Running head: CAMPUS INVOLVEMENT

DeNeatria Robinson
Loyola University Chicago
Literature Review: African American Student Development
and Campus Involvement

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Introduction
College can be described as a semi-controlled microsystem of the "real world" designed
to prepare students for the nuances and unwritten rules needed to successful navigate larger
society. For those choosing not to attended a four-year institution; live in residence hall or have
simply experienced society through an alternative lens than that of the dominant narrative (the
dominant narrative being White heterosexual Christian males); the college environment may not
mirror their reality. This creates the breeding ground for social justice issues such as, systematic
oppression and representations of the status quo that are woven into the American experience,
to be perpetuated at many Primary White Institutions (PWIs). Outside of the campus setting, we
see an overrepresentation of business and political leaders who identify as White males.
Conversely, we see a significant underrepresentation of racial minorities in these same arenas.
Excluding Historically Black Colleges and Universities, Hispanic Serving Institutions, and Asian
Serving Institutions; this model of leadership is represented throughout American college
campuses. The purpose of this review is to deconstruct literature that is centered in the
observation of White students holding campus leadership positions at a greater rate than African
American, Hispanic American/Latino, and Asian American students.
In light of the limited research on several of the ethnic groups mentioned previously, this
review will focus on the experience of African American students at Predominantly White
institutions. This literature review aims to examine the development of African American
students through the lenses of leadership development and campus involvement. Additionally,
the review will be divided into three areas of development: cognitive, psychosocial, and social
identity development. Each of these sections will be broken down into themes found within a
sector of development.

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It should be acknowledged that the cognitive and psychosocial development of African

American students often takes place simultaneously with development of racial identity.
Additionally, leadership development models will not be accessed since many do not account for
cultural difference that may affect a student's leadership style, interests, or perceptions of
leadership. For students of color at predominantly white institution, it is difficult to exclude the
presence of their racial identity when reflecting on their campus experience.
Student Population Background
It is important for student affairs professionals to understand the journey of student
populations in order to understand challenges specific populations may face during their
postsecondary career. A brief snapshot of African American students history within education
tells us, that the first African American student was not allowed into an all-white school till 1960.
The literature of higher education scholars report that academic literature does not acknowledge
increased diversity on college campuses till many years. (Allen, 1992; Kimbrough & Hutcheson,
1998; Hu, 2011). Understanding the intentional lack of physical and literature inclusion of
African Americans are important influences when examining the journey and development of an
African American student at PWIs.
Cognitive Development
Students of color have expressed that their ethnic identity greatly impacts their way of
thinking. The cultural baggage (Gordon, 1990) that students bring into college or develop during
college affects how they understand the world and make meaning of everyday experiences.
Baxter Magolda's theory of Epistemological Reflection explains the process at which students
acquire knowledge (Evans, Forney, Guido, Patton, & Renn, 2010). Though Magolda lays a
foundation to study the cognitive development of students, this approach falls in line with other

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theories that aim to be racially neutral. There is very little research on the cognitive development
of African American college students; the research that does exist, largely focuses on "at risk,"
low- income, or adolescent African American students (Terenzini, Yaeger, Oascarella, & Nora,
1996; Flowers & Pascarella, 1999; Campbell & Ramey, 1995). Therefore, there are very few
themes that can be found in current academia. Nevertheless, Magolda's theory sheds light on to
areas where African American students may experience dissonance: accepting absolute
knowledge and uncertainty to contextual learners.
Accepting Absolute Knowledge. In Baxter Magoldas Stage 1 of Epistemological
Reflection, students go through the process of receiving or mastering knowledge. The instructor
is seen as the authority figure who holds all knowledge while the student actively seeks out that
knowledge in order to simply receive it or ultimately master it. This stage appears to be a
rational generalization for learners, however, the campus climate regarding race may affect an
African Americans ability to receive and/or master the knowledge the professor is providing.
There seems to me more questions provoked than answers in reference to this stage, such as:
How do black students feel about what is said by a White instructor? Do they look at the
professor as an authority figure? Is there racial tension in the class? What was the teacherstudent relationship like at their high school?
Some students of color have reported racial discrimination by faculty and the perception
of faculty and academic support programming as uninviting and inaccessible (Rankin, 2005;
Schwitzer, Griffin, Ancis, and Thomas, 1999). For African American students, a negative
relationship with faculty can influence more than just course knowledge acquirement. Though
no strong connection stated, students who have positive relationships with faculty members also
have a higher rate of social involvement (Allen, 1992).

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Uncertainty to Contextual Learners. Stage 2 of Magolda's four stage theory illustrates

students going through the process of accepting uncertainty which eventually leads students to
understanding that learning is contextual. For students of color, the period of uncertainty may
extend for a longer period of time than their White peers. Students at predominantly White
campuses may struggle with material presented in class because of a shift in teaching styles from
their high school, expectations that differ from previous educational institutions, perceived
unwelcoming environments, being uncomfortable in a space where they may be the only person
of color, and a list of other transition challenges. Maramba & Velasquez (2012) report that,
"students said the development of their ethnic identity made a strong impact on their sense of
competence p. 135. This means that African American students that are reflective of what it
means to be Black on their college campus, may be more or less competent depending on which
ideas are reinforced by the professors, students, and administrators. African American students
in particular report feeling intimidated by faculty members (Schwitzer, Griffin, Ancis, and
Thomas, 1999).
Overall, the cognitive development of African American students can be linked to where
they are in their racial identity development. Students who are not only secure in their racial
identity, but have a relationship with their professors that promotes security, are more likely to be
interested in acquiring knowledge from professors.
Psychosocial Development
Literature reflecting the psychosocial development of African American students
primarily focuses on who they perceive themselves to be within a group. The psychosocial
question of "Who am I?," especially in terms of leadership, often differs for African American
students due to encounters with varying campus racial climates, association to other African

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American students, and pre-college experiences. Throughout the various research carried out,
there are three prominent themes that dictate the psychosocial development of African American
students looking to be involved in campus organizations: Same race groups as a foundation, biculturalism, and campus climate. Evaluating these stages of development through Erik Erikson's
identity development theory provides a basis for understanding the changes African Americans
experience.
Same Race Groups as a Foundation. Involvement in a Black organization or group leads
to further involvement and success on college campuses according to current literature. While
researchers (Arminio, Carter, Jones, Kruger, Lucas, Washington &Scott, 2000; St. John, Rowley
& Hu, 2009; Harper & Ouaye, 2007; Allen, 1992) agree that African Americans students who
find a place on campus where they can experience a shared and familiar culture become very
involved in campus, (Kimbrough and Hutcheson, 1998) there have been few studies that have
compared these findings to research conducted at Historically Black Colleges and Universities
(HBCUs). Kimbrough and Hutcheson found that students at HBCUs felt less pressure to become
involved on campus compared to their peers at PWIs, however, Black students at HBCU's also
were more involved overall. Their study also found that affiliation to a Black Greek
Organization (historically black sorority and fraternity) is a predictor of campus involvement
among African American students at PWIs. Confidence was also associated with involvement.
In a study done by Arminio et al. (2000) Black students knew that becoming involved with
campus activities could assist in the development of transferrable skills. Even with this
knowledge, students were still not confident enough to join organizations, thus resulting in low
levels of involvement. Erikson's first stage in identity development, trust versus mistrust,
explains why this is the case (Evans, Forney, Guido, Patton, & Renn, 2010). Though students

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recognize the benefits of joining organizations and becoming integrated into the campus
community, they do not yet, trust those within their community. Several studies examining,
Black student experiences on predominantly White campuses, have shown that Black students
are more likely to feel isolated and unwelcomed on PWIs (Maramba &Velasquez, 2012; Harper
& Quaye, 2007; Rankin & Reason 2005; Schwitzer, Griffin, Ancis & Thomas, 1999).
Bi-culturalism. An additional challenge is added when students find themselves involved
in both a same-race and mixed race group. Student leaders, representing various student of color
groups, were asked to talk about their experienced versus ideal student organization (St. John,
Rowley, & Hu, 2009). Those involved in one type of organization (same race or mixed race)
showed preference to another type, the people in both consistently compared the pros and cons.
Literature has shown a bi-cultural socialization represented when student leaders of color are
involved in two student groups (Darder, 1991; Marama & Velasquez; 2012). Depending on the
experience, some students may decide to leave one of the leadership positions. This can bring
about stage five in Erikson's model, Identity versus Identity Diffusion Confusion. Their identity,
or at least part of their identity, has been confirmed within their same-race group, which
encourages the student to then explore (stage two: Autonomy versus Shame and Doubt) other
organizations. However, once they enter those groups, students have to take on a new culture,
meaning making, and adapt to expectations that are not required of them in their same group
organization. This is especially true when racial comments or micro-aggressions occur
(Marambe & Velasquez, 2012). Students may have difficulty determining whether it is
appropriate to stand up for a racial identity or continue to go along with the dominant group.
This idea of biculturalism was best described by Darder (1991), "Further, this view supports an
assimilation as held by the majority of (white) teachers that fails to perceive the racism inherit in

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consistently judging and comparing bicultural students' success to that of students from the
dominant culture, and in expecting bicultural students to incorporate dominant cultural values as
their own (p. 39). Though Darder was referring to teachers, this can be compared and applied to
White faculty, advisors, and organization members.
Campus Climate. African American students on predominantly white campuses report
feeling unwelcomed or like they do not fit. With campus racial climates such as these, it is
reasonable that African American students would feel deterred when attempting to take part in
student organizations that contain members who appear to have more culturally in common than
them. As stated before, when asked what the idea student organization would be in the study by
St. John et al (2009), most students of color described characteristics of a student organization
that possessed a majority of White students. If this is the "ideal" group and African Americans
do not feel welcomed on college campuses where these groups exist, researchers can assume that
this a significant cause of low levels of campus involvement and the fulfillment of officer
positions among African American students. It is important to acknowledge that the
contradictory views of campus climate between students of color and White students create
another set of issues. African American students are experiencing their campus differently than
their white counterparts. This can stimulate conflict, micro-aggressions and opportunities for
miscommunication between both groups. Rankin and Reason (2005), said that a significantly
higher proportion of students of color experience their campus climate as racist, hostile, and
disrespectful. A significant portion of White students on the same campus reported the campus
climate as nonracist, friendly, and respectful. This creates a difficult situation for students and
student affair professionals to navigate in order to educate both groups and encourage a dialogue
that would result in an understanding of both groups.

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Psychosocial development is strongly connected to social identity development for

African American students. Though students of color may experience the development of their
racial identity in different ways, students at predominantly white institutions face a unique set of
challenges. These students must juggle being a part of a campus community and understanding
their own identities within that space.
Social Identity
Social identity development for African American students plays an important part in
every area of development for this population. The intersectionality of Black race with other
identities can cause frequent opportunities for conflict and dissonance, internally and externally,
for this student population. Though none of the racial identity development models completely
encompass the social identity development of African American students, Sue and Sue's Racial/
Cultural Identity Development Model, R/ CID, (Vaughn, 201) provides a broad but applicable
analysis for African American students and leadership development. There are three strong
themes that are shared in research over the past 30 years: discovering what it means to be Black,
group needs over individual needs, and the presence of faculty of color.
Discovering What It Means To Be Black. Maramba, D. C., & Velasque (2012) report that
the majority of college students of color in their study came from a community where the
majority of the members are people of color. Therefore, having an unconscious security about
ones racial identity because their identity has never been challenged or questioned directly. A
shared belief among researchers is that the perceived experience of being African American in
college is largely based on the environment pre-college. In the study done by Maramba and
Velasque, many of the students of color reported that they never thought to learn about their
ethnic group before college. Applying R/CID to the findings in this study, many students of

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color initially coming into college, may be in the Conformity Stage in this model. In this stage,
students use the dominant group as a point of reference, their own cultural group is neglected or
of low salience. Nearly the same amount of students that reported not thinking to explore their
ethnic group, also reported having a high level of awareness of discrimination against their
group.
As these students became increasingly involved in campus, they started to seek out more
information about their ethnic identity. Though students frequently encounter conflict between
their own cultural beliefs and those of others in the dissonance stage; developing a Black identity
can also be a challenge in intergroup settings. One African American student stated, "When I
first came here I wanted to be out front [but then] they'd say, 'Well, you talk White.' I found
myself trying to become just a number" (Armino et al, 2000, p. 501). The increased
commitment students possess in order to understand who they are within their culture and what
that means is reflective of the introspection stage in R/CID. Feeling rejected by other African
American students creates a lot of tension between members of this racial group on campus
when trying to hold constant their authentic selves and perceptions of what it means to be Black.
Group Over Individual. Several articles brought up the theme of group empowerment
over personal gain. African American students are more likely to seek leadership opportunities
and campus involvement for the sake of equipping the group, whether for same-race group or
mixed-race group, to be successful. When referring to the motivation behind intentionally
seeking a leadership role, students of color shared that the advancement of the group was the
leading motivation (Arminio, 2000). The overarching idea is that leadership is a group effort that
can not be individually handled. Several of the student leaders of color stated that they saw
themselves as a part of a family. For them, this was a specific characteristic that could not be

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replicated in an all-White organization. The loyalty to ones same race group can be a product of
the R/CID stage, Resistance and Immersion, where someone completely dives into their culture
as a result of feeling guilty about the oppression they tolerated. For example, African American
students may join groups such as the Black Student Union, in order to advocate for minority
views on campus. Many times the stage of Resistance and Immersion is brought on by
uncertainty and the need to reduce the feeling of dissonance. It is not uncommon for an African
American male student to join a Black organization to show loyalty and to prevent the
questioning of their Black identity by other African American peers (Harper and Quaye, 2007).
African American students define their Black identify through the presence or lack of Black
community in which they find themselves.
Presence of Faculty of Color. Many researchers have agreed that African American
students benefit tremendously from mentorship relationships, whether direct or indirect (Davis,
2007; Strayhorn & Terrell, 2007; Perrakis, 2008). Additionally, studies state that African
American students who see more faculty of color are more likely to feel like they belong to their
campus. For African American students able to pin point an active role model in their lives,
family members or older friends are the names most commonly shared. When searching for role
models or mentors on campus, there is not a strong representation of faculty or staff of color
outside of a diversity office. This can be problematic for both the students of color and the
faculty. African American students are less likely to interact with White faculty or staff if
campus climate does not reflect positive interactions among races. When universities have fewer
racially diverse faculty and staff on a campus, students of color feel that they themselves are
valued less than White people. African Americans students report feeling more confident

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academically and socially when they are familiar with faculty that also identify as Black or
African American (Schwitzer, Griffin, Ancis & Thomas, 1999).
The social identity development of African American students is largely shaped by the
presence of peers, faculty, and staff of their same racial background on their campus. Campus
climate, a theme that has been carried throughout all three families of theory, can greatly impact
the opportunities to interact with racially diverse individuals or perpetuate a system of
discrimination. Fundamentally, the higher frequency of positive same-race interactions for
African American students, the more confident they are and likely to actively engage in the
campus community with a sense of belonging.
Limitations
The higher education literature about African American students focus on their academic
success. There are very few articles that look at the experience of campus involvement of
African American students, specifically on a predominantly White campus. As a result, there are
limitations to the current academic research on the topic of African American students and
campus involvement and African American students and leadership development. The most
common limitation in all research associated with this topic is sample size. Sample sizes are
usually ten to thirty African American students, less than this when looking at articles that focus
on students of color. Though these articles provide rich qualitative knowledge, allowing
researchers to record the experiences of African American students from their own perspective, it
leaves more to be desired within the research. The sampling size is especially troubling because
generalizations are made about an entire race based on a small group of individuals at a specific
university. Which leads to the next limitation, lack of diversity.

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The only demographic information provided about students in this research topic is the
student's race (i.e. African American/Black), expressed gender, and their classification in college
(i.e. freshman). There is no diversity in, or at least none recorded, socioeconomic status,
geographical information, or other factors that may dictate the cognitive, psychosocial, or social
identity development of one African American student compared to another. Researchers also
showed a lack of diversity within the campus involvement of African American students. The
students studied or interviewed were already student leaders or influential members of their
campus community. Since we know that African American students do not make up the bulk of
the leadership positions on campus, this is a very limited view for African American students.
Third, most of the research is outdated and possibly irrelevant information. The bulk of
the research in this area took place during the 1980s-90s, with little follow up in the early 2000s.
Seeing as the sampling sizes for these very few studies were small and during a time where most
of the African Americans currently in college were either not yet born or too young to understand
the concept of leadership, reduces reliability. Within the past fifteen years there has been
socially, politically, and economically impactful events that could have a phenomenal effect on
current African American student development and perceptions of racial identity.
Finally, as mentioned previously,a great deal of research primarily focuses on academic
achievement for African American students. Academics should not be the sole measurement of
successful African American students. It is assumed that if a student of color is doing well
academically then they are having a successful transition to college. These studies leave out
valuable information that takes into account the lived experiences of African American students
PWIs where non-academic factors may affect their ability to excel in their courses.
Implications

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Again, there is a great amount of research that reports the importance of role models for
students of color. Given the research provided, it seems rationale to create more mentoring
opportunities for African American students. This does not have to be exclusively within a
mentoring program where students are paired up with an older student or faculty member of
color. Student affairs professionals can use resources to create a community where those
relationship can occur more naturally. For example, Loyola University Chicago has a
program/organization called LUCES that is coordinated out of their department of Student
Diversity & Multicultural Affairs (Loyola, n.d.). This programming model provides frequent
social and educational opportunities for undergraduate students, graduate students, and faculty of
color to come together to build a community.
The research also suggest that African American students are not being sought after for
leadership positions. If they are active in an organization that is not specifically same race, it is
after they have found security within another group. Leadership positions are advertised with a
great emphasis on attainment of personal skills and advancement. Findings from the research
implies that this individualistic focus is not effective in the recruitment of African American
students (or any students of color) because they are more focused on strengthening the
community as a collective entity.
Future Research
After reviewing the current literature on African American students and campus
involvement, there is a clear need for further research regarding intersectionality of race and
leadership efficacy. Students of color are being discouraged from engaging in leadership
development, whether it be consciously or unconsciously. New leadership models will allow

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practitioners to create and implement interventions based on leadership models specifically

reflective of the goals and needs of students of color.
Since research points out that African American students respond better to group
involvement language over individual leadership language; I believe the results of a study would
show a willingness for students to become involved, though they may not want to obtain an
officer positon on an executive board. For example, Black Lives Matter, a social justice
movement, does not promote one particular face or leader in the movement; nevertheless,
African American activists (including those on college campuses) are recognized for seeking
progression for the group.
Conclusion and Final Thoughts
Recently, media has redirected American eyes to the deadly rooted racial issues
manifesting in our communities and campuses. It will be interesting to see the impact this has on
student development in African American students, especially in the area of leadership. For
African American students studying at PWIs, it would be of interest to examine the campus
climate around race and potential opportunities for dissonance among students during this period
in United States history. Past research done during periods of high racial tension and economic
stressors (Allen, 1992) has challenged higher education practitioners to put student development
for students of color at the top of the agenda. It would be great to reevaluate/revisit these efforts.
Though it has been made clear that there is limited research regarding African Americans
students and campus involvement, there is even less research in this area for other racial minority
groups. Every racial/ethnic group has their own set of cultural artifacts that dictate their
experience on college campuses. It is very easy to say that students of color do not engage
enough in various activities; however, it is difficult to challenge ourselves to seek out the reason

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why. What is more difficult, is the follow up question: what can I do to help? Studies done on
one racial minority group are not applicable to other students of color, however, generalizations
are making it appear as if this is the case. This literature review has shown the need for more
information about minority students, a part from academic performance and need for financial
assistance. Students of color deserve to be viewed from a holistic perspective in their student
development journey taking in the richness of their cultures and unique lived experiences.

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