveau no us avons ici a faire a une
68. Ct. TulLIER, p. 250 s.,266 s.,284 S.,296 s.

69. Ct. TulLIER, p. 250 s. Expressions semblables dans l'Evangile de
Barthelemy 1 (ct. I.-D. KAESTLI-P.CHERIX,L'Evangile de Barthelemy,
Paris/Thmhout, 1993,p. 103).
70. Ct. TUlLIER, p. 284. Ct. v. 1385 s., 1731-1737, p. 266 s. 11 s'agit du
Descensus gr. 24 (8) 26 (10), ct. K. YON TISCHENDORF,op. cit., Leipzig,
18762,p.330-332.
7L Ct. TulLIER, p. 242s.

72. Ct. TulLIER, p. 282 s. Pour Descensus20 (4),1; 21 (5), ct. K. YON
TISCHENDORF,op. cit., Leipzig, 18762, p. 326,327. (Ct. aussi Ps.
Epiphanius, Homilia in divini corporis sepulturam,PG 43,440).
284
M. STAROWIEYSKI
tradition litteraire qu'on trouve aussi bien dans Ie Descensus,

l' Evangile de Barthelemy que dans notre tragedie et dans
d'autres textes.
Il taut ajouter encore quelques autres apocryphes dont on
trouve, peut-etre, des traces dans notre tragedie. Les temoins
dormants affirment que pendant la resurrection de Jesus:
Une voix de l'ether, [celIe de] Dieu Ie PeTe,sans doute, se fit
entendre dans une clameur etrange: ces paroles resonnaient
comme Ie tonnerre et elles manifesterent au ciel et sur la terre la
lumiere du feu purificateur (v. 2255-2259)73,Ne serait-ce pas
un developpementpoetique de l' Evangile de Pierre (35,cr. 41 s.):
Dans la nuit... il y eu une grande voix dans Ie ciel... Et ils
entendirent une voix qui venait des cieux . Je crois qu'on peut
voir ici une trace de la lecture de l' Evangile de Pierre74.
Dans Ie Xpla'l'OC;llaaxwv est souligne assezsouvent la vengeance du Seigneur qui va descendresur les Juifs et sur Pilate 75.
On peut doDDercomme exemple les mots de Marie: Mais je ne
crois pas que volfe crime doit rester impuni. Qu'y a-t-il en effet
de juste en tout cela? Qu'y a-t-il dans vas reuvres qui ne soil
impie? PuissiezVallSperir, puissiezVallSperir, adieux assassins
(v. 1056-1060)76.Dans la tradition latine apocryphe on trouve un
apocryphe tardif Vindicta Salvatoris77.Peut-on lief la tradition
de la vengeancede l'apocryphe latin et de notre tragedie? Je ne
crois pas. Dans la Vindicta on trouve une description detaillee de
la vengeancede Dieu sur les Juifs, tandis que dans notre tragedie il n'y a que la seule idee de la punition et de la vengeancede
la part de Dieu, liee a des invectives contre les Juifs. Le climat
des deux ouvrages est different et il y a aussi la barriere de la
langue entre Ie latin et Ie grec, sembIabIe a celIe qui oppose la
Vie de Marie mentionnee et Ie Xpla'l'OC;llaaxwv, Il y avail une
73. Ct. TulLIER, p. 312 s. Thilier supposep. 65 et 309 que la sceneavec

les temoins dormants a ete reprise de la plus ancienne version des
Actes de Pilate -ce qui doit etre prouve.
74. Cf. M. G. MARA, Evangile de Pierre, Paris, 1973, p. 56 s., 58 s.,
(SC 201). Pour Ie motif du feu purifateur, ct. Lc 9,54; Acta Pilati gr. B
11,5a (GOUNELLE2,42); Acta Philippi p. 127-128 (LIPSIUS-BoNNET
2,2,56s.); l'Evangile de Barthelemy 1,24s..
75. v: 431, p. 162 s., v. 777, p.l90 s., v. 1560,p. 254 s., v. 1678,p. 262 s.,
v. 1700-1712,p. 264 s.,v.1712 s.,p. 264 s.,v. 1788,p. 270s. etc.
76. Ct. TUlLIER,p. 212-213.
77. K. YON TISCHENDORF,op. cit., Leipzig, 18762, p. 471-486;
M. STAROWIEYSKI,
op. cit.,t. 1/2, Lublin, 1986,p. 477-486.
285
idee de la vengeancede Dieu, commune dans la chretiente, qui

s'estexprimee dans les deux reuvres.
Les menaces contre Pilate et les mentions de son triste sort
(v. 1406s.), peuvent, semble-t-il, provenir du cycle d'apocryphes
concernant Pilate 78.
3. -
Methode apocryphe .
Notre auteur prend aux apocryphes non seulement des donnees, mais aussiune methode typique des apocryphes. II developpe un episode evangelique, par exemple celui du centurion
(Mt 27,54[par.] -v. 1079-1094et v. 1212-1222)79,
ou la scenede
Marie sous la croix, dans laquelle Marie, parle longuement avec
Ie Christ (v. 727-737)80et adore Ie jet de sangjaillissant du cote
du Christ (v. 1223-1230)81.Ailleurs, il introduit Ie discours d'un
personnage indetermine a Judas (v. 190-264)82ou amplifie une
courte note de l'evangile sur leg temoins dormants (Mt28,1115) en un long episode (v. 2194-2388)83.
Dans leg apocryphes on donne souvent une histoire aux personnagesepisodiques de la Bible. Ainsi, dans noire tragedie, Ie
deuxieme Messager(v. 376-418)84est l'aveugle gueri par Jesus
(In 9), qui, en meme temps, a leg traits de Simon de Cyrene
(Lc 23, 26), mais son monologue est semblable a celui d'Oreste
dans l'Oreste d'Euripide. Quatre figures: Ie Messager, Oreste,
l'aveugle gueri par Jesuset Simon de Cyrene se retrouvent dans
un personnage!
L'auteur change aussi la perspective de l'evangile. L'exemple
Ie plus typique est Ie personnagede Marie elle-meme, la protagoniste dramatique, qui dans la tragedie pro nonce de longs
discours, alors que dans l'evangile no us ne trouvons que
quelques mots prononces par elle. Le grand protagoniste absent
est Judas, personnage marginal dans l'evangile, comme aussi
Joseph d' Arimathee, Nicodeme et Marie-Madeleine; tOllSces
personnages jouent un role assez important dans Ie Xpia-roc;
naaxwv.
78. Ct. TulLIER, p. 242s.; Cyclede Pilate,K. VONTISCHENDORF,
op. cit.,
p. 433-458; M. STAROWIEYSKI,
op. cit., t. 1/2, Lublin, 1986,p. 461-486,
bibl. p. 684-690.
79. Ct. TUILLIER,p. 212-215,et p. 226-227.
SO.Ct. TuILLIER,p. 186-187.
81. Ct. TulLIER,p. 226-229.
82. Cf. TulLIER,p.144-149.
83. Cf. TulLIER, p. 306-325.
84. Cf. TulLIER p. 158-161.
286
M. STAROWIEYSKI
Nous voyons donc que non seulement les elements des apocryphes mais aussila methode de composition de cesapocryphes
sont presents dans Ie XpIGrOr;nooxwv. Cependant tout cela ne
joue qu'un role marginal: les evangiles forment la source principale de la trame de notre tragedie, tandis que les veTSd'Euripide
et d'autres tragediens grecs donnent Ie materiel.
III. XpIO"TO<;
1laO"xwv-
representant d'un nouveautype
de litterature biblique.
Comme nons l'avons vu, Ie Christuspatiens est un centon. Les
veTSd'Euripide et d'autres auteurs tragiques grecs et la composition imitant la tragedie grecque sont, pour noire auteur, les instruments les plus aptes non seulement pour mettre en relief la
tragedie du Calvaire, mitis aussi pour souligner les liens entre la
culture antique et Ie messageevangelique. Dans les etudes sur
noire tragedie on a mis, semble-i-iI, trop l'accent sur l'aspect
classique du XpIO"TOr;
naO"xwv.Je crois qu'il faudrait attirer
aussil'attention sur la valeur artistique de la partie de la tragedie
-plus de la moitie des veTS-qui provient de l'auteur lui-meme.
Peut-etre pourra-t-on ainsi trouver d'autres sourcesa noire tragedie, par exemple des sourcesliturgiques. Peut-etre une recherche
sur les lamentations de Marie, element commun aUKapocryphes
et a noire tragedie, pourrait-elle fournir une piste nouvelle.
Le XpIO"TOr;
naO"xwvest une tragedie evangelique, car Ie canevas est pris de l'evangile, et l'evangile, y est omnipresent. Les
autres livres du Nouveau Testament et de l' Ancien Testament
n'y sont que mentionnes, et seulle motif Marie/Eve est un pen
plus accentue.
Mais si on regarde de plus pres cet element evangelique, on
constate des changements,assezimportants, dans Ie traitement
de l'evangile. Christuspatiens n'est certainementpas une transposition mecanique en veTSdes Evangiles canoniquesou une simple
dramatisation. Les changementsne sont pas des adaptationsdues
au gout artistique de l'auteur.
Les scenes evangeliques prennent de l'extension. L'auteur
developpe certains elements et en omet d'autres, les dramatise,
en ajoute de nouveaux, (comme les lamentations de Marie),
change la perspective, donne de nouvelles interpretations.
La Bible est donc traitee assezlibrement, mais ces changements,
dans noire tragedie, ne touchent que Ie niveau narratif de l'evangile et non son contenu theologique. Cette methode est typique
des apocryphes, ou no us retrouvons exactement les memes
elements,mais utilises par noire auteur assezdiscretement.
LES APOCRYPHES DANS LE CHRISTUS PAT/ENS
287
Si la methode apocryphique est employee dans la tragedie, il

nons taut poser la question: quel est Ie comportement de l'auleur envers les apocryphes? 11n'exprime pas son opinion sur ce
genre litteraire, mais ille distingue, semble-i-ii, au moins dans
certains cas,des donneesde la Bible. 11est sur que dans la tragedie on rencontre frequemment des elements ferris des apocryphes, mais il ne taut pas exagerer leur role: ils ont une place
de second ordre et ne jouent qu'un role marginal, comme element de fond de la tragedie, sans changer essentiellement sa
trame.
Mais si, comme nons l'avons vu, on trouve partout dans Ie
Christuspatiens des allusions aux evangiles apocryphes et particulierement a ceux qui concernent la nativite de Marie et la passion de Jesus,il taut se demander si ce sont vraiment des reflets
de leur lecture directe par l'auteur. La question est assezdelicate, car si l'existence des allusions est sure, il serait difficile de
prouver, sauf quelques cas fares, que ce sont des citations litteTales.On pent donc se demander si ce ne sont pas des allusions a
un mode fige de penser,constitue par la litterature theologique,
les homelies, les apocryphes,les morceaux liturgiques et meme
la peinture. Des elements soulignes avec insistance dans les
evangiles apocryphes (par exemple la virginite de Marie, la descente aux enters qui se trouvent respectivement dans Ie
Protevangile de Jacques, l' Evangile de Barthelemy, les Acta
Pilati, etc.), etaient aussipresents dans la catechesede l'Eglise
ou meme dans la liturgie, ou par exemple on parle des portes
d'Enfers brisees -une expressiontypique pour Ie Descensus.
11 y avail aussi, je crois, un schema litteraire de la vie de
Marie, peut-etre ausside Jesus,que j'ai tente de reconstruire en
ce qui concerne Ie comportement de Marie pendant la Passion.
Nous avons constate la presence d'elements semblables dans
plusieurs ouvrages, ferris partiellement de l'Ecriture, partiellement des apocryphes,et peut-etre ausside la liturgie. Ce schema
ou stereotype est construit selon la methode apocryphe: on y
voit la dramatisation, l'animation, on ajoute des elements nouveaux ou on modifie des anciens. Ce schema evidemment subit
des changements locaux dans les litteratures nationales
(grecque, ethiopienne, corte et d'autres).
Ces deux sources etaient, je crois, la source de la plupart des
allusions apocryphes dans la tragedie Christuspatiens.
Nous avons donc devant nons un nouveau type de litterature
concernant la Bible dans lequell'auteur prend la Sainte Ecriture
comme canevas,mais change son action selon sespropres idees
artistiques, les modes figes de penser et les schemaslitteraires de
son epoque et ajoute des elements ferris des apocryphes et des
288
M.STAROWIEYSKI
legendes. Nous sommes donc au seuil de l'epoque du drame

biblique du Moyen Age et des grandes reuvres bibliques de la
litterature tardive, dont Ie poeme de John Milton Paradise Lost
constitue Ie sammet.

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SOMMAIRE

The Apocalypseof Peter: a JewishChristianApocalypse

The literary and historicalcontext.

The Destiny of the Elect

Une nouvelle citation desActesde Paul

Genre of the Acts ofPaul:

A propos d'une refonte de la Narratio Iosephi,

Sells et usaged'apocryphusdansla Legendedoree,

Les Viesde la Vierge: etat de la question,

Les apocryphesdansla tragedie

Ce colloque est organise par leg Facultes de theologie des Universites de

La litterature apocryphe face au questionnement theologique

La publication des actes ducolloque est prevue.

Pour Ie Comite d'organisation

Institut des sciencesbibliques

Revue publiee avec Ie concours scientifique

et de la Societe pour l'etude de la litterature apocryphe chretienne

Un manuscritsyriaquede Teheran contenant

Senset usaged'apocryphusdansla Legendedoree,

Les apocryphesdansla tragedie

THE APOCALYPSE OF PETER

Dans cette etude,I' Apocalypse de Pierre, trap longtempsnegligeepar

Apocrypha 5,1994, p. 7-111

2.- In section II of this book I shall argue that the

As these four reasons for studying the Apocalypse of Peter

2. The Text of the ApocalypseofPeter.

heavily on the Ethiopic version. Probably this is one reasonwhy,

2. D. D. BUCHHOLZ,Your Eyes Will Be Opened, op. cit, p. 376-386.

modified in the Ethiopic tradition. This contrasts with some

a grave in accordance with the traditional Egyptian practice of

3. Outline and Summary of the Apocalypse ofPeter.

The disciples' enquiry.

6. M. TARDIEU,Arda Viraz Narnag et l'eschatologie grecque , Studia

place so that all humanity may appearbefore God on the day of

those who denied justice -pit of fire;

9. Quotations from the APocalYP

I. THE LITERARY AND mSTORICAL CONTEXTS

apocalypsesespecially flourished in the period from 70 C.E. to

10. This mistake has been correcte \ especially by C. ROWLAND,The

material. Apocalyptic traditions must have existeq in some form,

and those which belong to the so-called New Testament

U. On this point, see R. BAUCKHf

' The Apocalypses

teaching to his disciples prior to his departure to heaven. In a

13. lApJas (CG V,3) 30:18-31:2; EpPetPhil (CG VIII,2) 133:14-17;

15. See R. BAUCKHAM,The ApoLalypse of Peter: An Account of

Ostensibly this does little more than reproduce, with a little

16. Ct. ibid., p. 4735-4736.

Apocalypseof Peter 1-2

1 1As he was sitting on the

3When he was sitting on the

5 For many will come in my

[16 27For the Son of man is

sets a crown on my head, so

24 For false messiahs and

11 (...) Many will die and

24 (...) and produce great

second-century Palestinian Jewish Christianity which survives in

chapters is in several places very close to the specifically

17. Most of the following argument so far as it concerns chapters 1-2

which needs to be able to recognizethe signs that the parousia is

And again towards the end of chapter 2 :

Elijah to expose him as a deceiver (2:12) was probably also