Escolar Documentos
Profissional Documentos
Cultura Documentos
Amy Heller
Reader
Articles, Essays, and Reviews
1982 – 2009
Bibliographic List of Contents
1982 Introduction to The Sacred Heritage of Tibet. New Haven: Yale University Art Gallery.
1983 Catalogue of The Newark Museum Tibetan Collection, Volume I: Introduction. Newark:
The Newark Museum, pp.10-42.
Co-edited with Valrae Reynolds.
Included here are the first three chapters of this volume, which were written
by Amy Heller.
These essays were combined into one and republished below as 1999c.
1985 “An Early Tibetan Ritual: Rkyal ’bud.” In Soundings in Tibetan Civilization. Barbara
Nimri Aziz and Matthew Kapstein, eds. New Delhi: Manohar, pp.257-267.
1986 “A propos de Mme Ariane Macdonald, “Une lecture des P.T. 1286, 1287, 1038,
1047 et 1290. Essai sur la formation et l'emploi des mythes politiques dans la religion
royale de Sroṅ-bcan sgam-po” (Etudes tibétaines dédiées à la mémoire de Marcelle
Lalou, Paris, 1971, pp. 190-391).” In The Journal of the Tibet Society 6, pp.73-78.
1987 “Phur-pa—Tibetan Ritual Daggers.” In Arts of Asia 17(4), pp.69-77.
Co-authored with Thomas Marcotty.
1988 “Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce.” In Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 4th
Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies. Schloss Hohenkammer —
Munich 1985. Helga Uebach and Jampa L. Panglung, eds. Munich: Kommission für
Zentralasiatische Studien Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, pp.185-195.
1989a “Mi dbang’s 1740 Decree to Batang.” In Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum
Hungaricae 43(2-3), pp.375-389.
1989b “Tibetan Sculpture and Painting in the Newark Museum.” In Arts of Asia 19(5),
pp.139-147.
1990a “Remarques Préliminaires sur les Divinités Protectrices Srung-ma dmar-nag du
Potala.” In Tibet, Civilisation et Société. Paris: Éditions de la Maison des Sciences de
l’Homme, pp.19-27 and plates.
1990b “Tibetan Documents in the Newark Museum.” In Orientations 21(4), pp.62-69.
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1991 Introduction to Word and Image: Sacred Languages of Tibet. New Haven: Yale
University Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library.
1992a “Historic and Iconographic Aspects of the Protective Deities Srung-ma dmar-nag.” In
Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 5th Seminar of the International Association for
Tibetan Studies, Narita 1989, vol 2. Ihara Shōren and Yamaguchi Zuihō, eds. Tokyo:
Naritasan Shinshoji, pp. 479-492.
1992b “Etude sur le développement de l’iconographie et du culte de Beg-tse, divinité
protectrice tibétaine.” Diplôme de l'École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation.
Includes plates, as well as an alternate conclusion and appendix II.
1993 “La Sauvegarde des Monuments Historiques au Tibet.” In Tibet, l’Envers du Décor.
Olivier Moulin, ed. Geneva: Editions Olizane, pp.177-181.
1994a “Ninth Century Buddhist Images Carved at lDan ma brag to Commemorate Tibeto-
Chinese Negotiations.” In Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the
International Association for Tibetan Studies, Fagernes 1992, vol 1. Per Kvaerne, ed.
Oslo: Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture, pp.335-349.
Includes Appendix and Bibliography, published separately in Tibetan Studies:
Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan
Studies, Fagernes 1992: Appendix to Volume 1. (Per Kvaerne, ed. Oslo:
Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture, 1994), pp.12-19.
This article was republished with its Appendix and Bibliography as 2003h.
1994b “Early Ninth Century Images of Vairochana from Eastern Tibet.” In Orientations
25(6), pp.74-79.
1996 “Mongolian Mountain Deities and Local Gods: Examples of Rituals for their Worship in
Tibetan Language.” In Reflections of the Mountain: Essays on the History and Social
Meaning of the Mountain Cult in Tibet and the Himalaya. Anne-Marie Blondeau and
Ernst Steinkellner, eds. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, pp.133-140.
1997a “Eighth- and Ninth-Century Temples & Rock Carvings of Eastern Tibet.” In Tibetan Art:
Towards a Definition of Style. Jane Casey Singer and Philip Denwood, eds. London:
Laurence King Publishing, pp.86-103, 296-297.
1997b “Les Grandes Divinités Protectrices des Dalaï-Lama.” In Lhasa, Lieu du Divin: La
capitale des Dalaï-Lama au 17e siècle. Françoise Pommaret, ed. Geneva: Editions
Olizane, pp.105-123.
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1997c “Notes on the Symbol of the Scorpion in Tibet.” In Les Habitants du Toit du Monde,
Études Recueillies en Hommage à Alexander W. Macdonald. Samten Karmay and
Philippe Sagant, eds. Nanterre: Société d’Ethnologie, pp. 283-297.
1997d “Buddhist Images and Rock Inscriptions from Eastern Tibet, VIIIth to Xth Century, Part
IV.” In Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 7th Seminar of the International Association
for Tibetan Studies, Graz 1995, vol 1. Helmut Krasser, Michael Torsten Much, Ernst
Steinkellner, Helmut Tauscher, eds. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, pp.385-403 and Errata.
1997e “A Set of Thirteenth Century Tsakali.” In Orientations 28(10), pp.48-52.
1997f “History of the Cult of Beg-tse, or Some Observations on the Political Relevance of
Tibetan Protective Deities 1450-1750 A.D.” American Academy of Religion Annual
Meeting, 22-25 November 1997. Unpublished conference paper, San Francisco, CA.
1998a “Two Inscribed Fabrics and their Historical Context: Some Observations on Esthetics and
Silk Trade in Tibet, 7th to 9th Century.” In Entlang der Seidenstraße:
Frühmittelalterliche Kunst zwischen Persien und China in der Abegg-Stiftung.
Riggisberger Berichte 6. Karel Otavsky, ed. Riggisberg: Abegg-Stiftung, pp.95-118.
Includes supplemental images.
1998b “An Eighth Century Child’s Garment of Sogdian and Chinese Silks.” In Chinese and
Central Asian Textiles: Selected Articles from Orientations 1983-1997. Hong Kong:
Orientations Magazine, pp.220-222.
1998c “Some Preliminary Remarks on the Excavations at Dulan.” In Orientations 29(9),
pp.84-92.
1998d “The Caves of Gnas mjal che mo.” In The Inner Asian International Style 12th-14th
Centuries: Proceedings of the 7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan
Studies, Graz 1995, vol 7. Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter and Eva Allinger, eds. Vienna:
Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, pp.133-150.
1998e Review of Les Peintures du Bouddhisme Tibétain, by Gilles Béguin. In Asiatische
Studien Études Asiatiques 52(1), pp.287-288.
1998f Review of Alchi: Ladakh’s Hidden Buddhist Sanctuary, The Sumtsek, by Roger
Goepper and Jaroslav Poncar. In Asiatische Studien Études Asiatiques 52(1), pp.293-295.
1998g Review of A History of Tibetan Painting, by David Jackson. In Asiatische Studien
Études Asiatiques 52(1), pp.295-296.
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1998h “Dulan: Some Preliminary Remarks on the Architecture and Artefacts of the Tibetan
Empire.” In Circle of Inner Asian Art Newsletter 8, pp.52-54.
1998i “Questions concerning Tibet and International Trade Routes, 8th to 11th Century.” Circle
of Tibetan and Himalayan Studies, 23 April 1998, University of London School of
Oriental and African Studies. Unpublished conference paper, London, UK.
1999a Review of Worlds of Transformation: Tibetan Art of Wisdom and Compassion, by
Marylin M. Rhie and Robert A.F. Thurman; Review of Ruthless Compassion: Wrathful
Deities in Early Indo-Tibetan Esoteric Buddhist Art, by Rob Linrothe. In Orientations
30(8), pp.95-97.
These two reviews are presented in tandem, with the second review
beginning on page 96.
1999b “Ritratto di Manjusri e Maitreya.” In Tibet: Arte e spiritualità, Un contributo alla storia
dell’uomo. Sonia Bazzeato Deotto, ed. Milan: Skira, pp.101, 186-187. Also available
online at: http://www.tibet.it/ETM/9_Pittura/96_Opere/Galleria/045.htm
1999c “Tibetan History and Religion.” In From the Sacred Realm: Treasures of Tibetan Art
from The Newark Museum. Valrae Reynolds, ed. Munich: Prestel, pp.23-45.
See 1983 above.
1999d Abstract for “The Cult of Vairocana in Tibet (750-1200 A.D.) according to Tibetan
Rituals from Dunhuang Manuscripts and Artistic Representations.” Twelfth Congress of
the International Association of Buddhist Studies, 23-28 August 1999. Unpublished
conference paper, Lausanne, CH.
The actual conference paper is unavailable; however, the abstract is included
for the succinct information it provides on the cult of Vairocana during and
immediately following the Tibetan Empire.
2000a “Works from the Nyingjei Lam Collection in the Light of Recent Sculptural Finds in
Tibet.” In Oriental Art 46(2), pp.14-23.
The title was misprinted; the correct title is: “Chronological Study of Dated
Sculptures from Tibet and the Himalayas, 7th-17th Century.”
2000b Review of The Sculptural Heritage of Tibet: Buddhist Art in the Nyingjei Lam Collection,
by David Weldon and Jane Casey Singer. In Mărg 51(4), pp.89-90. Also available online
at: http://vnweb.hwwilsonweb.com/hww/jumpstart.jhtml?recid=0bc05f7a67b1790e9d1f8
06b25805519066812c6b5c74978b61da330746ae090aae70659a1435c53&fmt=H Heller,
A.,reviewer The sculptural heritage of Tibet (Book Review). Marg v. 51 no. 4 (June 2000)
p. 89-90. (February 21, 2010)
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2000c Review of Record of Tho.ling: A Literary and Visual Reconstruction of the “Mother”
Monastery in Gu.ge, by Roberto Vitali. In Tibet Forum (བོད་ཀྱི་བགྲོ་གླེང) 19(2), pp.33-34.
2001a “Robert Powell and his Himalayan Art.” In Orientations 32(9), pp.60-62.
2001b Review of Cave Temples of Mogao: Art and History on the Silk Road, by Roderick
Whitfield, Susan Whitfield, and Neville Agnew. In Circle of Inner Asian Art
Newsletter 13, pp.56-57.
2001c “On the Development of the Iconography of Acala and Vighnāntaka in Tibet.” In
Embodying Wisdom: Art, Text and Interpretation in the History of Esoteric Buddhism.
Rob Linrothe and Henrik H. Sørensen, eds. Copenhagen: Seminar for Buddhist Studies,
pp.209-228.
2001d “Indian Style, Kashmiri Style: Aesthetics of Choice in Eleventh Century Tibet.” In
Orientations 32(10), pp.18-23.
2001e “Terma of Dolpo: The Secret Library of Pijor.” In Orientations 32(10), pp.64-71.
2002a “The Silver Jug of the Lhasa Jokhang: Some Observations on Silver Objects and
Costumes from the Tibetan Empire (7th-9th Century).” In Asianart.com. Retrieved
February 25, 2010, from http://www.asianart.com/articles/heller/index.html.
See 2003g below.
2002b “Did Atiśa Visit Zha lu Monastery? Tracing Atiśa’s Influence on Tibetan Iconography.”
In Buddhist Art and Tibetan Patronage Ninth to Fourteenth Centuries: Proceedings of
the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000.
Deborah Klimburg-Salter and Eva Allinger, eds. Leiden: Brill, pp.45-58 and plates.
2002c “The Paintings of Gra thang: History and Iconography of an 11th century Tibetan
Temple.” In Tibet Journal 27(1/2), pp.39-72.
2002d “Les nagthang (peintures sur fond noir) et les divinités protectrices: Quelques
observations sur leur développement esthétique et leur signification historique.” In
Rituels Tibétains: Visions secrètes du V ͤ Dalaï Lama. Nathalie Bazin, ed. Paris: Réunion
des Musées Nationaux, pp.38-45.
Heller further wrote the descriptions for the following catalogue entries:
6, 11, 18, 20-22, 24, 25, 27, 29, 33, 34, 41, 42, 44-46, 48-62, 64, 66-73, 82.
2002e Letter to the Editor. In Orientations 33(10), p.61.
Discussion of John Huntington and Dina Bangdel, An Unfortunate
Choice of Words.
5
2002f “Symposium Report: Himalayas, an Aesthetic Adventure.” In Tibet Journal 27(3/4),
pp.196-198.
2002g “Quelle politique le gouvernement chinois pratique-t-il envers la culture traditionnelle du
Tibet?” In Le Tibet est-il Chinois?: Réponses à Cent Questions Chinoises. Anne-Marie
Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille, eds. Paris: Albin Michel, pp.257-261.
Co-authored with Anne-Marie Blondeau.
See 2008f for an English translation.
With the exception of an article written by Fernand Meyer, 2002g-2002m
comprise section G (“Culture et éducation”) of this book.
2002h “Certains journaux étrangers rapportent que la Chine n’accorde pas d’importance à la
culture et à l’histoire tibétaines. Quelle est la situation réelle?” In Le Tibet est-il Chinois?:
Réponses à Cent Questions Chinoises. Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille, eds.
Paris: Albin Michel, pp.261-264.
See 2008g for an English translation.
2002i “Quelle est l’attitude du gouvernement chinois vis-à-vis de la littérature et de l’art
traditionnels du Tibet?” In Le Tibet est-il Chinois?: Réponses à Cent Questions Chinoises.
Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille, eds. Paris: Albin Michel, pp.264-271.
Co-authored with Anne-Marie Blondeau.
See 2008h for an English translation.
2002j “Qu’a-t-on fait dans le domaine de la protection du patrimoine artistique et historique au
Tibet?” In Le Tibet est-il Chinois?: Réponses à Cent Questions Chinoises. Anne-Marie
Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille, eds. Paris: Albin Michel, pp.271-275.
See 2008i for an English translation.
2002k “Où en sont les études tibétologiques en Chine?” In Le Tibet est-il Chinois?: Réponses à
Cent Questions Chinoises. Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille, eds. Paris: Albin
Michel, pp.275-278.
Co-authored with Anne-Marie Blondeau.
See 2008j for an English translation.
2002l “Que fait le Centre de recherches tibétologiques [de Pékin]? Qui en est le responsable?”
In Le Tibet est-il Chinois?: Réponses à Cent Questions Chinoises. Anne-Marie Blondeau
and Katia Buffetrille, eds. Paris: Albin Michel, pp.278-279.
See 2008k for an English translation.
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2002m “Où en est l’utilisation du tibétain au Tibet?” In Le Tibet est-il Chinois?: Réponses à
Cent Questions Chinoises. Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille, eds. Paris: Albin
Michel, pp.289-293.
Co-authored with Anne-Marie Blondeau.
See 2008l for an English translation.
The bibliography for the entire section immediately follows this article on
pp.293-296.
2003a “The Great Protector Deities of the Dalai Lamas.” In Lhasa in the Seventeenth
Century: The Capital of the Dalai Lamas. Françoise Pommaret, ed. Leiden: Brill,
pp.81-98.
2003b “The Three Silver Brothers.” In Orientations 34(4), pp.28-34.
2003c “The Tibetan Inscriptions: Historical Data as Sources of New Discoveries and
Enigmas.” Himalayas: An Aesthetic Adventure symposium, 5 April 2003, Art Institute of
Chicago. Unpublished conference paper, Chicago, IL.
2003d “Archaeological Artefacts from the Tibetan Empire in Central Asia.” In Orientations
34(4), pp.55-64.
2003e Review of Antiquities of Upper Tibet, Pre-Buddhist Archeological Sites on the High
Plateau, Findings of the Upper Tibet Circumnavigation Expedition, by John Vincent
Belleza. In Tibet Journal 28(1/2), pp.201.
2003f “The Tibetan Inscriptions: Dedications, History, and Prayers.” In Himalayas: An
Aesthetic Adventure. Pratapaditya Pal, ed. Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, pp.286-297.
2003g “The Silver Jug of the Lhasa Jokhang: Some Observations on Silver Objects and
Costumes from the Tibetan Empire (7th-9th Century).” In Silk Road Art and
Archaeology 9, pp.213-237.
This is the same essay as 2002a, with minor variations.
2003h “Ninth Century Buddhist Images Carved at lDan ma brag to Commemorate Tibeto-
Chinese Negotiations.” In The History of Tibet, Volume 1: The Early Period: to c. AD
850 The Yarlung Dynasty. Alex McKay, ed. London: RoutledgeCurzon, pp.379-401.
This is a republished edition of 1994a.
2004a “The Vajravali Mandala of Shalu and Sakya: The Legacy of Buton (1290-1364).” In
Orientations 35(4), pp.69-73.
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2004b “Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara.” In Asia Society: The Collection in Context. Retrieved
February 25, 2010, from http://www.asiasocietymuseum.org/region_object.asp?Region
ID=2&CountryID=6&ChapterID=14&ObjectID=499.
2004c “The Lhasa gtsug lag khang: Observations on the Ancient Wood Carvings.” In Tibet
Journal 29(3), pp.3-24. Also available online at: http://www.asianart.com/articles/
heller2/index.html
2004d Review of The Cultural Monuments of Tibet’s Outer Provinces, Amdo, 2 volumes, by
Andreas Gruschke. In Tibet Journal 29(3), pp.101-102.
2004e Review of The Circle of Bliss: Buddhist Meditational Art, by John C. Huntington and
Dina Bangdel. In Mărg 56(1), pp.98-101. Also available online at:
http://vnweb.hwwilsonweb.com/hww/jumpstart.jhtml?recid=0bc05f7a67b1790e9d1f806b
25805519454b51abbfed34653c4b7abf2f01fca9fe11c64c5e8d16e3&fmt=H Heller, A.
[The Circle of Bliss]. Marg v. 56 no. 1 (September 2004) p. 98-101. (February 21, 2010)
2005a “The Second Dalai Lama Gendün Gyatso.” In The Dalai Lamas: A Visual History.
Martin Brauen, ed. Chicago: Serindia, pp.42-51.
2005b “The Protective Deities of the Dalai Lamas.” In The Dalai Lamas: A Visual History.
Martin Brauen, ed. Chicago: Serindia, pp.212-229.
2005c “A Thang ka Portrait of ’Bri gung rin chen dpal, ’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143-1217).” In
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 1 (October), pp.1-10.
http://www.thlib.org?tid=T1222 (accessed February 11, 2010).
2006a “Recent Findings on Textiles from the Tibetan Empire.” In Central Asian Textiles and
Their Contexts in the Early Middle Ages. Riggisberger Berichte 9. Regula Schorta, ed.
Riggisberg: Abegg-Stiftung, pp.175-188.
2006b “Armor and Weapons in the Iconography of Tibetan Buddhist Deities.” In Warriors of
the Himalayas: Rediscovering the Arms and Armor of Tibet. Donald J. LaRocca, ed. New
Haven: Yale University Press, pp.34-41.
2006c “Archaeology of Funeral Rituals as Revealed by Tibetan Tombs of the 8th to 9th Century.”
In Ērān ud Anērān: Studies Presented to Boris Il’ič Maršak on the Occasion of His 70th
Birthday. Matteo Compareti, Paola Raffetta, and Gianroberto Scarcia, eds. Venice: Ca’
Foscari University, pp.261-274. Also available online at: http://www.transoxiana.org/
Eran/Articles/heller.html
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2006d “Rezeption und Adaption fremder ästhetischer Elemente in der tibetischen Skulptur –
Eine Spurensuche” in Tibet: Klöster öffnen ihre Schatzkammern. Essen: Kulturstiftung
Ruhr, Villa Hügel, pp.80-89.
The English version of this article is available below as 2006e.
2006e “Tracing the Reception and Adaptation of Foreign Esthetic Elements in Tibetan
Sculpture.” In Asianart.com. Retrieved February 25, 2010, from http://www.asianart.
com/articles/aesthetics/index.html.
2006f “Tibetan Painting.” In Indian Art Treasures: Suresh Neotia Collection. R.C. Sharma,
Kamal Giri, and Anjan Chakraverty, eds. Varanasi: Jñāna-Pravāha, pp.91-99.
2006g “Preliminary Remarks on the Archeological Investigations of Dulan: 8th—9th
Century Tibetan Tombs?” In Studies in Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Art: Proceedings of the
Second International Conference on Tibetan Archaeology and Art, Beijing, September 3-
6, 2004 (汉藏佛教艺术研究: 第二届西藏考古与艺术国际学术研讨会论文集). Xie
Jisheng, Shen Weirong, Liao Yang, eds (谢继胜, 沈卫荣, 廖旸, 主编). Beijing: China
Tibetology Publishing House (中国藏学出版社). pp.57-76.
2007a “Preliminary Remarks on the Manuscripts of Gnas Gsar dgon pa in Northern Dolpo
(Nepal).” In Discoveries in Western Tibet and the Western Himalayas: Essays on History,
Literature, Archeology and Art. PIATS 2003: Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Tenth
Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Oxford, 2003. Amy Heller
and Giacomella Orofino, eds. Brill, Leiden, pp.129-149.
2007b “P.T. 7A, P.T. 108, P.T. 240 and Beijing bsTan ’gyur 3489: Ancient Tibetan Rituals
Dedicated to Vairocana.” In The Pandita and the Siddha: Tibetan Studies in Honour of E.
Gene Smith. Ramon N. Prats, ed. Dharamshala: Amnye Machen Institute, pp.85-91.
2007c “Lions and Elephants in Tibet, Eighth to Ninth Centuries.” In Journal of Inner Asian Art
and Archaeology, vol 2. Lilla Russell-Smith and Judith A. Lerner, eds. Turnhout: Brepols
Publishers, pp.59-67.
2007d “Mural Conservation in Tibet 1995-2007: Grathang, Shalu and Lukhang Conservation
Projects.” In Restoration and Protection of Cultural Heritage in Historical Cities of Asia:
Between Modernity and Tradition. Francesca De Filippi, ed. Turin: Politecnico di Torino,
pp. 133-140.
2008a Review of Bon—The Magic Word: The Indigenous Religion of Tibet, edited by
Samten G. Karmay and Jeff Watt. In Orientations 39(4), pp.73-74.
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2008b “Observations on an 11th Century Tibetan Inscription on a Statue of Avalokiteśvara.” In
Revue d’Etudes Tibétaines 14: Tibetan Studies in Honor of Samten Karmay, Part 1,
pp.107-116. Available: http://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/journals/ret/pdf/
ret_14_08.pdf
2008c “The Ramoche Restoration Project, Lhasa.” In Orientations 39(6), pp.85-87.
2008d “Homage by an Emperor: A Yung-lo Embroidery Thangka.” In Apollo Magazine
(November), pp.62-68.
2008e “Introduction: Tracing the Development of Early Himalayan Sculpture.” In Early
Himalayan Art. Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, pp.10-39.
Heller further wrote the entirety of the catalogue for the Ashmolean Museum
Himalayan collection.
2008f. “What is the policy adopted by China regarding traditional Tibetan culture?” In
Authenticating Tibet: Answers to China’s 100 Questions. Anne-Marie Blondeau and
Katia Buffetrille, eds. Berkeley: University of California Press, pp.209-212.
Co-authored with Anne-Marie Blondeau.
This is an English translation of 2002g.
With the exception of an article written by Fernand Meyer, 2008f-2008l
comprise Part Seven (“Culture and Education”) of this book.
2008g. “Some foreign newspapers have claimed that China has paid no attention to Tibet’s
history and culture. What are the facts?” In Authenticating Tibet: Answers to China’s 100
Questions. Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille, eds. Berkeley: University of
California Press, pp.212-214.
This is an English translation of 2002h.
2008h. “What is the Chinese government’s attitude toward traditional Tibetan literature and art?”
In Authenticating Tibet: Answers to China’s 100 Questions. Anne-Marie Blondeau and
Katia Buffetrille, eds. Berkeley: University of California Press, pp.214-219.
Co-authored with Anne-Marie Blondeau.
This is an English translation of 2002i.
2008i. “What work has been done to protect cultural relics and historical sites in Tibet?” In
Authenticating Tibet: Answers to China’s 100 Questions. Anne-Marie Blondeau and
Katia Buffetrille, eds. Berkeley: University of California Press, pp.220-223.
This is an English translation of 2002j.
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2008j. “What is the situation of Tibetan studies in China?” In Authenticating Tibet: Answers to
China’s 100 Questions. Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille, eds. Berkeley:
University of California Press, pp.223-224.
Co-authored with Anne-Marie Blondeau.
This is an English translation of 2002k.
2008k. “What does the China Tibetan Studies Center do? Who runs it?” In Authenticating
Tibet: Answers to China’s 100 Questions. Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille,
eds. Berkeley: University of California Press, p.225.
This is an English translation of 2002l.
2008l. “How about the use of the Tibetan language?” In Authenticating Tibet: Answers to
China’s 100 Questions. Anne-Marie Blondeau and Katia Buffetrille, eds. Berkeley:
University of California Press, pp.234-236.
Co-authored with Anne-Marie Blondeau.
This is an English translation of 2002m.
2009a “Tibetan Buddhist Sculptures in the Robert H.N. Ho Family Foundation Gallery.” In
Orientations 40(4), pp.58-63.
2009b “Himalayan Masks, Functions and Forms.” In Facing the Music: Masks from the
Himalayas. Fabio Rossi and Anna Maria Rossi, eds. London: Rossi & Rossi,
pp.6-19.
Heller further wrote the descriptions of the masks in this volume.
In Press “Preliminary Remarks on the Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-Century
Mchod rten at Tholing.” In Tibetan Art and Architecture in Context. Piats 2006: Tibetan
Studies: Proceedings of the Eleventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan
Studies, Königswinter 2006. Erberto Lo Bue and Christian Luczanits, eds. Halle (Saale):
International Institute for Tibetan Studies, pp.43-74.
11
Yale University Art Gallery
Summer - Fall, 1982
Lenders:
The Newark Museum
The Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library &
The Peabody Museum of Natural History, Yale University
Acknowledgements In this vast and sparsely inhabited country --
where people live in almost total isolation in
a land of forbiddingly high mountains, untamed
The author would like to acknowledge the kindness rivers, deep, precipitous gorges, and immense,
waterless deserts -- the harsh winters with their
and generosity of the lenders to the exhibition, icy, howling winds, and violently variable
and the help of Wesley E. Needham who is respon- weather, must have determined the subjective
quality of the Tibetan mind. The nature and
sible for the collection of Tibetan art at The intensity of physical preoccupations and fears
Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library. seem not only to have conditioned the character
of the Tibetan's life, but also to have shaped
the form of his religion.
Pratapaditya Pal
The Art of Tibet
Lhasa, the capital of Tibet, is understood from influence their acts. The members of this
the borders of Nepal to the province of Szechuan, religion also believed that the dead were reborn
covering an area roughly one third the size of in a terrestial paradise. These were the
China. Here, religion is the pervasive force religious concepts prevalent in the area now
which unifies society and dictates the life of known as Tibet until Buddhism was introduced in
independent kingdom, at times under Chinese Indian Buddhism asserts that the nature of human
autonomous regions administered by the People's cycle of rebirths (samsara) from which he can be
Republic of China. Traditionally Tibet was a freed by following the system of discipline and
theocracy and the Dalai Lama, a religious and moral rectitude which was established by
~
political leader, still maintains a Tibetan Sakyamuni, the founder of Buddhism, who lived in
deities associated with the mountains and the indigenous deities were incorporated into the
earth; priests performed divination rites and Buddhist pantheon, and live sacrifices previously
offered in the worship of these deities were or sculpture is to focus the devotee's mind on a
replaced by dough effigies of animals and men. specific deity or principle during the initial
Sakyamuni is considered to be one manifestation stages of meditation. Gradually, the devotee
of Buddha-nature, and with time, the number of progresses toward a higher level of awareness in
manifestations multiplied until there were "one which he is no longer dependent on the sculptural
thousand Buddhas of this age." Lamas, the or pictorial image. Within each stage of
religious teachers and leaders of the various meditation, there are four steps. First, the
sects of Vajrayana Buddhism, are also endowed devotee reads the ritual text while seated in
with Buddha-nature. Because of the importance front of a painting of the particular deity. The
of lamas, Tibetan Buddhism is often referred to pictorial image corresponds in every detail to
as Lamaism. Since the thirteenth century, lamas the textual description. Second, he chants the
have often exercised both religious and secular appropriate prayer (mantra), making ritual hand
power. For example, the Dalai Lama, the leader gestures (mudra). Next, he silently recites the
of the dGe-lugs-pa sect, has been the head of mantra while concentrating on the painting.
the Tibetan government since 1642. Finally, with the image fixed in his mind, the
Tantrism, the study of highly esoteric devotee identifies totally with the deity and
texts, is also a prominent feature of Vajrayana his forces.
Buddhism. In contrast to most forms of Buddhism The Vajrayana pantheon is made up of a
which describe the slow progression toward complex hierarchy of deities. The lama
enlightenment through a series of rebirths, determines which deity corresponds to the
Tantric teaching offers a means of achieving spiritual level of each devotee. The novice
this end in one lifetime. In Tantric texts, concentrates on anthropomorphic figures, while
sexual symbolism, the union of active compassion deities with multiple arms and heads (see nos. 2,
("masculine principle") and wisdom (" feminine 3) are reserved for the more advanced initiate.
principle"), provides an analogy for the The yab-yum ("father-mother") images in which
attainment of enlightenment. two figures are clasped in an embrace symbolize
The primary function of a Tibetan painting the highest form of existence or Supreme Realiza-
tion in which all dualities become one. Thus a
yab-yum image is frequently placed in the center
of the spiritual realm represented by the mandala
(see no. 1).
A geometric diagram of the psychological
progression toward enlightenment, the mandala
represents a concentric or microcosmic universe
enclosed by a square sanctuary. The portals of
the sanctuary are oriented toward the four
directions and function as entrance ways to the
inner sanctum. During certain rites, a mandala
is traced on the ground with colored powdersj the
monk being initiated is then walked through the
progressive circles and squares toward the center.
The precise structure of the mandala, whether
depicted in architectural, sculptural, or
pictorial form, disciplines and purifies the
mind, facilitating ritual identification with
the deity and his powers. Thus the mandala
embodies the essence of Vajrayana teaching in
visual terms.
J
The beginnings of Tibetan art are associated I
with the transmission of Buddhism from India and
Nepal into Tibet and Central Asia. As Buddhist
scriptures were translated from Sanskrit into Fig. 1. Paradise of Arnitabha Buddha (detail)
Tibet, early seventeenth century
Tibetan, cameo illustrations were painted on the
Gouache and gilt on cotton
cover pages, following the iconographical Anonymous loan
prescriptions of the manuscript (see no. 18). aesthetic tradition.
Both written texts and visual images faithfully Just as the art of Western Tibet reflects
reproduced Indian prototypes. From the eleventh cross-cultural influence with Nepal and Kashmir,
century onward, Nepali and Kashmiri artists, as so Eastern and Central Tibetan styles are closely
well as craftsmen from other parts of India, allied with Chinese Vajrayana Buddhist art. In
often accompanied the Buddhist pandits or I
I
the early fifteenth century and again in the mid-
teachers in order to decorate the large 1 eighteenth century, Vajrayana flourished in China
monasteries being built in Western Tibet. and numerous Tibetan pandits and Nepali-trained
Therefore, the Western Tibetan style which Tibetan artists were invited to the Chinese court.
evolved in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries The first printed edition of the Buddhist
is closely related to the art of the neighboring scriptures in the Tibetan language was made in
cultures. Peking in 1410. Moreover, the Chinese emperors
The Ngor Monastery, a center of the Yung-lo (r. 1403-1424) and Ch'ien-lung (r. 1736-
Sa-skya-pa sect, is an excellent example. Founded 1795) commissioned statues of Vajrayana deities
in 1429 and located midway between Katmandu, and patriarchs (see fig. 2), some of which were
Nepal, and Lhasa, it was the main artistic center presented to Tibetan monks who carried them back
of Western Tibet and housed an extensive to Central Tibet. Thus, Tibetan sculpture
collection of Himalayan art. The style of gradually assimilated certain Chinese stylistic
painting practiced at Ngor (see fig. 1, no. 11; elements. For example, the facial features
and no. 13) is characterized by the predominant become more Chinese and less Indian, the drapery
use of primary colors, especially red; a border
of miniature figures framing the central image;
1 folds more voluminous and linear, and the jewelry
more elaborate and refined.
J
and a compositional organization based on The style of painting which developed in
horizontal registers. These stylistic features Central Tibet in the sixteenth and seventeenth
represent adaptations of Indo-Nepali painting. centuries also reveals Chinese influence in the
The consistently high quality of Ngor painting may use of Chinese inspired gilt brocades and sharply
account for the strength and persistance of the faceted rocks, gold outlining of architectural
details, halos, and clouds and the shading of
Chinese motifs, such as pagoda roofs and flowers.
Art
10 11
traversed north, south, east and west by several smaller mountain FIGURE 4
ranges, each region has its own fields, hillside pastures or woodlands,
Prayer stones and flags marking the
and mountains, often with great variation due to exposure of sun or Kharo-la pass between the Tsangpo
winds from one side of the mountain to the other. Valley and the Yamdrok Tso Valley,
The yak (80S grlllllliens), a member of the cattle family which flourishes at central Tibet (D).
Photo: V. Reynolds, 1981
high altitudes, is the indigenous animal of Tibet. The yak and a hybrid of
yak and cattle (T dzo) both provide hair, hides and dairy products and are
also beasts of burden capable of carrying up to l60-pound loads. Sheep
and goats which thrive well in high altitudes are also significant animals
in Tibet's pastoral economy. Tibetan horses and musk, the product of the
Tibetan musk deer, were once important trade commodities.
By virtue of the variations due to altitude and climate, there are two major
axes of Tibetan livelihood, the nomad and the sedentary farmer, reflect-
ing the dichotomy of mountain pastures and sown fields. Precipitation is
scanty in the west, where the Himalayas block the monsoon, but in-
creases steadily as one travels further east along the Tsangpo River.
Irrigation has been known in the Tsangpo basin since prehistoric times.
The eternal snows at the summits of the 25,OOO-foot mountains are
legendary, but even if the mountains are omnipresent, it must be empha-
sized that the image of Tibet as a cold, wild, inhospitable country is false.
Three principal cities grew up along the caravan routes in the area of the
FIGURE 3 Yangtse watershed (T. Dri-chu and Nya-chu) and Huang Ho (T. Ma-chu)
Mt. Chomo Lhari (23,930 feet) with Rivers.
cultivated fields in foreground, Tsang. For purposes of clarity, we may consider this vast space, approximately
Photo: Cutting, 1935 (Q36-C)
seven times the size of France, in three horizontal bands: the fertile valley
of the Tsangpo River running parallel to the Himalayas; a band of high"
lands used for grazing and nomad herds, and in the far north a desert
area, the Changthang region. Tibet's latitude is on the same parallel as
Algeria. Despite great extremes of temperature in the l5,OOO-foot moun-
tain passes used by the caravan routes which have crisscrossed Tibet
since time immemorial, wheat, peas, rye, fruits and vegetables grow
easily in the warm valley of the Tsangpo. Barley, the principal staple, may
be grown almost everywhere but the Changthang, even at extreme
altitudes. In the east, densely wooded forests cover the hillsides while
rice is sown in some of the valleys. Vertiginous gorges of sheer rock
characterize certain areas of the Sino-Tibetan borderland. As the land is
12 13
Tsangpo River valley. South of the Tsangpo is Shigatse, the commercial 11. HISTORY
city closest to the western caravan route arriving from Kashmir and the
Indus valley. Gyantse is also south of the Tsangpo, but due north of In the seventh century A.D when historic records of Tibet began,l the
Sikkim and on a trade route which led to the Ganges valley, conveying valley of the Tsangpo River was the home of independent tribes and
salt and musk to India. Lhasa, the capital, lies north of the Tsangpo on a minor tribal confederations. According to legends which seem to have
tributary. Population estimates of ethnic Tibetans were 6 million prior to their basis in fact, these tribes, speaking varied dialects of the Tibetan
1959. The current estimate of the population of the Tibetan autonomous language, were politically unified from the end of the sixth century
region is 1.8 million, although conflicting figures exist of Tibet's popula- through the late seventh century. The rulers of central Tibet, based in the
tion over the centuries. The International Commission of Jurists' 1960 Yarlung Valley situated southeast of the Tsangpo, had conquered one by
report gives figures ranging from 10 to 15 million for the total ethnic one the Tibetan tribes and principalities of the entire Tsangpo and gradu-
FIGURES Tibetan population. 1 ally extended their territory to include non-Tibetan confederations in the
northern, western and northeastern parts of the plateau. For two cen-
Lake Yamdrok Tso with snow-eovered
turies this new nation was a formidable military power known and
Himalaya range visible in the far
distance (looking to the south), central respected throughout Asia. The Tibetans of central Tibet were clustered
Tibet (0). Photo: Y. Reynolds, 1981 1. International Commission of Jurists, Tibet alld tI,e Clrillese People's Republic, p. 290. in semi-nomadic and farming communities, living in tents protected by
fortified stone walls and watchtowers. Although divided into prin-
::::.:. Cipalities, the entire population took an oath to the most powerful lord,
the tsenpo (btsan po) of Yadung. 2 He unified his territory by matrimonial
alliances with rival tribes and foreign powers as he further expanded the
domain by military conquests.
Tibet was commercially active, crisscrossed by trade routes. 3 Early sev-
enth-century records document export of armor and weapons, horses
and other animals, textiles, salt and the prized Tibetan musk. The Chi-
nese Tang Annals record a spectacular gift received from Tibet in 641 A.D.,
a goose-shaped golden ewer seven feet high and capable of holding sixty
litres of wine. In 648, a miniature golden city decorated with animals and
men on horseback was presented as a gift 4 As one author has written:
To judge from the records of tribute and gifts from
Tibet to rang which over and over again list large
objects of gold, remarkable for their beauty and rarity
and excellent workmanship, the Tibetan goldsmiths
were the wonder of the medieval world. s
Control of the lucrative trade routes and the sacred role of the tsenpo to
conquer provided the major impetus for military expansion. The first
historic tsenpo, Songtsen Gampo (Srollg btS;l1l sgam po, reign 620-50 A.D.),
I. The historical sources for this period are meager but revealing. A cache of seventh- to
tenth-century Tibetan manuscripts was discovered at Dunhuang in the early twentieth
century; among these manuscripts are year by year Tibetan annals covering the reign of
Songtsen Gampo. The Tibetan custom of inscriptions on stone pillars erected at the
consecration of temples and signing of treaties and pacts dates from the eighth century.
Buddhist theologians wrote detailed religious and political histories as of the twelfth
century, compiled from much earlier material. The lerma texts also provide historical
information. For prehistoric Tibet, one must rely on legends and traditions written down
at a later date, but which show the "invariability of the main sequence of the myths,
legends and traditions" (Erik Haarh, Tire Yarlllllg Dy"asly, p. IX).
2. Elliot Sperling, "A Captivity in Ninth Century Tibet," pp. 23, 29-30, explains that the
Chinese term Isall-p'lI ( it ) used to translate Isellpo is the equivalent of "emperor"
rather than "king," which ce'rtainly better connotes the quality of a confederation of tribes
under one leader in seventh- to ninth-century Tibet.
3. On Tibetan trade in general see Christopher Beckwith, "Tibet and the Early Medieval
Florissance in Eurasia."
4. Paul Pelliot, Histoire Allcie""e dll Tibet, pp. 5,6,84, cites the Chinese documents Kieou
rallg Clrou 196A and Sill rallg Clrou 216A for the ewer.
Edward H. Schafer, Till' Golden Peaclres of Samarkalld, p.254, cites Paul Demieville, "Le
Concile de Lhasa," jOllmal Asiatigue, 1975, for the golden city.
5. Schafer, Golden Peaclres, p. 254.
15
conquered portions of the ancient silk route, bringing the Tibetans in 8~2. This bilingual text between the two sovereign powers settled border
contact with Central Asian and Chinese cultures. Songtsen made vassal dtsputes and established a pact of non-aggression. The tsenpo
states of Nepal, portions of northern India and Zhangzhung, a separate Ralpachen (Ral pa can, reign 815-38) followed his predecessor's policy of
area formed of western Tibet and part of northern India. His successor taxatIon of the noble families to support the monasteries, and added two
occupied the oases of Khotan, Kucha, Karashahr and Kashgar from Buddhist clerics to the group of royal ministers. The noble families'
665-92, and gained control of the Nan-chao kingdom (now the Yunnan exclusive priVileges were thus being eroded in favor of the clergy.
region of China) as of 680. Songtsen established Lhasa as his capital, In 838 tsenpo Langdarma (gLang dar ma, reign 838-842) was enthroned
moving from the Yarlung Valley with his five wives: a Chinese princess, a and is said to have severely persecuted Buddhism.1D His assassination
Nepalese princess and three Tibetan noblewomen. four years later is attributed to a Buddhist monk. Langdarma's heirs
Tradition credits the two foreign wives with the introduction of Bud- fought for the throne and the empire fell into chaos. The Tibetans lost
dhism and for the construction of the first Buddhist temples in Lhasa. 6 It control of the oases along the silk route as of 866. Trade with the Arab
seems certain that Songtsen did not become exclusively a Buddhist, Caliphate continued throughout these troubled times. l l According to
however, as numerous documents survive indicating his royal patronage Arab and PerSIan sources, Tibet maintained control of the southern
of the indigenous organized religion, probably called Tsug (gTsug), Pamirs and even the southeastern parts of Farghana well into the tenth
which deified the tsenpo and guaranteed his "divine right" to rule. 7 cent:rry, but the Tibetan empire was lost. Branches of the royal lineage
Nonetheless, the introduction of Buddhism was part of a multi-faceted survIved In Amdo and western Tibet, while central Tibet broke into small
interaction, economic, cultural and political, between the Tibetan royal principalities under the rule of noble families.
government and the cultures of India, Nepal, Central Asia and China. !h~s rela~ively short dynastic period of Tibetan history provides essential
Tsenpo Songtsen's minister, Thonmi, was sent as an envoy to India to InsIghts Into the formation of the Tibetan state and the nature of Tibetan
adapt a script for the Tibetan language. 8 Songtsen's reign is also credited society. and religio~. Parallel situations recur throughout Tibetan history,
with the establishment of the first legal code. when Instead of nval clans, the claimants for power will be various
During the reign of Songtsen Gampo's great-great-grandson, Trisong ord.ers of B~ddhism supported first by the noble families and later by
Detsen (Khri srong Ide btsan, reign 755-ca. 797/98 A.D.), Tibet again ex- vanous foreIgn rulers aligned with certain of these families. The original
tended its control along the silk route, occupying Dun Huang, the SOCIal structure of Tibetan society was perpetuated in the clans and
western gateway to China, from 787 to 866. In central Tibet, an inscribed n?bl~s, ~ll of whom vied for the tsenpo's favors, expressed through
stone pillar attests to the fact that this tsenpo founded the first monas- dIstnbutlOn of land grants and annuities. The nobility was hereditary
tery, Samye (bSam yas), midway between the Yarlung Valley and Lhasa, and each clan was associated with a particular geographic locale. If a
ca. 775. Traditionally it is recounted that Padmasambhava, a Buddhist noble or lord had no heir, the estate returned to the tsenpo. The members
master from Oddiyana (now believed to be the Swat Valley, Pakistan), of the nobility were responsible for counseling the tsenpo and furnishing
came at Trisong Detsen's invitation to subdue the indigenous deities ~en, arms and horses for his military campaigns, in addition to provid-
opposing this monastic center. 9 Chinese Buddhists of the Ch'an order Ing daughters for the politically-based matrimonial alliances. Aside from
and Indian sages of Mahayana and Vajrayana Buddhism came to Samye, the clergy, those who were not nobles were divided into subjects or serfs
influencing the tsenpo to issue an edict ordering his subjects to adopt from ~onquered tribes. The subjects could be socially mobile, capable of
Buddhism in ca. 790. The noble families formed ardent pro- or anti- entenng the clergy or rising to the status of the nobility. The celibate
Buddhist factions. clergy first relied on heredity to ensure succession, which initially passed
In the first half of the ninth century, three tsenpo in succession officially from uncle to nephew. Later, reincarnation replaced heredity to establish
supported Buddhism, while still practicing the indigenous religion succession. Already at the time of Songtsen Gampo, a non-Buddhist
which ensured their theocracy. A major Sino-Tibetan treaty was signed in priestly class with several internal divisions existed. Later, as the Bud-
dhist clergy became numerous, a tax-exempt status was accorded to both
6. Giuseppe Tucci, "The Wives of Srong btsan sgam po,'" pp. 123-8, doubts that the t~e monks living in the monasteries and to the adepts living in medita-
Nepalese wife ever existed as she is not mentioned in historical sources prior to the tive retreat. The nobility was taxed to provide for the needs of the clergy
fourteenth century. Tradition, however, affirms this marriage, see Rolf A. Stein, La Civil- and the upkeep of their establishments, a situation which continued
isation Tibetaine (1981), p. 36.
7. See Religion chapter, pp. 31-32. The principal source for Tsug is Ariane Macdonald,
through modern times. The major cohesive factor of the dynasty had
"Une lecture des P.T. [Pelliot Tibetain] 1286, 1287, 1038, 1047, et 1290. Essai sur la been the tsenpo and the religion he embodied. As royal concessions to
formation et l"emploi des mythes politiques dans la religion royale de Sron bcan sgam po.'" Buddhism were made, the politico-religious institution which guaran-
A very good summary is also to be found in Anne-Marie Blondeau, "Les Religions du
Tibet.'" teed the tsenpo's theocracy and the stability of the empire disintegrated,
8. Stein, (1981), p. 37, explains that it is highly unlikely that in the twenty years of only to be replaced by the establishment of the Buddhist ecclesiastical
Songtsen's reign, Thonmi codified the alphabet enabling Tibetan texts by ca. 644 to state which governed Tibet until 1959.
already be in Dunhuang far from Lhasa. Furthermore Thonmi does not appear in the lists
of ministers in the Tibetan annals for the period. See Hugh E. Richardson, "Ministers of Because of the upheaval following the fall of the Yarlung dynasty, there
the Tibet Kingdom,"' Tibet Journal, vol. 2, no.1 (1977). Nils Simonsson, [Ildo- Tibetische was a hiatus of historical records of almost one century. When records
Studiell, Uppsala, 1957, thought Thonmi was perhaps late eighth to ninth centuries.
Nonetheless, he is traditionally attributed as the creator of the Tibetan alphabet. 10. This is the traditional account, however Blondeau, '"Les Religions du Tibet," p. 254,
9. For a discussion of Padmasambhava's role in the first diffusion of Buddhism to Tibet see cItes a BuddhIst pehtlOn In favour of Langdarma among the Dunhuang manuscripts.
Tucci, Rellgiolls of Tibet, pp. 5-7. 11. Beckwith, "Empire in the West,"' p. 35.
16 17
resume in the mid-tenth century, Buddhism was well established in Tibet The consequences of the decline of Sakya power were pronounced in
and had become the underlying grid over which economic, political and central Tibet where several religious orders and their noble patrons
social institutions would develop. Descendents of the tsenpo played a rivalled for economic and political control. The Sakya order's use of force
vital role in reviving Buddhism in Guge, a principality of western Tibet. against the Pagmogrupa, a Kagyu order and powerful principality in
Royal patronage allowed numerous religious pilgrims to travel to Bud- Ne'u dong, Yarlung, led to the complete defeat of the Sakya order in
dhist Kashmir. Prominent among these .was Rinchen Zangpo (Rm chen central Tibet by the mid-fourteenth century. The leader of the Pag-
bzang po, 958-1055) who returned to Guge bringing Buddhist texts for mogrupa became known as the King of Tibet until the early seventeenth
study and translation, as well as artists to decorate newly-founded tem- century. The influence of the Karmapa lama and his order was strong at
ples. Indian panditas or teachers such as Dipamkara Atisha (in Tibet the Ming court in China and in Kham, while the Gelugpa order, based in
1042-1054) came to Tibet to proselytize and clarify Buddhist philosophy Lhasa, proselytized among Mongol tribes hostile to China.
and ritual practices. In the eleventh century, many Tibetans travelled to The Gelugpa order, founded in the early fifteenth century by Tsong
India, Nepal and Kashmir as pilgrims, then returned to Tibet to spread Khapa (Tsong kha pa, 1357-1419), received foreign royal patronage in 1578
their newly-acquired knowledge. In addition to making translations of when the Mongol prince, Altan Khan, gave the preeminent Gelugpa
Sanskrit and Chinese Buddhist texts, the Tibetan teachers began to write lama the title Dalai Lama ("Ocean of Wisdom" in Mongolian). Utilizing a
their own commentaries and texts on all aspects of Buddhist thought. A new principle of succession which had slowly gained popularity since
core of disciples surrounded each master, leading to the establishment of the Karmapa adopted it in the late thirteenth century, the Dalai Lama was
many diverse Buddhist religious orders and monasteries in Tibet. The considered a manifestation of divine forces, the embodiment of Tibet's
Tibetan nobility and wealthy principalities patronized the various new spiritual protector, Avalokiteshvara. Sacred tradition in fact asserts that
religious movements. Songtsen Gampo, the first historic tsenpo, was also a reincarnation of
It was not long before the monastic establishments vied with their very Avalokiteshvara. Buddhists believe that an enlightened being can man-
patrons for land ownership and commercial profits. Increasingly the ifest in numerous reincarnations; with the transfer of this spiritual en-
monasteries played the role of financiers or creditors. Shifting alliances ergy to a human body, the scheme of reincarnation took on new political
between the powerful lay patrons and the sectarian orders led some ramifications.
monks to adopt a political role in addition to their traditional one of At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Tibet was geographically
religious guidance and spiritual instruction. When the Mongols thre.at- divided along sectarian lines. Toh, Tsang and parts of D were controlled
ened Tibet's northern borders in 1240, Sakya Pandita (Sa skya pandzta, by the King of Tsang, who was aligned with the Karmapa order. The
1182-1251), a learned lama of the Sakya order, was invited to the Mongol Gelugpa had their principal strongholds in and around Lhasa, but also
camp of Godan Khan. Godan wanted a written form of the Mongolian had important centers at Kumbum in Amdo and Litang in Kham, both
language developed which the scholar started to prepare, while inter- protected by Gushri Khan, leader of the Koshot Mongols who had
ceding as political negotiator to sway the M0!1gol invasion of Tibet. In established themselves in the Kokonor region. Sporadic fighting oc-
1249, Godan assigned political control over U and Tsang to the Sakya curred between the factions from 1637 to 1642. With support from Gushri
order. After the death of Godan and Sakya Pandita, another Mongol Khan, the Gelugpa leader, the 5th Dalai Lama (bLo bzang rgya mtsho,
invasion of Tibet occurred, led by Kublai Khan. This Khan in turn became 1617-1682), succeeded in regaining control of Lhasa and routed his Tsang
the patron of Sakya and again conferred rule of Dand Tsang as well as the and Karmapa adversaries. In 1642, The Great Fifth (as he is called) unified
title Tishri ("Imperial Preceptor") on Pagpa Lama, Sakya Pandita's Tibet, from Tatsienlu in the east to the Ladakh border in the west. 13 Lhasa
nephew and heir. Pagpa finalized the Mongol alphabet which was used was re-established as the capital of Tibet: in 1645 the Dalai Lama ordered
for a century. the construction there of the Potala Palace, built on the ruins of a palace
When this Mongol dynasty collapsed in 1368, Sakya power was on the attributed to Songtsen Gampo. The 5th Dalai Lama showed astute diplo-
wane in central Tibet. Members of rival monastic orders such as the macy in renewing cultural ties with India, and in maintaining harmo-
Karmapa had also been present at Kublai's court. In central Tibet, still nious relations with the various Mongol factions and with the Manchu
another religious order, the Drigung pa, had revolted against Sakya rulers of China. Within Tibet, even though he was the supreme Gelugpa
control. The Sakya order retained political control of their own monas- authority, the Dalai Lama actively supported the foundation of several
teries south and west of Shigatse, and their religious influence at Derge in major Nyingmapa monasteries in Kham. The Sayka at Derge prospered
east Tibet endured to the twentieth century. Kublai had granted the as well during his reign. The Karmapa centers in Kham, notably at
family of one of Pagpa's attendants administrative power over Derge, Likiang, were defeated and their canonical literature transferred to the
whose territory would eventually,encompass 78,000 square kilometers.
12 Gelugpa monastery at Litang. 14
This was the beginning of what was to become an increasingly autono- The Great Fifth conferred the title of Panchen Lama on his principal
mous cultural center at Derge, replete with monastery, cathedral, print- Gelugpa teacher, and declared him to be the reincarnation of the Buddha
ing facilities and autonomous administrative pow~r as well ..Derge ",:,as Amitabha. The relation of the Panchen Lama to the Dalai Lama was
linked to Lhasa by matrimonial alliances while relIgIOusly alIgned With 13. Tsepon W. D. Shakabpa, Tibet, A Political History, p. 111, states these boundaries, but
Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, vo!. 11, p. 681 (note 52) cites the "Chronicle of the 5th Dalai
Sakya. Lama" that the Great Fifth's investiture was only over thirteen divisions of 0- Tsang.
12. Joseph Kolmas, Geneology of the Kings of Derge, p. 22. The S~kya order's influence in
Gyantse into the fifteenth century is evident in the great monastIC complex bUIlt by them 14. Yoshiro Imaeda, "L'edition du Kanjur Tibetain de 'Jang Sa-tham," Journal Asiatique,
in 1425. See Tucci, "Gyantse ed i suoi Monasteri," Indo-Tlbetlca IV, part 1, pp. 39-40, 73-93. 1982, p. 181.
19
18
always, in theory, that of master to disciple, as Amitabha is. considered ready established his supremacy. Pholhanas received Manchu support
senior to Avalokiteshvara in the divine hierarchy. In fact, as time passed, in the form of two amban (imperial representatives) accompanied by an
whichever of the two lamas was older became the tutor of the other. To a armed garrison. Pholhanas governed so ably that the garrison was re-
great extent, the role of the Panchen La~a was sup'p.osed to be p~r.ely duced to only five hundred men by 1733 and the role of the amban
spiritual, while the Dalai Lama embodIed both spmtual an? pohtIc~1 became purely nominal. I8 The Dalai Lama had been exiled to Litang
authority. Although the 5th Dalai Lama ha~ greatly co.nsohdated hIS from 1729 to 1735, officially to be safe from the Dzungar menace. I9 He
position, de facto Tibetan independence remamed pre~anous due. to the returned to Lhasa, exercising a purely religious authority while Pho-
threat of the Manchu rulers of China and the Mongol tnbes. Gushn Khan lhanas ruled until 1747. After Pholhanas's death, the Dalai Lama reas-
had stationed a permanent camp north of Lhasa. His support of the serted his authority over all secular and religious affairs, assisted by a
Gelugpa had earned the Koshot Mongol leader the hereditary title of cabinet of three lay ministers and one monk. The presence of the amban
"King of Tibet," although the 5th Dalai Lama was the actual ruler. was maintained in Lhasa to the end of the Manchu dynasty.
The death of the 5th Dalai Lama in 1682 was concealed by his close The Manchu protectorate of Tibet was tempered in the eighteenth cen-
assistant, Sangye Gyatso (Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, 1652-1705) for fifteen tury by the Ch'ien Lung Emperor's official adoption of Tibetan Bud-
years in order to maintain the period of peace and stability: In 1695, the dhism. Invitations and munificent gifts were proffered upon Tibetan
Potala Palace was completed, and in 1697, the 6th Dalm was at last clerics and patronage extended to the publication of a new edition of the
officially enthroned. In 1702 the 6th Dalai Lama renounced his monas.tic canonical literature, printed in the Tibetan language in Beijing. North of
vows, much to the dismay of the Panchen Lama and the other major Beijing, Ch'ien Lung constructed a summer capital at Jehol with replicas
Gelugpa lamas as well as Gushri Khan's heir, Lhazang Khan. A ~anch~ of the Potala Palace and other important Tibetan monuments.
ally, Lhazang resented being kept from the secret of the 5th DalaI L~n:a s In 1774-75, the Panchen Lama had the first official contact with a British
death. He advanced on Lhasa, assumed full political control by kIllmg representative by acting as intermediary between the Bhutanese and the
Sangye Gyatso and deposing the 6th Dalai Lama. Lhazang installed a British. 20 Thirteen years later, Tibet became embroiled in a trade dispute
new Dalai Lama who was not accepted by the Tibetan people. The with Nepal, and in 1791, when the Nepalese sacked the Panchen Lama's
Kokonor Mongols and the lamas of the Lhasa Gelugpa monasteries Tashilhunpo monastery and occupied nearby Shigatse, it was the signal
called on the Dzungar Mongols to divest them of Lhazang. I5 In 1717 the for Manchu intervention. In 1792, a combined Manchu-Tibetan army
Dzungar lay siege to Lhasa, deposed the "false" Dalai Lama and kill.ed defeated the Nepalese and crushed the dissident Karmapa forces in
Lhazang Khan. Their destruction of several Nyingmapa monastenes Tsang who had supported this breach of Lhasa authority. The amban's
aroused the enmity of the Tibetans, but, above all, the Dzungar we:e power increased in consequence, for at least a few years. 2I
unsuccessful in their attempts to restore the rightful Dalai Lama, born m During the major part of the nineteenth century, the status quo of Lhasa
Litang in 1708. Sheltered first in Derge, then in Kumbum, the 7th Dalai authority and nominal Manchu protectorate was maintained. In China
Lama was enthroned following a Manchu military expedition in 1720 to weak emperors followed Ch'ien Lung. The tottering Manchu regime was
squash the Dzungars. threatened by internal rebellions and intervention by European powers.
The Manchu withdrew their troops from Lhasa in 1723, retreating to the In the mid-nineteenth century, border and trade disputes with Ladakh
east where they annexed the Kokonor region in 1724. 16 The political and Nepal led Lhasa into contact with British India. 22 The Lhasa govern-
administration and boundaries of Kham were redefined in 1725 as the ment was headed by regents during the reign of several Dalai Lamas: the
next move in Manchu designs on Tibet.l7 Using a branch of the Yangtse 8th, who was predominantly interested in religion, and the 9th through
River as a rough divide, Lhasa controlled all territory west of the river 12th, who died prematurely.
while, to the east, under Chinese protection but autonomous local ad-
In Kham, at this time, the local chief of Nyarong had been encroaching
ministration, twenty-five semi-independent native states or prin- upon the lands of other native chiefs, even as far as Litang, and suc-
cipalities were recognized. Derge was the wealth~estan? most important ceeded in conquering the neighboring states of Derge and Hor. In
of these. A pillar on the Bum La pass, about SIxty mIles southwest of 1863-64, when the Sichuan provincial authorities failed to block these
Batang, served to demarcate the boundary which extended due nort~ to invasions, Lhasa sent troops to do so, defeating the Nyarong chief in
Kokonor. Internal governmental rivalries between the Lhasa cabmet
ministers and the 7th Dalai Lama's father (for the Dalai Lama was but an 18. Garrison figures from Kolmas, Tibet and Imperial China, p. 41; Richardson, A Short
adolescent at the time) led to a civil war in central Tibet in 1727-28. The History of Tibet, p. 53, points out that the Pholanas was now resented by the Tibetans
rival parties appealed to the Manchu who sent an army to restore order. because he did not openly oppose Chinese overlordship of Tibet.
By the time the Manchu troops arrived in Lhasa, a former ally of Lhazang 19. Petech, China and Tibet, p. 174.
20. Prior to this, due to the simple fact of distance, very few Europeans had ever reached
Khan, the cabinet minister Pholhanas (Pho lha nas, 1689-1747) had al- Tibet. Jesuit missions were briefly established at Tsaparang and Shigatse in the early
seventeenth century. Italian missionaries - Jesuit and Capuchin - had even built a
15. Kolmas, Tib~t and Imp~rial China, p. 32; Shakabpa, p. 135. church in Lhasa during their residence from 1707 to 1745. But concomitant with the
Mauchu protectorate, Tibet closed its borders to all foreigners other than the Chinese.
16. Kolmas, Tibet and Imperial China, p. 42, noting that the loss of Kokonor and Kham
meant a reduction in Tibetan territory by almost half. 21. Kolmas, Tibet and Imperial China, pp. 47-48.
17. Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet, pp. 2-3; Kolmas, Tibet and 22. Shakabpa, pp. 176-181, for details of the Ladakhi war; Kolmas, Tibet and Imperial China,
China, p. 41; Luciano Petech, China and Tibet in the Early EIghteenth Century, p. 90 gIves the p. 52, for date of annexation by Britain; Shakabpa, pp. 181-2, for details of the war with
Nepal in 1855 to 1856.
comprehensive discussion of the period.
20 21
1865. The Chinese emperor granted the Dalai Lama control of Nyarong
and Derge, although the Derge prince retained his title. Nyarong re- invitation from Beijing. In the hopes of reversing the Chinese policies in
volted again in 1894. This time Chinese troops penetrated into Nyarong, Kham, the Dalal Lama went to Beijing. To counterbalance their loss of
occupying most of the country. From Nyarong the Chinese forces face from the Younghusband expedition, the Chinese had established
reached Derge, in the midst of a succession dispute, and the royal family the new post of Imperial Resident in Chamdo in eastern Tibet. En route
was imprisoned. A settlement was reached in late 1897, reinstating Lhasa to Chamdo, the Resident stopped first in Tatsienlu, capital of the autono-
rule of Nyarong, and resolving, temporarily, the Derge succession. 23 mous state of Chala, where he deposed the King. He then proceeded to
In Lhasa, the government of the 13th Dalai Lama (1876-1933) was in- Batan~, where he took up temporary residence and attempted to inter-
creasingly preoccupied with international relations despite Manchu en- fere WIth Gelugpa control of the area. The monks led a revolt and the
couragement to maintain an isolationist foreign policy. Certain factions ReSIdent was killed, A general uprising of all the monasteries in Kham
of the Lhasa government believed that the British would destroy their ensued. A Chinese punitive mission from Sichuan razed the Batang
religion. 24 Tibet had a direct border with the kingdom of Sikkim, subject monastery and executed the Tibetan headmen in retaliation. Chao Er
to British protectorate since 1850. In 1885 the Manchu granted authoriza- Feng was appointed to regain Chinese control of eastern Tibet and he
tion for a British expedition to China via Tibet but the Tibetans refused soo~ earned t~e nickname "Chao the Butcher" for his aggressive actions
the British access to their territory. In 1888 the Tibetans and the British agalns.t local Tibetan authorities. In autumn, 1908, Chao took his turn at
clashed briefly at the border of Sikkim, leading to a Sino-British agree- resolVing the long-s~andingsuccession dispute at Derge. By the summer
ment in 1890 to redefine the border and recognize British interests in of 1909, Chao, haVing secured Chinese control of Derge, started for
Sikkim. Trade access was thus established but remained problematic. Chamdo, the eastern gateway to central Tibet. With troops from Batang
FICURE6
Curiously, while British overtures were being refused, a pro-Russian and Derge, Chao occupied first Chamdo, then Draya and Markham.
Only Nyarong remained an obstacle27 The 13th Dalai Lama, portrait photo
Buriat Mongol monk named Dorjiev had considerable personal influence
taken In studiO of Th, Paar, Darjeeling,
as one of the Dalai Lama's councilors. In 1898 he visited Russia whence he dunng the Dalai Lama's stay there,
returned with presents for the Dalai Lama and the message that, as 27, Kolma,;, Tibet alld Imperial Cllilla, pp, 54-65; Teichman, pp, 19-27, ca. 1910-12 (f22-C)
China was weak, Tibet should turn to Russia for alliance. The Dalai Lama
was invited to visit Russia, but the Tibetan Assembly opposed the jour-
ney. Instead, Dorjiev, received by the Czar as "Envoy Extraordinary of
the Dalai Lama," journeyed again to Russia and back. 2s Tibet's strategic
position at the heart of Asia became crucial to British, Russian and
Chinese schemes for the continent.
In 1903 a British military expedition led by Colonel Younghusband en-
tered southern Tibet in order to force Lhasa into opening trade discus-
sions and to counter Russian influence. Bhutan and Sikkim urged Lhasa
to negotiate but to no avail. The expedition crossed the Sikkimese border, 1
lay siege to Gyantse for three months while awaiting a Tibetan party for 1i
negotiations, and finally descended on Lhasa in August, 1904. Having
authorized the regent to negotiate, the Dalai Lama fled to Mongolia, t
already under Russian influence. This seemed to confirm the worst of
British fears, but within a month an agreement was signed by the Ti-
betans, authorizing a British trade agent to remain in Tibet and guaran-
teeing Tibetan compliance with previous Sino-British trade conventions.
The British had sought direct negotiation because, as their representative
explained, "We regard Chinese suzerainty over Tibet as a constitutional
fiction - a political affectation which has only been maintained because I
of its convenience to both parties."26
The DaJai Lama remained in Mongolia more than a year, then travelled to
Kumbum, the important Gelugpa monastery near Lake Kokonor. Here
he received a message from Lhasa urging his return, and an imperial
23. Petech, Aristocracy lllld COl'emll1i'11t ill Tibet, 1', 178 for the invasions of Litang and
II
Derge, The best source for the Nyarong rebellion is Tashi Tsering, "A Preliminary Study in
Nyagrong Gompo Namgyei," Proceedillgs of the Illtt'rllali(//lal Associatioll for Tilletall Studies,
Columbia University Seminar 1982, B.N. Aziz and M. Kapstein, eds. (publication
pending),
24, Shakabpa, 1', 206
25. Richardson, SIIort History, 1', 82.
26, Letter from Lord Curzon, Viceroy of India, quoted in Shakabpa, p, 219,
22
23
Using the northern route via Kumbum, the Dalai Lama returned to
Lhasa in December, 1909. Lhasa sent public appeals to Europe and
Beijing to stop the advance of the Chinese forces but to no avail. In
February, 1910, Chinese troops invaded Lhasa. This time the Dalai Lama
sought asylum in India, and in Beijing the British officially protested
violation of the conventions in Tibet. 28 One contingent of Chao's troops
advanced west of the Salween into the Brahmaputra basin, while another
took Kanze, just outside of Nyarong. Chao forcibly annexed Nyarong in
the spring of 1911, completing his control of Kham. He would have
organized this area into a new Chinese province called Hsi Kang but in
December, 1911, Chao was executed as the Chinese revolution broke out.
Taking advantage of China's chaotic political situation, Lhasa forces over-
came the Chinese troops stationed in central and southern Tibet, and
uprisings occurred in Kham. The republican successor to Chao Er Feng
looted Tatsienlu where he burned the Chala Palace, then destroyed the
Chamdo monastery and reinstated Chinese control of Batang, Chamdo,
Derge and Kanze 29
The Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa in January, 1913, and issued a declara-
tion of independence. A tripartite British, Chinese and Tibetan con-
ference was held in 1914 at Simla to attempt to resolve the boundary
issues. Despite the initial approval of all parties, only the British and
Tibetan governments ratified the agreement. 30 A tentative settlement
was reached diViding the disputed territories roughly along the 1725
Bum La boundary, but leaving the monasteries of Batang and Litang
(inside "Chinese" territory) in Tibetan control. Hostilities along the
border led to a new mediation in 1918, upholding Tibetan claims to
Chamdo, Draya, Markham and Derge, while ceding Batang, Litang,
Nyarong and Kanze to China. Further negotiations occurred in 1932,
reinstating the 1918 "armistice line." The Dalai Lama remained suspicious
of Chinese movements in Kham and warned, just before his death, of the
died suddenly in 1937 in Jyekundo. In 1939 the ]4th Dalai Lama was FIGURE 7
coming danger of Communism to the Tibetan religious order. The death
of the 13th Dalai Lama in December, 1933, offered the Nationalist govern-
foun~ m the Kokonor region, administered by the Chinese since 1724 but
ethlllcally and culturally Tibetan. Lhasa paid a substantial ransom to the Si-Ion Yab-shi Lang-dun, Prime
ment of Chiang Kai-shek, whose earlier overtures to Lhasa had been Minister of Tibet, Lhasa, Photo:
local authorities in order to obtain his passage from China. Cutting, ]937 (l20-C)
rebuffed, the opportunity to make the first official Chinese visit to Lhasa
since the invasion of 1910. After offering condolences and gifts to the During World War If, Tibet remained strictly neutral, refusing both
Lhasa government, the Nationalists proposed that Tibet become a part of Chmese and BntIsh requests to transport materials through Tibetan
China. This was rejected and the Chinese mission departed leaving in territory. A threatened coup d'etat was aborted in Lhasa in ]947.33 The
Lhasa a small Chinese garrison and a radio transmitter. In 1934, a local capital was still reeling from the rivalries among the monasteries when
uprising against Lhasa authority occurred in Kham, drawing Tibet into Mao, m 1949, announced by radio that Tibet would soon be "liberated."
negotiations with Chiang Kai-shek's government. At the same time Mao In October, 1950, Chinese Communist forces attacked several areas of
Tse-tung's Communist troops, fleeing central China, attempted to enter Kham and simultaneously invaded northeastern Tibet and Changthang.
Kham but were turned back by Tibetan government soldiers. 31 The Lhasa sent m.essages to the United Nations to protest the invasion, but
Panchen Lama, in China since 1923, had become a protege of China. 32 no offICIal action was taken. The Dalai Lama sought asylum to the south
When the Panchen proposed to return accompanied by five hundred near the Sikklmese ~order in order to avoid being taken prisoner. A
Chinese troops, Lhasa was obliged to refuse him access unless the troops settlement was negOtiated by the former Tibetan governor of Chamdo
remained in Chinese territory. The Panchen traveled toward Tibet, but who now became a Chinese puppet. The settlement guaranteed th~
status of the Tibetan government and the safety of the DaJai Lama (now
28. Richardson, Short His/or!l, p. 98. persuaded to return to Lhasa) as well as the protection of established
29. Teichman, pp. 29-42.
rehglOus customs, but admitted Chinese military occupation of Tibetan
30. Kolmas, "The McMahon Line: Further Development of the Disputed Frontier," Til'etan
Studies ill Honour of H. E. Riclwrdson. points out in note 8, p. 183, that in fact the Tibetan and terntory. The Dalal Lama returned to find that by 1951 there were twenty
Chinese plenipotentiaries both sigilI'd the map and the convention; it was however, never thousand troops stationed in and around Lhasa alone.34
ratified by the Chinese government.
33. Richardson,. "The Rva sgreng Conspiracy of 1947," Tibl'tllll Stlld,es in HOllour of H. E.
31. Shakabpa, p. 278.
Rtclrard~oll, prOVides an excellent account of the circumstances surrounding these events.
32. Richardson, Short Histor~. p. 144. 34. International Commission of Jurists, pp. 288-311.
24
25
In 1954 the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama 35 visited Beijing in an
attempt at conciliation with the Chinese government. Despite the 1951
agreement the Chinese had begun to implement "reforms:" confiscation
of large estates, deportation of children to China, assaults on the clerics
and desecration of the monasteries, along with taxation to an extent
hitherto unknown. Demonstrations against the Chinese accompanied
active guerilla warfare which spread throughout Tibet, instigated in
Kham where "reforms" had inflicted the most economic hardships and
personal humiliation on the population. The Dalai Lama and the Pan-
chen Lama visited India in 1956 and there met with the Chinese on
neutral ground to request removal of Chinese troops, restoration of the
status existing at the death of the 13th Dalai Lama, and abandonment of
the Chinese program of reforms. 36 The only Chinese concession was a
moratorium of five years in the implementation of the reforms planned
for Tibet. Tibet remained occupied and in a constant state of guerilla
warfare. By early 1959, Tibetan guerillas controlled most of southern
Tibet. The Chinese pressured the Dalai Lama to use Tibetan troops to
crush the resistance movement, composed largely of men from Amdo
and Kham.
The Dalai Lama fled Lhasa in disguise on the night of March 17, 1959,
receiving protection from the guerillas as soon as he crossed the Tsangpo
River. He continued to India where he was granted political asylum. The
Chinese troops in Lhasa shelled the Norbu Linga, the Potala and other
strategic sites and installed a military government. Approximately one
hundred thousand Tibetans followed the Dalai Lama to India 37 In Sep-
tember, 1959, the question of Tibet was at last discussed in the United
Nations but no official sanctions were taken. The guerilla movement
continued unabated throughout the sixties, while further land and civil
reforms were enacted. FIGURE 8
The Dalai Lama established a government in exile at Dharamsala, India. The 14th Dalai Lama, ca. age 10.
The flood of refugees continued to swell, bringing news with them of Photograph sent to Cutting in 1945
atrocities in Tibet. The International Commission of Jurists stated in their with the greeting: "In accordance with
the authorization of the Buddha, this
report that acts of genocide had been perpetrated in Tibet by the Chi- is the 14th Dalai Lama, immutable
nese. 3S Tibet was particularly hard hit by the Chinese Cultural Revolu- holder of Vajra and master of the
tion and its after-effects of ca. 1965-75. Out of some three thousand
I
completely perfect teachings."
monastic establishments in existence prior to 1959, only a handful remain (Cutting gift 1982, 82.90)
today, essentially as museums. Since 1980 some international journalists
and tourists have been allowed into Lhasa. The Lhasa Cathedral is
reopened for public worship and portions of the Potala Palace are opened
to visitors. The guerilla movement seems to have been suppressed, yet
Tibetans inside and outside their country yearn for their independence
and freedom to practice the religion which has been the matrix of their
culture.
35. This disputed incarnation oi the ranchen Lama was born in 1938 in Qinghai and his
recognition supported by the Chinese government which circumvented traditional Ti-
betan coniirmation procedures. See Shakabpa, p. 300.
36. Richardson, Sh",t History, p. 203.
37. In regard to Tibet's other major religious leader, the ranchen Lama, already aligned
with the Chinese (Shakabpa, pp. 306-7, 31O-1l), remained at Tashilunpo, his historic seat,
iollowing the events of 1959; later he became vice-president of the Committee for the
Autonomy of Tibet, the highest Communist rarty organ in Tibet. In "1904, the ranchen
Lama "disappeared" only to resurface again in 1979-80 when he was elected, in Beijing, as
vice-chairman of the Minority People's Congress.
38. International Commission oi jurists, pp. 288-311.
26
27
Ill. RELIGION
1. Buddhism
Prior to 1959, Tibet was governed as an ecclesiastical state according to
the principles of Buddhism. This religion was founded in northern India
during the sixth century B.C. by Shakyamuni, known by epithet as
Buddha, "The Enlightened One." His teachings concentrated on the
alleviation of the suffering inherent to the impermanence of life and
man's unfulfilled desires. The ethical system proposed by Shakyamuni
focused on the accumulation of good moral deeds and the development
of a wise and disciplined mind. The goal of the accumulation of good
deeds is to purify the mind and ensure a positive rebirth in which it will
be possible to attain salvation. The world of samsara including divine,
human, animal and infernal realms, is conceived of as involving suffer-
ing in all of its aspects. To be born as a human is considered best because
only man can aspire to Buddhahood. The doctrine of rebirth was com-
mon in India at the time. Shakyamuni opened the road to salvation for all,
regardless of caste, who followed his precepts.
His first teaching was encapsuled in the "Four Noble Truths:" 1) Dukkha
(suffering), the fundamental nature of all conditioned existence is suffer-
ing, and 2) Samudaya (the cause and arising of suffering), the origin of
suffering is unfulfilled desire coupled with karma accumulated in this and
past lifetimes. Suffering and the origin of suffering are basic philosophi-
cal concepts of Buddhism. Suffering can be understood as the obvious
suffering of daily life such as illness, loss and death, and, on a more
profound level, as the suffering arising from the inevitable imperma-
nence and interdependence of existence. It is this impermanence and
interdependence on all other phenomena that is meant in the phrase
"conditioned existence." After years of searching Shakyamuni finally
discovered the state of unconditioned existence, which is 3) Nirvana (the
cessation of suffering), to be attained by eliminating desire and karma.
4) Marga (the path), the way leading to nirvana, is the "Noble Eightfold
Path." This consists of: 1) Right Understanding, 2) Right Thought,
3) Right Speech, 4) Right Action, 5) Right Livelihood, 6) Right Mindful-
ness, 7) Right Concentration, and 8) Right Views. To practice the
Eightfold Path, Buddhists take refuge in the "Three Jewels:" the Buddha,
the Dharma (the Buddhist sacred philosophical and moral code), and the
Sangha (the community which upholds these values).
If one followed these principles, moral imperfections acquired in pre-
vious lifetimes could gradually be cleared and no further defilements
would accumulate as the individual continued his course toward nir-
vana. According to the Buddha's explanations, everything is imperma-
nent, composed of transient aggregates in a state of constant flux and
mutual conditioning. Due to the intrinsic composite nature of every-
thing, it is said that everything is void of inherent existence. This is the
Buddhist doctrine of emptiness or sunyata. Thus physical elements and
mental attitudes, and the very ego itself are all impermanent, but in the
normal everyday world (termed samsara) these aggregates (including the
perception of the self) are perceived by un-enlightened beings as real and
constant. When nirvana is realized the transient nature of the aggregates
is fully perceived, ignorance, craving and hatred are eliminated, and FIGURE 9
enlightened awareness is achieved.
Chortens, Kham. Photo: Shelton,
In the first centuries after Shakyamuni's death, divergent interpretations ca. 1905--20 (032-5)
28 29
of the nature of reality and of nirvana led to the establishment of different deities and their realms. But the very philosophical doctrines of Bud-
sub-schools of Buddhism. Theravada, an early school still practiced in dhism made the existence of deities possible only if the deities represent
Ceylon and Southeast Asia, maintains that nirvana is distinct from the manifestations of consciousness. Buddhism is atheistic in philosophy
world as we know it. The Mahayana tradition (the "Great Way," founded but may be polytheistic in practical worship, depending upon individual
ca. second century A.D.) postulates that nirvana is attainable in this world preference. In addition to a deified Shakyamuni and other Buddhas, the
and is not, in the final analysis, different from samsara. Nirvana and religion gradually incorporated many early Indian Hindu deities into the
samsara are related like the two sides of a coin, all a matter of how we pantheon.
perceive the phenomenal world. If we are able to fully apprehend the Buddhism as practiced in Tibet is the integration of Theravada, Ma-
doctrine of emptiness, which expounds the composite nature of the hayana and Vajrayana philosophies in conjunction with indigenous Ti-
interdependent, impermanent elements consituting the phenomenal betan beliefs and ritual practices, assimilated into a Buddhist conceptual
world, then we could live in a state of nirvana even while we are in this framework. The different orders which evolved within Tibetan Bud-
physical body. But herein lies a fundamental distinction between Ma- dhism (to be discussed below) reflect emphasis either on mystic medita-
hayana practice and Theravadin practice. The Theravada school stresses tion or on intellectual insight as the foundation of meditation, but all
the personal enlightenment of the individual, as epitomized by the adhere to the basic Buddhist tenets.
Arhat, a Buddhist monk who achieves the highest state of perfection. By
practicing monastic discipline in accordance with the sermons of the 2. The Indigenous Religion
Buddha (Sutras) and appropriate meditation on the impermanent nature
Before the introduction of Buddhism in the seventh to eighth centuries
of reality, the Arhat realizes nirvana and will no longer be reborn. In
A.D., Tibetans believed in a divinely ordered universe over which a
Mahayana teachings, the practitioner emulates the Bodhisattva striving
deified ruler, the tsenpo, presided. It has been proposed that this religion
for the collective salvation of all sentient beings. A Bodhisattva ("En-
was called Tsug (gTsug), the term used for the divine order of the
lightenment Being") delays his own nirvana in order to assist others in
universe. 2 The sacred character of the early tsenpo is attested by numer-
their attainment of enlightenment. 1
ous early documents and contemporary inscribed stele. The persona of
As Mahayana developed, the concept of the nature of Buddha, The the ruler had a personal guardian deity, the Kula (sKu bla)3 identified
Enlightened One, became increasingly abstract. Shakyamuni, the his- with a sacred mountain and worshipped by the populace to ensure their
toric Buddha of our age, came to be considered as one of over a thousand prosperity, through the practice of herbal burnt offerings. As a human
Buddhas which will appear in the course of this aeon (Kalpa). The idea of manifestation of divine presence, the tsenpo first appeared on earth as he
a series of appearances in this world by successive Buddhas was ex- descended from a sacred mountain. The Kula is thus identified as a
tended further in India in the first to second centuries by the idea of a divinity/mountain, and as an ancestor and support of the vital principle
plurality of Buddhas in one time span. Buddhahood thus came to be seen of the tsenpo, who reunited with his Kula upon burial in a tomb called
as a universal principle. Five main Buddhas representing Buddha fami- "mou~tain." There. the tsenpo's remains awaited rebirth in a joyous
lies developed: Vairocana ("Resplendent") at the center, with Amitabha paradIse when a fmal resurrection would occur. Funeral ceremonies
("Boundless Light"), Akshobhya ("Imperturbable"), Amoghasiddhi ("In- were elaborate, including ritual sacrifice of animals performed by priests
fallible Success") and Ratnasambhava newel-born") radiating out as the called Bonpo.4 Deification of the tsenpo and the mountains was accom-
four cardinal points. panied by precise divination rituals, celebrated by priests called shen. The
Concomitant with Mahayana, Vajrayana Buddhism developed, centered social ideal of human justice and equality through equal distribution of
on the Buddha's doctrine as expounded in the group of texts called resources were part ~nd parcel of the divine order which the tsenpo
Tantras. These texts teach the transformation of all actions and emotions preserved. The orgamzed Tsug religion appears to have been practiced
in the path toward Buddhahood which, according to Vajrayana, may be
reached in one lifetime by a particularly direct path. The path involves
2. Both Rolf A. Stein, Tibetan Civilization, and Giuseppe Tucci, The Religions of Tibet, discuss
disciplined concentration through yoga practices which enable an indi- the Ideas and pracllces of the mdlgenous Tibetan religion, but the first study to establish
vidual to gain control over his body and his mind. The practices include the term Tsug and :he most comprehenSive discussion is Ariane Macdonald, "Une lecture
contemplating external objects such as images' of deities which help to des P. T. (Pelhot Tlbetam) 1286, 1287, 1038, 1047 et 1290. Essai Sur la formation et l'emploi des
mythes pohllques dans la rehglOn royale de Srori bcan sgam po."
purify the body, speech and mind. An icon reflecting tantric Buddhist 3. The terr'2 Kula (sKu:bla) is of prime importance, as the core term bla is pronounced "La",
concepts which occurs frequently in painting and sculpture is the yab- slgmfymg hfe force. Recent scholarship has shown the relation of this term with the
yum image. In such an image, the ecstasy of nirvana is described in word lama (bla-ma) signifying ':spiritual master." The lama is of such importance in
Tibetan Bu.ddhlsm that the rehglOn Itself is often referred to as "Lamaism." See Ariane
analogy to human sexuality: the male figure (termed yab, "father") repre- Macdonald and Yoshno Imaeda, Choix de Documents Tibetains Conserves a la Bibliotheque
sents active compassion, and the female figure (termed yum, "mother") NatlOnale, vo!. n, pp. 12-15.
represents transcendental wisdom. The union of these complementary 4. The term for funerary priests specialized in ritual sacrifice (Bonpo) has often been
erroneously confused WIth two later concepts: the organized religion called Bon, whose
forces is the essence of the enlightened mind. adherents are called Bon poand individual exorcist priests (dBon-po) who practice outside
The Tantras provide rich iconographic sources by their description of of any orgamzed TIbetan rehgion. Because these terms are almost homonyms, many early
European VISitors to Tibet thought that the pre-Buddhist religion was the shamanism
1. David Snellgrove, Buddhist Himalaya, gives an excellent overview of the development prachced by the dBon-po. The religion described in the Dunhuang manuscripts is not
and the doctrines of Buddhism. See also, Walpola Rahula, What The Buddha Taught, and shamamsllc. Also, the later Tibetan hIstorical tradition linked the early organized royal
Edward Conze, Buddhism: Its Essence and Development. rehgIOn WIth Bon, further confusing the matter.
30 31
in central Tibet and over a large extent of the Tibetan empire in the hayana are int~grated with the more ritualistic and mystical Vajrayana.
seventh to ninth centuries. s The tsenpo Tnsong Detsan recognized this by his edict establishing
The first historic tsenpo, Songtsen Gampo (reign 620-650 A.D.), is tradi- separate status for monks i~ monasteries and for tantric hermit adepts.
tionally credited with the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet by virtue of Teachers of the Chmese Ch an Buddhist sect proselytized at Samye as
his matrimonial alliances with a Chinese princess and a Nepalese prin- well, to such a~ extent. that, according to tradition, a debate was held (ca.
cess. The two wives are held responsible'for the tsenpo's conversion to 797) to ?eterml~e whIch Buddhist school Tibet would officially adopt.
Buddhism, and for the construction of the first Buddhist temples in The C~mese p~lest was defeated, and thus Tibet opted for the Indian
Lhasa. Yet contemporary documents state that Songtsen Gampo swore BuddhIst teachmgs of Mahayana and Vajrayana.7 Tradition aside, it is
to sacrifice (hardly orthodox Buddhist practice!) a hundred horses on the clea.r that several schools of Buddhist thought were known in Tibet
tomb of his faithful minister, evidence of his continued adherance to dunng.the seventh to ninth centuries, and that opposition to any form of
Tsug. In fact, recent scholarship indicates that it was Songtsen Gampo BuddhIsm was also present in those who still favored the indigenous
who codified the Tsug religion to ensure the stability of the empire and organized religion.
the royal government as well as to enhance the prestige of the royalty and In the first ha.1f of the ninth century, three tsenpo in succession sup-
their descendents. 6 By offering a total vision of the world and time, the por~ed BuddhIsm a~d esta.blished by edict the basis for monastic power
tsenpo governed his subjects both in life and in the afterlife. m TIbet: two BuddhIst clerICS were added to the tsenpo's councilors and
The concepts and practices of Tsug were fundamentally irreconcilable property was allocated for monasteries, which were accorded a tax-
with the basic principles of Buddhism: the Tsug belief in an afterlife and exempt st~tus a~d given financial support through taxation of the popu-
resurrection versus the Buddhist belief in the impermanence of all exis- lace. In thIS penod many Indian teachers were invited to Tibet both to
tence; the Tsug ideal of human happiness versus the Buddhist concept of pr~ach and to undertake the arduous task of translating the Buddhist
suffering related to existence; and immediate human justice versus the scnptu~es from Sanskrit into Tibetan, a project which was finally com-
cycle of rebirths and karma. The Tibetan tsenpo were at first inclined to pleted m the early fourteenth century. Among the first texts translated
support both religions despite the apparent contradictions and the fact were the rules ~f moral ~ode and monastic discipline (vinaya), certain
that the adoption of the doctrines of Buddhism imperiled their divine Mahayana teachmgs d~ahng with the doctrines of emptiness (in particu-
right to rule. The process of conversion was gradual, incorporating ideas lar, the ~erfectlOn of Wisdom Sutra), and some Vajrayana tantric rituals
from the many currents of Buddhism with which the Tibetans were in along WIth a large number of mystic prayers (dharani).
contact through their conquests in Central Asia, China and India, where The indigenous religion was however not totally vanquished. In 822
Buddhism was firmly entrenched. The reverence formerly accorded to dU~ing ~he r~ign of Tsenpo Ralpacan who was overtly pro-Buddhist, ~
the deified tsenpo was transferred to a deified Shakyamuni Buddha, major Smo-Tlbetan peace treaty was concluded. Two ceremonies were
indigenous deities were incorporated into the Buddhist pantheon, and held to seal the pact: one sanctified by Buddhist clerics and the other a
the live sacrifices previously offered were replaced by dough effigies. ~it~al ani~~1 sacrifice. s The successor to Ralpacan was Lang Darma who
IS IgnommlOusly remembered in history for his severe persecution of
3. The Early Development of Buddhism and Ban Buddhism. 9 His assassination in 842 by pro-Buddhist adherents was the
in Tibet c.ulmination of the competition for political and economic power. This
fmal end to the tsenpo tradition caused a century-long period of political
During the reign of Songtsen Gampo's great-grandson, Trisong Detsan, and religious realignment.
755-797/98, Buddhism made great strides in the conversion of the Ti-
Buddhism had established strongholds in Amdo and in western Tibet
betans. In 779, with the help of foreign religious masters, Trisong Detsan
when hi.st.orical recor~s resume in the mid-tenth century. Although the
founded the first Buddhist monastery at Samye, about fifty miles south-
!sug ~~hglOn had lost It.S ra~son d'etre since there was no tsenpo, many of
east of Lhasa. Two great teachers came to Tibet at this time: the Indian
ItS d~lties and some ~f .ltS ntuals were diffused into Buddhist teachings,
master, Santaraksita, who preached a form of Mahayana Buddhism, and Into another rehglOn, Bon, codified in the tenth to eleventh cen-
emphasizing meditation and meritorious acts leading to a nirvana turies. As a modern Bon po historian has said, "Bon had been in an
achieved gradually over many lifetimes; and Padmasambhava, a native of
embryonic state when the tsenpo were in power, blending three main
Oddiyana (now thought to be the Swat Valley, Pakistan), who practiced elements: the worship of the divine nature of the tsenpo and the associ-
Vajrayana Buddhism, accentuating tantric ritual meditation to attain nir-
ate~ gods, Ir~nian ideas of the formation of the world, and sophisticated
vana in just one human lifetime. Padmasambhava is traditionally revered
IndIan th~ones such as karma and rebirth. "10 By its early assimilation of
for miraculously subduing the indigenous Tibetan deities, and incorpo- Indo-Iraman elements, Bon may have prepared the terrain for the adop-
rating them into the Buddhist pantheon. The invitation of these two
religious masters indicates the persistence of Tsug and the early Tibetan ;,. According to Chinese sources, the Chinese priest in fact won, Anne-Marie Blondeau
appreciation of the complementarity of Mahayana and Vajrayana teach- Les RelIgIOns du Tibet," pp. 252-253. '
ings and methods: in the collaboration of Santaraksita and Pad- 8. Stein, Tibetan Civilization, p. 200.
masambhava the philosophical, moralistic and rational trends of Ma- 9. Blondeau, "Les Religions du Tibet," p. 254, mentions a Buddhist prayer for Langdarma
among the Dunhuang manuscripts, despite the persecutions attributed to him,
5. Macdonald, "U ne lecture des P. T.", p, 304, 10. Samten G. Karmay, "A General Introduction to the History and Doctrines of Bon,"
6. Macdonald, "Une lecture des P.T.", p. 377. pp. 7-9.
32 33
i
-j
FIGURE 11 (Top)
View of Tashilunpo, founded in 1447 .. ,
.. ..
~
FIGURE 12 (Right)
Monks in courtyard, Tashilunpo,
Shigatse. Photo: Cutting, 1935 (S2-C)
,
]
t
-'
FIGURE 10 (Left)
The Great Chorten of Palkhor Choide,
built ca. fifteenth century, Gyantse.
Photo: Cutting, 1930 (M17-C)
34 35
ti b Buddhism of Tibetan deities and certain rites H Bon texts of the
teO~h ~o eleventh centuries still include animal sacrifice, perhap~ to be
related to the functions of the Bonpo funerary priests who speClahzed In
the ritual sacrifice known earlier in Tibet. But the~e. sam~ tex~s Include
many elements common to Buddhism. Bon as a rehglO~ shll eXists today,
but it is practiced very much like other sUbcschool~o.f Tibetan Budd~lsm,
despite maintaining its own terminology and a dlshnct and voluminous
body of canonical literature. In southern Kham, theBon converted .the
Mosso aboriginal tribes (also called Nga-khi) to theIr rehglon. In Tibet
prior to 1959, most of the Bon monasteries were found In the western
. . Kham although one important monastery was near Lhasa.
regions or In , . 'b
The Bon religion may be envisioned as an actIve counterpart to TI etan
Buddhism, organized and codified simultaneously and m parallel.
37
-.p.-.
tion. The monastic establishments varied in size from a few members to
veritable towns of two to three thousand monks. Each monastery con-
sisted of an assembly hall and a main temple as well as dwellings for the
monks. The Gelugpa established the largest monasteries which were
divided into residential colleges for purposes of specific study, i.e.
schools of metaphysics, logic, astrology, medicine and advanced depart-
ments for specific ritual cycles and tantra. The monastic establishment
had a role for everyone who kept the vows of the community. In addition
to those novices showing intellectual promise who would embark on
long academic or meditative training, there were monks who served as
teachers, artists, clerks, commercial agents, cooks, bodyguards, almost
every occupation necessary to a small society.
The monastic city was a sacred object in and of itself because it housed the
clergy, venerated since earliest Buddhism as part of the Three Jewels. The
sacred prestige of the monastery was increased by the presence of incar-
nate lamas, considered at birth to be the re-embodiment of a deceased
eminent lama. Buddhists believe that an enlightened person can, upon
his death, transfer his spiritual energy to a new human body. Thus the
incarnate lama is sacred for his Own spiritual qualities as well as those of
the predecessor whom he embodies. A monastery could also be the seat
of an official medium or oracle, consulted by the monks and the populace FIGURE 16
during religious festivals or in times of trouble.
Tsogchen Dukhang (chapel), Sera
As a complement to the celibate monks of the monasteries, non- Monastery, founded 1419, Lhasa.
Photo early 20th century (M73-C)
Tson kha a, a great Buddhist scholar and reformer, was born near FIGURE 15
Koko~or fn 1357. In reaction to the overly secular aCtiVIties. of s~me The High Lama of Batang, Ja Lama at
sc 00 s an to what he deemed a loosening of monastic
h I d A . hdlsCiplme,
' I" left, Batang, Kham. Photo: Shelton,
Tson kha a created the Gelugpa order, modeled on . tis as ear ler ca. 1920 (159-5)
g
Ka d ampa Pgroup. Tsongkhapa reaffirmed monastic dlsclplme, f h andt'
laced reat emphasis on metaphysical debates as part 0 t e monas IC
p . fum which integrated Sutra and Tantra, includmg colleges of as-
~~~cu and medicine in some monasteries as welL Initia~ly
the Gelugpa
wer/rble to stay outside the political factions wlthm TIbet, but w~:~
threatened, they turned for assistance to Mongol pnnces who~ th? h .
converted to Buddhism. The Dalai Lama came to be the tit eo. t elr
. . I leader and the Panchen Lama was the other major spmtual
ie~~:;:ithin the sect. By 1642, under the leadersh.ip of the 5th IDalaI
th~PGelugpa ce~tral
ama the Gelu a exercised both temporal and spmtual contro over
L 'bet Once
T had established their hegemony In
Tibet,
I . the other monastic orders tended to fl ouns . h ou tSI de the direct
.
I f Lhasa In the next three centuries the rehglOus fortunes of TIbet
rea m 0 inextricably
became .
bound to political events as d'Iscusse d'In the pre-
vious chapter.
5. Monastic Life .
There were approximately three thousand monasteries in Tibet pnor/o
1959, occupied by as many as twenty percent l2 of the adult male popu a-
12. There are conflicting estimates on the percentage of the Tibetan population actually in
monasteries.
38
cloistered, self-styled religious adepts and a married clergy also existed
in some religious orders. The cloistered monks took basic vows of celi-
bacy and monastic discipline in addition to a Bodhisattva vow to strive for
the salvation of all sentient beings or the Tantric vow to strive to attain this
collective salvation in one lifetime. The married clergy were exempt from
the monastic vows, but were equally venerated by virtue of either their
Bodhisattva or Tantric vow, in addition to their individual spiritual devo-
tion and scholarship.
The lay population called on the local monastic establishment, often in a
coordinated effort with non-monastic priests, to officiate at occasions of
birth, death and illness. Certain priests were held capable of influencing
the weather and were thus requested to intercede to bring or stop rain,
hailstorms or the like. If a village or family seemed in the throes of
general misfortune, a lama would be called to determine the cause of the
problem and eliminate it by ritual or appeasing the offended spirit with
offerings of grain and libations. On the occasions of religious holidays
which punctuated the calendar year, individuals would travel long dis-
tances to meet and trade, while the monks celebrated ritual services, and
then all attended ceremonial masked dances performed by troops of
monk-dancers.
6. Folk Religion
The lay populace demonstrated overwhelming faith in Buddhism while
generally leaving questions of metaphysical or philosophical nature to
the clergy. To this day, devotion is shown to all Buddhas and Bodhisatt-
FIGURE 17
vas, most especially to Avalokiteshvara who is considered to be Tibet's
Appliqued banner displayed once a patron. His six-syllable prayer, OM MANI PADME HUM, is counted on
year on Monlam Chemo ("Great Prayer
the rosary beads that the Tibetan never abandons, on the prayer wheel FIGURE 18
Festival") in February, Labrang, Amdo.
Photo: Griebenow, ca. 1922-40 (E2-G) that he is wont to spin, and engraved on rocks or piles of stones along the
Women turning large prayer wheels,
Labrang monastery, founded 1709,
Amdo. Photo: Griebenow, ca. 1922-40
(D9-G)
FIGURE 19
Pile of stones with tnfll/i prayer carved
and pamted, Khampa nomad posing
nearby, Kham, ca. 1908-20.
41
40
roadsides. Another expression of faith is the custom of making pil-
grimages to sacred sites near and far. When approaching a stupa, the
pilgrim will walk around it in a clockwise direction as a ritual devotion.
Buddhist worship is typically practiced within the family, clan or village.
Most believers attend to their family shrines on a daily basis, for instance
putting fresh water in the appropriate bowls every morning and lighting
the butter lamps every evening. Certain days of the Tibetan month are
especially auspicious; on the 8th, 15th and 30th days, one-day vows
(sunrise to sunrise) of conscious virtue are taken. The 10th and 25th days
of the month have special meaning for Nyingmapa and Kargyupa fol-
lowers. In the fourth Tibetan month (May-June), fasting (forsaking meat)
is done every other day by the pious. Important seasonal events of the
year include the New Year and Harvest Festivals where morning chant-
ing and evening religious readings frame days of secular celebrations.
Each village in Tibet would also have scheduled summer camping parties
in the mountains with prayer chanting to give a solemn start to the daily
races, dancing and picnicking. In agricultural and pastoral settings,
winter is a time of relative inactivity and those able would go in retreat to
a mountain center. The religious activities at the center would be con-
ducted by trained lay teachers or monks.
As an integral complement to these orthodox Buddhist practices, Ti-
betans also demonstrate beliefs and practices which stem from the Ti-
betan pre-Buddhist heritage. The many categories of demons and
ghosts, mountain gods and earth spirits, deities who reside in the differ-
ent parts of the human body, spirits of the house and of the herds must be
propitiated on a day-to-day or yearly basis. Many of these spirits are
worshipped by offerings of fumigation, in which sweet-smelling juniper
branches are burned. Divination or consultation of the oracle are com-
mon means to determine if a spirit has been offended and how it should
be appeased. These assorted deities and spirits are considered powerful
in the terrestrial world and beyond and must thus be dealt with to ensure
success in mundane matters, but they are subordinate to the supramun-
dane Buddhist divinities.
These many aspects of Tibetan religion, as seen on the multiple levels of
mundane family, tribe and village practices, and supramundane monas-
tic rituals, will be discussed as they relate to specific objects in the
Museum's collection. These will be found in volumes II (ritual objects,
prayer, music), III (painting and sculpture), IV (religious textiles and
costumes) and V (religious documents, manuscripts, books).
42
AN EARLY TIBETAN RITUAL:
RKYAL 'BUD·
Amy HeIler
I; Lausanne, Switzerland
~:
ij'-
t~
ri, As Buddhism prohibits animal and human sacrifice, which the
~.' ancient Tibetans had practiced, the use of modeled dough or paper
~,' effigies (linga) was substituted at an undetermined date. I would like
i< to present here another object used in rituals of exorcism (elimination
of evil) and sacrifice which, I think, has not been previously
described: the rkyal. In this presentation I would also like to attempt
~'.
to clarify how such rituals, which might seem contrary to basic
Buddhist ideals, could be incorporated into its practice. Finally, I will
'try to propose possible origins of the rkyal, and to discuss the
incorporation into Buddhism of folk practice and of concepts derived
from the organized Tibetan religion of the dynastic period.
Rkyal is found in the dictionaries under the entry rkyal ba as a
noun meaning "leather bag." Its diminutive form is rkyal bu, "a small
bag, or pouch," and subheadings explain the ra rkyal to be a bag of
goatskin and the phye rkyal a bag for flour. 1 The ma mo deities carry
~._--
:,
a small bag, textually termed the nad rkyal,2 the sack of diseases, From these titles it appears that one blows ('bud-pa) into the
while the btsan deity Tsi'u dmar-po carries the dbugs rkya~ 3 the rkyal according to detailed instructions, and that this rkyal is specific
sack of breath (stolen from enemies). The dictionaries do not mention to the btsan. The texts state that the rkyal is used as a support
a ritual use for the rkyal, but' it is encountered textually in the Beg tse (gsob) empowered to retain the bla and srog of an enemy for purposes
be'u bum, compiled from much earlier gter ma and bka' ma sources by • . of its subjugation by illness or death (dgra bo 'di dnos su bsad dol
Tshar-chen Blo-gsal rgya:mtsho during the first half of the 16th dgra bo de'i mod nid du 'chi'o).5 Its function is thus analogous to that
century. Here, in a series of gter ma teachings attributed to
Padmasambhava and recovered by Myan-ral Ni-ma 'od-zer
(1136-1204) in the 12th century, we have four texts: ral Ni-ma 'od-zero These will be discussed in the present paper
(1) Instructions for blowing the rkyal of the fierce btsan; along with the ancillary text Dza (pp. 86-88), the Lha dbye sbyor
(2) Further instructions for blowing the rkyal of the fierce btsan; ba, attributed in the colophon.
to the gter ston Zas-ston Lhun-bzan,
(3) Annotations on the further instructions for blowing the rkyal of the whom I have been unable to identify. The titles of Myan-ral's
fierce btsan; and texts are: Ba. Drag po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud kyi man nag;
(4), Further annotations on' the profound in,structions for blowing the Ma. Drag po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud kyizal Bes;
rkyal of the fierce btsan. 4 , Tsa. Drag po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud kyi zal Bes kyi yig chun; and
Tsha. Drag po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud kyi zal Bes kyi yig chun gi yan
yig. Earlier in the Beg tse be'u bum, in text Na, which along with
signification of "bellows" in personal communication. In connection Ca is attributed in the colophon to Snubs Sans-rgyas Rin-po-che,
with the term rkyal mkhan, as used in the Rma chu region of one finds three alternative titles for that text, assembled from the
Amdo, a raft composed of inflated skins and photographed in srog las kyi rkyal bu, without any detailed explanation of a rkyal
Amdo (photo: Migot, Institutes des f.:tudes Tibetaines, Paris, no. bu ritual (p. 45). Several Tibetan scholars (Prof. Thubten Norbu,
C.BIII.244) was identified as a rkyal gru by Yonten Gyatso. The Yonten Gyatso, and Khenpo Tsewang) have assured me that rkyal
inflated skins of which it was made he termed rkyal ba. (Personal ~r'
!: rituals were quite common, despite the fact that none have been
communication, March 1979.) Is the relation of the verb "to swim" ;\:. hitherto described by Tibetologists. In addition to the Beg tse be'u
S
with the noun "inflated bag" perhaps in reference to the act of "i,: ,bum, I have thus far found only three other references to these
filling one's lungs with air in order to stay afloat? It would seem I rituals in Tibetan literature: 1) in the Rnin ma rgyud 'bum,
~o
that the verbal usage is derived from the nominal usage. The term vo!. 33, pp. 70-98. The tantra concerned is initially entitled Dpal
rkyal ill also encountered in the expression gan rkyal du, signifying ~ Iha mo nag mo'i thugs kyi srog sgrub gsan ba'i rgyud, but the term
"in a supine position" (Jaschke, p. 67). , rkyal ba appears in the title given internally before each chapter
:~.
2 Examples abound. See, e.g., Beg tse be'u bum, p. 154: "ma mo lag' title, viz. Dpallha mo tsi tta gsan ba'i srog rkyal ba'i rgyud. There
na nad rkyal thogs pas..." See, too, Nebesky-Wojkowitz, p. 18: is no rkyal 'bud ritual included. In the colophon (vo!. 36, p. 535)
"Illness bringing deities, especially the ma mo, carry the nad this tantra is attributed to Vairocana. 2) The second is found in
rkyal, a sack filled with the seeds of diseases, e.g. a sack full of the Sta~-sam Nus-Idan rdo-rje's (fl. 17th century) Rtsa gsum yi dam
germs of leprosy (mdze nad kyi rkyal pa). Other goddesses hold a dgans 'dus, vo!. 10, pp. 509-516: Yi dam dgons 'dus rta mchog rol
sack full of blood, a water sack (chu'i rkyal pal, or a sack full of pa,las: ~kha' 'gro'isnan rgyud gsan ba sum sgril gyi: Drag po'i Ias
lightning and hail." . kYl pho nu mu stegs rkyal 'bud, dmar nag las kyi spu gri. This is
3 Personal communication from Lcog-rten Da Bla-ma to Mme another rkyal 'bud ritual, quite similar to Myan-ral's first text in
Ariane Macdonald, cited by the latter in class, November 1975. th«: Beg tse be'u bum. 3) Gter-ston Gnam-Icags me-'bar (i.e. 'Bri-
Textual sources according to the Bla-ma would be found in vo!. Ti gun Rin-chen phun-tshogs, 1509-1557), Dam chos dgons pa yan
of the Rin chen gter mdzod. zab kyi chos skor, vol. 4, pp. 399-428. These rkyal-'bud texts
4 Beg tse be'u bum, compiled and reworked by Tshar-chen Blo-gsal ':; came to my attention too late to be snalyzed in the present study.
rgya-mtsho (1502-1566). Texts Ba through Tsha (pp. 78-86) form .' <
\ 5 gsob: literally, the remains of an animal which is to be stuffed as
the rkyal 'bud cycle attributed in the colophon to Mna'-bdag Myan· J is
"-'
the spyan gzigs of a Mgon khan, or filled, as in the case of'the
~.,
:, !
.--",
An Early Tibetan Ritual 261
260 Amy Heller
The next three texts of the rkyal 'bud cycle further develop the , ,The extent to which the rkyal ritual resembles the linga rituals is
use of the rkyal to summon the btsan deities to subjugate the three ;;Yperhaps\to be expected, given that both seek to eliminate evil. Yet
kinds of enemies: the enemy of religion in general; some specific ::, certain elements in the vocabulary of the rkyal ritual are non-
person .who seeks to harm the chos 'khor, i.e. the religious O}: 'Buddhist. An analysis of the text reveals evidence of this.
commumty; or the psychological obstacles which hinder the devotee's ij;; Strikingly absent from the rkyal ritual is the term rnam ses, the
religious practice. It is clearly stated that if these teachings are used .{ Tibetan term for vijiiana, the conscious element in the composition of
to avenge personal animosity, then the btsan will spread the very ~'. the personality according to Buddhist metaphysics. In linga ri~uals
heart blood of the practitioner on the ground. The methods of 't the enemy's rnam ses is separated from a demonic elemen.t ('byunpo)
subjuga~ion mentioned are affliction with diverse diseases leading to " when the rnam ses is divested of the 'go ba'i lha lna, its five
death (Internal .h~morrhag~, painful swelling, or insanity), or the protective deities. 1 3 It is the rnam ses that is sublimated, fre'e~,
murder of the VIctim by kmfe, or by the swelling of his body until it :,,', delivered into a better, i.e. non-malevolent, realm. By means of thIS
bursts. Each method is explained in a slightly different way, varying h process, the practitioner is thus perf~~ming.a meritorious .action an.d
the mantras, al~?ough each begins with the syllable tri, probabiy simultaneously accruing "good karma for hImself. In one mstance, It
related to the lmga spells, which also have this phoneme near the is stated that what is separated from the rnam ses is the bla srog,
beginning. 1 0 ,
which is absorbed by the officiant in ,order to augment his own life. 1 4
At this point in the rkyal 'bud cycle it is stated that whichever Thus it is quite significant that the rkyal ritual omits a)l reference to
malefic .me.tho? is chosen, the enemy will be "freed" (sgrol), i.e. killed. the rnam ses. It is unclear what happens to the evil once annihilated,
Next, mdlcations are given as to the duration of the ritual and what, if anything, remains. Although at one po!nt in the rkyal
established on the basis of the officiant's role and extending from nin~ cycle the term sgral is used, as is customary in the linga ritu~s, this
to twenty-one days. The fourth rkyal 'bud text gives the means for may be an instance of the common use of sgrol as a euphemIsm for
stealing (rku-ba) th~ bla and srag of the enemy, as well as the signs gsod, "to kill," rather than an example of its ordinary meaning, i.e.
that ~hese forces have been duly summoned from his body, which had "to free." Many variant verbs are used in the rkyal 'bud cycle to
contamed them. Although the text which follows this one entitled express the ideas of killing and death. 1 5 Is it possible that here the
the Practice of separating the lha (i.e. the deities), seems at fi;st not to enemy is really just killed, without being transferred to a paradise,
fall into the rkyal 'bud cycle, it is, in fact, an essential part of the perhaps because the concept of such deliverance was not ~et fully
:kyal 'bud pract~ce; for it explains how to divest the enemy of his own assimilated, or useful to the people for whom the teaching was
mherent protective deities, the 'go ba'i lha lna, in order to coerce the destined? ,
enemy in~ the rkyaL 1 1 These deities are already well documented, Other curious lexical items are the names of the three chapter
but as theIr roles vary, we include this version of the list: Z divisions given in the initial instructions, termed: rgod, gYun, and
(1) yullha; (4) mo lha; and 1 , gyer bskul can. Gyer bskul can indicates, in a Bon-po context,. the
(2) pho lha; (5) zan lha. 1 2 '\ / exhortation of a deity to act. 1 6 But the terms rgod and gYun as
(3) dgra lha; sociological divisions are attested in the Old Tibetan Chronicle and
10
Cf. R.A. Stein (1957), p. 202, on the expression nr tri that is Stein (1957), pp. 205-206.
found in the mantra pronounced when the linga is "cut. N r in Stein (1957), pp. 220-222.
Sanskrit means "man"; and perhaps tri represents the root tr E.g.: dgra gsod 'di las (p. 81, l. 2); dgra bo de'i mod hid du 'chi'o
11 derivatives of which signify, e.g., "freedom, release." .. ' (81.6); dgra bo myur ba hid du sgral (83.4); srog la bla srag rku
The four basic texts discuss the ritual and describe the phases of ba'i man nag (85.3); srag chags...bzun ba (86.1); srag chags gsad
12 bla rku ba, srog rku ba, and bla khugs pa. pa (86.2); srag 'phrogs (86.2); srog chod pa (86.3).
Cf. Tucci (1980), p. 187;, Stein (1981), p. 187; and Macdonald I am indebted to Samten Karmay for this oral information on
(1971), p. 301.
gyer bskul can.
264 Amy Helier An Early Tibetan Ritual 265
'I
have been discussed in detail by R.A. Stein and G. Dray.' 7 In the .~ which inflicts evil on a family or village. The householder so affiicted
present context of a division established between rgod and gYun (rgod; may then request a tantrist (snags-pa) or a monk to com~ to exorcise
gYun gnis) the original meanings, "wild" and "meek" respectively, . the demon. First, the demon must be trapped. ThiS must be
must be understood, as in the later classification of subjugation rites accomplished in the following way: one ~kes an animal. s~in (usually.
and pacification rites, which are literally termed "fierce and tranquil .~ that of a goat, but sometimes a sheepskm) and makes .1~ mto a rkyal
acts" (drag po las, zi ba las). In content the Beg tae be'u bum only:, by removing the feet, leaving the neck and the extremities, and then
includes the rgod chapter, although it is mentioned that in the gYunl' blowing it up and attaching strings to the ends of the members. The
chapter two times as many recitations of the mantra are required. 1 a t strings tying the members are then used to drag. the rkyal throu~h
A further consideration is the deity to whom the rituals are J~ the street at which time the inhabitants of the vl1lage must refram
directed: Sgrol-gin dmar-po; In other rituals found in the Beg tse be'u .. from looking at it. Then the officiant performs a ritual in order to
bum and elsewhere, this is one of many alternative names used to subdue the demon by trapping it inside the rkyaL 2 2 . .
addres~ the deity Beg-tse, considered here to be a gin deity. The gin, While the lay ritual as described by Mr. Gyatso IS ~or exorcism
or gyin, are native deities with no precise counterpart in' Indian in the basic sense of elimination of evil, the textual rituals are a
Buddhist thought. Their characteristic emblem is the sword which combination of destructive magic, ritual sacrifice, and exorcism in the
they hold.' 9 In the so-called "scapegoat" ceremony of the Tibetan' sense in which the latter is a transfer of evil forces, or of an enem!
State festival, where most of the evil accumulated during the year is , previously div~sted of his protective. deities,. into a sup~ort, be It
transferred into the "support" of two live men, eight masked priests'J -. linga, glud 'gon rgyal po, or rkyal. Live sacrific~ offered m honor of
representing the gin deities goad the two scapegoats forward and '. , the protective deities is attested in a Bon-p~ ntu~l. fro~ the } lth
prevent their return to Lhasa, whence they are expelled. 2 0 If the ;. century: specifically, among the five protective delties (go. ba I lha
function of the gin is to expel evil, then clearly the sgrol gin expels ;.' lna) the srog lha (the god of vital forces) receives the sacnfice of a
evil while liberating or exterminating it, whether it be transferred to .. goa~, and the dgra lha (the ,warrior deity). is offered a shee~.2 3 In
the support of the scapegoats (i.e. the glud 'gon rgyal po) or to the neither the textual ritual nor the popular ritual for the rkyal1s there
rkyal. a question of live sacrifice per se, although it is never precisely stated
A local custom of the Snan-ra region of central Amdo is a ritual how one must go about obtaining the skin of the goat or sheep, or the
involving use of a rkyal. One of two Tibetan authorities I consulted in blood. In the light of the fact that these animal substances are
connection with this research is a native of this region. 2 ' He required for the manufacture of the ~kyal, the ~itual appeasement of
described this ritual as lugs srol, common practice. In the event of ':. ,'. ' the aforementioned deities by ammal sacrifice appears. to .be
untimely death, the deceased may become a gdon 'dre, a demon significant, given the intrinsic connection of the 'go ba'l lha lna With
the separation of the bla by the deity in exterminating the enemy. Chinese translation of a ritual by Thu'u-bkwan Blo-bzan chos-
Perhaps the ultimate analogy to be suggested derives from the highly kyi-ni-ma entitled BIa 'gugs tshe 'gugs kyi cho ga rin chen srog
anthropomorphic shape of the rkyal in its final form. As such it is gis (sic) chan mthun. This text does !l~t appear in the Indian
possibly a forerunner of the linga in humanoid shape. It would be reprint of Thu'u-bkwan's Tibetan gsun- bum, and perhaps only
premature to conclude that the rkyal 'bud ritual as such is pre- exists in the Chinese edition.]
Buddhist, but clearly these rituals have aspects related to non- Macdonald, A. "Une lecture des Pelliot tibetain 1286, 1287, 1038,
Buddhist concepts prevalent in Tibet during the dynastic period. 1047 et 1290. Essai sur la formation et l'emploi des mythes
politiques dans la religion royale de Sron-bcan sgam-po." In
!:tudes Tibetaines. Paris, 1971.
Bibliography Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Rene de. Oracles and Demons of Tibet. Reprint:
Graz, 1971, pp. 190-391. , ¥ • •
Dictionaries Stein, R.A. "Le Linga des Danses Masqees lamalques et la theorle
Dagyab, L. Tibetan Dictionary. Punjab, 1966. des ames." In Liebenthal Festschrift. Santiniketan,· 1957,
Dag yig gsar bsgrigs. Ch'ing-hai, 1979. pp. 200-234.
Das, S.C. Tibetan-English Dictionary. Reprint: Delhi, 1974. ___. La Civilisation Tibetaine. Second edition: Paris, 1981.
Jasc~ke, H.A. A Tibetan-English Dictionary. Reprint: London, 1972. Stiibel, Hans. The Mewu Fantzu, a Tibetan Tribe of Kansu. New
Mahavyutpatti. Calcutta, 1910. ·1" Haven, 1958.
-~
Western Sources
Bacot, J., Thomas, F.W. and Toussaint, Ch. Documents de Touen-
Houang Relatifs CL l'Histoire du Tibet. Paris, 1940.
HelIer, A. "Preliminary Remarks to a Study of Beg Tse." In S.D.
Goodman and R. Davidson (eds.). Wind Horse 2. Berkeley, in
press.
Karmay, H. "Tibetan Costume, Seventh to Eleventh Centuries." In
A. Macdonald and Y. Imaeda (eds.). Essais sur l'Art du Tibet.
Paris, 1977, pp. 65-81.
Lessing, F. "Calling the Soul." In Semitic Philology, no. 11.
University of California Publication, Berkeley, 1951,
pp. 263-284. [Note: Lessing based his article primarily on a
Brief COInlllunications
Amy Heller
R. A. Stein, "Tibeta Antiqua 11, " BEFEO, LXXIII, 1984, pp. 257-
272.
Chos 'jug pa'i sgo - ler chos 'byung / Bsod nams rtse mo Kha
byang Ban po Bib. Nat. 493 2e moitie 14e siecle.
276. Le dieu guerrier dgra bla. Les oracles ne paraissent pas etre
attribues a un medium en transe.
296. P. T. 1051.
301. Sku bla (lha) skye Iha et les 'go ba'i Iha Inga-relation
tardive et ancienne.
Liste alternative des 'go ba'i Iha Inga.
340. Gtsug.
BRIEF COMMUNICATIONS 77
369. Offrandes des animaux, note 604, attestes ds. PT 126, 2 et, pp.
305-306 (infra) pas de karma, justice ou injustice sociale.
70 "C>"'L.,·A~ousr lQA7 7J
Ciant Phur-pa of probably Sino-:\1ongolian origin. An atypically small specimen of the gianl Phul"-pa family. A Phur-pa 10 be placed in the centl"c oflhe mandala. The An unusual type of Phur~pa for worship, said to be of
Hammcn~d bras.'! sheet. Height I66 ems. Courtesy The hilt is brass sheet with blue and green c1oisonne deco- detail on the left shows the makarn (mythic crocodile) Bhutanesc origin (rolling impossible), cast with an
Zclltrnlasicn-lllslitut, Bonn University I"atioll; the blade, il"On shee" soldered. Height 28.4 ems holding the blade in itS mouth. Height 49.2 ems "upside·do\.,.n" Garuda. Sih·cr. Heighl 25.1 ems
are still trained at the Tanu;c faculty of onc of the large Tibetan pa deity in the upper section. ~1aterials are mainly bronze. The lower
monasteries. Comparing the assertions of these contemporary wit- part consists again of a blade with an often T-shaped cross·seclion.
nesses with the ancient books, it seems highly likely that the cult of the These Phur-pas, kept in temples and on the abbot's prayer tablc, are
dagger was not always and Ilot everywhere practised in exactly the evidently made in Nepal only, as dagger statues ofTibetan, Mongolian
same way. However, distinguishable schools (in the ritual, stylistic or or Chinese origin are not known. They serve as starting points 101' the
artistic sense) have evidently not developed. object-bound meditation and are normally not taken out of their
The collector of Himalayan art is, nevertheless, confronted with a triangular sockets. This type is quite rare so that nothing can be said
broad variety of Phur-pa daggers measuring from five ceotimetres to about fakes.
two metres in height, made everywhere between Kalhmandu and A fourth type of Phur-pa for worship is neither dagger nor half-
Peking and of different materials. \·Vhen trying to classify ritual dag- dagger. It normally is a metal statue (also thangka painting on cloth)
gers they are best distinguished by purpose: there are daggers made showing Phur-pa rather in his anthropomorphic manifestation. Icono-
just for worship, othel's for passive magic and, lastly, those for active graphic features are three faces, six arms, four legs, and prajna (insight
magic (exorcism). or wisdom envisaged as a feminine partner). There is also an icono-
To start with the Phur-pas for worship: the main distinguishing graphic model with neilher wings nor consort. Traces of blue paint in
feature of this t}'pe is that it cannot easily be moved around; it is either the hair also appear. Sometimes there is a horse head on top oflhe head
tOO hea\]!, too large or tOO fragile. The largest specimens (measuring to demonstrate the relation with Hayagriva. These statues (bronze:
160 to 200 ems) are made from pieces of sheet metal (bronze, brass) silver-bronze alloy, height 15 to 30 ems) are also relatively rare and
soldered together. These are large statues placed in a socket to be kept possibly rarely faked as wrathful deities do not appeal to tourists.
in the temple. Giant Phur-pas are often decorated with corals and After the Phur-pas for worship follow the ritual daggers for passive
gilded letters. The artislic value is rarely above average. They are often magic. The main quality ofPhur-pas for passive magic is that they are
said to be Mongolian but there is some evidence that this type of primarily made of wood (iron being the rare exception) and that their
dagger has also been produced in Nepal (and exported to ~llongolia height normally does not exceed 25 ems. These daggers are used to
and China?). Fakes of this lype have, umil now, not come to the. protect sometimes very large areas, such as a village and the fields of its
attention of the authors. inhabitants. Thi.s purpose explains the relatively large number of
A second type of Phur-pa for worship (height between 30 and 70 wooden Phur-pas on the market. They are for example used by hail
cms) is mainly used to mark the centre of the Phur-pa mandala. masters who plalll \\tOoden daggers along the borderline of the fields to
Mandalas are geomelrical figures strewn with coloured powders be protected in order to keep hail-storms (as also other demons) away.
(ground clay, sand) on the Roor ofa temple at solemn occasions. These \-"hen taking lhem away again the hail master has to carefully close the
mandala Phur-pas are sometimes made ofroughly carved and brighlly holes in the ground leaving healing substances inside. Due to the
painted wood but also of bronze with an iron blade whose cross-section quantity needed these Phur~pas are often just roughly carved.
is T-shaped. As the Phur-pa cull is still practiced today and possibly An identical or similar type ofdagger is used to protect the mandala.
even spreading again, a new Phur-pa of this type must not necessarily The daggers, somelimes adorned with ribbons or liltlejackets, lhen are
be a fake (an item to deceive the onlooker). 2'levertheless, lhere is a fixed illlriangular sockets and posilioned around the powder image. Tt
considerable number offakes on the market, the majOl;ty produced in is said a sel of thirty-seven daggers is required. In Tibetan literature
Patan (Kathmandu) for sale to foreign tourists. As the bad mandala many differel1l woods arc recommended to make these daggers (ju-
Phur-pas (false iconography, fi'audulent intention) and the good ones niper, sandalwood, etc.). Other woods may be choosen if the pre~
are not easily r1.islinguished a potential buyer should be careful. scribed materials are not al hand. Nevertheless, there seems to be a rule
A third type of Phur-pa for worship (normal height 20 cms but Winged Phur-pa for worship {rolling impossible}. Phur-pa/Hayagriva wilh consort (three faces, SL'\( arms that mainly lightweight woods should be used. The majority of
varying between 15 and 60 cms) is often a winged and/or armed Phur- Bronz.e. Hcight 17 ems. Privale Collection and four legs). Silver bronze. Height 14.2 ems wooden daggers on the market have certainly never been employed for
72 'r'August 1987
This ,,,ooden dagger for passive magic is A lypical dagger used for expulsion An iron dagger \\'ilh the lhird eye
dceoralro ,\;th a crystal and clad wilh rituals. incised wilh magic spells inlaid wilh silver, and coppeT eyes
red-brown ribbons. Height 23.9cms (mantr.lS1. Iron. Height 18.9ems and moulh. Height 22.8cms
magical protection. They are rather produced and sold assouvenirs for
Buddhist pilgrims.
In contrast [Q the Phur-pas for veneration and passive magic (pro-
tection) the aggressive daggers for active magic (exorcism) must fulfil
certain conditions: the dagger must be of iron from bottom [Q tOp; the
As Phur.pa is said la be a desccndant or ema· This 15 rupees dagger meetS thc expulsion These lWO daggers evidently belong to the
three blades must be symmetrically arranged in 120 degree angles (nol Cross-sections ofPhur-pa blades. 1. Wroughl iron nation of the Mongolian horse god, horse head ceremony requiremenls since il is an iron, same family and arc presumably from the same
T-like in 180/90/90 degree angles); and the practitioner must be able 2. T-shaped 3. Folded iron sheel 4. Cast iron daggers arc not uncommon. Height 1gems three-edged blade. Hcighl 25.6cms Tibelan workshop. Heights 17.4-and 21.4C01$
to roll the dagger between his palms using his ten fingers (the main
Phur-pa mudra). This again requires that the dagger should not be
gel's. butlhe majority are cheaply produced in Indian iron foundries
unduly decorated (no edgy wings) arms) etc.) and that it should not be
and not appropriate for a decent fight against Rudra, the chiefdemoB:
toO heavy (oflengths 15 to 30 ems). Daggers fulfilling these conditions
who. though knowing Lord Buddha·s teach.ing of the eightfold path.
can be divided in twO sub-types: firstly) full iron daggers for the use of
has rejected it and is now omnipresent to poison the minds of faithful
the normal Phur-pa practitioner and, secondly, Phur-pas of high
artistic value made for the spiritual nobility and normally used in Buddhists.
Especially this full iron type is often clad \<\'ith a black or dark blue
temples only.
silken flag. \Vrapped around the dagger: the flag selyes to protect the
ThesomeLimes very simple full iron daggers are those normally used
practitioner's garments when he wears the instrument in his belt and to
for expulsion riruals. They often do not look very appealing. But
avoid rattling when the Phur-pa is kept in its conical rec ptacIe. The
whoever cares for the magical power should not despise these some-
flag aeronautically directs the dagger when thrown against demonS
times blackened and notched nails decorated with just hammered
faces and some 0 M A H H V/v! letters. This is the original and powerful and it is considered to be Hrhe dress of the deity".
Temple Phur-pas, the daggers rOI· the Buddhist nobility, are of
"Diamond Prince") the "iron axis of subjugation" which will not
course the joy of the antique dealer as they combine a certain magical
easily break when violently hitting a stone or when vehemently thrown
dignity and artistic beauty. These (sometimes U5S5000) pieces lead'
against visualised demons.
The practitioner will. ,,·hen testing the quality of a full iron dagger. relatively quiet life) used for the more peaceful forms of the rimal only
normally carefully hidden in a brocade cover and) in addition) in"
snap the blade with his finger-nail to see whether it produces a good
decorated box. The blade is often made of folded iron sheet extending
sound. This is done to check if the dagger is made of wrought iron (cast
iron is considered lo...\"e.r quality). A Phur-pa of this type should not
through the whole length of the instrument. This a buyer can check b,
weigh more than 350 grams. otherwise the rolling between the palms using a compass needle. The upper portion (the grip) iscast of brass at
would be difficult (the Phur-pa would slip down) and it would also be bronze showing (from bottom to lOp) snakes on the blade, a mythical The hilt of this dagger is decorated wiLh The expressions on a good j)hur.pa with (normally) wrcc faa:s
crocodile (makara), an eternal knot, then, alrernatively, a dorje (thuO- we lotus, rather than the more general should be different: peacefully smiling; wrathful, bearing
a burden as the practitioner has to carry it throughout his lifetime. dorje motif. Iron. Heighl 23.8cms his teeth; and with longue hanging aul. Height 24.7 ems
Nowadays there are still some blacksmiths making wrought iron dag- derbolt) or a 10LUs. then again an eternal knot and finally Phur-ptl)
,\bove and below the face of this Phur-pa The often lost ear-rings have no ritual Old daggers arc not infrequently broken,
arc liltle figurines, probably dakinis. meaning; they serve to embellish the then repaired. This broken blade has been
Bronze and iron. Height 30.5 ems deity. Brass and iron. Height 26.3 cms crowned with silver. Brass. Height 30ems
The lhree abovc Phur-pas arc illUSlrated on the opposile pagc
three-faced head (two, four or more heads being suspicious excep- deliberately destroyed or thrown away with the resull that ritual
tions). On top of the head there can be a horse head, a half-dorje or daggers, carefully handed down from one generation to the next can,
SOme other decoration. BUI normally there is just nothing: lhe usual or even must, reach a considerable age. But when it comes to furnish-
hammering or the Phur-pa in the ground "mudra" does not allow ing proof everybody is helpless. The carbon-14 method is nOt appli-
fragile formations. Iconographic research has not led very far. J n fact cable: the percentage ofcarbon in Phur-pa iron is so small (more or less
eVery dagger is a unique artistic personality fitting hardly inm given one per cent) that the dagger in question must be completely destroyed
historical, geographical, or artistic categories. As these daggers are for an analysis. There are of course some people who, by heavenly
USually lefl at home (in the temple or in the monastery) their weight intuition, feel entitled to maintain that this or that dagger is a four-
may exceed 350 grams considerably. teenth or fifteenth century piece. But normal human beings must
There is a rumour spread among dagger practitioners that the iron satisfy themselves with the assumption thal a dagger showing signs of
used to make allt)'pes of ritual daggers should be meteoric iron "fallen wear (through rolling between lhe palms) should be an old dagger as
from the sky". Though this assertion is repeated over and over again, well, and that a Phur-pa that has been repaired several times (by
present research by spectral analysis has shown that the smiths might soldering or replacement of a broken blade) should even be older.
~ossibly have added some filings from meteoric iron, thus obeying the This again leads us to the problem of possible fakes. It sometimes
~ltual prescription, but as far as one can see today, no Phur-pa (or its happens nowadays that the remaining part ora good old Phur-pa-
Iron component) is made ofmcteoric iron in the metallurgical sense of generally the three-faced head-is combined with components from a
the,vord. new or worthless piece in a deceptive way. For buyers and sellers this
Another point ofdiscussion between buyer and seller is the question kind of "repair" will be a problem in the future since complete old
of how old a Phur-pa might bc. As a rule onc can assume that Phur- daggers meeting all ritual requirements have become rare and
Pas- being dagger and deity at the same time-have never been expensIve.
77
Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce
A "hidden shirt of mail" is the generally accepted meaning of the term beg-ce and the deity whose
distinguishing trait is possession of this attribute is known as Beg-ce:! a red male warrior having one
head and two arms who wears copper armour and holds a sword, bow and arrow, and ensign of
victory, bringing a heart and lungs towards his mouth while trampling on the cadavers of a horse and a
human. Icons portraying Beg-ce show him alone or accompanied by a naked blue female, holding a
ritual dagger phur-bu and riding a dred-mo bear, who is identified as his sister, hence the name given to
the pair, !Cam-srin (brother-sister).2 Due to the facts that no mention of this deity is found in the early
liturgical anthologies translated from Sanskrit, and that the term beg-ce has been considered a loan-
word from Mongolian, it has been hitherto accepted that the deity was introduced to Tibet from
Mongolia at a relatively late date, as part of the consolidation of the Tibetan (viz. dGe-lugs-pa) position
in Mongolia after 1580. 3 However, philological evidence suggest that beg-ce is a loan-word from
Tibetan to Mongolian and a corpus of eleventh century Tibetan textual sources related to this deity
have been identified. As the noun beg-ce is the pivotal characteristic which identifies the deity, we shall
first examine the philological considerations.
Laufer, in the article "Loan Words in Tibetan" (1916), did list beg-ce as a loan-word from Mongo-
lian, "probably from Mongol begder (Kovalevski, p. 1125) 'cotte de mailles cachees' ... " butLaufer
also remarked, "On the following page, Kovalevski gives begji side by side with begder, and begji
doubtless transcribes Tibetan beg-tse".4 The etymological derivation of beg-ce from begder (recte
bekter!) is unacceptable due to the difference of the second syllable. 5 Moreover, the spelling of begji
used by Kovalevski shows the letter j/3 used especially for the transcription of Tibetan and Sanskrit
1 Jaschke, p. 370, "beg-tse, a hidden shirt of mail". Das, p. 876, "Beg-tse, 1. name of a goddess (sic!) who when propitiated
protects her (sic!) devotees. 2. hidden shirt of mail." p. 877, "Bhai-ka-tse leam-bral, name of a sylvan nymph who undertook
to protect Tibet and defend Buddhism (Deb-snon, Ga, 2)." This reference to the Blue Annals is probably to be corrected to
Deb-snon, Kha, 2, corresponding to page 65 of the Roerich translation, but this edition has omitted the name of the deity and
simply refers to the category of dharmapala (religious protectors). It is interesting to note that Chos-grags, p. 564, defines,
"Beg-rce, bean" with no reference to an object but exclusively to the bean class of deities.
2 Cf. for example, TPS, plates 206-208.
3 Loan-word, cf. note 4. For late origin, cf. TPS, pp. 595-597, also 723-724 on the concept of "acceptance of Mongolian
deities when the Yellow Church spread in Mongolia after the conversion of Altan Khan by bSod-nams rgya-mts'o". Cf. also
Nebesky, p. 89. In a previous article, "Preliminary remarks to a Study of Beg-tse" (scheduled for publication since 1981 in
Wind Horse, Journal of the North American Tibetological Society, Asian Humanities Press, Berkeley [USA], under the
auspices of Professor Lewis Lancaster, editor) we have analyzed the legend of Beg-ce's inclusion in the Tibetan pantheon as a
consequence of the conversion of Altan Khan by bSod-nams rgya-mcho (henceforth given the title Dalai Lama Ill) in
comparison with the biography of Dalai Lama Ill, (fol. 93b recounts the meeting with Beg-ce in Mongolia in 1578) written by
the Fifth Dalai Lama. Earlier in the biography, in 1555, (fol. 39b) Beg-ce is specified as bSod nams rgya mcho's personal
religious protector. The autobiography of the Second Dalai Lama (written in 1528) also attests Beg-ce as personal protector
(fol. 2b). Due to the inordinate delay in publication of this article, we have taken the liberty to repeat some of the data in the
present summary. Detailed analysis will be given in the study to be presented at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris,
'Evolution du culte et de l'!conographie de Beg-ce, Divinite Protectrice Tibetaine'.
4 B. Laufer, "Loan words in Tibetan", p. 498, no. 199, TP, v. XVII, Leiden, 1916.
5 As previously mentioned by Tucci in TPS, pp. 596-597.
186 Amy Heller Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce 187
words having phonemes otherwise unknown in Mongolian. 6 Consequently, as a Sanskrit etymology Atisa's arrival in Tibet (1042).13 Acarya dMar-po has notoriety either for the corruption of certain
cannot be substantiated, the Mongolian begji comes from the Tibetan beg-ee, and not vice versa. mystic practices of the Annutara-yoga-tantra, particularly the doctrines of ritual sexual union and
Almost nothing is known of the origin and the history of the word beg-ee prior to its usage in murder, sbyor-sgrol, or for highly salutary translations. Gayadhara and Acarya dMar-po were there-
association with the deity. Among the Dun Huang manuscripts, to our knowledge the only occurrence fore both active in the mid-eleventh century, and in the opinion of dPa'-bo gCug-Iag 'phren ba, these
is in P. T. 1283 where the phrase Mon-ba Beg-ce is used as a proper noun to transcribe the name of the are but two among several names used by one person. 14
kingdom of Paektche which had been based in the western portion of the Korean peninsula. 7 I. O. 728 The probable ancient Tibetan origin of the deity Beg-ce is indicated by the mixture of non-Buddhist
has recently been republished with the reading beg-ee, while the 1962 reading of M. de la Vallee Tibetan elements in a Buddhist context which is characteristic of the two tantra in both title and
Poussin for this, and the later phrase, was dar zab kyi peg-ce. 8 M. de la Vallee Poussin's reading is content. The tantra for the male wrathful deity is called the Srog-bdag dmar-po san-pa sgrol-byed kyi
confirmed by consultation of the manuscript in toto where types of fabrics of silk and felt are discussed. rgyud and bears the interior title of Ma-ru-rce san-pa sgrol-byed kyi rgyud; for the female deity, the
Any etymological relation between the peg-ee of silk and the beg-ee of chain-mail armour remains to be tantra is entitled dMar-mo khrag gi mda' 'phen ma'i rgyud and bears two interior titles, dMar-mo
proven. khrag gi mda' 'phen ma'i nan snags san-pa dmar-po'i rgyud and dMar-mo 'jig-rten za-byed ma'i rgyud,
The earliest use of the word beg-ee as an attribute of a wrathful deity occurs in two tantra signed by as well as the abbreviated title dMar-mo san-pa'i rgyud. 15 The title of the male deity's tantra may be
the translators Sridharakrasu and Mar-pa. 9 Whether this refers to Mar-pa Chos kyi blo-gros translated as the 'Tantra of the Liberating Executioner (named) Srog bdag dmar-po'. In apposition, the
(1012-1096) or to his slightly younger contemporary Mar-pa Chos kyi dban-phyug (ca. 1042-1136) is interior titles gives the name Ma-ru-rce. The name Srog-bdag dmar-po no doubt reflects the srog-bdag
not certain. IQ The name of Sridharakrasu is otherwise unknown, but his identity is elucidated by the (master of vital forces) category of Tibetan deities. 16 However the name Ma-ru-rce is attested as the
statement that he was known in Tibet by two other names: Gayadhara and Acarya dMar-po.ll Both of name of a form of the Buddhist deity Yama in the tantra Me-Ice 'bar-ba ('Burning Flames') included in
these names are well known in the chronology of the eleventh century. Gayadhara is the name of the the bKa' 'gyur portion of the Tibetan canon (P. 466).17 The term san-pa, here translated as executioner,
principal Indian master in Tibet of 'Brog-mi (992 -1 074), the spiritual forefather of the Sa-skya orderY must also be linked to the gsen, sacrificial priests of the royal burials in pre-Buddhist Tibet. 18 The title
Acarya dMar-po is the name given to a Kashmiri translator who worked during the period preceding of the tantra dedicated to the female deity, which may be translated as the 'Highly Efficient Bloody
Arrow of the Red Female', would appear to be related to the instructions for divination arrows which
are also characteristic attributes of Tibetan deities of pre-Buddhist origin. 19 However, the contents of
both tantra do not primarily discuss ritual instructions of any kind but explain the legendary origin of
the deities and their physical description.
6 We are indebted to Professor Geza Dray for this information and the comment that Mong. begji therefore derives from
Tibetan beg-ce.
7 J. Bacot, "Reconnaissance en Haute Asie Septentionale par Cinq Envoyes Ouigours au VIII' Siecle", p. 141 et 145 (lignes 13 BA, 696-697. J. Naudou, Les Bouddhistes Ka,miriens au Moyen Age (Paris, 1968), p. 139 n. 2 and 4. The controversial
18-19) in]A 1956, pp. 137-153. T. Moriyasu, "La Nouvelle Interpretation des mots Hor et Ho-yo-hor dans le manuscrit subject of Acarya dMar-po has recently been studied by D. S. Ruegg in "Deux problemes d'exegese et de pratique tantriques",
Pelliot Tibetain 1283", p. 176, in A OH, XXXIV (1-3), pp. 171-184 (1980). pp. 219-221 (in Taoist and Tantric Studies in Honour of R. A. Stein, Bruxelles 1981, pp. 212- 226) where a summary of the
8 We are indebted to Dr. linos Szerb for calling our attention to the republication of I. O. 728 in A Catalogue of Tibetan opinions of 'Gos lo-ca-ba, Sum-pa mKhan-po and Taranatha is given, in conjunction with some remarks of the Fifth Dalai
Manuscripts Collected by Sir Aurel Stein, part eight, pp. 49-50, no. 728, edited by The Seminar on Tibet/The Toyo Bunko, Lama from his i':hos-'byun. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile to note that dPa'-bo gcug-Iag 'phren-ba, writing in 1546, had a
1984. The phrase dar-zab kyi peg-ce is to be found in L. de La Vallee Poussin, Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts from different opinion (cf. note 14 infra). In the Fifth Dalai Lama's gSan-yig, vo!. I, p. 377, he writes that Acarya dMar-po came to
Tun-huang in the India Office Library, Oxford, 1962, p. 233. This document will be analyzed in full in the forthcoming study Tibet three times - during the time of Khri-sronlde-bcan, during the phyi-'dar, and during the life of Sa-chen Kun-dga' siiin-
for the Ecole Pratique. It may already be stated here that the resume given by La Vallee Poussin is defective: it is not the po - having thus a lifetime spanning at least 300 years!
"questioning of a fiend Peg-tse by Buddha" (op.cit. p. 233) but rather questioning of a fiend 'Ja'-ga-ra by Buddha. Our 14 KPGT, Ta, fo!' 3b (= p. 510, vo!. 1,1981 edition), "Ga-ya-dha-ra ni Na-ro Mai-tri sogs grub-thob man-po'i slob-ma yin/ ...
attention was drawn to this manuscript by Mme. Anne-Marie Blondeau, to whom we are gratefully indebted. Bod-tu lan man-por byon ste re-re la mchan tha-dad-tu thogs i':in thegs gcig A-ca-rya dMar-po-iabs su yan grags/ phyis 'Brog
9 The two tantra are included in the Beg-ce be'u bum (recently republished under the title Beg-tse be'u bum, Rdo-rje tshe- (i. e. 'Brog-mi) -mGos (i. e. 'Gos-lo-ca-ba khug-pa lha-bcas) kyi bla-ma byas 50/ Kha-i':he zla-ba mgon-po/ Ston-iiid tin-'jin
brtan, publisher, Lahul-Spiti, RP., 1978). This work was initially compiled by Char-chen blo-gsal rgya-mcho (1502-1566) rdo-rje! Ye-ses rdo-rje/ Ses-rab gsan-ba/ Ma-ha'-ja-na/ Mantra-ka-lakSu/ Karma-bajra/ ]a-ma-ri/ dPa'-bo rdo-rje 'di Bod kyi
from much earlier gter-ma and bka'-ma materials. The authenticity of the early materials is discussed by the Fifth Dalai Lama, gans-ri lta-ba la yons gsun nas 'Brog-mi'i sar byon ste i':hos bstan nas slar rju-'phrul gyis biud skad/ ... " "As for Gayadhara, he
gSan-yig, vo!.ka, p. 823-835, and is corroborated by the Second Dalai Lama's autobiography, ritual texts, and the biography was the student of many siddha such as Naropa and Maitripa ... He came to Tibet many times, each time using a different
of his father (Tohoku nos. 5543, 5544, 5558 (4), 5577 (30), and 5558 (26)). The Second Dalai Lama's texts were written prior to name. Also known as Acarya dMar-po-zabs, later he was the teacher of 'Brog-mi and 'Gos the translator ... His names were
Char-chen's compilation of the Be'u Bum. Kha-che la-ba mgon-po, ... Ses-rab gsan-ba, ... dPa'-bo rdo-rJe ... He went to 'Brog-mi's place (i. e. Myu-gu-Iun) and having
10 Nebesky, p. 89, mentioned the attribution to Mar-pa, but considered it as "an invention of a later author". In the Be'u bum, taught dharma, he once again magically departed ... "
p. 211, Char-chen discusses this attribution and states that the Mar-pa in question was not Mar-pa Chos-kyi blo-gros (but 15 The two tantra are not included in either the bKa'-'gyur or the rNin-ma'i rgyud-'bum under these titles. Both are in the Beg-
rather Mar-pa Chos kyi dban-phyug): "Sridharakrasu Mar-pa lo-ca-ba (lho-brag-pa dan ma gcig go) la dbus kyi grva-than du ce be'u bum, pp. 7-14, 15-21.
gnan zin des rnams bsgyur/." Cf. BA, p. 383 for biographical data. 16 Cf. Notably Ariane Spanien's remarks on the concept of srog (vital forces) in a Tibetan non-Buddhist context as opposed to
l! Cf. infra. Passage refered to is found in the "San-pa dmar-po sgrub thabs rgyas pa" in the Be'u bum, p. 54, 1.4-5, "Bod du che (existence or series of existences) in relation to the Buddhist concept of reincarnation, pp. 12-15 (summary of P. T. 1055)
mchan 3 byun ste/ Ga-ya-dha-ra zes kyan bya/ A-ca-ra dMar-po zes kyan bya/ Sri-dhara-kra-su zes kyan bya ste/" In Char- in Choix de Documents Tibetains conserves a la Bibliotheque Nationale, tome 11 (1979). On the srog-bdag in general, cf.
chen's discussion of this master (Be'u bum, p. 218) he considers this Gayadhara as distinct from 'Brog-mi's master, "Ga-ya- Nebesky.
dha-ra ... 'di la Bod-na bla-chen-'Phrog-mi (sic! 'Brog-mi)'i bla-ma Ga-ya-dha-ra dan mi gcig go!" However, in the opinion 17 We are indebted to Monsieur Stein for this reference, in R. A. Stein, Annuaire du College de France, 74e annee, 1973-1974,
of the Fifth Dalai Lama, only one person is indicated, (gSan-yig, p. 832), "Pan-di-ta Gha-ya-dha-ra/ Sri-dhara-kra-su'an zer p.516.
'di lam-'bras-ba'i Gha-ya-dha-ra ni yin-par 'dug!" 18 G. Tucci, Les Religions du Tibet, p. 295, discusses the sku-gsen or gsen as "les sacrificateurs proprement dits ... Vraisem-
12 BA, pp. 112 and 207. bCo-brgyad Khri-chen, Sa-skya i':hos 'byun, pp. 22-23. Gans-ljons mdo snags kyi bstan pa'i sin rta dpal blablement le mot g,en doit etre mis en relation avec le concept g,ed, qui a la signification de bourreau, tortionnaire." ]aschke
ldan sa skya pa'i i':hos 'byun mdor bsdus skal bzan yid kyi dga' ston (n. d. Tibetan Educational Printing Press, Kashmir House, defines san-pa or bsan-pa as "the slaughter, the butcher" (p. 557). san is a homonym for gsen.
Dharamsala). 19 Nebesky, pp. 365 passim.
188 Amy Heller Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce 189
Both tantra begin with salutations to a Buddhist deity, Yamantaka for the male and Ekajati forthe Even the names of the male deity reflect a blending of Indian and Tibetan concepts. Srog-bdag dmar-
female. Then the birth of the deities is recounted: Two eggs, one of coral and one of bsve, are produced po is indicative of the Tibetan category of the srog-bdag deities, while Skyes-bu dbati. gi mdog can, who
by the union of a yak~a, gNod-sbyin zati.s kyi ral-pa can, and a rak~asa demoness, Srin-mo khrag gi ral- by philological apposition and description is red, bears in his name the Buddhist term for rites of the
pa can. The eggs wreak havoc in the sky, in the intermediary space between sky and earth, and on earth. vasikiira category of the Vajrayana system of four acts (ii-ba, rgyas-pa, dban, and drag-po). Red is the
Unable to control the eggs, the parents appeal to Mahadeva (to control the male deity) and to Ekajati color of dban rites. The name Yam-sud dmar-po is given to an emanation of Pehar and a bcan deity in
(to control the female deity). The eggs are opened by the subduing deity - it is specified that Ekajati the Gesar saga, but also appears in the Vajramantrabhirusandhimiilatantra (P. 467) devoted to a linga
strikes the egg of bsve with a kha~viinga scepter to open it. The tantra for the male deity then describes ritual associated with Vajrakila.n The name Ma-m-rce is attested for both a single deity as a form of
the appearance of the deity emerging from the coral egg: a coral man, his hair tied back in a chignon, Yama and a group of deities who act as acolytes of Yama. 24 The final name, gNod-sbyin zati.s kyi beg-
possessing a copper beg-ce, wearing copper inner armour (ral-kha) and a red goat-skin, holding a ce can, indicates that the object beg-ce is the principal attribute of the deity, here placed in the category
copper bow and arrow, copper sword, lance of bsve and coral, and an ensign of victory. The tantra for of gnod-sbyin injury-bestowing deities. The gnod-sbyin are apparently deities of the pantheons of pre-
the female deity describes the appearance of the deity emerging from the egg of bsve: a girl with a red Buddhist Tibet, later identified with the Indian yak~as, tree-spirits of the Vedic period, who were
face, a blue body, face of bsve (this is a voluntary repetition as bsve [or bse] is associated with the color incorporated into the Buddhist pantheon in India, and turned into guardians of temples.
red, but also implies association with the bsve Tibetan deities), conch shell teeth, turquoise eyebrows, The names given to the female deity are decidedly more Buddhist: Rig pa'i lha-mo gdoti. dmar ma,
flaming hair decorated with semi-precious stones, holding a copper knife and a phur-bu ritual dagger, Padma gar gyi dbati.-phyug ma. The latter is a feminized form of one of the names given to AvalokiteS-
and riding on a dred-mo bear who eats a man. vara, Padma gar gyi dbati.-phyug (Padma-narteSvara), but this is distinctly specified as the female
The legend of origin follows Tibetan rather than Indian paradigms. Among the four types of birth deity's esoteric name (gsan-mchan).25 The most usual name, Rig-pa'i lha-mo gdoti. dmar ma, is often
known in Indian Buddhist mythology, birth from an egg is included, eventually tracable to ancient shortened to gDoti.-dmar ma, which is simultaneously referential to one of the early names of the
Indian myths of a cosmic egg as source of the universe. But the Tibetan pre-Buddhist mythology has a Tibetans, the red-faced ones (gdon-dmar Bod kyi yul). The additional name Srid-pa'i bu-mo is prob-
version of birth from eggs as well - the purely Tibetan cosmogonies are distinguished from the cosmic ably to be linked to Bon-po concepts due to the Bon-po goddess named Srid-pa'i rgyal-mo. 26 Her
egg of other mythologies by myths which utilize more than one egg (usually, two, three or 18) which is allocated food (zas-skal) is the vital breath (srog-dbugs) of those who harm the doctrine. Both tantra
made of minerals. 20 This system is characteristic of the indigenous Tibetan legends on the origin of thus indicate that the male and female deities eat the beings they subdue, which explains the term given
different categories of deities - dgra-lha or bcan - as well as gods, men or animals. The two eggs here in the second interior title of the female deity's tantra, za-byed, the 'eater', an epithet of fire for
correspond to the pattern of mineral origin. purposes of purification. An object (mask or statuette) termed za-byed, used in Buddhist rituals of
The descriptions of the deities correspond quite closely to extant icons, of which the earliest material purification, has canonical antecedents attested as of the tenth century.27
dated with any certainty is of 18th century provenanceY If the appearance is thus partially fixed in The function of the female deity again reflect a blend of indigenous Tibetan concepts with Buddhist
terms of the general lines of the description and attributes, the names given in the tantra indicate the categories of deities or their powers. She is evoked as attendant to Yamantaka, attendant to Ekajati,
variety of categories to which the deities belong simultaneously. In each tantra, the deity emerging conqueror of the thousand asura, leader of bSe'i-skyes-bu (i. e. the male deity), most powerful of the
from the egg is questioned by the subduing deity in a series of questions and answers which recalls the horde of ma-mo deities, most magical of the ma-mo, armour-bearer of the secret ma-mo, guide to
pattern often found in Tibetan folk tales and the Gesar saga. In addition to inquiring whose emanation complete miraculous transformation (cho-'phrul yons kyi sna 'dren ma). The ma-mo are well known as
the deity is - which is a question common to Buddhist tantra introducing a new deity - the queries a class of ancient Tibetan goddesses. The other qualifications are quite Buddhist, in association with
include name, food, ritual, life-essence (srog-gi-snin-po). The male deity replies to Mahadeva: I am the wrathful deities, while cho-'phrul is one of the ten powers of bodhisattva. In this case, however, nine
speech emanation of the black Yama (or Yamantaka); my names are Skyes-bu dbati. gi mdog can, Srog- cho-'phrul are described: transformation into monkey, owl, fox, falcon, wolf, black bird, srin bird,
bdag dmar-po, and Yam-sud dmar-po. Shortly thereafter, the additional names Ma-m-rce and gNod- musk deer, or, engendering a state of delirium (smyo 'bog) in a human. In this case, cho-'phrul seems to
sbyin zati.s kyi beg-ce can are given. The life-essence is, as usual, a magic spell (mantra) and for food, evoke the pre-Buddhist milieu by its meaning of completely non-Buddhist transformation.
the deity eats those liberated from the 10 fields. The ritual to be accomplished is a linga offering using The very succinct ritual instructions given in the female deity's tantra are also for a linga ritual.
divination arrows mda' dar made from the quill feathers of a bcan bird with red silk streamers attached. However, rather than a humanoid effigy in dough or paper, the ritual requires a linga of the shoulder-
The Indian antecedents of the linga ritual have been previously demonstrated by Monsieur Stein, but in blade of a goat or a female dog, for the propitiation of both the male and female deities. Then follows
this tantra, the addition of indigenous Tibetan elements is apparent, as a complement to the Indian core the translator's colophon.
of the ritual. 22 Five other ritual texts provide more detailed instructions for linga rituals devoted to either the male
deity alone, the female alone, or the two together. These rituals are apparently related to the two tantra,
as is demonstrated by either the repetition of names given to the two deities or the repetition of the
20 Cf. R. A. Stein, Annuaire du College de France, 67e annee (1966-1967), pp. 419-420.
21 The Lhasa 20th century edition of the gSan-yig of the Fifth Dalai Lama bears a small portrait of the male deity as 'protector of
contents' on the last folio of the fourth and last volume (p. 735). This portrait is identified by the inscription "gNod-sbyin
dmar-po srog-gi-bdagl Chos-skyon zans kyi beg-ce-canl". If this is a facsimile reproduction of the 17th century Lhasa
edition, this portrait is the earliest inscribed and datable icon. Otherwise, the earliest dated portrait identified by inscription is 2J Cf. Nebesky, particularly pp. 168-170. Also plate V, identified by inscription as "Yam-sud dmar-po" in R. A. Stein,
found on the last folio (501) of the dkar-chag of the sDe-dge bsTan-'gyur, dated 1743 according to J. Kolmas. The portrait is "Peintures Tibetaines de la Vie de Gesar", Arts Asiatiques, 1958, fascicule IV (Paris). The deity is identified as Klu-bdud chen-
inscribed "gNod-sbyin che" (the illustration is reproduced in J. Kolmas, The Iconography of the Derge Kanjur and Tanjur, po Yam-sud dmar-po on fol. 256b line 2 of the Drag-snags 'dus-pa rdo-rfe rca-ba'i rgyud, Peking edition (no. P. 467).
New Delhi, 1978, p. 276). 24 The four Ma-m-rce as acolytes of a form of Yama are discussed in the text Las gsin dmar-po Ma-rH-rce biis skor ba,
22 M. Stein, (Annuaire du College de France, resume des cours de 1977-1978) analyzes the sections of the Guhyasamiija-tantra pp. 879-885 in The Siidhanamiilii of the Panchen Lama, part I, New Delhi, 1975.
(which has been dated from the 5th to 8th century) in which the rituals for the phur-bu and the linga as well as the double 25 Cf. A. M. Blondeau, Annuaire de l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Ve section, T. 86 (1977-1978), p. 83.
aspect of murder and ritual coitus are discussed, summarizing, "Il est clair desormais que le phur-bu et son rituel du linga, si 26 We are indebted to Dr. Samten Karmay for this information.
celebres au Tibet, sont bien d'origine indienne et remontent dans ce milieu au VIIIe siecle" (page 653). 27 Cf. R. A. Stein, Annuaire du College de France, 76e annee, 1975-1976, p. 532.
190 Amy Heller Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce 191
legend of origin. 28 One of these texts is signed by Sridharakrasu as sole translator, then a short Table of Principal Names
discussion of the lineage of practitioners follows. 29 It is here that the correspondence of Acarya dMar-
po and Gayadhara is indicated, as well as Indian antecedents for the cult in the persona of two masters. I. MALE DEITY
Their names are given in Tibetan, not Sanskrit, and their historic existence has as yet proved impossible
to verify. The first master is named Ni-ma grags, followed by Zla-ba nag-po. It is curious to note that
among the names given by dPa'-bo gCug-Iag 'phren-ba for Acarya dMar-po, Zla-ba mgon-po is listed. Names Skyes bu Srog- Ma-ru- Yam-sud Beg-ce- gNod- San-pa gNod-sbyin Chos- Sgrol-gin
If the Tibetan translation of the name is constructed from Sanskrit, Candrakala or Somakala, then dban gi mdog bdag rce dmar-po Can sbyin dmar-po zans-kyi beg- skyon dmar-po
Text can dmar-po dmar-po ce-can Beg-ce
either rendering would be equivalent: Zla-ba nag-po or Zla-ba mgon-po. This may be an indication
that Acarya dMar-po himself had transmitted the teachings in India under another name prior to his Tantra I / / / / / / /
work in Tibet. By the practice of this Hnga and gtor-ma (ritual cake) offering, it is specified that the
enemy will actually be liberated (= killed). When first practiced by Acarya Ni-ma grags, death Tantra 11 /
occurred instantaneously, but in the successive transmissions, increments of delay arise, so that when
Be'u Bum: Cha / / /
transmitted in Tibet, a five day delay between the ritual practice and its result are required. In addition
to previous attributes, here it is stated that the male deity holds a copper knife and the heart and lungs Be'u Bum: la / / / / /
of an enemy.
The junction of Buddhist and non-Buddhist practices is shown by the combination of a linga ritual Be'u Bum: Ta /
and a gtor-ma offering within this one text. The linga effigy is used as a support into which evil energies
Be'u Bum: Pha /
or entities are coerced, dissected into good and evil portions, and then eliminated, i. e. liberated from
the previous malevolent state towards a new and purified incarnation, when struck by a weapon gNan-lo: mdos / / / /
(usually the ritual dagger phur-bu) which embodies the power of a subduing deity. Concommitant
with the liberation of the evil aspect, the priest accrues for himself whatever portion of 'good' had been D.L.II (ca. 1528) / / / / /
separated from the 'evil'. Likewise, the function of the gtor-ma (and mdos, cf. infra) cake offerings is to
serve as a kind of bait or trap into which the priest attracts a demoniacal deity. But after its capture, the
demon is instructed to perform various acts (such as the elimination of hostile forces) and then released
by casting the gtor-ma (or mdos) away. There is no question of purification of an evil aspect or n. FEMALE DEITY
subsequent re-embodiment in gtor-ma or mdos offerings, although elimination of evil is the objective,
just as in linga rituals. The offering of gtor-ma during the dynastic period in a non-Buddhist context is
attested in I. O. 733 as analyzed by Mme. Ariane Macdonald-Spanien. 3o Names Srid-pa'i bu-mo Rig-pa'i lha-mo Padma gar-gyi bSe yi skyes-bu sna Srin-mo Srin-mo'i bu-mo
gdon dmar-ma gdon dmar-ma dban-phyug-ma 'dren ma dmar-mo gdon dmar-ma
In these five rituals, the basic content of linga rituals remains otherwise unchanged, the mantra is
Text
identical. Only one text varies from this pattern, retaining the usual mantra but adding with com-
plementary syllables and phrases. This text is also signed by Sridharakrasu alone, who is supposed to Tantra I
have buried it without transmitting it further, due to the secret nature of this instruction. The title of
the ritual is the San-pa dmar-po'i gsad pa'i las sbyor ('the Red Executioner's murderous acts'). Tantra 11 / / /
The contents specifically describe a fumigation ritual (sbyin-sreg) utilizing a linga in humanoid shape ,
Be'u Bum: Na / / /
surrounded by arrows and owl feathers, all of which are burned. While the other rituals are qualified as
drag-po las (violent ritual acts, abhicara) within the Vajrayana category of the four acts, this ritual is not Be'u Bum: Ta / /
attributed to any category at all. Textual analysis demonstrates that the rituals qualified as drag-po las
repeat word for word the succinct ritual instructions first given in the two tantra. It is clearly establish- Be'u Bum: Pha /
ed by virtue of titles, names given to the deities, mantra and ritual instructions that the tantra are the
gNan-lo: mdos / / / /
antecedent of these rituals. (Cf. Table I.)
D.L.II (ca. 1528) /
The text entitled the 'Secret precept and esoteric realization of gNod-sbyin dMar-po' is designated as pa. 34 Subsequently gNan traveled to Kashmir and India, remaining there for several years. Later
an instruction by Acarya dMar-po.31 Elsewhere the master has signed the colophon under the name historical sources, such as dPa'-bo gCug-Iag 'phren-ba (1546) and the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617-1682),
Sridharakrasu. Although the two names are said to be used by one person, it may eventually be possible credit gNan for introducing the cult of the four-faced Mahakala to Tibet and ensuring its transmission
to establish a typology of rituals related to the choice of name used by the master. This text is highly among early Sa-skya-pa masters. 35 This was accomplished by his disciple gNam-Kha'u-pa who trans-
interesting because it describes a three-headed, six-armed form of the male deity. In this case the female mitted the cult to Sa-chen Kun-dga' siiin-po (1092-1158). Both Char-chen blo-gsal rgya-mcho and the
deity is called the yum (i. e. consort) but not the sister. Nonetheless, the names of the two deities do Fifth Dalai Lama link the cult of Beg-ce to the cult of the four-faced Mahakala by mentioning the
bear a resemblance to the names formerly given. The male deity is named gNod-sbyin dmar-po, San-pa assimilation of Beg-ce with the red acolyte of this form of Mahakala. 36 The implication is that the cult
dmar-po drag-suI can, and Phun-byed chen-po; the female deity is named Srin-mo dmar-mo, mKha'- of Beg-ce acquired 'official' acceptance via the context of the major importance that the Sa-skya-pa
'gro dmar-mo 'jigs-pa'i mche-ba can, dMar-mo mi-zad 'jigs-chul-can, bDud kyi bu-mo, Bud-med attributed to this form of Mahakala.
dmar-mo; they have assistants of unspecified quantity simply termed g.yog, servants; a name for the Two ritual instructions are attributed to gNan Dharma grags: a thread-cross (mdos) ceremony
principal deities plus their entourage is Srid-pa'i las kyi mthu-bo-che dMar-po dpon-g.yog (the red entitled San-pa dmar-po'i mdos-chog, and a gtor-ma offering entitled gNod-sbyin ra la ion pa'i sgrub-
master and attendants [who are] the great power of acts of creation). thabs (the realization of the gnod-sbyin riding on a goat).37 Neither of these rituals mention Mahakala.
This text shows the strongest Indian imprint in both iconography and the system of assimilations The mdos-chog opens with salutations to Bhagavat Yamantaka-raja. The names given to the deity are
established for the deity. Commencing with salutations to Yamantaka, a preliminary meditation over a
21-day period is devoted to the male deity as principal deity (gco-bo); a linga ritual to the deity as
support of form (rten-gzugs) for Mahesvara-Mahadeva then ensues; finally a gtor-ma offering is
addressed to the female deity having the male deity as her attendant. A change in appearance corre-
I Srog-bdag dmar-po, Srog-bdag dmar-po san-pa sgrol-byed, Yam-sud dmar-po, Skyes-bu dban gi
mdog can, and Gri-bcan dmar-po. All but the latter are found in the San pa dmar po sgrol byed kyi
rgyud which would appear to be one of the antecedents of this text. The text of the legend of origin
from a coral egg is not present, but the parents' names are the same in both cases. The parents are
spoJ;1ds to the change of role for the male deity. Initially, the male deity is simply called gco-bo: red in described in detail. The description of the father deity, gNod sbyin zans kyi ral-pa can, is philologically
color, having three heads and six arms - in the first right hand he holds male genitals, in the second and of interest, because he wears a copper beg-ce on his head (dbu-la zans kyi beg-ce gsol).38 The term beg-
third right arms the attributes are either unclear due to scribal error or a female genitals (mo) are held; ce thus appears to refer to chain-mail worn as protection anywhere on the body, and not exclusively
in the left arms, first a hammer, then a lasso, and finally a sword are held. 32 The female deity is over the torso. The father wears a copper ral-kha (inner layer of clothing).39 In his hands he has a
addressed as Yum dMar-mo sdig-pa'i phyag-rgya can, but is not described in the preliminary medita- copper sword, a red lance of bse, and waves a red ensign of victory. When combined with the
tion section. The attendants have one head and two arms, bearing male genitals in the left hand and a description of the mother deity (red in body, holding copper knife, heart and lungs, hair always tied
bladder (or shield) in the right hand. 33 In the second section, the male deity is addressed as agnod-sbyin back in a chignon) the resulting description of attributes and characteristics corresponds quite closely
and as attendant to Mahadeva, then assimilated to Mahadeva. In the third section, he is described as to the appearance of the male deity in the tantra. The female deity here is called 'sister and spouse' (srin
dark-red in color, having three three-eyed faces, blazing hair wound into a braid (which is compared to dan Icam).4o Srog-bdag dmar-po lcam-dral is the name given to the pair. They are accompanied by an
the braid of the deity Chans-pa), unspecified weapons in all six hands. He wears a fresh elephant hide entourage of eight assistants (knife-holding red men) who cut the 'soul-tree' bla-sin, dry up the 'soul-
and cemetary ornaments. The female is naked, and eats a human. In addition to the usual instructions lake' bla-mcho, and overthrow the 'soul-fortress' bla-mkhar of the enemies. This phraseology and the
for the ritual offerings and elimination of evil, a 'soul-stone' bla-rdo is used to combat harmful usage of the name Srid-pa'i lha-mo mthu-bo-che (in addition to the female deity's usual names) link the
influences, and the deities are requested to overthrow the 'soul-fortress' bla-mkhar of the enemies. The ritual instructions of gNan's mdos to Acarya dMar-po's instruction for the 3-headed six-armed aspect
inclusion of these two Tibetan concepts is significant because they are borrowed, verbatim, for inclu- of the male deity.
sion in a slightly later ritual attributed to gNan lo-ca-ba.
The translator gNan Dharma-grags was alive during the second half of the eleventh century. He
attended the council of translators assembled by the ruler of mNa'-ris in 1076, also attended by Mar-
34 BA, p. 71. Biographical data for gNan Dharma-grags is also to be found in T. G. Dhongthog Rinpoche, Sa-skya'i chos-'byun,
A History of the Sa-skya-pa sect of Tibetan Buddhism, Delhi, 1977, pp. 186-196 and in 'Jam-mgon Kon (sic! Kon)-sprul Blo-
gras mtha'-yas, gTer-ston brgya rtsa'i rnam-thar, Arunchal Pradesh, 1973, pp. 259- 261. D. Martin has recently discussed
Padma d~ar-po's remark that the father of Ras-chUli.-pa was named gNan Dharma-grags, and would have been a contempo-
31 Beg-ce be'u bum: Pha. gNod-sbyin dmar-po'i gsan sgrub bka' rgya-ma (pp. 72-78). It is specified (p. 75) that this instruction rary of gNan Dharma-grags (the translator). However, neither KOIi.-sprul nor Dhongthog mention that gNan was the father
comes from Acarya dMar-po. Immediately thereafter (with the omission of any interim transmission) it is specified that Sreg- of Ras-chUli.. Cf. D. Martin, "The Early Education of Milarepa", The Journal of the Tibet Society, Vo!. 2 (1982), p. 69.
ston Amoghadvaja (i. e. Don-yod rgyal-mchan) requested this teaching from Pha-rgod Kun dga' bzan-po. These two masters 35 Fifth Dalai Lama, gSan yig, vo!. ka, p. 823; KPGT, Ta fo!' 11 b (= vo!. I, p. 526 of 1981 edition).
are in fact the grandfather and great-grandfather of the Second Dalai Lama (1475-1542), as discussed in both Second Dalai 36 Fifth Dalai Lama, gSan yig, vo!. I, p. 823; Char-chen, in Beg-ce be'u bum, p. 219, "gNan-Ios dPal mGon hi bzi-pa'i bka'-
Lama' autobiography and by Thu'u bkwan I1, in Grub-mtha' sel-gyi me-Ion, p. 126. Other than this text and the Fifth Dalai sdod San-pa dmar-nag gi tha-siiad byed cin rcubs grags chef sgrub yig mdos-chog bskul byan sogs kyan brcams sin bka'-rgya
Lama's analysis of it in his gSan-yig, only one other reference to the three-headed, six-armed form of the male deity has been che bar mjad/".
found: The younger Brother Don- Yod, f. 30b- 31a of Tibetan text, "gnod-sbyin mgo-bo 3 lag-pa 6 mdun dmar can zig (slebs 37 Beg-ce be'u bum: Ra: gNod-sbyin ra la ion pa'i sgrub thabs (pp. 96-99), La: San-pa dmar-po'i mdos chog (pp. 100-105). In
byun bas ...) bdag gnod-sbyin gyi rigs la bek-ce zer ba zig yin!" as published by T. J. Norbu and R. B. Ekvall, Bloomington, the Fifth Dalai Lama's discussion of Beg-ce, he also refers to the "bla rdos man nag gNan-Io'i chig" (gSan-yig, vo!. 1, p. 829).
Indiana, 1969. 38 Beg-ce be'u bum, p. 101, line 3.
32 P. 72, 1.3-4, "gco-bo dmar-po hi gsum phyag drug-pa g.yas kyi dan-po na pho-mchan/ bar-pa na ta (? sic! tha) mol g.yon 39 Definition of ral-kha from Chos-grags, p. 821, "ral kha dpun bcad/ rnul gzan nam nan-gos".
gyi dan-po na tho (sic! mtho)-ba/ bar-pa hgs-pa/ tha-ma na ral-gri/." We have interpreted mo as mo-mchan (female genitals) 40 The philological apposition is given on pp. 101-102, "khyod kyi pha dan yab ... khyod kyi ma dan yum ... khyod kyi srin
in apposition to the term pho-mchan (male genitals). Detailed analysis of this text will be forthcoming in the study, for the dan !Cam ... " followed in each case by the description. An analogous historical situation is that of Ni-gu-ma, who was
Ecole Pratique. simultaneously the sister and spouse of Mar-pa. (BA, pp. 728, 730 passim.) We are indebted to A. M. Blondeau for this
33 The term used is phug, defined as bladder or as a substitute term for phub, shield (jaschke, p. 343). analogy.
194 Amy Heller Early Textual Sources for the Cult of Beg-ce 195
The offering of mdos in non-Buddhist Tibetan ceremonies during the dynastic period is well attested, and functions could be grafted, reflecting both Indian and Tibetan paradigms. The addition of Buddhist
but gNan lo-ca-ba's mdos construction for San-pa dmar-po is a Buddhist ritual. 41 Phrases such as elements does not modify the Tibetan basis, but rather serves as its complement. The primary function
"Accept this offering of mdos to protect from enemies of the Three Jewels (dkon-mchog-gsum = of the deity eventually is given Buddhist terminology as chos-skyon, protector of Buddhism, but even
Buddha, Dharma and Sangha) . 00" make the Buddhist context of this ritual absolutely clear. But this when called Chos-skyon Beg-ce, the alternative terminology of Srog-bdag dMar-po, reflecting Tibetan
text reverses the principle of the texts previously discussed, which show Indian ritual paradigms with origins, is habitually retained.
an admixture of Tibetan elements. Here the structure of the Tibetan mdos ritual serves as a base on In conclusion, we can retain the following elements: 1) The hypothesis of a late Mongol origin for
which Buddhist elements are superimposed. The Tibetan 'persona' of the deity is emphasized by the the deity is disproven. 2) In the eleventh century a deity with distinctive attributes (notably the beg-cc)
use of the name Gri-bcan dmar-po, indicative of the Tibetan category of the bean deities. Among the and multiple names has already been created - the variety of names indicates that an amalgamation was
functions the deity is called to exercize, he is the master of the rocks (brag-gi mna'-bdag-po) which already accomplished. 3) Was this deity pre-Buddhist? Given the lack of earlier sources we cannot be
recalls the class of the brag-bean, the "rock bean". The amalgam of Buddhist and Tibetan concepts is absolutely certain, but the probability is increased due to the non-Buddhist Tibetan names, functions,
further suggested by the secret name for the male deity which this ritual introduces: sGrol-gin dmar- and myth of origin. 4) The super-imposing of Buddhist elements - making the deity part of the
po. The sgrol-gin are known as a category of Tibetan Buddhist deities, related to the gin (or gyin) which entourage of Yama, Yamantaka, Hayagrlva or Mahakala - seems to be the conduit which allows the
are included among indigenous Tibetan deities. The usage of the term sgrol is undoubtedly related to pre-Buddhist deity to be integrated into the Buddhist pantheon, reconciled by eventually allowing the
the verb sgrol-ba, 'to liberate', which in the context of abhicara (drag-po las) means 'to kill', i. e. to co-existence of Buddhist (i. e. chos-skyon, protector of Buddhism) and Tibetan (i. e. srog-bdag, master
liberate the conscious principle (rnam-ses) from an evil embodiment so that it may find a new and of vital forces) functions. Thus the deity may be alternatively called Chos-skyon Beg-ce and Srog-bdag
hopefully better embodiment. Consequently, usage of the term sgrol-gin implies that the concept of dmar-po.';-
reincarnation is assimilated, although, simultaneously, the Tibetan non-Buddhist categories of bean
and srog-bdag persist.
The second ritual attributed to gNan lo-ca-ba is a gtor-ma offering to the male deity serving in the
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND ABBREVIATIONS
capacity of attendant (bka'-sdod) to Hayagrlva. The ritual instructions specify the construction of a
marJ4ala as well as the gtor-ma. The detailed description of the male deity as well as his names and Dictionaries: S. C. Das, Tibetan-English Dictionary, Kyoto, 1983 (abb. Das), H. A. Jaschke, Tibetan-English Dictionary,
mantra correspond to those given in the tantra for San-pa dmar-po sgrol-byed (cf. Table I). Two London, 1972 (abb. ]aschke).
additional functions are given: enemy god of the yogins (rnal-'byor dgra-Iha) and army commander of
the gnod-sbyin deities (gnod-sbyin rnams kyi dmag-dpon-po). The term ma-ru-ree is used as a proper Principal Sources in Western Languages
noun referring to both a place and the personal name of gNod-sbyin san-pa Ma-ru-rce. It is significant BA: Blue Annals, translated by G. N. Roerich, Delhi, 1979.
that in these instructions for worship as an attendant to Hayagrlva, the male deity has the alternative Linga: R. A. Stein, "Le Linga des danses masquees lamaiques et la theorie des ames", in Liebenthal Festschrift, Sino-Indian
names of Yam-sud dmar-po and gNod-sbyin zans kyi beg-ce can because later rituals and icons of Studies, vo!. V, 3-4, 1957,200-234.
Hayagrlva distinguish two attendants using the names Yam-sud dmar-po (shown on the goat) and Beg- Nebesky: R. de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Oracles and Demons of Tibet, Graz, 1975.
P. T. 1286: Ariane Macdonald, "Une lecture des P. T. 1286, 1287, 1038, 1047 et 1290. Essai sur la formation et l'emploi des
ce lcam-srin, as the identifying inscription for the group comprised of the male deity, the female deity,
mythes politiques dans la religion royale de Sron-bcan sgam-po", in Etudes Tibhaines dediees a la memoire de Marcelle
and a male acolyte. 42 This distinction is attested in ritual instructions for Hayagrlva in the form rTa- Lalou, Paris, 1971.
mgrin yan-gsan written by the Second Dalai Lama (1475-1542) and included in his collected works rKyal-'bud: A. Helier, "rKyal-'bud: An early Tibetan ritual", in Soundings in Tibetan Civilization, New Delhi, 1985,257-267.
(gsun- 'bum). 43 While it would be outside the eleventh century focus of this summary to discuss this TPS: G. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Roma, 1949.
ritual in detail, it is worthwhile to indicate a few salient factors showing aspects of the evolution of the
Principal Sources in Tibetan
cult in comparison to the eleventh century data.
KPGT: dPa'-bo gcug-lag 'phren-ba, mKhas-pa'i dga'-ston, Delhi, 1981.
As will be seen in the table of names and functions, the male deity is placed in the category of chos- Chos-grags: dGe-ses chos-kyi grags-pas brcams-pa'i brda dag min chig gsal-ba, Beijing, 1981.
skyon, protectors of Buddhist law, while simultaneously retaining the names Srog-bdag dmar-po, Beg-ce be'u bum: Char-chen blo-gsal rgya mcho, Beg-tse be'u bum, Lahul-Spiti, RP., 1978.
gNod-sbyin zans kyi beg-ce-can, sGrol-gyin bsan-pa dmar-po, and sGrol-gyin chen-po srog-bdag gSan-yig: Nag-dban rgya-mcho (Fifth Dalai Lama), gSan-yig ganga'i chu rgyun, Delhi, 1970 (vo!. I- IV).
dmar-po. Among the names for the female deity, Rig-pa'i lha-mo gdon-dmar-ma is used here to refer
to her, while the secret name (gsan-mehan) previously attested for the sister, Padma gar gyi dban phyug
ma, is used to refer to the consort of Hayagrlva. In the entourage of the deities, a male acolyte also
named Srog-bdag dmar~po appears, as well as the eight assistants bearing knives. Ma-ru-rce is exclu-
sively the place of residence and not a name for the male deity in this ritual.
This analysis of eleventh century sources indicates that a deity identified by the possession of the
beg-cc was known in the Tibetan Buddhist pantheon at this time. The essential person of the deities - a
wrathful warrior and a wild demoness - were already determined as a base on to which various names
41 Cf. M. Lalou, "Rituel Bon-po des Funerailles Royales" under the term nam-ka" (which is also used in this mdos-chog).
42 Cf. Than-ka of rTa-mgrin yan-gsan. Inventory no. 58-1 in the Tibetan Collection of the Beinecke Rare Book and Manu-
script Library, Yale University. " We would like to thank Professors Anne-Marie Blondeau, Ariane Macdonald-Spanien, Samten Karmay and Yonten Gyatso
4; Second Dalai Lama, gSun 'bum, Padma yan gsan khros-pa'i sgrub-thabs, Ma, fol. 6-26 (= Tohoku cat. 5558 (4)). for their help, encouragement and criticism.
Acta Orientalia Academiae SC'tent'tarwn Hung. Tomus XLIII (2-3), 375-389 (1989)
and A. HelIer, Catalogue of the N ewark 1\!luBeum Tibetan Collection, vo!. I (revised edition
1983), pp. 54-58.
Prior to now, the document had been misidentified and as such, remained The initial organization of the new Manchu protectorate was designed
unexploited. 2 It may now be affirmed that the document is a decree, dated at this time. The Governor-general of Sichuan was responsible for direct
1740, from Mi dbang Pho lha nas to the district governor (rdzong sdod) of administration of the territory of south-eastern Tibet, from Tatsienlu to the
Batang. It seems that the document is established to decide the succession of borders of central Tibet. In early 1721, the major portion ofthe armies returned
the present rdzong sdod of Batang to his two sons, named at the end of the to China via the southern trade route, but the protectorate was reinforced by
decree. a garrison 3,000 men strong in Lhasa, and detachments of troops at Lho-rong-
Before discussing the document in detail, a brief review of the historic dzong, Chab-mdo, Batang, Li-thang, and Tatsienlu. Direct administration of
context pertinent to Batang will better enable us to assess the value of its this large territory soon proved unwieldy. In 1725, during the second year of
contents. The political context of this era is well known because of the work of the Yung Ch'eng Emperor's reign, the political administration and boundaries
Professor Petech, China and Tibet in the early 18th century.s Batang is the were redefined. Under the new arrangement, the Ning-ching-shan range,
common name for the principal town within the district of 'Ba' situated in between the Mekong and the Yangtse rivers, was used as a rough divide.
what Sichuan. It has long been an important stop of the southern trade route The territories to the west were given back to Lhasa jurisdiction; the territories
from China to Lhasa. For the antecedents of the period which concerns us, to the east remained incorporated in China but the administration was entrus-
according to the Fifth Dalai Lama's autobiography, in 1648 two officials were ted to local chieftains under nominal supervision by Sichuan provincial
sent from Lhasa to several areas in eastern Khams to make a census of the authorities. Batang, just east of the boundary, was thus officially incorporated
population and collect taxes for the treasury of the Tibetan government. 4 in China as of 1725.
The district of 'Ba' is specifically mentioned at this time, and as such, was In Lhasa, however, internal governmental rivalries between the Seventh
considered part of Tibetan territory in 1648. In 1677 the autobiography Dalai Lama's father and the Lha,sa cabinet led to civil war in central Tibet in
mentions a similar mission regulating taxation as well as financial support 1727-28. The rival parties appealed to the Manchu who sent an army to
from the Lhasa treasury for the 'Ba' district monasteries.s restore order. By the time Manchu troops arrived in Lhasa, the cabinet minister
The political situation of Batang changed, however, in the wake of the Pho lha nas bsod nams stobs rgyas (1689-1747) had already established his
Dzungar invasion of 1717. The K'ang hsi Emperor dispatched successive supremacy. Already in 1727 he began to be famous in Tibet by the name
contingents of imperial troops, one of which traveled from Sichuan to Khams, Mi-dbang, literally "ruler of men". Mi-dbang received Manchu support for his
in the direction Tatsienlu, Li-thang, Batang. Tatsienlu was occupied in 1718 regime in the form of two Imperial Representatives (Amban), accompanied by
by the Governor-general of Sichuan who sent a detachment to Li-thang an armed garrison. From 1729-1735, the Dalai Lama was exiled from Lhasa,
at this time. Batang was occupied in the following year by the Manchu general first in Li-thang, then in mGar-tar nearby, both located well within the area
Galbi. Local opposition to the Manchu occupation was suppressed by the of Manchu sovereignty. Mi-dbang effectively governed during the Dalai
execution of the Abbot of the Li-thang monastery. General Galbi's forces Lama's absence, and governed so ably that the garrison was reduced to only
reached Lhasa in September, 1720. Shortly thereafter, the 12 year old Seventh 500 men in 1733.6 The role of the amban became quite nominal. The Dalai
Dalai Lama, escorted by a large army, at last reached Lhasa to be duly enthro- Lama, accompanied by the ICang-skya Qutuqtu Rol-pa'i rdo-rje and Sichuan
ned in the Potala. troops, made his return journey from Khams to Lhasa during spring. and sum-
mer of 1735. From this time until the death of Mi-dbang in 1747, the Dalai
.. Lama exercised purely religious authority.
In October 1735, the Yung Ch'eng Emperor died and was succeeded by
2 The document bears Newark Museum Accession number 18.141. It was previously
published (but misidentified) by E. Olson, Oatalogue, Vol. Ill, p. 123-124.
his fourth son who became the Ch'ien Lung Emperor. Shortly thereafter, the
3 This work gives a detailed, comprehensive discussion of the period. Much of the ICang-skya Qutuqtu left for Beijing together with the Sichuan troops who had
information in this resume of the historical context is derived from Professor Petech's aocompanied the Dalai Lama to Lhasa earlier in the year. As a result of his
analysis, as well as from J. Kolmas, Tibet and Imperial, Ohina. Tibetan sojourn, ICang-skya submitted a memorial to the emperor on the
4 As quoted by Tsepon Shakabpa, in Tibet, a Political History, p. 113.
difficulties of the financial situation in Lhasa.? Since the annexation of Batang,
~ As quoted by Tsepon Shakabpa, in An Advanced Political History of Tibet,
Vol. I, p. 452, "1677 lor 'Ba' chos sder dge 'dun sum brgya skor la sngar yod phogs thob
thog/ da lam phar ... sngon du chos gzhis sbyor 'jags dang/ khral mi mams la khras gso 6 Garrison figures from Kolmas, op. cit., p. 41.
khungs 'jug!" 7 Cf. Petech, op. cit., p. 179-180, who quotes the L 7 DL ff. 244b-245a.
Acta Orient. Hung. XLIII, 1989 Acta Orient. Hung. XLIII, 1989
A. HELLER ~II DBAXG'S 1740 DECREE TO BATANG 379
378
Li-thang, and neighbouring tracts to Sichuan, Lhasa had lost the revenue the brgya-dpon. According to Mi-dbang's decree, the rdzong-sdod to whom the
from the taxation of these places. A 1730 census for Batang shows 3,679 document is addressed continued to serve as administrator of Batang in 1740.
families for the area, whose tax contribution was apparently sorely missed in Let us now consider the document itself. It is written in the 'brutsa
Lhasa, as ICang-skya specifically asked for the restitution of Batang and Li- rkang-ring dbu-med script on yellow satin, 177.8 X 78 cm., rolled for purposes of
thang to Lhasa in his memorial to the throne. 8 In June 1738 the Emperor t'
convenience. The piece of satin has no cloth support as backing, and there are
accorded an annual subsidy of 5,000 taels out of the Tatsienlu customs, but no seams or stitch lines which indicates that it never had a cloth support.
referred the matter of the restitution of Batang and Li-thang to the Governor The text of the decree is in two sections, each followed by a square red official
-general of Sichuan and Shensi. In January, 1739, the Governor-general sent a seal. The first section is terminated by the seal, here 3.8 cm square with six
statement to the Emperor opposing the proposal. Ch'ien Lung accordingly columns of hor-yig characters. This seal is virtually identical with the recons-
refuted his sanction: Batang was not restituted to Lhasa jurisdiction. In Janu- truction of the rgya-dam seal of Mi-dbang as published by Professor Schuh. 12
ary, 1740, Ch'ien Lung, grateful to Mi-dbang for his efficient administration, The second seal, 11 X 11.3 cm., is identical with that on Mi-dbang's 1741
granted him a new title, that of chun wang (Tibetan, jun dbang), prince of the decree to the Capucins preserved in the Archives of the Propaganda in Rome. 13
second rank. Professor Petech has summarized the situation in 1740 thus, There can be no doubt that the document is genuine and unaltered.
"The power of Mi-dbang was absolute, the authority of the Dalai Lama was in The first section (Intitulatio) states that in accordance with the order of
abeyance, the supervision by the Chinese nominal only."9 the Emperor and Mi-dbang's own powerful desire, now that those engaged in
One further comment on Mi-dbang's administrative reforms as analyzed rebellion have been destroyed, Mi-dbang obtained the power to increase joy
lo and prosperity of beings and the Buddhist doctrine. He states that in addition
by Professor Petech will be pertinent to our assessment of the 1740 decree.
The area of Tibet governed by Lhasa was divided into 53 districts. With the to being the "ruler of men" (i.e. Mi-dbang) he has now been given the title
exception of Sa-skya which was an autonomous principality, these districts jun dbang, and these are his words, (lines 1-3).
were governed by officials appointed by and dependent upon Lhasa. At the ,.:c The second section is the main body of the document. In the Publicat10
head of each district there was a civil governor and a military commander (lines 4-9) the list of people to whom the document is directed: Mi-dbang
with equal status, both called rdzony dpon (or, archaic, rdzong sdod). With enumerates the subjects of the monastic territories, lamas and teachers great
time, the distinction between civil and military became obsolete, and both and small, the noble patrons of the precious teachings of bTsong kha pa,
were on equal footing. However, the administration of the territories annexed the dpon-chen belonging to the districts of China, Tibet and Mongolia, dpon-
in 1725 was a curious admixture of Tibetan and Chinese bureaucratic systems. skya, messengers (al-chi), the mi-dpon belonging to the governmental and
According to Gore, in Batang at this time five families contended as land- aristocratic territories, the general populace in the traditional division of Tibet
holders in the valley; only one family was responsible for governing the district into Mnga-ris (bye brag dkor gsum) , dBus-gTsang (ru-bzhi), mDo-khams
and had received from Lhasa a hereditary mandate to this effect. l l We thus (sgang-drug), not forgetting the rdzong-sdod, their stewards or intendants
far understand this person to be the rdzong sdod mentioned in the 1740 decree. (gnyer las 'dzin), the soldier, the robber, the trader. In particular, the message
The Manchu were represented at Batang by a functionary liang t'ai in charge is sent to all the population of 'Ba': the district governor (rdzong sdod) , the
of convoys to the garrison. The Tibetans called this functionary the phogs dpo'fl,. officials in his domain, the lamas and the stewards of the monasteries and the
The Chinese chose two native chiefs to administer justice, impose taxation village chiefs.
including corvee, that is labor. The Tibetan term for this position was sde-pa" Within this large second section, lines 9-17 constitute the Narratio
the Chinese term t'u szu. One sde-pa had more responsability than the other. and the Disposito, i.e. the explanation of the situation and the dispositions
The sde-pa were assisted in administration by subordiates: four sub-prefects made by Mi-dbang in regard to this situation. He initially describes the histo-
rgyal-ngo and three military officers dmag-dpon. The dmag-dpon in turn was rical antecedents of the military and civil administration of 'Ba' from the time
assted by a subordinate military officer theoretically in charge of 100 men, of the Fifth Dalai Lama until 1740. The ancestors of the current district
governor, Rin chen, had received their commission since the time of the Fifth
8 Census figure for Batang in 1730 given by F. Gore, "Notes sur les Marche
Acta Orient. Hung. XLIll, 1989 Acta Orient. Hung. XLIII, 1989
380 A. HELLER }1I DBANG's 1740 DECREE TO BATANG 381
Dalai Lama as they served diligently and were rewarded by the commission as as I do not know Chinese. As an isolated document, its interpretation is all the
brgya-dpon. The docum.ent or successive' documents confirming their position more subject to caution. But a limited critical assessment is warranted.
bore red and black seals. During the seventh year of Yung Ch'eng's reign There is no specific date given, but the decree must date late than spring,
(1730) the order came to hold the position ofrdzong-sdod as well as brgya-dpon. 1740 when news of the imperial appointment of Mi-dbang as jun-dbang reached
However, this was disputed by the younger brother in the family. The trouble Lhasa. Mi-dbang was presumably well aware of the 1739 imperial refusal to
persisted, and in 1734, a Chinese official named Cang was sent to settle the return Batang and Li-thang to Lhasa. However, in seemingly direct contra-
matter at Ya'-cug. He decided to revert to a previous arrangement adopted in diction with the 1739 imperial refusal, it is quite clear that in this document
1717 which distributed portions of the house, lands, and fields to the younger Mi-dbang, by his very intervention, regards Batang as a Tibetan territory.
brother who was ordered to serve as brgya-dpon. The elder brother kept the Mi-dbang not only indicates his support of the rdzong-sdod, he also decrees the
position of rdzong-sdod however,neither he nor his descendents may make any possession of rights and properties allocated to him. While simultaneously
claims to the position of brgya-dpon. In the following year, accordingly, the granting him privileges, Mi-dbang imposes specific obligations on the rdzong-
Seventh Dalai Lama issued a decree of great importance (Ma' -shog she-bam sdod and on the rdzong-sdod's subordinates.
chen-mo) for the retention (of rights and properties) in favorof Rin-chen. In the absence of further corroboration from other sources, either
Mi-dbang's intervention further gives total support for possessions of Rin-chen Chinese or Tibetan, it is impossible to know what were the consequences,
and his family. He instructs all those mentioned in the Publicatio to help and if any, of this decree. It is not even certain that the "Prince" of Batang who
do what is beneficial for Rin-chen, stipulating that no new harm, taxes or had the document in the early twentieth century was a direct descendant
military service should be imposed using the welfare of the government as of the rdzong sdod of 1740, but it is likely that his family had preserved the
a pretext. Rin chen's instructions are to be obeyed without opposition. Two document because it directly concerned them. The very silence of contemporary
proverbs are used to indicate the attitude expected of the subordinates: sources is indicative that this document was not a source of dissension. Given
'Act as the body who is placed under the head' ('khri'i mgo 'og Ius chug tshul the long-standing nature of the dispute and the successive interventions which
bzhin byed pa) and 'Seeking a sunny side on the higher summit' (ri mgo gang preceded Mi-dbang's decree, had the decree been disputed, it would be attested.
mtho'i nyi ma) which here means to seek no other leader and side with the We thus conclude that it was acceptable within the relation of protectorate
winner,!4 Rin chen is instructed to punish any who may rebel. The following in vigor in 1740 for Mi-dbang to intervene in the jurisdiction of Batang. 15
administrators must not weaken or allow any talk of opposition whatsoever. This decree raises questions of the actual administration of Batang at this
From this time until as long as there are descendents of Rin Yon-tan chen's time.
two sonS, these orders are to be heeded. Such are the terms decreed by Mi- In closing, I must express my appreciation to Tsepon Shakabpa, Samten
dbang in 1740. Unfortunately the scribe neglected to add the interstitial Karmay, Yonten Gyatso, Yoshiro Imaeda, and mTshan-zhabs Rinpoche who
numerals for the day and month which would have allowed a more precise de- have been of great help in the comprehension of the language of this document.
termination of the date. I am deeply indebted to both Professor Anne-Marie Blondeau and Professor
Although there subsist a few points of vocabulary or syntax which remain Dieter Schuh, but bear sole responsability myself for the opinions expressed
obscure (cf. Tibetan text and translation), the general tenor of this document here.
is quite clear. It seeks to be authoritative. However, to date I have found
no mention of it in the biography of Mi-dbang, the Mi-dbang rtogs brjod, 15 Professor Schuh assesseil this document differently, and in a personal communi-
nor in the biographies of the Seventh Dalai Lama, the lCang-skya Qutuqtu cation comments thus: As far as the political implications of this document and the VIIth
Dalai Lama's decree are concerned, I am by no means sure, that both documents show
Rolpa'i rdo rje, or mDo-mkhar Tshe-ring dbang rgyal. Nbr in contemporary a direct intervention of Lhasa in an area supposedly outside its domain. The very exis-
Chinese sources as analyzed by Professor Petech. Time has not allowed me tence of these documents shows of course, that the Dalai Lama und Pho-Lha-ba had
to consult the Seventh Dalai Laina'sgTam-phud nor primary sources in Chinese some influence in Batang due to their undisputed authority as head of the yellow church
and ruler of Tibet. Perpahs we should keep in mind, that we can not always strictly
apply our political ideas and terms of administrative rights, authority and jurisdiction
14 The proverb ri mgo ga.ng mtho'i nyi ma is listed among proverbs by G. N. Roerich to the situation in Central Asia. Pho-Lha-ba's decree confirms only certain rights and
and L. Lhalungpa, Textbook of Colloquial Tibetan (revised edition), p. 272. Khri'i mgo 'og privileges, which had been granted and established before. A great part of the document
lus chug tshul has been specifically qualified as a proverb by Yon-tan Gyatso and mTshan- consists - as it is the case with the majority of legal documents - of formulas, which
zhabs Rinpoche. can be found in other documents quite often.
Acta Orient. Hu'n(J. XLIII, 1989 16 Acta Orient. Hung. XLIII, 1989
382 A. HELLER ill DBANG'S 1740 DECREE TO BATA'NG 383
Transcription of Newark Museum Document 18.141 22 zhes go bar bya ba'i yi ye drag po zhes pa leags spre zla tshes dge bar phyogs tl/,(uns cad
las rnam par r(JIJal ha'i chos 'khor lha sa'i pho brang chen po dga'
1 gnarn bsko8 'jam dbyangs Z gong ma chen po'i lung dang rang gi las BmO» dpung gsked 23 ldan khang gsar nas l)r·isl/ (seal)
btaa» pOB mi bs-run log par' khu ba'i sde rigs tshar bead naB
2 batan 'gro'i phan bde spel ba'i mthu tlwb pa gangs can pa rnam3 kyi mi'i dbang po
zlW8 ShU{j8 'byung snyan pa'i dbyangs lo1Ji bstod cing deng akaba jun dbang zhes
3 'jig rten khams na yongs 8U gragsla eke ba'i khyu mchog gang de'i gtam// (seal)
4 ,'phags pa 'jig rten dbang phyug gi ydm bya zhing mchog dam par gyur pa bsilldan kha
ba'i l}ongs kyi 'dzin
5 ma'i gzhi 'dir 'klwd pa'i lha sdc dang bla ma 8k>b dpon cloe chung 'jam mgon btu ma btsong
kha pa che» po'i batan pa rin po che'i 1/0» bdug rgyal rigs 80gs dang rgya bod hor gsum
gyi sder
6 gtogs pa'i dpon chen dpon skya at chi mi ana gzhung 8{Jer m-elwd gzhis mi dpon yang
btsan dang bcas skye 'yro 8pyi dang bye brf1{/ skor g8'um ru bzhi sgang drug mda khams
'1 stod smad bar gsum gyi lha sde mi sdc bla dpon ehe chung rdzong sdod gnyer las 'dzin
zhi drag gi sne mar rnngags slebs dmag jag tshong gsum gyi 'grul 'grim 80gS
8 mehog dman bar pa rnurns dang khyad par du 'ba' rdzong Bdod dang mnga' khut gyi las
lnJed rim byor ehos sde khag gi bla gn-yer bsdud dung bskul brda'i 'go pa sogs mtha' dag la
9 springs pal 'ba' rdzong sdud r·in ehen zer ba 'di pa'i pha mes kyi Z gong Ba Inga pa ehen
po nas bzungs gzhung tnchod yon, na 'j·int gyi las don la khur bsams mam dag gi rus
thon
10 T>yung bas mtshar kha bdag brkyen gyi gnang ba'·;' gtan tshiga dmar nag dang 'brel OOs
'ba' yi brgya dpon gtan 'jags lcyi thog Z gong ma g.yung ein 10 bdun pa'i nang du 'ba'i
rdzong sdod du
11 Z bka' phoos pas las tskan nyis 'dZ'in byed bzkin la no bos nang rtsod byas par rten nang
ma dum par Z g.yung cin lo bcu geig pas nang ya' CWJ tu cang tha yes can gyis bead
mtslw.ms:
12 byas pa'i Z gong ma khang ski 10 lnga' bcu nga lnga phan gyi khang sa zhing dang g.yog
r-igs rnams bgos pas mtshams geod dang 'ba' brgya dpon gyi zhi drag gi zhahs phyi dgos Small seal of l\fi -d bang
rigs no
Photo, Courtesy of the Newark Museum, Newark, N . .T., USA
13 bos bsgrub dgos dang bgo skal gyi sa khang zhing dang kIlO rang gi thog gsar lon rigs gang
yod mams rang 'jags dang klw pa brgyud boos la 'ba' brfJI-Ja dpon gyi 'gall, khur 8pU tsam
'khri
14 moo kyi bead khra sprad 'dug pa ltar la Z gong sa skyabs mgon mchog nas 'jags gnas kyi
gtan tshigs shi'YIg yos 10 Z bka' shag she barn ehen nw gnang 'dug don bzhin 'di , English Translation
15 nas /""Yang rin ehen brgyud boos la dbang rigs bdag thob gong gsal gyi sa khang zhing Intitulatio (lines 1-3)
tshang ma 'jags gnas zhabs 'degs kyi rgyab gnon gtsang mar sbyin pa y·in pas khyod gong
'khod
,, The words of the great leader of men now ·widely known in the world as jun dbang, ca.lled
16 tshang ma nas rogs ram phan char gang 'gro lnJed pa las gnod 'gal dang khrat dmag las Mi-dbang of the Tibetans (or: by the Tibetans) in melodious praise of his strength, (he
gsutn gsar 'gel gzhung don la kOO g.yar gyi da lam ring zer ba sogs who) had obtained the power to increase the joy and prosperity of beings and the Budd-
17 gtan nas mi '08 pa'i rkang 'gro lag 'don gyi khral 'gel bkod byas mi chog cing g.yogs rigs hist doctrine, after having destroyed those engaged in rebellion in accordance with the
pho mo zhing pa dud zhib rdzi8 pa mgo brtag mtha' 'dug boos nas kyang rang rang order of the heaven-appointed ManjughoshaEmperorand his (Mi-dbang's) own powerful
18 gi 'ba' gan nany gsallas mi 'gal ba'i rin chen brgyud boos kyi khar nyan ngag 'khri'i mgo army of karmic desire. (seal of Mi-dbang)
'og Ius chug tshut bzhin byed pa laB dpe ngan lam zhugs kyi ya bzung do bsdo'i
19 don bud byol zur ltos med dran khrul ri mgo gang mtho'i nyi mu dpon 'go gzhan 'tslwlsogs Publicatio (lines 4-9)
byas na mthus rgyu min cing nges med re zung nas llyas pa byung srid na tshar good
20 rjes 'dzin khrims pa Tang naslhod yangs su ma song ba'i gtan tshigs na rim gyi rgyab rtsa This message to those living on this soil of the cool snowy country (Tibet), the excellent,
byed pa ma gtogs ngan pa rgyab skor sags 'di don las 'gal ba'i rigs skad cig tsam yang pure field of conversion of Avalokiteshvara, the subjects of the monastic territories, the
21 chog TgyU min pas ji srid bar rin chen bu dpal byor stabs 'phel padma lha dbang gnyis lamas and teachers great and small, the noble patrons of the precious teachings of bTsong
brgyud beGS la bde ba.r yi ye 'dzin 'jug pa gyis kha pa, the dpon·chen belonging to the districts of China, Tibet and Mongoliu, the dpon-
(
M:ta Orient. HWlq. XLIII, 1989 16' Aeta Orient. Hung. XLIII, 1989
c
384 MI DBANG'S 1740 DECREE TO BATANG 385
A.HELLER
skya, the messengers, the mi-dpon belonging to the governmental and aristocratic terri- Notes to the Translation
tories, the yang-btsan and the general populace, (all those in) Mnga' ris skor gsum, Dbus-
gTsang, A-mdo, and Khams (who are) subjects of the monastic estates and non-monastic Y.G. Yonten Gyatso, Paris (E.P.H.E.), letter July 20, 1984
estates, lamas and mi dpon great and small, the rdzong sdod, their intenpants, those D.S. Professor Dieter Schuh, letter October 18, 1984
commissioned with civil and military duties, the comings and goings of the soldier, the T.R. mTshan-zhabs Rinpoche, Zurich
robber, the trader, and those who are excellent, inferior or in between, and in particular A.M.B. = Professor Anne-Marie Blondeau, letter November 26, 1984
to the 'Ba' rdzong sdod, the rotating officials of this domain, the monastic intendants, 1.1 Y.G. reads, "rang gi las smon (gyi) dpung gshad btsan pas = las dang smon
the tax-collectors and assembly of the elders, etc. lam gyi nus shugsla brten nas." T.R. also reads this way, but qualified
the use as "poetio".
Narratio (lines 9--14) D.S. proposed: "by means of fieroe military power due to the order of the ...
Emperor and due to his own karma-wish(?)
'The ancestors of this 'Ba' rdzong sdod called Rin-chen have served with pure intentions 1.2 Both Y.G. and D.S. suggested the possible reading, "gangs can pa rnams kyis"
the successive rulers of the (Tibetan) government since the tiIne of the Fifth Dalai Lama, 1.4-5 Y.G. proposes: bla ma(r1ang)sIob dpon.
resulting in the remarkable kind gift of the decree(s) bearing red and black seals perma- D.S. comments thus:
nently establishing (them) as brgya-dpon of 'Ba' district. In the 7th year ofYung Ch'eng Line 4-5: 'dzin-ma'i gzhi 'dir 'khod.pa
(1730) the order came to serve as rdzong-sdod as well. As the two positions were held 'dzin-ma is according to DAGYAB, p. 558, = sa-gzhi. DAS (S. 1054) gives
(simultaneously by one person) the younger brother disputed this within the family, more correctly the meaning 'earth' (= sa-gzhi), which means, that 'dzin-ma'i
without resolution. In the 11th year of Yung Ch'eng (1734) the (Chinese or lVIanchu) gzhi is identicl11 with sa-gzi 'soil'. In legal documents, the equivalent for
official Cang arranged a settlement at Ya'-cug. He decided to divide the servants, house, 'dzin-ma'i gzhi is usually given as sa'i-cha. Compare MTH III 5, Document
land and fields as it had been in the 55th year of K'ang hsi (1717). Also (as part of the XXXII,line 5: dbus-gtsang khri-skor bcu-gsum gyi sa'i-char 'khod-pa'i
decision) the younger brother must fulfill the civil and military duties as the brgya-dpon. Iha-sde and MTH III 5, Document XXXIII, line 4-5: khri-skor gyi
(The elder brother's) portion of the land, houRe, fields and all that he has newlv received 'dzin-ma'i gzhir 'khod-pa bla-dpon. 'khod~pa means 'to be placed', 'dwell'.
is settled, but neither he nor his descendants may make any claim (literally: n~t so much So we come to the following translation: Living on this soil of the cool
as a hair) to the position of brgya-dpon. In accordance with the settlement thus given, the snowy country (Tibet).
Seventh Dalai Lama made the decree of great iInportance in the wood-hare year (1735) 1.6 Y.G. explains dpon-skya: "bla ma dang grva pa ma yin pa'i dpon-po la dpon-
for permanent establishment (of Rin-chen's possessions and title). skya zer"
D.S. notes, "The title can be found also in MTH HI 5, Document xxxn,
Dispositio (lines 14-21) line 5-6: 'khod pa'i Iha-sde, mi-sde dpon.chen, dpon-skya ...."
1.6 D.S. explains al-chi = messenger:
From here also, I (Mi-dbang) give pur support of confirmation establishing the fields,
house, lands and all fore-mentioned possession (and title) for Rin-chen and his descen- Line 6 al-chi.
In a document, published in ZAS 8, S. 440, line 5, we find el-'chi mi-sna
dants. All of you mentioned above (in the publicatio) must help and care for (Rin-chen)
'grim-'grul "messenger (and) different people, travelling around". The
as much as you can, and refrain from harm, new imposition of taxation or military service
Mongolian equivalent elN for el-chi is directly attested by the Tibeto-Mon·
giving the welfare of the government as a pretext saying 'it is only meant for this occa-
golian document Bylakuppe 1 (ARCHlV 4, S. 11-12). For the occurence
sion'. It is not allowed to establish imposition of taxes in kind or labor which are absolutely
of al-chi for elci' compare MTH III 5, Document XXXV, line 4, where
incorrect. From the male and female servants, the farmers, the householders, the shepherds
al-chi 'grim-'grul can be found. The usage to mention messengers in the
and those who have sought Rin-chen's protection, according to each one's promise of
publicationes can already be found in Mongolian documents of the Yuan-
loyalty, the instructions of Rin-chen and his descendants are to be obeyed (in a subordi-
Dynasty (compare POPPE, text I, line 4; text H, line 5-6, where we
nate manner) like the body under the head. For example, avoid daring to go an an evil
find yorci'iqun yabunqun lilc'in = tib. el(= all-chi 'griIn-'grul.
path, it is an error. Just as the sun shines first on the highest summit there is no reason
'elchi also occurs in the Mongolian Yuan dynasty document analyzed by Pelliot
to seek other leaders. If anyone were to do this, punish (them). It is not allowed to have
even an instant of opposition (to this decree) such as supporting evil - the next holder
in TPS,p. 623, line 7, where its context is identical to the document published
of legal (authority) should only support the successive decrees without any weakening. by Poppe.
1.6 yang-btsan also occurs in the 1735 document from Mi-dbang on Sera (cf. Uebnch,
From now on, Rin chen's two sons, Dpal 'byor stbos 'phel and Padma lha dbang and
line 4 (publicatio) " ... drag btsan, yang btsan ..." p. 124-125, Heilen und
their descendants must preserve these joyful (legal) documents.
Schenken, Fest8chrijt fur Gunther Klinge.
1.7 Y.G. explains, "bla.dpon = bla-ma (dang) mi-dpon".
Colophon (lines 22-23) .D.S. comments:
?,hese are the letters to be heeded in the year drag po, called iron-monkey, month, auspic- Line 7 bla-dpon che-chung
lOUS day, from Lhasa which is the Dharma headquarters completely victorious over The interpretation bla-dpon = bla-ma + mi-dpon is possible but proble-
all directions from the dGa' Idan khang gsar palace. (seal) matic. In line 5 we read Iha-sde dang bla-ma slob-dpon che-chung. So the
Acta Orient. Hung. XLIII, 1989 Acta Orient. Tlun!!. XLIII, 1989
386 A. HELLER MI DBANG'S 1740 DECREE TO BATANG 387
interpretation bla-dpon = bla-ma + slob-dpon IS even more convincing dpyad-mchams is a settlement of a legal dispute. dpad-mchams byed·pa
in this case. But unfortunately bla-dpon (bla-dpon chen-po) also occurs means 'to arrange a settlement of a legal dispute'. A different expression
in documents as the title for the highest dpon (of Tibet, the Regent). for this kind of settlement is dpyad-khra, which is given in line 14 with
Compare MTH III 5, Document XXX Line R7, XX Line 37 and 38 etc. the spelling bcad-khra. For this compare WSTB 10, S. 303-314.
1.7 gnyer las 'dzin = intendant. Y.G. remarks, "bead mtshams byas pa = zallce gcod pa; thag bead pa." and,
D.S. agrees this interpretation is most probably correct and has given detailed "bcad-khra = contract"
discussion of this term in Archiv 2, p. 51-52. As dpyad khra cf. the expression zhib dpyad gzhung khra used to denote "land
1.7 zki.drag gi sne-mor mngags-slebs also occurs in MTH Ill, 5, Document XL (Fifth settlement", cf. Surkhang, p. 20.
Dalai Lama, 1670) p. 369, line 2-3. 1.12 Y.G. proposed the reading, "'Ba' brgya-dpon gyi zhi·drag gi zhabs.phi('i)
D.S. comments: dgos rigs No-bos bsgrub dgos" interpreting zhabs-phyi in its usual sense
Line 7 zhi-drag gi sne-mor mngags-slebs of "service, servant", which would then give the reading 'The younger
mngags-slebs means '(someone) who arrives after being sent'. Evidence brother must fulfill the duties as civil and military zhab8-phyi of the 'Ba'
for this interpretation can be found in the Tibeto-mongolian document brgya.dpon"•
Bylakuppe 1 (compare ARCHIV 2, p. 11-12, line 8), where we find bya.ba D.S. understands zhabs-phyi dgos-rig8 as "duties" proposing thus, " ..• that
zhi-drag gi sne-mor spyir btangdmigs-bsal nmgags-slebs. The Mongolian the necessary civil and military duties of the (office) of the 'Ba' brgya-dpon
equivalent for nmgags·slebs is given as jaruyci elCi 'messengers being send'. had to be fulfilled by the younger brother." I.e. that the younger brother
The whole expression should be translated as 'those who are commissioned becomes the brgya-dpon. This interpretation is tentatively adopted in the
as leading officers for civil and military (duties)'. For a similar interpretation translation, in the absence of further corroboration from other sources.
compare also ARIS, p. 13-15, where we find the following translation: A.M.B. has remarked that kho·rang could designate either Rin chen or the
"those commissioned with civil and military duties". younger brother, or perhaps both of them.
1.8 reading mchog dman bar-ma (instead of bar-pa) 1.14 bka'·shog she-bam·chen mo: cf. detailed discussion of the meaning very special,
1.8 D.S. comments: very important type of decree in Schuh, WSTB, p. 321-323.
Line 8 bsdud dang bskul-brda'i 'go-pa 1.15 Y.G. reads, "zhabs 'degs kyi rgyab gnon = rgyab skyor".
A similar formula is found in MTH III 4, document I, line 7-8: bsdud D.S. comments:
dang bskul-brda' byed-mi. An interpretation is given in ZAS 8, p. 429: The expression zhabs-'degs kyi rgyab-gnon is found in many documents (compare
'taxcollectors and leaders of the assembly of eldest'. This interpretation MTH III 5, document IV, line 11; document V, line 13; document VII, line 11-
is based entirely on the information of the Tibetan owner of this document 12). We have to ask the question, if the use of zhabs-'degs kyi rgyab.gnon in·
Pad-ma-dbang-phyug. stead of rgyab-gnon has any legal and political implications. While discussing
T.R. agrees with this interpretation, recalling the expression brda'i yig = brda'i the confirmation of 'Gyur·med-rnam-rgyal on MTH III 5, document IV, which
rnying (old orthography). was issued 1725, I suggested such kind of political implication (MTH III 5,
b8dud dang b8kul-brda byed mi is also found in MTH IIl, 5. Document XL, line 2, p. 103), since this confirmation was issued in 1731 during the lifetime of his
p.369. father Pho-lha-nas. On the other hand, it can be seen from the last confirmations
1.9 reading: pha·mes (kyis) of MTH III 5, documents IV and document V, that the same person seems to
Y.G. explains, "khur bsams rnam dag gi as khur sems rnam dag = bsam pa yag use both expressions indiscriminately. Nevertheless I would suggest, that the
po'i sgo nas las ka yag po byas pa. rus-thon byung bas = las ka'i 'bras-bu issueing chancellery of the document wanted to indicate intentionally by the
byung bas". addition of zhabs-'degs in the above mentioned expression, that Pho-lha-nas
1.10 D.S. comments thus on mchod-yon: did not grant a confirmation of certain rights in his role as the ruler of the terri-
Here mchod-yon indeed means the ruler of Tibet as found in the persons tory concerned, since the territory was no longer ruled by the Tibetan govern-
of the Dalai Lama as mchod-gnas and the Qoshot Khans as yon·bdag. ment.
This is also evident from MTH III 5, Document XXXV, line 10-11, 1.16 Since Mi-dbang directs his remarks to all in the publication, as A.M.B. has re-
where 'the decrees of the previous mchod-yon' mchod-yon gong-ma'i bka'- ma....ked, who were the people capable of imposing new taxes or corvees or military
tham are mentioned. Compare also ARIS, p. 18. service on the territories administered by the rdzong-sdod? Was 'Ba' subject
Y.G. proposes to read tshan-kha for mtshar·kha. to taxation, etc. by both China and Tibet?
1.11 reading nu-bo (younger brother) for no-bo. 1.17 Both T.R. and D.S. suggest reading rdzi-bo for rdzis-pa. T.R. suggested the
1.11 (Cang) tha yes can is understood here as a Tibetan transliteration of Chinese meaning "those protected by Rin chen" on the basis of the expression mgo-btags
tha'-ye (a notable) or ta-ch'en (an official). We have understood Ya'cug as a place- zhu-ba for mgo-brtag. (Cf. Das, p. 284)
name, but it could also be part of the official's name, i.e. Ya'·cug-tu Cang. 1.18 'ba'·gan cf. Jaeschke, p. 391 (under 'ba') warrant for proceeding against a debtor.
1.11-12 Several remarks on dpyad mtshams byas pa. Goldstein gives 'ba' written agreement, contract; 'ba' yig written agreement.
D.S. comments: D.S. comments thus:
Line 11-12 dpyad-mchams bya8-pa Line 17-19 g.yogs-rigs pho-mo mthus-rgyu min cing
Acta Orient. Hung. XLIII, 1989 Acta Orient. Hung. XLIII, 1989
388 A. HELLER :m DBANG'S 1740 DECREE TO BATANG 389
All servants, male and female, all farmers and herdsmen, who lire subordin- 20. Shakabpa, Tsepon W. D. Tibet, a Political History, New Haven, 1968.
ate (of Rin-chen), should not do anything which opposes to their 'pro- 21. Shakabpa, Tsepon W. D., An Advanced Political History of Tibet, Kalimpong, 1976.
misses of Loyalty' and should should act as the body, who is placed under 22. Surkhang, W. G. "The Measurement of Lag 'don Tax in Tibet." in The Tibet Journal,
the head, by obeying Rin-chen and his decendents and respecting their vol. 9 (1984) pp. 20-30.
order. It is improper for them, if they look for other masters etc. 23. Debach, H. "Die Besitzurkunde des Se-ra Sngags-pa Gra-C'ang" in Heilen und
As far as 'ba'-gan is concerned, it is normally a letter of intent (gan-rgya), in Schenken, Festschrift fiir Gunther Klinge zum 70. Geburtstag, Wiesbaden, 1980,
which a certain fine ('ba') is fixed in case somebody defaults. For such a kind of pp. 121-127.
letter of intent compare FOLIA RARA. I dispose of several gan-rgya of the 24. Uebach, H. "Reisebegleitschreiben der Panchen Lamas fiir Geistliche aus Ladakh"
above mentioned type, in which the farmers promise loyalty to their landlords. in Contributions on Tibetan Language, History and Culture (eds. E. Steinkellner
and H. Tauscher) Wien, 1983, pp. 389-398.
Acta Orient. Hung. XLIII, 1989 Acta Orient. Hung. XLIII, 1989
TIBETAN SCULPTURE AND PAINTING
IN THE NEWARK MUSEUM
AMY HELLER
THE TIBETAN Collection of The Newark Museum, far-away recipients, while artists themselves travelled
comprising manuscripts, paintings, sculptures, textiles, widely, selectively blending elements from several stylis-
costumes and ceremonial and ethnological objects, as tic tendencies. In addition, there are very few dated
well as photographic archives, constitutes one of the images. Certain provenance is often impossible to estab-
foremost collections of Tibetan art in the world. Its lish as these objects are now isolated from the country
importance has been well known since 1950, when the where they were produced, which remains largely inac-
museum published the first volume of its Catalogue o]the cessible today. Even if a given sculpture or painting is
Tibetan Collection. Eleanor Olson, the former curator of rendered in the style ofa certain region or school, it may
the collection and author of this catalogue, must be never be possible to give it a definitive date or prove-
remembered for her pioneering efforts at identification nance. Bearing these factors in mind, we will focus in
and analysis of Tibetan art and ethnology, and for this article on a few of the most significant and charac-
educating the public through exhibitions in Newark teristically Tibetan paintings and sculptures in the col-
and elsewhere. Valrae Reynolds, Curator of the Orien- lection.
tal Collections, has continued the museum's commit- A very early school of Tibetan manuscript illumina-
ment to the Tibetan collection through major exhibits, tion is documented by a fourteen-volume series of the
publications and important acquisitions. Prajnaparamita Buddhist scriptures*. Each volume has * 103
The Newark Museum's Tibetan collection includes from 320 to 380 folios. Among these, there are twelve
over five hundred thangka (scroll paintings) and images. illustrated folios presenting illuminations of identical
Buddhist art from hldia, Kashmir, Nepal and China, format and painting style. Through radio-carbon
which reflects the complex artistic influences on Tibet, testing, it has been possible to date the paper to circa
is also an important component of the museum's hold- 1195, with an adjusted age range of 1040 to 1335, pre-
ings. Tibetan artists have progressively fused these in- dating all printed editions of the Tibetan Canon. Each
fluences into expressive and distinctive styles of their folio has been dyed a deep brown and painted with a
own since the seventh century A.D. The major body of central, glossy black rectangle on both sides. The script
Tibetan works of art in the collection of The Newark is graceful and controlled, written either in alternating
Museum documents these developments from the twelfth gold and silver or completely in gold, with seven or eight
to the twentieth centuries. lines to a page. It is presumed that the paper was
Tibetan artists are especially renowned for their manufactured close to the time of its use for these vol-
paintings and images of religious subjects, which char- umes. The superbly executed calligraphy contains some
acteristically portray Buddhist deities and historic archaisms and orthographicallapses which tend to fur-
lamas (teachers). The incentive for the commission ofa ther corroborate the twelfth century date.
work of art is to acquire religious merit. Both sculpted This date is also consistent with the style of the illus-
and painted portraits of a Buddha or a deity have a trations, which reflect the prominence of Pala Indian
precise usage in rituals, symbolically representing an influence at the time. The left-side illustrations display
ultimate Buddhist truth in the ideal form ofa member of Buddhas, individually varying in colour of body and
the Buddhist pantheon. Narrative paintings, such as mudra (hand gestures), but all seated on distinctive Pala-
those showing events in the lives of previous teachers, style elliptical thrones with triangular decorations at
have an additional educational purpose, that of in- shoulder level, their heads in gold ovoid haloes. Only
spiring monks and laymen with the deeds accomplished one Buddha is crowned; all wear monastic robes. Each
by the subject of the biography. The practice of por- sits facing forward on a flat cushion atop a lotus base
traying the religious masters in sculpture and painting having one row of petals, set on a low platform. On the
developed particularly in Tibet, where the living and right-side illustrations, nine folios show monks in red
historic teachers are venerated as human embodiments robes, on similar thrones, but other figures are kneeling
of the nature of the Buddha. Tibetan artists also excel in a three-quarter view. Two figures are depicted as
at dramatic portraits of forceful deities whose many Bodhisattvas, wearing circular ear-rings and triangular
a ttri butes are used to destroy all forms of ignorance. ornaments as arm bands and crown decorations, with
The primary religious function of these works of art their dhoti (wrap for the lower halfofthe body) stopping
has led to an emphasis on iconographic accuracy and above the knee. The unusual kneeling, three-quarter
consistency. The sacred presence attributed to early view is especially prevalent in subsidiary figures on
sculpted images resulted in such esteem that, in some Pala-style Tibetan thangkas and in the early thirteenth
cases, copies were made even centuries later. Similarly, century woodblock prints recovered from Kharakhoto
block prints of illustrated scriptures or individual in Central Asia. In contrast to the firm hand of the
paintings also ensured wide diffusion of styles. Manu- script, the illustrations present a nervous outline and
scripts, thangkas and images were sent as presents to sketchy, often asymmetrical patterns for the deities'
~
..:,rnber-October 1989 139
triangles .ar~ in juxtaposition with an elliptical halo
at the deity s shoulder level. This drawing is superbly
rendered, and closely corresponds to some of the finest
examples of Pala·style paintings in Tibet.
Anothn exam~Je offine metal casting can be seen in
a sdmall yet ~agn1ficent portrait of a Bodhisattva (front
an Id back views)' . C ast '111 onc piece
" In an alloy whose .107
gl~ .en red colour suggests a high percentage ofcopper
t liS Image has COnt rastlng . SI'1 ver and gold inlay used for'
t IleCl Aoral and str'Ipe d patternmg . of the garment as well
as or the Roral and lozenge design of the bro~d sash
acr~~s t~e chest, and the diamond pattern motif of the
~e Itatlon strap secured in a bow around the left knee
~dver has also been used for the dou ble-beaded sacred
tHead which runs from the left shoulder and loo s
aro~nd the back. The coils of hair are elaborately pil~d
at t le fOp ~f.the he~d) under a jewel or lotus bud finial.
Ilnd~ed, thIS Image IS as exquisite from the back as from
t le Iront.
Because of the presence of the meditation stra and
lWO lotus p.lants~ and ~h~ lack offunher specific SY:bols,
one could Identify thiS Image with several B0 dh'Isattvas
0: .
~ven as a portrait of an historic lama represented in
dlvlIle form. This pose and the teachin d
k . PI' g mu ra are
nown I.n a a Images of the Bodhisattvas Man'ushri
103 Two folios from the Prajnaparamira, ink, colours and gold on dyed paper. and 1vfaltre>~a, while a form of Avalokiteshvara isJoften
Tibet. circa 1195. 64.1 x 21 ems. The Crane Collection portrayed wah th~ meditation strap, a single lotus plant
and a pendant fight leg. The lotus flower at the lef;
shoulder of this figure has a rough top bud d h
evidenc f fil' " an sows
garments and throne cushions. It is possible that this this form of reliquary with him to Tibet; the chonen e0 mg; It IS possible that an attribute once
suggests a provincial school. would thus be ~n expression of eleventh century Pala was placed there.
A fascinating problem is posed by the geographic style. Although this particular example is definitely 104
Chorfen. cast brass. Tibet. circa 1230. Heighl
The ?ate and provenance of this image are difficult to
provenance of these manuscripts. They were purchased dated, it is possible that production of Kadampa chor- 34.3 ems. W. Clark Symington Bequest Fund detennllle. !he s,:"all format) coiffure, use of inlay and
in eastern Tibet by an American missionary between tens conLinued well beyond the thirteenth century. The orna~e fabncs, thIck Curves of the lotus Rower plants
1904 and 1910, and came to The Newark Museum in Newark M useum has three more Kadampa chonens irammg the body of the deity, and unusual pendant left
1911. The missionary acquired the volumes "from the (one is illustrated·); others are known from private and eg are clearly related to the Pala style as known in
widow ofa former treasurer of the King ofTachienlu". public collections; and there are numerous examples in several twelfth century images excavated from Bihar.
In bulk and richness, the volumes certainly are fit for a situ in Tibet as well. ~ow~ver, the face doe~ not .have the strong features of
royal or important monastic library. Only conditions of Despite the loss of its finial decoration, the museum's 1 ala Images, nor the sliver Illlay typically used for the
extreme political duress prevailing in the region at the chorren· shows skilful casting and embellishment. Met-
time allowed the set to fall in to foreign hands. The allurgical analysis has revealed that copper is the main
circumstances of the original commission remain elu- component, with traces of lead and iron, while the
sive. The geographical range of Pala-influenced paint- percentage of zinc (20.2 to 25.3) approaches the upper
ing in the twelfth to thirteenth centuries was so vast- limit attainable before modern technology made a
from Alchi in Ladakh to Kansu, China-that the origin higher content possible. The chorten was cast in hollow
of the manuscripts is difficult to determine. While it is sections which were then welded together. Its sym·
possible that the volumes were a local commission, little metrical beading contrasts with the two distinct forms of
is now known about noble and monastic establishments lotus petals present: Rat, elongated petals on both the
in eastern Tibet in this early period. That the heavy and parasol and the base of the spire) and modelled) wide
voluminous manuscripts made a long voyage remains a petals with up-turned tips forming the lotus base of the
plausible hypothesis, especially since it is known that entire structure.
the 1410 xylographic edition of the Tibetan scriptures Two small drawings wefe discovered inside the chor-
in 108 volumes was printed in Peking on the basis of a ten, pressed against the inner wall of the main chamber:
Tibetan manuscript edition sent from Central Tibet to a ponrait ofShakyamuni, and a portrait of Amitabha •. '106
Peking for this purpose. How and when the Newark The firm date for the contents of the reliquary is parti-
manuscripts appeared in eastern Tibet is as yet a mys- cularly important for the drawing of Amitabha. Exe-
tery, but further study of the liturgy and the literary cuted in black ink on thick buff paper, this portrait
content of the manuscripts may yield information. shows the deity as a Bodhisattva, identified as such by
Among the most significant items in the Tibetan the dl!yQnQ (meditation) mudra. He wears elegant neck-
collection is a small cast-brass chQrten (sacred reli- laces, anklets and bracelets. disc ear-rings, and arm
quary)·. I ts consecration contents included drawings, bands with triangular appliques. His crown is decorated
birch-bark manuscripts, felts and barley grains. The with tiered rows of triangular appliques topped by a
barley grains have been carbon-dated to )230 A.D., jewel finial, with florets and curving ribbons behind the
thus establishing a firm date for the reliquary and ears. The face is broad and expressive) the upper eyelid
making it the earliest now known. This style of reliquary showing the characteristic Pala dip above the pupil. His
is called a Kadampa chorten, after the religious order long hair falls in curling locks) fastened with lows orna-
foundod by disciples of Atisha (982-1054), a highly ments at the shoulders. His garments are the short
acclaimed Indian religious master from Bihar who dhoti, tied with sashes, and a sacred thread. The cos-
taught in western and central Tibet in the mid eleventh tume and crown are related to models from Pala India, 105 Chonen. cast brass. Tibet. 12th century or Draw!ng of Amitabha (found in the chonen at upper
century. It is traditionally believed that Atisha brought as is the particular rendering of the throne) where two later. Height 56.5 ems. The Shelton CoJfection left). Ink on paper. Tibet. circa 1230. 12 x
10.5 ems. W. Clark Symington Bequest Fund
141
the lower torso instead of, as is customary at the hip.
Two now empty loops are cast at the arms; a nimbus or
encircling scarf was probably anached there, as is indi·
cated by the chaplet marks which remain on the knecs)
upper arms and back of the base. The back ofthc image
is unfinished, a quality now usually associated with
western Tibetan casting of the thirteenth to sixteenth
ccnwries) as is the treatment of the wide and exag-
gerated eyes and brow, and the disproportionately
thick) tubular legs. \Vhile the exact provenance remains
unknown, the crown and beaded body ornaments show
.-he synthesis of influences from Kashmir) eastern India
and Nepal, which tended to prevail in western Tibet in
the fourteenth to fifteenth cemuries.
'lOO The small) golden brass figure of :V1ilarepa* is a
delightful portrait of this most popular Tibetan mystic
and poet. Sitting in the royal ease position, ~1ilarepa
gracefully raises a hand to his right ear in his charac-
teristic gesture. incised floral and zigzag pauerns deco-
rate his garments) which gemly cling to his body in
folds. Silver inlay has been used for his eyes. His small
beggar's Clip has been cast bearing two brass balls) with
recesses to hold five small jewels oflapis lazuli, turquoise
and a central ruby. Granules of brass are used lO deco-
rate the matted hair at the back of his head and
shoulders. He sits on an antelope skin, incised to re·
semble fur. His right foot rests on a lotus stem that grows
from the lavish three-layered lotus petals of the base; a
simple notched band encircles the base above and be-
low the petals. The face is much worn from adoration by
rubbing. Milarepa's poems became very well known in
Tibet after Tsang Nyon (1452-150i) collected them in
109 Milarepa. cast brass with silver and jewel
an anthology. It is likely that this portrait was caSt at inlay. Tibet. 15th-16th century. Height
Bodhisauva (front and back: views). cast copper allov with silver and gold inlav· Tibet. 12th century. Height 17 ems. The Members' Fund
107 that time, or shortly thereafter. 11.2 ems. Sophronia Anderson Bequest Fund
The extraordinary, solid silver image of the goddess
eves and the dip of the upper eyelid. The base, of a Vajravarahi* exemplifies rhe striking clarity of Tibetan
d~uble layer OflOlUS petals between twO beaded nn:s, artiSlic expression. Depicted as a mature WOmall in a The middle and upper registers show the celestial
is known in excavated Indian examples as ~vell as In yogic dance position, she wears a costume which con- paradise, where clusters of deities and monks worship
Tibetan images rendered in Pala style. A vanant form, sists ofonly a «bone" apron, rendered in strands ofsolid on both sides of Amitayus and his two Bodhisattvas.
with non-aligned petals, is visible in the ch~rLen da~ed silver, and studded with turquoises in silver florets at the Rainbows ar.d flowers link each side group with a smaller
to 1230•. Indian images often show the dhou extending 'IO-l joining points. Turquoises also adorn the trefoil settings Buddha seated on a simple lotus throne and emanating
to the ankle, while the Tibetan rendilio~ afthis ga.rment on the lightly gilded bands at her elbows, wrists. ankles rainbow rays of light. At the tOP, celestial musicians and
ends above the knee, as seen in the drawing of Amllabha and feet, and in her jewellery. "r'he crown has fi\·e skulls divine attendants hover near the clouds and flowers
from 1230 and in this Bodhisattva image. The do\~'n with red-painted eye sockets, and gilt scr.oll flourishes, over the head of Amitayus. In each upper corner) an
ward tilt of the head and the gentle facial expressl~n once ser with turquoises. The goddcss's face and her enthroned golden Buddha is depicted in a red, moun-
recall Nepalese images dated to the eleventh to thlr· identifying feature) thc sow's head, are painted in "cold tainous setting. This painting reflects the Aourishing of
teenth centuries. Although a firm date cannot yet be gold", and she has naturalistic polychrome features. a distinct Tibetan sLyle, which successfully melded Chi-
established for this Bodhisanva image, it is most prob- But for the third eye and the flaming eyebrows, this face nese influences in garment drapery and cloud forms)
able that it was executed prior la the late thirteenth could be met in the streets of Lhasa today. The orna- with Indian and Nepalese influences in the scroll-work
century when Nepalese gilt and jewellery motifs became mentation compares closely to Chinesc Yung Lo (1403- of the jewellery, the back of the central throne, and the
1424) and Hsuan Te (1426-1435) castings, suggesting idealised foliage. It is comparable in these stylistic con-
pronounced influences. ..
The next example of metalwork can be poslUvely a fifteenth to sixteenth century date, but the Tibetan ventions to the mural compositions in the chapels of the
identified. Vajrasattva , "whose essence is the thunder- provenance is mOst probably due to the physiognomy monumenlal Kumbum of Gyantse in southern Tibet,
bolt" is shown as a Bodhisattva in this golden brown ~nd to the sense of life-like energy exuding from the consecrated in 1427.
brass image*, hollow-cast in one piece with a tria~gular 'lOll Image. The superb tbangka Wilh scenes from the Bodhisattva
shaped lotus base. In the broad face with bow lips and The earliest thangka in The i'\ewark .Museum's col- Avadanakalpalata* shows a series ofevenLS in the previous
a pronounced chin, inlaid copper has been used .f~r the lection portrays "The Paradise of Amitayus", the Bud- lives of the Buddha. Tnegraduated green and tantoncs
eyes and tips. Silver and black complete the detallmg of *111 dha of Infinite Long Life*. In this idealised landscape, of the landscape background contrast vividly with the
the eyes. The crown has rosettes and ribbon decorauo~s the central Buddha is sealed on an ornate lotus lhrone sno)\·-topped, bluc-green mountains, the blue sea, and
behind the ears which evolved from Pala models, bUlIl which rises from the blue lake in the lower register. the blue and green trees. Six distinct talcs are evoked
also has stones set in the centre of the quadrifoil decora- From its stem emerge leaves and tendrils which encircle here, unified by lhe peaceful landscape. Buddhas and
tion of the triangular ornaments, a feature adapte? peacocks) the emblem ofAmitayus, and then extend to monks in orange and red robes are juxtaposed with the
from Kashmiri crowns. The finial of the head-dress IS form the lotus thrones ofthe twO attendant Bodhisattvas ",hite bodies and coloured costumes of the subsidiary
now missing. Turquoise and coral, typically Tibe~an standing beside the Buddha. This paradise is ofcharac- figures) whose garmenLS seem inspired by sixteenth to
stones, are used in the arm bands and necklaces, which tcristic composition. The lower register represents a seventeenth century :\1fughal India. This correlates
relate to Nepalese jewellery forms of the twelfth to terrestrial paradise, here having two small pavilions in a wilh the Indian setting of the Buddha's lives, but may
fourteenth centuries. Sections of the body ~rnam;nts landscape filled with golden flowers and trees beside a indicate as well the anist's familiarity with the genre of
and the dhoti are decorated with copper mlay. rhe central lake and twO small ponds. The waves in the Indian miniatures. The inspiration for the spacious sel-
deity holds his identifying symbols, tlie vajm (thunder- water have creSlli of gold. Human figures frolic in the ting of these narrative paintings may also have been
bolt or diamond sceptre) and the beU; however, the bell ponds, ducks and fish swim in the lake, and birds and :\1ughal miniatures, which often feature a subtly graded,
108 VaJrasanV8. cast brass with copper. silver and jewel heavenly attendants stroll on the shores. two-dimensional background. The waves in the sea and
inlay. Western Tlbet(?). 15th century. H:ight 45.5 ems. is held in an unusual position, flush against the centre of
The Members' Fund and The Membership Endowment Fund
VajravarahL cast and h~mmered sllverMwlt i~~la ~1 ~ JGriggS and Mary Griggs Burke Foundation Fund
110 . .h . I "It "ewel inlay and painted details. Tibet.
15th-16th century. HeIght 32.4 ems. ary IVlngs 0
'44
:~~:~:_--------------------------------~------- J.f5
can be interpreted as emanations of Padmasambha"a
is further defined inside a trilobate throne a.rc~. This dark pink clouds) brocade patterns, trees on a receding
as well as deifications of the phurpa ritual dagger. The rock background and animal vigneues. Given the in-
the craggy rocks show the use of Chinese painting con- thangka literally shimmers ",,--jth brocade r;noufs 1Il g~ld
four animal-headed protectors and the four flame- herent restrictions imposed on the artist by the wood-
ventions. However, the architeclUral models are dearly on gold, and small Recks of mica ground mto the ~II~
encircled fierce protectors, all wearing tiger-skin loin blocks, it is precisely the attention paid to details such as
Tibetan, although idealised. . . eral base of certain colours, notably the. blue ~ack
cloths, and the five dakinis (female deities), are further these which shows the mastery ofTibetan artists of this
This thangka. now isolated, was ongmally pan of a ground against which the thronecol~mnsnse. By v1.:tue
series depicting episodes from the Avadanakalpalata, 108 emanations which guide the disciple. The asymmetric period.
ofits date and certain provenance thIS thangka pro\'ldes
stories of previous lives of the Buddha. ~lrsl t.ran~laled significant information on the historical development of
composition increases the sense of depth in this divine Although probably not earlier than the nineteenth
in the mid thirteenth century, these stones were lI1eo,T- realm, whose sole references to landscape are the gently century, the final painting to be considered shows the
the gor School of painting. d curving rocks rising from craggy bases in the lower
d into the Tibetan Tanjur .(Buddhist Canon) 111 persistence of the graceful and sensitive draughtsman-
pora te ., os 'The 'Jag-thang genre, in which a blac~ backgr~u.n
the mid seventeenth century. ThiS patnlln~ ~ay P - register. ship of Tibetan artists at their finest. The mandal.a (Bud-
is used for representing wrathful eman~nolls of del lies,
sibly be related la the contemporary styhso c trends is well represented in the Newar~ hol?lI1~ by the por-
\Vbile nag-thang have previously been considered dhist magic circle) of Vasudhara* is executed in gold
prevalent fTom the eighteenth century on, a recently line on a dark-blue painted or dyed paper sheet, The
followed by the Tenth Karmapa Lama (J 604:-1674), a trait of Guru Dragpoche*. ThLS deity. 1S a wrat~[ul
noted artist who was influenced by both Clunese and . 0 f Padmasambhava , a BuddhISt master flOm published, late seventeenth century black manuscript paper suPPOrt and square formal would be highly un-
emanaoon k' from Lhasa, commissioned by the Fifth Dalai Lama usual in a thangka and it has been suggested that this
Mughal Indian art. . . Oddiyana (now believed to be t~le Sw~t V.alley, Pa. '1-
Portraits of lamas may have been used In ntuals of (1617-1682), contains similarly rendered small geome- mandala was to be used folded, as a charm inside an
stao) who is traditionally credited wH.h II1troduclOg
reverence but they also prominently decorated t1~e walls Vajrayana Buddhism to Tibet in the ~Ighth century.
tric pauerns and controUed delimitations offlames. The image. The centre portrait of the Goddess of Abundance
of monasteries to illustrate the h~lor~ ,of the sHe and Like the historical Buddha Shakyamulll, Padmasamb-
rich transparent colouration and golden radiances is surrounded by eight nearly identical emanations,
'n-pire the monks to emulate their splntual ancestors. hava is revered as a divine teacher in human form, but around the figures against tbe black ground in the scated inside 10lUS pelals. Each holds her right hand in
I , . fS OyalSo Newark nag-thang painting unite to produce an effect the gift-bestowing mud ra, offering ajewel, while the left
The very large size of the portrait 0 onam * in the Tibetan religious tradition, he has several wrath-
(1617-1667), twentieth abbot of the Ngor Monastery , ofluminous beings in a world of midnight darkness. hand holds a spike of grain. On the heart of each
ful and pC<'1ceful emanations. .
suggests that this painting was executed for pennanent In the cenrre, the male deity embraces hiS consort The extraordinary quality of eighteenth century goddess is inscribed the Tibetan prayer used to invoke
installation on a \\tall. h was customary to honour an as the\' trample human figures on a 100~S ba~e. Guru Tibetan painting is shown in the portrait of Sakya her, and each prayer is different.
abbot by adding his portrait to the linea?e shortly after Dragpoche is shown as a red-"vinged den-y With three Pandila (1182-1251)*. Sakya Pandita was an eminent All wear regal jewellery and a distinctive crown hav-
his death, and we may surmise that thiS was the case heads (white, red and green), six arms and [our ~egs. scholar and translator who travelled to ~Ifongolia to ing rosettes around the forehead, and topped by three
here. Established in the mid fifteenth century, .th~ Ngor Draped with garlands of skulls, scarves ~nd ~l1Imal begin the conversion of the Yfongols to Tibetan Bud- jewels, with a large name or curved-edge leaf at the
Ylonastery was renowned for .its ~chool of patnun~. A peltS, he is dressed in armour and holds ntu~1 Imple- dhism. He is revered as one ohhe previous incarnations rear. This model crown is used as regal identification in
group of epalese artists was lIlvHed to ?e~o:ate Ngor ments, weapons and a scorpion. The female deny ~vears of the Panchen Lama, regarded as emanations of Bud- eighteenth cenlury paintings and block prints of the;
when it was founded, and Nepalese styLIstic mfluence, a leopard skin at her waist, with bone and g.old Jewel- dha Amitabha. This composition is from a set depicting Kings of Shambala, a semi-mythical kingdom where
particularly evident in throne forms and colour schemes, lery. They srand on a lotus pedestal covered WIth a small the Panchen Lama's Lineage which exists in painted the Buddha revealed certain scriplUres. The scarves are
is apparent in both port:~its and ~andalas fro~ Ngor~ geometric pauern, inside an arch of finely controlled form, as well as in a wood block edition from about 1737. draped over the shoulders. curving at the forearm, and
1n this portrait, tbe addition of Chmcse decorative ~e flames, subtly graduated in LOnes of red and orange. All of the details seen in this painting, from the main the skjrts are tied in front at the waist, extending to the
ments can also be seen in the playful dragons c1u~ching Twenty-seven deities, both wrathful and peaceful, figure and the four subsidiary deities and yogins, to the ankle in elaborate multi-layered folds. The ourer con-
pearls and curling around the columns on both. Sides of surround the central couple. A peaceful form of intricate 'Chinese-style landscape, arc included in lhe centric circle shows flames, and the second concentric
the seated lama, and in the peony pattern of hLS robes. Padmasambhava sits at the upper left. The four phurpa, wood block edition, but finely-painted features such as ring shows stylised \'ajra and jewels. In the third ring,
The composition follows the model ofan outer.horde: of winged forms whose bodies end in triangular blades, the ornate brocades, the beautifully stippled tree and the Sanskrit alphabet is written in Tibetan letters, along
miniature figures framing a central portralt, which rocks landscape, and the naturalistic miniature monkey with a small prayer for the prosperity and long life of the
family to the right of the saint are inventions and em- donor or artist.
bellishments of the individual artist or atelier. This small group ofTibetan sculptures and paintings
The lama sits on a Chinese-style lacquer throne with is merely intended to highlight the Tibetan collection of
dragon finials at shoulder level, tassels and silk coverings. The ='J"ewark ~tuseum. It is hoped that readers will be
He is dressed in rich gold, orange and red silks and the able to visil the museum to personally explore this
red hat of the Sakya order, giving the gesture of argu- wonderful collection. The newly-designed and exten-
mentation used in metaphysical debate. The varied sive galleries will, for the first time, allow Newark's
gold patteming of the gannents and throne coverings Tibetan rreasur to be shown in their full glory.
is exquisitely done, even though the patterns do not
conform to the folds of the cloths. The throne, the foot
rest, and the rock which holds offering vessels, gems and
fruit, are situated so tbat lhe lama's face is the exact
centre of the composition, ideal for meditational pur-
poses. Below Sakya Pandita are Mahakala (Iefl), and
the Indian yogin Harinanda (right), whom Sakya
Pandita converted, marvellously depicted with matted
locks) adept's staff, meditation band, and a woHskin-
covered throne. Above are Manjushri (left), the Bodhi-
sattva particularly revered by the Sakya order, and the
Lama Drag-pa Oyall,en (right), who helped Sakya
Pandita in his conversions.
The extremely dense composition is characteristic of
mid eighteenth century Central Tibetan painting. Swirl-
ing flames or clouds intersect the landscape elements
to define the subsidiary figures. The landscape itself
abounds in detail. The wide diffusion of this style resulted
from the woodblocks, which create additional questions
for paintings associated \vith the woodblock set. Are the
paintings dated concurrently with or later lhan the
wood blocks? \tVhich paintings are directly derived from
the wood block seL or even printed from the blocks?
Giuseppe Tucci) the renowned an historian who ex-
plored monuments in western and Central Tibet early 116 Mandala of Vasudhara. gold line on blue painted
115 Sakya Pandna. colours and gold on cotton cloth.
in this century, had originally published this and another paper Obtamed In Outer Mongolia. 19th century.
114 Guru Dragpoche. colours and gold on black Tibet, 18th century. 62.3 x 35.6 cms_
painting from the same set, both showing the distinctive 86.4 ems square. GIft of Mrs Frank L Babbott
painted canon cloth. Tibet. 18th century. Felix Fuld Bequest Fund
78.4 x 64 cms. The Crane Collection
146
AMY HELLER
REMARQUES PRÉLIMINAIRES
SUR LES DIVINITÉS PROTECTRICES
SRUNG-MA DMAR-NAG DU POTALA
Les questions abordées ici nous ont été suggérées par les recherches entreprises en vue de
notre mémoire de diplôme à l'École Pratique des Hautes Études. Ce mémoire sera intitulé
« Étude sur le développement du culte et de l'iconographie de la divinité Beg-tse.~) Notre étude
nous a amenés à remettre en question le bien-fondé des informations de plusieurs tibétologues
occidentaux selon lesquels la divinité Beg-tse serait d'origine mongole et aurait été
tardivement incorporée dans le panthéon tibétain, à la suite du voyage du Troisiéme Dalaï
Lama en Mongolie (1578). Sans revenir ici sur cette question, nous nous proposons de
considérer un problème lié à Beg-tse, celui des Srung-ma dmar-nag, divinités protectrices,
rouge et noire, chargées de la protection du Dalaï Lama. La divinité noire est lHa-mo dmag
zor ma, tandis que l'identité du protecteur rouge est controversée (1). Pour certains, il s'agit
de Beg-tse, pour d'autres de Pehar, ou encore d'un acolyte de l'une ou l'autre de ces divinités,
notamment rDo-rje grags-ldan, habituellement considéré comme un ministre de Pehar. Afin
d'examiner ce sujet, nous allons nous référer à plusieurs textes tibétains, de même qu'à des
documents iconographiques, sans oublier la tradition orale.
La première référence littéraire aux Srung-ma dmar-nag se trouve dans la biographie du
Troisième Dalaï Lama écrite par le Cinquième Dalaï Lama en 1646. Au début de la
biographie, il est dit qu'avant de renaître au Tibet en 1543, le Dalaï Lama voyagea dans une
série de paradis. Il rencontra Padmasambhava dans un palais du paradis Zangs-mdog dpal-
ri (2). Padmasambhava est entouré d'Ati"sa, Sa-skya PaI,lQita, et Tsong-kha-pa. Près d'eux se
trouvent deux divinités, considérées comme sngar gyi srung-ma che-chung gnyis po, « les deux
Protecteurs de jadis, le grand et le petih, en référence à une mention de leur première
apparition lors d'une étape antérieure du même voyage du Dalaï Lama au pays des raksasa.
Lors de la première apparition, les protecteurs sont à peine nommés. La seconde fois, leur
description et leur rôle sont clarifiés. Les noms personnels des protecteurs ne sont pas indiqués
ici, mais ils sont décrits ainsi: « Le grand Protecteur est de grande stature, de couleur noire, de
forme très effrayante, avec des cheveux blancs hérissés (sur la tête et descendant jusqu'à la
taille), tenant une épée et une coupe crânienne remplie de sang; le petit Protecteur est rouge
flamboyant, il porte une cuirasse de bse, un casque de bse orné de plumes et de soieries, et des
bottes rouges de bse; il tient une lance rouge et un lasso, et a également des étuis d'armes en
peau de léopard et de tigre; il est debout.~) (3) Même si la description est succincte, le
20 AMY HELLER REMARQUES SUR LES DIVINITÉS PROTECTRICES SRUNG-MA DMAR-NAG DU POTALA 21
protecteur rouge ressemble beaucoup aux images de Beg-tse rencontrées sur les thang-ka. Mais enfance lors de la cérémonie de la fin de l'année 1545, alors qu'il a deux ans, des dignitaires
de qui s'agit-il? sont ve~us vérifier s'il était bien la réincarnation du Deuxième Dalaï Lama (12). Une partie de
(' (Le Dalaï Lama) demande à Padmasambhava : 'Qui sont-ils, ces deux?' Padmasambha- l'interrogation porte sur les bannières de chos-skyong (protecteurs) que l'enfant doit
va répond: 'Vous apprendrez peu à peu que ce sont mes deux assistants. Emmenez-les comme reconnaître. A ce moment il reconnaît notamment la bannière de Beg-tse. Les réponses du
compagnons et retournez au Tibet centrai.' Ayant dit cela, il envoya comme compagnons ces petit garçon indiquent aux dignitaires qu'il est bien la réincarnation du Deuxième Dalaï
deux protecteurs.» Peu après, l'identité du protecteur noir est dévoilée - il s'agit de dPal- Lama, et révèlent sa reconnaissance explicite de la divinité Beg-tse. Au moment de prononcer
ldan lHa-mo dMag-zor-ma. Le nom du protecteur rouge n'est pas énoncé. ses vœux de novice (dge-tshul) il reçoit plusieurs initiations, dont celle de Beg-tse (13). Peu
Dès lors, un couple de divinités protectrices, l'une noire et l'autre rouge, ayant des liens après, en 1553, il reçoit l'autorisation (lung) des gSung-'bum et rNam-thar du Deuxième Dalaï
particuliers avec la personne du Dalaï Lama, est ainsi repéré, en tant que ses protecteurs et Lama où Beg-tse est mentionné à de nombreuses reprises (14). Nous examinerons ces s0':lrces
(' amis ». De nos jours ces deux protecteurs sont connus sous l'appellation srung ma dmar-nag. par la suite. C'est en 1555, âgé alors de douze ans, que le Troisième Dalaï Lama a plUSieurs
Même si le nom du protecteur rouge manque ici, le paradigme de deux protecteurs liés au rêves où des divinités lui apparaissent (15). La biographie relate cet épisode à la première
personnage du Dalaï Lama est clairement établi, attesté depuis 1646, date de la rédaction de personne :
l'œuvre. Il serait tentant de reculer la date jusqu'à 1543, l'année de la naissance de bSod-nams (' Une nuit en rêve, je me rendis en un lieu entre deux montagnes rocheuses; au moment
rGya-mtsho, quand la rencontre avec ces protecteurs aurait eu lieu. A notre connaissance où j'arrivais auprès d'une jarre en cuivre (fermée) d'un couvercle qui se trouvait là, ...comme
cette rencontre n'est pas attestée dans les sources contemporaines de l'événement. Force nous le couvercle s'était ouvert, ... un homme rouge qui portait une cuirasse en cuivre (zangs kyi
est donc - pour l'instant du moins - de l'attribuer à la plume du Cinquième Dalaï Lama. khrab gyon pa'i-mi dmar-po) apparut et dit: 'Me connaissez-vous ou non? Je suis votre chos-
Néanmoins, nous nous proposons d'examiner dans quelle mesure l'identité du protecteur skyong, le grand yaktja.' Après, une fille montée sur un ours dred lui apparut, et le bruit courut
rouge peut être établie, et s'il s'agit de Beg-tse. partout que ce lieu s'appelait Ma-ru-rtse.»
Avant d'examiner de plus près la biographie du Troisième Dalaï Lama, voyons quelques S'il y a plusieurs protecteurs guerriers rouges dans le panthéon tibétain, seul Beg-tse
sources iconographiques, tardives il est vrai, mais néanmoins révélatrices. Par ailleurs, ces correspond à cette description, aussi bien d'après la liturgie dge-lugs-pa rédigée par le
thang-ka nous aideront à mieux comprendre certains passages de la biographie. Notre premier Deuxième Dalaï Lama, que d'après les exemples de thang-ka que nous venons de vOIr.
exemple est un thang-ka dédié à Beg-tse lCam-sring (fig. 20) (4). La divinité principale Il n'y a pas d'équivoque possible: dès 1555, la divinité explicitement mentionnée comme
masculine est rouge, trapue, pourvue de cuirasse, casque orné de drapeaux et bottes rouge- chos-skyong personnel (protecteur personnel) du Troisième Dalaï Lama est le yakfia Beg-tse. Le
doré, tenant viscères et accoutrements d'armes - à noter en particulier son épée, avec sa passage concernant le voyage vers la Mongolie est très clair: « Une nuit, après environ deux
poignée en forme de scorpion, et sa lance pourvue de soieries, dont la pointe transperce une jours de route, le chos-skyong Beg-tse amena une horde de démons (lha-'dre) mongols à têtes
tête humaine. Il piétine deux cadavres. Dans le registre inférieur gauche se trouve une divinité de chameaux, de chevaux, de rats, etc. Liés par serments, ils jurèrent de ne plus faire obstacle
féminine, nue, portant des armes, et montée sur une ourse qui dévore un cadavre humain; à ceux qui pratiquent la doctrine» (16). Contrairement à la version de cette l.égende rapp~rtée
c'est la sœur de Beg-tse. A droite se trouve leur assistant, habillé comme Beg-tse, mais tenant par plusieurs tibétologues occidentaux, ce sont des lha-'dre mongols qUi sont soumis et
d'autres armes, notamment le lasso, et monté sur un chacal bleu clair. Ce thang-ka est une incorporés dans le bouddhisme tibétain par leur serment. Beg-tse, alors chos-skyong reconnu
figuration-type, nous la retrouverons maintes fois ailleurs, tel cet autre exemple (fig. 21) (5) du Dalaï Lama, amena ces divinités afin que le Dalaï Lama puisse les lier par serment.
qui représente les mêmes divinités. A noter cependant que le casque de Beg-tse fait défaut ici, Ces quelques passages de la biographie du Troisième Dalaï Lama démontrent que la
remplacé par un diadème orné de crânes. L'identification est plus problématique quand nous divinité Beg-tse faisait déjà partie du panthéon tibétain à cette époque, e.t qu'elle. étai~
rencontrons une divinité masculine seule, comme dans l'exemple textuel fourni par la reconnue, dès 1555, comme chos-skyong personnel du Dalaï Lama. Cela peut-Ji nous aider a
biographie du Troisième Dalaï Lama, et cet autre thang-ka, un portrait du Cinquième Dalaï déterminer s'il s'agit du protecteur rouge anonyme de la biographie du Troisième DaJaï
Lama, représenté avec deux protecteurs dans le registre inférieur (fig. 22) (6). A nos yeux, le Lama? Les seuls éléments descriptifs que ce texte fournit, au sujet de la divinité, sont
trait distinctif qui permet d'identifier cette divinité comme Beg-tse est la poignée de l'épée en fragmentaires. Il y a d'abord le protecteur anonyme, pui~ il est précisé que la divinit~ appelée
forme de scorpion. Mais cette particularité fait défaut dans notre description textuelle, comme Chos-skyong Beg-tse est la seule à avoir un beg-tse de CUivre, et qu elle porte une cUlr~sse en
elle manque dans cet autre exemple, encore un portrait du Cinquième Dalaï Lama avec la cuivre. La réponse à notre question est partiellement donnée par plusie.urs tex~es éCrits ~ar
divinité Beg-tse en tant que protecteur, identifiable grâce à ses autres attributs, tels les dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho, le Deuxième Dalaï Lama, notamment son autobIOgraphIe et certams
viscères et la lance (fig. 24) (7). Mais, en l'absence de l'épée-scorpion, et avec lHa-mo dMag- rituels inclus dans son gSung-'bum (œuvres réunies).
zor-ma, de qui peut-il s'agir? Serait-ce une forme de Beg-tse ou un acolyte de Pe-har, appelé Les textes des rituels ne sont malheureusement pas datés. Quant à l'autobiographie, elle
rDo-rje grags-ldan, aussi représenté comme un guerrier rouge, habillé d'un casque et d'une s'arrête en 1528, quand dGe-'dun rGya-mtsho est âgé de 40 ans. Il mourra quatorze ans plu~
cuirasse de bse, brandissant une bannière rouge dans la main droite et un lasso dans la main tard. En examinant les données de cette autobiographie, il ne faut pas perdre de vue que celUi
gauche, pourvu d'étuis d'armes en peau de tigre et de léopard. rDo-rje grags-ldan est qui l'écrit n'est pas encore Dalaï Lama, titre qui ne lui sera attribué que de manière posthume.
représenté soit à cheval, soit debout, la jambe droite pliée et la gauche en extension (8). Il est Il fut cependant reconnu, de son vivant comme incarnation de la lignée de 'Brom-s~on. et de
facile de confondre la forme de rDo-rje grags-ldan pourvu de monture avec bSe-khrab-can dGe-'dun-grub. C'est ce dernier qui sera considéré comme le Premier Dalaï Lama. AmSI dGe-
(fig. 23), appelé (' acolyte de Beg-tse» par le Cinquième Dalaï Lama (9). Mais en l'absence de 'dun rgya-mtsho ne rédigea pas son autobiographie en tant qu'homme d'État, mais en tant
toute monture, pour cette divinité tenant une lance rouge et le lasso comme l'acolyte habituel que religieux, pour l'édification de ses fidèles. Le texte, qui ne comporte que 39 folios, présente
de Beg-tse, l'affaire se complique. Un exemple (fig. 25) illustre notre propos, et montre à quel un résumé à peu près annuel des événements significatifs sur le plan religieux.
point l'identification s'avère problématique (10). Une analyse récente décrit ces deux dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho commence son récit autobiographique en traçant so~ ~rbre
protecteurs comme les Srung-ma dmar-nag (11). A relever que cette peinture correspond de généologique biologique (17). Il est issu d'une famille dont l'arrière-grand-père SUivait les
très près à la description du protecteur rouge fournie par la biographie du Troisième Dalaï enseignements Shangs-pa, au monastère rTa-nag rdo-rje gd~n, dans le gTsang. Son grand-p~re
Lama. Mais est-ce une forme de Beg-tse ou de Pehar? compléta ces enseignements par des études de cycles rnymg-ma-pa et sa-skya-pa. Son pere
Afin de cerner de plus près cet aspect de la question, il nous faut revenir à la biographie poursuivit la lignée des enseignements familiaux en les complétant, à son tour, auprès de
du Troisième Dalaï Lama et voir comment la divinité Beg-tse y est attestée. Pendant sa petite maîtres dge-lugs-pa, notamment les disciples de Tsong-kha-pa, Shes-rab seng-ge et dGe-'dun-
grub. dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho mentionne explicitement une divinité qu'il appelle Chos-skyong
22 AMY HELLER REMARQUES SUR LES DIVINITÉS PROTECTRICES SRUNG-MA DMAR-NAG DU POTALA 23
beg-tse-can parmi les cycles les plus significatifs étudiés par son père (18). dGe-'dun rgya- la divinité figurant dans les exemples de lhang-ka que nous avons examinés plus haut. Dans
mtsho est né en 1476 à rTa-nag, alors que son père avait quarante-quatre ans. Peu après sa un autre rituel de dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho, des descriptions plus détaillées apportent d'autres
naissance, il montre des signes distinctifs et est reconnu comme sprul-sku. 11 explique précisions pour cette forme de la divinité. Toujours invoqu~e en tant que ~hos-skyon.g lCam-
notamment qu'il a des liens spécifiques avec Ye-shes mgon-po phyag-drug, chos-skyong de sa sring, la divinité masculine principale est appelée gNod-sbym chen-po. Le rItuel mentIOnne sa
famille et que ses parents avaient eu plusieurs rêves prémonitoires, en particulier de lHa- position de piétinement de cadavres de chevaux et d'hommes, ses crocs menaçants, ses
mo (19). Le petit garçon reconnaît alors lHa-mo comme son chos-skyong personnel et sourcils et moustaches flamboyants, le bse comme matière de la lance, un sautoir de têtes
Cakrasarp.vara comme son yi-dam (divinité tutélaire) (20). Après ses vœux de novice à bKra- humaines, le port de ce que nous interprétons comme une cuirasse de cuivre (zangs kyi beg-Ise)
shis lhun-po, il retourne à rTa-nag pour étudier auprès de son père. Vers l'âge de huit ans, il et d'un sous-vêtement de soie rouge, et enfin, des bottes rouges en peau (28). Pour situer le rôle
mentionne, pour la première fois, son initiation au cycle de la divinité qu'il appelle alors Chos- dévolu à la divinité, dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho précise qu'il est gardien (srung-ma) du lieu Ma-ru-
skyong beg-tse lcam-dral (21). Mais ce sera la divinité dPal-ldan lha-mo dmag-zor-ma qui rtse.
jouera le rôle le plus éminent dans la vie de dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho. En 1509, il ordonne la Or si nous comparons cette description à celle qui est donnée dans la biographie du
construction d'un nouveau monastère, Chos-'khor-rgyal me-tog-thang, près d'un lac où lHa- Troisièr'ne Dalaï Lama, une correspondance étroite s'impose immédiatement avec la divinité
mo se manifesta par plusieurs visions (22). Ce lac et sa région sont considérés comme qui est le chos skyong personnel du hi~rarque dan~ son ré~it rac~nté à.la première perso.nne.
particulièrement sacrés car protégés par lHa-mo. Selon certaines informations orales récentes, Quand le Cinquième Dalaï Lama rédIgea cette bIOgraphIe, enVIron cmquante ans. apres la
la géographie sacrée de la région comprend un second lac, appelé Beg-tse-mtsho, lac de Beg- mort de bSod-nams rgya-mtsho, il prit soin d'indiquer quelques sources contemp?rames ~e la
tse (23). Ainsi, d'après la tradition orale, la nature elle-même associe les deux divinités vie de son sujet. Si on ne trouve pas de mention de la divinité Pe-har dans l'autobIOgrap~ledu
protectrices, Beg-tse et lHa-mo. Du fait de cette protection, sur la région et sur sa propre Deuxième Dalaï Lama, elle est par contre souvent mentionnée dans la biographIe du
personne, dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho compose plusieurs rituels dédiés à lHa-mo, dont une série Troisième Dalaï Lama. A un moment, Pe-har se présente comme l'assistant de Padmasambha-
spéciale comprenant des rituels pour Ye-shes mgon-po phyag-drug, Yama, lHa-mo, le chos- va, ce qui rappelle le passage concernant le protecteur ro~ge anonyme (~9). Cepe~dant, ~ans la
skyong Mahâkâla à quatre têtes, et le chos-skyong Beg-tse (24). biographie du Troisième Dalaï Lama, les passages relatr~s à P~har et a ses mamfestatIOns ne
Ce sont là les principaux protecteurs mentionnés par dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho dans son comportent pas de description qui évoquerait une mamfestatIOn rouge (30). .
autobiographie. L'examen de la table des matières de son gSung-'bum confirme ces affinités. A Qu'en est-il de notre image du protecteur rouge anonyme: A notr.e connalss~nce, les
nos yeux il est particulièrement significatif que le seul chos-skyong rouge auquel dGe-'dun armures de bse et de cuivre reçoivent à peu près le même traItement IconographIque: la
rgya-mtsho ait dédié un culte soit le chos-skyong Beg-tse, du moins d'après ces sources. 11 est cuirasse est d'un métal rougeâtre. D'après tous les textes examinés, les armures de Beg-tse
aussi frappant de constater que nous n'avons rencontré aucune mention de Pehar dans sont en cuivre tandis que les armures des acolytes sont en matière bse, mais nos sources
l'autobiographie de dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho (25). iconographiqu~s ne permettent pas de les distinguer. Ce n'est donc pas la ma~ière de l'~rn:rure
Une série de rituels inclus dans le gSung-'bum de dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho nous permet de qui peut aider à déterminer l'identité du protecteur rouge. Les armes varIent aUSSI dune
savoir à quoi ressemble la divinité qu'il appelle Chos-skyong beg-tse-can, dont il eut représentation à l'autre. L'épée et la lance sont les seules à .apparaître con~ta.mment chez Beg-
connaissance dès sa petite enfance. Rien ne nous permet de savoir si la divinité étudiée par son tse. En revanche, l'épée n'apparaît ni chez ses acolytes, m dans la deSCrIptIOn du protecteur
père, au milieu du xv' siècle, avait la même forme; car une même divinité peut, bien sûr, rouge anonyme. . .
revêtir plusieurs aspects (26). Mais il nous sera profitable de comparer les descriptions fournies Que peut-on conclure de l'identité du protecteur rouge? Rappelons que la descrIptIOn de.s
dans les sadhana composés par dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho de son vivant, avec le protecteur rouge deux protecteurs est fort succincte. Si l'identité de lHa.-m.o n'était I?as p~éci.sée dans le texte, Il
anonyme rencontré avant sa naissance suivante en tant que bSod-nams rgya-mtsho. Force est serait impossible de la reconnaître d'après la deSCrIptIOn fourme. AmsI, par exemple, sa
de nous appuyer sur des descriptions textuelles, car jusqu'ici, nos recherches d'images monture n'est pas mentionnée. Quant à l'identité du protecteur rouge, elle demeure douteuse.
sculptées ou peintes de Beg-tse, identifiées par inscription, ont été compliquées du fait de leur Toutefois, le sDe-srid Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho, régent du Cinquième Dalaï Lama au moment
abondance à partir du XVIII' siècle, et leur absence jusqu'à l'époque du Cinquième Dalaï de sa mort, a cité ce même passage, à deux reprises, dans le Vaiqiirya ser-po, rédigé entre 1692
Lama. Pourtant, l'existence de la divinité bien avant cette date est attestée par les sources et 1698 (31). Selon lui, ce passage révèle l'identité du protecteur rouge, qui sera.it gNas-chung
écrites tibétaines. Procédant schématiquement, nous dresserons la liste des éléments chos-skyong (habituellement associé avec Pehar et son acoly~e célè~re rDo-rJe grags-lda~),
descriptifs et des attributs d'après le rituel le plus bref que le Deuxième Dalaï Lama ait dédié choisi par dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho comme protecteur du monastere de ~ras-. sp~ngs. ~e ChOlX
à cette divinité et qui est intitulé «( Louange et exhortation au Chos-skyong lCam-sring, (rituel) n'est pas attesté dans l'autobiographie de dGe-'dun rg1a-mtsho, et a du aVOlr he~ apres .1528,
appelé le messager des actes rituels» : date à laquelle le texte s'arrête. Cependant, il est curIeux que les ~eux autres ~IOgr~p~Ie~ de
dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho, qui relatent toute sa vie, ne fassent pas mentIOn de ce ChOIX qm s avere,
divinité masculine
corps rouge pour notre propos, d'une importance capitale (~2). Le ~n.e~s~id poursui~ son analyse en
écrivant clairement que Padmasambhava confia a cette divImte la protectIO? de bSod-nams
épée de cuivre (main droite)
rGya-mtsho suite à la relation établie par dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho, et que rDo-rJe grags-ldan est
flèche et arc (main gauche)
poumons et cœur (tenus contre la poitrine) devenu le dieu qui protège co.ntre les enn~mis (dgra-lha) pour d?a'~ldan'pho-~ra',lg? siège de la
lignée des Dalaï Lama. Or, SI dans le Vazqiirya ser-po le sDe-srId s exprIme amsI, Il semble se
lance rouge munie de drapeaux
contredire de manière frappante dans le mChod-sdong chen-po 'dzam-gling rgyan-gcig, livre
visage à expression courroucée
qu'il rédigea en 1695 à l'occasion de la consécration du reliq.uai.re fu.néraire du ~inquième
trois yeux
Dalaï Lama (33). 11 y a néanmoins une nuance extrêmement sIgmfica~Ive. Cette fOlS, le sD~
cheveux blonds-roux noués sur la nuque (27)
srid explique qu'il y a deux divinités principales chargées de la prot~ctIOn du contenu, c'est-a-
Ce même texte décrit, à gauche de la divinité masculine principale, une divinité féminine dire la momie du Cinquième Dalaï Lama, sa personne phYSIque, et les supports de
de couleur bleu foncé, tenant épée de cuivre et phur-bu de fer, montée sur une ourse (dred-mo). consécration. Pour la lignée féminine, la protection est confiée à lHa-mo dmag-zor-ma, et pour
Leur acolyte, à droite de la divinité principale, est rouge. 11 porte cuirasse et casque en la lignée masculine, à Beg-tse, appelé srung-ma glso-bo, le principal protecteur, parce que dG~
matière bse (de couleur rouge), tient une lance rouge à la main droite, un lasso à la main 'dun rgya-mtsho lui avait confié la protection de dGa'-ldan pho-brang (34). Le sDe-srId
gauche et est monté sur un chacal. D'après une description aussi succincte, on reconnaît déjà
24 AMY HELLER REMARQUES SUR LES DIVINITÉS PROTECTRICES SRUNG-MA DMAR-NAG DU POTALA 25
explique ainsi les raisons de cette charge: « Beg-tse est le principal protecteur de ce palais -
et ici le sDe-srid semble se référer simultanément au palais qu'est le monument funéraire et au
palais de dGa'-ldan pho-brang, siège des Dalaï Lama - du fait que le précédent Seigneur dGe-
'dun rgya-mtsho en a confié la garde à Beg-tse, et en particulier d'après les paroles du
Cinquième Dalaï Lama dans le gSang-ba'i rnam-thar rgya-can ma (son autobiographie
ésotérique), (où) l'acolyte de Beg-tse est rDo-rje grags-ldan, et dans les rituels divers qu'il
NOTES
composa pour Beg-tse ». Le passage se poursuit avec des citations d'un de ces rituels dédié à
Beg-tse et avec une liste très détaillée des «supports» de Beg-tse, de sa sœur et de son acolyte
habituel, qui furent déposés à l'intérieur du reliquaire funéraire du Cinquième Dalaï Lama.
La nuance importante, évoquée plus haut, est la suivante: dans le premier cas Rdo-rje 1. Mme Ariane Macdonald, Annuaire de l'École Pratique des Hautes Études, IVe section, 1975/1976,
grags-ldan est le dgra-lha protecteur de dGa'-ldan pho-brang, tandis que Beg-tse est le p.983.
principal protecteur, le srung-ma gtso-bo, du palais, divinité dont émane rDo-rje grags-ldan en 2. Thams-cad mkhyen-pa bSod-nams rgya-mlsho'i rnam-Ihar dngos-grub rgya-mlsho'i shing-rla, fol. 109. Vol.
tant qu'acolyte (35). Nya du gSung-'bum du Cinquième Dalaï Lama. Tohoku Catalogue, n° 5590, p. 219 (désormais, dNgos-grub
shing-rla) : fol. 8 b-9 a. De nas Sangs-rgyas bcom ldan 'das de dag gi drung nas phyin Isa-na/ grong-khyer Ihams-cad
Au Potala, nous avons été frappée de trouver une peinture de Beg-tse avec lHa-mo sur un kyi db us sul Zangs-mdog-dpal-ri rlse gsum pa dbus na ... ri de'i mlha' dun nas srin-po'i grong-khyer dpag lu med
pilier près de l'entrée du reliquaire funéraire du Cinquième Dalaï Lama. C'est une pas yongs su bskor-ba/ pho-brang chen po de'i dbus na nyi-ma'i gdan-la Gu-ru dus-gsum sangs-~gyas Padma-'byung-
représentation de Beg-tse dans ce que l'on peut appeler sa forme' classique', avec épée à gnas ... yang de'i g.yas phyogs na Jo-bo rje dPal-ldan Ali-sha dang/ g.yon na Sa-skya.pandlla chen po K~n dga'
poignée de scorpion, tenant des viscères, et piétinant des cadavres. Notre visite du Potala fut rgyal-mlshan mdun na rJe rin-po-che Tsong-kha-pa chen po rnams bzhugs 'dug/de dag gl drung .na s~~?r gYI, srung-
brève, quatre heures, et nous n'avons sûrement pas tout vu. Cependant, la seule forme de ma che-chung gnyis po yang 'dug sle/ srung ma che ba dei lus bongs che mal kha-mdog nag pa/shm lu JIgs pa I.gzugs
Pehar que nous ayons pu voir était le Pehar blanc à six bras et nous n'avons remarqué aucune can/ rai-pa dkar-po' i Ihor cog bsgrengs pal sma-ra dkar-pos sked ba non-bal lag-pa g. yas g. yon gnYls na rai grl dang
représentation de rDo-rje grags-ldan. Dans le ' Dzam-gling rgyan-gcig, le Sde-srid précise que Ihod khrag 'dzin-pa zhig 'dug/ srung ma chung-ba ni kha-mdog dmar-po me lIar 'bar bal bse-khrab dang b~e rmog
Beg-tse est la divinité principale de la lignée masculine (des protecteurs), 'pho-brgyud kyi gtso- gyon pa'i Idem phru can snas brgyan-pa/ lag na mdung-dmar dang zhags-pa Ihogs pal slag-ral dang/ gz,lg-shubs
can/bse lham dmar-po gyon-pa'i sien na o-rgyan rgyab pa lia-bu zhig 'dug pal De'i Ishe ngas O-rgyan Hm-po-che
bo, dont rDo-rje grags ldan ne serait qu'un des acolytes. Serait-ce là une tentative de solution
lal'di gnyis su zhig lags zhus-pas/Gu-ru rinpoche'i zhal nas/ nga'i bka sdod yin pa rim-gyis s~es par 'gyur-
du conflt d'identité de la part du sDe-srid ou du Cinquième Dalaï Lama lui-même? Puisque zhings/khong gnyis grogs su khrid la/slar bod yul dbus su song-zhig/ces gsungs-nas/ srung-ma de gnYIs kyang grogs-
rDo-rje grags-ldan, en tant qu'acolyte de Pehar, est souvent pourvu d'une monture ainsi que su brdzangs-so/ (à noter ici le terme sma-ra, littéralement la barbe, dans la description de IHa-mo, ce qUI peut
Pehar, s'agit-il vraiment de notre protecteur rouge anonyme, sous la forme de rDo-rje grags- étonner le lecteur chez une divinité féminine. Cependant, beaucoup d'images de lHa-mo la montrent pourvue de
ldan en tant qu'acolyte de Beg-tse, debout et piétinant des cadavres comme le fait Beg-tse? moustaches, cf. G. Tucci, Tibelan Painled Seroils, pl. 202, où elle est représentée en compagnie de Beg-tse).
Lors d'une visite récente au monastère de dGa'-ldan, on nous a remis une petite image 3. Cf. note 2 supra.
(Fig. 26), en précisant que c'était Beg-tse, et non pas Pehar (36). Nous avons vu plus haut 4. Thang-ka du Newark Museum, numéro d'inventaire : 20.268. Pour une analyse récente, cf. V.
(Fig. 25) une divinité iconographiquement identique à celle-ci et identifiée comme le Reynolds, A. Helier, J. Gyatso, Calalogue of Ihe Tibelan CoileC/ion of Ihe Newark Museum, vol. 111 (1986),
protecteur rouge des srung-ma dmar-nag. Or, sur un autre thang-ka qui représente lHa-mo et le pp. 180-181, planche 15.
5. En possession de l'auteur.
protecteur rouge, on peut lire le nom rDo-rje grags-ldan en lettres dorées sous la divinité 6. G. Tucci, Tibelan Painled Seroils, Rome, 1949, planche 80, discussion p. 406 (vol. II).
masculine (37). Il est, pour le moment, impossible de conclure catégoriquement d'après ces 7. Thang-ka du Vôlkerkundemuseum der Universitiit Zürich, no d'inventaire 14403. Nous remercions
quelques sources. Il nous manque notamment de pouvoir consulter le rNa-ba'i bcud-len. Une notre collègue Martin Brauen de nous avoir aimablement fourni ces photos: .
autre source à prendre en considération est l'anthologie de rituels qu'est le gNas-chung chos- 8. Description de rDo-rje Grags-Idan d'après R. de Nebesky-WoJkowltz, Oracles and Demons of Tlbel,
spyod (38). Nous ne pouvons pas entrer dans le détail d'une telle analyse comparative qui fera Graz, 1975, p. 175 et planche V, en face de p. 145 (Collection du Museum für Vôlkerkunde, Vlenn.e, n° 134449).
l'objet d'un travail ultérieur. Néanmoins, il est important de signaler, dès maintenant, que le 9. Thang-ka du Newark Museum, inv. 20.292. (Cf. V. Reynolds, A. Helier, J. Gyatso, op. cil., p. 187.) Le
gNas-chung chos-spyod cite verbatim le ' Dzam-gling rgyan-gcig à propos de Beg-tse, faisant de Cinquième Dalaï Lama associe bSe-khrab-can avec Beg-tse dans le rituel Srog-bdag dmar-po'i bsnyen-sgrub,
lui la tête de la lignée masculine des divinités protectrices (39). Tohoku Catalogue N° 5625 (74). . , .
10. Thang-ka d'une collection particulière, illustré dans le Thangka Calendar, .1984, P?ur le mOlS d av.rd.
Telle est la complexité des études sur les protecteurs. Nous constatons que les fonctions et
Éditions Baader-Papyrus, Stuttgart. Nous remercions son propriétaire de nous aVOIr permIs de la reprodUIre.
les rôles qui leur sont dévolus varient selon les circonstances et évoluent constamment. Nous
Il. Remarques de Dagyab Loden Rinpoche pour le calendrier 1984 des éditions Baader-Papyrus.
avons vu ici une démonstration des fluctuations d'identification, selon les auteurs et les 12. dNgos-grub shing-rla, fol. 23b.
époques. Il apparaît néanmoins que Beg-tse fut un protecteur important pour les Deuxième et 13. Ibid., fol. 33 a.
Troisième Dalaï Lamas, dès leur petite enfance. En 1555, le Troisième Dalaï Lama l'appelle 14. Ibid., fol. 35 a-b. Dans le Tohoku Catalogue, sous les œuvres de dGe-'dun rGya-mtsho, vide
son protecteur personnel. Ensuite, le Cinquième Dalaï Lama lui attribue un autre rôle en le no' 5558/26; 5577/30; ainsi que no 5543, son autobiographie, Thams cad mkhyen pa rje-nyid kyi rnam-Ihar (cf.
désignant comme chef de rDo-rje grags-ldan, et le sDe-srid fait de lui le principal protecteur notes 17-19 infra). .. .
masculin du reliquaire funéraire du Cinquième Dalaï Lama. Était-il alors le principal 15. dNgos-grub shing-rla, fol. 39 b. yang nub cig mnal lam du/ brag ri dmar po gnYls kYI ~ar la phym pas
protecteur rouge de la personne du Dalaï Lama? D'après les textes examinés ici, en parallèle zangs kyi bum pa kha bcod yod pa zhig 'dug pa'i rlsar sleb pa ... kha gcod de phe song bas/ ~um pa'l nang nas zan~s
avec les sources iconographiques, il serait tentant de le croire. Seule une étude globale, kyi khrab gyon pa'i mi dmar po zhig byung nas nga ngo shes sam ma she~ na khyed rang gl ch.os skyong gnod sbym
chen po yin zer/ de'i rjes su bud med dred zhon pa zhig byung sle/ gnas 'dl Ma-ru-rlse zer ba ym zhes phyogs k~~ ~u
retraçant l'évolution historique des protecteurs de la lignée des Dalaï Lamas pourra nous
rgyug pa zhig byung/. La formule d'adresse ({ Me connaissez-vous ou non?) (nga ~go-s~e~ sam ma shes na), ~tlhs.ee
aider à résoudre avec certitude cette énigme. ici est une formule classique de la littérature tibétaine avant de déclarer son IdentIte, cf. chants de 1epopee,
contes.
Nous tenons à exprimer notre gratitude à nos maîtres qui sont pour nous une source 16. Ibid., fol. 93b.
inestimable d'encouragements et de conseils, Mme Ariane Spanien-Macdonald et Mme Anne- 17. Autobiographie de dGe 'dun rgya mtsho, Thams cad mkhyen pa rje nyid kyi rnam Ihar, fol. 2 a-b, pour
Marie Blondeau, et nous sommes extrêmement reconnaissante envers Yonten Gyatso et l'arbre généalogique, repris verbalim dans la biographie qu'il écrivit ?e, son père, Ku~.dga' rgyal mts~~n, rJe
Samten Karmay pour leur aide dans l'interprétation des passages difficiles. blsun Ihams cad mhkyen pa'i gsung 'bum lhor-bu las khyab-bdag rdo rJe chang chen po 1 ngo-bo grub fa 1 dbang
phyug rje blsun bla ma kun dga' rgyal mlshan dpal bzang po'i ngo-mlshar ba'i rnam Ihar mdo-Isam-du brJod pa nor-
26 AMY HELLER REMARQUES SUR LES DIVINITÉS PROTECTRICES SRUNG-MA DMAR-NAG DU POTALA 27
bu'i lhem skas zhes bya ba, fol. 2b-3b (désormais, rJe-nyid kyi rnam lhar et Ngo-mlshar-ba'i rnam-lhar). Nous ne gNas chung sprul-pa'i chos skyong chen po gsung rgyal dGra -Iha skyes-gcig dang 'phrul blon rDo-rje grags-ldan lha-
ferons que résumer briévement ici les données relatives au culte dédié à Beg-tse par le Deuxième Dalaï Lama. mi dad pa'i lshul bslan le Sangs-rgyas kyi bslan pa spyi bye-brag skyong-bar sku'i rnam 'gyur dang mlshan grangs
Nous en ferons le sujet d'une longue discussion dans notre mémoire pour l'École Pratique des Hautes Études. pas mi khyab kyangj rJe dGe 'dun rgya mlshos 'Bras-spungs kyi srung- mar bskos pas gNas-chung chos-skyong du
18. rJe-nyid kyi rnam-lhar, fol. 2 b; Ngo-mlshar-ba'i rnam-lhar, fol. 5 b, où dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho précise gragsj rJe 'di nyid sprul sku ... rnga yab gling du Orgyan chen pos yang bskyar gyis dam bsgrags le slar yang rJe
que son père détenait ces enseignements de Don-yod rgyal-mtshan, son grand-père. bSod nams rgya mlsho'i bka'i srung mar gnyer glad mdzad pa bzhinj rgyal dbang rim 'byon gyi bka' sdod dGa'-ldan
19. rJe-nyid kyi rnam-lhar, fol. 4 b; Ngo-mlshar-ba'i rnam-lhar, fol. 27 b, relatif à l'année 1432, où Ye-shes phyogs las rnam rgyal pho-brang gi dgra-Ihar gyur bar ...
mgon-po est qualifié de mes-dpon gyi chos-skyong, Protecteur de la lignée ancestrale. 32. Ces biographies ne sont pas mentionnées par Vostrikov. Elles ont récemment été rééditées en Inde
20. rJe-nyid kyi rnam-lhar, fol. 6 b. dans la série de la Library of Congress, Washington D.C., PL-480, I-Tib-78-908873, sous le titre global de
21. Ibid., fol. 7 b. Khrungs-rabs, vol. 2 : rJe lhams-cad mkhyen-pa dGe-'dun rgya-mlsho'i rnam-lhar rlogs-brjod dpag-bsam gyi Ijon-
22. Ibid., fol. 22 a-b pour les débuts de la construction de Chos-'khor-rgyal, puis 28 b, discussion des shing, pp. 407-581, où figure un colophon daté Icags-pho-stag (au plus tôt 1590, la première année fer-tigre après
visions dans le lac. la mort de dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho) et un chapitre supplémentaire, pp. 581-632, daté lcags-pho-spre'u, donc au
23. Nous devons ce renseignement à Dvags-po Rinpoche, qui nous l'a communiqué en 1979, et à Heather plus tôt, 1620.
Karmay, qui est allée sur place en 1986. Qu'ils reçoivent ici l'expression de notre gratitude. 33. Sde-srid sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho, mChod-sdong chen-po 'dzam-gling rgyan-gcig rien glsug-Iag-khang gru-
24. Ibid., fol. 28 b-29. rdzings byin-rlabs kyi bang-mdzod : désormais. 'Dzam-gling rgyan-gcig, vol. II, pp. 80-82 : «Selon les ordres du
25. La seule référence éventuelle à Pehar est la mention du gzhi-bdag (anonyme) chen po de bSam-yas, bla-ma Seigneur (= le Cinquième Dalaï Lama) ... depuis que le Seigneur précédent, dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho, a
fol. 14 a, fol. 18 b, rJe-nyid kyi rnam-lhar, et aussi p. 363 (édition moderne de ce même texte, = 14 a de l'édition confié à Beg-tse le rôle de (protecteur) principal du palais lui-même, Beg-tse doit servir en tant que divinité
ancienne. Notre copie de ce texte est amputée des fol. 14a, 15a, et 16a que nous avons donc lu dans l'édition principale. C'est abondamment démontrè dans l'autobiographie ésotérique, le gSang-ba'i rnam lhar rgya-can ma,
moderne. Le passage en question (14a) est relatif à l'année 1496. du grand bla-ma Seigneur (= le Cinquième Dalaï Lama) où rDo-rje grags-ldan est l'acolyte de Beg-tse, ainsi que
26. Ngo-mlshar-ba'i rnam-lhar, fol. 5b, année 1432 (chu-pho-bya corrigé en chu-pho-byi, car Kun-dga' dans les divers siidhana (du Cinquième Dalaï Lama) ... Comme lHamo a dit (<il faut me confier (la protection) du
rGyal-mtshan naquit en 1432, ayant 44 ans en 1476 à la naissance de dGe 'dun rgya-mtsho), pour sa première reliquaire funéraire.>, c'est ainsi qu'apparaissent les indications de la relation qui les associe. (kha-ya,
propitiation de la divinité. Nous avons mentionné plus haut un rituel attribué à la fois au grand-père et au père «partnership.». (Quant à) la division en deux lignées masculine et féminine (des protecteurs), la principale
de dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho pour une forme de Beg-tse à trois têtes et six bras. Cette forme n'est pas attestée dans divinité féminine sera une statue de dPal-ldan lHa-mo posée sur le centre du trône de lion (image qui est) le
les œuvres de dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho. Rien ne nous permet de savoir quelle forme était celle de 1432. Pour la support du serment de la pensée de Bo-dong Pan-chen ... , et elle était extrêmement prisée par le bla-ma
discussion de cette forme de Beg-tse, cf. «Early Textual sources for the cult of Beg-tse.> à paraître dans les Seigneur. Qant à la divinité principale de la lignée masculine, le grand bla-ma Seigneur omniscient a dit que le
Proceedings of lhe 1985 Seminar of lhe Inlernalional Associalion for Tibelan Sludies, ed. Helga Uebach and yak~a-bourreau Beg-tse lcam-dral est continuellement, de tout temps, la sentinelle de la doctrine. 11 s'agit d'une
Panglung Rinpoche (sous presse, 1988). lourde responsabilité engagée par serment des actes rituels de la réalisation. 11 est le dieu maître (des rites de)
27. dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho, gSung-'bum, U. 77 a-78 a. Chos skyong Icam sring gi bslod bskul phrin las kyi pho puissance, de violence, et de transformation magique ... »
nya zhes bya ba. (80) rje bla ma'i bka' lasj ...de yang pho-brang 'di nyid kyi srung-ma'i glso-bo beg-lser rje gong- ma Dge-'dun
28. dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho, gSung-'bum, Ma. 6 a-26 b, Pad ma yang-gsang khros pa'i sgrub lhabs phrin las rgya-mlsho nas gnyer glad gnang-ba dangj khyad-par rje bla-ma chen-pos rgya-can (- gSang-ba'i rnam-lhar rgya-
bzhi'i bang mdzod. Tohoku catalogue n" 5558j4, p. 191. 11 s'agit d'un long rituel dédié à une forme de Hayagriva can ma) du' ang beg-Ise' i las-mkhan rdo-rje grags-ldan gyis mdzad de las sna tshogs bsgrubs-pa sogs rgya-cher bslan
dont Beg-tse est l'assistant. Les passages relatifs à Beg-tse se trouvent fol. 20 a-23 b. pas beg-lses glso-che hyed dgos ... lha-mos mchod-sdong 'dl dag nga la gnyer-glad dgos zhes pa' 1 mlshan-ma kha-yar
29. dNgos-grub shing-rla, fol. 43 b. «Le chos skyong s'approche du maI,lQala (que l'on était en train de byung yang ... pho-brgyud mo-brgyud gnyis-su phye-ba'i mo-brgyud glso-mo Bo-dong pan-chen gyi lhugs dam rien
préparer). 11 dit, «En général, Padmasambhava est le pistil (zi'i 'bru = ze 'bru, anthères, pistil) de l'esprit des Dpal-Idan Iha-mo'i sku brnyan ... ('di)rje bla-ma lhug-Ia glsigs shin-lu che-ba de seng-khri'i db us-su bzhugs su gsolj
mille buddha. Moi, je suis l'assistant de Padmasambhava. Par ordre de Padmasambhava ... mon travail est de pho-brgyud kyi glso-bo nij rje bla-ma kun-mkhyen chen-posj bslan-pa'i mel-lshe dus kun g. yel-med-duj bsgrub-pa'i
protéger la doctrine du Buddha et comme nourriture, je prends le souffle vital, la chair et le sang des ennemis ... 'phrin-Ias g.yar dam khur Ici-baj dbang-drag rdzu-'phrul lhogs-pa-med mnga'l Ihaj gnod-sbyin bshan-pa hel-Ise
c'est pourquoi à présent devant chacun de ces supports (cf. lorma) se tient un Pe-dkar rgyal-po, chacun boira le Icam dral gyisj zhes dangj ...
sang des démons ennemis qui nuiront à ces supports, et leur souffle vital coule comme le fleuve Gange jusqu'à ce Ce passage se poursuit par une longue liste d'offrandes (rien-supports) pour Beg-tse et ses acolytes qui ont
qu'il arrive dans ma bouche ... » ... chos skyong chen po dkyil 'khor gyi drung du byon lej 'di skad ces gsungj spyir été déposées à l'intérieur du monument funéraire, et ensuite dresse la liste des offrandes pour IHa-mo. La
sangs-rgyas slong gi lhugs kyi zi'i 'bru de Padma 'byung gnasj Padma 'byung gnas kyi bka' sdod de nga yinj das du discussion détaillée de ce passage extrêmement intéressant sera poursuivie dans notre mémoire de l'École
sangs-rgyas kyi bslan pa bsrung pa dangj zas-skal du dgra'-bo'i sha khrag srog-dbugs rnams phog-pa yin pasj da Pratique des Hautes Études.
ni .. drung na Pe-dkar rgyal po re re yodj rien de dag la gnod pa'i dgra bgegs kyi sha khrag 'lhungj dgra-bo'i srog 34. 'Dzam-gling rgyan-gcig, vol. II, p. 80-83.
dbugs chu-bo ganga'i rgyun lsam zhig nga'i kha na rgyan mi 'chad par 'gro yangj ... Bien qu'il se déclare l'assistant 35. Cf. Ngag-dbang blo-bzang rgya-mtsho (Cinquième Dalaï Lama), gSang-ba'i rnam-thar rgya-can-ma, A
de Padmasambhava, il faut noter que cette description de la fonction de Pe-har comporte la protection de la record of the visionary experiences of the Fifth Dalai Lama, Leh, 1972, p. 277-279 pour la discussion du grand
doctrine bouddhique en général, mais ne prècise pas de liens particuliers avec la lignée du Dalaï Lama. pouvoir de Beg-tse ainsi que de son émanation, rDo-rje grags-ldan, comme acolyte. Comme cette
30. Ibid., fol. 62 a-b. autobiographie mentionne aussi d'autres visions de Beg-tse, l'ensemble de la discussion sera présenté dans notre
31. C'est Mn" Ariane Macdonald qui la première attira l'attention sur ces deux passages dans ses mémoire pour l'École Pratique des Hautes Études.
conférences à l'École Pratique des Hautes Études en 1974-1975. (Cf. Ariane Macdonald, Annuaire de l'École 36. En possession de l'auteur. Iconographiquement identique au portrait du calendrier 1984, cf. supra, et
Pratique des Hautes Études, IV' Section, 1975-1976, pp. 979-984.) Nous n'étions pas encore l'élève de au portrait sur le thang-ka de la note 37.
Mm' Macdonald à ce moment et nous tenons à remercier Mm' Anne-Marie Blondeau de nous avoir aimablement 37. Le thang-ka est actuellement (mai 1987) exposé à Paris, n" 33, «portrait du Sixième Panchen Lama.>,
prêté ses notes des conférences. Les passages se trouvent dans le VaÙ!ürya ser-po, Delhi, 1968, p. 109 pour la dans le cadre de l'exposition Trésors du Tibet. Cette peinture est illustrée dans le catalogue de l'exposition et
citation du Dngos-grub shing ria que nous avons relevée note 10 supra, et p. 377, où le Sde-srid s'y réfère: dans Bod kyi lhang-ka, planche 80, Rig-dngos dpe-khrun-khang, 1984. 11 est malheureusement impossible de lire
«Aussi, quant au nombre infini de noms et d'émanations protégeant la division générale de la doctrine de le nom de la divinité d'après la reproduction, mais l'inscription est visible à l'observation du thang-ka. Cf. aussi
Buddha, le grand gNas-chung sprul-pa'i chos-skyong, le roi de la parole (gsung-rgyal) dGra-lha skyes-gcig et le planche VII supra.
ministre des transformations magiques rDo-rje grags-Idan ont montré la manière unie (de protection, c'est-à- 38. Titre abrégé, gNas-chung chos-spyod, pour l'anthologie de rituels du monastère de gNas-chung, dont le
dire les identités des trois divinités se mêlent). Comme le Seigneur dGe-'dun rgya-mtsho l'avait nommè titre complet est: Sa gsum na mnon par mtho ba rdo-rje sgra dbyangs-gling gi zhal 'don bskang gso'i rim pa phyogs
protecteur de 'Bras-spungs, il est connu comme Gnas-chung chos-skyong. Quand le corps d'émanation de ce gcig tu bsgrigs pa'i ngo mtshar nor bu'i 'phreng-ba skal bzang-gzhon nu'i mgul rgyan, Gangtok, 1969 (édition
même Seigneur était à ... rNga-yab-gling, Padmasambhava réitera son serment (lui rappela publiquement son facsimilé d'après l'édition de 1845).
engagement) et lui confia à nouveau la protection de la parole de bSod-nams rgya-mtsho. En tant que gardien 39. Ibid., pp. 98-100, pour Beg-tse comme protecteur principal masculin d'après le 'Dzam gling rgyan gcig.
de la parole (= doctrine) des Dalaï Lama successifs, il est devenu le dieu (qui protège contre) les ennemis (dgra- 11 est à noter que ce rituel est daté 1795 dans la citation, alors que la date habituellement attribuée pour le
Iha) de dGa'-ldan pho-brang ... » 'Dzam-gling rgyan-gcig est 1797.
Fig. 20. - Beg~lse, the ~ew3rk ~Iuseum.
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Tibetan Documents in
The Newark Museum
Amy Helier
57
62 63
(Fig. 3) Document signed by Miwang Pholh,mch. (Fig. 3a) Dew!l or Figure 3 showing upper seal
daled 1740
Lhasa. Tibet (Fig. 3b) Detail or Figure 3 showing lower seal
Ink on siltin
Height 177.8. width 78 cm
The Newark Museum
Alben L. Shclton Collcclion. purchase 1918
( 18.141)
64 65
(Fig. 4) Documenl signed by Miwan£ Pholhaneh
(Fig. 5) Document signed by the Third Changkya
and inscribed by Cardinal Slefano Bo.-gi... dated
HuktuklU. dated 1836
1741
Peking, China
Lhasa. Tibet
Ink and colour on salin
Ink on silk
Height 301 cm. width 125.7 cm
Bavarian Slale Library. Munich
The ewark Museum
Photograph courtesy of SOlheby's
Alben L. Shellon Collection. purchase 1918
(18.142)
66 67
(Fig. 5a) Detail of Figure 5 showing upper seal the midst of a cloud of red flames. The
(Fig. 5b) Detail of Figure 5 showing lower seal
extended right arm wields a club. identi-
cal in form to the one held by Lhamo,
while the left forearm rests on the horse's
green mane. The strings and ends of a
lasso protrude slightly beyond the mane.
while two loops of the lasso are drawn
, above the horse's head. A long pointed
68 69
YALE UNIVERSITY
YALE UNIVERSITY
Buddhism was founded in India in the sixth century H.C.E. by the historic Bud-
dha Shakyamuni, who designed a philosophical method to ensure high mora]
principles and to eliminate suffering. His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama,
spiritual leader of Tibet and recipient of the 1989 Nobel Prize for Peace, has
explained that "the basis of Buddhist philosophy is the notion of compassion for
others. There is an underlying assumption that happiness for oneself comes
automatically as a result of this unselfish concern."
While the Buddhist religion takes this ethical basis as its first premise, certain
concessions (or responses) to the philosophical and artistic creativity of contem-
porary Indian society were inevitable. Shakyamuni, for example, had expressly
forbidden any likeness of himself during his lifetime, but veneration for the Bud-
dha rapidly led to his deification. First the events of his life were given emblems
-such as the eight-spoked wheel symbolic of the eightfold noble path of moral
principles, considered a key to understanding. The wheel is the reminder of the
moment when, once enlightened, the Buddha started to teach the doctrine and
set "the wheel of truth into perpetual motion." Eventually images of the Buddha
in human form were made. Later these were codified in a precise system, incor-
porating some of the concepts and conventions used in Indian mythology and art
to represent a sage or philosopher.
Prior to the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet in the seventh century, philo-
sophical and religiolls developments left definite imprints upon early Bud-
dhism. Already in India, ancient tree spirits were given a protective role as
defenders of Buddhism, later still as defenders of monasteries. The ancient belief
in reincarnation was reinterpreted as the Buddhist wheel of existence, from
..vhich the enlightened mind would be forever liberated. At the same time, the
symbolic conquest of Vedic deities, shown by their incorporation into the Bud-
dhist pantheon, was interpreted as proof of the philosophical validity of
Buddhism.
Later metaphysical developments led to the concept of a plurality of Buddhas,
conceived as a succession of Buddhas over time. Eventually came the idea of
"Buddha-families" arrayed at the cardinal points and center of the universe,
reflecting a complex system of analogies. Amitabha Buddha, for example, gov-
erns the Western paradise; his color is red, his hand gesture is meditation, his
element is fire. He assists perception and is manifest in Avalokiteshvara, the
Bodhisattva of Compassion. He has the fierce Hayagriva as defender.
The idea of associating a Buddha with a vaathful aspect had been fore~
shadowed by the Vedic triad of Brahma ("the creator"), Vishnu ("the preserver"),
and Shiva ("the destroyer") who interact constantly to sustain life in the uni-
verse. In Tibet, this idea ,·vas further refined, and particular teachers came to be
regarded as emanations of certain Bodhisattva-notably the Dalai Lama as an
emanation in human form of Avalokiteshvara, the Bodhisattva of Compassion.
In literature and art, the reverence accorded past and present teachers is demon-
strated by the importance of hagiographies.
TIBETAN BUDDHISM
During the seventh century, Song-tsen gampo, the ruler of one district of Tibet,
succeeded in forming a confederation stretching from Nepal to beyond the
Mekong River, further extended by the capture of garrisons along the silk route
from the Chinese. The religious conversion of the Tibetans is causally related to
this military expansion, for they encountered Buddhism on all borders. By con-
tracting matrimonial alliances with Tibetan aristocracy and the Chinese court,
Song-tsen gampo further consolidated his domain. The growth of this Tibetan
empire in Central Asia is well documented by Chinese and Arab histories which
describe Tibetan metallurgical skills, needed for armor and weapons, as a
"wonder of the world."
The conceptual unification of this vast Tibetan territory \vas in part accom~
plished by a religious system of beliefs and rituals propagated by Song-tsen
gampo and his descendants. The glorification of the Tibetan ruler, belief in
mountains as his divine ancestors, faith in his military might and sacred obliga-
tion to preserve the stability of the Tibetan world order-these ideas are later
reflected in the saga of the legendary Tibetan king Gesar, also eventually incor-
porated into the Buddhist pantheon.
The school of Buddhism adopted in Tibet is knovl.'n as Vajrayana, the Path of
Vajra or Adamantine Scepter. Prevalent in northern India from the sixth to the
eleventh century, this school emphasized, in its philosophy and mystic prac-
Portrait of Gesnr; 1948; blockprint all paper; 2) x J1 illches tices, the goal of reaching Buddhahood in one lifetime. Believed to be partic-
ularly arduous and efficient, Vajrayana Buddhism seeks actively to conquer all Among the first Buddhist texts introduced to Tibet was the "Treatise on the
defilements-ignorance, delusion, and greed. Prayer, spells or mantra, and Perfection of Wisdom" (Prajnyaparamita-sutra), which emphasized moral values
meditation are used to channel negative emotions, transforming them into quali- leading to a succession of good rebirths. In accordance with earlier schools of
ties that lead to enlightenment. Buddhism, nirvana is seen as a progressive goal, to be gradually realized over
An alternate name for this school is Mantrayana, the Mantra Path, reflecting the course of several lifetimes. Some esoteric Vajrayana texts are also attested in
the importance of mantra prayers, rhythmic repetitions of syllables in cadence Tibetan library catalogues of the early ninth century, but in smaller proportions,
with special intonation, such as the famous formula Om Mani Padme Hum, sacred since memorization and oral transmission, rather than writing, were the didactic
to Avalokiteshvara and the Dalai Lama. Judging from contemporary religious methods preferred to prevent profanation and to ensure that only selected stu-
practices and historical accounts, the spells or mantra were always accompanied J dents had access to these advanced techniques.
by gestures, both static and moving, synchronized with the repetition of In many Vajrayana rituals, the repetition of mantra and prayer is accompanied
syllables. ) by hand movements in distinct sequences of gestures, a sign language comple-
Tibetan royal favor for Buddhism-indicated by the foundation of the first menting the rhythmic intonation. The unique Tibetan practice of spinning
monastery around 780 and later taxation edicts to support the clergy-in fact prayer wheels also involves repetition of both gesture and sacred formulae. The
undermined the traditional system of beliefs guaranteeing the divine right to content of the rituals-for pacification, development, subjugation, or elimina-
rule. Factions formed within the populace, divided in its support or disavowal tion-is often introduced by a narrative of the divine precedent, recounted in
of Buddhism. The weakening of central authority was such that the dynasty detail, from the mythology of a Buddha or a lama (teacher), which the adept or
collapsed around 850, and the confederation reverted to local, autonomous monk re-enacts through intonation and gestures. An example is the pious tale of
principalities. At this period, it is known that small groups of religious adepts Padmasambhava, a semihistorical Vajrayana teacher held to have vanquished
survived in geographic and conceptual isolation. It is probable that these circum- whirlwinds and mountains (the indigenous deities), which he transformed into
stances led to the integration of Tibetan non-Buddhist beliefs and practices with protectors of Buddhism. Mastery over the mountains and majestic expanses,
the observances and principles of Vajrayana Buddhism, forming the matrix of over the unpredictable and sometimes violent weather, over the very grandeur of
Tibetan civilization as it is known today. nature-takes on another dimension in Tibet where the land itself inspires both
The eleventh century heralded a new era of royal support for Buddhism by a contemplation and awe. Vajrayana rituals seek to answer both such needs, con-
scion of the former dynasty, now established in western Tibet. As his kingdom crete and spiritual. There is an emphasis on psychological training, through the
rapidly prospered due to its location on trade routes linking Tibet with Nepal practice of ritual, to increase discipline and concentration. In his book Religious
and India, this sovereign actively supported the construction of monasteries and Observances in Tibet (Chicago, 1964), Robert B. Ekvall has stated that in Tibet
the translation of religious texts. Due to the impact of Islam in India, Buddhism
the idea gained acceptance that the words in themselves had power and were of value.
was then gradually disappearing in the land of its birth, and sages sought pros- From that point on, the expression of (Tibetan) verbalized religion developed along two
elytes abroad. In eastern Tibet as well, there was renewed interest in Buddhist lines: (1) if words, both in meaning and sound, had power in themselves, power was exer-
activity, further accelerated by the arrival of refugees from Buddhist states along ted by utterance and could be used for subjugating and controlling spirit beings; and (2)
the silk route, also subjected to Islamic invasions. This context was favorable for since words had value in themselves, the repetitious utterance of them could be utilized to
achieve religious goals and could aid in the amassing of merit.
the Indian, Kashmiri, and Nepalese teachers and artists to settle in Tibet. Several
theological tendencies flourished, as did many distinct schools of art, all faith- The word, written or recited, thus was of primary importance in its own right
fully preserving the Buddhist heritage. and as a source of the symbolic language of gestures, proportions, colors, and
attributes found in Tibetan images.
THE WORD IN TIBETAN CONTEXT Reflecting the importance of Indian literary and philosophical models, the
The power attributed to "word," the use of verbal language, was distinctive in Tibetan alphabet was modeled on a script in use in northern India around 600.
both pre-BuddhistTibet and in Vajrayana, probably contributing to the appeal of Even Indian book formats-unbound rectangular leaves sandwiched between
this school of Buddhism to the Tibetans. No complete texts contemporary with wooden covers-were adopted by the Tibetans. In addition to oral transmis-
Song-tsen gampo and his immediate descendants have survived, but fragments sion, translation of texts spurred religious conversion. The translation of Bud-
of the earliest known Tibetan folk tales and myths from the seventh and eighth dhist treatises from Sanskrit (and occasionally Chinese or Central Asian lan-
centuries already show use of repetitive cadence, interstitial syllables, and ono- guages) into Tibetan served as a major impetus in the codification of Tibetan
matopoeia. Verbal language was evolving into ritual to preserve a continually scripts and of Buddhist religious terminology, resulting in a lingua franca,
valid oral tradition. superimposed on regional dialects. Translation and copying of the Buddhist
texts took on further virtue as pious acts that improved the personal karma (seventh to tenth centuries) and the lack of archeological investigation has ren-
or merit of the individual scribe, as well as that of the person commissioning dered assessment of this formative phase of Tibetan Buddhist art problematic. In
the copy, Lhasa, some temples are believed to date in paTt from this period, but thorough,
The earliest extant Tibetan printed text dates from 1308. Progressi\'el)~ books, scientific examination is yet to be done. However, many royal proclamations of
cloth banners, and religious art began to be printed throughout the country. this period have survived, inscribed on stone pillars some 25 feet high. The firm
However, the persistence of major commissions for hand-copying of religious lines of the calligraphic Tibetan letters contrast with the capitals and pedestals
treatises by scribes is weB documented through the end of the eighteenth cen- carved in the round. Both Chinese decorati\'e motifs, such as the tortoise (sym-
tury, Block-printed texts or xylographs are attested for the Tibetan Buddhist bolic of longevity), and Indian Buddhist emblems embellish these stele. The
scriptures from the early fifteenth century, and continued to be made through Tibetan territories along the silk routes, on the other hand, some 1,()(X) miles
the twentieth. north, were more directly exposed to Central Asian idioms of Buddhist art,
which subsequently appeared in other areas via trade and troop movement.
THE IMAGE rN TIBETAN COKTEXT
•
Buddhist art developed specific forms in response to ritual requirements. A !\.IANUSCRIPT, A STATUE, AND A PAINTING
Painted scrolls (tang-ka) on cotton or silk typicall y represent Buddhas, deities, or Three items in the exhibition may serve to illustrate the use of images in the con-
revered lamas of the past. Landscapes are idealized, corresponding to literary text of Tibetan Buddhism and the methods used to date Tibetan religious
descriptions in theological treatises. The mandala (literally, circle), Cl geometric artifacts.
form used in painting and sculpture, isa series of concentric ringssurroundinga Trealiseoll the Perfectioll o.nVisdol1l (openil/g page). This illuminated manuscript is
sequence of squares of decreasing dimensions with a focal point at the center of written on black laminated paper; each recto page has eight lines of calligraphy
the smallest square. The de\'otee is instructed to concentrate in specific order on in silver, some of the highly stylized letters following distinctive eighth-century
sections of the tang-ka or mandala. The order of concentration is enhanced by Tibetan forms. The verso pages each have seven lines of silver calligraphy in the
contrasting colors, juxtaposed to create optical illusions of depth. The tang·ka is
thus a tool for teaching meditation.
The language of Tibetan icons embodies the codification of metaphysical con-
cepts central to Indian Buddhism as adapted by the Tibetans. The principles of
the iconographic canons all originated in India and are strictly adhered to by
Tibetan artists. Yet there is a distinct quality to these images, quite different in
many respects from their Indian antecedents. In part, this is due to the indige-
nous Tibetan deities integrated into the Buddhist pantheon, bearing attributes
\vith no direct counterpart in India. This distinction is also related to the geo-
graphic situation of Tibet in central Asia, crisscrossed by trade routes linking
Europe. the Indian subcontinent, and high Asia, the same routes Buddhism had
followed as it expanded beyond India.
By the time Buddhism reached Tibet, several Indian schools of Buddhist art
had been defined, as had Central Asian and Chinese traditions. ''''hile the influ- same hand, \\~ith illuminations at both ends of the page showing seated Bud-
ence oi Buddhism was gradually increasing in Tibet in the eighth to tenth centu- dhas, whose hands are consistently represented in the gesture of leaching. Their
ries, Nepalese and Kashmiri schools of representation were forming as well. As coiffures, ovoid halos, and thrones follow Indian styles of the twelfth and thir-
the Buddhist masters from each land arrh"ed in Tibet, they carried small statues teenth centuries.
and paintings, illuminated manuscripts, and stencils to use in their teaching. This manuscript is similar in many respects to a group of manuscripts found
The very practice of certain rituals required the creation of ephemeral sculptures, in eastern Tibet, radiocarbon dated to the thirteenth century. Howe\'er, it must
in dough or butter. These objects conveyed not only the fundamental icon- be emphasized that the religious milieu held earlier style in such esteem that rep-
ographic basis for the design of Buddhas, deities, and their realms, but also licas were made even centuries later. Despite sensitivity to beauty and high-
reOected the cultural context from \"·:hich the teacher had come. quality workmanship, Tibetans favored iconographic accuracy and stylistic con-
The scarcity of extant dated icons of the early period of Buddhism in Tibet sistency: aesthetic innovation was not a goal in itself. These factors. together with
the anonymity preferred by Tibetan artists and the paucity of dated images.
complicate the study of Tibetan art history. In addition .. these icons must now be
considered as examples isolated from the context of the country where they were
produced, which remains largely inaccessible today.
Vigl/ollgtaka (faciug page). The small image of the protective deity Vignangtaka ..
he who destroys obstacles.. provides a good example of Tibetan skills in repro-
ducing Indian stylistic conventions in sculpture. Like Manjushri, the Bodhisat-
tva of \'\'isdom, his wrathful counterpart Vignangtaka brandishes the "s\vord
\vhich cuts through the clouds of ignorance." Simply dressed in a loin cloth and
scarves, serpents wound about his ankles, this protector is the model of an
Indian hero.. wielding Cl vajra-noose in his left hand to obstruct other demons.
The elephant-headed demon he tramples symbolizes Hindu deities vanquished
by Buddhism and converted into protectors of the faith.
Influence of late Pala India is e,·ident in Vignangtaka's smooth belly and sen-
sual navel as well as his helmet, jewelr)', and scarves. Howen~.r.. this is a solid-cast
image with a hollow base and an unfinished back-factors not prevalcnt in India
but associated with Tibetan images of the twelfth through thirteenth centuries.
A IlillctcCllfh-Cl?1l1Ilry lama (cover). Despite religious conservatism, several
schools of painting developed in Tibet.. following the mastery of individual
painters. In this painting.. we seean example of the Kanna-gar-bris school, char-
acterized by the juxtaposition of large expanses of soljd celor \vith areas of high
detail, and by the use of translucent colors.. sometimes applied in graduated
nuances. The halo of the lama appears to rise from the pale clouds behind his
throne.. enhancing the adept's meditation on the lama as a personification of the
nature of Buddha. The gesture signifies exposition of the Buddha's teachings.
The lama is seated on a throne, offerings and ritual implements placed before
him. The deep green field in which the throne is situated contrasts vividly with
the pale clouds.
The lama's mitre is distinctively associated with one monastic order, and this..
in conjunction with the name inscribed beneath the throne, permits almost cer-
tain historical identification of this master as a nineteenth-century incarnate
lama of the Karma-pa order, Si-tu Chos-kyi rgya-mtsho. Although it is not
uncommon for a name to be re-used by several individuals.. this identification is
nonetheless quite probable and provides a clear example of later development in
Tibetan artistic schools.
• •
In both literature and art, Tibetans have developed their own traditions while
simultaneously preserving the Indian Buddhist heritage. Although \'VE' regard
these objects as testimony to the achievements of the Tibetan historical and cul-
tural milieu, for the Tibetans, who \vere exposed to the Buddha's doctrine over a
millennium after his death.. it is otherwise. For them.. the image embodies the
Vigl/allgtaka, cOllqueror of obstacles; 1)-14111 century; solid-cast brn55
presence of the Buddha, the 'word reveals the immanence of his teachings..
willi polychrome detail alld traces of ill/ay; 7 ilU:1ws high
while the thought of enlightenment remains the constant objective. This triad
-image, word, and thought-constitutes the fundamental expression of the
ideals of Shakyamuni.
The books, manuscripts, paintings, prints, and religious objects at Yale consti-
tute one of the most comprehensive Tibetan collections outside Asia. Yale has
collected Tibetan materials since the mid-1920S when Leonard C. Hanna, 1913,
gave the university a large group of iconographic prints. In 1950, His Holiness the
Fourteenth Dalai Lama presented to Yale a complete set of the Kanjur, the canoni-
cal scriptures of Tibetan Buddhism, in one hundred volumes. EXHIBITION AND INTRODUCTION
Yale's Tibetan Collection continued to grow by purchase, exchange, and the Amy Heller
generous gifts of alumni and friends. In 1967, the collection was greatly enriched
DESIGN AND PRINTING
by the bequest of Edna Bryner Schwab, which included religious objects, manu-
Yale University Printing Service
scripts, block-printed texts, tang-kas, bronze images, and books on Tibet.
For many years, the Tibetan Collection at Yale has been overseen by Wesley E. PHOTOGRAPHY
Needham, 1954 Hon., himself a generous donor, who has fostered its growth, Photographic Department, Audio Visual eenter, Yale University
catalogued its contents, and interpreted its holdings for generations of delighted
listeners, students, and scholars.
Historic and Iconographic Aspects
of the Protective Deities Srung-ma dmar-nag
Amy HELLER
(Nyon)
The Srung-ma dmar-nag, the Red and Black guardians, were initially the two principal religious
protectors of the Dalai Lama lineage, later recognized as protectors of the Tibetan government
Dga'-ldan pho-brang. Their colors red and black reflect the classical division of rites into four
categories (zhi, rgyas, dbang, drag), i.e. white in rites for tranquillity, yellow for prosperity, red for
subjugation, and black for violent rites!). The well-known goddess Dpal-ldan Lha-mo is identified
as the black protector, but the identity of the red protector has been a subject to controversy as
recently as 1986 2 ). The divergent traditions opt for either Rdo-rje grags-ldan, habitually
considered to be an emanation of Pehar, or Beg-tse - both depicted as wrathful red warriors").
Our initial research on the history of these protectors until the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama
(1682) indicated that the controversy stems in part from an historic basis: already the Second Dalai
Lama had associated Lha-mo and Beg-tse as protectors of his personal monastery Chos 'khor rgyal
at a time when Pehar was recognized only as guardian of Bsam-yas; Pehar/Rdo-rje grags-ldan
acquired distinct status as political protector via the Gnas-chung Oracle concommitant with the
emergence of Dga'-ldan pho-brang as a political entity (post 1642)4). In order to determine how
Lha-mo became associated with Gnas-chung and trace the evolution of the Srung-ma dmar-nag
through the present times, we propose to examine here additional iconographic and historic
sources in conjunction with information from contemporary Tibetans.
Iconographic Identification
As of the eighteenth century, the Srung-ma dmar-nag are often represented as protectors in the
lower register of a thang-ka, primarily but not exclusively associated with the Dge-lugs-pa order. In
I) In Tibetan these categories are zhi-ba, rgyas-pa, dbang and dmg. Cr. Dvags-po Rinpoche, "Rituels tibetains", in Dieux et
Demons de I'Himalaya, Paris, 1977, pp. 31-33.
2) The controversy has taken the form of written debate since the 1984 publication by Spel-zur Rdo-rje Nor-bu, Bod
gzhung chos-don drung che khams-sprul 'jam-don la spring-yig bden rdzun rnam dbye mngon-par gsal-ba'i dvangs shel me-long dge
(pp. 101-107, Anupam graphic arts, Jolad oni, Hubli-20, Mungod, India), answered in 1986 by the Council for
Religious and Cultural Affairs of H. H. the Dalai Lama, Chos-rig-ldan-khang nas lan-du ldon-pa'i ched bsgmgs,
Dharamsala, p. I. for the chronology of the debate and pp. 80-87 for the identification of the Srung-ma dmar-nag;
Cr. also the speeches by H. H. the Dalai Lama published under the title Gong-sa skrabs rngon chen-po mchog
nas / chos-skrong bsten phyogs skor bka' slobsnga-17es stsal-ba khag cha tshang phyogs bsdebs zhus-pa, Council for Religious and
Cultural Affairs of H. H. the Dalai Lama, Dharamsala, 1986. These materials were brought to our attention following
the oral presentation at Narita and have not been analyzed here.
3) In 1974-1975 Mme Ariane Macdonald, in her courses at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, first drew attention to
this controversy and, quoting Gnas-chung Rinpoche, identified Rdo-rje grags-ldan as the red protector. Her study is
summarized in the Annuaire 1975/1976, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, IVe section, Paris, p. 983-984. Cr. also: E.
Dargyay, 'The White and Red Rong-btsan of Matho Monastery (Ladakh)" in Journal of the Tibet Society, vol. 5, pp.
55-65.
4) Cr. Presentation at the April, 1987 C.J\i.R.S. Colloquium, published in the proceedings volume as A. Heller
"Remarques Preliminaires sur les Srung-ma dmar-nag, divinites protectrices du Potala "in F. Mever (red.), Tibet,
Civilisatwn et Societe, Fondation Singer-Polignac, Paris, 1990, (in press). Our attention was first drawn to this subject bv
research on Beg-tse, to be submitted as a thesis, "Etude sur le developpement de l'iconographie et du culte de Beg-lse,
divinite protectrice tibetaine, VUle au XVIUe siccle" for the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris.
480 Amy HELLER Histone and Iconographic Aspects of the Protective Deities Srung-ma dmar-1ULg 481
:-.l
.'/
;l
Plate 3 Thang-ka of Lha-mo, The Avery Brundage Collection, Plate 4 Detail of Beg-tse (alone) from Lha-mo thang-ka, The
Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, Accession number 62 D32 Avery Brundage Collection, Asian Art Museum of San Francisco.
(Beg-tse as acolyte)
His Holiness explained that all Tibetan Buddhist schools recognize Lha-mo as the black
Comparison of the attributes and representation of these two red protectors clearly indicates protector, having had this function since the time of Dge- 'dun grub (1391-1474), retroactively
their close ressemblance, and perhaps has contributed to the current controversy over the recognized as the First Dalai Lama. His Holiness noted the demonstration of Lha-mo's influence
identification of the red protector of the Srung-ma dmar-nag. as shown by the appearance of particular visions in the lake Lha-mo bla-mtsho near Chos-'khor
rgyal monastery, citing the vision which led to recognition that he was the incarnation of the
Thirteenth Dalai Lama.
As for the red protector, it is explained that the root of Gnas-chung chos-rgyal is ultimately the
Contemporary Accounts protector Pehar and his manifestations, in particular the 'minister of speech' Rdo-rje grags-Idan.
After quotations from earlier rituals dedicated to the protectors, to trace the history of the
Today still the protective deities have a very significant role and we may surmise that the Srung-ma dmar-nag, it is recalled that Padmasambhava first named Pehar as guardian of
controversy over the identity of the red protector had become quite important, to such an extent Bsam-yas monastery in the eighth century. Further relations were encurred at the time of the
that H. H. the Fourteenth Dalai Lama specifically discussed the history and identification of the Second Dalai Lama, with the deity under the name of Gnas-chung 'Od-Idan dkar-po. Once the
Srung-ma dmar-nag as the major topic of an essay in 1973 13 ). This essay identifies Gnas-chung Dalai Lamas had taken the responsibility for Tibet, the principal protectors were then Lha-mo and
and Lha-mo as the red and black guardians. Gnas-chung. The colophon reads "As for the final stanzas (of this essay), according to the desire of
(Lha-mo) 'Dod-khams bdag-mo, the pronouncement came from Rdo-tje grags-Idan (i.e. speaking
through Gnas-chung Oracle) and I, the Buddhist monk Bstan-'dzin rgya-mtsho, transcribed it on
13) Bstan-'dzin rgya-mtsho, Dalai Lama X IV, Con sa skyabs mgon dun po mdwg nas Bad skyong l/w srung gi 'phrin hcol dam /dan this first day of the first month of the water-bull (= 1973), Tibetan royal year 2100. Let virtue
myur b!>kulllla'i dgos don dang 'bTeI ba'i Ma' slob. Dharamsala, 1980. Included in the U. S. Library of Congress PL-480 prevail." - in other words, written by H. H. the XIV Dalai Lama upon consultation with
collection under the inventOl'Y number 80-900001, pp. 1-24. The discussion of the sTllng-ma dmar-Ilag begins on p. 15 Gnas-chung Oracle 14).
and continues to the end of this essay. In the context of His Holiness' remarks on the Lha-mo bla'rmsho, Sir Charles
Bell has discussed this lake and Lha-mo as principal guardian of the Tibetan Government in his Portrait of a Dalai 14) Bstan-'dzin rgya-rmsho. op. cit. p. 23: Mjug gi siw-Ia-ka gfig ni 'Dod khams hdag mo'i bzherl-pa ItaI' Rda-IJe gmgs-lrlan nm
Lama, The Life and Times of the Great Thirteenth. (London. 1946 and 1987) gsungs bris byas 11a yinl Shakya'i rlge-slong Bstan-'dzin rgya mtshos 1 bod rgyallo 2100 chu-glallg zla 1 tshes 1 dge ba la 11.
I
484 Amy HELLER
1 Historic and Iconographic Alpects of the Protective Deities Srung-ma dmar-nag 485
Thus, there is a clear, categoric identification of the Srung-ma dmar-nag in 1973. This is now
the authoritative identification and history as dictated by the Oracle. However, in personal
interviews, variant accounts of the history and identification have been given by knowledgeable
Tibetans.
Among the authorities consulted, Tsepon W. D. Shakabpa, former Finance Minister of the
Tibetan government and political historian, considered that the Srung-ma dmar-nag are to be
identified as Beg-tse and Lha-mo I5 ). Mr. Shakabpa was a secretary to the official search party for
the incarnation of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama which visited the lakes Lha-mo bla-mtsho and the
nearby Beg-tse bla-mtsho to seek information leading to the discovery of the Fourteenth Dalai
Lama. Historically, Mr. Shakabpa traced the origins of the Srung-ma dmar-nag to the Second
Dalai Lama, who, after death and before rebirth, "visited Padmasambhava's Zangs-mdog-dpal ri
paradise where he found that Beg-tse and Lha-mo followed him all around, so, when born as the
Third Dalai Lama, he set them up as Srung-ma dmar-nag." This account is corroborated by the
biography of the Third Dalai Lama, where a detailed iconographic description of the two
protectors is found just prior to the birth of the Third Dalai Lama - but it is to be noted that no
names are supplied in this passage l6 ), ·1
Again according to Mr. Shakabpa, Beg-tse and Lha-mo as Srung-ma dmar-nag would be ! Plate 5 Flag of Beg-tse, Sammlung Heinrich Harrer,
attested in the writings of Klong-rdol bla-ma and Sle-Iung bzhad-pa'i rdo-rje, two 18th century Viilkerkundemuseum der Universitiit Zurich.
Tibetan historians, Checking this, although there is no specific mention of the term Srung-ma 1
-1
dmar-nag which seems to date only from the 20th century, Klong-rdol bla-ma has written that
since the time of the Second Dalai Lama Beg-tse was appointed guardian of Chos 'khor-rgyal
monastery and Bkra-shis Ihun- po I7), while Sle-Iung stated that Beg-tse is the principal religious
and political protector of the Tibetan government I8 ).
The divergent traditions of the Srung-ma dmar-nag have also been mentioned by several
contemporary Dge-Iugs-pa authorities, naming either Beg-tse or Rdo-rje grags-Idan as the
Srung-ma dmar-po I9). It is significant that Nebesky-Wojkowitz noted an oral tradition that
Rdo-rje grags-Idan was an emanation of Beg-tse, while Mme Ariane Macdonald quoted
Gnas-chung Rinpoche for the identification of Rdo-rje grags-Idan as the red protector of the
Srung-ma dmar-nag, stipulating that he was the Fifth Dalai Lama's 'khrungs-pa'i lha, god of the
birthplace 20 ). In interviews Dvags-po Rinpoche considered that Beg-tse was clearly the original
red protector but noted that in some traditions Beg-tse was later replaced by Rdo-rje grags-Idan.
Dvags-po Rinpoche had personally visited the lake Beg-tse bla-mtsho. He stated that the Second
Dalai Lama had met Beg-tse at this lake 2ll . Dvags-po Rinpoche further noted that during the
15) Private communication from Tsepon W. D. Shakabpa, February 7, 1981 and May 10, 1981. The texts of the two
interviews are in possession of the author.
16) We refer the reader to our initial study, "Remarques preliminaires sur les divinites Srung-ma dmar-nag du Potala" (cf.
note 4) for analysis and translation of certain passages from the Third Dalai Lama's biography, while reserving
discussion of the Third Dalai Lama's relation with Beg-tse for our thesis of the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes.
17) Klong-rdol bla-ma, Bstan srung rgya mtsllO rning pangs, gSung 'bum, ya, p. 1260...Rgyal-ba Dge 'dun rgya-rntsho sogs kyi dus
Chos 'khor rgyal dang bKra-shis lhun po la sogs pa gtad-pa'i c1ws skyong Beg-tse....
18) Sle-Iung bzhad-pa'i rdo-rje, Dam can bstan srung rgya mtsho'i rnam par thar pa... Bhutan, 1976, p. 417, Gnod sbyin chen po
zangs kyi Beg-tse can.... dga'-ldan pho-bmng gi chos .md kyi gnver kha thams cad dang du bzhes pa'i chas srung ,hen po 'di... Full
discussion of the remarks of Sle-Iung and Klong-rdol will be forthcoming in our thesis for the Ecole Pratique des
Hautes Etudes.
19) Among Dge-Iugs pa authorities consulted, we are gratefully indebted to Dvags-po Rinpoche Byams-pa rgya mtsho, Plate 6 Flag of Lha-mo, Sammlung Heinrich Harrer, Viilkerkun-
Ngag dbang Grags pa, Yon-tan Rgya-mtsho (Paris). and Mtshan-zhabs Rinpoche (Zlirich) for discussing this subject demuseum der Universitiit Zurich.
with us. We have also consulted Dagyab (Brag-g.yab) Rinpoche Blo-Idan Shes-rab, who, in the accompanying essay to
the 1984 Thang-ka Calendar. Editions Baader. Stuttgart, had identified a thang-ha showing the Srung-ma dmar-nag. lifetime of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama (1876---1933), two stones (bla-rdo) were found at Chos 'khor
We also disucssed this tradition with Yen. Bdud-joms Rinpoche, Ngor Thar-rtse Rinpoche Hiroshi Sonami and Dr.
Samten Karmay. We take this opportunity to thank them all for their generosity.
rgyal, one inscribed with the seed syllable k,'Yee for Beg-tse, and one inscribed with Lha-mo's seed
20) R. de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Oracles ana Demons of Tibet. Graz. 1975. p. 125; A. Macdonald, op. ,it. p. 984: "Gnas-chung syllable, bhyo. Both stones were brought to the palace Norbu Gling-ka, as testimony to the
rin-po-che m'a dit que le protecteur rouge etait Rdo-rje grags-Idan, en precisant qu'il etait le 'khrungs-pa'i lha, le dieu continued vigilance of the two protectors 22 ). These two flags (plates 5 and 6), ostensibly dating
du pavs natal du Ve Dalai Lama".
21) This was corroborated in a separate interview with Song Rinpoche, former official of Dga'-ldan monastery, conducted 22) We are particularly grateful to Dvags-po Rinpoche for granting successive interviews in 1978, 1987, and 1988. The
by Tsenshab Rinpoche in 197/i. story of the stones is also summarized in the biography of the XlIIth Dalai Lama, p. 254 in the edition 'Khnmgs-rabs;
486 AmyHELLER Historic and Iconographic Aspects of the Protective Deities Srung-ma dmar-nag 487
from early 20th century, show the two syllables bhyo and kyee with distinctive attributes for Lha-mo you,,31). In the Fourteenth Dalai Lama's essay, this name is used when tracing the history of
and Beg-tse, notably the scorpion handle sword 23 ). . Gnas-chung and Pehar 32 ). But does the deity's very name - Rdo-rje 'Od-ldan dkar po, the vajra of
In addition, our esteemed colleague, Dr. Samten Karmay, has recently summarized the white brilliance - signify that he is a white manifestation, such as Pehar himself? There is also
situation thus: J;>uring the lifetime of the Fifth Dalai Lama, his two principal religious protectors explicit recognition of Beg-tse on separate occasions during the Dalai Lama's childhood 33 ). Most
were Dpal-ldan Lha-mo and Beg-tse. Later the red protector became identified as Pehar of significantly, when the Third Dalai Lama was twelve, in 1555, he has many dreams where deities
Gnas-chung 24 ). appear 34 ). In one dream, the Third Dalai Lama recognized Beg-tse as his personal protector.
Later in the same year, and again in 1558, the Gnas-chung oracle appears, stating that he is a
form of Pehar and works as Padmasambhava's assistant (bka'-sdod). Thus, although Lha-mo and
Pehar are not teamed as a pair, both are attested as the attendants of Padmasambhava by this
Historic Sources biography. When a detailed description of Pehar and his manifestations is given, there is no red
warrior 35 ). In 1570, the Third Dalai Lama consecrated major images of Lha-mo and Beg-tse at
According to the biography of the First Dalai Lama (1391-1474), immediately after his birth a Chos 'khor rgyaI 36 ). It is specified that these images reflect the practices of the Second Dalai Lama
crow suddenly appeared on the roof of the house and remained as a sign of protection from at Chos 'khor rgyal.
Mgon-po zhal-bzhi (the Four Faced Mahakala)25). Just after his monastic vows in 1410, and several These few passages of the biography of the Third Dalai Lama demonstrate that a model of the
times throughout his life, Lha-mo, especially in the form Lha-mo Dmag zor-ma, appeared in his Srung-ma dmar-nag is attested. The importance of Lha-mo is clear. Beg-tse is the red warrior
dreams 26 ), as did Mgon-po zhal-bzhi 27 ). These are the two major protectors - both black - attested named as guardian of the Dalai Lama, while no red warrior form of Pehar is yet found. The
by this biography, composed by a student of the First Dalai Lama in 1494. association of Beg-tse and Lha-mo at Chos 'khor rgyal is clarified. It would appear that Beg-tse was
In the late fifteenth century, Lha-mo and Beg-tse are both important for the Second Dalai then the model for the description of the anonymous red protector and functioned as principal
Lama. Checking his collected works (gsung 'bum), we find a major history and rituals for Lha-mo, red protector. As yet, however, the evidence is not conclusive.
and three rituals for Beg-tse in his usual aspect. Beg-tse is worshipped alone or as an attendant to We must recall that the Fifth Dalai Lama is the author of the Third Dalai Lama's biography, and
Hayagriva. These two are the only red male wrathful gods here. To date we have found only one it is therefore important to trace the Srung-ma dmar-nag in other works he composed.
reference to Pehar, called guardian of Bsam-yas, in tile entire gsung 'bum. There are no specific According to the Fifth Dalai Lama's general autobiography, throughout his life, rituals for
rituals dedicated to Gnas-chung 'Od Idan dkar-po, Pehar or his manifestations the Rgyal-po Lha-mo and Beg-tse, sometimes in conjunction with Mgon-po zhal-bzhi, are successively
Sku-lnga in the gsung 'bum of the Second Dalai Lama 28 ). performed at Chos 'khor-rgyaI 37 ); upon his death, Lha-mo and Beg-tse are the principal
Proceeding chronologically, we have already mentioned one passage describing the model of protectors entrusted with responsibility for his funerary monument 38 ). The Fifth Dalai Lama
the Srung-ma dmar-nag from the biography of the Third Dalai Lama (1543-1588), written by the often consulted the Gnas-chung Oracle speaking for Pehar in Lhasa. The medium's appearance as
Fifth Dalai Lama in 1646. It is noteworthy that later in the biography, on separate occasions, Pehar's oracle - wearing red armour and helmet, holding many weapons - is described in a ritual
Lha-mo is called the attendant (bka'-sdod) of Padmasambhava29 ). Her protection of Chos 'khor composed in 1651 by the Fifth Dalai Lama39 ). In yet another ritual dedicated to Pehar, probably
rgyal is attested 30). All traditions indeed concur that Dpal-ldan Lha-mo is the black protector. also composed in 1651, the Fifth Dalai Lama specified that praise should be made to Pehar and his
But was Beg-tse the red protector for the Third Dalai Lama? To determine this, we must return manifestations as emanations (sprul-pa) of Beg-tse40 ), which corroborates R. de Nebesky-
to the biography of the Third Dalai Lama to see how Beg-tse and Pehar appear there. In 1544, age Wojkowitz's remark that some Tibetans regarded Rdo-rje grags-ldan as an emanation of
one, bSod nams rgya mtsho goes to 'Bras-spungs where at the Gnas-chung chapel, the great Beg-tse41 ). It is noteworthy that in the Fifth Dalai Lama's most detailed ritual for Pehar, Rdo-rje
protector Rdo-rje 'Od-ldan dkar-po tells him, "0 friend, ... wherever you may go, I will be with
31) Ibid., fo!. 19b-20a.
vo!. v: (cf. note 74 infra). Cf. also A. Macdonald, op. cit., p. 982, who discusses Dvags-po Rinpoche's religious 32) Cf. A. Macdonald, op. cit., p. 983 for a discussion of 'Od-Idan dkar-po in relation to Pehar during the life of the Third
affiliations and his personal links with the family of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama. and Thirteenth Dalai Lamas.
23) Sammlung Heinrich Harrer, Viilkerkundemuseum der Universitiit Zurich inv. no. 14910 and 14911. We thank Dr. 33) Dngos grub shing rta. fo!. 23b
Martin Brauen, curator, for authorization to publish these. 34) Ibid, fo!. 39b.
24) S. G. Karmay, Secret Visions of the Fifth Dalai Lama. London, 1988, p. 74. 35) Ibid, fo!. 43b for the oracle declaring his relation with Padmasambhava and Pehar, and fo!. 62b-63a for the detailed
25) Ye-shes rtse-mo, Rje thams-cad mkhyen-pa Dge 'dun grub-pa dpal bzang-po'i rnam-thar ngo mtshar rmad byung nor-bu'i description of Pehar and his emanations.
'phreng-ba (in 'Khrungs-rabs series, vo!. 1, Dharamsala, 1984, pp. 207-300), p. 214. 36) Ibid, fo!. 84a
26) Ibid, pp. 222 (1410), 230 (1431: dream of a richly decorated girl after gtor-ma of Lha-mo dmag zor-ma), 236, 244 37) Autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama, Dukula gos-bzang, vo!. Ka, 305a, 312a, 335a-b; vo!. Kha. 154a, 174a, 194a,
(1444). 220a-b, 232a-b, 257b, 263b; vo!. Ga. 5a, 37a. for successive rituals performed at Chos 'khor rgyal and its hermitage for
27) Ibid, pp. 234 (dream), 243 (appearance in vision ca. 1443). Lha-mo and Beg-tse. These are often accompanied by rituals for Gur-gyi-mgon po and Mgon-po zhal-bzhi. In 1676,
28) Dge 'dun rgya-mtsho, Khyab-bdag Rdo-rje 'chang chen po'i ngo-bo grub-pa'i dbang-phyug rje btsun bla ma Kun dga' we note the association of Lha-mo with Beg-tse as a team of protectors in another biography written by the Fifth Dalai
rgyal-mtshan dpal bzang po'i ngo-mtshar ba'i rnam thar mdo tsam du brjod pa nor-bu'i them skas, fo!. 1-40 (=Tohoku Catalogue Lama, cf. Rigs dang dkyil 'khor kun gyi khyab bdag Rdo-rje '-chang blo-gsal rgya-mtsho grags-pa rgyal-mtshal dpal bzang-po'i
no. 5544), fo!. 2b: Slob-dpon Padma 'b~ung gnas kyis.. .'Ba 'ta-hor gyi sgom grva bcom nas Rgyal-po Spe-dkar bSam-yas kyi rnam-par thar-pa slob bshad bstan-pa'i nyi-od, (=Tohoku Cat. no. 5599), fo!. 30a-b.
gtsug-lag-khan gi srung-mar spyan drangs/ 'The teacher Padmasambhava having conquered the meditation college of 38) (Sde-srid) Sangs-rgyas-rgya-mtsho, Mchod-sdong chen-po 'dzam-gling rgyan-gcig rten gtsug lag khang gru rdzings byin rlabs
Batahor then invited Rgyal-po Spe-dkar as the protector of the temple of Bsam-yas." We thank the Beinecke Rare kyi bang mdzod, Delhi, 1982, vo!. 11, pp. 80-82. Detailed discussion of this passage is reserved for our thesis while a
Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University, for authorization to quote from this xylograph in their collections. summary is found in our preliminary study (cf. note 4).
29) Ngag-dbang Blo-bzang rgya-mtsho, Rje btsun Thams-cad mkhyen pa bsod-nams rgya mtsho'i rnam thar dngos grub rgya-mtsho'i 39) Fifth Dalai Lama, Chos rgyal chen po'i gsol-kha rgyal-pas mkhyen brtse-ma, in Gnas-chung, pp. 73-76; Colophon on p. 76
shing rta, fo!. 109 (henceforth: Dngos grub shing-rta), fo!. 60b.... 'Dod khams dbang mo dmag zor ma / de yang Rgyal dbang giving date of 1651.
Padma 'byung gnas kyi bka' sdod /.... For purposes of clarity, we are here obliged to refer to some passages already 40) Fifth Dalai Lama, Sprul-pa'i chos-rgyal cI!en-po la mchod gtor 'bul tshul (in Gsung-'bum, vo!. Da, pp. 64b-67a, and also
discussed in our preliminary study of this subject while the passages on Beg-tse are fully analysed in our thesis (cf. note edited in Gnas-chung. pp. 84-87.
4). 41) This is also corroborated by a passage in the Fifth Dalai Lama's record of visions, Gsang-ba'i rnam-thar rgya-can-ma, Leh,
30) Ibid, fo!. 77b 1972, pp. 278-280 as discussed in our previous study.
488 Amy HELLER Historic and Iconographic Aspects of the Protective Deities Srung-ma dmar-nag 489
grags-Idan appears wearing monastic robes and riding a camel42 ). It is only later that Rdo-rje grags-Idan and the Second Dalai Lama had attained firm status by mid-eighteenth century, and
grags-Idan as a red warrior is. first described, in rituals by Gter~bdag gling-pa, 1646-1714, a for some, completely eclipsed the relation between the Second Dalai Lama and Beg-tse.
student of the Fifth Dalai Lama 43 ). This is the form in which Rdo-rje grags-Idan is identified with The Eighth Dalai Lama (1758-1804), born in Gtsang, had Li-byin ha-ra as 'khrungs-pa'i Iha 52 ).
the Gnas-chull'g Oracle and recognized as protector of the Dalai Lama. During childhood he received initiations for Lha-mo and Beg-tse in childhood from the Panchen
The Fifth Dalai Lama's regent, Sde-srid Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho, wrote an account of the early Lama residing near his birthplace 53 ). Dgra-Iha 'Od-Idan dkar-po is the god who frequently
life of the Sixth Dalai Lama, composed ca.1702. Shortly after birth, Rdo-rje grags-Idan - red, possessed the Gnas-chung medium at this time; a ritual for Dgra-Iha 'Od-Idan dkar-po was then
holding lasso and lance - appears as the personal guardian deity of the Sixth Dalai Lama. But at part of the Smon-Iam gtor-rgyag ceremony54). The Eighth Dalai Lama visited Chos 'khor rgyal for
age 11, the Sixth Dalai Lama has a vision of Lha-mo, and then dreams of Beg-tse holding a sword one month in 1778, where he principally venerated Lha-mo dmag zor_ma55 ).
and a lasso, as the chief of the male lineage of protectors. To celebrate his arrival in Tibet, rituals The Ninth Dalai Lama (1806-15) was a native of Khams; the god of his birthplace is called
specifically for Lha-mo and Beg-tse are performed at Chos 'khor rgyal. Such rituals are enacted khrungs-lha mdung dmar-can, possibly a reference to Bse-khrab, the wrathful, red form of
throughout his lifetime 44 ). Tshangs-pa 56 ). He later identified himself with Gnas-chung57 ). A very important vision of Lha-mo
Thang-kas of both Sixth and Seventh Dalai Lama with Beg-tse as protector are known 45 ). and Gnas-chung occurred in 1810 58 ).
Indeed, when the Seventh Dalai Lama (1708-57) visited Chos 'khor rgyal in 1754, he visited the The Tenth Dalai Lama (1816-1837), born in the Li-thang district, had an early childhood vision
lakes of Lha-mo and Beg-tse~). Almost every year of his life, he began the New Year's ceremonies of Lha-mo and Mgon-po zhal-bzhi, whose principal assistant is Beg-tse, as his personal protectors
with rites for Lha-mo Dmag zor-ma in his Potala chambers 47 ).In the Potala, a special thang-ka of and friends 59 ). The oracle of Bse-khrab stated that he was responsible for the protection of the
Lha-mo dmar zor ma, called "Lha-mo's talking thang-ka" (Lha mo gsung-byon-ma sku) and Potala and the Dalai Lama through age 6 60 ). In the Potala, the special "talking thang-ka" (sku-thang
attributed to the Second Dalai Lama, was particularly venerated 48 ). At the conclusion of Smon-Iam gsung byon-ma) of Lha-mo dmag zor ma was sometimes consulted for oracles 61). When the Tenth
festival, a gtor-bzlog ceremony, invoking Lha-mo and Beg-tse to eliminate evil in the coming year, Dalai Lama visited Gnas-chung, Dgra-Iha 'Od-Idan dkar-po appeared, but rituals invoking
was performed 49 ). Nonetheless, upon the death of the Seventh Dalai Lama, to ensure the Rdo-rje grags-Idan were also made 62 ). Among signs of his imminent death, the cry of the owl, an
succession at a moment when the oracle had not been able to enter trance, the De-mo Regent omen associated with Beg-tse, was heard in Lhasa63 ).
wrote a ritual in praise of Gnas chung chos-rgyal and Rdo-rje grags-Idan 50 ). In the ritual's The Eleventh Dalai Lama (1838-1856), a native of Mgar-thar in Khams, was also personally
colophon, the Regent writes, " ... As for this great protector of the Dalai Lama, since the time of protected by Bse-khrab, traditionally responsible for this district 64 ). During his life, the oracle
the omniscient Dge 'dun rgya mtsho, the protector has maintained an unbroken bridge of Gnas-chung was consulted, generally referred to as "Gnas-chung chos-skyong chen-po" by the
protection of the continuing succession .... as the extraordinary protector against enemies biographer65 ). During his visit to Chos 'khor rgyal, relics for Lha-mo and Beg-tse are mentioned,
(dgra-lha thun mong ma yin pa)"51). It is thus clear that the tradition of a relation between Rdo-rje and the monastery is referred to as the "personal monastery of the Dalai Lama.,,66).
The Twelfth Dalai Lama (1856-75), a native of 'Ol-dga' not far from Chos 'khor rgyal and
Bsam-yas, was recognized in part due to signs from Chos 'khor rgyaI 67 ). The Lha-mo sku-thang
42) Fifth Dalai Lama, Rgyal-po chen po sde lnga gsol mchod 'bul tshul 'phrin las 'gags-med rdo-rje sgra dbyangs, in Gnas-chung, pp.
12---45, p. 23 describing Rdo-rje grags-Idan in monastic robes riding a camel; Cf. also the ritual by the Fifth Dalai 52) A. Macdonald, op. cit., p. 981. On Li-byin ha-ra, Cf. R. de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, op. cit. (1975), p. 25 passim.
Lama, based on Myang-ral's gter-ma, 'Phrin las don beu-ma, ibid, pp. 49-71 where pp. 52 and 67 describe this form. 53) Ngag-shod bla-ma Bstan-'dzin shes-rab, Rgyal-ba'i dbang-po thams-cad mkhyen gzigs chen-po rje-btsun blo-bzang bstan-pa'i
43) Cf. supra note 11. There is no date mentioned in the colophon of this ritua!. Consultation of Gter-bdag gling-pa's dbang phyug Jam-dpal rgyal-mtsho dpal bzang-po'i zhal snga nas kyi rnam-par thar-pa mdo-tsam brjod-pa 'Dzam-gling tha-gru
gsan-yig has not revealed a lineage of transmission for this form of Rdo-rje grags-Idan, which would tend to confirm yangs-pa'i rgyan, (in 'Khrungs rabs series, vo!. Ill, pp. 477-628, Dharamsala, 1984), p. 496.
that this warrior aspect had its origin in a vision of Gter-bdag gling-pa, or possibly a vision of the Fifth Dalai Lama with 54) Ibid, p. 520.
whom he studied as of age 11. 55) Ibid, pp. 516 passim.
44) We thank Dr. Michael Aris, who has been preparing a study of the life of the Sixth Dalai Lama, for calling our 56) Rgyud smad dbu mdzad 'Jam dpal tshul khrims and Bde yangs rab 'byams Skal-bzang chos 'phel, Rgyal-ba'i dbang-po
attention to this source: Sde srid Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho, Thams cad mkhyen pa drug pa Blo bzang rin-chen thams-cad mkhyen-pa blo-bzang bstan-pa'i 'byung gnas Ngag-dbang Lung-rtogs rgya-mtsho dpal bzang-po'i zhal snga nas kyi
Tshangs-dbyangs rgya-mtsho'i thun mong phyi'i rnam par thar pa du-ku-la'i 'phro 'thud rab gsal gser gyi snye-ma, vo!. I-ll, Delhi, rnam-par thar-pa mdor mtshon-pa Dad-pa'i yid 'phrong (in 'Khrungs-rabs series, vo!. Ill, Dharamsala, 1984, pp. 627-759),
1980. Aris refers to the guardianship of Rdo-rje grags-Idan on p. 129 in Hidden Treasures and Secret Lives, London, p. 656; for clarification of Bse-khrab as protector of Khams, cf. infra, section on the Eleventh Dalai Lama.
1989, and refers to fol 92b-93b (this equals vo!. 1, p. 184 of the Tibetan text). The dream of Beg-tse as the chief 57) Ibid, p. 646 passim.
masculine protector occurs in 1695, vo!. I, p. 261. For passages on worship of Lha-mo and Beg-tse, cf. inter alia, vol I, 58) Ibid, pp. 670-672 passim.
p. 261, 267, 316 vo!. ll, p. 138. .,9) Dar-han mkhan-sprul Blo-bzang 'phrin-Ias rnam-rgyal, Rgyal-ba' dbang-po thams-cad mkhyen gzigs bcu-pa chen-po
45) Cf. Cover of M. Aris, op. cit for a portrait of the Sixth Dalai Lama with Beg-tse as protector, from the collection of the Ngag-dbang blo-bzang 'jam-dpal bstan-'dzin Tshul-khrims rgya-mtso dpal-bzang-po'i rnam-par thar-pa Ngo-mtshar nor-bu'i
Stockholm Museum; for the Seventh Dalai Lama, slide of a thang-ka at 'Bras-spungs photographed in 1980, in the 'phreng-ba (in Khrungs-rabs series, vo!. IV, Dharamsala, 1984, pp. 1-293), p. 30.
collection of The Newark Museum. 60) Ibid, p. 48.
46) Lcang-skya Ho-thog-thu, Rgyal-pa'i dban-po thams-cad rnkhyen gzigs rdo-rje 'chang Blo-bzang bskal-bzang rgya-mtsho dpal 61) Ibid, p. 113 and 116.
bzang-po'i zhal snga nas kyi rnam-par thar-pa mdo-tsam brjod-pa dpag-bsam rin-po-che'i snye-ma (in Khrungs-rabs series, vo!. 62) Ibid, p. 131 for 'Od-Idan dkar-po present at Gnas-chung; p. 171 for ritual dedicated to Gnas-chung sprul-pa'i
Ill, Dharamsala, 1984, pp. 1-476), p. 406. rgyal-chen Rdo-rje grags-Idan.
47) Cf. Ibid, pp. 427, 441. 63) Ibid, p. 276 for the hoot of the owl as omen; cf. R. de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, op. cit. (1975), p. 93 for the association of the
48) Ibid, p. 441. owl and its cry as signs of Beg-tse.
49) Ibid, pp. 447-448. 64) Dar han sprul-sku Blo-bzang 'phrin-Ias rnam-rgyal, Lhar bcas skye rgu'i gtsug nor 'phags chen phug na Padmo rje btsun
50) The author is De-mo Ngag-dbang 'Jam-dpal, regent of Tibet from 1757-1777. The full title of the ritual is Gnas-chung Ngag-dbang bskal bzang bstan-pa'i sgron-me Mkhas-grub rgya-mtsho dpal bzang-po'i rnam-par thar-pa Ngo-mtshar lha'i rol-mo
sprul-pa'i chos rgyal chen po Rdo-r}e grags-ldan 'khor bcas dbu-'phangs bstod cing mnga' gsol-ba'i 'phrin bcos kun gsal shis-pa dbyangs-can rgyud-du snyan-pa'i tambu-ra (in 'Khrungs-rabs series, vo!. IV, Dharamsala, 1984, pp. 295-469), p. 299.
brjod-pa'i sgra dbyangs, in Gnas-chung, pp. 161-163. 65) Ibid, p. 394, 403, for rituals or consultation of the Gnas-chung chos-skyong.
51) Cf. E. Gene Smith, "Preface" to Gnas-chung, p. 3, and "Introduction" to vo!. I, Collected Works of Thu'u Bkwan Blo-bzang 66) Ibid, pp. 412-421 for the visit to Chos 'khor rgyal, p. 421: Skyabs mgon thams-cad mkhyen shing gzigs pa chen po gdan-sa
chos-kyi-nyi-ma, Delhi, 1969, p. 8, for the circumstances of the Oracles at the time of the Seventh Dalai Lama's death. chen-po Chos 'khor rgyal...; relics of Lcam-sring (i.e. Beg-tse) mentionned p. 416.
The colophon of the De-mo regent's ritual is quoted from Gnas-chllng, p. 162: sprul-pa'i chos-rgyal chen po 'di nyid.. .'di 67) Sgo-mang mtshan-shabs ngag-dbang blo-bzang, Lhar bcas srid-zhi'i gtsug-rgyan rgyal-mchog ngur-smrig 'chang-ba
nyid kyang gzugs-can gyi khog tu ma phebs-shing / rgyal-ba'i bstan srung chen-po 'di ni / Thams-cad mkhyen-pa Dge 'dun beu-gnyis-pa chen-po'i rnam-par thar-pa rgya-mtsho lta-bu las mdo-tsam brjod-pa Dvangs-shel me-long (in 'Khrungs-rabs, vo!.
rgya-mtsho nas bzung rgyal-ba zam ma-chad-pa rim-byon gyi sku'i srung-rna ...dgra lha mthun-mongs (sic) ma yin-pa'i stabs /. IV, Dharamsala, 1984, pp. 471-720), p. 480.
490 Amy HELLER Historic and Iconographic Aspects of the Protective Deities Srung-ma dmar-nag 491
gsung-byon ma was also venerated during his life 68 ), while the gate of Zhol, at the base of the the flag, but no specific names were given for the two protectors81l/82). The Thirteenth Dalai lama
Potala, is called the shrine of both Beg-tse and Rdo-rje grags-Idan 69 ). Notably, just before he took did write a ritual expressing his personal veneration of Lha-mo and Rdo-rje grags-Idan as an
monastic vows in 1864, the Lha-mo thang-ka was consulted 70 ); afterwards, in the procession emanation of Pehar, but the name Srung-ma dmar-nag was not used therein 83l . Beg-tse's
around Lhasa,.he passed through the gate of Zhol, invoking Lha-mo and Rdo-rje grags-rgyal ma continuous importance for the Thirteenth Dalai Lama is shown when the Dalai Lama prepared to
(protectress of 'Bras-spungs), then Beg-tse and Rdo-rje grags-Idan 71 ). In Gnas-chung, Dgra-Iha leave Lhasa in the face of the British invasion of 1904, and Beg-tse appeared just outside the
'Od-Idan dkar-po often~ossessed the medium 72 ). During the Twelfth Dalai Lama's visit to Chos Potala in the form of an owl to implore the Dalai Lama not to leave Tibet84 ). As omens of his
'khor rgyal, he had clear visions of Lha-m0 73 ), When he suddenly became ill shortly after approaching death, the cry of the owl is heard for two nights in the vicinity of Gnas-chung 85 ). The
returning to Lhasa, the Gnas-chung oracle was consulted. The oracle was present in the same appearance of this specific sign of Beg-tse near the Gnas-chung monastery is quite possibly
room when the Twelfth Dalai Lama died, having had a final vision of the wrathful Lha-mo with an referential to the tradition associating Rdo-rje grags-Idan with Beg-tse,
anonymous warrior attendant 74 ). Certainly, as indicated by the Fourteenth Dalai Lama's essay, Rdo-rje grags-Idan is now the
According to the biography of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, the Lha-mo bla-mtsho was consulted protector of choice of H. H. the Dalai Lama86 ). Beg-tse's emanation of Rdo-rje grags-Idan is
for visions to find the new incarnation 75 ). Lha-mo and Beg-tse were worshipped at Chos 'khor apparently not widely known, But a recent biographical sketch of the current medium for Rdo-rje
rgyal throughout his life 76 ) and Chos 'khor rgyal was again called the personal monastery of the grags-Idan indicates that at Gnas-chung, a reflection of this tradition is well known 87 ). We have
Dalai Lama lineage 77 ). In Lhasa, the Gnas-chung oracle, serving as medium to the protectors noticed the scorpion handle of Beg-tse's sword - and to our knowledge, only Beg-tse and a
Dgra-Iha 'Od-Idan dkar-po and Rdo-rje grags-Idan, was invoked to make prophecies 78l . The term particular form of Lha-m0 88 ) have this sword, while the wrathful form of Padmasambhava, Guru
Srung-ma dmar-nag is first attested, to our knowledge, in the biography of the Thirteenth Dalai Drag-po, holds a scorpion. According to the medium of Rdo-rje grags-Idan, among the earliest
Lama where the Srung-ma dmar-nag are venerated in conjunction with Li-byin-ha-ra 79 ). The role signs indicating the protector's manifestation, a scorpion mysteriously appeared and "the
of the Srung-ma dmar-nag in Lhasa New Year's ceremonies during the life of the Thirteenth appearance of a scorpion was the familiar sign of Dorje Drakden (sic)"89). It is quite possible that
Dalai Lama has been previously described, notably by Mme Ariane Macdonald Spanien. this characteristic reflects Beg-tse's emanation of Rdo-rje grags-Idan as his attendant.
To summarize this examination of the history of the Srung-ma dmar-nag, it would appear that
"L'image des deux protecteurs du gouvernement, peinte sur des etendards roules, est portee par les through the lifetime of the Second Dalai Lama, Beg-tse and Lha-mo served as major protectors at
deux generaux qui conduisent les corps d'armee, le 24e jour du premier mois, au moment du gtor-rgyag, Chos 'khor rgyal; Pehar was then guardian of Bsam-yas. The Third Dalai Lama called Beg-tse his
lancer d'une arme magique contre les ennemis, ceremonie a laquelle participe le dieu de Gnas-chung
dans son medium en transes"SO), 81) Tibetan National Flag. Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, Dharamsala, 1980 (no author, no pagination). In the
section 'grel-bshad: rigs kyi kha-dog dmar-po dang / nam-mkha'i kha dog sngo-nag spel-bas ring-nas 'go-ba'i lha-srung dmar-nag
gnyis kyis bstan srid srung skyong gi 'phrin las g.yel med du sgrub pa mtshon. Translation in the section 'Explanation of the
The very fact that these standards (srung ma dmar-nag gi rten mdung) were not unrolled, symbolism of the Tibetan National Flag, no. 3': "The alternating red colour of the peoples and the dark blue color of
rendering the images impossible to see, probably also contributed to the controversy surrounding the sky symbolise the unrelentless accomplishments of the virtuous conduct to guard and protect the spiritual and
the identification of the Srung-ma dmar-po. When the Thirteenth Dalai Lama standardized the secular rule enacted by the two protector-deities, one red and one black, who have safeguarded from old." Although
no author is named, on the frontespiece of the brochure one reads "Authorized and approved by the Kashag of H. H.
Tibetan flag, the Srung-ma dmar-nag were prominently symbolized by the red and black stripes of the XIV Dalai Lama." It is interesting to note the translation "two protector deities, one red and one black, who have
safeguarded from old" for 'go-ba'i lha-srung dmar-nag gnyis, which we understand to refer to the srung-ma dmar-nag as
68) Ibid, p, 512, 529, the 'go-ba'i lha, i.e. inherent protective deities, body gods (presumably of H. H. the Dalai Lama). On the role of the
69) Ibid, p, 516. 'go-ba'i lha, cf. R. A. Stein, La Civilisation Tibetaine. Paris, 1981, pp. 195-198.
70) Ibid, p. 548. 82) A photograph of the flag taken ca. 1940 is found in R. Tung, A Portrait of Lost Tibet, New York, 1980, pI. 33 with the
71) Ibid, p. 552. On Rdo-rje grags-rgyal-ma cf. A. Macdonald, op. cit., p. 982 for her role as gzhi-bdag of Dge-'phel-ri near following caption: "The Tibetan flag is symbolically significant. The twelve stripes of red and blue represent the twelve
'Bras-spungs, and R. de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, op. cit. (1975), p. 182 passim. nomadic tribes from which the Tibetans are said to have descended. They also represent the red god Chamsing and
72) Ibid, rituals and consultations pp. 559, 587, 603. the blue god Maksorma." In presonal communication, Ms. Tung has explained that Tse-pon Shakabpa was the source
73) Ibid, pp. 657-663 passim for visit to Chos 'khor rgyal; p. 663 Chos 'khor rgyal is referred to as the Dalai Lama's of this information.
personal monastery: Chos 'khor rgyal 'di Rgyal-dbang mchog gi gdan-sa khyad par can. 83) Phur-lcog Yongs-'dzin, op. cit., p. 680. The ritual is entitled: Dpal-ldan Lha-mo dang / Sku-lnga / Rdo-rJe grags-ldan bcas kyi
74) Ibid, p. 690. thugs-dam bskang-ba dang / dgyes-pa skyed-par byed-pa'i cllO-ga gsol-mchod mdor-bsdus ting-'dzin Lha-yi-rol-gar dngos grub kun
75) Biography of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama by Phur-lcog Yongs-'dzin (in Khrungs-rabs, vol. 5, Dharamsala, 1984, pp. gyi gter gyur, blockprint in 19 fol., printed in 1977.
1-736) entitled: Lhar bcas srid zhi'i gtsug rgyan gong-sa rgyal-ba'i dbang-po bka' drin mtsungs-med sku-phreng bcu-gsum-pa 84) Phur-lcog Yongs-'dzin, op. cit., p. 289.
chen-po'i rnam-par thar-pa rgya-mtsho lta-bu las mdo-tsam brjod-pa ngo-mtshar rin-po-che'i phreng-ba. p. 13: signs from 85) Ibid, p. 720.
Lha-mo's lake. 86) Cf. supra and a recent biography of H. H. the Dalai Lama where this relation is discussed (C. B. Levenson, Le Seigneur
76) Ibid, p. 253, where the signification of Chos 'khor rgyal is explained as well as the meaning of the visits of the Second du Lotus Blanc, Paris, 1987, p. 289).
Dalai Lama and the Third Dalai Lama to this monastery and its dependencies. Beg-tse is here refered to as 87) John F. Avedon, In Exile from the land of Snows, London, 1985. Chapter 8, ''The Wheel of Protection", is devoted to the
Lcam-sring, his principal alternative name, and his role is confirmed. State Oracle of Tibet and Lobsang Jigme, the Medium of the State Oracle of Tibet, whose personal biography is
77) Ibid, p. 10 and p. 581: Gong-sa mchog gi gdan-sa Chos 'khor rgyal, "Chos 'khor rgyal, personal monastery of H. H. the recounted in detail, pp. 238-270.
Dalai Lama". 88) Lha-mo in this case wears a helmet decorated with peacock feathers, and a breast-plate armour on top of brocade
78) Ibid, pp. 284-286. robes. Her body is black, but the palm of the hand, gripping the scorpion handle sword, is red. This form of Lha-mo,
79) Ibid, p. 686: the explicit phrase is: / Gshung bsten srung-ma'i dbang-po dmar-nag gnyis kyang bka' bsgos dam-bzhag rjes 'brei gyi known either as Lha-mo drag-mo or Lha-mo sbal gdong-ma, is the center of a Lhasa festival. According to
'khu-ldog-pas li-sbyin-har (sic: li-byin-har) bsten gsol gzab 'bungs ngo 'phrod / Mtshan-zhabs Rinpoche and Tashi Antille, both natives of Lhasa, this festival is called Dpal-Iha ri-khrod, held on the
80) A. Macdonald, op. cit, p. 983. We are grateful to H. E. Richardson for references for the discussion of this ceremony in 14-15th days of the 10th month, when Lha-mo's clay image is taken from its chapel in the Gtsug lag-khang, carried by
Thupten Sangyay, Festivals of Tibet, Dharamsala, 1974, pp. 19-24 (in sections Gra-phyi rtsis bsher and Smon-Iam monks from the Meru monastery who parade through the Lhasa Bar-khor. At this occasion, children receive money
gtor-rgyag) and Bod gzhung gi sngar srol chos srid kyi mdzad rim, p. 25. Mr. Richardson also mentioned that there are and presents, hence its popularity. The image was still in a chapel of the upper storey of the Jo-Khang in 1986. This
several films of Lhasa processions in the National Archive (G. B.) which unfortunately we have been unable to consult. holiday (called Dpal-Lha'i Ri-gra) is described by Thubten Sangay, op. cit., pp. 60-63. In the future we hope to study
C. Bell, op. cit., p .•286 also describes this gtor-rgyag ceremony, as does F. Michael, Rule by Incarnation. Boulder, 1982. p. the history of worship of Lha-mo in her many aspects.
71. 89) .J. F. Avedon, op. cit., p. 258.
492 Amy HELLER
personal protector, while the importance of the Gnas-chung oracle was growing. The oracle at
first speaks for the deity Gnas-chung 'Od-Idan dkar-po during the life of the Third Dalai Lama,
later for Pehar who had then taken residence at 'Bras-spungs and Gnas-chung. During the
lifetime of the fifth Dalai Lama, by virtue of his personal visions, Beg-tse came to be regarded as
an ancestor of Rdo-rje grags-Idan, whose iconography as a warrior was perhaps modeled on
Beg-tse. Upon the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama, Lha-mo and Beg-tse served as the principal
protectors of his funerary monument, and as major protectors through the life of the Sixth and
Seventh Dalai Lamas. After the death of the Seventh Dalai Lama, Rdo-rje grags-Idan was
regarded as exclusively associated with Gnas-chung chos-rgyal and Pehar, and a transposition
allows Beg-tse to be officially superseded by Rdo-rje grags-Idan in his relation with the Dalai
Lamas. The earlier association of the Dalai Lamas with Beg-tse was nonetheless retained in the
writings of two eighteenth century Tibetan historians, Klong-rdol and Sle-Iung; this tradition
remained well known as evidenced by several Tibetan informants. The continued importance of
Lha-mo and Beg-tse at Chos-'khor-rgyal is significant in this respect, while in Lhasa, the influence
of Lha-mo and the Gnas-chung oracle (possessed by either Dgra-Iha 'Od-Idan dkar-po or Rdo-rje
grags-Idan) apparently became paramount as of mid-eighteenth century, as later reflected by the
Ninth Dalai Lama's vision of Lha-mo and Gnas-chung. When the Twelfth Dalai Lama invoked
Lha-mo and Rdo-rje grags-rgyal-ma, then Beg-tse and Rdo-rje grags-Idan, it would seem to attest
two teams of protection, one female and one male; while the Thirteenth Dalai Lama propitiated
the Srung-ma dmar-nag in Lhasa, and Beg-tse and Lha-mo at Chos 'khor rgyal. It may thus be
said that the oral and iconographic traditions identifying Rdo-rje grags-Idan or Beg-tse as the
Srung-ma dmar-po accurately reflect aspects of the evolution of the Srung-ma dmar-nag, while
the fluctuation of the identification may possibly be linked to the political influence of the
Gnas-chung Oralce.
•
ETUDE SUR LE DEVELOPPEMENT DE L'ICONOGR~PHIE
ET DU CULTE DE
THESE
SOUS L~ DIRECTION DE
P~R
AMY HELLER
Table des Matières
Avant-propos
Table des planches hors texte
Ch.I Introduction l
Ch.II Discussion relative aux termes Beg-tse
et Lcam-sring 19
Ch. III Présentation analytique du Beg-tse be'u-bum 34
Chapitre 1. Introduction
tse.
5a) •
(chos-skyong).
Grünwedel et ajoute:
pouvoir à une époque donnée ... " (29). Etant donné le rôle de
culte?
Sources tibétaines
liturgie.
Elle est suivie d'une biographie de son père, qui était lui-
monastère de Ngor.
remercions vivement.
poursuivre ce travail.
2 . .I..b.i..d, p. 595.
15.TES, p. 595.
17
sring
définissant ce terme.
empruntés au mongol:
avec beg-tse.
Chronique Tibétaine (13) prend pour cible un lieu Beg qui n'a
1. O. 728
beg-tse.
principale?
maison, 'Dza-ga-ra ]
l'as dit.
reine ...
Texte tibétain
'jamj jma yin ces smrasj jzhus-pa zan gang zhim bag-gsam* phye
25
dar zab kyi peg-tse 'jam myi* shes khyodl bden khyo* kyi smras
pa zan g.yos sna 'tshog* zhim khyod kyi smras bzhin yinl gos
dar zab kyi bzang 'jam khyod kyi smras bzhin yinl Ignyen sha-
mo la ...
Rectifications
1) sngun* sngon
2) sbya*-ngar spyan-sngar
3) 'ag*-gsal bag-gsal
4) bag-gsam* bag-gsal
5) byin* yin
6) gnyen-rtse* gnyen-rje
9) myi* mi
13) ne* ni
soie, que l'on peut tenir dans la main. S'agit-il du même mot
concrète.
14. Sbeg (ou variante: Speg) est un élément d'un nom personnel
d'un tibétain actif dans le gouvernement de Khri Ide srong-
btsan ca. 812. Il s'appelle Rlang blon Khri sum rje speg (sbeg)
lha d'après Tucci, Tombs of the Tibetan Kings, p. 50, cité par
J.Szerb qui pose les problèmes d'identification de ce ministre,
.in " Tibetan Uigur Treaty of 822/823 A.D." in WSTB-I, 1983, pp.
375-377.
24. Lettre du 21 mars 1985 du professeur Uray, " ... (la citation
du dictionnaire de) Morohashi est no. 8855. La forme en ancien
chinois est b'*ok d'après Karlgren, Grammata Serica Recensa,
no.782/ f-h. On trouve b'*ok transcrit comme ph(e)g dans un
texte chinois en écriture tibétaine (cf. B. Csongor," Sorne
Chinese texts in Tibetan Script from Tun-Huang", ~
Orientalia Hung., 1960, p. 137, no. 737). Ancien chinois ~
(Karlgren, no. 964a-j) se présente comme ~, ~ et ~ (cf.
F. W. Thomas et L. Giles, "A Tibeto-Chinese word-and-phrase
book", BSOAS XII:3-4, 1948, p. 767b, et Csongor, op.cit., p.
124, no. 123)". Dr. Tsuguhito Takeuchi nous a confirmé le
bien-fondé, à son avis, de cette hypothèse étymologique (lettre
du 1er octobre 1989).
été insérées:
16. Texte Ba. Drag-po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud kyi man-ngag.
"Instructions de gonfler le rkyal des btsan violents."
Sans signature d'auteur, mais enchaîne aussitôt sur trois
textes ancillaires, dont la composition est attribuée à
Padmasambhava et la révélation à Mnga'-bdag Nyang-ra1
(1124-1192), pp. 78-82.
17. Texte Ma. Drag-po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud kyi zhal-shes.
"Instructions développées de gonfler le rkyal des btsan
violents." Cf. texte Ba. pour la composition; pp. 82-83.
18. Texte Tsa. Drag-po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud kyi zhal-shes
kyi yig-chung. "Annotations sur les instructions
développées de gonfler le rkyal des btsan violents." Cf.
Texte Ba. pour la composition; pp. 83-85.
19. Texte Tsha. Drag-po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud kyi zhal-
shes kyi yig-chung gi yang-yig. "Complément aux
annotations sur les instructions développées de gonfler
le rkyal des btsan violents." C'est ici que la révélation
est attribué à Nyang-ral, pp. 85-86.
be'u bum.
principales catégories:
transmission
Beg-tse be'u bum a été assurée parmi des moines de ces écoles
siècle)
dans aucun de ces textes. Nous les avons étudiés car ils
loin.
(cf.infra) (8).
Gnubs-ston.
est le ministre des Hor, soumis par Gésar et devenu son ami;
55
Gnubs-chen:
(1) Ga: Shan-pa dgu skor gyi sgrub thabs 'bring-bsdus las
sbyor gyi rim-pa,"Les degrés de pratiques rituelles
moyennes et condensées de la méthode de réalisation du
groupe des neuf bourreaux"
devront accomplir:
thabs) des neuf bourreaux rouges, et dit, 'Que tous les yogins
ennemis.
manifeste (34):
trompe les yeux (43). Les ZQr (flèches) ayant été lancées,
secret et véridique.
dans chacun l'exécutant plante une flèche. Ayant fait les huit
phénoménal (55).
La durée de vie (~) ainsi que les corps des ennemis seront
coupés.
fois que les signes (que les actes ont été accomplis) se sont
4) Srog Mu tri ma ra ya
5) Srog tri te tri
8) Srog la li pra ma ni ( 61 ) .
voeux (63).
doctrine.
sur lui où qu'il aille, afin d'être suivi par les cris des
Wa-thod las kyi rlung dmar, "le vent rouge des actes rituels
d'un oeuf de pigeon, que l'on mettra ensuite dans une petite
PQ, car si les btsan sont bien des dieux tibétains, btsan-po
des tantra (XIe siècle, cf. chapitre V), que plusieurs textes
ce texte:
du Ramayana (82).
censé avoir été son synonyme est attesté. Nous ne pouvons pas
cuir.
2. Idem.
3. Description d'un rituel de linga sans nommer de
divinité.
IV.Vajramantrabhirusandi-tantra
monture.
die, but even if you lose ~, you can still live." (88).
pour la protéger.
doctrine bouddhique.
'boucher, tueur ' doit aussi être associé avec son homonyme,
épée, arc et flèche. Mais ZQr désigne ici des armes magiques.
souvent été indiquée, bien que cette notion soit absente des
propre.
semble exclue.
2. Cf.K. Dowman, Sky Dancer, London, 1984, pp. 112 and 282
pour les listes des vingt-cinq disciples de Padmasambhava.
C'est la tradition tardive qui se veut basée sur la tradition
ancienne. Le chos 'byung de Ratna gling-pa est la plus
ancienne référence historique pour ce renseignement à notre
connaissance, tandis que la littérature hagiographique de
Padmasambhava le signale environ un siècle avant d'après 0-
rgyan gling-pa (1329-1367), Padma-bka'-thang, chap. 21.
Le passage entier des BA (p. 108) n'est pas aussi clair que
cela:
13.LQid, p. 941
37.l..b.id.
38. Cf. Stein, op.cit. (1971), p. 518, " ... à la tête d'un
fleuve (1. 22 chab- mgo na; 1. 24 chab kyi ya-mgo ya-byi na)"
pour le même genre d'interjections dans des manuscrits de Dun
Huang. La pérennité de ce processus est démontrée par M.
Helffer, Les chants dans l'épopée tibétaine de Gésar, Genève-
Paris, 1977.
41.IQid, p. 30, zangs kyi nan mas mnanl lcags kyi mchog ma
sngon-po canl 'brong bu dar-ma'i rgyud kyi(s) sbreng 1 D'après
Mme. A.-M. Blondeau, nan serait sûrement une partie de l'arc,
mchog-ma se réfère à la pointe ou aux extrémités de l'arc et
rgyud serait le tendon d'un jeune yak.
42.IQid, p. 30
43.l..b.id, p. 30
56.Ibid, p. 41: skyes-bu khyod kyi pha dang yab smos-pa! pha
ni yab-bzang skyes to-te! skyes-bu'i ma dang yul (sic:yum)
smos-pa! ma ni srid-pa'i rgyal-mo bya! pha-yis zas nor skal
phog-pa! bse-khrab dmar-po dang 'thab-ber dmar-po sku-la gsol!
byi-ru dmar-po'i rked chings-can! bse-rmog dmar-po mgo-la
gsol! leb-rgan dmar-po ze'u can! bse'i Iham chung rkang la
gyon! ra-rgan dmar-po'i Iham sgrogs-can! bse'i mda'-gzhu lag
na gtang! bse yi lag-khrab changs-se-changs! bse-phub dmar-po
100
57 . .lb..id, pp. 42, et 42.5: 'khor dang bu-smad thams-cad lai "à
tout l'entourage y compris une fille".
71. Cf. BA: pp. 167-172; Dowman, op.cit, pp. 279-281; Dargyay,
op.cit., p. 44 passim.
100 . .Ibi..d.
102.Cf. supra, note 50. Les verbes utilisés dans les phrases
du Beg-tse be'u bum, p. 35: rol-cig "to enjoy" et bzhes-cig"to
accept" A noter qu'aujourd'hui encore dans la langue parlée on
offre de la nourriture à quelqu'un en disant bzhes-cig, et
d'après DQs, p. 1086, ce terme figure dans les composés bzhes-
pa 'dren-pa, "to offer, serve up meat"; bzhes-khrung pour
"bière".
103. Stein, op.cit. 1959, p. 456 pour les neuf frères dgra-lha
du monde créé: srid-pa'i dgra Iha mched dgu; en relation de
parenté avec les montagnes sacrées du tibet qui sont les "neuf
dieux de la création du monde" (srid-pa chags-pa'i Iha dgu).
l'épanouissement du bouddhisme.
shes (7). Deux maîtres tibétains appelés Mar-pa ont vécu au XIe
par mgon-po ou par nag-po. Dans le second cas, le nom est alors
dans les titres que dans le contenu rituel des deux tantra, à
ai-je entendu une fois ... "). Alors que les circonstances de
divinité qui les dompte. Ekajati frappa les oeufs d'un sceptre
couleur bleu, son visage est de hse avec des dents de conque et
par le mantra.
pa'i bu-mo fournit d'abord son mantra, puis ses noms. Elle
kyi sna 'dren-rna) (24). Bien que les modalités d'union avec la
énoncé rituel.
incestueuse n'est pas évoquée dans les tantra, mais elle l'est
bouddhiques.
attributs - les noms des deux divinités fournis par ces mêmes
que les deux divinités consomment les êtres (ou leur souffle)
rang.
enseignements (37).
(40).
ma), lui attribuant ainsi le rôle tenu par Ekajati dans les
cette appellation.
similitude frappante des noms des divinités avec ceux que nous
par un colophon.
phallus, dans les deux autres elle tient des organes génitaux
les linga, nti ou sa variante tri (skt. "homme") ainsi que les
la nature n'est pas précisée, dans les six bras. Il est vêtu
tandis qu'il engage comme serviteur une fille des bdud (60). Au
bouddhisme.
du XVe siècle. Nous aurons à revenir sur ces maîtres dans notre
chapitre VII).
.bu.m
mort, selon une sourc~, par un sort magique que lui aurait
méditation (70).
131
l'exécutant (71).
(75 ).
dmar-po.
39. Ibid, p. 54, des dgra la mig Itas-pa tsam gyis shi-ba byung
"ainsi, un simple regard à l'ennemi entraîne sa mort."
44. Ibid, p. 58 ... sQg-pa lai ming byang ming rus bris byas
~/ ... Le caractère prQprement tibétain du byang QU byang-bu
est attesté depuis les travaux de F.W. ThQmas, tel AFL, et a
été récemment sQumis à une analyse très pQussée par J. GyatsQ,
"Signs, MemQry and HistQry: A Tantric Buddhist theQry Qf
Scriptural TransmissiQn", JIABS, VQ1. 9/2, pp. 7-35.
54. Acarya dmar-PQ, ibid, p. 72: ... 'khQr g-yQg zhal gcig pa
g.yas phQ-mtshanl g.yQn pa na phug bsnams-pa'Q L'entQurage des
143
77.Lhid, p. 103.
ce rituel, qui a pour titre Rgya1 mdos dkar-po drug mdos kyi
btsun-mo) (9).
assistants. (10).
151
Tibet, sans que son nom tibétain soit évoqué, il a été nommé
décrite:
Beg-tse.
tse be'u bum indiquent que l'on gonfle le rkyal selon des
pas respectée.
158
identifié.
160
forte que la partie rgod, car l'auteur précise que deux fois
exemple isolé.
5.LQid, p. 1140
19.Beg-tse be'u bum, texte Ba. Drag-po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud
kyi man-ngag. Texte Ma. Drag-po bstan gyi rkyal 'bud kyi
zhal-shes; texte Tsa. Drag-po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud kyi zhal-
shes kyi yig-chung; Texte tsha. Drag-po btsan gyi rkyal 'bud
kyi zhal-shes kyi yig-chung gi yang-yig (pp. 76-86)
(16).
tse et sa soeur.
173
eJ~-
En outre, Kun-dga' rgyal-mtshan ~ plusieurs visions ou
vie.
174
'dun rgya-mtsho
trois ans.
Quoique son père ait été convaincu que l'enfant était bien
avec lui que leur culte connut une plus grande diffusion
expansion.
(dregs-pa) lcam-sring.
parenté:
sont les mêmes que ceux des tantra, sans que ces derniers
casque ni lance.
(59).
lignées Sa-skya-pa.
arrière-grand-père (63).
184
démarqua
sgrub-pha ( > pa) mdzad pas zhal mngon sum tu gzigs pa yin
nol zhes grag gol
36.Rje nyid kyi rnam-thar, fol. 22a; Cf. TES, pp. 40-41.
l'école Tshar-pa
Padmasambhava.
Données biographiques
grande (13).
cette époque:
(26/27).
apparente.
rituels de Tshar-chen.
Tshar-chen
é2 voc
1
de cet arme.
44. Ibid, p. 151: dar dmar gyi ral-gu dang/ zangs khrab
sku-la gsol-ba/ ra-dmar slog-pa Iding thabs su gyon-pa -
La qualification d'un manteau 'flottant' en peaux
surprend, bien sûr, mais on pourrait comprendre de longs
pans de peau tannée qui pendent des épaules, comme une
cape.
47.ibid, p. 220.
gouvernementale
(1543-1588)
Dalaï Lama.
222
il se tient debout"
Chapitre VIII).
une tête, deux bras; trois yeux , une expression féroce avec
description de Lha-mo.
concerne de près:
interlocuteur (13).
amena à ce moment.
en 1588.
232
trois domaines.
Beg-tse (24).
ésotérique.
Dalaï Lama.
(35).
Beg-tse est placé sur le côté gauche du folio, tandis que Pe-
appris par coeur des rites pour Bram-ze gzugs-can et lors d'un
mois (47).
Dalaï Lama en tant que chef d'état du Tibet. Quatre ans avant
avant cette date (59). C'est aussi vers cette époque que le
souffle tous les obstacles de l'année ont été levés. Une fois
masculin; ils sont aménés par un loup qui court -c'est Srog-
(70).
Lama.
s'étend sur plus de deux cent pages (84). Si tous les rituels
épithètes pour Beg-tse tel "le grand rouge qui mange les
'khor-rgyal.
à Beg-tse (89).
Hayagriva (92).
255
(93).
Sgrol-ging btsan-rgod
Sgrol-ging dmar-po srog-gi gshed
Gtum-chen dpa'-bo
Sgrol-ging chen-po
Skyes-bu dgang gi mdog
Chos-skyong sgrol-ging btsan-rgod chen-po
Btsan-rgod.
256
Lama.
Le Dzam-gling rgyan-gcig
" Ainsi est érigée cette image très violente de (Beg-tse qui
offrandes suivantes):
2.Désormais: Dukula
6.ihLd, fol.15b.
265
l7.Cf. plus loin pour ce même signe dans les récits des
visions du Cinquième Dalaï Lama.
267
29. Par exemple, Ibid, p. 834 Yang rin pha 'dar gsum gyi rtags
yod-pa'i lung brgyud ni ... / 'Dar lo-tsa-ba est le nom d'un
dignitaire proche du Cinquième Dalaï Lama vers la fin de sa
vie (Cf. A. Macdonald, op.cit., 1977, p. 131), mais sa
transmission d'enseignements de Beg-tse n'est pas attestée.
33. Gsan-yig, Kha, 239, rjes gnang; 244 bstod bskul; 254
lignée de transmission où le maître qui l'enseigna au
Cinquième Dalaï Lama est identifié par le nom Mkho-rin blo
bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan. L'idée que ce nom se réfère au
Premier Panchen Lama, Blo-bzang chos-kyi rgyal-mtshan, 1557-
1662, est renforcée par les rituels qu'il rédigea et sa vision
de Beg-tse (cf. infra), ainsi que par la lignée de
transmission fournie dans le rituel de Sera-byes, comportant
une longue citation de Dge-'dun rgya-mtsho (cf. chapitre VII).
47.LQid, p. 275.
56. Dukula, Ka, fol. 262b visite à Chos -'khor rgyal par le
Dalaï Lama, description de la visite en Tham-phud, vol. III,
pp. 319 -331. L'importance du poème pour Beg-tse est telle que
celui-ci est cité par le Sde-srid lors des cérémonies
funéraires du Cinquième Dalaï Lama.
Kha 257 b;
86.Collection de l'auteur.
(80) rje bla ma'i bka' las/ gnam sngon sa la 'khyil 'dra'i
rgyud dang man-ngag las byung rdzas tshogs pari dam-can srung-
rang bzhin ngang gis 'du-ba'i rten rdzas kyi rim-pa de yang
can rnams rang rdzas dang dmar-nag dar gyis mdzes-pal nang-
Chapitre X. Conclusion
Beg-tse et examiner les modifications de son culte ont été les fils
cette épée que l'on retrouve chez une forme de Lha-mo dès la fin du
Bibliographie
Dictionnaires
Sources en tibétain
vajramantrabhirusandhi-tantra (P.467).
Rgyal-ba bzang-po
- Grags-pa rgyal-mtshan
- Dpon-po Hor-tsa-ba
302
"1
b rcso(").J
l (ë\l'~~' C<\~ 1
......-
_ ])pon- tx:J
he
..-in-che.n r~j'-/êll-rn-t.5h;;ln {=- bl&1",",c r:] . ])5
e -she s tin- ~~~~,~.~.~~t::~2"--l'~}~a..,\, Rlih
.l',
" .\e \--_.- .' r 1 ..L .__ 1 .. 'L . : ~, ,-: c'1':> •
1 .Cl. l "-' -'. . \ .", IL ; ,- (, ,
1
( l .t 1
r i '
Slo-gras "9ya~nrk;hangri'\Q<;,·c:aRQ"~(...~
~. '{br=12n-a Jlo.,m:hxl
J)k:on-~ l'(B,an-po R:rJ-po
1 .-:]- 1 - .' I l 4:"" po )cd-:le.l'" ri O--c.en &;d-rBrnc; ri n-c.e.n ' \
~o~ros (Ma ~r'J3S spru\--pa )
Btan9-chub I l . 1 1 1
&r'f a \- ba f\un-d"p J "R-db:n-.9-ïa :tp:n- \'0 c' 5na -cl ka r- ba J)ru~-chen
1 1 1
dpal-bz.ara bl c -9 r05 Kun-d:ja l Kun-n:lor dpon Kun--Ana7m~\-pc> ::I1:nrpo Pa-,e(-ba . . .'
..j (Ml:.hdn-po) r<:tyal-i-rrbh::lti . ' -::J .-l l - glôrg fO ri '1--c.b:l, 5h3k~d t'in-Ce~, ri n-cel":"l ~-po nn-cef
1 Bta'9ï1am<;~pa 1
I
~ -dl::en-ih3
~I{)-Cen~-ba
1 1 . 1 \ {
llin-trhT
~r--~l-""'l--1
N~mm\d.sl Defs-
( 1
~ ~l-fO ~'~
r--t--,
]7ron:r0~ ~'f\l-bz.a 'B .~e:t=-bo ~~8mb-fB rin-ce.r") r In7(,en sb(0'l3 rCJléll.
Rœrn-
n{)-cen ~
Nam-rnl<ha ri Il-<:e!'\ h(ke(l rio"(èî) nCl-Ce.(") 11I'I-Cer:) ri{)-(ff)
rin-c..en dkar.Jj=e nn-cen ~
CMd-5atvj5 i5Prul-pa )
1
ch0.5 ~'Ja\ Yïn-œ.n
1
Tsha.r-c.hen
l'S02-IS6Co
304
il,
:>
Tantra I.
\ 1 1
ri-+_I-+_I-+_t--+_-+--1--+-_!-- ~
I 1
\3e'_"_bvm
__ ch>_.
_.-
&"u buf"O') d~. 1
TanTra I.
.,
/
. . .h ....
* Dl,lrl<l orrk..
.-
. "
1/,IP 3. Sa sKya praper (based on the U.S. Air Forcc's Wodd Aeronautical Chart
='H8 [4th ed., May 1950], and on interviews).
c~ -porIT"" )
d .... l~"'a
1. tA r ,f'r"~ r1j'tal
'. S~~""l'p''!> ~.,e..
.} 63-... ID~ t.,~-ba. 1. -'P.>nxj- ....; lo-n... bo
1) I«HI d'ta' "'"-c.hr.,, '!lJ A-$O<I nam";, I"q'f.. l n'I~
Q ~Jqa.' .IN.;- P"14 "l) l'Wm n'lt..M' t4 p<i f - bila';
s)~" dqa' ~ .......'" (Il-""r lhlln') S) '1 th-flln - br~ db.Iri Fi' ~
.)~'ifll"> ",ra,!'!> pa ,,) Hu~c.No ()i<' ttn.~)
, '
.
l~~~';b~~ ·t~t~1.~~k. ~
.. :::-ft
tibétaines.
Appendix II L'épée à manche de scorpion
177
d'efforts constants, il est possible aujourd'hui d'examiner les indispensable de procéder à des inventaires de monuments,
résultats déjà obtenus. C'est pourquoi nous nous proposons ainsi que de leur contenu: peintures mobiles (thangka), pein-
de considérer d'une part ce que nous pouvons appeler une tures murales, sculptures intérieures monumentales, statues
philosophie de la méthodologie des restaurations, et d'autre portatives... Ce travail gigantesque est difficile à entreprendre
part l'état concret de quelques sites. sans un appui financier considérable et sans possibilité de for-
mation scientifique pour ceux chargés des relevés. La restau-
La conservation des monuments engage les efforts du ration doit respecter l'intégrité de l'œuvre. La reconstruction
gouvernement provincial de la Région autonome du Tibet, architecturale est alors délicate: quelquefois, des bâtiments
des comités villageois et des individus qui y contribuent soit qui avaient été complètement rasés ont été reconstruits «plus
par leur appui financier soit par leur main-d'œuvre. Le grand beaux qu'avant» avec des façades peintes de couleurs chi-
absent, c'est la communauté internationale. Jusqu'ici le Tibet miques et criardes. Les différentes étapes techniques de la res-
n'a pas bénéficié des grands programmes internationaux tauration exigent une attention particulière. Un cas frappant a
(UNESCO et Getty Foundation) car le gouvernement chinois été celui, récent, de la restauration des peintures murales au
n'a pas sélectionné de sites au Tibet à inscrire sur la liste des Jokhang, le temple principal de Lhassa, dont certaines pein-
monuments mondiaux. Ainsi, aucune collaboration de spé- tures remontent au 8e siècle. Au milieu des années 1980, 70
cialistes sur le pays n'est possible même avec du personnel panneaux entiers ont été enlevés et entreposés dans des
interdisciplinaire étranger (ingénieurs, archéologues, restau- réserves dans des conditions qui ont abouti à la détérioration
rateurs en peinture, conservateurs de musées, etc.). Les des pigments. Selon le programme actuellement en cours, ils
moyens financiers sont donc très limités, car ni les orga- devraient être remis à leur place d'origine en dépit de leur
nismes publics à l'étranger, ni les fondations privées ne peu- état endommagé, et cela avant la fin de l'année. Au Jokhang
vent être sollicités. On peut espérer que l'intérêt financier et au Kumbum de Gyantse, sur certaines parois, on a appli-
pourra jouer à la longue en faveur d'une telle collaboration qué - avec «les meilleures intentions du monde» - un vernis
pour des monuments tibétains. Dès 1987, des historiens d'art pour «protéger» des traces de suie des lampes à beurre... mais
occidentaux avaient pris l'initiative de faire campagne auprès il est déjà évident que la couche de vernis attaque les pig-
de l'UNESCO pour que le palais du Potala puisse bénéficier ments végétaux. On ignore également si le vernis est réver-
des efforts de la communauté internationale, mais la Chine sible, c'est-à-dire s'il sera possible de l'enlever par la suite
est demeurée insensible à ces appels. Si aucune action inter- sans endommager les œuvres. Le réflexe de penser à la réver-
nationale n'a pu être mise sur pied depuis lors, on peut néan- sibilité de toute procédure de conservation est devenue une
moins affirmer qu'actuellement, au niveau local au Tibet cen- donnée de base de la restauration en Occident au 20 e siècle,
tral, plusieurs fonctionnaires se sont déjà prononcés en mais il n'est pas encore acquis partout. Il faut se souvenir que
faveur du principe de telles démarches à l'avenir. En outre, la méthode tibétaine traditionnelle de restauration consistait à
quelques chercheurs occidentaux sont parvenus à photogra- blanchir la surface ternie, puis à la repeindre en suivant le
phier systématiquement une ou deux des collections les plus même schéma iconographique qu'auparavant. Aujourd'hui,
importantes afin de les répertorier scientifiquement. cette méthode a été remise en question à la lumière d'expé-
En effet, les campagnes en faveur de la sauvegarde des riences récentes, par exemple lorsque les panneaux anciens
monuments historiques comportent plusieurs volets. Il est du Jokhang furent simplement blanchis à la chaux, puis
178 179
repeints dans une palette de coloris modernes. Les inscrip- longtemps, sa construction comporte des noyaux de béton à
tions historiques qui y figuraient ont disparu, de même que l'intérieur de piliers recouverts de bois, et toute sa décora-
leur inspiration spirituelle et esthétique. D'après un rapport tion est admirablement exécutée; malheureusement les
d'expert, «si dans l'avenir immédiat une action soigneuse- ouvriers, les artistes et les artisans travaillent à la lumière
ment orchestrée n'est pas entreprise, il y a un danger réel que d'une ampoule nue, suspendue à des fils précaires.
beaucoup des œuvres les plus anciennes et les plus fines
soient effacées par une restauration par trop zélée.» Fort heu- Enfin, on ne saurait trop insister sur la nécessité d'envisa-
reusement, il existe des relevés sur papier de quelques-unes ger la protection du site dans sa totalité, y compris les bâti-
des peintures et surtout les photographies faites par un jeune ments voisins et l'environnement immédiat. Ce principe est
artiste chinois, Li Xinjian, avant leur disparition, photos qu'il mis en œuvre dans la conservation d'autres sites culturels
espère bientôt publier sous forme de livre. Plutôt que de importants ailleurs dans le monde, mais il n'est pas encore en
repeindre ce qui paraît vieux ou effacé, la restauration de vigueur à Lhassa. Il y a actuellement une grande esplanade
peintures doit protéger le peu qui subsiste de l'ancien, de telle dallée devant le Jokhang, le sanctuaire principal de la capita-
sorte que l'on puisse documenter les différentes étapes histo- le, triste résultat de la démolition de nombreux bâtiments et
riques et stylistiques. De même, la restauration architecturale maisons, remplacés notamment par un poste de police et des
doit d'abord viser à protéger le monument lui-même (par fontaines. Qu'adviendra-t-il du quartier au pied du Potala
exemple, sa stabilité et l'étanchéité des toitures et des murs), d'où une centaine de familles ont récemment été obligées de
tout en respectant la vitalité de la tradition religieuse, notam- déménager? Il Y subsiste encore des maisons traditionnelles,
ment les exigences de largeur de couloir pour permettre une d'anciens bureaux administratifs et une grande imprimerie
circumambulation intérieure d'un sanctuaire. qui forment un ensemble historique. Si leur démolition est
maintenue, on verra un jour le Potala trôner au-dessus d;une
La coordination entre moyens traditionnels et modernes masse d'échoppes touristiques aux toits en tôle ondulée.
est un problème majeur. On est actuellement en train de C'est ainsi que les monuments tibétains fournissent un témoi-
refaire l'entablure des poutres du Potala. Au moment de la gnage silencieux, mais éloquent des difficultés de la vie
coupe du bois les méthodes traditionnelles pour éviter le moderne tibétaine.
déboisement de la forêt ont été respectées, de même que
celles qui régissent la découpe et le traitement de ce bois. Les Note'
techniques de décoration traditionnelles ont également été
1. Stoddard, Heather, A Report on the Protection of the Tibetan Cultural
respectées, mais la défaillance de toute l'installation élec- Heritage, Paris, 1992
trique est évidente même pour les touristes. Faut-il attendre
un incendie catastrophique pour que les normes de sécurité
électrique soient appliquées et pour qu'un électricien digne
de ce nom revoie l'installation technique? La même situa-
tion s'est produit à Tashilhumpo où l'on construit en ce
moment la chapelle pour le monument funéraire du Panchen
Lama décédé il y a quelques années: conçue pour durer
180 181
NINTH CENTURY BUDDHIST IMAGES CARVED AT LDAN MA BRAG TO
COMMEMORATE TIBETO-CHINESE NEGOTIATIONS
Amy HELLER (EPHE, Paris)
IDan ma brag has long been famous in Tibetan history as a place visited by the Chinese
princess Wencheng Gongzhu while en route to Lhasa in 641 AD. for her marriage to
blsan po Srong btsan sgam po. At this site, she is said to have built a statue of a Buddha,
accompanied by inscribed prayers. Since the eleventh century, several Tibetan historians
discussed these events, and identified the image as Maitreya, although one identified it as
Vairocana; the height of the image was given variously as seven, eleven, or eighty cubits
(I). Indeed, the latter is the size of Maitreya himself according to Sanskrit and Pali texts,
which lead to construction of colossal statues of Maitreya on borders from Afghanistan to
Central Asia to China to show the conquest of the country by the Buddhist faith (2).
Accordingly, the carvings at lOan ma brag would indicate the conversion of the Tibetans
to Buddhism, and their association with Wencheng Gongzhu would reflect the
instrumental role she is traditionally assigned by Tibetan Buddhist historians.
In 1986, a group of early ninth century inscriptions and monumental Buddhist images
were discovered at a site called man ma brag. According to the inscriptions, these were
carved to commemorate contemporary Tibeto-Chinese negotiations (3). By virtue of the
inscribed date and artists' names, the images are the most ancient dated examples of
Tibetan art known at present. While it remains to be determined whether the site now
called man ma brag has any relevance to the place visited by Wencheng Gongzhu, the
rock carvings and inscriptions provide significant new infonnation.
The carvings are located at approximately longitude 'J7.5", latitude 30.5", in the Kham
region of eastern Tibet (4). The name of the rock is lOan ma brag; the site is few
kilometers outside the town of Byams mdun, in the Brag g.yab ("Dagyab") province,
some 220 kilometers southeast of Chab mdo. The rock face is recessed from the rest of
the cliff. The carvings previously escaped attention because they were concealed. During
the twentieth century, a stupa served as cover until 1954, when local Tibetans built a new
temple to preserve them. This was demolished post-1959. In 1983, Nyima Dorjee, a
Tibetan historian native to Brag g.yab, and his wife, Elizabeth Bemard, visited the site
and realized its importance. Dorjee encouraged the local Tibetans to dig further,
whereupon the four inscriptions at the base of the images were revealed. As an appendix
to this article, the reader will find the full text of the inscriptions, and proposed English
translations, which have benefited from generous criticism by Samten Karmay and HE.
Richardson. These explicitly date the images as follows:
In the summer of the monkey year (804 or 816 AD.) during the reign of blsan po
Khri sde srong btsan, ...at the beginning of treaty negotiations with the Chinese...
these prayers and images (were made) for the spiritual benefit of the Sovereign
blsan po and the merit of all sentient beings... (5).
In addition, the historical inscription provides names of the Tibetan negotiators: the
famous monk minister Bran ka Yon tan, chief minister (blon chen) 'Bro Khri gzhu ram
shags and interior minister (nang blon) Dbe's Khri sum bzher mdo brtsan. The prayer
inscription was initially identified as an excerpt from the 'Phags pa bzang po spyodpa'f
sman lam, but this is subject to doubt (6). The fourth inscription, apparently
contemporary with the others, describes offerings to Tibetan deities termed sku bla and
ma gnyan po, which raise questions relevant to the persistence of the sacred cults of the
335
HelIer: Images at !Dan-ma-brag HelIer: Images at !Dan-ma-brag
btsan po and his protective deities at this date (7). In addition are found the name of the contemporary with the Byams mdun Vairocana (14). In the rock carving, the garment
principal donor, the Tibetan Ye shes dhyangs, and names of six craftsmen, Tibetan and rises stiffly above each shoulder to triangular points. Wide scallops delineate the edge of
Chinese, who collaborated on the carvings. the fabric. Rather than a single point dhected towards the abdomen, the front of the
garment separates into three sections from which tassels hang. This garment may also be
Before discussing the images in detail, a brief review of the historic context of these compared to the ornamental cloth collars of Tibetan royal figures, now placed over the
negotiations will better enable us to assess their significance in the political history of the clay images of Srong btsan sgam po and his wives in the Potala Palace as well as on
Yarlung dynasty (8). After the treaty of 783, frequent armed hostilities characterized other particularly sacred images (15). A similar collar is used for Tibetan religious dance
Tibeto-Chinese relations; these persisted in the early ninth century when btsan po Khri costumes (plate 2) (16). When the custom of such collars became common in Tibet is not
Ide srong btsan (alIas Sad na legs) assumed power. There were negotiations in 804/805 known at present. The history of this costume has not been studied, although it has been
interrupted by the death of the Emperor Te tsung (780-805); subsequently the throne· ' linked to the "cloud collar" pattern due to the scalloped edge (17). The motif of the
was occupIed for SIX months by Shun tsung (805) and after the latter's abdication, Hsien "cloud collar" became popular in China where it is found in Yuan garments and
tsung became Emperor (805-820). On each of these occasions, several official missions porcelain (18). However in the absence of detail photographs, at present any analysis of
were exchanged between the two countries, and also an amnesty was granted to the war the IDan ma brag garment remains tentative.
prisoners. J?s summarized b~ ~. Kolmas, IlThese manifestations of mutual respect and
und~r~tandmg had the benefIcIal effect of the gradual removal of the previous feelings of No additional clothing can be discerned. This would indicate that Chinese stylistic
hostIlIty. NegotIatIons were begun roughly from the end of the first decade and resumed conventions to portray Buddha in voluminous folds of monastic robes have not been
sporadically several times" (9). Subsequently, the most important Tibeto-Chinese treaty followed, and upon closer inspection, an Indian dhoti would probably he visible at the
of the Yarlung dynasty was concluded in 821/822 during the reign of Ral-pa can, Sad na thighs. The legs and feet are presented in full lotus position (vajra paryanka iisana) with
legs' successor (10). In hommage to the preliminary negotiations leading to this treaty the soles of both feet upturned. The lotus pedestal is composed in two levels. The upper
the IDan ma brag images and inscriptions were carved. ' section has one layer of large, rounded petals, the lower portion presents a single layer of
almost flat petals, symmetrically aligned about the circular medallion at the top of the
thick lotus stem.
1. The image of Vairocana (plate 1)
A lion is present on both sides of the stem. The lions' stance has the rearlegs bent and
In the center of the cliff is a rectangular low relief carving dominated by a crowned close to the body, while the forelegs are extended. The lions' heads face front but the
Buddha (heIght 192 cm, width 152 cm) inside an arch, seated on a lotus pedestal bodies are in profile. The head and mane rest directly on the torso, there is seemingly no
supported by two hons. On both sides, in vertical rows eight figures measure 70-90 cm neck. It would appear that the lion has a wing extending from the haunch. This is a
each m heIght (11). The total measurement ofthe entire composition would be convention found in a contemporary Dunhuang document now in the collections of the
approxImately 400 cm X400 cm. Although it is difficult to see much detail from the Musee Guimet (19). It is useful to compare the stance of these lions with the
photograph, it is possible to identify the central figure as a form of Vairocana Buddha monumental stone lions (plate 3) in the valley of the tombs of the Tibetan btsan po (20).
accompanied by eight Bodhisattvas. ' If presumed to date from the construction of the tombs (21), these would have been
carved ca. 790 - 840. The position of the legs is the same. The close-up photograph
This :epresentation of Vairocana may be stylistically related in many respects to reveals that the tomb lion has no wings, but instead the tail is curved from between the
pamtmgs from Dunhuang, executed during the Tibetan occupation between 781 and 848 legs and diagonally carved in extension along the flank. In the IDan ma brag carving, in
AD. The jeweled c~nopy i~ very sin:ilar to.several exa:uples found at Dunhuang in fact it is also the tail which extends beyond the lion's haunch, there is no wing. The mane
contemporary pamtmgs whIch combme Chmese and TIbetan treatment of line and form of the tomb lions clings to the head in flat controlled curls. The mane of the lion in the
(12). The Buddha hI this rock ca:ving is not represented in typical Chinese fashion. Byams mdun carving is also curled, but it cannot be sufficiently seen to afford
Rather than the Chmese conventIOns for head with squared face and jaw inside a circular comparison.
halo, here a broad forehead contrasts with the triangular jawline. The halo has a pointed
apex, accentuated by painted bands of color. The eyes appear long and narrow rather Although the bodies of the eight attendants are only partially visible, several points are
than round, thethm br.ows only slightly arched. It is impOSSible to see sufficient detail in significant. The composition is symmetrical, four Bodhisattvas to each side, and apsara
the crown, but ImmedIately above the forehead, a plain narrow band terminates in a at the upper level of the canopy above the arch. The halo and mandorla of the attendants
rosette at nght. At one SIde of the face, an earring hangs at chin level. The somewhat follow the same form as the central image, the Chinese circular model of halo is absent
shorten~d ~rms and elongated legs are perfectly smooth, lacking any muscular exertion. from this composition. Several of the figures appear to sit frontally, but at least two may
The waIst IS narrow. The shoulders appear naturalistic, but the garment which covers the have the body turned towards the central Buddha. It would seem that the topmost figure
shoulders and torso accentuates their breadth. at the viewer's right is portrayed kneeling towards Vairocana; two broad bands ·of a dhoti
delineate the waist. The hands seem pressed together in a form of the gesture of offering
Thi~ garment w?uld appear to be the distinctive element of this image. From the fourth (anjali mudrii). At shoulder level, two small triangles extend, visible both on this
to. eIghth centunes, crowned Buddhas or Bodhisattvas wearing a sleeveless garment, Bodhisattva and on the facing Bodhisattva on the other side of Vairocana. These small
shpped over the head and covenng the chest and abdomen, are found in Central Asia triangles painted in a different color correspond to the triangular sections of the rear of
(13). In the D. Rockefeller S:olle~tion, New York, a brass image of a Buddha (attributed the throne (22). The crown of this Bodhisattva appears to have several triangular
to KashmIr or GIlglt), weanng a )eweled and fringed three pointed cape is approximately ornaments but this impression may be due to paint loss. Directly beneath this
336 337
Helier: Images at !Dan-ma-brag Helier: Images at IDan-ma-brag
Bodhisattva is another, seated frontally with legs crossed at the ankles. The third Another possible identification would be Amitabha, often represented in monastic robes,
Bodhisattva in this row also appears to have the body turned towards Vairocana. The showing dhyana madra. Indeed, the eight Bodhisattva are not exclusively associated
lowest Bodhisattva has lost all paint, yet it may be most clearly seen. The head is tilted with Vairocana, and notably in other Tibetan texts, they are associated with
with its back towards Vairoeana while the torso swings slightly to the right. This Amitabha/Amitayus. Among the paintings recovered from Dunhuang, the British
position breaks the frontality of the composition. Museum possesses an example previously identified as Amitiibha accompanied by the
eight Bodhisattvas (plate 5) (33). This painting has several inscribed cartouches written
11. The Iconography for Vairocana in Tibetan, and is believed to have been painted during the Tibetan occupation of
Dunhuang. In many respects, the iconography and composition of this representation are
The Indian texts of Siidhanamiila typically list iconography for Vairocana Buddha in virtually identical with the !Dan ma brag Vairocana. Beneath a canopy, the gold-color
one-head, two-armed form, stipulating white body color and the gesture of teaching· Buddha is crowned, hair in braids, dressed in dhoti and adorned with jewelery, his hands
(dharmacakra) or the bodhyagri mudrii (where the index finger of the right hand is in dhyana mudra; the eight Bodhisattva surround the Buddha in two rows of four. The
clasped by the left hand, closed in a fist) (23). In Tibet several two-armed forms holding costumes of the Dunhuang scroll are inspired by Indian garments. The lotus pedestal and
a round golden ornament have also been identified (24). Indeed, the wheel or disc is lion throne beneath the central figure are quite similar to the IDan ma brag carving. Two
recognized as the emblem of Vairocana. In the Byams mdun rock carving, the hands distinguishing factors for Amitiibha, the peacock vehicle and the color red, are notably
appear empty, joined together in a form of the gesture of meditation (samadhi or dhyiina absent from the Dunhuang painting. Although no certain identifications may be made of
mudrii). The iconography of this Buddha corresponds closely to that described in several the eight Bodhisattva surrounding the Buddha of the rock carving, in the light of the
texts of the class of the Caryatantra (25): the Abhisambodhi Vairocana is a crowned iconographic information presented here, the question may be raised whether the two
Buddha with one face, his hair in braids and chignon, the body color of gold, adorned compositions indeed represent a particular treatise then popular, associating the eight
with jewelery; wearing silken garments, having two hands in dhyifna madra, here termed Bodhisattva with Vairocana. In addition to the Tibetan representations, Chinese, Central
dharmadhiitu mudra (chos kyi dbyings kyi phyag rgya). In this gesture, the hands are Asian, and Indian examples (34) of this iconography have been identified, all firmly
empty, palms one above the other, with the thumbs touching at fingertips. Vairoeana sits dated (by virtue of excavation) to the eleventh century or earlier (35)(plates 6 and 7).
in meditation, his legs are crossed in full lotus position. He is seated on a lotus cushion
rising from a lion throne, surrounded by several Bodhisattvas. The total number of Ill. The Cult of Vairoeana
attendants is not specified (26). The !Dan dkar ma library catalogue lists several texts for
this form of Vairocana, so it is certain that these had already been translated into Tibetan Relatively little is known about the cult of the eight Bodhisattva in early ninth century
during the reign of Khri srong Ide btsan long before the carving of the Byams mdun Tibet, but the importance attributed to Vairoeana by the early Tibetan kings has been
images (27). It seems quite probable that the ninth century artists were following the documented as of the eighth century by H.E. Richardson. In his recent study of this cult,
description for this form of Vairocana, with paint loss accounting for the body color. The he determines its popularity in Tibet due to the number of documents from Dunhuang
reader is referred to plate 4 for a Tibetan drawing which may also represent including hymns in praise of Vairoeana, the tantra in his name and a description of his
Abhisambodhi Vairocana (28). iconography (36). The tantra dedicated to Abhisambodhi Vairocana is perhaps better
known by its title in the Sino-Japanese tradition as the Mahavairocanasulra. It had been
There arc at least two alternative iconographic identifications which merit consideration. translated from Sanscrit to Chinese in the first quarter of the 8th century; shortly
As mentioned earlier, the local name for the rock is !Dan ma brag. In Tibetan historical thereafter this and other texts dedicated to Vairocana were translated into Tibetan as
accounts which refer to IDan ma brag, it is said that Wencheng Gongzhu stopped there attested by the IDan dkar ma catalogue and the colophons of the texts still preserved in
while en route to Tibet to marry Srong btsan sgam po, and she had built a giant image, the Tibetan canon. Also, in central Tibet, Richardson has noted the image of Vairocana
either identified as Maitreya or Vairocana (cf. supra). The name of the nearest village to in the Ramoche temple of Lhasa and the early kings' special reverence for Vairocana.
this rock is Byams mdun, which translates 'in front of Maitreya" or poetically lin the Closer to Byams mdun, some fifteen kilometers south of Jyekundo, at 'Bis mdo, there are
presence of Maitreya\ and the small sanctuary near the rock carving is called 'Maitreya several rock carvings including Vairocana and eight Bodhisattva attendants as well as
temple' due to its important image of Maitreya, now half destroyed (29). However, the prayers identified as the bZang spyod. These are attributed by inscription to the same
Buddha carved in the rock does present iconographic similarity with one form of donor as !Dan ma brag, the monk Ye shes dbyangs, in the dog year of the reign of Khri
Maitreya. In two texts, Maitreya serves as attendant in the close entourage of Vairocana, Ide srong btsan (806 A.D.) (37). Another group of carvings is found some 100
and he is to be represented 'identical with' Vairocana - but Vairocana in these cases has kilometers north of Jyekundo, at Leb khog. It is said that this group has a considerable
a white body, three'faces and six hands, one of which holds the wheel emblem (30). number of archaic images and inscriptions, including Maitreya, Vairocana, some
According to Bhattacharyya, Maitreya as represented with two hands in Indian sculpture animals, quotations from several salra, etc. At !Dan khog yet another site of rock
often shows the dharmacakra gesture, which could also lead to confusion with some carvings has been identified with an inscription attributed to the reign of Khri srong Ide
forms ofVairocana, but usually Maitreya has a stupa in his crown. Bhattacharyya also btsan (38). Clearly adequate photographs are necessary to evaluate all of these sites.
describes Maitreya 'seated with legs interlocked' and yellow or golden body (31). If not
holding the usual attributes of vase or flowers, or lacking the stupa decoration in his The question remains: why Vairoeana? Several factors seemingly intertwine.
crown, understandably this might lead to some confusion with Abhisambodhi Vairocana Vairocana's emblem is the wheel, which is referential in Buddhist iconology to two
- particularly if the latter is represented without his entourage (32). distinct phenomena: Shakyamuni's discourse where he initially 'set the wheel of dharma
in motion' and the Buddhist legend of the Cakravartin, the wheel-turning sovereign who
establishes social harmony and ensures utopia. This latter role certainly coincided with
338 339
Helier: Images at IDan-ma-brag Helier: Images al IDan-ma-brag
the position attributed to the btsan po according to Tibetan royal cults (39). In the dang thugs ka nas mgon po gur zhl ba'i chas can gsal bar gzigsl). We are indebted to
opinion of RE. Richardson, it is a "virtual certainty" that the Vairocana cult and P.K Sorensen for kindly permitting us to consult his forthcoming book, The Clear
representation were imported to Tibet via Dunhuang or "at least in the Dunhuang style Mirror ofRoyal Genealogies, prior to publication. He provides the following references
from the northeast border of China" (40). Another import from this region was the very to IDan ma brag:
popular Avatarpsaka sutraof which the Gandavyuha sutra is the last chapter (41). This Mani bka' 'bum, foL 128b5: Wan ma brag rtsar brag la rgyas pa'l dbu dum bras mar
cycle may bear some relatIOn to the contents of the prayer inscription carved in the rock. bzhengsl;
Were it to be the bZang spyod, which concludes the Gandavyuha sutra, there would be a bKa' chems ka khol ma (1): foL 74L3-4: de nas Dza yul thang snar zhabs phab nas
clear ~onnection to V~iroca?a's role in this literature as the Supreme Buddha, the Great brag la rgyas pa'i dbu dum rkos mar bzhengsl der kyang blon po ma byung nasi de nas
Illuminator, whIle MaItreya s role to ensure the entry into the realm of Vairocana is also gDan ma brag rtsar byon nasi byams pa khru bcu [gfcig pa cig bzhengs der byon pa ma
quite i~portant in. this sutra (42). Although the prayer at lOan Ina brag is not the bZang ryung; .
spyod, It clearly dIscusses Buddha-nature In terms which relate to the teachings within bKa' chems ka khol ma(2) p. 185.18-186.1: Khams su Wan ma'l brag sngon rtsl dkar
the Gandavyuha cyle where Buddha-nature is expressed as an innate spark of can la rgyas pa'i dbu dum dangl bzang po spyod pa'l smon lam 'bur du btod pa brkas
Buddhahood in each sentient being (43). The great popularity of these teachings in nas bris;
Central Asia and China was partially connected with a correlation to Confucian stress on /Ho brag chos 'byung, Ja, foL 32a2-3: Khams su phebs nas mgar sgug pa'i spyir brag
innate .goodness, epitomized in the emperor as ideal ruler, while in Tibet, these ideals logs la rgyas pa'l dbu dum dang bzang spyod brosl rdo sku khru brgyad bcu pa brkos...
link WIth the cults of the btsan po as guarantor of prosperity and human justice.
Among these sources, it is to be noted that although the construction of the image is
To conclude, for the residents of Byams mdun, it is clear that the statues and inscriptions attributed to the Chinese princess, the size of the image varies considerably, and all but
carved at iDan ma brag in honor of the treaty negotiations in the early ninth century the Fifth Dalai Lama identify. the main image as Maitreya. This is elucidated to some
correspond to those mentioned in Tibetan historical literature as constructed by extent in the discussion on iconography (cf. infra), although the present findings indicate
Wencheng Gongzhu. Once the inscriptions were concealed, the people associated the that the main image is indeed to be identified as a form of Vairocana.
monumental rock carving with an illustrious and portentous moment in Tibetan history
while the negotiations leading to the Tibeto-Chinese treaty of 821/22 were obscure. It ' 2. Cf Williams, P. 1989. Mahiiyiina Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundations, London, pp.
remains to be determined if at this site there had earlier been a Maitreya statue and 228-23L
ins~ription quoting the bZang spyod, possibly later replaced by the present carvings
during the mnth century. One cannot say at present if there is any historic basis for the 3. China Daily, August 28,1986, published a brief article on this discovery, "Cliffs Clue
attnbutlOn of a statue to Wencheng Gongzhu, or even if she visited this site. to Tibetan, Han Ties". The inscriptions are first published by Chab spel, 1988. op. cit.
Nonetheless, the in~~riptions now revealed at IDan ma brag provide significant Cf also Richardson, H.E. 1988. "More Early Inscriptions from Tibet", Bulletin of
informatIOn for pohtlcal hIstory and raIse questIOns concerning the religious doctrines Tlbetology 1988 (2):5-7.
then taught. From an art historical perspective, it is essential that the other sites
mentioned ~eceiv~ adequate photographic documentation, while IDan ma brag should be 4. For description of a visit in 1918, cf Teichman, E. 1922. Travels ofa Consular
thoroughly Invesl!i;ated. Pending the results of such investigations on the spot, it must be Officer in Eastern Tibet, Cambridge. Phonetics for the name is Draya Jyamdun.
emphaSIzed th~t thIs B~ddha is the oldest image dated by inscription yet found in Tibet _ However, Teichman did not visit the cliff Our map is a section of Teichman's map of
as such It prOVIdes a umque document of Tibetan aesthetic sensitivity and carving skills Eastern Tibet (Ibid).
in the early ninth century.
5. The date of the monkey year is either 804 or 816 AD. if one accepts the reign dates
for Sad na legs as 804-817 according to the Tang Annals. Richardson (1985. A Corpus
of Early Tibetan Inscriptions, London) mentions negotiations in 804/805 undertaken
between btsan po Sad na legs and Emperor Te tsung prior to his death later that year. In
personal communication, however, Richardson stated that he considered 816 as the more
NOTES likely date because there is no certain evidence that Bran ka dpal gyi yon tan, mentioned
in this inscription, was Chief Minister before 808.
L Acc~:ding to Nylma Dorj~e, the carvings are described in Manl bka' bum, Rgyal rabs
gs~l ba, me long, and th~ BI.ography of the Third Dalai Lama. Chab spel (1988. "bTsan 6. Chab spel ( 1988. op. cit.) identified it as such. We are much indebted to Paul
po, dus ky, brag brkas ylg ns gCIg gsar du mtsham sbyor zhus pa", Krung go 'I bod kyl Williams for kind verification (personal communication, 24X.92):
shes fig 1: 44-~3.) prov.ldes the exact reference for Rgyal rabs gsal ba'l me long, p. 122
of the 1981 Belling editIOn ( ..de" bar la rgya mo bza' la sogs pa'i bod blon rnams kyis ...unfortunately this is not from the 'Phags pa bzang spyod pa'l smon lam. It is
Wan ma brag rtsar phebs nasi brag la byams pa khru bdun pa cig dangl bzangspyod nothing like iLMy guess is that your text is a summary for popular
gn!',s brkos mar bzhenpl .. ) Cf foLlOOb, Biography of The Third Dalai Lama, Lhasa consumption of the basic intention of the Dam pa 'I chos kyi rgyal po theg pa
edItIOn (author: The FIfth Dalal Lama, composed in 1646): Chab mdo ba rnams kyls chen po'i mdo (Lhasa: mDo mang Va 1-23 a 6, Stog Palace no. 216). This
gdan drangs pa'lphebs lam dui rgya mo bza'iphyag bzo las grub pa'l rnam snang gl sku suggestion is supported by the frequent references in this sutra to the minds of
mjal basl de rnam snang dngos su gyur pa'l dbu gtsug nas 'od zer rnam pa lnga 'phro ba sentient beings and their relationship to the (aspect of 'Buddha-nature') sangs
340 341
Helier: Images at !Dan-ma-brag Helier: Images al!Dan-ma-brag
rgyas kyi ngo bo...(it) is confirmed pretty conclusively by the reference in your 15. Cf. Sis, V. and Vanis, J. 1961. Tibetan Art, London, pI. 57, and Snellgrove, D.L. and
text to the Dam pa 'i chos kyi yi ge, which corresponds to Dam pa 'i chos kyi Richardson H.E. 1980. A Cultural History of Tibet, Boulder, p. 90 for Srong btsan
rgyal po'i yi ge which we find at the end of our sutra. On the other hand, your sgam po. cf. also Meyer, F. 1987. "The Potala Palace of the Dalai Lamas in Lhasa",
text is"not, I think, a straightforward quote, and it uses the expression sangs Orientations 18/7: 14-33 and fig. 30-31.
rgyas kyi rang bzhin rather than ngo boo Thus I think your text is a popular
statement by a monk (Tibetan or Chinese?) of the intention or purport of this 16. Dance Costume, Collection of The Newark Museum (54.1 Gift of Alice Boney;
sutra. 11.648 Crane Collection; 48.18, acquired by exchange with American Museum of
Natural History). We thank Valrae Reynolds, Curator of the Asian collections, for her
Cf. Blondeau, A-M. 1976. "Les religions du Tibet" Encyclopedie de la pli!i'ade, Histoire generous help. Cf. Reynolds, V. 1978. Tibet a Lost World, Bloomington, p. 66, cat. nos.
des religions, Paris, vol.III: 233-329, for discussion of summarized or simplified texts 144-146.
used to convert the Tibetans during the Yarlung dynasty. Cf. also Karmay, S. 1988. The
Great Perfection, Leiden, concerning the Tibetan conceptions of 'Buddha-nature' during 17. Cf. Olson, E. 1961. Catalogue of the Tibetan Collection of the Newark Museum, vol.
this period. IV Newark p. 40. Olson supplied a name for the garment and translation: Tib. stod
g.Yogs, liter~lly Ilupper garment ll or Chinese yun chien "cloud-collaru: Accordi~~ to '
7. Cf. notably the detailed study of the sku bla, Macdonald, A 1971. "Une lecture des Tibetan informants, a more appropriate term would be stod khebs! whIch RA Jaschke
P.T.1286,1287,1038,1047 et 1290.Essai Sur la formation et I'emploi des mythes (1972 reprint,A Tibetan English Dictionary, London, p. 223) defInes as :'a sort of fnll or
politiques dans la religion royale de Srong btsan sgam po", Etudes tibetaines dediees ii la ruffle of the lamas." Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo also hsts stod gos (sIlk shIfl). In a
memoire de Marcelle Lalou, Paris, pp. 190-391. More recently, R. A Stein has short ritual dedicated to this form of Vairocana, composed by Rgyal ba'i 'od (Jayaprabha,
examined Tibetan religion at this time in "Tibetica Antiqua IV. La tradition relative au P. 3489), the reading is dar la stod g.yogs dang smad g.yogs can, 'having silk upper
debut du bouddhisme au Tibet",BEFEO 75: 169-196. garment and trousers.' It is to be noted that the earliest co~mentary and the ta~tra do not
stipulate specific garments but rather state that VallOCa?a.1S to be r~presented In
8. Among recent studies, cf. Tarthang, T. (ed.) 1986. Ancient Tibet, Berkeley CA. Bodhisattva form, with crown and jewelery. ThIS descnptIon of Varrocana as
(Dharma Publishing), Richardson 1985 op. cit., and Beckwith, C. 1988. The Tibetan Bodhisattva implies royal garments not monastIc r~b~s. As far as we hav~ been able to
Empire in Central Asia, Princeton N.1. determine, the poncho garment appears to be an artIstIc conventIon denotmg sovereIgnty.
9. Kolmas, J. 1966. "Four Letters of Po Chu i to the Tibetan Authorities (808-.810 18. Cf. Harle op. cit.
AD.)",ArOr 34: 375-410.
19. Auboyer 1. and kza Berard, R.(ed.) 1976. La route de la soie, Paris, pI. 302, inv. no.
10. The text is recorded on the rdo ring of Lhasa, cf. Richardson 1985 op. cit. pp. 106- MG EO 1174, ninth-century (?), painting on hemp, described as a "winged lion:"
143.
20. Photograph courtesy of H. E. Richardson.
11. Dimensions for all figures from China Daily article.
21. Cf. Snellgrove and Richardson 1980. op. cit., p. 33-48,. who assign the lions to the
12. Cf. Duan Wenjie (ed.).1989. Les fresques de Dunhuang, tome 2, Bruxelles, pI. 145: tomb of Ral pa can (reign: 815-836).1. Panglung has pubhshed the most detaIled study
uAvalokitesvara muni d'un disque ruyi, grotte nO, 14, Demiere periode des Tang. n of the royal tombs to date, and described the lions' location as be~~d~ the to?,b of Khn
srong Ide btsan (reign: 755-ca. 794 AD.). Cf. Panglung, 1. 1988. DIe metnschen
13. Harle, J.c. 1988. "Some Foreign Elements of Costume and Hair-style in Indian Art", Berichte liber die Grabm;;ler der tibetische Konige", in Uebach, H. and Panglung, J.
in Gnoli, R.(ed). Orientalia losephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata, Roma, I: 569-578, (eds.) Tibetan Studies, Munich, pp. 321-367.
discusses this garment which he terms a "camail, chasuble !lof Centr~l Asian origin
tl
,
with pan-Asian distribution", and illustrates a 4-5th C. stone Buddha from Taxila, as 22. It is probable that the site was re-painted and the triangular th:one ?rnaments may be
well as the famous Musee Guimet Bodhisattva from Fondukistan (7-8th c.) Harle also a later embellishment. It is impossible to tell if these tnangles are In rehef as well as
cites Pal, P. 1975. Bronzes of Kashmir, Graz, pI. 16,30,32,36, for later examples. painted.
14. D. Klimburg-Salter has identified this image as "Jeweled Shakyamuni (8th-early 9th 23. Sadhanamala as translated in Bhattacharyya, B. 1968. The Indian Buddhist
c.)" (1982. The Silk Route and the Diamond Path, Los Angeles). However, this same Iconography, Calcutta, pA5, 53-54; Mallmann, M. T. 1975.lntroductio~ ii .
image is also identified as "Buddha Vairocana in dharmacakramudra (Kashmir, 9th-10th l'iconographie du tantrisme bouddhique, Pads, translates addItIonal sectlon~ of thIS.as
century)" in Huntington, J. 1983."Three Essays on Himalayan Metal Images" ,Apollo well as text 19 of Nispannayogiivali, viz. the Vajradhatu mal)gala where Vallocana IS
CXVIII (261): 416-425. We are indebted to Ulrich and Heidi von Schroeder for the white either with one face and two hands or with four faces and eight hands. Both
information that this garment is to be found on many Hindu-Sahi royal and divine metal Siidh~namiiliiandNi~pannayogiivalianthologies are, however, later than the man ma
images from Kashmir and the Swat Valley as of ninth to eleventh century. The Tibetan brag carvings. Tucci, G. 1939.lndo- Tibetica, IV/1, Roma, p.1l9 summanzeS _
custom of placing a cloth over the shoulders might be borrowed from the Kashmiri iconography for Vairocana listing four forms: 1) white, one face, dharmacakra mudra;
usage.
342 343
Helier: Images at!Dan-ma-brag Helier: Images at!Dan-ma-brag
2) white, four faces and two hands in byang ehub mehog (bodhiyagri) mudrZ; as in the i 32. CL Klimburg-Salter 19820p. cit., pI. 57, and 1989. The Kingdom of Bamiyan,
Tattvasamgraha cycle; 3) yellow, one face and hands in samiidhi mudra as in the Rome, pI. 43, for the discussion of a Dunhuang drawing said to portray Maitreya
Vairoeanabhisambodhi cycle; 4) white, four faces two hands in samiidhi mudrii as represented with one h~ad, two hands in ehos kyi db~ings kyi phyag rg)1a, crown and
characteristic of the Durgatiparisodhana cycle. ' jewelery, vajrasana. ThIS Idenl1flcatlon as Maltreya IS detennmed by VIrtue of a small
stupa above the crown, in the apex of the nimbus. Rather than a lion beneath the lotus
24. Richardson, H.E. 1990. "The Cult of Vairocana in Early Tibet", in Skorupski,T. (ed.) cushion, there is a dragon.
lndo- Tzbetan Studzes! Tnng"pp. 271-274. This iconography is also found in a painting
from DUnhuang now m Musee GUlmet (mv. no. MG 17.780: Vairocana is crowned and 33. Collection of the British Museum. We thank Anne Farrar, Assistant Keeper, for her
dressed in royal garments, gold body color, holding wheel), illustrated in Klimburg- assistance. This scroll is also illustrated in black and white in Yoritomi, M. 1990. "An
Salter 1982. op. elt., pI. 68. Iconographic Study of the Eight Bodhisattvas in Tibet", in Skorupski, T. (ed.), 1990, .
op.cit., pp. 323-332. Yoritomi cites this painting by a Japanese reference which
25. Cr. bSod nams rGya mtsho and Tachikawa, M. 1989. The Ngor Mandalas of Tibet corresponds to Whitfield, R. 1982. The Art of Central Asia in the Stein Collection of the
Tokyo, color plate 20 : "Rnam snang mngon byang lha brgya dang nyi shu rtsa gnyis fryi British Museum, Tokyo, where it is possible to see a color representation of this painting.
dkyil 'khor. 122-deity Abhisambodhi Vairocana Mandala". Cf. also Blo gter dbang po Were the Buddha's body red and were the Buddha dressed in monastic robes, then the
1972. rGyudsde kun btus, Delhi, vol. 111:1-13. ' identification as Amitabha would be conclusive. However, the body color is gOlden, the
lion throne is clear, the mudrZ; and stance and gannents also correspond to the
26. CL Tibetan Tripitaka (Peking edition), Bstan 'gyur vol. 32 texts nos 3486-3490 iconography of Abhisambodhi Vairocana. In the light of infonnation presented here on
which include siidha~a and commentarialliterature by 'Buddhaguhya and'rGyal ba'i 'oct. the iconography of Abhisambodhi Vairocana we therefore propose to Idenl1fy the
The tantra reference IS Tohoku 494: rNan: pa~ snang mdzad ehen po mgnon par rdzogs Buddha of the Dunhuang scroll as Vairocana rather than Amitabha.
par byang ehub pa rnam par sprul pa byzn gyzs rlobs pa shzn tu rgyas pa'i mdo sde'i
rgyal po zhes by,! ba. AWayman has i~formed us that Buddhaguhya's commentary was 34. For a Central Asian example, cr. Klimburg-Salter 1982. op. cit. pI. 54, Traveling
translated mto Dbetan ca. 760-70, whIle the tantra was only translated by Silendrabodhi Shrine in wood, now in the collection of the Nelson Gallery, Atkms Museum of Fme
and dPal brtsegs ca. 775. Cf. Wayman! A 1992 The Enlightenment of Vairoeana, New Art, Kansas City, MO. We are indebted to K Tanak~ for two references to .
DelhI. T~e source of the sample descnptlOn IS Peking text no. 3489, rNam snang kyi Abhisambodhi Vairocana surrounded by eIght Bodhlsattva: one mural pamtmg from
sgrub pa z tha~s I<):z eho ga, fol. 359 b- 362 a (author: rGyal ba'i 'od), as well as An-xi (Gansu), Yu-lin caves, displaying the 'cloud collar', crown, chignon and braids,
BUddhaguhya~ pnnclpal commentary. In this commentary and ritual, the name of mudrii jewelery, mudra and lion throne, estimated date late Tang dynasty (plate 6, prevIously
IS chos kyz dbyzniis kyl phyag rg;:a, whIle Wayman found elsewhere chos kyi dbyings kyi published in Anonymous, 1990. Chugoku-Sekkutsu, Tokyo), and the stat~e from
stong pa nyzd kyz phyag rgya (hIS translatIOn: dharmadhiitu iikiisa mudrii) rendered as Ratnagiri (tenth century), analysed by the late Dr. Sawa, 1988. Mzkkyo-bIJyutsu-no-
'space mudra' in his recent book. On Buddhaguhya, cf. Lo Bue, E. 1987. "The genxo, Kyoto. A notable 15th century Tibetan representation is the gilt copper Vairocana
Dharmamandala sutra by Buddhaguhya" Orientalia losephi rueci Memoriae Dicata in the eastern temple of the bum pa level at Gyantse, cL Lo Bue, E. and Rlcca, F. 1990.
2:787-~18. CL Lalou, M. 1953, "Les textes houddhiques au temps du roi Khri srong Ide Gyantse Revisited, Firenze, pI. 27.
brtsan, Journal Aszatlque, nos. 321-322, no.609 for another text written by rGyal ba'i
lod.
35. We thank Ulrich von Schroeder for this photograph from Ratnagiri, Orissa, India
(plate 7). Cr. Mitra, D. 1983. Ratnagiri, New Delhi, pI. 260 and p. 314.
27. Lalou 1953. ibid., p. 326.
36. Richardson 1990.op. cit., p. 272.
28. Collection of the Newark Museum, W. Clark Symington Bequest Fund. Previously
IdentIfIed as Amltabha, cL Reyn~lds, v., AHeller, and J.Gyatso, 1986. Catalogue ofthe 37. H. E. Richardson kindly sen! us this article: gNya' gong dkon mchog tshe brtan and
Newark Museum TIbetan CollectIon, vol. Ill: Sculpture and Painting, Newark NJ. This Padma 'Bum, 1988. "Yul Shul khul gyi bod btsan po'i skabs kyi rten yig bral5. brkas n:a
drav.:mg I~ part of the contents of a chorten, radio-carbon dated to 1230 AD. Although 'ga'" ,Krung go Bod kyi shes rig, 4: 52-65. Geoffrey Samuel has recently VIsIted thIS
thl~ IS an I~k drawmg On paper, lacking all color, the identification as Abhisambodhi site and taken a videotape of the image and inscriptions.
Valrocana IS proposed due to the Buddha's mudra, crown, gannents and jewelery, and
stance on the lotus cushIOn. 38. Again we thank RE. Richardson forthe ~efe.'ence: P. ~~ering, "Ep~nkundliche ~nd
historische ergebmsse emer reISe nach TIbet Im ]ahre 1980 , Zentralaszatlsche Stud,en,
29. Personal communication from Nyima Dorjee. 16-18: 349-504. In a future study we hope to compare several of these ancient Tibetan
rock carvings of images and inscriptions.
30. Mallmann 19750p. cit., p. 246.
39. For the definition of the cakravartin, cL Williams 1989 op. cit. p. 129. On the cult of
31. Bhattacharyya 1968 op. cit., p. 88. However, no specific text is quoted for this the btsan po, cL Macdonald 1971. op. cit.
descnptlOn.
40. Personal communication, 8'v1I.1992.
344 345
Helier: Images at !Dan-ma-brag Helier: Images at!Dan-ma-brag
41. Cr. Cleary, T. 1989. Entry into the Realm of Reality. A translation of the
Gandavyuha, the final book ofthe Avatamsaka sutra, Boston, pp. 387-394.
42. This literature also retained popularity in India. According to S. Uvi (Epigraphia
Indica, XV, pp.363-364, quoted by Mitra 1983. op. cit., p. 19), in 795 A.D. the king of
Orissa presented Emperor Te tsung with a letter accompanied by a manuscript of the
Gandavyuha and the vow (Le. the bZang spyotf). The continued importance attributed to
Vairocana in India and Kashmir is also indicated by Rin chen bzang po's translation from
Sanskrit of the literature of the Tattvasamgraha cycle as well as a ritual for
Abhisambodhi Vairocana (P. 3488).
43. Personal communication from Paul Williams, 24'x.1992. Cf. Williams 1989, op. cit.
pp. 116-138.
2
Photograph © The Newark Museum
346 347
Helier: Images at!Dan-ma-brag
Helier: Images atIDan-ma-brag
4
Photograph © The Newark Museum
6 7
348
349
Helier: Images at IDan-ma-brag. Helier: Images at !Dan-ma-brag.
APPENDIX the majority of activities are non-virtuous and sinful, there will be birth in hell with
continuous suffering. Therefore, in one's mind there is (the seed) of Buddhahood and that of
the beings in hell. If the mind experiences the nectar of the noble Dharma, it will obtain this
The Inscriptions of lOan-rna-brag land of liberation from all suffering and the state of great joy. For this reason, the "sacred
law" is to be cherished and it is not appropriate to not have it ( the Dharma). In short, ask
gi-gu in reverse shown as underlined i masters for detailed expositions for the sake of oneself and others (even if they are) far away
modem equivalences by Chab-spel shown in parenthesis ( ) and (enduring) great hardship. The books of the noble Dharma must be learned and we will
proposed reading by A. Helier shown in brackets [] comprehend them (?).
questionable reading noted by Lhasa commission shown { }
... lacuna in text noted by Lhasa commission
11.
The text of the inscriptions is based on the reading quoted by Chab-speI1988. op. cit. II Spre'u gi lo'i dbyarl
However, since no photographs of the inscriptions have been published, in some cases the mtsan po [btsan po] khri sde srong brtsan gyi ring lal
readings may be conjectural, whilst in other cases there are lacunae. The translations dg'e slong chos dang chab srid kyi bka' chen po la btags stel
proposed here remain tentative in view of these factors. gser gy{ bku rgyal man cad kyi thabs rtsall
jo mo mchims Ita legs mo brtsan la rtsogs pal
I. rjes (rje) 'bangs (2) mang mo zhig thar par bkyell
II dam pa'{ chos kyi mdo nil bka' chen po la gtogs pa'i dge slong bran ka yon tan dang lho don dam dang blon chen
sems can thams cad la yang sangs rgyas kyi rang bzhin dran zh{ng shes pa 'i sems re re yod zhang 'bro phri [khri] gzu' dam (ram) shags... dang nang blon {} blon khri sum bzheng
del - mdo' brtsan la rtsogs pal
sems de ni mkhan-po dang lhas kyang ma byas pha ma las kyang ma skyesl chab srid la bka' rtsal tel
thog ma'{mtha' mya'i [myi=mi] rnyed pa nas kyang yong (ye) nas yodl rgya dang mjal dus (dam)(3) ky{ mgo' brtsams pa'i las la { } (4) mkhan bod gor ye shes
mthar ky(mg sh{ng ba'i ma myed par yang my'i 'gyur tol dbyangs dangl -
sems des dge' ba rgya cher spyad de sems can kun la legs pa byas sh{ng dam pa 'i chos byin dg'e slong stag 10 gthan te dangl
ba dangl - gad nam ka '{ snying po dbyangs kyisl
sems rnam par spyangs pas nal btshan po'i [btsan po'i] sku mon [sku yon] dang sems can thams cad ky{ bsod nams sui
sangs rgyas dang byang chub sems dpar rgub (sgrub) nasi sku gzugs [= sku brnyan] dang smon lam 'd£ rnams bris tel -
skye ba dang rga ba dang na ba dang sh{ ba las thar te bla na med pa '£ bde skyid ba thob spy{'i zhing (zhal) ta pa nil -
bol - - 'or ngu'i ['0 ngu'i] (5) gnas brtanl
sems des legs nyes 'dran ('dres) mar spyad na lha dang my{'i gnas su skye '01 rlang mchog rab dangl
sdig pa dang my{ dge' ba '{ las cher spyad pa na I - gny{ bzang po dpal kyis bgy£sl
sdig yul sems can dmyal 5a las rtsogs par skyes te sdug bsngal ba '{ nang du rgyun tu 'khor las apon {} dg'e slong zhe nr'{ dg'e slong {} gseng pab sh{n dang yen dam yes bgy{s jo
~ - (rdo) mkhan.. {}I - - -
de bas na bdag g{ sems la bla na myed pa '{ byang cub [chub] man cad kyang yodl yugs gi nyag bre shab dang shod lags kod (legs kong) dangl
sems can dmyal 5a yeng (yan) chad kyangyod pa yin nol ldum ma 'gam dang rgya hun bong tseng spang (spad) dangl
dam pa '{ chos kyi bdud rts{ myong na sdug bsngal thams cad las thar pa 'i sa myod do hva ho'uj{n rnams kyi bgyis so 1:1
(myong ngo) yun du bde slCyid pa'{gnas myang (kyang) thob pa'{phyi do-(phyir ro)1 'df la rjes su yi reng (rang) bas kyang bsod nams mnyam par thob bol
de bas na sems can la dam pa'i chos gees tel -
ma ma chis (mchis) pa my{ tung ngo [ltung ngo]1 In the summer of the monkey year during the reign of the btsan po Khri sde srong btsan (6).
mdor spros par nyad [snyad] de bdag dang gzhan gy{ don la rgyang ring po dangl The dge slong having authority over the doctrine and the kingdom (7), those holding rank of
ched ka chen po la rtogs nye zhib de dge' ba'i bshes ( ) na Edge ba'i bshes gnyen] la dris the golden level (8), the lady Queen Legs mo btsan of Mchims (9), and others brought
~~ - deliverance to many subjects.
dam pa 'f chos kyfyi ge la yang rtogs shLg dang khong du chus par 'gyur rol : 1(1 ) The dge slong holding high authority Bran ka yon tan (10), and Lho don dam (11 ), the great
minister 'Bro khri gzhu ram bshags (12)... and the minister of the interior, Khri sum bzheng
Concerning the Sutra of the noble Dharma, all sentient beings possess a mind for mdo btsan (13), etc. (all these) were appointed to negotiate (14).
remembering and knowing Buddha-nature. As for this mind, it was not made by a lord (i.e. At the beginning of treaty (negotiations) with the Chinese (15), the abbot Ye shes dbyangs
a creator) or gods, and (it) is not born of a father and mother. Having obtained the human (16) and the monk Stag 10 gthan te and Gad Nam ka'i snying po have had these prayers and
body, it was there from beginningless time. Likewise, it will not die at the end. If this mind this image made for the spiritual benefit of the Sovereign btsan po and the prosperity of all
practices virtue vastly and does things favorable to all, giving noble Dharma and purifying sentient beings.
itself, after having liberated itself from birth and old age, illness and death, it will attain As for the supervisors, '0 ngu the elder (v. note 5), Rlang mchog rab and Bzang po dpal did
supreme happiness, having a Bodhisattva (career) and realizing Buddhahood. If there is this (work). The foreman (for construction): the monks called Dge slong Zhe hri, Dge long
practice of virtue and vice alternatively, there is birth in the realms of gods and men. And if gseng pab shin and .,. did this (work). The chief stone-carvers were Yugs Nyag bre shab
12 13
HelIer. Images at IDan-ma-brag. HelIer. Images at lDan-ma-brag.
and Shog legs kong and Ldum ma 'gam, and the Chinese Hun bong tseng spad and Hva ho'u 3. The reading by Chab spel Tshe brtan phun tshogs prefers rgya dang mjal dam, but it is
jin (17). grammatically acceptable to retain dus, rgya dang mjal dus "when meeting the Chinese". In
He who takes pleasure in this (work) will attain equal merit (with those who made it). the opinion of Samten Karmay, this reading can be retained, and does not require
modification. However, the usage of the term mjal dum, which Richardson translates as
"treaty", is recorded several times during the reign of Khri Ide srong btsan. Cf. Richardson,
Ill. 1985.op. cit.
II ye shes dbyangs kyis yol dang 'bom dang led {} bi'u du yang rgya-che {} bris so: mkhen
ni dge slong ring rdo rjesl 4. Richardson suggested here that mol or mold seems a probable word to fill the lacuna. cf.
Lhasa Treaty, east.
No translation proposed for Inscription three.
5. 'O-ngu is proposed in the place of 'Or-ngu, due to a personal communication from
Nyima Dorjee, native of Brag-g.yab and historian specialized in Khams regional history.
IV. According to Dorjee, Vairocana translated the Nyi-'od seng-ge commentary as well as the
II sku bla dang dang ma gnyan po 'di'lal translation of the Rgyud Gsang-ba'i snying-po at the site of 'O-ngu in southern Khams.
phyag 'tshal zh£ng mchod pa byas na
ji smon to choi 'grub cing tshe phyi ma la yang lha yul du skye'ol 6. Richardson remarked: "I think the preamble means that the inscription was written in the
kha ngan nam rkyad ka byas nal monkey year, not necessarily that the events described took place in that year. That would
'phral du yang nad la rtsogs pa nyes pa sna tshogs 'byung lal seem to be the case in the Zhol and rKong-po inscriptions." (personal communication).
yun du yang na (ngan) dag tu ltung ngol
bka' khrims las kyang chos la ngan {rgyu} byas nal 7. Richardson noted that there is no certain evidence that Bran-ka yon-tan was chief
yang mes spun tshun cad nas bca [bca'J bde gun zhed pa byed dol minister before 808, and proposed that the monkey year might be 816 rather than 804.
de bas na su yang phyar ka dang rkyel ka ma byed cig
8. Richardson stated that "although Chinese records mention gold as an honor next after so-
When one makes offerings and pays hommage to the sku bla and the (lha) gnyan po (?) (18) so it is not mentioned in Tibetan documents, e. g. P.T. 1071." (personal communication).
all wishes will be realized and (he or she) will be born as a god in the next life. If one utters
evil words and so produces all sorts of misery (such as) sudden illness and constantly 9. Richardson has noticed that the queen Legs-mo-btsan was included among the witnesses
falling into evil (births), and if (evil words) are made for the purpose of harming the to the edict of Khri Ide-srong btsan after 'Bro Khri-mo-Iegs and before Cog-ro brtsan-
Dharma which is against the law, may all as far as the ancestors (be cursed) and may only rgyal.
the joyous (Le. virtuous) oath be made. For these reasons no-one shall make blame (phyar
ka ) nor overthrow (rkye! ka) (?) ... 10. We are indebted to Samten Karmay for the information that Bran-ka yon-tan was the
chief negotiator for the 821/23 Lhasa treaty with the Chinese. Cf. Demieville, P. 1952. Le
Concile de Lhasa, Paris.
End of text, followed by a few more carved Tibetan letters, said by Chab-spel to be
illegible, then a Chinese inscription. The newspaper article (China Daily, Aug.26, 1986) 11. According to Richardson, "Lho Don-dam, hitherto unrecorded, was also a dge-slong.
states that in all there are 800 Tibetan words and 60 Chinese characters, but according to The Lho clan does not figure in Tibetan records after its disgrace in 707 until it reappears in
Chab-spel's article, there are only "about ten" Chinese characters. the person of a fairly lowly minister as witness to the edict of Khri Lde-srong brtsan's
Edict." (personal communication).
Notes to the inscriptions 12. Rectification of 'Bro-phri gzu dam shags to 'Bro khri gzhu ram shags, mentioned as
commander who conquered Khotan ca. 792 in Old Tibetan Chronicle (P.T.1287), according
to Beckwith, 1988. op. cit. p. 155.
1.We thank Ven. bsTan-'dzin Yang-dag, Rabten Choeling Monastery, Switzerland, for his
help with this translation, and Samten Karmay for his criticism. 13. According to Richardson, "the Edict of Khri Lde-srong brtsan shows that Khri sum
bzher Mdo-btsan was of the Dba's clan".
2. rje 'bangs. According to H. E. Richardson,"although this appears in later usage apparently
meaning 'ruler and subjects', cf. rje blon 'king and ministers', it is not found so far as I can 14. 'appointed to negotiate': chab-srid la bka'-rtsal, literally bka'-rtsal =to order, to
see in early Tibetan. There the term rjes 'bangs is seen several times, e.g. P.T. 131,230 and appoint, chab-srid =temporal or political power, Le. they were appointed to political power
Thomas, TLTD, p. 97. I wonder whether rje 'bangs may be a reader's error. If it is not, there for this meeting, Le. as negotiators. Richardson has interpreted this differently, viz." ...
is a comparable usage rgyal 'bangs, meaning 'subjects of the king'." (personal having been given authority, (they) consulted about the task of negotiating a treaty."
communication).
15. If instead ofreading mjal-dus, the rectification of mjal-dum is preferred, since
Richardson translates mjal-dum as a "treaty", the sentence would then read "at the very
14 15
Helier: Images at IDan-ma-brag. Helier: Images at IDan-ma-brag.
beginning of the treaty (negotiations) with the Chinese... " Karmay considered that mjal- Sangs rgyas gsang ba (Buddhaguhya), 1957. "rNam par snang mdzad mngon par byang
dum is to be preferred reading here, as otherwise the following phrase mgo'a brtsams-pa chub pa mam par sprul pa'i byin gyis brlabs kyi rgyud chen po'i bshad pa", in D.T.
doesn't make sense. Suzuki (ed.) Tibetan Tripitaka bstan 'gyur rgyud 'grel, 77:110-215.
16. Richardson remarked, "Ye-shes-dbyangs provides a number of problems. The reading Sangs rgyas gsang ba (Buddhaguhya), 1957. "rNam par snang mdzad mngon par dzogs
of his family or monastery name is suspect. I cannot find either Gor or Dgor anywhere and par byang chub pa mam par sprul pa byin gyis rlob pa'i rgyud chen po'i 'grel pa, in D.T.
suspect that there may be an error in reading. Ye-shes dbyangs was clearly a person of Suzuki (ed.) Tibetan Tripitaka bstan 'gyur rgyud 'grel, 77: 231-322.
importance in the frontier region. Despite the difference in the family or monastic name, the
name Ye-shes-dbyangs points to Spug Ye-shes-dbyangs, a famous lama in the succession bSod nams rgyal mtshan, 1981. Rgyal rabs gsal ba'i me long, Beijing.
of dhyana teachers at Khri-ga some eighty miles southeast of Kokonor. Their history is
outlined in P.T. 996 which has been translated by Mile Lalou (1939. "Document tibetain sur Non-Tibetan language sources
I'expansion du Dhyana chinois", Journal Asiatique 231: 505-523.). Spug Ye-shes-dbyangs
was ordained in the reign of rgyal-mo-myes, presumably Khri Lde-gtsug-brtsan. He was Anonymous: China Daily, August 28,1986: "Cliffs Clue to Tibetan, Han Ties".
learned in Chinese and Sanskrit as well as Tibetan. He died in a horse year at age of 80. If
that year was the tenth after the monkey year, 816, he would have been ordained at the age Anonymous: 1990. Chugoku-Sekkutsu, Tokyo
of nine, at the earliest...That is, in my view, the only obstacle to accepting the historically
most probable date of 816 for the !Dan-ma-brag inscription. At the last minute, I have seen Auboyer, J. et Jeza Berard, R. (ed.) 1976. La route de la soie, Paris.
that R. A. Stein puts Spug Ye-shes-dbyang's birth in Khri Srong Lde-brtsan's life, 742-
797." Beckwith, C. 1988. The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia, Princeton.
17. Richardson proposes the following tentative translation of this passage: "The stone Bhattacharyya, B. 1968. The Indian Buddhist Iconography, Calcutta.
mason Yugs carved the scroll capital and the base. Ma-'gam and the Chinese Hun-bong-
tseng gave the (cost of ) the ldum and Hva ho'u jin and others did the work." He notes that Blondeau, A-M. 1976. "Les religions du Tibet", Histoire des religions, Encyclopedie de
the words are obscure, but reads Yugs either as a name or as a synonym for gdugs, la plei"ade, Paris, voI.III:233-329.
umbrella;. nya would be something of a rope-like pattern; bre-ba is a capital, and shod the
base; ldum, some sort of enclosure..." Chandra, L. 1987. Sarva-Tathagata-tattva-sangraha, Delhi.
18. According to Karrnay, ma gnyan-po is a doubtful reading. He proposes "maybe Lha Cleary, T. 1989. Entry into the Realm ofReality. A Translation of the Gandavyuha, the
gnyan-po." Final book ofthe Avatamsaka sutra, Boston.
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Heller: Images at lDan-ma-brag.
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Asiatique CCXLI:313-353. Snellgrove, D. L. and Richardson, H. E. 1988. A Cultural History of Tibet, Boulder.
Lo Bue, E. 1987. "The Dharmamandala-sutra by Buddhaguhya" in G. Gnoli and L. Snellgrove, D. L. 1987.1ndo- Tibetan Buddhism. London.
Lanciotti (eds.) Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata, Roma, 2:787-818.
Tajima, R. 1936. Etude sur le Mahavairocana-sutra, Paris.
Lo Bue, E. and Ricca, F. 1990. Gyantse Revisited, Firenze.
Teichman, E. 1922. Travels ofa Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet, Cambridge.
Macdonald, A. 1962. Le Mandala du Manjusrimulakalpa, Paris.
Tsering, P. "Epenkundliche und historische ergebnisse einer reise nach Tibet im jahre
Macdonald, A. 1971. " Vne lecture des PT 1286, 1287, 1038, 1047 et 1290. Essai sur la 1980", Zentralasiatische Studien 16-18: 349-504.
formation et l'emploi des mythes politiques dans la religion royale de Srong-btsan
sgam-po", in A. Macdonald (ed.) Etudes tibetaines dediees ala memoire de Marcelle Tucci, G. 1939. Indo- Tibetica, IV/I. Roma.
Lalou, Paris, pp. 190-391.
Wayman, A. 1992. The Enlightenment ofVairocana, New Delhi.
Mallmann, M - T. de. 1975. Introduction al'iconographie du bouddhisme tantrique, Von Schroeder, U. 1981. Indo- Tibetan Bronzes, Hong Kong.
Paris.
Mitra, D. 1981/1983. Ratnagiri (vol.IlII) New Delhi. Whitfield, R. 1982. The Art of Central Asia in the Stein Collection of the British
Museum, Tokyo.
Meyer, F. 1987. "The Potala Palace of the Dalai Lamas in Lhasa", Orientations 18/7:14-
33. Williams, P. 1989. Mahayana Buddhism: the Doctrinal Foundations, London.
Olson, E. 1961. Catalogue of the Tibetan Collection of the Newark Museum, Newark. Yamamoto, C. 1990. The Mahavairocana-sutra, New Delhi. .
Pal, P. 1975. Bronzes ofKashmir, Graz. Yoritomi, M. 1990. "An Iconographic Study of the Eight Bodhisattvas in Tibet", in T.
Skorupski (ed.) Indo- Tibetan Studies, Tring, pp. 323-332.
~anglung, J. 1988. "Die metrischen Berichte uber die Grabmaler der tibetische Konige",
In H. Uebach and J. Panglung (eds.) Tibetan Studies, Munich, pp. 321-367.
Reynolds, V., A. Heller and J. Gyatso. 1986. Catalogue ofthe Tibetan Collection of the
Newark Museum, vol Ill. Sculpture and Painting, Newark.
bSod nams rgya mtsho and Tachikawa, M. 1989. The Ngor Mandalas of Tibet, Tokyo.
18
19
Early Ninth Century Images of Vairochana and brick foundations. As Wencheng's
journey was a most portentous moment in
Tibetan history, the tradition developed
from Eastern Tibet that these images were made by her. In
1954, the local population replaced the
stupa. with a temple, which was, in turn,
Amy Helier demolished by the Chinese after 1959. The
carvings were then left exposed to the ele-
ments, and thereby lost most of their
etween 804 and 816, Yeshe Yang, dhist historians, matrimonial alliances of Qocho (near Turfan in Xinjiang prov- painted decoration. In 1983, Nyima Dor-
B Master of Meditation of the Triga
monastery near Lake Kokonor in present
were never politically motivated, but were
a means to conversion - the most promi-
ince) in 792, and the defeat of a Tibetan
army by Uighur Turks near Kucha, also in
jee, a Tibetan historian born in Dagyab,
and his wife, Elizabeth Benard, a tibetolo-
day Qinghai province. commissioned two nent example of this being the arrival of a present day Xinjiang province. The result gist, visited the site and realized its impor-
series of images of a crowned Buddha, Tang princess, Wencheng Gongzhu, in of Nanzhao's alliance with the Tang was a tance. Dorjee encouraged the local Tibet-
probably Vairochana, surrounded by eight circa 641 as the bride of the Tibetan sov- serious weakening of the Tibetan south- ans to dig further along the cliff,
bodhisattvas, at the Beedo site near ereign Songtsen Gan1po (r. c. 629-50). eastern border. By 801, the Nanzhao king- whereupon four inscriptions were re-
Jyekundo in Qinghai province, and some The hostilities between Tang China dom had even supplied armies to Tang vealed. One is a Buddhist prayer, one is a
three hundred kilometres to the south at a and Tibet were not constant, and some- China for battle against the Tibetans. prayer in homage to Tibetan non-Buddhist
site currently known as Denma drak in the times Chinese gifts and concessions to This threatening atmosphere persisted deities and one is illegible. The fourth in-
Chamdo district of the Tibet Autonomous Lhasa amounted to tribute. Despite the until negotiations were begun in 804 be· scription, which describes the actual com-
Region. According to the inscriptions Tibeto-Chinese treaty of 783, vigorous tween the Tibetan ruler Triday Songtsen missioning ofthe sculptures, is as follows:
carved at the same time as the images, the contention did persist, however, particu- and the Tang emperor, Dezong (r. 780- (Fig. 3) Crowned Buddha
latter were commissioned in the hope of a larly in the areas west and south of Lake 80S). These were interrupted by the death In the summer of the monkey year [804 or 816J. (Fig. 2) Detail of Vairochana Kashmir or northern Pakistan, 8th century
successful outcome for the ongoing peace Kokonor. Although the major Tibetan oc- of Dezong. The Tang throne was sub- during the reign of Tsenpo Triday Songtsen...at Anxi Yulin, Gansu province Brass wilh copper, silver and zinc inlay
negotiations between the Tibetan Yarlung cupation of Tang territory took place from sequently occupied for six months by the commencement of treaty negotiations with Late 8th century Heighl31 cm
dynasty (c. 600-866) and the Chinese Tang 787 to 848 in the area of Dunhuang, there Shunzong, and after his abdication, Xian- the Chinese...lhese prayers and images were Mural painting Mr and Mrs John D. Rockefeller 3rd Collection
made for the spiritual benefit of the sovereign Height J20 cm (approximale) Asia Society Galleries, 1979.44
dynasty (618-906). By virtue of the in- were frequent skirmishes and sieges else- zong assumed the throne (r. 806-20). On (After Chugoku Sekkutsu, Tokyo, 1990).
scribed dates and the artists' names, these where along the Central Asian Silk Route. each of these occasions, several official rsenpo [emperorJ and the merit of all sentient
images are the e;lfliest dated examples of In 794, Tibet's long-standing ally, the Nan- missions we,re exchanged between the two beings. appear naturalistic in proportion, but the lineate the edge of the fabric, which is
Tibetan art known at present. Stylistically, zhao kingdom, defected to the Tang, partly empires, and an amnesty was even granted garment covering the shoulders and upper separated into three sections from which
the two series are quite distinctive: while because of Tibetan defeats, such as the loss to prisoners of war. Gradually, these mani- Placed in the centre of the cliff, the torso accentuates their breadth. In fact, this tassels hang. It can also be compared to the
the images of Denma ctrak present festations of mutual respect and un- rectangular low reliefcarving is dominated gannent is the image's most distinctive ornamental cloth collars seen on Tibetan
affinities with certain works from derstanding led to a reduction in hos- by the crowned Vairochana Buddha seated element, but it remains to be determined if royal images, such as one of Songtsen
Dunhuang and Anxi Yulin in present tility. The culmination was the sign- inside an arch on a lotus pedestal supported it was sculpted in the rock or added as Gampo at Gyama (Fig. 4), and known as
day Gansu province, those at Beedo ing in 821 or 822 of the most impor- by two lions, while on either side are ver- supplemental decoration. toyog ('upper body cover'). The garment
have striking parallels with sculp- tant treaty between the Tang and tical registers containing four superim- Central Asian crowned Buddhas or is not isolated to eighth to tenth century
ture of the Nanzhao kingdom (649- Yarlnng dynasties. The bi-lingual posed bodhisattvas. This representation of bodhisattvas wearing such a sleeveless images, and can also be seen on a silver
902), which was located in present text of this treaty was engraved on Vairochana recalls in many respects paint- garment are known from the fourth to the Buddha probably of Mongolian prove-
day northwestern Yunnan province. several pillars, one of which still ings from the Dunhuang cave temples exe- eighth centuries, but in these cases, the nance and dateable to the late seventeenth
The historic context leading up stands at the foot of the Potala Palace cuted during the Tibetan occupation. The garment is part of the image itself. For or eighteenth century (Fig. 5). The piece is
to the peace negotiations sheds some in Lhasa. In homage to the prelimi- jewelled canopy is very similar to several example, there is a wall painting identified fabricated from several thin sheetsofsilver
light on the interaction of artistic nary .negotiations leading to this Dunhuang examples combining the Chi- by inscription as depicting Vairochana and carefully joined at the seams - a technique
influences visible in these carvings. treaty, the Denma drak and the nese and the Tibetan treatment of fine and eight bodhisattva at the Anxi Yulin caves, that facilitated the addition of the collar to
For more than two centuries, the Ti- Beedo images and inscriptions were form (see Orientations, May 1992, p. 64, near Dunhuang in Gansu province. Attrib- the image, and of the decoration of elabo-
betan and Chinese empires had vied carved at the behest of Yeshe Yang. fig. 5). The Denma drak Buddha, however, uted to the late eighth century during the rate swirls and beading patterns. The actual
for control of the lucrative trade is not represented with the Tang conven- Tibetan occupation of the area, the form of a complete collar may be better
routes crossing Central Asia. Not group of inscriptions and tions of a squared face and jaw inside a crowned Vairochana in the painting wears appreciated from the costume used for Ti-
only were they fighting for the rich
oases of the Silk Route between the
A monumental images of Vairo-
chana Buddha surrounded by bo-
circular halo. In Figure 1, the broad fore-
head contrasts with the triangular jawline;
a collar or cape with a scalloped edge and
pendants (Fig. 2). Although the face is
betan religious dances in Figure 6. Al-
though the history of costumes such as this
Tang capitol of Chang'an through dhisattvas (Fig. I) was discovered in the chin is prominent, but the lips are not quite Chinese in style, the treatment of the has yet to be studied, the design of the
the Tarim basin, but also for the 1986 at Denma drak, a name long emphasized; the halo about the head has a halo, costumes and body proportions is in collar with a scalloped edge has been
spoils of horses, silks and slaves famous in Tibetan historical litera- pointed apex, accentuated by painted an Indian-derived style. Another crowned linked to the 'cloud coUar' motif seen in
traded along the Mekong river from ture as the spot where the Chinese bands of colour; the eyes appear long and Buddha, possibly from Kashmir or Gilgit Chinese gannent and porcelain' decoration
India into the area of Yunnan and Princess Wencheng Gongzhu narrow rather than round; and the thin in Pakistan (presently in the John D. from the Yuan dynasty (1279-1368) on-
Sichuan province. At the time, the founded a temple when en route to brows are just slightly arched, and do not Rockefeller Collection), wears a similar wards. This collar, or cape, could, in fact,
Tibetan empire stretched from marry Songtsen Gampo in the mid- meet above the bridge of the nose. It is jewelled and !i'inged garment (Fig. 3). Al- denote sovereignty, as indicated by the
Ladakh in Kashmir and Gilgit in seventh century. While it remains to impossible from this image to see suffi- though inscribed, the chronology of this long history of its use on historic royal
northern Pakistan to western be determined whether such a tem- cient detail in the crown, but there is a image is still problematic. Some scholars images, as well as on the several different
Sichuan province and' northwestern ple existed at the site, it is known that narrow band directly above the forehead, attribute it to the eighth century, while images of Buddha.
Yunnan province. During these three once the carvings were completed in terminated clearly by a rosette at the right others date it as late as the ninth or tenth It is difficult to determine the collar's
centuries the Tibetans progressively (Fig. I) Vairochana and eight bodhisattvas 804 or 816, a stupa was constructed temple. At one side of the face, an earring century. It is, however, approximately con- role in the iconography of Vairochana. As
adopted Buddhism, which prevailed Denma drak, Ch,amdo district, Tibet Autonomous Region
Yarlung dynasty, 804/816
against the cliff face to enshrine hangs to chin level. The somewhat short- temporary with the Denma drak carving. far as J have been able to determine, after
as the dominant religion on all their Stone with traces of painted decoration them. The images were visible once ened arms and elongated legs are perfectly The garment of the crowned Buddha at analyzing several eighth and ninth century
borders save that of the Mekong ba- Height 400 cm, width 400 cm (approximate) one entered the stupa, but the in- smooth, lacking any muscular definition, Denma drak rises stiffly above each shoul- Tibetan iconographic descriptions of dif-
sin. According to later Tibetan Bud- Photography by Nyima Dorjee and Elizabelh Benard scriptions were.concealed in its mud and the waist is narrow. The shoulders der to triangular points. Wide scallops de- ferent aspects of Vairochana, the Tibetan
74 75
tenn toyog ('upper body cover') is used in carding to this surra, there is an aspect of In several respects, the Anxi Yulin Vai- emphasis on the body rather than the drap-
opposition to a tenn for a 'lower body the Buddha known as Vairochana-abhi- rochana presents numerous stylistic affini- eries, as seen in a painted scroll from Dun-
gannent'. meaning a dhoti or some fann of sambodhi ('The Resplendent Buddha at ties with the Denma drak image. Both huang with Tibetan inscriptions portraying
trouser. Although it clearly refers to col- the moment of perfect enlightenment'). Buddhas sit on lotus pedestals with an a gold, crowned Buddha with eight atten-
lar/cape in its current usage, it is not certain Having one head and two hands, this as- upper row of wide, almost circular petals. dant bodhisaNvas (Fig. 9). The inscrip-
what kind of upper garment toyog referred pect of the Buddha should have a golden Their tubular legs fit perfectly just inside tions provide names of the attendants, but
to in the eighth or ninth century. The body seated in the lotus position on a lion the rim of the \lat, oval cushion on which none of the Buddha, the identification of
iconographical importance of this acces- throne. In addition, the Buddha may be the Buddha sits. The proportions and form which has been reassessed several times.
sory, therefore, cannot yet be fully as- surrounded by an unspecified number of of the legs are very similar, the artists In light of the evidence presented in this
sessed nor used exclusively to determine bodhisattvas. The Vairochana-abhisam- emphasizing the fonn of the body rather article concerning Vairochana. his iconog-
the identification as Vairochana. bodhi can be interpreted in two ways.: as than the draperies. The waists are narrow, raphy and popularity as a crowned Buddha
the Ilirmallakaya (emanation body) of but the swelling navels sensuously empha- during the eighth to the tenth century, this
Shakyamuni Buddha, in which case the sized; the shoulders are broad but not ex- author proposes a reconsideration that the
Ialsoconography for any Buddhist deity dif-
fers not only from region to region, but
over time. It would appear to this
image is shown wearing monastic robes;
and as the sambhogakaya ('body of bliss'),
aggerated. The Indian model for the body
followed in both cases may be appreciated
scroll depicts Vairochana and his atten-
dants.
author, that the cape was probably one of in which case the image is adorned, like a by the slightly later example from Orissa On either side of the stem of the lotus
several characteristics of early Vairochana bodhisattva, with jewellery, a crown and (see Fig. 7). The malldorla of the Indian on which the Denma drak Buddha is
images in Central Asia and Afghanistan. silk upper and lower garments. Although image is a typically ovoid halo, instead of seated, is a lion seated with the body in
These images would have been inspired by the latter description is so schematic that it the pointed horseshoe shape of the Anxi profile, but the head ell face. The Anxi
(Fig. 8) Crowned Buddha
the AVQtamsaka sutra, which emphasizes allows for varied interpretations of the Yulin and Denma drak images. Yulin image also has a similar pairing of Tibet, 12th/13th century
Vairochana's role as the generator of all clothing, it is clear they are not monastic On the Denma drak image no other lions, which stand outside the innercham- Ink on paper
other Buddhas, the source of the cosmos. robes. As with the Denma drak Buddha, clothing besides the cape can be discerned, bers of the 10lUS pedestal, their small bod- Height 12 cm, width 10.46 cm
This role is linked with that of the Cha- the hands should be in a particular dhyalla indicating a departure from the Chinese ies in profile and a tail visible behind the The Newark Museum, 81.23c
(Fig. 9) Crowned Buddha
kravartin, the universal king and guarantor mudra (gesture of meditation) in which the stylistic model of Buddhas and bodhisat· haunch. On the Denma drak lions, how- Dunhuang, Gansu province, early 9th century
of utopia, and hence entitled to such a royal thumbs touch. Visually, this is usually in- tvas in voluminous robes. The Orissan ever, it would appear that a wing protrudes of a dhoti delineating the waist, appears to [ok and colours on silk
cape. In the Mahallairocharw sutra and terpreted to mean that the two hands lie one sculpture has a bare suggestion of cloth at from each creature's haunch - a conven- be portrayed kneeling towards Vairochana, Height 95 cm, width 63.5 cm
associated commentaries, which were atop the other and the thumbs touch at the the ankle, while the Tibetan drawing in tion also found in a contemporary Dun- British Museum, OA 1919.1-1.050
the hands pressed together in a fonn of the
translated into Tibetan in the second half fingertips, as seen in a tenth century exam- Figure 8, clearly has a hem of a short dhoti huang drawing now in the collections of alljali mudra (gesture of reverence). At
of the eighth century, Vairochana is again ple from Orissa, India (Fig. 7), or the tips above the rounded knees. Upon closer in- the Musee Guimet in Paris (Jeanine shoulder level, on this bodhisaNva and its
characterized by the role of sovereign. Ac- of the thumbs may rise to touch above the spection an Indian dhoti would probably Auboyer et al, La Route de la Soie, Paris, counterpart on the other side, two small,
palms, such as in a twelfth century exam- be visible on the Denma drak image, cling- 1976, pI. 302). Further clarification is differently coloured triangles extend,
ple from Tibet (Fig. 8). It may be noted that ing to the thighs as if of transparent mate- given by the monumental stone sculptures which correspond to the triangular sec-
in the Anxi Yulin waJJ painting (see Fig. 2), rial. In the early Tibetan style at Dunhuang, of lions decorating the entrance to the Yar- tions at the rear of the Buddha's throne. It
the Buddha's thumbs touch at the level of there was a similar adaptation of the Indian lung dynasty's tomb site in the Yarlung is not clear from the photograph whether
the first joint. costume and proportions, as well as an valley of Central Tibet (Fig. 10). These
lions are presumed to date from the con-
struction of the tombs, circa 790 to 840.
these are merely painted or carved. The
crown of the upper right bodhisattva also
appears to have several triangular orna-
.: .......
The seated position of the legs is the same ments, but this impression may be due to
as that of the Denma drak lions, and a close
examination of the photograph reveals that
paint loss. The bodhisattva directly under- .......'. :' ~ --;;.~-.,~'
neath this one is seated en face with the . ~ 4.
what was considered to be wings on the legs crossed at the ankles. The third ba- ~. . -:1 ".
Denma drak examples is in fact a tail dhisattva from the top in this register ap- (Fig. I0) Seated lion at entrance to
curled between the legs and extended pears like the topmost one to have a body Yarlung dynasty tombs
across the \lank. This would obviously turned towards Vairochana. Although the Yarlung valley, Tibet Autonomous Region
also be the case with the Denma drak carv- Yarlung dynasty (c. 60().866)
(Fig. 4) Songtsen Gampo lowest bodhisattva from the top in this
Stone
Gyama. Tibet Autonomous Region ing. In addition, the manes of both the register has lost all paint, it can be seen the Height 150 cm (approximate)
Metal Denma drak and Yarlung lions are curled. most clearly. Its head is tilted with its back PhOlography by H.E. Richardson
Photography by H.E. Richardson However, the heads of the Denma drak towards the Buddha, while the torso
lions cannot be seen clearly enough in swings slightly to the right. Just as in the The date of the inscriptions corresponds to
Figure I to compare the curls to the \lat, Dunhuang painted scroll (see Fig. 9), in the 806, and one section details that,
(Fig. 5) Buddha controlled curls clinging to the head of the
Mongolia (?),
Denma drak carvings, the varied positions
Yarlung lion. of the bodhisattvas break the frontality of In the dog year during the reign of Tsenpo
t8th century
Although the bodies of the eight atten- the composition; their lithe bodies seem Triday Songlsen,these images accompanied by
Hammered and
dant bodhisattvas are only partially visible sacred inscriptions were carved in relief for the
gilt silver with lively, almost ready to emerge from the
painted details in Figure I, several observations can be spiritual benefit of the sovereign, the ministers
stone, while the Buddha sits in profound
and inlaid with and the religious donors and all sentient beings.
made. The composition of four bodhisat- meditation, his hands posed in his lap.
Jewels by the monk/translator Yeshe Yang....
(vas to each side. and flying apsara at
Height 31.75 cm
(Fig. 6) Dancer's costume either side of the canopy above the arch, is
Gift of Herman
and Paul Jaehne
194t
Tibet
Chinese brocade and papier mache
symmetrical. The halo and l1Ialldorla of
the bodhisattvas foHow the same form as
T he temple of Beedo lies some rwenty
kilometres southeast of Jyekundo. The
relatively smaJJ, square sanctuary is built
In the centre of the wall, beneath a canopy
draped in silk curtains, an image of the
Gown: height 134.8 cm, collar: height 83.8 cm, crowned Vairochana Buddha sits in medi-
The Newark the central image. Several of the figures directly against the \lank of a cliff, and the tation on a lotus cushion, with a horseshoe-
width 83.8 cm, mask: height 55.9 cm (Fig. 7) Vairochana
Museum, appear to be seated enface. but at least two rock carYi ngs therefore fonn the rear wall
41.1068
Gift of Alice Boney, 54.1; Crane Collection, Ratnagiri, Orissa. 10th century shaped halo adorning his head (Fig. 12).
11.648; Acquired by exchange with the American Stone may have the body turned towards the of the temple (Fig. I I). There are several Recently repainted, the image's golden
Museum of Natural History. 48.18 Height 115 cm central figure of the Buddha. The topmost inscriptions in differenr parts of the cliff, body is dressed in elaborate robes, the
The Newark Museum Photography by Ulrich von Scbroeder figure on the right, with two broad bands some even outside the temple structure. painting of which gives the impression of
76 77
(Fig. 11) Beedo temple
Jyekundo, Qinghai province
Photography by Samten Karmay
78
(Fig. 14) Detail of bodhisauvas well as philosophic trends of each culture.
surrounding Vairochana in Figure 12 In addition, their conquests along the Silk
Photography by Geoffrey Samuel
Route had exposed them to the diversity of
aesthetics of those kingdoms. As Tibet
adopted Buddhism during the eighth and
ninth centuries, the need for new sanctuar-
ies was imperative. Other ancient temples
have now been reported, as well as rock
carvings to the east and south of Chamdo.
All of these sites require investigation and
photographic documentation prior to any
restoration. For now, it must be stressed
that the two sculptural groups at Beedo and
Denma drak are the earliest images dated
by inscription yet found in Tibet - as such
they provide an important testimony to the
highly developed Tibetan aesthetic sensi-
tivity and carving skills of the early ninth
century.
(Fig. 15) Detail of King Geluofeng
Shizhongsi, Jianchuan, Amy Helier is an independent an historian and
Yunnan province Iibetologisl. Since 1981, she has worked with the
9th century Heeramaneck Collection, researched and written
Stone catalogues for The Newark Museum Tibetan
Height 1.37 cm Collection, curated two exhibitions for Yale
Photography by Angela F. Howard University and worked with a research tearn of the
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique
(CNRS) in Paris.
garment between the cuffs allows us to see
that King Geluofeng also had two layers of The author is deeply indebted to H.E. Richardson, and
Ulrich and Heidi von Schroeder for their
gaIlllents. His inner sleeve is proportion- encouragement, criticism and inspiration. Valrae
ately as long as Vairochana's outer sleeve, Reynolds of The Newark Museum and Anne Farrer
and the cuffs of his outer robe extend far of the British Museum, and the scholars Nyima
beyond and drape over the legs. The nose Dorjee, Elizabeth Benard, Geoffrey Samuel, Samten
of the king has been restored, but like Karmay. K..imiaki Tanaka and Angela F. Howard have
Vairochana, the shape of the face is oval, all kindly provided photographs. Their help is
gratefully acknowledged.
not square. Both have completely flat
cheeks with no cheekbones, and there is no Selected bibliographY
accentuation of the chin. These facial fea-
tures seem for now to be an anomaly in
Christopher Beckwith, The TIbetan Empire in Cenlral
both the context of Tang China. and styles Asia. Princeton University Press, Princeton.
derived from India. One difference is in the 1987.
crown, which at Beedo consists of three Amy Helier. 'Ninth Century Buddhist Images carved
elongated panels, while Geluofeng wears at IDan-ma-brag to commemorate Tibeto-
a pointed mitre, However, one of the other Chinese Negotiations', Per Kvaerne ed.,
Proceedings of the IATS 1992 NOnJ,'ay Seminar,
Shizhongsi royal portraits shows a king
forthcoming.
with a crown of three similar panels John Humington, 'Three Essays on Himalayan Metal
(Howard, ibid, p. 53, fig. 4). These stylistic Images'. Apollo, November 1983, pp. 416-25.
Jianchuan, of the Nanzhao king Geluofeng features of crown and draperies are not Susan L. Huntington and John C. Huntington, Leaves
(r. 748-79) giving audience surrounded by followed by the later Buddhist art from the from the Bodlli Tree: The Art of Pala India
ministers carrying ceremonial implements Dali kingdom (937-1279), where a strong (8th-/2th centuries) and Its International
Legacy, The Dayton An lnstitute and University
as well as guards holding fans, pennons influence from northern China is apparent.
of Washington Press, Seattle and London, 1990.
and streamers has many features strikingly Certainly, the work of the artists at Heather Karmay (Stoddard), 'Tibetan Costume.
similar to those of the Beedo Vairochana, Denma drak reflects the schools and mod- Seventh to Eleventh Centuricz,' in Ariane
in particular the robes of Geluofeng (Fig. els of Buddhist art from Dunhuang, in- Macdonald and Yoshiro Imaeda eds, Essais sur
15). In both cases, there is a departure from spired in many respects by lndia rather /'an duTlbet, Jean Maisonneuve, Paris, 1977.
the Chinese convention to gather the fabric than China, while the carvings at Beedo Deborah Klimburg-Salter, The Silk Route and the
Diamond Path, Los Angeles County Museum of
in small pleats and swirling folds. Instead, are, to a certain degree, innovative. It is not An, Los Angeles, 1982.
the voluminous cloth is massed in wide, surprising that the same person commis- Albert Lutz ed.. Der Goldschatz der Drei Pagoden,
contiguous sections, separated by a groove sioned two representations of Vairochana Museum Rietberg. Zurich, 1991.
as if it were a seam of a quilted or padded in two different styles, since in Central Valrae Reynolds, Amy Helier and Janet Gyatso,
panel of fabric. Unfortunately, the col- Tibet by the end of the eighth century, the Catalogue of rhe Tibetan Collection of the
oured prayer scarves placed above the series of Buddhist debates between Chi- Newark Museum, Volume Ill. Painting and
Sculpwre, The Newark Museum, Newark, New
hands of Vairochana prevent seeing be- nese Chan masters and Indian monks had Jersey. 1986.
yond the cuffs of the sleeves. At just finished. The Tibetans were, therefore, Ulrich von Schroeder. Indo-Tiberan Bronzes, Visual
Shizhongsi, however, the treatment of the well aware of distinct artistic canons as Dharma Publications. Hong Kong, 1981.
79
MONGOLIAN MOUNTAIN DEITIES AND LOCAL GODS:
EXAMPLES OF RITUALS FOR THEIR WORSHIP IN TIBETAN
LANGUAGE
by
There is a vast corpus of studies on the beliefs and religious practices of the Mongolian ethnic groups,
including the means of conversion used by Tibetan Buddhist missionaries. I Yet the study of Tibetan
texts for the worship of Mongolian mountain gods have not recently been juxtaposed with current rese-
arch perspectives of Tibetologists concerning Tibetan and Himalayan mountain gods. In view of this, we
propose to discuss some information gleaned from a few texts written in Tibetan language for worship of
Mongolian mountain deities. Sky, rivers, and mountains played an important role in Mongolian folk
religion since early times. 2 The transmission of their cult was largely maintained through oral literature.
However, due to the increasing influential role played by Tibetan religious masters in the empire of
Kubilai Khan as of mid-thirteenth century, certain Tibetan religious texts were translated while rituals
were performed in Tibetan. This eventually led to compositions written in Tibetan language for worship
of local Mongolian deities, particularly from the late 16th to early 20th century.
A few remarks on the source and context of this material before we discuss the texts. At the Norway
seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies in 1992, our esteemed colleague Geza
Bethlenfalvy presented a paper entitled "Golden Libation (gser skyems) to the Altai Mountains, a Tibe-
tan text from Western Mongolia". This text had been found in 1991 by the first "Mongolian-Hungarian
Expedition" directed by Alice Sarkozi and assisted by Geza Bethlenfalvy and Agnes Birtalan. They
intend to publish this material, under the projected title Folk Culture, literature and beliefs in Western
Mongolia, and their first findings should be in press soon. 3 The expedition is the result of close relations
- political and economic - between Hungary and Mongolia, particularly since 1950. Academic ties were
strong allowing fornlation of major ethnographic and manuscript collections. The Oriental Library of
the Hungarian Academy of Sciences comprises some 4000 manuscripts obtained from Mongolia, as well.
as printed books or x')'lographs. Most have not been catalogued, however access is permitted for foreign
readers. There are literally hundreds of rituals of bsangs for klu, sa bdag, 'go ba'i lha lnga and mountain
deities. In addition, there is a substantial private library collection of a forestry engineer who learned
Tibetan during many years work at various sites in Mongolia. Due to his interest in botany, he has se-
veral illustrated manuscripts on plants as well as pharmacological texts, and many rituals. It is thanks to
the generosity of Dr. Tibor Szab6 that I obtained the texts discussed here. In many respects, the findings
1 In particular see the numerous studies by R. Hamayon at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Ve Section
(Anlluaire 1977-1989), and Hamayon, R. (1990), La chasse Cl l'time. Nanterre, Societe d'Etlmologie. Cf. also
Bawden, Ch. (1987), "Chamanisme et lamalsme en Mongolie septentrionale. Temoins et documents", Etudes mOIl-
goles et siberiennes 18,7-32 and Even, M. D. (1992), "Chants de chamanes mongols", Etudes mongoles et siberi-
ennes 19-20, 11-427.
2 ef. Heissig, W. (1973), Les Religions de la Mongolie. Paris, Payot.
3 To be published by the Akademiai Kiad6, Budapest. The present study only briefly summarises the results of
this expedition which will undoubtedly provide material and analysis which go far beyond the scope of this article.
134 A Helier Mongolian mountain deities and local gods 135
presented here are forcibly quite limited due to the very few texts consulted, the highly repetitious con- deities, perhaps mountain deities, related to the cult of the ancient royalty. The theoretical framework
tents of the ingredients, and the lack of concrete observation in Mongolia. Eventually the Hungarian- linking the cult of the mountains and the royalty was particularly studied by A. Macdonald-Spanien in
Mongolian Expedition will publish its field work providing much more information than this brief and 1971, and both critically assessed and reiterated by R A. Stein in 1985. 10 Such were the thoughts behind
purely textual account, which is merely presented as a contrapunto to our colleagues research on Tibetan our examination of Mongolian mountain deities and the cults as described in these rituals: to what de-
and Himalayan mountain and local gods. gree can one identify integration of a "foreign" deity into the Tibetan Buddhist pantheon? How far was
Tibetan Buddhism able to adjust itself to local cults and absorb them at the same time. These were some
of our questions but the answers obtained from the material at hand do not provide the answers - far
1. The Mongolian context from it!
The context of this Tibetan language material is of course the synthesis of Mongolian local gods with-
in the conceptual framework of Tibetan Buddhism. Libation ceremonies (gser skyems) and fumigation 2. Localisation of sites
(bsangs) are most common; there are even bsangs texts in Mongolian language. As Sark6zi summarized
her preliminary findings very briefly, the most salient factors were as follows: 1) all local deities could The texts examined here concern three distinct regions in Mongolia, viz.:
be "worshipped" by a shaman or by a lama (this despite the commonly found history of animosity ex-
pressed by eminent specialists such as Heissig).4 2) The mountain gods in the Mongolian language ritual - AItai Mountain range, Southwest Mongolia, textually described as a group of 13 sununits. The altitude
texts were described as ordinary women, dressed in robes - this contrasts strongly with the fewdescrip- is approximately 4000 meters. Ttl.e two deities named are AI thas rgyal po, and AI this rgyal mo / AI
tions in Tibetan language rituals where we found Mongolian mountain gods represented as male, whe- tha'i rgyal mo, literally AItai King, Altai Queen. Both, male and female, are mountain gods. 11
ther warriors in armor or men in robes and turban. Among the data only in Mongolian language, Sar-
k6zi and Birtalan found many short stories about the obo, said to be the souls of deceased shamans, who - Orkhon river basin, central Mongolia (south section; Karakorum), a region of plains and hills. The
have become the forces of spirits of the mountains, lakes, rivers and forests. 5 As they explained, the obo god's name is Od hong ten ke(/ge) ri, etymologically derived, no doubt, from the Mongolian term tengri.
may be represented by lone stones or branches, as well as by felt dolls. Birtalan found instructions on But it is a fortuitous philological coincidence that ri = (Tibetan) mountain is apparent nonetheless and
how to clean the obo, what to do to make it a good residence for the nature spirit, which spirit resides emphasised by the spelling of the god's name.
where, and what to do if the spirit is killed - contrary to central Ladakh where the local people believe Od hong teng ge ri is also named gzhi bdag dge bsnyen chen po. One ritual has a preambule explai-
yul lha to be "immortal".6 In one case of Birtalan's research in Western Mongolia, the god had been ning the history of this name: once he had sworn an oath (dam tshig) in front of the Buddha, he was
transformed into a snake (because its residence had become unsuitable) and killed. The instruction then called dge bsnyen chen po, the "great upasaka". This term is prominently Buddhist, the procedure of
called for the obo to be rebuilt elsewhere where it could again be "inhabited". The obo could become "sworn oath and Buddhist name" occurs frequently in the literature, and this category is common to
accumulations of stones, branches, and fabrics around the principal stone (similar in this respect to the many mountain deities once they have been subdued and bound by oath. It is of course important to
Tibetan custom of lha tho) or a carved isolated stone. 7 Crutches might be abandonned beside such rocks distinguish the category dge bsnyen from the name of ancient gnyan deities of Tibet, whose memory
to show recovery (in part attributed to curative resources of the spirit residing therein). We must also survives in such names as the gNyan chen thang Iha range. 12
8
recall the classes of gods called tengri. Some tengri are related to the sky, while others are associated
with "good fortune" residing in valleys, hills, plains or mountains; still others are represented as pro- - Darigang region, Eastern Mongolia. The god's name is given as Ta ri gang ga, which seems to be
tective deities, said to be warriors dressed in armour, generally having a horse and weapons. This group transcription of the Mongolian ethnic group which lives there. The ritual text however provides the
of tengri in particular has a close parallel with the iconography - and perhaps with the function - of explanation of the name, implying a relation where the gnas bdag, "master of the region", has his task
certain Tibetan mountains gods as well as Gesar and protective deities such as Beg tse and Pehar. 9
The warrior tengri lead us to the well known hypothesis that Tibetan protective deities such as these - 10 Macdonald, A (1971), " Dne lecture des PT 1286, 1287, 1038, 1047 et 1290. Essai sur la formation et l'em-
which have no direct parallel in Indian Buddhist sources - would be reminders of Tibetan non-Buddhist ploi des mythes politiques dans la religion royale de Sron bean sgam po", In Etudes tibetaines dMiees a la memoire
de Marcelle Lalou. (ed.) A Macdonald, Paris, Adrien Maisonneuve, 190-391 and Stein, R. A (1985), "Tibetica
4 Cf. Heissig 1973: Chapter 4, "La Repression Lamarque du Chamanisme". Antiqua IV. La tradition relative au debut du bouddhisme au Tibet", BEFEO 75,169-196.
5 Cf. Hamayon 1990 and Djakonova, YP. (1977), "L'obo, monument du culte de la nature chez les peuples du 11 Cf. infra, where text 5 gives both spellings for the female god's name, the male god's name does not occur. The
Saran-Altai", L'Ethnographie 118,74-75,93-99 (special issue Voyages Chamaniques). text 2 discusses the whole family: al tha'i Iha chen mchog/ rgyal po yum sras phyi nang gsang ba'i blon... " the
6 This remark was made by Pascale Dollfus during the seminar based on her informants and lsabelle Riabotrs great god(s) of the Altai, king, wife, son, and three categories of ministers: exterior, interior and secret."
fmdings in Zanskar. 12 Cf. our recent study of a rock inscription dated 816 AD. where occurs the phrase sku bla dang ma gnyan po
7 For photographs of such stones, cf. Ser-Odjav, N. (1986), "Les tresors de la Mongolie", Le Courrier Unesco 'di la! phyag 'tshal zhing mchod pa byas ma, for which the proposed translation "when one makes offerings and
3/12,30-37. pays homage to the sku bla and the [lhaJ gnyan po". Heller, A (1994), "Ninth century Buddhist images carved at
8 Heissig 1973: 403-417. lDan ma brag to conmlemorate Tibeto-Chinese negotiations", In Tibetan Studies. (ed.) P. Kvaerne, Oslo, Institute
9 Slides illustrating these iconographic parallels were shown during the Paris seminar. for Comparative Research in Human Culture, 335-349 and Appendix volume, 12-19.
136 A Helier Mongolian mountain deities and local gods 137
explained by the epithet sa 'dzin, "the earth-holding", applied to the mountain Ta and the river Ganga. 13 The remaining texts are all bsangs, accompanied sometimes by libations and other offerings. In each
As far as we have been able to determine, the specific summit and river are not indicated on maps, al- case, the list of certain indispensable ingredients (such as something to provide fragrant smoke: juniper
though the region is shown. While it is possible that the textual explanation is an etymological con- branches, and tsampa flour, as well perhaps as some butter) is provided as well as the procedure for
struction mixing Tibetan and Mongolian names, future comparison with other rituals from this area may making the substances to be used in the bsangs and the gser skyems. In fact, such descriptions usually
provide more information. The god is also called ilia chen dge bsnyen dgra Iha chen mo - while one just discuss the preparation for the ritual, not the private or public ritual activities. The texts generalize
might expect to find dgra Iha chen po, it is surprising to find dgra Iha chen moo dGra Iha is the well the recitation throughout except for no. 4, "The ingredients for general practice of smoke offerings to the
known category of gods who protect against enemies. In addition, the name ilia chen dge bsnyen skyes lama, meditation deities, protective deities, guardians, mighty ones (dpa' bo) and r/iikinJ." This text pre-
ri chen po is found, which perhaps we may translate as "Great god, Upiisaka, Great mountain of the cisely focuses on the ingredients indicating great range and variety - but was this every time the case?
birth". This latter term recalls the very incorporation of Tibetan gods into Buddhist cult, the skyes Iha, Was it ever practiced as such? We cannot know to what ex.ient the required ingredients were strictly
and the honorific form, the 'khrungs Iha. 14 respected or whether substitutions were made. 17 Among the ingredients, for example, mi sha and sha
chen, human flesh, are listed. As expressed by Fernand Meyer, "En ce qui concerne mi sha ou sha chen,
je pense que, du point de vue rituel, comme du point de vue medical (emploi toujours rare, aujourd'hui
3. Survey and Analysis of texts inexistant), la plus grande efficacite doit etre attribuee aux substances authentiques, meme si, probable-
ment le plus souvent, on se contente de substituts.,,18
1. Bo no sangs / gang tsug gu sangs yang 'gug / fol. 4. In this text there are seven di~sions: bsangs ingredients for meditation and protective deities, ingre-
2. Al thas zhes grags pa'i yuI gyi gzhi bdag rnams la bsangs mchod 'buI tshuI zhes bya bal fol. 6. dients for general offerings, gtor Ima ingredients, gser skyems ingredients, contents of consecration vase
3. IHa chen Od hong theng ke ri'i bsangs gsas don Ihun grub zhes bya ba II gzhi bdag dge bsnyen ingredients, ingredients termed If;i kha rdzas19 and again a gser skyems descriptive list.
chen po la bsangs mchod 'buI tshuI II fol. 6. The text begins very abruptly with the sentence: "Concerning the practice of smoke (offerings) for
4. BIa ma yi dam chos skyong srung ma'i dpa' bo mkha' 'gro'i la 'buI spos spyod spyir rdzas I fol. 6. Mahiikiila... " There is no discussion of the place for the ritual, nor indications of who will perform it.
5. Ri aI this rgyaI mo bsang I aI tha'i rgyaI mo gser skyems I fol. 4. The colophon attributes the composition to the siddha Maitripa; while the goals ofthe practice are resi-
6. Al tha'i bsangs gser skyems zhes bya ba I fol. 15. stance against epidemics, general hindrances and harmful influences such as those of gza', rgyaI and kIu
7. IHa'i skyong rgyaI po la bsangs mchod 'buI 'dod pa I fol. 4. classes of deities.
8. BIa ma yi dam sangs rgyas byang sems dpa' bo mkha' 'gro chos skyong bsrung ma rnams la gsoI Now for the ingredients as stated for Mahiikiila: aconite plant, white mustard, garlic, black frankin-
'debs bsam don Ihun grub ces bya ba I fol. 7. 20
cense, mi sha. Yama's ingredients are fish and frankincense, offered separately. ilia mo receives black
frankincense, black aconite, white radish, garlic, blood and flesh, fat, all made into round pills and
A few additional texts from the library ofthe Academy of Sciences were rapidly consulted. IS Two of burned. VaisravaJ).a should have white smoke from white sandalwood, black eaglewood, camphor and
the above texts are well nigh useless for me: Text no. 1. Bo no sangs, fol. 4, copied in the hope that it special juniper wood. Beg tse receives frankincense, camphor, flesh (sha chen), white mustard, blood
might shed light on Ladakhi Bo na rituals;16 this text consists purely of mantra, and is completely in- (khrag chen, human blood), special blood from a red goat, beer - again all combined into pills and
comprehensible for me. Also, text no. 8. BIa ma yi dam bsangs... which is essentially lists of major well burnt. The lists for the general group of protectors is very detailed in comparison: black and white fran-
known Indian Buddhist deities. kincense, red and white sandalwood, flesh (again sha chen), bezoar, bamboo juice, cloves, pomegranate,
cardamom, saffron or marigold, aloe wood, cinnamon, nutmeg, deer musk, several types of camphor,
13 This text is in the library of Geza Bethlenfalvy, entitled Sa 'dzin ta ri gang ga'i gnas bdag dge bsnyen 'khor black aconite, white garlic, mustard grains, honey - all to be mixed together and formed into clumps,
bcas kyi mngon rtogs spyan 'dren bskang bshags sogs cha tshang ba'i gsol mchod kyi rim pa, fol. 1-9. The first whether the size of charcoal or small pills. The beneficial effects are against epidemics, against attacks
evocation begins sa 'dzin ta ri dang chu bor gang gar grags pa'j gnas bdag dge bsnyen chen po (dj) ... Further of epilepsy or delirium, and in general to combat all that is harmful including classes of Buddhist minor
analysis will be forthcoming in the publication of the Mongolian-Hungarian expedition.
14 For discussion of the 'khrungs lha of btsan po Khri smng 1de btsan, cf. Macdonald, A. (1976), "Sources ecrites
et orales concernant la rete du second mois au Tibet", Annuaire de l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, IVe Section, 17 For an attempt at identification of ingredients, cf. the lists of Materia Medica compiled by ParfIonovich, Y.,
979-984. For discussion of the 'khrungs lha of several Dalai Lamas, linked to their birthplaces, cf. Macdonald, A. D01je, G. and Meyer, F. (1992), Tibetan Medical Paintings, London, Serindia. Beyer (1975: 158-159) discussed a
(1977), "I. Origine et developpement du theatre au Tibet. IT. Histoire du monastere de Gnas chuli et des mediums visualisation of five fleshes and five nectars, where the practitioner had in front of him a small skull bowl filled
qui s'y sont succede", Annuaire de l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, IVe Section, 1009-1011; and Heller, A. with water, cf. Beyer, S. (1975), The Cult ofTiirii. Berke1ey, University of California Press.
(1992), "Historic and Iconographic aspects of the Protective deities Srung ma dmar nag", In Tibetan Studies. (ed.) 18 Personal communication, letter of 9.3.1995.
S. Ihara and Z. Yamaguchi, Narita, Naritasan Shinshoji, 479-492. 19 "Ingredients to counteract the mi kha". On tins category of numina linked to calumny and jealousy, cf. Kap1a-
15 The Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Oriental Library inventory numbers as follows: No. 365 - rlung rta
nian, P. (1988), "Les mikha au Ladakh et le mikha specha (mi kha dpe cha)", In Tibetan Studies. (eds.) H. Uebach
bsangs, sa bdag bcu gsum bsangs, btsong ri'i bdag po'j gsol mchod rten 'bul; No. 361 - 'od hong tengri bsangs and J. 1. Pang1ung, Munich, Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 209-218.
(fol. 3), btsong ri bdag po cho ga (fol. 1), rlung rta bsangs (fol. 3); No. 504 - rlung rta bsangs (fol. 2). 20 Mi sha is indicated as an ingredient by Parnonovich et al. (1992): table 227, item 43. However substitutes
16 Cf. Brauen, M. (1981), Feste in Ladakh. Graz, Akademische Druck-u. Verlagsansta1t.
were practiced, cf. note 17.
138 A Helier Mongolian mountain deities and local gods 139
numina. This instruction is attributed to another author, possibly also a mahiisiddha, Grub chen Khyung In addition we were able to consult two texts for the god Tariganga. The first of these is a bsangs
po.21 which provides a description of the gnas bdag: one face, two arms, right hand holding a long arrow of
The gtor ma preparation is analogous: red and white sandalwood, nutmeg, camphor and frankincen- white crystal and tlle left a jewel, a silk turban on his head, a silk robe on his body. The yum has a tur-
se, saffron, five sweet smells, rice, wheat, peas, sesame and barley, gold, silver, pearl, lapis lazuli, coral, ban of jewels; she holds arrows and bows. They are accompanied by son(s) (sras), minister(s) (blon),
moonseed plant, blackberry, orchid, clover, the plant "snaketongue", yoghurts, molasses, fruits, honey generales) and army. The Potala mountain is evoked as a comparison of the Darigang summits. The
and butter. There is no special purpose explicitly stated, it is just a general recipe. The lists of ingre- second text is a gtor ma offering, where the god is more succinctly described: wearing white silk robes
dients continue in similar fashion for the liquids to use for libations or for filling the vase of consecrati- and turban, he holds a banner and vase.
on for certain tantra initiations. This text, as far as I can tell, is not specifically Mongolian. There is The last region is the Orkhon river basin, where Od hong teng ge ri is called bstan srung dgra lha
seemingly no indication whatsoever of an adaptation imposed by the change of context from Tibet to chen po. The texts describe an invitation with music, where he is invited to come to be rejoiced on the
Mongolia. It would seem possible, perhaps probable, that this is simply a Tibetan text used in Mongolia. precious throne situated in the space in front of the officiant. Here offerings of bsangs and gtor ma will
Concerning such lists of ingredients, Fernand Meyer has stated, "11 n'est pas justifie de tracer une be made, accompanied by mudrii and mantra. By virtue of the bsangs of sandalwood and juniper the
frontiere nette qui separerait, d'un cote, les ingredients pharmaceutiques auxquels on preterait une effi- lives and prosperity of all inhabitants of the region will be increased. In several other texts of which
cacite biologique empirique, des ingredients rituels dont l'efficacite serait d'ordre symbolique. En effet, unfortunately I did not obtain copies, when the dgra lha is offered bsangs, the context was within the
les memes produits sont souvent utilises dans les deux contextes, et il est probable qu'un certain nombre group of the 'go ba'i lha lnga. 23 This is not the case here, where the dgra lha is independent and accom-
de produits furent d'abord des ingredients rituels avant d'entrer dans la pharmacopee oil leur emploi panied by his own minister and acolytes. Their entire group is considered as part of indeterminate
continue, d'ailleurs, a avoir des connotations symboliques. Ainsi, un meme fruit peut entrer dans une quantities ofyullha, gzhi bdag alldgnas bdag. After requesting prosperity for all, the ritual ends abrupt-
figurine de glud comme substitut du foie et se retrouver dans la pharmacopee parmi les drogues em- ly: kye kye so so lha rgyallo!
ployees dans les maladies hepatiques. ,,22 From these examples, it would appear that we observe almost verbatim adoption of Tibetan rituals
In the three texts of bsangs dedicated to the Altai Mountains, a certain degree of adjustment to local and adaptation to Mongolia by the inclusion of names of local gods. In several cases, the name of the
considerations may be perceived. For example, four specific summits within the Altai range are named target Mongolian god or group of gods is simply inserted in the midst ofa list of names of deities· he-
in the texts: ilia ri gnyan po Er te ni her han, sPo ro has ri han, Ba yan ha ri han and Ung la'ang kol. longing to Tibetan Buddhist pantheons. Because the recitation of names is held sacred, the Mongolian
The ritual is to be performed in front of a tent, while in the lists of animals offered, the camel and the gods' names function as part of the litany, punctuated by various offerings. The recitation acts as the
horse are evoked in the "usual context" of goats and sheep - while the yak is absent. In the liquids used means for ritual integration of the otherwise foreign deity into the constituted groups within the panthe-
to mix the bsangs, there is chang, beer, a rag, distilled grain alcohol, and some sort of Mongolian be- ons. The adoption of Tibetan iconographic models of protective deities is total, there is seemingly no
verage (hor dza) whose substance remains to be identified. Weather considerations and agricultural input from Mongolian iconography in the examples studied here.
safeguards are the desired results to be gained - such as stopping of hailstorms or reducing the strength To conclude, I would like to present a contemporary example which raises questions of verbatim
of great gusts of winds threatening livestock and people. In the next sentence, the offering is directed to adoption of rituals from Tibet as opposed to a process of adaptation of such rituals to a different location.
avoid general illness and war, to promote luck and long life. The gods evoked are the male mountain Unexpectedly, I had the opportunity of observing a bsangs for the appeasement of an anonymous gzhi
god (rgyal po) and the female mountain god (rgyal mo), his wife. There is no description per se, but bdag in Basel, Switzerland. A Karma pa center had moved to a new building beside a river in the Basel
explicit listing of the members of their entourage, composed of son(s) (sras) and ministers (nang gsang suburbs. A Tibetan lama visiting from Nepal came there for a few days of teachings. As he spoke almost
ba'i blon). This is an adoption of a group or family perfectly familiar from other Tibetan Buddhist ritu- no English, I was requested to translate for him during three full days. Prior to the public session on the
als. The mountain is referred to as nor 'dzin, "upholder of wealth", as well as gzhi bdag, and yul lha, third afternoon, he explained that the gzhi bdag should receive offering and prepared a mixture of ho-
which terms are used alternatively here, both qualified as gnyan po, "wild". The term nor 'dzin corres- ney, flour, butter, tea leaves, crumbled incense, quite similar to the ingredients textually described. He
ponds to the notion discussed by Dollfus and Riaboff (cf. above) where the mountain is viewed as the then requested that a pile of wood - including evergreen branches - be prepared near the river and made
source of the riches of the area, i.e. water, because the melting of snow and channeling of irrigation a blazing fire into which the bsangs was burned, while he recited from memory.
routes ensures the success of the crops, hence the prosperity of the village or the group of tents. A chro- I later learned that there is an annual bsangs ceremony every september since five years, on a hill
nological indication is provided by the appearance of a gun (me mda) among the weapons in the general overlooking Lake Geneva facing the Mont Blanc. This is conducted by a Karma pa lama now living in
offering. Two of tlle three texts are dGe lugs pa texts; one colophon mentions the sGo mang college in Geneva, son of the lama for whom I translated. Here two fires are made which last from noon until the
the Lhasa monastery of 'Bras spungs, where the author, like many Mongolian monks, was trained. evening. Prior to the actual burning, a flag is hoisted, the ground purified by scattering tsampa, and
stones are placed to form a triangular support for the wood which is piled in a circle upon the stones.
The lama makes a long explanation of the ritual and the different classes of deities who are the target of
21 Perhaps of Tibetan nationality? His name certainly recalls the well known Tibetan clan Khyung po, from
which stemmed, for instance, the religious master Khyung po mal 'byor (fl. II th century, founder of the Shangs pa 23 This group of gods always counts five members whose names and locations in relation to human or aninlal
bka' brgyud pa lineage). bodies may vary somewhat. er. Heller, A. (1985), "rKyal 'bud. An early Tibetan ritual", In Soundings in Tibetan
22 Personal communication, October 1994, and letter 9.3.1995. Civilisation. (eds.) B. N. Aziz and M. Kapstein, New Dellii, Manohar, 257-267.
140 A Heller
the offering. With mantra, mudrii. and cymbals, the lama feeds one fire with meat (at least seven or eight
kg. of red meat) and one fire is exclusively burning fruits, cakes of flour and sugar. The ingredients and
ceremony are in many respects analogous to the textual accounts discussed earlier. In the context of
Tibeto-burmese people now settled in Nepal, several researchers attending the "table ronde" (cf. infra)
have discussed migration of the gods in parallel with human migrations from Tibet several centuries
earlier - while here, due to resettlement in Switzerland, there is apparent recognition of an anonymous
gzhi bdag of the Mont Blanc! It is to be hoped that future research will yield answers: whether these gzhi
bdag in Switzerland are conceived as having accompanied the Tibetan refugees in their exile? Were they
protective gods of particular sites from Tibet transferred to a new "home" abroad, or were they "foreign
gods" adopted by the Tibetan population in their new place of residence? Can one determine how, when,
and with what materials Tibetans have created new deities in their pantheon?
EASTERN TIBET
Amy HelIer
TIBETAN ART 86
During the Yarlung Dynasty nial alliances vlith rival tribes and for-
(c. 620-848), the Tibetan empire cov- eign powers and by military conquests
ered a vast territory. It extended from of non-Tibetan poputations in the
its capital, Lhasa, southwards to the northern, western and northeastern
Himalayas, whence direct relations parts of the Tibetan plateau.
were established with India and Nepal During the three centuries of
in the early seventh century; and Yarlung Dynasty rule, the Tibetans
northwards to encompass portions of increasingly adopted Buddhism, which
the Silk Route - notably Khotan - first prevailed on all its borders except for
occupied by the Tibetans for thirty that of the Mekong Basin to the south-
years beginning in 665. To the west, east. According to later Tibetan
the Tibetan empire included portions Buddhist historians, the matrimonial
of Ladakh and GiIgit. To the east, it alliances of the dynasty were not politi-
reached as far as the plains of western cally motivated, but were seen as a
Sichuan. Its neighbour to the south- means of encouraging conversion to
east was the kingdom of Nanzhao the new faith. Thus, in 641, the Tang
(642-9°2); first invaded by Tibet in Princess Wentheng Gongzhu, known
680, Nanzhao was a firm ally by 745. in Tibetan as Munsheng Kongjo,
How had this Tibetan empire been arrived in Tibet as a bride promised to
constituted? During the first half of Tsenpo Songtsen Gampo. Their mar-
the seventh century, the Yarlung Valley riage was also a political treaty between
rulers of central Tibet conquered the the two powers and reflected standard
independent Tibetan tribes and minor Tang diplomatic procedures which, in
tribal confederations who lived along subsequent generations, the Tibetans
the Tsangpo River. Although this emulated. In addition to Munsheng,
domain was divided into principalities, or Wencheng as she is often called,
the entire population took an oath to Songtsen is known to have had three
the most powerful lord, the Tsenpo of Tibetan wives. Tradition affirms that
Yarlung..J Under the first historic ruler, he also had a Nepalese wife, BhrkutJ.
Tsenpo Songtsen Gampo (r. c. 620-50), The two foreign wives are said to have
this new nation became a fonnidable introduced Buddhism to Tibet.
military power known and respected Wencheng is believed to have
throughout Asia. Songtsen gradually founded a temple while en route to
extended Tibetan territory by matrimo- Lhasa, as well as founding the
TIBETAN ART 88
Ramoche temple in Lhasa itself, while Tibet was so gradual that quite prob- defeats, such as the loss of Qocho-
BhrkutI is credited with the foundation ably the attributions to Wencheng of near Turfan in Xinjiang province - in
of the Lhasa Tsuklak Khang (also temples and other sanctuaries in Tibet 792, and Kucha- also in present-day
known as the Jokhang). The role of should be transferred to Kimsheng- Xinjiang - in 793, may have con-
BhrkutI will be considered in greater probably induding the Ramoche tributed to this defection. The alliance
detail below, but the historical accu- C·72 7' of Nanzhao with Tang China seriously
racy underlying the myth ofWencheng I t was only a full generation later, in weakened the southeastern frontier of
is relevant here because the temples at 779, that Tsenpo Trisong Detsen Tibet. By 801, the Nanzhao kingdom
both Denma Drak and Bida have tradi- (r. 7SS-<)7) founded Samye monastery was supplying armies to China for bat-
tionally been attributed to her.' As in central Tibet and dedared tle against the Tibetans.
H.E. Richardson has written, 'She was Buddhism to be the official religion. This unstable atmosphere led to
very young when she came to Tibet, Among the texts translated during his negotiations which began in 804 under
perhaps twelve or thirteen, unlikely to reign (probably introduced from the auspices of the Tibetan lsenpo
have had enough influence to preach Dunhuang), the Mahavairocana Sutra Tride Songtsen (alias Senalek,
Buddhism which was at that time (Chinese and Sanskrit versions) and its r. c. 80o-e. 81S) and the Tang emperor
hardly supported in the imperial court. two major commentaries and co-ordi- Dezong (r. 780-80S). The Tang throne
In fact doubts have been expressed nate rituals were especially popular, \vas subsequendyoccupied for SLX
whether she was Buddhist at all. She probably due to a perceived months by Shunzong; after his abdica-
survived Songtsen by thirty years, dur- identification between the tsenpo as tion, Xianzong (806-20) assumed the
ing which her influence was minimal.'6 supreme sovereign and Vairocana as throne. On each of these occasions, the
The truly active Buddhist princess supreme Buddha.' two empires exchanged several official
was Jincheng Gongzhu, Kimsheng Despite the Tibeto-Chinese treaty missions and amnesty was granted to
Kongjo as she is known to the Tibetans, of 783, vigorous contention persisted prisoners of war. Such manifestations
who was sent to Tibet to marry during the rule ofTrisong Detsen, par- of co-operation gradually led to a
Songtsen's grandson in 710. After a first ticularly in the areas to the west and reduction in hostilities, 11 culminating
marriage to a Nanzhao woman. how- south of Lake Kokonor. 10 Tibet occu- in the signing, in 821 or 822, of the most
ever, he died before Kimsheng even pied the Tang territories of Dunhuang important treaty between Yarlung Tibet
reached Lhasa. She arrived with her and Yulin between 787 and 866, and and Tang China. The bilingual text of
own ministers and retinue to find her- there were frequent skirmishes and this treaty was engraved on several piJ-
self being married to his son, a boy of sieges elsewhere along the Silk Route, lars, one of which still stands at the foot
SLX. It is certain that she was an ardent notably the second Tibetan occupation of the Potala Palace in Lhasa. The
Buddhist, and she is said to have of Khotan (c. 791-8SI).ln 794, the Denma Drak images and inscriptions
founded several temples.' Indeed, the Nanzhao kingdom, Tibet's longstand- \vere carved in homage to the prelimin-
process of conversion to Buddhism in ingally, defected to the Tang. Tibetan ary negotiations leading to this treaty.
HELLER
T I BET AND NE PAL The attribution ally becoming influential in Tibet. 16 may date to the ninth or the tenth cen-
of portions of the Jokhang to the sev- It is important to distinguish between tury, he is already regarded as an incar-
enth century has long been accepted traditional lore and historical fact, and nation of the bodhisattva
by scholars. Demieville was the first to consider which information is truly Avalokitesvara. 19 In later sources,
to point out that this building was not reliable. emphasis is placed on the importance
constructed as a temple, but as a Contemporary seventh-century of his marrriages with the Chinese
palace (in Chinese: chengyi, walled Tibetan documents clearly indicate princess Wenchengand the Nepalese
enclosure) in which to house the newly that Songtsen Gampo codified a reli- princess Bh~kut1.20Although Bh~kut1 is
arrived Chinese princess. 12 Other gion which ensured his divine right entirely absent from earlier accounts,
scholars have suggested that the archi- to rule and underscored his territorial by the twelfth century she is linked to
tectural plans of the Jokhang corre- conquests. Moreover, his domain was the foundation of the Jokhang of Lhasa,
spond to Nepalese or Indian models;13 to be the political epicentre of an while Songtsen's Chinese bride is cred-
contemporary seventh-century empire whose welfare was related to ited with plans for the construction of
Chinese accounts describe wooden his personal sanctity and to that of his the Ramoche temple, also in Lhasa.
multistorey buildings in Nepal, some lineage. Little is known about the wor- Much of this information is derived
having walls covered in reliefs and ship of the tsenpo, although it seems to from Tibetan historical and religious
paintings, others with balustrades and have involved sworn oaths of allegiance chronicles written in the twelfth cen-
copper tile roofing. 14 Recent studies of accompanied by animal sacrifice, as tury by Buddhist theologians, compiled
Nepalese architecture describe well as offerings of turquoise, gold, from much earlier sources. The primary
ancient temple structures as quadran- curds, and vegetables; much is historical sources for this period are
gular, having a series of open assembly revealed in the historical documents, Tibetan annals, documenting each year
halls on the ground floor and a veranda however, about the ideological basis of in the reigns of Songtsen Gampo and
around the upper storey. 15 This ground these rites. There was clearly some his descendants until the middle of the
plan could correspond to the earliest influence from Taoist concepts of the eighth century; and eighth- or ninth-
part of the Jokhang, allowing for the [Chinese] emperor as centre of the century Tibetan inscriptions on stone
stone masonry, the addition of massive world, but this was complemented by pillars erected at the consecration of
wooden pillars and a sanctuary roof as an indigenous theory of divine ances- temples and at the signing of treaties
adaptations to the Tibetan climate. tral descent from the mountains. I? and other pacts. These are comple-
Moreover, the earliest remaining The tradition of attributing to mented by contemporary or slightly
carved capitals and lintels in the Tsenpo Songtsen Gampo the pivotal later Nepalese chronicles, Chinese
Jokhang would seem to be of Nepalese role in the introduction of Buddhism to annals and Arab historical sources.
workmanship, perhaps dating from the Tibet began as early as the reign of The historicity of the Chinese bride
seventh century or even slightly later, Tride Songtsen in the early ninth cen- is attested by contemporary Tibetan
the time when Buddhism was gradu- tury. 18 In the Bashe, portions of which and Chinese sources, but the Nepalese
TIBETAN ART 9°
bride does not appear in historical that the cult ofAvalokitesvara was examination it becomes possible to
sources until the twelfth century.2! And introduced by the seventh-century resolve in part some of the inconsisten-
even then, as Slusser has noted, the Nepalese ruler and the tradition cies in traditional accounts by referring
Nepalese tradition does not corrobor- attributing it to Songtsen Gampo in to Tibetan economic and military his-
ate the matrimonial alliance between a Tibet; also, both rulers were later tory. Thus, rather than thinking of
local princess and the Tibetan king. 22 regarded as emanations of the deity.26 Nepalese artistic influence arriving in
The validity of the Tibetan historical Considering these opinions, A.W. the form of a mid-seventh-century
tradition covering the antecedents of Macdonald concluded that 'power- Nepalese bride, one might consider
the dynastic period has been vouch- models are deliberately formulated and the presence of the Newar king
safed by previous scholars, on the exploited by certain elites and are used Narendradeva, who established him-
grounds of the invariability of the main as instruments of social control ... the self in Tibet after fleeing from the
sequence of the myths, legends and Buddhist historical consciousness was Nepal Valley with his court in 624 after
traditions. 23 However, there are many designed ... [as] a chronicle concerning a coup d'etat.29
reasons to believe that the Tibetan primarily the Buddha ... [in] an unbro- In 643, he was reinstated as a result
Buddhist historians inadvertently cre- ken continuity whether of pupilary of Tibetan military intervention and
ated a distortion of historical truth in succession or royal and dynastic the Nepal Valley became a vassal state
order to create a powerful myth sur- sequences regarded as relevant to the of Tibet. Although it is not known
rounding Songtsen Gampo and his main purpose of Buddhist history... where in Tibet Narendradeva lived
role in the introduction of Buddhism The local chroniclers played their part during those two decades, it is clear
to Tibet. in forging the ideological backround that contacts between the Tibetan and
In 1980, Tucci stated that 'there can to the foundation of a Buddhist Newar courts were then very close. 30
be no question of a conversion of king nation-state.'27 The most recent After Narendradeva's return to Nepal
Songtsen Gampo or of an extensive dif- assessment is that by Kapstein, who c. 648, the Tibetans organized a mili-
fusion of the faith carried out by him', considers the evaluation of the sev- tary expedition to Kanauj in northern
while Bacot, in a pioneering attempt at enth-century tradition by the thir- India; they travelled via Nepal and
reassessment (1935), had stated that teenth-century Tibetan Buddhist his- enlisted Nepalese forces for their cam-
Songtsen Gampo 'was primarily a war- torians: 'the simple tale of the paign. 3 ! Narendradeva and his descen-
rior much more than a Buddhist'.24 incarnate king is richly developed, so dents ruled in Kathmandu until 733,
Tucci (1962) summarized thus: 'Just as that his court becomes a veritable maintaining close political relations
Padmasambhava had his two wives, so Tibetan Camelot.'28 with India and China as well as with
also Songtsen Gampo was identified Such reconsiderations by recent Lhasa. Narendradeva's son and grand-
with Avalokitesvara assisted by his two scholars encourage a thorough re- son both had Indian wives.
Taras.'25 Snellgrove and Locke noted examination of the introduction of Three Chinese missions to India
curious parallels between the tradition Buddhism to Tibet. Through such a re- travelled through Tibet and Nepal dur-
HELLE-R 91
ing this period; the Kathmandu Valley dependence of the Nepalese IGngs on stOpas, the lower level consisting of
sent its own missions to the Chinese brahmans, the court gave only distant four standing figures around a centre.
capital. It is relevant to note the two support to Buddhist institutions, Typically, the four standing figures
itineraries described by pilgrims and although Newar society was in general include 8akyamuni Buddha, Vajrapani,
missions, as attested by the Chinese very sympathetic to Buddhism ..n Avalokitesvara and Maitreya or a sec·
and Tibetan annals. J2 They travelled Indeed, one of the earliest stone ond Buddha: above them one finds a
from the Indian cities of Pa~alipuLra, inscriptions in Kathmandu dates from seated meditating Buddha sunnounted
VaiSal!, and Kusinagara, then from the about 350 AD and indicates the estab- by the m!4a and Izarmika of the slilpa. ~I
Lown ofTo-1o, crossing several moun- lishment of a system for feeding mem- For the Tibetans, Nepal provided a
tain ranges before arriving in epa!. bers of the Buddhist community of welcome repose en route to India.
From Nepal, a passage through Mo-yu- monks, As of 557, the cult of There, they encountered many teach-
li [?] cut through the snowy mountains Avalokitesvara is attested in inscrip- ers from India and elsewhere. One
to the temple of San ye ['Samye] and tions;36 while during the reign of example is Santira4ita an Indian
J
rejoined the route to Khotan and A~suvarman (6°5-21), there is much teacher living in Nepal, who was
Kashgar. Or, from Nepal, a route via evidence- both sculptural and epi- invited to Tibet when Trisong Detsen
Lhasa and northeast to Kokonor, then graphic - of an evolved form of reaffirmed interest in Buddhism at the
due east taXian. It is known that the .Mahayana Buddhism, verging on beginning of his reign c. 755.-n It is rea-
missions carried illuminated manu- Vajrayana," Still, the only finnly dated sonable to assume that Santiraksim
scripts, smaU sculptures and jewellery, seventh-century sculptures commis- would have brought to Tibet the same
as well as commercial products for sioned by the court are portraits of Buddhist texts he had previously
Nepalese craftsmen. Paintings surviv- Vi~l)u: in the round, in high relief, taught in Nepal.HThe significance
ing from the Balawaste district in sometimes on a colossal scale. 38 of this historical background for the
Khotan, and some banners found in Seventh-century or slightly later stone carvings of Drak Lhamo, Bida
Dunhuang (see fig. 81 below), indicate accounts by Chinese pilgrims remark and Denma Drak is discussed below.
inspiration from contemporary that Buddhism and Hinduism coex·
Nepalese artistic models. 33 isted side by side in the Kathmandu Early temple architecture
It is likely that, even in exile, the Valley, and that Narendradeva could be Because the carvings that are the focus
court of Narendradeva would have seen on official visits 'wearing a Bud- of this study form part of a temple wall,
included artists and artisans, some dhist emblem in his belt'," AvalolGtes- a brief examination of early temple
of whom might have been engaged in vara was popular in the Kathmandu architecture will precede the stylistic
sacred as well as secular building pro· . Valley during the eighth to ninth cen- analysis of the canrings themse.lves. In
jects in Lhasa. Perhaps the Jokhang turies...cl The most commonly found particular, models from eastern Tibet
\..,as built for Narendradeva and his sevenlh- to ninth-century Nepalese will be considered; two tvpes of temple
entourage. ~ Because of the social remains are stone caityas supporting have thus far been identified, free-
TIBETAN ART
standing temples and buildings which While the precise location ofthis
incorporate a cliff-face as their back monastery remains unknown, the land~
walls. scape and topography strongly evoke
the Dunhuang oasis along the Silk
FREE-STANDING TEMPLES IN Route. There were many Tibetan sanc-
EASTERN TIBET This first type of tuaries in the northeast frontier
temple is illustrated in a Dunhuang regions, notably in the Guazhou dis-
manuscript (fig. 73), probably dating trict east of Dunhuang around Yulin.
from the Tibetan occupation of One Dunhuang manuscript gives a
Dunhuang during the late eighth cen· partial list, citing no less than seventy-
tury. H It represents what is described t\NO temples. They were organized into
in the Tibetan inscription as a 'teaching groups of up to ten for purposes of
house' (hshad khang) , with accommo· administration and patronage.
dation for monks. This is a rectangular Unfortunately, it is not possible to cor-
structure on level ground, consisting of relate the names of temples cited in
a walled courtyard entered by a door- the text with temples surviving today.
way under a canopy; the monks' cells It is possible that the Yulin chapels,
are on the far side, and a small chapel certainly occupied by the Tibetans
with a pagoda-type roof stands in the according to Tibetan manuscripts
centre. There is what may be a store- found in Dunhuangand also according
room on one side and what are perhaps to inscriptions in Tibetan found in car-
stables on the other. The buildings face touches along the murals at Yulin, were
south, and beyond the enclosure is a among those on this list.
walled garden with fruit trees. Tn a However, in the eastern districts of
meadow outside, bordered by a road central Tibet, the same architectural
and a river, several stUpas of varying model as that in the drawing described
shape, more trees and grazing cattle are (fig. 73) is apparent in the surviving
to be seen. It has been suggested that free-standing Kachu temple in the
the drawing is by two different hands, Drakmar Valley near Samye (fig. 74).
the landscape of mountains and trees This temple, named after the then
being 'in a Chinese style'; the recently conquered Chinese city of
monastery and immediately surround- Guazhou east of Dunhuang, is attrib~
ing buildings have been attributed to a uted by contemporary documents to
Tibetanartist. H the reign ofTride Tsugtsen (r. 704-54),
74
HELLER 93
EARLY TEMPLES BUILT
,...
carving, after Helmut Eimer. Naghal, Kathmandu, ninth
century. Stone, h. [78 cm.
Photograph courtesy of Ulrich
van Schroeder, 1976.
--
--
-
- '-"'--'" I
" " "'\N'''' ,
~
~
77
TIBETAN ART 94
determined, Bida temple was rebuilt who commissioned both Bida and by a round flamed halo with gently
several times, always on the same Denma Drak." Although information pointed at the apex of the outer rim.
model. The most recent reconstruction is scanty, other historical sources spec- The simple halo surrounding the body
dates from '991, when a rockslide dam- ify the districts of Drak Lhamo and consists of a double line, presented as
aged portions of the walls. Bida as affiliated." if it were behind the halo of the head,
Other ancient temples have been This, the earliest Tibetan rock carv- as in many Nepalese stone statues. At
reported in eastern Tibet, but so far ing yet identified, is also the simplest. Drak Lhamo, the crown of the Buddha
none have been photographed. Upon This site was visited by Geshe Pema is approximately the same size as his
examination of the temples presented Tsering of Bonn University in 1980. At head.lt is high, divided into three sec-
here, and from an assessment of trav- first glance, it might_be dismissed as a tions, terminating in a vertical row of
ellers' accounts, it would seem that relatively crude 'sacred grafitto' of little jewels. The central panel is the highest
Tibetan temple architecture follows historical import, but the inscription and most elaborate. The hair is
a clear chronological pattern: initially which accompanies the rock drawing arranged in a curl above each ear, with
small, single or double chamber mor- explicitly dates it to the reign ofTrisong plaits falling to the shoulders. The fore-
phology; later multiple chambers on Detsen, using language and calligraphy head is broad. The facial features of the
onc level, sometimes multistorey consistent with a late eighth-century Buddha are barely distinguishable, but
structures. I t is probably too early to date and which compares closely vvith it appears that the mouth is rounded,
suggest a regional school of temple that on contemporary inscribed pillars not elongated. The rosette of the pen-
architecture, although a regional from central Tibet." The lines of the dant earrings extends just below the
school of domestic architecture has carving are not deeply cut (perhaps at shoulders. The necklace is a single row
49
been found. most 1-2 cm deep) with painted infill, of large beads, grouped in a cluster at
the group of figures measuring approxi- its centre. Similar models for jewellery
THE ROCK CARVINGS The map mately 1.5 m square. The group con- and flaming haloes can be seen in two
indicates the location of the three sites sists of three figures: a crowned early ninth-century Nepalese stone
of the rock carvings under considera- Buddha seated in the lotus position, images of standing bodhisattvas from
tion: Drak Lhamo, 60 kilometres due accompanied by two standing bod- Kathmandu (figs 78 and 79)."The
east of Chamdo; Denma Drak, some hisattvas. Comparison of the rock with shoulders are athletic, the pectoral
220 kilometres southeast of Chamdo, the sketch made by Dr Helmut Eimer muscles and narrow waist emphasize
and Bida, approximately 100 kilometres (fig. 77) clarifies the figures somewhat, this breadth. On the Buddha of Drak
north of Chamdo. The trade routes although the figure to the left of the Lhamo (fig. 70), the upper part of the
linking Chamdo to Kokonor apparently Buddha remains difficult to see due to torso is partially covered by a garment
encouraged relations with the Triga striations and irregularities in the rock draped diagonally across the left shoul-
monastery, near Kokonor, from very surface. der. 5~ This sash is also found elsewhere,
early times: itwas an abbot of Triga The head of the Buddha is encircled for example in a mural from the Yulin
79
HELLER 95
Caves near Ounhuang depicting a lotus of the standing attendant at the fashion, the dhoti of the attendant to
crowned Buddha, possibly painted left, although it is difficult to be sure. the proper left of the Buddha at Drak
during the Tibetan occupation of the The two attendants appear to be iden- Lhamo is worn with one hem at mid-
early ninth century; the Yulin image tically dressed. However, the crown of calf and the other at knee level; it
is identified by an inscription as the standing attendant to the right of drapes in a sash to the side, shovving
Vairocana (fig. 80).'; the Buddha is decorated with a small, small pleats bet\veen the legs
Only one hand of the Buddha of seated figure, probably a clue to his (although this is not visible in Or
Drak Lhamo (fig. 70) is visible, palm identification asAvalokitesvara; Eimer's sketch).
empty, fingers extended in the gesture another clue is the lotus flower above Several features point to Nepal as
of meditation, the thumb slightly his right shoulder, its thin stem deli- the inspiration for these carvings, but
raised. Alternating wide and narrow cately clasped between the index finger perhaps the most compelling is the
stripes decorate his dhoti, which clings and thumb of his right hand. This presence of small circles visible in the
to his body in contrast to the thicker iconography also follows Nepalese lotus cushion of the attendant to the
fabrics usual in Central Asian and conventions, for when AvalokItesvara proper left ofthe Buddha (fig. 70). I am
Chinese representations.,6 There is no is represented standil7g in Ounhuang most gratefully indebted to Ulrich von
muscular definition in the thighs and and other Chinese Buddhist sites, he Schroeder for the information that
the curve of the knee is perfectly usually holds the water vase. such circles represent the alveolar
round. The lotus cushion, with wide, The halo and jewellery of the atten- tubes within the lotus stem. They
upturned petals, rests on a pedestal of dants are quite similar to those of the appear frequently in Nepalese sculp-
two crouc.hinganimals, their forelegs Buddha, although the attendants wear tures of the seventh to ninth centuries,
extended, their tails pointing upwards larger cabochon belts. The profile view and also in Central Asia at such places
to support the lotus cushion. If this contributes to a better appreciation of as Balawaste, becoming increasingly
crowned Buddha is to be identified as his elongated eyes with a dip in the infrequent thereafter. 5S In fact, accord-
Vairocana, whose emblem is the lion, upper eyelid. The waist is not as nar- ing to von Schroeder,59 the rock carving
these would seem to be lions rendered row as that of the Buddha. The legs of Drak Lhamo is possibly the work of a
by an artist who had never seen one. display only very slight dihanchemeJ1t, Nepalese artist or of a Tibetan working
AIthough the identification of this the thighjustemphasized but the out- in the same tradition.
figure as Vairocana is still somewhat line smooth and uninterrupted. Yet this Comparison with a c. ninth-century
speculative, it is supported by a phrase rigidity is not as accentuated as that Nepalese casting of another form of
in the dedicatory inscription which seen in standing bodhisattvas executed Avalokitesvara shows that this figure
may quote the same religious text as during or subsequent to the Tibetan also has a lotus base with stem holes
that in Oenma Orak. 57 occupations of Khotan and Ounhuang, and wide petals, as well as similar jew-
According to Or Eimer's sketch such as the example from the British ellery, a similar halo, costume and simi-
(fig. 77), there may be a book above the Museum (fig. 81). [n typical Nepalese larly slender athletic proportions, par-
TIBETAN ART 96
ticularly visible in the back of this
image (fig. 82).'"
Clearly, there are Nepalese charac-
teristics in the carving of Drak Lhamo.
Examples such as some of the capitals
and lintels from the Jokhang in Lhasa"
demonstrate the qualities attributed to
Nepalese workmanship in central
Tibet during the early Yarlung Dynasty.
Graceful, almost dancing movement is
conveyed by the successive frames of
the doorway which juxtapose figures
in flying, silting, kneeling, and stand-
ingpostures. The question then
becomes one of logistics: how is
Nepalese artistic influence in eastern
Tibet to be explained at the end of the
eighth century? Did Nepalese artists
accompany the Tibetan armies in their
conquests along the Silk Route and
further east> It seems unlikely. In this
context, it is \<\Iell to recall the missions
from Nepal to China, with the pil-
grims' itinerary via Khotan, orvia Lhasa
to the northeast.
According to Tibetan sources,
Nepalese workers participated in the
initial decoration of Samye, when
teachers were also invited to Tibet
from NepalY But was the Nepalese
influence direct or can it be ascribed
to Tibetans who had been exposed to
the aesthetic and religious ideals of
Nepalese Buddhism> Quite certainly
82.Amoghapasa. Nepal.
Copper alloy, h. 28.) cm.
Photograph courtesy Calerie
n leritage, Geneva.
8,
HELLER
97
the trade routes horn Lhasa to the
north and northeast were in use
throughout the eighth and ninth cen-
turies. The hostilities ben\'een Tang
China and Tibet were not constant;
sometimes Chinese gifts and conces-
sions to Lhasa amounted to tribute.
Monasteries througho,!t this area were
prosperous and growing. In the
absence of mitigating factors, it seems
feasible that mercantile motives may
have lured artists to travel in the cara-
vans of traders in the hope of commis-
sions from the many sanctuaries to the
north and northeast. Perhaps further
examination of the inscriptions beside
the Drak Lhamo carvings, as well as
more detailed photographs, will shed
light on this.
TIBETAN ART
Dunhuang. 63 The Buddha in this rock their breadth. This garment would Denma Drak, the Chinese-style circu-
carving is not represented in the Tang appear to be a distinctive element of lar halo is absent. Although the bodies
manner with heavy draperies and dis- this image, but it was not clear from of the attendants are only partially vis-
proportionately large hands. 64 Nor is early photographs whether it was ible, their varied positions are dis-
the face of the Buddha at Denma Drak carved from the rock, or made in cernible. Several figures appear to sit
carved according to the Chinese con- another material and added or applied facing front, but at least two may have
ventions, broad and rounded within a to the carving. It is now evident that it their bodies turned towards the central
circular halo; instead, the wide fore- was an actual textile slipped over the Buddha. It would seem that the top-
head contrasts with the straight jawline head of the image and covering its most figure to the viewer's right is por-
leading to the accentuated chin. chest and abdomen, like the sleeveless trayed kneeling towards Vairocana; the
Although the chin is prominent, the garment often seen on images of hands seem to be pressed together in a
lips are not emphasized. The halo crowned Buddhas or bodhisattvas, par- form of the gesture of reverence (anjali
ovoid has a pointed apex, emphasized ticularly from the fourth to the eighth mudra). Directly below, another bod-
by painted bands of colour. The eyes centuries in Central Asia. This gar- hisattva is seated facing front with his
appear closed, the juncture of the lids ment seems to denote sovereignty, legs crossed at the ankles. The third
is a horizontal line as long as the eye- whether it is integrated with the image bodhisattva in this row also appears
brow. This almond eye shape follows or added as later decoration. to have his body turned towards
that in the Yulin painting (fig. 80). The In the early Tibetan style at Vairocana. Although the lowest bod-
thin brows are slightly arched and do Dunhuang, adaptations of Indian cos- hisattva has lost its pigment, it is the
not meet above the bridge of the nose. tume and proportions are also seen, for most clearly discernible. The head is
It is impossible to see details in the example in a painting on silk portraying turned slightly away from Vairocana
crown, but there are three panels verti- a gold crowned Buddha with eight while the torso swings slightly to the
cally aligned, somewhat triangular at attendant bodhisattvas, now in the right. The varied positions of the bod-
the apex. Two narrow bands lie directly Stein Collection at the British hisattvas break the otherwise rigid
above the forehead, terminating in a Museum (fig. 83). Its composition frontality of the composition. In
rosette at the right temple. At one side compares closely with that of the Denma Drak, their lithe bodies seem
of the face, an earring hangs to chin sculpture at Denma Drak. In both lively, almost ready to emerge from the
level. The slender, somewhat short- cases, the composition is symmetrical, stone, while the Buddha sits in deep
ened arms and elongated legs are per- with four bodhisattvas on each side. In meditation, his hands resting in his lap.
fectly smooth, lacking any muscular the Dunhuang painting, the hand and Another contemporary example of
definition. The waist is narrow. The body positions of the attendants vary slender attendants who almost rise to
shoulders appear naturalistic in pro- considerably, although the haloes of dance around the seated central figure
portion, but the garment which covers the attendants follow the same circular may be seen in another Dunhuang
the shoulders and torso accentuates form as that of the central image. At painting, its composition tentatively
HELLER 99
identified as a mandala ofAmoghapasa, affinities with the Vairocana of Denma
now in the Musee Guimet (fig. 84)" Drak in several respects. Both
The central seated figure is stalic, Buddhas sit on lotus pedestals which
despite the numerous arms. In con- display an upper row of wide, almost
trast, the attendants are posed dynami- circular petals. The proportions and
cally, demonstrating in succession forms of the legs are very similar, the
vajraparymika (padmiisana), maha- artist having emphasized body model-
riijalfla and two variations of ardhll- ling rather than the garments.
par}'anka. The delicate line drawing on The composition of the Yulin mural
silk shows perfect mastery and great may also be compared to that of the
detail. The long garment of the central Denma Drak Sculplure. 6S The postures
figure displays a pattern similar to that of the bodhisattvas vary significantly:
on the garnment worn by the Buddha Ksitigarbha is in ardhapar)'mikn, his
of Drak Lhamo. Several of the crowns proper right leg raised, the knee bent;
have three triangular sections. But his attributes are uncertain. Manjusrl,
what is most striking is the sense of holding a sword, sits in 1IlaharlijalIla,
movement in these seated figures, his proper left leg pendant.
imparted by the juxtaposition of varied Akasagarbha is in 'relaxed' vajra·
gestures and postures. par)'mikn, both legs on the ground,
Similar postures may be seen in proper right foot extended behind the
the wall painting (fig. 80), from Yulin left foot which has ankle flexed
Cave 25, inscribed with the names of towards the lotus cushion; his attrib-
Vairocana and eight bodhisattvas. The utes are uncertain. Maitreya is in
crowned Buddha wears a necklace maharaja!.f!.a, his proper right leg pen-
v,tith a lion-claw clasp,66 a collar or gar- dant; he holds a vase.
ment with a scalloped edge and pen- This composition - with attendants
dants, as well as diagonal drapery in varyingnsal1as (at least two or three)
across his chest. 6; Attributed to the surrounding a central figure - is an
Tibetan occupation, in style this wall important element in the definition
painting derives from India in its treat- of styles of Tibetan art of the dynastic
ment of the halo, costumes and body period. Although the corpus of dated
proportions; the face, however, may be material is small, this particular com-
described as Chinese in treatment. position appears frequently. The atten-
The Yulin Vairocana displays stylistic dants in these three examples, with
HELLER 101
two lions, whose manes and tails are was intense military and political inter-
reminiscent of those of the stone lion action between Nanzhao and Tibet in
at the Yadung Dynasty tombs. The the fifty years preceding the carving of
eight bodhisattvas surrounding Bida in 806. Even as late as 794,just
VailOcana (figs 86 and 88) stand syn'- before the alliance of Nanzhao with
metrically in four groups on both sides Tang China, there were several hun-
of the Buddha. All have golden bodies, dred Tibetans living in the Nanzhao
for the most part hidden by thickly ren- capitaI. i3 Local tradition indicates that
dered lObes with double collars and Buddhism was introduced to Nanzhao
sleeves widening towards the wrists from Tibet as well as (rom Tang China,
and e.xtending to just above the feet. particularly practices surrounding the
Each bodhisattva holds a distinctive cult ofAvalokitesvara. These consider~
attribute, and has his name inscribed ations lead one to consider that per·
in Tibetan. The hands are displOpor- ha ps there was an exchange of artistic
tionately large. The crowns of the influences at this time as well.
attendants are like that ofVairocana As an e.xample of Nanzhao stone
(fig. 71). The disposition of the large sculpture, compare the mid-ninth-cen-
jewels in the high crowns is reminis- tury stone carving (fig. 87) from the
cent of the Nepalese e.xamples e.xam- Stone Bell Temple at Shizhongsi near
ined above, but more closely resembles ]ianchuan, which depicts the Nanzhao
some Nanzhao images. king Geluofeng (fi. 748-79) giving an
The elongated body proportions and audience, surrounded by ministers car-
rigidity of the figures seen at Bida are rying ceremonial implements as v.'ell as
also characteristic of images from guards holding fans, pennons and
Yunnan. Indeed, there would seem streamers. 74 In particular. the treat-
to be a stylistiC affinity between the ment of King Geluofeng's robes is strik-
images at Bida and some slightly later ingly similar to that of the robes of the
Nanzhao images. These are located Vairocana at Bida. In both cases, there
near the town of]ianchuan, approxi- is a departure from the Chinese con-
mately 600 kilometres southeast of \'ention of gathering the te.xtile in nar-
Bida along the Mekong river. This row pleats and swirling folds. Instead,
area of the Nanzhao kingdom was at the voluminous cloth is gathered in
the juncture of the Tibetan and the wide, contiguous sections, separated
Chinese regions. It is known that there by a groove that could represent the
HELLER 103
40 For Ripumalla's dates, see HELLER pp. 26-3 I. Buddhist vocabularies. For Malla (1985), p. 126, fol. 23.
Sharma (1972), p. 18, and 8 Richardson (1980), p. 68, n. 4. the most concise account, 27 Alexander Macdonald 1984,
Petech (1958), p. 108, n. 5. I should like to thank appears to have been the first the summary in Reynolds and pp. 12')-40; quotations are
41 sri padmaronah yadatrapune- HE Richardson, Heidi historian to attribute this Helier (1983), vol. I, pp. 31-2. from pp. 130 and 139-40.
nah, an abbreviated form of and Ulrich van Schroeder and foundation to Kimsheng, 18 S0rensen (1994), p. 9, specu- 28 Kapstein (1992), pp. 79-<)3,
a common Buddhist dedica- E rberto La Bue for criticism, basing his analysis in part on lates that some account of notes 163-9; quotation from
tory formula. encouragement and inspiration. passages from Emmerick the history of the erection of p.86.
42 Petech mentions a donation (1967) (I. 58 of the LiYul the first major religious build- 29 The chronology used here
of a set of statues made of sil- I Pema Tsering (1982), Chos kyi Lo Rgyus). ing in Tibet was vvritten dmvn is that of Petech (1961),
ver by Ripumalla; Petech pp. 394-404; Anonymous, 9 cf. Richardson (1990), 'at the behest of Khri srong PP.158-159 in 1988 ed.,
(1980), p. 93· 'Cliffs Clue to Tibetan pp. 271-<) for a concise analy- Ide btsan compiled in an act reinforced by Locke (1980)
43 danapatiSre(?)sthi thagu Han Ties', China Daily, sis; or Helier (1994 a), of commemorating his own p. 297, Slusser and Vajracarya
danapati nigalhana devl. August 28, 1986; Chabpel pp. 335-49 for more detailed ancestors.'As expressed by (1973), pp. 84-5· Slusser
44 The inscription is a brief (1988), pp. 44-53; Nyagong discussion on the iconogra- Ariane Macdonald, 'it would (1982), VOI.I, p. 29 gives 621
dedicatory phrase beginning Kbnchok Tsheten and Pema phy ofVairocana in relation to seem to be a desire to bring as the date of the last inscrip-
'deya dharmaya(m) Bum (1988), pp. 52-65' the texts then translated into the prestige of the religion to tion ofAmsuvarman, 624
jayapa(ma?)lahva(?)ya (?) .. Nyima Dorjee and Elizabeth Tibetan. For a fuller discus- Song-tsen, as his ancestor as the date of accession to
and perhaps ending, in the Benard visited Denma Drak sion of the role ofVairocana and as the most important throne of a puppet Licchavi,
letters stacked above the in 1983 and I am deeply grate- in relation to the different character of the lineage to Dhruvadeva, thus by then
front part of the inscription ful for their information on schools of Buddhism, date' (personal communica- Narendradeva had fled. The
'yadatm punamiti ... ' The many occasions since 198+ cf. Williams (1989), pp. tion, October 1994). date of the last Visnugupta
inscription is crudely incised For translation and analysis 122-7,136- 8. cf. Richardson (1985), inscription is 641, and by 643
and difficult to read. of all inscriptions of Denma 10 For a detailed account pp. 72-81 for the discussion Narendradeva is attested in
45 The inscription, in four Drak, based on Chabpel's of these conquests, of the Karchung stone stele, the Kathmandu Valley.
lines, reads: I. amu 2. la deVt article, cf. Helier (1994 a), cf. Beckwith (1987), dated to the reign of Senalek, Although it is clear that
3· svapunya 4· rtha krtamiti vol. I, pp. 335-49 and appen- pp. 143-56 and van der Kuijp which attributes the con- Narendradeva had left
46 deyadharmoya dix to vol. I, pp. 12-19. (1991), pp. 94-107. struction of the principal Kathmandu and had sought
amrtast(?s rt) kaya yadatrapun- 2 Richardson (1987), pp. 3-15, II Kolmas (1966), pp. 375-410. Lhasa sanctuary to the time refuge in Tibet, it is not stipu-
yamiti. Again, an abbreviated briefly discusses Drak 12 Demieville (1952), p. 201, of Songtsen, see in particular lated nor certain that he was
version of the common Lhamo; Richardson (1988), relying on Chinese sources 11. 4-5 of the inscription on actually in Lhasa. cf. Levi
Buddhist dedicatory formula. pp. 5-7, discusses Denma for the terminology. the stele. (1905), vol. I, p. 165. Levi
Drak; cf. also Helier (1994 a) 13 S0rensen, (1994), pp. 8-14, 19 Ba Selnang (attrib.) (1975), translates the Tang chroni-
pp. 335-49 and (1994 b) discusses the historic recon- p. 6 in 1985 reprint; cf. also cles (compiled after 906):
SAMOS[VK pp. 74-9· struction later contrived (pri- S0rensen (1994) pp. 494-5· 'Le pere de Narendradeva fut
;:bld~~b;;rg(;914j,P:~7 3 Backus (1981), p. 18. marily as of the twelfth cen- 20 S0rensen (1994), pp. 25-7 renverse du trane par son
2 Griinwedel (1912), pp. 4 Hence the name 'Yarlung tury and later) which created passim for a discussion on the frere puine; N arendradeva
212-1+ Dynasty' used by modern his- a parallel historic model for historicity of Bhrkutl and the s' enfuit pour echapper a son
3 Oldenburg (1914), p. 27- torians for this period. The the construction of the Lhasa lack of irrefutable sources, oncle. Les Tibetains lui
4 Piotrovsky, ed. (1993), p. 146, tsenpo claimed descent from Trulnang (Jokhang), of although Nepalese influence donnerent refuge et le
No. 22. a distant ancestor, Pude Nepalese inspiration, and is indeed manifest artistically. retablirent sur son trone; il
5 Piotrovsky, ed. (1993), Gungyel (or Pugyel), which Samye of Indian inspiration. 21 cf. Slusser (1982), vol. I, p. 32, devint en consequence leur
Nos 20, 21. gave rise to the term Pugyel 14 Levi (1905), vol. I, pp. 163-5. for the total absence of vassal.'Snellgrove (1987),
6 Piotrovsky, ed. (1993), No. 55· which Tibetans use to this 15 cf. Locke (1980), p. 18, ' ... the Bh,kutl in Nepalese sources p. 371, is at variance "ith all
7 Rhie and Thurman (1991), day to refer to the period of [ancient temple structure is until modern times. Bashe other sources, adhering to
No. 54, p. 189. rule by the line of tsenpo square and] has a series of (1985), p. 83, for the return a chronology which allows
8 Piotrovsky, ed. (1993), No. 36. from the fifth to the mid- open exhibition halls on the of the Chinese image of Narendradeva only two
9 Tonko Bumbutso Kenkyiijo, ninth century. ground floor and a veranda Sakyamuni to the Ramoche years to remain in Tibet.
ed. (1982), vol. 5, PI. 108. 5 The first publication showing round the upper storey.' He and the laying of the founda- 30 In this context one may recall
10 Tonko Bumbutso KenkyLijo, Bida identified it merely as cites Korn (1977), pp. 36-7, tions of Samye, in the year of the royal tombs and colossal
ed. (1982), PI. 157. 'Princess Wencheng's discussing the ancient sites the hare shortly thereafter stone guardian lion recently
II Piotrovsky, ed. (1993), PIs 20, Temple' (see Liu Lizhong such as Cha Bahil, which had (generally calculated to cor- excavated in Lhatse on the
21,27,35,45· (1987), p. 100, PIs 145, 219, separate residential sections, respond to 779). main road from Lhasa to
12 Griinwedel (1912), figs 477-8. 220 and 221). It was only viz. 'Surrounding the quad- 22 Slusser (1982), VOI.I, p. 33. Kathmandu, said to be con-
13 Tonko Bumbutso KenkyLijo, thanks to Professor Geoffrey rangular [structure] at a dis- 23 Haarh ([969); Tucci (1947), temporary with the tombs of
ed. (1982), PIs 161-2. Samuel of the University of tance of about ten metres, is pp. 3°9-22, quoted by the Yarlung Dynasty in cen-
14 Morgan, D., The Mongols Newcastle that I was able to a row of residential dwellings. Alexander Macdonald 1984 tral Tibet. However, for the
(New York, 1986). determine that this temple The fa~ades and entrances of (cf. below). Lhatse group, all
15 Morgan (1986), p. 67· was indeed Bida, whose these dwellings are mostly 24 Tucci (1980), p. 2; Bacot identification of the lineage is
16 Rhie and Thurman (1991), inscriptions had been blank, giving a fortress (1935), p. 14, quoted in as yet uncertain. cf. Pa-tshab
P· I8 9· described in Tibetan by appearance to the complex.' Demieville (1952) p. 189, and Pa-sang Dbang-'dus, (1994),
17 Snellgrove and Skorupski Nyagong Kbnchok Tsheten 16 The most detailed studies to in Alexander Macdonald pp. 62')-39·
(1977), vol. I, pp. 64-7· [Ed.: and Pema Bum (1988). date are by Richardson (1984), p. 13°· 31 Snellgrove, (1987), pp. 371-2.
since the publication of this For analysis of the attribution (1977), pp. 157-88; and Vitali, 25 Tucci (1962), p. 126, quoted 32 Slusser (1982), vol. I,
work by Snellgrove and of Denma Drak, cf. Helier (1990), pp. 69-89. Further by Alexander Macdonald pp. 35-6, referring to Levi
Skorupski, much progress (1994 a). discussion of the chronology (1984), p. 13I. (1905), vol. I, pp. 162-6:
has been made in dating the 6 Quotation from personal of the Jokhang is beyond the 26 Snellgrove (1987), pp. 373-4, Narendradeva's mission to
Alchi murals more accu- correspondence from scope of this article. ~419-22; Locke (1980) legends Xian sent in 651; Levi also
rately. See Goepper (1990), H.E. Richardson, 5 May cf. Helier (forthcoming). of Narendradeva (cf. infra), describes the itinerary via
pp. 159-76.] 199+ Regarding Princess 17 cf. Macdonald, Ariane (1971) Licchavi inscriptions pp. 250, Khotan to India of the pilgrim
18 Piotrovsky, ed. (1993), No. 17. Wencheng's cultural and pp. 19°-391, for the foremost 260,283,285-7,296. I should Ki-ye vvith a mission of some
19 Snellgrove and Skorupski religious influence, ef. study of this cult. Blondeau like to thank Erberto Lo Bue three hundred Chinese
(1977), p. 67; Klimburg-Salter Demieville (1952), pp. 185-91; (1976), vol. 3, pp. 233-329, for the following quotation priests in 964-76. There
(1982), p. 189. Richardson (1980), pp. 62-73· has a particularly cogent 'King SrI Narendradeva ruled were also trade routes
20 In the Hermitage collection 7 According to the Samye summary. Stein, RA (1981), f0f35years. With the help of further west, linking Leh and
there are further fragments of stone inscription of 779, the pp. 231-75 and Stein, RA Acarya Bandhudatta, the Khotan via the Karakorum:
murals from Idikut-Shari and temples of Lhasa Trulnang (1985), pp. 169-<)6 has suc- king initiated the chariot fes- Klimburg-Salter (1982), p. 33·
from Tuyuk-Mazar, painted (Tsuklak Khang) , Lhasa cessively reassessedAriane tival of SrI Lokesvara of For the northeasterly route
in the Tibetan tradition, Ramoche and Tradruk were Macdonald's theoretical Bugma (= Bunga). Then the see Sato (1975). To recall
which would form a suitable already in existence by then. basis in conjunction vvith the king of Bhota came and ruled Ansa's itinerary: Vikramasila
subject for a further paper. cf. also Richardson (1985), study of Chinese Taoist and over Nepal.'Vajracarya and to Nepal, Nepal to Guge and
TIBETAN ART
Guge to central Tibet. Vairocana. It is quite possible Granoff quotes Warner In a personal communication Drathang (gnva thang).
33 cf. the most recent comment: that Licchavi stone statues of (1938), p. 14, which dates it (letter of 12.2.95), Professor 73 Backus (1981), p. 95·
Chayet (1994), p. 154, PI. I. all of these may still be found to the mid-ninth century In Whitfield informed me that 74 cf. Howard, Li and Qiu
'Cette peinture appartient a in Kathmandu. cf. Lalou view of the Tibetan inscrip- as a result of the data I (1992), p. 52.
une serie produite al'epoque (1953), pp. 313-53. tions I would tend to date it recently published - Helier 75 cf. Chapin (1972), pp. 39-41;
de la domination tibetaine 44 cf.Ariane Macdonald (1977), vvithin the period of Tibetan (1994 a and b) the painting Howard, Li and Qiu (1992),
sur Dunhuang. ElIes est tres p. 66; Mortari Vergara and domination of Dunhuang should be identified as P·57·
eloignee des traditions chi- Beguin, eds (1987), pp. 8741; (to 848), and thank Diana Vairocana with the Eight
noises et l' on evoque Et son Richardson (1992), Rowan for help in obtaining Bodhisattvas, follO\ving
propos Khotan ou le Tibet pp. 105-10. Warner's book. the iconography of the BARTHOLOMEW
occidental, debut [xe siecle, 45 Ariane Macdonald (1977), 56 An identical textile pattern literature of the Vairocana ..; 'Th~ thi~d C~;';g~~i~~~ferr~d'
peinture sur soie.' Gropp p.66. is seen on a statue from Cha Abhisambodhi Tantra. In his to as the second Cangca in
('974), Colour PI. 13 (exam- 46 This temple lies close to Bahil, dated by Or Pal to the opinion, for Dunhuang and the Vlest. The Chinese sys-
pIe 58b on p. 157) presents Samye. In the opinion of seventh to eighth centuries; Yulin, '... these sites and tern is being followed in this
the Balawaste fragments in H.E. Richardson, Vitali's Pal (1974), vol. I, PI. 159. nowhere else provide a vital paper, but in order not to con-
conjunction vvith a recon- arguments that the name was 57 This inscription is fragmen- barometer of the develop- fuse the issue, he will be
struction of the mural paint- changed from Kachu to Keru tary, although the date and ment of Chinese Buddhist known as Rolpe Dorje.
ings; he surmises that this are unconvincing, particu- certain phrases are clear. art and of course essential 2 Zhang Yuxin ([988), p. 8.
group of banners found in larly due to the previously cf. Helier (1994 a) for brief clues to the nature of the 3 Zhang Yuxin (1988), p. 21.
Dunhuang originally came identified Guazhou district discussion of the differential earliest Tibetan Buddhist art 4 The Palace Museum (1992),
from Balawaste, and was pos- east of Dunhuang. The tem- analysis of the iconography as well.' PI. 51.1.
sibly made either during the pIe of On Keru is notin the ofVairocana, Amitabha, and 66 This clasp is characteristic 5 Wan Yi, Wang Shuqing and
Tibetan occupation of late Drakmar Valley, but one val- Maitreya, in reference to the of Gandhara, von Schroeder Liu Lu (1990), p. II6.
seventh century, or during ley to the east (personal com- literature of the Avatamsaka, (personal communication). 6 Zhang Yuxin (1988), p. 54.
the subsequent Tibetan munication, 1994). cf. Vitali Gandavyuha and Mahavairo- cf. the Famous Images Scroll 7 Tuguan Luosang Queji
occupation of eighth to (1990),P. I andchaptefI. It cana Sutras. cf. M. Benisti from the British Museum Nima, Zhangjia guoshi Ruobi
ninth centuries. As far as one is to be noted that the Blue (1981), vol. 2, pp. 744, PIs 50 and the National Museum, Duoji chuan [Biography of
can determine, the Tibetans Annals (1949 R 1979), p. 257, and 78. Unfortunately, New Delhi; Klimburg Salter Rolpe Dorje] (1988),
had by then been long states thatAt1sa stayed at Benisti was not aware of the (1982), PI. 57 and fig. 8. pp. 55-63'
exposed to the canons of On Lhakhang Keru Con lha existence in India of the cor- 67 cf. Dunhuang Cave 14 for a 8 Extant images and paintings
Nepalese art, which they khang ke ru), as distinct from pus of Sanskrit literature on slightly later example of the of Rolpe Dorje depict him as
emulated and adapted; a Drathang Kachu (brag dmar the Mahavairocana SDtra. same costume and iconogra- a Gelukpa monk carrying the
Nepalese aesthetic para- ka chu) (pp. 75, 77, 78). 58 It is most interesting that phy, as shown in Tonko attributes of Mafijusrl. He
digm, hmvever, remains evi- 47 The temple of Lhagong has these circles appear in the Bumbutso Kenyujo, ed. has a prominent physical
dent in these Khotanese also been traditionally associ- Balawaste group, said to (1982), vol4, PI. 169. characteristic: a small lump
works, more so than else- ated with Wencheng's jour- have been influenced by 68 Yulin: Vairocana surrounded on his right cheek. This is
where in Central Asia. ney to Tibet. Analysis of its the Tibetan occupations of by seated bodhisattvas; seen on sculptures that por-
34 This hypothesis is due in part history vvill be part of a future Khotan. Elsewhere in Asia Tibetan and Chinese inscrip- tray him, but not in thangkas.
to my conversations in 1994 study. I am grateful to such circles would seem to tions name all the bod- The lump is prominent on
with Erberto Lo Bue, cf. Gyurme Dorje and Zenkhar be infrequent. cf. Gropp hisattvas, but only the four the sculpture of Rolpe Dorje
Lo Bue (1988), pp. 86-II4- Rimpoche for kindly provid- (1974), PIs 33, 38, 41,58,66 to the right ofVairocana in the Palace Museum in
35 cf. Snellgrove (1961), pp. 3-10 ing this reference material. and 67 inter alia. are visible in the published Beijing: The Palace Museum,
and 93-120. 48 Fig. 91: I should like to thank 59 Von Schroeder, personal photographs, composition (1992), PI. 36; on the figure
\36 Locke (1980), p. 297. Samten Karmay for this pho- communication. as follows: in the State Hermitage
37 ~f. Slusser and Vajracarya tograph, and am most grate- 60 The author and editors are Museum in St Petersburg:
(1973), pp. 79-138; dates for ful for his permission to grateful to Galerie l'Heritage, Ksitigarbha Rhie and Thurman (1991),
reign p .82; Slusser (1982), reproduce it. Geneva, for permission to Mafijusrl pI. 100 and Bartholomew
vol. I, p. 39 affirms Vajrayana 49 cf. Stoddard, (1987 b), illustrate this image. Vairocana (1991), fig. I; and on another
in Nepal as of the time of pp. 4 244. 61 For example, von Schroeder Abhisambodhi example in the ]acques
Amsuvarman, while 50 RA Stein (1959) maps the ('981), p, 400; Vitali (1990), Akasagarbha Marchais Museum of
Huntington (1990), p. 554, trade routes of eastern Tibet. PIs 35-37. Maitreya Tibetan Art in Staten Island,
notes that Ansa is credited 51 I am indebted to David 62 The Bashe shabtagma, see New York.
vvith the introduction of ] ackson for this information. Ba Selnang (attrib.) (1985), 69 These wall paintings were 9 Wang]iapeng (1987), p. 91.
Tantric Buddhism into 52 For detailed analysis of pp. 58, 81 passim; the Khepa'i first reproduced in Dazhao Si 10 Clark ('937), vol. 2,
Nepal as of 1040. the inscription, cf. Helier GatOn, see Pawo Tsuklak (1985), PIs. 76 and 77. pp. 225-314-
38 Slusser and Vajracarya (1973), (forthcoming). Trengwa (1565), p. 324 in 1985 cf. Vitali (1990), PI. 45 II Bartholomew (1991), figs. 2
pp. n-138. 53 I should like to thank Urich edition, discusses Nepalese (=Dazhao Si PI. 76), and and 3; Pal (1983), p. 252, R16.
39 cf. Levi (1905), vol. I, von Schroeder for these pho- artisans at work during the Singer (1994), pp. 87-136, 12 Tuguan Luosang Queji Nima
pp. 163-5; Locke (1980), tographs, and am most grate- construction of Samye. PI. 6a (=Dazhao Si PI. 77). (1988), p. 144·
p. 297; Snellgrove (1987), ful for his permission to cf. also Chayet (1990), 70 This kneeling position 13 Reynolds, Helier and Gyatso
P·372. reproduce them. (See also Pal pp. 109-17. beneath or beside the central (1986), p. 26.
40 Locke (1980), p. 413, n. 22. (1974), vol. I, PIs 187 and 188. 63 cf. Klimburg Salter, (1982), Tathagata is also found in '4 Reynolds, Helier and Gyatso
41 Slusser 1982, vol. 2, PI. 276, 54 Pal originally associated PI. 55 from National some mural paintings from (1986), p. 138.
Dhvaka Bahal, attributed this feature with Dharma- Museum Delhi; Mission Paul Dunhuang, cf. Cave 20, 15 The Palace Museum (1992),
date seventh century, height sankhasamadhi MafijuSr1; Pelliot (1976), PIs. 123, 148, Abhisambodhi Vairocana and PI. 105.
of standing images, 47.5 cm. the diagonal stole, however, 152 passim. attendants, as illustrated in 16 Tuguan Luosang Queji Nima
42 Demieville (1952), p. 11, n. 2; was later identified as a 64 cf. Mission Paul Pelliot Zhongguo bihua quanji bianji (1988), p. 221.
acccording to the Bashe Nepalese artistic convention, (1976), PI 19, also PIs. II, 16. weiyuanhui, ed., (1990), 17 The Palace Museum (1992),
shabtagma see Ba Selnang as seen in the somewhat later 65 cf. British Museum, acces- vol. 9, PI. 169. I should like PIs. IOI.I-1 12. These build-
(attrib.) (1985), p. 6 passim; eleventh-century example sion No. OA 1919.1-1.06 to thank Ning Qiang and ings are not opened to the
cf. Lo Bue (forthcoming). now in the National (ch liii.oOI), published in Marilyn Rhie for attempting public.
43 An extant late eighth-century Museum, New Delhi; Pal Whitfield (1982), vol. I, P17, to trace other illustrations of 18 Yang Boda (1993), pp. 36-57;
catalogue of a Tibetan royal (1974) vol. I, p. 124 and figs 15-17. This painting is this mural. Zhou Nanquan (1983),
'---- library indicates many texts PI. 210. extremely important: due 71 Ren Zhilu et al. (1994), p. 38; PP·7'f-87·
translated from Sanskrit, 55 My attention was first drawn to the Tibetan inscriptions, Pelliot (1923), pp. 181-207. 19 Wang]iapeng (1987), p. 89·
notably for Amitayus, Avalo- to this mural painting by it provides a clear stylistic 72 cf. the shoes of the Tibetan 20 The Palace Museum (1992), p. 8.
kitesvara (as Padmapani, K. Tanaka, a former student model of Tibetan works tsenpo in Dunhuang Cave 21 T~e Palace Museum (1992),
Amoghapasa, and Ekadasa- of Or Sawa in]apan. It has found at Dunhuang. For 159, see Karmay (1977), PI. 8, p.8.
mukha), Tara, Vashudhara, as previously been studied by detailed analysis see and those worn by the 22 The Palace Museum (1992),
well as the Abhisambodhi Granoff (1968-9), pp. 8°45. Whitfield (1985), vol. 3, PI. 17· Buddha in mural paintings at p.8.
NOTES
Chapitre 6
Amy Heller
Cinquième Dalaï-Lama, s'étendait des confins du Ladakh jusqu'à sente la Beauté et la Fortune. Plus que le personnage, c'est le nom
certaines régions du Sichuan. de la déesse que les Tibétains ont emprunté. En effet, l'apparence
Le Cinquième Dalaï-Lama a composé environ deux cents et la mythologie de Lhamo sont bien différentes de la Shri Devi
rituels dédiés à une multitude de divinités gardiennes extrême- indienne, «épouse modèle, image radieuse, et secourable», selon
ment diverses. Parmi celles-ci, quatre ont une importance particu- la description de L. Renou. Avec son expression féroce, et son
lière: Lhamo, principale divinité protectrice féminine; le guerrier corps noir émacié, seulement parée de guirlandes d'ossements et
Begtsé qui se fit parfois le partenaire divin ou l'associé de Lhamo ; de peaux de tigre ou d'éléphant, Lhamo évoque davantage les
le protecteur de la loi Mahakala à l'aspect d'un Yogin; et l'Oracle grandes divinités effrayantes de l'hindouisme. Entre autres, elle
de l'Etat, Dorjé Dragden. Les dessins de Lhamo, Begtsé et l'Oracle rappelle Ourga, la parèdre de Shiva, Seigneur de la Destruction, et
proviennent tous d'un livre du Kanjur, le canon bouddhique tibé- aussi Kali la Noire, déesse qui reçoit des offrandes sanglantes
tain, édité à Lhasa au début du 20e siècle sur l'ordre du Treizième (sacrifices de coqs). Les Tibétains ont également fait des emprunts
Dalaï-Lama. Ils y occupent les marges des dernières feuilles, posi- au personnage de la déesse indienne Revati - appelée Remati en
tion dans laquelle les divinités peuvent «protéger» le contenu du tibétain. Celle-ci est une ogresse qui, selon la démonologie indien-
volume. ne, s'empare surtout de la vie des enfants. En outre, Lhamo a assi-
Quant à Mahakala, on a préféré une vue rapprochée d'après milé des attributs et des légendes de plusieurs divinités locales
une peinture qui date de la fin du 17e siècle. Après une description tibétaines pré-bouddhiques, traditionnellement associées par le
de ces divinités, nous présenterons les mythes qui leur sont atta- bouddhisme à la divination.
chés, puis quelques-uns des nombreux rituels qui leur sont dédiés Comme les aspects de Lhamo sont particulièrement nom-
tout au long de l'année. La description textuelle de chaque divini- breux, une description physique aidera à comprendre la mytho-
té est en effet très importante car elle sert de base de méditations logie et l'iconographie composite de cette divinité. La voici telle
rituelles pour les moines et les initiés laïcs. C'est également à qu'elle apparaît dans un rituel gélougpa de louanges, dédié à
partir de ces textes que les artistes élaborent les peintures ou Palden Lhamo Mazorma ( « La Glorieuse Déesse qui tient l'offrande
sculptures qui serviront de support à des rituels et parfois même de guerre magique ») :
aux célébrations publiques. <<Issue de la syllabe-racine BHYO, au milieu d'une immense
mer de vagues de sang, dans les tourbillons d'une tempête noire,
arrive Palden Lhamo Mazorma, montée sur un mulet qui a une
ceinture de têtes de démons et des brides de serpents venimeux.
LA DÉESSE GLORIEUSE: PALDEN LHAMO De couleur bleu foncé, elle a une tête et deux bras. A droite elle
brandit le bâton surmonté d'un vajra pour affronter ceux qui ont
La divinité gardienne la plus importante est sans doute Lhamo, rompu leurs vœux, et à gauche elle tient devant sa poitrine une
dont le nom simplifié veut dire «déesse ». Elle est souvent appelée coupe crânienne qui est remplie de substances magiques et de
Palden Lhamo, «la déesse glorieuse». C'est elle qui est reconnue sang. Sa bouche est grande ouverte et elle mâche un cadavre
de nos jours comme la protectrice personnelle du Dalaï-Lama, humain avec ses quatre crocs. Ses trois yeux rouges bougent
mais elle figure aussi sous différents aspects dans toutes les écoles comme l'éclair. Ses cheveux sont hérissés, ses sourcils et ses mous-
du bouddhisme tibétain. taches sont enflammés. Sa tête est ornée d'un diadème de cinq
Les origines de son culte sont anciennes et complexes. Palden crânes. Son corps est habillé de soie noire et de peaux. Son sinci-
Lhamo est la traduction tibétaine du nom.sanskrit Shri Devi, la put est orné du disque du soleil, et son nombril de celui de la lune.
grande déesse indienne qui, en tant qu'épouse de Vishnou, repré- Ses bijoux sont des guirlandes d'ossements et de serpents, et un
108 LHASA, LIEU DU DIVIN
enseignements au Tibet fut un religieux errant appelé «le Maître moment de l'invocation, une tempête de neige s'abattit soudaine-
rouge» (Atsarya Marpo) ou «le Pandit de la Connaissance Secrète» ment/ venant de l'est mais quand la neige tomba sur le lac, sa cou-
(Pandita Sangwa Shérab). Ce culte a ensuite été transmis par des leur ne changea pas. Aussitôt après, chacun perçut les apparitions
lamas de l'école nyingmapa, la plus ancienne école du boud- (de lumières) qui formèrent la trame des cinq couleurs de l'arc-en-
dhisme tibétain, mais aussi par des lamas kagyupa, une école ciel, et clairement au-dessus (il y avait) cinq palais munis de tou-
bouddhique très mystique fondée au Ile siècle. Les plus anciennes relles. Même le lac prit les couleurs du ciel. Il se produisit alors
représentations connues de Lhamo sont celles des sanctuaires une apparition effrayante. Le lac se divisa en deux parties, un
d'A1chi (Ladakh), datant vraisemblablement de la fondation du carré (plat) et une partie comme une montagne qui semblait s'éle-
monastère (ca. 1200-1220). ver vers le ciel. Et j'ai compris que (... ceci) était la magie (de
Vers la même époque, des maîtres de l'école monastique Lhamo)... Nous avons tous vu ces apparitions miraculeuses. Il est
sakyapa reçurent les enseignements initiatiques et la choisirent (donc) certain que cet endroit est protégé par Palden Lhamo (car)
comme «Grande protectrice des enseignements» (dharmapala, les manières infinies par lesquelles elle agit... ne peuvent pas
chokyong). Lhamo occupa alors le rôle de principale parèdre de s'exprimer en mots. Ce que j'écris ici n'est qu'une approximation.
Mahakala. Ce fut aussi un Sakyapa qui initia le Premier Dalaï- Quant à moi, depuis que j'étais devenu l'abbé de Tashilunpo
Lama (1391-1474) au culte de Lhamo, et c'est ainsi que le Premier (1512) je faisais sans arrêt des rites spéciaux pour Palden Lhamo,
Dalaï-Lama commença la transmission de ces enseignements dans trois fois par jour (l'offrande de) son torma (gâteau rituel)/ et aussi
l'école gélougpa 1. Le Premier Dalaï-Lama pratiqua assidûment les chaque nuit, la préparation des rites d'expiation et d'offrande de
enseignements sur Lhamo à Tashilunpo et les transmit aussi, torma (dédiés à Lhamo). Depuis le torma du Nouvel An de l'année
notamment au père du Deuxième Dalaï-Lama, qui initia, à son de chien (1514)/ je faisais aussi faire sans interruption les rites
tour/ son fils. particuliers dédiés à Mahakala à six bras, à Yama, à Lhamo, à
Gédun Gyamtsho (1475-1542), le Deuxième Dalaï-Lama, joua Mahakala avec quatre visages, et à Begtsé, le gardien des ensei-
un rôle majeur dans l'essor du culte de Lhamo. Ses nombreux gnements... »
voyages et la prolifération des monastères gélougpa qu'il encoura- A la lecture de ce récit, on comprend que Gédun Gyamtsho ait
geait/ lui valurent le soutien de nombreux chefs et individus des été un dévot particulièrement ardent de Lhamo toute sa vie.
confins occidentaux du Tsang jusqu'à l'est du U. Le culte de Depuis son époque, le lac où il eut des visions est appelé «le lac de
Lhamo ainsi que celui des divinités-gardiennes qui lui étaient l'âme de Lhamo» et jouit d'une grande renommée comme lieu
associées, grandit avec cette expansion de l'école gélougpa. Gédun propice aux visions mystiques. De nos jours, on le considère
Gyamtsho trouva, en particulier, un appui auprès des seigneurs de comme le lieu sacré des Dalaï-Lama, car tous s'y sont rendus en
la région d'Olkha, bien à l'est de Lhasa, sur la rive nord du pèlerinage depuis la visite du Deuxième Dalaï-Lama. Le passage
Tsangpo. Il y fonda Ch6khorgyel en 1509 et considéra ce lieu de sa biographie permet de constater que, dès le début du
comme son monastère personnel. Juste avant la construction, 16e siècle, les divinités gardiennes étaient vénérées au moment des
Palden Lhamo s'était manifestée devant lui dans une vision, célébrations du Nouvel An. Depuis lors, ces pratiques religieuses
l'aidant ainsi à choisir l'emplacement du site. Peu après, accompa- ont été continuées par tous les Dalaï-Lama.
gné de quelques disciples, il se rendit à un lac près du monastère
et ",'hypostase de Lhamo apparut devant lui. En 1528/ il décrivit la
scène dans son autobiographie:
« ... Ensuite, quand je suis arrivé au bord du lac, celui-ci était
d'une blancheur étincelante. Là, je fis un rituel dédié à Lhamo. Au
112 LHASA, LIEU DU DIVIN
d'une façon différente: il a trois visages, six bras et se tient debout anonymes, un grand et un petit, lui apparurent. Comme le grand
enlacé avec une parèdre. Comme il s'agit là d'un enseignement protecteur était noir et avait, comme attributs, une épée et une
ésotérique, sa transmission en a été très restreinte. coupe crânienne pleine de sang, on l'identifia à Lhamo. Le petit
La tradition détenue par le Deuxième Dalaï-Lama a été tout protecteur était rouge, habillé d'une cuirasse et d'un casque fait
d'abord élaborée par quelques lamas sakyapa, mais aussi par un d'un métal rougeâtre et il brandissait des armes, dont une lance.
mahasiddha, c'est-à-dire un religieux errant et thaumaturge. Il eut Padmasambhava ordonna alors à ces dieux d'accompagner le
des visions de Padmasambhava et des divinités protectrices, aux- Dalaï-Lama jusqu'à sa nouvelle naissance. Arrivé à l'adolescence,
quelles Begtsé était associé. Ce maître enseigna à plusieurs lamas le Dalaï-Lama fit un rêve où Begtsé, habillé comme un guerrier
sakyapa dont l'un comptait parmi ses élèves l'arrière-grand-pèr.e rouge, lui apparut et lui déclara: «je suis ton protecteur personnel. »
de Gédun Gyamtsho. Cet ancêtre du Deuxième Dalaï-Lama aVaIt Comme Begtsé avait été un protecteur important pour Gédun
plutôt suivi des enseignements mystiques auprès de m~ît~e~ de Gyamtsho, il était logique que ce rôle ait été maintenu pour sa
l'école kagyupa, et il avait fondé un monastère au Tsang ou etaIent réincarnation suivante, mais cette fois en partenariat avec Lhamo
enseignés les rites kagyupa ainsi que les rituels dédiés à Begtsé. La afin d'assurer la protection du Troisième Dalaï-Lama. Toutefois,
transmission des enseignements sur Begtsé se poursuivit de père c'est chez le Cinquième Dalaï-Lama que cette relation Lhamo-
en fils jusqu'à Gédun Gyamtsho, qui, étant entré dans les ordr~s Begtsé allait atteindre son apogée.
en tant que lama gélougpa, prit des vœux de célibat. Ille transmit
donc à ses disciples monastiques. C'est en effet avec Gédun
Gyamtsho que s'opère le passage d'un culte familial de la divinité LE TERRIFIANT YOGIN: MAHAKALA
à un culte institutionnalisé dans les monastères gélougpa où l'on EN TANT QUE GONPO BRAMZÉ
vénéra Begtsé avec les grands protecteurs tels que Lhamo.
L'histoire de la relation de Begtsé et Lhamo est très intéressante Le lama Tsarchen (1502-1566), maître d'une lignée sakyapa, refor-
car des éléments de plusieurs légendes se superposent dans le mula certains enseignements sur plusieurs divinités protectrices,
temps. Deux traditions ressortent plus particulièrement, celle des dont Lhamo Mazorma, Begtsé mais aussi l'aspect de Mahakala
Dalaï-Lama et celle des Tsarpa, une branche de l'école de Sakya. comme Yogin qui leur est lié. Tsarchen avait étudié la transmission
Le Deuxième Dalaï-Lama suivait les enseignements sur Begtsé où des enseignements traduits par le lama Nyen. Selon ceux-ci, en
ce dernier était l'acolyte d'une divinité courroucée associée aux Inde, la divinité appelée «Mahakala à Quatre Visages» avait deux
enseignements ésotériques transmis par Padmasambhava. ~ n~tre acolytes, un rouge et un noir. Au Tibet, l'assistant rouge fut
connaissance, Begtsé était le seul protecteur rouge habille en représenté par Begtsé, tandis que le noir devint Mahakala dans la
guerrier vénéré par Gédun Gyamtsho. Mais à l'époque du Troi- forme d'un Yogin ou Brahmane. Les Tibétains ont traduit son nom
sième Dalaï-Lama, le guerrier rouge Begtsé entra, sur l'ordre de en «Gonpo Bramzé ». D'après la biographie de Tsarchen, lorsqu'il
Padmasambhava, au service de la lignée des Dalaï-Lama. Ce déve- était un enfant, il implora Lhamo de l'aider à réaliser des actions
loppement trouve son origine dans la biographie du Troisième vertueuses. Peu après se produisit cet événement: «Un homme
Dalaï-Lama qui fut, en fait, rédigée par le Cinquième Dalaï-Lama. rouge très impressionnant et un homme qui ressemblait à un
On sait que, selon les croyances tibétaines, il existe après la mort maître indien apparurent... L'homme rouge prit dans ses mains le
une période intermédiaire appelée le bardo qui précède la pro- forma qui lui était dédié... c'était bien le protecteur Begtsé, tandis
chaine naissance. D'après sa biographie, le Troisième Dalaï-Lama que le Yogin (qui l'accompagnait) était Mahakala... » Comme ce fut
voyagea dans plusieurs paradis bouddhiques pendant le bardo. Tsarchen qui, le premier, accorda une grande vénération à ce trio
Il s'arrêta au paradis de Padmasambhava où deux protecteurs de protecteurs, on considère donc que c'est la tradition tsarpa qui
116 LHASA, LIEU DU DIVIN
L'ORACLE D'ÉTAT:
DOR/É DRAG DEN
AMY HELLER
Philological considerations
sDig-pa has two additional and diStinCt meanings: as a noun, sdig-pa the two principal forms of another major guardian, the- goddess
may mean 'sin' or 'moral evil as a power' and as a verb, sdig(s)-pa IHa-mo 1U her aspeCt as Dud-gsol-ma2 • She is also called Remati
means 'to point out', 'to aim', 'to threaten' Oaschke op. ett.). In 'D~d-khams dbang-phyug-ma or gNyan-gyi Remati (Nebesky-
African and European folklore, the scorpion has long been asso- WOJkowltZ 1975: 58). The sword is so important that Tucci said it
ciated with evil and danger due to its potentially poisonous Sting 'symbolizes' this form of IHa-mo, while the two-handed dPal-ldan
(Aurigemma 1976; Siganos 1985); a similar association may possibly !ha-mo dMag-zor-ma always holds a club (be-con) rather than the
have some conneCtion with the Tibetan use of sdig-pa for 'scorpion' sword (Tucci 1949: 594). It is perhaps pertinent to consider Beg-
as well as 'sin' and 'to threaten '. tse's association with the forms of IHa-mo in dGe-lugs-pa liturgy as
of the fifteenth century, leading .to joint guardianship with !Ha-mo
of the funerary monument of the Vth Dalai Lama when conse-
The Scorpion handle sword crated in 1697 (Helier 1990: 19-28). Was there a sort of contagion
or confusion of attributes due to their relation, or a specific vision?
The sword is well known in Buddhism as an emblem of the For now, we do not know. According to liturgy by Padma dkar-po
Bodhisattva of Wisdom, MaiijusrI, wbo 'cuts through the clouds of (16th c. 'Brug-pa order) Dud-gsol-ma is represented as a four-
ignorance' as he wields the sword in his right hand. His sword has handed black wrathful goddess riding on a rkyang (wild ass) (Tucci
either a vajra or a vertical bar handle which fits the palm. The 1949: 593)'; she holds the sword and skull cup in her principal
scorpion handle sword is often brandished by the deity Beg-tse, hands, the secondary palt holds a lance and a trident; she is
represented as a ferocious, corpulent red warrior in armor. For surrounded by an impressive entourage which includes the
several non-Tibetan authors, the scorpion handle is regarded as the goddesses of the four seasons.
trait which diStinguishes Beg-tse from many other wrathful red war- Tshar-chen, a Sa-skya-pa ma§ter living at approximately the same
rior guardians found in Tibetan Buddhi§t and Bon-po pantheons. time as Padma dkar-po, wrote treatises associating Dud-gsol-ma as
However, Beg-tse may also be represented with a sword having a part of a trio of proteCtors with Beg-tse and the aspeCt of Mahiikala
vajra handle-in which case identification may be determined fro,? in the form of a Brahman (mGon-po bram-ze gzugs). Tshar-chen
other attributes or from the presence or absence of members of his was the thirteenth incarnation in a line descended from Virupa. He
entourage (Beguin 1989: pI. 16-17). Although the liturgy known for codified a set of teachings which came to be known as the Lam-
Beg-tse always mentions a sword (ral-grz) as a principal attribute, the 'bras slob-bshad or the Tshar-pa teachings within the Sa-skya-pa
sword with scorpion handle (ral-gri sdig-pa-can) is only mentioned to order. The importance was such that today one speaks of three
our knowledge in one eighteenth century text'. That it very rapidly sub-orders within S~-skya: Nalendra, Tshar-pa and Ngor-pa. The
became a §tandard iconographical convention of Beg-tse is indi- veneration of the ttlO of proteCtors is mentioned by the official
cated by the numerous eighteenth to twentieth century block-prints bIOgraphy of Tshar-chen as salient among the di§tinguishing
where the sword with scorpion handle is very apparent, particularly charaCtetl§tlcs of the Tshar-pa sy§tem (which included several
the well-known sNar-thang series of successive incarnations of the abbots of Zhva-lu and also the IIIrd, IVth, and Vth Dalai Lamas
Panchen and Dalai Lama dGe-lugs-pa lineages where Beg-tse is
z. Cj also Beguin 1989: pI. 14, which shows a times a scorpion, but at our reque§l:, G. Beguin
often portrayed holding it. form of Hayagriva (rTa-mgrin yang-gsang) holding kindly verified the initial accession papers and
However, the guardian Beg-tse is not the only deity who does a scorpion sword, caSt separately. Given that this indeed the weapons had been transposed (letter of
so. The other deity wielding the scorpion handle sword is one of small image was acquired by the Musee Guimet at 11. 0;. 1994) Cj Tucci 1949: pI. X and pp. 187-
the same time as an image of Beg-tse of identical 588.
height and similar caSting Style (pI. 18 in the same 3· Tucci 1949: 593. if. Essen and Thngo 1989:
volume, sword missing), it seemed highly probable pI. 1;8 for a 16th century thangka with a
Srung-ma dmar-nag, itl S. Ihara and Z. Yamaguchi, that at some time the sword had fallen from Beg- dedication to Dud-sol·ma (holding the scorpion
I. Cj A. Heller, unpublished theSIS (1992.) for
eds., 1992.: 479-492.; for ral-gri sdig-pa.can, if. Sle- tse's arm. The iconography for rTa-mgrin yang- sword) made for the funeral ceremonies of a
detailed analysis of Und Dalai Lama's rituals,
lung bZhad-pa'i rdo-rje 1976: 377- gsang may include a sword among the weapons 'Brug.pa ma§ter according to inscription analysis
composed ca. 1485, as well as my article: HiStoric
which the deity holds in his six arms, and some- by TIlingo.
and Iconographic aspetl:s of the Protetl:ive deities
AMY HELLER THE SYMBOL OF THE SCORPION IN TIBET
Mais, fait plus important, la forme tibetaine des noms propres eSt· exad:ement
among its notable disciples) (Helier 1992 and Karmay 1988)'. Thus celle de la version tibetaine du Ramayana des manuscrits de Touen-houang (yag-s:a
many Tshar-pa teachings took root m the dGe-lugs-pa ord~r where Ko~re, Phur-pa~lha, 'Dar~s:a 'gri~ba) ... Les personnages de la seconde partie du
the Vth Dalai Lama in particular followed them moSt assldu?usly. tantra 466 se retrouvent dans le lHa~>dr(J bka'-thang. Or le tantra se termine par une
The teachings espoused by Tshar-chen had been Inb~med dlreClly imprecation que Maitre Padma (-sambhava) a prononce devant son disciple Rlangs
dPal~gyi seng-ge. Nous avons ainsi rettouve une nouvelle source, bien juStifiee, des
from earlier Sa-skya-pa maSters, and so It IS not surprlsmg that the
« inventeurs» du XIV· siec1e qui pretendaient reveler des textes caches par
moSt ancient example of the scorpion sword ap~ea:s I~ a Sa-skya- Padmasambhava.
pa icon sculpted in Stone and dated 1292 by mscrlptiOn . .
Here Dud-gsol-ma is represented m a different c?ntext. The Icon It is precisely the sequence of events drawn from the Ramayalfa
shows an illuStrious group: Gur-gyi mgon-po, prmclpal proteCtor of -the rapt of Sita-which reveals the Story of IHa-mo and her
the Sa-skya-pa, surrounded by his two wives (Ekaja? and Dud-gsol- special sword.
mal and three male acolytes (Vajrapalfi, Legs-ldan nag-po and To summarize it briefly, the tantra recounts a previous exiStence
mGon-po bram-ze gzugs). The liturgy for this Important group has of 'Dod-khams dbang-phyug-ma. At that time, when the Asura and
retained major prominence in the Sa-skya-pa order through to the the Gods were Struggling, Vajrapal)i produced Vma to help them,
present day (Nebesky-Wojkowitz '975: 49-5 , 58; Dhongthog '977: and she was united with Siva. From their union, Yama-Mahiikala
'
17 0 - 18 5). The image of 1292 is so scrupulously detailed that a key and Camunda were born. Camunda entered the batde and cut the
to some of the legendary antecedents of this iconography may be head of an Asura, using it to colleCt the Asura's blood and the
gleaned: IHa-mo rides her mount amidSt Stylized waves be?eath Gods were viCtorious. Then Camunda became the goddesses
which a curiously long and entwined serpent IS lurking. This IS the Parnasavari and Sangkhapala, (Tib. Dung-skyong-ma). The Gods
symbol of the realm of the ndga, the mythical creatures (half- attacked the cannibaliStic rakfCIJa demons' city of Langka, where
human, half-serpent) which in India are proteCtors of the Buddha', Dasagrlva, their ruler, and his siSter lived. In order to vanquish the
while in Tibet they are assimilated with the klu, subterranean and Gods, Dasagrlva gave his siSter in marriage to Shiva. Their daughter
aquatic spirits who govern the water element an~ the for.ces of the Remati became maid-servant to Dung-skyong-ma, whom Dasagrlva
earth. In point of faCt, IHa-mo's ties With the naga: the kingdom of then sought to kidnap as he had fallen in love with her. He
Langka and the rakfd8a sovereign Dasa~Iva w~o lived there are far emanated a deer as a lure for Dung-skyong-ma who, encouraged by
from innocuous accordmg to the Me! ce bar ba t rgyud (the Tantra of Remati, fell for the trap. Vma then cursed and expelled them:
Burning Flames) (p. 466) which explains how Dud-gsol-ma
acquired her charaCteriStic attributes. . . My daughter, even though you have been what is moSt dear to me, endowed
with the splendors of the gods, in secret you became the sweetheart of a rakJasa.
Before discussing these, a word on the hiStory of this apocryphal Forevermore, my daughter, you shall befriend the rakJasa, eat human flesh, wear
tantra. Professors Tucci and Stein both Studied it, the former noted human skins, hold a human head, and you shall kill. Your mount will be a donkey.
a relarion to the Puranas, the latter re~arked episodes from the Because of my curse, your divine color (white) shall diminish and become the
Ramayalfa which were transposed to be mc1uded therem althou~h frightening black of the rakJasa. And you shall be terrifying (to all). Remati, you
retaining the principal aCtors and events (TuccI '949: 218; Stem also deceived my daughter by giving her to the rakJasa. Henceforth your face shall
be frightening and ugly. For all your lifetimes, may we never meet again?
1973-74: 515-517)' As Stein said:
Immediately Dung-skyong-ma was transformed into an ogress, as
4. Cj Vth Dalai Lama ca. 192j (Biography of photograph of pL 21 illufuates ltla-mo Dud-sol- was her servant. They became cannibaliStic, eating firSt a human
Tshar-chen), fol. 29-P, §tudied in detail in the ma holding the scorpion sword. Preliminary
thesis of A. Helier (1992 unpublished). Cj also analysis of the hi§torical inscription is found in
Stoddard (198j: 2.78-282.). 7. du /ha mo 11 ma dt has bJt mo dllllg skyong ma /a III ~OJJ par gyllr dg/ /ba'l kba dog 111 Ilag la 'jigs par III
Karmay (1988) who discusses the Vth Dalai
6. Ulrich van Schroeder, personal communi- mod pa bor bal 1Iga'l bJt mo kf!yod kyang 1Jgas kyang gca shog! khol mo fI) fila ti kkJod kyallg Ilga'i bll mo bs/m le
Lama's twO major visions of Tshar-chen as well as
cation. Already in ancient India, the Iliiga serve as par f!y1JS tel /ha'i lOllgs !f.yod bsam gyiJ mi kftyab rJal da srill po la Iryill nasi kftyod kya1lg mi sdng 'jig! pa'i gdOllg
his Tshar-pa teachers.
j. Beguin 1991: j,-jj for discussion of this proteCtors of Buddhi§t doCtrine, if. early donors la gsaJJgs le sNn po'i chJltIg mar sOllg basl pf?yiJJ med bll dll gytlf le !she rabs kiln III kkJod t"JIlg ma phrad gcig Clls
represented as Iliiga kings, as in Amaravati and mo kftyod kYalJg srill po dallg 'grogsl mi sha Ili zal ml dmod par bor rol (Me Ice 'bar ba'i rgylld, fol. Il6-117).
§tame, which is one of the mo§t remarkable
Mathura. Ipags Ili gOJJ mi oJgo nl thogsl srog gcod JJJ' f?ydl bOllg bJt
Tibetan works of art known today. The detail
286
AMY HELLER THE SYMBOL OF THE SCORPION IN TIBET
288
AMY HELLER THE .SYMBOL OF THE SCORPION IN TIBET
rituals attributed to Nyang Nyi-ma 'od-zer (12th c.) and rDo-rje form assumed by Padmasambhava for the arduous conqueSt of
gling-pa (14th c.). The creature held by Guru Drag-po is grandiose: Rudra, according to the Padma thang:yig (Beguin 1989: 44-45). When
an enormous scorpion, having nine heads each with one eye, and !Ha-mo and Beg-tse hold the scorpion handle sword, perhaps it is
eighteen pincers" (plate 2, courtesy Volkerknndemuseum der Uni- also a visual reminder of Padmasambhava, who is believed to have
versitat Zurich)Z°. mandated their role as proteC1:.ive guardians (Heller 1990: 19- 20 ;
The scorpion which corresponds to the description of Guru Heller 1992: 484) as well as a reminder of the Stipulated iconography
Drag-po's attribute would seem to derive from an episode in the according to the Me! ce 'har ba'; rgyud. According to the medium of
fourteenth century biographies of Padmasambhava: the State Oracle of Tibet, amongSt the earlieSt signs indicating the
protector deity's manifeStation, a scorpion mySteriously appeared and
In Nepal ... he proceeded to the sandalwood foreSt of Kosha and remained in
meditation in the grotto of Phullahari. Here Vajrapani appeared to him and 'The appearance of the scorpion was the familiar sign of rDo-rje
foretold how the BuddhiSt doctrine would one day encounter demonic obStacles grags-ldan,' i.e. as the deity attendant upon Pehar who now takes
and to vanquish these. he would obtain a siddhi from a black foreSt at the manife§lation as the State Oracle (Avedon 1984: 207). This associa-
southeastern limit of the great cemetary of Rajgir .... he (then)departed and in one tion may also perhaps reflect the mythology linking Padmasambhava
night came upon a black scorpion, blazing with fire, having nine heads and with the cult of Pehar (if. Stoddard, supra), or perhaps the tradition
eighteen horns and three eyes on each forehead. Without showing fear,
Padmasambhava made salutations and offerings (pryag mchod] to the scorpion. It that rDo-rje grags-ldan is an emanation of Beg-tse, and as such
said, 'Come tomorrow evening and I will give you the siddhi.' And when he came. 'inherited' from Beg-tse the scorpion as emblem (Nebesky-
there was a triangular Stone, and having seen it he underStood that it contained Wojkowitz 1975: 125; Heller 1992: 484-491).
manuscript texts of the Phur-pa teachings. Each of the eyes and each of the horns A scorpion appears as the characteristic shape of a series of
of the scorpion gave out one teaching to make the 18 yana. Padmasambhava then
proceeded to rDo-rje gdan ... 21, Tibetan charms 24 • These are used for a combination of proteC1:.ive
and coercive purposes. Affixed at the entrance of homes, the charm
In this incident, the scorpion is guardian of the very teachings is said to protect the inhabitants againSt illness or ill-luck or harm
which are quintessential to the transmission by Padmasambhava. This by the various classes of rgyal.po, dri-mo, btsan, sa-bdal" k!u, gnya,r'. A
would seem to coincide with the role assigned to scorpions as mani- scorpion shape is also used for the so-called Guru Drag-po charm,
feStations of the niiga as protectors. It is thus not surprising to find a or 'Great Scorpion wheel of Padmasambhava' which is attributed
painting of a giant scorpion as emissary from the niiga king to present to Padmasambhava and later revealed as a gter-ma (Douglas 197 8:
his submission to Padmasambhava once he has arrived in Tibet ". no. 132). This charm is inscribed with several prayers, such as the
The scorpion is an attribute held by several aspects of BuddhiSt creed and mantra for Padmasambhava, as well as spells to
Padmasambhava, all wrathful, and by two esoteric forms of inaC1:.ivate threatening forces. In this context of proteC1:.ive power
Hayagrlva", also linked to the emanation lineages of Padmasambhava atttlbuted to scorpiOns, we may recall the horde of scorpions,
(Blondeau 1977-78: 78-80). One may recall that HayagrIva is the lizards, spiders, snakes and frogs who invade the courtyard of the
home of Milarepa's enemy, while a scorpion the size of a yak claws
19. This is the telttual description but many icons from another biography of Pacimasambhava revealed the central pillar of the enemy's house !2'. In fact, according to
representing this form do simplify the body of the by Sangll-rgyas gllng-pa.
scorpion, if. comparative examples of Guru Drag- 2;1;. Essen & TIUngo 1991: 82-9l, inscription no. ;1;;! Tibetan informants, the scorpions actually found in Tibet are much
dmar from Lauf 1975: pi. 67 and Beguin 1991: of the Ibangka of Padma rgyal-po, which reads: kiu smaller (perhaps 3 cm. long) and far less toxic than those found in
pi. 45-46, 50. rgyaJ gtJtJg na rin .be,! dam la blagi, ilhl§l:rated by a two
;1;0. We thank Martin Brauen, curator of the niga maidens and a giant scorpion emerging together
warmer climates-this in no way diminished the proteC1:.ive powers
Himalayan and EaSt Asian ColleCtions, VOlker- from a pond and bowing to Padmasambhava.
kundemusuem Zurich, {or his authorization and z,. CJ Tucci 1949: ja7, and Dagyab 1991: PI. E the Zhi 'khro dgtJlJgi pa rang grol, and a deity identi- WaddeU (197;1;: 405, 474) for the discussion of 'a
the Musie d'Ethnographie, Neuch:1tel, which 5-4 for the fonn Padma drag-po, E l for Padma tied as a 'spirit of illness' is represented as a scorpion chann againSt injury by demons'. The same
graciously supplied the photograph. drag-po Heruka, E 17 for rTa-mgrin 1cags-ral-can scorpion with eighteen eyes (if. Lauf 1975: PI. 8). charm is illu§l:rated by Douglas (1978: no. lZ9).
2l. Cl Orgyan gling-pa 1987: )59-)40, which is of Ch()i dbang gi gler-ma and E 17.lll for his 24. We are indebted to H. Brunner for the infor- ;1;6. We are indebted to Janet Gyatso and Martin
translated here. We are indebted to A.-M. Blondeau assiStant (Jas-mkhalJ). Cl Begliin 1991: PI. 50 for the mation that scorpions do not often appear in Brauen for reminding us of this event. Cj :also
for the information that the very similar passage form Padma drag.dmar. In addition, a scorpion Indian tantric charms. Paul 1982: 2;1;6-2;1;7.
given by W. Evans Wentz (1980: J81-182) is in fad headed deity appears in the retinue of Amimbha in 25. We thank A.-M. Blondeau for the reference to
293
AMY HELLER THE SYMBOL OF THE SCORPION IN TIBET
2.7. We arc indebted to Dr. Fernand Meyer for 2.9. Personal communication from Dr. Fernand
ANONYMOUS \W. J. G.)
1980 Scorpionida, Enrylopedia Britannica, 16, 401~403.
this information. Meyer, who noted that the venom is not used at
18. Karmay 1988: 172. and plate LIV. Karmay all in Tibetan medecine, and while two varieties, AURIGEMMA, L.,
refers also to the esoteric autobiography of the one white and one black were known, only the
1976 Le Signe zodiacal du Scorpion dans leg traditions occidentaleg de l'Antiquite grtco-
Vth DaLai Lama (I971: 314-315) which specifies white was used in pharmacology, and rarely at
for the vision of 1671: rtsibs HHhan nas sdig pa !Jag that. Before utilisation, it had to be .detoxified. The
latine d la Renaissance (paris, Mouton).
p(js gnbd ~ed za Ishu/ !?Jedl d!?Jangs gsa/ phan chad detoxification (gdu/-ba) process in Tibet corres- AVEDON,j.,
'dral. That such charms were used on other ponds to techniques now used ;q render the 1984 In Exile from the Land 0/ Snows (New York, Wisdom).
occasions is indicated by a passage dated 1660 in scorpion innocuous by scraping off the sharp point
the same work, describing rituals for an esoteric of the Sting. The Tibetan technique then calls for BEGUIN, G.,
form of Padmasambhava, 'if you desire to tame the scorpion to be macerated 24 hours in muse 1978 Dieux et Demons de l'Himalaya (Paris, Reunion des musees nationaux).
the dam-sri and the evil 'dre, at the head and heart water. It may then be pteserved for later usage as
1989 Tibet, Terreur et Magie (Bruxelles, Musee royaux d'Art et d'HiStoire).
and private partS of the lit/ga, (place) a nine-headed a pharmacological ingredient fOl: medications said
1991 Art esotbique de l'Himal0'a: La Donation Uonel Foumier (paris, Reunion
scorpion..: (p. 175: dam sri 'dre ngan 'duI 'dbd na to be beneficial to the eyes.
finga'i mg(j dang S!!ying Mflg gsan}!, gtJas sdig pa mg(j dgll...). des musees nationaux).
294 295
THE SYMBOL OF THE SCORPION IN TIBET
AMY HELLER
KV/l.ERNE, P.,
BHATTACHARYYA, B.) M kh dh a) 1986 An Anthology of Buddhifl Tantric Songs (Bangkok, White Orchid Press).
1968 . The Indian Buddhifl Iconography (Calcutta, K. L. u opa Y y.
LAUF, D.,
B1LLARD, R., . . d'EFEO 8 1973 The Sacred Art of Tibet (Bern, Kummerley und Frei).
197 2 L 'af/ronoflJie indienne, Pubhcations , 3·
LIEBER T, G.,
B LON DEA U 'dA -M ., bb et AvalokiteS vara Annuaire de I'Ecole Pratique des HautM 1976 Iconographical Difiionary of the Indian Religions (Leiden, E. J. Brill).
1 -78 Fa masam ava ,
977 Etudes, LXXXVII, Ve Setl:ion, 99- 106. MACDONALD, A. W.,
1980 Creative Dismemberment among the Tamang and Sherpas of Nepal, in
BROCKlNGTON,]., - , (D!hi OUP) M. Aris & Aung San Su~ Kyi eds., Tibetan StudifJ in honour of Rugh
19 8 5 Righteous Rama, The Evolution of an Eptc e , . Richardson (WarrninSter, Aris & Phillips), 199~2.08.
CHOEPEL, N., 1 LTWA) MALLMANN, M. T, DE
83 Folk Culture of Tibet (Dharamsa a, . 1975 Introdullion d l'iconographie du bouddhisme tantrique (paris, A. Maisonneuve).
:~8 5 New English Tibetan Diffionary (Dharamsala, LTWA).
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DAGYAB, L. S., d m1 g ba-ri brgya-rtsa Ikonographie und Symbolik 1975 Oracla and Demons of Tibet (Graz (reprint), Akademische Druck-u
1 8 Die Sadhanas er sam un ' . A II VerlagsanSl:alt).
9 3 d tibeti3chen Buddhismu8, (Wiesbaden, Harrassow1tz), Vo1.
D
' . h' d
b h b 'dod-"Jo Ikonoaraf> te un
r ~ PAUL,R.,
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1 Die Sadhanas der sammlung sgru -t a s , . 6
199 Symbolik dM Tibeti3chen Buddhismus (Wiesbaden, Harrassowltz), Vol. E. 1982 The Tibetan Syfnbolic World (Chicago, Chicago Univ. Press).
SIERKSMA, E,
DOUGLAS, N., ,., (N Y k Dove' books)
197 8 Tibetan Tantric Charms and Amu~s ew or, . 1966 Tibet's Terrifying Deities (The Hague, Mouton).
ESSEN, G. VII·
& TH~NGGO, T ' T ·,
19 89 Ttbet-Sammtung . W. E ssen,
Die Giltter dfJ Himalr.qa-BuddhifliJche Kunfl
SIGANOS, A.,
1985 I.es mythologies de l'inseffe (paris, Librairie des Meridiens).
Tibets (Miinchen, PreStel~. STEIN, R. A.,
Padmasambhava (Koln, DIe Mont Bucher).
199 1 1973-74 Annuaire du College de France, 5I 5-517.
GR~9~~FFV~'~ikodari: A Study of the Relationship between Myth and Image in STODDARD, H.,
1985 A Stone sculpture of mGur mgon-po, Mahakala of the Tent, Oriental
Indian Art, Eaf! and Wef!, 30, 77-9 6 . An, 31. 278-282.
HELLER, A, ... , S dmar-nag du Potala, in F. Meyer, ed., Tibet: THOMPSON, S. & BALYS,].,
199 0 ~~il:~~~t:s so~~~g;:ris, Editions de la Fondation Singer-Polignac), 1966 The Oral Tales of India (Bloornington, Indiana Univ. Press),
TUCCI, G.,
it;~'sur le deveioppemen! de I'icon?grafhie et du c~lte de Beg-tse, divini# 1949 TPS
1992. protearice tib#aine, Unpubli~hed thesIs, } E~H~, Pa~~e deities Srung-ma
199 2 HiStoric an~ IconographIc aspetts 0
dmar-nag In S, Ihara & Z. Yamagu
:hi e
eIs~teTibetan Studies (Narita.
, h S' f
W ADDELL, L. A.,
1972 Tibetan Buddhism (New York, Dover).
Naritasa~ Shinshoji), 479-492 [proceedings of the 5t emmar 0 WENTZ, W. E.,
IATS, Narita, 19 89]. 1980 The Lift and Teachings of Tibet's Great Guru PadlJ/cl$ambhava (Oxford,
OUP).
JASCHKE H. A., cl d & Kegan'Paul)
197 2 'A Tibetan EngliJh Difiionary (London, Rou e ge "
297
BUDDHIST IMAGES AND ROCK INSCRIPTIONS
FROM EASTERN TIBET, VIIITH TO XTH CENTURY, PART IV'
by
This study is part of an investigation of Tibetan art and Buddhism of the sPu rgyal dynasty, ex-
amined on the basis of recently rediscovered stone carvings and their dedicatory inscriptions in
eastern Tibet.! The inscriptions provide a complementary source of information on historic and
political conditions as well as religious ideas then prevalent in central and eastern Tibet. In
terms of sUbject matter, there is confirmation of the predominance of the cult of Vairocana, es-
pecially as related to the literature of the VaJivcanabhisambodhi tantra. In this cycle, the repre-
sentation of Vairocana is accompanied by an entourage of Bodhisattvas, in which Avaloki-
tesvara and Vajrapat}i figure prominently. Aesthetically, there are several different models for
iconography and style of representation. These correspond respectively to contemporary Bud-
dhist iconographies - particularly aspects of Avalokitesvara - then popular in Nepal and in
China, in addition to a syncretic yet distinctive style of representation, to which the term
"Tibetan style" may apply.' The intense commercial activity between Tibet and its neighbours
fostered aesthetic diversity, for the major trade routes of Asia traversed the vast extent of the
Tibetan empire during this period. Travelers in the caravans included Buddhist masters convey-
ing their religious paraphernalia. Crisscrossing eastern Tibet were routes along the Mekong
river valley, linking with the Silk Route axis near Lake Kokonor, as well as routes linking
Kokonor to Lhasa and south beyond the Himalaya. The Mekong routes led to Sichuan and
Yunnan, where the Nanzhao kingdom (642-902) was a firm Tibetan ally as of 745 A.D. Here
too diplomatic and commercial relations promoted a climate of multi-faceted interactions, for
Nanzhao histories describe the introduction of Buddhism from Tibet as well as from Tang
China. These cultural exchanges had aesthetic repercussions, as may be deduced from contem-
porary or slightly later Nanzhao stone reliefs which closely follow otherwise unknown aesthetic
models found near Jyekundo. Although the corpus of material is still relatively limited, by this
analysis of inscriptions and stone carvings of four sites, in chronological order, it is hoped to
contribute towards better understanding of ancient Tibetan veneration of aspects of Vairocana
and Avalokitesvara and the development of their manifold aesthetic expressions throughout the
Tibetan empire.
Brag Iha mo
This name refers to the rock known as Brag lha mo, in lDan khog, re-discovered by Geshe
• Grateful aCknowledgement to the C.N.R.S. (U.R.A 1229) for funding to attend the 1995 Seggau IATS seminar.
Homage to the memory ofFernand Braudel for his model studies on the history of trade routes. I would like to thank
H.E. Richardson for his encouragement and invaluable advice, but bear sole responsability for the opinions ex~
pressed.
1 HelIer 1994 with Appendix 12-19, HelIer 1994b, and HelIer in press.
2 To our knowledge, this term is first attested in sBa bzhed1980: 43 bzo ni bod lugs su byas I
386 A. HeIJer Buddhist Images and Rock lnscriptions from Eastern Tibet 387
Pema Tsering in 1980 (plate 1 ).3 The rock stands alone, approximately 700 x 200 cm at the sattva, but one may recall that the text of the Phyong rgyas funerary st~le for Khri srong lde
broadest part. The carvings occupy the lower portion of the rock. Due to striations in the rock btsan concludes with his eulogy as 'Pbrul gyi Iba byang cbub chen po. ThIS stele may date
surface, the carvings of letters are particularly faint in some places. The calligraphy of the two from the time of his death ca. 799, or slightly earlier, as one source descnbed construcUon of
inscriptions more resembles handwriting in Dunhuang manuscripts than the characteristic the tomb during his lifetime. The Buddhist tenor of the inscription is :einfor~ed by mentIOn of
evenly carved dbu can letters of rdo ling. The date of carving is a matter for reflexion. Accord- construction of temples and translation of religious texts during the reIgn. ThIS dIffers radIcally
ing to the Geshe and H. E. Richardson's initial readings of the historic inscription, although from the description of the combination of devotion to Buddhism ~nd maIntaInance of the sku
fragmentary, it may be dated as carved during the reign of Khri srong lde btsan (755 - c. 794 bIa cults of tbe ancestors which often recurs in contemporary InSCnptIOns, apphei,to the reIgn
A.D.) or slightly thereafter, during the interregnum until Khri Ide srong btsan (Sad na legs) was of Khri srong Ide btsan as well as Khri lde Sl'ong btsan and Khri gtsug lde btsan. The t~xt of
enthroned in 804 A.D. Data from 1993 by Namgyal Ronge tends to confirm this date" Dr. the prayer, despite its fragmentary nature, recalls the simplified eXpOSItIon of BuddhIst Idea\~
Helmut Eimer has long collaborated with the Geshe and made a reading of the inscriptions as such as phrased in the second edict of Khri srong lde btsan, and In the prayer of lDan ma brag.
well; Dr. Eimer has personally communicated to me his hesitations concerning the date of the Historic information on IDan khog prior to the reign of Khri srong lde btsan indicates that
carving of the inscriptions.' Although concurring that they are written in ancient style of text lDan khog was former territory of the Sum pa or Mi nyag, whose homeland w~s east-northeast
and script, he thinks they may be a later copy of earlier texts, in which case the carving of the of Kokonor. lDan khog is situated in the northern part of mDo smad~ whe:e TIbetan Influence
images antedates the carving of the inscriptions. This seems to us unlikely for several reasons. seems to have been established by 755 A.D. Mi nyag even became allIed with TIbet. Two years
To our knowledge, it is typical Tibetan custom of dedicatory inscriptions to make the inscrip- after Khri srong lde btsan took the throne, Tibetan forces, .assi~;ed by t~eir vassals including the
tion at the time of the creation of the work of art, whether painted or carved - to quote H. E. ,A zha and Mi nyag, captured towns along the Yellow RIver. Ronge s readIng of the Inscnp-
Richardson, "both inscription and carving are part of a single devotional exercise"." The in- tions indicates that the king of Mi nyag adopted Buddhism during the reIgn of Khn srong lde
scription may be conceived as an aspect of the consecration ceremony, whether or not that is btsan. Although this information is not confirmed elsewhere to our knowledge, it is plausibk,
formally stated in the inscription, as such a ceremony punctuates the act of creation. Had the because Khri srong lde btsan, having formally vowed to maintain the Buddlnst relIgIOn, as IndI-
inscription been written afterwards as a re-consecration, the initial phase would in principle be cated by his edicts and his decree on the bSam yas It/a ling, also enco~raged the' A zha vassal
noted, for such an omission would be tantamount to negating the previous consecration. Also, princes to do SO.13 In Khams and Amdo, KJlri srong lde btsan exercIsed a certaIn degree of
had the inscription had been made in a later reign, it would have been customary for the current 14
authority, for councils were held there regularly during his reign. At th~ sam~ time, Tibetan
btsan po to be named. 7 military conquests and forays were concentrated elsewhere extending theIr terrItory northwest
The subject matter and vocabulary of the inscriptions also tend to corroborate a date of late to KJl0tan and Dunhuang, and east to modern Gansu and Yunnan provInces. One consequence
eighth or early ninth century. One text is a eulogy of Khri srong lde btsan, the other is an uni- of the intensified military campaigns near Kokonor was increased traffic of the trade routes
dentified Buddhist text. 8 There are many examples of phrases characteristic of the language throttgh central KJlams linking Lhasa - Chab mdo - Chengdu, lDan khog beIng near Chab
15
found in contemporary manuscripts and inscriptions in stone: whether single words, such as mdo.
mang mo zhig for mang ba, or orthographic variations, such as la stsogs pa for la sogs pa, For purely aesthetic considerations, in the light of stone and metal examples identified as
byang cub sems pa for byang chub sems dpa'. Such cases leave little or no doubt in interpreta- late eighth or ninth century Nepalese statues which bear great resemblance to the carvIngs, we
tion. To avoid crowding, several occurences of letters added below the line of carving are have proposed elsewhere that a date corresponding to the end of the re~gn of Khn. sr?ng lde
rather ingenious: tha pa is the upper letter line; with the adjunction of ra subscript, this gives btsan is not incongruous. 1" As seen in plate I, manifest Nepalese aesthetIC charactenstIcs here
thar pm: Well known compound phrases appear, e.g. dbu nnog btsan po, thog ma myed pa'i are scrolled halo, emphasis on graceful athletic body proportions and stance in dehan~hement,
dus, dam pa'i chos, - the latter is written three different ways in eight lines of carving. Such garments clinging to the body, their fabric draped in narrow pleated folds, crown WIth cabo-
examples may be archaic but do not furnish any kind of precise chronology. A suggestion of chon gems, as well as the composition of a seated Buddha surrounded by two standIng .atten-
chronology may be derived from the usage of the expression btsan po byang cub sems pa quali- dants. The literature of the Vairocaniibhisambodbi cycle stipulates VaIrocana accompamed by
fying Khri srong lde btsan, "the btsan po of perfect spiritual enlightenment". This expression is
of course specifically Buddhist in its qualification, conflating the btsan po ruler with a Bodhi-
VajrapaQi and AvalokiteSvara. 17 The iconography for Vairocana is explicit but the description who had trained under Nepalese artists and who were perfectly capable of reproducing a Nep-
of the attendants is absent in contemporary texts as they are known to us, a situation which has alese stylistic idiom. Certain details, such as the highly fanciful rendering of the lions support-
resulted in several different modes of representation for the cycle. Nonetheless, as carved at ing Vairocana's throne, do not indicate the artist's visual acquaintance with genuine lions.
Brag Iha mo, the aspect of Avalokitesvara in standing position, having Amitabha in his crown,
holding a lotus stem and presenting his right hand in the gesture of donation (varada-mudrii) Inscriptions of Brag Iha mo (plates 2-3)
was particularly frequent in Nepal as of the seventh century. 18 The earliest trace in Tibetan lit-
erature of this iconography is furnished by the manuscripts of the sBa bzbed in the account of A Inscription left of the carvings:
the construction of the chapels of bSam yas towards the end of the eighth century. The first (1) I btsan po byang cub sems ya i khri srong Ide btsan' gyi sku'i ring la
chapel built is dedicated to Aryapalo Kasarpani, which certainly refers to Avalokitesvara (2) sod nam che I dbu rmog btsan de phyogs bcur mtha,3 skyes4 nas
KhasarpaQa, one of the two names under which this iconography is registered in later Sanskrit
anthologies. i9 Popularly known as PadmapaQi in Nepal, this name is most evocative of the pink (3) sbad ching5 dar ma" theg pa chen po mdo sde mang mo zhig' gtan la bab par
lotus padma which indeed remained emblematic of Avalokitdvara in Tibet and India. The ear- bsgyurto
lier name used in Tibetan might possibly indicate that this aspect of Avalokitdvara had been (4) me nyagR__9khri rgyal la stsogs paillbrgya stong prag du ma zhig thar par
introduced from Nepal to Tibet. zhugso
• 12 r ky en 13'b angs _ i4,.zh'mg Ia 15
(5) _ _ ra 11 gtsug lag khang rgyas par brtslgs
How to explain the presence of a Nepalese aesthetic in central Khams in the late eighth
century? Of course there are examples of Nepalese influences in art found along the Silk Route, (6) _ _"'Idan par phul I dam pa' i chos 17 ga par
but as far as we have been able to determine, throughout the eighth century, there was an in-
(7) theg pa chen po bzheste"brtan par bzhugso
creasing influx of Nepalese religious masters and artists to Tibet. The artists are attested in the
traditional accounts of the initial construction of bSam yas and the hagiography of Pad- Summary translation of contents
masambhava, invited to Tibet from his meditations on the Nepal-Tibet border, reflects this During the lifetime of Khri srong Ide brtsan, the btsan po of perfect spiritual en-
pattern of migration as welL'" The most ancient lintels in the Lhasa gtsug lag khang are also lightenment, great merit: having expanded the might of the sacred helmet (Le. his
traditionally attributed to Nepalese artisans during the reign of Srong btsan sgam po, although political power) beyond the (four) borders and ten directions, he inspired and had
neither a clear chronology of the phases of construction of this temple, nor a thorough analysis established translations of a vast quantity of books of Mahayana siitra. Over a
of the iconographic schemes, has yet been made." According to Ronge's reading of the Brag hundred thousand people such as the ruler of Mi nyag entered upon the path of lib-
lha mo inscription, during the reign of KJlri srong Ide btsan, there was construction of temples eration. There was extensive construction of temples... the support offered by the
in Lhasa as well as other sites. To our knowledge, this information is not confirmed elsewhere subjects... The sacred doctrine..... Having accepted Mahayana, he then maintained
in historical sources which instead emphasize construction in the vicinity of bSam yas at this (it ).
time." However, in view of Khri srong Ide btsan's firm committment to Buddhism, there may
have been re-construction or re-decoration in the Lhasa gtsug lag khang during his reign, per- I recte dpa '.
haps by Tibetans or foreign artists. The sBa bzbed decribes Nepalese and Tibetans working side 2 recte bltsan, following H.E. Richardson «No contemporary scribe would fail to follow the regular olihography
by side to decorate bSam yas during the latter portion of the eighth century. In view of the bltsan in the royal name." (letter 16.2.96 ).
3 Although the Geshe and Ronge read mfhu, H. E. Richardson cited P.T. 1287 for the reign of Khri 'Dus srong,
Nepalese aesthetic adopted for Brag Iha mo and the tradition of Nepalese artists working in Ti-
1.336: dbu nnog bJtsan zIJing chab srid mtha' skyes pa . cf. Richardson ·1985: 48 shows mtha 'with 'a subscript to
bet at this time, it would seem probable that the Brag lha mo carvings were made by Tibetans tha in I. 28, west inscription, Zhwa'i Iha khang (H. E. Richardson letter of 5.2.96 ).
4 Although mtha' skyes is found, recte bkyes. We thank Samten Karmay for the information that the Tibetan expres-
sion would be phyogs bzhi mtha' bzhi bkyes, extending the four borders in foUl' directions, as found in the Gesar
epic and P.T. 958, while Buddhist terminology specifies ten directions. Cf. Karmay 1993.
17 Claudine Bautze-Picron (in press) has brilliantly discussed the eight bodhisattva in relation to Vairocana. ef. also
.'i Ronge applied ltsampa flour to the recess of the letters allowing him to read cel1ain carved characters that do not
Chandra, Lokesh (1989), "The Structure of the Garbhadhatu MaQgala" in Buddhist Iconogmphy, Kapila Vatsayan
(ed.), New Delhi, Tibet House, 181-192. show in the photographs. He notes (letter of 6.12.95), "sbad ching = dmag gis phams par byas nas ching 'og du
bzhag pa I bJtsan ching'. 1n this context, cf. rbad pa, "to incite". The Geshe had not been able to read the letters
III Bangdel 1989: plates 215, 223, attibuted by Bangdel to mid-sixth century. here. Richardson found sbad pa in P,T. 1073, which he translated "to set on a dog". Cf. Richardson 1989.
(, dar ma:= books or copies thereof. Cf. Stein 1983: 177 183.
19 sBa bzhed1968: 59 gtso ha arya pa fo ka sarpa n; bzhengs I; sBa bzhed1980: 47 11lya pa 10 'igling na kar sa pa ni
M
7 The same expression occurs in IDan ma brag H, line 6 (Helier 1994: Appendix 13).
gtso 'khat Inga I . Jaschke 1972: 40 Kharsapani or Khasarpana; Tshig mdzod chen mo 1984: 214 Khasarpani; cf. de R me nyag = mi nyag, cf. Thomas, F.W. (1963), Tibetan Literary Texts and Documel1ts concerning Chinese Turke~
Mallmann 1975: 107-113.
sfan, Pal1 IV (indices edited by E. Conze), London, Royal Asiatic Society.
'<> sBa bzhed 1968: 59; mK/Jas pa'j dga' ston 1985: 324; Chayet 1990: 109-120. We particularly thank E. La Bue for 9 Ronge read Ita nag here, which he interprets as the name ofthe Mi nyag ruler (khri rgyaf).
allowing consultation prior to publication of his article: Lo Bue in press. 10 Range here read /a sogs sba, which he interprets thus: sba = dme1g sgar I dmag gi tu khag / dmag dum sogs gcig ma
yin pa lIlang po fa go dgos I but the photographs show fa stsogspa, with pa subscript to sa.
2! Vitali 1990: 70~73; plates 35~37. In our a11icle in press, the hypothesis o[1nitial construction as a residence and
II Ronge read Ra sa sogs, interpreting Ra sa for Lha sa, as in bSam yas and sKar chllng inscriptions, cf. Richardson
later conversion into a temple during the eighth centUlY was formulated, while a study of the chronology of the deco~ 1985: 28, 74-75. In one photograph, the reading appears to be ra sa tsug fag khang. However, Richardson strongly
ration and restorations of the Lhasa gtsug lag khang is now in preparation. doubted the likelihood of this, noting that tsug for gfsug is not found elsewhere, to his knowledge, and the asso~
22 Uebach 1990. dation of Khri srong Ide btsan with construction at bSam yas, rather than Lhasa. Samten Kat'may suggested as
A. Helier Buddhist Images and Rock Inscriptions from Eastern Tibet 391
390
well that this is a local inscription, where the name of temple in the vicinity might appear. Unfortunately, other the discussion of this master. Additional inscriptions near the temple, judged to be contempo-
than ra, the letters preceding gtsug lag khangare illegible, rary on basis of epigraphy, were published in Tibetan by gNya' gong dkon mchog tshe brtan
12 Range read bltsegs.
13 Range has read rgya clumas if from the bsdu yigof rgyen, however the Geshe read ,kycn
and Padma 'Bum, in 1988, notably the complete text of the bZang spyod smon lam, the Tslle
14 Uncertain reading here: Range read bde, the Geshe read che. From the photographs, after 'bangs, da then a space, dpag tu med pa'i mdo, and Slles rab kyi snying po, all of which are included in contemporary
then perhaps cheorje. Samten Karmay suggested perhaps a compound family name, _('1) zhing. registers of texts in Tibet or Dunhuang manuscripts. 24 The elongated proportions of the figures
l.~ As in the previoius line, terminated by zhugso for zhugs so, Range read here zhing nga/. of Vairocana and the eight Bodhisattva are unusual. The composition shows a central seated
16 From the photographs, the first two words are illegible, but Range read mias the second word.
17 The Geshe has read gtsug te......g ..paf~ Range read possibly phyogs ga pal: On the photographs, only ga and par
Buddha having four standing attendants on both sides, arranged in two rows of two figures. The
are visible. uniform apparel and position of the Bodhisattva creates a static, hieratic composition. The
lR The Geshe read bzhi ste, but we concur with Range's reading bzheste. Buddha and attendants are all dressed in ankle-length robes of thick fabric, presenting the dis-
tinctive crossed lapel collar of Tibetan costumes known from contemporary mural paintings in
B Inscription beneath the carvings the Dunhuang caves 158 and 159.25 However, certain Chinese iconographic conventions are
adopted for the Bodhisattva, each identified by carved inscription: for example Avalokitesvara
This inscription is far too fragmentary to read properly. Certain phrases can be understood but has neither his lotus, nor Amitabha in his crown, but holds the water vase.'" The question of
unfortunately too much is missing. However, in the interest of comparative purposes with gender for AvalokiteSvara is clear, however, for all eight Bodhisattva are masculine. The atten-
wording of contemporary inscriptions or manuscripts, we present this reading as it is. tion to folds of the robes lends an impression ofquilted fabric, distantly recalling Northern Wei
costumes of late sixth century, but far more voluminous. As far as we know, the style is an
(1) 1 can gcigi _ Ithog ma" myed pa'i dus tsam gyi skye _i'i rnam idiosyncracy, a local phenomenon, possibly emulated by Nanzhao artists shortly thereafter in
grangs snyed2()kyi su_ myi skye ba sems kyis don bya bu 1 de Itar de bzhin ma stone portraits of their kings and court attendants."
Ius pa 1
2l lDan ma brag
(2) hru_ myi bu ya skyed Ius kyi 'ang bya ngan bzang par sems
bskyed do 1 chos na stong de myi dmyigs ba 1 _khar kyis ni gsal te _ s te I Rediscovered by Nyima Dorjee in 1983, lDan ma brag is the name which is locally used for the
22 rock carvings at Ri mda', 'Byams mdun district, Brag g.yab province. Although the name lDan
thabs lnga (?) ldan pa bcum don no
ma brag is well known in Tibetan history as a site in Khams where the princess Wen cheng is
(3) dbu 'ba' rnam grangs kun rjes spyod 1 dam" pa'i chos kyi gzhung 'di dag
said to have founded a temple while en route to Tibet in 641, the inscription on the rock speci-
_se 24 thos nas rtogsde 25 I I
fies that these carvings were "made at the behest of abbot Ye shes dbyangs, in the monkey year
(4) dra na myed peo rgya u yi byi go ra ya (816) in the reign ofKhri lde srong btsan."" The dynamic composition of varying sitting po-
sitions for the alignment of the eight Bodhisattva around the seated central Buddha, the natu-
19 Added below the line. Cf. thog ma 'i m/ha' mya '; myed pas in IDan ma brag I (Heller 1994: Appendix 12), and
ralistic and graceful body proportions, the crowns with three triangular panels and the costume
P.T. 130: thog ma mchis pa '; dus nas. We thank Ariane Spanien for this reference.
20 The Geshe has read snyel; understanding it as snying ljes. However, upon comparison of the sets of photos, adapted from Indian royalty, the wide lotus petals of their pedestals - all recall the aesthetic of
grangs snyed is clear. We are indebted to Matthew Kapstein for proposing the translation of this phrase as "as 'Tibetan" style portable paintings on silk and cotton found at Dunhuang. These same stylistic
many as there are creatures throughout beginningless time". Cf. the phrase thog ma'; mtha' mya-'; myed pas in elements are also found in two mural paintings in the Lhasa gtsug lag khang.'9 This aesthetic
lOan ma brag I (Helier 1994: Appendix 12). model may have been developed in Lhasa and subsequently been exported to Dunhuang and
21 This seems very clever carving: the letters are so close that ngan bzang is read, terminated by ta, implying the
reading of bzang pal: eastern Tibet. Following recent restoration of these statues, it has now been possible to deter-
n bsdu yig fol' beu gsum. mine that the collar on the Buddha is fabric, affixed to the stone statue in the twentiethcen.
23 written with anusvara. tury30 It is still difficult to see all of the attributes of the eight Bodhisattva. Two approximately
24 Following dRg, two illegible letters. then seis written below the line, The Geshe's notes read su, but it is not visible
in the photos.
25 Reading uncertain: the notes of the Geshe show par rig, Eimer has read mi phab, while comparision of the sets of
24 gNya' gong dkon mchog tshe bltan / Padma 'bum 19S5; note 88. The summary of the historic inscription is dis-
photographs leads us to read / ltogsde written in one word.
cussed in HelIer 1994b. A fmiher analysis of the historic inscription was made by Samten Kannay in the 1995 IATS
conference. For the register of texts cf. Lalou 1953.
Massi ve images of Vairocana and eight Bodhisattva, ca. 150 cm. in height, are carved on a rock 26Stein, R. A. (1986), "Avalokitdvara / Kouan~Yin -exemple de transformation d'un dieu en deesse -", Cahiel'S
23 d'Eytreme-Asie 2, 17-80,
used as the rear wall of the temple at 'Bis mda', some 25 km south of Jyekundo. The historic
inscription beneath the carvings states, "carved at the behest of the monk-translator Ye shes 27 Helier 1994b: plates 12-15. er. Howard et al. 1992: plates 2, 2a, 3, 3a, 4.
dbyangs in the dog year (806), in the reign of Khri lde srong btsan." We will return hereafter to 2R Full text of the inscription in Helier 1994: Appendix.
" Vitali 1990: pI. 45; Stoddard 1994: plates 1-2.
23 Plates 145,219,220 in Liu 1988; Helier 1994b, plates 11-14; Helier in press for detailed aesthetic analysis. 30 Khren can ping 1991: 283-296, pI. 1 on p.338.
392 A. Helier Buddhist Images and Rock Inscriptions from Eastern Tibet 393
contemporary maMala of Vairocana with eight Bodhisattva, both attributed a provenance in seated position, alternatively right leg bent and left extended, or vice versa, both facing the
central Asia and bearing Tibetan inscriptions, clarify the iconography of the seated attendants central Buddha.
as corresponding to contemporary descriptions in the texts of the Maffjusrimulakalpa and the The iconography of the Buddha corresponds to Vairocana according to the Valrocaniibhl-
Valrocaniibhlsambodbl cycle, where Arya-AvalokiteSvara holds the lotus, Samantabhadra the sambodbl cycle, although the two Bodhisattva lack specific attributes. Still, the liturgy stipu-
sword, and Vajrapal)i holds a vajra against his heart, the lalter gesture also attributed to Va- lates the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and Vajrapal)i as the two principal attendants of Vairo-
jrasattva in both Indian and Tibetan art 31 cana. each as the chief respectively of the Padmakula, the Vajrakula and the Tathagatakula.
J5
The Buddha's crown is composed of three triangular panels in relief. with incised carving to
Leb khog show gems. The points of the crown extend to the ovoid inner rim of the nimbus, the outer rim
This valley near Jyekundo is now almost a hidden paradise, but according to local residents, is almost circular. The crown is terminated by a narrow band at the forehead and a rosette at the
until construction of a new road just a few years ago, the principal route to Jyekundo from level of the temples. A disc earring is still visible at left. as is the incised armband on the same
Kokonor passed here 32 The distance from 'Bis mda' temple is approximately seven hours walk side. The position of the arms indicates that a form of dbyiina-mudrii was intended, but it is im-
east-northeast. 33 The 'Bis-mda' and Leb khog inscriptions and carvings described by gNya' possible to see hands or feet today. The throne is simple, the two lions supporting it crouch
gong dkon mchog tshe brtan and Padma 'bum refer to several different religious carvings, as with forelegs extended. As in the lOan ma brag sculpture and the famous stone lion at 'Phyong
described above, but only the 'Bis mda' Vairocana is dated by inscription to the reign of Khri rgyas, the lions are shown in profile, the tail carved behind the haunch, rising above the back,
lde srong btsan. While the chronology of the other carvings remains to be determined, in two as if a "winged lion". Although this is not a certain chronological clue, this style of representa-
cases, the subject and style follow the tendencies of other early ninth century carvings. tion for the lion is later replaced by frontal view accentuating the mane, rather than the tail, al-
ready in paintings ofthe pbyl daJ:
I. Vairocana (plates 4-6) On the whole, the carving of the Buddha is more ornate, the two attendants more summarily
One Leb khog carving has an inscription identifying the subject: sangs rgyas rnam par snang represented, but the stark outlines of their halo is in definite relief, perhaps 4 cm. in depth. For
mdzad dang I pbyag na rdo lje dang I a lya ba 10 la pbyag 'tsbal 10 I rla'l 10 la bgyls II the crown of the Bodhisattva, all detail of gems or scrolling is absent, but the relief ofthe geo-
(salutations to Buddha Vairocana and Vajrapal)i and AvalokiteSvara. Carved in the horse year). metric form is again accentuated by the depth of carving. For the face, just a few, simple carved
The lettering is precise and clearly carved. AvalokiteSvara is here referred to as Aryabalo (~ lines achieve a facial expression of calm attention. The aiijali-mudrii completes this expression
Arya [A]valo, the sandhi for the first syllables of Arya-Avalokitesvara where Tibetan palba of veneration. The upper garments are reduced to two curved lines denoting fabric diagonally
corresponds to Sanskrit va). This form of name for Avalokitesvara appears many times in draped from the shoulder. The attention given to the incised curving lines of the navel is all the
mantra for ('phags pa) Spyan ras gzigs dbang phyug in ritual texts from Dunhuang manuscripts more noticeable.
(cf. P.T. 7, 23, 24, 32 inter alia). The name Aryabalo also recalls the name of the first chapel The composition of a Buddha surrounded by Bodhisattva is common and frequent, however
built at bSam yas, Ar ya pa lo'i khang pa, devoted to AvalokiteSvara KJlasarpani. 34 To our at Leb KJlog the symmetry is broken by the asana of the two attendants. Note the raised right
knowledge, the name Aryapalo for Avalokitesvara is not found after the first diffusion of Bud- knee of the Bodhisattva at left, the ankle is bent as the sole rests on the wide lotus petal, in a
dhism in Tibet, thus we tentatively date this carving to the horse year 814, in the reign ofKhri royal ease position; the other leg is positioned flat next to the body, the foot underneath the
lde srong btsan, or 826/838 in the reign of Ral pa can. For now, there is no additional historic other leg. The Bodhisattva at right is seated with his legs crossed at the ankles. Just above the
information to permit a precise date. ankle, a single line indicates the hem of his long dhoti. The varied positions create a dynamic of
The entire carving is conceived as a triptych, dividing the composition among three sections movement within the composition. A similar dynamic has been created in the carving of lOan
of rock. Above the highest rock, holes at regular intervals indicate that there had once been ma brag. This tendancy to dynamic composition in conjunction with distinctive costume ele-
poles or beams supporting a roof cover, but there is no evidence for walls. In the central sec- ments and body proportions will tend to disappear as a more geometrical framework becomes
tion, beneath a simple canopy, inside a scrolled-edge halo, the Buddha is seated in meditative popular in Tibetan art as of the pbyi darperiod.
position on a lotus pedestal above a throne supported by two lions. At right and left, on lower Precisely this same aesthetic is used for a representation of a crowned Buddha or Bodhi-
rocks, the representation of two Bodhisaltva, their hands joined in affjali-mudrii, each in a sattva (three isosceles triangles joined together to form crown, ovoid halo. the body gracefully
represented with slender proportions) on the carved rdo ling at gTsang grong, across the river
from bSam yas (plate 7).'" This example is undated. Below the Buddha. the lettering and text
31Bautze-Picfon in press: schema 17 for painting on silk found in Dunhuang, now in British Museum (0 A 1919.1- would seem roughly contemporary with known ninth century examples, but on the reverse side
1.050); Wooden shrine no. 279 in Serinde. Ten~ de Bouddha 107. is inscribed almost the complete text of the dictum Ye dbarma betuprabhavii... in Tibetan let-
J2 The maps of H, Sat6 and R.A. Stein do not pennit confirmation of this, neither shows enough detail near ters. This is not frequently found in its entirety in early manuscripts, but it often appears in Isba
Jyekundo: 8ato 1975, and Stein 1959, We thank Nancy E. Levine f01' this information and for all photographs ofLeb
khog. taken in 1994.
3J In Helier 1994: 339, the distance of 100 kilometcl's separating Leb khog from Jyekundo was incorrect 3~ Bautze-Picron in press.
34 See above, n. 18 and sBa bzhed 1968: 58 for name of chapel, and presence of Nepalese phyva-mkhan, architect or 3(>Richardson 1985: plate 16 and p. 155. Photographed by Sir Charles Bell in 1935, location today unknown. We
artist-craftsman, sBa bzhed 1980: 47 for name of chapel as Aryapalo gling, 42 for Nepalese artists. thank The British Libraty for photographic authorization.
394 A. Helier
Buddhist Images and Rock Inscriptions from Eastern Tibet 395
tsha attributed to the early phyi dar; Richardson has noted spelling anomalies which suggest to Strategically, Khri ga is situated just south of the major axis of the Silk Route, linking
him a time when supervision was not very strict 37 It is therefore difficult to date this rdo ling Chang' an to Dunhuang, but this area is also the junction with major trade routes leading to the
accurately. One may note in gTsang grong less emphasis on relief in the outline of the figure. It Mekong River and subsidiary routes to the Yalong River. Already as of 200 A.D. this junction
would appear from the photograph that the volume is introduced in the lines around the navel was the link which allowed goods from Sichuan and Yunnan to reach the oases of the Silk
but not elsewhere in the body. Although the inscription at gTsang grong does not indicat~ Route. 42 Khri ga, in Chinese Gui de, was situated on the southern bank of the rMa chu, some 60
which deity is represented, the iconography again corresponds to Vairocanabbisambodhi. kilometers due south of Xining. According to R.A. Stein, as of 800 A.D. both Chinese and
Tibetan masters of Tchan tradition were living at Khri ga. 43 Quotations from philosophical
n. Vajrasattva (plate 8) treatises used at Kl1ri ga by sPug Ye shes dbyangs have been found in manuscripts used in
The second rock carving from Leb khog is not included in previous descriptions. There is no Dunhuang; their diffusion in central Tibet has been confirmed by the accounts of the philo-
inscription, the measurements of the carving are not recorded. The photographs are remarkable sophical debates toward the end of the eighth century:' Artistic evidence suggests that the cult
for the detail, allowing us to appreciate the carving technically. There is more attention to the dedicated to Vairocana within the context of the Vairocanab!Jisambodhi cycle was apparently
facial features and garments, even pupils in the eyes, swirling draperies around the shoulders common to Buddhist esoteric tantrism and Tchan tendancies as propagated in central and east-
and a knot of pleated fabric tied at mid-chest. The body proportions are more massive, the fore- ern Tibet and along the Silk Route in KllOtan, Dunhuang, and Anxi Yulin during the period of
arm bulges in comparison to the narrow waist. The smooth broad forehead contrasts with 'the the Tibetan occupation of late eighth to ninth century.45 Khri ga monastery and the surrounding
detail of the eyebrow, eyelids and eyes whose pupil and iris are finely delineated. The mouth Tsong kha region were the rallying point of the Tibetan monks fleeing the 842 persecution,
has gentle curves and roundness. The carving is more evolved than the previous examples. Is notably the mountain Dan tig and hermitage rDo rje brag at An chung, where Lha lung dpal gyi
this due to the individual artist or is it due to greater technical skills? Is it contemporary or rdo rje found refuge after the assassination of the btsan po. Their arrival coincided with 840-
later? There is no historic inscription here, but this type of knot of fabric at mid-chest is charac- 847 suppression of Buddhism in China by Wuzong: the Kokonor vicinity being conveniently
teristic of late Tang garments known from stone sculptures dated by inscription ca. 820 A.D." far from both Chang'an and Lhasa to allow Buddhism to flourish unimpeded. In 862 Ye shes
The iconography used for Vajrasattva here shows the vajra held against the heart with the right dbyangs died at Khri ga. His funeral convoy traveled to An chung, beside the Dan tig mountain.
hand, the handle of the bell clasped in the left hand positioned in the deity's lap, known in In- This region is also the birthplace of Bla chen dgongs pa rab gsal (832-915), traditionally known
dian examples attributed to the tenth century.J9 Although this carving cannot be dated precisely for the continuity of transmission of the Vinaya and Buddhist ordination in Tibet'6 B1a chen
at present, stylistically and technically it is quite possible that it dates from the first half of the dgongs pa rab gsal is said to have had a vision of Arya-Avalokitesvara, and pursued his Bud-
ninth century. dhist studies to the northeast, in Mi nyag Gha (Ga chu), perhaps acting as chapelain there. 47 He
then returned to Tsong kha, where his principle disciple, Ya zi bon ston resided at Kllri ga.
The donor Ye shes dbyangs of Khri ga and the diffusion of teachings Although historical sources are meager for the period from the end of the first diffusion until
the second diffusion, the spurring of religious activity in Eastern Tibet seems to have princi-
In order to better appreciate the relation of various schools of Buddhism with their distinct ico- pally occured in the vicinity of the Xining region. Kllri ga was the site where rGyal sras (997-
nographic and stylistic models, it is pertinent to consider the historic and geographic context. 1065), scion of the sPu rgyal dynasty, later established himself and proclaimed himself ruler of
According to the inscriptions, the donor named at 'Bis mda' and lOan ma brag is Ye shes Tsong kha. Kllri ga retained its prominence and served as the seat of military administration
dby~ngs, clearly a person of importance in the frontier region. Indeed, despite questions of during the eleventh and twelvth centuries." Still further east along the principal route linking
family name, Ye shes dbyangs points to the eminent translator sPug Ye shes dbyangs, learned
m Chmese and Sanskrit as well as Tibetan, a famous lama and then abbot in the succession of
Khri ga monastery, some eighty km. southeast of Kokonor. 4o The location of Khri ga in relation
to the two sites where Ye shes dbyangs is known to have commissioned carvings is indeed
42 Backus 19R1: lR.
quite distant, but this is a reflection of the pivotal role played by the monastery and its abbots.'!
43 Stein 19R2.
44 1maeda 1975, Kimura 1981, and Ueyama 1981.
37 Richardson ibid; Isha Isha, cf. TllCci, G. (1973), Tibel, Geneve, Nagel, plates 91,93-96.
4.~ Stein 1984, In this context we may recall the mural painting of Vairocana and Eight Bodhisattva at Yulin, in-
38 Bi?Jiothe~ue Nationale, P~lIiot Chi no is 4514.9 (12), illustrated as pI. 385 in La Route de la Soie. Reunion des scribed in Tibetan and probably executed during the Tibetan occupation (Helier 1994, plate 7), as well as Dunhuang
Musees NatlOnaux (ed.), Pans 1976, (Grand Palais 10.11-29.111.1976). Cf. For dated examples, cf. Rhie 19RR: plate
XVI, and n. 31, p.1209. mural paintings ofVail'Ocanabhisambodhi in caves 14 and 20, dated late Tang; a painted silk scroll found in Dun~
huang representing Vairocana with Eight Bodhisattva, inscribed in Tibetan, now in the Stein Collection of the British
39 Figure 14 in Granoff 1968-69. Museum (0 A 1919,1-1.050; Hel1er 1994, plate 5). For a Khotanese mural fragment probably representing Vail'O-
cana, cf. Grapp 1974: plate XIII, abb. 5Rb.
40 As noted in Heller 1994: Appendix, 16. H. E. Richardson has surmised a misreading of the family name for Ye
s~es dbyangs by Cha~ spcl ~ho ha~ subsequently informed us that he did not personally visit lOan ma brag and re~ 4(, Dates according to Richardson 1957: 5R-59 citing Deb sngon, kha la; dates corroborated by Uebach 1990: 414-
lied .on someone elses readings, Without good photographs. Such factors tend to increase the likelihood of a mis~ 415. Deb sngonl979: 63-67.
readmg.
47 For the most recent analysis of the history of the relation between Tibetan masters and Mi nyag royalty, ef,Sper-
4JLalou 1939; Stein 1959: 76-77; Stein 19R2: 559. We thank Matthew Kapstein for kindly allowing us to consult his ling 19R7 and Rllegg 1995.
draft translation of P.T. 996 (letter of 14.11.95 ).
" Stein 1959: 76 and note 214.
396 A. Helier Buddhist Images and Rock Inscriptions from Eastern Tibet 397
Mi nyag to Dunhuang, Ling chu (Leang cllU) remained under local Tibetan control until the BIBLIOGRAPHY
Tanguts captured it in the eleventh century.49
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sBa bzhed(19RO), sBa bzhed, Beijing.
ginning of the ninth century, when Nanzhao allied with Tang China. 51 Indeed, local chronicles
of the Nanzhao kingdom affirm that Buddhism was introduced to Nanzhao from Tibet as well Chapin, H. (1972), A Long Roll ofBuddhist Images, revised by A. Soper, Ascona, AI1ibus Asiae.
as Tang China, particularly the cult of Avalokitesvara. Buddhism rapidly became popular in Chayet, Anne (1990), HContribution aux recherches sur les 6tats successifs du monastere de bSam yas", in Tibet
Nanzhao - no less than 11,000 Buddhist images are recorded by mid-ninth century in Nanzhao Civilisation et Societe. Femand Meycr (cd, ), Paris, Editions de la Fondation Singer~Polignac, 109-120.
chronicles." In a curious parallel to the Tibetan hagiography of Padmasambhava, there is even Coblin, W. South (1990), "A reexamination of the Second Edict of Khri-srong-Ide-btsan" in Reflections on Tibetan
a local story of a religious master from the west who converts the land and is an emantion of Culture, Essays in Memo/yofTul7'Cl V. Wylie. Lawrence Epstein and Richard Sherburne (eds.), Lewiston N.Y.,
Avalokitesvara. 53 While in no sense conclusive, this local tradition of the introduction of Bud- Edwin Mellon Press, 165-185.
dhism from Tibet to Nanzhao would seem to be supported by the choice of Buddhist deities Deb sngon: Deb ther sngon po, translation by O. N Roerich (1979), The Blue Annals, New Delhi, Motilal Banarsi-
represented and the aesthetic canons favored in ninth to tenth century Nanzhao art, reflecting a dass.
definite degree of influence from Tibet. Granoff, Phyllis (1968-69), "A Portable Buddhist Shrine from Central Asia" Archives ofAsMn Alt22, 80-95.
Despite the collapse of the sPu rgyal dynasty in central Tibet, the traditional histories of Oropp, O. (1974), Archiiologische Funde aus Khotan, Chinesisch-Osttmkestan, Bremen, Verlag Friedrich Rover
Buddhism have affirmed that uninterrupted transmission of Buddhist teachings and monasti- (Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse del' Deutschen Zentralasian~Expedition 1927-28, Teil 3).
cism was maintained in eastern Tibet, thence re-transmitted to central Tibet. 54 The artistic HelIer, A. (1994), "Ninth Century Buddhist Images carved at IDan ma brag to commemorate Tibeto~Chinese Nego~
monuments of eastern Tibet now being discovered reinforce this assertion. These carvings and tiations" in PIA TS Fagernes 1992, 335-349; appendix vol. I: 12-19.
inscriptions clearly show the extensive spread of Buddhism in eastern Tibet at this time as well Heller, A. (1994b), nEarly Ninth Century Images ofVairocana from Eastern Tibet", Orientations25/6, 74~79.
as the interaction with central Tibet. Due to intensive habitation and successive destruction and Heller, A. (in press 1996), "Early Temples and Rock Carvings of Eastern Tibet", in PlVceedil1gs of SOAS 1994
reconstructions, there are few extant remains of the sPu rgyal era in central Tibet. The impor- Seminar "Towards a Definition ofStyle: The A/ts of Tibet': lane C. Singer and Philip Denwood (eds. ),' London,
tance of archeological investigation in eastern Tibet becomes all the more crucial. It would be Hali.
premature to draw any conclusions from the data now at hand, for no doubt major discoveries Howard, A.F., Li Kunsheng and Qiu Xuanchong (1992), "Nanzhao and DaB Buddhist Sculpture in Yunnan", Orien~
will be forthcoming, However, there are already indications that during the eighth to mid-ninth tations 23/2, 51-60.
century, central Tibet and eastern Tibet shared the process of the development of the diffusion lmaeda, Y. (1975), "Documents de Touen-houang coneernant le Coneile du Tibet", lA 263, t 25-146.
of Buddhism and Buddhist art. These aesthetic paradigms and philosophical tendancies subse-
Kannay, H. (1977), "Tibetan Costume, Seventh to Eleventh Centuries", in Essais sur I'an du Tibet Ariane Mac~
quently continued to evolve in eastern Tibet, spreading both north towards Mi nyag and south donald and Yoshiro Imaeda (eds.), Paris, A. Maisonneuve, 64-81.
towards Nanzhao, only to return to central Tibet with the revival of Buddhism in mid-tenth
Karmay, S.O. (1993), "The theoretical basis of the Tibetan epic, with reference to a 'chronological order' of the vari-
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Errata •
The phol,," ",fcnullO III plate 7 and pI.oIC I in Amy Heller'1 article (Vol. I, pp. 3SS.....03) have bmI
omilled during printing and..,.,.,., ClptiDflA .... in !he wt'OfIa piKe.
~
'-1 -<>,'' ' ;2"''\1''''''''''''''
4 -s""""" "
"'" Ft ~~ ...... , iY -'a"" .....
,-, . . - " _J --:>
~
""t"')
,
'f" a; I ~' ~
~ j~~
"I"" "\~. "&.-.;."",,, a"" ,.,.."''''....
~
Plate 7: rDo ring at gTsang grong (photographer: Sir C. Bell, 1935). By permission of The British Library. Plate 8: Leb khog Vajrasattva (photographer: N. Levine, 1994)
another rsakali of the same subject in the Ronge Family Col-
A Set of Thirteenth Century Tsakali lection shows them empty and crossed at the wrist in the
afapadma position used in Indian dance. in which they make
ready to grasp the stem of a lotus. Although this iconography is
AIIIY Helier unusual, the deity's identity is here confinned by the inclusion
of Tara's mantm among the inscriptions on the reverse of the
card.
The second of the Newark tsakali represents the Buddha
he three small Ti~tan paintings on thick paper in Figures
T I. 2 and 3a arc recent additions to The Newark Museum
Tibetan C01~ccli~n. Their fannat and composition immediately
Akshobhya, onc of the five Tathagatas, here shown in
Sambhogakaya ('body of bliss') aspect (sce Fig. 2). The depic-
tion is quite similar to that of Tarn in tenns of his crown.
allow us 10 ldcnlify them as tsakali. the TIbetan Icoo for cards earrings. anklets. braids and short dhoti. although his dhoti
u~ .d.u~ng BUdd~isl rituals IQ consecrate a temple or 10 give displays a pattern of lines to indicate red stripes. Their coiffure
an InitiatIOn. In this case, the reverse of each card bears several and faces arc virtually identical eltcept that Tarn's head is
inscriptions in red ink~ these provide precise information con- inclined. It is important to notice on both figures the use of gold
cerning their date and provenance, and confirm thullhcsc three lines to highlight the axis of the nose, as well as to emphasize
I.wka!i once belonged 10 a much larger set commissioned by a the characteristic Pala dip in the upper eyelid. Perhaps due to
specific patron. Although it may ncvcrbc possible to know how iconometric convention. Akshobhya's legs are tubular, lacking
many tst,ka{j formed thccntirc series, more than thiny from this aU muscular nexion, while Tarn's legs are better proportioned.
set have now been identified in priv3Ie collections throughout At shoulder level, two smaJI triangles. vestiges of a throne back.
the world. Each measures approximately 10 by 7.5 centimetres. elttend into the ovaJ outline of Akshobhya's sacred space. The
and is worked in a brilliant red wash and gold foil applied IQ elliptical halo is consistent with the conventions of east Indian
buff pape~. We ~ill here consider five of the cards, and attempt styles as adapted by Tibetan artists in the thirteenth century.
to detenmne the IconogrJ.phic and stylistic characteristics of the The third Newark tsaka'i portrays a lama. identified by the
series as a whole. This infomlation, coupled with the historical first lines of the inscription on the reverse: 'The glorious name
context of the paintings, in facl establishes an unexpected link of a jewel guru, wisdom guru, hUI/1. Praise and reverent saluta-
10 a group of paintings representing lamas from the lineage of tions to the precious lama Sangye Yarjon' (sce Figs 3a and b).
the Taglung monastery to the west of Lhasa in central Tibet, a The handwriting is elegant, well proportioned, regularly spaced (Fig. 3aJ Sangyc Yarjon (12Q3-72)
sub-school of the Kagyu. The inscription on most of the cards and clear. despite a few orthographic lapses. The verses con- 13th tcnlury
includes a dedicalion to the Third Abbot of Taglung. Sangye tinue with cltcerpts from a Buddhist teltt frequently used in Tsoknll. mk:. colour and gold on paper
Yarjon (1203-72). consecration rituals, and conclude with an eltplicit dedication: Heighl 10 cm..... idth 1.5 cm (appro~im;lIe)
'May the incomparable holy lama Prajnyaguru and L Kirti shri Purcha.w 199-l. Th.e .\I"mbo:n>· Fund
(Fig. 2) Ahllobhya CoIlecllon of11le Newark: Mu-eum. 94.2:!t.3
13th ~'l'ntury
rashmi bhadra, together accomplish his words and obtain the (PllolOgrnphy by Sa",h Wells)
T!.akilli. ink. colour and gold on paper power to guide sentient beings and purify the mind of all
Heighl 10 cm. width 7,5 cm (appfO~inlale) illusions." In fact. these twO inscriptions name the same lama,
PUl"(;ha~ 1994.1be Members' Fund Sangye Yarjon, among whose many initiation names is Prajny-
Colketiun orThe Ncwark: Muscum. 94.221.2 aguru (Wisdom Guru or Teacher): the second inscription is
(I'llotogrnphy by Sarnh Wells)
signed by onc of his disciples (who was also his nephew). called
in Tibetan Grag~ pa pal ozer zang po (1251-96). which trans-
The tsakali in Figure I represents a special fonn of the hltes into the Sanskrit name Kini shri rashrni bhadm (literally
~emaJ~ deity !ara. She is seated on a lotus pedestaJ delineated 'the one known as glorious favourable ray of Iighn. Like that
m red mk agamstthc red wash covering the surface of the card. of Sangye Yarjon. this name also appears on almost all the cards.
There is no throne: instead. an oval outline defines her sacred Both arc mentioned in the histories of Taglung, described in the
space. an expanse of sky, as shown by the small sun and moon Bllle Allnals of 1476 (and recently studied by Jane Casey
dolled in ab~ve h~r shoulders. Her tiered crown, disc earrings, Singer: Singer, 1997). which supplies the dates when lhese two
armbands With triangular appliques and simple necklace ex- lamas were together - from 1263 to 1272, the year of Sangye
t~nding to mid-torso are all inspired by the styles of the Pala Yarjon's death. We will consider their biographical data below.
kIngdom (~. 750-1200) of eastern India, panicularly as known The lama portrayed on this tsalwfi is scated on a throne quite
from a senes of large-scaJe Tathagata paintings brought out of similar to that of Akshobhya. but his halo has a progression of
Tibet by Giuseppe Tucd in the early pan of this century and bands of colours, somewhat like a rainboW. The 'rainbow body'
no~ in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. the Mu.sCe is a metaphor in TIbetan Buddhist literature for highly accom-
GUlmet and various private collections (see Tucd TIbetan plished spirituality. which is said to be visible as an aura; a
Paf"'.ed ~crolls, 3 vols, Rome, 1949, plate Egroup); fn:,m a Tara Buddha may also be said to have a 'rainbow body'.
pamtlng In the Mr and Mrs John Gilmore Ford collection (Rhie The fourth tsakali, from the Ronge Family Collection,
and Thurrnan, cat. no. 24); and from another l.l'akali in The represents an aspect of Jambhala. the Indian Buddhist god of
Newark Museum depicting Vairochana, which has been radio- riches (Fig. 4). As emblems of this rolc. he holds a fruit - in
c~n dat~ to 1230 +/- 65 years (Reynolds et aJ .. plate P2). principle a type of lemon - and a smaJlmongoose, often poised
Tarn s body IS clttremely well proportioned. and she wears the to spit jewels. The figure's identity is confinned by the inscrip-
typical Indian costume of short dhoti and loose, transparent tion on the reverse, in which JambhaJa's name and mantra are
gauze pants, indicated by the hem elttending from the red repeated several times. The inscription lacks the dedication to
(Fi,g. I' Tara anklets. Rather than the usual third eye. in the centre of her
13th ttntul)
Sangye Yarjon found on most of the other tsakali: however, this
forehead is a ritual dot, as if she were an Indian devotee. Her is also absent on a uakali in an Austrian private collection from
T~"k"H. tnk:. ~"()lour and gold on p.1pcr
~air lies in braids on her shoulders. The principal right hand is the same set which represents lndra. Indra's mantra is written
Hetght 10 em. width 7.5 Ct" (Ullllro~illl,tlc)
Pun.·hu~e 1994. The Mcmhers' Fund III the "'lIrada m/ldra (the 'gift-bestowing' gesture) and the left in a Tibetan transliteration of Sanskrit, and is repented seven (Fig. 3b) tt\~cription on fl:Verse of lhe 1.Il/kld.. in Figure 3a
Collcction nf nIl: Newltrk MU';cum. 94.221.1 clasps a lotus stern. Two supplementary arms are raised above (photography hy Sar-~h Well~)
times. In this author's opinion, due to the obviously similar
(PhOlogrdphy by Sarah Wells) her head: the position of the hands is not visible here, but
49
48
sentations of Shakyamuni, further examples of the five Tatha-
gatas, Vajrasattva as the Adibuddha, numerous deities, some of
the Indian yogins revered as highly accomplished masters or
mahasiddhas (such as Tilopa and Naropa), as well as portraits
of various Taglung lamas.
50 51
(Fig. 7) Avalokllesh":illl
13th C'entury
Thol1ghJ.. rotOUI'!i on clOlh
llcight 45.5 cm. width 38 cm
CoIlc'ctiOll of Lynn and tnvtd Young
52
History of the Cull ofBeg-l5e or, Some observations on the political relevance of Tibetan
protective deities 14.'i0-1750 A.D.
This panel is convened to elIamine how Tibetans today perceive phenomena which they
attribute to the influences or powers stemming from a protective deity, Shugs ldan, and
the cult l5lIociated with this deity. Shugs ldan's name literally means" He who has
strength".aname immediately evocative to any speaker of Tibetan language, implying
fortitude as well as physical strength. I personally know very little about this deity, or
the contemporary polemic, but controversy has been associated with other Tibetan
protective deities in the past. In particular, the study of the known history of the cult of
Beg-ue, revered as ~guardian Angel" of sevemI Dalai Lama in the past. has revealed that
worship ofBeg-tse aho was occasionally linked to certain politically controversial
evenl!l. Therefore, some discussion of the cult ofBeg·tse and certain interpretations of
Ihe worship of this protective deity may hopefully provide some pertinent comparative
material 10 the present situation.
The concept of protection is common 10 all religions, as far as I know, although.the deities
responsible for protection may vary greatly. For elIample, a Christian angel is usually
conceived as a human bei,ng ofhannonious body proponions, ofbeautifuJ countenance,
wearing flowing robes and having the distinctive characteristie ofwings emerging from the
shoulderlJlades. In Tibetan Buddhism, following a model inherited from Indian BuddhiSlll,
Ihe requC5l!l for protection may be addressed to similarly beautfiul humanoid creatures, in
royal garb, considered to embody divine eompassiOll, refered to 15 heroes or heroines of
Ihe Ihought ofEnlightenmenl., byang chub sems dpa'.Tibetan Buddhism also has other
categories of deities believed to protect geographie space, such as the Guardians of the
Four Diroctions of the CompLU, who are represented as men wilh big, strong bOdies
wearing annour, as iflhey were divine warriors. The category ofprOlectors of the
Buddhist doctrine (dhanna pal.. chos skyong) is believed to defend the faith against
heresy or iconoclasts; here, again the deities are usually represented as strong male
warriors dressed in armour. But there are also female deities in this category. either
CI11aciated and nude save for bone jewelty and loin cloth, or pleasing 10 the eye, wearing
silk robes and having a pleasant demeanor.
The protection afforded by the dhannapala is elItended to many domains. They may be
invoked to protect the community or the individual against natu~1 disasters, such as
droughtor personal protection against physical illness and accidents such as snakebites;
or personal protection against enemies; there may be a particualr deity invoked by
specific religious schools to aet on behalf of all the adherents for Iheir collective
protection. or deities specific 10 a nuclear family or elItended family, even a particular
deity for an entire clan. Other deities are held to be guardians ofa mountain, a lake, a
region, a city or a eounuy. This notiO/1 of elan protector and/or genuslocii leads to the
notion of a political responsablity attributed to Tibetan deities.As part of their political
responsibility, some dhannapala are invoked to create hailstorms to ruin an adversary's
crops while ocbm m.y be reque:sled .. ondes 10 provide othawise in8C«ll,;ble
information. Typical rtlquests oforaeles are knowledge RICh .. fuwTe outcome of
vlriOUS policy decisions or 10 ICIIll the crilerillO detcnniDe how 10 find the reinClfllltiOll
ofl del:Clscd Jama.
Allhougb il mlY ICCIIl amOolS to tIlOIc wIlo believe in sepIl'J%e divine IDd ta,csuial
realms, for someTibetan Buddhisu, it mly be llid that the Tibetan prOl:ective deitielue
considered I.S iflbey were lIive. Althcugh Tibetan histories are replele with tales of the
in~on of suclIlIld JUdlllkity 10 I OCftIin dID thIDks 10 the arrival ofl new
IeIdIer iD the vicinity, in addition 10 the hisloly of the Ql]1 oftbe didies. the perwnal
history oI'the lkity illl50 I vllidating fldor in the WOf1hip. The deities mlY have I
known genealogy of sevenlsuooeS5ive birthland dealhs with different identities during
dUtina chronological plwa, in other W«ds,j~ like humans, they are subject to birth
md de&lh IIllI the impmnlDala!. oflll pbcoomaa; AlIO, they are supposed toarp C' ¥
dferings 01' foods, nC'lWft, im;ense, mllSie, u .....ell as prayen. The deities are believed 10
enjoy these ........... e# ofTeringsjUJlI.S much u immllerill.offeringa. The deities are rlfll,ed
which tends 10 entitle them 10 differing qlWltities offoods, etc. The rank mly be
determined by the importance of the pI_ or dan proIeacd. bul it may be ubilrll'y and
subjea 10 c:oolest. The rank may bechallcaged ,either by supponers or_ deity or. due
10 wlw is beli~ 10 be !be penonality of the deities. they may be diswislied wilb their
rank and seck 10 find means to change.!n SIlch a case, the deity would resort 10 clear
means ofeomunieation -.ueh as a distillelive lIIllell or Jeries of rainbows or stOl'l11S- which
Ihe failhful would know 10 l<IlIllilUbbly attribulC to the deily. In. this respe«, one may
aJllSider a diRIDI analogy 10 the pantheons oflllcient GTeeee, where the ~oits,
"Vlpsdcs, rivalries. llDOI'(UI or otherwise, of the gods and goddelliCl were common
knowledge. pan ofgenenl cullural background, mCft or less taken for granted by die
populace. The ire of tbc gods wu feared, if hommage wu lacking, severe eomequeoccs
might ensue. The interplay cl family dyrwnics among the membcn cl the pantheon
served u a milT(ll' ofhuman JOciety. The membera of Tibetan panthalns -and I _!he
plural- are IUbjea 10 similu criteria ofrespcct and beliefin their MIDi mated" presence
llbelt mCft or less diSWlI in time and space from the individual or collective worship.
One might say lbal for Tibetans. the deities are <:oo<:eivallO aia on a sepanIe yet
I<X:CSsible realm. sharing, as il were, the fates; ofpllDet earth, u well .. sharing
aspirations and emOlions similar 10 tIlOIc of the human race.
Rather than allempt 10 explain the Sl.aIUS ofTibetao protective deities. I prefer 10 quole
severaJ bi~ and autebi~cal paSSlS" from Tibeun litemul"e which
d~t1y darify bow TIbetans view the deities. md whal modifications are p_sivdy
eneurred in their view and lOIOI'Ship pallmlS from the ISth 10 lale 11th ccnlury, when the
Fifth Dllai L.ama c:odified the performance of many ceremonies in I manner Ibal wu
pursued until 19S9 in Tibel, and iD some cues c:ootinucd to the present
The earliest accaunl I present lOlby delaibes dreams IUld visionJ ea. 1470. el:cerpled
from the biography of the fatberofthe Seumd Dalli Lun&, wriaen (by the Seumd Da1ai
Lama)in Im. In 1440, as an' yeatold c:biId, he was given Uutructi(m for rituab of
pni!le to the prueaive deities., devoted to Oeities who were "'procCClOl'S of the family
... -s·, i.e. biological great-grandf"ather. gran6.{ather. de. Among thegroupof
protedOJS was a dhannapala, cboI $ky(mg named Beg-Ise, while lOme of the family
~speeially· teachings he learned we~ rilUals 10 brina m rainfall, useful to proted against
draughl.ln 1470, he made offerings of prayers 10 the prOleclor deity named Beg-tie
which led 10 spiriwal &e:aIlIlplilhmenu. He then wtntlO a hermitage for retreat, and there
Iuod many visiOlU where deities appeared 10 him, After offering rilual cakes 10 the
protee:lOI", ~as if a drum. the pond in froot ofthhs hermiuge turn into alakeofblood.
!beD bonemen G-essed in full artnota" hoIdi.l_ aod Iwuien appeared in as horde 10
great dw the eminl valley could IIOl mnwn them. Their Iwuien wue waving in the Iky
Oolllinating bocb sun IUld mOOD. Then !he prueaive deity spoke, giving insuuaiODll as 10
which rituals to aceomplish and where to perform them", Afterwards, Ibis
c:ommunie:ati(m by the proteCtor 6eity iljudgo:l to show the ,.'ic ces • ofhis retreat
Another time. about! SOO, during a period ofexueme drwght, he had been making several
ritual, to bring rain, th~ far unsuc:cessful. One night, he dreamed that a demon emanated a
b1.ck rider. 8eg-ue made "manifestation by COllnler.emanating!WO wildjackall· hi.
symoblic animal- who pursued the b1.ck rider and chased him aWly. Upon awakening, be
declared Ibat Ibi. dream was the sign ofanihiluion ofall obslacles. and tIw very nigh!.
rmn fdl KaITding 10 his prediction. He attibuted the infiumce of the proceaive deity Sea-
tJe as the means to md the dnught, 10 overmme any ob$lacle:J lpinstgood harvC:SII.
The Second Dalai Lama p.usued the worship of lbe family proteetor1lUld when he
became abboI ofsevera! mooasterie:s. he eveolUally installed an instillltionai Q1h to these
protectors by sll the monks orhi. monasleries. Thus, "ther than merely proteding the
family zone, wherever monasteries ofthi. order were establi.hed, the proteetorl extended
their looe of influenee. He dt$Cribel many vision. of 8egt5e as well as the protector
goc!den Lha moin hi. autobiography, ~ an example olintefVenliOOl ofa deity in !WO
decision making proceu, Ibis passage seem. very applopliate:
~Wben it was lime 10 c:hoc:Jse the spot of the morwtery, the valley wu wi6e and I looked
for a dear sign, A white dzo (aoss between yak and cow) then appeared OD the hill, aDd
withwt even looking for gJUS 10 eat or water" to drink, j~ stayed a full day OD the
hillside. Clearly. (this was !he sign that)one Mm~~ construct the foundation there,~
"Indeed, this sword is excellent for her offerings, fundamentally the basis for her
offerings is the lake (where Lha mo was manifest).... The first time I came to the
region, it was late summer and I went to examine if there was any basis for the
particularity of this lake which had much fame locally. J went to the shores and
I heard a great 5OUJId., it was a sudden hailstorm. then everything became completely
calm as before, With ten other men I anived at the first lake of the male protector,
which we frightening but the divine essence didn't manifest and only a horse was very
skittish. Then we anived at the main lake, at first it was completely white, a sign
produced by the Glorious Goddess. Then proceeding to do a ritual invill.uoo for her, I
went east whereupon a sudden snow storm arose, then the lake turned white as
before.Some of the men SlIW rainbows, some SlIW a palace with turrets, then the lake
became blue like the sky, and from the depths, a square tower grew, and a mountain,
becoming increasingly large and frightening. I understood these as magic manifestations
of the protector Lha mo ... we all saw these miraculous sights. It is thus certain that
this place is protected by Lhamo when one sees the infinite ways in which she acts, it
defies description. Thus I knew to practice assiduously three times a day the offering
of her ritual cake and ~ night other rituals for her. and for other protectors.
u ....
In this case, the peroeptioo of the protector's communication serves to legitimize the
extension oftemtory, whieh would consequently provide moral and financial support the
monastic order. The weather variatioos were interpreted by the religious master as clearly
divine signs, while he considered the presence of the dzo as proof of the auspicious nature
of the land indicating where to build the new monastery. The degree ofimportance
attributed by later Dalai Lama is such that each Dalai Lama, at some point in his life, was
obliged to make a pilgrimage to this lake, and the monastery founded thanks to the dzo
became the permnal monastery of the Dalai Lama lineage, where their New Year offerings
were made with greatest pomp.
So far, we have examined relatively anodine decisions, influenced by prote<;lors. But other
situations arise that are more ter1deneious.
During the youth of the Fifth Dalai Lama, protective deities were often manifest in
visioos or in signs, such as a when he was five, visiting Lba mo's monastery for the first
time. He went to the chapel of the protect,,". and having Hid his prayers, from one
statue, a cerernooial scarf suddenly fell into his hands. He wrote that this was a sign of
his "kmnic connectioo" to the protector and vowed to worhip devotedly. Another time,
a sudden red wind knocked over the main flag-pole of the POllIIa, the magnificent palace
constructed in Lhasa ca. 1645, shortly after the Fifth Dalai Lama, age 25, had officially
assumed political power over Tibet. The actual power was probably in the hands of the
Regent, an able adminislrlltor, sCe srid bSod nams Chos Phel who had engineered the
support of various f&Clions and clll/lJ to pul the Calai Lama in power, The Calai Lama
WI.'I busy with spiritual matters, and diplomatic emissaries, bUI in 165&, age 40, a special
vision occured. He had ordered 10,000,000 recitaliOlls ofmantra and 50,000 ritual
ceremonies in hOlIer ofBeg-1Se III pan of the New Year celebl1l.lionJl. He composed a
poem, including excerpt! from a ritual he had written himself, and had il in calligraphy on
a special silk scarf he offered to a statue ofBeg-tse. As part of the ceremony, tiers of
ritual cakes were olTered in Villi quanti lies. As he WI.'I walching, suddenly the central
cake, several tiers high, collapsed. He understood the meaning of this unusual sign - it was
a p~sage of the imminenl and sudden death thal would overtake his administl1l.lor, b50d
nams chos phd, hitherto in perfecl health. The Fifth Calai Lama decided to make this
evenl a "stale secret", he planned the funeral and he understood precisely what his
actions should be for the following IWO years. He attribuled this cJlirvoyantlrnowledge to
the offering he bad made 10 Beg-lSe. The ~enl sulTered a strok.e and died!lOOll after, and
the Dalli Lama returned 10 Lbamo's monllltery where he offere d private hommage,
especially by composing ritual poems 10 Beg-lie and Lha-mo. He governed alone for the
following two years, having several visions ofscorpions, which is a sign of power and
bleSlling for theTibetans, The death of the previous regenl was only revealed upon the
naming ofa new regenl in the last months of 1660.
In thi, case. worship of the p'rOlective deity is viewed as the source of prescience which
allowed the Dalai Lama to uphold the governmenl while modifying the poIilical
infrastructure. During the lifetime of the Fifth Dalai Lama, worship of the proteetive
deities became frequent for oracle divination 10 delennine the yearly prediction of events,
but worship of the protectors also was involved in long-standing rivalries inside religioos
orders. A full century earlier, the head leader of an order preferred worship of one
prOle<:tor, sacred to his clan, while rival religious leaders had OIher proIectora. The
deslr\lcUon of an entire mOltaStery was attribuled 10 the power of the rival clan prote<:tor.
The leader, acting Ihroogh the protective deity, had challenged the territorial claim of his
rivals, In 1676, when the rival clans came 10 LIwa al the behest of the Fifth Dalai Lama.
he carefully organized worship of the protective deities ofboth clans, saying that
disharmony had persisted but could now be overcome if both protective dates were
worshipped. A temporal solution involved geographically maintaining distance between
the adherenlll of the two prOle<:lors. one wOl'$hipped in the wesl and one worshipped in
the east. It allowed the Dalli Lama a peaceful medialion ~spectful of all panies
concerned. A new regent was named in 1679, with his decree protecled by Beg-tse and
Lha-mo. sworn 10 oath to uphold the government. In this role, they were later I.'Isigned as
prote<:lors of the Fifth Dalai Lama's funerary monument in the Potala.
After his funeral ceremony in 1695, a change in status for Beg-tse. Towards the end of the
Fifth Dalai Lama's life, the protective deity responsible for giving the yearly p~dielion as
oraele beeame increasing active throughoul the year. His wOl'$hip by means of ritual
cakes, incense, music and dance gave clear resullll, and supplanted the cull previoosly
given to Beg-tse in Lhasa. Beg-tse was still worshipped in Lhamo's monl.'ltery, and at
l!IOrIUlaies in IOUthem Tibet wboK leadenbip was more or less at rivalry with l.bua,
but in Lhasa, the onde superHded all ocher p«JIec:live deilies. Clairvoyance was used IQ
damnine politi~ politie:ies, and the most dear prWietiOllJ $leDlllled (rom die Oracles.
The degree ofpolitical relevance ofproteetivedc:ities thw varied in function of the
political or lenitorial power held by their IlUpporten.
In 1997, both in Tibet and in the Tibetan community in exile, there i, SlnXI8 «IrICem aver
tile wonhip ofl'ibetan protective deities and rilUal$ to eu.are IDUlllI of COIllmunicatiOll
with these deitei$. In lID&1ogy to the historic put where _ hrIe aamined aJdI deities u
an ttp"euton oflegitinw:iOll oflerritorial~, or legjtimuion of political po'#"ft, ODe
can ooIy be all the more awareoflbe ladclCcas to genuine political po'#"ft (orTibeunl
all aver the world. Perhaps t1teirooncem mirnn lite difficulty of their political situation'
I1Ither than ,pirilUal concerns??
AMY HELLER
Fine silks dating as far back as the 8th century are very rare. The fact that they are
in pristine condition such as the remnants considered here, now known as the silks
of the Abegg Foundation, makes them a most precious heritage. Their vibrant ver-
milion and gold colors, and the noble beauty of the pairs of prancing and standing
lions immediately strike the eye. Yet to the art historian these textiles and their
Sasanian designs harbour far more a history related to traditions, early silk pro-
duction practices, international trade routes, and the unique dry and stable climate
of Tibet ensuring preservation. After careful analysis it can be concluded that
these fine silks were originally placed in a Tibetan burial chamber of a person of
royal or noble lineage at some time between the 8th and mid-9th centuries.
A primary key to the noble past of these silks is afforded by the fortuitous
presence of two inscriptions penned in black ink in archaic Tibetan. Immediately
noticeable are similarities in the proportions and angles of the lines forming the
letters, leading to the conclusion that they were written by the same hand. A
comparison with the earliest writing found in Tibet are inscriptions on commemo-
rative stelae dating from the mid-8 th century. The earliest extant Tibetan manu-
scripts, dating from the late 7'h to 10th century, were recovered in 1907 during
archaeological investigations of the caves of Dunhuang, in a repository containing
over 3°,000 manuscripts in 17 languages such as archaic Tibetan, Chinese., San-
skrit, Sogdian, Uighur and Hebrew. The inscriptions on the Abegg silks are written
using the vocabulary, calligraphic style, letter alignment and punctuation identical
to the archaic Tibetan language and writing style as known from the Dunhuang
manuscripts and the historic stelae in Tibet. These criteria lead us to consider that
these inscriptions were written at some time between the late 7'h and 10th century.
The first inscription, inside a medallion of prancing lions beneath the left
lion's raised foreleg (inv. no. 4863 b), reads:
spur: khang: zang: zango (reconstituted: zang-ngo/ Fig. 42
1 The last syllable is clearly written, implying repetion of the last Tibetan letter. This repetition
serves as a punctuation mark, terminating the phrase.
96 HELLER Two Inscribed Fabrics and their Historical Context 97
TIle word spur, found in both instances, is an honorific term, refering to the Although Buddhism had completely superseded the Tibetan religious cults cen-
body of an identified person, a deceased sovereign, a member of the aristocracy, a tered around the persona of the bTsan po as a divine ruler, guarantor of stability of
religious master. sPur is to be distinguished from ra, a non-honorific term, that the empire and the good health and prosperity of the people, the sacred character
usually refers to the corpse of an animal or a person whose identity is not known. of the b Tsan po was proclaimed on inscribed stelae which survive to this day. As a
A specific problem of terminology can make a difficulty in understanding the human manifestation of divine presence, the b Tsan po first appeared on earth as
word sPur today. sPu rgyal was the spelling used for the name of the Tibetan he descended from a sacred mountain. The b Tsan po's personal guardian deity
dynasty which ruled from the 7" to mid-9'" century.' During tbe 14'" century, tbe was identified with a sacred mountain, and as an ancestor of the vital principle of
spelling sPur rgyal was sometimes adopted in Tibetan literature to refer to this the ruler, who reunited with his guardian deity upon burial in a tumulus, identified
dynasty. Consequently sPur in this context can be misinterpreted to refer to the
later spelling of the dynasty's name. However, as the word spur is followed by the
4 DAS 1983.799-800.
word khang meaning "house" or "chamber", the first two words of the inscription 5 U EBACH '982, 69~78.
can only be interpreted to mean "repository of the corpse".' 6 BLONDEAU 199°,102.
7 SBA 1990,63.
8 JASCH K E 1972, 485, shows separate entries for zang zang and as its equivalent, the principal .'
2 IMAEDA/TAKEucHI '99°,562-563: RICHARDSON 1985, f08: SQSRENSEN 1994,144. nole 384 form zang zing; TSHE IKRANG 1986,2447: "(2) rgY/l nor dang longs spyod dam dngos rdzas".
for the etymology. \Ve are gratefullo ProfessorT. Takeuchi for personal correspondence of November 11,1996 on
3 HAARH.1969,381. this subject.
98 IIELLER Two Inscribed Fabrics and lheir Historical Context 99
Fig.44: Imperial burial ground. Cell/ra! Tibet, 7 1h-9 d1 century. Fig. 45: Stone lion Of the imperial burial ground. Height: 1.5 m. CeJltral Tibet, ca. 820.
as a "mountain" and as a magic projection of the axis of the universe. A long Burial grounds of the sPu rgyal dynasty have been investigated in western,
interval separated the death and the hurial inside the tomb to allow for mummifi- central and northeastern Tibet; all show similar tumuli. The most famous necropo-
cation by repeated applications of salt and ash. According to the Tibetan Chroni- lis is the group of royal tombs at 'Phyong rgyas, in the Yarlung River valley. Fig. 44
cles found among the Dunhuang manuscripts, after announcement of the death of Sixteen tombs, either square or rectangular, are constructed out in two groups,
a sovereign or a member of his family, the announcement of the burial followed as covering a distance of one kiJometer in the vaIJey. The largest tomb is square,
much as three years later. FinaIJy the mummified remains were brought inside the measuring 180 m in length and t4.7 m in height." The other tumuli are somewhat
tomb (bang so) to await rebirth in a joyous paradise and a final ressurection. The smaller. Such dimensions have of course been quite noticeable in the landscape.
interim until the burial is the time when the cadaver remained in the chamber ring Despite their renown and numerous descriptions in Tibetan literature since at
khang Or spur khang, already surrounded by various treasures. The funeral cere- least the 12" century, no systematic archaeological excavation has yet been carried
monies were elaborate. Precious objects were meant not only as personal property out here due to religious scrupules. Accounts contemporaneous with the period of
of the sovereign to accompany him in the afterlife, but also as the seed, as it were, construction describe the sovereigns' elaborate burial ceremonies with great
from which new wealth and prosperity might derive to the entire country in the quantities of offerings of precious goods for use in the after-life. These ceremonies
afterlife.' were apparently public. and thus the presence of rich contents was common
Modern archaeological data tend to confirm this tradition. The most recent knowledge. It is therefore hardly surprising that historic records indicate that the
archaeological findings in TIbet concentrate on the dynastic period of the 7" to 9" tombs were pillaged ca. 877, in the aftermath of the collapse of the sPu rgyal
century; over 2000 graves have been investigated. For the neolithic period, re- dynasty in 842. Erosion of the largest tomb has allowed examination of the con-
search established the TIbetan populations in the Mekong River vaIJey, ca. 4000- struction: layers of earth and mud brick alternate with layers of slate slabs. It
5000 B.C." They were sedentary, partially engaged in animal husbandry. Fired would appear that the trapezoid tomb has three tiers of terraces of slightly degres-
pottery and rudimentary textiles were found in the bottom of vessels during sive size. At regular intervals on the highest level, a large cavity indicates where
excavations. The architecture of the houses shows characteristics still found today wooden beams had formerly supported the construction. Two stone lions, height •
Fig. 45
in Tibetan constructions." We may assume that these people were among the 1.5 m, were placed at the south face of this tomb. The TIbetans regarded the lion as
ancestors of the sPu rgyal dynasty. an emblem of political authority, as shown by seals affixed on ancient manuscripts."
I ear another tumulus, a contemporaneous inscribed stone pillar, ca. 2.75 m high,
9 Tuccl 195°,10.
10 WANGDU SONAj\,1 1990,201. 12 Measures according to CtlAYET '994,79-80.
1I WANGDU SONAM 1990. 201; CHAYET '994. 13 SPANI£NIlMAEOA 1979.16-17, pI. 429.
100 BELLER Two Inscribed Fabrics and their Historical Context 101
recounts the historic events pertinent to the reign of the dynasty and construction
of the tombs.
Not far from the Yarlung valley tombs, thorough investigations have been car-
ried out at tbe site of Granang with two groups of tombs attributed to the 10caJ
aristocracy of tbe sPurgyal dynasty. The tombs are trapezoidal or rectangular in
ground plan, either with flat tops or a mound of earth; two intersecting stairways of
stone slabs descend 6 m to a burial chamber shaped like an oval bee-hive." How-
ever, archeologists investigating Granang postulate that inside other contempora-
neous tumuli. on a smaller scale, bee-hive shape constructions served as burial
chambers. The contents of the tombs suggest the sophistication of the Tibetans at
this time: pottery, armor and a metal statue of a male rider OIl a horse, accompa-
nied by a groom holding the horse's reins (height ca. 25 cm). The casting is suffi-
ciently skilled to represent the rider with a chignon hairstyle, a necklace and
armbands, a belt and short trousers, boots; the horse has elaborate bridles. This
technical expertise in metalwork conforms to the contemporaneous records. The
Chinese Tang Annals record a spectacular gift received from Tibet in 64[. a goose-
shaped golden ewer 2 m high capable of holding 60 litres of wine. In 648, a
miniature golden "city" decorated with animals and men on horseback was pre-
sented as a gift." As one author has written: "To judge from the records of tribute
and gifts from Tibet to Tang, which over and over again list large objects of gold, Fig. 46: Stone lion from Du/an tombs, 8 d1 century.
remarkable for their beauty and rarity and excellent workmanship, the Tibetan
goldsmiths were the wonder of the medieval world.""
In western Tibet, near the Nepal border. several major burial sites have been domestic personnel and the soldiers' families. When the Tibetan empire
analysed, particularly Khrom chen ("great fort") with several hundred tumuli, coUapsed in mid-g'h century, this area was far enough from the chaos of central
large and small in format, probably dating from the g'" century. Construction Tibet to aUow monasteries and individual fortunes to prosper at this important
materials and methods are similar to the sPu rgyal dynasty tumuli in central Tibet. junction of the Silk Route and the trade routes to both central Tibet and toward
The presence of an inscribed stele and two massive stone lion statues is indicative the Mekong River valley. The burial sites of Dulan are now undergoing investi-
of the status of Khrom chen as a burial ground for the governing aristocracy of the gation. but initial results suggest great historical significance." These reports de-
province. 17 scribed an underground treasure chamber of a Tibetan nobleman, situated near the
Another major zone of burial mounds has recently been discovered in north- remains of 8'h to 9"-Century tombs in Dulan.'" There was no sarcophagus but
east Tibet, in the vicinity of Kokonor lake. This area was the site of many military many fragments of Chinese silks with medallion designs of birds. In addition. from
campaigns in the late 8" to mid-g" century. The sovereigns from central Tibet had other tombs, archeologists excavated Sogdian and Persian silk fabrics. partially
first subjugated this northeast region ca. 638. then populated by the Azha tribe. decomposed. as well as portions of silver vessels, a Buddhist banner, wood strips
The Tibetans established a firm dominion after 663 when they conquered the \vith Tibetan writing and a stone statue of one lion." This lion probably indicates •
Fig. 46
Azha capital west of Kokonor near Dulan. The Tibetans gradually established a the Tibetan political context of the Dulan tombs as the seat of a provincial gov-
provincial government of civil and military officials, and many monasteries and ernment. As early as Ig34, an explorer visiting tombs near Dulan discovered gar-
temples, some receiving Tibetan royal patronage." The Tang Annals record Ti- ments. a silver saddle, Tibetan manuscripts, and a stone lion tatue weighing
betan troops in this area numbering from 50,000 to 250,000 individuals. traveling 25 kg." There had been plunder. but contrary to the conStant inhabitation and
with a fuU entourage of generals, cooks. armourers, and in some cases, the general's progressive settlements in central Tibet and western Tibet, the northeastern re-
gions remained largely pastoral, homeland to nomads, allowing some tombs to
remain undisturbed.
14 H uo \VEI 1995.102.
t5 PELLlOT 1961.5.6.84. 19 Xv XINGUo/ZHAO FENG 1991-
16 SOIAFER 1963,254. 20 ZHAO fENG 1997.82.
17 WANGDU PATSAB PASANG 1994. 2] 'We thank T. Pritzker for this information (29 March 1997) and photograph.
18 RICIIARDSON 1990. 22 FILCHNER 1938,102-103.
102 HELLER Two Inscribed Fabrics and their Historical Context 103
The recent findings near Kokonor may exemplify the situation of the fabrics influence was sufficiently strong for a Tibetan emissary to the Tang court to arrive
under consideration here. There is no evidence that the Abegg Foundation fabrics with a demand for a Chinese princess in royal marriage. Similar matrimonial
were in contact with any physical decomposition. It is altogether possible that these alliances had just been contracted by the Tang court with two rival tribes, the Turks
fabrics were placed in a spur khang, interim chamber, but never actually and the Azha, in the Kokonor region. When the Chinese initially deferred action,
buried near a corpse. Rather than personal garments, we speculate that these Tibetan forces attacked and conquered the Azha ca. 637, then the Tangut, a tribe
fabrics were used for a tent. It is known that Tibetans used lions and other animal occupying northwest Sichuan, and finally the Polan, who had been living in the
designs on their tents and flags during military campaigns during the sPu rgyal territory between central Tibet and the Azha. In 638, after a major attack on the
dynasty;23 the lion was clearly symbolic of political authority. The Abegg Founda- Tang border at Sung chu, on the main road from Chang an to Sichuan, the Tibetans
tion lion-silks present a configuration of the lions on a particularly large scale in offered a coat of mail assembled in gold and threatened to lead their armies deep
relation to the probable reconstructed measurements of the f~brics. This tends to into China if a princess was not awarded. With an offering of 5,000 ounces of gold
imply an architectural function rather than fabric for garments. The scale and and hundreds of precious stones, this led to the arrival of a niece of the Chinese
proportion strongly recall the decorative motifs on modern Tibetan ceremonial emperor in Tibet in 641 and a period of intense cultural exchange?4 In addition, the
tents; this same scale of fabric and decoration for tents has been known from same ruler had three Tibetan wives, each an aristocrat from a different region.
mural paintings in monasteries since the 12 th century. It is conceivable that the Later Buddhist histories also list a wife from Nepal; curiously, she is never men-
architectural model for this type of tent dates from the Tibetan dynastic period. tioned in the ancient Tibetan Chronicle. But diplomatic relations with Nepal were
I
Perhaps, during a general's life, such heroic emblems decorated his tent during important, with concomitant religious and esthetic influences on Tibet. The geo-
military campaigns, and after his death, the fabric was cut to be placed among his graphic proximity of northeast Tibet with the Azha tribe, known as Tu yu hun in
belongings. The inscriptions would have been written on the fabrics when the Chinese, the similarities of their government, royal matrimonial relations, and
cl
contents of the spur khang were interred. what the Chinese perceived as similarity of names, has occasionally led to confu-
The ancient historic records, Tibetan literary accounts and the modern archae- sion by Chinese historians as to Tibetan or Azha events.
ological data are highly consistent. The tumuli reveal spacious, underground Buddhist aspirations during the Tang dynasty led several Chinese monks to
chambers. These fabrics were indeed part of the treasure of a spur khang, wher- India. Although in 629 the monk Xuan zang followed an itinerary to India via
ever this was in Tibet, and for whomever it was made. Although the precise prov- Khotan along the southern Silk Route, the good relations of Tibet and Tang led
enance may never be known, it is now salient to consider how these fabrics may the 648 Tang delegation to India to travel directly through central Tibet. They
have reached Tibet. followed part of the traditional Salt Route towards India, for the salt of the great
In the 20 th century, the word Tibet evokes an image of cold deserts, vast lakes was essential to the sedentary population of central and southern Tibet:
horizons, empty save for sparse grasses and tall mountains, isolated from the rest leaving Chang an, west along the Silk Route until the Kokonor, then southwest to
of the planet. While this harsh vision, inhospitable to man and beast, is valid for Lhasa. This was the same itinerary to Lhasa followed by the Chinese Princess in
some regions, records since 138 B.C. show that Tibet has been traversed in all 640?5 Due south of Lhasa, the valley of the Tsangpo River (upper Brahmaputra)
directions by pilgrims and traders. The "roof of the world" might be said to be the offered an easy road to the west over several hundred kilometers, until the bend
crossroads for most of the major caravan routes of Asia - the Northern and in the river lead south toward the beginning of the pass through the Himalaya en
Southern Silk Routes of the Tarim Basin toward Samarkand and thence to the route to Nepal and thence to India.26 •
Mediterranean, the Kokonor-Chengdu Route linking Sichuan with the Tarim Notwithstanding the presence of the princess in Lhasa, and consequential
Basin Silk Routes; southeastern Tibet was crossed by the Southwest Silk Route diplomatic relations with Tang court, the Tibetans encroached on zones of Tang
extending west from Sichuan toward the Mekong River and then in a southerly power extending to western Sichuan, known for riches and slaves, and Yunnan,
direction to Burma and India; finally, the "Salt Routes" led from the Kokonor known for mineral wealth, excellent horses and salt wells. To cement an allegiance
through central Tibet toward the Himalaya and India. to Tang China, the Chinese began a policy of yearly subsidies to local tribes, who
In the early i h century, the sPu rgyal dynasty conquered one by one neighbor- nonetheless maintained friendly relations with Tibet. By 652, the Tibetan threat
ing principalities of central Tibet. Within a decade, their zone of power reached was sufficient for the Chinese to send a punitive mission to the southwestern
almost as far west as modern Ladakh, and to the Mekong River in the east. To frontier. This mission was only briefly successful and Tibet thwarted Tang diplo-
consolidate their western territory, the sister of the bTsan po was married to the
king of the western province of Zhangzhung. By 634 the zone of Tibetan
24 BECKWITH 1987; DRAY 1978, note 58; CHOEPHEL 1978,74-75.
25 SATO 1975.
26 Stele inscribed in Chinese by the 648 delegation discovered by Pasang Wangdu at Kyirong near
23 THOMAS 1935-1963, I, 277-278, 280. Nepal border, see WANGDU PATSAB PASANG 1996.
104 HELLER Two Inscribed Fabrics and their Historical Context 105
matic goals, both in Yunnan and elsewhere. To the west, by 661, Tibetan troops had continued unabated as Tibetan troops initiated alliances with the Arabs by moving
advanced well beyond Ladakh to the juncture of the Karakorum range with the west beyond the "Four Garrisons" as far as Ferghana.34
Pamirs. From this strategic position, it was then merely a short distance northwest Further south, to avoid yielding Sichuan to Tibet, in 678 the Tang began
to Tang-occupied Kashgar. Tibet occupied Kashgar in 663. In 667, two allied tribes construction of a major fortress at An jung, just north of Chengdu, to ensure Tang
of the Western Turks submitted to Tibet. control of the only major highway connecting Sichuan with Kokonor region. 35
The major Sino-Tibetan confrontation was in the northeast to settle a war From Chengdu to Chang an, the Tang capital, the most expedient route was to
with the Azha in the Kokonor vicinity. Both sides asked Chinese troops to inter- leave Chengdu by the lowland road south to Chong qing, on the Yangtze River,
vene - indeed, there was a Chinese princess in both capitals. China sent troops to follow the river northward, via the three Yangtze gorges, then cross the mountains
help the Azha but to no avail. In 663 their territory was henceforth completely into plains south of Chang an. This journey was arduous, hence the Chengdu-Ko-
subjugated by Tibet, although a group of the nobility, several thousand strong, fled konor route had vital economic importance. If the An jung fortress proved im-
east near Liang Chu (modern: Wu wei), where they established a colony. The pregnable, Tang China would be able to defend Sichuan and simultaneously cut
Tibetans constructed defensive fortifications in the Azha territory southwest of the routes of communication between Tibet and Nanzhao (modern: Yunnan).
Kokonor. The 20 th century maps indicate Dulan, site of the most recent archaeologi- Instead, An jung became a secure base for Tibetan domination of the Sichuan
cal excavations southwest of Kokonor, by the local name of Azha mkhar, meaning region in 680.36 By 704, Tibetan troops were strong but the death of the Tibetan
Azha fortress. 27 Quite probably Dulan was the site of the fortifications used as the emperor leading the Yunnan campaign forced a hiatus in their expansive policies.
seat of the Tibetan provincial government of the territory surrounding Kokonor To consolidate their position, a bride from Nanzhao was invited for the young
by the end of the 7'h century - yet the region as far east as modern Lin Xia and Tibetan bTsan po. In addition to the Nanzhao-Tibet routes, there was a long
Liang chu would remain in Tibetan hands throughout the 10th century.28 history of international trade routes from Sichuan via Yunnan to Burma and
The Tibetan conquest of the Azha marked a turning point: Tang China had India, sometimes refered to as the Southwest Silk Route. 37 Commerce was lively
encountered a truly viable enemy. From this point in time, the Tibetan empire despite military campaigns; the very nature of the mountainous terrain prevented
grew rapidly, stretching its power from Kashgar to Khotan; the Tibetan occupation attempts at trade regulation. Particularly during the Pala dynasty in India, from
of Khotan and neighboring valleys, despite periods of recapture by the Chinese, the 8th until the 13th century, this route was very important in the spread of Indian
lasted until the mid-9th century. There was much commercial and cultural ex- esthetics and religious ideas towards both Tibet and southern China, for Nanzhao
change between Tibet and Khotan, known for production of silk, carpets, felt and overran Burma throughout the 8th_9th century.38
mining of gold and copper. 29 With the help of Khotanese troops, the Tibetans At the beginning of the 8'h century, in the struggle for power throughout Asia,
crossed north of the Tarim River to conquer Aksu, dominated by Kucha in 670. Tibet decidedly had the upper hand. Consequently, they decided to ensure their
This marked the first Tibetan conquest of the "Four Garrisons of the West", the advantage by another foreign matrimonial alliance. In addition to the Nanzhao
northern oases of the Silk Route. As further consolidation of the subjugation of bride, and a Tibetan noble bride from Kokonor, a Chinese bride was requested. In
Azha in 689, a Tibetan princess was married to their chief, who then served as 7°9, when the princess Kin cheng was about to travel to Tibet, the nine bends of
leader of the Tibetan army.30 Interestingly, he is referred to in Tibetan chronicles the Huang Ho were granted as territory to Tibet as a "bathing ground" for the
by the title da rgyal or dar rgyal, "king of silk".3! The geographic proximity of the Princess, granted in part due to Tibetan success against Tang generals sent to
Azha area to the Silk Route may explain this name, or perhaps silk was produced combat them in Yunnan.39 Before arriving in Tibet, she spent almost a year at the
there. In Tibet, as early as the mid-7'h century, silkworm eggs and workers were Azha court, just north of Dulan, approximately half-way from Chang.an to Lhasa.
being sent as part of tribute but there is no indication of large-scale silk produc- Contemporary documents describe life at the Azha court, which followed the
tion. When a Nanzhao emissary made an offering of Tibetan silk to the Tang court, Tibetan administrative and religious models as their principality was founded
this was probably raw silk.32 Production of damask took place in Liang chu, a city under the sovereignty of the Tibetans.4o Even royal polygamy was practiced: the
of 100,000 inhabitants in the 8th century, where some Azha had resettled. 33 Al- Azha king had three wives, one of whom was a Tibetan aristocrat; his mother had
though Tibet lost military control of the Tarim Basin in 692, commercial exchanges been a Tibetan princess. They followed the religious customs of Tibetan ceremo-
nies celebrating the personal guardian deity of their petty king, consequently it is duced some silk, it is more likely that they used acquired silks in trade. Production
probable that Tibetan burial customs were also respected. This would explain the of silk in Sichuan is attested during the 6th century, but, long before, textiles and
spur khang type of burial chambers recently excavated in Dulan. goods unmistakably produced in Sichuan had already been recognized on the Silk
There were constant embassies between Tibet and China in both tranquil and Route since the second century B.C. 47 The direct route linking Chengdu to Chang
hostile periods, approximately one diplomatic mission, going either way, every six- an was hazardous due to mountain barriers south of Chang an; for trade, the road
teen months for approximately 200 years. 41 After the arrival in Lhasa of the northwest from Chengdu towards Kokonor was more practical. West of Chengdu
Chinese princess ca. 711, relations continued almost uninterruptedly until her the treacherous 3.000 m gorges of the Mekong were forded by Tibetan iron-chain
death in 738 with concomitant increase in trade with China. To the west, a joint suspension bridges demonstrating their advanced metallurgical technology,
Tibetan-Arab diplomatic offensive in Ferghana was concluded in 715, followed by "more than a millennium ahead of anything comparable in the West".48 The Tibet-
a brief Arab-Turk-Tibetan campaign in 717 to capture the "Four Garrisons" of the ans eagerly sought the riches of southwest China. Due to the climate and terrain
northern Tarim Basin, then under Chinese occupation. Although this effort did not of eastern Sichuan, this was the agricultural capital of China, where groves of mul-
meet with success, Buddhism in Khotan was threatened. Due to intercession by berry trees might be found, as well as the plants for vegetal dyes. The long history
the Chinese consort, Khotanese monks seeking asylum were admitted to Tibet of silk production resulted in a corps of finely trained artisans, renowned for
and temples founded for them. In another effort for the "Four Garrisons", the distinctive types of silk in several areas of Sichuan. The trade was in part official
Tibetans and Turks laid siege to Kucha. 42 Abruptly, in 729-730 their armies re- yet constantly escaping complete government regulation. The lucrative markets in
grouped in Khurasan and Samarkand where they had been summoned to help a Sichuan created enticement for Lhasa due to the potential for territorial as well as
rebellion in Transoxania among Sogdians and Arabs. 43 Indeed, the formidable economic expansion.
Tibetan chain mail armour was known and feared throughout continental Asia 44 Another route to overrun Sichuan was to bifurcate southeast along the Me-
and one may surmise that merchants' caravans followed the paths of the Tibetan kong valley in order to combine forces with the tribes of the Nanzhao kingdom.
military campaigns. This tactic had first worked for the Tibetans in 7IO; in 733, Nanzhao presented an
In 730, a treaty was concluded at Kokonor. This had been necessitated in part embassy in Tibet at the same time as China, in the person of the Nanzhao ruler
by earlier Tibetan occupations in the Pamirs and Karokorum, threatening Chi- himself.49 Tibet reinforced the alliance with Nanzhao where Tibetan administrative
nese-occupied Turkestan. Envoys from both the Arabs and the Turks arrived at customs were adopted. The Nanzhao people followed Tibetan terminology to des-
the Tibetan court at Lhasa in 732; the alliance was sealed by the marriage of a ignate their sovereign by 751 after another high level Nanzhao mission to the Ti-
Tibetan princess to the Turkish Qaghan, who moved to their capital north of the betan court. Among Tibetan customs, specifically the wearing of tiger skins as
"Four Garrisons". The Pamir kingdom of GilgitBalur was awarded a Tibetan indication of rank was depicted. in the earliest known portraits of the Nanzhao
princess as royal consort in 740, and duly accepted Tibetan sovereignty. Each court. 50 Although the Nanzhao alliance was increasingly strong, from 745 to 750
embassy served commercial as well as diplomatic purposes. The missions from there were several Tibetan setbacks in Turkestan and the Pamirs, but in 751, the
Gilgit to Tibet transported Indian silks and spices as well as local production of Arab defeat of China at the Battle of Talas, near Samarkand, opened Central Asia
saffron, silver and the famed "purple gold" of Gilgit. 45 Buddhist statues produced to Islam. Shortly thereafter, in 756, the strong Tibet-Nanzhao incursion in Sichuan
in Gilgit and nearby Kashmir may have already have entered Tibet at this time. coincided with the An lu shan rebellion which forced the Chinese to completely
The Pamirs provided the easiest path through the formidable mountains separat- withdraw from Central Asia, and to send Sichuan troops elsewhere. 51 In 779-780,
ing Central Asia, thus their envoys carried the luxury goods from rich cities as the Tibetans started their takeover of the major part of Central Asia, occupying
beyond the Pamirs - from Khotan, Ferghana and Samarkand. In 733, the Chinese Dunhuang and Khotan until mid-9 th century, they simultaneously undertook a
ambassador to Tibet, brought with him sumptuous gifts: "ten thousand lengths of massive invasion of Sichuan. 52 The success was such that in 792 Nanzhao troops
silk as a national pledge, and two thousand lengths for private audiences".46 were again requisitioned to campaign with the Tibetans northeast of Kucha at
Indeed, for the Chinese, silk was the medium of exchange with the Tibetans Peiting. 53 Throughout the 8th century, the Tibetan presence in Yunnan had repre-
and other foreigners. For the Tibetans, salt, silks and silver were the principal sented a considerable force, capable of blocking Nanzhao consolidation efforts
media of exchange, particularly in eastern Tibet. Although Tibet certainly pro-
47 BACKU S 1981,18; Kat. Toronto 1984,9-11.
41 B ECK WITH 1977,96. 48 BACKUS 1981,172-173.
42 B ECKWITH 1987, I02. 49 BACK US 1981,44.
43 BECKWITH 1987, ro8-I09. 50 CHAPIN 1971, figs. 4 and 17.
44 DEMIEVILLE 1987,202-204,374-376. 51 BACKUS 1981,77.
45 SCHAFER 1963,254-255. 52 BACK US 1981,82.
46 BECKWITH 1977,98, citing the Tang Annals. 53 TAKEUCHI 1986,55-56.
108 HELLER Two Inscribed Fabrics and their Historical Context 109
among Yunnan tribes as well as Nanzhao expansionist desires, both west. and
south. Several hundred Tibetans were living in t.he Nanzhao capital permanently;
by the mid-9" cent.ury more than IT,OOO Buddhist images had been made in Yun-
nan, following Tibetan Buddhist customs.;' Nanzhao histories attribute the intro-
duction of Buddhism to missionaries from Tibet as well as from Tang China." The
pattern of Buddhist interaction echoed closely that of the trade routes, linking
from Sichuan, stretching to Kokonor, centered in monasteries there, and north-
west to Dunhuang or southwest to Lhasa." The fabrics studied here came in all
probability from Sichuan where Tang imperial ateliers produced several types of
silks, particularly with Sasanian roundels.
At the turn of the 9" century, Nanzhao allied with Tang China against Tibet
which still controlled most of the northern Silk Route. Tibet and China commenced
treaty negotiations, supported by the emergence of Buddhism as a politi-
cal force in Central Tibet. The negotiations were successful by 822, but peace was
short-lived as the Tibetan dynasty fell in 842. The Tibetan occupation of the Silk
Route officially ended the same year. Chaos ensued in Central Tibet - as in China
shortly thereafter - but the Kokonor region was haven to many.
The Buddhist establishment in Kokonor gave pivotal support to the persis-
tence of trade as an economic aspect of the resistance to Islam. Tibetan remained
the lingua-franca of monasteries and traders along the Silk Route throughout the
9" century as Tang China weakened progressively. The collapse of the Tang dy-
nasty left a vacuum, filled in part by the TangUls and remnants of the Tibetan
armies in buffer states virtually created through the earlier Tibetan campaigns as
far as the Ordos." As a major historian has stated, "TIle Tangut empire established Fig. 47: Tibetall minister. Detail afpainting by Yan Liben (627-673). Beijing, National Mllseum.
Reproduction from REYNOLDS 1995, fig. J.
in the It" century was territorially more or less a reincarnation of the former
Tibetan zone of influence."The fall of political Tibet was supplanted by "a cultural
expansion of Tibetan Buddhism which eventually became the dominant high the other fabric panel shnws various animals which would be seen in the interlock-
culture of Tibet, and the whole of northeastern Asia well into the 20" century".'" ing arch segments of medallions." This robe might have been a gift from the
The patterns of trade established during the Tibetan Empire persisted. The im- court, as hearers of tribute sometimes were rewarded with a "robe of state". Still,
ported luxury textiles played a significant role in Tibetan Buddhist ritual as well it is known that the two brothers Yan Liben and his younger brother Yan Lide,
as in Buddhist art. Linking east and west caravan routes, Tibet preserved from were celebrated painters of foreign dignitaries as well as heads of the Imperial
the 8" century until the present ancient Chinese, Central Asian and West Asian Wardrobe and designers of court costumes'" Their fame for realistic portraits,
textiles, some of which were made especially for the Tibetan markets. knowledge of the court restrictions as well as the exotica of foreigners would lead
Among the earliest traces of Tibetan est.hetic values is a painting of a Tibetan us to assume that the Tibetan minister was depicted faithfully in his own dress.
Fog. 47 minister as emissary to the Tang throne in a long scroll showing many foreigners. This ancient portrait brings us immediately to the crux of our study - for he is
In this painting, attributed to Yan Liben (627-673), the small, rather frail looking wearing a Tibetan garment, corresponding to Tibetan esthetic and style, fashioned
man is dressed in a loose red robe composed of two alternating fabrics cut in from imported fabric with a motif of Sasanian roundels. The Abegg Foundation
vertical panels. On the collar, central panel and sleeves, the pattern has a decora- silks from Tibet present precisely these motifs.
tion of birds in small pearl roundels; according to one source, upon magnification, Chronologically, there are two theories of origin for the "Sasanian" roundel,
the term describing the design element of a circular medallion delineated by an
interior concentric ring of pearls, surrounding either a single animal or bird, or
54 HOWAROfLl/QIU 1992, 57. quoting Nanzhao Yeshi; HELLER 1997 bis. pairs of confronting animal or bird motifs. Although one hypothesis favors the
55 HOWAROfLl/QIU 1992; LUTZ [991,22: H El LER 1994; HOWARD 1996.
56 HELLEK 1997 bis;DEMIEVILLE 1987.
57 BECKWITH 198] bis,6. 59 KARMAY 1977-
58 B ECKWITH 1987 bis, 7-8. 60 FONG 1973, vcl. 35. 326; FONG 1984, vol. 45. 18.
110 HELLER Two Inscribed Fabrics and their Historical Context 111
Fig. 48: Bronze mirror with gold inlay rim. Diameter 12.5 cm. TibeT, 200 S.C.-200 A.D.
KdnigslVintel; private collecrion.
origin from Chinese mirrors of the Han dynasty (200 B.e.-200 A.D.), where the
circular form represented the heavenly realm and the identification thereof with
the Emperor, a more likely theory postulates an origin in the Mediterranean Fig. 49: Fine polychrome silk fragment, Fig. 50: Fine polychrome silk fragmen.t,
front side. China, early 7 rh century. reverse side. China, early 7'" century.
Fog.48 world." The earliest antecedents of the roundel in Tibet are two bronze mirrors
Kyoto, Orani Collectiof!. Kyoto, GIant ColleCTion.
discovered in southern Tibet. One is decorated in concentric rings, carved with
geometric designs, around a central medallion incised with pearls separated by
stylized carved arcs; there is gold inlay on the exterior rim. The other mirror's central panel, jnst like the robe of the Tibetan minister - however, the scale of the
surface has a series of concentric rings, one of which is filled with pearls, while the roundel at Afrasiab is twice as big, and the wide cut of the robe is completely dif-
center of the mirror is carved with six whirling circles. To some degree, the mirrors' ferent."lt is known that the "Sasanian roundel" motif appeared in cloth from Egypt
shape may be derived from Chinese mirrors of eastern Han (25-200), hut these to Japan in the 6" to 8" centuries" As the popularity of these designs spread, con-
bronze mirrors had iron handles, quite metallurgically distinct from the Tibetan fronting riders or facing animals or birds became common in China by using a re-
examples," tentatively assigned a date corresponding to the Han mirrors. versed repeat on the loom, while Sasanian designs models had preference for a
In Sasanian art of 6" to 7" century, the roundel is interchangeable as the single figure inside the pearl roundel.69
design base for ceramic tiles, silver bowls, and textiles; a single animal or bird at How did these patterns reach Tibet? Historical literature describes silk pro-
center, inside rings of pearls or several concentric circles." Among the best known duced in Khotan, long occupied by Tibet, as comparatively short in length of
examples are the mid-7'h-century fabrics now in Notre Dame de Jouarre."The tech- thread (due to Buddhist considerations whereby the silkworms were not boiled
nical study indicated that this fabric was woven in weft faced twill." The twill weave prior to their breaking the cocoon), but archaeological investigations have not yet
and the weft faced compound twill are considered "western techniques" by Chi- determined a distinctive typology of silks produced in Kucha or Khotan." Al-
nese archeologists, the weft faced twill permitting a larger size of motifs.'" For exam- though Turfan is relatively close to Kucha and Khotan, rather than "local" produc-
ple, wall paintings of Afrasiab, Samarkand, approximately contemporaneous (mid- tion, it has been postulated that roundel silks, such as the "weft faced brocade" Fig. 49
7" to mid-8" century), show men wearing robes with bird-motif roundel fabric as from the Ryukoku University Library, Kyoto, found near Turfan in dated tombs,
were in fact produced in Sichuan." Sir Aurel Stein who first investigated Astana,
Turfan, found a virtually identical fragment in an excavated tomb which can be
dated to 625;" of course. the fabric could be older still. The production of poly-
chrome silk fabric in Sichuan is attested by local histories: Hechou, head of the late
Sui-early Tang imperial ateliers was of Sogdian descent and successfully repro-
duced "Persian fabrics, most probably the roundel pattern in strong twisted silk"."
Still, there are notable differences between the production of such silks for China
and these weft faced compound twill or "samit" silks found in Tibet. By the
4" century B.C. China had already developed the innovative weaving technique of
\
weft patterned brocading, subsequently warp faced silk became popular through
•
the Han (200 B.C.-200 A.O.), reaching extremely refined beights."During theTang Fig. 51: Detail of a Tibetan stone stele. Base with elephant. Height ca. 40Cfn, width 93 cm.
dynasty, weft faced twill was adopted when foreign roundels designs, incorporating Drawing by Charles Hella
Fig. 53: Tibetan book cover. Wood, 66I9.j cm, mid-91ft century. Paris, private collection.
back of the neck, two ribbons represent the Sasanian pativa; the wing is short,
while the tail has longer, stylized tail-feathers, sectioned into three rows at the
Fig. 52: Dunhuang cave 158. Detail of paimed fabric roundels with ducks. base, and two sections of curled feathers, somewhat reminiscent of a phoenix.
Reproduction from WH ITFIELO/OTSUKA I996, pi. I2j. This design corresponds in several respects - including scale - to the bird in
the secondary roundel of the standing lion fabric of the Abegg Foundation. It is to Fog._,p.25
inscription to mid-8" century, height of pillar 370 cm, 93 cm width." The bead be noted that the body is proportionately broader, with seven rows of tail-feathers
roundel, transposed here to a rectangular shape, defines a walking elephant, pre- in alternating colors and the wing presents curled feathers. The pearls suspended
sented in three-quarter view. In Dunhuang, in caves decorated during the Tibetan from the mouth have dwindled to two, the pariva ribbons transformed to two stiff
occupation, the Tibetan royalty are sometimes depicted wearing robes with roun- beads extending from mid-neck. Yet the formal identification is evident. The body
del design. One historic source tells us that the garb of the ancient Tibetan rulers feathers have a small motif of graduated tiers, which later became frequent in
was inspired by Persian (Sasanian) models for robes, shoes and fabrics; red being Tibetan rugs. Rather than a distinct concentric ring for the pearl roundels, these
the characteristic calor for the b Tsan po." Still, the most telling design is that are integrated almost at the edge of the medallion. The medallion of the bird in
Fog. 52 found on a painted stone piUow in the Dunhuang cave 158, a scene of the Mahapa- Dunhuang is terminated by an elongated petal, which takes on the form of a heart
rinirvana (ultimate nirvana) of the Buddha where his body lays in final repose." in the interstices of the edge of the prancing lion fabric. The heart edge there
The entire cave presents a concept new to Dunhuang where the Buddha is sur- defines the secondary roundel containing a floral motif, the medallion is extended
rounded by disciples of many nations, a theme which became popular during the on the red ground of the silk by a design of stylized honeysuckle plant. The bird in
Tibetan occupation (787-842), reflecting the cosmopolitan trade of the Tibetans. the fabric inv. no. 4861 corresponds more to the phoenix for its tail feathers while
The Tibetan emperor appears prominently, wearing a robe with a large scale the pativa is closer to following Sasanian paradigms with the specific tri-partite
circular motif, but the only known photograph of this scene was taken in 1920 and jewel at the extremity of the pativa. The interstitial motif again is a medallion of
the design inside the roundel is not clear. Due to oxidation of the wall painting hearts. In another medium, this heart design was used as a surround for the central
during tile course of this century, we cannot telJ which design had been intended. motifs in a Tibetan book cover, carbon-14 dated to mid-9'" century, corresponding Fog. 53
But earlier, in caves at Kucha, the Buddha's head lays on a cushion, whose fabric to the shape of Indian books, which was adapted for Tibetan manuscripts at this
had a boar head, probably in a roundel, similar to the examples from Astana near time." The side view of this cover shows a very simply carved Buddha, seated in Fog. 5.
Turfan. In Dunhuang cave 158, the Buddha's head lays on a cushion with the motif meditation, inside a temple archway. The hands are carved in a gesture specific to
Fog. 52 centered on a duck, adorned with the Sasanian royal pafiva; rather than two birds Vairocana Buddha, conflated by the Tibetans with the bTsan po as universal
facing inside one roundel, the bird is alone in the roundel, paired with the bird of sovereign, particularly revered at this time. On either side is an animal, perhaps
the next roundel along the pillow, in a large-scale design. The diameter of the
roundel measures 33 cm. The roundel is white, with green and brown petals; the
pearls are white on russet ground. The bird has a chain of several pearls suspended
from its beak; the head is proportionately small with short crest-feathers; at the
84 \Ve thank Professor Pasang \Vangdu. Lhasa Academy, for permjssion to illustrate this stele he
discovered in November 1995.
Fig. 54: Side view of a Tibetan book cover, mid-9th century. Paris, private collection.
85 CHOEPHEL 1978.29:KAR~
..IAY 1975.15.
86 WH ITFIELO/OTSUKA 1996, pI. 125; we thank HK Publishing Operation, Tokyo, for the kind
authorization to publish this photo. 87 Paris, private collection.
~
116 HELLER Two lnscribed Fabrics and their Historical Context 117
spond to reality, similar to those on the fragment with buffalos. The standing lions Fig. 3. p. IS
are surrounded by rings of stylized pearls, next to the medallion edge defined by
arcs filled with animals. These are grouped in a series of four, slightly different each
time, and most difficult to identify: perhaps a dog, a sheep, a horse, a hare. TIlere is
a clear distinction between those with hooves and those with paws. However, in
Tibetan metalwork, it is common to find the series of twelve animals, correspond- Fig. 56
ing to the twelve-year cycle of the calendar. While the twelve-year calendar was
known in western Asia prior to historical records of Tibet, this pattern certainly
became characteristically Tibetan.
Fig.56: Tibetan silver bowl with twelve animal~ corresponding 10 the twelve-year cycle
of the calendar. Diameter ca. I5 cm. PariJ~ private collec/ion.
Fig. 55: Lion throne support. Clay, height ca. 60 cm. Tibet, late nib ccnrury.
intended as a feline or a deer, but not at all represented in the usual iconography. In other respects, both the prancing lion design and the standing lion design
However, the three heart medallions of the upper cover probably are meant to recall the motifs found on sulra wrappers excavated from the Dunhuang cave 17,
correspond to Budddhist symbolism, which would indicate the blending of Bud- the cache of many Tibetan manuscripts and paintings. These sutra wrappers are
dhist design vocabulary with secular or regal design. now in the British Museum, London, and the Musee National des Arts Asiatiques
In the Abegg silks the prancing lion fabric indicates the movement of the Guimet, Paris." It is fascinating that the proportions and design elements of these
lions by dynamic treatment of the flank and forelegs, emphasizing the muscles fabrics are similar to the Abegg lion silks, but the scale of their medallion is far
with geomen'ic motifs. The tails are placed between the legs, as in the stone lion smaHer, and the palette is completely pale beige and blue. While there may be
Fig. 45 statue beside the royal necropolis. The roundel at the shoulder of the prancing and some color loss, the ground color is not the characteristic red of Sichuan, nor the
standing lions is a design evolved from whirl of fur which appears in young lions; thickness of the Abegg fabrics found in Tibet.
already in Sogdian or Iranian silver, this was shown as a star carved on the shoul- The lions on the sulra wrappers are static, the small head with short mane is
der." Tibetan adoption of this distinctive shoulder mark is apparent on the lion represented in profile. This is very different from the dynamic prancing position of
Fig. 55 throne support of a Buddhist statue." It is to be recalled that the lion was a symbol one of the Abegg lion silks, while the heads of the standing lion silk are empha-
for the Buddha's political and spiritual authority in India since ca. lOO A.D. sized due to the proportionately large head in frontal position. The face is wide,
On the Abegg fabrics, beneath both prancing and standing lions, is a sort of almost round. In another medium, the lions carved on three silver objects attrib-
equine animal, perhaps to be identified as the rkyang, a wild ass native to Tibet.'" uted to 7"-century Tibet, present certain esthetic parallels." The lion on this cup is Fig. 57
The hoof is clear, the proportions correspond relatively well to this small animal. depicted as if running in mid-air. The distinctive circle on the rear flank of the silk
TIle secondary roundel is occupied by two bovid creatures, which do not corre- is carved in the silver. Again, the face is shown in frontal view, with a round
88 TANABE 1990,209-257; we thank Dr. Karel Otavsky for this reference. Silver in the Biblio- 91 London. British Museum, iov. no. MAS 858, see \VHITFIELD 1982-1985, vol. 3,186-287, pI. 6:
theque Nationale, Paris, see J ETTMA R 1986. Paris, Musee National des Arts Asiatiques Guimet, inv. no. EO 1199, see RIBouo/VIA l 1970.
89 gYe drnar monastery [990; we thank Lionel Fournier for tilis photograph. 20I~208.
Fig. 57: Beaker. Silver with gilding, height: 10.2 cm. Tibel, mid-7th cemury. Cle~eland,
The Cleveland Museum ofArts, The Severance and Greta Millikin Purchase Fund, 1988.68.
treatment of the fur of the mane, almost like curls, similar to the prancing lion on
the silk and the DuJan stone lion. The line carved from the neck recalls the curious
woven line at mid-torso. TIle beading on the edge of the cup is a transposition from
the pearl surround of the textile medallions, just as the beading carved in stone
defined the space of the elephant at the base of the stele. TIle elephant is also
carved to present the head in three-quarter view while the body position indicates
movement. The transposition from woven to carved design is well attested in
Sasanian and Chinese silver and textile art of this period: these lions in silk, stone
and silver indicate that the Tibetan esthetics were also consistent in different
media. Also. neither elephants nor lions are native to TIbet. These designs there-
fore reflect the intercultural awareness of the TIbetans during the 7'" to 9" century,
due to the interaction of many lands through TIbetan trade, matrimonial and
political alliances.
While the results of technical analysis of the dyes and mordants are essential
to determine whether these silk fabrics were indeed produced in Sichuan or in
post-Sasanian Iran, it is clear that they were imported to Tibet at an early date and
their affinity to Tibetan taste is strong. TIleir designs and weaving techniques
alone cannot identify the zone of production, nor whether they were made specifi-
cally under Tibetan patronage but it is suspected that they were made for the
Tibetan market. These fabrics reflect the role of Tibet as a link between east and
west along the Silk Routes, amalgamating cosmopolitan influences due to the
complex network of trade as well as the development of TIbetan esthetics blend-
ing secular and Buddhist symbols. The examination of these silks is enriched by
their respective context within the Abegg Collection, which amply demonstrates
the splendid diversity of media in which this distinctive design vocabulary has
been expressed. Certainly these fabrics were highly prized by tbose who acquired
them long ago in Tibet, cognizant of their sophisticated technical mastery and
exquisite beauty.
Ab!> s: f~' n- 5riJnu"'ff" ,.,,, sidl ."J"""mMdm l../ho.." '" MNloil1om.
II,U"~ A~U.stift"~ I",'. ,\",.• 8tiJ o.
of Sogdian and Chinese Silks boy and girl, or if the jacket and coat were to be worn together
over the Chinese silk trousers, possibly in conjunction with a
now missing pair of outer trousers in Sogdian silk - a compari-
son of the length from shoulder 10 hem and the sleeve size of
Amy Helier the two upper garments might suggest that the coat was con-
(Fig. 2) Detail of tiger with tulip motif ceived as a blouse, with the lighter weight blue silk to be tucked
Central AsialWestem Chin<l. 7th/gth century into trousers, or perhaps a skirl. Similarly, the boots could have
Weft-faced compound twill been worn one pair over the other, bUI as those in Japan have
220
221
(Fig. 4) Child's boots
Weslern China/Central Asia.
8th century
Damask silk
Length 19,5 cm. width 13.5 cm
Pritzker Collection, Chicago
medallions enclosing a single bird. probably fashioned from an with their unique assemblage of silks were confectioned in
imported Sasaman fabric (see Reynolds, p. 89, fig. 3). The Tibet or in areas under Tibetan sovereignty. As such, they bear
appeal of such fabric persisted in Tibet. for nobles wearing witness to the highly cosmopolitan trade and elegant aesthetic
similarly patterned robes are still represented in elevemh cen- values encouraged during the period of the Tibetan empire in
tury Tibetan mural paintings. Closer in time to these garments, Central Asia.
many textile fragments of Sogdian, Persian and Chinese origin
have been excavated from seventh to eighth century tombs near
Dulan, southwest of Lake Kokonor in Qinghai province. Archi- Amy Hellcr is an independent art historian and Tibetologisl.
teclurally, these tombs follow models of the tombs of Tibetan
sovereigns in central Tibet (see Paola Mortari Vergara Caf-
farelli, 'Architectural Style jri Tombs from the Period of the The author would like to thank Regula Schorta, Head of the textile conservation
Kings', in Jane Casey Singer and Philip Denwood, eds, Tibetan department of the Abegg-Foundation, and Valrae Reynolds, Curator of Asian
Collections at The Newark Museum, New Jersey, for kindly sharing their
Art. Towards a Definition ofStyle, London, 1997, pp. 230-41). technical expertise. and the Abegg-Foundation and Thomas J, Pritzker for
Indeed, during the eighth century, the Tibetans occupied much authorizing this study of objects in their collections.
of the Silk Route and fostered expansive trade in all directions,
according to commercial contracts preserved in the oases along
the Tarim basin. It would seem probable that these garments Photogmphy by Christoph von Virag, Abegg-Stiftuog.
Selected bibliography
Amy Helier. 'Two Inscribed Fabrics and Their Historical Context: Some
Observations on Esthetics and Silk Trade in libet, 7th to 9th Cemury', in
Karel Otavsky. ed., Friihmittelalterliche KllIlSt Zwischen Persiell /fud
China in del' Abegg-Sliftullg, volume 6 of Riggisberger Berielue,
Riggisberg. forthcoming.
Anna A. lerusalimskaia and Birgitt Borkopp, Von China nach Byzallz, Munich.
1996.
Heather Karmay. 'Tibetan Costume, 7th to 11 th Cemuries', in Ariane
Macdonald and Yoshiro Imaeda, eds, Essais .~lIr I'art dlt Tibet, Paris. 1977,
pp. 64-81.
Evgeny Lubo-Lesnichenko. 'Western Motifs in the Chinese Textiles of the
Early Middle Ages', in National Palace Museum Bulletin. Taipei, vol. 28,
nos 3-4, pp. 1-13.
Valrae Reynolds. 'Silk In libel', in The Second HaliAnllual, London, 1995. pp.
87-97.
Francis van Noten, ed., Hoofkllnst mn de Sassaniedell. Brussels, 1993.
(Fig. 5) Detail of confronted stags Kjeld von Folsach and Anne-Marie Keblow Bernsled. WO\'en Treasures:
Sogdiana. 7th century Textilesfrom the World ofIslam. Copenhagen, 1993.
Weft-faced compound (will James C. Y Watt and Anne E. Wardwell, with an essay by Morris Rossabi. Whell
Abegg-Stiftung. Riggisberg Silk Was Gold: Central Asian alld Chinese Textiles, New York. 1997.
222
Some Preliminary Remarks on
the Excavations at Dulan
Amy Helier
he eighth to ninth century tombs recently excavated in some damaged. However. he did nOI explore further what he
T Dulan county, now in China's Qinghai province but once
part of the Tibetan empire. provide a concrete link to the daily
apparently considered an insignificant area (Wilhelm Fi1chncr,
lJismillah. Leipzig, 1938, pp. 102-103). The thousands of (Fig. 2) Delail of wall,
Rcshui 10mb, DulAll county
life and customs of ancient Tibct. The region of Dulall was a graves. however, arc evidence of Dulull'S importance as a
major stop near the road from Lhasa to the junction of three provincial centre during the Tibetan empire. In order 10 subju-
importanl trade routes near the Koko Nor (Qinghai lake): the gale the Dulan area, first the TIbetans gained control orlhe trade
Hexi corridor route, linking the Tang period (618-906) capital route linking Chcngdu 10 the Koko Nor, and then proceeded to
Chang'an (today's Xi'an in Shaanxi province) to Dunhuang (in the region west of the lake, which was populated by the
Gansu province) and beyond; the Mekong river valley road, Tuyuhun, asof638. By 663. they had established firm dominion
connecting the Koko Nor to Burma and India via the Nanzhao after me conquest of the Tuyuhun capil31 Fusu. probably situ-
kingdom (which arose in the 8th century in western Yunnan ated. according 10 recent archaeological investigations. nonh-
province and was TIbet's staunch ally at this time); and the west of the Koko Nor. In 670, soulhwcsl of the lake, in the
Koko Nor-Chengdu route. which provided direct communica- general zone corresponding to Dulan county, they built fortifi-
tion to China's agricultural heartland in Sichuan province, cations, gradually sClling up in the region a system of provincial
where much silk was produced. From the seventh 10 the mid- government of civil and military officials. monasteries and
ninth century, the Tibetans extended their sovereignty far be- temples, some of which received Tibetan royal patronage
yond the vale of Lhasa, eventually encompassing much of the (Hugh E. Richardson, 'The Province of the bDe-blon of the facts buried at Dulan reveal thc highly international connections About 4.5 metres below the lOp, a rectangular pit for animal
area surrounding the Silk Roads from the Hexi corridor to the Tibetan Empire, 8th to 9th centuries', in Paolo Daffina, 00., fostered by the Tibetan empire. The general location of Dulan burial was discovered. containing the bones of sheep. horses.
Pamirs in Central Asia. which gave them control over most of Imlo-Sil1o-Tibefica, SlIu!i in Dllore di /..1U:imw Pe/ech, Rome, also corresponds 10 that described for the site of the summer yak and deer. The pit was scaled by cypress beams. Ten metres
the major tmderoutes. During this period, fear of Chinese-Arab 1990. pp. 305~15), The 7(/1lgAllnal.~ rccord Tibetan lroops in meetings of the Tibetan ruler-the Isenpo- and councillors, but below tt.le top. a large, rectangular wall was excavated, made of
confrontations in Central Asia and increasing support for Bud- the area numbering frOI11 50,000 to 250.000 strong, travelling this remains to be determincd. alternutlllg layers of stone and wood beams: in some Cllses,
dhism among the Lhasa aristocr.lcy led pilgrims and traders to with cooks, armourers. domestic personnel and the soldiers' The most important Dulan excavation to date is a tomb there were mud bricks as well (Fig, 2). On the nonh side of the
tr3velthrough central Tibet en route between Kashmir. eastern families. In 689, a Tibetan princess was given in marriage to known as Reshui, a mound perh3ps 80 metres high (Fig. I). In mound was acrueiform multi-room chamber approximately 20
India and China, and they probably passed through Dulan on the leader of the Tuyuhun to cement the annexation of their tenns of the methods and materials used in its construction. as metres long and 20 metres wide, again made of alternating
the way from Lhasa to the Koko Nor. The fall of the Tibetan territories; this was but one of a number of matrimonial alli- well as its dimensions and shape. the tomb very strongly layers of wood beams and stone (Figs 3a and b). Access was
empire in the mid-ninth century in part disrupted trade patterns, ances formed with distant kingdoms. with which trade and recalls those of the Yarlung "alley royal necropolis in central through a rectangular shaft on this side.
but Dulan, far from the chaos of central Tibet and with its diplomatic missions were concomitant in all cases. The artc- 1!bct: althou~h many of the latter were looted long ago, the
important location near the trade giant trapezoldal mounds remain impressive with their si7.e,
mutes, continued to prosper. In- their stone lion statues emblematic of the uetlpo's power and
creasing dcsertification and des- their inscribed stelae, (Many other tombs of similar shape and
iccation west of the Koko Nor, construction in western. central and eastern Tibet have been
however, meant that by the be- investigated, but relatively few artefacts have been recovered.)
ginning of the second millen- The Reshui mound has so far revealed two distinct structures.
nium, habitation of the area grew
morc sparse, It is perhaps due to
this change in population density
that the tombs and the artefacts
associated with them have sur-
vived in a way impossible else-
where in TIbet, offering a unique
opportunity to understand this
period oflibetan civilization, the
cosmopolitan and eclectic basis
for its aesthetic values, as well as
its political, religious and ec0-
nomic history.
For centuries, Dulan county
was almost forgotten. The Ger-
man adventurer Wilhclm
Filchner (1877-1957) passed
south of Dulan in the 19305, and
described finding a silver saddle,
gold hair ornaments, a stone lion (Fig. I) Reshui 10mb
Dulan county. Qinghai province
and some clothing, in caves and 75Q.850
a stupa near the burial mounds, Heighl 80 m (approximale)
some of which were intact and (Ph<Mography by lbomas Prilzker) (Fig, 3.) Crucifonn chamber. RC'shui tomb, Dulan coollly (Fig. 3b) Cnocifonn ch:unbeT. Reshui 10mb. Dulan COW1Iy
84
8S
,-
(Fig. ~) Slip "'ilh Tibetan inscriplion
From Reshui tomb. Dulan county
750-850
(Fig. 6) Buckle
(Fig. Sa) Side of retiquary
From Reshui 10mb.
From a lJ"ellCh in frool ofReshui tomb. Dutan counly
Dulan county
Sogdiana or Tibet. StW9th cenlury
750--S5O Parcel·gilt silvel'"
Gold with seed
ungth 15.3 cm
pearls and turquoise
Qingha.i Archaeologicallnstitule
Length 3.8 cm, widlh 3 cm
(After ZJwngguo Zang.me. 1994:4)
Qinghai ArchaeologicaltnstilulC
(After ZJrOOgglW l\enll'u
Dim)i. Qinghai Frnte,
Beijing. 1996, p. It»)
The cruciform multi-room chamber is constructed as a in metallurgy, especially for large objecls of gold. fitted annour
celllral chamber with doorway facing north. with smaller cham- and saddlery, some of which were exported among mher goods;
bers off a hallway crossing the central chamber. Damage by fire imporfs into Tibet were mainly through trade. military cam-
is visiblc. The timbers of the roof indicate that at some time, paigns, proselytism, diplolnmic missions and in the fonn of
robbers apparently entered the structure, probably shortly after tribute - for example. by the mid-eighth century, annual Chi-
the mound was closed. There W:lS no trace ofa mummy. and no nese tribute to Tibet was 50,000 piel;cs of silk (Hugh E.
corpse or human bones. Nor were there any intact garments, Richardson, A CO/pus of 7iI)eUlI/ Inscriptiolls, London, 1985,
although the cenlrtll chamber conltlincd many small pieces of pp. 1-25. cited in Ynlrae Reynolds, 'Silk in Tibet, Luxury
silk textiles, fragments of garments ,md pennants. The eastern Textiles in Secular Life and Sacred Art', in J. Tilden, ed.. Asian
chamber held eating utensils of bone (yak, sheep and horse) as An. The Secolld Hali Alllllwl, London, 1995, p. 88).
well as timber, while Ihe western chamber contained timber and Right in front of the Reshui mound arc 27 stone circles.
wheat gmins. There WtlS a ltlrge number ofwooocn slips meas- approximatcly 1.5 metres in diameter; in front of these, as if an (Fig. 8b) Base of lhe reliquary from a trench
uring about 5 by 1.5 centimctres and inscribed in Tibetan. hung antechamber to the mound, five trenches measuring 165 metres in front of Reshui 10mb. Dulan county
on a piece of string (Fig. 4). Seveml were illegible. but enough by 90 cenlimetres are stretched out (Fig. 7). Yak skulls and Length 9.S cm
could be read to see Ihat they contained some sort of inventory, hooves were found in thirteen of the 27 pits, and eight contained (After Qinghai \\Ien...u. Beijing. 1994. pI. 149)
probably of lhe contents of the tomb; words such ,IS tsenpu and dog skeletons. The skeletons of 87 horses were found in the
phobrallS ('palace') could be clearly made out. The shape of trenches, and in lhe centre of the first trench, beneath a large
the wooden slips corresponds 10 that of eighth to tenth century boulder. a silver casket was uncarthed; it was apparently in-
Tibetan conlmcts found in Central Asian sites such as Turfan. tended to contain sIll/rim ('relics') (Figs 8a, b and c). A pair of
Astana, Urumqi and Bezcklik. Also found among the conten\.'i wooden birds' heads found alongside appear 10 be fragments of
of the chambers was a small, hollow parcel-gilt silver head with this reliquary (Fig. 8d). Although partially crushed, as recon-
two faces. with an opening at the top of the head and another at structed from the remaining panels. the casket is believed to be
the base of the neck, possibly a finial of some kind (Fig. 5). eitherofSogdian or Tibetan workmanship: in both ils shape and
There were in addition a leather boot, a Buddhist nag of silk, a dimensions it recalls known Sogdian silver and Chinese Tang
gold buckle with seed pearls and turquoise (Fig. 6), a number period parcel-gilt silver reliquaries such as those found in the
of gold omamenlS and a silver cup. believed 10 be of Sogdian underground chamber of the pagoda at Famen Si. a temple
origin or a Tibetan copy of a Sogdian design (for the fInds located in Fufeng county. Shaanxi (see Zhu Qixin, 'Buddhist (Fig. Sd) FnlgmcnlS of !be reliquary from a
(Fig. Se) Drawing of the sides of the reliquary lJ"eoch in frool of Rcshui tomb, Dulan county
mentioned here but not illustrated. sce Guojia Wenwu Ju, Treasures from Famensi·. in Oriell/o/iolls. May 1990, p. 78, fig. from a trent:h in fronl of Reshui lOfTIb. Dulan county Wood inlaid with lurquoise
7JlOngguo Wenll'u Diru Ji. Qillglwi Fellce, Beijing. 1996.) The 3), and at Qingshan monastery in Lintong county, northeast of ungth 16.8 cm. width 2.5 cm ungth 3 cm (approximlllc)
TIbetans were renowned at the time for their exceptional skills Xi'an (see Wang Ling. 'Report from China', in Oriell/ol An, (After ZhotIgguo Zang.me 1994:4. p. J6. fig. 16) (Pbolognipby by Thomas PrilZker)
86 87
diameter can be seen, which fonnerly surrounded the entire
Summer 1987, pp. 208-11). area. A river once flowed beside the site, the perimeters of which
Seven smaller tombs surround
were delimited by a 160-metre-long diagonal brick wall, one
the main mound. Some had been
metre thick. On the interior of the wall, a jar with a rim was
recently pillaged and left with the found immured; a pillar base with a sun design, approximately
top wide open. No contents were
60 centimetres square, was also excavated in this area. Two
visible, just the brick, stone and stone lions and a stone stele, about 240 centimelres tall, for-
timber chamber structure.
merly stood within the area of the brick wall, although not
immediately beside the mound (Fig. 11). These were removed
his type of tomb and the sur-
T rounding environs corre-
spond very closely to historical
during the 1950s; one of the lions is now in the Dulan Archae-
ologicall"stitute, while the stele, whicb did not bear an inscrip-
tion, was sectioned and used in construction.
records concerning Tibetan
tombs: the burial could either be . Beyond the brick wall is a pit measuring 10 by 10 metres,
Wlth a depth of 4 metres; at the bottom were some tsha-tsha
in a valley (where the trapezoidal
tomb resembled a mountain) or small ex-voto of stamped clay. One depicts a stupa of a typ.;
on a mountain ridge, the tomb _ known from a seventh century model from Gilgit and common
being likened to the mountain in Tibet later on, although it is traditionally believed to have
from which the sovereign been re-introduced from India in the eleventh century (see
claimed his divine ancestry. The Jorinde Ebert, 'Niches, Bolumn and Figures in Some Petro-
tsenpo was held to guarantee the glyphic Stupa Depictions of the Karakorum Highway', in Ar-
prosperity and well-being of his riblls Asiae 54 [1994], pp. 268-95, pis 21 and 22; see also
subjects in both this life and an Giuseppe Tucci, Trallshimalaya, Geneva, 1973, pis 89-108).
after-life, which was modelled on Another tsha-tsha has letters only, which have been tentatively
(Fig. 11) Lion
a terrestrial paradise with lush identified as Kharoshti script, probably for the Ye Dharma
From Kexiaotu mound, Dulan county
pastures for livestock and an Hetuprabaha, or Buddhist Creed. Perhaps these were locally 750-850
produced from Kashmiri moulds. Stone
abundance of food and good (Fig. 9) Kexiaolu mound
health for humanity. It was in or-
Within the mound itself is a three-level structure. Below Heighl 85 cm (approximale)
Dulan county, Qinghai province
der to ensure access to this para- ground level, a courtyard with a single arched doorway leads Dulan Archaeologicallnslitule
750-850
dise that the tsenpo and the Height 8 m, diameter 40 m (approximtlte) to a large chamber (Fig. 12); the construction is of packed bricks
landed aristocracy were buried in and stone, with timber beams forming the ceiling. At ground as Dunhuang, although these are in the shape of Buddhist
these trapezoidal or tent-shaped tombs, with great quantities of tombs as part of the offering rituals, and several tombs exca- level are two further chambers, and there is a smaller hole at a mandala (see Roderick Whitfield and Anne FaITer, Caves oftlte
offerings of all that would be needed upon rebirth. The rituals vated in western Tibet have horse tombs nearby (see Huo Wei, higher level beneath the top of the mound. Here, two camel Thousand Buddhas, London, 1990, pI. 87). All the other cham-
governing the burial are so well described in the Tibetan Chron- Xizang GlIdai MlIzang Zhidll Yanjiu, Chengdu, 1995). The Tang skulls were discovered, bearing a design of humanoid figures bers in the Kexiaotu mound were empty, apart from a few
icles that we can understand the stipulated variations in offer- Annals also tell us that the Tibetans sacrificed and buried dogs and circles of incantations against evil influences written in wooden slips with Tibetan lettering, similar in size to those
ings, mummification procedures, inscribed stelae beside the (Erik Haarh, The Yar/lIng Dynasry, Copenhagen, 1969, p. 341). Tibetan letters; they strongly recall the Tibetan charms against found in Reshui and like the inscriptions on the two camel
tombs and so on, for different ranks and genders (see Giuseppe The royal necropolis in central Tibet has never been excavated, evil still used today (Fig. 13). Similar charms were also found skulls, describing rituals to combat evil; an inscribed sheep's
Tucci, Tombs ofthe Tibetan Kings, Rome, 1950). According to but the Reshui tomb excavation now partially confinns Erik
Haarh's hypothesis, albeit from afar, that the initial chamber I (Fig. 12) Doorway
the chronicles, horses were buried at the site of the principal
inside the tomb of the {senpo 0( Kexiaotu mound. Dulan counly
would be cruciform, modelled on (Photography by Thomas PrilZker)
the treasure chamber of Yumbu-
lagang, the first historic tower- (Fig. 13) TIbetan charm againsl evil
From Kexiaotu mound, Dulan county
fort at the head of the Yarlung 750-850
valley, while the actual burial lnk drawing on camel skull
chamber would in theory be un- Length 40 cm (approximale)
derneath the cruci form chamber Qinghai Archaeological Institute
(ibid., p. 355). Geological sound- (Photograph courtesy of Qinghai
Archaeologicallnstilule)
ing ofthe Reshui mound has been ,
performed, with the result that
there is indeed another chamber
further down. This has not yet
been investigated, but it might
well be the chamber for human
remains.
Elsewhere in Dulan county,
another type of struCture has been
excavated, at a place called
Kexiaotu (Figs 9 and 10). The
structure is inside a medium-
sized, east-facing mound some 8
metres high and 40 metres in di-
ameter. The function of this
structure is still uncertain. From
the west a number of smaller
(Fig. 10) Excavated ponion of KexiaOlu mound, Dulan county
(Pholography by Thomas Pritzker)
mounds less than 20 metres in
88 89
(Fig. 16) Textile with Pahlavi inscription
From Reshui tomb. Dulan county
Persia, c. 700-800
Silk brocade
Qinghai Archaeologicallnslilute
(After Zhonggllo Zollgxue, 1996: I, plo 5)
(Fig. 14) Textile with
baoxiang flowers
From Reshui tomb, Dulan county
China, Tang period (618-906) tan', in Zhongguo Lishi Bowuguan Guankan 15-16, Beijing, fabrics', most probably the Sasanian roundel patterns. Gradu-
Embroidery on silk L991, pp. 63-81). One brocade from Persia is the earliest known ally the Chinese adopted the weft-faced weaving techniques for
Length 25 cm (approximate) textile with an embroidered Pahlavi inscription (Fig. 16). these designs too. According IQ Evgeny Lubo-Lesnitchenko of
Qinghai Archaeological Institute Perhaps the most distinctive group of fragments is the The State Hermitage Museum in St Petersburg: 'Based on the
(Photograph coullesy of Qinghai weft-faced compound twill silks with designs of imaginary
ArchaeologicallnstitUle) Chinese written sources, the principal centre for the (Chinese)
creatures such as hybrid birds with ribbons in their bills and production of textiles with Sasanian design was Shu, the mod-
pativa ('royal insignia') on the crest of their heads, inside pearl ern Sichuan province. Archaeological finds conftrm the literary
medallions or garlands of leaves and flowers. This type of sources' ('Western Motifs in the Chinese Textiles of the Early
destgn IS known from the Sasanian Persian pearl roundels Middle Ages', in National Palace Museum Bulletin, vol. 28,
containing single figures, adapted in Sogdian textile designs nos 3-4; L993, p. 9). The pearl-medallion design was vastly
mto confronted pairs of animals, birds or humans, still within popularIZed by one Chengdu aristocrat, Duke Lingyang, in
a pearl medallion, woven in weft-faced compound twill. In- predommantLy red tones, with the result that by the lime of
itially, Chinese artisans reproduced the designs of Sasanian and Empress Wu (r. 684-704), the Sasanian and/or Sogdian style
Sogdian roundel silks using their traditional Chinese weaving came to represent imperial status in China.
techniques of warp-faced polychrome compound tabby and The epitome of the Chinese adaptation of samite with
rib; a sheep's shoulderblade with two drawings; a white quartz to the Tibetan inscriptions on wood mentioning the term for twill, such as the example in Figure 17, a fragment found at roundeL design is the so-called Shomu banner, donated IQ the
stone with an inscription and a few Chinese coins. According sovereign used during the dynastic period (c. 640-842), as well Dulan identical with silks recovered from Astana (Turfan) dated temple Horyii-ji near Nara before 764, on which bearded riders
to local archaeologists, there are still many levels below ground as the Buddbist artefacts and fabrics typical of this period. 653 (see Michael W. Meister, 'The Pearl Roundel in Chinese on four winged borses make the Parthian shot gesture inside
level to be investigated. Textile Design', in Ars Orientalis 8,1970, pp. 255-67, fig. 25; 45-centimetre roundels but Chinese characters decorate the
he excavations in the Dulan area have yielded a great many see also Jocelyn Grigg, 'Sasanian Influence in the Silks of borses' bodies(see Zhao, 1997)."By the mid-eighth century,
According to numismatologist Nicholas Rhodes, the coins
found in the tomb, which bear dates corresponding to the
Qianyuan reign period (758-60) of the Tang emperor Suzong
T textile fragments. Altogether, 350 pieces have been recov-
ered; they include silks (Figs 14 and 15), gauze and hemp, as
T'ang China', in Hali, Summer 1979, pp. 121-24, fig. 5). The
Bei Shu (History of the Northern Dynasties) describes the
however, certam Chinese imperial edicts were issued that pro-
hibited the production of such patterns, though Yangzhou south
(r. 756-61), were issued in large quantities throughout China well as various tabbies, weft-faced compound twills (samite) introduction of such designs to China during the late Sui (581- of Chengdu was a known centre of production of polychrome
from 758 to 762. Some pieces containing lead in the alloy were and warp-faced twills, in addition to some of the earliest kesi 618) to early Tang dynasty, when the head of the imperial silk for foreigners, and may have continued to create the for-
manufactured in Xinjiang province, most probably in Khotan. ('slit-tapestry weave') yet discovered - earlier than the kesi ateliers was of Sogdian descent and strove to reproduce 'Persian bidden designs (Xinru Liu, Silk and Religion, Oxford, 1996, p.
After the Qianyuan period there was a hiatus in minting, with ribbons on some sutra wrappers recovered from Dunhuang (see
only a very few coins being produced in Khotan before the Whitfield and Farrer, op. cil., pI. 9 L). Woven gold thread was
Tibetan occupation, and bardly any in the rest of China. This also found, again the earliest known, predating by perhaps a
resulted in a general shortage of circulating currency around the century that of the mid-ninth century discovered in the Famen
year 800. In Rhodes's view, the date of the coins could support Si underground cbamber, previously believed to be the earliest
a tomb date of up to soon after 841, when a new type of coin example. Researchers have made a study of 130 different
was produced in large numbers throughout China. The fabrics of several types of silk and brocade, of which eighteen
Kexiaotu structure should in principle be contemporary with types were allocated a Central or West Asian provenance, while
the Reshui mound, and thus a date of mid-eighth to mid-ninth eighty per cent were considered to be of Chinese provenance
century for both is proposed, due not only to the coins, but also (see Xu Xinguo and Zhao Feng, 'Dulan Chutu Sizhipin Chu-
90
91
nasty', British Museum occasional paper, 1982). For example,
a textile fragment found at Reshui bears a honeysuckle pattern
within a pearl roundel (Fig, 18) that is virtually identical to one
on the excavated reliquary from Reshui. Another example is
provided by a Tibetan silver vase in The Cleveland Museum of
Art (sce Martha Carter, 'Three Silver Vessels from Tibet's
Earliest Historical Era: A Preliminary Study', in Cleveland
Studies in the History of Art, forthcoming): as well as 11 lion, it
is decorated with a phoenix, which is similar to the phoenix on
the lateral face of the Dulan reliquary. An excavated textile now
in the Xining Archaeological Institute shows a very similflr
phoenix pattern on a fragment of a sleeve, of weft-faced COIll-
pound twill silk in polychrome (M1.214). The reliquary is
syncretic in that it follows the Sogdian model for a sharira
container, while its designs of phoenix and honeysuckle were
popular in Tang China. It is gilded in an unusual technique that
does not follow either Chinese or Sogdian prototypes.
The excavations at Dulan were conducted from 1982 to
1985, when they stopped for lack of funds. They were partially
(Fig. 18) Texlile with honeysuckle in pearl-medallion design
renewed in 1995, but ceased again until this year, when anony-
From Reshui tomb, Dulan eoumy mous private donors have contributed towards resuming exca-
Tang period (611\-906) vation and research in the area. These excavations provide
Weft-faced compound twill silk substantial new evidence which corroborates ancient historical
Lenglh 7 ~m, width 5 cm accounts of Tibetan tomb architecture and consecration cere-
Qinghai Archaeological Inslilule monies, providing clear examples of how Tibetan religious
(After Qillglwi WellwlI. Beijing, 1994. pI. 136)
syncretism then combined Buddhism and native Tibetan cults.
Certain artefacts found at Dulan reveal Tibetan participation in
18). Elsewhere in China, adaptations of the roundel design were the flourishing international commerce characteristic of this
made, such as subslituting the pearl medallions for garlands of period of history - patterns of trade of Tibetan horses, gold and
leaves and flowers, as seen on some oflhe fragments excavated silver in exchange for the sophisticated Central Asian and
from Dulan (Zhao, 1997, figs 13 and 13a). As Chinese weavers Chinese silks which the Tibetans esteemed, as shown by their
were also known to have been working in Bukhara and use for robes and by the integration of the fabric designs into
Samarkand in Central Asia during Ihe eighth century and per- their aesthetic preferences, revealed by the mural paintings and
haps later, determining the precise place of manufacture of metalwork they commissioned. Archaeology has revealed Ihe
many of these silks is quite difficult (see Wall and Wardwell, p. masterful masonry of Dulan, and exciting cultural clues, future
23). results and their interpretation may lead to new insights into the
Judging from the Song period (960-1279) copy of Van cultural rclations of the Tibetan empire and her neighbours.
Liben's (C. 600-74) painting of the Tibetan minister dressed in
a robe with bird roundels on a red ground, and from portraits of
Tibetans in Dunhuang murals of the eighth to tenth centuries, Amy HelIer is an independent m1 hi~lorian and Tibctologisl.
such fabrics were popular with the Tibetan aristocracy (see
Heather Karmay, Tibetan Coslllmt:s St:vellth (O Eleventh Cen-
The author would like 10 express her grutitude to lhe Qinghai Archaeological
turies, Paris, 1977). Specifically, in the painting of an interna-
Instilllle for Ihcir invitation, and thanks for partial support for research to the
tional group of mourners surrounding the Buddha's Maha- Universily of Lallsanne, Swit7.erland and CNRS 1229 research unit, Paris.
parinirvana in Cave 158, commissioned during the Tibetan Speeial1hanh for crilicism and encoorugernem to Martlla Carter, Slan Cwma,
occupation of Dunhuang in the eighth to ninth century, at the Valrae Reynolds, Nicholas Rhodes, Krishna Riboud, Jaeqllelinc Simeox.
head of the mourners, the fsenpo's robe is decorated with Heather Sloddard, Anne Wardwell, Roderiek Whilfield and Zhao Feng.
roundels. The pillow and couch on which the Buddha rests have
a pattern of double roundcls approximately 35 centimetres in All pholographs are by the author unless otherwise Slated. The author would
diameter, each with a single duck at the centre facing the like 10 lhank Thomas Prilzker for supplying the remaining images.
opposite roundel. in red and green tones. The international
crowds are a leitmotif which became popular in Dunhuang Selecred bibliography
mural painting during the Tibetan occupation, and persisted,
particularly as a foreign cohort of supporters for Vimalakirti in Amy Helier, '1\vo Inscribed Fabrics and lheir Hislorical ConleXl: Some
his debate while the Chinese group supports Manjushri, in Observations on ESlhetics and Silk Trade in Tibel, 7th to 9th Cenlury', in
caves such as 9,12, 6\, 98,196,359 and 360 (see Roderick Karel Olavsky, ed., Ma"8 tile Silk Rawe. Eariy Mediii'al '\ft betwee"
Whitfield and Seigo Otsuka, Caves ofthe Singing SOlids, Lon- Per.lia ,/lid China, Abegg-Stiflung, Riggisberg, 1998, pp. 95-1 t8.
don and Tokyo, 1995). Such crowds probably reflect the inter- lames C. Y. Wau and Anne E. Wardwell, wilh an essay by Morris Rossabi. Wile"
aClion and meeting of many ethnic groups encouraged by trade Silk Was Gold: Central A,iall alld Chillese Texriies. New York. 1997.
and political policies in the Tibetan empire. The textiles and Xu Xinguo and Zhao Feng, 'A Preliminary Sllldy oflhe Silk Textiles Excavaled
artefacts excavated from Dulan also document this interna- at DlIlan', in China Ardweoiogy alld Art Dige,H, Hong Kong.
tional melee, perhaps as articles of tribute. Oclober·Dccember 1996.
11 is well known that from the sixth to ninth century, patterns Zltao Feng. 'Foreign Deities in Wci-Tang Woven Silks', in Chi,w Archaeology
on textiles were frequently repeated on silver (see Jessica ami An Digesr, Hong Kong, Oclober·Dceembcr 1996.
Rawson, 'The Ornament on Chinese Silver of the Tang Dy- - , 'Silk Roundcls from the Sui to Ihe Tang', in I/ali, May 1997, pp. 80-85.
92
THE CAYES OF GNAS MJAL CHE MO *
by
In 1991 He Qiang reported a group of five caves having 33 statues in the vicinity of Gampa
rdzong, near the Tibetan border with Sikkim.! Relating their construction to caves along the
Silk Route attributed to the late Tang dynasty, he dated this group of caves to the latter portion
of what he termed the Tibetan "Imperial" period, ca. 800 A.D. Three photographs were pub-
lished, one of which appeared to represent Vairocana, corresponding to the emphasis on Vai-
rocana as is indicated by recent research on sPu rgyal dynasty rock inscriptions and Buddhist
carvings in eastern Tibet? A more detailed visit was needed to determine if the historical attri-
bution could be substantiated and to identify the iconography if possible.
In southern Tibet, approximately 30 km west of Gampa rdzong, the grottoes gNas mjal che
mo ("Meeting with the Great Presence") are situated in the vicinity of the famous mChod rten
nyi ma pilgrimage site. 3 To travel there, we proceeded south from Sa skya to Tingkye rdzong,
then followed what is locally called the Yern Tsangpo road along the southern river bank for
approximately 40 km. The road continues due east to Gampa rdzong, but we left the main road
at Muk si (sMug bsil, "Cool fog"), following a small track (east-north-east), in the direction of
Grang lung ("Cold valley") where the grottoes lie. The cliff is virtually indistinguishable from
those surrounding it; to the south, there is a large red hill known as Dre'u ri ("Donkey Moun-
tain"), after which the white cliff may be seen at the center of the plain. The white cliff has
given rise to the caves' alternate name, gNas skya che mo, the "Great Pale Place" or "Great
Pale Presence". The geographic location is approximately 28°15 latitude and 88°00 longitude.
The mChod rten nyi ma area lies two valleys further south in the direction of the border with
Sikkim. Although mChod rten nyi ma is traditionally associated with Ye shes mtsho rgyal and
Padmasambhava, it is only historically attested as of the 14th century with the religious master
rGod Idem (1337-1409). To date, the only mention of gNas mjal che mo in any historic or
• AH. is particularly thankful to Valrae Reynolds and to Ulrich von Schroeder for advice and encouragement, and to
Christian Luczanits for sharing the results of his most recent research. Funding for this project was partially provided
by private sources and by C.N.R.S. URA 1229, under the direction of Professor Anne-Marie Blondeau, in 1995 and
1996. Grateful acknowledgment also to Phuntshogs Tshering, President of Lhasa Academy of Social Sciences for
naming Tshering rGyalpo and Tshering Phuntshogs of Lhasa Academy to help my research.
! He Qiang (1991), "Naijiaqiemu Grottoes in Gangba County, Tibet", Southern Ethnology and Archaeology 4 (Tibet
Archeology issue), Sichuan University Museum, Chengdu, 179-186.
2 Chab spel, T. (1988), "bTsan po'i dus kyi brag brkos yig ris gcig gsar du mtham sbyor hus pa", Krung go bod kyi
shes rig 1, 44-53. gNya gong and Padma 'Bum (1988), "Yul shul khul kyi bod btsan po'i skabs kyi rten yig brag
brkos ma 'ga"', Krung go bod kyi shes rig 4,52-65. HelIer, A (1994a), "Ninth century Buddhist images carved at
lDan ma brag to commemorate Tibeto-Chinese Negotiations", in PIATS Fagernes 1992, 335-349; appendix vol. I:
12-19. HelIer, A (1994b), "Early Ninth Century Images ofVairocana from Eastern Tibet", Orientations 25/6,74-
79. HelIer, A. (1997a), "Eighth- and Ninth-Century Temples and Rock carvings of Eastern Tibet", in Tibetan Art:
Towards a Definition ofStyle. Jane C. Singer, Philip Denwood (eds.), London, Calmann & King, 84-103; 296-297.
HelIer, A. (1997b), "Buddhist images and Rock inscriptions from Eastern Tibet, VlIIth to Xth century, Part IV", in
PIATS Graz 1995, Volume 1,385-403.
3Cf. Chan, V. (1994), Tibet Handbook, Chico, Moon Publications, 801-813. Tranglung or Neh is mentioned on pp.
809,840.
134 A. Heller The Caves of gNas mjal che mo 135
liturgical literature is in connection with mChod rten nyi ma: 4 after pilgrimage to mChod rten hand lies flush against the chest in a position which leads us to believe that the dharmacakra-
nyi ma, the visit to Grang lung was required of certain lamas. The entire area has low popula- mudrii was intended. The left leg is missing beneath the knee but the sole of the foot may be
tion density. In our travels from Sa skya, few villages were seen other than the modem town of seen, while the right leg is intact except for the foot. The shape of the throne base is formed
Tingkye, but the Tingkye plain has many prosperous, well-irrigated farms. The continuation of from a horizontal plinth, placed above a narrow square; it would appear that this throne
the Yeru Tsangpo valley is very sparsely populated after the Tingkye plain, for the glacial flow structure is entirely sculpted in clay, contrary to Yemar, attributed to late 11th century, where a
7
from mChod rten nyi ma only provides water during a few months. The caves are on a high cut stone slab has been laid horizontally as part of the throne infrastructure. Due to the mudrii,
hill, isolated in the middle of a plain; the hamlet of Grang lung lies at the foot of the hill (fig. lion throne, crown and non-monastic garments, I propose to identify this Buddha as Vairocana
1). One householder serves as guardian for the caves to which wooden doors have been affixed. in a saf!lbhogakiiya manifestation.
Access to the grottoes was by ladder from the roof of a house leading to a path along the side of Inside the right arch, although the face of image has been completely effaced, remains of an
the hill, or a side path along the ground. The grottoes are at a height of approximately 10 u$1Jl$a and long ear lobes may be seen. The body is more intact. The Buddha's robe has again a
meters above ground level. v-neck collar and shows an oval medallion at the center of a thick belt; the edge of a long
On the cliff face in-between the entrances of the two largest caves, a triptych, ca. 90 cm sleeve with wide, rippling cuffs may be seen on the sole remaining arm. The iisana appears to
high, was carved in relief (fig. 2). Although damaged, the triptych presents indications of be padmasana, but this is not certain. Due to extreme erosion of the clay, it is not possible to
antiquity. There are three trilobate arches; in the excavated recess behind each arch, a clay propose an identification for this image.
statue of a seated Buddha. In all cases, there has been some erosion of the clay due to exposure This arch, although damaged, retains the original multi-tiered construction of panels and
to the elements. In many cases, the typical group of three figures corresponds to the Buddhas of lintels above two columns. Incised carving of series of triangles and diagonal lines decorate the
the Three Times (past, present, and future), Kasyapa or Dipmllkara, Sakyamuni and Maitreya. narrow horizontal plinths. The three arches were built each to represent a temple doorway. It is
However, it is by no means sure that this identification corresponds to the group represented as if the Buddha is seated inside a stiipa. The architectural model is not a real Tibetan temple
here. In one of the earliest Tibetan historical works, the group of Dipmllkara at right, Vairocana doorway which is typically rectangular, lacking a curved arch and sometimes presenting
in the center, and Maitreya at the left is attested, while Sakyamuni is positioned in front of the several levels of intersecting beams above the horizontal door lintel. Here, instead, the shape of
group of three, but this also does not seem to correspond here. 5 the entrance invites comparison with the gates to temples drawn as part of ma1J4ala, which
On the fa<;ade the left arch is very damaged, but the seated statue inside (height ca. 65 cm) follow the model of Indian doorways and temple fa<;ades. In Tibet, at present, among the
may be identified as Buddha Sakyamuni in dharmacakramudrii, having a prominent u~1Jl$a and earliest extant examples are the ma1J4ala attributed to Bu ston (1320) at Sha lu (Zhwa lu)
dressed in Indian monastic robes, as evidenced by the round neckline of his robe and the ap- monastery. However, in Tibet, earlier examples of this style doorway and tiered roof may be
pearance of light fabric. 6 There is no crown. The cheeks do not have prominent bones, the jaw found on murals paintings showing the Buddha worshipped inside a stiipa, in what is now the
is rounded, the face on the whole is plump. The forehead is low, the square hairline frames the mgon khang at Sha lu which may date from the late 11th century.8 Often found in India during
forehead. The eyes appear closed, but the face is placed straight forward. the Pala-Sena dynasty, this style of arch and door was widely used, some examples recently
9
The central arch is the tallest, presenting fragments of lintels on the fa<;ade, and a capital found in 12th-century Xixia excavations, from Ningxia Hui autonomous region. The Indian
separating the arch from the pillar. The statue is the tallest of the three, representing a crowned architoctural model is illustrated in a A$fasiihasrikii Prajniipiiramitii manuscript now in the
Buddha dressed in a robe with v-neck collar, a thick belt with a large, carved jewel at center; British Library originally produced in Vikramasila monastery and dated by colophon to ca.
the fragments remaining below the waist show incised carving for a segment with large, round 1145. 10 In this illumination portraying Maitreya inside a stiipa, the simple geometric designs of
medallions as if a hem, beneath these the clay is carved in even diagonal lines to depict the the tiers of narrow lintels are the same as those carved on the pillar of gNas mjal che mo; the
thick folds of fabric. The crown is composed of three isosceles triangular panels, with rosette at pennant festoons at the edge of the tiered lintel are no longer evident at gNas mjal che mo, but
the temples. The damaged condition prevents certainty as to the original decoration. The face is it is clearly shown above lintels in the mural painting from Sha lu mgon khang (fig. 3). Tucci
elongated and relatively narrow, but this may be due to erosion. It would appear that the eyes found somewhat similar tiered lintel stiipa fa<;ades in stucco at Yemar and rKyang bu, now
gaze downward, the chin slightly pulled toward the neck. The left hand is missing but the right destroyed, on the Gyantse-Sikkim route, closer to Gampa rdzong, but further east. 11
4 Buffetrille, K. (1997), "Pelerinage et Inceste: Le cas de Mchod rten Nyi ma" in PlATS Graz 1995, Vol. VI, in 7 Cr. Vitali, R. (1990), Early Temples of Central Tibet, London, Serindia, pIs. 18,22.
press. 8Ricca, F. and L. Fournier (1997), "Notes Concerning the Mgon Khan of Zwa-lu", Artibus Asiae, vol. LVI, 3/4,
5 sBa bzhad, Beijing, 1980,44. 343-363.
6 The artists' technical term for this robe is rGya gar li ma lugs kyi chos gas, literally "monastic robe in the style of 9 AlthouJ~h photography is not permitted, in cave 4 Yulin, tentatively attributed to Xixia occupation, late 12th cen-
Indian metal images". We thank the painter dNgos grub Ronge of Kathmandu for this information. Upon verifica- tury, I have examined very similar throne and stupa architecture. Cr. Linrothe, R. ( 1996), "New Delhi and New
tion, stone Mathura images show the robe off shoulder, while Gandhara stones images of Buddha have round collar, England: Old Collections of Tangut Art", Orientations 27/4,32-41, particularly plate 7.
but prominent folds. The Gupta stone images show the robe with round collar and fabric which clings to the body, 10 British Library, London, Or. 6902. We thank Ulrich Pagel for his help. Cf. Losty, J.P. (1982), The Art of the Book
presenting less folds. This style robe was followed in Indian metal statuary, especially prized by Tibetans, and
in India, London, British Library, (pp. 32~33, color plate Ill).
adopted as a stylistic model. Due to the length of the technical term, the abbreviated term "rGya gar li lugs" was also
used in conversation. 11 Cf. Vitali, R. (1990), op.cit., fig. 11 b.
136 A. Heller The Caves of gNas mjal che mo 137
We were permitted to visit two of the five grottoes; the other three, we were told, were double strand beads also reflect Indian models since ca. 7th century.14 Armbands positioned
empty, having neither statues nor painted inscriptions. One large cave measuring approximately high above the elbow are known from Licchavi images. The chest is draped by a cloth modeled
3.85 x 3.85 m, contained an altar and a skin of a yak, black and white, ca. 200 cm long, the in clay, carefulfy knotted above the heart, in narrow folds of thin fabric; the abdomen is almost
head intact; this skin was placed on a chassis of wood, with several ceremonial scarves visible completely flat. A dhoti is indicted by the regular folds of fabric visible at the waist, extending
on the thick fur. The village headman described this skin as the mount of dPalldan lHa mo, to beyond the belt which is also composed of two strands of large beads. The treatment of the
whom the grotto was dedicated. On the ceiling, traces of paintings. There were traces of paint fabric accentuates the folds, not the fabric patterns.
on the walls as well (floral motifs, leaves) and painted outlines where statues had formerly Vairocana is not directly surrounded by recognizable attendant deities: instead there are four
been sculpted, now totally missing. After excavation, the ceiling was coated with clay so as to objects, represented with human heads atop the general shape of the object. This "personifica-
permit a flat surface. Painted in the ceiling were geometric subdivisions as squares approxi- tion" of objects is unique to gNas mjal che mo, as far as we know. IS To the upper right of Vai-
mately 60 cm. There was no wood infrastructure to the cave, only clay on rock. The palette of rocana, a visvavajra (cf. fig. 6), at lower right, a lotus, to the upper left of Vairocana, a vase,
color appeared to be primary tones of red, blue, green and black, somewhat darkened and ob- and at lower left, an unidentified object. In mwujala at Alchi, surrounding Vairocana are four
scured by smoke damage. The light conditions in this cave were not sufficient for photography. of the five female partners of the tathiigata, each holding a symbol of one of the Buddha
The floor of the cave was stamped earth. Neither painted or carved inscriptions were found, nor families, while in the mwujala at gDung dkar, rather than deities, the four symbols surround
any trace of effaced inscription. Vairocana. 16 At gNas mjal che mo, the four "personified" emblems may therefore be identified
The major objective of our visit was to examine the sole remaining grotto with statues. It as the four goddesses. 17 At the borders of the wall, framing the throne, a makara and beneath,
faced south, dimensions approximately 2.5 x 2.5 x 2.5 m. To construct it, the rock had been the griffin has been completely destroyed, only a hole remaining on the wall on both sides,
gutted; on each of the four walls a wooden scaffolding (beams reaching from floor to ceiling, while the elephant support remains.
approximately 15 cm broad, 12 cm thick) had been affixed, and a heavy coating of clay and On the east and west walls, the four tathiigata (height 90 cm) may be identified, each seated
mud then applied. The images were sculpted in the round in mud, straw and clay, then on a throne supported by an animal emblem, and making the distinctive mudrii (diagram 1). On
painted. 12 The costumes and jewelry appear to be made from the same clay as the bodies; as the west wall, Amitabha in samadhimudrii, his throne on peacocks; the body very well pre-
visible on the photographs, small, thin additional wood sticks were added to construct the served but the head completely destroyed. On the same wall Amoghasiddhi, in abhayamudrii,
crowns (fig. 4). Due to the extreme symmetry of composition, the identical garments for all the two garue,la holding up his throne with their claws. Both garue,la have human faces and lack
Buddhas and attendant deities, it would appear highly likely that the entire cave was decorated beaks. The asymmetry is marked by one garue,la having the wings point down, the other's
at the same time, although later re-painting was evident. wings are directed upwards. Each Buddha is surrounded by four male Bodhisattva attendants,
The general composition is oriented in relation to the Buddha (height 1.3 meters) on the dressed in long dhoti and jewels. Although their identification is somewhat problematic due to
north wall, whom we identify as Vairocana, in sa1]1bhogakiiya manifestation, his hands origi- the damage, which has left many of the attendants' statues without hands and thus without the at-
nally in bodhyagrimudrii, as deduced from the two remaining fingers of the left hand (fig. 5). tributes they once held, their iconography has been tentatively identified by Christian Luczanits
Inside an oval halo, Vairocana is seated in vajriisana on a throne supported by two lions. (cf. diagram 1, figs. 7-14). The body colors of the attendants may have been changed over time
Although his crown has been much damaged, the position of the plain front rim is almost a as there is visible repainting. The attendants have beaded belts, armbands, bracelets at wrists
square around his broad forehead. A piled chignon is prominent, as are the tendrils of hair and simple necklaces.
about his shoulders. There is a break at the earlobe; in comparison with the other Buddha and On the south wall, there are two rows of deities. On the upper level, eight standing female
attendant figures, it is probable that circular earrings were suspended but are now destroyed. attendants, all crowned, wearing jewels and skirts. These deities correspond to the group of the
The square forehead, massive jaw, the facial features, particularly the long pointed nose, recall eight goddesses as offering deities (figs. 15-18). Their crowns had two rows of large beads at
the physiognomy ofIndian or Nepalese people of Newar ethnic group. The broad face, the eye- the rim touching the forehead, three triangular panels with an exterior surround of beads and
brows meeting at the bridge of the nose, the elongated eyes with the dip of upper eyelid, and infill of what appears to be vegetal designs; each crown had a rosette at the temples; braids and
the large mouth with curvaceous lips are "idealized" facial features, very similar to the hoop earrings were visible on several figures. The shoulder proportions are less massive than
Buddha's face at rKyang bu. 13 The body proportions are a mixture of the Indian and Nepalese the Buddhas or Bodhisattva, but the upper arms, lacking all muscle definition, are big and
models, while on the whole the costume treatment tends more towards Nepalese styles. Both thick. The breasts are almost flat but the curves of the belly are emphasized by a fabric draped
necklaces and armbands have strings of large round beads with cluster of beads as a central
decorative element; this style of jewelry is known from Nepalese metal sculptures, but the
14 Cf. Huntington, S. and 1. (1990), Leavesfrom the Bodhi Tree, fig. 80 on page 390.
15 I thank R. Linrothe for suggesting a possible precedent, cf. mm:ujala ofU!?1J1!?avijaya from Dunhuang, illustrated in
D. Klimburg-Salter (1982), The Silk Route and the Diamond Path, Los Angeles, pI. 73.
12 C. Luczanits has suggested instead "a rough body-outline has been left when carving the rough rock. On this out-
line the clay layer has been attached and finally sculpted. There is no need for an armature or a stone structure inside 16 R. Goepper (1996), Alchi, London, Serindia, 191. I thank Lionel Foumier for photographs of gDung dkar.
as the rock takes over this function" (letter of 17.IV.97). This hypothesis is probably correct but the wooden beams 17
appeared to be supporting beams. 1thank Christian Luczanits for the tentative identification of all the secondary deities, which correspond to those in
the principal mm.u;iala at Tabo, cf. C. Luczanits (1997), "The Clay Sculptures" in D.E. Klimburg-Salter, Tabo, A
13 Cf. Vitali (1990), fig. 9. Lamp for the Kingdom, Milan, Skira, 189-205.
138 A. Heller The Caves of gNas mjal che mo 139
technique of clay statues used for portraits is described in the earliest Tibetan historical
accounts,19 qualified as Bod lugs "Tibetan style";20 the implication is that the Tibetan medium
Vajra- Vajra- Vajra- Vajra- Karma- Sattva- Vajra- Vajra-Vajra- Vajra- is clay. The throne model as found inside the cave of gNas mjal che mo is known in Dunhuang,
."
tikgla hetu rak~a yak~a vaJI1 vajn raja raga : tejas ketu and also in the 9th-century eastern Tibetan sites of lDan ma brag and 'Bis mda' temple, near
Amoghasiddhi N .E Ak~obhya :Ratnasal1lbhava
Amitabha • • Valrocana . . Jyekundo?1
W N Dhamia- Ratnl!.- E S
Vajra- Vajra- Vajra- Vajra- vajri vajri Vajra- Vajra-Vajra- Vajra- Among paintings found in Dunhuang, there is a silk mm:uj.ala of the five tathiigata repre-
dharma bha~a karma sandhi •W S • sattva sadhu. ratna hasa senting each Buddha holding an emblem, seated on a throne plinth supported by an animal. 22
Two Bodhisattva attendants are near each Buddha. Although the animals and attributes corre-
spond to those in later works, the mudrii of the five Buddhas do not correspond to those which
later become customary. This mm:uj.ala was identified as a VajradhiitumalJ.Qala by previous
W-wall N-wall E-wall studies and tentatively dated to ninth century?3 Many Dunhuang Tibetan manuscripts describe
the five Buddha families (rigs lnga) but the directions, colors, and mudrii may vary. To date
and identify the mm:zcj.ala represented at gNas mjal che mo, it may be helpful to review here the
The eight goddesses evolution of the iconography of Vairocana in Tibet as well as historic and stylistic considera-
Vajralasya to Vajragandha tion as clues for a chronological framework.
In Tibet, dating from the reign of Khri srong lde brtsan and Sad na legs, representations of
Vajra- Vajra- D Vajra- Vajra- Vairocana in abhisafJlbodhi aspect (gold body, one head, hands in the samiidhimudrii) have sur-
vived to the present. 24 Texts describing the AbhisaIp.bodhi Vairocana and Sarvavid Vairocana
ailkusa pasa spo1a? avesa?
in the Sarvadurgatiparisoahana cycle were found in the Dunhuang Tibetan manuscripts. 25 The
Tibetan manuscript, PT 240, describes a mal')cj.ala for Vairocana, in safJlbhogakiiya aspect, in
the context of 8 attendant females as well as the four tathiigata near him; his mudrii is the
S-wall byang chub mchog gi phyag rgya, which means literally "the mudrii of perfect enlightenment".
This is typically understood to refer to bodhyagrimudrii, which it translates into Sanskrit, but
Diagram 1: The Deities of the Sculpted Cave at gNas mjal che mo (c. Luczanits) the literal meaning does not actually describe the hands' position. In this text, four attendant
females are offering goddesses, while the other four are the yum of the tathiigata. Each yum
from shoulder to waist. The skirt is draped from below the waist with a wide fabric belt, at hip holds the emblem or symbol of the tathiigata family, such as wheel, the lotus. There are no
level, thin pleats between the thick, tubular legs and thin pleats as side draperies. This style of protective deities in the entourage as described by this text. This text may tentatively be dated
garment is popular in Nepalese sculptures of 11th to 13th century, it also recalls the costumes . h to tenth century. 26
mnt
of the attendants and musician goddesses modeled in stucco at rKyang bu. In one case, an Far more elaborate representations with full entourage are characteristic of the 11th-century
additional fabric ribbon decoration is sculpted at mid-thigh. Similar costume and jewelry in religious establishments in mNga' ris contemporary with Rin chen bzang po (958-1055), such
contemporary sculptures are found in a statue now in the Newark Museum (fig. 21), which may as Tabo, in which the deities are sculpted in clay as almost life-size participants in a mal')cj.ala
18
be a provincial Tibetan rendering following a mixed Pala and Nepalese style. On all the atten- centered around Vairocana. The root mal')cj.ala can largely be associated with the tradition of the
dants, the crowns are rather damaged, as are some arms and hands. However, it is possible to SarvatathiigatatattvasafJlgrahatantra which Rin chen bzang po translated, as well as several
understand the original composition here, where each attendant had its arms in a different commentaries on this tantra. In this cycle, Vairocana is represented as part of the five Buddha
position, some holding musical instruments, others presenting ceremonial scarves.
On the lower level, there are only four deities, all guardians (figs. 19, 20). Two wear tiger
skins, but most distinctive is the guardian wearing a short red dhoti with rippled edge at the
edge of the fabric beneath the belly; instead of simply hanging to the ground between the legs, 19 sBa bzhad, Beijing 1980,4; sBa bzhad, Dharamsala, 1968,9.
the fabric modeled as if twisted behind him, extending in elaborate, rippling folds. The body 20 sBa bzhad, Beijing 1980,43.
proportions are rather heavy and very muscular, height is approximately 75 cm.
21 Cf. A. Heller (I 994a) and (I 994b), op.cit.
He Qiang, in his initial description of gNas mjal che mo grotto attributed this construction to
22 Musee Guimet, Paris (MG 17.780).
the sPu rgyal dynastic period and compared it with Maichishan. However, the Indian rock
caves such as AjaIJ.1:a (6th c.) and Ellora (8th c.) must be considered, for rock excavation was 23 Cf. D.E. Klimburg-Salter (1982), op.cit., 144 and plate 68.
well known in the Indian subcontinent. Although certainly found along the Silk Route, the 24 Cf. A. Heller (I 994a, 1994b, 1997a), op.cit.
25 A. Heller (1994a, 1994b), op.cit.; T. Skorupski (1983), The Sarvadurgatiparisodhana Tantra, critical edition,
Delhi, Sata pi1aka series, 311-314. '
18 Cf. Reynolds, V., Heller, A. and Gyatso, 1. (1986), Catalogue of the Tibetan Collection of the Newark Museum,
Newark: 68 and von Schroeder, U. (1981), Indo-Tibetan Bronzes, Hong Kong, Visual Dharma, 31B, 31D, 31F, 31G. 26 M. Lalou (1939), Inventaire des manuscrits tibetains de Touen-Houang, Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, 66-67.
140 A. Heller The Caves of gNas mjal che mo 141
families, with 8 goddesses and 4 guardians. 27 According to recent research by C. Luczanits, the such as Atisa, who had resided in Vikramasfla. Indeed, Atisa's path to Tibet had crossed Nepal,
iconography of the sculptures at Tabo corresponds specifically to the commentary by Ananda- where he remained a full year before resuming his journey to mNga' ris then towards Lhasa. 34
garbha, translated by Rin chen bzang pO.28 This same commentary has been identified as the The Nepalese by then were experienced artists, long familiar with Piila models and also
basis of the iconography in several painted ma1J4ala at Alchi., dated by Goepper toe<!rly 13th creating their own styles. Whether directly in provenance from Bihar or Bengal, or from Nepal,
century?9 Tucci published as well anther five Buddha family ma1J4ala from Nako. 30 In addi- for Tibetans in the 11 th to 12th century, the Indo-Nepalese aesthetics were highly esteemed for
tion, two painted ma1J4ala at gDung dkar, possibly dating from mid-12th century, correspond to sculptures and painting, and copied assiduously. As a working hypothesis, in consideration of
this five family configuration. 3l Gnas mjal che mo may now also be identified as a sculptural the liturgical developments, of the iconography, the artistic and architectural similarities noted
representation of the VajradhatumaI;l<;lala. Despite some iconographic variation, it is probably to earlier with dated Indian manuscripts, the wall-paintings of the Sha lu chapel, and the clay
be related to the Sarvatathiigatatattvasa1Jlgrahatantra commentary by Anandagarbha as ana- statuary of rKyang bu, we propose that the sculptures of gNas mjal che mo were made in the
lyzed by Luczanits. Although He Qiang attributed a 9th century date to these statues for reasons second half of the 11th to the mid-12th century, by Tibetan artists following, to a certain extent,
of clay techniques as well as some costume and throne models known along the Silk Route, it Indo-Nepalese figurative and costume style. Only future studies will permit us to ascertain this
would seem that the development of Buddhist texts and iconography in Tibet does not support hypothesis.
this early date.
The chronology ofRin chen bzang po's translation obliges a date no earlier than mid-11th
century for this cycle ofVairocana and the four tathiigata and attendants in Tibet. At gNas mjal
che mo, despite the even more damaged condition of the cliffside triptych, the crown structur-
ally and ornamentally compares closely with the main Vairocana inside the cave. This inclines
towards an opinion that the cliffside decoration and the cave were virtually contemporary.
Comparison with Tucci's photographs of western Tibet of the early phyi dar statues demon-
strates clay as a medium, as do the photographs of the elaborate clay sculptures along the
Gyantse-Sikkim route when examined by Tucci's expeditions earlier this century. The cos-
tumes in gNas mjal che mo are far more simple. Perhaps the gNas mjal che mo group is earlier
than rKyang bu?
In many respects, in the analysis of gNas mja1 che mo, to date we have found almost no
historical information, nor technical innovation which would allow the formulation of a
chronological framework. The liturgical history provides a sense of chronology, while the
artistic context is rich both for neighboring sites and for possible aesthetic models. According
to Losty, the direct route from India to Sikkim, leading towards Gyantse, is the route from
Bengal, while the heartland of Piila is further west in Bihar; Vikramasfla had been situated on
the border of Bihar and Bengal. 32 The direct route from Bihar led to Kathmandu, and certainly
manuscripts from Bihar would have been treasured by the Nepalese; indeed some manuscripts
found in Nepal and previously attributed to a Nepalese provenance were in fact brought to
Nepal from Bihar. 33 For Tibetans, appreciation of Piila aesthetics was linked to Indian masters
27 Lokesh Chandra (1988), Preface to Tucci, Indo-Tibetica I1I/l, XIX; cf. also lC. Singer (1994), "Painting in Cen-
tral Tibet, ca. 950-1400", Artibus Asiae, vol. LIV 1/2, 110-112.
28 Cf. note 14 supra and C. Luczanits (1997), op.cit.
29 R. Goepper (1996), op.cit., 188.
30 Tucci (1968), To Lhasa and Beyond, Rome, 168, pI. LXXX. 1thank Peter Hessel for his photographs ofNako.
31Chronology from R. Vitali (1996), The Kingdoms of Gu.ge Pu.hrang according to the mNga '.ris rGyal.rabs by
Gu.ge mkhan.chen Ngag.dbang grags.pa. Tho.ling gtsug.lag. khang lo.gcig.stong 'khor.ba'i rjes.dran.mdzad sgo'i
go.sgrig tshogs.chung, Dharamsala, and Pritzker, T. (1996), "A Preliminary Report on Early Cave Paintings of
Western Tibet", Orientations, 27/6, 26-47.
32 Losty, lP. (1989), "Bengal, Bihar, Nepal? Problems of provenance in 12th century illuminated Buddhist manu-
scripts, part one and part two", Oriental Art, 35/2-3, 86-96 and 140-149.
34 Eimer, H. (1979), rNam thar rgyas pa. Materialien zu einer Biographie des Atisa (Dipalllkarasrijiiiina), Wies-
33 Losty, ibid., p. 95, fig. 12. We thank Deborah Klimburg-Salter for calling this hypothesis to our attention. baden, Harrassowitz, vol. I1, sections 244-249, pages 182-186.
142 A. Heller The Caves of gNas mjal che mo 143
Fig. 1: Village Grang lung and the rock face (photo 4,28; Fig. 3: Preaching Buddha inside a prasada-
all photos by the author unless otherwise specified) paiiciiyatana arch, Sha lu mgon khang, 11th
century (photo L. Fournier)
Fig. 5: Detail ofVairocana (photo 1,35) Fig. 9: Ratna.sarpbhava with his entourage (photo 1,22)
146 A. Helier The Caves of gNas mjal che mo 147
,
Fig. 18: Head ofVajramala (photo 3,23)
Fig. 16: The goddess Vajralasya(?) (photo 2,20) Fig. 17: The goddess Vajramala (photo 2,21) Fig. 19: The gate-keeper Vajrat\kusa (photo 2,9) Fig. 20: The gate-keeper Vajrapasa (photo 2,6)
150 A. Helier
Gilles Beguin, for more than 20 years chief curator of the Tibetan and
Nepalese section at The Musee National des Arts Asiatiques - Guimet, has
produced a comprehensive catalogue of all the Guimet's paintings related to
Tibetan Buddhism. More than 400 paintings and illuminated manuscripts
from Tibet, Nepal and China are individually documented for regional and
historic provenance, analyzed for iconography and style, and illustrated, in
some cases with photographs of detail as well as the entire painted surface.
Prior to the descriptions of the paintings, Beguin traces the history of
the donors to the Guimet collection. A brief technical essay discusses
preparation of canvas and painting techniques, past and present. This
concludes by a fascinating discussion of conservation methods such as the
chemical analysis of composition of pigments according to studies by the
Laboratoire de recherche des musees de France during recent restoration of
nine paintings in the Guimet collection. The use of infrared photography
allows examination of the painters' preparatory drawings underneath the
successive coats of paint; another photographic technique shows the crystals
of the minerals which compose the pigments in order to understand the
geological and chromatic differentiation of several tones of green and blue.
Such information can be most helpful in determining provenance as
different schools of painting appear to have favored certain pigment
compositions. Beguin earlier pioneered in publication of such technical
information as part of his art historical analysis. It is fitting homage to his
years as curator that this catalogue presents innovative and sophisticated
research. A history of the styles and schools of Tibetan painting concludes
the introduction. Each catalogue entry has at least one black and white
photograph. While some may object that this compromises to a certain
extent the reader's appreciation of the Tibetan esthetic and sensitivity to
color, as well as the religious requirements of color for symbolic purposes
and deliberate juxtapositions of color fields to enhance meditative qualities
of a painting, it must be said that the quality of the black and white
photographs is excellent. Enlarged details demonstrate the importance of
outline as well as color in Tibetan compositions. There are many splendid
288 BUCHBESPRECHUNGEN / COMPTES RENDUS
Amy HelIer
Andreas Bigger
macrocosm of the complete mandala for almost the entire series of mandala much of Goepper's argumentation is convincing, but in Alchi, the
which adorn the three floors of the Sumtsek temple. As Goepper has chronology is presented as virtually definitive, without evoking the
studied the textiles and fabric patterns in previous essays (Roger Goepper, controversy or any questions remaining about the historic implications of
"Early Kashmiri Textiles? Painted Ceilings in Alchi." Transactions of the the inscriptions. To this reader, this still seems premature. Several studies
Oriental Ceramic Society 56, 1991-1992, pp.47-74; reprinted as "Dressing are now in progress in view of the recent re-discovery of the "nearby" royal
the Temple. Textile Representations in the Frescoes at Alchi." in Jill Tilden sancturaires at Dunkar, Phyiang - perhaps contemporary with some of the
(hrsg.) Asian Art. The Second Hali Annual, London, Hali Publications Alchi temples, and a major study of Tabo is imminent. (See Thomas J.
1995, pp. 100-117), he presents a particularly comprehensive view of the Pritzker, "A Preliminary Report on Early Cave Paintings of Western Tibet"
Kashmiri costumes worn by the gods, and the adaptation of pearl roundel in Orientations 1996 vol. 27/6: 26-27; Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, Tabo
textile patterns to architectural decoration when used on beams and ceilings. A Lamp for the Kingdom, Milano, Skira 1997.) The highly signficant study
The patterns are astounding in their diversity, whether geometric, animal or recently published by Vitali provides much new data for the history of
vegetal motifs. The work of the artists is prodigious and Goepper expertly western Tibet. (Roberto Vitali, The Kingdoms of Gu.ge Pu.hrang,
provides the keys to understanding it. His background in Japanese Buddhist Dharamsala, 1996.)
history and esthetics prepared him well to explain the complexities of To this reader, it is essential to examine both the esthetics and the
Tibetan Buddhist art as seen in the Sumtsek. While to a certain extent there history of the entire Alchi monastery - as well as considering the individual
is much esthetic and iconographic similarity between Alchi' s Sumstek and temples of Alchi - in the broader context of the medieval history of
Dukhang temples, a precise chronology for all the different sanctuaries western Tibet before reaching a clear chronological framework. Rather than
within the Alchi monastic complex has yet to be determined. In a recent history, Goepper has emphasized the explanation of the iconography as he
article, Goepper has summarized the chronology in several phases, between masterfully guides the reader through the temple. It is indubitable that the
"the late eleventh or early twelfth century for the Dukhang, the late twelfth wealth of Buddhist and Hindu iconographic and esthetic material studied
or early thirteenth century for the Sumtsek and the Great Stupa, and later in here and the historic value of the photography of this sanctuary in peril
the thirteenth century for the Lhakhang Soma". (Roger Goepper, "Early make this volume indispensable for all art historical library collections and
Buddhist Architecture in Alchi" in Pratapaditya Pal (hrsg.) On the Path to for all admirers of Tibet, for Alchi provides a magnificent testimony to the
the Void Buddhist Art of the Tibetan Realm, Mumbai, Marg Publications achievements of Tibetan civilization.
1996, pp. 84-97, chronology on page 84.) Rather than address these issues
in depth here, Goepper refers the reader to his previous studies of some of Amy HelIer
Alchi's inscriptions (Roger Goepper, "Clues for a Dating of the Three-
Storeyed Temple (Sumtsek) in Alchi, Ladakh" in Asiatische Studien 1990
XLIV12: 159-169; Roger Goepper, "The Great Stupa at Alchi" in Artibus David JACKSON, A History of Tibetan Painting. Wien, Verlag der
Asiae 53, 1/2: 111-143) where he has determined a date of ca. 1200-1220 Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 1996,456 pp, CHF 120.
for the construction of the Sumstek temple - a chronology which
stimulated a strong degree of controversy as other authors had proposed David Jackson has written a history of Tibetan painting of the 15th to 20th
several phases of construction during the second half of the eleventh century which is a milestone in Tibetan art history. This is the first study to
century for both Sumtsek and Dukhang temples. (See Pratapaditya Pal and combine analysis of portable Tibetan paintings with the writings of Tibetan
Lionel Fournier, A Buddhist Paradise: the Murals of Alchi, Hongkong, historians' to assess their own artistic and iconometric treatises. Jackson's
Visual Dharma Publications 1982; David Snellgrove and Tadeuz knowledge of Tibetan language and his virtuouso command of the
Skorupski, A Cultural History of Ladakh, vol. 2, (inscriptions read by disciplines of Tibetan history, religious and esthetic philosophy make his
Philip Denwood), Warminster, Aris and Philips Ltd. 1980.) Certainly, study fascinating from several viewpoints. There is substantial weight of
f
[
296 BUCHBESPRECHUNGEN / COMPTES RENDUS
Amy HelIer
LECTURE ABSTRACTS burial was discovered, 5.8 m long, 4.8 m wide, 2.25 m deep; the walls are almost 1 m
wide. The pit contains bones of sheep, horses, yak and deer, and was sealed with large
We have had many requests for our lecture abstracts. Dr. logs. 10 m below the top of the mound, a rectangular wall made of alternating layers
Amy HelIer as the CIAA's European ~ue~t ~peaker presented.a of stone and wood beams has been discovered; mud bricks have also been used. Both
special lecture in April 1998. Mel JlanJun gave a t~lk ~n construction methods and dimensions strongly evoke the Yarlung valley tombs. A
May 1998. we are grateful to the authors for sendlng In cruciform multi-room chamber has been excavated on the north side of the Reshui
these abstracts. mound, again made of alternating layers of wooden beams and stone. The entire
structure measures 21 m from east to west, and 18.5 m from north to south. Access
DULAN: SOME PRELIMINARY REMARKS ON THE ARCHITECTURE would have been provided by a rectangular shaft on the northern side. It is constructed
AND ARTEFACTS OF THE TIBETAN EMPIRE as if there was a central chamber with a doorway facing north, while there are smaller
chambers off a hallway crossing the central chamber. There is evidence of fire
by Dr. Amy Heller, Associate Member of the CNR.S. (U.R.A. 1229), Paris, France. damage. There were no human remains. The central chamber contained many small
pieces of silk textiles, fragments of garments and pennants, the eastern chamber was
found to contain bone eating utensils, and the western chamber contained wheat
The recent excavations of 8th-century tombs in Dulan county (Qinghai province) have grains. There were many wooden slips (ca. 5 cm x 1.5 cm x 0.3 cm thick) inscribed in
revealed important evidence of the customs and daIly hfe of the anCIent Tibetan Tibetan, hung on a piece of string. Several were illegible, but enough could be read to
empire which, built on military conquest and matnmomal alhance, extended from see that it is a sort of inventory, probably of the contents of the tombs. The shape of
Lhasa at the centre far into Central ASia for a penod of about three hundred years the wooden slips corresponds with the shape known from eighth to tenth century
ending in the mid-tenth century. In contrast to the excavations of other grave SItes In Tibetan contracts recovered from Central Asian sites (Turfan, Astana, Urumqi,
Tibet which have generally produced very few artefacts, a wealth of objects have Bezeklik). Other finds include a very small, hollow parcel-gilt silver head with two
already been recovered from Dulan. faces, a silver cup believed to be Sogdian or a Tibetan copy of a Sogdian design, a
leather boot, a Buddhist flag of silk, a gold bUCkle with seed pearls, and gold
The area of Dulan was important as a stop-over point in the route linking Tibet with ornaments.
the junction of three other major trade routes: the HexI comdor hnking the Tang
capital Chang'an with Dunhuang, the Mekong River valley road hnking the Kokonor In front of the Reshui mound there were 27 stone circles, approximately 1.5 m in
with Burma and India via the Nanzhao kingdom, and the Kokonor-Chengdu route. diameter, as if an antechamber to the mound,S trenches, 165 m long, 90 cm wide,
The fall of the Tibetan empire in the mid-ninth century -. whIch In part dIsrupted trade stretched in front of the foreground. Here were found the skeletons of 87 horses. In
patterns _ coincided with initial indications of changes In chmate which by ca., 1000 the center of the first trench, beneath a large boulder, a silver casket had been buried;
A.D. resulted in increasing desertIfIcatIon and desslcatlOn to the west of the Kokonor. it was apparently intended to contain sarira (relics), and resembles Sogdian silver
It seems that Dulan became sparsely inhabited at about thiS time. Dunng the Royal and Tang parcel gilt silver reliquaries. In the 27 pits, yak skulls and hooves were
period of Tibetan history, the Tibetan sovereign (Tsenpo, b'tsan-po) was the focus of found in 13 holes, while eight had dog skeletons. Seven smaller tombs surrou'nd the
a cult which revered him as the diVIne descendant of a sacred mountaIn, held to main mound, some of which have recently been pillaged and left with the summit
guarantee prosperity and well-being of his subjects both 10 thiS hfe and and In an wide open, revcaJing their mud brick, stone and timber chamber structure.
after-life that was modeled on a terrestrial paradise of lush pastures for lIvestock and
abundance of food and good health for humanity. To ensure access to thIS paradIse,
the Tsenpo and the landed aristocracy were buned 10 tent-shaped tombs WIt~
quantities of different kinds of offerings that were deemed necessary upon rebirth.
clothes, jewelry, food, retainers, servants, ammals, armour and the hke. The Tibetan
I Elsewhere in Dulan county, another type of structure has been excavated at Kexiaotu:
namely, a large mound measuring aproximately 8 m high and about 40 m in diameter,
surrounded by smaller mounds. A long (160 m) brick wall, 1 m thick, borders the site.
Two stone lions and a stone stele were removed from the site in the 1950's. On the
chronicles contain much detailed Information relatIng to. bunal ntuals. Although inner side of one of the brick walls, a jar with rim was immured; a pillar base with a
official edicts proclaimed Tibetan support of Buddhism dunng the last quarter of th~ sun design, approximately 60 sq cm was also excavated in this part of the site. The
eighth century, it is known that the Tsenpo maIntaIned their ancestral bunal an
sacrificial customs until the collapse of the dynasty In central Tibet In 842 A.D. j large mound contains a three-tiered structure. At the lowest level below ground was a
courtyard with one arched doonvay leading to a large chamber. The construction was
of packed bricks and stone with timber beams as ceiling. At ground level there were
The Dulan graves, unlike the famous royal grave mounds at Chongye in the Yarlung an additional two chambers and, uppermost, another smaller hole beneath the summit
valley have been forgotten for centuries. The German adventurer FJichner passed of the mound. Two camel skulls inscribed with Tibetan letters and charms were found
uth ' of Dulan in the 1930's and described finding a sIlver saddle, gold haIr
~~aments, a stone lion weighing 25 kg, and clothes, in caves and a stupa near the
} inside the smallest hole. All the other chambers were empty, save for occasional
t Wooden slips with Tibetan lettering, similar in size to those found in Reshui.
burial mounds, some of which were Intact and some damaged. These. fInds
notwithstanding, he did not pursue his exploratIOns In what he apparently conSidered 1 Investigations below ground level are continuing. Small clay ex-voto known as tsha-
tsha in Tibetan have been excavated nearby.
an insignificant area (Fi1chner, Bismillah, LeiPZIg, 1938: 102-103).
The most important Dulan excavation to date is of a tomb known as Reshui, a m;~nd
perhaps 80 m high (Xu Xinguo,WWB, 21 July 1996:3 "Tibetan Cemetenes In u ~
County their discovery and investigation", translated by B. Door ~ ~hma ";{t::
ct
j Textiles and Silver
Many fragments of fabrics were found during the excavations of 1982-1986: 350
fragments of silks, gauze, hemp, ribbons, techniques of tabby, weft-faced compound
Archeology Digest, 1997, vo!. 1:7-12). This mound has so far rev e. two IS n
structures. About 4.5 m below the top of the mound, a rectangular Pit fr
anlr
burial was discovered, 5.8 m long, 4.8 m wide, 2.25 m deep; the walls are a most m
al
tWill, warp-faced twill, as well as the earliest kesi yet discovered - older than the kesi
nbbons on the so-called Zandaniji sutra wrappers recovered from Dunhuang - as well
as .woven gold thread, again the earliest known prior to the 871 AD. Famensi
rehquary deposit Their typology and description have been made in the article by Xu
52
53
CIAA Newsletter Issue #8 Lecture Abstracts
Xinguo and Zhao Feng in the Bulletin of the National Museum of Chinese History
(nos. 15-16. 1991: pp. 63-81) and the duck motif was studied again by Xu Xinguo in
China Tibetology (no. 1, 1996: 3-26). These scholars studied several kinds of silk and
brocades, identifying the Western Asian or Central Asian origin of some, while the
rest (almost 80%) are believed to be of Chinese manufacture. One brocade from
Persia is the earliest known textile with an embroidered Pahlavi inscription. Perhaps
the most distinctive group of fabric fragments were weft-faced compound twill silks
with designs of birds holding ribbons in their bills and pativa on the crest of the head,
standing on pearl thrones inside medallions or garlands of leaves and flowers.
Rock carvings
In the lateral valley across the river from the Reshui tombs, there is a surprising
change in climate due to orientation of slopes. Conifers and grass pasture appear at
2,000 m approximately. Several rock carvings have been discovered in this valley,
including a Buddhist triptych, two figures on slate and one on red sandstone. Due to
striations in the rock, the iconographic identification is not easy to establish.
However, the figures' crown, robes and Jewelry are similar to examples of eastern
Tibetan rock carving dating to the early ninth century, in which the garments of
Tibetan royalty were adapted as costumes for Buddhist deities. In conformity with the
tIme-frame of the tombs, and the co-existence in Tibetan civilisation of the ancient
Tibetan royal cult and the official support of certain Buddhist ideals, it is probable
that the triad represents Vairocana with two bodhisattvas. To conclude, the artefacts
and tomb architecture of the Dulan region substantiate many aspects of the traditional
accounts of the early Tibetan empire. The excavations of tombs in Dulan were
undertaken from 1982-1985 and stopped for lack of funds. They were partially
renewed in 1995 and ceased again until 1998, when, thanks to the contributions of
private donors, excavations and research in the area were resumed.
The origins and early development of bronze metallurgy in China have been a subject
of long-standing debate over the past fifty years and remain unresolved, though recent
scholarship is inclined to claim the possible presence of outside influence from the
West. An Zhimin, a leading Chinese archaeologist who previously took the stance of
the independent invention of metallurgy in China, recently remarked that "early
copper artefacts quite possibly originated from or came into China through the
prehistoric 'Silk Road'''. This actually suggests that Xinjiang, which has been
virtually ignored in previous studies of early metallurgy, is a key area in attempts to
understand the early development of Chinese civilisation.
Xinjiang, the westernmost provincial region of China and the eastern part of Central
Asia, was an important crossroad on the ancient Silk Route. Although there were
some finds from the expeditions conducted by Aurel Stein, Sven Hedin and Huang
Wenbi during the early part of the twentieth century that indicated the existence of
prehistoric cultures in Xinjiang, the prehistory of Xinjiang as a whole has remained
virtually unknown until quite recently.
It is only in the last twenty years that more than sixty prehistoric sites have been
found and reported in Xinjiang. These reveal the existence of diverse prehistoric
cultures throughout the region. More than 130 radiocarbon dates are available
covering most of these sites, dating them to a period ranging approximately from
2000 to 400 B.C. (Radiocarbon Dates in Chinese Archaeology, 1965-1991, Beijing:
54
Questions concerning Tibet and International Trade Routes, 8th to 11th Century
Circle of Tibetan and Himalayan Studies, SOAS, London, April 23, 1998
By Amy Heller
Some time ago, in 1988, I was confronted with a maṇḍala of a Buddha surrounded by 8
Bodhisattva carved in the rock face at the base of a cliff in south-eastern Tibet not too far
from Sichuan; this maṇḍala was dated by inscription in Tibetan language to 816 A.D, at the
time it was the earliest work of Tibetan art dated by inscription (see Figure 1). The same
inscription attributed the commission of the maṇḍala to the abbot of a monastery near
Kokonor in honour of treaty negotiations between Lhasa and Chang’an. Aesthetically, the
maṇḍala shared some characteristics of composition, body proportions and costume with a
few paintings recovered in Dunhuang, attributed to the Tibetan occupation of late eighth to
mid-ninth century. But there was also a sense of aesthetic inheritance from Licchavi stone
sculptures still in situ in Nepal today. Perhaps three years after starting to study that maṇḍala,
in another group of eastern Tibetan sculptures, again dated by inscription to early ninth
century and commissioned by the same abbot near Kokonor, the aesthetic model was totally
different: The costumes worn by the deities were similar to the portraits of the Tibetan
sovereign and his court as represented in Dunhuang murals, and I found royal costumes
strikingly similar, carved slightly later by sculptors working north of Dali, in mid-ninth
century Yunnan, perhaps emulating the Tibetan robes (see Figure 2). In this maṇḍala,
Avalokiteśvara was represented holding a water vase, so the iconography here partially
reflects Chinese Buddhist conventions. In other words, it was necessary to examine the
historic, liturgical, and aesthetic factors to analyse this maṇḍala. In 1997, as some of you
know from Tuesday’s lecture, I visited the excavations of tombs near Kokonor, where
perhaps Tibetan and Sogdian silver, Sasanian, Sogdian and Chinese textiles, Chinese coins,
Kashmiri Buddhist amulets and Tibetan ritual charms have all been recovered from what are
now probably to be considered eighth century Tibetan tombs. In my attempts to understand
the historic and geographic relations implied by such artefacts and works of art, and the
liturgy which inspired them, I have been led to collect maps and follow the traces of pilgrims
and traders across Tibet. It is this on-going research which I propose to discuss today.
I would like to start with a bit of bibliographic framework. Other than the itineraries of
individual travellers, two books in particular provide a firm basis, Edward H. Shafer’s The
Golden Peaches of Samarkand, 1 recommended to me by Valrae Reynolds of the Newark
Museum, who has long been sensitive to issues related to Tibetan trade (also Shafer’s The
Vermillion Bird,2 which explores the routes and cities in southeast China and Indochina); and
Deborah Klimburg-Salter’s volume The Silk Route and the Diamond Path, which
accompanied her eponymous 1982 exhibition. I would also mention the 1984 exhibit
organized by John Vollmer and his colleagues, “Silk Routes, China Ships.” Trade patterns
have just been emphasized by Anne Wardwell and James Watt with the exhibit, “When Silk
was Gold,” which coincided with the exhibit, “Weavings as a Mirror of Sasanian Art,”
curated by Karel Otavsky at Abegg Foundation in Switzerland. It has been my privilege to
collaborate with the research for the Abegg exhibit, which has been on view since May 1997
and has now been converted to a permanent installation, the catalogue of which is now at the
printers.
1
Berkeley, 1963.
2
Berkeley, 1967.
1
If we start with Vollmer’s map (see Map 1), which is very thorough, I suppose the first thing
to notice is that Tibet is the big empty zone in the middle of Asia; this was the view which
has remained characteristic. As if the altitude of Tibet had isolated it from the rest of the
continent. I may be wrong, but my view is quite different. As far as I have been able to
determine, Tibet has been criss-crossed in all directions by trade routes since time
immemorial; in addition, the changing balance of power contending for Central Asian trade
routes as of the late seventh century, and the relative stability of the Tibetan Empire between
the mid-seventh to mid-ninth century, led to a political situation where Tibet was the ideal
land route for pilgrims towards India.
I will proceed chronologically in so far as possible. Vollmer’s map shows the routes from
Chang’an towards central Asia and the Mediterranean. Let us recall that one of the earliest
recorded travellers was ca. 200 B.C., when the Han emperor sent a diplomatic mission far
beyond Dunhuang towards Afghanistan. The travellers from Chang’an encountered textiles
and goods unmistakably produced in Sichuan as they ventured beyond Khotan and the Pamirs
and reached the Hindu Kush and Bactria. According to their informants, India was the place
to buy these goods, and Angela Howard has reconstructed a potential route (see Map 2)
according to Chinese documents showing the route used from Chengdu, southeast to Indo-
china, southwest towards Burma and further west, linking towards Bengal and northeast
India, then towards Central Asia. The continued importance of these routes into the Tang
dynasty is indicated by a memorial to the throne in 648, sent by the Governor of Suizhou,
south of Chengdu, urging Chang’an to send a military expedition to subdue the tribes of
southwest Yunnan in order to facilitate trade with India. 3 He had good reason to be
concerned, because the Tibetans were slowly but surely encroaching on his domain.
I’ll return to Yunnan and Sichuan in a few moments. Beforehand, I think it is important to
look at two other possible itineraries from Chang’an to India, one of which crosses Tibet.
This map (see Map 3), again from Vollmer’s exhibit, shows the route used by Xuan Zhang in
629, crossing to India via Dunhuang, and then to the northern edge of the Tarim Basin via
Afghanistan, stopping in Nepal, then India and the Ganges basin, returning via Khotan and
eventually returning to Chang’an. His trek to India was similar to that of Fa Xian some two
centuries earlier, but Fa Xian returned to China by sea. However, another route is
documented for the mid-seventh century. The Tibetans had by then extended their domain far
beyond the upper Brahmaputra valley, reaching towards Zhangzhung, the Kailash area
northwest of Nepal, and taking Zhangzhung troops, Tibet attacked the Azha tribes near
Kokonor by 637 AD. They pursued their attack still further southeast to Songchu, north of
Chengdu, an important stop on the route linking Chang’an to Sichuan. After this, at last their
request for a Chinese royal bride was acknowledged. The itinerary of this Chinese princess,
Wencheng, has been carefully recorded, mapped by Sato (see Map 4), and is basically
Xining-Jyekundo-Nagchu-Lhasa. This itinerary was part of a traditional salt route towards
India, for the salt of the great lakes was essential to the sedentary population of central and
southern Tibet. This same route was used by a Chinese delegation to India in 648, who left
Lhasa and continued southwest over several hundred kilometres along the valley of the
Brahmaputra, to Shigatse, until the bend of the river lead south towards the beginning of the
pass through the Himalayas into Nepal and India. The Chinese delegation travelled this route,
3
See Charles Backus, The Nan-chao kingdom and T’ang China’s Southwestern Frontier (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp.17-18, citing TCTC (Tzu-chih t’ung chien) 199, 6255.
2
leaving an inscribed and date stele at Kyirong before they crossed the border to Nepal.4 For
now, that gives us three different and contemporaneous itineraries from Chang’an to India.
The connection of Tibet to Nepal is visible on this map (see Map 5), designed by Otavsky for
the Abegg exhibit, including the salt route from Kokonor to Lhasa, as well as the route from
Lhasa to Kathmandu. Even earlier than the arrival of the Chinese princess in Lhasa, as of 624
when the Newar king established himself in Tibet fleeing a coup d’état, there was a climate
of intense political, economic and cultural interaction between Tibet and Nepal, expressed by
the tradition of a Nepalese princess as bride to the Tibetan king. The Kathmandu Valley
became vassal to Tibet as of 643, when the king was reinstated due to Tibetan military
intervention. This royal line continued in Kathmandu until 733, maintaining close ties with
Tibet. A Nepalese mission to China at this time was recorded, as well as Chinese pilgrims’
itineraries of the tenth century, using the itinerary of Lhasa-Kokonor-Chang’an, or due west
via Khotan towards Dunhuang then Chang’an. Another traditional salt route is Kathmandu-
Lhatse-due northwest through the salt lakes to Khotan, and this may have been the route used
by the Nepalese en route to Tang China as well.5 The work of Nepalese artists in Tibet is
traditionally recognized in the principal Lhasa temple, traditionally dated to the seventh-
eighth century. Nepalese artists are also historically attributed by literary sources for the
construction and embellishment of Samye, the first monastery, during late eighth century, as
well as other monastic establishments of the ninth century. 6 The itineraries documented
appear to have been constant as of the seventh century onwards.
To the west, by 661 Tibetan troops had advanced well beyond Ladakh to the juncture of the
Karakorum Range with the Pamirs. Strategically, this allowed an approach to Tang-occupied
Kashgar, which the Tibetans besieged and occupied as of 663 A.D. While Tibetan control
was probably lax and actual governing done by local officials, the Tibetans went on to
conquer Khotan, Kucha and Yarkand, keeping nominal control until 692 over the “Four
Garrisons” of the west. The Tibetan troops stationed near Khotan in Mazar Tagh have left
many letters and contracts indicating local production of silks, carpets, felts and mining of
gold and copper. When China regained control of the “Four Garrisons,” the Tibetan troops
initiated alliances with the Arabs by moving west as far as Ferghana. Matrimonial alliances
were contracted to consolidate the Tibetan position. On the eastern end of the Silk Route, the
daughter of the Tibetan king was sent in 689 to marry the ruler of the Azha, who then served
as leader of the Tibetan army in the area around Kokonor.7 Envoys from both the Arabs and
the Turks arrived in Lhasa in 732 A.D., the alliance was sealed by the marriage of a Tibetan
princess to the Turkish Qaghan, who moved to the capital north of the “Four Garrisons,”
while another Tibetan princess went to Gilgit in 740 A.D. to cement their acknowledgement
of Tibetan sovereignty. Each embassy served commercial as well as diplomatic purposes; the
missions from Gilgit to Tibet transported Indian silks and spices as well as locally produced
saffron, silver, and the famous “purple gold” of Gilgit.8 It is highly possible that Buddhist
statues produced in Gilgit and nearby Kashmir may have already entered Tibet at this time.
4
See Pasang Wangdu, “Notes on a Chinese Inscription of the Tang Dynasty” (Tibetan Studies [Chinese
Edition], no.3. 1996:56-63).
5
Cf. Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf, Himalayan Traders: Life in Highland Nepal (London: John Murray
Publishers, 1975); thanks to Michael Aris for this reference.
6
Cf. Erberto Lo Bue, The role of Newar scholars in transmitting the Indian Buddhist heritage to Tibet (c. 750-c.
1200) (In Les Habitants du Toit du Monde. Samten Karmay and Philippe Sagant. Nanterre: Société
d’Ethnologie, 1997:629-658.
7
Gabriella Molè, The T’u-yü-hun from the Northern Wei to the Time of the Five Dynasties (Rome: Istituto
Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1970), p.78 n.38.
8
See Schaefer 1963:255, for the purple gold of Balur (Gilgit).
3
To the east, the Tibetans encroached on zones of Tang domain in western Sichuan, the link to
the riches of the agricultural basin near Chengdu, as well as in Yunnan, known for mineral
wealth, horses and salt wells. Travel between Chang’an and Chengdu was notoriously
complicated by mountainous terrain and rivers. The Tang poet Du Fu said “qu’il est ardu le
chemin du Shu, aussi ardu que celui du ciel,” “the road to Sichuan is harder to travel than the
road to heaven.” From Chengdu it was most expedient to travel by the lowland route south to
Chongqing on the Yangtse, follow the river until after the three Yangtse gorges and then
travel overland to the plains south of Chang’an. However, arriving from the west, the
Tibetans progressively took control of the zone of the Min River valley northwest of
Chengdu, which forms a natural corridor linking Kokonor and Chengdu. This map by Backus
(see Map 6) shows the Min Valley, leading north to Aba and the Songchu or Songpan
plateau, with the Min Mountains to the northeast. This route had strategic importance because
it facilitated direct access to the junction of the Silk Roads from the silk producing centres in
Sichuan while simultaneously linking the south to Yunnan and Indochina. Anchung north of
Chengdu was the site of a fortress constructed to defend Sichuan and simultaneously cut the
lines of communication between Tibet and Nanzhao—it was bitterly contested by Tang
China and Tibet. Instead of protecting Chengdu, Anchung became a secure base of Tibetan
domination as of 680, with several military campaigns towards Nanzhao until the beginning
of the eighth century. This map (Map 6) also shows Suizhou (written Sui-chou) south of
Chengdu, and you can see why the Suizhou governor in 648 felt his city threatened by Tibet
and Nanzhao.
Two additional routes linked Chengdu to Tibet: the road from Chengdu to Chamdo and
Lhasa via Ya’an and Kanding,9 and Gantze, which connected to the Yalong River at Gantze,
and the Mekong River valley at Chamdo. There was also a southern route, Chengdu-Ya’an-
Kanding-Litang-Batang, following the Mekong valley north from Batang via Dagyab to
Chamdo, etc. At Chamdo, the junction was either west towards Lhasa, or north towards
Kokonor. Trade from northeast India and Burma potentially arrived in Nanzhao, and via the
so-called Southwest Silk Road, connected to either Chengdu or Lhasa.
I might add here that the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet was part and parcel of the
cosmopolitan exchanges of goods as well as ideals and artists who expressed them in diverse
media. It is salient to this discussion to recall briefly that Buddhism was present on all
Tibetan borders, save Yunnan. It would appear from the studies of Angela Howard and
Albert Lutz, among others, that the introduction of Buddhism to Yunnan was subject to
Tibetan influences in addition to influence from Sichuan. The schools of Buddhism in
Sichuan provided a school of Buddhism, so called Chan or Zen, which contrasted strongly
with some tendencies of esoteric Buddhism practiced in Chang’an and Dunhuang. According
to manuscripts from Dunhuang, the Khri-ga10 monasteries near Kokonor were particularly
important in combining the two schools in the early ninth century, and particularly influential
in spreading these teachings along the Silk Road to Dunhuang, while they were also in
central Tibet as part of the so called Lhasa Council or Samye debate documents. In addition
to Khri-ga-Dunhuang or Khri-ga-Lhasa, Khri-ga-Chengdu is a plausible itinerary, as is the
direct Chengdu-Lhasa connection for monks spreading the teachings from the Chingchung
Monastery in Chengdu and nearby Yizhou, in particular the teachings of a Korean master
who settled there mid-eighth century who may have introduced specific meditation and robe
9
Tibetan: Dar rtse mdo; variant Chinese: Tatsienlu (打箭爐).
10
Literally, “guide.”
4
styles.11 While the Nepalese teachers in Tibet at the time are perhaps less known, Indians
such as Śāntarakṣita taught for a period in Nepal and then arrived in Tibet; in the eleventh
century, Atiśa did the same as the Nepal Valley was a major stopover from Indian to Tibet.
Padmasabhava’s historic existence remains tendentious, but the importation of teachers,
artists and sculptures from Gilgit and Kashmir would also be plausible at the time of Tibetan
sovereignty in the eighth century. Today, perhaps, it is the art of Tibet which best documents
the repercussions of centuries of this highly international climate.12
11
Cf. Daishun Ueyama, “Études des manuscrits tibétains de Dunhuang relatifs au bouddhisme de dhyāna” (In
Journal Asiatique 269, 1981:287-294); Jeffrey Broughton, “Early Ch’an Schools in Tibet” (In Studies in Ch’an
and Hua-yen. Robert M. Gimello and Peter N. Gregory, eds. Studies in East Asian Buddhism 1. Honolulu:
University of Hawai’i Press, 1983); Matthew Kapstein, The Tibetan Assimilation of Buddhism: Conversion,
Contestation, and Memory (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000); and Amy Heller, “The Paintings of Gra
thang: History and Iconography of an 11th century Tibetan Temple” (In Tibet Journal 27[1/2], 2002:39-72) on
the gouniou tassels of East Asian monastic robes.
12
Cf. Xinhua News Ageny. “Tibetan scholar maps ancient commercial routes.” Xinhua Net. 28 September 2002.
Accessed 15 June 2010. Available from: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2002-09/28/content_579070.htm.
5
Figure 1: Vairocana and eight bodhisattvas; lDan ma brag, Chamdo district, TAR. Photograph by Elisabeth
Benard and Nyima Dorjee.
6
Figure 2: Statue of Vairocana; ’Bis mda’ temple, Jyekundo, Qinghai province. Photograph by Liu Lizhong.
7
,,
~
n
">z
Map 1: East-West trade routes; 1984 exhibit, “Silk Routes, China Ships,” organized by John Vollmer et al.
8
Map 2: From Angela Howard, “Buddhist Sculpture of Pujiang, Sichuan: a Mirror of the Direct Link
between Southwest China and India in High Tang” (Archives of Asian Art 42, 1989:49-61).
9
•
Jf
If
1/
• •
o
-------------_ 'tr . >
! 11·
./
f
fir . . . '. . ,~, _""~
Map 3: “Silk Routes, China Ships” catalogue by John Vollmer, E.J. Keall, and E. Nagai-Berthrong; Royal
Ontario Museum, Toronto, Ontario, 1983.
10
Map 4: The route from Kokonor to Lhasa during the Tang period (Acta Asiatica 29, 1975:1-19).
11
Map 5: Map section of trade routes from the exhibit, “Weavings as a Mirror of Sasanian Art,” curated by
Karel Otavsky; Abegg Foundation, Switzerland.
12
Map 6: From Charles Backus, The Nan-chao kingdom and T’ang China’s Southwestern Frontier
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).
13
Book Reviews way. His essay vividly conveys
the tremendous personal inspi~
ration he draws from the sub-
Worlds a/Transformation: Tibetan jects of the paintings and from
Art of Wisdom and Compassion the sacred texts. Lncluded are
By Marylin M. Rhie and Robert A.F. Thurman, excerpts of the lives ofTiberan
with an essay by David P. Jackson Buddhist teachers, brilliantly
Tibet House, New York, 1999 translated, as well as a detailed
512 pages, 319 illustrations, including explanation of the symbolism
of the multi-headed, multi-
285 colour plates and 2 maps
armed meditation deity
TSBN 0-9670 115-0-7 Yamantaka. ThurOlan traces
Price: $95 cloLhbound the history of Tibet and Tibetan
Buddhism, integrating pas-
Ruthless Compassion: Wrathful Deities in sages from Indian and Tibetan
Early I"do- TibetaJl Esoteric Buddhist Art texts. He sometimes uses a
By Rob Linrothe modern vocabulary derived
from science and psychology.
Serindia Publications, London, 1999 The very nature of this ap-
354 pages, 16 colour and 221 black-and-white ilJustrations proach leads him to translate Yamantaka Vajrabhairav3
ISBN 0-906026-51-2 the names of deities ('Super- Father-Modlcr
Price: £35 clorhbonnd bliss Father-Mother Mandala' Central or eastern Tibet, 17th century
for 'Paramasukha Chakrasam- Sized colours on cotton
95
future volumes. However, inscriptions and translations for many of India. Tibet. China and Japan. thus affording him access to both the artists from the Kathmandu valley textile-manufacturing family. Scholarly and technical support was
the paintings can be found on the Rubin collections' websitc, although historical and regional progression of the manifestations of what he travel both to India and to western provided by John lrwin of the Victoria and AlbeIt Museum, Alfred
it must be said that the resolution of a computer screen can sometimes terms the krodllO-\dglmontaka ('the wrathful destroyers of obstacles'; and central Tibet, but it is also highly BuWer of the Museum of Ethnography in Basel. the Indian scholar
be frustrating to the viewer. To conclude, Worlds ofTrGllsformat;on p. 12), within the Esoteric Buddhist traditions. His conceptual model probable that Nepalese pilgrims MOll Chandra and many others. Despite appearances, theCalico is the
both introduces the Rubin collections and enhances apprecjation of successively integrates both the tex.tual formulations and the artistic commissioned manuscripts in India. culmination of decades of international co-operation.
Tibetan paintings of the 16th to 20th centuries. expression of the changes in focus and status of the krodha-vigllllo/J- Thus Nepalese monasteries served In addition to textiles, the Calico has valuable lain an objects,
taka, as demonstrated by the consequential aesthetic changes visible as repositories of Indian mano- Chola bronzes, rural architecture and folk art, much of which is
ob Linrothe's Rurhless Compassion: Wrathful Deities in Early in canons of proportions for the representations. scripts, providing Indian models for tastefully integrated into the textile displays. The galleries are the~
R /ndo-Tibetan Esoteric Buddh;st Art is the latest offering from
Serindia Publications. furthering Anthony Aris's long-standing com-
Linrorhe's model may be schematized into three phases, the first
being the initial minor attendant male deities, which evolve into their
future generations of srudents to
copy and to adapt [0 epalese and
matico divided roughly by form and technique: ca~ts, tents, wall
hangings. shawls, saris, textiles for trade (tie~dyed, painted. printed
mitment to presenting rigorous scholarship and exceptional woeks of second pha'ieas individual male deities with manifold heads, arms and Tibetan tastes (see Roberto Vitali, and embroidered) and costumes. rndian deities appear on textiles as
art of Indo-TIbetan Buddhism and the Himalaya. This volume fully legs at the centre of the mandala, and ultimately the third phase, in The Kingdoms of Gll.ge Pu.hrang, well as in bronze, stone and terracotta; everywhere you turn in the
lives up to such expectations. Utilizing art as both illustration and which they become lhe,male-female couples of the highest class of Dharamsala, 1996, pp. 263 and 270; Calico, you are reminded of the presence of the sacred. There are
elucidation of sacred texts, Linrothe starts by reminding the reader: esoteric rituals. He applies this model to several male deities of J. Losty, 'Bengal, Bihar, Nepal? superb double-iktll patola saris from Gujarat, a large white embroi-
'[such wrathful images of] art functioned actively for the practitioners Mahayana and Esoteric Indian Buddhism from the 6th to the 12th Problems of Provenance in 12th dered square executed in India for Napoleon's wife. and a sample
of Esoteric Buddhism both as visual triggers of integrated states of century. then follows their subsequent expression in TIbet and Ladakh Samvara
Century Illuminated Manuscripts', room providing an introduction to textile technology and decorative
realization and as expressions of those states' (I'. 3). Linrothe examines up to the construction of the-Great Stupa at Gyantse in the 15th century. Kashmir. late 10th/11th century in Oriental Art t989 [21. pp. 86-96 and techniques.
the art and the texts as equivalent articulations of the same principles. At the same time as he documents these changes in the status and Bra~s inlaid with silver 1989 (3], pp. 140-49; Erberto Lo Bue, Time and the monsoon c1i~
By cuning examples of Indian Buddhist sculpture and contrasting appearance of the deities, Linrothe also elucidates the relation of the Los Angeles County 'The Role of Scholars of the Nepal mate have not treated historical
these with certain classes of Himalayan and Tibetan icons from the wrathful and peaceful manifestations both in art and texts, and ex- Museum of Art Valley in the Transmission of the Indian textiles well. While in-
11th to the 15th century, along with their textual sources. he presents plores the history of the different recensions of several major tantra'i Rmhless Compassion: Indian Buddhist Heritage to Tibet dia exported canon and wool to
a systematic progression of the cult of wrathful deities as expressed in India and Tibet. IVrathful Deities ill Early [ca. 7S0-1200j', in Samten Kanllay, much of the civilized world in
in both art and sacred texts. Linrolhe thus establishes a new theoretical Linrothe gives detailed data based on Buddhist scriptures as well IlIdo- Tibelatf Esoteric ed., Les Habif(l1l1S du To;! du ancient tjmes, as evinced by
framework to understand the manifestation of wrathful deities in the as liturgies drawn from non-Buddhistln.iljeux. establishing important 8uddltisr Art, p. 289. fig. 211 Monde, an terre, 1997, pp. 629-58 Greek and Roman writings, the
lndo~ Tibetan Buddhist pantheon. which is a considerable conceptual comparisons with Shiva for Samvara and Trailokavijaya. He develops and 'The Role of Scholars of the earliest preserved Indian tex-
advance. As he explored Buddhist sites and museums in India and the the theme of reciprocal artistic and textual influences. stimulated by Nepal Valley in the Transmission of the Indian Buddhist Heritage to tiles at the Calico museum_
Himalaya. he documented with insightful photography the historic the proximity of monks and tantric masters in eastern .India and Tibet with Particular Reference to the 13th and 14th Centuries', in R. which were excavated :u Fostat
phases of the change in role and appearance of wrathful deities. which Kao:;hmir to adepts and teachers devoted to Shiva and Vishnu. Such Arena, ed., Bandlm, Scrifti ill OI/ore di Carlo della Casa, Milan, 1998, near Cairo, can only be dated
are shown starting as minor attendant'i, to become the very centre of was also the case in Nepal. though Lillrothe has placed less emphasis pp. 191-205). As if to explain the lack of stress on Nepalese influences, with confidence to the 15th cen-
the mandala. the apogee of the Buddhist universe, in dynamic sexual on the role of Nepal as an additional source of both artistic and textual Linrothe states: 'Very little tampering with his lSamvara's] iconog- tury. The 17th to 20th century
imagery. He relies on textual sources from the Buddhist canons of models transrnitted to Tibet. Not only did numerous translators and raphic characteristics was done in NepaJ and Tihet~ so that images textiles. which predominate in
made as late as the present century can be traced directly bac.k to tlle the collection, have been con~
characteristics which coalesced around his figure in the tenth and served by sealing them, contro-
SDI Publications has the pleasure to announce: eleventh centuries in eastem India' (p. 291). Iconographically, this versially and sometimes gro-
statement is well founded, but stylistically, it is somewhat more tesquely, in bespoke envelopes A gallery in the Calico
TmETAN PAINTED SCROILS problematic. However,Linrothe's primary focus is indeed the relation
of the iconography, the texts and their mutual developments, which is
of thick plastic sheeting, and by Museum of Textiles
controlling the atmosphere of Experiencing a Museum, p. 49
GiWlePP! Tuccl: 2 volumes of 800 pgs text and 1 folio of 260 plates. Anew edition of the famous 1949 study of Tibetan very well argued throughout the volume. the gaUeries - no mean task in
Thangkas is being reproduced in its original size with numerous color plates replacing the original monochrome plates, By virtue of the corpus of newly discovered sculptures and the India~ in f..tct, the Calico has the distinction of having been the first
Del""" edition strictly limited to 500 sets. Shipping November 1999. Reserve your set now bye-mall or fax. Only author's meticulous analytical approach, Ruthless Compassion is centrally air-conditioned building on the sub-continent
$375.00 plus shipping. destined lo make a significant impact on future research in Indo-Ti- Experiencing a Museum is a photographic essay recording
Currently available from SDI Publications betan art history and in Buddhist studies. Dashrath PateI's visit to the Calico Museum of Textiles and the
Wall Paintings From Ancient Shrines in Central Asia: Recovered by Sir Aurel Stein. Ancbe..... Sarabhai Foundation. Printed entirely in black-and-white, the 171-
Fred H. Urnited edition reprint of 1948 Oxford edition. 1 vo!. text 128pp.. 1 folio plate volume of 32 large folding plates. Amy Helier page section of photographS, whjch includes minimal text, evokes the
Websile address for tile Rubin collecl'ions: www.liberan.cum museum's spaces and surfaces, its walls, doorways and displays, but
maps, index, cloth. $170.00 plus shipping.
intentionally leaves the glory of the textiles to the memory. the
Chinese SCUlpture From the Fifth to the Fourteenth century: Over 900 Specimens In Stone. imagination, or the museum's exquisite but hefty scholarly publica-
Bronze. Lacquer and Wood. PrtnclpaUy from Northern China. Siren, Osvald. RJghtly considered the definitive study of Experiencing a Museum tions, excerpts from which ftll [he last forty pages of the book. Pate!'
Chinese Buddhist sculpture In the English language. Special Umited Edition. 4 vols In 2. 720 high-quality monochrome By Dashrath Patel (photography) with an artist, designer and photographer, who taught for many years at the
plates, many enlarged from the ortginal edition. cloth. slipcase. $250.00 plus shipping. National Institute of Design in Ahmedabad, takes the reader on a
an introduction by B.N. Goswamy
'slow, ruminating walk' througb the grounds and galleries, without
Sarabhai Foundalion, Ahmedabad, 1998
Additional forthcoming tities from SDI Publications focusing on specitlc objects. As art historian B.N. Goswamy writes
217 pages, black-and-while illustrations in the introduction: ' ...it was the atmosphere, the air inside the Mu~
Serindia: A Detailed Report of Explorations In Central Asia and Westemmost China carrted out and descrtbed ISBN 81-86980-0 1-6
under the orders of H. M. India Government by Aurel Stein. Five Volumes. 3 vols of 1580 pp. text. 1 folio of 175 plates. seum and Foundation galleries, that he had set out to capture' (p. 3).
many double page. illustrating over 1100 sculptures. textlles. paintings and objects. 1 folio of 94 large color maps. Price: US$80 clothbound The museum was cleared of visitors for the shoot The on Iy human
and animal life appears in the form of a single blurred cameo shot of
bibliography. Index. This deluxe reprint of the mostlmportant documentati,on ofCentral Asian exploration. archaeology.
and art history has many enlarged plates and color replacements from the ortginal edition. Strictly limited to 300
sets.
V isiti.ng the Calico Museum of Textiles, the world's grandest
shrine to Indian textile art, is a unique and somewhat daunting
experience, First-timers must arrive in the morning and join a group.
Milllalini, the long-serving gallery guide, a solitary curious goat and
several peacocks languishing by a Mughal-style fountain. Printed on
heavy, non-glossy paper, the pictures vary in grain and contrast, and
The Excavations of Hadda, J\fghanistan: Bartho"". JuIes. J. Flrst Edition of an English Shoes are removed on a patio at the edge of a garden of fountains, give the museum a haunted (and haunting) air. The book has a retro,
translation of the complete reports of the French archaeological expedition to Hadda. Afghanistan In the 1920-30s. tropical plants and peacocks. Shepherded by a guide and several 1950s look about it, not unlike the museum, where time appears to
Hundreds of line drawtngs of architectural dJscovertes. and a foUo catalogue U1ustrating the hundreds of recovered discreet minders, visitors walk barefoot on cool stone floors through have stopped. at least for a while.
sculptures. 2 small folio volumes. Urntted edition of 1000 sets. Expected shipping. early 2000. the two buildings tbat comprise the museum. Once you complete the This is not tlle slick, single-volume introduction to the Calico
all-too-brief morning initiation, you may return in the afternoon and museum that visitors seek in vain in the museum's tiny shop. where
Reserve your sets ofSerindiaand The Excavations oJHadda for a Ilnlited time offer pre'publication discount. No deposit explore the collection at your own pace. one leaves one's canleras and bags, but perhaps such a book would
required. Both sets planned for shipping In sprtng. 2000. For further details please e-mail or fax: Set in a large walled compound minutes away from the squalor make the Calico too accessible, or by its attractiveness make a visit
and turmoil of Ahmedabad, a large industrial city one hour's night unnecessary. Before one is written, howevc(, Experiencing a Museum
SDI Publications north of Bombay, the Calico is arguably lndia's finest and most can serve as an aide-memoire; but to experience the museum properly,
Fax: 662 272 6492 e-mail: sdipub@ksc9.th.com user-indulgent museum. Founded in 1949 at the suggestion of art you must travel to India, remove your shoes and begin to look.
9 Sot Sailom 2, Paholyothin 8 Rd., Bangkok, 10400, Thailand historian Ananda Coomaraswamy, the museum was the brain-child of
Gautam and Gira Sarabhai, highly cultured members of a Gujarati Don Colm
96 97
45.
Ritratto di Manjusri e Maitreya.
XII secolo aureola rossa fiammeggiante, antichi testi Buddhisti che ispira- mentre la quinta figura non è
tempera su cotone probabilmente una rappresenta- rono, più tardi, le visioni di Atisa, incoronata ma ha la barba con i
136 x 99 cm zione di Vajrapani. studioso Buddhista del monaste- capelli raccolti in uno chignon. La
(Originariamente 144 x 105 cm ) Al centro, lo stupa bianco con i ro di Vikramasila, il quale inse- figura più piccola alla sua sinistra
vessilli rossi sospesi al bocciolo di gnò e fece traduzioni nel Tibet può essere stata di un donatore
L'eccezionalità di questa thang- loto terminale, è collocato su un centrale dal 1045 fino alla sua tibetano, ma vi è troppa mancan-
ka è data dal soggetto, dall'alta piedistallo votivo. Al di sotto morte, avvenuta ne11054. J za di colore per esserne certi.
epoca e dal grande formato. dello stupa più grande vi sono i Scritta da uno dei suoi discepoli, La rappresentazione di fitti ram-
Per ottenere una tale dimensio- profili di tre stupa più piccoli e di la biografia di Atisa racconta di picanti con figure di animali e
ne, da far infatti pensare non a un libri. Nella parte inferiore del una visione che il maestro ebbe in umanoidi sono conosciute fin
dipinto trasportabile ma ad uno piedistallo si trovano due scaccia- Tibet durante la quale egli vide dagli affreschi di Ajanta del V-
destinato ad essere appeso alle mosche che emergono da un nel cielo Manjusri e Maitreya che VII secolo, e in Tibet sono docu-
pareti di una cappella, sono stati vaso con fogliame di fiori di loto. dissertavano sul Dharma protetti mentati come allestimento per un
cuciti insieme due pezzi di stoffa I! vaso sta a simboleggiare il da Vajrapani. Atisa chiese che la gruppo di affreschi nel monaste-
all'altezza delle spalle del Bodhi- mondo ed il grembo materno le sua visione venisse tradotta in una ro di Shalu probabilmente verso
sattva con una cucitura che è ora cui acque introducono il novizio pittura. Secondo la biografia fu metà dell'XI secolo.
ormai praticamente invisibile. alla vita dell'iniziato. Lo stelo di Vikramsila a convocare i pittori.' Considerando che la composizio-
In Tibet le pitture murali veniva- loto che emerge dal vaso è per- L'estetica dell'India orientale che ne di questo dipinto di Manjusri
no più frequentemente dipinte meato dalla perfetta purezza era tenuta in gran conto da Atisa, e Maitreya presenta grandi affi-
direttamente sulle pareti ma nel della saggezza del Buddha, ed è si può qui notare nel profilo a tre nità con gli affreschi di Grathang
Tibet centrale, e in particolare per questo che su di esso si pog- quarti del viso, nei molti giri di del 1090 circa, e che il motivo
nel monastero di Shalu, vi sono giano un incensiere ed uno scac- perle, nella corona a più piani di della foresta abitata da animali e
esempi di dipinti eseguiti su stof- ciamosche che vengono fatti Manjusri e nello chignon (fata- divinità ha dei riferimenti a
fa e poi appesi alle pareti. Anche oscillare come parte del rituale di makuta) di Maitreya, entrambi Shalu, si può ipotizzare che la sua
esteticamente questi dipinti rie- consacrazione del Buddha come ornati di nastri e nel loro costume fattura sia posteriore ai murali di
vocano le pitture murali di Shalu. Sovrano Universale.' composto da dei dhoti rigati. Que- Grathang e di Shalu. In accordo
Possiamo qui vedere sul lato sini- Lo stupa al di sopra del vaso sim- ste caratteristiche sono comuni ai con recenti studi, questo dipinto
stro Manjusri, il Bodhisattva della boleggia il corpo di Buddha. Bodhisattva dell'XI secolo dei potrebbe essere datato fra il 1100
saggezza, e, sulla destra Maitreya, Come scrisse il Prof. Tucci "lo monasteri di Grathang e di Shalu. ed il 1200 circa.
il Bodhisattva dell'amore e il stupa è una rappresentazione I piedistalli di fiori di loto sono
Buddha del futuro, riconoscibile architettonica del Dharma".' sorretti da due divinità "gana" le I Per il Vaso Consacrato vedi: G. Tucei,
dal piccolo stupa bianco al centro La composizione qui rappresen- quali sembrano giocare fra Ttbetal7)Painted Scrolls, 1949,299; A. Mac-
dello chignon sul capo. L'emble- tata si ritrova per la prima volta un'antilope o camoscio e un ele- donald, Le Mandala du ManjuJrimulakal-
pa, 1962, pp. 66, 130; D. Snellgrove, Indo-
ma di Manjusri è il libro, il rettan- in una pittura murale del mona- fante fra le viti che emergono dal
Tibetan BuddhÙm, 1987, pp. 223-228
golo rosso alla destra del suo viso. stero di Grathang, nel Tibet cen- vaso. Sulla destra due kinnara , G. T ucci, op ciI., p. 299
I! registro superiore del dipinto è trale, consacrato nel 1093 . stanno sull'attenti. Danzatrici ed , A. Macdonald, op cit., p. 107, testo tra-
ora parzialmente illeggibile ma in In quella pittura, al di sotto di una orchestra femminile eseguo- dotto in Tibetano nel IX secolo.
origine vi era una serie di Bodhi- Sakyamuni, i due Bodhisattva no uno spettacolo dinanzi a figu- , Sulla Visione di Atisa : J,e. Singer, Pain-
ting in Centrai Tibet, ca. 950-1400, 1994 p.
sattva seduti in diversi colori. sono seduti nella stessa caratteri- re umane, alcune delle quali
108, n. 60; M. Henss, The eleventh century
Alla sinistra di Maitreya trovia- stica posizione ai fianchi dello indossano corone. murals o/Drathang Gonpa, 1997, p. 167;
mo, inginocchiata al suo fianco, stupa con scacciamosche che La seconda figura da sinistra è Per il testo Tibetano completo e per il rias-
una divinità guardiana simile a fuoriescono da un vaso. molto curiosa, essa è avvolta in sunto Tedesco: H. Eimer, rNam thar rgyaI
186 un nano, di colore blu, con una L'iconografia sembra derivare da una ghirlanda di nastri colorati, pa, 1979, sezione 389.
Particolare del ritratto. L'opera
intera è riprodotta a p. 101
\0\
CHAPTER I Tibetan History and Religion
by Amy Heller
History
The extreme altitudes and barren terrain of the Tibetan environment have
played a fundamental role in shaping the economics, religion, and art forms of
the people. Tibet is vast and empty, situated on a high plateau of approximately
one and a half million square miles with altitudes ranging from 4,000 to 28,000
feet (fig. I). The high deserts of the north and the immense mountain ranges of
the west, south and east have served as isolating barriers, particularly from
Tibet's densely-populated neighbors China and India. Linguistic, archaeo-
logical, architectural and artistic evidence, however, link the Tibetans through
I The historical sources for this period complex ties with the Greco-Roman and Persian civilizations of western Asia as
are meager but revealing. A cache of well as with Chinese, Central Asian and Indic cultures.
seventh- to tenth-century Tibetan manu- In the seventh century c.E., when historic records of Tibet began, the val-
I
of the myths, legends and traditions" most powerful lord, the tsenpo (btsan po) ofYarlung. He unified his territory by
(Erik Haarh, The Yarlung Dynasty, IX). matrimonial alliances with rival tribes and foreign powers as he further
2 Elliot Sperling, "A Captivity in Ninth expanded the domain by military conquests.
Century Tibet", pp. 23, 29-30, explains Tibet was commercially active, crisscrossed by trade routes. 3 Early seventh-
that the Chinese term tsan-p'u used
to translate tsenpo is the equivalent of
century records document export of armor and weapons, horses and other ani-
"emperor" rather than "king", which mals, textiles, salt and the prized Tibetan musk. The Chinese Tang annals
certainly better connotes the quality record a spectacular gift received from Tibet in 641 C.E., a goose-shaped
of a confederation of tribes under one golden ewer seven feet high and capable of holding sixty litres of wine. In 648,
leader in seventh-to ninth-century Tibet.
a miniature golden city decorated with animals and men on horseback was pre-
3 On Tibetan trade in general, see
Christopher Beckwith, "Tibet and the sented as a gift. 4 As one author has written:
Early Medieval Florissance in Eurasia".
4 Paul Pelliot, Histoire Ancienne du Tibet, To judge from the records of tribute and gifts from Tibet to T'ang
pp. 5,6,84, cites the Chinese documents
which over and over again list large objects of gold, remarkable
Kieou T'ang Chou 196A and Sin Tang
Chou 2 16A for the ewer. for their beauty and rarity and excellent workmanship, the Tibetan
5 Schafer, Golden Peaches, p. 254· goldsmiths were the wonder of the medieval world. s
Fig. r
Lake Yamdrok 1'50 with snow-covered
Himalaya range in far distance (looking
to the south), central Tibet, 1981.
Control of the lucrative trade routes and the sacred role of the tsenpo to con-
quer provided the major impetus for military expansion. See fig. 3 showing an
eighth century pillar which proclaims Tibet's victory over the Chinese army.
The tstrllpO was believed to be divine, a warrior whose sacred helmet and radi-
ant aura were his insignia. The ruler could guarantee the well-being and pros-
perity of his people in return for worship by sacrificial offerings. By extending
his domain and worshiping him wherever military campaigns were conducted,
prosperity was increased for all. The firsr historic tseupo, Songtsen Gampo
(Srong btslm Sgfl?ll po, reign 620-50), conquered portions of the ancient silk
route, bringing the Tibetans in contact with Central Asian and Chinese cul-
tures. His forays into Gansu and northern Sichuan prompted the Chinese to
acquiesce ro his demand for a royal bride. Songtsen made vassal states of Nepal,
portions of northern India and Zhangzhung, a separate area formed of\Nestern
Tibet and parr of northern India. His successor occupied the oases of Khotan,
Kucha, Karashahr and Kashgar from 665-92, and gained control of the Nan- 6 Giuseppe Tucci, "The VVives of STang
chao kingdom (now the Yunnan region of China) as of 680. btsan sgam po", pp. 123-8, doubts that
Songtsen established Lhasa as his capital, moving fi'om the Yarlung Valley the Nepalese wife ever ex.isted as she
with his five wives: a Chinese princess, a Nepalese princess and three Tibetan is not mentioned in historical sources
prior to the fourteenth century. Tradi-
noblewomen. Tradition credits the two foreign wives with the introduction of
tion, however, affirms this marriage,
Buddhism and for the construction of the first Buddhist temples in Lhasa. 6 It sec Rolf A. Stein, La Civilisation Tibitni71e
seems certain that Songtsen did not become exclusively a Buddhist, however, as (1981), p. 36.
Fig. 2
Yaks grazing in a valley,
central Tibet, f935.
pig. ) The 2hol do-ring (pillar) of dnrl 764 numerous documents survive indicating his royal patronage of the indigenous
in front of the Pomla P,lbcc, Lhasa, central
organized religion, probably called Tm.g (gTcllg), which deified the tsenpo and
Tibet, '904. John Chlude \iVhite photo)
Gift of Frank and Lisina I-loch, '997 97.9
guaranteed his "divine right" to rule.' Nonetheless, the introduction of Bud-
dhism was part of a multi-faceted interaction, economic, cultural and political,
between the Tibetan royal government and the cultures ofIndia, Nepal, Cen-
tral Asia and China. Tfenpo Songtsen's minister, Thonmi, was sent as an envoy
7 See Religion, pp. )7-)8. The principal
source for YWlg is Ariane Macdonald, to India to adapt a script for the Tibetan language 8 Songtsen's reign is also
"Une lecture des P. T. [Pelliot Tiberain] credited with the establishment of the first legal code.
1286,1287,1°38,1°47, et 1290. Essai During· the reign of Songtsen Gampo's great-great-grandson, Trisong Det-
sur 1:1 formation et l'clllploi des mythes
sen (KJJ1'i ."rang Ide btsan, reign 755-ci'rca 797-8) (color pI. I), Tibet <lgain
politiqucs clans la religion royale de 5ro11
bean sgam po". A very good summary extended its control along the silk route, occupying Khotan, Turfan and Dun-
is also to be found in AlUlc-Marie huang, western gateway to China, from 787-866 (fig. 3). In central Tibet, an
B1ondeau, "Les Heligions c1u Tibet". inscribed stone pillar attests to the fact that this tsenpo founded the first
8 Stein, (1981), p. 37, explains that it is
monastery, Samye (bSam yas), midway between the Yarlung Valley and Lhasa,
highly unlikely that in the twenty ye,H's
of Songtscn's rein T'honllli codified the ciTefl 775. Traditionally it is recounted that Padmasambhava, a Buddhist master
alphabet, thus enabling Tibetan texts to from Oddiyana (now believed to be the Swat Valley, Pakistan), came at Trisong
be in Dunhuang far fi'olll LhasfI as early Detsen's invitation to subdue the indigenous deities opposing this monastic
as ch-ca 644. Furthermore, Thonmi does center. 9 Chinese Buddhists of the Ch'an order and Indian sages of Mahayana
not appear in the lists of ministers iJl the
'Tibetan ann,lls for the pcriod. Sce Hugh and Vajrayana Buddhism came to Samye, influencing the tsenpo to issue an edict
E. Rich:lrdson, "Ministers of the Tibet ordering his subjects to adopt Buddhism in circa 790. The noble families formed
Kingd'om", Tivet]ournfll, vcl. 2, no. 1 ardent pro- or anti-Buddhist factions.
(1977). Nils Simonsson, /lIdo-Tibetiscbe In the first half of the ninth century, three tsenpo in succession officially sup-
Stl/(Iien, Uppsaln, '19571 thought Thonnli
was perhaps late eighth to ninth CCll-
ported Buddhism, while still practicing the indigenous religion which ensured
turies. Nonetheless, he is traditionally their theocracy. A major Sino-Tibetan treaty was signed in 822. This bilingual
attributed :lS the creatOr of the 'Tibetan text between the two sovereign powers settled border disputes and established
alphabet. a pact of non-aggression. The tsenpo Ralpachen (Ral pa can, reign 815-38) fol-
9 For a discussion of Padmasambh:lVa's role
in the first diffusion of Buddhism
lowed his predecessor's policy of taxation of the noble families to support t.he
to Tibet see Tucci, Religions afTibet, monast.eries, and added two Buddhist clerics to tile group of royal minist.ers. The
pp. 5-7· noble families' exclusive privileges were thus being eroded in favor of the clergy.
is attributed to a Buddhist monk. Langdarma's heirs fought for the throne and
the empire fell into chaos. The Tibetans lost control of the oases along the silk
route as of 866. Trade with the Arab Caliphate continued throughout these
troubled times. According to Arab and Persian sources, Tibet maintained
I I
control of the southern Pamirs and even the southeastern parts of Farghana
well into the tenth century, but the Tibetan empire was lost. Branches of the
royal lineage survived in Amdo and Western Tibet, while central Tibet broke
into small principalities under the rule of noble families.
This relatively short dynastic period of Tibetan history provides essential
insights into the formation of the Tibetan state and the nature of Tibetan soci-
ety and religion. Parallel situations recur throughout Tibetan history when,
instead of rival clans, the claimants for power were various orders of Buddhism
supported first by the noble families and later by various foreign rulers aligned
with cert"llin of these families. The original social structure of Tibetan society
was perpetuated in the clans and nobles, all of whom vied for the tsenpo's favors,
expressed through distribution of land grants and annuities.
The nobility was hereditary and each clan was associated with a particular
geographic locale. If a noble or lord had no heir, the estate returned to the
tsenpo. The members of the nobility were responsible for counseling the tsenpo
and furnishing men, arms and horses for his military campaigns, in addition to
providing daughters for the politically-based matrimonial alliances. Aside from
the clergy, those who were not nobles were divided into subjects or serfs from
conquered tribes. The subjects could be socially mobile, capable of entering the
clergy or rising to the status of the nobility. The celibate clergy first relied on
heredity to ensure succession, which initially passed from uncle to nephew.
Later, reincarnation replaced heredity to establish succession. Already at the
time of Songtsen Gampo, a non-Buddhist priestly class with several internal
divisions existed. Later, as the Buddhist clergy became numerous, a tax-exempt
status was accorded to both the monks living in the monasteries and to the
adepts living in meditative retreat. The nobility was taxed to provide for the
needs of the clergy and the upkeep of their establishments, a situation which
continued through modern times. The major cohesive factor of the dynasty had
been the tsenpo and the religion he embodied. As royal concessions to Buddhism
were made, the politico-religious institution which guaranteed the tsenpo's the-
ocracy and the stability of the empire disintegrated, eventually to be replaced
by the Buddhist ecclesiastical state which governed Tibet until 1959.
Because of the upheaval following the fall of the Yarlung dynasty, there was
a hiatus in historical records of almost one century. When records resume in the
mid-tenth century, Buddhism was well established in Tibet and had become the
underlying grid over which economic, political and social institutions would
develop. Leaving the monasteries and hermitages of Amdo and Kham, Bud-
dhist masters returned to central Tibet to found temples circa 960. Ties to the
Tangut state of Xixia which, from 982 to 1227, ranged over the areas of north-
western China once ruled by the Tibetan empire, served as important cultural
links between the emerging central Tibetan Buddhist communities and the
northwestern Chinese frontier.
breach of Lhasa authority. The amban's power increased in consequence, for at Ladakhi war; Kolmas, op. cit., p. 52, for
date of annexation by Britain; Shakabpa,
least a few years. 2 I pp. 181-2, for details of the war with
During the major part of the nineteenth century, the status quo of Lhasa Nepal in 1855-6.
authority and nominal Manchu protectorate was maintained. In China weak 23 Petech, Aristocracy and Government in
emperors followed Qianlong. The tottering Manchu regime was threatened by Tibet, p. 178 for the invasions of Litang
and Derge. The best source for the
internal rebellions and intervention by European powers. In the mid-nineteenth Nyarong rebellion is Tashi Tsering,
century, border and trade disputes with Ladakh and Nepal led Lhasa into con- "A Preliminary Study in Nyagrong
tact with British India. 22 The Lhasa government was headed by regents during Gompo Namgyel", Proceedings of the
the reign of several Dalai Lamas: the 8th, who was predominantly interested in International Association fOr Tibetan Studies,
Columbia University Seminar 1982,
religion, and the 9th through 12th, who died prematurely. B. N. Aziz and M. Kapstein, (eds).
In Kham, at this time, the local chief of Nyarong had been encroaching 24 Shakabpa, p. 206.
upon the lands of other native chiefs, even as far as Litang, and succeeded in 25 Richardson, Short History, p. 82.
conquering the neighboring states of Derge and Hor. In t863-64, when the
Sichuan provincial authorities failed to block these invasions, Lhasa sent troops
to do so, defeating the Nyarong chief in 1865. The Chinese emperor granted
the Dalai Lama control of yarong and Derge, although the Derge prince
retained his title. Nyarong revolted again in 1894. This time Chinese troops
penetrated into Nyarong, occupying most of the COUJltry. From Nyarong the
Chinese forces reached Derge, in the midst of a succession dispute, and the
royal family was imprisoned. A settlement was reached in late r897, reinstating
Lhasa rule of Nyarong, and resolving, temporarily, the Derge succession.'J
In Lhasa, the government of the 13th Dalai Lama (r876-1933) was increas-
ingly preoccupied with international relations despite Manchu encouragement
to maintain an isolationist foreign policy. Certain factions of the Lhasa govern-
ment believed that the British would destroy their religion.'4 Tibet had a direct
border with the kingdom of Sikkim, subject to British protectorate since J850.
In 1885 the Manchu granted authorization for a British expedition to China via
Tibet but the Tibetans refused the British access to their territory. In 1888 the
Tibetans and the British clashed brieAy at the border of Sikkim, leading to a
Sino-British agreement in 1890 to redefine the border and recognize British
interests in Sikkim. Trade access was thus established but remained problem-
atic. Curiously, while British overmres were being refused, a pro-Russian Buriat
Mongol monk named Dorjiev had considerable personal influence as one of the
Dalai Lama's councilors. In ,898 he visited Russia whence he remrned with
presents for the Dalai Lama and the message that, as China was weak, Tibet
should turn to Russia for alliance. The Dalai Lama was invited to visit Russia,
but the Tibetan assembly opposed tbe journey. Instead, Dorjiev, received by the
Czar as "Envoy Extraordinary of the Dalai Lama", journeyed again to Russia
and back.'; Tibet's strategic position at the heart of Asia became crucial to
British, Russian and Chinese schemes for the continent.
In '903 a British military expedition led by Colonel Younghusband entered
southern Tibet in order to force Lhasa into opening trade discussions and to
counter Russian influence. Bhutan and Sikkim urged Lhasa to negotiate but to
no avail. The expedition crossed the Sikkimese border (fig. 5), laid siege to
Gyantse for three months while awaiting a Tibetan party for negotiations, and
finally descended on Lhasa in August, '904. Having authorized the regent to
negotiate, the Dalai Lama fled to Mongolia, already under Russian influence.
This seemed to confirm the worst of British fears, but within a month an agree-
ment was signed by the Tibetans, authorizing a British trade agent to remain in
Tibet and guaranteeing Tibetan compliance with previous Sino-British trade
conventions. The British had sought direct negotiation because, as their repre-
Religion
I. Buddhism
In the late tenth to early eleventh centuries, there was a second diffusion of
Indian doctrines into Tibet. Many new sects and monasteries were founded at
this time. The Indian sage Atisha (color pI. 6), who arrived in central Tibet in
I042 after a sojourn in Western Tibet, found Samye largely neglected and many
of the tantric teachings being practiced incorrectly. In response to this, Atisha
advocated celibacy, abstinence, and stressed the relation of strict dependence on
the individual teacher, the lama (bla ma, Sanskrit guru). Tantric rituals were
included in Atisha's teachings but were reserved for a few initiates. Those who
still followed the original teachings of Padmasambhava became known as "the
ancients", the Nyingmapas, while the followers of Atisha were known as "the
adherents who absorb every word of the Buddha as having spiritual signifi-
cance", the Kadampas. Shortly after the foundation of the Kadampa order, two
other major orders were established. The Sakyapa order was founded in the
eleventh century; named after their principal monastery in southern Tibet, the
Once the Gelugpa had established their hegemony in central Tibet, the other
King Trisong Detsen
monastic orders tended to flourish outside the direct realm of Lhasa. In the next
(reign 755- circa 797-8)
three centuries the religious fortunes of Tibet became inextricably bound to
Tibet, 18th century
political events as discussed in the previous chapter.
Appliqued silks, corals, pearls,
H. 40 7/8 in., W. 25 in. (I03·8 x 63.5 cm)
Gift of Mrs. Iris Barrel Apfel in memory
of Samuel Barrel, 1982 82.126
PLATE 3
PL"-TE 4
The Wheel of Existence,
showing the different realms of Satllsara
Tibet, 18th-early 19th cenruries
Samye monastery
Tibet, 19th cenrury
PLATE 6
Atisha (982-I054)
Tibet, 17th-18th cenruries
Gilt copper,
cast and hammered,
with painted details,
H. 7 J/4 in. ('9,7 cm)
From the Baron von
Stael-Holstein Collection,
purchase '949 494'
PLATE 7
i
t\"". _--_--~---- ....., - - - - - - - - - - - -• • ;,I
At ••, « .....U .... t ..... TI1Mo......... u.. V.t.""......llb.h " , . , taII . . . ...s
_ • ...,1_ I.. u.. .IObt.b "-'OUY. _ ~•• 1oB or V&ilo<:. . . __
la . . . .ano ,.~ . . - . u.. ' - _ o • •_
..,....,aoood partl.,........ y
_ . , ...... 1.1001,," .... 11.1. _
_~ Ko_~.....u _ o! u..
ot D.I . .
.,.11_
01 1>1. _
_to..,.
l_1 to!.
••.., .... 1 _ 10
n
. .1 ••n l... 01 _
1.11.,_
'0 ........ _
1'.".11'. pt tu!. .tu• • o.boo
1_1"0" to ..... _jo. 111_ _. _ o! .....
I ..
styles, yet often what art historians actually mean through their clan names of donors known from the end of the Tibetan dynastic However, pending this publication, and in view of certain
writings on Tibetan sculptures still remains very elusive. I period. 3 It is to be hoped that the publication of Ulrich van Tibetan sculptures recently revealed to the public, thanks to David
The subject is further complicated by another factor, as Schroeder's comprehensive study entitled Buddhist SCl/lptllres ill Tibet We1don's and Jane Casey Singer's Ashmolean exhibition of the
remarked by Tibetan art historian Michael Henss as recently as may reveal numerous metal images with firmly dated inscriptions. Nyingjei Lam collection, as well as some images and statues studied
1996: "O"eoJ the lUajor problems iH restarchillg early HillUllayall bronzes is t!,al in the preparation of my own book, the results of recent research is
1/01 a single pr' -16th century Tihtfall metal image bears a dated description and presented chronologically in this paper:~ Although indeed the
SillCt thO' arr pOrlablr objrcts, and somdimts malllifachlrtd by Ntpaltst or corpus of dated material is still relatively small, this article will
KaslJttliri artists rtsidrllf ill Tibtt, l1]rir agt and plact of origi" can br dtfmnitttd review chronology and context of a few dated works - including
statues datable by their context of monastic provenance - statues
dated by donor inscriptions, an instance of a dated iconography,
and hierarch portraits of monks or lamas dated by the lifetime of
Fig. 5. Manjusri. Toling monastery. 11th century. Brass alloy. Ht: ca. 80cm.
Photographed by Tucci, ca. 1940.
14 15
Works from the Nyi/14jei Lam Collection ;/1 Light of ReceHt Sculptural Fi/1ds i/1 Tibet Amy HelIer
16 17
Amy Hdltr
Works from tbf Ny;nqjfi Will Col/fct;on ill Uqbt o[Rfcnd SCll/pluml Fil1ds;n Tibet
Fig. 12. Acala. Tibet, 13th - 14th century. Copper alloy with silver, copper and
pigment. Ht: 40.1 cm. Nyingjei Lam Collection.
Fig. 16. Avalokitesvara. Western Tibet. 1543. Copper alloy. Ht: 16.5 cm.
betan wool, gold, and saltto the west in Kashmir, south to Nepal and
Translation of inscription: ''To honour the memory of Padma dBang rGyal
southeast towards Magadha and Bengal, while artists and Buddhist (who is one with) the omniscient Avalokitesvara, best god of gods (the donor)
masters came to western Tibet from these countries. The Tibetan Fig. 14b. Back of Fig. 14a. bZang po Lha sbyin had this (image) completed with deep reverence and
translator Rin.chen. bzang.po was sent by his king to study in faith by the skilled Newar Apha Jayati on the 15th day of the 1st month of the
Kashmir, then pursued his studies in Eastern India. He travelled for water·female-sheep year. By virtue (of making this image), may all beings
many years, eventually returning to Tibet accompanied by numer- return home. In a later account, the royal commission of a triad of rapidly attain Buddhahood. Blessings". The Asia Society, New York, Mr and
ous artists. His biography recounts statues commissioned in Kash- sculptures of Avalokitdvara, Manjusri and Vajrapal)i is extolled. Mrs John D. Rockerfeller 3rd Collection. 1994.4. Photography by Lynton
Fig. 13. Aeala. Tibet, 12th century. Gilt brass alloy, silver and copper inlay,
mir as well as the founding and decoration of monasteries upon his While the exact circumstances of the casting are not now known, Gardiner.
turquoise, red, pigment. Ht: 22 cm. Private Collection.
18 19
Works [romlhe Nyingjei Lnm Colleclion ill LiqlJI of RecfIJl SculPtural Finds in Tibet Amy Helier
Fig. 18a. Ninth Karmapa Lama by 16th century sculptor Karma Rinchen.
1598. Ht: 19.1 cm. Private collection. Fig. 20a. Eigth Karmapa Lama. Tibet. 16th 17th century. Silver with
pigment. Ht: 11 cm. Nyingjei Lam Collection.
Fig. 19. Karmapa Lama, Fifth Sha.dmar.pa. Tibet. 16th century. Gilt silver with
Fig. 17. Lama Mi. pham shes rab. Tibet. Gilt copper alloy. Ht: 52cm. Courtesy
pigment. Ht: 11.8 cm. Nyingjei Lam Collection.
of Carlo Cristi Gallery.
20 21
Works from the Nyillgjei 1..A1Il Collection in Light o[Recent SCl/lpturaJ Fillds in Tibet Amy Helier
was a portrait in his 48th year, and the artist as Karma Rinchen. 11 It the school of Tibet's virtuoso sculptor Karma Rinchen.
is of exceptional quality for its casting in silver and for the remark~
ableeffortoflife·like portraiture seen in the face and body, while the
robes show the consummate skill of the sculptor's craft. The Dr. Amy Helier has bem a Tibtto/09isl alld art historian from f 986. She is affliated with
Nyingjei Lam Collection has two portraits of Karmapa lamas, also IIJe CNRS researdJ leam at Il,e (ntlre dlEtl/des Tibetaines, Paris. Her most recelll
in silver, which stylistically bear great affinity to this portrait by publication is a book enlilled Tibe/all Art (Jaca Book, Milallo, 1999 mld Alltique
Karma Rinchen (Figs. 19 &20a &b)12 as does the portrait of the Fifth Colleclo~' Club, UK m,d USA).
NOTES
[. See Ciuseppe Tucci, "A Tibetan Classification of Buddhist Images according to Their Style", Artihlls Asim xxii, 1959 and Erbcrto La Hue, "Sculptural Styles According
to Pcma Karpo", in ).c. Singcr and P.Denwood (eds). Tib,tall Art, London, Laurence King [997:242-253.
2. Michael Henss, "Himalayan Metal Images of Five Centuries: Recent Discoveries in Tibet", Orimtations, June 1996.
3. See Pratapaditya Pal, TilHl Tradiliotl alld Cbmlg" Alberquerque, 1997, plate 39. Attributed to the 9th· 10th century,the inscription provides the sculptor's name, and region.
4. See David Weldon and)ane Casey Singer, The Sculplural Hmlllg,ofTibtl, BuddbislArt in tlw Nyitlg),i Will Coll«tion, London, Laurence King, 1999 and Amy Helier, Tibtlatl Art,
Milano,)aca Book, 1999.
5. See Martha Carter, rrhree Silvcr Vessels from Tibet's Earliest Historical Era: A Preliminary Study", Orotlnnd Sludits ill IIx Hislory of Art, Cleveland Museum of An, voU
1998, pp.22·47; Amy Helier, ~Somc Preliminary remarks on the excavations at Dulan~, Orimlntions, October 1998.
6. Paola Mortari Vergara Caffarclli, "Architectural Style in Tombs from the Period of the Tibetan kings" inJ.C. Singer and P.Denwood, Tilullll1 Art, London, Laurence King,
1997,pp.230-241.
Fig. 22a. Portrait of Karma Dudsi. Eastern Tibet (Karmapa Monastery). 16th 7. Sec Annc Chayet, IIRecherches sur les Etats Succcssifs du monasterc de bSam-yas tt in I:ernand Meyer, Tihtt Cilliliwtiol1 d Socift{, Paris, Fondation Singer-Po[ignac 1990.
century. Gilt bronze with paint. Ht 28.58 cm. Los Angeles County Museum page [ 13; sl3l/ bzbtd. Dharamsala, Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1968.65-67, and sUn bzhtd, Peoplc's Publishing House, Beijing 1980:43-45.
of Art, Gift of Christian Humann, M.77.152. (Possibly the work of Karma 8. Roberto Vitali, R,cords ofTIJo.lillg, Dharamsala, [999, 31. Ciuscppe Tucci, Tih,tl/Il Pm"llfd Scrolls, Roma, 1949:634, note 72.
Rinchen or his atelier?) 9. Ciuseppe T ueci, Tmllshillwlayn, Geneva, ArdJ,ologicn MUlldi-Ellcydop,diCl Nllgd, 1973, plate 127, large bronze statue of Manjusri, 11·12th century, T oling, Kashmiri school;
Thomas). Pritzker, "A Preliminary Report of Early Cave Paintings of Western Tibet", Orimfarions,)une 1996, fig. 25, Standing Bodhisattva, Phyang, Tibet Autonomous
Region, Early Cuge Kingdom, 12th century, Bronze, height 90 cm (approximate).
10. See Weldon and Singer, op.cif. plate 11, pp.88-S9.
Fig. 21a. Fifth Karmapa Lama. Tibet, 16th century. Silver. Possibly the work
11. Ashmolean Museum, Anonymous loan, 20. I thank Andrew Topsficld for kindly providing photographs for study.
of Karma Rinchen or his atelier. Ht: 10.5 cm. Private collection.
12. See Wcldon and Singer, op.crt, fig. 24, page 60.
13. See Helier, 1999, op. cif., plate 57, 59/60 for detailed discussion of this throne, its aesthetic and inscription.
14. Sec Helier, 1999, op.cil., plate 78 for translation and analysis of AtiSa's ritual for Acala. Cr. Pratapadilya Pal, Art ofTilHt, Los Angeles 1983: 134, PI, Tathagata Amitayus,
12th century, where a protective deity of this iconography is inscribed with the name Acala (mi. g.yo. ba).
15. Weldon and Singer, op.cil, plate 17.
16. Marie-Thcrcsc de Mallrnann, lcollograpbif dl4 Tnlltris/lJt B014ddbiqllf, Paris, [986:448 note 7.
[7. Helier, op,cit., plate 69~70, citing Leonard W. Van der Kuijp, "Fourteenth Century Tibetan Cultural Hisroryll Asintisrb, Studi," 1995: 919-942 for the identification of the
donor. The 1292 Mahakala statue was first studied by Heather Stoddard in "A Stone Sculpture of mCur mGon po, Mahakala of the Tent, dated [292", Orit'llwl Art, vol.
31 no. 3, 1985; pp. 261, 278-282. rf. also the 1297 statue of Vighnantaka studied by lan Alsop, "Five Datcd Nepalcse Metal Sculptures", Arlib14s Aside XLV, 1984.
18. Helier, 1999, op.cit. plates 63-64.
19. The Tibetan expression dgotlgs par rdzogs literally means "to fulfill the intentions or aspirations", but in fact idiomatically, this also may mean "to die". Frequently thiS
refers especially to images made in homage to a deceased person, to ensure good rebirth, very often during the year immediately follOWing the death. The inscription
reads: "0111 5Va sI;, To honour the memory of Padma dbang rgyal (who is onc with) the omniscient AvalokiteSvara, best god of 8ads, (the donor) bZang po Lha sbyin
had this (image) completed with deep reverence and faith by the skilled Newar Apha )ayati on the 15th day of the 1st month of the water-female-sheep year. By the
virtue (of making this image) may all beings rapidly attain Buddhahood. Blessings" (110m sva sfi/lalll mkbyt'lllbalr Iba mrhog spyntl rasgzigsll padllla dhnng rgyal dgOtl9S pn rdzogs
pbyir tull bznllg po Ibn shyil1 rnb gus dad pa yisll rho mo lug gi rho 'phrul Jus dJm lnlll1ebal mkblls p" a phlljaynlis bsgmbsll dgtbns 'gro bm snngs rgyas Illyllrfbob shoglllllatlgalmll/l).1 thank
Lapen Karma Phuntso, Ven.Tscnshab Rinpoche, and Prof. Dan Martin for their criticism of my translation and Hclen Abbot of Asia Society for kindly providing
photographs for study.
20. The inscription reads: "Homage and reverence to the noble Vajradhara Mi pham phun t'shogs shes rab, by me, Phun tshogs byang chub mtsho moo May thiS saint's
aspirations be fufillcd H (/rjtb/slll! rdo rjr 'rhang Itli phlllll phutl IS/Jogs sbe'S rah /" bJag phlln t5bogs bYlltlg chllhmtsbo mo plJyllg 'tslJlll zhitlg skyah51l mdJil dam pa dt uyid kyi 'bugs agongs razogsl
I).
21. MThis statue of rCyal.ba dBang.phyug rdo.rje , at about 44 years of age, is constructed to fulfill the aspirations of Sa sKyong bKra shis phun tshogs. By the virtue (of
making this image) may perfect omniscience be achieved. The artist is Karma Rinchen" (rgyal ba dbattg pbyug rdo rjt'i zbnbslldgutlg 10 zb, bzbi'i Idm sku 'dil sa skyollg bkris pbull
Fig. 22b. Back of Fig. 22a. I,hogs Icyil dgongs pn rdzogs pbyirgtlas su b:z.Jxn.gsll dg,ba5 nttllll mkbYffl tbob pllrsbogll rig by,d kanntl nn cbn. yinll). Scc Pal,op. cit, plate 32,pp.64-65.; see Hellerop.cif. p. 189, figs.
124-125.
22. See Weldon and Singer, op.cit. plates 48 and 49 for fult discussion of these images.
23. See Pratapaditya Pal, Tb, Art of Tibtl, Los Angeles, 1983, plate S32, pp. 220-221. I thank John Listopad for kindly providing photographs for study.
representations in Tibetan Buddhist art.
To conclude this small chronological study of Tibetan stat-
ues, the 16th century sculptor Karma Rinchen achieved great
notoriety in Tibetan literature, a fame he retained up to the 19th
century. Until recently, it was just a name; now validated by the
Fig. 21b. Back of Fig. 21a. Inscription: mThong ba don Idan la na mo publication of this portrait of the Ninth Karmapa Lama (Figs. 18a &
(Salutations to mThong ba don Idan). b), which bears an inscription naming the subject, indicating that it
22 23
_ Ihl and tM 5tI or mllnwalpl I'M Snolplural Hcrit. ol" nbl'f. knows. this billnguoltnt Is Ibt firsl
hlch thew ho\'l' romr ho~ not 8MddItIJt Arf In ,,,. II.)-ingjd Lam such publlcollon lot a nbetan
idla>ttd. How _ wbhes 50 lnow CoIktrlon, by oa,id W.1don and ...... uhibitlon. It Is a gestlm of homage
olI«tion po tM mDllInIng e.-y Slngn-. LAIU'mtt Kift9, l.oo>ck>n. and fl'C09'I-Illon !hgt TIbrtons 100 moy
........ lnown &om -""" 1999. 205 I""JO'l, lJO iUuw-otionl, .....u 10 rmd about Ibt artlstlc
Id<q of Ibt .V1~ Swi nKIl"o gkmary. iDdo1. un tS. aochJp,_1S ancI gn h!MIJry of thrir
or Ibt mlln ll!OIp: of Ibt
.....0 drilimlion.
f Ubrory ~ . - . - or Ibt I'ubllihtd on Ibt ~ of Ibt Thr ti6Cl)'Iare oomplmlmlrCl by
....
IJ RogolnokI0 or tM AllfOflg<Ibod
IQ Ilho!lll'~ cIeslgn 11
....tumn 1999 exhibillon of Ibt Nyfngjd
l<Im CoU..:tlon Cl! Ibt A>hmolfan
Mu_m. Oxford Unl.-.nlty, thll
lrItb Drvry's wmltlve photogrophy.
rull.p>gr colour photogrophs of 1hr
-KUlptu.... vlrws of bock or prolll. of
'DdobW. th. productlon k1vhh handsorM volu",," provl<ks a ~tudy of Images _ in SOme <:ases even m. indoPd
:Moll sllk b1nill"9 and _tly the devl!lopment af TI~an Butldhllt rorvlngs 01 the ImagfS' bcurl; allow the
Id arl flClpe•. Ih. reproductions 5CIIllnure as well as an exhibition .....de. 10 appreclote lh. OCYte sorlUr of
I a lew exc.ptlons are tru. 10 life, catalogue. The authors have sucdnctly detail ond lh. technical nnessor of
~ Is a sore polnl tspK\<ll1y when documented the hlnory of BuddhlSl ro,ling IKCOmpll~ed by m_ 5CIIlplors
,ms that th. Gotnka farnily 1Ia,'l' 5CIIlpture In TIbrl. as ~Il <IS formallve aim. pclSl. The briri historic ti6Cl)'I are
tbt COSl of prodlKtlon and tM Inllumors from surrounding ~. All IlKidly wriUen. TM f11'Sl chapw
l aim of tM Lallt Kolo Akodtmlls lM ti6Cl)'I 0"' wriltr'n In English. nplains Ibt ante«denl> from India.
:. ...'OIlablt ~ of aur folkJ ed by thrir tronslollon prlnled In I'ukisIon. ancI NtpGI; Ibt iKond fuUy
. . at an lllYofdoblr prior. Tht TIbrton 1CfIpt. As foe Cl! this """"""'" roncmtrotes on TIbetan 8uddhbl
t J!\ic uCl for nom". in spi~ of
!
_
-.l1or "",,'u. would not
abIr 10 buy It!
BOOt: RIVltwS
KWptuft. InX:ing the hlslory 0( JaI1pton WOIkIng In TIbet In the ur s-di. I4y [..wlla... by "'0"'_
Suddhlsm In T"Ibet In ttlation 10 the Olt· thlntellth oM Jauflftnth oml\lrle$ and Pal. Ard>lIno, New 0eIhI, 2000.101
ItIstcricoI the third chcIpln
lXJn!t'Xt; dired repemrsslons In paru>llIe J"'!l"'Io Ilhuuol"" Price l+1li ilara
demolUllotts TIbeIon YftltfOtlon of t~ KIlIprures. ...m os Nowor .~ for
t@Qchfls by individual ponroits. which pollems of huel >eml·predaw SlOnes 10 The JUnnlesl lInd bnghteil sides of lndl1
often refl«1 the masler'l dem@Qnour- embellllh fabria (plale 2l lal'll). or happen 10 be bulh colourtul und
eatolk or kind. 10 KOWIIng. Truly lhe Nowol toste for highly ornate. delk<lle Intellecn>ally llimulallng. The an and
Tlbetom exalled In thJs genft os IOOlIng (lIgure I). titerolUre 01 oontemparory 1nIiIa _
exempliAed by the -u~ frngge 01 Such ....'.odu..s natwltIurADdlng 1I pbft_~ and the_af
the tlglnll Kormopa. 1I n_.fo.>I lhb ootumo pI'eftIlS the KUlprum of lire I",ahed in bodo. SoIM af 1nIIa~
portroll o:rsdng. ~li~ yet inspiring. lhe Ny1ngje11.lIm CoIlKtIon l+1li onJy as finest oonl""'P"fUJ1 an gaIIerits_
A >el«tlon of ~nty.«>e JCUlplurn ort but also os refle~ of Tlbelan founded by women lWenty·/M f'Od
of Buddhlll und dellles ure lhen lplrilual VOIUK. Th. SCuJpMal Hmi. of <>go. Iloolahops In mulor d1lK, and
dtscribed In lerms of religious lInd 1Ir1. 1Jbe1 offers an eleganl. condw! commercial gallet1K and mllleUml
ItilUlrk tontext. while l'e'iftIlem pmmtatlon ot TIbetan auddhlsl dbploylng art Oft bHhlve5 af 0dlYlly
~ of hbUlrk Ieod>en embc:dy !be "",,-. Dilfeftnl regionl af India ~ 10Ilg
divene docttlneo of TIb$D 8udIihbaL
Nune of dItse KUlptura has beoen ...., - hod dlsUnr:t cv!tIlm: Ianplge. 4relI.
cuisine. Crodually. adlio!'.-.enlS In
prev!ouUy pIlbliWd. I~ desalption> regioool cullUt"el a~ reatvIng
deftly hlghllghl one Or lw<l dlltlnetlve re<:ognltlon. Whol a plensanllUrpNt IrJ
onIhet\c, hlllOric, or lconugrnphk leum und apptedute tile Goun R.lOlJ of
aspeas whidl detnmlne IOetttll\alllon 1.lIxman Pal. wt..- an atho+w\le Is '"
llIId p!O"'fIlClIlOe oM rellIte tlIof IDdiruI ... Q """"!l"- Thb Is a viluaI
IndiY\duQI IlC\IIpMts 10 ~ diabMKJ oflQy_n I'ai~an~tl
-
worb of Olt In prtvote or public
TIBET-FORUM Inooo B
Das Buch wird all diejenigen erfreuen, J. Jarnyang Singe
die sich fUr tibetische G{~chichle und The Tibetan Art Coloring Book.
Architckturgeschichte interessieren, aber
auch der Laienleser wird viel uber Ge-
A Joyful Path
10 RiglJt Brain Enlightenment.
OST-TIBET
sehichte, tibt..'1.ische Kultur und ihre Wer- Harry N. Abrams, Ncw York, 1999.
le erfahren. £ 9.95. ISBN 0-8109-2907-4.
Dr. Amy Helier
Dieses kleine Buch zum Mitmalen is!
sichef nicht nur fUr Kindef gedacht. Oer
Autor ist ein erfahrener tibetischer
Thangka-Maler und hat hier zw6lf tradi-
tionelle Thangka-Mo!ive als Linienzeich-
nungen vorgestellt, die vom Lesef nach
Gusto farbig ausgemalt werden kOnnen.
Eine vierseitige KurzeinfUhrung zur Ge-
schichte und Redeutung der Thangkas
erhoht den Weft des originellen Buch~
Idns.
GendLin Rinpoche
Herzensunterweisungen
eines Mahamudra.Meisters
3 Wochen Ost-Tibet
Theseus Verfag, Berlin, 1999. 5 Tage Lhasa und Umgebung
2535.,44 OM. ISBN 3-89620-142~S. 15 Tage Ge!andewagenfour
Martin Brauen durch Amdo und Kham
Traumwelt Tibet - Ein sehr anerkannter tib~tisehcr Meister
3 Tage Nepa!/Kafhmandu
westliche Trugbilder sprieht zu Praktiziercnden. Ein Buch,
dessen Lekture Meditierende immer
z.O. Xian (Sek/enstrasse); Kloster
verlag Paul Haupt, Bern, 2OOU.
labrang· Taktser (GeburtJort des
2895" 76 OM. ISBN ]-258-05639-0. dann wiedcr zur Essenz zuruekfUhren
14. Dalai lama) Kokonor See -
kann, wcnn sieh unmerklich Fehlhaltun- Golmud - in Kham besuchen wit die
Ober lahrhunderte hin haben sieh im gen eingeschlichen haben. Kloster von Jenga Rinpoche (Kagyu)
Westen zahllose phantastische Legenden und GyefnJ! Jigmed Rinporhe (NyingmiiJ
um Tibet und seine Bewohner gebildet. u,v.a. Sehenswurdigkeiten
Martin Brauen hal diese Vorstellungen, Matthias Steurich
die bis in die neueste Zeil reichcn, aus Tibetisches Heilyoga - Kum-Nye In Ost-Tibet bliJht die tibetische KloJte;kultur
Herder Spektrum, Freiburg 1999.
un aufund es findet sogar eine ReflilIDance
den unterschicdlichsten Quellcn und Be- des Vajrayana staft
reichen zusammengetragen und analy- 224 S., 19.80 OM. ISBN 3-451-04690-3.
Neben den interessanten K!Ostem bJfden die
sieft. Ein unverzichtbares Buch fUr die phantastischen landschaften me die Wer mit
Entmythologisierung Tibels. - AusfUhrli- Kum-Nye ist eine ganzheitliche Obungs- den teilweise noch bewaldeten HJngen, die
che Besprechung im nachsten Heft. methode, die von dem tibetischen Me- kargen Ebenen des Hochplateaus und die ge-
Begleitend lauft eine Ausstellung mit ditationsmeister TarLbang Tulku auf der waltigen Bergkulissen am ostlkhen Rand
Rahmenprogramm in Zurich (s. S. 36). Grundlage buddhistische( Tradilionen im des tibetisdlen Hochplateaus einen besorr
Westen entwickelt wurde. Matthias Steu- deren Reiz dleser TOUl Unsere Fahn mit
den GelJndewagen fuhn auch durch endlose
rich ist der in Oeutsehland bekannteste Grassteppen und karge WiJstengegenden
Philippe Cornu Vertreter und stell! sie in seinem Buch auf in das Quellgeblet des Ge/ben f1usses.
Handbuch der tibetischen Astrologie verstandliche, praxisorientierle und auf In Lhasa unterstIJtzt der Tibet FOrderkreis
Thcseus Ver/ag, Berlin, 1999. westliehe MenscheJ1 zugesehnittene den Wiederaufbau des Tse Chok ling Klosters
JJ6S., 44 OM. ISBN 3-89620-141-7. Weise vor. schon seit 8 Jahren. .
Reiseleiter ist Wilfried pfeffer; Ethnologe und
Eine zuverlassige, sprachlich ausge- Vomuender des Tibet f6rderkreises in frei-
zeichnete Einfuhrung in die Ursprunge AH. Maiden, Eddie Farwell burg. Er bereist Tibet schon seit 7 Jahren.
der tibctischen Astrologie und ihre budd- Willkommen in dieser Welt. Reisepreis DM 8300,-
histische Einbettung. gefolgt von einer Die libelische Kunst, VorbereitungJtreffen der Reisegruppe am
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schen Systems und Tabellen fur eigene K6sc1 Vcr/as, Miinchen 1999. ,J~ c"',.'!
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zelangaben nieht angegeben wird. Tibet Empfangnis, Schwangerschaft, Ge-
34 TIBET-FORUM 112000
t
Robert Powell and his Himalayan Art J
he painter Robert Powell trained as an archite~t
T in his native Sydney and went on to study In
Europe. After working in London designing mod-
em architecture and Islamic gardens in Saudi Ara-
bia his wanderlust led him to the Himalayas, where
he ~ettled some 25 years ago. Tibetan architecture
interested him greatly, but Tibet was closed to
foreigners at that time. Instead, he went to Ladakh,
at first recording the architecture through photo-
graphs and drawings. He subsequently ~old his
camera to finance his travels, and sketching and
painting became the exclusive me.an~ by v:hich he
captured his impressions of the buIldmgs, hght and
people oflhe region. Watercolour was his preferred
medium, although he returned to photography for
documentation purposes due to climate and light
-
-~
60 61
Rome. Powel! candidly describes his art in an interview induded in
the exhibition catalogue, where several essays by nOled scholars
examine his work and the questions it raises. Peter Herbstreuth has
provided a biographjcal essay and renects on Powel! as a 20th century
artist. Niels Gutschow discusses Powell's capacity to provide meas-
ured, realistic documentation as well as what Powell terms' imaginary
documentation' to describe his personal view of objects and land-
scape.
Using pencil alone on textured paper, the drawing of tile Licchavi
chaitya (stupa) conveys the varied surface textures of three kinds of
stone, which are the result of a reconsecration of the stupa in the
mid-17th century. combining elements of two different 7th century
stupas. Thus the drawing reveals the hidden history of the sculpted
stones. Gatz HagmOller's essay 'Fact and Fiction' discusses a group
of paintings of purely imaginary subjects, all of which are illustrated
(although they are not included in the exhibition). Here Powell takes
animate and inanimate elements of the Hjmalayas - trees, horns,
facades, arches, towers - and merges them in paintings rich in colour
and with unusual subjects. Clare Harris and Heather Stoddard examine
Powell's work in Ladakh: Harris evaluates his distinctive contribution
to the corpus of illustrations of the region, while Stoddard explains
the cultural context of his subject". Charles Ramble focuses on Pow-
ell's Mustang collection, which is particularly strong. In some Mus-
tang temples where photography is prohibited, Powell has seen and
documented ancient paintings of Tibetan Buddhism which show
uncanny qualities of abstraction, hitherto almost unsuspected in the
broad sphere of later Tibetan art. Anllcgrel Nippa studies Powell's
work in Swat, in particular the mosque at Gabral Jaba. Michael Oppitz
concludes the essay section in 'Drawing or Photograpb', which re-
views PoweLl's work over the years of their collaboration in several
regions in tenns of the ethnographic necessity of documenting tradi-
tional ways of life, which are constantly in nux. Oppitz concludes that
both drawing and photography are essential. In addition to the essay
illustrations, the finely produced plates on buff-coloured paper allow
the reader to appreciate the paintings individually, each identified by
title. The captions are placed at the end of the volume, which permits
the luxury of looking at the plate and separately apprehending the
dimensions and explanation of the subject. The volume forms an
eloquent - and elegant - testimony to Robert Powell and his works.
Amy Helier
The exhibition Roberr POIVell: Himalayol1 Drawings runs until 2 March 2002; Licchavi chailya, Vambaha, Kathmandu
the accompanying catalogue is available from the Ethnographic Museum of By Roben Powell (b. 1948), 1993
Zurich University, Pelikanstr. 40, CH-800!, Zurich, Switzerland (Price: 78 Penci.l drawing
Swiss francs). Orders may also be placed bye-mail Height 129 cm. width 90 cm
(musethno@vmz.unizh.ch). Collection of Niels Gutschow
62
ClAA Newsletter Issue #13 New Publications CIAA Newsletter Issue #13 New Publications
furnishings of the wealthy included rugs and portable furniture, which were often geography and history of the oasis and a millenium of aesthetic development in
decorated with Chinese inspired motifs. sculpture and painting, as well as religious and iconographic explanations of principal
Buddhist themes. It is also a chronicle of the exploration and the conservation
Chapter IV discusses monastic materials, from lamas' robes and personal objects (e.g. programmes in progress to preserve the Mogao grottoes. The sumptuous photography
a reading table) to objects of religious authority. A fine example of the latter is a late captures the atmosphere of the stark desert landscapes and the rich diversity of the
19th century ceremonial cape (sKu-ber), which, according to Valrae Reynolds, is the mural paintings and sculptures, alternating enlarged detail with full view of entire
single most important garment in the Newark Museum. However, perhaps the most walls to convey the sense of scale, composition, palette, and volume. The text reads
detailed description is given on the sacred altar space, where the author explains the very well as an introduction for the general public to the site itself and to the aesthetic
position and the role of the various objects on the altar. The Museum has its own and spiritual ideals which flourished here. For the specialised reader, while this
authentic Tibetan altar, completed in 1990 (the original was built in 1935). Other volume does not attempt to substitute for the Dunhuang Bihua series of volumes on
monastic objects include very fine silverware from Batang in eastern Tibet, and ritual individual caves, it nonetheless provides many new and varied photographs,
textiles such as altar cloths. As the author notes, many of the Museum's monastic remarkable for the fidelity of colours, bringing new focus on architecture and
artefacts were acquired because of the Sino-Tibetan border wars of 1905-18 when costumes in certain caves. The book is captivating: it achieves a fine balance between
Buddhist monasteries and royal temples were destroyed. Dan Martin has also poetic mood, even quotations, and accurate scientific prose. The text also has a strong
contributed to this chapter by writing about the origin and the meaning of the vajra, focus on the most recent conservation techniques and research implemented in situ, in
and the cult and symbolism of the phur-pas (ritual daggers), which were used in 8I collaborative efforts by the Getty Conservation Institute and the Chinese authorities.
tantric practices. Indeed, especially for those who have not yet visited Dunhuang, for students and
teachers, and for museum bookshops, this book provides all the essentials to start a
Chapter V transfers the reader into the sacred realm, which is represented by thangkas fruitful journey to the Mogao grottoes, while those who have already visited will be
and metal sculpture. Janet Gyatso begins the chapter by discussing the presence of the gratefUl for this modem presentation of the wonders of Dunhuang in a "nutshell".
Image in Tibetan Buddhist art. The image is found in painting, metal sculpture and in
books, all of which are integral to Tibetan Buddhism. Most of the Museum's thangkas Dr. Amy Heller, Associate Member, C.N.R.S., Paris, France
date from the 17th to 18th centuries, and the collection includes four magnificent
appliqued thangkas (dating from the 18th and 19th centuries). The earliest paintings
illustrated are two thangkas on plaid cotton cloth from Central Asia (13th and 14th Loulan Hanwen Jian Zhi Wenshu Jicheng
century), depicting Amitabha and Ratnasambhava (see Orientations October 1999 pp. by Hou Can and Yang Daixin. Chengdu: Tian Di Publishing House, 1999,3 vols. Pp.
62-67). The subject matter, both in thangkas and in metal sculptures, depicts historical viii+ 662, ills. in colour and b.&w. Y2,986.
Buddhas, religious masters (portraiture), bodhisattvas and deities from the esoteric
pantheon. A handsome selection of the Museum's metal sculpture shows fifteen Loulan was a strategic site on the Silk Road and gradually became very famous
images, the earliest one dating from the 9th to 10th centuries. because of its archaeolgical significance towards the end of the nineteenth and
beginning of the twentieth century. The Chinese documents on paper and wood
Essentially, this book highlights objects from the Newark Museum's world famous unearthed in Loulan are not only primary materials for medieval history, history of
collection of Tibetan art, many of which have an exceptionally well-documented transportation and cultural history of the Silk Road, but also for the study of regional
provenance. Valrae Reynolds discusses the collection in comprehensive detail, and western history, namely, the history of Loulan and Shanshan and the dynastic records
places the various objects in their original context with clear references in the text to of the Wei (A.D. 220-65), Western Jin (A.D. 265-316), and former Liang (A.D. 316-
the accompanying high quality colour plates. This reviewer particularly enjoyed 76).
reading about the functions of different costumes and textiles, which formed such an
important part of Tibetan secular and religious culture. Through excellent Editing these documents from Loulan was a complex task given the sorting and
illustrations, and coherently written text, pre-1959 Tibet comes to life in impressive collecting involved and also because it took over a century to unearth these finds that
detail in this book. were studied by specialists in different countries in publications, some of which are
inaccessible in China. Professor Hou Can is well qualifed for this endeavour as he has
(MA) •I
led archaeological missions to Loulan twice and has personally unearthed 65
documents. He has been involved in analysing these and other texts for well over two
decades.
The work contains detailed discussions of texts discovered at all 14 sites of Loulan
Recent publications on China which were numbered by Stein L.A. I, L.A. II, L.A. Ill, L.A. IV, L.A. V, L.A. VI ii,
L.A. VII, L.B., L.C., L.E., L.F., L.K., L.M., etc. This is followed by six appendices:
"Notes and Explanations on the Chinese Documents unearthed at Tuyin site" by
Cave Temples of Mogao. Art and History on the Silk Road Huang Wenbi; "Sorting of Unpublished Parts of Fragmentary Chinese Documents by
by Roderick Whitfield, Susan Whitfield and Neville Agnew. Conservation and Maspero which were Unearthed by Stein during his Third Central Asia Expedition";
Cultural Heritage Series 4. Los Angeles: Getty Trust Publications, 2000. Pp. 138, "List Delineating Serial Numbers of Chinese Documents by Chavannes, Stein and
several colour pIs., map, tables, b.&w. and colour photos, diagrams. US$29.95 Wang Guowei"; "List Delineating Serial Numbers of Chinese Documents by
(available at www.getty.edu/publications) or London: The British Library, 2000. • Maspero, Zhang Feng and Stein"; "Compilation of Relevant Accounts about Loulan
in Chinese Historical Records"; and "List of Major Works and Essays on Chinese
This book presents a vast treasure successfully compacted into one volume. Small Documents from Loulan" .
enough to carry in hand to guide the reader at Dunhuang, it yet encompasses the
56 57
On the Development of the Iconography of
Acala and Vighnantaka in Tibet *
Amy Heller
Introduction
Ritual evocations describing the deities Acala and Vighnantaka present many
similarities, to such an extent that their identification may sometimes be
confusing. This paper will review and translate a few different Tibetan rituals in
praise of Acala and Vighnantaka, examining the historic and liturgical contexts of
their worship which help to clarify certain parallels and differentiation in their
representations. In function, both Acala and Vighnantaka are members of the
dasakrodha,l a group of wrathful male protectors, most frequently a group of ten
(dasa) who guard the cardinal points, the intermediary points and the zenith and
nadir directions of diverse mandala. In the group of ten krodha protecting the
Guhyasamaja Maftjuvajra ma':l~ala, the first ma':l~ala described by the
Ni~pannayogiivalf, Vighnantaka is green, at North, while at Northeast, Acala is
blue, both having three faces and six arms. In this case, their color is distinctive.
However, the ma':l~ala of Maftjuvajra stipulates at north the blue guardian
AmrtakUI:l<;lalin, one of the usual names of Vighnantaka, and at northeast, the blue
Acala, both with three heads and six arms. In view of the lack of additional
information in this ritual description, the two guardians would thus appear here
to be virtually indistinguishable. 2 The directional position would be the only
determining factor to identify the protector. In addition to Acala and Vighnantaka
as part of the group of krodha gate protectors, there are several other forms of each
deity which will be considered here.
Acala. In this sense, some people may understand Acala as an epithet rather than from (thar) Obstacles (bgegs)" for the full name bGegs mthar 'byed. 9 In fact,
the personal name of the deity. Curiously, the Tibetan rendering MLg.Yo.ba (lit. according to Jaschke's Tibetan-English dictionary, the word bgegs is synonymous
"The Immovable One") does not appear in some dictionaries, which do not list with the Sanskrit term vighna, which is defined: bgegs (1) hindrance, obstacle
proper nouns, but in other dictionaries, MLg.Yo.ba is, perhaps erroneously, listed (seldom); (2) an evil spirit, demon, deviL.; The king of the bgegs is Vi na ya ka
as an alternate name for Ak~obya, in Tibetan, ML'Khrugs pa (imperturbable, (quoted from Milarepa's biography, ca. 12th cent., where it occurs frequently).
unshakeable) as well as identified as the name of one of the ten krodha. 4 It is thus Jaschke also gives the Sanskrit equivalent: Vinayaka, a remover of obstacles, the
not easy to determine in all situations whether the words Acala and MLg.Yo.ba god Ganesa etc. 1O However, in Nepal, among Newar Buddhists, any deity who
are indeed names or only epithets. An alternative name in Sanskrit is tramples on Ga:t:\esa/Ga:t:\apati is popularly called Vighnantaka, while Tibetan
Ca':l4amahiiro~a':la,which has given rise to the principal title for a tantra devoted Buddhists living in Nepal do not use this term. This means that, for the Newars,
to Acala, the Ca':l4amahiiro~a':la tantra. s This too raises the question between name Vighnantaka serves as a broad term, not necessarily the personal name of a specific
and epithet, or epithet which has become synonymous with name-since canda deity.11 In a recent analysis of the development of Esoteric Buddhist iconography
means "fierce, violent," mahii "great" and ro~a':la "angry, wrathful."6 We find the in India and Tibet, Rob Linrothe has adapted this term further to refer to a
mantra for Vajrapa:t:\i in the Mahiivairocana siltra is explicit: namah samanta category of wrathful protective deities, the krodha vighniintaka, who are
buddhanam / ca':l4a mahiiro~a':la hum-in the name of all the Buddha, the great characterized as symbols for the elimination of the practioner's inner obstacles to
wrathful one hum. Yet only a few stanza further, the mantra for Acala in the same enlightenment. 12
section reads:
2. The Asana
Namah samanta vajranam/ca':l4a mahiiro~a':la sphataya hum To what extent does the iisana help differentiate Acala and Vighnantaka? In
traka ham mam-in the name of all the Vajra, the Great Wrathful Tibetan Buddhist pantheons, the iisana may reveal how the deities actively
One sphataya hum traka ham mam. 7 eliminate such obstacles. Several deities are represented in iilf4hasana or pra-
tyiilf4hasana, the lunging position (respectively the right or left leg contracted, the
This ambiguity between name and epithet is accurately reflected by the translation other leg extended). Sometimes, when the legs are in iilf4ha or pratyiilf4ha, one or
into Tibetan as dpal gtum po khro bo chen po, "Glorious Ferocious, Very Wrathful both feet may crush beings of one sort or another (see figs. 3 and 9 in particular).13
One."8 On the other hand, the Sanskrit word Vighnantaka literally means "He who It is believed that by crushing such beings, the deities vanqUish any obstacles to
Conquers (taka) the Obstacles" (vighnan), understood as obstacles to enlighten- enlightment. The Tibetan protective deity Beg-tse, for example, tramples a horse
ment. The Tibetan translation of Vighnantaka is very close, "He Who Liberates
9 The Tibetan word thar ba (to become free; to be saved, as well as "freedom, liberty") has as
suppine form mthar; the term sgrol ba also signifies "to liberate" but simultaneously may imply
"destruction" as does the form of the name bgegs mthar byed, he who frees from obstacles, he
who destroys the obstacles to enlightenment. Thanks to Yen. mTshan zhabs Rinpoche for this
observation. As a noun, the Tibetan term mtha' means "the end, the limit"; with a locative case,
this become mthar, "he who brings the obstacles to their end", thus "he who conquers." I am
indebted to Dan Martin for pointing out that it is also possible to understand the Tibetan term
4 H. Jaschke, A Tibetan-English Dictionary, London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1881 (reprint mthar 'byed as a calque translating Sanskrit antaka, "cause for an end," "ender", and
1972), p. 519; and Bod Rgya tshig mdzod chen mo (Tibetan-Chinese Dictionary), ed. Krun dbyi consequently, even, "death."
sun, Beijing: Minority Press, 1985, p. 2030.
10 Jaschke, A Tibetan-English Dictionary, p. 89.
S Christopher S. George, The Candamaharosana Tantra, New Haven: American Oriental Society,
1974. 11 Thanks to Ian Alsop for this information based on several years of personal observation in
Nepal. For example, a Tibetan statue on permanent exhibition in the National Museum of Nepal,
6 M. Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1899 (reprint inv. No. 485, height 16 cm., is labeled as "Vighnantaka Bhairav". The iisana and attributes of this
1976), p. 383, canda, "fierce, violent," listing Canda maha rohana tantra, p. 885 rosana, "angry, Tibetan statue are identical with representations of Acala (see figs. 2-5 infra).
wrathful, passionate, enraged at or against". The meaning of Cat:\c;lamaharosa is given in chapter 12 Rob Linrothe, Ruthless Compassion, London: Serindia Publications, 1999, p. 152. I would like
thirteen of the Ca1}~amahiiro~a1}a tantra: "Canda means one who is very violent (tivratara) and he to thank R. Linrothe for much correspondence on the differentiation of Acala and Vighnantaka.
is said to be very wrathful (mahiiro~a1}a). He is known as being wrathful (ro~a1}a) because he
devastates all evil ones (mara) with his anger (krodha)." Cf. George, The Candamaharosana 13 See also the representation of Acala in the Los Angeles County Museum thangka of Amitayus,
Tantra, p. 44, nl. attributed to late 12th century. Here Acala is named by inscription in Tibetan, Mi. g.Yo ba. He is
lunging, with leg extended, yet represented without any deity underfoot. I thank John Listopad
7 Cf. C. Yamamoto, Mahiivairocana siitra, New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1990, p. 46 for Vajra-
for kindly providing detailed photographs for my research. Illustration and inscriptions were
pii1}i, and p. 54; p. 185, for Acala.
published by P. Pal, Art of Tibet, Los Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum, 1983, pI. 1,
8 Jaschke, A Tibetan-English Dictionary, p. 208, gtum palgtum po.
described p. 134, inscriptions translated and transcribed p. 259.
210 211
Amy HelIer On the Development of the Iconography of Acala and Vighnantaka in Tibet
and a man, but his ritual evocations describe his crushing dgra bgegs, which might upper right corner, while his uncle Sa Chen Kun dga' snying po (identified by his
be translated as "enemy demons." Since at least the mid-seventeenth century, the robes and white hair) is seated in the upper left corner. The original thangka was
horse and human have consistently been used to symbolize the dgra bgegs. 14 A probably commissioned towards the end of Grags pa rgyal mtshan's life.
special variation of alf~ha may be found for a form of Acala, where his right leg Recent studies attribute the production of this silk thangka of Acala to the
thrusts forward while the left knee touches the ground (fig. 1). This posture is Tangut Xia empire. Acala figures as the principal subject of other Tangut thangkas
considered so characteristic of Acala that in Sanskrit it is called acalasana excavated from Khara Khoto, an oasis town about 400 km. northeast of the lake
according to some authors in western literature 15 and in some Tibetan liturgy as Kokonor. Formerly occupied by the Tibetans from mid-8th to mid-9th century,
wel1. 16 The Ca1'J~amaharo~a1'Ja tantra specifies that Acala's right leg crushes the four Khara Khoto was captured by the Tangut Xia 1ffiJ! in 1035 A.D. They eclectically
demons of Mara under the feet, which C. George lists as Klesamara, Skandhamara, adopted and adapted aesthetics and liturgies of both Chinese and Tibetan
Mrtyumara and Devaputramara. 17 The Hevajra tantra too describes Heruka Buddhism. A period of intense relations between the Tanguts and Tibet occurred
crushing these demons. At least one sculpture is known which represents Hevajra during the long and stable reign of Renzong {-* (r. 1139-1193), whose patronage
trampling on these four demons. 18 However, despite this stipulation by the encouraged a golden age of cultural and religious development. 19 Reflecting
Ca1'J~amahliro~a1'Ja tantra, to my knowledge, among the many images of Acala in diverse Tibetan models, the representations of Acala were probably made in late
this distinctive kneeling lilf~ha, none show the four demons crushed beneath the 12th to early 13th century. In the representations known from Xi Xia contexts,
feet. Acala has blue body color but varies in lisana and entourage. Surrounded by ten
Among the earliest Tibetan representations of Acala in this distinctive attendants, Acala is represented on another silk thangka also woven in slit
lilf~ha is a silk thankga (gos sku) now in the collection of the Potala Palace (fig. 1). tapestry technique known in Chinese as kesi ~t.:m (fig. 2). The composition of the
It was woven using slit tapestry technique following a model from a painted two silk thangka is similar in the rows of Buddha images in the upper register and
thangka made in honor of the Sa.skya lama Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147-1216), the motifs of flowers and vines clinging to the round arc in which Acala is
one of the principal Tibetan translators of Sanskrit rituals and philosophical depicted. According to the textile scholars Anne Wardwell and James Watt, the
treatises. On this thangka, Acala is represented in accordance with several ele- composition reflects a Tibetan model but the palette of colored threads, the shape
ments of the description in the Ca1'J~amahliro~a1'Ja tantra: the right hand of the cloth and dimensions correspond to slit tapestry silk thangka made in
brandishing a sword, the left hand clasping a noose in a threatening mudrli, a Tangut Xia. Watt and Wardwell have attributed these two silk thangka to a
wrathful facial expression with the lower lip pressed with clenched teeth, the right common weaving center in Tangut Xia due to a unique technical feature: the small
leg kicking (but no crushed demons are visible) and the left knee touching the pearls on the foreheads and topknots of the Five Transcendent Buddha of the
ground, the crown of Ak~obya in his hair. The upper register has a woven upper register were threaded down to the warps prior to weaving. In terms of
inscription in Tibetan, which includes the mantra evocation: "Om Tsan da ma ha technique and aesthetics, it would seem that these silk thangka were woven
ro sha na hum phat," leaving no doubt as to the identification of the deity. The shortly after the painted thangka dedicated to Grags pa rgyal mtshan by his
lower register is a dedicatory inscription naming Grags pa rgyal mtshan and his student.
student. Grags pa rgyal mtshan very well might be the lama with black hair in the
3. The Liturgy
14 G. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Roma: La Libreria dello Stato, 1949, p 451, fig. 100. First Grags pa rgyal mtshan translated the important ritual anthology, the Sadhana-
Panchen Lama in Narthang series, for 18th century representations and Fifth Dalai Lama, gSan mala, (sGrub.thabs rgya.mtsho> which includes several other rituals for Acala. The
yig (Record of Teachings Received), Vol. 4, for 17th century representation of Beg tse.
Siidhanamiilii is part of a corpus of ritual evocations extending throughout several
15 See for example G. Beguin, Dieux et Demons de l'Himalaya, Paris: Reunion des Musees
Nationaux, 1977, p. 48. and Valrae Reynolds, From a Sacred Realm, Treasures of the Tibetan
volumes of the Tibetan canonical literature. Among the rituals, the Ca1'J~amahii
ro~a1'Ja siidhana devoted to Acala was first translated by DanasIla (who was co-
20
Collection of The Newark Museum, Newark: Prestel, 1999, p. 252, "combative kneeling pose:
Sanskrit achalasana and Tibetan, miyoweh zug." translator with Ye shes sde, active ca. 800 A.D. in Tibet). This ritual describes a
16 See Loden Sherap Dagyab, Ikonographie und Symbolik des Tibetschen Buddhismus, Vol 8. 19 For Acala represented in Tangut Xia art, see M. Piotrovsky, Lost Empire of the Silk Road,
Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1991. Milano: Thyssen-Bornemisza Foundation - Electa, 1993, in particular pIs. 31-2, and J. Watt and A.
17 George, The Candamaharosana Tantra, p. 60 and Tibetan text p. 106: rkyang g.yas brdegs pa'i Wardwell, When Silk was Gold, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1998, pI. 24, pp.
stabs kyis ni bdud bzhi rnam par nyed par mdzad ("by the thrusting position of the right leg, the 90-4. For Tangut Buddhist aesthetics and liturgy see R. Linrothe, "Peripheral Visions: On recent
four demons are completely crushed between the feet"). Cf. Jiischke, A Tibetan-English finds in Tangut Buddhist Art," Monumental Serica 43 (1995), pp. 235-62. See also his,
Dictionary, p. 195: (m)nyed pa. "Ushnishavijaya and the Tangut cult of stupa at Yulin cave 3," National Palace Museum Bulletin
18 See Linrothe, Ruthless Compassion, pp. 261-2. Following P. Pal, Indian Sculpture, Los Angeles: 31:4-5 (1996), pp. 1-25, for the history of the cultural links between Tibet and Tangut Xia in this
Los Angeles County Museum, 1989, pp. 197-8, Linrothe has attributed a provenance of 11th period.
century Bengal artisan to this gilt copper statue, height 15.9 cm. 20 sDe.dge, no. 3062.
212 213
Amy Heller On the Development of the Iconography of Acala and Vighnantaka in Tibet
dark Acala whose knee touches the ground as he raises a sword with his right evocation of Acala composed and translated by AtiSa, entitled "Praise to noble
hand. DanasIla also composed a ritual for a white Acala in the same position. 21 In Acala, King of the Wrathful Ones":
the sDe.dge ritual/2 Acala is part of a ma1}~ala, the nine-fold manifestation of
Ca1}~amahiiro~a1}a, in which he is shown in yab-yum, while maintaining the Khro bo'i rgyal po 'phags pa Mi.g.yo.ba la bstod.pa khro.bo
kneeling position, surrounded at the cardinal points by four Acalas of other rgyal.po mi. g.yo ba la phyag 'tshal 10 I Mi.g.yo zhes bya'i
colors, all of whom are kneeling and brandishing swords. At the intermediary khro.bo nil ral.gri zhags. pa legs par thogsl sbyi.bo'i zur phud
points are the four manifestations of the yum. 23 g.yon du 'khyil I rang gi dkyil 'khor 'od la bzhugsl klu chen la
The Tibetan canon further includes three texts devoted to another two- sogs thams cad kyi I rgyan rnams kun gyis rab tu brgyan I byis.pa'i
armed aspect of Acala, an aspect not included in the Sanskrit version of the Siid- gzugs can 'gying.bag canl rdo.rje'i sku la phyag 'tshal 10 I
hanamiilii as translated by Grags pa rgyal mtshan. These three Tibetan texts 24 stem dpal.ldan na thugs.rje'i rang bzhin canl gdug.pa 'duI phyir phyi
from the Indian Buddhist scholar Atisa (958-1054) and his revered teacher Su- rol khro tshul ston I chos nyid mi .gyur sku mdog mthing.nag
vart:\advlpa DharmaklrtL The name Suvart:\advlpa ("He of the Golden Island") zhal I bcom Idan Mi.g.yo mgon la phyag 'tshal 101 thugs.rje
probably refers to his residence, sinse AtiSa is said to have traveled for twelve dbyings nas bzhengs pa'i sku mchog nil ye.shes me dpung
years in the Buddhist kingdom of Srlvijaya comprising Java and Sumatra in 'bar.ba'i klong dkyil nalsna tshogs padma nyi.ma'i gdan la
present day Indonesia. 25 The epithet Suvart:\advlpa might also imply the master's bzhugs I zhal 1 phyag 2 mthing.nag rngam pa'i skul zhabs 2
place of birth, since he was living in India. 26 Suvart:\advlpa composed one text brkyang bskum bgegs chen du.ma gzir I stag dang sbrul gyi
translated by Atisa, who also translated an anonymous ritual devoted to Acala. In rgyan gyis rnam par brgyanllha dang Iha.min skrag mdzad
addition, the latter composed and translated another ritual text. The ritual phyag g.yas nal shes.rab ral.gri 'bar.ba 'debs pa'i tshul I 'byung.po
evocations for Acala by Suvart:\advlpa and Atisa differ substantially from Acala as skrag mdzad phyag g.yon sdigs mdzub ste I thugs.rje Ius can mi
described in the Candamahiirosana tantra. gtong rdo.rje zhags I skye shi rtsad gcod rno dkar mche.ba
In these three rituals, Acaia is dark blue, and does not kneel, but stands in gcigs I spyan gnyis dmar zlum thugs.rjes phyogs bcur
the ii1f~ha posture crushing demons (bdud; byung.po) and/or obstacles (bgegs). gzigs I thugs.rjes khros.pas dbu.skra gyen du 'khyil I mi.bskyod la
The text by Suvart:\advlpa at one point stipulates that the deity tramples on sogs rigs.lngas dbu la brgyanl ma.rungs 'dul.zhing 'gro.don
Gat:\esa. 27 Furthermore, the text of Suvart:\advlpa describes Acala as having three rdzogs mdzad.pa'il sbrul.pa'i khro.rgyal sna.tshogs sku la 'grol
eyes, but Atisa's text mentions only two, although this may be due to a scribal 'gro.ba kun gyi sdug.bsngal zhi.mdzad cing I bde.ba dag la
error because the texts use only numeral forms, and numbers for two and three are rim.gyis mgon mdzad.pal 'gro.ba'i mgon.po shin.tu thugs.rje
very close in Tibetan. The icons vary, representing Acala with either two or three canlkhyod nyid dus.gsum sangs.rgyas thams.cad lags I dus.gsum
eyes. He tramples either on Gat:\esa alone or together with a non-specific sangs.rgyas thams.cad khyod lags paslkhro rgyal ye.shes sku la
anthropomorphic deity. Suvart:\advlpa's ritual describes Acala's emanations as ten phyag 'tshal bstodl I.
wrathful attendants holding various weapons to combat obstacles. Atisa's ritual
stipulates only four attendants, emanations respectively of Acala's wisdom, body, Salutations to the King of the Wrathful Ones. As for this Wrathful
speech and mind (fig. 4). The following description is an excerpt from the major One known as Acala ( MLg.Yo.ba), he holds both sword and
21 sDe.dge, no. 3065. lasso, his hair is tied in a knot wound to the left, he dwells in the
22 sDe.dge no. 3063.
light of his own ma1}~ala, he is excellently adorned by all of the
23 Dagyab, Ikonographie und Symbolik des Tibetschen Buddhismus, pp. 144-5.
ornaments of all of the niigas, having a haughty face and youthful
24 sDe.dge, nos. 3059, 3060 and 3061.
male body. I bow to his Vajra Body. The One who is spontaneous
25 Helmut Eimer, rNam thar rgyas pa, Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1979, p. 132.
compassion shows his wrathful form in order to vanquish evil.
26 For a previous reference to Atisa as author of a ritual for Acala see my Tibetan Art, Milano:
With face of black, dark blue-black body that is firm as the
Jaca Book, Antique Collectors' Club, 1999, pI. 78. A detailed study of the literary contributions of dharma itself, I bow to the protector Bhagavat Acala. When con-
Suvarnadvipa and Atisa as conserved in the Tibetan sources was the subject of my paper pre- structing his excellent body from the realm of compassion
sented in the panel on Tibetan art history at the 9th seminar of International Association of (meditate thus): in the middle of the expanse of the blazing fire of
Tibetan Studies, Leiden, June 2000. wisdom, one head, two arms, brilliant dark blue body, two legs,
27 sDe.dge, no. 3059, Aryacala-siidhana-nama, fol. 565: de 'og gi spros tshogs bdag stel "under-
one extended, the other contracted, he crushes all great obstacles.
neath him is spread out Tshogs-bdag, Le. Gat:\esa." Later on the ritual states: bdud la sogs pa rab
'joms pas I rnam rtog thams cad 'jom par bsgoml "Because Acala has completely conquered all Beautifully adorned in tiger and snake ornaments, with his right
sorts of demons, meditate on his [act of] conquering with complete discriminating wisdom." hand, he waves the blazing sword of wisdom to terrify the gods
214 215
Amy Heller On the Development of the Iconography of Acala and Vighnantaka in Tibet
and the asuras. Due to his compassion for sentient beings (he and in a Tibetan commentary.31 The descriptions of the Mahiivairocana siltra are at
seeks) to crush the demons by making a the tarjanf mudrii with variance in some respects, however the wrathful protector holding sword and
his left hand as he clasps the vajra-Iasso. His white fangs an- cord/noose is the common basis of Acala in all cases. In the Mahiivairocana siltra,
nihilate birth and death. His two globular red eyes gaze with there is a clear statement on the obstacles (bgegs):
compassion in the ten directions. By wrathful compassion his hair
is wound on end. He wears the crown of the Buddhas of the Five bgegs ni rang gi sems las byung / de'i rgyu ni gzhig ba'i phyir/
families. Vanquishing those who act inappropriately he quells gang du sems dans sems byung ba'i/ rtog pa thams cad spong ba
them for the sake of sentient beings. His body adorned with dang / rnam par rtog pa las byung ba'i/ spros pa thams cad 'gag
snakes will accomplish the appeasement of suffering of all 'gyur ba'i/ byang chub sems zhes bshad pa yin/ /.
sentient beings. Protecting on a level of pure bliss, most com-
passionate protector of sentient beings, you who are the essence of As for the obstacles (bgegs): they arise from one's mind as do
all the Buddha, by the virtue of these Buddhas I praise and their cause and their destruction too, just like the mind and the
venerate the wrathful king in his wisdom body. HailF8 production of the mind, the abandoning of all differentiation,
and the production of the pure discriminating [mind] which
In comparison with this description, it is clearly the form of Acala described by brings the absolute inactivity of thought. This is the explanation
Atisa and Suvar:t:\advlpa which is represented in a silk tapestry attributed to the of the mind of enlightenment. 32
early 13th century (fig. 2). One sees a dark blue Acala. His grimacing face has two
eyes. The muscular body is adorned with snakes. He wears a tiger skin as a dhoti. It is to be noted that in this passage from the Mahiivairocana siltra, the Tibetan
The right hand waves a sword, ~hile the left hand holds a noose against his heart. terms for obstacles and inactivation of obstacles are precisely those used for the
He lunges while trampling on Siva and Ga:t:\esa. Ten small jumping male figures demons as spread out beneath the feet of Acala in Atisa's ritual.
surround him, each carrying weapons (fig. 2).29 This same form of Acala is found, According to the Mahiivairocana siltra, one description indicates Acala with
without entourage, in a slightly earlier sculpture which has an inscribed a single round eye, one description indicates that he tramples on a yogin, another
dedication both in Tibetan and in Sanskrit (fig. 3). In direct correspondence with description has Acala seated on a round stone, with flaming hair around his
the ritual AtiSa personally composed, perhaps the earliest representation yet head. 33 The single eye was elucidated in the eighth century commentary by
identified is the extremely small painted thangka (fig. 4) which bears a Sanskrit Buddhaguhya (fl. mid-8th cent.) as symbolic of the unimpeded path to enlighten-
dedicatory inscription on the reverse: "Gm Sarvavid Hum." This is a reference to ment, in other words, the knowledge which directly removes the defiling forces. 34
Acala in relation to the Sarvavid aspect of Vairocana. Thus we find black or dark
blue Acala has two primary forms, both anthropomorphic, one in which Acala is 31 Refer to the translation by Yamamoto, Mahavairocana siitra. For the Tibetan commentary, the
contemporary reference is Peking bsTan.'gyur, no. 3489, Vairocana-sadhanopayika, by
kneeling, and the other, lunging and trampling demons conceived as obstacles to Jayaprabha, Vo1. Ngu, fo1. 362b, for mention of Acala, and the 11th century translation by Rin
enlightenment, who may be conventionally represented as Ga:t:\apati, or as other chen bzang po and Padmakaravarman of the offering ritual for the Vairocana-abhisambodhi
deities, Hindu or not. associated with his siitra, Peking bsTan.'gyur, no. 3488, Mahavairocana-abhisambodhi-sam-
What sources may be found for these aspects of Acala? The earliest baddha-tantra-piija-vidhi, Vo1. Ngu, fo1. 345, where the mantra for Acala is: Na mo
mentions of Acala yet encountered are found in the Mahiivairocana siltra, Samtantabhadra na I Tsandamaharosha spota ya hum. This mantra is the same as the Aryacala
translated into Tibetan during the mid-eighth century, and the Arya Acala tantra and the Ca1!4amaharo?m:z.a tantra. In the ritual of Peking bsTan.'gyur, no. 3489, his mudra is
described in relation to sword and tarjanr-mudra, the right hand grasping the sword is the
Mahiikrodhariija kalpa tantra, believed to be roughly contemporary with the principal characteristic, the left hand seems to be clasping in the palm the hilt of the sword while
Mahiivairocana siltra. 30 Acala is described four times in the Mahiivairocana siltra, maintaining tarjanr-mudra (phyag rgya ni lag pa g.yon pa khu tshur beings lal mdzub mo dang
gung mo brkyang lal srin lag dang mthe'u chung gi rtse mo mthe bos mnan la lag pa g.yas pa'i
bzhin du ral gri Ita bur byas pal lag pa g.yon pa'i lag mthil du bcug stel ral gri shubs su bcug pa
las drangs pa Ita bu ni Mi g.yo mgon phyag rgya yin tel ... ).
32 sDe.dge no. 494, (352).
28 sDe.dge, no. 3060. 33 Yamamoto, Mahavairocana siitra, p. 22 monocular Acala with sword and noose; p. 41, Acala
29 See Watt and Wardwell, When Silk was Gold, pI. 24. I thank S. Czuma for his help to illustrate trampling yogin, with sword and noose; pp. 80-1 for the attributes of sword and noose; p. 88
this tapestry. seated on stone, flaming hair around head with one of his eyes squinting. Acala retained
30 Cf. Alex Wayman, The Enlightenment of Vairocana, New_Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1992, p. 5, popularity in China and Japan in this form although so far no Tibetan representations have been
where he is quoting Jisshu Oshika, Tibetan text of Arya-Acala-Mahakrodharaja-kalpa, Acta documented.
Indologica IV, Narita: Naritasan Shinshoji, 1978. 34 Wayman, The Enlightenment of Vairocana, p. 147, n57.
216 217
Amy Heller On the Development of the Iconography of Acala and Vighnantaka in Tibet
The description in the Acala tantra is consistent in the wrathful attitude, sword Vighnantaka. 39 The noose clasped by the left hand in tarjanr-mudrli corresponds to
and vanquishing of defilements, and there is frequent mention of the noose as ritual descriptions of both Acala and Vighnantaka. Pal's identification and hypo-
well but not in the principal evocation, which is quite brief: thesis of substitution was based on the 5lidhanamlilli and Ni~pannayoglivalr
treatises. Of course, in 1975 Pal did not have access to the Tibetan texts which only
Og tu khro bo chen po nil mi g.Yo ba ni stobs po chel phyag na became available in subsequent years. Following Pal's hypothesis, the
ral gri zur gyis gzigs I 'chi bdag mthar byed mngon sum bzhinl identification of this iconography as a form of Vighnantaka was maintained by
me yi dkyil 'khor la bzhugs pal rlung dang cig sbyar bar byal. several authors in western literature. This identification may also have been
maintained due to the popular tradition current in Nepal that male deities
As for the Great Wrathful One situated below [Vairocana], this is crushing GaI).esa underfoot are called Vighnantaka. 40 While this may be the case in
Acala of great strength, sword in hand, seeing from the corner (of Nepal, the 11th-12th century Tibetan ritual evocations for wrathful aspects of
his eyes), residing in the ma1!~ala of fire combined with wind, Vighnantaka with an anthropomorphic body are unequivocal, whether by
appearing as the perfection of the Vanquisher of the Lord of Abhayakara or Grags pa rgyal mtshan. The text reads:
Death. 35
His body is dark blue, the position has the right leg contracted
The mantra in the Acala tantra also leaves no doubt: 5arva tathagate bhyo/ [and the left extended], one face, two arms; as for the left hand, it
Amogha Canda mli ha ro sha na so phat. 36 However, the description in the Tantra is in the tarjanr-mudrli clasping the lasso [and] the right hand
does not specify whether Acala is lunging or kneeling. Further textual analysis brandishes the vajra inspiring fear, the hair is reddish yellow
may reveal to what degree the Acala tantra may have been a source of inspiration wound in a knot. [His mantra goes:] Om ah big nan ta kri ta
for the rituals composed by AtiSa and SuvarI).advlpa. The Acala tantra as now hum. 41
conserved in the Tibetan canon was translated from a Sanskrit original kept at
Vikramaslla Monastery, where Atisa long resided prior to his arrival in west Grags pa rgyal mtshan's translation is similar:
Tibet in 1042 A.D. 37 AtiSa's composition and translation led to his transmission of
this form of Acala as one of the four major protective deities of the bKa' gdams.pa One face, two arms, the left leg in extended position, the color is
monastic school founded by his disciples following his death in 1054 A.D. 38 Acala blue, the left hand makes the threatening gesture (tarjanr-mudrli)
is frequently represented during the 11th to 14th centuries when the bKa' gdams and holding the lasso, the right hand waves the vajra inspiring
pa teachings spread throughout Tibet, the western Himalayas and Ladakh. fear, the reddish-yellow hair is wound up in a knot. 42
Certainly one of the earliest representations of Acala in this iconography is
a brass image attributed to either Kashmir or Western Himalayas (Spiti-Guge), In ritual descriptions of other aspects of Vighnantaka, a characteristic similarity to
10th-llth century (fig. 5). This statue was first identified by Pratapaditya Pal as a Acala may be observed. The Ni~pannayoglivalr has two ritual evocations for
form of Vighnantaka. He made the hypothesis that the sword held in the right aspects of Vighnantaka crushing GaI).esa. The ma1!~ala of Manjuvajra (Ni~panna
hand was a substitute for the vajra stipulated by ritual descriptions of yoglivalr 20) in which Vighnantaka appears with three heads and six arms, holding
39 P. Pal, Bronzes of Kashmir, Graz: Akademische Druk-u. Verlagsanstalt, 1975, fig. 61:
Vighnantaka, Kashmir or Western Himalayas, 10th cent.; Ulrich von Schroeder, Indo-Tibetan
Bronzes, Hong Kong: Visual Dharma Publications Ltd., 1981, fig. 27 F: Vighnantaka, Spiti-Guge,
11th cent.
35 sDe.dge, no. 495. This passage was also translated with slight variations in Wayman, The 40 Cf. von Schroeder, Indo-Tibetan Bronzes, fig. 27F, fig. 36A, fig. 37B, fig. 40G. See also Valrae
Enlightenment of Vairocana, p. 5. Reynolds, A. Heller, A. and J. Gyatso, Catalogue of the Tibetan collection of the Newark
36 sDe.dge, nos. 495/582. Museum, Vol. Ill: Sculpture and Painting, Newark: The Newark Museum, 1986, fig. S 11;
37 sDe.dge, no. 495: Vikramasfla rgya dpe nas. ... Debora Klimburg-Salter, The Silk Route and the Diamond Path, Los Angeles: The UCLA Art
3,8 These four deities are specific forms of Acala, Tara, Avalokitesvara, and Bhaisajyaguru or
Council, 1972, pI. 35, p. 107; and Watt and Wardwell, When Silk was Gold, pI. 24, pp. 90-4. Due
Sakyamuni. I thank Franz-Karl Ehrhard for correspondence on this subject which he presented at to our correspondence on this topic prior to publication, V. Reynolds changed the identification
the Leiden seminar of International Association of Tibetan Studies, June 2000. For representations from Vighnantaka to Acala in the most recent Newark Museum publication (1999), pI. 122.
of Acala in this form on mural paintings at Alchi, see Roger Goepper, Alchi Ladakh's Hidden 41 sDe.dge, no. 3287, Bgegs mthar byed kyi sgrub thabs (Vighnantaka-sadhana), vol. 61, p. 376.
Buddhist Sanctuary, London: Serindia Publications, 1996, pp. 211-13. For contemporary thangkas, Translated by Abhayakara and Tshul khrims rgyal mtshan.
see S. M. Kossak and J. C. Singer, Sacred Visions, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 42 sDe.dge, no. 3633, vol. 62, p. 175, Bgegs mthar byed kyi sgrub thabs (Vighnantaka-sadhana),
1998, pIs. 2,6, 10, 17. with Gragspa rgyal mtshan as translator.
218 219
Amy HelIer On the Development of the Iconography of Acala and Vighnantaka in Tibet
khatviiliga, axe, and arrow in right hands and left hands hold the noose in tarjanr- While the precision of the Indian and Tibetan ritual evocations is amply sufficient
mudrii, a bow and the chest. In the ma1!~ala of Dharmadhatu-vagiSvara Mafijusrl to give a clear understanding of the diverse representations of Acala and Vighnan-
(Ni~pannayogiivalf 21), Vighnantaka has four heads, eight arms, the principal taka, it is pertinent to consider as well the liturgical context and the chronology of
hands hold the vajra and bell, while the other hands hold a second bell, bow, the representations. During the years of Atisa's residence in Tibet from 1042-1054
noose on the left, and at right, the sword, arrow and hook. Vighnantaka in two A.D., it may be recalled that the two protective deities of ma1!~alas of 11th century
handed form according to Indian Siidhanamiilii holds the vajra, and the lasso, sanctuaries in Tibet such as Yemar and Samada, are frequently Acala and Haya-
while according to the Indian text Kriyasamgraha, he holds the visvavajra and grlva. Future studies may reveal whether this occurrence is linked with the popu-
lasso. In either case, there is no mention of iilf~ha or of Gal).esa. It would appear larity of Acala as AtiSa's personal protective deity. The emphasis on Acala may
that multiple arm images of Vighnantaka are only characterized by Gal).esa also stem from his role within the context of the Vairocana liturgical cycles which
underfoot when Vighnantaka is represented alone; when he is represented multi- were often represented in Tibet and western Himalayas during the 11th to the 14th
armed inside the ma1!~ala as guardian, the presence of Gal).esa is not necessarily centuries. In addition, it is significant to consider the role of the protectors of the
observed. In addition, several other images of known Nepalese provenance are U$l).l$avijaya cycle, both in Tibet and in the Tangut Xia empire, where the four
identified as Vighnantaka, trampling Gal).esa, where Vighnantaka has either ten or protectors of the prin~ipal ma1!~ala are Acala, Takkiraja, Niladanda and
twelve arms. 43 The earliest dated image of Vighnantaka yet identified is a Mahabala, all two-handed protectors in iilf~ha, brandishing respectively sword,
sculpture dedicated in 1297 A.D., in Nepal (fig. 6). Here the deity appears with elephant goad, club, and vajra (figs. 7_8).47 The black body color is lacking for the
four heads and eight arms. He is lunging to the right, trampling on Gal).esa as he protectors due to the medium of ink on silk. All of the protectors have the left
holds the vajra and bell in his two main hands. The handle of a sword and the hand in tarjanr-mudrii. Acala here lacks the lasso which is stipulated Atisa's ritual,
second bell in his upper hands correspond to the ritual description, as does the yet the inspiration of this representation of Acala as attendant to U$l).l$avijaya, in
tarjanr-mudrii of the subsidiary lower left hand, which would have held a lasso, iilf~ha posture waving a sword, may indeed stem from Atisa's rituals. The major
now missing. 44 importance of U$l).l$avijaya in Tangut Xia would have been such that the attendant
In the 18th century, the Fourth Panchen Lama compiled a new edition of the deities were venerated on their own. 48 In such a context, it may be questioned
Siidhanamiilii. This anthology includes only one ritual for Vighnantaka, which deity indeed is the wrathful protective deity trampling Gal).esa, waving a
represented with six arms. This would seem to indicate the two armed vajra with his right hand, and admonishing in tarjanr-mudrii with his otherwise
Vighnantaka had declined in popularity by this time. The ritual is dedicated to empty left hand. This deity is represented on a xylograph from Tangut Xia
Krodha Vighnantaka as emanating from Guhyasamaja. The description is as excavations (fig. 9), previously identified by Rudova as a local form of
follows: Vighnantaka or Mahakala. Yet, the iconographic attributes also correspond to
Mahabala as a protective deity in the U$l).l$avijaya Mal).<;lala. 49 The identification in
[He is] black, three headed, six arms, main head and body are the this case remains to be established.
same black, while the two other heads are white on the right and
red on the left. The principal pair of hands hold his yum, the Conclusion
supplementary right hands hold a black vajra and a sword; the It is important to emphasize that this examination of some of the liturgy and
supplementary left hands hold a jewel and a lotus. Vighnantaka representations of Acala and Vighnantaka is in no way exhaustive. Yet already the
stands in iilf~ha, trampling with the right foot a sinning bdud findings are significant in certain respects. It has been possible to examine the
demon, and trampling under the left foot Gal).esa. 45 He has three historical context of the rituals devoted to Acala by Atisa and Suvarl).advlpa which
eyes and yellow hair. He wears a tiger skin dhoti, and the usual
attributes of wrathful deities. A blue niiga should be tied in his 47 I thank Steven Kossak for kindly authorizing reproduction of this silk thangka of U~I,\i~avijaya
and thank him for correspondence on Acala. For the iconographic identification of the
hair and he has red niiga as earrings, surrounded by a horde of U~I,\i~avijaya MaI,\<;iala,
see de Mallmann, Introduction ti l'Iconographie du Bouddhisme Tan-
Wrathful Ones. 46 trique, pp. 389-90. For discussion of this painting cf. Kossak and Singer, Sacred Visions, pp. 64-6,
pI. 6.
43 Cf. de Mallmann, Introduction ti l'Iconographie du Bouddhisme Tantrique, p. 450.
48 See Rob Linrothe, "Renzong and the Patronage of Tangut Buddhist Art: The Stupa and
44 lan Alsop, "Five Dated Nepalese Sculptures," Artibus Asiae 45:2-3 (1984), pp. 210-11, fig. 2. Ushnishavijaya Cult," Journal of Sung-Yuan Studies 28 (1998), pp. 91-121.
45 The description specifies that Vighnantaka tramples Tshogs bdag, which is one of the main 49 For the questions on the identification of the wrathful protector in fig. 9, see the description by
names for GaI,\esa in Tibetan. This description omits the term bgegs viniiyaka. M. Rudova, "Mahakala-a-Vighnantaka" in Lost Empires of the Silk Road, ed. M. Piotrovsky,
46 SiidhanamiWi of the Panchen Lama, ed. Lokesh Chandra, 2 vols., Satapitaka Series, VoI. 210, Milano: Thyssen-Bornemisza Foundation-Electa, 1993, pI. 30, pp. 168-9, as well as ibid., pI. 24,
New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1974, VoI. 1,965-71: gSang 'dus las byung where she identifies the deity as Vighnantaka. I thank Kira Samosyuk for kindly authorizing the
ba'i khro bo bgegs mthar byed. publication of this picture
220 221
Amy Helier On the Development of the Iconography of Acala and Vighnantaka in Tibet
are not known from Indian treatises. They have only survived in the Tibetan Figures
canon. Secondly, it would appear that thse rituals draw potential inspiration from
the Acala tantra and the appearance of Acala in the Mahiivairocana siltra, but the
treatises by Atisa and Suvarlfadvipa are nonetheless innovative. Judging by
numerous extant mural paintings, statues and painted or woven images, the
alidha-form became quite popular, reflecting Atisa's posthumous influence in
Tibetan Buddhism. In the study of Vighnantaka, the examination of the history of
the liturgy devoted to this deity demonstrates his varied representations in India,
Nepal and Tibet, and Tangut Xia. The existence of the 11th century Tibetan trans-
lation of the Siidhanmiilii ritual indicates that this anthropomorphic form of
Vighnantaka had been worshipped with a Sanskrit ritual in India and possibly
Nepal during the eleventh century. Yet to date no extant Indian statue or
manuscript illumination has been identified; thus we cannot determine the degree
of popularity of this form of Vighnantaka in India. The Nepalese Buddhist
literature and popular traditions devoted to both Acala and Vighnantaka remain
to be investigated. The translation of the Indian ritual for the anthropomorphic
form of Vighnantaka preserved in the Tibetan canon is significant, even if no
contemporary Tibetan images of Vighnantaka directly corresponding to this ritual
description have yet been identified. Further investigations in the Tangut Xia
Buddhist canon may help understand distinctive forms of Acala and Vighnantaka,
as well as pOSSible local Tangut variations, which may stem from textual sources
translated from the Tibetan canonical material or from visions of local Buddhist
masters.
Atisa's liturgy for Acala provides precisely such an example of the creation
of a new model of representation. Although the identification may remain elusive
in some cases, these excerpts from Tibetan and Indian treatises help to explain
certain distinctions in the representations of Acala and Vighnantaka during the
11th to 14th century.
Fig. 1. Thangka of Acala, Tangut Xia, early 13th century. Silk tapestry (kesi), 90 x 56 cm. Potala
Palace, Lhasa.
222 223
Amy Helier On the Development of the Iconography of Acala and Vighnantaka in Tibet
Fig. 2. Tlumgka of Acala. Tangut Xia, early 13th cent. Tapestry weave (kesi) with narrow tabby
border near bottom, silk thread and pearls. Warp: 102.3 cm. x weft: 74 cm. The Cleveland
Museum of Art, 2000. Purchase from the 1. H. Wade Fund, 1992.72. Fig. 4. Thangka of Acala, India or Tibet, 11th-12th cent., distemper on cotton cloth, 21 x 35 cm.
Lantsa inscription: Om Ah Hum Sarvavid. Private collection.
Fig. 3. Statue of Acala, Tibet, 12th cent., brass alloy, height 45 cm., Tibetan Inscription: Om Fig. 5. Statue of Acala, Kashmir or west Tibet, 10th-11th cent., brass alloy, height 10.2 cm.
Candamaharosana hum pOOt. Sanskrit inscription: Om Ah Hum. Courtesy of Nancy Wiener. Formerly in the Pan-Asian collection.
224 225
Amy Helier On the Development of the Iconography of Acala and Vighnantaka in Tibet
Fig. 7. Thangka of U~I)1~avijaya,Tibet, mid-12th to early 13th cent., distemper on silk, 22.9 x 17.8
cm. The Kronos Collection.
Fig. 6. Statue of Vighnantaka, Nepal, gilt copper, date inscribed: 1297 A.D., height 10.5 cm.
Alsdorf Collection, Chicago. Fig. 8. Detail of Protectors. Lower register, thangka of U~nisavijaya. The Kronos Collection.
226 227
Amy Helier
Fig. 9. Xylograph of Vighnantaka or Mahiibala. Tangut Xia, early 13th cent., ink on paper, 66.5 x
42 cm. The State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg, no. X-2537.
228
Indian Style, Kashmiri Style: Aesthetics of inscribed as the 'private image of sovereign Iha tsun Nagaraja';
see Deborah Klimburg-Salter, The Silk Route and the Diamond
Path: Esoteric Buddhist Art on the Trans-Himalayall Trade
century (Takeuchi Tsuguhito, Old TIbetan Manuscripts from
East Turkestall ill the Stein Collection of the British Library,
vol. 2, London, 1998). Recently excavated from other Tibetan
Choice in Eleventh Century Tibet ROllles, Los Angeles, 1982, p_ 103, pI. 27,) Ngadag Chenpo
Tsede's contribution to Buddhist history is impressive: he or-
setf1ernents further south in the kingdom near Dornoko (Ch.
Damagou) were more Tibetan documents as well as a statue of
ganized a council of translation in 1076, making the town of a seated Buddha (Fig. 2), which is almost a twin to the image
Amy Helier Tholing a centre of learning where Tibetan translators and in Figure I. Despite surface abrasion due to burial, we see
Indian, Kashmiri and Nepalese Buddhist panditas joined to- precisely the same distinctive form of the dharmachakra
gether in efforts to define correct translation and religious mudra, as well as the inlay of eyes. eyebrows and the silver
In both cases, there is a strong reflection and keen apprecia- pra~tices. This appears to be the first statue recognized as urna, although the Domoko statue has the arms positioned
he great. historical significance of the Ti.betan ins.cr~ptions
T on certalll works of art complements their aesthetic Impor-
tance. In this article, 1 shall discuss two objects which bear
tion of two distinct schools of Indian aesthetics, whether those
of areas ruled by the Pala dynasty regions of Bihar and Bengal,
havmg belonged to Ngadag Tsede.
It is not surprising that the statue was in his possession -
slightly higher on the chest, and a less defined hairline. This
statue has been attributed to the early eighth century (Denise
or the art of Kashmir. They were esteemed as part of a move- such an image would have been treasured for generations, PatlY Leidy, 'Kashmir and China: A Note About Styles and
inscriptions dating from the eleventh century, the period of Dates', in Oriel/tations, February 1997, pp. 66-70). The inscrip-
mentofrenewed transmission of Indian Buddhist texts and their wherever it was. The Buddha exudes complete calm and spiri-
Buddhist revival in Tibet. While mural inscriptions in eleventh tion indicates donors' names similar to the donors of the Gilgit
translation into Tibetan, which provided the cultural matrix of tuality, and there is a humanism to this face. The statue corre-
century monasteries document the history of the sculptural and
Tibetan civilization from the eleventh century onwards. sponds to the quintessential aesthetic of early eighth century manuscripts. Comparison of the two statues allows us to under-
painted creations, to my knowledge, these two icons are unique
The earlier of the two works is a statue of a Buddha in Kashmir-Gilgit Buddha images: the ovoid shape of the head, stand how Ngadag Tsede's statue had origi.nally been mounted
as the first portable works of art indentified by inscriptions from
Kashmiri style (Fig. 1). He wears monastic robes, leaving one short hair in round curls, the high semi-spherical shape of the on a tiered pedestal, now lost, while the three small holes
this period. ushnisha, the short forehead with widow's-peak hairline, indicate that it had been inserted into a substitute base after-
shoulder bare. His hands form the teaching
gesture (dlwrmachakra l1ludra) and he is arched brows, broad eyes inlaid with silver and pitch, the short wards. In fact the two statues should be virtually the same height
seated above a lotus which rests on a ped- neck and slight yet strong torso with kashaya closely draped in - the Domoko statue measures 42 centimetres due to the height
estal. A two-line inscription in Sanskrit is parallel folds, and a well-defined hemline on the dhoti. The of the base, while Ngadag Tsede's statue now measures only 35
visible on the pedestal, but because the statue is fully finished in the back, the folds less marked but centimetres. But how did they reach Khotan and Western Tibet?
second line has been cut through, it is gently draped (Fig. I b). Below the shoulders is a consecration By the late seventh century, military confrontation between
difficult to read. To the right. a line of plug. The side view in Figure Ic allows appreciation of the Tibet and China blocked trade routes from Kashmir and Gilgit
Tibetan script in smaller-scale letters can characteristic jawline and the verticaLity and strength of the to the oases of the Silk Road. Consequently traders and Bud-
be seen (Fig. Ia). back. dhist pilgrims moving between the two regions adopted an
Oskar von HinUber has also studied During the twentieth century, archaeological excavations of itinerary which included Lhasa, similar to that of the monk
this inscription; his translation indicates the old Tibetan fortresses at MazarTagh in the ancient kingdom translator Subhakarasimha: Nalanda-Kashmir-Lhasa-
that it provides the name of the donor, the of Khotan (in present-day Xinjiang) revealed numerous small Chang'an. By 720, the Tibetans had occupied Bolor, then
monk Shastrakshetracandra (from corre- clay votive plaques (ts11Cl tsha) as well as Tibetan documents reinforced their authority through royal matrimonial alliances
spondence with the author). The name is written on wood and paper, evidence of the intermittent Tibetan with Gilgit in around 740. There was constant and strong
unusual, and the reading of the first sylla- occupation of this region from the late seventh to the mid-ninth support for Buddhjsm at the Lhasa court during the first half of
bic is not absolutely certain. Furthermore, the eighth century, and many
he notes that the alphabet used in the in- statues from Kashmir and Gil-
scription is distincti ve: it is a special script, git were imported into Central
a post-Gupta variety of the Brahmi alpha- Tibet and then carried through-
bet, which was widely used in nonhel1l ~'"-'J:...;.,r-_,,_ _~iI,,;,;,:~~
out the regjons under Tibetan
India during the second half of the first sovereignty, i.ncluding Khotan
(Fig. la) Detail of the Buddha in Figure 1 showing the inscription on (he base
millennium. Consequently it does not pro- and Dunhuang. Early Tibetan
vide definite clues either to the provenance monks greatly esteemed the
of the bronze, or its date. However, Von Buddhist art of neighbouring
Hintiber believes that the Sanskrit inscrip- regions, particularly Kashmir,
tion should be later than 650. Nepal, Bengal and Bihar, and
Although clear reading of the second actively acquired and emu-
line is not possible, the Tibetan is legible, lated it. It is not possible to say
despite having also been partially cut. This when the Ngadag Tsede Bud-
brief inscription is extremely significant, dha reached Tibet, but it may
as it provides the name and title of the king also have been imported dur-
of Western Tibet (Ngari), Ngadag Chenpo ing the eighth or early ninth
Tsede, the grandson of Yeshe 'od, who century, when relations with
consecrated the Tabo monastery in 996. It Kashmir and Gilgit were
is in a form which is unquestionably an- strong, or possibly during the
cient, especially the ligature of the name reign of Tsede in the eleventh
Tsede, which follows a style used in the century. when close ties were
eighth to eleventh century Tibetan manu- again established between
scripts from Dunhuang. We can tell from Kashmir and Tibet. The buried
the punctuation that the inscription un- statue of Domoko in all prob-
doubtedly continued. Although incom- ability reached KhOlan with
plete, if we compare it with inscriptions on the Tibetan troops shortly after
statues which belonged to Ngadag Chenpo it was cast. When Giuseppe
(Fig. I) Seated Buddha Tsede's ancestors, the name of the sover- Tucci travelled in Central Tibel
Kashmir/Gilgit, c. 700-25 eign is inscribed because the statue was his around 1940, he recorded tem-
Bronze personal possession (An example of this is ple inscriptions identifying
Height 35 cm two tenth or eleventh century
Private collection
a Buddha at The Cleveland Museum of Art (Fig. Ib) Back of the Buddha in Figure I (Fig. Ic) Side view of the Buddha in Figure I
18 19
(Fig. 4) Shakyamuni
Tibet. 2nd halfofthe 11th century
Colour on cotton
Height 47 crn. width 32 cm
Private collection
(Fig. 3) Detail
ofa Buddha
Tabo
monastery.
Spiti. India.
1042
Mural painting
(Photography
by Enrico
Bonfanti)
20
from the Bihar-Bengal region which were introduced to the
Tibetans by Indian paflditas whose teaching methods relied on
their illuminated manuscripts, ritual sculptures in clay or butler,
f
as well a'i portable statues or paintings. As we learn from the
biography of Atisha (982-1054), perhaps tbe most famous and
influential of all the Indian and Nepalese palldiras who taught
in Tibet during this period, he was a skilled painter and callig- (Fig. 5) TS/1lI tslra
rapher, and modelled Isha Isha every day (Fig. 5) (Helmut Attributed to Atjsha
Eimer, Rllam rhar rgyas pa: Marerialien zu eiller Biographie (982-1054)
des Alisha, Wiesbaden, 1979, sections 092 and 297). While this Clay
may be literary cliche. numerous Indian works of art reached Height 10.5 cm
(photography by the
Tibet during the eleventh century. whether created in Tibet by
author)
Indian master artists or imported. Tibetan historical tradition
records Gos 10 tsa ba as the foremost Tibetan disciple of Atisha
in Tsang province, Central Tibet, which is where the Yemar
monastery is situated (Tucci. Tibetan Paimed Scrolls, Rome,
1949. vol. 2, p. 413. fig. 94). A contemporary example of the
Indian style is found in the Tsang eleventh century monastery
of Yemar, where a mural painting and its dedicatory inscription
were photographed by Fosco Maraini. a member of the Tucci
expedition. Here we see that the cushion with scroll pattern and Nepal. and northwestem India (including Kashmir) (l.P. Losty, (Fig. 8) Detail of a Buddha
the Buddha are virtually identical to the central Buddha of this 'Bengal, Bihar, Nepa\?: Problems of Dating in 12th-Century Drathang monastery. Tibet Autonomous Region. c. 1081-93
painting. Distinctive Features include the very round face, and Illuminated Manuscripts', pans 1 and 2 in Oriental Art 35:2. Mural painting
the typical pointed ushllisha, sometimes with a jewel finial, as pp. 86-96 and 35:3, pp. 140-49). As represented here, in emu- (Photography by the author)
well as the curls which surround the hairline (Fig. 6). The lation of Indian manuscript painting styles, the body propor-
bodhisattvas surrounding the Buddha also present very close tions of the Buddha are broad, especially the shoulders and served, it seems more likely that it was one of numerous
aesthetic parallels with the bodhisattva Maraini photographed
in the same chapel at Yemar (Fig. 7).
torso, the outline is emphasized to give a sense of volume, and
opaque, soft tones of yellow and red are used extensively. There
• (Fig. 7) Bodhisallva
Yemar monastery. Tibet
precious objects placed in a stupa made at the time of the
translator's death towards the end of the eleventh century. As
In the Yemar inscriptions, Tibetans called this style Gya gar is a pronounced density of colour in this painting, where a sense Autonomous Region well as the painting itself, the inscription I ists numerous statues,
lugs ('style of India'). It is precisely this style that was used for of depth is created by juxtaposition of colour fields - blue (After Erberto Lo Bue. Tibet: Templi including 108 clay Buddha images and an Indian Maitreyacast
.\·col1ll)(lr.\·ijofogra!ot; do Fosco
the Buddha (probably mid-eleventh century) in Shalu monas- background, the red body halo, the green cushion against which in metal and containing sharira relics; manuscripts such as a
Moroi,,;, Turin, 1998. p. 103)
tery in Tsang, and further east and closer to Lhasa, for the mural is positioned the Buddha's golden body in a red robe. LoSty has copy of the Hevajra Tantrct, the PCUlcharaksa (because Gos did
paintings in Drathang monastery, made circa 1081-93 (Fig. 8). described the frequently curvaceous arrangement of limbs and the translation of the Hevajra into Tibetan, according to the Blue
Although no extant Indian portable or mural paintings of this torsoes for seated bodhisattvas or deities, while the Buddhas of Annals: George N. Roerich, trans., Delhi, 1979), and the Pra-
period are known, manuscripts are an important source of Indian manuscript illuminations present massive silhouettes jllaparalllila in silver ink, which had belonged to a particular
infom1ation. lP. Losty's studies ofIndian manuscript illumina- with less emphasis on musculature than the Kashmiri aesthetic. monk, historically unknown, but possibly represented in the sky
tions allowed him to define the characteristics of the stylistic Indian-style paintings of Buddha emphasize the ovoid halo, the above Shakyamuni. The inscription concludes with the state-
models then practised in northeastern India, as opposed to curls raised in 'pointed spikes' and pointed lIslmisha above the ment:
head in contrast with the Kashmiri style of Buddha with round
/lsl1isha and 'snail curls'. By virtue of the existence of three limes (Pas!. Present and Future),
It is fascinating to compare these two Tibetan creations with may all sentient beings never be separated from the precious lama in
an actual Indian example of a manuscript illumination repre- the pure pa);1ce of the dharllladlulfu lthe realm of the dharmaj. The
senting Shakyamuni (Fig. 9). This manuscript from the monk IDar ma 'gro te made great confession rituals for obtaining
Fournier collection has a colophon probably dating to circa prosperity. May these suppons (of Buddha nature) be consecrated and
1115, or 1160. Shakyamuni is again presented in the contrasting blessed. May there be joy. May the virtuous acts of the body, mind and
colours of the golden-bodied Buddha dressed in red robes, spirit of the holy lama greatly increase. May the doctrine of the Buddha
against the green cushion, a white halo, and dark blue back- persist and spread in the world. May virtue triumph.
ground. The manuscript colours appear more intense. The col-
our is thickly applied in broad planes. The red outline creates I believe these statements imply that the whole group of
(Fig. 6) Shakyamuni volume for the whole face, accentuating the eyes and folds of objects were inserted as relics into what may have been the
Yemar monastery. Tibet the neck. The body proportions correspond closely to those of funerary stupa of Gos 10 tsa ba, or into a reliquary made in
Autonomous Region the portable painting and the Yemar painting. Thus we are able homage to him and his work - a ritual of a type usually held as
(After Erbcrto La Bue. to appreciate the contrast between the work of an Indian hand part of the death ceremonies or in the period immediately
Jibe!: Temp/i scolllpllrsi
with the results of those who simply emulated the style. Tibet- following.
fotogrof(l/i do Fosco
Mllraini. Turin. 1998. p. 89) ans used the tern1 'Indian style' in the eleventh century, but there These two works of art show how Tibetans of the eleventh
were so many artists from Nepal who came to work in Tibet at century valued their spiritual and artistic heritage, and how they
this time that eventually the name 'ancient Newar style' was conserved it. They both belonged to historically identifiable
used to describe this style inspired by Pala India, as a contrast individuals and are both portable works of art reflecting the
to a pure 'Newar style', which became popular in Tibet in the extant mural paintings or sculptures of the mid to late eleventh
following centuries. century temples in Central Tibet, and two schools of aesthetics
According to previous analysis of the inscription by Heather which were primary fonnative inOuences at this time.
Stoddard, the painting (in Figure 4) bclonged to Gos 10 tsa ba. (Fig. 9) Detail of:l folio from the Prlljllllpllrllmita
showing an illustralion of Shakyamulli
However, working with Dan Martin, a specialist in Tibetan
India.c.1115
ritual practices, r came to a slightly different interpretation. In Colour on wood Amy Helier is all independent Tibelologist and art historian. affiliated with the
consideration of the context in which this painting was con- Muscc Guimet. Donation Foumier Freneh CNRS Tibetan studies research team (URA 8047) since 1986.
22 23
Terma of Dolpo: The Secret Library of Pijor
Amy Heifer
64 65
mulation of good karma forensuring positive rebirth. However,
it is believed that a more immediate result is the generation of
good f0l1une for an entire community as well as the individuals
directly responsible as donors and scribes. Consequently, the
inscriptions on several volumes were also written when the
manuscript was copied to explain the circumstances of its
creation. These often began with a quotation From classical
Tibetan literature or cosmological scripture.
The Pijor Library
fterexamining several texts, it soon became clear that there
Project leam
(From leFt: Mario
Mignucci, Maya
A was a fonnulaie refrain of sorts. Several phrases appeared
constantly, like 'High peaks, pure earth, Tibet the land of
Roncoroni. Chino Pugyal'. This is an expression already found in the earliest
Roncoroni. Lama
Tenzin, Aldo Mignucci.
historical texts, like the Royal Chronicles of the TIbetan Dy-
Amy Helier and three nasty (c. 800), and known from manuscripts recovered from the
Sherpa attendants Dunhuang caves in China. (Tn Westem literature. the 'Tibetan
(Photography by Dynasty' is often referred to as the Yarlung, named after the
Fiorenze Mignucci) river-valley of their principal necroJX>lis. In Tibetan sources,
writers refer to the dynasty as the Pugyal, after Oday Pugyal.
the founder-forefather who was designated as first sovereign, a
distant ancestor of Srong tsan gam po, the first historic Tibetan
king of the seventh century.) Other phrases indicate knowledge
of traditional Buddhist cosmology. There are about twenty
inscriptions which connect Pijor with the greater Dolpo region,
then the holy site of Mount Kailash and Lake Manasarowar and
finally, Jambudvipa, the continent where humanity lives, and
Mount Mem. These places are linked in a hierarchical manner
gloves were wom both to protect the books and our hands from Lama Tenzin had set aside a group of liturgical texts, medi- such that there is a djrect relation from the earthly to the sacred
the arsenic coating of the paper which acts as an insectkide. cal treatises, and a few documents recounting the administra- realms.
It had been decided that an inventory of the library's con- tion and history of Nesar for his own use at home. Even the The reference to Yatse is impOltant as it provides a chrono-
tents should be taken and all the books with illuminations lama, who has lived in the village for many years, has not read logical Framework. The Yatse is the Tibetan name for the
photographed. The books were correspondingly numbered on through all the books in the monastery. As the Samling nearby Around camp. Pijor dynasty which Nepalese refer to as the Khasa Malla, who were
the shelves and in two separate registcrs, one in Tibetan to be is one of Nepal 's most important Bonpo monasteries, the lama's based in Jumla (modern Semja) (see lan Alsop, 'The Metal
kept in the village and another, in romanized script, for our personal library also included some Bonpo historical texts. Sculpture of the Khasa Malla Kingdom', in OriemClliolls, June
analysis and eventual publication. All efforts will also be made We found that several volumes of religious literature had a 1994, pp. 6 i -68). From the early thirteenth century until the
to publicize the material. The installation of new shelves and a dedicatory inscription in the front mentioning the patron who fifteenth century, when they were superseded by the Mustang
security system will protect the library and lessen the likelihood commissioned the manuscript and where he lived, with quotes in nOl1hwestem Nepal, individual rulers of the Yatse dynasty
of theft. Above all, the restored monastery will once again from religious texts. Words are considered sacred in Tibetan were often supportive of Tibetan monastic orders.
become the religious and educational ccntre of the village, Buddhism since they are the means by which the hjstorical
encouraging villagers to participate in ceremonics and leam to Buddha Shakyamuni transmitted hjs teaching and his beHefs.
rcad thc books for themselves. As the written word represents Shakyamuni's personal expres-
Library catalogues and inventories were made over the sion, the copying of a religious text is regarded as an act of
centuries in the great monasteries near citics, but rarely beyond merit. The accumulation of merit ultimately leads to the accu-
the urban setting. The Pijor inventory thus pre-
sents a golden opportunity for studying the con-
tents of a village monastic library as a collection
of books accumulated from donations by suc-
cessive generations of inhabitants. The collec-
tion is also valuable as it has suffered few sig-
nificant losses over the centuries.
Efforts like this are vital for the field of
Tibetan studies, since they are no longer con-
ceivable in Tibet after the massive destruction Pholographing the illuminated manuscripts ~";::~
of the Cultural Revolution. In addition, the Pijor
documents may help to clarify issues in the
complex history of Dolpo, such as the patronage
of Tibetan Buddhism, or when the region was
independent or subject to the control and politi-
cal influence of neighbouring kingdoms such as
the Tibetan Gung thang in the twelfth century,
the Yatse from Jumla during the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries, and the Mustang sover~
eigns in the fifteenth century (for the Yatse
patronage of 'Srigung and Sakya, see Vitali, p.
457). The library and the Maitreya image
66 67
Restoration work at csar monastery
Sonam De's successor is also mentioned in some manu- There is also a manuscript from Lang gompa nearby, which
script dedications: was copied during the mid-fifteenth century and is now at Pijor.
Klaus-Dieter Mathes has identified the sovereign referred to in
[In] Jambudvipa the southem continent, where Buddha's prophecy of the dedicatory inscription as Tashi gon, ruler of Mustang (d.
It appears that some of the earliest manuscripts from Pijor tion with the local lama, a follower of the Sakya school. To mark the spread of Buddhism is flourishing in the land of snows, the [land I 1489). The accuracy of this identification has been corroborated
may be attributed to the reign of Sonam De (Punyamalla) who the completion of this reconstmction, a copy of the Tibetan mNga ris skor gsum, south of the Kailash mountain glacier, domain by several Pijor dedications which also name his predecessor
reigned as king of Yatse from about 1329 to 1339. He had canon was installed at the monastery library. A dedication scene of the dharma-protecting king Pirti Dmal, in the virtuous 'Dzum [for Agon Zangpo (r. c. 1450s). and his brothers. Pijor is refelTed to
already ascended to the throne of Purang as a young man. from a leaf of a Prajnaparamita manuscript (N. 327) depicts a DzumlaJ, this gentle expanse of spread of the Buddhist doctrine and as '!onsa', the minister's district. It was administered by one of
Although Sonam De patronized the 'Brigung and made dona- monk wearing red robes and a Sakya hat, making offerings as abundance of bliss, from the family Ya Rabs who practise the holy Tashi gon's brothers as part of the Mustang kingdom (Jackson,
tions to the principal temple at Lhasa, he was also a staunch he consecrates a book on a stool at the behest of the royal family. teachings, the donor bSod rin btsan bin and his helpers, the donors Blo pp. 120-21). Jest had reported that traditionally, administrative
supporter of the Sakya and a patron of Buton, the famous abbot This may be Sonam De and his entourage, circa 1336. Tt is Idan 'mgon po and his wife, and those who now have the responsibility taxes were paid to Jumla and religious taxes to Mustang (Jest,
of Shalu. Soon after Buton (1289-1364) had completed his possible that some of the Pijor manuscripts with references to of the land... pp. 53-54). When the Mustang dynasty came to power during
edition of the Tibetan Buddhist canon in 1335, Sonam De had Sonam De may originally have been part of the ruler's copy of the first half of the fifteenth century, it canie under the particular
a copy of it made. This was probably delivered to him when he the 1335 canon. The inscription clearly refers to Prithivimalla, one of Sonam innuence of Ngor chen, the famous Sakya lama, who visited
was already in Yatse (Vitali, pp. 348-453). According to several A document entitled History ofKenpo Jamyallg is about the De's sons. who reigned from 1354 to 1358. He was not the and served as chaplain to Ama pal, the dynastic founder.
historical documents preserved in Pijor, Sonam De supported a abbot who collaborated closely with Sonam De on the recon- patron who commissioned the copying, but the reigning king The Pijor illuminations are fascinating, especially the ren-
new phase of reconstruction at Nesar monastery. in collabora- struction of Nesar in the early fourteenth century. Kenpo Jamy- who controlled Pijorduring this period. The inscriptions inform dering of body proportions and the distinctive costumes. The
ang's document was conserved and later recopied us that these manuscripts were local commissions by the resi- colours are often vibrant; the dry climate and lack of exposure
by local lamas, followers of the Sakya order dents of Pijor or its nearby towns. They do not appear to have to light have ensured their preservation. Although the subject-
which had become very innuential in Dolpo and reached Pijor after being completed elsewhere as they renect matter is typical for this type of religious literature, there are
Mustang. It is among the historical records which local production: the scribes and the donors were often from the scenes of dedication ceremonies depicting the attendance of
have been kept for generations in the family of same village. rulers and local aristocracy who commissioned the manu-
Lama Tenzin. The History traces the monastery
from the founding of its first temple by a lama
named Tsugna Rinchen, which local tradition
traces to the eleventh century. For the present, no
documents from this early period have been re-
covered. However. the radiocarbon dating of
wood fragments from the early capitals confirm
a date between the eleventh and twelfth centuries.
In the early thirteenth century, the Shey monas-
tery near Pijor came under the innuenceofGmb-
thob Senge Yeshe, a hermjt lama who had medi-
tated near Kailash around 1215. He then settled
in Dolpo, bringing with him the 'Brigung teach-
ings, whjch took root in Dolpo and the nearby
Limi region (Mathes, 1999). The Yatse kings
were patrons of the' Brigung even though their
later support of the Sakya had the effect of bal-
ancing royal patronage in Tibet; consequently the
Sakya and 'Brigung were embroiled in an in-
creasingly bitter struggle for dominance until the
The new roof ornaments, Nesar monastery end of the thirteenth century.
68 69
D.~tail from a Praj"aparamira manuscript showing a royal consccr.uion scene. probably with PrithivimaIla
PIJor. c. 1350s
Pigment and gold on paper
Length 67 cm. width 22 cm
'Bum ca N. 192
scripts. Prithivimalla and his entourage appear to be represented the geography and history, both political and religious, as well
on the dedication scene of another Prajllaparamila manuscript as the 'ideology of merit' within the local community. As newly
(N. 192). The clothing. with tie-dye and block print designs, recovered historical documents, the manuscripts will provide a
offers a unique perspective on textiles and fashions of the more precise account of influence and interaction between Pijor
period. Even though the illuminations are Tibetan Buddhist. and the kingdom of Mustang. More work will have to becarned
Hindu deities are sometimes included. and in iconography out to determine the subject-maner and the differentiation of
which is more typical of Newari Buddhism; for example. Indra period and style of the illuminations.
with a thousand eyes. shown standing beside Shakyamuni (see It is hoped that all the material ean be made available to
the cover of this issue). scholars and the general public. Publication of the expedition
The earliest series of manuscripts at Pijor appears to date findings and the catalogue is now anticipated for 200412005.
from the period of the monastery's reconstruction (c. 1330-50), The Pijor manuscripts are an exceptional resource for studying
during the reigns of Sonam De and Prithivimalla. A second and various aspects of Dolpo's political and religious history. These
third series were similarly commissioned in Pijor during the Buddhist texts are a unique testimony to the faith and endurance
reigns of Agon Zangpo, and Tashi gon and his nephew in the of the adherents who commissioned them and the pious scribes
second half of the fifteenth century. It appears from a prelimi- who copied them some six centuries ago.
nary examination that in some instances, the painting style is
very close to that of the Kathmandu valley, while other exam- Amy Helier is an independent Tibetologist and art historian, affiliated with the
ples are less olllate. French CNRS Tibetan studies research team (URA 8047) since 1986.
In summer this year, another caravan reached Pijor. This
time the Roncoroni family brought some 450 kilogrammes of Unless otherwise stated. all photography by Maya Roncoroni and Aldo
cloth in different colours for wrapping the volumes in the Nesar Mignucci.
library. One square meLIe of cloth and ties were used to wrap
each individual volume. Fresh discoveries by the lama since the Selec/ed bibliography
expedition last year and items from other monasteries were also David Jackson. The Mol/tu ofMllsumg. Dharamsala. 1984.
photographed. ComcillcJesl. Dolpo: C01111111lllalltesde Itmgue ribelllille du NifXll, Paris. 1975.
Details from a Prajllaparamita manuscript showing Amitabha and Sadaprarudita However, it remains a mystery why and how the tradition Klaus-Dicter Mathes. 'The Sacred Crystal Mountain in Dolpo: Beliefs and Pure
Pijor. c. 1350s of manuscript commissions and illuminations developed here. Visions of Himalayan Pilgrims and Yogis', in Journal of the Nepal
Pigment on paper Future research will reveal more about the network of relations Research Ce1l1re. vol. 11 (1999). pp. 61-91.
Length 68.4 cm. width 21.5 cm
'Bum nga N.363
leading to the creation of this cache of manuscripts. The dedi- David Sllcllgrove. Hil/lalayall Pilgrimage. Boston. 1981. 1989 reprint.
catory inscriptions are valuable primary sources for studying Roberto Vitali, The Kingdoms ofGII.ge Pu.hraflg. Dharamsala, 1996.
70 71
Some Observations on silver objects and costumes from the Tibetan Empire (7th-9th
century) [A]
(click on small images for large images with captions and descriptions)
The Tibetans believe this jug to be associated with Songtsen gampo (Srong
btsan sgam po - died 649 A.D.), the first historic ruler of Tibet. This
sovereign is traditionally revered for his foundation of the Jokhang temple
and for his numerous military campaigns to unify Tibet and expand Tibetan
territory. His military conquests proved crucial to the establishment of the
Tibetan empire in Central Asia which lasted for more than two centuries,
during which time there was frequent Tibetan communication and trade with
the outside world via the lucrative and multi-cultural Silk Routes threading
between China and the Mediterranean basin. These military conquests are
important to consider here because they help explain the formative foreign
influences on Tibetan art and civilisation during the imperial period.
Thus by the early 8th century, although Tibetan political control would remain intermittent in
some regions of the Silk Routes until the middle of the 9th century, trade was active on all
fronts. (Uniterrupted rule over Dunhuang returned to the Tibetans from 787-846). In terms of
trade, the road from Lhasa to Dunhuang passed northeast via the Kokonor, and there linked
to the northern silk route to Dunhuang. To go west, this meant caravans leaving Lhasa
travelled due west via Ladakh or first northeast towards Kokonor/ Qinghai where the caravan
linked to the southern silk route towards Khotan and then towards Ferghana, Samarkand in
Sogdiana (modern Tajikistan and Uzbekistan), ultimately towards Byzantium. To the east,
from Lhasa the principal road went northeast via Kokonor towards central China, where the
capital of the Tang dynasty at Chang’an (modern Xian) was a bustling cosmopolitan city
comprising a population of one million of many nationalities. Trade missions and military
campaigns also left Lhasa traveling due east through Khams to reach present day Yunnan and
Sichuan in southwest China.
The patterns of Tibetan trade with the west was not extensively recorded in the Tibetan
annals, but recently archeologists have revealed many artefacts which clearly show the
results of such commerce with western Asia as well as their impact on Tibetan artisans (see
fig. 33, and fig 36 below). Textiles, silver objects and gold coins unquestionably demonstrate
importation in antiquity. A Byzantine gold coin was found in Qinghai province north of the
Dulan county tombs of the 8th century, in Wulan county, summer of 2000. It may be dated
confidently to 538-542 A.D, issued in Constantinople by Justinian I (Fig. 10, below). This
was one of many coins from the west which reached Tibet, and some eventually reached
China. The Annals of the Sui dynasty (581-618) tell us that west of the Yellow River, it was
current to use the gold or silver coins of Western countries and this was not forbidden by the
local administration. [9] The gold coin found in Dulan was treasured as an amulet and
mounted into a ring by the Tibetan artistocracy, long after the coins had lost value as
currency. It has been slightly clipped down and then presumably mounted in a ring mount
which has erased some of the details around the edge. However the style and letter forms are
perfectly regular. It is official coin, a genuine specimen of the ruler Justinian I's three types of
solidus, which has been dated to 538-542. [10] It was obviously not regarded as a coin to be
used for commerce, but as an artifact in precious metal to be treasured by using it as jewelry.
It was found with several other coins which were not from Constantinople but issued in the
6th century from Sasanian Iran (see below), and in fact these coins were so esteemed that
there were contemporary Chinese copies made from genuine coins. Artefacts excavated from
the 8th to 9th century Tibetan tombs at Dulan, Qinghai, further confirm trade and cultural
relations with western Asia. [10a] Archeologists recovered a gilt silver finial (3.3 cm high)
with a two-faced head like the legendary Roman hero Janus, capable of simultaneously
seeing the present and the future, thus represented with two heads (Fig. 11, below). Although
this silver head is now isolated, it is very similar to one on a gilt silver ewer (Fig. 12, below)
decorated with people in costumes inspired by classical Greco-Roman styles which was
excavated much further east in Ningxia from a mid-sixth century tomb (see Luo Feng 1998 ;
Marshak 2001). Quite possibly the gilt head found at Dulan was a finial on a similar object.
Youths in ancient Greek costume and grapevines decorate a Bactrian or Sogdian silver platter
found in Tibet before 1950 (see fig. 13). [10b] Among artefacts from Dulan, hybrid animals
and floral motifs also indicate design influences from western Asia. Archeologists at Dulan
excavated several gilt silver panels forming a Buddhist reliquary, approximately 15 x 10 cm,
15 cm high. The silver is carved in honeysuckle vine tendrils with fleur-de-lys, flower buds,
and hybrid birds blending the claws of an eagle, body of a pheasant and head of a female
phoenix (see fig. 14, below) A fleur-de-lys motif in turquoise is visible on a gold belt buckle
also excavated from the Dulan tombs (Fig. 15, below) Sogdian design influence is indicated
by the honeysuckle motif, but the gilding technique on the silver panels is cladding, rather
than mercury gilding (see Xu Xinguo 1996). Textiles and fragments of garments recovered in
the Dulan tombs tell us that the silks and brocades from Sasanian Iran, Sogdiana as well as
China were made into garments for the sophisticated Tibetan market (see fig. 36, below) [11];
the Tibetan taste for foreign textiles is also documented by Dunhuang mural paintings
decorated under Tibetan patronage. For example, in Dunhuang cave 158, the Tibetan
sovereign is portrayed wearing a robe patterned with large roundels and the Buddha's head
rests on a pillow painted with ducks inside pearl medallions (see fig. 18, below); both of
these textiles are probably inspired by Sogdian motifs. There were also Sogdian weavers
installed in the Turfan oases under Tibetan sovereignty in 8th to 9th century, as well as
weavers of Sogdian descent in Sichuan. [12]
Such multiple cultural influences constantly bombarded Tibet from the seventh century
onwards and led to a very early eclectic mix of styles and esthetics. Indeed, it became the
hallmark of great Tibetan art to mix regional styles – sometimes several simultaneously - as
can be recognized first in their ancient metal work, and later in painting and appliqué silks,
as well as in sculptures which they made to honor the Buddhist religion.
It would also appear that the Tibetans’ skill in metal was very
competent, whether for smelting iron to construct chain links for
bridges or making metal armour, as well as fine metal skills, in both
gold and silver, with hammered and repoussé decoration.
Historically, we know about Tibetan ewers and metalwork of the
period thanks to the Chinese Tang Annals. There is record of a
spectacular gift received from Tibet in 641 A.D., a goose-shaped
golden ewer seven feet high, capable of holding sixty litres of wine.
In 648, a miniature golden city decorated with animals and men on Fig. 12
horseback was presented as a gift. [12a] As the Tang historian Edward Schafer has written,
“Though Iran may have been the ultimate source of the art of beating golden vessels and the
ultimate inspiration of many of the designs worked on them by the artisans of Tang, it
appears that Tibet must also be given an important place among the nations whose craftsmen
contributed to the culture of Tang. To judge from the records of tribute and gifts from Tibet
to Tang which over and over again list large objects of gold, remarkable for their beauty and
rarity and excellent workmanship, the Tibetan goldsmiths were the wonder of the medieval
world.” [13]
It is interesting that the Tang annals record the goose-headed ewer
because among the Tibetan historical accounts, there is the tradition
that Srong btsan hid several silver chang pots with animal and bird
heads as treasures for the Jokhang . Roberto Vitali [14] records this
tradition observing that the later Tibetan literature describes horse-
headed pots, while his personal observation inclined him to think of
a camel’s head. His description is corroborated by the rGyal po ka
thang, written ca. 1345, which describes ten jugs hidden by Srong
Fig. 13 btsan, of which three are camel head pots (rnga mong gi mgo can)
and seven are duck head pots (ngang pa’i mgo can). The similarity of head shape for ducks
and geese is quite clear. Tang ceramic pots with phoenix heads have been excavated from
tombs in western China [15] and other isolated examples are known, such as this blue glazed
pottery phoenix head ewer, of a far smaller dimension, only 33 cm high. [16] (Fig. 16, below)
When the Tibetan ruler the Fifth Dalai Lama composed a description of all the relics and
images of the Jokhang in 1645, he described the silver jar as the dngul dam rta mgo ma, the
great silver vessel with a horse head, which the renowned Tibetan lama Tsong kha pa (1347-
1419) had offered to the Jokhang once he had discovered it as a terma, a religious treasure
(gter ma). [17] In the realm of Tibetan spirituality, the discovery of terma is a very important
event. Terma can be visions of saints who reveal their teachings to later spiritual descendents
or terma may be objects or texts which were hidden long ago by great religious heroes like
Padmasambhava, for revelation to the karmically appropriate person at a later auspicious
date. Thus, while the Fifth Dalai Lama did not directly associate the jar historically with
Songtsen or the Pugyel (sPu.rgyal) dynasty, he did emphasize its antiquity and its great
importance. Indeed, when the modern Tibetan historian T.W. Shakaba re-affirmed the Fifth
Dalai Lama’s description of a silver jar with horse-head finial, Shakabpa supplied the
information that it was offered by Tsong kha pa to the statues of Songtsen and his two
foreign wives in the Jokhang because it was attributed to the time of Song tsen. [18] The
silver jar thus would have arrived in its current location as of 1409, when Tsong kha pa
started the Monlam chen mo festival. [19] Another interpretation of the silver jar was given in
early 20th century by Si tu Panchen, a Buddhist master from Eastern Tibet who wrote a
detailed description of his visits to sanctuaries in central Tibet from 1918 to 1920. He
recorded that the silver jug has a deer head finial, it is a holy vessel from the Tibetan
sovereigns of the Pugyel dynasty used to contain chang beer offerings at celebrations of
marriage or birth, and had been found as terma treasure at Brag Yer pa near Lhasa and
subsequently offered to the Jokhang. [20] Brag Yer pa is famous in Tibetan history as a
meditation center of Padmasambhava in the 8th century, thus a treasure recovered from this
site was regarded as potentially a relic of great antiquity for Situ Panchen. We will discuss
the meaning of the deer head finial below. Su Bai, professor of archeology in Beijing
university, recently studied this jar also, and he identified the animal head finial as a sheep
head. [21] In 1980, the former caretaker of the Lhasa temple published his map of the
sanctuary, in which, most simply, the silver jug is recorded as “ the Chang pot of Songtsen”
[22], thus the traditional origin is maintained. Incidentally, all of the animals identified as the
head of the jug are native to Tibet, including the Bactrian camel which roams wild in herds in
the Kokonor region.
The jar bears a partially effaced inscription
in Tibetan letters carved on low relief on
the neck of the animal, stating “In the year
1946 on this very blessed religious
treasure … was put on” : rab ‘byung bcu
drug pa me khyi lor’….di nyid gter ma byin
can la brten bkal….(see Fig. 17, below)I
interpret this inscription to mean that the jar
Fig. 14 was recovered, possibly re-gilded, in 1946; Fig. 15
Richardson thought the original jar was recovered with an exact replica at this time, while
von Shroeder considered the jar was “re-discovered” in 1946. [23] H. E. Richardson lived
many years in Lhasa himself and had studied the Jokhang. He wrote “one object which may
date from the seventh century has survived. A great silver wine jar in Srong btsan sgampo’s
meditation chapel is decorated with repoussé figures of drinking scenes…which show
Central Asian Sasanian influence.” [24]
Indeed, the lower spherical portion of the jug has three scenes in gilt
repoussé, separated by thick scrolling foliation which forms a heart in the
center of the scrollwork (see figs. 1 - 3). In one scene, there are three men, a
big, rotund man with thick eyebrows, long beard, mustache and curly hair,
who is carried by two younger men, one of whom is crouching to carry the
big man’s leg (see fig. 5). Their robes all have a small scrolling leaf pattern
scattered randomly all over the fabric. The man being carried appears so
drunk as to be asleep. He wears a short cape over his shoulders, extending
Fig. 16 to the elbow level of the sleeve which has been lengthened to hang far
beyond the wrist. This type of short cape and overlong sleeves are already represented as
Tibetan costumes in the mural paintings of the Dunhuang caves painted during the Tibetan
occupation of the late 8th to mid-9th century (Fig.28, below). [25] The man on the Lhasa jug,
in typical Tibetan nomad fashion, has one arm hidden inside the long sleeve , and he has
freed the other arm, which is clasped in the hand of the man carrying him. The other sleeve
hangs loosely at his side, just as Tibetans drape their coats today (see fig. 19, below). The
man's inert position allows us to examine how the fabric is gathered to mark the area of the
wrist above the narrow cuff. (see fig. 20, below)
The other two scenes show men with similar long sleeved robes of
thick fabric, who are in the midst of performing the dance known in
China as the “Sogdian whirl ” (see figs. 6-7) [26] As they raise one leg
during their dance, it is possible to see buffoon pants stuffed into
boots which tightly fit around their calves and ankles. [27] Dancers in
similar costumes and in this distinctive position were represented in
Chinese ceramics and incised carvings in stone on doors (see fig. 21).
[28] According to the Tang Annals, in 718 when the Sogdians
presented their coat of mail, a caravan set out from Samarkand Fig. 17
bringing carpets, brass, precious rings, mats, lions and dancers – the female performers of the
“Sogdian whirl”. [29] Instead of women, on the silver jug in Lhasa, the dancers are men
whose robes are tied at the waist by a thin ribbon belt with a purse attached. These men are
all smiling, exuding good humour in their revelry. The facial traits do not seem Tibetan at all,
for the eyes are round, lacking the extra fold of the eyelid found in Asian ethnic groups.
Their thick hair, long curls and full beards seem to indicate Central Asian or Mediterranean
ethnic groups. Round pendant earrings are worn by the biggest man, and by the two dancers.
Von Schroeder considered Tajikistan as the place of manufacture for this jug, dating it to ca.
8th century. Certainly the Central Asian physiognomy points to that direction, but the
misunderstanding of the crown would be unlikely if the artisan was from Sogdiana, which
corresponds to the area of modern Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The costumes of Central
Asians and Tibetans during the 7th to mid-9th century are somewhat similar. Tibetan costumes
are documented by painted scrolls and wall paintings from the Dunhuang caves and Tang
tombs, also by one painting which is a Sung copy of a Tang official court painting made by
Yan Li Ben, ca. 641 A.D. The Central Asians’ costumes are known principally from
Dunhuang paintings and from clay figurines made in Tang China, while Sogdian aristocratic
garments are known from the mural paintings of Afrasiab near Samarkand (Uzbekistan) and
Penjikent (Tajikistan). On the whole, the Sogdian garments are close fitting, while the
Central Asian and Tibetan garments are ample. The Sogdian garments close in the center,
with large lapel at the round collar; the coat has a border of separate fabric emphasizing the
central closure and the hemline (see figs. 26a, b, below). This central closure is distinctive in
Sogdian garments, and appears frequently in the Afrasiab mural paintings, but it is interesting
that the upper jacket of the Tibetan gya-lu-che costume, now conserved in the Tibetan
Collection of The Newark Museum (Fig. 27, below), has a central closure. This garment was
worn by government non-monastic officials for New Year ceremonies, and it is said to
represent the ancient kings’ costume. [32] Tibetans garments usually closed to the left but this
jacket was apparently at least one exception to the rule. Perhaps an ancient version of the
Gya lu che costume is visible in the group of the Tibetan sovereign and his attendants
represented in Dunhuang cave 159 (see fig. 28, below). At the far right of the group, this
person wears a dark hip-length jacket with v-neck collar, over a white skirt with dark fabric
from knee to ankle. While it is not a central closure, this garment appears to be less draped to
the left than the other garments represented. Perhaps there were other Tibetan garments
which closed at the center but our knowledge is too fragmentary. The Chinese vestimentary
protocol indicated that Westerners (including both Tibetans, Central Asians and in principle
Sogdians) closed their garments right over left, while the Chinese were not to do so but
rather, closed their garments left over right. In 612, the edict by Gao Pe, ruler of
Gaochang/Turfan was made as follows: “formerly, when our kingdom was in the wild
country of the border, we wore our hair floating on the back and we buttoned our clothes on
the left. Now that the Suei dynasty is governing, the universe is pacified and united.
Thus…the common people and all aristocrats should all take away their braids and adopt
Chinese coiffure and re-align the lapel of their robes.” [33] Even today Tibetans mostly
button their shirts on the upper right shoulder just under the collarbone (fig. 29b, below). The
8th -10th century mural paintings of Tibetan royalty and attendants from Dunhuang and
nearby Yulin show robes draped to the side instead of central closure. Their principal
garment is a coat, called chu-pa in Tibetan, of ample cut, draped to the left, with very long
sleeves. It is only distantly related to the ancient Greek coat, the candys, with overlong
sleeves and narrow fit, central closure, which is closer to the dancers’ close-fitting garments
on the Lhasa jug. The robes of the two dancers are open at the neck and draped to reveal
fabric cut to make high collars bordered with a lapel. One dancer has a collar on which a
ribbon is sewn above the lapel, each side closes with a round button to be knotted to close
the robe. Their robes are draped from right to left, forming a v-neck collar. The painting
of Yan li Ben (see Fig. 25, below) is said to depict a Tibetan envoy according to the
colophons of the Sung dynasty, and his garment has round collar, central closure, side slit
from waist to hem, relatively close to the description of the candys robe, but is the envoy in
reality a Tibetan or is he from Sogdiana or western Central Asia?
Tibetan silver objects recently excavated by archeologists or found in Tibet seem to bear
significant points of comparison with the Jokhang jug. In terms of design and techniques of
manufacture, these objects clearly bear the influence of Sogdian workmanship of the 7th-8th
century, yet there are significant differences as well which we will examine below. For
example, although the scale is vastly smaller for this cast silver vase 17 cm in height now in
the Ashmolean museum, [35a] it provides a very close model of certain designs on the Lhasa
jug. Divided into lower and upper sections by a raised petal motif in proximity with a raised
line of small beading, the upper section has hearts formed inside of the raised petals design.
On the Lhasa jug, there are also hearts as intermediary motifs between the scenes with
humans, as well as on the upper section of the jug, which may have been made in two
portions, with the head made separately as a third element. The scrolling edges of the heart
design are florid, as befits the scale of the jug. The separation of the upper and lower sections
alternates three different designs of scolls and geometric forms, which are separated by thin
plain bands in relief. The principal designs on the Ashmolean vase represent a pair of
phoenix chasing each other : each scene is separated by floral and leaf designs. The lower
edge is decorated in beading, above which tendrils of small vines are carved. The beading of
the lower edge appears frequently in the silver of the Pugyel period now known. In the
Cleveland Museum of Art, Dr. Martha Carter has studied a silver repoussé vase 22 cm in
height very similar in shape and proportions with fluted neck and beading on the lower edge
of the vase (see Fig. 32, below).[35b] The base of this vase was soldered on and the beading
was attached by welding. [36] This vase is decorated with a roaring lion, a turbaned bird-man,
a phoenix, and a dragon. [37] The vase was found with a cup and a rhyton. All three vessels
all have very similar designs and gilding techniques. However, the vase and rhyton are made
in repoussé with the beaded band soldered on the rim while the decoration of the cup is
carved into the metal, leaving the interior smooth. The cup bears an inscription in Tibetan
letters with characteristic ancient punctuation and vowel marks which has been attributed to
the 7th century bride of Songtsen gampo (see fig. 34, below). [38] While the interpretation of
the inscription regarding the identity of the owner may be subject to question, as the
inscription seems to refer to the three vessels and rhytons are generally used by men and not
by women, the chronological attribution of mid to late 7th to 8th century made by Dr. Martha
Carter is well founded.
Another Tibetan cast silver vase, 19 cm in height, 437 grams, in a private collection, has
parcel gilding in the recess of the raised designs (see fig. 35, below). This vase presents
virtually the same shape and proportion as the vases in the Ashmolean and Cleveland
museums of art, but the principal designs represent three hybrid creatures, for example,
a part bird-part horse prancing inside elaborate branches and foliage. In the upper register,
this vase follows the model of entwined creatures rather than confronted pairs of birds or
lions which are frequent designs adapted from Sogdian textiles. [39] This vase has an
inscription in Tibetan language presenting the distinctive characteristics of the punctuation
and spelling used during the Pugyel dynasty, known from Dunhuang documents (see fig. 39,
below), as well as carved inscriptions on stone stele and on silver objects such as the Tibetan
cup (see fig. 34, below). The inscription details the weight of the vase using the ancient
Tibetan measure (srang) of silver. Although there is an archaic style of writing and spelling
which persists in certain Buddhist texts, this is different in vocabulary and punctuation from
the inscription carved on this vase. In the opinion of H.E. Richardson, due to this inscription,
a date of later than 9th century can be ruled out (personal communication March 2000). The
hybrid animals on the bowl of this vase and the entwined necks of the pairs of hybrid birds
on the upper bowl of the vase also appear to be typical of Tibetan designs of the dynastic
period, influenced by Sogdian textile designs which favor confronted hybrid animals or birds
inside pearl medallion, as well as floral or hearts as intersitial designs (see fig. 18, above and
fig. 36, below), as well as floral or hearts as intersitial designs. Entwined or confronted
animals are also frequently seen in the Tibetan amulets called togcha (thogs-lcags) cast in
copper alloys (see fig. 37 and fig. 38, below). The exquisite craftsmanship, the finesse of the
numerous designs on this silver vase and its historic inscription make it particularly
significant and it will be studied in detail in a forthcoming publication.
Fig. 33 Fig. 34 Fig. 35
In the ancient mythology related to the early kings, among the ancestors were hybrid humans
with bird horns, webbed fingers and toes, who traveled on bulls with wings, and these silver
vessels provide concrete examples of hybrid creatures. [39a] Another object decorated this
way is a seal used on a Dunhuang document dated mid-8th to early 9th century(see fig. 39,
below). When first studied, this animal was erroneously understood to be a lion emblem seal
(a winged lion) but in fact, it is a hybrid : this animal has a dog or jackal head, wings, and a
lion's body, legs and tail. [40] These hybrid animals appear to be Tibetan variations on the
fantastic creatures of Central Asian and Chinese repertories. In fact, Dr. Carter has identified
the head of the rhyton of the Cleveland Museum of Art (see fig.33 and fig. 46, below) as a
one-horned deer, known in China as the qilin (“heavenly deer”) (see fig. 40, below), but this
animal was also found on Sogdian silver of the seventh and eighth centuries, and earlier still
on Sasanian metalwork. [41] It was in China that the deer’s single antler underwent mutation
and developed into a mushroom-like protuberance . In Dr. Carter’s opinion, on the head of
the Lhasa silver jug, it is precisely this mushroom crown which is seen. [42] Thus when Si tu
Panchen, the Tibetan historian writing ca. 1918, described the head on the Lhasa silver jug
as that of a deer, he was in fact referring to the distinctive head of a “heavenly deer”. Due to
his great interest in art history, perhaps he was familiar with this ancient motif. It is
understandable that the other Tibetan historians were ignorant of the existence of this
particular fantastic creature !
An unusual bowl (see fig. 44, below) was presented in the antiquities markets in 2001. [47]
This model of bowl is larger still, diameter 16.4 cm. It is distinguished by the support of the
caryatids, which is typical of Nepalese sculptures of this period and recalls the contemporary
wood carvings in the Jokhang temple traditionally attributed to Nepalese as well as Tibetan
artists. Quite probably Nepalese silversmiths were also working in Tibet at this time. There is
a gazelle incised on the base, scratching its head with its hoof, a motif also seen in Sogdian
silver designs. There is a gazelle incised on the base, scratching its head with its hoof. The
sides of the bowl ower in particular have small geese flying in the sky above a leaf design,
inbetween which arcs of a circle surround a diamond in relief. The lower edge again has the
beading. These bowls and cups all appear to be related in terms of technique of manufacture.
Although they share design motifs with the repoussé work, the system of carving out was
apparently preferred for bowls and cups in this period.
A gilt-silver platter (see fig. 45, below) attributed to
Tibetan workmanship of this period is now in the
collection of the Miho Museum (Marshak 1996,
Carter 1998). It is striking due to the composition of
the four hybrid pairs of animals - wings, hoofs, horse
bodies but each time different head - rams, or deers
with big antlers, or the mythical deer. Each pair of
animals has a double half-flower between the two,
Fig. 40 similar to the interstitial flowers on the Sogdian
textile (see fig. 36, above). From the base to the rim,
vines grow and progressively entwine to separate the pairs of each species of fantastic
creatures. At the center, a centaur is holding grapes. In technique of metalwork it is
congruent with the contemporary examples.
Let us return to the rhyton and cup in the collections of the Cleveland Museum of Art to
briefly consider the textile patterns on the Lhasa silver jug. In general, within scrollwork of
vines and leaves, there are hybrid animals and birds, as well as two bird-men, wearing
turbans and central closure jacket, whose lower bodies have bird forms (see Fig. 33, above).
According to Dr. Martha Carter, the bird-man's costume reflects contemporary Tibetan
costume and turban, and the small circles on the birdman's jacket represent the roundel
designs so typical of Sasanian and Sogdian motifs and their derivatives (see fig.18 and fig.
36, above). [48] Professor Boris Marshak, an archeologist specializing in Sogdian art and
civilisation, has informed me he considers the costumes on the Cleveland rhyton and vase to
represent the Tibetans’ conception of a contemporary Sogdian robe. This line drawing of a
Sogdian aristocrat from Penjikent mural paintings of late 7th to early 8th century (see fig. 26
a,b, above) allow us to understand the cut of the Sogdian robe with round collar and
contrasting panels of fabric at the central closure and at hem. This is important to consider
here, for although the robes on the Lhasa silver jug adopted the ample Central Asian cut and
draping, the minute incised florets and small scrolls of cloud shapes are quite different from
the Sogdian and Central Asian roundel designs, which the Tibetans knew and appreciated.
Typically the Sasanian roundels represented an outer bead ring or rings with one or a
confronting pair of birds or animals, while the Sogdian roundels generally add chains of
hearts as part of the ring of pearls inside of which are confronted lions or creatures of fantasy,
such as hybrid bird-horse or dragons-rams. The Sogdian duck is particularly frequent. The
Tibetan sovereigns and their courtiers known from paintings among the Dunhuang
manuscripts and the painted murals in the caves wear ample robes which do not fit close to
the body, instead they define the shape of the body by using lapels, closing draped from
right to left, a separate textile border at the hem and fur trim (see figs. 18, 28, above and 47,
below). Our understanding of Tibetan costume has been conditioned by these representations
and by one other painting, to which we have already referred above. This is a painting by the
official court painter of the Tang dynasty,Yan li Ben (see Fig. 25, above). His original
painting is no longer extant, now replaced by a copy made during the Sung dynasty (12th ce),
whose authenticity is vouchsafed by no less than 19 colophons. One of these colophons
identified a Tibetan emissary to the Tang emperor. The emissary is represented as a small
man, rather frail, with a short, sparse beard and moustache, chignon, a robe fitted very close
to the body, with a round collar closing at the center of the coat, and from the waist side
panels with slits to facilitate riding. The robe is not ankle length, but only falls to mid-calf.
The robe is made from two fabrics, the collar, cuffs, side fabric and front closure are
confectioned from a textile having small roundels enclosing ducks. His physical appearance
and costume differ from most of the Tibetans represented in Dunhuang. Although the present
writer, following the previous identifications by several scholars has earlier identified this
emissary as the Tibetan minister mGar who petitioned the throne to award a Tang princess as
bride to Srong btsan sgam po, the contrast of the robe with the contemporary 8th-9th
representations of Tibetans lead me to question the accuracy of this identification. In
consideration of the similarity of the costume of the bird-man and the emissary, thanks to
discussion with costume historian Dr. Elfriede Knauer as well as Professor Boris Marshak, it
is possible to consider that the colophon identifying this emissary as a Tibetan reflects the
12th century Sung reality of the importance of their Tibetan neighbours, while the memory of
the emissaries to the Tang was somewhat less distinct. The Tibetans were then their principal
neighbours to the west, while the Sogdian empire was but a distant memory, of less
prestigious importance by that time. Thus one may consider that possibly this emissary
represents a Sogdian petitioning the Tang throne. It is also important to recall that an envoy
to the Tang court received official garments, for according to one recent Chinese study, the
robe of the envoy in Yan Li Ben’s painting reflects precisely such a robe-of-state made in
Sichuan of fabrics emulating Sasanian and Sogdian designs. [49] Only when all of the 19
colophons of the Yan Li Ben scroll have been fully analysed will we be able to determine if
indeed this man is the Tibetan envoy or a Sogdian envoy.
In comparison with the costumes of the bird-men on the silver vase and rhyton of the
Cleveland Museum which represent Sogdian costume, or Tibetan variations thereof, the men
portrayed on the silver jug of Lhasa show the Tibetan familiarity with central Asian
physiognomy, but they are portrayed wearing Tibetan robes.
Although this study is in no way exhaustive, in consideration of the workmanship and the
marked affinities of the Lhasa jug with other Tibetan vessels, it is proposed to concur with the
opinion that this jug is indeed a Tibetan creation, manufactured during the Pugyel dynasty. An
attribution to the pre-650 A.D. reign of Songtsen gampo does, however, seem perhaps too early
for the Tibetans to have assimilated both the diverse metallurgical and esthetic elements which
adorn this jug. It must be recalled that the first Tibetan forays and occupations of the western
Silk Road oases occurred in the late seventh century. The apogee of Tibetan participation in the
complex network of trade linking China and the Mediterranean occurred during the late seventh
to mid-ninth century, linking foreign artists and their wares with the Tibetan markets. The impact
of this commerce is just starting to be understood due to concrete artefacts such as those studied
here. To establish a more precise chronology for the silver jug of the Lhasa Jokhang, comparison
with several firmly dated Tibetan silver objects is necessary. As the systematic archeological
investigations of Tibetan tombs progressively yield more artefacts and data, a typology and
chronological analysis of the production of metalwork in Tibet will eventually be possible.
To conclude, in the opinion of this writer, the silver jug now in the
Jokhang presents significant differences from Sogdian workmanship
and does not faithfully copy the Sasanian or Sogdian costumes and
interstitial designs. The scale is remarkable and the work is consistent
throughout, demonstrating the high skill of the craftsmen. Having
examined ancient and modern Tibetan costumes, Sogdian and Sasanian
costumes, if we now look again at the silver jug of the Lhasa temple, it
is apparent that the people represent Tibetan depictions of Central
Fig. 45 Asians but wearing robes very similar to Tibetan robes of the Pugyel
empire period - and even to modern Tibetan robes! No Sogdian carver would put a crown on a
dancer, and their dancers didn't carry pipa Chinese guitar over their shoulders - it is the Tibetans
who created a transposition between the Chinese musicians and the Sogdian dancers, and
represented it in the mural paintings made under Tibetan patronage during their occupation of
Dunhuang, as well as in the silver jug of the Jokhang. This transmutation brings striking results,
in the Lhasa jug, and leads us to consider that there is a degree of amalgamation which becomes
characteristic of all of the Tibetan silver vessels examined here. This capacity to harmoniously
import several different items of esthetic vocabulary (hearts, geometrics, people) as well as
emulating foreign techniques of manufacture, but adapting these esthetics and techniques to
Tibetan taste - this would seem to be the hallmark in the development of Tibetan esthetic
sensitivities.
This silver jar of the Lhasa Jokhang thus is a product of the Tibetan genius to bring together
several different influences, blended so harmoniously that a new esthetic idiom is created. It
must have been used at wonderful banquets!
[top]
[A] I would like to thank Ian Alsop, Valrae Reynolds, Boris Marshak, Elfriede Knauer and
Roberto Vitali for their critical reading and suggestions. My thanks to C. F. Roncoroni, Thomas J.
Pritzker, Jacqueline Simcox and Karel Otavsky for fruitful discussions on textiles and silver in
Tibet. I gratefully acknowledge funding for this research on this topic in Tibet in 1995 and 1996
provided by the CNRS (Paris) ESA 8047.
[1] Tucci 1956 : 90 described seeing a bowl conserved inside this silver jug while Ulrich von
Schroeder 2001 : 792 stated that inside the jug is a stone bowl which explains the very heavy
weight of the jug. I thank Ulrich von Schroeder for his critical comments and his generous
authorization to reproduce some of his photographs of the jug. See Von Schroeder 2001 :792 -
795.)
[2] Beckwith, Christopher, The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia, Princeton, 1987 page 111.
[3] Beckwith, Christopher, “Tibet and the Early Medieval Florissance in Eurasia : a preliminary
note on the economic history of the Tibetan Empire” in Central Asiatic Journal, 21/2, 1977 : 89-
104 : p. 96.
I am indebted to the late Michael aris for fruitful discussions on Tibetan trade and patterns of
exhcange in the Himalayas.
[4] Backus, Charles, The Nan chao Kingdom and Tang China’s Southwestern Frontier,
Cambridge, 1981, pp. 171-173
[6] quoted by Beckwith, Christopher, The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia, Princeton, 1987: 110)
[8] For Sasanian armour see B. Overlaet (ed.), Splendeurs des Sassanides, 1993 : 89-94 essay on
military and catalogue nos. 30-42 for helmets and bridles. See B. Marshak 1999 on the Freer
Gallery bowl
[9] Béguin, Gilles et Marie Laureillard, Chine, La Gloire des Empereurs, Réunion des Musées
Nationaux, Paris, 2000: plate 107, page 293 cites the Sui Annals, XXIV, and analyses a similar
Justinian coin excavated from a Tang dynasty tomb in Shaanxi, near the Xianyang airport
[10] thanks to N. Rhodes and Simon Bendall, for correspondence on this subject. See Chinese
Numismatics, 2001, vol 4 (issue no. 75) : Yan Lin, “An excavation of Byzantine gold coins in
Wulan county, Qinghai province”. p. 40, 41 and plate)
[10a] See Xu Xinguo 1994 ; Xu Xinguo 1996 and Zhao Feng 1999
[10b] Carter 1998 : fig.15. See Denwood, P., “A Greek Bowl from Tibet”. I thank Marjo Alafouzo
for obtaining this article and Andrew Topsfield for the photograph of this platter formerly
exhibited at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
[11]For example of textiles see Otavsky, K. (ed.) Entlang der Seidenstrasse, Abegg-Foundation,
Riggisberg 1998 ; For garments see Watt, James C. Y. and Anne E. Wardwell, When Silk was
Gold, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1998: 34-37, and Heller, Amy, “An Eighth
century Child’s Garment of Sogdian and Chinese Silks” in E. Knight (ed.), Chinese and Central
Asian Textiles, Orientations, Hong Kong, 1998 : 220-222
[12] for Sogdians in Turfan, see Sheng, Angela "Woven Motifs in Turfan silks : Chinese or
Iranian", Orientations 30/4 April 1999 45-52 ; for the weavers of Sogdian descent in Chengdu,
Sichuan, Sui Annals, cited by Yokohari, Kazuko, An essay on the Debut of the Chinese Samit
based on the study of the Astana Textiles, in: Bulletin of the Ancient Orient Museum 1991/ vol 12:
56 ; Zhao Feng, "Silk Roundels from the Sui to the Tang" in Hali 1997/vol 92: 80-85, 130, citing
the Bei shi, Northern Annals ;
Watt, James C. Y. and Anne E. Wardwell, When Silk was Gold, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York, 1998: 23-24.
for the weavers of Sogdian descent in Chengdu, Sichuan, Sui Annals, cited by Yokohari, Kazuko,
An essay on the Debut of the Chinese Samit based on the
study of the Astana Textiles, in: Bulletin of the Ancient Orient Museum
1991/ vol 12: 41-103
: 56 ;
Zhao Feng, "Silk Roundels from the Sui to the Tang" in Hali 1997/vol 92:
Watt, James C. Y. and Anne E. Wardwell, When Silk was Gold, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York, 1998: 23-24).
[12a] Demiéville, Paul. Le Concile de Lhasa, Paris, 1952 (reprint1987) : 203. See also Karmay,
Heather (née Stoddard), Early Sino-Tibetan Art, Warminster, 1975, 3-4
[13] Schafer, Edward. The Golden Peaches of Samarkand. Berkeley, 1963: 253-254 )
[14] Vitali , Roberto. Early Temples of Central Tibet, London, 1990: note 4 on page 84
[15] Juliano, Annette and Lerner, Judith, Monks and Merchants, Silkroad Treasures from
Northwest China, Asia Society, New York, 2001. I thank Valrae Reynolds and Thomas J. Pritzker
for calling my attention to this invaluable reference work.
[16] I am indebted to the late H.E. Richardson for this reference (personal communication April
2001).
[17] Fifth Dalai Lama, Catalogue of the Lhasa gTsug lag khang (in Tibetan), written in 1645 and
republished in Three dkar chag, pp.1-45, 1970, Delhi: 32
[18] Shakabpa, T. W. D. Guide to the Central Temple of Lhasa ( in Tibetan), Delhi, 1982: 64
[19] Shakabpa, T. W. D. Guide to the Central Temple of Lhasa ( in Tibetan), Delhi, 1982: 21).
[20] Si tu Pan chen, Guide to Central Tibet (in Tibetan), written in 1920 and reprinted in Lhasa,
1999 : 93, chos rgyal ‘khrung bem ste chang dam ri dvags can dngul snod yer pa bar so nas gter
bzhes pa).
[21] Su Bai, “Two important Cultural relics discovered in Tibet related to the cultural exchange
between Ancient China and other countries ” in UNESCO : Land Routes of the Silk Roads and the
Cultural exchanges between East and West before the 10th century, New World Press, Beijing,
1996 : 409-411
[22] Taring, Zasak J. The index and plan of Lhasa Cathedral in Tibet, (Lhasa Tsug lag khang gi
sata and Kar chhag), Delhi, 1980 (no publisher indicated): 24
Ulrich von Schroeder, Buddhist sculptures in Tibet, 2001 (2) : 792, quoting Heather Stoddard for
translation
[24] Richardson, Hugh E. “Some Monuments of the Yarlung dynasty” in P. Pal, ed. The Path to
Void, Mumbai, 1996 : 26-45, reprinted in M ichael Aris, ed. High Peaks Pure Earth, London
1998 :292-302: 29 ;
see also Carter, Martha L., “Three Silver Vessels from Tibet's Earliest Historical Era : a
Preliminary Study”, Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, vol. 3, 1998: Fig. 14, p. 39 “Vessel,
Tibet, 7th-9th century, partially gilt silver.” ; Knauer, E.,The Camel’s Load in Life and Death,
Zurich 1998 : fig .70, p.101 Tibetan camel rhyton ; Silver with parcel gilt. 7th to 8th centuries( ?).
see also Carter, Martha L., “Three Silver Vessels from Tibet’s Earliest Historical Era : a
Preliminary Study”, Cleveland Studies in the Hsitory of Art, vol. 3, 1998: Fig. 14, p. 39 “Vessel,
Tibet, 7th-9th century, partially gilt silver.”
[25] Karmay, Heather (née Stoddard), “ Tibetan costume, Seventh to Eleventh Centuries ” in A.
Macdonald and Y. Imadea (eds.), Art du Tibet, Paris, 1977: 72
[26] Juliano, Annette and Lerner, Judith, Monks and Merchants, Silkroad Treasures from
Northwest China, Asia Society, New York, 2001: 250-253,
Mahler, Jane Gaston, The Westerners among the Figurines of the Tang Dynasty of China, Romae,
Serie Orientale Roma (20), Roma, 1959: “ The Hu Hsuan Dancers, Appendix 5 ”)
[27] (see Ulrich von Schroeder, Buddhist sculptures in Tibet, 2001 (2) : photos 190B and 190 C)
[28] Juliano, Annette and Lerner, Judith, Monks and Merchants, Silkroad Treasures from
Northwest China, Asia Society, New York, 2001,
[29] Mahler, Jane Gaston, The Westerners among the Figurines of the Tang Dynasty of China,
Romae, Serie Orientale Roma (20), Roma, 1959: 71
[32] I thank Valrae Reynolds for this information, which will be incorporated in her study of
Ancient Tibetan Royal Costumes, to be presented for the 2003 International Association of Tibetan
Studies, Oxford Seminar ; See V. Reynolds, From the Tibetan Realm, Treasures of the Newark
Museum Tibetan Collection, Munich 1999 : 84-85, plate 36).
[33] Edouard Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue Occidentaux, St, Petersburg, 1903 : 102-
103. I thank Elfriede R. Knauer for this reference.
[34] Bibliothèque Nationale , Paris : cat. No. PC 4524, illustrated as fig. 5 in Karmay, Heather (née
Stoddard), “Tibetan costume, Seventh to Eleventh Centuries” in A. Macdonald and Y. Imadea
(eds.), Art du Tibet, Paris, 1977: 70.
[35] Thanks to Edith Cheung and Elfriede Knauer for this reference to the Chinese study: Shen
Congwen, Zhongguo gudai fushi yanjiu (Hongkong 1992)
[35a] I am grateful to Andrew Topsfield, Curator in the Oriental department, Ashmolean museum,
Oxford, for authorizing this and the other Ashmolean photographs
[35b] I thank Dr. S. Czuma for facilitating the reproduction of the Cleveland Museum silver
vessels
[36] Carter, Martha L., “Three Silver Vessels from Tibet’s Earliest Historical Era : a Preliminary
Study”, Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, vol. 3, 1998 : 27 describes the technique of
fabrication and design motifs.
I am grateful to Martha Carter for frequent correspondence during this research.
[37] Carter, Martha L., “ Three Silver Vessels from Tibet’s Earliest Historical Era : a Preliminary
Study ”, Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, vol. 3, 1998 : 27 see details here below
[38] Carter, Martha L., “Three Silver Vessels from Tibet’s Earliest Historical Era : a Preliminary
Study”, Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, vol. 3, 1998 , quoting Heather Stoddard for the
translation, “valuable possessions of a high princess”. Instead I translate "valuable possessions of a
noble-born person" /:/ phan :shing :gong :skyes : kyi. sug byang :, sug byang being understood as
the individual’s personal seal, the two circles beneath the inscription ”.
[39] see the textiles of the Abegg-Stiftung and their study: Otavsky, Karel (ed.) Entlang der
Seidenstrasse, Riggisberger Berichte, Abegg Stiftung, Riggisberg (Bern) 1998.
[40] see Heller, Amy, Tibetan Art, Tracing the development of Spiritual Ideals and Art in Tibet,
600-2000 A.D., Jaca Book, Milano, 1999: 10-11, fig. 12. I thank Christian Luczanits for this
observation, personal communication december 2000)
[41] Carter, Martha L., “Three Silver Vessels from Tibet’s Earliest Historical Era : a Preliminary
Study”, Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, vol. 3, 1998 : 33, notes 26 and 27
[42] Carter, Martha L., “Three Silver Vessels from Tibet’s Earliest Historical Era : a Preliminary
Study”, Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, vol. 3, 1998 : 39
[43] my thanks to Boris Marshak for this reference and authorization to publish
[44] Bo Gullensvard, Tang Dynasty Gold and Silver, Stockholm, Erlanders, 1957, 22, 63, 64, figs.
24k, 77aa; Boris Marshak, Silberschaetze des Orients, Leipzig, Seemann, 1986, 61, 69, 75, 88, 91,
Abb. 80, Taf. 25
[45] Uldry, Pierre. Chinesisches Gold und Silber, Die Sammlung Pierre Uldry, Museum Rietberg,
Zürich, 1994: plate 126, my thanks to Albert Lutz for authorization to publish
[46] The use of a coin to define the space of a ring handle for a cup is documented by a silver cup
found in northern Kirghizstan, attributed to the 6th to 7th century due in part to the numismatic
chronology. See Belenitsky, Alexandre, L’Asie Centrale Archeologia Mundi, Nagel, Genève,
1968: plate 33,
[46a] I thank Steven M. Kossak and James Watt for kindly authorizing publication of this cup.
[48] personal communication, see Carter, Martha L., “Three Silver Vessels from Tibet’s Earliest
Historical Era : a Preliminary Study”, Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, vol. 3, 1998
[49] Thanks to Edith Chung and Elfriede Knauer for this reference to the Chinese publication.
[50] Marshak, Boris I. “A Sogdian Silver Bowl in the Freer Gallery of Art”, Ars Orientalis
19 (1999): 103,
see also P. Meyers 1981 : 146-150 for discussion of the Sasanian methods of manufacture and
decoration of silver)
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DID ATISA VISIT ZHA LU MONASTERY? TRACING ATISA'S
INFLUENCE ON TIBETAN ICONOGRAPHY·
AMYHELLER
Introduction
Although traditional histories of Zha lu monastery mention the con-
secration of Zha lu by Atisa (956-1054), the great Indian Buddhist
scholar, this episode is lacking in his biographical literature. l None-
theless, among the mid-l 1th century mural paintings at Zha lu, a form
of Buddha which was one of Atisa's personal meditation deities (yi
dam) may possibly be recognized (Eimer 1979: fo1. 2b). This Buddha
is Trisamayaraja Buddha, the Buddha of the Triple Vow (dam tshig
gsum gyi rgyal po). The earliest biographies of Atisa emphasize his
visions of this Buddha while he was in the Gtsang province where
Zha lu monastery is situated (Eimer 1979: fol 71 b). In addition, Atisa
translated a ritual for this Buddha which is included in the Tibetan
canonical literature. 2 Certainly, Atisa's reverence for the Trisamaya-
raja Buddha cannot alone be a definite indication of Atisa's presence
at Zha lu. In fact, other iconographic identifications for this wall
painting might also be considered (see below). Atisa has great re-
nown as a translator and as author of major philosophical treatises
and commentaries but his numerous liturgical compositions, some of
which he both composed and translated, are seldom emphasized.
Among these rituals are treatises which constitute a distinctive
iconographic aspect from those otherwise known, for deities such as
Avalokitesvara, Acala, GalJ.apati, Tara, Vajravarahl as well as Sakya-
muni and Trisamayaraja. We propose to examine here some aspects Having decided to renew his monastic vows in India, Lce btsun stud-
ied at Bodh Gaya with Abhayakara. After he returned to Zha -Iu, he
of the history of the transmission of Atisa's teachings as well as to formal1y invited Atisa to consecrate the gtsug lag khang (de nas)o bo
examine a recently discovered source on the history of Zha lu mon- chen po r)e zhog pa la spyan drangs zhva lu'i gtsug lag khang la rab
astery. This source records Atisa's visit and gives insights on the gnas zhus pas/ rab gnas legs khyad par can la rab gnas chags shing
aesthetic models en vigueur at Zha lu during the 11 th century. bkra shis so/). As Atisa particularly venerated the Thugs rje chen po
aspect of Avalokitesvara, he made a prophecy of a spontaneously ap-
pearing image from India which would fulfill their mutual spiritual as-
The Geneaology ofthe Lee Clan
pirations.
The starting point for this research was a Tibetan blockprint text, the
th
composition of which has been dated to mid-16 century by internal Fol. 20b-2Ia:
evidence of the last abbot cited. This text is entitled Chos grva ehen At that time there were Indian, Nepalese and Tibetans from Dbus and
po dpal zha lu gser khang gi bdag po jo bo lee 'i gdung rabs, and re- Gtsang as donors. In particular the Nepalese were the very good do-
counts the geneaology of the founder of Zha lu, Lce btsun shes rab nors (because) they had wealth from the properties of rGyan ri and
th th Zhal ri (n.b. these are the two mountains of Zha lu and rGyan gong,
'byung gnas (ca. 1007 - ca. 1060?) from the 8 to 15 centuries. 3 It the monastery built earlier down the road from Zha lu). Thus they con-
emphasizes the donors of foreign origin during the foundation of the structed a reliquary mchod rten at the foot of the Zha lu mountain, and
Zha lu monastery and highlights the importance of Nepalese aesthetic now stil1 (in the 16 th c.) this is cal1ed the Nepalese mchod rten. Due to
influences during the 11 th century. This geneaology relied on earlier discussion between those of Zha lu and Ri phug, it was decided that
historical sources and claimed to trace the geneaology of the clan better benefit for all beings would occur if Atisa's special image of
throughout Tibetan history. While it is fascinating to learn of lives of Avalokitesvara was brought to Zha lu, thus it was conserved as the
major image in the dbu rtse chapels.
ancestors during the time of Khri srong Ide brtsan, the information on
the foundation period of Zha lu was rather different from other histo- Atisa's arrival for the consecration thus was followed by the installa-
ries. This text discusses the travels of Lce btsun to India, subse- tion of the miraculous Avalokitesvara image at Zha lu, these two
quently to Nepal, and his return to Zha lu, whereupon the original ar- events and the consecration all occuring for the benefit of all the
chitectural configuration of Zha lu monastery is recounted. The fol- population on the banks of the Gtsang po.
lowing is a summarized translation of these passages (fo1.l3b, 15 a): The account of the 11 th century ends abruptly. It is followed by a
Then Lce btsun himself had constructed the fol1owing chapels: the
long discussion of the geneaology and confrontations of rival clans
main temple gtsug lag khang of Zha lu in the shape of an dbu rtse until construction and donations are again described for Grags pa
temple (n.b. a three level, trapezoidal shape construction as in the rgyal mtshan's restoration in early 14 th century. .
Bsam yas dbu rtse).4 On the west two rooms for the north and south This account is more than laconic. To a degree, it corresponds to
chapels, and on the east side, up above there was the Yum ch~n m? other known histories of Zha lu but does not agree with the earliest
chapel, and below what is now cal1ed the mgon khang. At that tIme, It biographies of Atisa, which completely omit any mention of Zha lu.
was not a protectors' chapel (mgon khang), it was a deambulatory
The description of the Indian and Nepalese donors supporting Zha lu
(rgyun lam).
is noteworthy. Certainly, the presence of Newar artists at Zha lu is
historically documented for the 14th century renovations. However
3 Tucci 1949: 656-662 translated a truncated version of this text, lacking the ex- there is no earlier documented evidence of Newar artists, although
act title, the first five pages, as well as folio 15a under the title: From the Genealo-
gies o!'Zha lu. The blockprint I consulted is complete in 55 folia. It is conserved in a Zha lu is situated beside one of the major trade routes leading to the
private collection in India. The full text of the passages summanzed here are to be Kathmandu valley. If there were Nepalese donors to Zha lu during
found in the appendix to this article. I thank Franco Ricca for reference to the date the 11 th century, it would not be surprising to find Newar artists al-
according to Martin 1997: 171.
4 Denwood 1997: 222 and Kreijger 1997: 170-172 discuss alternative hypotheses
for the phases of the construction.
48 AMY HELLER DID ATlSA VISIT ZHA LU MONASTERY? 49
ready present at Zha lu at this time. 5 Two wooden capitals photo- This is particularly evident when examining these wall paintings
graphed at Zha lu (PIs 57 and 58) are potentially artistic evidence of from an aesthetic perspective. The studies by Jeremiah Losty re-
such Newar presence at an early date, as the carving of the floral and vealed clear differentiation in the Newar and Indian manuscript
vegetal scrolls, the elephant and Buddha recall Newar workmanship painting styles of this period (Losty 1989a, 1989b). Losty compared
(Slusser 1982: pI. 165).6 Lce btsun invited Atisa to Zha lu, after the 11 th to 13 th century manuscripts of Nepal, Bihar and Bengal to distin-
former returned from his studies in India with Abhayakara in ca. guish direct Pala aesthetic from Newar aesthetics inspired by Pala
1039 (Vitali 1990: 96). This is one year prior to Atisa's departure prototypes. Jeremiah Losty (Losty 1989a: 86) delineated the follow-
from Vikramasila to Nepal where he resided in Kathmandu during ing characteristics:
1040-1041, leaving there to move to western Tibet in 1042, then to For Nepal: "somewhat rounded face, tubular limbs, palette of
central Tibet in 1045. As Vitali remarked, it is certain that Atisa ar- red/orange contrasted with dark blue, volume created by color mod-
rived in central Tibet during 1045, thus the Zha lu consecration eling".8
would have to be no earlier than 1045. Petech has recently formu- For India: "more oval face, heavier limbs and torso, exaggeratedly
lated the hypothesis that the 1042 restoration of Tabo may have been curvaceous standing and seated postures, soft tone red but bright or-
held in 1042 in order to commemorate Atisa's arrival in the kingdom piment yellow, volume created by outline." (as visible in this Indian
(Klimburg-Salter 1997: 62-63, ftn. 14). A similar hypothesis for Zha book cover, now conserved at Sa skya monastery, PI. 10).
lu is plausible. Particularly striking in the 11 th century mural paintings of the Zha
Due to Atisa's Indian nationality, he is regarded as one of many lu monastery entrance chapel is the stiffness of the body postures of
Indians who introduced the Tibetans to Indian aesthetics. It may be the Bodhisattvas who crowd together surrounding the seated Buddha
presumed that wherever he traveled, he brought with him numerous in his stupa (PI. 59: Buddha and entourage, PI. 11: detail of entou-
Indian manuscripts, paintings and sculptures as didactic tools. During rage). There is a complete absence of voluptuous seated or standing
his residence in Nepal he most probably encountered Newar artists postures which characterize Indian aesthetics of this period. Yet cer-
eager to study and emulate the Indian models. Atisa's biographers tain aspects of the jewelry and costume models very certainly derive
describe his skills as an artist and a calligrapher (Eimer 1979: fol from Indian antecedents. The double-pair of earrings is an example
20a-b). Although this may be literary cliche, according to the Zha lu of an Indian jewelry model adapted by the painters at Zha lu, as seen
monks, Atisa personally carved a tsha tsha mold for Thugs rje chen in this Pala statue of Tara wearing one earring in her earlobe and an-
po Avalokitesvara which they still use today, inscribed in both Ti- other earring at the back of the ear (PI. 60) and the head of a Bodhi-
betan and Sanskrit (PI. 9).7 At Zha lu monastery, whether one consid- sattva from Zha lu (PI. 12).9 Closely examining some of the -individ-
ers Atisa himself as the harbinger of Indian artistic tendencies or if ual figures, the painters have achieved nuances of chromatic model-
these are to be attributed to the presence of the Indian and Newar do- ing which are emphasized to create an effect of volume to the bodies
nors, the mural paintings of the mgon khang show marked influence as visible in the head of the Zha lu Bodhisattva (PI. 12). If one fol-
of Newar painters adapting Indian aesthetic models. lows Losty's schema, this technique of painting, and the elongated
body proportions reflects the work of Newar painters.
th
5 Roberto Vitali quoted the Mvang chos hyung (J 7 century) for the presence of
Nepalese as donors to Zha lu. See Vitali 1990: 97. 8 See for example the manuscript of the Neotia collection, dated 1028, illustrated
6 I thank Terese Tse Bartholomew for kindly providing these photographs from in Pal and Meech-Pekarik 1990: fig. 37. I thank Jean-Michel Terrier for discussion
her visit to Zha lu in 1981. The capitals are no longer extant. on the differentiation ofIndian and Newar painting modes at this time.
7 Peter Skilling has translated Atisa's tsha tsha ritua~ in his forthcoming mo.n~ 9 Michel Postel (1989) documents appearance of such double earrings worn by
graphic study on Buddhist sealings. I thank him for callmg my attentIOn to Atlsa s both female and male deities from sixth century to Pala period models approximately
daily practice of stamping tsha tsha and his composition of a ritual for thiS practice, from Atisa's own region and lifetime in his pIs II 20, II 26, II 27, II 32 and pIs V 25,
described in Skilling (forthcoming). V 26, V 39, V 49. I thank C. F. Roncoroni for reference to this study.
50 AMY HELLER DID ATISA VISIT ZHA LU MONASTERY? 51
The transmission and :,pread ofAtL§a 's teachings po pa the Lam rim according to the Bka' gdams pa tradition. More •
Further evidence of Atisa's presence at Zha lu might be shown if the important still is the pivotal role of Phag mo gm pa (1110-1170), I1
iconographic scheme reflected Atisa's personal meditations or vi- who studied with many Bka' gdams pa masters, most notably the
sions. The fortuitous discovery in the Tibetan Bstan 'gyur of two rit- disciple of Po to ba, 1031-1105, abbot of the Rwa greng monastery
ual compositions by Atisa for the specific iconography of the Tri- founded by Brom ston, Atisa's direct disciple. Consequently, Atisa
samayaraja Buddha (see note 1), who may be represented in this Zha may be represented in mural or portable paintings as a spiritual an-
lu chapel, led me to investigate Atisa's influence upon Tibetan ico- cestor of Phag mo gm pa. In addition, Atisa may figure in lineages of
nography not only at Zha lu Monastery but also elsewhere in Tibet. ( transmission of other Bka' brgyud pa sub-schools. For example,
While the results at this phase of research do not prove whether or Atisa may be counted in Stag lung lineages due to Phag mo gm pa's
not Atisa did visit Zha lu, the vast quantity of compositions in praise students which included Stag lung thang pa bkra shis dpal (1142-
of numerous deities, replete with detailed iconographic descriptions 1210). He may also figure as a spiritual ancestor for the 'Bri gung pa,
signed by Atisa as author or translator, amply document the enor- because the founder of this sub-school, 'Bri gung Rin chen dpal Jig
mous influence of Atisa in this formative period of Tibetan Buddhist rten mgon po (1143-1217), was one of Phag mo gm pa's four princi-
pal disciples (Roerich 1979: 562-563). Due to the transmission of
iconography.
Before discussing specific information from these texts, let us Atisa's liturgical teachings in these schools, deities particularly ven-
consider their context. Alaka Chattopadhyaya has listed more than a erated by Atisa frequently are represented as protectors in the lower
hundred texts either translated or composed by Atisa but his register of paintings commissioned within the Stag lung pa and 'Bri
iconographic contribution was not particularly emphasized. lo Thus gung pa monastic schools. 12 Extending their domain beyond the 'Bri
art historians tended to think of Atisa as a teacher of theology and gung monastery northeast of Lhasa in central Tibet, the 'Bri gung pa
philosophy while in fact he also created many meditative practices founded hermitages in the Kailash region of western Tibet ca. 1215,
for various deities. Consultation of the Tibetan Buddhist canonical and then were active further west in Ladakh, notably at Alchi mon-
literature (even the Bstan 'gyur alone) reveals no less than 103 texts astery (Petech 1988: 355-388; Goepper 1990). At Alchi, the pantheon
signed by Atisa or attributed to him of which perhaps 75 are ritual is largely inherited from the iconographic systems of Bka' gdams pa
compositions with iconographic descriptions. While the Bka' gdams inspiration, replete with representations of those deities esteemed by
pa monastic order stemming from Atisa's direct disciples is well Atisa. The Stag lung teachings spread from central Tibet to eastern
known for limiting the diffusion of certain tantric texts as part of Tibet as of ca. 1275 when the Ri bo che monastery was founded as a
their monastic ideals, other rituals of praise for numerous deities branch monastery of Stag lung (Singer 1997). These examples show
were widely transmitted to students. The variety of deities is impres- that in addition to the immediate repercussion of Atisa's translations
sive and includes tantric deities such as Sarpvara (Sde dge 1491). and compositions during his lifetime or shortly thereafter, the
Atisa's teachings spread widely beyond the Bka' gdams pa mon- iconographic legacy of the Bka' gdams pa persisted and spread.
asteries due to Atisa's numerous disciples and their students. For ex- During the 14 th century, Tsong kha pa revitalized the transmission of
ample, ca. 1130 A.D., Dus gsum mkhyen pa, the first Karma pa hier-
arch, practiced the Sarpvara cycle and rituals for Acala according to
11 See Roerich 1979: 270 for his general biography but also Roerich 1979: 555
the method of Atisa cyles, having studied them with Y01 chos dbang, for Phag mo gru pa's Bka' gdams pa studies.
a disciple of Atisa (Roerich 1979: 475). Later, he learned from Sgam 12 For representation of deities according to Atisa's specifications, see Kossak
and Singer 1998: pI. 10, Buddha with Acala, Avalokitesvara and Tara. For portraits
Identified as Phag mo gru pa and Stag lung chen po, see ibid., pI. 26, where the
10 I thank Dr. Helmut Eimer for very kindly sending me his annotated list of A. White and Green Tara and Vajravarahi in the lower register are all to be recognized
Chattopadhyaya's list of Atisa's works, correlating the Sde dge and Beijing canoni- as teachings inherited from Atisa due to his rituals for Tara (Sde dge bstan 'gyur
calliterature (Chattopadhyaya 1967: 442-503). 3685, 3688, 3689), for Vajravarahi (Sde dge 1592).
52 AMY HELLER DID ATISA VISIT ZHA LU MONASTERY? 53
many of these teachings as part of his creation of the corpus of Dge Medicine is not found to my knowledge, but possibly this was in- •
lugs pa liturgies. cluded within the body of a larger text. Atisa's compositions for the
other deities are all included in the Bstan 'gyur. Let us now attempt
The Principal Meditation Deities ofAtisa and the 1 t h Century Mural to understand to what extent Atisa's visions or his ritual composi-
Paintings ofthe Zha lu Monastery's Entrance Chapel tions influenced the choice of iconography at Zha lu.
In 1476, the highly reliable Tibetan historical work the Blue Annals There are at present four panels of mural paintings in the Zha lu
devotes a full chapter to Atisa and the Bka' gdams pa teachings, ex- entrance chapel now called the mgon khang. The two panels on the
plicitly describing the transmission among his students of his practice left are attributed to the 11 th century although much over-painting is
of the Trisamaya Buddha and even a vision of Acala as protector visible, particularly immediately beside the door. Of the two panels
(Roerich 1979: 312), as well as Atisa's devotion to Tara 13 (Roerich on the right, one retains much 11 th century painting while the other
1979: 241, 246, 254). The biographies of Atisa describe his visions has been over-painted several times, starting with the renovations of
and ritual compositions while he is in Tibet-between 1042 and 1306 (Vitali 1990). These panels all represent seated Buddhas inside
1054-for Buddha of Medicine, Acala, White Tara, Green Tara, a temple, surrounded by Bodhisattvas, monks and animals. To the
Avalokitesvara. 14 These are precisely the deities represented in this right, the two Buddhas are to be identified as Sakyamuni, recogniz-
painting from the Foumier collection (Pi. 61), which represents a able by monk's robe and the gesture of bhumispada, seated in a
group of four deities: Sman bla, Acala, Green Tara, Avalokitesvara rainbow nimbus which is placed inside the distinctive architecture of
Thugs rje chen po all in forms sacred to Atisa. This group contrasts the Mahabodhi temple at Bodh Gaya; To the left, two Buddhas
with the so-called Bka' gdams lha bzhi, the Four deities of the Bka' wearing monastic robes are seated inside a temple in the position
gdams pa teachings, which are understood to be representations of called vajraparyaizka (rdo rje dkyil khrung), their two hands in
Sakyamuni, Acala, Green Tara and Avalokitesvara Thugs rje chen teaching mudrii (dharmacakramudrii).17 The skin color of the Bud-
po. The latter three all correspond to Atisa's special iconographic vi- dha's faces varies from pink to golden but this may be due to over-
sions. ls Atisa' s vision of a metaphysical debate between ManjusrI painting.
and Maitreya also lead to a distinctive manner of painted representa- Ricca and Foumier's previous study ofthe iconography ofthe mu-
tion, found in the 11 th century murals of Gra thang, as well as at Zha ral paintings of the immediately adjacent 11 th century chapel revealed
lu monasatery in a series oflater mural paintings. 16 In the Tibetan ca- the textual source of these paintings to be the mar:u!ala of the
nonical literature, a specific text by Atisa in praise of the Buddha of Dharmadhiitu-viigiSvara and the DurgatipariSodhana, although the
planetary deities' attributes did not correspond in every respect
13 AlIinger 1997: 667 and Singer 1998: 65 both observed that the Ford Tiira cor-
(Ricca and Foumier 1996: 353). Both of these cycles are dedicated to
reponds to the ritual Atisa translated and both scholars study specific aspects of style Vairocana. The Buddha Vairocana is the Buddha who in diverse lit-
and iconography. Helier 1999: 146-147 (pI. 78) translated the liturgy of Atisa's ritual urgies signifies the Dharmakaya. As the Dharmakaya is beyond rep-
for a specific form of Acala.
14 Eimer 1979: Sman bla: 91b3, 91b5 for composition of rituals; see foI. 92al
resentation, by convention Vairocana is usually represented in the
Acala; 80a6 Avalokitesvara Thugs rje chen po; 94a Tara vision. (section 387). royal crown and garments of the body of bliss (Samboghakaya).
15 Lokesh Chandra 1974: voI. I, Sakyamuni 160-163; Avalokitesvara 478-481; Some liturgies however, specify that he may also be represented in
Acala 758-763, Tara 622-625. For Tara, this unusual aspect corresponds to a thang
ka of Tara revered at Rwa greng as a legacy from Atisa. On the Bka' gdams Iha bzhi
the color and body form and monk's robes of Sakyamuni, the
see "The Transmission of the Bka' gdams legs barn" presented at lATS Leiden 2000
by Franz Karl Ehrhard, whom I thank for correspondence on the transmission of the
teachings and identification of this group of four deities.
t 16 Henss 1997: 167. Eimer 1979: fol 94b vision of Maitreya and Mafijusri. For
tt;~~~~:r~IYSis, see the forthcoming monographic study on Zha lu by F. Ricca and 17 See Tucci, Jndo Tihetica IV (I): 106- I 12, for this iconography identified in
relation to the Buddha Vairocana and his role to uphold the sacred vow.
54 AMY HELLER DID ATISA VISIT ZHA LU MONASTERY? 55
Nirmal)akaya. 18 Whether Vairocana's body is of golden or white At least three alternative hypotheses for the identification of the
color, the hands characteristically make the bodhiyagri- or samiidhi- two Buddha in dharmacakramudrii represented in the mural paint-
mudrii, representing a supreme moment of enlightenment in accor- ings of Zha lu might be considered: the Buddha Sakyamuni at the
dance with the liturgical cycle. In the context of the Five Jina, Vairo- moment of the first teaching (although in this case usually the ga-
cana is typically represented making the dharmacakramudrii as the zelles are represented under the throne rather than lions as at Zha lu);
Wheel of Dharma is symbolic ofVairocana's spiritual family. or possibly Maitreya, the Buddha of the Future, or possibly
This reasoning led me to the hypothesis that the two Buddhas on Ak~obhya.22 Not only the context of the entire composition and all
the left wall may be aspects ofVairocana in correspondence with the the paintings within the chapel must be analysed, but also the com-
yi dam worshipped by Atisa. Lokesh Chandra has identified such a plete group of mural paintings executed as part of the same period of
Buddha as Trisamayamuni, the Sage of the Triple Vow, more liter- consecration, including perhaps mural paintings in chapels elsewhere
ally the Buddha of the Triple Sacrament or Commitment (samaya / in the monastery. It would be far beyond the scope of the present ar-
dam tshig).19 The siidhana of Trisamayamuni specifies this Buddha ticle to attempt to definitively identify in full the Buddhas of the en-
as an aspect of Vairocana. 2o The term triple vow refers to the oaths trance chapel due to these considerations. Be that as it may, as men-
pronounced by the faithful: 1) to take refuge in the Buddha,. the tioned above, the Blue Annals duly recorded the devotions by Atisa
Dharma and the Sangha; 2) the commitment to generate the enhght- and his followers to the Trisamaya Buddha, thus this hypothesis of
ened mind of spiritual aspiration, and lastly 3) the Bodhisattva vow identification should be among those retained pending future studies
(Dudjom Rinpoche 1991, voI. 2: 113). Clear pre-eminance in the Ti- which may determine both Atisa's historical role at Zha lu and the
betan pantheon was established as indicated by the fact that the first full iconographic scheme at the time of the monastery's consecration.
ritual of both of the two Sgrub thabs rgya mtsho anthologies of the To conclude, a final example of Atisa's influence is found in this
Bstan 'gyur are dedicated to this form of Buddha. 21 This liturgy used a composition of a Buddha in monk's robes, in dharmacakramudrii,
terminology of place of residence and attitude situating thi~ Buddha ~s surrounded by a group of Bodhisattvas and monks, with seven Green
a purposeful conflation of identity between Vairocana and Sakyamum. Taras in the lower register, found as a mural painting in Alchi's lha
khang gsar ma (PI. 62) and as a thang ka (PI. 63).23 Conforming to
the pattern of emulating the Bka' gdams pa iconography in Alchi, it
18 Vairocana represented in monastic robes as Sakyam~ni is described by Jay~
prabha, 9th century, in the Beijing Bstan 'gyur 3489. A detailed dISCUSSIO~.ofthls nt- is thus not surprising to find a wall painting which may also represent
ual is included in my article in press "PT 7a, PT 108, PT 240 and Bel]Ing bsTan this Trisamayamuni aspect of the Buddha, and here with seven pro-
'gyur 3489: Ancient Tibetan rituals dedicated to Vairocana" to appear in the E. Gene tecting Green Taras at his feet. As the Green Tara is most noted as a
Smith Felicitation volume, R. Prats, T. Tsering, and D. Jackson, eds. favorite for Atisa's devotions, this may possibly reflect the liturgies
19 Lokesh Chandra 1991: pI. 525. I thank Ulrich von Schroeder for this reference
and a photograph for study (von Schroeder 2001: 89b). Lokesh Chandra 1991: 525 composed and translated by Atisa, represented long after his lifetime
and Willson and Brauen 2000: pI. 15 both illustrate a variant of the dharmacakra- and far from the paths he trod.
mudrii for this Buddha, with the hands splayed outward, while Ulrich von Schroeder
has photographed in Tibet an example from north-east India where the Buddha
makes the traditional dharmacakramudrii. 22 Goepper 1999 presents a differentiated analysis of Ak~obhya's preaching ico-
20 I thank Yen. Mtshan zhabs Rinpoche, Zurich, for reading this ritual evocation nography. Drege 1999: fig.ll includes a Xi xia blockprint inscribed as "Maitreya
with me. The Rinpoche clarified that he understood the text to state that the Buddha naissant en haut au ciel des Tu~ita" dated 1189. Ricca and Lo Bue 1993 illustrate
is an aspect of Vairocana, and not, as M. Willson translated, "the Lord is crowned chapel lE, Dga' Idan Iha khang devoted to Maitreya where there is a representation
with Vairocana". See pI. 15 and the translation by M. Willson on pages 243-244 in of Sakyamuni displaying dharmacakramudrii (pI. 36). Klimburg Salter 1997b dis-
Willson and Brauen 2000. The Tibetan text is found in the Sadhanamala (Lokesh cusses the Vairocana identification and Atisa. I thank F. Ricca, E. Lo Bue and C.
Chandra 1974, vol.l: 148). Neither Willson (pI. 15), nor Lokesh Chandra (525) nor Luczanits for correspondence on differentiation among these identifications.
von Schroeder (89b) have a crown with a Buddha. 23 See Pal and Foumier 1982: pI. LS 12 and Helier 1999: pI. 58 for a proposed
21 See Cordier 1909-15: LXXI, 95/96 as well as LXXXVI, 14 (sDe dge 4221/ identification of the identical iconography as an aspect of Vairocana represented in
4222 and 5104). the Nirrnal)akaya body ofSakyamuni.
56 AMYHELLER DID ATISA VISIT ZHA LU MONASTERY? 57
Appendix: Transcription ofPassages Summarized in the Article po mams kyis rgyan ri dang/ zhal ri nor gyis dogs nas zhal ri'i mda'
Fo!. 13b-15b ru mchod rten bzhengs pa dus deng sang yang bal po mchod rten du
De nas lee btsun rang gi zhva lu'i gtsug lag khangl dbu rtse nub ma grags pa rgyan gong gi nub ston na bzhugs pa 'di yin par gda' lagsl
gnyis kyi lho byang gnyisl dbu rtse shar ma'i yum chen mo'i steng- de nas zha lu pa dang ri phug pa gnyis bka' sgros tel jo bo zhva lur
(illegible two letters) dangl 'og gi da Ita mgon khang byas pa 'di/ de 'gro don che la btsan pa yong zer ras zhva lur gdan drangs tel zhva
dus mgon khang min rgyun lam yin pa de mams bzhengs pa' 01 rgyu lu'i dbu rtse nub ma gnyis kyi Iho phyogs kyi rten gyi gtso bo la
rin chen sna tshogs las grub pa'i spyan ras gzigs Ide sku ru bzhengsl bzhugs sol I
da Ita rang byon bzhugs pa'i Iho phyogs na zhal byang gzigs na
bzhugs pa de bzhengs nas gsol ba btab (l4a) pasl de'i zhal nasi rgya BIBLIOGRAPHY
gar rdo rje gdan du jo bo kha sar pa nil de bzhin gshegs pa dgung 10
bcu gnyis pa'i sku tshad khyad par 'phags pa gcig byon pa 'dug pasl Allinger, E. (1997) The Green Tara in the Ford Collection: some Iconographical
de gdan drongs gsungs nas der lee btsun gyis gdan 'dren pa' i 'dun pa Remarks. In: South Asian Archeology, Cambridge 1995, 665-671.
Chattopadhyaya, A. (1967) AtLoia and Tibet, Life and Works of DipafJlkara Srijfiana
mdzadl don gnyis pa bod kyi sdom pa 'di ma dag par shes nasi zhva in relation to the History and Religion of Tibet, Indian Studies Past and Present,
lu dge 'dun chos sde dang beas pa 'go ba ye shes g.yu drung la gtadl Calcutta.
de dus zhva lu pa la ka bzhi gdung brgyud byung zer/ de nas lee Cordier, P. (1909-15) Catalogue du Fondl' Tibetain de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
Index du bsTan-lJgyur, Paris.
btsun gyis rgya gar rdo rje gdan la byon/ rdo rje gdan pa chen po slob
Denwood, P. (1997) Architectural Style at Shalu. In: Tibetan Art: Towards a Defini-
spon a bha ya ka ra la sdom pa blangs chos mang po zhusl spyan ras tion ofStyle, eds. 1. C. Singer and P. Denwood, London, 221-229.
gzigs kha sar pa ni spyan drangs pasl rgya gar gyi Iha bsrung mams Drege, J-P. (1999) De l'icone a I'anecdote: les frontespieces imprimes en Chine a
ma dga' nasi rgya gar chu bo ganga las spyan ma drongsl de nas lee l'epoque des Song (960-1278). Arts Asiatiques, 54, 46-64.
Dudjom Rinpoche (1991) The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism, translated and
btsun gyis dkon mchog la zhag gsum gyi bar du gsol ba btab pasl edited by Gyurme Dorje with the collaboration of Matthew Kapstein, Boston.
mon pa'i mi tha mal pa las nyis 'gyur gyis che ba gcig byung nasi Eimer, H. (1969) Life and Activities of Atisa (DipafJlkara.oirijfiana), A Survey of In-
mal 'byor pa khyed sku 'di gar spyan 'dren zerl bod na zhva lu (l5a) vestigations Undertaken. In: Tibetan Studies, eds. M. Brauen and P. Kvaerne,
Vi:i1kerkundemuseum der Universitiit Zurich, Zurich: 125-136.
zer ba' i gtsug lag khang gcig yod pa sa der spyan 'dren pa yin byas - - (1979) Rnam thar rgyas pa. Materialien zu einer Biographie des AtLoia
pasl '0 na ngas khur gi bla bya 'am zer/ bod kyi zhva lu tshun spyol (DipafJlkarasrijfiana), vols. 1-2, Wiesbaden.
glu ji tsam dgos pa ste ra gsungs nas spyan drangsl zhva lu'i gtsug - - (1998) The sources for Sarat Chandra Das' Life of Atisa (Dlparpkarasrijiiana).
Zentralasiatische Studien, 28, 7-12.
lag khang gi rten gyi gtso bo la bzhugs soil da Ita rang byon gyi sku
Goepper, R. (1990) Clues for a Dating of the Three-Storeyed temple (Sumtsek) in
rgyab na bzhugs pa 'di yin noli spyan 'dren mkhan gyi mi de rang Alchi, Ladakh. Asiatische Studien, 44 (2), 159-175.
bzhin med par yal songl rten ngo mtshar bar grags sol de nas jo bo - - (1999) Akshobhya and his Paradise: Murals in the Dukhang of Alchi. Orienta-
chen po rje zhog pa la spyan drangs zha lu'i gtsug lag khang la rab tions, 30 (I), 16-21.
Helier, A. (1999) Tibetan Art. Tracing the development ofSpiritual ideals and Art in
gnas zhus pasl rab gnas legs khyad par can la rab gnas chags shing Tibet 600-2000 A.D., Milan.
bkra shis soil de dus jo bo'i zhal nas jo bo thugs rje chen po la yi dam Henss, M. (1997) The Eleventh Century Murals of Drathang Gonpa. In: Tibetan Art:
byed mi su yod gsungs pasl lee btsun gyis bdag sdogs lag zhus pasl Towards a Definition ofStvle, eds. J. C. Singer and P. Denwood, London, 160-
169.
'0 na chu bo chen po sidhu'i 'gram na 'phags pa spyan ras gzigs rang
Klimburg-Salter, D. E. (1997a) Tabo - a Lamp for the Kingdom. EarZv Indo- Tibetan
byon gcig 'byon par 'gyur ro zhes gsung lung bstan toll Buddhist Art in the Western Himalaya, Milan.
- - (1997b) A Thangka Painting Tradition from the Spiti Valley. Orientations, 28
(10),40-47.
Fo!. 20b-21a
Kreijger, H. (1997) Mural Styles at Shalu. In: Tibetan Art: Towards a Definition of
De dus rgya gar bal bal pol dbus gtsang pa mams yon bdag du gdagl Stvle, eds. 1. C. Singer and P. Denwood, London, 170-177.
khyad par bal po mams (illegible three letters) yon bdag bzangl bal Kossak, S. and J. C. Singer (1998) Sacred Visions, Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York.
58 AMY HELLER
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57 Elephant capital, wood, Zha lu monastery, ca. 1045, approximately 35 x 45 cm (photograph courtesy Terese Tse Bartholomew, 1981)
58 Buddha capital, wood, Zha lu monastery, ca. 1045, approximately 35 x 45 cm (photograph courtesy Terese Tsc Bartholomcw, 1981)
59 Buddha (Trisamayaraja ?) and his entourage, 350 cm x 350 cm, pigments and varnish on 60 Tara, from Patna museum, Pala period, ca. 850-950 (after Micbel Postel, Ear Ornaments
prepared wall, Zha lu (photograph Amy Helier, 1995) ofAncient IlIdia, plate V 39)
61 Four Bka' gdams pa deities, mid- I31h to early 14'h century, distemper on cloth, 53 x 42 cm
(Donation Lioncl Foumier, Musee Guimet, Paris, no. MA 5175)
62 Mural painting of Buddha and his entourage, Trisamayaraja Buddha (?), pigments and
varnish on prepared wall, Alchi monastery, Iha khang gsar ma, 14th cenhlry (photograph
courtesy Lionel Fournier)
63 Buddha and his entourage, Trisamayaraja Buddha (?), distemper on conon, J 24 x 86 cm,
thirteenth century (courtesy Pritzker collection)
The Paintings of Gra thang: History and Iconography
of an 11th century Tibetan Temple
Amy Heller*
In Tibet today, the wall paintings of Gra thang monastery constitute the largest extant
series of 11th century paintings, now covering the walls of a single chapel approxi-
mately 12 meters long by eight meters wide, ceiling height of 6.5 meters. Not only
is this the largest extant series of ancient paintings, these paintings are breathtaking
in their beauty and refinement, such as these examples (Figs.1-3 general composi-
tion, foliage detail, textile detail, jewelry detail, throne architecture). When first stud-
ied by Giuseppe Tucci and photographed by Pietro Mele in ca. 1948, Gra thang was
very different from today, for in addition to the remarkable paintings, there were
then clay statues of eight standing Bodhisattva about two meters high, surrounding
a central Buddha seated on a throne.1 Today only fragments remain of the Buddha’s
throne and the stucco halos of the Bodhisattva. In 1990, Roberto Vitali studied the
history of the foundation of Gra thang and made a preliminary study of the art in his
book Early Temples of Central Tibet, followed by Michael Henss who further stud-
ied the wall paintings in 1994.2 In the Chinese language, Sonam Wangdu, Tibetan
archeologist and art historian, had made a thorough survey of the chapel in 1986.3
He invited my esteemed colleague, the Tibetologist and art historian Heather
Stoddard to Gra thang in 1994 in the hope of a restoration project and I was man-
dated by the CNRS in 1995 to join her in a study of Gra thang. I visited Gra thang
in 1995 and 1996 under the auspices of the Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences,
then returned in 1999 and 2000, where I benefited from many discussions with Ngag
dbang phun tshogs, a resident scholar born in 1929. Here in the Tibet Journal issue
on Tibetan art historical research, I will examine the 11th century mural paintings
of Gra thang, exploring their relation with roughly contemporary paintings in Tibet
(especially from Zha lu monastery). This article will be illustrated by my photo-
graphs as well as some by Lionel Fournier, and photographs of Zha lu by Jean-Michel
Terrier. I have also studied photographs of Gra thang by Michael Henss, Ulrich von
Schroeder and Tom Laird, as well as photographs of g.Ye dmar, Samada and gNas
gsar by Fosco Maraini and Pietro Mele, which Tucci published. All have been
important to formulate the visual parallels proposed during this article. In order to
consider the iconography and stylistic basis of the extant paintings, I will first
present a summary of their historic and conceptual context.4
Gra thang lies in a fertile plain on the south bank of the valley of the gTsang po
river, a bit west of bSam yas which lies on the north bank of the river. The founder
was Gra pa mngon shes (1012-1090) who had trained at the Tang po che monastery.
Gra pa mngon shes was a scion of the mChims clan, one of the principal noble
families during the sPu rgyal dynasty, who had donated part of the land for the
construction of bSam yas founded in 779. Their clan site is so close to bSam yas
that bSam yas is sometimes called bSam yas mChims phu.5 Gra pa mngon shes
_______
* I acknowledge Erberto Lo Bue, Françoise Pommaret and Lionel Fournier for their con-
structive criticism, here. Anne Chayet and Heather Stoddard reviewed earlier phases of
this research. My thanks to all of them.
40 THE TIBET JOURNAL
made very eclectic studies. Initially, he studied with his uncle, Zhang Chos ’bar, a
master renowned for studies of Sutra, Tantra, and Prajñaparamita.6 Gra pa mngon
shes then studied with the master Yam shud rGyal ba ’od, abbot of Tang po che in
the Yar klung valley. Both Yam shud and Gra pa mngon shes’ uncle had studied
under the disciples of Klu mes of Khams.7 Klu mes and his disciples had returned
to bSam yas at the end of the tenth century and inspired the revival of Buddhism in
central Tibet. What kind of Buddhism were they teaching? Where had they been in
Khams?
Klu mes and his disciples were spreading teachings learned from the disciples of
the master Bla chen dGongs pa rab gsal (832-915), who had inherited the vinaya
teachings of the sBa family, the first abbots of bSam yas.8 Bla chen lived for almost 40
years at lDan tig, the hermitage of Khri ’ga’ monastery where the influential abbot
sPug Ye shes dbyangs had formed a teaching system combining sutra and esoteric
tantra particularly on forms of Vairocana Buddha as well as monastic discipline,
vinaya.9 The Khri ’ga’ abbot’s artistic commissions of Vairocana images were note-
worthy: 804 A.D.—’Bis mda’ and 816 A.D.—lDan ma brag. (Fig.4 ’Bis mda’
Vairocana, Fig.5 lDan ma brag Vairocana) The Khri ’ga’ teachings had been popular
in central Tibet, where its use was documented at bSam yas, but also the Khri ’ga’
texts circulated widely, during late eighth and early ninth century, because the
monastery was situated at the junction of several trade routes linking central Tibet
with Sichuan and the major axis of the Silk Routes and its unique combination of
esoteric and Mahayana Buddhist teachings appealed to several different monastic
schools.10 In mid-ninth century, when there was the persecution of Buddhism in
China, and the fall of the dynasty in central Tibet at the same time, Khri ’ga’ was far
away from both Lhasa and Chang’an for Buddhism to survive there unimpeded, for
trade to prosper thus ensuring the livelihood of the monks, and for the traditions of
artistic commission to be maintained. This is why many monks fleeing central Ti-
bet found their way to Khri ’ga’ and lDan tig, where they found teachings practiced
similar to those used at bSam yas as well as Khri ’ga’s special emphasis on Vairocana
cycles. In this way, dGongs pa rab gsal and his disciples who taught Klu mes trans-
mitted to Klu mes the teachings and some of the artistic models which had formerly
been popular in central Tibet, which were then re-introduced to central Tibet as
Klu mes and his disciples traveled.
In addition to the teachings of the lineage of Klu mes, Gra pa mngon shes also
received the tantra teachings of the Vairocana mandala of the mNga’ ris kingdom
as re-translated by Rin chen bzang po.11 He also studied directly with two Indian
teachers in Tibet, first Somanatha, and later Pha dam pa sangs rgyas (died ca. 1115),
who were teaching texts and meditation techniques of diverse tantric tendencies.
The famous Tibetan yogini Ma cig lab sgron, who also studied with Pha dam pa, was
a reader for the Prajñaparamita for Gra pa mngon shes prior to the construction of
Gra thang.12 Only one source discussed Gra pa mngon shes as abbot of bSam yas,13
but he is said to have his initiation as a monk there. Certainly he knew bSam yas well
by virtue of the geographic proximity of bSam yas to Gra thang, as well as from his
family lineage and his teachers. It is sure that bSam yas served as a source of
inspiration for the construction of Gra thang which followed the model of a central
three story temple and satellite temples and three concentric rings, traces of which
are visible today—this architectural model of a mandala is similar to bSam yas.14
THE PAINTINGS OF GRA THANG… 41
Construction of Gra thang began in 1081. It was completed in 1093, by the nephews
of Gra pa mngon shes, who had died in 1091.
In this brief historical background, four distinct influences may be identified. Gra
pa mngon shes as the spiritual descendent of the lineage of bSam yas and the
doctrines which had flourished there, his affiliation with the disciples from eastern
Tibet who restored Buddhism to central Tibet by renewing the transmission of the
teachings translated into Tibetan during the late eighth and ninth century, Gra pa
mngon shes’ position as a direct disciple of Indian tantric masters, and his studies
and transmission of the tantric teachings on Vairocana as re-translated in west Ti-
bet under the impetus of Rin chen bzang po. In the construction of the monastery
and the choice of the iconography of the chapels within Gra thang according to the
data gathered here, it would seem that these four currents are all directly reflected.
CURRENT LAYOUT OF THE GROUND FLOOR SANCTUARY (DRI TSANG KHANG) OF GRA THANG
Today, on the ground floor (see Fig.12), there are only eight groups of mural paint-
ings of Buddha, seated on thrones supported by lions, surrounded by the Sravaka,
Bodhisattva, and pious layman. The eight surviving compositions are separated on
the walls but all are surrounded by border of foliage, which replicates the palette of
blues, greens and red of the foliage underneath and above the Buddhas’ thrones.
Similar deep colors and models of foliage as border and as an integral part of mural
painting compositions are known today from the Indian inspired iconographies in
caves of ca. 725 A.D. at Dunhuang, commissioned when Indian masters were teach-
ing at Dunhuang and Xian, having traveled there via central Tibet due to the conflicts
opposing the Arabs and Chinese further west on the Silk Route (cf. n.43 infra).
Although in India no traces of mural paintings of this time survive, in late fifth
century the mural paintings and sculptures of Ajanta frequently use horizontal or
vertical registers of foliage as a compositional device to define sections within a
mural or a doorway (Fig.6/Fig.7). The introduction of such compositions and foli-
age borders are attributed to the Indian presence at Dunhuang (cave 71) and persist
thereafter. The compositions of Gra thang seem to draw their inspiration from such
Indian iconographies. The upper assemblies of monks are in fact not simple monks
but rather the Sravaka, those who were the first to hear (srut) the words of the
Buddha. Among the eight forms of Buddha, immediately one can recognize a repre-
sentation of Sakyamuni, who is the only Buddha wearing a monastic robe, barefoot,
while all the others wear Tibetan robes and boots. All of the lions supporting the
lotus pedestals are white, except for the lions in the assembly immediately above
Sakyamuni—these lions are blue. In the lower register beneath Sakyamuni, there
are the two Bodhisattvas Maitreya and Mañjusri seated in mystic discourse, dressed
in Indian garb and at the feet of Buddha No.1, a seated green Tara is represented
wearing Indian garments and jewelry (Fig.8) These paintings were conceived as the
background for the group of statues of a central Buddha accompanied by the eight
bodhisattvas and two guardians, all about 250-300 cm. in height. Today subsist
only a few golden ovoid halos in stucco (Fig.9), and the elongated hour-glass form
of the center of a giant throne surmounted by a garuda (Fig.10, Fig.11). The throne
frame is terminated on both sides by a makara with a diminutive rider (Fig.12a).
However, contrary to what is visible today, previously there were ten painted
panels of Buddha and their entourage. The disappearance of two panels corresponds
44 THE TIBET JOURNAL
to the openings for windows made during a restoration ca. 1940 , photographed by
Tucci’s expedition.24 (plate of photo by Mele ca. 1948, showing statues and window
(Fig.12b).
Tucci qualified these remarks in 1973 in Tibet, where he stated that there was
obvious Sassanian influence in the fabric design, of which examples were found in
g.Ye dmar, rKyang bu, Bya sa, gNas gsar and Gra thang, and in his opinion “this
proved that the fashion of Sassanian clothing or of Sassanian inspiration lasted
long in Tibet, perhaps it was adopted by the nobles and passed from the nobility to
the images of the Bodhisattva (which are known as rgyal sras, “Sons of Kings.”33
Thus Tucci recognized these as the medallion robes of the ancient Tibetan aristoc-
racy, which was corroborated by studies of Fujieda and Stoddard who examined
Tibetan sovereigns’ portraits in Dunhuang murals.34 To date, the earliest icono-
graphic representation of Buddha and Bodhisattva wearing Tibetan robes is found
in the ’Bis mda’ chapel dated 806 A.D.35 which we examined earlier. Although the
pattern of the fabric has been overpainted as recently as 1992, ’Bis mda’ Vairocana
wears a robe of a Tibetan sovereign, of thick fabric, quilted, with a double lapel
collar and the edge of long sleeves in contrasting fabric, quite similar to those
painted in Dunhuang caves commissioned during the Tibetan Occupation. The
conceptual super-imposing of Vairocana as universal sovereign with the almost
deified supremacy and desire of legitimation of the Tibetan sovereign resulted in
the representation of Vairocana in Tibetan royal garb in the ninth century. At the
same time that Vitali considered that medallion robes were adopted by Tibetan
culture through the prolonged cosmopolitan links with Central Asia during the sPu
rgyal dynasty, he also noted that such fabrics were also found on eighth and ninth
century Kashmiri sculptures. Vitali considered that the artists of Gra thang were
consciously adopting the Tibetan royal or aristocratic robes for their art.36 The
broad geographic range of medallion fabric popularity has been further studied
notably by Krishna Riboud, Evgeny Lubo-Lesnitchenko of the Hermitage, Valrae
Reynolds of the Newark Museum and Karel Otavsky of Abegg- Stiftung,37 while
Roger Goepper studied it particularly in relation to west Tibet and A lci.
As for the robes of narrow pleated fabric, to my knowledge, the earliest repre-
sentation of a similar fabric is a monk’s robe in a cohort of mourners beside the
Tibetan sovereign in Dunhuang cave 158, commissioned during the Tibetan occu-
pation ca. 830 (Fig.18). Subsequently, similar robes with narrow pleats in cascade
are painted at the Bezekliq grottoes late ninth to tenth century. These robes may be
a somewhat misunderstood representation of monk’s robes in a Kashmiri esthetic,
of which sculptures and clay votive amulets tsha tsha were known in Khotan and
along the Silk Road in the seventh to ninth century, as well as in the north-eastern
provinces of Tibet.38 The representation of such pleated robes as well as the medal-
lion robe among the Tibetan paintings at Dunhuang implies that both models corre-
sponded to a reflection of Tibetan taste at this time such as known from the very
well known eighth century Kashmiri statue found in Tibet, now in the Asia Society,
New York, where the Buddha is dressed in monastic robes of thin pleats, seated on
a bolster with a medallion motif, and at his feet two lions frolic gaily, just as they do
at the feet of several Buddha in Gra thang (cf. Fig.1). Krishna Riboud (Riboud
1981:140) has raised an important issue—in mural paintings of Afrasiab, or
Dunhuang, some of the fabrics may be an artist’s glorification, completely beyond
the actual textile technology of the time and the question may be asked whether
THE PAINTINGS OF GRA THANG… 47
such pleats—certainly used subsequently and even today—were part of the weav-
ing and textile technology during the Tibetan ninth century occupation of
Dunhuang?39 (Note that the elongated nimbus for head and body of Gra thang is
indeed a form seen in the Bezekliq murals of ninth-12th century, but just as the
folds of the Bezekliq robes reflect Kashmir and ultimately Gupta models, so may
the nimbus also reflect Indian prototypes as known from Kashmir and Nepal—cf.
M. Henss 1997:163).
Notes
1. G. Tucci, To Lhasa and Beyond, Roma, 1956.
2. R.Vitali, Early Temples of Central Tibet, London, 1990; Michael Henss, “A Unique
Treasure of Early Tibetan Art: The Eleventh Century Wall paintings of Drathang
Gonpa,” Orientations, 1994: 48-53; and M. Henss in J. C. Singer and Phillip Denwood
(eds.), Tibetan Art, London “The Eleventh century Murals of Drathang Gonpa” 1997:
160-169. H. Stoddard briefly discussed the life of Gra pa mngon shes and the style of
the paintings in her article “Early Tibetan Paintings: Sources and Styles (11th -14th
centuries A.D.),” Archives of Asian Art, 1996:26-50. R. Vitali also discussed Gra thang
in a chapter of V. Chan, Tibet Handbook, 1994:393-399, “Dranang: Xixia Pala Mu-
rals Long Thought Lost to the World.”
3. Wangdu in Wenwu, 1986, Vol.3, pp.68-87 cited by A. Chayet, Art et Archéologie du
Tibet, Paris, 1994, pp.145-146.
4. Ngag dbang phun tshogs has recently written two articles on Gra thang, one discuss-
ing the history of the monastery, its appearance and iconography, and the other pre-
senting the biography of the founder.: Ngag dbang phun tshogs (1994), “gTer ston
Gra pa mngon shes kyi rnam thar rags bsdus bdud rtsi’i zegs ma,” pp.21-26; et “Gra
nang Gra thang dgon gyi byung ba brjod pa rnam dkar dge ba’i zhing sa,” pp.47-53/
63, Bod ljongs nang bstan, Lhasa. I thank him for giving me a copy of these articles,
for hand-correcting all typographical errors, and for fruitful discussions during my
visits to Gra thang.
5. H. E. Richardson personal communication 29/4/96; see H. E. Richardson “Ministers
of the Tibetan Kingdom,” The Tibet Journal, 1997, p.67.
6. The clan name became Zhang around 900 A.D., Ngag dbang, 1994b, p.22.
7. G. N. Roerich, Blue Annals, Delhi, 1979 (translation of Deb sngon, 1476, ’Gos lo tsa
ba) henceforth BA: 95 (general biography of Gra pa mngon shes is 93-96 passim).
8. BA: 34, mKhas pa’i dga’ ston (1546, dPa’ bo Rinpoche) (1979, Beijing) Vol.1, p.481
(henceforth KPGT) discusses the bSam yas vinaya and teaching transmissions to Bla
chen then back to central Tibet. Bla chen’s biography in BA, pp.63-67; his 35 year
stay at lDan tig: BA, p.67. The chronology of Bla chen remains to be firmly estab-
THE PAINTINGS OF GRA THANG… 51
lished. Tucci proposed 892-975 (Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 1949, p.83), while R. A.
Stein (Tibetica Antiqua V, BEFEO, Vol.77, 1988, p.35 n.20) cited Samten Karmay’s
quotation of Bon po texts for 952 as his birth year (Treasury of Good Sayings, 1972,
p.107, n.1). The dates 832-915 are those adapted by H. E. Richardson and H. Uebach
(see H. Uebach, 1990), “On Dharma-colleges and their teachers in the ninth century
Tibetan Empire” in P. Daffina, Indo-Sino-Tibetica. Studi in Onore di Luciano Petech,
Roma, pp.393-417).
9. On sPug ye shes dbyangs, cf. A. Heller , “Early Ninth century images of Vairochana
from Eastern Tibet”, Orientations, 1994 (6), pp.74-79 and A. Heller, “Buddhist im-
ages and rock inscriptions from Eastern Tibet, Part IV” in E. Steinkellner, (ed.), Ti-
betan Studies, Wien, 1997, pp.385-403, which research is based on R. A. Stein, Les
Tribus des Marches Sino-Tibétaines, 1959, p.76 (and n.214) and the Dunhuang manu-
script of the Bibliothèque Nationale, PT 996, the lineage of Khri ’ga’ monastery,
previously studied by M. Lalou, “Document tibétain sur l’expansion du Dhyana
chinois” Journal Asiatique, 1939, pp.505-523. I thank M. Kapstein for fruitful dis-
cussion of the translations of these Dunhuang manuscripts, and for his suggestions
on corrections of the work by Lalou.
10. P. Demiéville, Le Concile de Lhasa, Paris, 1987, pp.14-15 (for discussion of PT 116
and 117); 283 for discussion of spread of teachings; for discussion of Sichuan and
bSam yas relations, cf. J. Broughton “Early Chan Schools in Tibet” 1983, pp.1-69, in
R. Gimello and P. Gregory, Studies in Chan and Hua Yen, Hawaii. The most com-
plete study to date of sPug ye shes dbyangs and his work, Bun’ ei Otokawa, “New
Fragments of the rnal ’byor chen por bsgom pa’i don from Tabo” in C. A. Scherrer-
Schaub and E. Steinkellner (eds.), Tabo Studies II, Roma, 1999, pp.99-161.
11. Vitali, 1990: 39, n.45 cites the Myang ral chos ’byung (13th cent.) for this informa-
tion; he considers that the vinaya traditions of sTod ’dul (sTod mNga’ ris) and sMad
’dul (mDo smad/, A mdo, east Tibet) found their point of intersection at the construc-
tion of rKyang bu, some 40 years prior to the construction of Gra thang (Vitali, 1990,
pp.60-61, n.158).
12. Cf. Stoddard, 1996, p.37. This is confirmed in the BA, p.97 (biography of Gra pa
mngon shes) but the biography of Ma gcig in BA: pp.221-226 does not mention this
at all.
13. Vitali, 1990, p.49, n.68 cites the Rin chen gter mdzod (19th cen.) for this information,
based on earlier sources. In personal communication, Ngag dbang phun tshogs re-
peatedly confirmed bSam yas’ importance for Gra pa mngon shes.
14. Vitali, Henss and Chayet all indicated this marked similarity with bSam yas (op.cit.).
15. Cf. Ruegg, The Life of Bu ston Rin po che, Roma, 1966, p.131. This biography was
written ca. 1370.
16. Ngag dbang, 1994, p.52.
17. P. Sorenson, The Royal Mirror of Genealogies, Wiesbaden, 1994, pp.494-496, n.8
first drew my attention to Kah thog’s description of icons inside Gra thang, cited by
Henss 1997. See Kah thog Si tu’s dBus gtsang gnas yig, Lhasa, 1999, pp.123-124.
18. For example, Kah thog Si tu refers to the statues of door protector/guardians on the
ground floor and the middle level as “Kin kang” while Ngag dbang 1994 names the
ground floor deities as Acala and Hayagriva, which correspond to comparative cycles
of statues at g.Ye dmar (cf. Vitali, 1990: pl.24, 26, 27). According to M. Henss (1997,
p.20, n.18), Kah thog’s described Sras mkhar dgu thog as having “old Newar style
murals” (M. Henss, “Milarepa’s Tower” Oriental Art, 2/1997, pp.15-23).
19. R. A. Stein, Dictionnaire des Mythologies, III. Bouddhisme sino-japonais et tibétain,
Paris, p.15, explains the representation and symbolic meaning of the door guardians
called Kin-Kang, who are a doubling of Vajrapani in order to protect the 1000 Bud-
dhas of the Bhadrakalpa.
20. H. Stoddard has recently studied the ancient mythology of Pe har, cf. Stoddard, 1997,
52 THE TIBET JOURNAL
but her chronological attribution has been questioned by L. Van der Kuijp (1998,
Journal of Asian Studies, review of Les Habitants du Toit du Monde). A few decades
earlier than the construction of Gra thang, Atisa was in Tibet, staying at sNye thang
monastery and often visiting bSam yas, where he stayed in the dPe har dkor mdzod
gling, probably to be understood as the “treasure chamber” (dkor.mdzod) of the vihara
(Pe har/ transcription for sanscrit vihar(a)). cf. H. E. Richardson, A Corpus of Tibetan
Inscriptions, 1985, p.27 for the discussion Pe har/vihara, and cf. H. Eimer (ed.), rNam
thar rgyas pa, 1979: section 302 for Atisa’s stay at bSam yas.
21. In 2000, Ngag dbang phun tshogs confirmed that the central image had been Thub pa
gangs can mtsho rgyal. Cf. P. Sorensen, 1994, p.495 on Vairocana Gangs can/chen
mtsho. It is to be noted that the Tibetan description of the Vairocana of ’Bis mda’
monastery refers to this aspect of Vairocana (wearing Tibetan robes and boots) by the
name Thub pa Gangs chen mtsho: the aspect is described as a Chinese style (rgya lugs)
(citation of Tibetan article is given hereafter in note 27) This attribution of “Chinese”
may perhaps be used due to the introduction to Tibet of the Mahavairocana tantra
and the Avatamsaka liturgy from China. This is how we understand the remarks of
Kah thog Si tu that the ground floor was of Chinese inspiration, insofar as the liturgy
was imported from China. I thank Dan Martin for discussion on this topic.
22. The sBa’ bzhed, 1980: 4 describes utilization of clay for statues in ancient times and
sBa’ bzhed, 1980, p.20 qualifies clay statues as the Tibetan medium and technique
(bod lugs) during the sPu rgyal dynasty.
23. This hypothesis on the drawings of Ma cig is due to Heather Stoddard, whom I wish
to thank for this information.
24. Lionel Fournier, letter of June 6, 1998, in accordance with the CD Rom on Gra thang,
Zha lu and g.Ye dmar he compiled in 1997-1998.
25. Tucci is categoric that the Ten Buddha can relate to many cycles: Tucci (1940/1989)
IV/1, p.120.
26. Heller, op.cit, 1994/1997a/b; See A. Heller, “P.T. 7a, P.T. 108, P.T. 240 and Beijing
bsTan ’gyur 3489: ancient Tibetan rituals dedicated to Vairocana” in press in the E.
Gene Smith felicitation volume, R. Prats (ed.), Wisdom Press.
27. gNya’ gong dkon mchog and Padma ’bum, 1994, p.56: de yi dbus su brten pa lha dgu’i
gtso bo thub dbang gangs can mtsho rgyal khru nyer lnga pa seng khri pad zla’i gdan
la rgya lugs longs sku’i cha byad kyis phyag gynis mnyam bzhag gis bzhugs shing/ in
the center the principal one of the 9 gods (is) Thub dbang gangs can mtsho rgyal, 25
khru measures (in height) seated on a lion throne with lotus cushion, having the
appearance of the sambhogakaya body of the Chinese system, his two hands in
meditative equipoise. When S. Karmay visited ’Bis mda’, his informants gave identi-
fication of the Vairocana of ’Bis mda’ as the Gangs can mtsho form of Vairocana, cf. S.
Karmay, “Inscriptions dating from the Reign of bTsan po Khri lde srong btsan,”
PIATS GRAZ, 1997, p.478. His informant gDugs dkar tshe ring has published a long
article discussing the history of ’Bis mda’, sPug Ye shes dbyangs and the icongraphy
of the temple in Zangzu Lishi Zongjian Yanjiu, Beijing, 1996,pp.283-328. I thank
Gregor Verhufen for the reference to this article.
28. The Vairocanabhisambodhi tantra is known in China and Japan as the Mahavairocana-
sutra. Jayaprabha (early 9th century) in a ritual among the Tibetan commentaries,
Peking bsTan ’gyur, 3489, Vol.77, p.224, (fol.361b) stipulates that the Bhagavat
Vairocana may be venerated either in the golden body and garments of royalty (crown,
diadem, braid, upper and lower silk cloth garments) or in the appearance of Sakyamuni
(pad ma seng ge gdan de la sangs rgyas bcom ldan ’das rnam par snang mdzad sger
gyi kha dog thor tshugs dang dbu rgyan dang cod pan can dar la’i stod g.yogs dang
smad g.yogs can nam/ shak ya thub pa’i cha byed dang kha dog dang dbyibs ji skad
du grags par ’ang rung ste/)
29. Cf, Vitali, 1990, p.92.
THE PAINTINGS OF GRA THANG… 53
30. Vitali and Henss both indicated this parallel as well.
31. Lionel Fournier first drew attention to the stucco statues of Zha lu in his courses on
Tibetan Art History at the Ecole du Louvre, 1996. I thank Heather Stoddard for call-
ing this photograph to my attention, and Lionel Fournier who was able to localize it
in Zha lu’s Yum chen mo chapel due to his compilation of the CD archive on Zha lu,
g.Ye dmar and Gra thang (personal communications of May 1998). The photograph of
the statues of the Prajñaparamita chapel was published with the label “Zha lu” , pl.34,
Su Bai, Archeological Investigation of Monasteries of the Tibetan Buddhism, 1996.
32. Tucci, 1956, pp.147-148.
33. Tucci, 1973, p.177 and note 153.
34. H. Karmay (née Stoddard), Early Sino-Tibetan Art 1975, p.15 and “Tibetan Cos-
tume: 7th to 11th centuries,” Paris, 1977; A. Fujieda, 1964, was the first to read the
Tibetan inscription identifying the ruler in Dunhuang cave 158, but Pelliot had al-
ready identified his Tibetan nationality.
35. Cf. Heller, 1994/Heller 1997 op.cit. and Karmay, 1997 op.cit.
36. Vitali, 1990, p.52, and notes 85-87.
37. K. Riboud and G. Vial, “Quelques considérations techniques concernant quatre soieries
connues” in Documenta textilia, Munich, 1981, pp.129-155, V. Reynolds, “Luxury
Textiles in Tibet” in J. C. Singer and P. Denwood, (eds.) Tibetan Art, London, 1997,
pp.118-131; K. Otavsky, Entlang der Seidenstrasse: Riggisberger Berichte, Riggisberg
1998; R. Goepper, Alchi, London, 1996.
38. Plate 117, The Ancient Art in Xinjiang China, Urumqi, 1994, showing Kashmiri statue
excavated at Domoko, with seventh-eighth cent. inscription, now preserved in Hotan
Museum. This statue is also illustrated in D. Leidy, “Kashmir and China: a Note
about Styles and Dates”, Orientations, 1997, Vol.2, pp.66-70.
39. K. Riboud, “Quelques considérations techniques concernant quatre soieries connues”
in Documenta textilia, Festschrift für Sigrid Müller-Christensen, Munchen, 1981,
pp.129-142.
40. My thanks to R. Whitfield and Youngsook Pak, for these photographs from their
personal archive.
41. J. Broughton “Early Chan Schools in Tibet” 1983, pp.1-69, in R. Gimello and P.
Gregory, Studies in Chan and Hua Yen, Hawaii. I thank M. Kapstein who first drew
my attention to the biography of Master Kim, the Korean who so influenced Tibetan
Buddhism. See M. Kapstein, The Tibetan Assimilation of Buddhism, Oxford, 2000.
42. Compare both paintings and several of the statues of Buddha as well: Lo Bue, 1998:
Tibet templi scomarsi fotografati da Fosco Maraini, Torino, pl.72, pp.75, 86.
43. Shi Weixiang, 1989, p.32 “L’art Magnifique de la fresque de Dun Huang” in Duan
Wenjie, (ed.) 5000 Years of Chinese Art, Les Fresques de Dunhuang (Tang-Yuan),
Vol.15, Bruxelles, pp.16-40.
44. S. Hodge 1994, pp.57-83. “Considerations on the dating and geographical origins of
the Mahavairocana-abhisambodhi-sutra” in T. Skorupski and U. Pagel, The Buddhist
Forum III, Tring. Hodge discusses the itineraries of the Indian masters who reached
Dunhuang and Xian by crossing Tibet in early eighth century.
45. J. C. Singer, “An Early Tibetan Painting revisited: the Astamahabhaya Tara in the
Ford Collection” Orientations, 1998, Vol.9, pp.65-73.
46. Singer,1994, p.108, n.60 “Painting in Central Tibet, ca. 950-1400” Artibus Asiae,
citing the dream according to later Tibetan historian’s account of KPGT and Henss,
1997, p.167 citing Atisa’s biography in Tibetan and German summary by H. Eimer.
47. First discussed by Tucci, 1949, p.684, n.72, and more thoroughly by R. Vitali, The
Kingdom of Gu.ge Pu.hrang, Dharamsala, 1996, p.270 passim.
48. Vitali, 1990, p.96, n.67; This data is further confirmed by a geneology of the Zha lu
Founder which has just been located in a private collection, which is provisionally
dated to early 15th century, but based on earlier sources. Jo bo lCe btsun gdung rabs
(fol.22) specifies that the donors to Zha lu during the residence of Atisa in the Ri phug
54 THE TIBET JOURNAL
hermitage beside the monastery, were primarily Nepalese, Indian and Tibetans from
dBus gTsang, yet the Nepalese were the most important of all. Cf. G. Tucci, Tibetan
Painted Scrolls, Roma, 1949, pp.656-662.
49. H. Eimer (ed. & trans.), rNam thar rgyas pa ( biography of Atisa), sections 248-249,
Vol.1 and Vol.2, Wiesbaden, 1979.
50. E. Lo Bue has thoroughly reviewed all of the pertinent literature of the colophons
of the Tibetan canon and the Tibetan historical literature tracing the role of the
Nepalese in the transmission of the Buddhist heritage to Tibet. cf. Lo Bue, 1997,
“The role of Newar Scholars in transmitting the Indian Buddhist heritage to Tibet
(c.750-1200), in S. Karmay and P. Sagant (eds.), Les Habitants du Toit du Monde,
Nanterre, pp.629-658.
THE PAINTINGS OF GRA THANG… 55
FIG.2 Gra thang, detail of seated Bodhisattva, foliage and sculpted halo,
height of Bodhisattva ca. 55 cm, 1083-90 A.D photograph by A. Heller,
1995.
THE PAINTINGS OF GRA THANG… 57
FIG.4 Vairocana (detail), ’Bis mda’ lha khang, height ca. 150 cm,
stone and clay infill, 804 A.D.after Liu I se.
THE PAINTINGS OF GRA THANG… 59
FIG.5 Vairocana and Eight Bodhisattva, lDan ma brag, ca. 250 x 250 cm ,
stone, 816 A.D., photograph by Elizabeth Benard, 1990
60 THE TIBET JOURNAL
FIG.6 Painted Foliage border from Ajanta doorway to cave 17, late
fifth century, photograph by A. Heller, 1999.
FIG.8 Tara, Gra thang, height ca. 55 cm., ca. 1083-90, photograph by
A. Heller, 1999.
62 THE TIBET JOURNAL
FIG.9 Sculpted clay halo of standing Bodhisattva, height ca. 60 cm, Gra
thang, photograph by Lionel Fournier, 1993.
THE PAINTINGS OF GRA THANG… 63
FIG.10 Sculpted clay halo of central Buddha, height ca. 75 cm, Gra thang,
photograph by Lionel Fournier, 1993
64 THE TIBET JOURNAL
1Il:z 16
FIG.12 Plan of the layout of the Dri gtsang khang, Gra thang, by
Lionel Fournier, 1994.
THE PAINTINGS OF GRA THANG… 65
FIG.12a Detail of makara and rider, Gra thang, photograph by A. Heller, 1999
FIG.14 Detail of Zha lu byang khang, clay halo and mural paintings ca.
1045, photograph by Hugo Kreijger, 1992.
FIG.16 Yum chen mo clay statues, ca. 1045, archive photograph by Su Bai,
ca. 1962.
THE PAINTINGS OF GRA THANG… 69
Le manuscrit enluminé des Visions secrètes du ye Dalaï utilisées ultérieurement pour faire en sorte que le papier
Lama nous permet d'apprécier l'apogée de l'esthétique pro- naturellement beige soit coloré en indigo ou en noir. Les
mue par ce chef d'État exceptionnel tandis que nous lisons folios du manuscrit des VIsions secrètes sont en fait composés
les textes de ses dévotions privées aux divinités protectrices de plusieurs feuilles de papier collées ensemble avec de la
du Tihet. Le pouvoir politique de la lignée du Dalaï Lama colle d·amidon. Le papier est traité à l'indigo qui s'oxyde à la
tenait sa puissance de la croyance religieuse en un groupe lumière et acquiert une dominante noire. Ainsi, la surface du
nettement défIni de divinités gardiennes protégeant cette papier est bleu foncé, complètement polie de façon que
lignée. Il incombait au Dalaï Lama de rendre un culte à ces l'encre d'or et les pigments minéraux puissent y être appli-
divinités pour s'assurer leur bienveillance à son égard en qués. Chaque folio étant fabriqué avec plusieurs feuilles. les
tant que chef politique du Tihet et préserver la stahilité de feuilles centrales conservent la couleur beige originale 3 . Dans
son gouvernement nouvellement formé. Nous envisagerons la Chine des Tang. la technique préférée pour teindre le
d'ahord le contexte esthétique. puis son influence sur le culte papier consistait à le tremper dans une série de bains d'in-
consacré aux divinités protectrices l . digo. selon le degré d'intensité désiré, et les caractères
Ce manuscrit reflète le courant nagthang qui se développa étaient écrits avec de l'or ou de l'argent; cette technique est
dans l'art houddhique tihétain comme une ramification de attestée pour la première fois en 744 ap. J.-c. 4 .
l'art de l'enluminure. Le terme nagthang signifie littérale- Même s'il n'existe plus de manuscrits indiens de cette
ment «surface noire», mais au Tibet, en tant que genre, il se période. les médaillons peints sur les plafonds dans les
réfère à la peinture où or et polychromie sont appliqués sur grottes d'Ajanta, qui datent de la fin du v' siècle. indiquent
du papier noir ou de la soie noire. Au Tibet. le nagthang fut qu'en Inde la pratique etla tradition de l'enluminure à l'or ou
progressivement associé aux représentations des divinités en blanc, peinte sur un fond noir ou foncé, étaient déjà pré-
protectrices farouches, mais ce n'était pas le cas dans les sentes' (voir A. Okada et J.-L. Nou, Ajanta. particulièrement
premiers temps. Le nagthang est une technique tibétaine qui le plafond de la grotte n° 2 [fig. 1]). Les fleurs et les feuilles
représente une évolution par rapport aux prototypes indiens peintes en guise de médaillons de plafond sont purement
et chinois. Bien que l'Inde ait été le berceau du bouddhisme, décoratives, tandis que les autres peintures, exécutées sur un
le pays ne possède pas aujourd'hui de manuscrits datant de fond foncé avec des couleurs pâles ou de l'or, représentent
l'époque la plus ancienne. Les plus anciens manuscrits boud- des sujets bouddhiques. Une analogie manifeste dans le
dhiques indiens étaient écrits sur de l'écorce (de bouleau ou domaine pictural se trouve dans une cachette de peintures
d'aloès) ou sur des feuilles de tallipot avec une plume en découverte dans les grottes de Dunhuang: là, plutôt qu'un
bambou utilisant de l'encre à base de charbon. Plus tard. les fond noir, plusieurs peintures utilisaient uniquement la pein-
feuilles de palmier devinrent courantes. L'encre ne se fixant ture argent sur de la soie rouge (voir musée Guimet EO 1137
pas correctement sur certaines feuilles, les lettres étaient (fig. 2), dans Sérinde .... n° 207)6. Les documents historiques
préalablement gravées avec une pointe métallique. Après la
gravure, les feuilles étaient en général passées à l'encre puis
nettoyées avec du sable, ce qui laissait l'encre dans les tailles ci-contre:
Fig. 1
de la lettre gravée 2 . Ce processus qui consiste à tremper les Plafond de la cave 17, Ajanta, Inde. fin du ,,",siècle
feuilles dans de l'enete est semblable à l'une des méthodes (photo Jean-Louis Nou).
38
tibétains mentionnent des manuscrits sacrés employant
l'encre d'argent dès la fin du XI' siècle. Il s'agit d'une réfé-
rence aux textes de la Prajfiiipiirantitii écrits à l'encre d'ar-
gent sur du papier sombre7 . Le plus ancien manuscrit noir
tibétain encore existant qui a pu être identifié est justement
un texte de la Prajiiâpâramitâ écrit à l'encre d'or et d'argent
qui se trouve aujourd'bui dans les collections du musée de
ewark'. L'analyse de ces textes au carbone 14 les fait
remonter à la fin du XII' siècle {cf. cal. n° 39]. Ils ont été dé-
couverts au Tibet oriental, bien qu'il ne soit pas du tout cer-
tain que leur origine se situe dans cette région. Les récits his-
toriques tibétains permettent de penser qu'ils proviennent
plutôt du Tibet central. Au monastère de Sakya, Dragpa
Gyeltsen (1147-1216) rassembla une édition du Kanjur qui
fut presque entièrement écrite à l'encre d'or, probablement
sur papier noir. Par ailleurs, en 1253, ChOgyel Pbagpa (1235-
1280) passa commande de la copie d'un autre Kanjur devant
être écrit à l'encre d'or et comprenant deux cents volumes, ce
qui indique que cette pratique était courante au Tibet vers le
XIIIe siècle 9. Ces manuscrits noirs du Kanjur sont illustrés par
des enluminures aux couleurs vives sur la première et la der-
nière page des textes importants. En général, le Buddha et
des bodhisattva paisibles sont les thèmes qui y sont traités en
relation avec les évocations liturgiques. Fig. 2
Bien que le genre du nagthang ait été plus tard associé Le bodhisattva Avalokltesvara.
aux peintures des divinités faroucbes, le charme de protec- Dunhuang.
seconde moitié du lX esiècle.
tion tibétain jusqu'ici identifié comme le plus ancien n'était dessin. argent sur soie rose.
pas dessiné sur un fond noir. Les manuscrits tibétains des 183.2 x 58 cm.
grottes de Dunbuang sont en papier beige et rédigés à l'encre mission Pelliot 1906·1909.
Qiallfodong.
noire, et les anciens documents tibétains de la même époque
musée national des
sur des plaques en bois sont également écrits à l'encre noire Arts asiatiques·Guimet.
sur un fond pâle. Le vestige le plus ancien d'un rituel tibétain EO 1137.
de protection contre le mal est un dessin au trait à l'encre publiques afin que leurs adeptes soient ravorables au modèle
sombre sur un os trouvé parmi des objets archéologiques d'un gouvernement central et pour consolider les bonnes
découverts dans des tombes tibétaines du vm e , IXe siècle. li relations entre les différentes écoles monastiques. La zone
s'agit d'un cakra, une série de cercles concentriques, avec géographique d'influence des divinités protectrices s'étendit
des inscriptions de lettres ti.bétaines formant les mots: «si au fur et à mesure que le pouvoir politique se déployait au-
nen, écrase le démon si», suivis de nombreuses syllabes de delà de la zone des premiers monastères gelugpa dans la
mantra. La pérennité de telles invocations est prouvée aussi région de Lhasa, finissant par inclure sous le «Grand Cin-
bien sur le plan de la forme que sur celui du contenu, car ce quième» un territoire allant pour l'essentiel du Ladakh à cer-
cakra est tout à fait similaire à l'invocation rituelle trouvée taines régions du Sichuan.
sur plusieurs des cakra du XVIIe siècle des Visions secrètes. Le Ve Dalaï Lama composa environ deux cents rituels
Ces démons si étaient considérés comme maléfiques, provo- dédiés à une multitude de gardiens d'une extraordinaire
quant des maladies ou des revers de fortune. Ils n'ont aucun variété. Parmi eux, nous allons examiner trois divinités qui
équivalent exact dans le bouddhisme indien 10. Le culte de sont investies d'une importance particulière dans les Visions
nombreuses divinités protectrices, dérivant du culte des divi- secrètes: Lbamo, la protectrice principale; le guerrier Begtse
nités gardiennes bouddhiques, se développa au Tibet comme qui agissait parfois en association avec Lhamo en tant que
un complément aux rituels tibétains de protection contre les partenaire ou associé; et le gardien de la loi Brabmanarupa,
démons. il faut remarquer que dans les peintures murales de c'est-à-dire Mahâkâla sous l'aspect d'un brabmane ou d'un
Dunhuang et des grottes avoisinantes à Yulin, peintes au yogi indien.
cours de l'occupation tibétaine (787-866), les divinités gar-
diennes des quatre directions sont représentées en armure,
et si leur attitude est sévère, elle n'est pas farouche au sens La Déesse glorieuse: Pelden Lhamo (fig. 3)
où celle-ci s'est développée au Tibet par la suite. Cependant,
le Pelliot Tibétain 443 est l'un des nombreux documents tibé- La divinité gardienne la plus importante de toutes est sans
tains de Dunhuang qui évoquent ainsi les divinités: « Hom- aucun doute Lbamo dont le nom simplifié signifie «Déesse».
mage au Noble Bbagavat Mabâbala, Vajra suprême! En Elle est souvent appelée Pel den Lhamo, la «Déesse glo-
appelant ba la tu es évoqué, avec ton corps de couleur rouge rieuse». Elle est reconnue de nos jours comme la protectrice
clair, le diadème dans tes cheveux, tes trois yeux, tes crocs, personnelle du Dalaï Lama, mais elle figure également sous
tes quatre bras, tu es terrifiant! Ton corps est complètement divers aspects dans toutes les écoles du bouddhisme tibétain.
victorieux dans le ma.I)çlala L..]' Peaux de serpents et d'anti- Les origines de son culte sont anciennes et complexes. Pel-
lope sur le baut du corps, et des serpents s'enroulant autour den Lbamo est la traduction tibétaine du nom sanskrit Sri
du baut chignon, un dboti en peau de tigre, tu es le premier Devî, la grande déesse indienne qui, en tant qu'épouse de
des farouches l1 !». Certe description rituelle est certainement Vi~l)u, personnifie la Beauté et la Fortune. Plutôt que le
similaire sur le plan iconographique aux divinités décrites caractère de cette déesse. les Tibétains ont emprunté son
par le Ve Dalaï Lama dans certaines visions et aux liturgies nom et l'ont appliqué à une déesse farouche. Lbamo a une
qu'il composa pour les honorer. Dans les monastères tibé-
tains, des chapelles spéciales étaient consacrées au culte de
ces divinités dont les représentations étaient peintes sur les
murs noirs, la couleur noire étant celle des rituels violents.
Ainsi, pour les peintures portatives et pour les manuscrits, le
genre nagthang s'est-il développé pour représenter les divi-
nités protectrices farouches.
À partir de 1642, le V' Dalaï Lama restructura progressi-
vement l'organisation du gouvernement grâce à ses qualités
d'administrateur; en tant que chefspirituel, par ses visions et
ses œuvres littéraires (aussi bien biographiques que litur-
giques). il modifia prorondément les modalités du culte rendu
à certaines divinités protectrices afin qu'il corresponde à ses
besoins. li utilisa les divinités ou plutôt le pouvoir qu'on leur
attribuait, afin de légitimer son pouvoir dans la mesure où la
célébration de leur culte était également une célébration en
l'bonneur du régime politique en place. li glorifia sa lignée de
réincarnations en réintégrant les préférences religieuses des
premiers Dalaï Lama ainsi qu'en célébrant les rituels qu'ils
avaient composés, particulièrement ceux du Ile Dalaï Lama
Fig. 3
(1475-1542). Il intégra aussi le culte des divinités protec- Paldcn Lhamo. Portrait miniature figurant dans le Manuscrit d'Or
trices des autres ordres monastiques dans les célébrations de la donation Lionel Fournier.
40
expression féroce, son corps noir et décharné est uniquement firent d'elle une grande protectrice du dharma (dharmapala).
paré de guirlandes d'ossements, d'une peau de tigre et d'élé- Lhamo occupa alors le rôle de première épouse de Panjara
phant, qui tous évoquent les divinités effrayantes indiennes, Mahakala, la principale divinité protectrice de l'école monas-
en particulier Durga, l'épouse de Siva, le maître de la Des- tique sakyapa. Ce fut un maître sakyapa qui transmit les
truction, ou Kalï, la déesse noire qui reçoit des offrandes de enseignements de Lhamo au 1er Dalaï Lama (1391-1474).
sang avec des sacrifices de coqs notamment. Les Tibétains L'école monastique gelugpa avait été fondée au début du XIV"
firent également des emprunts conceptuels à la déesse siècle et elle s'épanouit depuis sa base, à Lhasa, et aussi
indienne Revati, appelée Remati en tibétain. Elle est réputée depuis le monastère de Tashilhünpo dans le Tsang. Le 1er Dalaï
pour être une ogresse qui, conformément à la mythologie Lama était alors l'abbé de Tashilhünpo où il pratiquait fidèle-
indienne, prend la vie des jeunes enfants. En outre, Lhamo a ment les rituels qu'il enseigna à ses disciples, y compris au
assimilé les attributs et les légendes de plusieurs divinités père du II" Dalaï Lama qui initia par la suite son fils!
locales tibétaines prébouddhiques, traditionnellement asso- Gedün Gyatso (1475-1542), le Ile Dalaï Lama, joua un rôle
ciées par le bouddhisme tibétain à la divination. majeur dans le développement du culte de Lhamo. Ses nom-
La figure 3 montre un des aspects de Lhamo. La plupart de breux voyages et la prolifération des monastères gelugpa
ses attributs sont en fait liés à sa mythologie. Par exemple, qu'il encouragea lui valurent le soutien de bienfaiteurs laïcs
l'œil sur le flanc de la mule provient d'une mésaventure sur- depuis le Tsang occidental jusqu'au Ü oriental, à la frontière
venue dans l'une de ses vies antérieures en Inde. Elle était du Kongpo. Le culte de Lhamo et celui des gardiens qui
alors l'épouse du roi des démons qui vivait dans l'île de étaient vénérés en même temps qu'elle s'amplifia avec cette
Lanka. Elle décida de convertir par la force les habitants de expansion de l'école gelugpa. En 1509, juste à l'est de Samye,
l'île au bouddhisme, et fit le vœu de tuer son propre fils si elle il fonda le monastère de ChOkorgyel. Il considérait Ch6kor-
n'y parvenait pas. Face à son échec, elle dut le sacrifier, puis gyel comme son monastère personnel, ainsi que tous
elle attacha sa peau tout juste écorchée à la selle de sa mon- les Dalaï Lama qui lui succédèrent. Juste avant le début de la
ture (cf. cat. nOS 51 et 157). Le roi la poursuivit et blessa la construction, Pelden Lhamo lui apparut dans une vision afin
mule au flanc avec une flèche. L'œil est la trace de la bles- de l'aider à choisir l'endroit exact où il devait être édifié. Peu
sure, transformée magiquement grâce au pouvoir de Lhamo. après, accompagné de quelques-uns de ses disciples, il se
Lhamo peut être représentée seule ou en compagnie de rendit au bord d'un lac près du monastère et il eut de nou-
Panjara Mahakala qui est soit son époux, soit un membre de veau des visions. Comme le Ve Dalaï Lama, notant plus tard
sa suite. A travers les aspects divers de Lhamo, les attributs scrupuleusement le contenu de ses visions, en 1528 le
varient bien que sa couleur sombre de divinité farouche soit Ile Dalaï Lama décrivit dans son autobiographie ses visions de
une donnée constante. La baguette magique, quant à elle, Lhamo:
peut être remplacée par une épée, parfois avec une poignée «Puis, quand j'arrivai au bord du lac, sa surface d'un
en forme de scorpion. Il arrive que Lhamo possède quatre blanc étincelant luisait; là, j'accomplis un rituel dédié à
bras: trois mains tiennent des armes et la quatrième une Lhamo. Au moment de l'invocation, une tempête de neige
coupe crânienne. Les membres de son entourage peuvent s'abattit soudain en provenance de l'Est, mais alors que la
considérablement varier. On y voit souvent une déesse à tête neige tombait sur le lac, la couleur ne se modifia pas. Immé-
de lionne, une autre à tête de makara, créature mythologique diatement après, chacun de nous perçut des rayons de
ressemblant à un crocodile associé à un éléphant. Appelée lumière qui formèrent les couleurs de l'arc-en-ciel, et au-des-
parfois la «déesse des quatre saisons», Lhamo a par consé- sus des cinq couleurs des rayons, on distinguait nettement
quent quatre déesses de différentes couleurs dans sa suite. cinq palais avec des tourelles. Puis le lac prit les couleurs du
Elle est également appelée la maîtresse des douze déesses ciel! Puis il y eut un moment effrayant: le lac se divisa sou-
Tenma et apparaît ainsi entourée de douze divinités fémi- dain en deux, une surface carrée plate et une partie qui s'éle-
nines possédant des têtes de différents animaux (cf. cat. vait comme une montagne jusqu'au ciel. Et je compris que
n° 58). [...] il s'agissait de la magie de Lhamo. Nous fûmes tous les
Dans le monde du bouddhisme tibétain, le culte de Lhamo témoins de ces apparitions miraculeuses. Il est ainsi certain
a une très longue histoire. Selon le Ile Dalaï Lama qui a écrit que cet endroit est protégé par Lhamo, car les voies infinies
un bref historique du culte de cette déesse, celui-ci fut intro- par lesquelles elle agit ne peuvent être exprimées en mots. Ce
duit au Tibet au cours du XIe siècle par des maîtres venus que j'écris n'est qu'une approximation. Quant à moi, depuis
d'Oçl.çl.iyana, un pays identifié soit comme le Bengale, soit que je suis devenu l'abbé de Tashilhünpo en 1512, j'ai con-
comme la province du Swat au Pakistan. Ultérieurement, des stamment pratiqué des rituels pour Lhamo, lui faisant trois
lamas des écoles nyingmapa et kagyüpa ont diffusé ces ensei- fois par jour des offrandes de torma, et, le soir, pratiquant des
gnements. Les plus anciennes représentations de Lhamo rituels d'expiation et d'offrande de torma. Après l'offrande de
connues actuellement sont celles du sanctuaire principal torma pour le Nouvel An de 1514, j'accomplis également des
d'Alchi (Ladakh), datant probablement de la fondation de ce rituels de plusieurs dieux à côté de ceux dédiés à Lhamo, les
monastère (fin du XIe siècle). rituels de Mahakala à six bras, de Yama, de Mahakala aux
Vers la même époque, des maîtres de l'école sakyapa reçu- quatre têtes et de Begtse, en tant que gardien des enseigne-
rent les initiations des enseignements dédiés à Lhamo et ments 12 .»
41
Le grand maitre féroce de la Vita:lité: Begise
42
notre connaissance, Begtse était le seul protecteur rouge vêtu de ces deux protecteurs en compagnie de Lhamo 14 • En fait, ce
d'une armure, vénéré par le Ile Dalaï Lama. Mais à l'époque rôle de protection atteignit son apogée sous le patronage du
du III' Dalai Lama, conformément aux ordres de Padma- Ve Dalaï Lama. Lhamo et Begtse furent d'ailleurs désignés
sambhava, le guerrier rouge Begtse devint un protecteur de comme les deux principaux protecteurs de son monument
la lignée des Dalai Lama. Ce développement est expliqué funéraire, poursuivant ainsi de façon posthume leur rôle de
pour la première fois dans la hiographie du Ill' Dalai Lama gardiens conjoints.
qui fut écrite par le «Grand Cinquième» en 1676. Selon les
croyances tibétaines, il y a un état post mortem, appelé
bardo, qui précède la renaissance. Selon cette biographie, le Le terrifiant Yogi, Mahakiila en tant que Brahmanarüpa
Ille Dalaï Lama voyagea dans plusieurs paradis durant son (fig. 5)
bardo. Il s'arrêta dans le paradis de Padmasambhava où
deux protecteurs non nommés, un de grande taille et l'autre Le maitre Tsarchen (1502-1566) reformuia certains ensei-
de petite taille, lui apparurent. Comme le grand protecteur gnements sur les divinités protectrices, en particulier Lhamo
était noir et avait comme attributs une épée et un crâne rem- Mazorma, Begtse, et celles qui sont liées à Mahii.kiila Brah-
pli de sang, il était difficile à identifier. Le «petit» protecteur manarüpa. Tsarchen avait étudié la transmission des ensei-
était de carnation rouge, revêtu d'une armure et portant un gnements de Nyen le Traducteur qui se perpétuèrent parmi
casque forgé dans un métal rougeâtre; il brandissait des les mailres sakyapa. Selon la tradition des livres de Nyen,
armes, notamment une lance. Padmasambhava ordonna à Mahii.kii.la à quatre têtes avait en Inde deux acolytes, un
ces deux protecteurs d'accompagner le Dalaï Lama jusqu'à rouge et un noir. Au Tibet, l'assistant rouge fut représenté
sa nouvelle naissance. Quand il atteignit l'adolescence, le par Begtse, tandis que le noir devint Mahii.kiila, vêtu comme
II!' Dalai Lama fit un rêve où Begtse lui apparaissait et décla- un brahmane indien. Les Tibétains traduisirent son nom par
rait: «Je suis ton protecteur personnel.» Comme Begtse avait Gonpo Bramze, le «Protecteur brahmane». Selon la biogra-
été un important protecteur de GedÜll Gyatso, il était logique phie écrite par le V, Dalai Lama, alors que Tsarchen était un
que son rôle soit maintenu pour son incarnation suivante. Le enfant, il Ùllplora Lhamo de l'aider à être vertueux. Peu de
V, Dalai Lama mit l'accent sur le rôle de Begtse et de Brah- temps après, un événement étrange survint: un homme
manarüpa comme deux des principaux protecteurs de la tra- fouge très impressionnant prit dans ses mains un gâteau
dition tsarpa, et il semble donc qu'il ait confié à ces deux divi- rituel (torma) qui lui était dédié. Il s'agissait du protecteur
nités le rôle de protecteurs associés. La même année, en Begtse, accompagné de Mahii.kii.la. Tsarchen fut le premier à
1676, le V, Dalai Lama écrivit la hiographie de Tsarchen, où vénérer cet ensemble de trois protecteurs. C'est la raison
il remarque que ce qui caractérise cette tradition est le culte pour laquelle on croit que la tradition tsarpa a un puissant
lien karmique avec ces divinités. Le Ve Dalaï Lama était éga-
lement initié aux enseignements tsarpa, et il écrivit que la
pratique des rituels dédiés à ces trois divinités réunies était
l'une des spécificités de cette tradition 15 .
Mahii.kii.la en tant que yogi ou Brahmanariipa (cf. fig. 5) est
représenté comme une divinité anthropomorphe masculine,
parfaitement humaine sur tous les plans hormis ses trois
yeux. Sa carnation peut varier (noire, bleu foncé. blanche ou
brun rougeâtre), mais il est reconnaissable à son aspect
indien, caractérisé par le dhoti, fine étoffe drapée étroite-
ment autour des hanches et des reins, avec en plus ce que les
Tibétains considèrent comme un trait typique de la physiono-
mie indienne: un corps décharné, un gros nez et des cheveux
épais. Il est torse nu, vêtu seulement d'un dhoti, avec une
guirlande de crânes, et un os retenant son chignon, à l'image
des yogis itinérants. Il a une barbe et des cheveux longs qui
couvrent ses épaules. Sa peau est parfois enduite de cendre
ou maculée, car on dit qu'il aime par-dessus tout hanter les
lieux de crémation ou les cimetières. Tel un autre rappel de
cette fréquentation, Brahmanarüpa tient souvent une flûte
en os (cf. cat. n° 46). Parmi ses autres attributs, il peut avoir
une lance avec une extrémité en forme de trident qui rap-
Fig. 5 pelle la lance tenue par les adeptes de Siva, ainsi qu'une
MahâkâJa Brahmanarüpa, coupe crânienne ou un couperet. L'iconographie de Brahma-
détail d'une peinture figurant Avalokitesvara et Samantabhadra.
TIbet. XVIIe siècle. détrempe et or sur toile. 98.5 X 70 cm. narüpa montre la façon dont les Tibétains concevaient l'as-
musée national des Arts asiatiques-Guimet. MG 17477. pect des yogis indiens.
43
Le culte de Brahmanarüpa était important pour la branche tion de Brahmanarüpa directement dans ses mains, exacte-
tsarpa de l'école sakyapa dont les enseignements furent aussi ment comme le signe de bon augure qu'avait reçu le Ille Dalaï
transmis aux Ille, Iye et ye Dalaï Lama. Durant l'enfance du Lama. Le jeune garçon interpréta l'événement comme le
Ille Dalaï Lama, l'un de ses chapelains les plus proches avait signe qu'il avait un lien karmique avec sa divinité protectrice.
été un disciple direct de Tsarchen. Le Ille Dalaï Lama était Il décida d'en célébrer assidûment le culte. Plus tard, la
considéré comme l'héritier spirituel du Ile, et il avait reçu tous même année, il eut une vision au cours de laquelle Brahma-
les enseignements des rituels composés par son prédéces- narüpa apparut sous l'aspect d'un garçon de huit ans, exac-
seur, Gedün Gyatso. Par conséquent, le Ille Dalaï Lama était tement comme lui-même; cependant, Brahmanarüpa avait
le détenteur aussi bien des enseignements tsarpa que de ceux une peau bleue, il était couvert d'ornements en os et portait
des Gelugpa. Bien qu'il résidât au monastère de Drepung près un dhoti blanc, tenant une flûte d'os et une coupe crânienne.
de Lhasa, le Ille Dalaï Lama voyagea dans le Tsang, jusqu'au À l'âge de dix ans, le ye Dalaï Lama effectuait des rites mys-
monastère de Tashilhünpo où il eut plusieurs visions de tiques dédiés à Hayagrlva, dont Begtse est parfois l'acolyte.
Lhamo. Non loin de là, il fit halte à Tanag, le monastère Soudain, une nuit, un gigantesque tourbillon rouge pénétra
de la lignée familiale de Gedün Gyatso, où il eut une vision de dans sa chambre. Il vit un homme de carnation rouge qu'il
Begtse. Quand il s'arrêta dans un monastère tsarpa de la identifia comme Begtse. Tous ses maîtres lui assurèrent qu'il
région de Sakya, il eut une nouvelle vision. La statue princi- s'agissait du «pouvoir magique du protecteur principal».
pale de ce monastère était celle de Brahmanarüpa. Tandis Après cette vision, il apprit par cœur plusieurs rituels desti-
que les moines accomplissaient les rituels, des nuages formés nés à Begtse et il les pratiqua le 2g e jour de chaque mois.
de myriades de couleurs apparurent dans le ciel, et une Durant sa vie entière, souvent au cours du premier mois de
écharpe cérémonielle en soie tomba directement dans ses l'année, le YC Dalaï Lama commanditait des séries de rituels
mains. Cet événement fut interprété comme un présage hau- pour Lhamo et Brahmanarüpa afin qu'ils soient pratiqués
tement favorable. Toutes ces données amenèrent le Ille Dalaï dans les monastères et dans les chapelles de Chokhorgyel.
Lama à consacrer en 1570, conformément aux rituels tradi- Quand l'édification du Potala fut achevée, il y pratiqua aussi
tionnels des tsarpa, toute une chapelle à leurs divinités pro- ces rituels.
tectrices, au monastère de Chokhorgyel. Il fit peindre égale- Chaque année à Lhasa, au cours des cérémonies du Nouvel
ment des représentations de Begtse dans d'autres chapelles An, il présidait une cérémonie spéciale d'offrandes expia-
de Chokhorgyel. Quand il eut trente ans, vers 1575, il se ren- toires pour tous les péchés, dédiée à Lhamo, afin de débuter
dit en Mongolie où Altan khan l'avait invité, pour recevoir le l'année sur de nouvelles bases karmiques. Le ye Dalaï Lama
titre de «Dalaï Lama». Selon le récit qu'on trouve dans sa bio- avait aussi l'habitude de pratiquer de nombreux rituels au
graphie, le voyage fut long et ardu. À plusieurs reprises, des Potala, car plusieurs chapelles y étaient consacrées à Lhamo.
obstacles jaillirent d'on ne sait où. Une nuit, un yak sauvage Il y avait en particulier une peinture censée avoir appartenu
pénétra dans le campement, terrifiant les voyageurs. Brah- au Ile Dalaï Lama. Objet d'une grande vénération, on l'appe-
manarüpa apparut miraculeusement et tua le yak. Une autre lait le «thangka parlant», car la divinité était consultée lors
nuit, Begtse se manifesta, menant une horde de démons mon- du Nouvel An, alors que des offrandes étaient disposées
gols à tête de cheval ou de tigre. Le Ille Dalaï Lama les soumit, devant elle. Lhamo «parlait» par l'intermédiaire de cette
les obligeant à faire le serment de protéger la doctrine boud- peinture et ses prophéties étaient interprétées pour l'année à
dhique. Ce récit montre l'importance que l'auteur de la bio- venir. Il s'agit d'une forme tout à fait unique de manifestation
graphie, autrement dit le ye Dalaï Lama, accordait à ces deux oraculaire et elle est, à notre connaissance, le seul oracle de
protecteurs, bien au-delà des frontières du Tibet, et cela pro- Lhamo.
bablement autant pour des raisons politiques que religieuses. Le ye Dalaï Lama introduisit plusieurs innovations dans la
pratique de certains rituels. Le Ille Dalaï Lama avait institué la
coutume qui consiste à préparer une offrande spéciale de
Les pratiques rituelles du «Grand Cinquième» gâteaux sacrificiels (torma), conformément à un rituel tsarpa
dédié à Brahmanarüpa et à Begtse. Cette tradition avait été
Toute sa vie, le ye Dalaï Lama étudia auprès de maîtres des interrompue, mais en 1628, alors qu'il avait douze ans, le
écoles gelugpa, nyingmapa et tsarpa. Philippe Cornu abor- ye Dalaï Lama vit apparaître en rêve le Ille Dalaï Lama qui lui
dant le culte qu'il rendait à Padmasambhava et aux divinités ordonna de rétablir ce rituel. Ce qui fut fait. Durant plusieurs
connexes, nous évoquerons ici simplement et brièvement années, au cours de cette cérémonie du huitième jour du troi-
leurs influences hétérodoxes qui se manifestent dans ses sième mois, le ye Dalaï Lama eut régulièrement des visions de
œuvres liturgiques et ses pratiques religieuses. Ses premières Tsarchen, de Brahmanarüpa et de Begtse. Au cours du règne
expériences mystiques eurent lieu durant son enfance. À du ye Dalaï Lama, une impulsion nouvelle fut également don-
l'âge de huit ans, il fit son premier pèlerinage à Chokhorgyel née au culte de Pehar et de Nechung dans la région de Lhasa,
et au lac sacré pour rendre hommage à Lhamo. Durant sa ce qui fut une autre innovation de grande importance.
visite du monastère de Chokhorgyel, il se rendit à la chapelle Étant donné la multitude de protecteurs à qui le ye Dalaï
des divinités protectrices où il médita pendant un long Lama rendait un culte, il s'agit ici simplement d'un résumé de
moment. Soudain, l'écharpe de soie tomba de la représenta- quelques-unes de ses pratiques et de ses visions. Toutefois, le
44
processus d'élaboration de la mythologie et de l'iconographie fluence du gouvernement de Lhasa se consolidait. La divinité
peut être observé à travers ces exemples, et nous permet servait à légitimer la présence du gouvernement de Lhasa
d'avoir un aperçu des voies complexes par lesquelles les dans les régions nouvellement acquises, Ainsi, en raison de
Tibétains intégraient de nouveaux éléments dans leurs sys- leur conviction quant à la puissance de ces divinités, les Tibé-
tèmes de croyances. En particulier, au moment où l'État tibé- tains d'une manière générale et le Ve Dalaï Lama en particu-
tain fut unifié, au milieu du XVIIe siècle, la répartition géogra- lier, au-delà de la fonction purement religieuse de cette véné-
phique des sites sacrés pour chaque divinité - comme la ration, utilisaient le culte des divinités protectrices dans le
vision de Lhamo à Ch6khorgyel et celle de Begtse emmenant processus de fondation et de conservation du pouvoir poli-
les protecteurs mongols afin qu'ils soient soumis par le tique. Par leur représentation selon la technique du nag-
Ille Dalaï Lama - reflète le besoin de mettre en valeur diffé- thang, ces divinités étaient exaltées et magnifiées à travers
rentes régions, leur hiérarchie locale, au sein desquelles l'in- un genre unique de l'art tibétain.
1. Voir l'article rédigé par H. Stoddard sur l'esthé- 7. A. Helier, <<Indian Style, Kashmiri Style, Esthe- 1474, en plus de la lignée familiale d'enseigne-
tique du manuscrit des Visions secrètes dans tics of Choice in l1th Century Tibet», Orienta- ments, le père du II' Dalaï Lama avait été initié,
S. Karmay 1988, et les remarques de G. Béguin tions, décembre 2001, examine l'inscription aux environs de 1442, aux enseignements sur
dans Art ésotérique de l'Himalaya, Paris, 1990. dédicatoire sur une peinture tibétaine du Xl' Begtse professés par le 1'" Dalaï Lama qui les
Voir l'article rédigé par l'auteur de la présente siècle qui mentionne de tels manuscrits écrits à avait reçus de maîtres sakyapa. Ainsi le père du
étude: «Les grandes divinités protectrices», l'encre d'argent, pp. 18-23. II' Dalaï Lama était-il le détenteur de deux tra-
dans F. Pommaret, Lhasa lieu du divin, Genève, 8. V. Reynolds, «New Discoveries about a Set of ditions du culte de Begtse qu'il transmit à son
1977, pour une description plus détaillée et une Tibetan Manuscripts in The Newark Museum», fils.
analyse du culte des divinités. Orientations, juillet 1987, pp. 36-42. 14. Biographie de Tsarchen. Voir Roberto Vitali, «A
2. J. Losty, The Art of the Book in lndia, Londres, 9. Je remercie le vénérable Jampa Samten pour Note on the Third Dalai Lama bSod nams rgya
British Library, 1982, n° 7. cette information. Voir J. Samten, «The Phug mtsho and his Visionary thang ka of !Ha mo'i
3. Je remercie Jean-Michel Terrier pour son brag Kanjur», dans Tibetan Studies, Procee- bla mtsho», The Tibet Journal, 2001, vol. XXVI,
explication du procédé de teinture et de la tech- dings of the International Association for Tibe- n"' 3 et 4, pp. 91-103.
nique picturale de ces feuilles manuscrites qu'il tan Studies, Narita Conference, 1992, pp. 115- 15. Je voudrais remercier Yontan Gyatso pour son
a examinées en tant que restaurateur profes- 120. aide dans l'interprétation de ces passages de la
sionnel. 10. Voir la fig. 26 dans A. Helier, Arts et sagesses biographie de Tsarchen, comme de plusieurs
4. G. Béguin, Art ésotérique de l'Himalaya, Paris, du Tibet, Paris, Éd. du Zodiaque, 1999. passages de la biographie du III' Dalaï Lama et
Réunion des musées nationaux, 1990, p. 123, 11. Voir n" 41 dans J. Giès et M. Cohen, Sérinde de l'autobiographie ésotérique du V, Dalaï
citant F. Macouin, «Un manuscrit coréen de terre de Bouddha, 1995, la traduction des vers Lama. Le vénérable Tsenshab Rinpoche et le
soutra bouddhique», La Revue du Louvre et des tibétains. vénérable Dvagpo Rinpoche ont été également
Musées de France, juin 1990 (3), n"" 182-190. 12. Ce passage est extrait de l'autobiographie de consultés pour certains passages de l'autobio-
5. Voir les plafonds d'Ajanta, particulièrement Gedün Gyatso, rJe nyid kyid rnam thar, qui fut graphie générale du V, Dalaï Lama, ainsi que
dans la grotte n"' 2. Cf. Amina Okada et Jean- achevée peu avant sa mort en 1542. J'aimerais Samten Karmay qui a traduit et résumé cette
Louis Nou, Ajanta, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, remercier Samten Karmay pour ses commen- autobiographie secrète du V, Dalaï Lama dans
1991. taires critiques de ma traduction. Secret Visions ofthe Fifth Dolai Lama, Londres,
6. J. Gies, M. Cohen, Sérinde terre de Bouddha, 13. Selon la biographie du 1" Dalaï Lama écrite par Serindia, 1988.
Réunion des musées nationaux, 1995. son disciple personnel juste après sa mort en
45
Nelson Wu (1919-2002)
~
unpublished research), while in literature, Aris found it in an 18th Regular printed catalogues,
century text and interpreted it as a reference to the Kachari, a compos-
customized lists on request,
ite ethnic group, regarded as the original inhabitants of Assam. He
please visit our website or offices, ;,:;::;=::~
also found two passages in a 16th century historical volume, where
the interpretation to me appears to refer to Ka-tsa-ra, a mixed Nepal- by appointment, when in London.
ese-Tibetan ethnic group residing in Tibet. Your readers may wish to
consult Michael Aris, Bhutan: The Early History of a Himalayan
Kingdom, Warminster, 1979, pages 102 and 107.
Unit 3 Ashbunon Centre, 276 Conis
London SW1.) 3AY, England
RO~
I think it is important of course for us to learn that in Nepal this m: -41\ 20 8788 4464 FAX: 8780 1363
word has a derogatory connotation. However, its use in Tibetan does EMAlL: hst@hanshan.com WEBSITE: www.hanshan.com
61
Symposium Report
Potala «figure sur la liste des monuments historiques bénéficiant de Qu les ont dénaturées (des exemples seront donnés plus IQin). Par
la protection spéciale de FÉtat »} et les œuvres d}art et livres qu}il _~eur.~ le clergé n'est plus le seul dépositaire du savoir, et le
g0l.l:~~rl1ement chinois a toujours comme objectif la «laïçi~3tiQn»
renferme sont « bien protégés ».
Le gouvernement favorise aussi le développement de la médecine ~!ilibétains, ce qui est complètement antinomiqœaylec)apQ!ion
et de la pharmacopée traditionnelles. Pour la littérature} «en 1987} la de « ~~!~r~tibétaine traditionnelle» (ceci est valable aussi pour la
Chine avait publié plus de 600 sortes de livres en tibétain} et en avait ..9.E!es~2!:7 0). C'est la raison pour laquelle les fêtes «populaires»
distribué 43}5 millions d}exemplaires.» V épopée de César a été sont en principe autorisées, mais parfois encadrées et « récupérées»
«sauvée} révisée et imprimée ». Vopéra} les chants et danses tibétains pour en faire de simples manifestations folkloriques, inclues désor-
ont été soutenus « et le répertoire traditionnel a été développé ». mais dans les ~its tourist~;".,.par exemple, la «foire» de
Jyékundo, qui rassemble maintenant de vastes foules autour de
courses de chevaux, de compétitions diverses et d'une foire
Amy HELLER et Anne-Marie BLONDEAU : La politique à l'égard commerciale et qui, à l'origine, était une fête aux divinités du
de la culture traditionnelle tibétaine a beaucoup varié au cours de terroir. f. Kvae~n.çri1224,WJ80=-L~1 décrit un tel «festival de
l'occupation. On doit distinguer entre la politique officielle, son culture populaire» dans l'Amdo à la fin 'des années quatre-vingts;
application, et la politique telle qu'elle est vécue au quotidien dans il en souligne l'aspect de mascarade et le caractère artificiel, mais
la Région autonome du Tibet. Pendant la Révolution culturelle aussi le message politique qu'il comporte: de paix et de bonheur au
(1966-1976), partout en Chine les valeurs culturelles ont été renver- Tibet, et d~tre toutes leil natigaalitéil cbinoiileil Pour les
sées, mais la destruction de temples et monastères, le saccage de mêmes raisons, les rituels villageois - conçus comme hors de l'em-
leurs trésors artistiques et littéraires ont été particulièrement prise bouddhique - sont dans l'ensemble favorisés, alors que, aux
étendus au Tibet. La reconstruction religieuse n'est que partielle. Si, yeux de l'observateur occidental, ils sembleraient renforcer davan-
toutefois, la politique officielle encourage le concept d'une Chine tage l'identité et l'autonomie locales, plutôt qu'une identité comme
«multiethnique unifiée », selon la terminologie de la documenta- citoyen de la mère patrie Chine (Karmay, 1994). C'est que, ici aussi,
tion gouvernementale récente (La Politique chinoise, 1999, p. 1), en la République populaire de Chine est l'héritière de l'empire et, en
même temps «la Constitution chinoise stipule qu'il faut s'opposer l'occurrence, de la-.~----.politique de «folklorisation» des.. _.~~,
- - - _.•._.--,.~~ couty.mes
au chauvinisme des grandes ethnies, en particulier à celui des Han, chants et danses.p()pulaires~r-ifii1dë1ësirlt~gt:et à la cult_g!~JHIJL~.t
et au nationalisme local» (ibid., p. 12). Au niveau pratique, cela ~:îllàffensifs pour 1~_pQJJ'lQir-enplace (~1Jr_.ce.p.oint,.oo-peut
veut dire « d'abord et avant tout former des citoyens tibétains tota- li:.:..le très in!..~r~_~3J1tM!Ï,Çlle _de...s,-l'f~bi.ni!!LL122gJ?..~l!UnQ.rnt~rçe
lement sinisés» (Tournadre, 1999), dans le but de renforcer l'union I?rocessusctecontrôle des manifestations populajrle~à.l'œuvre.dès.1a
entre les ethnies. Cela est vrai tant pour les Tibétains vivant dans les dynasiiê'~des Han,aYant notre èr~). Au Tibet, sous contrôle de la
provinces du Qinghai, du Gansu, du Yunnan et du Sichuan que RPC;'\JIî peut citer comme exemples l'institution de «concours»
pour les habitants de la Région autonome du Tibet. Les problèmes dotés de prix pour les bardes chantant l'épopée de Gésar, ou la
culturels engendrés par cette politique sont clairs: au Tibet, la publicité faite au concours, traditionnel celui-là, des« sculptures de
culture était complètement liée, d'une part, à la~~lJ-gio?-~incipa beurre» (torma) exécutées par les moines de Lhasa et de Kumbum,
lement le bouddhisme, .d'autre. part, aux structures soc~~~sJ!ôle le soir du quinzième jour du premier mois tibétain (cette exposition
prépOndinmt du Clergé, cérémonies .d'État, rituels. villageois publique et en plein air clôturait le jour le plus saint des fêtes de la
communautaires, etc.). Destructions, limitations iinposées à- la Grande Prière - sur laquelle voir la question 89 ; à Lhasa, le dalaï-
pratique religieuse, suppression des structures sociales tradition- lama venait en palanquin examiner les sculptures et décidait
nelles ont fait disparaître b_QtLn.omme. d_~m@ifestations culturelles laquelle méritait le premier prix [Richardson, 1993, pp. 27-30]).
260 Le Tibet est-il chinois? Culture et éducation 261
Les auteurs donnent plusieurs exemples ou domaines dans dizaine de pièces, toutes à sujet moral ou religieux, à l'exception de
lesquels s'exerce la protection gouvernementale de la culture: le celle qui mettait en scène le mariage du roi Songtsen Gampo avec
Potala, la médecine et la pharmacopée, l'édition en tibétain, une princesse chinoise et une princesse népalaise (Gyaza Belza). Ce
l'épopée de Gésar (voir aussi la question 70), l'opéra, les chants et qu'omet de dire Cent questions, c'est que, si l'on e~cepte la création
danses. Les questions suivantes reviennent sur ces sujets, et on ne d'u~~_lJj~_de_lhéÂtr~ ~_partir de l'épopée, la majorité des ~~tiOOS
dira ici que quelques mots de l'opéra - ou théâtre - tibétain, et des nouvell~s sont dkectementinspirées par l'idéologie cotnpl\JPiste:
chants et danses. TI est vrai que ces arts sont protégés, «à la ell.es.mettent en scèn~Ja .!ibénttlQn de serfs opprimés:par leurs
chinoise », c'est-à-dire que des instituts de formation artistiques ont méchants seigneurs, le sacrifice..pourJa.patrie d'un héros national,
été créés en Chine propre et dans la RAT, où sont formés des chan- eté. PoÙr les autres, la censure est impitoyable: en 1996, une pièce
teurs, acteurs et danseurs professionnels. Or, s'il existait au Tibet des de théâtre et sa version filmée, Les Secrets du..P3Laj~ d1f_p~t.tlLa,.5!nt
troupes de théâtre et de danseurs que l'on pourrait qualifier de été inJ~r.dites._car._dansJamise ~n scène de la rencontre du ve dalaï-
professionnelles, leur exécution restait très fruste, et ces troupes lama et de l'empereur Shunzi, le premier ne faisait pas le kowtow
étaient ou bien des troupes ambulantes, ou bien des troupes de {pro~tef!1~ti(m~ ~~~~tr~m-P'exeur.
villageois qui gardaient leurs activités agricoles en dehors de la
période «théâtrale» de l'année, où elles devaient venir offrir les
prémices de leur répertoire au dalaï-lama, puis au monastère de
Drépung, avant de donner des représentations dans les familles 69. Certains journaux étrangers rapportent que la Chine n'accorde
nobles et, enfin, au palais d'été des dalaï-lamas, le Norbulingka. Là, pas d'importance à la culture et à l'histoire tibétaines. Quelle est la
toute la population de Lhasa venait assister aux spectacles durant situation réelle?
une semaine, ce qui était l'occasion d'un gigantesque pique-nique
durant lequel les habitants de Lhasa festoyaient, se recevaient de Des efforts importants sont consentis par le gouvernement chinois
tente à tente, jouaient aux dés... Cette fête dite «du lait caillé» pour «maintenir et développer la culture et l'histoire tibétaines ».
(zhoton) marquait, en fait, la fin de la retraite d'été des moines. Elle Toute une série d'instituts et d'organismes d'enseignement et de
existe toujours, mais, parallèlement, les pièces se jouent également recherche ont été créés: l'institut d'éducation nationale de la RAT, des
dans des théâtres; de plus, comme la réponse chinoise à la question « institutions d'études sur l'enseignement de la langue tibétaine », un
70 l'indique bien, son origine religieuse a été gommée au profit centre de formation d'enseignants de langue tibétaine, des écoles de
d'une «Fête de l'opé..m..du Tibet ». Et surtout, la formation «à la médecine tibétaine et une faculté de médecine tibétaine à l'Université
ch~ise» des-~cteurs-chro1teùrs a complètement sinisé, à la fois du Tibet; des cours sur l'histoire et la relz'gion tibétaines sont donnés
leurs mimiques, leurs gestes - très maniérés - leurs maquillages et à cette université; l'Académie des sciences sociales [de Lhasa] a été
leur manière de chanter, avec l'introduction de modulations typi- fondée «pour les recherches sur l'histoire, la culture et la religion au
quement chinoises. Cela vaut aussi pour les troupes de chanteurs et Tibet ». «Des manuels en tibétain de l'école primaire jusqu'à l'école
danseurs soi-disant «populaires» qui se produisent sur scène et secondaire de deuxième cycle, et des ouvrages de référence pédago-
que l'on envoie faire des tournées de spectacles à l'étranger. Le giques» sont rédigés, traduits [du chinois] et publiés.
contraste est saisissant avec l'exécution des mêmes chants et danses Des sommes très importantes sont allouées par le gouvernement
par des villageois, certainement moins « jolis» à voir, mais tellement central depuis 1980, pour la restauration des monastères et d'autres
plus authentiques ! vestiges historiques au Tibet. Par exemple, depuis 1981,4 millions de
Quant au répertoire, les auteurs de Cent questions vantent le yuans ont été consacrés à l'entretien du Potala, et le gouvernement
développement du répertoire traditionnel. Celui-ci était d'une central envisage de consacrer à sa conservation des fonds spéciaux,
262 Le Tibet est-il chinois? Culture et éducation 263
après que les spécialistes actuellement rassemblés eurent remis leurs décrites, avec leurs implications dans les domaines social, culturel et
conclusions. économique (voir les références à la fin de cette section) ; actuelle-
ment, la politique varie d'année en année, et les pèlerinages sont
tantôt tolérés, tantôt réprimés, soit par des sanctions économiques,
Amy HELLER : La réponse chinoise est des plus vague et elle soit par des restrictions politiques.
mélange la culture (questions 68-69) avec les questions de restaura- ~.JanLqlleJa..«.culture ~? ..e.sLdéfiniecomme ..celle.de la
tion des bâtiments (question 71) et d'enseignement; ici, les sujets société non~~!.§.!iça.l.e}l~..c~ture tibétaine est officiellementprot~gée
- culture et restauration des bâtiments - seront regroupés dans les (IA-Po!!iique chinoise, 1999). Dès que la notion de «culture» est
questions adéquates, et nous renvoyons à la question 74 traitée par relative au clergé, les concepts de féodalisme et d'exploitation
F. Meyer pour ce qui est de la médecine traditionnelle. Notons humaine sont utilisés pour la dévaloriser et décourager la pratique
seulement que, depuis la publication de Cent questions, le projet de religieuse.
restauration du Potala a été exécuté (voir la questz'on 71). La question de la religion est certes difficile dans un système
Pour ce qui est de l'importance accordée à la culture et à l'his- communiste, par définition athée. Mais, dans le cas du Tibet, il est
toire tibétaines, il faut remarquer d'abord que, pour les Chinois clair que l'hostilité envers la culture religieuse est renforcée, à la fois
«han », laculture est celle de la civilisationchmQi~~onçuecomme par l'opposition au régime de gouvernement par les religieux - et
«centrale », les autr.e.s .~~.at1!·e:.~ideur.es.-12é]iphérique~~=~omme par l'aristocratie - qui était celui des dalaï-lamas, et par l'attache-
toute, barbares et objets de curiosité. C'est ainsi en tout cas que l'af- ment indéfectible, à ce jour, des Tibétains à cette culture.
1lmr-rle-tounstes hmau Tibetèst'vêcu, tant par les habitants que par Sur un autre plan, la réponse chinoise à cette question décrit
les touristes: qui se moque de qui dans le jeu de se déguiser en aussi la création d'écoles, d'instituts de recherche, etc., chargés
habits de nomades tibétains pour se faire photographier devant les d'étudier la langue et l'histoire tibétaines et de promouvoir leur
monastères, que ce soit à Kumbum, dans le Qinghai, ou devant le étude. Cela correspond à une réalité concrète. On reviendra sur la
Potala, à Lhasa? (Sur l'engouement récent des Chinois pour la langue dans la question 75. Pour ce qui est de l'histoire, la manière
culture tibétaine, voir Courrier internatz'onal, n° 539, p. 61, qui de l'étudier est un reflet de l'idéologie politique: telle qu'on l'étudie
publie la photo de Chinois en costume tibétain sur le toit du actuellement, l'histoire est orientée vers la preuve de la subordina-
Jokhang en train de se photographier.) tion du Tibet à la Chine et la justification de la souveraineté chinoise
Cela dit, il est vrai que certaines activités culturelles tradition- (cf. Did Tibet become an Independent Country ?). L'histoire poli-
nelles sont protégées et encouragées mais, comme on l'a indiqué tique du Tibet a été systématiquement revue et corrigée pour l'ali-
déjà dans la réponse précédente, de manière très sélective. Selon gner sur ces revendications et la «juste cause» de l'occupation
l'objectif à atteindre, qui est la laïcisation de la société tibétaine, il chinoise au Tibet depuis 1959. L'idéologie ne reconnaît que la
s'agit des manifestations auxquelles le clergé ne participait guère version chinoise d'un Tibet politiquement intégré au territoire
dans le Tibet ancien: courses de chevaux, danses, théâtre en plein chinois depuis le XIIf siècle, mais la réalité historique beaucoup
air... Les activités culturelles dans le domaine religieux ont été soit plus complexe est écartée. Si l'existence d'un vaste empire tibétain
interdites, soit réduites de façon notable en ce qui concerne leur du VIf au OC siècle est acceptée, toute notion de l'indépendance
ampleur et leur impact et, de toute manière, lorsqu'elles sont lais- politique du Tibet au xxe siècle est niée officiellement (on ne peut
sées à la volonté de chacun, elles ne sont pas patronnées par le que renvoyer à la section sur l'histoire).
gouvernement. On peut donner comme exemple le pèlerinage aux Pour finir, mentionnons un aspect inattendu de «1'encourage-
lieux saints, qui était certainement l'activité religieuse « nationale» ment de la culture traditionnelle du Tibet », qui est la construction
des Tibétains, et dont les formes traditionnelles ont été largement 9~ ~.âtiments modernes en béton, «dans le style tibétain ». Cela
264 Le Tibet est-il chinois? Culture et éducation 265
constitue un véritable contresens esthétique et technique par nisées, qui ont eu beaucoup de succès: en mai 1986 à Pékin; lors de
rapport à l'architecture traditionnelle (Voir Chayet, 1994. L'auteur l'été 1987 à Paris.
présente une analyse concise mais très explicite des caractéristiques De plus, des publications diverses: histoire de l'opéra du Tibet,
de l'architecture tibétaine, à travers celle des tombeaux préhisto- recueils de chansons folkloriques, de contes populaires, de proverbes,
riques, historiques, jusqu'aux plans architecturaux de nombreux de danses folkloriques sont en préparation, tandis que, depuis 1983,
monastères). Nous y reviendrons dans la question 71. «une dizaine de troupes artistiques tibétaines se sont rendues aux
États-Unis, en Grande-Bretagne, en France, en Corée et à Hong
Kong».
est le reflet fidèle d'une société où l'emprise du clergé ne s'était pas rencontraient les bardes et que, même, sa lecture était interdite dans
encore fait sentir - et donc l'utiliser à des fins idéologiques contre les grands monastères gélugpa. Or, l'édition abondante d'épisodes
l'ancien régime tibétain - est en conséquence totalement illusoire. de Gésar dans des publications bon marché - on y reviendra - a
Pour ce premier exemple cité par Cent questions, il faut effecti- provoqué un véritable engouement de tous les Tibétains pour ce
vement saluer l'activité des recherches entreprises et louer leurs monument littéraire de leur culture. Bien plus, ils ont cristamsé sur
résultats, bien qu'ils ne soient pas dénués de dangers pour la culture ~ros gt.le~rie~J~u1;.. Q.?!!Q~aJi~Q?-_~_~t_!<:::tI!~ fru;trations de. peuple
tibétaine. Comme le soulignent les auteurs, l'épopée de Gésar est <?ccu~j~l19.u'il.estgev:enule.sy.mbQkd~tmTibetg1orieux~Ïibl:-e·
probablement la plus longue du monde et, parce qu'elle est encore et puiJ~anta(armay,1994, p. 115). TI est assez ir~ciq~e d~'~~nstater'
véhiculée par ~Èardes~~_Ï?spirés}>. c'est.à-dire qui ~~~~vent la que, pour les Chinois, l'étude de l'épopée semble avoir été encou-
~~ - sous des formes dIverses - du texte qu'ils chantentiiU·· ragée parce qu'elle « décrit authentiquement le morcellement et les
fur et à mesure, elle n'est pas close et des épisodes nouveaux ont vu troubles du Tibet pendant les quatre cents ans qui ont suivi l'écrou-
le jour à l'époque contemporaine. De plus, en dépit des nombreuses lement du royaume des Tubo », sous-entendu.jusqu'àl'intégrarion
publications d'épisodes de versions écrites, la découverte de ~ Tibet à la Chinepada-dyaastie..des Yuan !
nouveaux textes, dans des archives ou chez des particuliers, n'est Le deuxième exemple avancé par Cent questions est celui de « la
pas improbable. Cette épopée, qu'une publication d'Alexandra diffusion et du développement de l'opéra du Tibet », que nous
David-Neel (1930) a fait connaître du public occidental, a été rela- avons traité dans la réponse à la question 68. Ce qu'en disent ici les
tivement peu étudiée en Occident et, surtout, elle l'a été à. travers auteurs chinois illustre notre propos antérieur: création de troupes
ses versions écrites. La raison en est que l'accès au terram était professionnelles, désacralisation de la Fête du beurre (du lait caillé
_ • ~A. _ _ -~-_·-_ _· _ - - _ .. • • • __ ••_ _ •• • ,
impossible. C'est donc l'un des mérites des chercheurs chinois et motonraev.enue:une Fêtede.r.op.éradu Tibet. Tout autre commen-
tibétains formés en Çhine 'lue..eta.Yoir localisé les bardes vivants, de taire semble superflu.
le~J!YQir.enregistrés.o:: i1exist~ réellemen~ des n:Ullie!"~_d.~beu.res !ten- TI n'a été question jusqu'ici que des formes traditionnelles de la
'iegistreroent (Yang Enhong, 2000) - et associés.aux..reeberch~; ils littérature tibétaine, tributaire essentiellement, on l'a dit, du clergé,
o~t ainsi constitué, pour l'avepir, un f()~d~ .doçUlTIenta~~_.s~~~ic!§ dépositaire du savoir; même si l'on rencontrait des lettrés parmi la
rable qui, sans eux, aurait été perdu car,a.y~ç k.çhangement.inéluc- noblesse, ils ont laissé une production littéraire des plus minces. Le
table d~s. c.ot1d1tlons de vie, ~stcertain que l~ hardes vont dis.ill!- démantèlement de l'enseignement monastique traditionnel fait que
.f~tiê:-·remplacé.s par la. radio, la télévision et les miragesdeJavie l'on ne forme plus de lettrés dans les monastères, et la production
m,c>.cierne. L'Occident a aussi connu cette disparition des veillées et littéraire classique est donc pratiquement tarie (sauf en exil, bien
des conteurs. sûr). En revanche, un phénomène nouveau est apparu, sous l'in-
Un effet pervers de l'intérêt porté aux bardes a été indiqué dans fluence de l'école et de l'université chinoises: c'est une littérature " '
la question 68: c'est leur «professionnalisation» et leur «folklori- .produite par les laïcs,_dans.des formes non traditionnelles notam-
_, --- - _. • __ ,_ " ' L_ _ ","O
sation»; sans y revenir, on fournira seulement un exemple: à l'oc- ~t nQllv.elle~_etrOlll~et all~st!ll!e poésie qui s'exprime en vers
casion de colloques internationaux ou de visites importantes, on _
libres, par exemple (sur ce;-ilêuvèlles formes TIttêià[iës, voir 'Aëtlôii .
4._·'
donne en spectacle sur scène et devant un micro, successivement poétique, nO 157 [2000], et Tséring Shakya, 2000). On a assisté aussi
des bardes «inspirés» et des acteurs qui «jouent» l'épopée. Mais à une floraison de revues littéraires, dans la Région autonome du
l'intérêt accordé par les chercheurs chinois à l'épopée a produit un Tibet comme dans les anciennes provinces orientales, Kham et
autre effet, sans doute non prévu, dans la population tibétaine cette Arndo. TI faut remarquer, néanmoins, q~.?on nombre des jeunes
fois. TI faut savoir que, avant la «libération pacifique» du Tibet, autegI.:~.J~l:>étains s'.e~priment d§s..2.~.~is en chinoiS:'n~nplus en
l'épopée n'était plus guère vivante en dehors du Tibet oriental où se tibétain. . ...
268 Le Tibet est-il chinois? Culture et éducation 269
Quant aux thèmes traités, ils sont étrangers évidemment aux l'analyse avec justesse Tséring Shakya (op. cit.): «Tandis que la
sujets favoris de la littérature classique et ils ne se dégagent que peu langue suit les règles grammaticales et stylistiques traditionnelles,
à peu du conditionnement politique obligé des premiers romans et l'auteur réussit à donner aux dialogues aussi un aspect littéraire
nouvelles. Jusque-là, un seul roman laïc était bien connu, écrit par [. ..]. Le mélange ç1..u..J).ar1e.L!luotidien et d'une forme littéraire a
un aristocrate de Lhasa au XVIIT' siècle; il s'inspirait, pour le style rendu le livre i~si!~tp.,~nLacces.sibleà-oo largepuhlic~ce. qui e.~tl'W1.
comme pour le contenu, des épopées indiennes telles que le dëiOcrit~~a nouvelle-littérature;-»
Râmayana. C'était le seul exemple où la religion n'était pas le sujet Une place à part doit être réservée à la nouvelle poésie, qui s'ex-
central; au contraire, le récit se concentrait sur la vie des gens, prima d'abord dans une revue, Douce Pluie, publiée pour la
contée presque comme une aventure romantique (Tséring Shakya, première fois en 1981. Son chef de file fut Dondrup Gyel, qui a su
op. cit.). Mais, à l'instar de la littérature chinoise contemporaine, les défendre par sa plume un nationalisme tibétain moderne, ni selon
nouvelles formes littéraires qui sont devenues populaires au Tibet la ligne du Parti ni nostalgique de l'ancien régime. Écrivain proli-
sont souvent des récits prosélytes du régime communiste. Tséring fique, en poésie et en prose, il rédigeait en tibétain et en chinois. TI
Shakya montre bien le cadre idéologique dans lequel une littérature s'est suicidé en 1985, à l'âge de trente-deux ans (Stoddard, 1994a.
tibétaine «laïque» a été encouragée, et les contraintes politiques Pour la traduction de quelques poèmes, voir Action poétique)
qui pèsent sur elle. La première revue consacrée à la littérature n° 157).
moderne, Art littéraire du Tibet) publiée en 1980 par l'Association Pour clore le sujet de la littérature, il faut dire un mot de l'édi-
des écrivains de la RAT, comportait dans sa première livraison tion. Après la Révolution culturelle, la politique gouvernementale
quatre nouvelles écrites par des auteurs tibétains, mais tolÎtes rédi- chinoise a favorisé l'édition populaire, dans le format du livre de
gées à l'origine en chinois et traduites en tibétain par la suite. poche, et bon marché, afin de diffuser les œuvres de Marx, Lénine,
L'objectif était d'émouvoir le public chinois au récit des souffrances Mao et autres ouvrages idéologiques, ainsi que les textes politiques:
du peuple tibétain sous l'ancien régime et de fournir une justifica- dès 1952, le Texte de la politique envers les minorités nationales était
tion morale à la libération du Tibet; en conséquence, ces nouvelles publié en tibétain à Pékin, la Constitution de la RPC en 1954
relatent l'histoire de «serfs tibétains» qui contestent la féodalité (Stoddard, 1994b, p. 129; l'auteur fournit par ailleurs une analyse
(Tséring Shakya, op. cit,). Cette revue a été suivie de plusieurs autres détaillée des publications en tibétain entre 1950 et 1994). La
consacrées à la littérature moderne, mais le fait que le sn jet tr~té réponse chinoise à la question 68 se targue à juste titre du volume
doive inclure un commentaire social est très évident, bien que le des publications (à la date de 1987, plus de 600 titres en tibétain,
'cnoli-êlê ée qui est «politiqlieIl!~piéôitë.tt~~~iiI11Q.dffi.~-a1! gré distribués à 43,5 millions d'exemplaires). Ce chiffre inclut proba-
des changements politiquesi rintérieur ~.t _~1'~~~~l!:E...de ~RAT. blement l'importante production de manuels scolaires, techniques,
--La publication dans des revues imposait de courtes nouvelles. agricoles, etc., et d'ouvrages de propagande, traduite du chinois.
Mais en 1982, parut le premier roman, Une fleur de bon augure, écrit Quoi qu'il en soit, la diffusion de la littérature tibétaine a grande-
à la louange de l'Armée populaire de libération; il obtint le prix du ment profité de cette politique. On a parlé plus haut de l'édition qui
meilleur roman des minorités nationales mais ne rencontra pas le concerne l'épopée, mais les autres formes de la littérature classique
succès populaire. En revanche, le deuxième roman, La Turquoise sont également devenues très accessibles, dans ces éditions bon
[ornement] du sinciput (1985), qui obéissait pourtant aussi à la ligne marché ou bien, là où les imprimeries ont conservé les bois xylo-
politique de dénigrement de l'ancienne société, est devenu un best- graphiques, dans une édition traditionnelle (en feuillets oblongs
seller. Le style de ces deux œuvres -surtout de la dernière - consti- empilés). Quelles qu'aient été les motivations des Chinois, il est
tuait une réelle innovation dans la langue écrite, et, même si la notable que cela a permis une vulgarisation de la littérature que le
thématique des récits est prévisible, leur langue est vivante. Comme Tibet n'avait jamais connue. Pour ne donner qu'un exemple: les
270 Le Tibet est-il chinois? Culture et éducation 271
œuvres de Gédün Chôphel, un auteur du début de ce siècle (voir mesure, la manière peuvent faire illusion, les sujets traités sont
Stoddard, 1985), bien connu pour sa forte personnalité, ses talents ~ofa~es. Selon l'analyse très fine qu'en fait P. Kvaeme (1994~ils
artistiques et littéraires, et ses opinions «progressistes », ont été sont §ubtilement composés pour véhiculer sous une forme familière
publiées à Lhasa en trois volumes qui ont été épuisés en peu de aux Tibétains les nouveaux mythes qu'on veut leur imposer: la
jours. .grandeur héroïquedest~1llPs où le bouddhisme ne régnait pas en
Malheureusement, depuis le virage politique du me Forum sur m.lÛÙÇ, l'amitié entre les Han et les Tibétains, l'attrait de la consom-
le travail au Tibet, le budget des publications académiques et litté- -!!lalion. TI reste à déterminer l'impact de ces œuvres sur la popula-
raires a été sévèrement réduit en 1996: le tirage des revues a tion, et si une peinture « de commande» peut avoir une postérité
presque diminué de moitié, et un auteur qui veut être publié doit féconde. Parmi les nouveaux artistes, néanmoins, il existe des
assurer le financement de l'édition de son ouvrage, soit de 10000 à peintres très doués qui, tout en restant soumis aux thèmes obligés -
20 000 yuans (1 yuan = 80 centimes fin 2001). patriotiques ou pastoraux - présentent une véritable originalité
Le troisième exemple cité par la réponse chinoise est «le picturale (Stoddard, 2000). Quant à la sculpture, un exemple que
nouveau développement de l'art des tangkas », comme preuve de la l'on ne peut manquer de voir est la reproduction monumentale de
protection accordée à l'art tibétain. Le sens qu'il faut donner à ce deux yaks, installée à l'entrée de Lhasa pour commémorer le
«nouveau développement» est d'ailleurs obscur, puisque les quarantième anniversaire de la «libération pacifique» (photo 20).
auteurs se contentent de citer deux expositions de peintures tibé- Cette sculpture en béton recouverte de peinture dorée montre
taines, à Pékin et à Paris (Trésors du Tibet, 1987), après une descrip- comment l'art est valorisé à Lhasa de nos jours. Le yak sculpté est
tion plus que sommaire de ce que sont les thangka, peintures ~xe~ple ..~u processus de laïcisation, car un yak n'aurait jamais'
mobiles sur étoffe qui servent de support à la méditation et au _ été ~PletJm!!Çip,~t4·~~~tlipmte auparavant;·'········· .,'.
rituel, ou qui ont un but didactique: scènes de la vie du Bouddha . Après la Révolution eÙltureÎ1~~'ëonformément à la politique de
par exemple. Nous examinerons plus largement quel est le sort restauration et de restructuration économique mise en place,
actuel de l'art tibétain. certains artistes et artisans tibétains ont été autorisés à travailler
Célèbre en Occident, où de nombreuses expositions lui sont selon leurs techniques traditionnelles. Cependant, les priorités
consacrées, l'art tibétain était majoritairement religieux dans ses économiques et le manque de main-d'œuvre rendent difficile la
formes - peinture et sculpture - comme dans ses thèmes. S'il fait transmission de leur savoir, car le système d'apprentissage - aussi
maintenant l'objet de conservation et de restauration (le musée du bien pour l'art que pour les professions du bâtiment - a été détruit.
Potata par exemple) voir question 71), l'art traditionnel n'est pas Depuis 1995, à Lhasa, des architectes tibétains et étrangers ont
vraiment encouragé, en ce sens qu'il ne~de pas d'ml ensei- œuvré pour rétablir ces apprentissages, mais, à notre connaissance,
gnement officiel, et que des productions nouvelles ne sont pas sU~,ci ces programmes sont limités aux grandes villes, surtout Lhasa pour
tées. Des artistes traditionnels continuent à se forrriêrâüf5!èS de l'instant (voir aussi ta question suivante).
vieux maîtres; on les voit à l'œuvre dans toutes les restaurations de
temples et de monastères. Mais cela est rare. Au€~g, les
Chinois prisen!.et encouragent les «nouveaux»..art~;"~"tibé
tàiïisoü-a~inois installés au Tibet, qui soit interprèt~nLtaxt..tradi 71. Qu)a-t-on fait dans le domaine de la protection du patrimoine
tionnel, soit sont influencés par la peinture ou lasculpturç:_o~çiçl~n artistique et historique au Tibet?
tales. A la fin des années quatre-vingts s'est formée l'école de
Kandzé, dans l'ancien Kham, célèbre pour sa réinterprétation des Les auteurs répètent que « la protection du patrimoine est la poli-
thangka traditionnels; mais si le style, le décor et, dans une certaine tique constante du gouvernement chinois ») et que) après la
272 Le Tibet est-il chinois? Culture et éducation 273
Révolution culturelle qui a produit de graves destructions au Tibet trésors artistiques accumulés au fil des siècles sont préservés. On
comme dans le reste du pays) les erreurs ont été «redressées ») la peut mentionner ici que dans une chapelle au sommet du Potala
protection du patrimoine renforcée et la restauration des monuments une salle particulière a été aménagée où sont exposés de nombreux
historiques entreprise «autant que possible ». Les chiffres déjà cités trésors artistiques (toutefois, leur disposition montre clairement
dans des réponses précédentes sont redonnés: au Tibet) 36 millions de qu'il s'agit d'une installation artificielle, et non pas d'un autel
yuans ont été consacrés par l'État à la restauration des «temp~es» décoré dans un but religieux, comme dans les autres chapelles du
importants) 13 monastères sont sous la protection spéciale de l'Etat) Potala. li s'agit de toute évidence d'objets qui ont échappé à la
11 sous celle de la RAT. «En mars 1980) Lhasa a créé une compagnie Révolution culturelle mais dont la provenance n'est pas précisée et
de restaurateurs des constructions anciennes qui a réparé 11 temples l'accumulation totalement hors contexte). L'inventaire du patri-
et monastères connus» (Drépung, Séra) Ganden) le Jokhang, moine artistique et historique a été entrepris et, tout récemment, un
Norbulingka) Tashilhünpo) etc. [il n'y a pas d'autre nom cité dans musée s'est ouvert à Lhasa (même si l'exposition des pièces est tout
cette liste]). Ont été ainsi restaurés « plus de 10000 ni de bâtiments entière vouée à la démonstration que le Tibet a fait partie de la
et 1500ni de fresques ». Chine depuis l'époque des Yuan). La volonté de protection du
D)autres monuments historiques) non religieux) ont bénéficié de patrimoine est donc évidente, et le processus de conservation et de
crédits spéciaux: les tombeaux des rois du Tibet et le « site de la cita- restauration de monuments culturels est entamé, mais il sera long.
delle de Gyanze [Gyantsé] - témoin de la lutte en 1904 du peuple Les moyens de restauration - humains, financiers et techniques -
tibétain contre les agresseurs britanniques ». sont limités, et parfois les intentions les meilleures aboutissent à de
Enfin) une «commission administrative du patrimoine» a été piètres résultats. Les exemples abondent de restaurations
créée peu de temps après la fondation de la RAT et du personnel maladroites qui ont détruit ou endommagé irrémédiablement des
spécialisé affecté à l'administration et la protection du patrimoine structures ou des peintures: on peut citer le vernis de consolidation
tibétain. appliqué aux peintures murales du stûpa monumental (Kumbum)
de Gyantsé, datant du xve siècle, qui a attaqué les pigments de
façon irréversible, ce qui est le contraire de tout principe de conser-
Amy HELLER : Même si les statistiques sur la destruction des vation (HelIer, 1993); des panneaux de peintures murales au
temples et monastères pendant la Révolution culturelle sont contes- Jokhang (le grand temple de Lhasa), tombés en miettes au moment
tées, rares sont les villes ou villages où l'on trouve des bâtiments de leur dépose pour restauration; ou, souvent, la restauration
religieux ou historiques intacts. C'est dire l'ampleur des destruc- « sauvage» entreprise dans leurs monastères par les moines qui,
tions. li est vrai que le gouvernement chinois et celui de la RAT ont faute de directives strictes, repeignent les peintures murales
depuis mis en œuvre une politique de protection du patrimoine, anciennes avec des couleurs acryliques qui interdisent toute restau-
confiée à un organisme spécial, le Département d'art et d'archéo- ration ultérieure.
logie de la Région autonome du Tibet, dont les bureaux se trou- L'exemple le plus important de protection du patrimoine est
vaient jusqu'à récemment dans les dépendances des anciens palais sans doute le Potala, ancien palais des dalaï-lamas et siège de leur
d'été des dalaï-lamas, le Norbulingka. C'est probablement la gouvernement. (Ce monument est maintenant un musée; bien que
« commission administrative du patrimoine» dont parle la réponse le monastère qu'il abritait soit encore habité par une vingtaine de
chinoise; des archéologues surtout y travaillent, mais nous ne moines, ils sont devenus les gardiens des salles visitées par les
savons rien sur la formation qu'ils ont reçue. De même, les archives touristes.) La réponse chinoise à la question 69 fait état des sommes
historiques qui ont survécu sont conservées dans un bâtiment très importantes consacrées par l'État à la restauration du Potala.
construit à cet effet; au Potala, la bibliothèque, inestimable, et les Depuis la publication de Cent questions ce monument embléma-
274 Le Tibet est-il chinois? Culture et éducation 275
tique a été restauré de fond en comble, probablement à grands frais. chaque année. Depuis 1998, un moratoire sur la démolition de bâti-
Les travaux ont duré plusieurs années; ils concernaient le gros ments traditionnels dans le centre historique de Lhasa a été
œuvre, et l'on pouvait voir le bâtiment éventré et les poutres et promulgué, et 76 bâtiments ont été désignés pour leur restauration
piliers anciens qui avaient été déposés. D'après les Chinois, l'édifice en tant qu'immeubles (Alexander et de Azevedo, 1998, pp. 25-26).
était sur le point de s'écrouler, mais on ne connaît pas exactement Les projets de restauration d'immeubles ont été menés de concert
la nature des travaux et restructurations qui ont été exécutés, car le avec les résidents eux-mêmes et avec les habitants du quartier. Les
gouvernement chinois a refusé toute aide d'experts étrangers. questions d'assainissement des égouts et de l'entretien des
D'un autre côté, l'intérêt du gouvernement chinois pour le patri- conduites d'eau étaient à!'origine des projets, et plusieurs interven-
moine culturel tibétain a son revers, d'importance; c'est l'applica- tions ont été menées pour améliorer ces aspects de la vie dans le
tion au Tibet des mêmes concepts d'urbanisme qui ont défiguré les quartier historique de Lhasa (Tibet Heritage Fund, 1999). Une
villes chinoises anciennes: percée de larges artères, mépris du organisation non gouvernementale européenne, le Tibet Heritage
contexte architectural qui, au lieu des « zones protégées» que nous Fund, a œuvré pour ces restaurations et assainissements en collabo-
connaissons dans nos villes ou quartiers historiques, a rasé les ration avec 270 personnes à Lhasa, dont un certain nombre ont
anciens quartiers enserrant les monuments historiques pour y bénéficié de plans de formation, et d'apprentissage dans les tech-
installer des places ou des squares ornés de maigres massifs et a niques anciennes de construction. La municipalité de Lhasa a égale-
construit à proximité de ces monuments des bâtiments modernes ment formé des équipes d'artisans et d'ouvriers spécialisés dans la
hideux (voir à ce sujet Barnett, 1998). Le Jokhang avait déjà subi ce restauration, ce qui veut dire que la revalorisation de l'architecture
sort, avec la création d'une vaste place devant son entréé; le Potala non monastique semble désormais prise en considération.
n'y a pas échappé. TI a été inscrit par l'Unesco sur la liste du Actuellement, la politique urbaine de la ville de Lhasa encourage
Patrimoine mondial en 1995, ce qui aurait dû entraîner la restaura- activement la restauration de nombreux immeubles et temples au
tion des bâtiments environnants pour respecter le contexte archi- centre historique de la ville. En outre, la nomination du Jokhang sur
tectural. Leur démolition a été déplorée, mais elle a été exécutée la liste de l'Unesco est chose faite (septembre 2000).
trop rapidement pour qu'une intervention quelconque puisse l'em- TI est à espérer que l'ensemble de ces mesures, si leur application
pêcher. En conséquence, on voit maintenant, immédiatement est poursuivie, permettra au cœur du Lhasa historique de respirer
devant le Potala, une esplanade carrée, avec des fontaines et des autrement, et de préserver un peu de l'identité culturelle tibétaine.
lampadaires électriques, et deux sculptures neuves de lions chinois Mais il ne faut pas se cacher que la croissanc-e extrême de la popu-
dans le style du xve siècle qui encadrent l'entrée de l'enceinte histo- lation: de 30000 en 1950 à 450000 en 1990 dans l'ensemble de la
rique. Cela en dépit du principe de la convention signée avec municipalité de Lhasa, est cause d'une situation globalement diffi-
l'Unesco, qui cherche à respecter l'intégrité du cadre historique cile, et que la spéculation foncière est présente ici comme partout
d'un lieu (Mac Lean, 1993), et qui implique que ce palais tibétain, ailleurs.
construit à partir de 1645, ne devrait en aucune manière être
« orné» de lions chinois qui imitent le style du xve siècle!
Mais on ne doit pas oublier la conservation et la restauration de
ce qui reste de l'architecture non monastique. Sans parler des autres 72. Où en sont les études tibétologiques en Chine?
villes tibétaines, ou de l'architecture militaire et des demeures
nobles, les historiens urbanistes qui ont étudié la ville de Lhasa Les Tibétains ont «une longue histoire et une brillante culture
constatent la disparition de cette architecture: à partir de 1993 et [. ..J. La tibétalogie est une science multidisciplinaire) dont les
jusqu'en 1998,35 bâtiments anciens, en moyenne, ont été démolis recherches) dans le plein sens du terme) remontent à la dynastie des
276 Le Tibet est-il chinotS ? Culture et éducation 277
Tang (618-907) ou encore plus loin. Des milliers d'écrits relatifs à la texte original et proposent leurs lectures et corrections éventuelles
#bétologie ont été les résultats de ces recherches effectuées à diffé- en note.
rentes époques. » Avec ces restrictions, il est vrai que la tibétologie a été officielle-
Les recherches tibétologiques sont en plein essor et ont obtenu des ment encouragée. li y aurait environ 2000 «tibétologues» en
résultats remarquables dans les domaines de la formation de tibéto- Chine, dont la moitié serait d'origine tibétaine, regroupés essentiel-
logues - tibétains et d'autres ethnies - et du rassemblement des docu- lement à Lhasa, à Chengdu, à Xining, et à Pékin. (Ce nombre élevé
ments hlstoriques. Des organismes de recherche ont été créés; en ne doit pas faire illusion, car il inclut tous ceux qui s'occupent du
particulier; la création du Centre de recherches tibétologiques de Tibet: politologues, traducteurs, éditeurs, etc.) li existe une
Chine, en mai 1986, a favorisé le développement des études tibétolo- cinquantaine d'instituts de tibétologie, mais dont certains n'ont
giques dans tout le pays. qu'un ou deux membres (Tan Hongkai, 2000).
Certaines disciplines ou sujets sont particulièrement favorisés;
on l'a vu avec la littérature et la protection du patrimoine.
Amy HELLER et Anne-Marie BLONDEAU : Remarquons d'emblée L'ethnologie et l'étude de la vie des nomades ont été reconnues
que la définition chinoise de la tibétologie diffère grandement de comme étant d'utilité économique aussi bien que culturelle.
celle qui est couramment admise en Occident, celle d'une discipline Toutefois, si la recherche sur l'histoire ancienne - avec les limita-
moderne qui utilise tous les outils des sciences humaines et sociales tions et les impératifs politiques soulignés dans les questions précé-
pour l'étude du Tibet et de sa civilisation. Les Chinois, e"9x, englo- dentes - et l'archéologie connaissent un essor, l'étude de l'histoire
bent dans leur définition la documentation en chinois sur le Tibet moderne est particulièrement contrôlée. Cette attitude est très
ou les Tibétains - qui apparaît depuis les Annales des Tang - dans nette. Ainsj Lhagpa Phüntsog, l'actuel secrétaire général du Centre
les écrits officiels, les encyclopédies, les récits de voyage ou de pèle- chinois d'Etudes tibétaines, à Pékin, a récemment déclaré: «Les
rinage... Tous écrits qui, pour la science occidentale, sont des docu- traditions du passé sont une abondante fontaine de sagesse. Mais
ments et non des recherches scientifiques; mais cela permet aux nous ne devrions pas nous complaire dans le passé; nos efforts
Chinois de revendiquer, même dans ce domaine, l'antiquité de la doivent aussi bénéficier aux Tibétains d'aujourd'hui.» Et il a
discipline en Chine. Néanmoins, cette théorie posée, les tibéto- ajouté: «Alors que la clique du dalaï-lama, sous le couvert de tibé-
logues chinois travaillent au quotidien avec des méthodes et des tologues, s'active à déformer les réalités actuelles au Tibet, les tibé-
outils en tous points comparables à ceux de leurs collègues occi- tologues chinois ont l'obligation de dire au monde ce qu'était le
dentaux, si l'on excepte les sujets «politiquement sensibles» qui Tibet, et ce qu'il est» (Tan Hongkai, 2000).
sont tabous, les apriori idéologiques inévitables et l'absence d'esprit D'un autre côté, aussi, la tibétologie est exploitée sciemment, car
critique, souvent, à quoi s'ajoute une méconnaissance presque la traduction en tibétain des classiques chinois et de la littérature
totale des publications extérieures, ce qui nuit à la valeur intrin- chinoise courante, qui est une manière d'intégrer culturellement les
sèque des travaux chinois dans certains domaines. Mais la tibéto- Tibétains à la culture han, est du ressort des «tibétologues»
logie chinoise est jeune, contrairement à la définition chinoise de la chinois.
discipline, et il serait trop facile d'en souligner les faiblesses qui, à Curieusement - est-ce un effet de l'ethnocentrisme han? -les
coup sûr, seront corrigées au fur et à mesure que les contacts avec auteurs de Cent questions insistent sur la création du Centre de
l'étranger se multiplieront. On peut en citer un exemple: dans les recherches tibétologiques de Chine, auquel la question suivante est
premières éditions de textes classiques - épopée, historiographies, entièrement consacrée; ils ne disent pas un mot des autres institu-
biographies, etc. -, les éditeurs « révisaient» le texte pour le rendre tions, certaines fort actives pourtant, dans les villes que l'on a citées
lisible par un lectorat contemporain; maintenant, ils publient le plus haut. En particulier, l'Académie des sciences sociales de Lhasa
278 Le Tibet est-il chinois? Culture et éducation 279
a des activités tout à fait parallèles à celles du Centre de Pékin et a ceux de linguistique, de recherche sur l'épopée de Gésar, d'études
déjà édité un grand nombre d'ouvrages rares, dont certains appar- bënpo...
tiennent à la bibliothèque du Potala. L'Académie publie aussi une Le responsable pendant longtemps en a été Dorjé Tséten, un
revue en tibétain, Recherches tibétaines (Bojong zhibjug), plus éclec- politicien qui a également exercé des fonctions de responsabilité
tique et moins orientée politiquement que La Tibétologie en Chine administrative et politique au sein de la Région autonome du Tibet,
publiée par le Centre de Pékin. comme l'indique la réponse de Cent questions. Depuis 2000, le
responsable est un autre Tibétain, Lhagpa Phüntsog, qui a été prési-
dent de l'académie des sciences sociales de Lhasa, puis vice-prési-
dent de la Région autonome du Tibet de 1992 à 1997 (Connor et
73. Que fait le Centre de recherches tibétologiques [de Pékin] ? Barnett, 1997, p. 241).
Qui en est le responsable? En plus des activités signalées par la réponse chinoise, le centre
de Pékin a réuni trois congrès internationaux de tibétologie en
Ce centre est chargé « d'organiser et de coordonner les recherches 1986, 1991 et 1997, sur des domaines de sciences sociales et
tibétologiques dans l'ensemble du pays» et il a de multiples activités humaines, comprenant l'histoire, l'archéologie, l'ethnologie, la litté-
de recherche, de recueil et d'édition de la littérature tibétaine, de rature.
publication de travaux tibétologiques, de formation des jeunes tibéto-
logues, d'échanges scientifiques en Chine et à l'étranger. SOl} adminis-
trateur général [en 1988] est le savant tibétain Dojie Caidan [Dorjé
Tséten], qui a occupé le poste de président du gouvernement popu-
74. Qu'a fait la Chine pour développer la médecine et la pharma-
laire de la RAT.
copée tibétaines qu~ dit-on) sont très remarquables?
Les réalisations et recherches en cours concernent: la «mise à
jour» et la publication du Tripitaka en tibétain [Les Trois Corbeilles
Elles « tiennent une place très importante dans la médecine et la
ou recueils des textes canoniques du bouddhisme indien], ainsi que
des publications de travaux chinois; le classement et l'étude des pharmacopée chinoises [. ..]. Le gouvernement chinois a accordé une
manuscrits sanskrits [conservés au Tibet]; l'étude des relations entre attention particulzêre à leur développement» en vezllant à leur trans-
le gouvernement central et le gouvernement local du Tibet depuis les mission) leur revalorisation et leur amélioration. Des publications
Yuan, celle du servage. Le centre publie aussi régulièrement la revue importantes ont été faites) d'ouvrages classiques et nouveaux. Pour
trimestrielle La Tibétologie en Chine, en chinois et en tibétain. l'enseignement) «une faculté de médecine tibétaine a été créée à
l'université du Tibet, et des cours de formation ont été organisés à
l'hôpital de Lhasa ». «L'Itzstitut de médecine tibétaine du Tibet est en
Amy HELLER: Depuis sa création, en 1986, le Centre de projet [en 1988].»
recherches tibétologiques de Pékin s'est beaucoup développé; «Avant la libération ») il n'y avait que trois centres de médecine:
même s'ils ne sont pas libres dans le choix de leurs sujets d'étude, «Mantsikhang» [Mentsikhang] et « Yagpoyi» [Cagpori] à Lhasa)
des chercheurs de talent y travaillent, et leurs résultats, tant dans le «Gejina» [?] au monastère de Tashilhünpo) mais qui ne soignaient
domaine de l'édition des textes classiques - religieux, historiques, que très peu de gens. Maintenant) la RAT compte 7 hôpitaux de
littéraires - que dans celui de la recherche, sont loin d'être négli- médecine tibétaine qui est présente aussi dans 71 hôpitaux de district.
geables. Plusieurs départements sont particulièrement intéressants: Il y a 1 170 praticiens et 9 fabriques de produits pharmaceutiques tibé-
tains. «Le Tibet compte également 700 autres établissements médi-
Culture et éducation 289
Tibet a une «faculté de langue tibétaine ». Divers instituts pédago- 1987 une «réglementation concernant l'étude, l'usage et le déve-
giques et de recherche sur la langue ont été ouverts dans la RAT" des loppement de la langue tibétaine» : elle imposait le tibétain comme
manuels scolaires en tibétain ont été publiés. seule langue dans l'enseignement primaire et stipulait que le chinois
Les documents officiels de la RAT destinés à la population sont ne devait être introduit qu'à l'âge de neuf ans. Le tibétain devait
rédigés en tibétain, ou sont bilingues, tibétain et chinois. remplacer le chinois dans le secondaire à partir de 1993, et la
Le gouvernement populaire et l'assemblée de la RAT ont élaboré plupart des cours à l'Université de Lhasa devaient se faire en tibé-
la «réglementation concernant l'étude, l'usage et le développement tain peu après 2000. Le «Comité directeur du travail dans le
de la langue tibétaine» et, en février 1988, un «comité directeur du domaine de la langue tibétaine », créé en 1988 d'après Cent ques-
travail dans le domaine de [la] langue tibétaine », dont les conseillers tions (China's Current Policy, p. 18, parle d'un «Comité directeur
sont Ngapoi Ngawang-Jigme et bainqen-erdini [le panchen-lama], a de la RAT pour le tibétain écrit et parlé », installé en 1993), était
été mis en place et a commencé l'élaboration des « mesures d'applica- chargé de mettre en œuvre cette réglementation.
tion » de cette réglementation. «Par exemple, les documents officiels Tout a été remis en question à la suite du lIre Forum sur le travail
de la Région non libellés en langue tibétaine seront refusés à partir de au Tibet et de ses directives pour le développement économique de
lafin de 1990.» Les sceaux, certificats et noms des organismes publics la RAT, son alignement sur les autres provinces et la suppression du
doivent être bilingues. Ces mesures vont certainement développer la «séparatisme» tibétain. C. Bass (2000) explique comment les
langue tibétaine et son utilisation. mesures en faveur de l'enseignement du tibétain prévues par le
1er colloque sur le Tibet, en 1980, ont été abandonnées au profit du
chinois lorsque la priorité a été donnée au développement écono-
Amy HELLER et Anne-Marie BLONDEAU: Plus de dix ans après mique dans les années quatre-vingt-dix, et donc à l'efficacité immé-
l'optimisme de la réponse chinoise, quelle est la réalité au Tibet diate. Le comité directeur a été dissout, et ses membres « seniors»
actuel ? transférés au Bureau de traduction régional. Les projets d'extension
Pour ce qui est des médias, il existe un journal en tibétain, Le du tibétain dans le secondaire ont été abandonnés, et les cours en
Quotidien du Tibet, mais il est difficile à trouver, même à Lhasa. TI y tibétain à l'Université, supprimés, tandis que les professeurs
a désormais des chaînes radiophoniques officielles qui émettent en
devaient réécrire les manuels pour en expurger le contenu religieux
chinois et en tibétain; de même, la télévision est produite une nuit
(China's Current Policy, p. 19). L'Université du Tibet, à Lhasa,
sur deux en tibétain. Est-ce un pur hasard si c'est le plus souvent la
propose un enseignement dans plusieurs branches, mais tout ce qui
nuit d'émission en tibétain que le réseau électrique est bloqué pour
est enseignement scientifique est dispensé en dehors de la Région
surconsommation pendant toute la soirée? Quoi qu'il en soit, on
autonome du Tibet et en chinois. Actuellement, tous les cours sont
peut aussi capter à ses risques et périls la diffusion radiophonique
en chinois, sauf ceux du département de littérature tibétaine
de Radio Free Tibet et, en anglais, de nombreuses chaînes indiennes
(Tournadre, 1999). En 1997, le secrétaire délégué du Parti de la
et étrangères, dont la BBC. La radio et la télévision sont des outils
efficaces de sinisation: elles sont accessibles partout au Tibet, égale- RAT, Tenzin Gyatso, rendit publique la décision d'imposer le
ment envahi de radiocassettes bon marché jusque dans les tentes de chinois obligatoire dès le primaire. Raidi, secrétaire exécutif
nomades. délégué du Comité tibétain du Parti communiste chinois, expliquait
Quant à l'enseignement, l'école primaire est effectivement en qu'« une nationalité ethnique qui n'étudie et n'utilise que sa propre
tibétain - ou l'était jusqu'en 1997 -, avec introduction progressive langue écrite et parlée est définitivement une nationalité ethnique
de la langue chinoise, obligatoire dans le secondaire. L'Assemblée insulaire, sans avenir ni espoir» (Xinhua, 9 mars 1999, cité dans
populaire de la RAT avait, comme le dit Cent questions, adopté en China's Current Policy, 20).
292 Le Tibet est-il chinois ? Culture et éducation 293
Dans ce contexte, l'application de la réglementation qui tante sur tous les médias de la Région autonome tibétaine et des
prévoyait la rédaction en tibétain des documents officiels à partir de préfectures autonomes tibétaines de Qinghai, Sichuan, Gansu, et
1990 et l'usage du tibétain comme langue officielle de la RAT est Yunnan. » On en est d'autant plus loin que, dans le cadre du « déve-
bien sûr suspendue. Aujourd'hui, dans tous les bureaux, les loppement de l'Ouest », les étudiants, chercheurs et techniciens
réunions de travail se tiennent obligatoirement en chinois, même si chinois sont fortement incités à porter leur savoir à l'ouest et que
l'assemblée est composée uniquement de Tibétains (Toumadre, des associations ont été formées entre les meilleures universités de
ibid.). l'est et de l'ouest, dont celle de Lhasa (sur le détail de ces actions
li est inutile de dire que ces mesures encouragent, forcément, qui incluent le Xinjiang et la Chine occidentale propre, voir ChinaJs
l'utilisation du chinois comme langue courante au Tibet; même les Great Leap West, pp. 55-56).
chercheurs tibétains utilisent le chinois entre eux et, dans un entre-
tien ou une conférence en tibétain, prennent des notes en chinois.
Mais ce qui est encore plus grave est l'analphabétisme. Une revue
chinoise (ChinaJs Tibet, 1995, p. 36) a donné les chiffres suivants,
d'après le recensement de 1990: parmi les Tibétains de plus de RÉFÉRENCES CITÉES
quinze ans, 44,43 % étaient analphabètes. Seuls 0,57 % avaient
reçu une formation universitaire; 2,12 % avaient suivi le lycée; Action poétique, n0157, Paris, 2000.
ALEXANDER A et AzEVEDO P. de, The Old City 0/ Lhasa. Report /rom a
3,85 % une formation secondaire, et 18,6 % avaient fréquenté
Conservation Pro}ect (avec un relevé du plan de la ville), Tibet Heritage
l'école primaire (voir aussi l'analyse de l'analphabétisme faite par
Fund,1998.
V Iversen dans la section sur le développement économique: la ques- BASS c.,« Le développement de l'enseignement »,Action PoétiqueJ nO 157,
tion 28 sur la scolarisation et la question 86). Selon N. Toumadre 2000, pp. 71-74.
(ibid.) : «La primauté totale du chinois dans l'éducation et sur les CHAYET A, Art et Archéologie du Tibet, Paris, Picard, 1994.
médias a pour conséquence de scinder la société tibétaine en deux ChinaJs Current Policy on Tibet. Life-and-Death Struggle to Crush an
groupes: la population urbaine, en général très sinisée et qui a accès Ancient Civilization, Dharamsala, Department of Information and
à l'éducation secondaire, et, d'autre part, les paysans et les éleveurs International Relations, 2000.
nomades (environ 80 % de la population globale) qui parlent tibé- ChinaJs Tibet, n° 2,1995.
tain, souvent analphabètes [... J. Lorsque ces jeunes descendent ChinaJs Great Leap West, Londres, TIN, 2000.
dans les villes, ils se sentent vraiment étrangers. » CONNER V. et BARNETT R, Leaders in Tibet, Londres, TIN, 1997.
Courrier international, nO 539, 1-7 mars 200l.
C'est pour tenter de remédier à cela que le Lycée tibétain de
DAVID-NEEL A et Lama YONGDEN, La Vie surhumaine de Guésar de Ling,
Pékin recrute 70 % de ses élèves parmi ceux dont les parents ne le héros thibétain, 1930; rééd. Paris, Éd. du Rocher, 1992.
sont pas cadres ou employés dans les usines; certains viennent Did Tibet become an Independent Country a/ter the Revolution 0/1911,
même des familles nomades des hauts-plateaux (PeopleJs Daily). La Pékin, China Intercontinental Press, 1994 (brochure distribuée dans
formation du niveau du lycée est donnée dans 24 écoles qui recru- les ambassades en plusieurs langues).
tent annuellement 1300 adolescents tibétains, telles que le Lycée HELLER A, «La sauvegarde des monuments historiques », in Olivier
tibétain de Pékin déjà cité, qui compte 700 élèves tibétains. lis Moulin (éd.), TibetJ l'envers du décor, Genève, Olizane, 1993, pp. 177-
étudient le tibétain, mais aussi le chinois et l'anglais. 182.
Selon N. Toumadre (ibid.) : «La seule façon de sortir de l'im- KARMAY S. G., «Mountain Cults and National Identity in Tibet », in R
passe actuelle serait de réaliser un système éducatif réellement Barnett et Shïrin Akiner (éd.), Resistance and Re/orm in Tibet, Londres,
Hurst, 1994, pp. 112-120.
bilingue tibétain-chinois et d'accorder au tibétain une place impor-
294 Le Tibet est-il chinois? Culture et éducation 295
Médecine
A Brief Introduction of Tibetan Medicine and Hospital, Lhasa, Tibetan
Medical Hospital of the Autonomous Region, 1987.
CRAIG J. R, «The Transformations of Tibetan Medicine », Medical
Anthropology Quarterly, 9 (1), 1995, pp. 6-39.
Khenpo TRORU TSENAM, « Tibetan Medicine Today : A View From Tibet »,
in Jan Van Alphen et Anthony Aris (éd.), Oriental Medicine, Londres,
Serindia Publications, 1995, pp. 146-153 ; trad. fr., Médecines orien-
tales. Guide illustré des Médecines d'Asie, Arles, Solin-Actes Sud, 1998.
MEYER F., «La médecine tibétaine: tradition ancienne et nouveaux
enjeux », in Olivier Moulin (éd.), Tibet, l'envers du décor, Genève,
Olizane, 1993, pp. 89-95.
-, Gso-ba rig-pa. Le système médical tibétain, Paris, Éd. du CNRS, 1981.
-, PARFIONOVIC Y. et GYURME Dorje (éd.), Tibetan Medical Paintings.
Illustrations to the Blue Beryl Treatise ofSangye Gyamtso f1653-1705),
Londres, Serindia Publications, 1992.
CHAPTER SIX
Amy Helier
The political power of the Dalai Lama lineage derived its strength-
and still does-from an overwhelming religious belief in a dearly
defined group of guardian deities that protected the lineage. The
deities were, therefore, of utmost importance, and it was incumbent
on the Dalai Lama to worship them to gain their benevolence. The
great responsibility attributed to the sacred protectors of the Great
Fifth Dalai Lama was to safeguard the stability of his government,
newly formed in 1642.
The Fifth Dalai Lama progressively restructured the organization
of the government in his capacity as administrator, but in his capac-
ity as spiritual leader, through his visions' and literary compositions
(both biographical and liturgical) he profoundly modified the modal-
ities of worship of certain protective deities to suit his needs. He
used the deities, or rather the power attributed to them, to legit-
imize his power, insofar as the celebration of their cult was also a
celebration in honour of the political regime. He glorified his line
of incarnations by reinstating the religious preferences of the earlier
Dalai Lamas as well as by celebrating rituals composed by them,
particularly those of the Second Dalai Lama. He also integrated the
worship of protective deities of other monastic orders into public cel-
ebrations in order to gain the support of their followers for the ideal
of a central government and to reinforce positive relations among
the various monastic schools. The geographic zone of influence of the
protective deities grew as political power was extended beyond the
zone of the early Ge1ukpa monasteries in the Lhasa region, eventu-
ally encompassing under the Great Fifth a territory stretching essen-
tially from Ladalth to some of the regions of Sichuan.
The Fifth Dalai Lama composed approximately two hundred rit- black goddess who receives blood offerings such as the sacrifice of
uals dedicated to a multitude of guardians of extraordinary variety. a roosler. The Tibetans also borrowed conceptually from the Indian
Among them, four deities have particular importance: Lhamo, the goddess Revati-called Remati in Tibetan. She is known as an ogress
principal female protector; the warrior Begtse, who sometimes acted who, according to Indian mythology, takes the lives of young chil-
in tandem with Lhamo as her partner or associate; the guardian of dren. Moreover, Lhamo has assimilated attributes and legends of
the law Mahakala in his aspect as a Yogin; and the State Oracle, several local pre-Buddhist Tibetan deities, traditionally associated with
Dorje Drakden. divination by Tibetan Buddhism.
The drawings of Begtse and Dorje Drakden used here come from As Lhamo has so many distinct forms, a physical description will
the catalogue volume of the Kanjur, the Tibetan Buddhist canon in help explain the composite mythology and iconography of this deity.
one hundred volumes, which was printed in Lhasa at the beginning This is how she is described in a Gelukpa ritual of praise, dedicated
of the 20th century by order of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama. They to the aspect called Palden Lhamo Mazorma, (literally, "the glori-
appear in the margins of the last pages, a position from which the ous goddess who holds the magic offering of war"):
deities can "protect" the contents of the volume and the collection.
In the middle of a vast wild sea of blood and fat, in the centre of a
To show the appearance of Mahakala, a detail from a late 17th cen- black storm, mounted 0; a ~ang with a white spot on its forehead
tury thangka has been selected. Lhamo is represented on an impressive and a belt of raksasa heads and a raksasa skin as its cover, with a crup-
thangka from the Musee Guimet in Paris. After a description of these per, bridle and reins consisting of poisonous snakes, Palden Lhamo
deities, we will examine some of the myths associated with them. Mazorma Gyelmo Remati comes forth from the syllable BHYO. Dark
blue in colour, she has onc face and two hands. Her right hand wields
a club-adorned with a thunderbolt-which she lifts above the heads
of oath breakers; the left hand holds in front of her breast the skull
The Glorious Goddess: Palden Lhamo of a child born of incestuous union, full of substances possessing magic
virtues and blood. Her mouth gapes open widely and she bares her
The most important guardian of all is undoubtedly Lhamo, whose four sharp teeth; she chews a corpse and laughs thunderously. Her
simplified name means "Goddess". She is often called Palden Lhamo, three eyes, red and globular, move like lightning and her forehead is
Glorious Goddess. She is recognized nowadays as the personal pro- wrinkled with great anger. Her yellowish-brown hair stands on end,
her eyebrows and the hair of her face burn fiercely like the fire that
tector deity of the Dalai Lama, but she is also known in diverse ends a kalpa. Her right ear is adorned with five human skulls, and she
aspects in all schools of Tibetan Buddhism. wears a garland of fifty freshly severed, blood-dripping heads. Her
The origins of her cult are ancient and complex. Palden Lhamo body is covered with splashes of blood and specks of fat, and is smeared
is the Tibetan translation of the Sanskrit name Shri Devi, the great with the ashes of cremated corpses. On the crown of her head shines
Indian goddess who, as the wife of Vishnu, personifies Beauty and the disc of the moon and on her navel that of the sun. She wears a
scarf made of black silk and sits on a human skin; her upper garment
Fortune. Rather than the character, however, it is the name of this
is made of rough black cloth, and her loincloth is a skin, freshly stripped
goddess that the Tibetans borrowed. Lhamo's appearance and mythol- from a tiger, fastened by a girdle consisting of two entwined snakes.
ogy are totally different from the Indian Shri Devi, "model spouse, From the saddle-straps in front is suspended a sack full of diseases,
radiant image and helpful in all respects" as Louis Renou described from the straps at the back, a magic ball of thread. A tram-shing (div-
her. 2 Lhamo has a fierce expression, her black emaciated body ination stick) is stuck in her waist-belt. A load of red tablets and a
adorned only with garlands of bones, and tiger skin or elephant hide, pair of dice, white and black, hang from the straps. On her head, she
wears an umbrella of peacock-feathers. 3
all of which evoke the frightening Hindu deities. Especially, for exam-
ple, Durga, consort of Shiva, the lord of Destruction, or Kali, the Plate I shows a form of Lhamo that closely corresponds to this
description. Most of the attributes are in fact linked to her mythology.
2 L. Renou, 1987: 45. :1 This description is adapted from R. de Nebesky~'Wojkowitz, 1975: 25-26.
84 AMY HELLER THE GREAT PROTECTOR DEITIES 85
For example, the eye on the mule's flank results from an accident
in one of Lhamo's previous lives in India. Lhamo was then the
spouse of the king of demons who lived on the island of Sri Lanka.
She decided to forcibly convert the inhabitants of the island to
Buddhism, and vowed that she would kill her own son if she did
not succeed. Confronted with her failure, she had to sacrifice her
son; then she attached his freshly peeled skin to the saddle. The king
pursued her and injured the mule on the flank with an arrow. The
eye is the trace of the wound, magically transformed by Lhamo's
power.
Lhamo can be represented alone or she can accompany a form
of Mahakala as a consort or as an attendant. Among the various
forms of Lhamo, the attributes vary, although the wrathful dark-
coloured female is constant. For the magic wand, a sword may be
substituted, sometimes with the hilt in the shape of a seorpion.'
Lhamo may sometimes have four arms~~three holding weapons and
one holding a skull cup. The members of her entourage can vary
considerably. There is often a goddess with the head of a lion, and
another with the head of a makara, a mythological creature resem-
bling a crocodile merged with a feline. Sometimes called "goddess
of the four seasons" she then has four attendant goddesses of different
colours. She is also called mistress of the twelve Tenma goddesses
and is represented in the centre of a group of twelve female deities
that have heads of various animals.
In the world of Tibetan Buddhism, the cult of Lhamo has a very
long history. According to the Second nalai Lama, who wrote a
short history of the worship of Lhamo, her cult was introduced to
Tibet during the 11 th century by teachers from Oddiyana, a land
identified either as Bengal or as the province of Swat in Pakistan.
The first to transmit the teachings in Tibet was an itinerant reli-
gious master called Atsarya Marpo (the Red Atsarya/Acarya) or
Pandita Sangwa Sherab (the Pandit of Secret Wisdom). Subsequently,
lamas of both the Nyingmapa and Kagyupa schools spread the teach-
ings. The most ancient representations known of Lhamo are those
in the sanctuaries of Alchi (Ladakh), probably dating from the found-
Palden Lhamo ing of this monastery (late 11 th century).
Blockprint (or xylograph), 8 x 8 cm, Lhasa Kanjur, 1934
Beinccke Rare Book and Manuscript Library
photograph by Amy HelIer
~ For more on the mythology of the scorpion in Tibet see A Heller, 1997:
283-298.
86 AMY HELLER THE GREAT PROTECTOR DEITIES 87
About the same time, teachers of the Sakyapa religious school certain that this place is protected by Lhamo because the infinite ways
received the initiations of the teachings devoted to Lhamo and chose in which she acts cannot be expressed in words. '''1hat I write is only
her as Great Protectress of the Dharma (dharmapala). In this case, an approximation. Even for myself, since I became abbot of Tashilunpo
in 1512, I was constantly performing rituals specially for Lhamo, three
Lhamo had the role of first c.onsort of Mahakala, principal male pro-
times a day her torma (ritual cake) offering, and also in the evening,
tector deity of the Sakyapa school. It was a Sakyapa tcacher who the performance of rituals of expiation and offering of torma. Mtcr the
transmitted the Lhamo teachings to the First Dalai Lama (1391-1471).' New Year tmma offering in 1514, I also performed the rituals of sev-
The First Dalai Lama was then the abbot of Tashilunpo, where he eral gods along with those lor Lhamo, the rituals for Mahakala with
faithfully practised the rituals and taught them to his pupils, includ- six arms, Yama, Lahao, Mahakala with four heads, and Begtse, as
ing the father of the Second Dalai Lama who subsequently initiated guardian of the teachings.'
his son. As one reads Gendun Gyatso's account, it is understandable that he
Gendun Gyatso (1475-1542), the Second Dalai Lama, played a was moved and became a particularly fervent devotee of the cult of
major role in the development of the cult of Lhamo. He encour- Lhamo, and remained so all his life. Ever since his time, the lake
aged the construction of new monasteries and travelled extensively where he had the visions is known as the Lhamo Latso, the soul
to visit them; he was highly successful at gaining the financial sup- lake of Lhamo. It is considered a sacred place, reputed to be par-
port for these activities from lay benefactors from western Tsang to ticularly propitious to mystic visions. Nowadays, it is also considered
eastern D, bordering Kongpo. The cult of Lhamo, and those of the to be the sacred place of the Dalai Lama lineage, because, since
guardians who were worshipped with her, grew with this expansion Gendun Gyatso's visit, all the Dalai Lamas have made the pilgrim-
of the Gelukpa school. Gendun Gyatso found favour with the lords age here. The excerpt from his autobiography allows us to realize
of the region of Olkha, east of Lhasa, on the north bank of the that already at the beginning of the 16th century, the guardian deities
Tsangpo beyond Samye. Thus in 1509, he founded the monastery were venerated at the time of the annual New Year celebrations.
of Chokhorgyel in Olkha which he considered to be his personal Ever since, these rituals to the guardians have been perpetuated by
monastery. Just before the construction began, Palden Lhamo had all the Dalai Lamas.
appeared to him in a vision, helping him to choose the exact place
to build. Shortly afterwards, accompanied by a few of his disciples,
he went to a lake near the monastery, and again there were visions. The Great Ferocious Master if Vitality: Begtse
In 1528 he described these in his autobiography:
Then, when I arrived at the edge of the lake, the surface was shin- When Gendun Gyatso visited Lhamo's lake, he first visited a smaller
ing brilliantly white and I performed a ritual dedicated to Lhamo. At lake nearby, which is now known as Begtse's lake. Even in 1933,
the moment of the invocation, a snowstorm suddenly began, coming the search party looking for the reincarnation of the Thirteenth Dalai
from the east, but as the snow fell on the lake, the colour did not Lama sent a mission to the two lakes seeking clues that would help
change. Immediately after, each of us perceived the rays of light, which find the child who would be recognized as the Fourteenth Dalai
formed the colours of the rainbow, and clearly above, there were five
palaces with turrets. Then the lake took on the colours of the sky! Lama. These lakes symbolize in traditional sacred geography the dis-
Next, there was a frightening moment: the lake suddenly divided into tinctive relationship between Begtsc and Lhamo, as these two pro-
two parts, a flat square area and a part like a mountain that seemed tective deities had formerly been named personal guardians of the
to rise to the sky. And I understood that ... this was the magic of Dalai Lama line.
Lhamo. "Ve all witnessed these miraculous apparitions. It is therefore Plate 2 shows the protector deity Begtse as a ferocious warrior
5 The Gelukpa monastic school had been founded in the 14th century and had 6 This passage is excerpted from the autobiography of the Second Dalai Lama
experienced rapid success from its base in Lhasa and also in Tsang at the monastery Gedun Gyatso, (le nyid kyi mam thar. I would like to thank Samten Karmay for his
of Tashilunpo. critical comments on my translation.
88 AMY HELLER THE GREAT PROTECTOR DEITIES 89
Zhangpa tradition and also performed the rituals dedicated to Begtse. and he brandished weapons, notably a lance. Padmasambhava ordered
In 1458 the first Dalai Lama had received an initiation for Begtse these two protectors to accompany the Dalai Lama until his new
when he visited the Sakyapa monastery called Bodong, but Tanag birth. When he reached adolescence, the Dalai Lama had a dream
monastery was the special place associated with Gendun Gyatso's in which Begste appeared to him and declared "I am your personal
family. The transmission of the teachings descended from father to protector". As Begtse had been an important protector of Gendun
son, down to Gendun Gyatso, who took vows of monastic celibacy. Gyatso, it was logical that this role be maintained for the next incar-
Gendun Gyatso transmitted the teachings to his disciples in the nation, but this time in tandem with Lhamo. In fact, this role of
monastery. Hitherto, this tradition dedicated to Begtse had been a protection reached its apogee under the patronage of the Fifth Dalai
family cult, but with Gendun Gyatso, it amounts to the elaboration Lama, and Lhamo and Begtse were named as protectors of his funer-
of an institutional cult, within the Gelukpa monastic school. Here, ary monument, thus continuing their guardianship after his death.
Begtse was worshipped as one of the principal protectors, like Lhamo."
The history of the relationship between Begtse and Lhamo is par-
ticularly interesting because elements of several legends are amalga- The TerriJYing Yogin: Mahakala as Gonpo Bramze
mated over time. Two traditions are emphasized: that of the Dalai
Lama and that of the Tsarpa, a branch of the Sakyapa school. The The teacher Tsarchen (1502-1566), a master of a Sakyapa lineage,
Second Dalai Lama was initiated into teachings on Begtse in which refonnulated certain teachings on protective deities, including Palden
the latter was the acolyte to a special form of Hayagriva, one of the Lhamo Mazorma and Begtse, but also Mahakala as a Yogin (or
wrathful deities in the esoteric teachings of Padmasambhava. Begtse Brahman), who is linked to with them. Tsarchen had studied the
was the warrior protector of this form of Hayagriva, and as far as transmission of teachings translated by Nyan the Translator, which
we know, Begtse was the only red protector dressed in armour who were perpetuated among the Sakyapa masters. According to these
was venerated by Gendun Gyatso. But at the time of the Third teachings, in India the deity called the four-faced Mahakala had two
Dalai Lama, according to orders from Padmasambhava, the red acolytes, one red and one black. In Tibet, the red assistant was rep-
warrior Begtse became attached to the Dalai Lama lineage as pro- resented by Begtse while the black became Mahakala dressed as a
tector. This development is first explained in the Third Dalai Lama's Brahman. The Tibetans translated his name as Gonpo Bramze, the
biography, written by the Fifth Dalai Lama in 1646. Brahman Protector. According to Tsarchen's biography, written by
According to Tibetan beliefs, there is an after-death state called the Fifth Dalai Lama in 1676, when Tsarchen was a child, he
the bardo which precedes the rebirth. According to his biography, implored Lhamo to help him be virtuous. Shortly thereafter a strange
the Third Dalai Lama travelled to several paradises during his bardo. event occurred: a very impressive red man appeared to Tsarchen,
He stopped in Padmasambhava's paradise where two unnamed pro- and took in his hands the ritual cake or forma which was dedicated
tectors, one big and one small, appeared to him. As the "big" pro- to him-this was the protector Begtse, and he was accompanied by
tector was black and had, as attributes, a sword and a skull cup full Mahakala. Tsarchen was the first to greatly venerate the three pro-
of blood, it was identified as Lhamo. The "small" protector was red tectors together, thus it is the Tsarpa tradition that is believed to
in colour, dressed in armour and a helmet made of a reddish metal, have a strong karmic link with these deities. The Fifth Dalai Lama
was also a follower of Tsarpa teachings, and he wrote that the prac-
tice of rituals devoted to these three deities in combination was one
!l This is according to the First Dalai Lama's biography, written in 1474 by his
of the distinctive characteristics of this tradition?
personal disciple, shortly after his teacher's death in 1471. In addition to the fam-
ily line of teachings, the father of the Second Dalai Lama had been initiated into
teachings on Begtse by the First Dalai Lama, who had received them from the
Sakyapa teachers in 1458. Thus the Second Dalai Lama's father was holder of two 9 I would like to thank Yonten Gyatso for his help with the interpretation of
traditions of worship for Begtse which he passed on to his SOl1. these passages from Tsarchen's biography as well as several passages from the Third
92 AMY HELLER THE GREAT PROTECTOR DEITIES 93
Nowadays, the deity Dorje Drakden, who bears the title of Nechung
Chogycl, still has a special position within the government of the
Dalai Lama. This deity is manifested through a medium known as
the Nechung Oracle, whose name is taken from Nechung monastery,
and who acts as State Oracle of the Tibetan government in exile.
In Tibet, the tradition of such phenomena seems to go back to
ancient times. However, the oldest accounts known today date only
from the 17th century and describe oracle sessions during the 16th
century. Several deities appeared through mediums at that time,
although today, the Nechung Oracle is the only official oracle.
As seen in plate 4, this deity is male, dressed as a warrior in
armour. In the centre of his chest is a breastplate on which a let-
ter is written; this is in fact a mirror used in seances and the letter
is eonsidered the "seed syllable" from which the deity emerges to Dorje Drakden alias Nechung ChOgyel
enter the medium during the trance. The deity also wears a helmet Blockprint (or xylograph), 8 x 8 cm, Lhasa Kanjur, 1934
with a crown of five skulls and several triangular pennants at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library
sinciput. In his right hand, he wields a lance with silk pennants, and photograph hy Amy HelIer
in the left, the loops of a lasso or a slingshot used to coerce ene-
mies of the Buddhist doctrine. Behind, on his right, a quiver with
a few arrows may be seen, as well as, on his left, a bow. A long
96 AMY HELLER THE GREAT PROTECTOR DEITIES 97
sword is attached to the apron over the armour. A human body is divine protection to the monument and posthumous protection to
crushed beneath the feet of this stocky warrior. In certain respects, the deceased. It was only after the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama
iconographically, there is a great similarity between Necbung and that Nechung superseded Begtse in his role as personal protector of
Begtse, which is perhaps related to a tradition which considers the holder of the Dalai Lama lineage, a function that he retains
Nechung to be an emanation of Begtse. even to this day.
Today it is generally accepted that Nechung Chogyel is theoreti-
cally an emanation of the deity Pehar, a guardian deity who had
his seat at Samye from the 12th century. Several legends relate to The Personal Ritual ?ractites if the Fifth Dalai Lama
the arrival of Pehar in Lhasa. During the reign of the Fifth Dalai
Lama, Pehar would have sent Nechung towards Lhasa in order to The Fifth Dalai Lama studied under teachers of the Gelukpa, Nying-
be near the capital. Nechung took residence in a monastery but he mapa, and Tsarpa schools all his life. Their heterodox influences are
was not appreciated there and the lamas performed coercive rituals obvious in his liturgical compositions and his religious practices. His
to oblige him to leave. The deity then chose a tree near Drepung first mystical experiences occurred during his early childhood. When
as residence and a monastery was built around this tree which became he was eight, he made the pilgrimage to Chokhorgyel and the sacred
in itself a sanctuary of Pehar's emanation and eventually Pehar him- lake to pay homage to Lhamo. While visiting Chokhorgyel, he went
self came there. The name of the monastery, Nechung, literally "small to the chapel of the protective deities and meditated for a long while.
place" or "small presence", became the name of the deity and of Suddenly, the silk scarf fell from the image of Gonpo Bramze directly
the medium in which the deity manifests himself. into his hands-just like the omen that the Third Dalai Lama had
As for the tradition of Nechung as an emanation of Begtse, today received. The little boy interpreted this as the sign that he had a
this is less widely accepted. This tradition may derive partially from karmic relationship with this protective deity. He decided to wor-
a vision that the Fifth Dalai Lama had in 1672. One day when he ship him assiduously. Later in the same year, he had a vision in
was performing rituals devoted to Padmasambhava, the latter appeared which Gonpo Bramze appeared in a manifestation as an eight-year-
in a vision and once again designated Begtse as the protector assis- old boy, with blue skin, dressed in bone ornaments and a white
tant to the Dalai Lama. The vision persisted and Nechung appeared dhoti, carrying the femur trumpet and the skull cup. At age ten, the
as an acolyte of Begtse. It is clear that from a purely iconographic Fifth Dalai Lama was performing the mystical rites for Hayagriva,
perspective, Nechung and Begtse share many of the same attributes for whom Begtse is sometimes the acolyte; suddenly one night a
and both trample bodies, while Pehar and his other emanations are giant red whirlwind came into his room. He saw a red man whom
all riders on horseback. But Begtse and Nechung are differentiated he identified as Begtse. All the teachers assured him that this was
in their official roles. Already in 1658, the sight of offerings to Begtse the "magic power of the principal protector". After this vision, he
had provoked a most unusual moment of prescience in the Fifth learned by heart several rituals for Begtse and performed them on
Dalai Lama's life, vividly described in his autobiography. He sud- the 29th day of every month. Throughout his entire life, often dur-
denly had the impression of seeing before his eyes all the events of ing the first month of the year, the Fifth Dalai Lama ordered (spon-
the coming years and immediately established a series of political soring them himself) series of rituals for Lhamo, Begtse and Gonpo
policies for the next two years. Yet, according to all the Fifth Dalai Bramze to be performed in the monasteries and in the chapels at
Lama's accounts, Begtse was never incarnated in a medium to pre- Chokhorgyel. After taking residence in the newly constructed Potala
dict the future. In view of the fact that the Fifth Dalai Lama had palace, he performed these rituals there as well.
greatly venerated Begtse throughout his entire lifetime, Begtse and In Lhasa, every year, during the New Year ceremonies, the Fifth
Lhamo were appointed as guardians of the Fifth Dalai Lama's funer- Dalai Lama presided over a special offering of expiation, dedicated
alY stupa. The placing of special images of each as contents of the to Lhamo, for all sins, in order to start the year with a new karmic
stupa, along with the mummy of the Great Fifth, thus conferred basis. The Fifth Dalai Lama would also perform numerous rituals
98 AMY HELLER
in the Potala because tbere were chapels there as well that contained
several images of Lhamo. Iu particular, there was a painting believed
to have belonged to the Second Dalai Lama. It was an object of
special veneration. People called it the "talking thangka" because the
deity was consulted at the New Year through offerings placed before
it. Lhamo "spoke" through this painting and her prophecies for the
year to come were interpreted. This is a unique form of oracular
manifestation, and is, to our knowledge, Lhamo's only oracle.
The Fifth Dalai Lama introduced several innovations in the per-
formance of certain rituals. The Third Dalai Lama had established
the precedent of making a special offering of ritual cakes according
to a Tsarpa ritual devoted to Gonpo Bramze and Begtse. This cus-
tom had been interrupted, but in 1628, when he was twelve years
old, the Fifth Dalai Lama had a dream in which the Third Dalai
Lama appeared to him and ordered him to resume the rituals. Thus
it was done. For several years, during this ceremony of the 8th day
of the third month, the Fifth Dalai Lama regularly had visions of
Tsarchen, Gonpo Bramze and Begtse. During the Fifth Dalai Lama's
reign, there was also much new impetus for the cult of Pehar and
Nechung in the Lhasa region, which was another innovation of great
importance.
Considering the great multitude of protectors to whom the Fifth
Dalai Lama paid homage, this is merely a summary of some of the
rituals he practised and the visions he had. However, the process of
the construction of the mythology and the iconography may be
observed through the examples, and provides a glimpse of the com-
plex ways in which the Tibetans integrated new elements into their
systems of beliefs. In particular, it can be seen that at the time of
the unification of the Tibetan state in the mid-17th century, the geo-
graphic placement of the sacred sites for each deity-such as the
vision of Lhamo in Chbkhorgyel and the vision of Begtse bringing
the Mongol demons to be subdued by the Third Dalai Lama-reflect
the need to emphasize different regions and their local hierarchy, in
which the influence of the Lhasa government was on the rise. The
deity served to legitimize the presence of the Lhasa government in
the newly acquired regions. Thus, Tibetans in general and the Fifth
Dalai Lama in particular, beyond the purely religious function of
the worship, used the cult of protective deities in the process of estab-
lishing and the maintaining of political power.
Sa skya monastery (Tucci, 1949, p. 627, n. 72). Restorations
The Three Silver Brothers made to the temple and the images in circa 1336 by Punyamalla,
the ruler of Purane and the Ya tshe (Khasa Malla) kmgdom m
northwest Nepal p~obably reflected the Sa skya influence m the
region. There are also later accounts of visits by emment lamas.
Amy Helier
n the 19th century, a great fire destroyed much ofKhojamath,
ccording to Tibetan historical sources, in 996 Rinchen dalwood Ava[okiteshvaras. From the mid- [6th century, Tibetan
I and it is unclear how much of the original structures Sur~IV~.
Photographs taken during Giuseppe !ucci's visit (0 t.~e Site m
A bzangpo sponsored tbe foundation of a chapel at Khojar-
nath, in the southern part of the kingdom of Guge, near Tibet's
historians describe the Great Silver Image as having been cast
in western Tibet, the fruil of acollaboration between two master
July 1935 are the earliest concrete eVidence of the ~x.1stence of
the Khojarnath images, which were destroyed dunn~ the: ~ul
present-day border with India and Nepal. This was one of the craftsmen, Wangula from Kashmir and Ashvadharma from tural Revolution and later reconstructed ([an Alsop, A VISIt to
many temples he founded under the patronage of Yeshes 'od, epal (VitaIi, p. 263). [n [ocal lore and historical texts, the Khojamath', forthcoming). A photograph of the base taken
the ruler ofGuge who, with his brother Khorre, transformed the image is referred to as the 10 bo, the Great Silver Image or during the Tucd expedition shows the t?lck stem o~ a curva-
kingdom into a centre of Buddhist learning. Yeshes . od had sent 'Phags pa Jamali or Ama[i. In one tradition. JamalilAma[i is the ceous lotus plant guarded by twO nagaraJQ (serpent kl~gs) who
(Fig. 2) Replaced or
Rinchen bzangpo to study with Buddhist masters in India and name of one of the two Avalokiteshvara statues near Kath- restored central image clasp the stalks as they undulate to the right and left (FIg. I). As
Kashmir. When he returned, he brought with him numerous mandu. According to another, Jamali/Amali is the name given of the TIuee Brothers described in Wa gindra karma's text, the nagaraJa stand above
artists to help decorate the new monasteries in Toling and to the Avalokiteshvara situated at the border ofTibet, Nepa[ and Tibet, Khojamath the emblems of the seven jewels of royalty and the edges of
western Tibet. Many translators and artists from Nepal, Kash- India (i.e. at Khojamath). The name is very close to 'AmoIi', Height 243.8 cm lotus pedestals for statues are visible above their heads. T~e
mir and other parts of India came to Guge to work with the the light-emitting core stone which, according (0 a 16th century Photography by photograph of the chapel shows three images shrouded ~n
Eugenio Ghersi. 1935
Tibetans. The Kashmiri artists in particular were known for text, forms the basis for the miracle ofthe statue's self-originat- Courtesy of IstilUlo ltaliano per
clothes, with the right hand of the central figure. forme? 10
their casting skills in brass. They created majestic, large-scale ing base. The name lamali/Amali is the point where the tradi- I'Africa e l'Oriente. Rome varada mudra, the gesture of giving (Fig. 2). TUCCl ~escnbed
images with strong and athletic bodies richly inlaid with copper tions overlap. In the 16th century text la bo rill po che dngul the triad as one of Manjushri surrounded by Avalo~Jteshvara
and silver. sku mched gsum rlell dang brten par beas pa'i dkar chag (The and Vajrapani, and attributed all three images to Indian sculp-
Tibetan historians describe how an exceptional large silver History of the Great Lords: The Three Silver Brothers) by Wa tors workino at the end of the 10th century when the temple was
statue was created shortly after the Khojarnath monastery was gindra karma. the miracle is described: constructect"(fucci, [989, p. 74). Thecomhination ofthese three
founded. In fact, the Khojarnath image was revered as one of bodbisattvas is referred to a~ the Three Great Protectors (Rigs
the Three Jo bo (lit. 'great lord'), the most sacred images in After the casting of the statue, the king went into retreat and saw a light gSum mGon po).
Tibet; the other two being the sKyidrong Jo bo and the Jo bo like a butler lamp in the middle of the plain. He and the lama went to ln fact, many sculptures of these deities were brought. to or
Shakyamuni in the Jo khang, Lhasa's central shrine. The see what it was, but there was only a stone. This is the' Amoli' which made in Tibet during the 11 th century. These were typIcally
iconographic identification of the Khojamath Jo ha statue has emits light. and they brought itlO the chapel. In the centre of the stone. large images, described as more than a metre h1gh.
varied over time. From a chronological examination of the it was like Mount Meru. which arises as the centre of the universe from
sources, we can see that Rinchen bzangpo's biography, written the midst of waves in a cosmk sea. Like a mandala, there spontane-
, just after his death in 1058 by his student, only describes the ously appeared four continents, eight sub-continents and the great
establishment of Khojarnath but not its main deity. In the late precious mountain, with a tree of boundless proportions, a cow that
12th century, the first reference to Khojamath's silver statue fulfils all desires. seven auspicious symbols of the kingdom - the
appears in Nyang ral's history, Chos 'byung Me tag s/lyi/lg po Wheel of Dharma, the Precious Gem, the elephant, the queen, the
the throne, please leave the chapel door closed for seven days.' To
(Honey from the Flowers: A HistDl)' of Buddhist Dharma) minister, the mighty steed and the vase of treasure. On the left and
which the Guardian consented. When he returned. there was the base
(1988, p. 458). The author had used the name 'Great Silver right, were lions and peacocks, and behind, the bull and elephant, with
of the statue with its three lotus pedestal stems, the petals and flowers,
Image' (dngu[ sku chen po) which, however, does not provide eight offering goddesses in dancing postures. From the midst of the
some as buds and some in bloom, as if it were the mandala of the sun
a precise iconographic identification. In fact, other than Nyang Amoli stone came a stem as a root, and three stems rising from the root
and moon. The Great Silver Image was enthroned on the central lotus.
ral, none of the Tibetan historians writing between the 11th and stem, on the right and left of which were a nago with seven heads. This
but to the right and left, they were not yet able to make the two brother
13th centuries give any names for the statue. Then in 1378, the was to be the base throne for the statue. and the precious metals of
statues, and so these pedestals were left empty. (Translated by the
author of Rgyal robs gsal ba'i l1Ie long (Clear Mirror of Royal gold, silver, copper and iron and precious jewels were readied. At this
Gellealogies) described a miraculous imageof Avalokiteshvara moment, the Great SilverImage spoke: <0 Guardian, Guardian. to cast author; Wa gindra karma, pp. 18-20)
(Fig. 3) Avalokiteshvara
called the 'Phags pa JamaJi or Amali at Khojarnath. In By Mali, JX)ssibly 11th
The two brother statues were only cast two centuri~s later. By century. rKyang bu
1497, the author of mNga ris rgyal robs (Royal Ge/le-
the early 13th century, Guge had divided into the klOgdoms of Brass probably with
alogies of Mllga' ris) referred first to a statue of Mai-
Guge and Purang. In j 2 I9-20, gNa~ mgon Ide was the kmg of silver and copper inlay
treya made for Khojamarh at the time offoundal.ion and
Purang which had its capital at KhOJarnath. gNam mgon had a Height c. 60 cm
then described the Great Silver Image as Manjushri
vision ~f Jambhala, the Buddhist god of wealth, and shortly photography by
(Vitali, pp. 110, 115 and 40[-03). Fosco Maraini. 1937
thereafter, some foreign merchants arrived..They left their
The Khojamath shrine became so famous that leg- (After von Schroeder,
riches with the king and told him that if they did not retu~, he pt.Il-lt)
ends built up around it. Some Tibetan historians be-
must use their wealth for the practice of dharma. The~ did not
lieved that it was one of the traditional sites of the <four
come back, but an emanation of Vishvarkarma, the ~~st of the
miraculous brothers', said to be 7th century sandal-
gods spontaneously appeared. Using the merchants· sIlver and
wood images of Avalokiteshvara. Two were found in
jewels, this accomplished artist cast two statues to accompany
and near Kathmandu; one at sKyidrong near the Nepal-
the Kbojamath image. Together they came to be referred to as
Tibet border on the road from Kathmandu to Lhasa; and
one was believed to have miraculously flown to Lhasa the 'Three Silver Brothers' (dngul sku mched gsum)..
Throughout the centuries, Tibeta.n historians have dls~ussed
where it became the private sacred image of Srongbtsan
the Khojamath shrine and its exceptIOnal statues..At the time of
sgampo (r. c, 6 [7-47), and is now enshrined as the
their completion, Khojarnath was a fief of the B~ gung monas-
'Phags pa Lokeshvara (Noble Lord of the World) at the (Fig. I) Base of a shrine
tic order (Vitali, p. 403). However, Sa skya lI1f1uence soon
Potala. Even though the Great Silver Image was clearly Tibet. Khojamath, Gugc kingdom, II th century
began to spread in the region. In circa 1280, when Sa skya
cast in the late 10th century, the Clear Mirror, which Height 160 cm
Pandita's nephew returned from the Yuan court in Chi~a, he had
contains the earliest complete Tibetan account of the Photograph by Eugenio Ghersi. 1935
copies of the Three Silver Brothers made for presentatIOn to the
four brothers, counts it as one of the miraculous san- Courtesy of lstituto Italiano per r Africa e I·Oriente. Rome
29
28
•
Aval?kj~eshvara, .Manjushri and Vajrapani all have equal rank
as pnnCI,pal bod~lsattva,. bu~ AV~lokiteshvara has a special role no. 2. pp. 5-7 and 134-35). Comparisons may be made with an (Fig. 5) Bodhisattva
as protector ofTIbet and IS hJstofIcally linked to Tibetan royalty 1?13ld brass Avalokiteshvara Padmapani in the Pritzker Collec- Tibet. 11 th cenlury
ManJushri ~ame to be associated with the Sa skya monasti~ tIon, probably dating from the first half of the 11th century (Fig. Brass with copper and silver
4). The. style. of Its crown, the strong, athletic torso and the Height 102.5 cm
school, whIch wasestablished in 1070, as its founders were (After von Schroeder. pi. 41c)
consldere? InCarnations of the bodhisattva. Vajrapani however copper mlay IOcorporated. as stripes within the geometric and
was nOI smgled out in this manner. At rKyano bu ~hich wa; floral ~at~em on the dhoti are representative of the Kashmiri
f?unded by one of ~nchen bzangpo's studen~. a l~ng inscrip- ae~th~tlc.1n western Tibet. While the fine upper earrings reflect
tIOn explaIns the circumstances behind the castino of a set of a dIStinCtive feature ?~ central Indian jewellery that is generally
Three Protectors. The Avalokiteshvara from this pa~iculartriad absent from K~shmm. sculpture (see Fig. 4a), it can be found
was photographed by Fosco Maraini in 1937 (Flu 3) Th' , on a ma1~ bodhl~attva In m~ra~ paintings at Tabo dating to circa
f h '. O' • IS IS 1040. It IS pOSSIble that this IS a trace of the influence of an
one 0 t.e most 1n1preSSlve Kashmiri-style imaoes found in
central TI~l. Due to the inscription. however, T~cci thought lnd~an artIst fron~ M~gadha who made a statue at TOling, the
that the artISt may have been Nepalese (Tucci, 1941, vo!' 4, capItal of Guge In Circa 1000 (Vitali, p. 313). Although the
crown, Jewellery and facial features are finely rendered, the
(Fig. 4) Avalokiteshvara
Weslem. Tibet. Guge kingdom, ISI half of Ihe IIIh CCnlury
Brass wllh copper and silver
Height IOI.6cm
Pritzker COllection
back of the image is relatively unfinished and the copper inlay mNga'ris documents the casting of a Manjushri in silver by the
of the dhoti does not extend to the back. crown prince Nagaraja only two years after the creation of the
The Amitabha image is not found on the crowns of the Great Silver Image in 996 (Vitali, p. 114). It specifically men-
images in Figures 3 and 4, but they are identifiable as images tions a silver Manjushri decorated with gold and a profusion of
of Avalokiteshvara from the full padma lotus and the varada jewels that was 'similar to the central 'phags pa image of
mudra. In Indian iconographic compendia, Manjushri is de- Khojamath·. The use of the word "phags pa' (noble) might
scribed in a similar aspect, in varada mudra but with a blue apply to all bodhisauvas, as does 'dpal' (glorious), but it is most
ttlpala lotus rather than the pink padma. AJthough confusion often part of epithets associated with Avalokiteshvara. In addi-
can arise in the identification of these sculptures, Manjushri in tion to Manjushri, Avalokiteshvara and Vajrapani, Maitreya
principle has a distinctive coiffure of five locks of hair (Mall- may be represented as a bodhisattva and is sometimes substi-
man, p. 252 and Shauacharya, p. 112). Yet another 1I th century tuted for one of the Three Protectors.
Kashmiri-style bodhisattva with similar iconography was re-
cently discovered by Ulrich von Schroeder in the 10 khang (Fig. nless they were monumental images. such as those in
S). The image is one metre high with finely detailed motifs of
hybrid animals, floral and geometric designs, and silver and
U Khojarnath were said to be. it is rare that images of all
Three Protectors would have remained together over the centu-
copper floral inlay on the dhoti (Fig. Sa). As the lotus blossom ries. A triad in the Pritzker Collection is therefore unique (Fig.
(Fig. 4a) Detail shOWing me head of Ihe image in Figure 4 has broken off, precise identification is not possible. Accounts 6). This sculpture is the epitome of casting and aesthetic refine-
of the Great Silver Image describe the circumstances surround~ ment. accomplished by an artist of exceptional sophistication.
ing its casting and its base, but do not provide an iconographic They are identified as Manjushri on the left, Avalokiteshvara in
description - this may be why the historical sources and tradi- the centre and Vajrapani on the right by a Tibetan inscription
tions vacillate as to the identity of the central bodhisattva of carved below. Each image stands resplendent on a lotus pedestal
Khojamath. However. the Tibetan custom of copying sacred joined by thick stalks rising from a common stem. In the midst
I images may be another consideration; for example, lan AIsop of the undulating stalks, lotus buds and blossoms are pairs of
and other scholars have documented more than fifty sacred worshipping kimwra (celestial musician, half-bird half human)
( copies of the 'Phags pa Lokeshvara statue at the Potala palace and nagaraja (Fig. 6a).
(Alsop, 1990 and 2000). A passage in the Royal Gellealogies of The Three Protectors stand under the arched frame of a
30 I
31
•
(Fig. 6) Three bodhisanvas cally identical to the 11th century image illustrated in Figure 4.
Western libel. Guge or Purang. c. 1220 The figure ofManjushri is identifiable from an !IIpolo lorus and
Brass with copper, silver and gilding
Height 71.4 cm
the gesture of wisdom instead of the deity's usual attributes of
Pritzker Collection book and sword (see Pal, 2003). Vajrapani is represented with
his typical attributes of vajra and lotus.
IOrol/o (gateway) held up by columns. Each column comprises The triad is placed on a strutted base with divisions for
a crouching elephant with a jewel above its saddle and a flower apsaras, lions and the seven jewels of royalty at the centre (see
clasped by its trunk; a duck spitting a strand of pearls with an Fig. 6a).lts appearance corresponds to the 16th century descrip-
elaborate vine emerging from its tail feathers; a kiJ1llara amid tion of the miraculous base of the Khojamath image. The
the vines. and a vyala, the composite creature with lion face striking similarities between this base and lhe one in Figure I
ridden by a small figure brandishing a sword on the top vine. A raises questions as to the relationship between the Pritzker triad
makara links the column of creatures to a stupa at the apex of and the Khojarnalh images.
the composition. The stupa is flanked by two clouds that have Because of its splendour, one might have expected this to
smaller divine attendants. Every figure on the base and Wraf/a be a royal commission, but the sculpture was commissioned to
has been finely rendered; each is ornate yet distinct, due to the honour the donor's parents. The inscription names the donor.
surrounding void which the artist has carefully defined in g am mkha' grags. and describes him as 'one who has great
pro(Xlrtion to the ensemble. knowledge of artistic treatises' (bzo rig pall chen). There is no
The central figure of Avalokiteshvara has a torso cast in pure mention of Khojarnath shrine in the inscription at all. Ther-
silver and a dhoti in brass (Fig. 6b). The complex and contrast- moluminescence testing on the silver Avalokiteshvara indicated
ing inlay in copper and silver that simulates fabric is outlined a circa 12th century date. For now, precise historical identifi-
by incised carving. The floral, vine and geometric bead motifs cation ofthedonorremains elusive. but by naming the bodhisat-
recall Kashmiri inlay technique at its finest, as seen on an tva, the inscription confirms this unusual iconography as a form
enthroned Buddha in the Norton Simon Collection (see Robert of Ava10kiteshvara, flanked by Manjushri and Vajrapani. Based
E. Fisher, 'Art from the Himalayas'. in Oriel/latiol/s, July 1988, on the iconography of this group of images, it would appear that
p. 73, fig. I). With the exception of the crown and jewellery, the it was Avalokiteshvara at the centre of lhe Khojarnath shrine.
rest of this image is cast in silver. The two brother statues are Its subsequent identification as Manjushri can probably be
slightly smaller and their dhoti are decorated by incised carving understood to reflect the Sa skya pa presence and their domi-
rather than spectacular inlay. MetaUurgical analysis has re- nation of Khojarnath from the time of PunyamaHa in the 14th
vealed that the two side statues have an alloy with a high century. When the Khojamath chapel was constructed in 996,
percentage of tin, and the differentiation of their metal compo- Avalokiteshvara. in his role as saviour of the land, would have
sition is most visible in the colour of the legs. Different phases been honoured as the central image. During the apogee of the
of the casting process are also indicated. With lhe exception of Khasa Malla influence, the Bri gung were in favour and were
Avalokiteshvara's body, which would have been separately cast granted the fiefdom ofKhojarnath in the early 13th century,just
and then integrated into the ensemble, the metal composition is as the Three Brothers of Khojamath were being completed by
similar throughout. The Avalokiteshvara figure is iconographi- gNam mgon Ide, the king of Purang.
33
(Fig. 6b) Detail of Figure 6
showing Avalokiteshvara
While the elaborate composition of the Pritzker triad, the All photography is by Hughes Dubois unless otherwise stated.
fine gilding and the style of the 10rona reflect Newari aesthetics
of the period, the exceptional inlay is a reminder of the Kashmiri Selecled bibliography
style which was so popular in western Tibet during the reign of
Yeshes 'od. It may well have been a scale model forthe addition lan Alsop. 'Phagpa Lokesvara of the Potala', in Orienrations. April 1990. pp.
of the side statues and lOrano to the large Khojamath images. 51-61 (updated 4 August 2000 on www.asianart.com).
If this is the case, then we can understand why the shrine was B. Bhattachal)'a, The Indian Buddhist Icollogrtlphy, Calcutta, 1958.
traditionally attributed as the collaborative work of Kashmiri Erberto Lo Bue, Tibet: Templ; ScomparsijolOgrajati da Fosco Marailli, Turin.
and epali artists, and why it was celebrated as one of the most 1998.
famous sculptures in Tibetan history. While the tale of the Three Marie-Therese deMallman. llIlrodllct;Oll cl l'lcollographie du Tamrisme
Silver Brothers still presents many enigmas, the example in the Bouddhique. Paris, 1986.
Pritzker Collection is nevertheless an eloquent testimony to the Pratapaditya Pal. Himalayas: All Aesthetic Adveml/re, Chicago. lOCH.
consummate taste of gNam mkha' grags.
Per Sorensen. The Mirror Illllmillaling Ihe Royal Genealogies, Wiesbaden.
1994.
Amy Helier is an independent Tibetologist and art historian affiliated with the David Snellgrove, Tadeusz Skorupski and Philip Dcnwood. The Biography of
French eNRS Tibetan studies research team (ESA 8047) since 1986. Rill chen bWllg po illlhe Cullural Heritage oj LtidaklI, Warminster, 1980.
Giuseppc Tucci, Sami e Brigand nel Tibet igllolo, 1989 reprint. Paris.
The author would like to acknowledge the ex.penise of John Twilley. who --.lndo-Tibetica, Rome, 1941.
generously shared his metaJlurgical analyses. historian Robeno Vitali. Lama --, Tibetan Paimed Scrolls. Rome, 1949.
Pema of the Vikramasila Palden Sakya Center, and Cr. Roneoroni.
Robeno Vitali. The Kingdom ofGuge P/I hrallg. Dharamsala. 1996.
Comparative photographs were provided by Oscar Nalesini. Ulrieh von
Schroeder and Lionel Foumier. lan Alsop'scurrcnt research on Khojamath was Ulrich von Schroeder, Buddhist Sculpwres ill Tibet, Hong Kong, 2001.
most valuable as was the correspondence and encouragement of Tom and Wa gindra karma, 10 bo dngllf skll mclzed gsul1l dkar chag, with introduction
MargOl Pritzkcr. by Roberto Vitali. Dharamsala, 1996 reprint.
34
The Tibetan Inscriptions: Historical Data as Sources of New Discoveries and Enigmas
Himalayas: An Aesthetic Adventure symposium, Art Institute of Chicago, April 5, 2003
By Amy Heller
Professor Lo Bue, thank you for your introduction. Ladies and Gentlemen, distinguished
colleagues, Dr. Pal, may I begin by thanking the Art Institute of Chicago for their
invitation to participate in this exceptional symposium in honor of Dr. Pal and the
exhibition. Within the Art Institute, I would particularly like to thank Betty Seid, Kate
Steinmann, Robert Sharp, and Lucas Livingston for their constant help during the last two
years. Above all, I would like to thank Dr. Pal for the opportunity to work with him. It
has been a pleasure and I thank him for sharing the questions of his inquisitive mind and
his extraordinary connoisseurship of Tibetan and Himalayan art.
My presentation this morning will focus primarily on Tibetan inscriptions on the works of
art in this exhibition. I will first briefly explain Tibetan customs concerning inscriptions
and works of art. Already during the 8th and 9th centuries, Tibetans carved inscriptions on
stone stele to record funeral celebrations for the aristocracy or members of the royal
family, or to record the foundation of a monastery or negotiations of peace treaties. Some
historical inscriptions were enhanced by Buddhist carvings, as an example, this stone
stele some 2 meters high on which a seated Buddha is carved above a personal
dedication, while on the reverse of the stele the Ye dharma prayer is carved in Tibetan
letters (see Figure 1). Another example is found on a rock cliff some 4 meters high on
which a Buddha accompanied by bodhisattva were carved to give spiritual context to
peace negotiations between Tibet and China in 816 A.D. (see Figure 2). In this particular
example, there were 4 inscriptions, one historical and three religious inscriptions, such as
prayers for the success of the negotiations, the well-being of humanity, and quotations
from Buddhist texts. 1
With portable icons such as those exhibited here, the function of the inscription is slightly
different. In general, the Tibetan inscriptions are written as part of a ritual to consecrate
the icon. The creation of the icon is often related to an ideology of merit which is
common to the Tibetan Buddhist and Bonpo religions. The creation or commission of a
work of art is considered a good deed, resulting in good karma, good merit. It is not only
an individual who seeks to gradually accumulate merit over numerous lifetimes and
progress towards Nirvana, but the community seeks good merit which will ensure their
good health, prosperity, and well-being. Thus, there are rituals which require commission
of paintings or statues, or perhaps calligraphy and illumination of manuscripts. For
example, in rituals to celebrate someone’s 60th or 70th birthday, a painting or statue of
Amitabha, the Buddha of long life, might be made. Or, for rituals to create auspicious
circumstances for an afflicted community or individual—if there has been a plague or
1
The translation of the main prayer was published in Amy Heller, Tibetan Art: Tracing the Development of
Spirituality and Art in Tibet, 600-2000 AD (London: Antique Collectors’ Club,1999), while the full Tibetan
text of all four inscriptions and their translation is found in Amy Heller, “Ninth Century Buddhist Images
Carved at lDan ma brag to Commemorate Tibeto-Chinese Negotiations” (In The History of Tibet, volume 1:
The Early Period: to c. AD 850 The Yarlung Dynasty. Alex McKay, ed. London: RoutledgeCurzon, pp.379-
401).
1
drought, or after illness—perhaps an icon of Tara as goddess guarding against perils
would be made. Or, as part of funerary or memorial rituals which mark the one year
anniversary after the death of a loved one or a lama, perhaps a stūpa would be painted or
cast in metal, or modeled in clay. Such customs are documented by the Tibetan
dedicatory inscriptions since at least the 11th century, as seen in this painting of
Śākyamuni (see Figure 3) and a detail of the Tibetan inscription on the reverse (see
Figure 4), which states that it was made as part of the one year memorial ceremonies for a
famous translator active in central Tibet. This is the earliest dedication on a Tibetan
thangka yet identified, and it is fascinating to realize that the custom of inscriptions such
as this written inside a stūpa has persisted since this period. 2
Now that we have examined a few examples of inscriptions and the reasons why they
were written, before highlighting the new discoveries revealed by inscriptions on Tibetan
works of art included in this exhibition, I would just like to call your attention to the
differences in content and appearance of the Tibetan inscriptions from those on Nepalese
and Kashmiri works of art. On Kashmiri sculptures, in general, the date and the donor
name are provided in the inscription, but there is no benedictory prayer. Note that the
inscription is written in the front, and does not continue all around the base. In Nepalese
sculptures or paintings, usually, the inscription appears on the front of the painting
integrated in the composition as part of the lower border. This is very rarely the case in
the Tibetan inscriptions on paintings. If on the front of paintings, Tibetan inscriptions
usually only give the name of a deity, Buddha, or lama in a lineage. In the words of a
leading contemporary painter from eastern Tibet, “[Tibetan] painters never sign their
work on the front because believers could worship the signature instead of the deity
portrayed. This would be bad for the believers, the thangka, and the painter.” 3 The
inscriptions on the reverse of certain Tibetan paintings are visually impressive and
aesthetically organized as compositions, almost as significant as the subject of the front
of the painting. Here are a few examples of the reverse—which certainly are worthwhile
to see (see Figures 5a, 5b, 6, and 7). The understanding that the last figure was a Bonpo
painting style of writing inscriptions in fact led to the identification of another painting
(see Figures 8a and 8b), which did not correspond to a Buddhist iconography. This is the
earliest representation yet identified of the Bonpo sage Dren pa Nam mkha’, the Bonpo
counterpart of Padmasambhava.
2
See the appendix in the Himalayas: An Aesthetic Adventure catalogue for the transcription of this
inscription, and an art historical analysis in Amy Heller, “Indian Style, Kashmiri Style: Aesthetics of
Choice in Eleventh Century Tibet” (In Orientations 32(10), 2001, pp.18-23).
3
See Christoph Baumer, Eastern Tibet (Boston: Weatherhill Publications, in press) and its German edition,
Ost Tibet: Brücke zwischen Tibet und China (Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 2001), p.148.
2
In addition, from an historical perspective, it must be emphasized that the majority of
Tibetan works of art are portable. While it was Tibetan custom to commission the
creation of an icon for a local sanctuary or chapel, it was also customary to offer the icon
as a present to a distant person as a gesture of homage. Tibetan dedication inscriptions
may provide precious historic information which allows us to firmly determine
geographic and/or chronological circumstances which led to the creation of the painting
or sculpture, or the intended destination. Sometimes the inscription on one statue or
painting will provide the key to other identifications in completely unexpected ways. For
example, there two separate inscriptions on the base of this sculpture (see Figures 9a and
9b). 4 In this particular case, after the inscription was carved at the time of the casting in
the early 8th century, a Tibetan inscription was added centuries later, ca. 1076, providing
the name of the Tibetan ruler of the Guge kingdom, indicative that it was conserved in
Tibet during his reign.
In this example, we see a statue of Tara carved in eastern India during the Pala dynasty,
but on the reverse there is an inscription carved in Tibetan letters (see Figures 11a and
11b). This statue is one of the few examples of Indian works of art of this period with
Tibetan inscription. It is a good example of the kinds of questions raised by such works:
Was it imported to Tibet or used by a Tibetan pilgrim in India?
I will now present a few detailed examples of new discoveries from the Himalayas
exhibition—this includes information provided by the inscriptions and unexpected
ramifications, perhaps clarifying the identification of wall paintings in Tibet and Ladakh.
In other cases, the information in the inscriptions leads to puzzling situations. I will
follow with the presentation of some of the enigmas revealed by other dedication
inscriptions in this exhibition.
The Milarepa of the Art Institute of Chicago was first identified as a 14th c. painting, in
comparison to another Milarepa which was tentatively dated to that period. This is the
front of Milarepa (see Figure 12a) and this is the back (see Figure 12b). It is essentially a
list of names, but once one realized that the names corresponded to all the names of
Milarepa in his biography then, although previously the inscription had been interpreted
to refer to the donor as a 13th c. teacher at Sa skya, in fact it was clear that the thanka was
dedicated in relation to the biography composed in 1488. That it was made after the
biography became popular, either late 15th or early 16th century, is not incongruous. The
inscription details more than 20 names given to Milarepa, it is in tiny script and quite
4
See Amy Heller, “Indian Style, Kashmiri Style.”
5
See Amy Heller, “Observations on an 11th Century Tibetan Inscription on a Statue of Avalokiteśvara” (In
Revue d’Etudes Tibétaines 14, 2008, pp.107-116).
6
See A. K. Singh, “An Inscribed Bronze Padmapani from Kinnaur” (In Acta Orientalia 55, 1994, pp.106-
110).
3
difficult to read. But it was worthwhile, because the Art Institute’s painting now has a
clear chronology and with some ramifications. In particular, when first studied by Dr. Pal
several years ago, he compared it in terms of composition and style with another thanka
of Milarepa in a private collection (see Figures 13a and 13b), which was previously
attributed to the 14th century.
The similarity with the Art Institute of Chicago Milarepa leads to the question of dating
this painting of Milarepa; even more striking is the resemblance to the style of two
portraits of a 16th century abbot and monk of Riwoche monastery (see Figures 6, 14a,
14b, and 14c), where the inscriptions on the reverse provide clear identification of the
subject as well as prayers for favorable reincarnation following the abbot’s death, ca.
1530. ’Jig rten dbang phyug (1454-1532) was the 8th Abbot of Riwoche, and his portrait
was made shortly after his death according to the inscriptions on the reverse. 7 The size of
the paintings is the same. The handwriting is virtually the same. I think a graphologist
might say that the same person had written the inscriptions on all three thangkas. The
shading of the green auras and the green seats is the same. The textile of the seats of the
main figures is the same in all three paintings. These considerations lead us to think that
the 3 paintings are part of a series; possibly, Milarepa might even represent the center
piece of the series. Thus, are all of these 16th-century paintings? Or were the abbot and
monk portraits added to an earlier series and rendered in a style to conform to the other
paintings? This is rather unlikely; on the contrary, the greater likelihood is that this is a
16th-century series of paintings. While it would be important to examine the inscriptions
on the reverse of the Milarepa, there may be only prayers—in which case a carbon-14
date of the cloth could provide proof of the chronology here, or possibly there is
reference to this series of paintings in the history of Riwoche Monastery.
In the exhibition there are several paintings from Ngor Monastery where, on the contrary,
the inscriptions provide identification of the subject, the lama who consecrated it, the
name of the donor of the painting, and the year in which it was made. In one case, further
research in Tibetan biographical literature has indicated the name of the painter. It is well
known that Ngor Monastery had engaged Newar painters at its foundation in 1430. In
addition, the founder of the monastery, named Ngor chen, served as lama to the king of
Mustang, the small kingdom in northern Nepal. It would appear that the painting of Ngor
chen (see Figure 15) was, according to inscription, consecrated in 1520 by the 8th abbot
of Ngor and made at the request of his successor, the 9th abbot. Biographical literature
informs us that the painting was made by a painter from Mustang who came to Ngor.
This is all very clear information, and it is fascinating to consider the artists coming to
Ngor from Mustang, as well as the Newar painters of the Kathmandu valley. The
paintings produced for Ngor Monastery are particularly exemplary in this respect (see
Himalayas, nos. 156, 165, 171).
7
See Amy Heller, Tibetan Art, color plates 103-104, where these two portraits were erroneously identified
as belonging to the Taglung lineage rather than the Riwoche lineage. For a biography of ’Jig rten dbang
phyug see Stag lung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal, Stag lung chos ’byung [=Brgyud pa yid bzhin nor bu’i rtogs
pa brjod pa ngo mtshar rgya mtsho] (Gangs can rig mdzod 22. Lhasa: Bod ljongs bod yig dpe rnying dpe
skrun khang, 1992, pp.656-662).
4
The Tibetan inscriptions also may provide the personal names—or religious initiation
names—of the individuals represented as the subject of the painting or sculpture, or the
names of the artists or donors. Thus the inscriptions have lead to clear identification of
the paintings representing Marpa (see Himalayas, no. 127) and ’Jig rten mgon po (see
Himalayas, no. 132). Marpa lived in the 11th century, but this portrait, according to the
inscription, is understood to have been made ca. 1180-1200 (see Figure 16). It is one of
the earliest portraits known of Marpa, and it may be compared with the portrait, perhaps
twenty-five years later, in the gSer mkhar dgu thog in central Tibet (see Figure 17). In
both cases Marpa is represented with long straight black hair, dressed in thick and elegant
Tibetan robes. Not only was Marpa renowned for translations and the study of tantric
Buddhist teachings, but he was a prosperous farmer. The dedication tells us that the
portrait of Marpa was commissioned at the request of the governor A mkhar bSod nams
rdo rje. The A mkhar family is known in the autobiography of ’Bri gung ’Jig rten mgon
po as major patrons. ’Bri gung ’Jig rten mgon po’s sister had married a man of this
family. She died prematurely around 1160, and after her death her husband vowed not to
marry again. This painting was commissioned for the long life, increase of wealth, and
prosperity of the A mkhar family—husband, wife, and progeny—thus it is logically at
least one generation removed from the events around 1160, and probably after the
foundation of ’Bri gung monasatery in 1179, but still during the lifetime of the ’Bri gung
founder who lived until 1219.
The next example of new discoveries due to inscriptions is provided by the portrait of ’Jig
rten mgon po himself. This portrait of ’Jig rten mgon po (see Figure 18a and 18b) has
been one of the most challenging to decipher and understand. 8 If one examines the
reverse of this painting, the script is small, cursive, and somewhat idiosyncratic within
the outline of the stūpa. As before, the stūpa on the reverse is, in general, indicative that
the subject of the painting is recently deceased, and a funerary stūpa was made in his
honor. However, in addition to the difficulties of the inscription itself, this painting had
been exposed to the elements—in the dry climate of Tibet it is not moisture which causes
problem but the accretion of bird droppings that subsequently make reading of the
inscriptions most difficult as several words are completely obscured. Still, the names
inside the stūpa are legible, as are the prayers, which are quotations from several
Buddhist texts. The name referring to ’Jig rten mgon po in these inscriptions is “Ratna
guru śri,” which is the Sanskrit translation of his Tibetan personal name, Rin chen dpal.
While many teachers can be called Ratna guru—“Precious Guru,” or more literally
“Jewel of a Guru”—Ratna guru śri is the initiation name of ’Jig rten mgon po, which he
used to sign his autobiography of visions. In specific Tibetan historical sources, such as
the Feast for the Wise Ones, the mKhas pa’i dga’ ston, he is also called by this very
special name.
8
See Amy Heller, “A Thang ka Portrait of ’Bri gung rin chen dpal, ’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143-1217)” (In
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 1 (October), 2005, pp.1-10.
http://www.thlib.org?tid=T1222.
5
Until now ’Jig rten mgon po and the ’Bri gung were a ‘missing link’ in ancient Tibetan
art. 9 The ’Bri gung came to political prominence in Tibet in the 12th century, and then
vied with Sa skya for power in central Tibet during the second half of the 13th century,
having gained influence in west Tibet and Nepal already in the first quarter of 13th
century. This portrait, made shortly after his death in 1219, corresponds with the period
where the ’Bri gung lamas reached Khojarnath and Kailash as their fiefs, and some lamas
then proceeded southeast in Nepal to reach Dolpo around 1222, while other lamas
traveled towards Ladakh where Alchi became a ’Bri gung enclave. 10 Once the specific
characteristics of the iconography of such portraits are understood, thanks to one
inscribed example, this may help to identify other portraits lacking inscriptions—whether
in thangkas, such as this fine portrait of a Tibetan lama included in this very exhibition,
(see Himalayas, no. 120), or in wall paintings in Tibetan temples, such as this one on the
right from the mural paintings in Alchi Monastery in Ladakh (see Figure 19). 11 While
only the first thangka is inscribed with ’Jig rten mgon po’s personal name, the systematic
portrayal of this religious master in the teaching mudrā—and represented as a Buddha
himself—within the context of the construction in Alchi undertaken with patronage from
the ’Bri gung monastic lineage increases the likelihood that one of ’Bri gung ’Jig rten
mgon po’s students requested these portraits at Alchi. It thus appears well possible that at
Alchi a pupil of ’Jig rten mgon po initiated the depiction of his teacher after his passing
away which brings us to the second quarter of the 13th century.
Unexpected pages of Tibetan history unfold with certain works of art. The Tibetan
custom of re-copying certain sacred images, as well as specific, highly sacred ancient
manuscripts, may complicate accurate assessment. This is the case with the 17th-century
illustrated manuscript devoted to the god of prosperity commissioned by the Fifth Dalai
Lama. In the exhibition are included the ritual drawings of the tshogs bdag manuscript
(see Figures 20a, 20b, and 20c), which are illustrations from a 17th century copy of a
much earlier text that had been treasured by several generations of monks who served as
abbots of Shalu Monastery. The Fifth Dalai Lama revered this lineage of teachers and it
was he who commissioned the copy of this text following the wish of his teacher, ca.
1665.
In some cases, however, it is not only a question of sacred copies but also the very
interpretation of the inscriptions that may be difficult and problematic. The statue of the
Three Bodhisattva (see Figure 21) has an inscription which gives data, but does not
provide conclusive data to establish the circumstances of the casting of this exceptional
group of statues. I read the inscription and understood it—but as soon as I saw the
9
See David Jackson’s recent article on later ’Bri gung paintings, “Lama Yeshe Jamyang of Nyurla,
Ladakh: The Last Painter of the Drikung Tradition” (In Tibet Journal 27[1-2], 2002, pp.153-176).
10
See Roger Goepper, Alchi: Ladakh’s Hidden Buddhist Sanctuary, The Sumtsek (Chicago: Serindia
Publications, 1996), pp.211-217, for a discussion of portraits of the ’Bri gung lineage inside the Alchi
stūpa, which are dated to the second quarter of the 13th century; see Robert Vitali, The Kingdoms of Gu.ge
Pu.hrang (Dharamsala: Tho.ling gtsug.lag.khang lo.gcig.stong ’khor.ba’i rjes.dran.mdzad sgo’i go.sgrig
tshogs.chung, 1996), for historical background.
11
See Roger Goepper, “The ‘Great Stupa’ at Alchi” (In Artibus Asiae 53 (1-2), 1993, pp.111-43); and
David Snellgrove and Tadeusz Skorupski, The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh (Warminster: Aris and Phillips,
1980), vol. 2, p.111.
6
sculpture, I realized it had an uncanny resemblance to the base of the four-meter-high
sculptures of the Khojarnath national shrine photographed by Professor Tucci near
Kailash, ca. 1935 (see Figure 22); yet I was seeing a sculpture less than one meter high!
The inscription here tells us the iconographic identification, which is already very much
in this instance, and there is a donor name—but there is no mention of Khojarnath (see
Figure 23). On the contrary, complete understanding remains elusive. If I may, I refer
those interested to the April 2003 issue of Orientations, in which the history of the
Khojarnath statues and this group of Bodhisattva is studied.12 It is essential to coordinate
the data from the inscription with other sources of historical data, such as the results of
scientific analysis (e.g., thermoluminescence and carbon-14), and stylistic and
iconographic interpretation. Above all, if Tibetan dedicatory inscriptions alone may
provide categorical identification in some cases, a more comprehensive perspective will
only be achieved by interpreting the inscriptions in the light of Tibetan literary and
historic sources.
Now, after all these words of caution about Tibetan inscriptions and how they may
change our perception of works of art, may I encourage all here to enjoy this exhibition
for your pure aesthetic delight! And, I thank you for your attention.
12
See Amy Heller, “The Three Silver Brothers” (In Orientations 34[4], pp.28-34).
7
Fig. 1: Photograph by Charles Bell, ca. 1935, courtesy of The British Library.
8
Fig. 2: Photograph by Elisabeth Benard and Nyima Dorjee.
9
Fig. 3: Thangka of Śākyamuni (see Himalayas, no. 114).
10
Fig. 4: ’Gos lo khug pa lha btsas inscription on the reverse of Figure 3.
11
Fig. 5a: Front of a 14th c. thangka of Padma dbang drag; the deity’s name in gold
ink is written below. Private collection, 11 x 14 cm.
12
Fig. 5b: Reverse of Figure 5a.
13
Fig. 6: Reverse of Figure 14a, a thangka of ’Jig rten dbang
phyug (16th c.), a Buddhist lama who served as Abbot of the
Riwoche monastery.
14
-
~i
\
• •
~
, ,
i
•
•
•
!
Fig. 7: Reverse of a Bonpo painting of Khro bo mkha’ gying; the inscription is inside a
rectangle and there is a different spatial organization of words (see Himalayas, no. 136).
15
Fig. 8a: Thangka of the Bonpo sage Dren pa Nam mkha’ (see Himalayas, no. 135).
16
• •
I
Fig. 8b: Reverse of Figure 8a.
17
Fig. 9a: Gilgit Buddha sculpture (cited in note 2).
18
Fig. 9b: Enlargement of inscription in Figure 9a.
19
Fig. 10a: Sculpture of Avalokiteśvara.
20
Fig. 10b: Enlargement of inscription in Figure 10a; the
inscription is only in the front.
21
Fig. 11a: Statue of Tara; Private collection, courtesy of John Eskenazi Gallery,
London.
22
Fig. 11b: Inscription on reverse of Figure 11a; Private collection, courtesy
of John Eskenazi Gallery, London.
23
Fig. 12a: Thangka of Milarepa, Art Institute of Chicago (see Himalayas, no. 162).
24
Fig 12b: Reverse of Figure 12a.
25
Fig. 13a: Thanka of Milarepa; private collection.
26
Fig. 13b: Reverse of Figure 13a.
27
Fig. 14a: 16th c. Riwoche abbot, ’Jig rten dbang phyug.
28
Fig. 14b: 16th c. Riwoche monk, dPal ldan rin chen.
29
Fig. 14c: Reverse of Figure 14b.
30
Fig. 15: Thangka of Ngor chen (see Himalayas, no. 165).
31
Fig. 16: Thangka of Marpa; Pritzker collection (see Himalayas, no. 127).
32
Fig. 17: Portrait of Marpa at gSer mkhar dgu thog; courtesy of Christoph Baumer.
33
Fig. 18a: Thangka of ’Jig rten mgon po (see Himalayas, no. 132).
34
Fig. 18b: Inscription on the reverse of Figure 18a.
35
Fig. 19: Alchi Monastery mural paintings in Ladakh.
36
Fig. 20a: 17th-century tshogs bdag manuscript; Isenberg collection (see Himalayas, no.
178).
37
Fig. 20b: 17th-century tshogs bdag manuscript; Isenberg collection.
38
'~~'~_:"d~"':i . "~~1-'-~
- --'ii'"=:"''<>'%;- ,~
.-....- ...-.....
-~ ,
,.
,
• ....'::;;;;;7_~
39
Fig. 21: Statue of the Three Bodhisattvas (see Himalayas, no. 87).
40
Fig. 22: Base of Khojarnath shrine; courtesy of Istituto Italiano per
l’Africa e l’Oriente, Rome.
41
Fig. 23: Enlargement of base inscription in Figure 21.
42
Archaeological Artefacts from the
Tibetan Empire in Central Asia
Amy Heller
55
excavated by Xu Xinguo from the Dulan tombs. At Dulan. there
(Fig. 2) Earrings were also 26 rieces of silver in different shapes, of whi'ch 21
From Nankanse. Tibet. were shaped Itke the rectangular element in Figure 5 (see Xu
7th-9th century 1994, p. 32). '
Mouldcd and beatcn
gold with granulation
In the Dulan vicinity, Xu Xinguo discovered a gilt-silver
Width 3.8 cm rep~>usse sword handle .decorated with fish-roe background on
(After Kaogll. 2001:6) w~Jch a honeysuckle vme and flower motif was carved out in
~ehef. Two ~old belt ornaments with a fleur-de-lis motif for
mset turquoise and seed pearls were found in the main Dulan
tomb.. Xu also found a plaque in the shape of a silver deer with
gold mlay In one of the four principal chambers of the same
Shannan Diqu Wenwuju, p. 46).The Tang annals repeatedly tomb (Flg.. 6). There .is a hole at the mouth so that the plaque
pral~e the refinem~nt and exquisite workmanship of artefacts may be nalle? ~o a piece of wood, and fish-roe decoration as
by Tibetan gold~mlths, but this is the first time gold objects have background (Ibid.,. p. 31). The deer is relatively realistic in body
been recovered rn central Tibet. The archaeologists tentatively shape and proportion. At the 2002 Beijing seminar on Tibetan
dared the Na~kaI1Se tombs to around the beginning of the first art and a~ch~eology, Xu presented a group of 32 miniature
ce.ntury: relatrng. these plaques to gold belt and harness plaques c:eatures It1 .sllverrepousse with detailed gold-inlay decoration
with anu.nal designs from the Xiongnu and iorthern Nomadic dJscovered 10 the Xining vicinity. They included reaJ animaJ~
cultures In Inner Mongolia (see Han and Deydier, pis 210-24). such as ~heep .and mythical ones like winged horses. (These will
H?wever, granulation and filigree work are absent on (he be publIshed In the proceedings of the conference.)
Xwngnu and Northern Nomadic gold pieces, but conspicuously PreVIOusly, the most important discovery in metalwork
present on all the gold objects recovered from Nankartse. This from Dul~n was. a gilt-silver reliquary interred as part of a
would. tend to point to a later date, possibly within the sPuroyaJ funerary ntual With the sacrifice of live horses in the centre of
(Fig. 7) Bird panel from a reliquary (Fig. 8) Box decoration
dynasty (7th-9th century). which is indicated as well by a a large trench in front of the main tomb. AJthouoh damao-ed From a trench in front of Reshui 10mb. Dulan county. Qinghai province Tang period. mid-8th century
number of cerarruc fragments (see the vase in Lo Bue, pA9, no. probably during the burial rituals. this silver casket is sio~ifi~ Sogdiana or libel. 8rh!9th centul)' (After Han and Dcydier. pI. 351)
4, the sPurgyal ceramics in Chayet, p. 84, fig. 50 and Anninos, ca~t. It i~dicates sync!etic religious practice, combining°Bud_ Parcel gilt silver
fig. 16). The horse trappings with the granulation design con- dhlst .reltquary worship and non-Buddhist sacrifice. A recon- Length 15.3 cm
form to sPurgyal dynasty models, as does the architecture of the stru~tlon of the design on the remaining panels reveaJ a bird Qinghai Archaeologicallnslitute
Nankartse tomb (see Huo, p. 101, diag. 2). At Nankartse. ho~dmg a hon~ysuckle srrig in its beak (Fig. 7). But this is not (Photography by Xu Xinguo)
archaeologtsts aJso recovered the finial of a helmet earrinos quite the ty.Plcal phoet1lx of Tang China, for its wings are highly similar in design and workmanship to Tibetan silver Tibetan metallurgical skills and described how the latter had
and many rings (Fig. 2). The beads of gold on the h~lmet a;d d~corate? with deSigns rather th~n plumage, and its neck draped vessels now in The Cleveland Museum of Art (see Carter, constructed iron-link suspension bridges to ford the treacherous
earr~ngs f?rm a roundel motif: The ea~rings are similar to a gold With paril' (the streamers.extendln~ from Sassanian royal head- 1998). Hybrid creatures among honeysuckle vines and buds are gorges of the Mekong river in their conquests (Backus, pp.
earnng with granulated beadrng and lI1set turquoise attributed gear or at the neck of at1lmals or birds), a motif that continued also represented on the Cleveland vessels. Unlike most Chinese 172-73). Although Tibetan chronicles and Tang annals mention
to the sPurgyal dynasty, now conserved in The Newark Mu- to be frequently adapted long after the Sassanian period. Be- vessels, where mercury gilding is used. the Dulan reliquary and that 50,000 to 100,000 troops embarked on Tibetan campaigns,
seum (Fig. 3). cause?f the gJJdmg and hammering techniques, Xu considered the Cleveland vessels, appear to have been gilded by cladding military accoutremenLS have never been excavated from battle-
. Among 47 pieces of bronze recovered in Nankartse are the rehquary to be typical of Sogdian metalwork, but it is also - a technique where the gold has been hammered to a very thin fields. This is probably because Tibetan burial practices during
tnan~ular plat~s with raised beads and what appear to be the foil and burnished onto the surface of the object. The bird on the sPurgyal dynasty required an individual to be equipped for
remams of a bndle or saddle trapping for a horse (Fig. 4). These the Dulan casket has an elongated body greatly resembling the afterlife with personal belongings that reflected his or her
trappmgs recall the belt of harness fittings attached to leather Tang models, such as a phoenix box decoration dated to the lifetime profession. The Tibetan chronicles describe the sacri-
mid-8th century, excavated in 197/ (Fig. 8) and the vermilion ficeof at least 'a hundred' horses in the tomb of a chief minister
(Fig. 5) Drawing bird (zhLlhLlallg) carved in the stone lintel of the Famensi crypt at the end ofthe 7th century. Archaeologists' findings confirm
of beaten silver in Chang'an (871). But the Tang phoenix lacks the extension of the sacrifice and burial of horses in Qinghai, central and western
saddle plaque the tail feathers which transform into honeysuckle flowers and Tibet, albeit in smaller numbers. I would like to propose that
From Dulan. vines. The reliquary, which reflects a preference for adapting many of the Pritzker artefacts have come from the tomb of a
Qinghai province
Lenglh 2.5 cm,
and blending multiple foreign influences in design and tech- Tibetan general or statesman, probably dating from the mid-8th
(Fig. 3) Earrings nique to forge a new aesthetic, is a mark of Tibetan patronage to the 9th century, whose burial would have required similar
Tibet 7th-9th cenlury width 2.1 cm
Bealen gold with (After Xu Xinguo. 1994, p. 32) and taste. animal sacrifice and the conduct of Buddhist rituals.
granulation and turquoise L,-_ _J group of objects in the Pritzker Collection relates in
The saddle in Figure 9 comprises four pieces of gilt-silver
repousse. The front section is shaped into a high, indented arch,
Height 4 cm, width 2 cm
The Newark Museum
(Photography by
A technique and style to art.efacts and metalwork attributed
to Tibetan patronage during the sPurgyal dynasty. The quality
and there are two small rectanguJar elements which would have
been the knee supports (Fig. 9a). The rear section has a full arch
Richard Goodbody) of the collection and the commitment of its owners to preser- to support the rider's lower back. These silver pieces, called
vation and documentation have made it one of the foremost saddle steels. were formerly affixed to a wooden frame support
private holdings of Himalayan and Tibetan works of art. which rested on a saddle blanket that protected the horse. The
Exceptional tribute objects in gold or silver sent from Tibet designs on the Pritzker saddle represent lions and rampant deer
to the imperial court are often cited in the Tang annals; these interspersed with flowers and stylized leaves. There are rela-
included a golden city replete with numerous animals and tively symmetrical holes in the flowers which may have for-
ramparts. Tibetan iron armour for both men and horses was also merly held turquoise or other inset stones. The shape of this
(Fig. 4) Drawing of praised. Extant examples of Tibetan lamellar armour show that saddle conforms to Tang and Khitan saddles that are known
bronze saddle plaques
it was probably crafted in rectangular iron plates laced together from excavations; for example. a complete saddle belonging to
From Nankartse, Tibel
Length 3-6 cm with a complex system of leather ties worn above a textile or the son-in-law of Abaoji, the dynastic founder of the Liao, was
(After Kaogu, (Fig. 6) Drawing of silver deer leather undergarment (LaRocca, 1999). Judging from the Sas- found in his tomb dated 959 (see {'Asie des Sleppes, pI. 166 and
200106, p. 47) From Dulan. Qinghai province sanian armour represented in bas-reliefs in Taq'l bustan, the Qiangresheng Bowuguan Choubeizu, 'Chifenxian Dayingzi
Height 3.5 cm, length 5.6 cm Tibetans may have adapted the style from Iranian and later Liaomu fajue baogao', in KaogLl XLlebao, 1956:3, pp. 1-25).
(Aflcr Xu Xinguo. 1994. p. 31)
Sogdian models. Tang military historians were amazed by The Pritzker example is probably not a Liao saddle, as the
56
57
(Fig. 9a) Detail of Figure 9 showing gilt-silver saddle sections
(Fig. 9) Saddle
Tibetan empire, 8th/9th cenlury
Gilt silver
Height 29 cm. width 49 cm
Prilzker Collection
63
62
Selected bibliography
Annette Juliano and Judith Lemer. Monks and Merchams: Silk Road TreaSllres
from Nort/m'est China. few York, 2001.
CAsie des Steppes. Paris. 2000.
Donald La Rocca, 'An Approach to the Study of Anns and Annour from Tibet'.
in Royal Armouries Yearbook 4,1999, pp. 113-31.
Erbeno Lo Bue. Tesori del Tibet. Milan. 1994.
Luo Feng. 'Sogdians iD Nonhwest China', in Juliano and Lerner, pp. 239-45.
Antonino Fone. 'Iranians in China: Buddhism. Zoroastrianism and Bureaus of
Commerce' in Cahiers d'£nreme Asie 11. 1999-2000. pp. 277-92.
Boris Marshak, 'The Sogdians in their Homeland'. in Juliano and Lemer. pp.
231-37.
Karcl Oravsky. cd .. Em/allg de Seidellstl'asse: Friihlllitte/alterl'iche KUI/SI
ZlI'ischen Peniienulld China ill del' Abegg-Stiflllllg, Riggisberger Berichte
6. Riggisberg. 1998.
Jessica Rawson. 'The Ornament on Chinese Silverofthe Tang DynaslY'. British
Museum Occasional Paper. no. 40. London, 1982.
Krishna Riboud.. A Cultural Continuum: A New Group ofLiao and Jin Dynasty
(Fig. 16d) Detail of decoration on the vase in Figure 16 Silks', in Hali, 1995 (no. 82), pp. 92-105 and notes on p. 120.
Nancy Schatzman Steinhardt, Liao Architeclure, Honolulu, 1997.
vour confronting animals or birds inside pearl medallions, as Sichuan Daxue Zhonggllo Zangxlle Yanjiusuo. 'Xizang Alizhadaxian
well as floral motifs or hearts as interstitial designs (Figs 16b, Xiangquanhe liuyu faxian de liang zuo fojiao shiku', in Wemm.2002:8.
c and d). Entwined or confronted animals are also frequently pp. 63~69.
seen in Tibetan amulets called IOgcha (lhogs-Icags) cast in Rolf Alfred Stein, 'Du recit au Ritue1 dans les documents tibetains de
copper alloys (see Anninos, 1998). The exquisite craftsman- Touen-Houang'. in A. Macdonald. cd.. Etllde.f TIbitaines didiies ii la
ship, the finesse of design on this silver vase and its historic mill/oire de Marcelfe LaIOIl, Paris, 1971.
inscription are unique. As we admire this vase, we understand David Templeman. 'Ensuring Finnness: The UseofMollen Metals in Tibet and
why the Tang historians so extolled Tibetan silver of the sPur- lran. in The TIbet JOllrnal. 2001. vo1. 26. nos 3 and 4. pp. 199-206.
gyal dynasty. Xizang Zizhiqu Shannan Diqu Wenwuju. 'Xizang Langkazi xian Chajiagou
gumuzang de qingli', in Kaogll, 2001:6. pp. 45-47.
Amy Helier is an independent Tibetologist and an historian affiliated with Lhe Xu Xinguo. 'An Investigation ofTubo Sacrificial Burial Practices'. in China
French CNRS Tibelan studies research team (ESA 8047) since 1986. Archaeology and An Digest. 1996, vo1. I. no. 3. pp. 13-22.
--. 'Silver Casket from a Dulan Sacrificial Horse Trench'. in China
The author would like to thank Huo Wei, Katherine R. Tsiang, Rob Linrothe Archae%gy (llId Art Digesl. 1996. vol. I. no. 3. pp. 37-49.
and Chrisloph Baumer for kindly providing Chinese publications. and Tom and --, 'Dulan Tuball muzhong dujillyinqi shu Sute xitong de ruiding·. in
Margot Pritzker. Valrae Reynolds. Donald LaRocca. c.F. Roncoroni and
ZhOllggllO Zangxlle. 1994:4. pp. 31-45.
Christian Deydier for their constructive criticism and suggestions.
- - and Liu Xiahe. 'Colourful Paintings found in Tubo Tombs'. in Chinas
AJI photography is by Hughes Dubois unless otherwise Slated. Tibet. 2003:1. pp. 30-31.
64
Book Reviews
Belleza set himself the ambitious task of recording and documenting ancient remains in
western Tibet which he describes as ‘pre-Buddhist archeological sites’ during his travels and
expeditions in Tibet and the western Himalayas since 1983. The precious results are his
numerous maps which pinpoint the locations of these sites’ and his excellent glossy black
and white photographs to illustrate the rock formations, carvings on rock, and rdo ring stone
stele. To explain these findings, Belleza has set himself the no-less ambitious task of culling
the Tibetan historic literature and traditions in the search for the concepts and historic
infrastructures which underlie this abundant and rich illustrative material. The sheer volume
of the illustrative material is the strongest achievement by Belleza who gives the reader the
impression that he is a lone explorer, lacking formal academic training in archeology, tibetology
and anthropology, and commited to this research mandate.
The foremost problem is that this book presents archeological findings in the absence of
archeological context of systematic and scientific investigations. The findings in themselves
are fascinating and it is to be hoped that in the future it will be possible for Belleza and full
archeological investigative teams to refine and re-define more precisely the context in which
these relics should be understood. In the absence of such investigations, it is difficult to
accept the chronological and cultural presuppositions which Belleza has adopted and into
which framework he analyses some of the relics. Belleza documents ‘lore’ (i.e. oral tradition)
about indigenous deities, mediums, ancient mythology, clan histories and co-relating these
diverse accounts with what he has found in textual sources (rituals for bsangs, gtor ma, and
pilgrimages) and historical sources of both Bonpo and Buddhist traditions. Nuanced, critical
perspective of his sources is sometimes problematic. For example, in Antiquities of Northern
Tibet, p.45, in tracing relations between Tibet and Zhang zhung, Belleza discusses lion
symbolism which spread from Iran to Tibet (citing Bussagli) and btsan spirits connected
with Turkic and Manchurian fire worship (citing Xie Jisheng). While the lion was certainly
important in Iran, Belleza totally omits any discussion of the importance of the lion as a
symbol in Indian Buddhism which undoubtedly also influenced Tibetan adoption of this
symbol; as for the btsan, while this writer has personally no access to the research of Xie
Jisheng cited by Belleza, it is strange that Belleza omits discussion of the btsan as a mountain
spirit, for example, as studied by both Tucci and Haarh, whose writings Belleza cites for
other subjects. When Belleza describes the actual rock carvings, there he is on firm ground
and his descriptions are clear.
In Antiquities of Upper Tibet, Belleza has successfully modified his methodology. There is
less discursive material and a better balance between close description of the site or the
artefact and the photograph and the map. This is much more succinct. In the opinion of this
writer, in the absence of archeological context, it remains premature to declare that certain
artefacts pertain to ancient tradition and were created in pre-historic periods while similar
artefacts or carvings of the same subject have been made within the last five hundred years
or even within the 20th century. The questions of successive phases in the development of
legends, successive periods of architectural formations, the evolution of the animal or figurative
iconography are manifold. Belleza’s two volumes help to document the relics and map the
vast territory which was influenced by Tibetan civilization.
—Amy Heller
together, they produce even such "authentification" would be a teacher and mystic, followed by
W. The Tibetan greater merit. reason many portraits of certain the names of the donors whose
Inscriptions: In addition to dedications moti· individuals were made, as each one family became patrons of the
vated by purely religious ideals, spread the message of the change Drigung hierarch Jigten Gonpo
Dedications, History, which will be discussed below, many of power and newly designated (1143- 1217). who lived northeast
and Pr!!yers of the Tibetan paintings and sculp· authority. of Lhasa, in central Tibet, follow·
tures presented here, as well as Tibetan dedication inscriptions ing marriage to his sister in around
Transcribed. translated. and
some of the ritual objects, bear may also lead to the identification of 1160. 1 This provides a regional
interpreted brAmr HelIer
inscriptions that explain the historic the monastic school and even the and chronological framework for the
circumstances of their creation or particular monastery at which a commission of the painting. Unlike
Words are considered sacred in
the names of the previous genera· work of art was made, thus provid- the painting of Marpa, the painting
Tibetan Buddhism because they are
tions of scholars and teachers who ing a geographic provenance. This of the mahasiddha Damarupa with
the means by which the historical
participated in the dissemination is particularly important when a mahasiddhas and Sakyapa monks
Buddha Sakyamuni transmitted his
of religious teachings. This is partic· lineage of monks is represented as (cat. 174) includes the name of
teachings and explained his beliefs.
ularly important for the study of part of the composition of the paint· each figure underneath the minia·
Because the written word is held to
Tibetan art because the majority of ing. In some cases, their names ture portraits on the front of the
represent Sakyamuni's personal
Tibetan paintings and sculptures are provided, but, for example, in painting. The portrait of the teacher
expression, the copying of a religious
are anonymous works. Inscriptions the painting of the eleventh·cen- Kunga Zangpo (1382-1456; cat.
volume or even one syllable or one
on Nepali and Kashmiri works in tury religious master Marpa (1012- 165), founder of Ngor monastery in
stanza from a prayer is regarded
general provide the date and the 1097; cat. 127). only the name of Central Tibet and first abbot there,
as an act of merit, and copies of
donor names, and later works pro· the principal subject is given on the has a brief inscription in the bottom
sacred texts thus also represent
vide dedications for deceased reI· dedication on the reverse, not those border that states the year of ere·
sakyamuni. The essence of Bud-
atives; Tibetan inscriptions typically of the surrounding figures. On the ation and the name of the patron. 2
dhist teachings, conceived in
include liturgical and benedictory front, no inscriptions are now visi- It has been possible to trace this
human body as 5akyamuni, can
material as well. The benediction ble. The dedication prayer is in verse, painting in historicalliterature.3 A
also be called to reside inside a
may be written for the benefit of consisting of poetic quatrains of passage in the history of the Ngor
sculpted or painted image by means
those who view the icon as well as praise for Marpa's work as a great lineage appears to describe this
of the consecration ritual. This is
of the subject represented. It is cus·
why acts of copying a manuscript
tomary to hold a memorial service
and of creating a holy statue or
one year after the death of a per·
painting are believed to generate
son, particularly in the case of high
merit. The accumulation of merit
lamas. At this time, the icon created
ultimately leads to the accumula·
might be a portrait of Arnitabha,
tion of good karma, which purifies
Buddha of Infinite Life, with prayers
the mind of the individual of igno·
for the complete accomplishment
ranee so that it may be receptive to
of the spiritual aspirations of the
the liberation of the Buddhist teach-
deceased, that is, to achieve nir·
ings. Above all, however, to accu·
vana, to be reborn in Amitabha's
mulate merit means to ensure a
paradise, or to be reborn in a favor·
positive rebirth, which gradually
able situation. Also at the time of
leads an individual to nirvana over a
this memorial ceremony, it is cus·
series of lifetimes. A modern verse
tornary to create icons represent·
expresses the sense of altruism and
ing the 'deceased lama, whether in
generosity that characterizes this
his p~ysicallikeness or in the form
process: "May whatever merit is
of a Buddha or bodhisattva with
in our thoughts or actions serve to
whom the individual had been iden·
benefit each and every being
tified in his lifetime. The growing
throughout space." Even so, the
importance in Tibetan Buddhjs~ of
ideal of merit is believed to achieve
the succession of lamas, who often
a more immediate result as well.
wield both spiritual and political
The act of copying a manuscript will
authority, increased the tendency
ensure the generation of good for·
to create such portraits in honor
tune for an entire community as
of deceased hierarchs by the late
well as for the individuals directly
eleventh century (see cat. 120). In
responsible as donors or scribes.
these portraits, the inscribed bene·
Consequently the donations of icons
diction may be a request by the
and of prayers are very important
successor for the spiritual blessing
religious practices in Tibet, as they
of the deceased. This would have
are in all lands where Tibetan
served as a legitimation of the trans· Fig. ,. Inscribed stele near Samye, Tibet, h. approx. 200 cm. Photograph by Sir Charles
Buddhism is practiced. Icons and
fer of spiritual and political author· Bell, 1935. b)'permission of The British Library. This B!tddha. the Tibetan inscriptions
prayers are combined in numer-
ity. Particularly in the case of a of the Ye dharma (verso). and a fragmentary Buddhist prayer (recto) document the
ous Tibetan works of art, where,
disputed monastic succession, ancient Tibetan.s· calVing skiLls. c. 800 C. E.
286
painting and its series: "Once again, 1). From the mid-tenth to early thir-
the invitation came from Mustang teenth centuries, the kings of the
requesting the precious Abbot to West Tibetan kingdom of Guge were
teach there. Saying that a painting renowned for their piety, their con-
and images reflecting the high aspi- struction of monasteries, and their
ration of Vajradhara would bring patronage of translations of
great benefit to all sentient beings Buddhist texts from Sanskrit into
and bring even more blessings to Tibetan. Their names were
be preserved at Ngor monastery, inscribed as donors of wall paint·
the monk-painter from Mustang, ings in these sanctuaries and
Chopel Sonam, created these.'" on images they commissioned. A
The consecration inscription on the Kashmiri statue of an eighth-
reverse naming the Ngor monastery's century Buddha bears a Sanskrit
eighth abbot, Muchen (1453-1524), inscription carved when it was
complements the general inscrip- created as well as a second inscrip-
tion of the lower register, which tion in Tibetan letters naming the
reveals the name of his successor eleventh-century Tibetan king who
in the abbatiallineage, Lha Chog acquired and preserved the image
Senge, a great-great nephew of in his cburt. Here the inscription
Kunga Zangpo who served as brings concrete proof of the import
patron and was thus formally cred- of ancient images and their preser-
ited for the creation of the painting. vation in Tibet at a time when the
The date of creation in the dragon Kashmiri rulers no longer promoted
year thus refers either to 1520, Buddhism (figs. 2a-b)' The Potaia
when Muchen was still abbot, or palace collections in Lhasa house Fig. 2a. Seated Buddha, Kashmir, Gilgit. c. 700-725 C.E. Bronze with sitverinlay,
1532, the first dragon year of the several Kashmiri, Nepali, and h. 35 cm. Private collection.
abbacy of Lha Chog Senge. This Indian statues of the earlier periods;
Fig. ~b. (below) Detait offig. ~a showing two inscriptions: a Sanskrit dedication by the
information from the historical that these have been preserved
monk Shastrakshetracandra, carved c. 7oo-7'~5 C. E.; and a Tibetan inscription naming
literature of Ngor monastery is an is evidence of the reverence of the
the king ofWest Tibet. c. 1076. mNgo: bdag chen po rtse Ide (Ngadagchenpo Tsayday).
example of how the inscriptions following generations. 6 The active
enhance our understanding of patronage of Buddhism by the
paintings and their significance to TIbetan rulers never ceased. The example, an icon may be donated tices (see cat. 172). In other
those for whom they were made, silver statue of Maitreya (cat. 153) to a monastery by a person hoping cases, there may be mantra sylla-
complementing their purely aes- commissioned by donors as a to gain the benefit of long life for his bles underneath the layer of paint,
thetic qualities. memorial to the Prince of Gyantse or her parents, or by an anonymous although such syllables are more
Religious donation is consid- is such an icon. Although it has donor hoping to promote joy and commonly painted as inscriptions
ered part of the obligations of all not been possible to trace the his- prosperity for the good of all beings on the back of the painting. Overall,
Tibetans, even more so for kings or tory of this statue, it is known that in the world. we frequently find on the reverse of
princes who ruled in the name of Maitreya was the subject of great Many icons in this exhibition are paintings prayer syllables (mantra)
religion, for such donations were devotions by the Gyantse prince. 7 inscribed with prayers written in such as OfTl ah hOrn, which are not
believed to guarantee the prosperity Thus, an image of Maitreya in his several different Tibetan scripts, particular to any Buddha or deity,
of their kingdom. Precisely because honor is most fitting. But by and and many have inscriptions in as well as prayers specifically desig-
of their political roles, these rulers large the majority of the inscriptions Sanskrit transcribed into the nating by name or epithet the sub-
are known by name to history, and are prayers made as a ritual of Tibetan alphabet so as to be easily ject represented. These prayers are
the chronological context of the consecration for the object, reaf- understood by persons literate in frequently written within the con-
donation thus may be clearly under- firming in writing its sacred func- Tibetan. In several cases, Indian or fines of an outline of a Buddhist
stood. In these cases, the great his- tion. Frequently, these consecration Nepali alphabets (see fig. 3) are funerary monument known as a
torical significance of the Tibetan prayers conclude with a dedica- used to write the Sanskrit prayers. stopa. The stOpa, in which the
inscriptions may even overshadow tion specific to the object as a Sometimes, underneath the top Buddha's remains are enshrined, is
the aesthetic importance of the record of the donor's piety, regard- layer of pigments and varnish, a a reminder of the Buddha's role
works of art. To date, none of the less of whether he or she was a color key has been provided by the as the physical presence of the
Buddhist icons created at the person of political authority. For master painter to guide his appren- dharma (sacred teachings) on
behest of the earllest Tibetan Bud-
dhist kings during the Yarlung
or Pugyel dynasty (c. seventh-m id-
ninth centuries) are known to be
extant, although their patronage is
recognized by inscribed stelae
that were erected at the construc-
tion of some Buddhist sanctuaries,
including the first monastery in
Tibet, Samye, c. 800 C.E. (see fig.
Appendix 287
Another peculiarity of inscrip- many as ten different names reflect-
tions on Tibetan thangkas is the ing successive vows and initia-
frequent occurence of a passage tions to different rituals. As a sign
from the Sanskrit liturgical text Pra- of recognition of the importance of
timok$a sDtra known as the Prayer these vows, the dedication' inscrip-
of Patience or Prayer of Forbear- tions may refer to the subject by the
ance. These verses have been initiation name. Jane Casey Singer
translated many times, and the vari- has drawn attention to the impor-
ations reveal the difficulties of tance of this phenomenon for Tag-
eloquently rendering a prayer in a lung lineages, which, like their
foreign language. Compare the Indian forefathers, are all described
following two examples: by Sanskrit names. J2 But this prac-
tice was not observed only by the
Forbearance is the supreme ascetic
Taglung tradition. The discovery that
practice, forbearance is supreme
the dedication on the portrait of
nirvana, said the Buddha(sl. The
a lama exhibited here (cat. 132)
renunciate who harms another and
referred to the subject by his
who injures another is no Sramana
Sanskrit initiation name allowed for-
{Buddhist ascetic).lO
mal identification of the painting
The Buddha has said that patience as a portrait of the Drigung hierarch
is the best ascetic practice and Jigten Gonpo. Otherwise he may
this forbearance is the best tran- well have been erroneously confused
scendence of suffering. A Bud- with an abbot known by almost
dhist monk will refrain from harm the same Sanskrit name who lived
and injury to others, for this is a full century later and belonged
not virtuous ascetic practice. ll to a different monastic order.
Paleography, the study of the
Because of their succinct and
evolution of scripts chosen to write
clear statements of Buddhist teach-
the inscriptions, is often the key
ings, these are the most prominent
to the chronology. This is clearly the
consecration verses. Sometimes,
Fig. 3. Dedications in ornamental Tibetan and Sanskrit letters. c. '700. written case with the bilingual Sanskrit-
instead of the entire stanza, only
on the reverse ofcat. 183. Tibetan inscription on the Kashmiri
the first syllables are written; these
Buddha described above, which
alone will trigger in the mind
documents eighth- and eleventh-
earth. Indeed, the most important reminder of his very body in physio- of the devotee the full text of the
century alphabets, respectively.
and frequent Sanskrit inscriptions logical terms. It is the presence of prayers. Because of the impor-
Figure 4 shows one of the earliest
are short quotations from the prayer his teachings, the Dharma, in meta- tance accorded to the word as the
extant dedication inscriptions writ-
that is most traditional, the Ye physical terms. The nature of expression of the historical Bud-
ten in Tibet in the late eleventh
dharma: Buddha is believed to be beyond dha, memorization of sacred texts is
century. Even for later works of art,
form and beyond description: this part of the training of the Buddhist
ye dharma hetu prabhava hetufTl paleography can be essential for
is called the dharmakaya, the body devotees. Thus even a few syllables
te$3fTl tath3gatah / hy avadat te$3fTl clear identification. The Tibetan
(kaya) of the sacred teachings, the are sufficient for a knowledgeable
ca yo nirodha evafTlvadT mahasra- dedication prayer on a ritual vase
dharma. The Ye dharma prayer is Tibetan to recognize the prayers in
maoa~ lOf the factors of existence (cat. 179) describes it as an offer-
also frequently written inside the full and identify the textual source.
(dharma) rising from a cause, the ing to Tsongkhapa, founder of the
drawing of the stOpa. Dharmakaya Subtle variations in the language
Tathagata has spoken; of their ces- Gelugpa monastic tradition in the
is beyond representation, but the provide other clues to understand-
sation too: He the great Buddhist fourteenth century. Based exclu-
Buddha has proclaimed, "if some- ing the inscriptions. For example,
ascetic (mahasramaf)a!)}, who sively on this inscription, the vase
one writes this sacred teaching and the use of Sanskrit is viewed as a
speaks truthfully (evaf!1vadi).] had been attributed to Tsongkhapa's
places it in a stupa, the stupa will reminder of India, the place of origin
lifetime. But this vase has a dedi-
One scholar has recently explained, become the shrine of the relic of of the historical Buddha, and as
cation in Mongol as well, written in
"This stanza, which concisely sum- the essence of the dynamic energy a means of honoring the ancient
a script that came into use in the
marizes the essential of Buddha's (vajra) of all the Buddha. It will Indian texts that were later trans-
mid-seventeenth century.13 A read-
teachings, functions also as a become the shrine for the sustain- lated by Tibetans. Both lay disciples
ing of this inscription revealed that
'memorial' since it recollects the ing power of the secret essence and religious masters make vows
the vase had been presented as
historical topic of Buddha's en- of the sacred syllables of all the Bud- of practice of different levels of spir-
an offering in front of a statue of
lightenment and the succeeding dha."9 Thus this prayer represents itual commitment and study of
Tsongkhapa to celebrate the victo-
acknowledgement of the dharma the Buddha's body in letters, as if it specific texts. As part of these vows,
rious campaign by the Mongol
as his Teacher."8 This prayer may were a memorial, rather than in col- a new name is given to the practi-
general whom the Fifth Dalai Lama
be said to embody the essence ors and sculptural anthropomorphic tioner, sometimes a Tibetan name
(1617 -82) had engaged as com-
of the Buddha's teachings, but it forms. Many times this prayer is and sometimes a Sanskrit name.
mander in a war against Ladakh.
is also conceived of as a substitute also written, using Tibetan letters, Some people, during the course of
Out of reverence for Tibetan Bud-
for the historical Buddha. It is a as a consecration. a lifetime, might accumulate as
dhism, the Mongols adopted
288
Tibetan names. The donor here is was cast circa 1100 C. E., but the 1 Kuo-wei Liu 2002. Translation
the Mongol general who referred research to establish Namkha 2 David P. Jackson has greatly con- Nam mkha' grags, the connois-
tributed to a better understanding of
to himself by his Tibetan name.l~ Grag's historical identification is still seur of the arts and monk, commis-
all the Sakya lineages, particularly
It is essential to record all in progress. In Tibetan history, Ngor. See Jackson 1989 and 1996.
sioned this miraculous statue,
inscriptions, even fragmentary many people bore the same name 3 Thanks to E. Gene Smith for this refer- overwhelming to see, the noble
ones, as they may provide precious over the centuries, while other ence to the history of the lineage of Manjugho$a who eliminates all
historical and liturgical clues that names are known only from isolated Ngor monastery. clouds of ignorance, the lord of
can lead to an increased under- examples and cannot yet be iden- 4 I adopt the translation "high aspira- compassion Avatokitesvara, the
tion" for thugs dam gyi rten here, fol-
standing and appreciation of the tified. The study of Tibetan historical lord of esoteric energy Vajrapar:Ji,
lowing Martin 2001.
works of art and, often, of the and liturgical literature is ongoing. dedicated for the (long) life of
5 Thanks to Oskar van HinOber for his
prayers as well. It must be empha- Due to factors such as these, it is reading of the Sanskrit inscription. For the two kind parents, the father
sized, however, that the interpre- indispensable to accumulate all the detailed study, the reader is referred to and mother.
Helier 2001.
tation of the inscriptions may be information that can be gleaned
6 See van Schroeder 2001. Commentary
problematic. For example, the from inscriptions and to compare it
7 Thanks to Roberto Vitali for this infor- This inscription, incised in Tibetan
inscription on the base of the three with the aesthetic and technical
mation, passed on to me in a personal
silver bodhisattvas in the Pritzker qualities of the work of art to ensure letters along the front of the base
communication, 2001.
Collection (cat. 87) states that this accuracy in the identification of of the statues, indicates that this
8 Scherrer-Schaub 1994, p. 721 n. 58.
miraculous statue, overwhelming the provenance. The inscriptions group of statues of the three bod-
9 Translation by Cristina Scherrer-
to behold, of MafijusrT, who dispels reveal much, but Tibetan historical Schaub; see ibid., pp. 713-14. hisattvas ManjusrT, Avalokitesvara,
ignorance; Avalokitesvara, lord of literature still conceals the keys 10 Martin 2001, p. 149 n. 28. and VajrapaQi was commissioned
compassion; and Vajrapar:Ji, master to understanding their full signifi- 11 Translation by this writer. by Nam mkha' grags (Namkha
of the esoteric energy, was made cance. With the hope that the 12 Singer 1997. Grag), who is called bzo rig pan
by the monk Namkha Grag, connois- information and analysis of Tibetan 13 Thanks to Agata Bareja-Starzynska for chen. This means that he was a
providing the chronology of this script. connoisseur of art and techniques
seur of the arts, for the long life of inscriptions presented here will
14 Thanks to Dan Martin and Yen. (bzo rig; in Sanskrit, shifpasastra).
his two kind parents. Until it is pos- be a small contribution toward the Tsenshab Rinpoche (mTshan zhabs
sible to identify Namkha Grag with better appreciation of the Tibetan Although precise historical iden-
Rin po che), Zurich, for their help with
certainty, there is no way to pinpoint artistic heritage, this remains a ten- this historic identification. tification of Namkha Grag is still
the provenance and chronology of tative statement to be supplanted uncertain, the title bzo rig pan chen
this triad. A thermo-Iuminescence by future research. implies that he is both monk and
85
analysis revealed that the sculpture artist. The inscription has one word
BodhisattvaAvalokitesvara carved twice and a spelling mis-
take. The inscription does not end
Although this statue is not with the usual final punctuation
inscribed, at the center of the back signs. Less deeply incised letters
of the head, a hole was drilled to for sva ha (so be it) can just be
accommodate consecration mate- read to conclude the sentence. The
rial. The consecration contents now interpretation of this inscription has
present in the image consist of benefited from consultation with E.
small, accordion-folded papers, 1.5 Gene Smith, Roberta Vitali, Giaco-
cm in length and .8 cm broad, mella Orofino, Dan Martin, Lama
on which the text of an Indian Bud- Pema, and Yen. Tsenshab Rinpoche
dhist prayer transcribed from (mTshan zhabs Rin po che).
a Sanskrit text is handwritten in
Tibetan letters.
98
dbyangs/ thugs rje dbang phyug this is the final page of the seventh
spyan ras gzigg (recte: gzigs)/ mthu section, and twenty-fourth volume,
stabs dbang phyug gsang ba'i bdag letter name JA, of a text of the
po' yi/lta bas mi 'jams sku yi ya Prajilaparamita in 108,000 verses.
mtshan 'di/ bzo rig pan chen chen It is page 108. There is no specifi-
(chen: redundant) nam mkha' cation of the place of the copy or
grags kyis bzhengs/ drin can pha of when it was written. The spelling
Appendix 289
101 Dharma, "noble dharma") is taking dgyes rdor rgyud/ pa n ca ra kra 117
place, while below he is teaching (recte: panca ra ksa) legzhungs CakrasaT)'wara and Vajravarahr
Scenes from the Early Life
the dharma to his entourage. In the rnams bzhugs/ de bzhin gshegs pa'
ofthe Buddha in Bliss
upper register (from left to right), shag thug (recte: thub) gis sku
captions describe the melodious brgya' dang brgya (recte: brgyad)
On the reverse of this painting On the reverse of this painting are
sounds of the explanation of the chu' bcu bzhugs// yan shag thug
is an inscription of a mantra: two separate inscriptions in black
teachings, the attainment of pro- (recte: thub) thang ga 1 bzhugs//
aryl ah hOryl. ink in Tibetan script. One gives
found meditation according to the yang rgyag kar (recte: rgya gar)
the name bde mchog Ihan skyes
sacred prophecy, and the teaching byon pi (recte: pa'i) 'gon po (recte:
(Cakrasarylvara). The other is a
104 to the Hindu god Indra by the bod- mgon po) byams pa lugs ma 1
consecration in the shape of a tri-
hisattva Sadaprarudita. Captions gyi nang de bzhin gshegs gdung
Illuminated Cover and angle that comprises mantra in
identify the two figures following this bzhugs// yang dge' 'dun san rtag
Frontispiece from a Sanskrit, the Ye dharma, and the
as a merchant and his daughter, chos brje' pa'i dngul 'bum bzhugs//
Prajnaparamita Manuscript: consecration prayer on forbear-
followed by Sadaprarudita attempt, 'di bzhugs dus 3 dge' ba des ma
ance as the best virtue from the
Buddha, Prajnaparamita, ing to describe the doctrine to the nam mkhas khyab pa' sems cen
Pratimok$a sotra, as well as
and Other Scenes daughter (right border). In the lower rnams chos dbyings rnam dag pho
wishes for joy for all.
register, the captions describe Sada- brang du bla ma rin po che dang
The outer spine of this book cover prarudita traveling with the daugh- mi 'bral shog// dge' slong rdar ma
bears the Tibetan title" PrajfJa- ter, at first by foot, then by chariot, 'gror te (recte: Dharma blo gros?) 120
paramita in 8,000 verses, volume the merchant riding a horse as he yong thugs shagsu (recte: bshags Portrait ofa Tibetan Hierarch
A." Inscriptions name the figures too travels, and 500 servants fol- su) cug lags bkra' shis par
illustrated on the book cover. On lowing the chariots. At last they gyur//rten byin rlabs dang Idan On the reverse, the Sanskrit Ye
the left, beneath Sakyamuni, are descend from the chariot and pro- gyur/ bka' zhal dro bar gyur 1 (cig)// dharma prayer is written in Tibetan
two Tibetan teachers (second and ceed on foot to the temple court- bla ma rin poch che'i sku gsung script along with the Tibetan trans-
fourth figures from the left); on yard where bodhisattva Arya thugs kyi 'phrin las rgyas par gyur/ lation of the forbearance verses
the right, beneath Prajnaparamita, Dharma is explaining the dharma. sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa 'jig rten attributed to the Buddha and the
are two more (second and fourth du yun ring bar gnas par gyur// dge' mantra syllables Oryl ah hOryl.
figures from the right). The upper '0 leg (recte: legs) sol lags sto'
112
and lower registers have small por- (recte: legs so)
traits of the arhats, all named by God Manjusrr- Yamantaka 121
inscriptions. Beneath Sakyamuni, Commentary
Scenes from the Life ofBuddha
Inscription The inscription on the reverse
from left to right, inscriptions iden-
A rya man 'ju shri a man ta ga. Sakyamuni
tify Tara, Rang byung rdo rje (rang of this thangka (see fig. 4, p. 289)
'byung kun mkhyen), Dipamkara is written in archaic dbu med
On the reverse of this painting,
This inscription in Tibetan letters Tibetan script. It is highly signifi-
Buddha (mar me mdzad), and Jet-
on the standing prong underneath inside the outline of a stopa, are
sun Rinpoche (rje btsun rinpochel. cant because it names the eleventh-
the figure's right foot shows that written diverse prayers with Ye
This last inscription possibly refers century Tibetan lama and transla-
dharma repeated several times.
the artist was using the Sanskrit tor Gos Lotsava, foremost Tibetan
to Tsongkhapa (1357-1419), who
There is also a historic inscription
name for the deity, although it is disciple of AtTsa in Tsang province,
is frequently represented with these recording the painting's conse-
spelled incorrectly. Reconstituted, notably responsible for the trans-
attributes and by this name, but cration by Onpo lama (Stag lung
the inscription reads: Arya lation of the Hevajra tantra into
no personal name is used here.
ManjusrT, Yamantaka. bla ma dBon po rinpoche). He
Beneath Prajnaparamita, from left Tibetan. It appears to be an inven-
was abbot from 1273 to 1274 at
to right, inscriptions identify Drung tory of numerous precious objects
the Taglung monastery in cen-
chen chos rje, Maitreya, Zu ston placed in a stupa made at the time
114 tral Tibet, after which he founded
Ngag dbang ba, and 'jam dpal of his death toward the end of the
Buddha Sakyamuni Riwoche monastery, where he
(Jambhala). Among the Tibetan eleventh century, among which was
served as first abbot from 1276
teachers, precise historic identi- this very painting of Sakyamuni,
Inscription until his death in 1296.
fication is not possi ble except as well as 108 clay Buddha images;
Om Ye dharma he tu pra ba he tu
in the case of Rang byung rdo rje a statue of Maitreya cast in India
shan ca ta tha ga to pyo 'da da
(Rangjung Dorje), who was the and contain'lng relics; and manu- 124
de shan ba ya ni ro dha ye bhra te
Third Karmapa (1281-1339). scripts such as a copy of the Hevajra
ma ha shra ma na/ chos rnams Medicine Buddha Bhai$ajyaguru
The illuminated manuscript tantra, a text of the PafJcaraksa rit-
thams cad rgyu las 'byung te rgyu and Entourage
page contains illustrations, with ual, and a PrajfJaparamita text writ-
de bzhin gshegs pas (missing word:
captions, of different episodes of ten in silver ink (probably on blue
gsungs)/ dge' dang 'gog pa (recte: Inscriptions on the reverse include
th is PrajfJaparamita text, wh ich paper) that belonged to the monk
sdig pal gang yin ba dge' sbyong Sanskrit prayers, transcribed in
concludes with the enlightenment San tag cho je. The verses conclude
chen po 'di skad gsung/ sdig pa ci Tibetan, of the Ye dharma and an
of the bodhisattva Sadaprarudita with prayers for joy and blessing
yang myi (missing words: bya excerpt from the Pratimok$a
("always weeping"). At left, in the for all sentient beings.
zhing) dge' ba phun 3 'tshog par sotra about forbearance being
upper level of the tem pie, the dpyad/ rang gi sems ni yongsu su the best virtue.
caption relates that the profound 'dui 'di sangs rgyas (missing word:
meditation of the bodhisattva Chos bstan) pa yin// dge' slong 'gos 10
'phags (Cho Pag; in Sanskrit, Arya tsa ba' rten bzhugs pa'i mdo' la//
290
125 bodhisattva Chos phags teaching, written in Tibetan letters. After the Commentary
Bhai$ajyaguru MaT),q,ala and, at right, the faithful in the verses on the stOpa's harmika, Two paragraphs of inscriptions
chariot. The last line of Tibetan let- the prayers on the base conclude are written on the reverse of this
The very long inscription-over ters is the Ye dharma prayer. with the Ye dharma mantra and painting. One paragraph is the
100 lines of Tibetan script-on the an excerpt from the Pratimok$a Ye dharma prayer, written beside the
reverse of this thangka starts with sOtra describing forbearance as the very large letters: Om ah hOrn. The
127
mantra prayers, which are followed best virtue, followed by a prayer other paragraph states that this is
by the Ye dharma verses. There are Portrait ofthe in quatrains praising Marpa and a the great master VirOpa surrounded
special verses of reverent homage Great Translator Marpa dedication verse. by eighty members of his entourage
to the Medicine Buddha, who heals The body of the inscription of mahasiddhas, and that the con-
humanity of all sins and all unpleas- Inscription consists of a series of verses, two secration ritual for this painting was
ant circumstances. The anonymous skad 2 smra bas kun la khyad 'phar quatrains (although visibly one performed by Sakya Pai!c;Jita. It is
people who composed this prayer (recte: 'phags) shingll rtsung segment of verse is deleted by a important to note that the inscrip-
request to be liberated from all suf- (rtshung? recte: snying) po'i byed scribal error) of praise of Marpa tion has honorific vocabulary, which
fering, to be reborn in the paradise don la dbang 'byor pasll skye as a great translator and teacher a person never uses to refer to
of the Medicine Buddha, and to mchog Iho brag pa la gsol ba 'debsll who serves as a guide through him- or herself. This means that the
be purified of all sins. They request zab yang chos kyi mkha' la (recte: all periods of spiritual difficulties. Inscription was written by some-
to improve their personal karma ?'od gnang) sogs gnang shing/lung After the verses, there is a dedica- one else after the ritual consecration.
and the karma of all sentient beings, rtogs blo gros chen po'i gzi 'od tion by the donor, named bSod
and to be blessed with great com- kyill 'gro ba'i leg (recte: log) rtog pa nams rdo rje (Sonam Dorje). He is
yid mun gru 'dzin pall skyes mchod 130
passion. They also pray for their a mi dbang chen po, a provincial
teacher to be blessed with long life (recte: mchog) mar pa'i zhabs la political title roughly equivalent to Hevajra Ma1}Q,ala
and great compassion. No histori- gsol ba 'debsll khyed sku mtshan "governor," and has commissioned
cally identifiable people are named. dang dpen (recte: dpe) byad rab 'bar this painting for the long life and On the reverse of this mandala are
pall bzhengs pa 'di yis bsod nams increase of wealth and prosperity two inscriptions in different Tibetan
mthu las nill shes mngon mtha' and political power of the Amkhar scripts. Both read: Om ah hOrn.
126 dpal gyi 'byar ba'i mi dbang chen family. Thanks to Dan Martin, it
Two Illuminated Pages from a po bsad nams rdo rJe (recte: bsod is possible to Identify this family.
132
Prajiiaparamita Manuscript: nams rdo rje) II dad gtong rigs He has found a description of their
gzugs rten rgyan Idan pa'i Iha na activity in the biogra phy of Jig rten Portrait ofJigten Gonpo
Buddha, Prajnaparamita, and
a mkhar yab yum sras kyill sku mgon po (Jigten Gonpo), the
Narrative Scenes tshe brtan zhing dpal 'byor rgyas pa The inscriptions on the reverse of
Drigung hierarch (1143-1217),
dangll chab srid 'dzin ma'i khyon) this painting of Jigten Gonpo
translated by Kuo-wei Liu, who has
These are the first and last pages of (Brigung Rinpoche Jig rten mgon
Itar yang 'sel(?)11 dbang bsgyur chos kindly provided his translation
the volume, which originally had po rin chen dpal; 1143-1217)
Idan rgyal srid bstan par shog/I for consultatlon l
The Amkhar fam-
at least 330 pages. The last digit of are very diffic uIt to read beca use
dus 'di nas bzang (recte: bzung) ... ily are known as devoted Kagyupa
330 is effaced, but the number
'barll ngan 'gro sprul skad dad mi the letters are a pale red and sev-
supporters in around 1160, prior
"three hundred" is written in letters
myong zhing skyob rgyab kun tu eral spaces interrupt the words,
to the foundation of Drigung
as is the abbreviation for 30. The
rje btsun mar pa yisll dgyes bzhln which are written inside the outline
monastery, in 1179. When Jigten
first page gives the title: "Prajna-
rjes 'zung byin brlabs mchog zhugs of a stupa. The Buddhist prayer
Gonpo was about twenty years
paramita in 8,000 verses (A$tasa- Ye dharma is given in full in Sanskrit.
nasll rje btsun mar pa'i ... myur old, his sister married into the
hasrika Prajfiaparamita)." At left
thob shogll gnam (recte: gnod) ... There is also a full quotation of a
Amkhar family as second wife and
is the goddess Prajnaparamita, and freq uently used Tibetan consecration
'tshe par chad (recte: bar chad) died shortly thereafter. After her
at right, Sakyamuni. The spelling
kun zhi nasll bzhed don thams cad prayer that describes forbearance
death, the Amkhar husband, wife,
presents archaic characteristics,
chos bzhin 'grub par shog mi 'gyur as the best virtue. In addition, there
and progeny may have dedicated
but these are faithfully copied as part
Ihun po sku yi bkra shis shogll yan is a small explanation of the Bud-
this to honor her memory as the
of the usual transcription process dhist doctrine that is a quotation from
lag drug 'du pya sum(?) gi bkra shis completion of the funerary rituals
of Prajfiaparamita literature and are a sotra. Unfortunately, the name
shogll(in black ink:) rgyal ba'i sku on the one-year death anniversary.
not an indication of date of the text. of the text is effaced and has not
gsungs thugs kyi bkra shis shogll Thus a date of post-1160 may be
On the final page, there is no speci- yet been identified. The quotation
mangalamlll. proposed for the painting.
fication of where or when the manu- reads: "As for the noble practice,
script was copied. The page begins Commentary like the light of the doctrine and the
with the mention of the great bod- On the reverse of this painting are 129 Buddha himself, the fragrance pure
hisattva Maitreya, as well as human inscriptions of numerous mantra, like a flower ... do not do harm.
Mahasiddha Virupa
disciples of the Buddha (such as behind each figure. Inside the I (the Buddha) have shown what is
Ananda and Maudgalyayana, the shape of a stOpa is a long inscrip- Inscription ignorance and what is wisdom.
gods, and humans, the titans, the tion, largely effaced for the first mal 'byor gyi dbang phyug chen po Others disagree and others claim
gandharva, and all in the phenome- twenty-five lines of Tibetan letters, 'bi wa ba la 'khor grub chen brgyad power, but if the mind examines
nal world paying attention to this in red ink so pale that an entire bcus bskor bal 'di rab tu gnas pa'i carefully, I have shown what is the
exposition of the dharma. Although word is rarely legible. Enough is vis- chog ga chos rje sa skya pan di tas basis of sin and what is not. (I have
no names are given, the figure ible to distinguish that these words mdzadl shown) what is the perfect virtue.
illuminated at left may well be the form numerous Sanskrit mantra To tame one's mind is the essence
Appendix 291
of the teaching. This itself Is the 135 137 as a result of the creation of this
doctrine of the Buddha." Ven. support of dharma. There are no
Bonpo Master VajrakLla Vajrakul)"1iira
Tsenshab Rinpoche of Zurich has historic people mentioned in these
and Consort
helped read this very difficult Inscription Inscriptions as donors, thus con-
inscri ption. Ah om hum/ Om pus pa li 'da' pa clusive historic identification IS not
Inscription
In the first paragraph of the sva hall om mu khyung pra phud bi Om Ah : hum sva ha/ possible.'
inscription, which is in the upper nga nyi ri 'bha ra trang// om mu ye Om/ A sa rba/ byid sva ha
section of the stupa, the name she thun bi nga nyi ri 'bha ra trang/ Om/ tum tram trl a:l a bi ro tsa na 138
Ratna guru IS repeated several om pu da ra mar la gu dun/ nyi ri om/ah/hum
times, as well as the expression 'bha ra trang// om dmu da ra pham/ Five MaIJ4alas
Om/ah/hum
Ratna guru shri sku (holy body of nyi ri 'ba' ra trang/ om pu ta ra phu Badrza sva tu/ hum om rad
Ratna guru), which clearly refers phang nyi rl 'bar ra trang/ om ra tse This mandala has no inscriptions
na lam Iha ba dra/ Om a mi da bha
to the subject of the painting. The tsa kra ting sho nyi ri 'bha ra trang// on the reverse, but, on the front,
tri/ Om a mo gha sid dhi a/ om
typical Tibetan expression for a om tri ma pa sna tshis nyi rl 'bha' ra beneath the donor figures at left,
badzra ki li ki la yang rung bkri nam
revered teacher is Lama Rinpoche, trang// om du be tsang si rl mar are three names. The first, under
ba hum phat sva ha/
lama corresponding to Sanskrit guru tring/ ni ri 'bha ra trang// om khri tse the monk in the pair at left, cannot
Om ah hum sva ha / Ye dharma he
(teacher) and rinpoche correspon- ra mo Iji chems/ brung grang 'ga'i be read in entirety: 7 ga gu' pa for
tu pra bha va/ He tun te 'sha (recte:
dingto "jewel," of which Ratnaguru nyi ri 'bha' ra trang// om rhib tal la e bka' brgyud pa 7. The female
sham) ta tha' ga to hy a datl Te
is the Sanskrit trans-Iation. pham rail shi shon ni nyi ri 'bha ra donor's name is given as dge 'dun
sham ca ya ni ro dha e bam ba' di
The key to understanding this trang// om rkyel min sang mur ting sgron me (Gendun Gron-me).
ma ha sra ma na : ghu ru
inscription is in fact the term Ratna shon mar shog ninyi ri 'bha ra The single monk at right is Identi-
Pra tl sva badzra sva ha/ om badrza
guru shri is uniquely used as the trang// om tshvar tshvar sang kho fied by the inscribed name kun
gar bhe sva ha/ om a hum sva ha
Sanskrit name of Brigung Rinchen de shong ha sa sti ku rha ngang dga' (Kunga) Historic identifica-
Bzod pa dka' thub dam pa bzod pa
pal (Jigten Gonpo). Ratna guru shri na nyl ri 'bha ra trang// tion is impossible.
ni// mya ngan 'das pa mchog ces
was his initiation name. He is sur-
sangs rgyas gsungs// rab tu byung
rounded by bodhisattvas and is Commentary
ba gzhan la gnod pa dang/ gzhan la 142
thus likened to a Buddha; he was On the reverse of this painting are
'tshe ba dge sbyong ma yin noli om
represented this way because of inscriptions in Tibetan letters, Coverfrom a Prajftaparamita
sma ra sma ra bi ma ... ka ra ma
his great mastery of Buddhist doc- but other than the Sanskrit syllables Manuscript: Buddha Preaching
dza hum hum/ 'phrin las rnam dag
trine and teachings to countless Ah Oryl hOryl, the language of the to a Divine Congregation
sku .. ur thugs (recte: sku gsung
disciples. In this case it is clear that mantra and prayers is not Sanskrit
thugs) kyi rten ma lus/ rgya che ba
the term Ratnaguru shri is an epi- or Tibetan, but rather the Zhang Small inscriptions in gold paint In
gzhengs pa rnam pa byin/ gyl rlobs /
thet and, simultaneously, the per- zhung language sacred to the Bon Tibetan and Sanskrit written directly
... da mchog tu gyur pa'I bkra shis
sonal name of the lama portrayed. religion, written inside a rectangle. on the manuscript cover Identify
shog//
categories of deities and names of
Commentary bodhisattvas; guardians of the four
133 136
According to the inscriptions on directions; minor deities such as
Buddha Amitayus Trowo Tsochog Khagying and the reverse, this painting represents kinnara and gandharva; the gods
KhalaDugmo rDo rje phur pa (VajrakTla) with its Agni, Indra, and Brahma; and his-
On the reverse are Sanskrit inscrip- retinue. Ten heruka surround him, toric people such as Sariputra and
tions written in Lantsa script that Inscription Maudgalyayana, the disciples of
who are proba bly to be identified
include mantra (Om ah hum, om mu khyung pra phud bi nga nyi
as the dashakrodha with their con- the Buddha. It is probable that this
om sarva bhyid sva ha) and the ri 'ba' ra trang/ om mu ye glang
sorts. The dagger-bodied deities was a cover for a Prajnaparamita
Ye dharma. chen bi nga nyi ri 'ba' ra trang/ om
are also part of the retinue. In the manuscript, since the merchant
mu ni she thun bl nga nyi rl 'ba'
upper register, Padmasambhava and bodhisattva Sadaprarudita, a
ra trang/ a om pus pa li 'da' 'di la
134 is the initiator of the teachings that principal figure in this text, is also
svaha.
he transmits to an unidentified present.
BuddhaAk~obhya
lama. The lineage subsequently is
Commentary
with Myriad Buddhas transmitted among the monks but
On the reverse of the painting is 153
there are no inscriptions to permit
inscribed the mantra Ah om hum
On the reverse of this painting, Identification. On the reverse of the Bodhisattva Maitreya
behind the deities, while directly
inside a stopa outline, inscribed painting, in the shape of a stOpa,
behind Trowo Tsochog Khagying is Inscription
mantra In Sanskrit are written in numerous mantra are written in
an Inscription of four verses that Om Sva sW byams mgon mthong
printed Tibetan letters. These Tibetan cursive script. The name
is an excerpt of a longer Bonpo con- ba don Idan 'dill mi dbang dkon
mantra comprise the Ye dharma VajrakTla is given as part of a series
secration prayer. mchog rgya mtsho dang// yum chen
accompanied by the excerpt of mantra and consecration prayers
from the Pratimok$a sutra on for- grags rgyal mo yis// Iha sras kun
such as the Ye dharma and the
bearance being the best virtue. bzang rab brtan gyi// thugs dgongs
excerpt from the Pratimok$a sutra
yongs su rdzogs pyir (recte: Phylr)
as a consecration verse, conclud-
sgrubs// dge bas byang chub myur
ing with wishes for JOy and blessing
thob shog// mangalam///
292
Translation Inscriptions on reverse are in honorific vocabulary, which Praise to Dorje Gyaltsen, who made
Om blessings. This statue of the Name on wood stick to which the a person never uses to refer to him- the Genyen vow of study and serv-
protector Maitreya which liberates painting was attached to be sus- or herself. This means that the ice to the lama Marpa from whom
by sight is accomplished for the pended: Birvapa (Tibetan spelling inscription was written by someone he received ritual initiation.
death anniversary of the prince Kun for VirOpa) else after the image was made,
Inscriptions on the front of the
bzang rab brtan by the lord dKon in homage to Thangthong Gyalpo.
OfTI ah hOfTI painting give the names of the five
mchog rgya mtsho (Konchog
protective deities, two in the upper
Gyatsho) and his principal wife Mthu stobs dbang phyug dpal Idan
158 register and three in the lower: Bkra
Grags rgyal mo (Grag gyel mol. By 'Bir va pal rtag tu gzhan don mdzad
shis tshe ring ma (Tashi tsering
the virtue of this, may (all beings) la phyag 'tshallo/ dpalldan ngan God Yamantaka-
ma; top left), Mi g.yo blo bzang ma
attain enlightenment. Blessings! (recte: snyan) par grags pa'i zhabs Vajrabhairava (Miyo lobzang ma; top right),
Manglam. pad la/ gus pas 'dud do rtse bas
Mthing gi zhal bzang ma (Tingi
rjes su dgongs/ mgon po khyed kyi This inscription in Tibetan letters
Commentary shelzang ma; bottom left), Bde
thugs dang bdag gi sems/ g.yel indicates that this was made at the
This statue is inscribed along the snyan mgrin bzang ma (Oenyen
ba med par byin gyi brlabs du gsol/ monastery dgon pa dpal 'bar sgang
front edge of the base. The name drinzang ma; bottom center), Gtad
(Palbargang), to honor the rdo Iha
of the prince of Gyantse, Rabten Translation dkar 'gro bzang ma (Tekar 'drozang
sprul sku (Oola) incarnate lama
Kunzang, is given. It is not clear why Salutations to the gloriously power- ma; bottom right). Also identified
Palchog Zangpo by the nun Chopel
the order of syllables is reversed ful and strong VirOpa, always are, at center: Milarepa (Opal bzhad
Zangmo and the lama Tenzin. It has
here (Kun bzang rab brtan); possi- accomplishing for the benefit of oth- pa'i rdo rje [Pal shepe dorje]), his
not been possible to identify these
bly it is the error of the scribe. The ers. I bow with lovi ng reverence teacher Marpa (Chos kyi blo gros
people historically or the location of
donors of the work, d Kon mchog at the feet of the gloriously famous [Choki lodro]), and, beside him, six
this monastery.
rgya mtsho (Konchog Gyatsho) and one. 0 protector, I pray for the of his twelve closest disciples (from
his wife, are not recorded in the blessing that your honorable mind left to right): 'Bri sgom (Origom), Ras
local genealogies of Gyantse, but and my mind may never be 162 chung (Rechung), Dag po (Oagpo),
they may be from a neigh boring separated. Ngan rdzongs ras pa (Ngendzong
Milarepa on Mount Kailash
locality. Rabten died in 1442, and repa), Zhi ba 'od (Shiwa 0), Khyi gra
Appendix 293
dga' bzang po surrounded by the copied the letters without real- leopard and vultures, in black ink further informs us that this aspect
pure lineage of accomplished izing their meaning. In many cases, under the color layer, the artist has of Hevajra is known by the specific
masters, here is placed the conse- the spelling in the inscriptions is left a small notation: sa jang. This name rdo rje gur (Vajrapafijara),
cration of the holy lama Mus chen incorrect. Underneath Buddha indicates that the ground should be which stems from the Vajrapafijara
Sangs rgyas rin chen. Sakyamuni, the inscription reads: green in color. tantra within the Hevajra cycle
jam dpal rtsa rgyud bris sku mthong On the reverse of the painting, of liturgy'"
Inscription on front, last line ba don Idan la na mo (Buddha inside the outline of a stopa, there
beneath main portrait Tong wa donden [he who liberates is a series of mantra prayers,
ces pa 'di rig pa 'dzin pa lha mchog 174
by sight] according to the Mafiju- including the Ye dharma. Following
seng ges 'brug 10 bzhengsl dge srT-m ula-ta ntra). Mahasiddha Damarupa with
this is the ritual description of
ba byang chub chen por bsngoll
HOrnkara's body and attributes as Ngor Lineage of Teachers
he appears on the front of the paint-
Translation 172
ing, seated on the animal skin hold- Inscription on lower register
This was commissioned by the
Mystic Master Hurrtkara ing the skull cup and the vajra. The dam pa'i de nyid don gzigs nasi 'jig
knowledge holder Lha mchog senge
dedication includes the prayer that rten spyod las rnam grol zhingl grub
in the dragon year. May all beings Inscription
the practitioner may achieve spiri- pa'i brtul zhugs la gnas pa'il da ma
attain the virtue of the bodhisattva. Opal ldan yang dgag grub pa'i skur
tual union with HOrnkara as though ru pa la phyag 'tshall dge ba gang
bsgom nasi zhe sdang rnam dag des rgyal ba'i bstan pa rin po che
Commentary HOrnkara were the direct teacher
me long ye shes gyurl thugs kyi rigs yun ring du gnas shingl bstan 'dzin
This painting has two important of the practitioner. The verses con-
'dzin badza hum ka ra'il dgongs gyi skyes bu rnams sku'i rgyal
inscriptions containing historic clude with an excerpt from the
pa Ion pa rnal 'byor grags dpal bdel mtshan brtan par gyur cigll mam ga
information. On the reverse, we are Pratimok$a sotra and a request for
mchog dang thun mons dngos laml (centered underneath this
informed that this is a painting of blessings.
grub rtsal du gsol. inscription in one line:) gtum mo
the founder and first abbot of Ngor
lam rdzogs kyi brgyud pa'ol
monastery, Kun dga' bzang po Translation 173
(Kunga Zangpo; 1382-1456), which Through meditating on the glori-
Skull-Cup-Bearing Hevajra Inscriptions for figures in line-
was consecrated by the abbot of ous pure body of realization (of age, numbered in order
Ngor from 1513 to 1524, Mus chen VajrahOrnkara), Grags dpal (Grag Inscription 1. Rdo rje 'chang 2. Rdo rje rnal
Sangs rgyas rin chen (Muchen Palde) transformed hatred by the svasti. rdo rje gur kyi bris sku 'di 'byor ma 3. Slob dpon rdo rje dril bu
Senge Rinchen; 1453-1524). On pure mirror of wisdom. Praise to ltar bsgrub pa'i dge ba'i mthusl pa 4. Rus sbal zhabs 5. 'bar 'dzin
the front is a long evocation of the strength of exceptional spiritual skye med rang gsal chos d byings 6. Nag po spyod pa 7. Grub chen
the previous lives of Kunga Zangpo, accomplishments by the yogi gdod ma'i mgon po mngon sum tu dpal 'dzin 8. Ga ya dha ra 9. Mu
which concludes with the infor- Grags dpal bde, who received the bzigs pal mkhan rin po che kun khu lung du sprul sku 'grub 10. Rje
mation that this painting was com- thoughts and knowledge of the dga' bkra shis rnam par rgyal ba'il btsun kun rig 11. Zhang ston 12.
missioned in a dragon year by Lha knowledge-holder VajrahOrnkara. thugs kyi dgongs pa khyad par Rje Sa chen 13. Rje btsun rtse mo
mchog senge (Lha Chog Senge),
can gong nas gan du yongs su 14. Rje btsun rin po che 15. Chos
who served as abbot after Muchen. Commentary
rdzogs pa 'gyu r cigl rje sa pan 16. 'Phags pa 17. Zhang
The only dragon year in which both The inscription in gold ink on the
dkon mchog dpal 18. Brag phug
Lha Chog Senge and Muchen were lower edge of the front of the Commentary pa 19. 'gro mgon bla ma 20. Opal
both active at Ngor is 1520, which painting provides the name of the This inscription on the front of ldan tshul khrims 21. Buddha shri
is thus assumed to be the year mahasiddha depicted here, this painting recounts its creation in 22. Opal e wam pa chen po (Ngor
when this painting was made 4 VajrahOrnkara (badzra hum ka raj, memory of Abbot Kun dga' bkra chen) 23. Mkhas mchog kun blo
and praises his spiritual prowess. shis (Kunga Tashi), with the wish 24. Mkhas btsun dpal rgyal 25.
Several other small inscriptions that his intentions be fulfilled.
169 Nam mkha' dpal bzang 26. Rtsa
in gold ink are written throughout Hevajra was the preferred deity in ba'i bla ma
Buddha Sakyamuni the landscape, but most of these monasteries of the Sa skya pa
with SixArhats are now effaced. The landscape (Sakyapa) religious order. Cyrus Inscriptions for deities
is in fact identified as one of the Stearns, a historian specializing 27. 'jig rten dbang phyug ha la ha
This painting has small inscriptions eight great cemeteries, Silway Tsal in the Sakya tradition, has observed la 28. rdo rje chos 29. 'jam dpal
in the upper left panel naming the (bsil ba'i tsal), and the human in that the inscription does not use gshin rje gshed 30. gshin rje gshed
sixteen bodhisattvas and the naga the lower register is named as the specific title bdag chen (dag 31. 'jam dpal gshin rje shed 32.
kings; some of these are still legible, Namkay Nyingpo (gnam' mkha sny- chen), which is reserved for mem- Seng ge sgra 33. Kha sar pa ni 34.
others are effaced. The inscrip- ing po). He is well-known as one bers of the 'Khon family, who are Yi ge drug pa
tion beside the eight Buddhas of of the twenty-five disciples of Pad- leaders of the Sakya school.' This
Medicine to the right of the central masambhava, who, according to indicates that it is unlikely that this
Commentary
Buddha does not identify each but his hagiographies, also meditated painting comes from Sakya itself, This painting of Oamarupa is part of
rather reads simply: sdug ngal zhi in the cemetery Silway Tsal. The but rather from one of the branch a series that was painted several
byed (those who appease suffer- inscription records meditation on monasteries. At the Ngor monastery, times in the Ngor monastery. The
ing). Names for the arhats are also VajrahOrnkara by a yogi, Grag the fourteenth abbot was Shar list of names under each lama and
given, but, curiously, in one case Palde, whose historic identification pa Byams pa Kun dga' bkra shis Buddha on the front of the paint-
the same name is written twice. This remains unknown. (Sharpa Champa Kunga Tashi; ing allows clear determination of the
means that the artist who was copy- In the green pasture where the 1558-1603), for whom this was date of this painting as early seven-
ing was not literate, as he simply body is being consumed by the possibly dedicated. The inscription teenth century. The last lama's (26)
personal name is not provided,
294
this anthology is a copy of a volume Mongolian language was written in
that was the personal copy of the Phagpa alphabet, but this is a
8 4 2 Kyentse wangchug 0524-1568), different alphabet. Thanks to Agata
the fourteenth abbot of Shalu Bareja-Starzynska, we know that
11 11559-1568) and a Tsarpa teacher, this Mongolian script was created in
greatly revered by the Fifth Dalai the mid-seventeenth century. Thus
Lama. After the death of Kagyurwa, it is clear that this vase was made
another Tsarpa teacher who had for presentation as a devotional
assured the transmission of the offering in front of a statue of Tsong-
teachings using this ancient manual khapa and not during his lifetime.
in 1648, as a gesture of homage Thanks to Dan Martin and Vener-
during ceremonies for the anniver- able Tsenshab Rinpoche, the histor-
sary of his death, the Fifth Dalai Ical identification of Ganden Tsering
Lama commissioned a new copy of Wangpo is clear. He was a Mongol
the anthology, which was written general sent to Ladakh by the Fifth
by the scribe Nawang Namkha. Dalai Lama in 1679 who returned
The conclusion, which is clearly victorious to Lhasa in 1684.7
signed by the Fifth Dalai Lama
using his pen name, la hor band he,
183
states that this manuscript was
made in honor of the twenty-second Dakini Ngan Ne Ma
abbot of Shalu monastery, Sonam
Inscription
chogdrub 0602-1681), who made
the Fifth Dalai Lama promise that Om ah huml Om ma ma ra 11 du ru
he would accomplish a request. He ma ya ka li ta ru ta du rul Lhan cig
asked that a copy be made to honor skyes ma thugs rje'i sgyu 'phrul garl
the date of the anniversary of the ma rungs bstan dgra sgrol ba'i
merely the epithet rtsa ba'i bla ma bshad 'dzin pa za hor gyi band- death of a special lama, Kagyurwa, mthu rtsal canl zhing skyong da' ki'i
(principal lama). However, the next- hes mkhas grub du ma'i yi ge dang who had been teacher to both gtso mo ngan ne mal dam tshig
to-last lama named (25) may be phyag len gsung sgros la brten Sonam chogdrub and the Fifth Dalai mehog la dgyes pa'i dbugs byin
clearly identified as the fourteenth nas sbyar ba'f yi ge pa nf rig byed Lama. Kagyurwa died in 1659. mdzodl shu bham mastu sarva ja
abbot of Ngor, Nam mkha' dpal pa ngag dbang nam mkha' 0/1 ga ta'am//
According to the biographies of the
bzang (Namkha palzang), who was mangalam Shalu abbots, Sonam chogdrub
Commentary
abbot until 1595 and died in 1603. had close relations with the Fifth
Commentary The inscription on the reverse of
As the last lama was undoubtedly Dalai Lama, who had performed
These isolated leaves with ink draw- this painting is written in three
his student, the painting can be numerous long-life rituals when the
ings are selected from a manu- different scripts (see fig. 3, p. 288).
assumed to have been made in the abbot became ill. To ensure the
script that is an anthology of Tibetan The first three lines are Sanskrit
early seventeenth century. These effectiveness of these rituals, the
Buddhist rituals dedicated to the mantra written in Lantsa and Vartula
inscriptions were previously read by Fifth Dalai Lama performed yet
deity Tsog dag ("lord of accumula- script; after these prayers are three
Professor David Jackson. another special ritual and gave the
tion of merit"), who is often assim- verses of praise in Tibetan language
abbot a new name, Tsewang lun-
ilated in Western minds with the and script. This l1betan inscription
drub rabten. It is this name that
178 elephant-headed Hindu deity provides the name of the dancing
designates the abbot in the conclu-
Gal}esa. These rituals in essence dakini as Ngan ne ma, principal
Five Pages from a Manuscript sion section of the Tsog dag anthol-
seek to accumulate prosperity and dakini of the entourage of protective
of Tsog dag Rituals ogy. The inscription is transcribed
eliminate obstacles to good karma deity Kshetrapala, and describes
from the top of the last page. The
for all sentient beings. There are her great magical skill in combating
Inscription previous page is missing, but
twenty-four rituals in all, some of the enemies of Buddhism with her
... gi chu bo 'di yang (in red ink) the last page provides the key infor-
which were originally composed dance of special compassion that
rigs dang dkyil 'khor rgya mtsho'i mation describing the circum-
for a noble Sakya family of the fif- transforms them.
khyab bdag zha lu mkhan chen stances of the commission of the
tshe dbang Ihun grub rab brtan teenth century. manuscript.
bstan pa'i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang The concluding pages of the
po'i zhal snga nasi lam zab nang last ritual describe the circum-
mati bla ma'i rnal 'byor 'khyed bde stances of the commission of this 179
ba zhig bris shig ces ba bkas brkul unique anthology by the Fifth Dalai Vase ofImmortality
Irecte, bskul) ba dang du blangs te/ Lama around 1670. In addition
dpalldan bla ma khyab bdag rdo to his Gelugpa monastic studies, The bilingual Inscription incised
rje sems dpa' mgon po bsod nams he had received numerous teach- in Tibetan and Mongolian script on
mchog Idan bstan pa'i rgyal mtshan ings of other schools, such as the this vase tells us that it was pre-
dpal bzang po grub mtha' rdzogs Tsarpa teachings preserved among sented in front of Tsongkhapa by
te mkha' spyod du gshegs pa'i dus the abbots of the Shalu monastery. Ganden Tsering Wangpo. Dur-
dran gyi tshes la gsang chen slob Inside the text, it is explained that ing Tsongkhapa's lifetime, the
Appendix 295
12
13
2
6 8
9
1 7
5 -10
40
3
4 11
25 41
26
38. 39
17
27 42
15
18 23 43
16
37
14 19 28 35 36
20 31
32 44
22
21-- 30 -33
29 --34
£L
49 45
66b
67
69 50
46
61 60
47
64 62 63
59
- - 66a
-- 65a
51
57 65b 48
55 56
58 53 52
54
187 recognizable as Brag g.yer pa (Tra 25. In front of door, beneath sgo 'byon ("those who go through
Topographical Painting Yer pa hermitage) 13. dGa' Idan Ramoche area: Khri mo (for the the door into the Jamra courtyard")
rnam rgyal gling la na mo (Ganden Khri smon family; the Prime 34. Shing gnyer ("the caretakers
ofLhasa"
monastery); none of the subsidiary Minister during the reign of Thir- of the Shing rva courtyard" 35.
Inscriptions places are inscribed. teenth Dalai Lama, Khri smon Under the civilian official, a man
Upper register: 1. dPalldan zhabs pad, was a member of this with broad hat and yellow robe
Middle register, left: 14. base of
'bras spungs la na mo (Drepung family) 26. Tsho mo gling (Tsomo walking in a courtyard: Zim dpon
mountain: cog po ri la na mo (Cag
monastery) 2. to the right of ling monastery) 27. Zhes te (recte: (recte: gZim dpon mkhan po; Zim
po ri) 15. Me rtsis slob gra (recte:
Drepung, on hill with caves in white gZhis sde; a monastery) 28. Tan pon [one of the two top officials
sMan rtsis slob grva (Mentsi slobtra;
outline: bstan ma (for the protec- rgyas gling (Tengye ling monastery) of the Dalai Lama's household]).
the medical college) 16. chorten:
tor of Drepung); beside building: 29. just before the Lhasa Jokhang: 36. monk official beside the man
sa go khalling (sago kaling) 17.
brtan ma (Tanma) 3. gNas chung dPal 'byor stan (paljor tan; uniden- with yellow robe: 'dron bnyer (recte:
brtse po ta la la na mo (Tse Po ta la;
(Nechung monastery) 4. Dam pa ga tified) 30. Lhasa Jokhang, Ra sa mGron gnyer; dronyer chenpo [the
"Potala Peak"; refers to the Potala
(unidentified) 5. Pa ri khul (Pari khrul gi tsug khang chen mo la na other top official of the Dalai Lama's
Palace, built in 1645 by the Fifth
kuJ; a hermitage) 6. Phus rang la mo ("the great sanctuary of the household]) 37. on pillars, Shing
Dalai Lama as his official residence)
(recte: Pha bang kha; Pabong Lhasa 'Phrul snang"; Lhasa trul rva sgo byon (shing ra go jon; for
18. Zhol (the government offices)
kha pa monastery) 7. dGong gsar nang [literally, L1asa's place where the name of the courtyard to which
19. sdo ring phyi ma ("outer dar-
(Gongsar monastery) 8. Chu zang miracles appear]) 31. Large man the passage leads, i.e., toward the
ing"; stone stele) 20. g.Yu thog pa
(Chuzang monastery) 9. Se ra in monastic robes: rnam rgyal dbu courtyard Shing rva) 38. rGya 'bum
(private residence of the Yuthog
thegs chen gling la oa mo (Sera mdzad ("the Umze [head chant sgang (Gya bum gang; a monastic
family) 21. g.Yu thog zam pa
monastery) 10. fence enclosure master] of Namgyel monastery [the area) 39. rgyud khang (gyu kang, a
(Yuthog bridge) 22. rigs gsum Iha
with tents in front of it: Va gling Dalai Lama's private monastery tantric chapel) 40. Chos ra (cho ra;
khang (rig sum lakang; chapel
ga (Valinga; name of a park) 11. inside the Potala]") 32. Dancing fig- area for teaching the dharma) 41.
of the three protectors) 23. on wall
beneath Sera, inside fence with ure: glu gong Ougong; the name sMu ru (Mu ru gOng monastery; the
outside of parklike area: cang se
water in middle: 'Ja' mtshon chu given to a person during a special two buildings to the immediate right
shar (Changse shar; unidentified)
mig ("the Rainbow source"; Jat- ritual of the New Year's festivities, are bDe drug bla brang [Dedrug
son chumig) 12. monastery on pur- Middle register, center: 24. Ra mo the Lugong gyelpo rituals) 33. line Labrangl, a college inside a
ple mountain uninscribed, but che tsug khang (Ramoche temple) of monks in courtyard: Byams rva monastery, and sMon [Mondong])
296
42. La ma Shar (recte: La mo Shar) khri ling ba (recte: Shugs khri gling;
43. gSung chos rva (sung cho ra; "the grove of juniper trees")
the courtyard where outdoor oral
teachings are given) 44. Tsha rong
(private residence of the Tsarong 1 Kuo-wel Liu 2002.
family) 45. g.Yu thog (private resi- 2 This painting was previously published
dence of the Yuthog family) 46, in Helier 1999, pI. 79, where It was
Shar grva (shar gra; eastern monas- misidentified because the inscriptions
on the reverse were not accessible at
tic college) 47. Kun zang rtse (pri-
the time of identification,
vate residence of the Kun zang tse
3 Weldon and Singer 1999, p. 184.
family) 48. Rig gsum Iha khang
4 The chronology for the Ngor abbots
(rig sum lakang; chapel of the three used here follows Jackson 1993,
protectors) 49. Rdo ring (private 5 Personal communication, December
residence of the Doring family) 50. 2001.
Chos khog (Chokog; private resi- 6 See Roerich 1976, p. 209.
dence?) 51. Sle bu shar (Lebu shar; 7 See Shakapa 1967, pp. 122-23.
private residence?) 52. Gling 'khor 8 Two helpful sources for thiS work are
Larsen and Sinding-Larsen 2001 and
lam (Lingkor; path of circumambu-
Richardson 1993.
lation around Lhasa) 53. Dkor ra
ba (Korawa; the pilgrims circumam-
bulating Lhasa) 54. Yab zhis so ba
(Yabshi sowa; private residence of
the family of the Dalai Lama)
Appendix 297
213
Amy Helier
Approximately 80
cm in height, the
Fig. I. Jokhang Jug, Tibet, ca. 8th - early
jug was hammered
9th c..repousse silver with gilding from silver sheets,
approx 80 cm.,front view, after U. von cut and assembled
Schroeder, Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet,
2001, plalel90. in four parts, two
hemi- spherical sections joined at the diameter of Fig. 2) Jokhang jug, detail of dancer. Tibet, ca. 8 th -early 9 c.
L
"
the circle, a long thin neck, surmounted by an repousse siJver with gilding, approx 80 cm. after U. von
Schroeder Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet. 2001, plate 190 C
animal head with round mouth from which liquid
can be poured. It weighs some 35 kg when full of liquid and monks fill it daily with offerings of
chang, Tibetan barley beerPJThe gilded designs on the upper bowl of the jug are raised scrolling in
heaJ1 shaped medallions, while on the lower bowl, there are three scenes representing Central
Asian people, two lively solo dancers and three men in drunken revelry. The people represented on
the jug reflect Tibetan familiarity with their neighbors' appearance and customs as we will discuss
below.
The Tibetans believe this jug to be associated with Songtsen gampo (Srong btsan sgam po - died
649 A.D.), the first historic ruler of Tibet. This sovereign is traditionally revered for his foundation
of the Jokhang temple and for his numerous military campaigns to unify Tibet and expand Tibetan
214 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) Helier: Silver Jug 215
territory. His military conquests proved crucial to the establishment of the Tibetan empire in and horses. [41 Early records document Tibetan export of armor and weapons and salt as well.' The
Central Asia which lasted for more than two centuries, during which time there was frequent Tibetans were so skilled in metal craftsmanship that the 3000 meter gorges of the Mekong river
Tibetan communication and trade with the outside world via the lucrative, multi-cultural Silk were crossed by Tibetan iron-chain suspension bridges by the early 8,h century. [51 Tibetan chain-
Routes threading between China and the Mediterranean basin. These military conquests are mail and lamellar armour were renowned in the Tang Annals and judged to be invincible. [6] The
important to consider here because they help explain the formative foreign influences on Tibetan Tang historians wrote, 'Tbe men and horses all wear chain mail armor. Its workmanship is
art and civilisation during the imperial period. extremely fine. It envelops them completely, leaving openings only for the two eyes. Thus, strong
bows and sharp swords
Under the leadership of Songtsen and his descendents, the Tibetans directed their forces from cannot injure them". [7]
central Tibet to the northeast, completely conquering ca. 660 the plains around the Kokonor, a Also famous was lamellar
major junction of the highly active trade routes between Cbina and Central Asia. They then armour from Sogdiana
extended their thrust westward all along these trade routes, north and south of the Tarirn basin. By which Sogdian envoys
670, Tibet had successively occupied the southern oases of Khotan and the four northern fortified presented as tribute to the
cities of Qocho, Kucha, Turfan, and Kashgar. In 704 Tibetan troops were west of the Pamir Chinese throne in 718. [S[
mountains, cooperating with western Turks in Tirmidh, a 'strategic city controlling the entry to Emulating Sasanian
Sogdiana. [21 Western Tibet had already been taken over before Songtsen's death. and served as an models of design for
Fig. 3 ) Bowl, Iran or Afghanistan, Sasanian
additional haven for passage of troops and merchants from central Tibet towards the Pamirs and period 600-650, Silver and gilt; 5.7 high x armour, metalwork, and
the Karakorum. Bolor IGilgit was first subdued ca. 660, then again ca. 720, with a Tibetan princess J 14.3 diameter cm. Arthur M. Sackler textiles, the Sogdians also
Fig. 4) Bowl, Central Asia. Sogdia, 7th-8lh
Gallery, Smithsonian Institution,
sent as wife to the king of western Turks in ca.740 to cement the political alJiance. [JI Tibetans also developed distinctive cemury, silver, 4.8 cm x 15.3 cm. Freer Gallery
Washington, D.e.: Gift of Anhur M.
of Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington,
engaged in diplomatic and trade relations with Nepal and India as of the mid-seventh century. Sackle" SI987.105. designs and high levels of
D.C. Purchase, F1997.13. weight is 221.3
Tibetan salt was highly prized in this age before refrigeration, every season conveyed along "Salt skill, as documented by these examples of gilt silver bowls grams
Routes" from Kokonor to Lhasa then south to the Himalayas and eventually to India. (see figs: 3 and 4). Excavation of many such bowls show that
they were highly prized in Tang China, and also esteemed by Tibetan and Tu yu hun populations
Thus by the early 8"' century, although Tibetan political control would remain intermittent in some near Kokonor. [91 China excelled in silk production in several regions, notably Sichuan and central
regions of the Silk Routes until the middle of the 9" century, trade was active on all fronts. China near the capitals of Chang'an and Luoyang. In addition to sending silk to central Tibet with
(Uninterrupted rule over Dunhuang returned to the Tibetans from 787-846 AD). In terms of trade, tribute missions, the Chinese exported their silks towards the western oases, where the weaving of
the road from Lhasa to Dunhuang passed northeast via the Kokonor, and there linked to the cotton and wool was practiced as well as silk.
northern silk route to Dunhuang. To go west, this meant caravans leaving Lhasa travelled due west
via Ladakh or first northeast towards Kokonorl Qinghai where the caravan linked to the southern The patterns of Tibetan trade with the west was not
silk route towards Khotan and then towards Ferghana, Samarkand in Sogdiana and ultimately extensively recorded in the Tibetan annals, but recently
towards Byzantium. To the east, from Lhasa the principal road went northeast via Kokonor towards archeologists have revealed many artefacts which clearly
central China, where the capital of the Tang dynasty at Chang'an (modern Xian) was a bustling show the results of such commerce with western Asia as well
cosmopolitan city comprising a population of one million of many nationalities. Trade missions as their impact on Tibetan artisans. Textiles, silver objects
and military campaigns also left Lhasa traveling due east through Kham to reach present day and gold coins unquestionably demonstrate importation in
Yunnan and Sichuan in southwest China. antiquity. A Byzantine gold coin was found in Qinghai
province north of the Dulan county tombs of the 8,h century, Fig. 5 Coin, reign of Juslinian 538-542, gold;
recovered in Wulan county, Qinghai
Through the constant trading missions to China - starting from 634 A.D. and continuing for over in Wulan county, summer of 2000 (fig. 5). It may be dated
Archeological Institute, Xining, 2000 WTDJ:7
two hundred years, there had been on the average one mission either way every sixteen months - confidently to 538-542 A.D, issued in Constantinople by
the Tibetans received bales of silks, and many spices, in exchange for Tibetan musk, wool, yaktails Justinian I . This was one of many coins from the west which reached Tibet, and some eventually
216 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) Heller: Silver Jug 2t7
reached China. The Annals of the Sui dynasty (581-618) tell us that west of the Yellow River, it indicated by the fleur-de-lys and honeysuckle motif,
was current to use the gold or silver coins of Western countries and this was not forbidden by the but the gilding technique on the silver panels is
local administration. [W[ The gold coin found in Dulan was treasured as an amulet and mounted into cladding, rather than mercury gilding (see Xu
a ring by the Tibetan artistocracy, long after the coins had lost value as currency. It has been Xinguo 1996). Textiles and fragments of garments
slightly clipped down and then presumably mounted in a ring mount which has erased some of the recovered in the Dulan tombs teU us that the silks
details around the edge. However the style and letter forms are perfectly regular. It is official coin, and brocades from Sogdiana and Central Asia as
a genuine specimen of the ruler Justinian 1's three types of well as China were made into garments for the
solidus, which has been dated to 538-542. [n[ It was obviously sophisticated Tibetan market (see fig. 28, below) [<5[;
not regarded as a coin to be used for commerce, but as an the Tibetan taste for foreign textiles is also
artifact in precious metal to be treasured by using it as Fig. 8 Dunhuang cave 158. Detail of painted fabric roundels
documented by Dunhuang mural paintings
jewelry. It was found with several other coins which were not with ducks, phorograph by Seigo Otsuka, after Roderick decorated under Tibetan patronage. For example, in
Whittleld and Seigo Otsuka, Dunhuang Caves of the Singing
from Constantinople but issued in the 6" century from Dunhuang cave 158, the Tibetan sovereign is
Sands, Londonffokyo, 1996 plate 125.
Sasanian Iran (see below), and in fact these coins were so portrayed wearing a robe patterned with large
valued that there were contemporary Chinese copies made roundels and the Buddha's head rests on a cushion which has a roundel motif centered on a duck
from genuine coins. Textiles and many metal artifacts adorned with the Sasanian royal pativa and jewels suspended from the beak (fig. 8); the designs of
excavated from the 8· to 9· century Tibetan tombs at Dulan, both fabrics are probably inspired by Sogdian motifs adapted from Sasanian prototypes. Tibetan
Qinghai, further confirm trade and cultural relations with familiarity with such design was facililated by Sogdian weavers installed in the Tnrfan oases under
western Asia. 1121 Archeologists recovered a gilt silver finial Fig. 6. Double faced Finial, Reshui Tomb. Tibetan sov,ereignty in 8· to 9· century, as well as weaverS of Sogdian descent in Sichuan making
(3.3 cm. hiah) with a two-faced head like the legendary Dulan county, 7th to 8th century, gilt silver, silks for foreign export. [16j
o height 3.3 cm. Qinghai Archeological [nstitute.
Roman hero Janus, capable of simultaneously seeing the Xining (after Zhongguo Wenwu Qinghai
present and the future, thus represented with two heads (fig. Fe"e, Be;j;ng [996, p. 104) Such multiple cultural influences constantly bombarded Tibet from the seventh century onwards
6). Although this silver head is now isolated, it is very similar to the finial on a gilt silver ewer and led to a very early eclectic mix of styles and esthetics. Indeed, it became the hallmark of great
decorated with people in costumes inspired by classical Greco-Roman styles which was excavated Tibetan art to mix regional styles - sometimes several simultaneously - as can be recognized first
much further east in Ningxia from a mid-sixth century tomb "". Quite possibly the gilt head found in their ancient metalwork, and later in painting and applique silks, as well as in sculptures which
at Dulan was a finial on a similar object. Youths in ancient Greek costume and grapevines decorate they made to honor the Buddhist religion.
a Bactrian or Sogdian silver platter found in Tibet before
1950 now in the collections of the Ancient Orient Museum, It would also appear that the Tibetans' skill in metal was very competent, whether for smelting iron
Tokyo. 1"1 Among artefacts from Dulan, hybrid animals and to construct chain links for bridges or making metal armour, as well as fine metal skills, in both
floral motifs also indicate design influences from western gold and silver, with hammered and repousse decoration. Historically, we know about Tibetan
Asia and the Mediterranean. Archeologists at Dulan ewers and metalwork of the period thanks to the Chinese Tang Annals. There is record of a
excavated several gilt silver panels forming a Buddhist spectacular gift received from Tibet in 641 A.D., a goose-shaped golden ewer seven feet high,
reliquary, approximately 15 x to cm. 15 cm high. The silver capable of holding sixty litres of wine. In 648, a miniature golden city decorated with animals and
is carved to form honeysuckle vine tendrils with fleur-de-lys, men on horseback was presented as a gift. ["I As the Tang historian Edward Schafer has written,
flower buds, and hybrid birds blending the claws of an eagle, ''Though Iran may have been the ultimate source of the art of beating golden vessels and the
Fig. 7, Side of Buddhist reliquary, Reshui ultimate inspiration of many of the designs worked on them by the artisans of Tang, it appears that
body of a pheasant and head of a female phoenix (fig. 7). A
Tomb trench, Dulan county, Sogdiana or Tibet,
8th-9th cenlllry, gilt silver, length 15.3 cm. fleur-de-lys motif of inset turquoise stones on a seed pearl Tibet must also be given an important place among the nations whose craftsmen contributed to the
photograph courtesy of Qinghai Archeological background decorates a gold belt buckle (3.8 x 3 cm.) also culture of Tang. To judge from the records of tribute and gifts from Tibet to Tang which over and
Institute.
excavated from the Dulan tombs. Sogdian design influence is over again list large objects of gold, remarkable for their beauty and rarity and excellent
218 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) Heller : Silver Jug 219
workmanship, the Tibetan goldsmiths were the wonder of the medieval world." ['"I famous in Tibetan history as a meditation center of Padmasambhava in the late 8m century, thus a
treasure recovered from this site was regarded as potentially a relic of great antiquity for Situ
It is significant that the Tang Annals record such a large silver goose-head ewer as a gift from Panchen. We will discuss the meaning of the deer head finial below. Su Bai, professor of
Tibet - was it possibly a pair to the silver jug of the Lhasa Jokhang? Tibetan historical accounts archeology in Beijing university, recently studied this jar also, and he identified the animal head
record the tradition that Srongtsen hid several silver ewers with animal and bird heads as treasures finial as a sheep head. [261 In 1980, the former caretaker of the Lhasa temple published his map of
for the Jokhang. Vitali has remarked that later Tibetan literature describes horse-headed pots [I", the sanctuary, in which, most simply, the silver jug is recorded as " the Chang pot of Songtsen" '''I,
while his personal observation inclined him to think of a camel's head on the silver jug of the thus the traditional origin is maintained. Incidentally, all of the animals identified as the head of
Lhasa Jokhang. Vitali's description is corroborated by the rGyal po ka the jug are native to Tibet, including the Bactrian camel which roams wild in herds in the Kokonor
thang (Testament of the Ancient Kings), written ca. 1345, which describes region.
ten jugs hidden by Srongtsen, of which three are camel head pots (rnga The jar bears a partially effaced inscription in Tibetan letters carved on low relief on the neck of
mong gi mgo can) and seven are duck head pots (ngang pa'i mgo can). The the animal, stating "In the year 1946 on this very blessed religious treasure ... was put on" : rab
sinnilarity of head shape for ducks and the goose described by the Tang 'byung bcu drug po me khyi lor' .... di nyid gter ma byin can la brten bkal ... .I interpret this
Annals is quite clear. Among Tang ceramic ewers with birds head excavated inscription to mean that the jar was recovered, possibly re-gilded, in 1946; H. E. Richardson
from tombs in western China [201, some crest feathers closely resemble the thought the original jar was recovered with an exact replica at this time, while U. von Schroeder
protuberance on the head of the silver jug in Lhasa, as this blue glazed considered the jar was "re-discovered" in 1946. [281 H. E. Richardson lived many years in Lhasa
pottery phoenix head ewer, of a far smaller dimension, only 33 cm high (fig. himself and had studied the Jokhang. He wrote "one object which may date from the seventh
9) [21] When the Tibetan ruler the Fifth Dalai Lama composed a description century has survived. A great silver wine jar in Srong btsan sgampo's meditation chapel is
of all the relics and images of the Jokhang in 1645, he described the silver decorated with repousse figures of drinking scenes ... which show Central Asian Sasanian
jar as the dngul dam rta mgo ma, the great silver vessel with a horse head, influence." L29]
Fig. 9) Phoenix headed which the renowned Tibetan lama Tsong kha pa (1357-1419) had offered to
ewer, Tang dynasty. blne the Jokhang once he had discovered it as a religious treasure terma (gter Indeed, the lower spherical portion of the jug has
glazed ceramic, height 3 3 . . .
. ..
cm. Cast Ie 0 fA nttqUltleS,
ma). [22} In the realm of Tibetan spirituahty, their dIscovery is a very three scenes in gilt repousse, separated by thick
Hong Kong. important event. Terma can be visions of saints who reveal their teachings to scrolling foliation which forms a heart in the center
later spiritual descendents or terma may be objects or texts which were hidden long ago by great of the scrollwork (see figs. I -2). In one scene, there
religious heroes like Padmasambhava (in Tibet ca. 779 A.D.), for revelation to the karmically are three men, a big, rotund man with thick
appropriate person at a later auspicious date. Thus, while the Fifth Dalai Lama did not directly eyebrows, long beard, mustache and curly hair, who
associate the jar historically with Songtsen or the Pugyel (sPo rgyal) dynasty, he did emphasize its is carried by two younger men, one of whom is
antiquity and its great innportance. Indeed, when the modem Tibetan historian T.W. Shakaba re- Fig. 10)) Jokhangjug. detail ofrevelers, Tibet. ca. 8th -early crouching to carry the big man's leg (fig. 10). Their
9thc.
affirmed the Fifth Dalai Lama's description of a silver jar with horse-head finial, Shakabpa robes all have a small scrolling leaf pattern
repousse silver with gilding, approx 80 cm. after U. van
supplied the information that it was offered by Tsong kha pa to the statues of Songtsen and his two Schroeder Buddhist Sculptures in Tibet, 2001, plate 190 D scattered randomly all over the fabric. The man
foreign wives in the Jokhang because it was attributed to the time of Songtsen. "'I The silver jar being carried appears so drunk as to be asleep. He
thus would have arrived in its current location as of 1409, when Tsong kha pa started the Monlam wears a short cape over his shoulders, extending to the elbow level of the sleeve which has been
chen mo festival in Lhasa. [N[ Another interpretation of the silver jar was given in early 20th lengthened to hang far beyond the wrist. This type of short cape and overlong sleeves are already
century by Si tu Panchen, a Buddhist master from Eastern Tibet who wrote a detailed description represented as Tibetan costumes in the mural paintings of the Dunbuang caves painted during the
of his visits to sanctuaries in central Tibet from 1918 to 1920. He recorded that the silver jug has a Tibetan occupation of the late 8rn to mid-9 m century (see below). [301 The man on the Lhasa jug, in
deer head fmial; it is a holy vessel from the Tibetan sovereigns of the Pugye] dynasty used to typical Tibetan nomad fashion, has one arm hidden inside the long sleeve, and he has freed the
contain chang beer offerings at celebrations of marriage or birth, and had been found as terma other arm, which is clasped in the hand of the man carrying him. The other sleeve hangs loosely at
treasure at Brag Yer pa near Lhasa and subsequently offered to the Jokhang. [25] Brag Yer pa is his side, just as Tibetans drape their coats today. The man's inert position allows us to examine
220 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) Helier: Silver Jug 221
how the fabric is gathered to mark the area of the wrist above portion above what appear to be two festoons attached to a helmet section (fig. 12). Each of the
the narrow cuff. Sasanian rulers had a very distinct crown which was represented on the coins, but many had the
sun and moon as a finial. This particular coin and crown belongs to the reign of Peroz, 459-485. 1341
The other two scenes show men with similar long sleeved robes In the opinion of this writer, it is unlikely that the dancers were royalty, or that they were really
of thick fabric, who are in tbe midst of performing the dance depicted wearing crowns. Rather, it seems probable the artisan who designed the dancers and their
known in China as the "Sogdian whirl" (see fig. 2) 13<1 As they costumes for the silver jar was attempting to emphasize the Central Asian origin of these dancers
raise one leg during their dance, it is possible to see buffoon spinning on one leg. The sun and moon in the hair would appear to be a hair ornament adapted
pants stuffed into boots which tightly fit around their calves and from the Sasanian emblem of royalty - but it is not a faithful copy of the Sasanian crown, it is a
ankles. Dancers in similar costumes and in this distinctive distortion of the crown with the sun and moon. Tibetans long knew the sun-crescent moon as
position were represented in Chinese ceramics ( see fig. 11). symbolic of the celestial elements, for these are found carved on the capitals of stone stele erected
According to the Tang Annals, in 718 when the Sogdians at the construction of the Tibetan royal tombs and the first
presented their coat of mail, a caravan set out from Samarkand monasteries in Tibet during the 8'"-9'" century.
Fig. 11) Pilgrim jug with Dancer, Tang bringing carpets, brass, precious rings, mats, lions and dancers -
dynasty. 7th th century, ceramic. height 25 the female performers of the "Sogdian whirl". 1nl Instead of Further, it is certain that the Tibetans appreciated this dance, as
cm. Musee Guimet Paris: EO 2435
women, on the silver jug in Lhasa, the dancers are men whose evidenced by the representation of a dancer performing the "Sogdian
(photograph by Charles Heller).
robes are tied at the waist by a thin ribbon belt with a purse Whirl" painted during the Tibetan occupation of Dunhuang in cave
attached. These men are all smiling, exuding good humour in their revelry. The facial traits do not 11 2 of the Dunbuang grottoes ( fig. 13). Here we see the same
seem Tibetan at all, for the eyes are round, lacking the extra fold of the eyelid found in Asian dance, but the dancer wears draperies and long flowing scarves
ethnic groups. Their thick hair, long curls and full beards seem to indicate Central Asian or similar to those of the Bodhisauva! And this dancer carries above tbe
Mediterranean ethnic groups. Round pendant earTings are worn by the biggest man, and by the two shoulder the same instrument as tbe dancer on tbe Lhasa silver jug.
dancers. Tbis instrument is a pipa, a Chinese
In terms of theme, Vou Schroeder stated "tlbe ritual function shows an obvious relationship with the lute, ratber similar in sbape to tbe oud,
Dionysus cult originating in ancient Greece. Dionysus or Bacchus ... was worshipped as the god of Fig. 13) Dancer with Pipa, cave 112 the lute of Islamic lands, but the pipa
the vine and its cultivation" On the Lhasa silver jug, in the opinion of this writer, we see scenes of Dunhuang, early 9th cenlUry (after is more elongated than the oud;
Zhongguo bihua \'01. 15. plate 96)
human celebration, rather than worship of deities; a connection with a Bacchus cnlt seems unlikely. Chinese historians consider that the
If the silver jug of the Jokhang was originally intended for Dionysian rituals, one would expect that pipa originally arose in Central Asia, among Northern or Western
the costumes would reflect this, showing a semblance of Greek toga and draperies as found in barbarians.
metalwork of the Hellenized East or Central Asian
metalwork influenced by the Greco-Bactrian Von Schroeder considered Tajikistan as the place of manufacture for
civilization. This is not the case here. Von Schroeder this jug, dating it to ca. 8'h century. Certainly the Centcal Asian
also observed that" the musicians have a sun and physiognomy points to that direction, but the misunderstanding of
crescent moon motif on a ribbon in their unruly hair the crown would be unlikely if the ar1isan was from Sogdiana, which
", associated with the Sasanian and Sogdian rulers, corresponds to the area of modern Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The
and suggested that they might be royal dancers. {33{ costumes of Central Asians and Tibetans during tbe seveth to mid- Fig. 14) Statue of Buddha in Tibetan
royal robes, Beedo Temple CB-is
Indeed, comparison with late 5'" to 6'h century ninth century are somewhat simiJar. Tibetan costumes have been mda'), Jyekundo, Qinghai province,
Sasanian coins found in the Wulan county of principally documented by wall paintings and Tibetan manuscripts' 804 A.D., Stone and clay, painted
Fig. ] 2) Sasanian Coin, reign of Peroz 459~485, silver mint, and textile decoration, height 160
nortbern Tibet shows how the sun and crescent from the Dunhuang caves, but early ninth century stone and clay
recovered in Wulan county, Qinghai Archeological cm. (approximate), Photography by
moon are integrated in tbe crown, as the upper Institute, 2000 wTDJ :8 Buddhist statues in royal apparel have been recently discovered in Liu Lizhong
222 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) Helier: Silver Jug 223
eastern Tibet (see fig. 14). Although repainted in Ching textile patterns, the thick fabric, overlong ample cut, draped to the left, with very long sleeves. It is only distantly related to the ancient Greek
sleeves and wide cuffs, the relatively tight fit of the original garment, its lapel collar, mid-calf coat, the candys, with overlong sleeves and narrow fit, central closure, which is closer to the
length and side slits are evident; however in the same chapel, attendant statues wear very ample, dancers' close-fitting garments on the Lhasa jug. The robes of the two dancers are open at the
ankle-length robes, again with over-long sleeves. There is also one painting which is a Sung copy neck and draped to reveal fabric cut to make high collars bordered with a lapel. One dancer has a
of a Tang official court painting made by Yan Li Ben, ca. 641 A.D., which is said to represent a collar on which a ribbon is sewn above the lapel, each side closes with a round button to be
Tibetan envoy to the Tang court (see below, fig. 27). The Central Asians' costumes are known knotted to close the robe. Their robes are draped from right to left, forming a v-neck collar. The
principally from Dunhuang paintings and from clay figurines made in Tang China, while Sogdian painting ofYan li Ben (fig. 27, below) is said to depict a Tibetan envoy according to the colophons
aristocratic garments are known from the mural paintings of Afrasiab near Samarkand of the Sung dynasty, and his garment has round collar, central closure, side slit from waist to hem,
(Uzbekistan) and Penjikent (Tajikistan), as well as silver platters representing aristocracy. On the relatively close to the description of the candys robe, but is the envoy in reality a Tibetan or is he
whole, the Sogdian garments are close fitting, while the Central Asian and Tibetan gannents are from Sogdiana or western Central Asia?
ample. The Sogdian garments close in the center, with large lapel at the round collar; the coat has
a border of separate fabric emphasizing the central closure and the hemline. This central closure is In fact, I am indebted to Dr. Elfriede Knauer, costume historian, and Professor Boris Marshak,
distinctive in Sogdian garments, and appears frequently in the Afrasiab mural paintings, but it is specialist in Sogdian archeology and civilisation, for independently informing me of their opinion
interesting that the upper jacket of the Tibetan gya that the portrait in the Yan li Ben painting must represent a Central Asian person, probably a
lu che costume, now conserved in the Tibetan Sogdian envoy, due to the facial features, the pose and the garment. Indeed, this garment is very
Collection of The Newark Museum has a central similar in cut and fabric to those represented in Afrasiab or Penjikent. The garments of the
closure. This garment was worn by government Tibetans in Dunhuang usually resemble those on the Lhasa jug with loose fit and overlong sleeves.
non-monastic officials for New Year ceremonies, But there are a few exceptions. In addition to the gya lu ehe costume, a Tibetan figure wearing v-
and it is said to represent the ancient kings' necked coat, with double lapel, over long sleeves with cuff in contrasting fabric, central closure,
costume. 135] Tibetans garments usually closed to the belt and side slits is represented in a Tibetan Buddhist text from Dunhuang, now in the
Fig. 15) Tibetan King and courtiers, cave 159 Dunhuang,
left but this jacket was apparently at least one Bibliotheque Nationale. 1371 The Tibetan person beside this figure also has a v-neck double lapel
early 9th century (after Zhongguo bihua, va!. 15, plate 112) exception to the rule. Perhaps an ancient version of with a round button at the edge of the collar just like the dancer of the Lhasa silver jug, and this
the gya lu che costume is visible in the group of the Tibetan sovereign and his attendants robe too appears to have a central closure. An ancient rock carving in the Leb Khog valley (near
represented in Dunhuang cave 159 ( see fig.15 ). At the far right of the group, this person wears a Jeykundo, in Khams, eastern Tibet) presents a group of Tibetan nobles worshipping a Buddha.
dark hip-length jacket with v-neck collar, over a white skirt with dark fabric from knee to ankle. Here also one figure wears a garment with the side slit from the waist to the knee-length hem, very
While it is not a central closure, this gannent appears to be less draped to the left than the other much like the garment worn by the envoy to the Tang and the clay statue in eastern Tibet
garments represented.. Perhaps there were other Tibetan garments which closed at the center but represented in royal robes (see above, fig. 14). These examples from different regions are not
our knowledge is too fragmentary. The Chinese vestimentary protocol indicated that Westerners conclusive but tend to confirm that the central closure is not completely absent from Tibetan
(including both Tibetans, Central Asians and in principle Sogdians) closed their garments right clothing of the Pugyel dynasty. It is also important to recall that an envoy to the Tang court
over left, while the Chinese were not to do so but rather, closed their garments left over right. In received official garments, for according to one recent Chinese study, the robe of the envoy in Yan
612, the edict by Gao Pe, ruler of GaochangfTurfan was made as follows: "formerly, when our Li Ben's painting reflects precisely such a robe-of-state made in Sichuan of fabrics emulating
kingdom was in the wild country of the border, we wore our hair floating on the back and we Sasanian and Sogdian designs. [38] Only when all of the numerous colophons of the Yan Li Ben
buttoned our clothes on the left. Now that the Suei dynasty is governing, the universe is pacified scroll have been fully analysed will we be able to determine if indeed this man is the Tibetan envoy
and united. Thus ... the common people and all aristocrats should all take away their braids and or a Sogdian envoy. But already we can be sure that the people on the Lhasa jug are wearing
adopt Chinese coiffure and re-align the lapel of their robes!' [3"Even today Tibetans mostly button garments popular in Tibet during the Tibetan empire.
their shirts on the upper right shoulder just under the collarbone. The eighth to tenth century mural
paintings of Tibetan royalty and attendants from Dunhuang and nearby Yulin show robes draped to Tibetan silver objects recently excavated by archeologists or found in Tibet seem to bear
the side instead of central closure. Their principal garment is a coat, called ehu pa in Tibetan, of significant points of comparison with the Jokhang jug. In terms of design and techniques of
224 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) HeUer: Silver Jug 225
manufacture, these objects clearly bear the influence of Sogdian All three vessels all have very similar designs and gilding
workmanship of the seventh to eigbth century, yet there are techniques. However, the vase and rhyton are made in repousse
significant differences as well which we will examine below. with the beaded band soldered on the rim while the decoration of
For example, although the scale is vastly smaller for this cast the cup is carved into the metal, leaving the interior smooth. The
silver vase 17 cm. in height now in the Ashmolean museum cup bears an inscription in Tibetan letters with characteristic
39
(fig. 16),1 ' it provides a very close model of certain designs on anciein punctuation and vowel marks whicb has been attributed
the Lbasa jug. Divided into lower and upper sections by a raised to the seventh century bride of Songtsen gampo . '''' While the
petal motif in proximity witb a raised line of small beading, the interpretation of the inscription regarding the identity of the
upper section has hearts formed inside of tbe raised petals owner may be subject to question, as the inscription seems to
design. On the Lhasa jug. there are also heans as intennediary refer to the three vessels and rhytons are generally used by men
motifs between the scenes with bumans, as well as on the upper and not by women, the chronological attribution of mid to late
section of the jug, which may have been made in two portions, seventb to eighth century made by Or. Martha Carter is well
Fig. 16) Vase, Slh to 9th cemu£}'. Tibet. giJI
with the head made separately as a third element. The scrolling Fig. 19) vase. Tibet, Slh-early 91b century, founded.
silver. height 17 cm. Ashmolean Museum.
Oxford, 1999.98. weighl454.7 gr. edges of the gilt silver. base inscribed in Tibetan
language, height 19 cm. weight 437 gr.
heart design are florid, as befits tbe scale of the The Pritzker collection has a Tibetan vase, cast in silver, 19 cm
Prirzker Collection.
Lhasa jug. The separation of the upper and lower in height, 437 grams, with parcel gilding in the recess of the
sections alternates three different designs of scolls raised designs (see fig. 19). Tltis vase presents virtually the same shape and proportion as the vases
and geometric forms, which are separated by thin of the Ashmolean and Cleveland collections, but the principal designs represent three hybrid
plain bands in relief. The principal designs on the creatures, for example, a winged borse prancing inside elaborate branches and foliage. In the
Ashmolean vase represent a pair of phoenix chasing upper register, pairs of birds are presented as entwined creatures (fig. 20) rather than confronted
each other: each scene is separated by floral and pairs of birds or lions which are frequent designs adapted from Sogdian textiles. ["'J This vase has
leaf designs. The lower edge is decorated in an inscription in Tibetan language presenting the distinctive characteristics of the punctuation and
beading, above whicb tendrils of small vines are spelling used during the sPu rgYal dynasty, known from
carved. The Fig. 17) Vase. Beaker and RhYlon. Tibet. silver wilh gilding, Tibetan documents from Ounhuang, as well as carved
mid-7th 10 mid-8th century. Vase:height 22.9 cm, Purchase
beading of the from the J. H. Wade Fund: Beaker. 10.2 x 10.2 cm. The
inscriptions on stone stele and on silver objects such as
lower edge Sever-dnce and Greta Millikin Purchase Fund: Rhyton. the Tibetan cup in the Cleveland Museum. The inscription
height 30.5 cm .. Gift of Mrs. Clara Taplin Rankin.
appears details the weight of the vase using the ancient Tibetan
Cleveland Museum of An, 88.67-69.
frequently in measure (srang) of silver. Although there is an archaic
the Tibetan silver of the sPu rgYal dynastic period. Or. Manha style of writing and spelling wbich persists in certain
Carter has studied three silver vessels in the Cleveland Buddhist texts, this is different in vocabulary and
Mnseum of Art attributing these to Tibetan production during punctuation from the inscription carved on this vase. In
the seventh to eighth century (see fig. J 7) ["". There is a the opinion of H.E. Richardson, due to this inscription, a
Tibetan silver vase, 22 cm in height, very sintilar in shape and date of later than 9" century can be ruled out (personal
proportions with fluted neck and beading on the lower edge of communication, Marcb 2000). The bybrid animals on the
the vase. The base of this vase was soldered on and the bowl of this vase and the entwined necks of the pairs of
beading was attached by welding. ['11 This vase is decorated hybrid birds on the upper bowl of the vase also appear to Fig. 20) detail of Vase, Tibet. 8lb-early 9th cenlury.
Fig. 18) Derail of Vase. mid-7th 10 mid-8th
gilt silver, base inscribed in Tibetan language,
century. Tibet. gilt silver. height 22.9 cm. with a roaring lion, a turbaned bird-man (fig. 18), a phoenix, be typical of Tibetan designs of the sPu rgyal dynastic height 19 cm. weight 437 gr. Pritzker Collection.
Purchase from the J. H. Wade Fund,
Cleveland Museum of An.
and a dragon. ['" The vase was found with a cup and a rhyton. period, influenced by Sogdian textile designs which favor Photograph by Hughes Dubois.
226 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) Helier: Silver Jug 227
lions or hybrid anjmals or birds inside confronted pearl to early nillth century. When
medallions, as well as floral or hearts as intersitial designs first studied, this animal was
(see figs. 4, 8 above and fig. 28,below). India too erroneously understood to be
favored entwined and confronting positions in design, for a lion emblem seal (a willged
entwined birds grace the great Buddhist arch at Sanchj. Jjon) but in fact, it is a hybrid
Both entwined and confronted animals are frequently Fig. 24) Large Cup \yilh ring handle, Xinjiang : this animal has a dog or
seen ill the ancient Tibetan amulets called togcha (thogs Uighur Autonomous Region or Northwestern jackal head, wings, and a
China. Tibetan period, 8th century, gilt silver. 15.5
lcags) cast in copper alloys (see fig. 21 and fig. 22). cm. diameter, Purchase, Pal and John Rosenwald
lion's body, legs and tail. I'"
and The DilIan Fund Gift, and Rogers and Louis V. These hybrid animals appear
Bell Funds. Metropolitan Museum of An, New
The shape and proportion of this vase are virtually to be Tibetan variations on
York, 2001.628.
Fig. 21) Amulet of entwined birds, Tibet. 8lh-9th identical with the examples previously examined. These the fantastic creatures of
century (?), brass alloy, height 4.5 cm. diameter 4.5 vases retain a classical Indian shape and proportion of the Central Asian and Chinese repertories. In fact, Or. Carter has
cm. weight 20 gr. private collection.
kalasa, the water pot held by Maitreya and certain aspects Fig. 23) Cup with ring handle, hare identified the head of the rhyton of the Cleveland Museum of Art (see
on handle. interior incised with
of Avalokitesvara. However, the decoration distinguishes fig. 17) as a one-horned deer, known in Cmna as the qilin ("heavenly
carved athletes, Tj~et. gilt silver.
it from typical Indian kalasa. While the vine scrolls and mid~7th -81h century. height 5.4 deer"), but she observed that this atUrnal was also found on Sogdian
flowers were gradually introduced to China from the West cm. diameter 12,8, weight 414 silver of the seventh and eighth centuries, and earlier still on Sasanian
grams. Uldry Collection, Rietberg
during the Tang, the hybrid animals on the Pritzker vase metalwork. I'" It was in China that the deer's single antler underwent
Museum, Zurich.Silver. parcel gilt.
are far from Chinese stylistic conventions. Thjs Tibetan mutation and developed into a mushroom-like protuberance. In Or.
vase thus reflects inspiration from Indian, Central Asian Carter's opinion, on the head of the Lhasa silver jug, it is precisely this mushroom crown which is
and Chinese artistic vocabularies, which are harmoniously seen. I'SI Thus when Si tu Panchen, the Tibetan historian writing ca. 1918, described the head on
blended in a new and ingemous mode. It is a shape which the Lhasa silver jug as that of a deer, he was in fact referring to the distillctive head of a "heavenly
is still made in Nepal today, but the techniques of deer" .. Due to his great interest in art history, perhaps he was fam;liar with this ancient motif. It is
manufacture and gilding have been known since antiquity understandable that the other Tibetan historians were
in Nepal and Tibet. This vase was cast in lost wax ignorant of the existence of this particular fantastic
technique in separate sections for neck, body and base. It creature!
Fig. 22) Amulet of confronting Peacocks, Tibet, was then assembled, chased and gilded using mercury
8th-9th century (1), brass alloy, maximum height
gilding. Although the Tibetan silver craftsmen may In addition to the cylindrical shape of the cup in the
7.8 cm., diameter 6.6 cm. weight 47 gr. Ashmolean
Museum, Oxford 2000.108. indeed have learned from Nepalese artists working in Cleveland Museum of Art, the corpus of Tibetan silver
Tibet, they combined Nepalese casting techniques with an objects attributed to the Pugyel dynasty also .includes one-
imagery that was totally foreign to Nepal. The exquisite handle cups of a bowl shape. We will consider here a few
craftsmanship, the finesse of the numerous designs on this silver vase and its historic illscription different examples, primarily from Nizhne Novgorod
make it particularly signmcant. Museum, from the Uldry Collection in the Rietberg
Museum (fig. 23), and from the Metropolitan Museum of
Fig. 25) detail of base of Large Cup with ring Art (fig. 24 and fig. 25). These present a distinctive shape,
handle, Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region or
In the ancient mythology related to the early Tibetan kjngs, among the ancestors were hybrid proportions, and handle, although the diameter varies
Nonhwestern China, Tibetan period, 8th century,
humans with bird horns, webbed fingers and toes, some even traveled on bulls with wings, and gilt silver, 15.2 cm. diameter. Purchase, Pat and considerably. The Russian cup measures 11 cm in
these silver vessels provide concrete examples of hybrid creatures. John Rosenwald and The DiUon Fund Gift. and
1"1 Another object decorated this diameter. On the base, in relief, the head of a man with
Rogers and Louis V. Bell Funds, Metropolitan
way is a seal imprrnt used on a Tibetan admimstrative document from Dunhuang, dated mid-eighth Museum of Art, New York. 2001.628.
thick hair and beard on the base of the cup and on the
228 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) Heller: Silver Jug 229
upper side of the handle, while the bowl of the cup has raised scrollwork interspersed with A gilt-silver platter (see fig. 26) attributed to Tibetan workmanship of this
recumbant hybrid, fantastic animals. There is a line of beading defining the design of the cup near period is now in the collection of the Miho Museum. 15>1 It is yet another
the upper rim while the base is not defined by beaded edge. 1"1 Professor Marshak has informed me example of foreign influences in design which are adapted to Tibetan
that on the thumb piece of that cup there is a head of a bald bearded man between two elephant taste. This platter is striking due to the composition of the four hybrid
heads. The similar pair of the elephant heads one can see on the Sogdian cup supposedly found in pairs of animals - wings, hoofs, horse bodies but each time different head
Luoyang. 1"1 The Tibetan cup in the Uldry collection is similar in proportion and in beading along - rams, or deers with big antlers, or the mythical deer. Each pair of
the upper rim to the cup found in Russia, but here the base is defined by the beaded edge. Contrary animals has a double half-flower between the two, similar to the
to the Cleveland vessels with soldered beading, the decoration is incised from the same sheet of interstitial flowers on the Sogdian textile. From the base to the rim, vines
silver. 1511 Rather than animals, the decoration scheme presents stylized floral and leaf motifs carved grow and progressively entwine to separate the pairs of each species of
out, but the upper edge of the ring handle has a hare head. The shape of the ring handle is made as fantastic creatures. At the center, a centaur is holding grapes. Although
if a coin had been inserted to make the measurement for the handle's diameter. 1521 The Tibetan cup considerably more shallow than the bowls previously examined, in
in the Metropolitan Museum of Art is the largest of the four, 15.2 cm in diameter. IS3[ It has been technique of metalwork it is congruent with the contemporary Tibetan
attributed to the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous region during the period of Tibetan empire in Fig. 27) Tibetan or Sogdian
examples in the Cleveland Museum of Art.
Central Asia. The ring handle is quite different: instead of a coin or a face, a rampant lion appears. Envoy 10 tbe Tao'g Court,
The bowl of the cup has series of leaf tendrils whose stems entwine alternating with floral designs. Sung period copy of origioal Let us return to the rhyton and cup in the collections of the Cleveland
painting by Van Li Ben (ca.
It is inscribed with a Tibetan letter. The lion motif is perfectly in context for the period. But it is 641 A.D.), Palace Museum Museum of Art to briefly consider the textile patterns on the Lhasa silver
striking to see this on the handle, with virtually no wear in the lion, as the finger held the cup by ColleClion, Beijing. jug. In general, within scrollwork of vines and leaves, there are hybrid
the edge of the handle rather than the upper portion. animals and birds, as well as two bird-men, wearing turbans and central closure jacket., whose
lower bodies have bird forms (see fig. 18 ). According to Dr. Martha Carter, the bird-man's
An unusual bowl was presented in the antiquities markets costume reflects contemporary Tibetan costume and turban, and the small circles on the birdman's
in 2001, and it would appear to be Tibetan workmanship jacket represent the roundel designs so typical of
of the sPu rgyal dynastic period. IS'] This model of bowl is Sasanian and Sogdian motifs and their derivatives. 1"1
larger still, diameter 16.4 cm. It is distinguished by the Professor Boris Marshak has informed me he considers
support of the caryatids, which is typical of Nepalese the costumes on the Cleveland rhyton and vase to
sculptures of this period and recalls the contemporary represent the Tibetans' conception of a contemporary
wood carvings in the Jokhang temple traditionally Sogdian robe. Representations of Sogdian aristocrats
attributed to Nepalese as well as Tibetan artists. Tt is from Penjikent mural paintings of late seventh to early
possibly influenced by the work of Nepalese silversmiths eighth century allow us to understand the cut of the
in Tibet at this time. There is a gazelle incised on the Sogdian robe with round collar and contrasting panels of
base, scratching its head with its hoof, a motif also seen fabric at the central closure and at hem. This is important
Fig. 26) Plate, Tibet, 8th or 9th century, Tooled
in Sogdian silver designs. The sides of the bowl in to consider here, for although the robes on the Lhasa
silver with mercury foil gilding, base inscribed in
Tibetan language; diameter 29.2 cm. height 3 cm. particular have small geese flying in the sky above a leaf silver jug adopted the ample Central Asian cut and
weight ca. 935 gr., Sbumei Culture Foundation, design, inbetween which arcs of a circle surround a draping, the minute incised florets and small scrolls of
Miho Museum.
diamond in relief. The lower edge again has the beading. Fig. 28) Child's Coat, Upper section: Sogdiana,
cloud shapes are quite different from the Sogdian and
diameter of medallion 16 cm, 8th century; lower
These bowls and cups all appear to be related in terms of technique of manufacture. Although they Central Asian roundel designs, which the Tibetans knew section. China or Central Asia, 8th century; lining
share design motifs with the repousse work, the system of carving nut was apparently preferred for and appreciated. Typically the Sasanian roundels China 8th century; weft-faced compound twilll and
bowls and cups in this period. damask silk, Length 52 cm. width 41 cm. Pritzker
represented an outer bead ring or rings with one or a
Collection (pholOgraph by ChrislOph von Virag,
confronting pair of birds or animals, while the Sogdian Abegg-Stiftung)
230 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) Heller : Silver Jug 231
roundels generally add chains of hearts as part of the ring of pearls inside of which are confronted
lions or creatures of fantasy, such as hybrid bird-horse or dragons-rams. The Sogdian duck is Professor Marshak has summarized several differentiations between Sogdian and Sasanian
particularly frequent (see fig. 8 and fig. 28). The Tibetan sovereigns and their courtiers known from workmanship in metal which are pertinent to recall: Sogdian vessels are usually less massive than
paintings among the Dunhuang manuscripts and the painted murals in the caves wear ample robes Sasanian ones (which is visible in the weight of the Sasanian and Sogdian bowls in fig. 3 and fig.
which do not fit close to the body, instead they define the shape of the body by using lapels, 4, above). Accordingly Iranian silversmiths cut away the background in order to emboss the figures
closing draped from right to left, a separate textile border at the hem and fur trim. Our on their plates and bowls, while the Sogdians preferred hammering and chasing. In theme, the
understanding of Tibetan costume has been conditioned by these representations and by one other Sasanian vessels more typically represent royal scenes as well as single hybrid animals while the
painting, to which we have already referred above. This is a painting by the official court painter Sogdian designs may confront pairs or groups of hybrid creatures. [57] Thus in the examples we
of the Tang dynasty,Yan li Ben (see fig. 27). His original painting is no longer extant, now replaced have examined here, we have found both cutting away techniques particularly in the Tibetan cups
by a copy made during the Sung dynasty, whose authenticity is vouchsafed by no less than 19 as well as examples of repousse, hammering and chasing. In terms of both technique and design,
colophons. One of these colophons identified a Tibetan emissary to the Tang emperor. The the examples of gilt silver panels (see fig. 7, above) from Dulan demonstrate Sogdian influences in
emissary is represented as a small man, rather frail, with a short, sparse beard and moustache, their honeysuckle vines and composition, and Chinese influence in the typology of the hybrid
chignon, a robe fitted very close to the body, with a round collar closing at the center of the coat, phoenix. Rather than mercury foil gilding, like the Cleveland vessels, they are gilt by cladding; the
and from the waist side panels with slits to facilitate riding. The robe is not ankle length, but only design is cut out. These silver panels from Dulan appear to be Tibetan workmanship, strongly
falls to mid-calf. The robe is made from two fabrics, the collar, cuffs, side fabric and front closure reflecting Sogdian design and metallurgical techniques but somewhat combined with Chinese
are confectioned from a textile having small roundels enclosing ducks. His physical appearance design influences. The Lhasa jug is a transmutation of Sogdian and Chinese designs, yet it may
and costume differ from most of the Tibetans represented in Dunhuang. Although the present also reflect Nepalese techniques, due to the mercury gilding and repousse. The design of the
writer, following the previous identifications by several scholars has earlier identified this emissary animal's necklace is derived from the Chinese design of Tang coins, and this motif is repeated at
as the Tibetan minister mGar who petitioned the throne to award a Tang princess as bride to the join of the neck with the bowl of the jug. The necklace is formed of small metal circles in
Songtsen gampo, the contrast of the robe with most of the contemporary eighth to ninth century repousse, each with a square cut out at the center. The Lhasa jar appears to be purely decorated by
representations of Tibetans lead me to question the accuracy of this identification. In consideration repousse for the scenes with people and the intermediary heart motifs, while the ornamental bands
of the similarity of the costume of the bird-man and the emissary, thanks to discussion with of vines and leaves at the center of the jar and the base of the neck appear to be added beaten and
costume historian Dr. Elfriede Knauer as well as Professor Boris Marshak, it is possible to incised pieces which were soldered in place. Added pieces were common in Sasanian plates and
consider that the colophon identifying this emissary as a Tibetan reflects the twelfth century Sung some bowls to make design elements in high relief by fastening additional pieces of silver to the
reality of the importance of their Tibetan neighbours, while the memory of the Sogdian emissaries object. In the Lhasa jug, however, the added pieces are not the relief designs which appear to be
to the Tang was somewhat less distinct. The Tibetans were then their principal neighbours to the purely repousse but rather the closure of the "seams" of the two hemi-spheres or the neck sections.
west, while the Sogdian empire was but a distant memory, of far less prestigious importance by At the top of the neck, the geometric design is incised and repousse carving. The gilding on the
that time. Thus one may consider that possibly this emissary represents a Sogdian petitioning the Lhasa jug appears to be foil mercury gilding, rather than cladding, because the surface is now
Tang throne. It is also important to recall that an envoy to the Tang court received official smooth and very shiny, as opposed to thick coat of cladding. However, this may have been the
garments, for according to one recent Chinese study, the robe of the envoy in Yan Li Ben's painting result of the restoration work performed in 1946, referred to in the inscription on the nape of the
reflects precisely such a robe-of-state made in Sichuan of fabrics emulating Sasanian and Sogdian camel's neck.
designs. [56J Only when all of the 19 colophons of the Yan Li Ben scroll have been fully analysed
will we be able to determine if indeed this man is the Tibetan envoy or a Sogdian envoy. Although this study is in no way exhaustive, in consideration of the workmanship and the marked
affinities of the Lhasa jug with other Tibetan vessels, it is proposed to concur with the opinion that
In comparison with the costumes of the bird-men on the silver vase and rhyton of the Cleveland this jug is indeed a Tibetan creation, manufactured during the sPu rgyal dynasty. An attribution to
Museum which represent Sogdian costume, or Tibetan variations thereof, the men portrayed on the pre-650 A.D. reign of Songtsen gampo does, however, seem perhaps too early for the Tibetans
the silver jug of Lhasa show the Tibetan familiarity with central Asian physiognomy, but they are to have assimilated both the diverse metallurgical and esthetic elements which adorn this jug. It
portrayed wearing Tibetan robes. must be recalled that the first Tibetan forays and occupations of the western Silk Road oases
232 S.RAA., IX (2003) Heller : Silver Jug 233
occurred in the late seventh century. The apogee of Tibetan participation in the complex network of [*] I would like to thank Ian Alsop. Valrae Reynolds, Boris Marshak, Elfriede Knauer and Roberto Vitali for their critical reading and
suggestions. My thanks to C. F. Roncoroni, Thomas J. Pritzker, Jacqueline Simcox and Karel Otavsky for fruitful discussions on textiles
trade linking China and the Mediterranean occurred during the late seventh to mid-ninth century, and silver in Tibet. I gratefully acknowledge funding for this research in Tibet in 1995 and 1996 provided by the CNRS (Paris) Tibetan
linking foreign artists and their wares with the Tibetan markets. The impact of this commerce is Studies unit UMR 8047, and complimentary funding for study in Dulan county, Qinghai (1997)by Department of Oriental Languages,
Universite de Lausanne.The research on Tibetan costumes was first presented in the 1999 seminar at Abegg-Stiftung and revised
just starting to be understood due to concrete artifacts such as those studied here. To establish a
subsequently. The present research is adapted from the Abegg presentation and an earlier article on this topic on www.Asianart.com.
more precise chronology for the silver jug of the Lhasa Jokhang, comparison with several firmly
dated Tibetan silver objects is necessary. As the systematic archeological investigations of Tibetan [1] Tucci 1956: 90 described seeing a bowl conserved inside this silver jug while Ulrich von Schroeder 2001: 792 stated that inside the
jug is a stone bowl which explains the very heavy weight of the jug. I thank Ulrich von Schroeder for his critical comments and his
tombs progressively yield more artefacts and data, a typology and chronological analysis of the
generous authorization to reproduce some of his photographs of the jug. See von Schroeder 2001: 792 -795.)
production of metalwork in Tibet will eventually be possible. [2] Beckwith 1987: 66.
[3] Beckwith 1987: 111.
[4] Beckwith 1977: 96. I am indebted to the late Michael Aris for fruitful discussions on Tibetan trade and patterns of exchange in the
To conclude, in the opinion of this writer, the silver jug now in the Jokhang presents significant Himalayas.
differences from Sogdian workmanship and does not faithfully copy the Sasanian or Sogdian [5] Backus 1981: 171-173.
[6] Demieville 1987: 373-376.
costumes and interstitial designs. The scale is remarkable and the work is consistent throughout,
[7] quoted by Beckwith 1987: 110.
demonstrating the high skill of the craftsmen. Having examined ancient and modern Tibetan [8] Demieville 1987: 373-376.
costumes, Sogdian and Sasanian costumes, if we now look again at the silver jug of the Lhasa [9] For Sasanian armour see B. Overlaet (ed.), Splendeurs des Sassanides, 1993: 89-94 essay on military and catalogue nos. 30-42 for
helmets and bridles. See B. Marshak 1999 for discussion of the Freer Gallery bowl. I thank Xu Xinguo, director of Qinghai
temple, it is apparent that the people represent Tibetan depictions of Central Asians but wearing
Archeological Institute, Xining, for allowing me to visit and examine the Tibetan tombs and artefacts conserved in the Qinghai
robes very similar to Tibetan robes of the sPu rgyal empire period - and even to modern Tibetan Archeological institute.
robes! No Sogdian carver would put a crown on a dancer, and their dancers didn't carry pipa [10] Beguin and Laureillard 2000: plate 107, page 293 cite the Sui Annals, XXIV, and analyse a similar Justinian coin excavated from a
Tang dynasty tomb in Shaanxi, near the Xianyang airport. I am grateful to Dr. Tang Hui Sheng, archeologist, for the photographs of
Chinese lute over their shoulders - it is the Tibetans who created a transposition between the excavated coins.
Chinese musicians and the Sogdian dancers, and represented it in the mural paintings made under [11] My thanks to numismatists N. Rhodes and Simon Bendall, for correspondence on this subject. See Chinese Numismatics, 2001, vol
4 (issue no. 75) : Yan Lin, "An excavation of Byzantine gold coins in Wulan county, Qinghai province". p. 40, 41 and color plate.
Tibetan patronage during their occupation of Dunhuang, as well as in the silver jug of the Jokhang.
[12] See Xu Xinguo 1994; Xu Xinguo 1996 and Zhao Feng 1999.
This transmutation brings striking results, in the Lhasa jug, and leads us to consider that there is a [13] Luo Feng 1998; Marshak 2001.
degree of amalgamation which becomes characteristic of all of the Tibetan silver vessels [14] Carter 1998, plate IS; See full discussion by Denwood, P., "A Greek Bowl from Tibet" (1973). I thank Marjo Alafouzo for
obtaining this article and Andrew Topsfield for the photograph of this platter formerly exhibited at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
examined here. This capacity to harmoniously import several different items of esthetic vocabulary
[15] For textiles see the Abegg-Stiftung collection discussed by Schorta and Otavsky, in Otavsky (ed.)1998; For garments see Watt and
(hearts, geometrics, people) as well as emulating foreign techniques of manufacture, but adapting Wardwell 1998: 34-37, and Heller, "An Eighth century Child's Garment of Sogdian and Chinese Silks" 1998. For production in
these esthetics and techniques to Tibetan taste - this would seem to be the hallmark in the Sogdiana see Kageyama in Nippon Oriento Gakkai, 2002.
[16] for Sogdians in Turfan, see Sheng, Angela "Woven Motifs in Turfan silks: Chinese or Iranian", 1999: 45-52; for the weavers of
development of Tibetan esthetic sensitivities. Sogdian descent in Chengdu, Sichuan, Sui Annals, cited by Yokohari, Kazuko (1991), "An essay on the Debut of the Chinese Samit
based on the study of the Astana Textiles"; Zhao Feng, "Silk Roundels from the Sui to the Tang" in Hali 1997/vol 92: 80-85, 130, citing
the Bei shi, Northern Annals; Watt and Wardwe1l1998: 23-24.
[17] Demieville 1952 (reprintl987): 203. See also Karmay 1975: 3-4.
[18] Schafer 1963: 253-254.
[19] Vitali 1990: note 4 on page 84.
[20] Juliano and Lerner 2001: plate Ill. I thank Valrae Reynolds and Thomas 1. Pritzker for calling my attention to this invaluable
reference work.
[21] Knauer 1998: plate 63.
[22] Fifth Dalai Lama, Catalogue of the Lhasa gTsug lag khang (in Tibetan), written in 1645 and republished in Three dkar chag, pp. 1-
45, 1970, Delhi: 32
[23] Shakabpa, T. W. D. Guide to the Central Temple of Lhasa (in Tibetan), Delhi, 1982: 64
[24] Shakabpa, T. W. ibid: 21.
[25] Si tu Pan chen, Guide to Central Tibet (in Tibetan), written in 1920 and reprinted in Lhasa, 1999: 93, chos rgyal 'khrung bem ste
chang dam ri dvags can dngul snod yer pa bar so nas gter bzhes pal.
[26] Su Bai 1996 : 409-411.
[27] Taring, Zasak J. The index and plan of Lhasa Cathedral in Tibet, (in Tibetan and English), Delhi, 1980 (no publisher indicated): 24
234 S.R.A.A., IX (2003) Heller : Silver Jug 235
[28] Richardson 1977 : 157-188. von Schroeder 200 I (2) : 792, quoting Heather Stoddard for translation of the Tibetan inscription. References and Selected Bibliography
[29] Richardson 1996: 26-45. See also Carter 1998: Fig. 14: "Vessel, Tibet, 7th-9th century, partially gilt silver."; Knauer 1998: fig
.70, p.1 0 I Tibetan camel rhyton ; Silver with parcel gilt. 7th to 8th centuries (?).
[30] Karmay 1977: 72; see also Rhie 1988 on ancient Tibetan royal costumes, and Helier 1994 for 9th century Buddhist statues Anninos, Tony, "Tokches, Images of Change in early Buddhist Tibet", Orientations 2919: 93-98 (1998).
portrayed in garments of Tibetan aristocracy. Azarpay, Guitty, Sogdian Painting, Berkeley, 1981.
[31] Juliano and Lerner 2001: 250-253. See the detailed discussion of these dancers and their representations by Mahler, Jane Gaston, Backus, Charles, The Nan chao Kingdom and Tang China's Southwestern Frontier, Cambridge, 1981.
The Westerners among the Figurines of the Tang Dynasty of China, Romae, Serie Orientale Roma (20), Roma, 1959: " The Hu Hsuan Beckwith, Christopher, " Tibet and the Early Medieval Florissance in Eurasia: a preliminary note on the economic history of the
Dancers, Appendix 5 ". For the history of the lute pipa they carry, see Pickin 1955: 32-42. I thank ethno-musicologist Mireille Helffer Tibetan Empire" in Central Asiatic Journal, 21/2,1977 : 89-104.
for this reference. Beckwith, Christopher, The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia, Princeton, 1987.
[32] Mahler 1959: 71, Beguin, Gilles et Marie Laureillard, Chine, La Gloire des Empereurs, Reunion des Musees Nationaux, Paris, 2000.
[33]von Schroeder 2001 (2). Belenitsky, Alexandre, L' Asie Centrale, Archeologia Mundi, Nagel, Geneve, 1968.
[34] These were identified thanks to tables of coins, I-VII, by M. 1. Mochiri, Etudes de numismatique iranienne sous les Sassanides, Bunker, E. "The enigmatic Role of Silver in China" Orientations 25111: 73-78 (1994).
Teheran 1972, reprinted by N.N. Chegini and AV. Nikitin, "Sasanian Iran ~ economy, society, arts and crafts" in vo!. 3, History of Carter, Martha L., "Three Silver Vessels from Tibet's Earliest Historical Era: a Preliminary Study", Cleveland Studies in the History
Civilizations of Central Asia, ed. B.A. Litvinsky, Zhang Guang-da, R. Shabani Sambhabadi, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass 19991 of Art, vo!. 3, 1998 : 22-47.
UNESCO 1996. Chinese Numismatics, 2001, vol4 (issue no. 75). Yan Lin, " An excavation of Byzantine gold coins in Wulan county, Qinghai province
[35] I thank Valrae Reynolds Curator of Tibetan Collection of The Newark Museum for this information, which will be incorporated in ". p. 40 and plate.
her forthcoming study of Tibetan royal costumes; See V. Reynolds 1999: 84-85, plate 36 for the gya lu che jacket. Chegini, N. N. and A.V. Nikitin, "Sasanian Iran ~ economy, society, arts and crafts" in Litvinsky, B. A, Zhang Guang-da, R. Shabani
[36] Edouard Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue Occidentaux, St. Petersburg, 1903 : 102-103. I thank Elfriede R. Knauer for this Sambhabadi (eds) vo!. 3, History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass 19991 UNESCO 1996
reference. Demieville, Paul, Le Concile de Lhasa, Paris, 1987.
[37] Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris: cat. No. PC 4524, illustrated as fig. 5 in Karmay, 1977: 70. Denwood, Philip, "A Greek Bowl from Tibet" in Iran Journal of Persian Studies, London, 1973.
[38] My thanks to Edith Cheung and Elfriede R. Knauer for this reference to the Chinese study: Shen Congwen, Zhongguo gudai fushi Fifth Dalai Lama, Catalogue of the Lhasa gTsug lag khang (in Tibetan), written in 1645 and republished in Three dkar chag, pp. 1-45,
yanjiu (Hong Kong 1992) 1970, Delhi.
[39] I am grateful to Andrew Topsfield, Curator in the Oriental department, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, for photographic rGyal po bka' thang, recovered by Orgyan gling pa in 1349, reprinted in Lhasa, 1990.
authorization. Gullensvard, Bo, Tang Dynasty Gold and Silver, Stockholm, Erlanders, 1957.
[40] ] Carter, Martha L., 'Three Silver Vessels from Tibet's Earliest Historical Era: a Preliminary Study", Cleveland Studies in the Haarh, Erik, The Yar-Iung Dynasty, Copenhagen, 1969.
History of Art, vo!. 3, 1998 : 27 describes the technique of fabrication and design motifs. I am grateful to Martha Carter for frequent Harper, Prudence and Pieter Meyers, Silver Vessels of the Sasanian Period, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1981.
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[41] Carter 1998: 27 see details here below Helier, Amy, "Two Inscribed Fabrics and their Historical Context: Some Observations on Esthetics and Silk Trade in Tibet, 7th to 9th
[42] Carter 1998 , quoting H. Stoddard for the translation, "valuable possessions of a high princess". Instead I translate "valuable century" in K. Otavsky (ed.), Entlang der Seidenstrasse, Riggisberg, 1998,95-118.
possessions of a noble-born person" 1:1 phan :shing :gong :skyes : kyi. sug byang :, sug byang being understood as the individual's Helier, Amy, "An Eighth century Child's Garment of Sogdian and Chinese Silks" in E. Knight (ed.), Chinese and Central Asian
personal seal, i.e. the two circles beneath the Tibetan inscription. I thank Prof. Tsuguhito Takeuchi for correspondence on interpretation Textiles, Orientations, Hong Kong, 1998 : 220-222.
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[48] Carter ibid: 39 Juliano, Annette and Lerner, Judith, Monks and Merchants, Silkroad Treasures fromNorthwest China, Asia Society, New York, 2001.
[49] My thanks to Boris Marshak for this reference. See Marshak 1986. Karmay, Heather (nee Stoddard), Early Sino-Tibetan Art, Warminster, 1975.
[50] Gullensvard 1957,22,63,64, figs. 24k, 77aa; Marshak 1986, 61, 69, 75, 88, 91, Abb. 80, Taf. 25 Karmay, Heather (nee Stoddard), "Tibetan costume, Seventh to Eleventh Centuries" in A. Macdonald and Y. Imaeda (eds.), Art du
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[52] The use of a coin to define the space of a ring handle for a cup is documented by a silver cup found in northern Kirghizstan, Kelley, Clarence W., "Tang Dynasty Gold and Silver", Orientations 16/3: 10-17 (1985).
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[53] I thank Steven M. Kossak and James Watt for kindly authorizing publication of this cup. University of Pennsylavania) vo!. 21 (1) :18-36. 1978.
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Overlaet, Bruno (ed.) Splendeurs des Sassanides. L'empire Perse entre Rome et la Chine, Musees Royaux d'art et d'histoire, Brussels,
1993.
Pickin, Laurence. "The Origin of the Short Lute" in The Galpin Society Journal, vo!. 8 1955: 32-42.
Qiang, Ning " Public Showcase Private Residence: The Early Tang Tombs revisited" in Stone and Slate, Hali Publications, London,
1998: 60-74.
Qiang, Ning. "This Life and the After-life. A reading of the Early Tang Tomb Paintings" in Gisele Croes, exhibition catalogue
Maastricht/ Bruxelles, 1996.
Rawson, Jessica. The Ornament on Chinese Silver of the Tang Dynasty, British Museum Occasional Paper 40, London, 1982.
Rawson, J. "Central Asian Silver and Its Influence on Chinese Ceramics" in Bulletin of the Asia Institute, 1991 vo!.5: 139-151.
Reynolds, Valrae. From the Tibetan Realm, Treasures of the Newark Museum Tibetan Collection, Prestel, Munich, 1999.
Reynolds, Valrae. "Silk in Tibet" in Tilden, Jill(ed). Asian Art, The Second Hali Annual,London,1995 : 86-97, 190-191
Reynolds, Valrae. "Luxury Textiles in Tibet" in Singer,Jane C. and Denwood, Philip(eds) Tibetan Art: Towards a Definition of Style,
London, 1997: 118-131
Rhie, Marylin Martin. "The Statue of Songzen Gampo in the Potala, Lhasa" in Gnoli, G. and Lanciotti, L.(eds.) Orientalia Iosephi Tucci
Memoriae Dicata, Seire Orientale Roama LVII3. Roma, 1988, vo!.3: 1201-1209.
Richardson, Hugh E. "The Jo-khang" Cathedral" of Lhasa", originally published in A. Macdonald and Y.Imaeda (eds.) Art du Tibet,
Paris, 1977: 157-188, reprinted in Michael Aris , ed. High Peaks, Pure Earth, Serindia publications, London, 1998.
Richardson, Hugh E .. "Some Monuments of the Yarlung dynasty" in P. Pal, ed. The Path to Void, Mumbai, 1996 : 26-45, reprinted in
Michael Aris, ed. High Peaks Pure Earth / Serindia Publications, London, 1998: 292-302.
Rowan, Diana, " Identifying a Bodhisattva Attribute: Tracing the long history of a small object ", Oriental Art vo147, no. 1 : 31-36 (
2001).
Schafer, Edward. The Golden Peaches of Samarkand. Berkeley, 1963.
Schloss, Ezekial.. Foreigners in Ancient Chinese Art, China House Gallery, New York, 1969.
Schorta, Regula. Beobachtungen zu friihmittelalterlichen Webtechniken anhand von zehn Seidenstoffen der Abegg-Stiftung, in
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Berichte 6, Abegg -Stiftung, Riggisberg (Bern) 1998: 43-77.
Shakabpa, T. W. D. Guide to the Central Temple of Lhasa (in Tibetan), Delhi, 1982.
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" in UNESCO: Land Routes of the Silk Roads and the Cultural exchanges between East and West before the 10th century, New World
Press, Beijing, 1996 : 409-411.
24
NINTH CENTURY BUDDHIST
IMAGES CARVED AT LDAN MA
BRAG TO COMMEMORATE
TIBETO-CHINESE NEGOTIATIONS
Amy Heller
Source: P. Kvrerne (ed.), Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 6th International Seminar of the International
Association/or Tibetan Studies, Fagernes 1992, Oslo: The Institute for Comparative Research in Human
Culture, 1994, vol. 1, pp. 335-49 and Appendix to vol. I, pp, 12-19.
lOan ma brag has long been famous in Tibetan history as a place visited by the
Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu while en route to Lhasa in 641 AD for her
marriage to bIson po Srong btsan sgam po. At this site, she is said to have built a
statue of a Buddha, accompanied by inscribed prayers. Since the eleventh century,
several Tibetan historians discussed these events, and identified the image as Maitreya,
although one identified it as Vairocana; the height of the image was given variously
as seven, eleven, or eighty cubits.' Indeed, the latter is the size of Maitreya himself
according to Sanskrit and Pali texts, which lead to construction of colossal statues of
Maitreya on borders from Afghanistan to Central Asia to China to show the conquest
of the country by the Buddhist faith.' Accordingly, the carvings at lOan ma brag
would indicate the conversion of the Tibetans to Buddhism, and their association with
Wencheng Gongzhu would reflect the instrumental role she is traditionally assigned
by Tibetan Buddhist historians.
In 1986, a group of early ninth century inscriptions and monumental Buddhist
images were discovered at a site called lOan ma brag. According to the inscriptions,
these were carved to commemorate contemporary Tibeto-Chinese negotiations.' By
virtue of the inscribed date and artists' names, the images are the most ancient dated
examples of Tibetan art known at present. While it remains to be determined whether
the site now called lOan ma brag has any relevance to the place visited by Wencheng
Gongzhu, the rock carvings and inscriptions provide significant new information.
The carvings are located at approximately longitude 97.so, latitude 30.5°, in the
Kham region of eastern Tibet' The name of the rock is lOan ma brag; the site is few
kilometers outside the town of Byams mdun, in the Brag g.yab ("Oagyab") province,
some 220 kilometers southeast of Chab mdo. The rock face is recessed from the rest
of the cliff. The carvings previously escaped attention because they were concealed.
Ouring the twentieth century, a stupa served as cover until 1954, when local Tibetans
built a new temple to preserve them. This was demolished post-1959. In 1983, Nyima
379
THE EARLY PERIOD: TO C. AD 850: THE YARLUNG DYNASTY
Dorjee, a Tibetan historian native to Brag g.yab, and his wife, Elizabeth Bernard,
visited the site and realized its importance. Dorjee encouraged the local Tibetans to
dig further, whereupon the four inscriptions at the base of the images were revealed.
As an appendix to this article, the reader will find the full text of the inscriptions, and
proposed English translations, which have benefited from generous criticism by Samten
Karmay and H. E. Richardson. These explicitly date the images as follows:
In the summer of the monkeY year (804 or 816 AD) during the reign of btsan
po Khri sde srong btsan, ... at the beginning of treaty negotiations with the
Chinese ... these prayers and images (were made) for the spiritual benefit of
the Sovereign btsan po and the merit of all sentient beings....'
In addition, the historical inscription provides names of the Tibetan negotiators: the
famous monk minister Bran ka Yon tan, chief minister (blon then) 'Bro Khri gzhu
ram shags and interior minister (nang blon) Dba's Khri sum bzher mdo brtsan. The
prayer inscription was initially identified as an excerpt from the 'Phags pa bzang po
spyod pa'i smon lam, but this is subject to doubt' The fourth inscription, apparently
contemporary with the others, describes offerings to Tibetan deities termed sku bla
and ma gnyan po, which raise questions relevant to the persistence of the sacred cults
of the btsan po and his protective deities at this date.' In addition are found the name
of the principal donor, the Tibetan Ye shes dbyangs, and names of six craftsmen,
Tibetan and Chinese, who collaborated on the carvings.
Before discussing the images in detail, a brief review of the historic context of these
negotiations will better enable us to assess their significance in the political history of
the Yarlung dynasty.' After the treaty of 783, frequent armed hostilities characterized
Tibeto-Chinese relations; these persisted in the early ninth century when btsan po
Khri lde srong btsan (alias Sad na legs) assumed power. There were negotiations in
804/805, interrupted by the death of the Emperor Te tsung (780-805); subsequently
the throne was occupied for six months by Shun tsung (805) and after the latter's
abdication, Hsien tsung became Emperor (805-820). On each of these occasions,
several official missions were exchanged between the two countries, and also an amnesty
was granted to the war prisoners. As summarized by J. Kolmas, "These manifestations
of mutual respect and understanding had the beneficial effect of the gradual re-
moval of the previous feelings of hostility. Negotiations were begun roughly from the
end of the first decade and resumed sporadically several times'" Subsequently, the most
important Tibeto-Chinese treaty of the Yarlung dynasty was concluded in 821/822
during the reign of Ral-pa can, Sad na legs' successor. lO In homage to the prelimin-
ary negotiations leading to this treaty, the lDan ma brag images and inscriptions were
carved.
380 381
THE EARLY PERIOD: TO C. AD 850: THE YARLUNG DYNASTY NINTH CENTURY BUDDHIST IMAGES CARVED AT LDAN MA BRAG
382 383
THE EARLY PERIOD: TO C. AD 850: THE YARLUNG DYNASTY NINTH CENTURY BUDDHIST IMAGES CARVED AT LDAN MA BRAG
(dharmacakra) or the bodhyagri mudrii (where the index finger of the right hand is
clasped by the left hand, closed in a fist).23 In Tibet several two-armed forms holding
a round golden ornament have also been identified. 24 Indeed, the wheel or disc is
recognized as the emblem of Vairocana. In the Byams mdun rock carving, the hands
appear empty, joined together in a form of the gesture of meditation (samiidhi or
dhyiina mudrii). The iconography of this Buddha corresponds closely to that described
in several texts of the class of the Caryatantra: 25 the Abhisambodhi Vairocana is a
crowned Buddha with one face, his hair in braids and chignon, the body color of gold,
adorned with jewelery, wearing silken garments, having two hands in dhyiina mudra,
here termed dharmadhiitu mudrii (chos kyi dbyings kyi phyag rgya). In this gesture, the
hands are empty, palms one above the other, with the thumbs touching at fingertips.
Vairocana sits in meditation, his legs are crossed in full lotus position. He is seated on
a lotus cushion rising from a lion throne, surrounded by several Bodhisattvas. The
total number of attendants is not specified." The IDan dkar ma library catalogue lists
several texts for this form of Vairocana, so it is certain that these had already been
translated into Tibetan during the reign of Khri srong lde btsan long before the
carving of the Byams mdun images." It seems quite probable that the ninth century
artists were following the description for this form of Vairocana, with paint loss
accounting for the body color. The reader is referred to plate 4 for a Tibetan drawing
which may also represent Abhisambodhi Vairocana. 28
There are at least two alternative iconographic identifications which merit consid-
eration. As mentioned earlier, the local name for the rock is IDan ma brag. In Tibetan
Plate 3 historical accounts which refer to lDan ma brag, it is said that Wencheng Gongzhu
Stone Lion at the tombs of the Tibetan btsan po Ral pa can, early ninth century
stopped there while en route to Tibet to marry Srong btsan sgam po, and she bad
Height 150 cm built a giant image, either identified as Maitreya or Vairocana (cf. supra). The name of
Yarlung valley, Tibet
Photography by H. E. Richardson the nearest village to this rock is Byams mdun, which translates "in front of Maitreya",
or poetically "in the presence of Maitreya", and the small sanctuary near the rock
carving is called "Maitreya temple" due to its important image of Maitreya, now half
halo is absent from this composition. Several of the figures appear to sit frontally, but destroyed. 29 However, the Buddha carved in the rock does present iconographic
at least two may have the body turned towards the central Buddha. It would seem similarity with one form of Maitreya. In two texts, Maitreya serves as attendant in the
that the topmost figure at the viewer's right is portrayed kneeling towards Vairocana; close entourage of Vairocana, and he is to be represented "identical with" Vairocana -
two broad bands of a dhoti delineate the waist. The hands seem pressed together m a but Vairocana in these cases has a white body, three faces and six hands, one of which
form of the gesture of offering (aiijali mudrif). At shoulder level, two small triangles holds the wheel emblem. 3O According to Bhattacharyya, Maitreya as represented with
extend visible both on this Bodhisattva and on the facing Bodhisattva on the other two hands in Indian sculpture often shows the dharmacakra gesture, which could also
side ofVairocana. These small triangles painted in a different color correspond to the lead to confusion with some forms of Vairocana, but usually Maitreya has a stupa in
triangular sections of the rear of the throne." The crown of this Bodhisattva appears his crown. Bhattacharyya also describes Maitreya "seated with legs interlocked" and
to have several triangular ornaments but this impression may be due to pamt loss. yellow or golden body.'l If not holding the usual attributes of vase or flowers, or
Directly beneath this Bodhisattva is another, seated frontally with legs crossed at lacking the stupa decoration in his crown, understandably this might lead to some
the ankles. The third Bodhisattva in this row also appears to have the body turned confusion with Abhisambodhi Vairocana - particularly if the latter is represented
towards Vairocana. The lowest Bodhisattva has lost all paint, yet it may be most clearly without his entourage."
seen. The head is tilted with its back towards Vairocana while the torso swings slightly Another possible identification would be Amitabha, often represented in monastic
to the right. This position breaks the frontality of the composition. robes, showing dhyiina mudra. Indeed, the eight Bodhisattva are not exclusively asso-
ciated with Vairocana, and notably in other Tibetan texts, they are associated with
Amitabha/Amitayus. Among the paintings recovered from Dunhuang, the British
n. The iconography for Vairocana Museum possesses an example previously identified as Amitabha accompanied by the
The Indian texts of Siidhanamiilii typically list iconography for Vairocana Buddha in eight Bodhisattvas (plate 5).33 This painting has several inscribed cartouches written
one-head, two-armed form, stipulating white body color and the gesture of teaching in Tibetan, and is believed to have been painted during the Tibetan occupation of
384 385
THE EARLY PERIOD: TO C. AD 850: THE YARLUNG DYNASTY
Plate 4
Abhisambodhi Vairocana
Ink on paper, 12.0 x 10.5 cm
Tibet, radio-carbon dated to ca. AD 1230
Collection of the Newark Musuem, Purchase 1981 W. Clark Symington Bequest Fund
386 387
THE EARLY PERIOD: TO C. AD 850: THE YARLUNG DYNASTY NINTH CENTURY BUDDHIST IMAGES CARVED AT LDAN MA BRAG
Plate 6
Abhisambodhi Vairocana accompanied by the Eight Bodhisattva Plate 7
Stone, height 115 cm Abhisambodhi VaIrocana accompanied by the EIght Bodhlsattva (detail)
Ratnagiri, Orissa, India Mural pamtmg, late eIghth to early ninth century
Photography by Ulrich von Schroeder Height ca. 120 cm
Anxi Yulin, Gansu, China
(after Chugoku Sekkutsu, Tokyo, 1990)
388 389
THE EARLY PERIOD: TO C. AD 850: THE YARLUNG DYNASTY NINTH CENTURY BUDDHIST IMAGES CARVED AT LDAN MA BRAG
monk Ye shes dbyangs, in the dog year of the reign of Khri Ide srong btsan (806 AD). 37 Notes
Another group of carvings is found some lOO kilometers north of Jyekundo, at Leb
khog. It is said that this group has a considerable number of archaic images and According to Nyima Dorjee, the carvings are described in Mani bka' bum, Rgyal rahs gsal
inscriptions, including Maitreya, Vairocana, some animals, quotations from several ba'i me long, and the Biography of the Third Dalai Lama. Chab spel (1988. "bTsan po'i dus
Icyi brag ~rkos yig ris gcig gsar du mtsham sbyor zhus pa", Krung go'i hod kyi shes rig 1: 44-
siitra, etc. At lOan khog yet another site of rock carvings has been identified with an 53)provldes the exact reference for Rgyal rabs gsal ba'l me long, p. 122 of the 1981 Beijing
inscription attributed to the reign of Khri srong Ide btsan." Clearly adequate photo- edItIOn ( . . . de'i bar la rgya mo bza' la sags pa'i bod blon rnams kyis IDan ma brag rtsar
graphs are necessary to evalnate all of these sites. phebs nas / brag la byams po khru bdun po cig dang / bzang spyod gnyis brkos mal' bzhengs I
The question remains: why' Vairocana? Several factors seemingly intertwine. . .. ). Cf. foL 100b, BIOgraphy of The Third Dalai Lama, Lhasa edition (author: The Fifth
Dalai Lama, composed in 1646): Chab mdo ba rnams kyls gdan drangs pa'l phebs lam dulrgya
Vairocana's emblem is the wheel, which is referential in Buddhist iconology to two
mo bza'i phyag bzo las grub pa'i rnarn snang gi sku mjal has/de rnam snang dngos su gyur pa'j
distinct phenomena: Shakyamuni's discourse where he initially "set the wheel of dharma dhu gtsug nas 'od zer rnilrn pa lnga 'phro ha dang thugs ka nas mgon po gUY zhi ha'i chas can
in motion" and the Buddhist legend of the Cakravartin, the wheel-turning sovereign gsal bar ~zigs. We are indebted to P. K. S6rensen for kindly permitting us to consult his
who establishes social harmony and ensures utopia. This latter role certainly coin- forthcommg book, The Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies. prior to publication. He pro-
cided. With the position attributed to the bstan po according to Tibetan royal cults. 39 vides the following references to IDan ma brag:
In the opinion of H. E. Richardson, it is a "virtual certainty" that the Vairocana cult
Mani bka' 'bum, foL 128b5: Wan ma brag rtsar brag la rgyas pa'l dbu dum bras mal'
and representation were imported to Tibet via Ounhuang or "at least in the Ounhuang bzhengs I:
style from the northeast border of China".40 Another import from this region was the bKa'chems ka khol ma (I): foL 741.3-4. de nos Dza yul thong snar zhabs phab nas brag la
very popular Avatafl'lsaka siitra of which the Gandavyiiha siitra is the last chapter 41 rgyas pa'i dbu dum rleos mar bzhengs I der kyang blon po ma byung nas / de nas
This cycle may bear some relation to the contents of the prayer inscription carved in gDan ma brag rtsar byon nas I byams pa khru beu li]cig pa cig bzhengs der byon pa ma
byung:
the rock. Were it to be the bZang spyod, which concludes the Gandavyiiha siitra, there
bKa'chems ka kho/ ma(2) p. 185.18-186.1: Khams su Wan ma'l brag sngon rtsl dkar can la
would be a clear connection to Vairocana's role in this literatnre as the Supreme rgyas pa'i dbu dum dang / bzangpo spyod pa'l smon lam 'bur du btod po brkos nas brls;
Buddha, the Great Illuminator, while Maitreya's role to ensure the entry into the /Ho brag chos 'byung, la, foL 32a2-3: Khams su phebs nas mgar sgug pa'! spylr brag logs la
realm ofVairocana is also quite important in this sutra." Although the prayer at lOan rgyas pc,.1 dbu dum dang bzang spyod bras / rdo sku khru brgyad bcu po brkos
ma brag is not the bZang spyod, it clearly discusses Buddha-nature in terms which
relate to the teachings within the Gandavyuha cycle where Buddha-nature is expressed Among these sources, it is to be noted that although the construction of the image is
as an innate spark of Buddhahood in each sentient being." The great popularity of a~tributed ~o the Chinese princess, the size of the image varies considerably, and all but the
FIfth Dalal Lama identify the main image as Maitreya. This is elucidated to some extent in
these teachings in Central Asia and China was partially connected with a correlation the discussion on iconography (cf. infra), although the present findings indicate that the
to Confucian stress on innate goodness, epitomized in the emperor as ideal ruler, main image is indeed to be identified as a form of Vairocana.
while in Tibet, these ideals link with the cults of the btsan po as guarantor of prosper- 2 Cf. WiIliams, P. 1989. Mahayana Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundations, London pp. 228-
ity and human justice. 231. '
To conclude, for the rcsidents of Byams mdun, it is clear that the statues and 3 China Daily, Augnst 28, 1986, pnblished a brief article on this discovery, "Cliffs Clue to
Tibetan, Han Ties". The inscriptions are first pnblished by Chab spel, 1988 op. clt. Cf. also
inscriptions carved at lOan ma brag in honor of the treaty negotiations in the early RIChardson, H. E. 1988. "More Early Inscriptions from Tibet", Bulletin ofTlbetology 1988
ninth century correspond to those mentioned in Tibetan historical literature as con- (2): 5-7.
structed by Wencheng Gongzhu. Once the inscriptions were concealed, the people 4 For description of a visit in 1918, cf. Teichman, E. 1922. Travels of a Consular Officer In
associated the monumental rock carving with an illustrious and portentous moment Eastern Tibet, Cambridge. Phonetics for the name is Draya Jyamdun, However Teichman
in Tibetan history, while the negotiations leading to the Tibeto-Chinese treaty of did not visit the cliff. Our map is a section of Teichman's map of Eastern Tibet (ibid.).
5 The date of the monkey year is either 804 or 816 AD if one accepts the reign dates for Sad na
821/22 were 0 bscure. It remains to be determined if at this site there had earlier been a legs as 804-817 according to the Tang Annals. Richardson (1985. A Corpus ofEarly Tibetan
Maitreya statue and inscription quoting the bZang spyod, possibly later replaced by Inscriptions, London) mention~ negoti~tions in 804/805 undertaken between btsan po Sad na
the present carvings during the ninth century. One cannot say at present if there is any legs and E~peror Te tsung pnor to hiS ~eath later that year, In personal communication,
historic basis for the attribution of a statue to Wencheng Gongzhu, or even if she however, Rlchardson stated that he conSIdered 816 as the more likely date because there is
visited this site. Nonetheless, the inscriptions now revealed at lOan ma brag provide no certain evidence that Bran ka dpaI gyi yon tan, mentioned in this inscription was Chief
Minister before 808. '
significant information for political history and raise questions concerning the reli- 6 Chab spel (1988 op. cit.) identified it as such. We are much indebted to Panl Williams for
gious doctrines then taught. From an art historical perspective, it is essential that the kind verification (personal communication, 24.X.92):
other sites mentioned receive adequate photographic documentation, while lOan ma
brag should be thoroughly investigated. Pending the results of such investigations on .. . unfortunately this is not from the 'Phdgs pa bzang spyod pa'i smon lam. It is
the spot, it must be emphasized that this Buddha is the oldest image dated by inscrip- ~othing like it: . : My ¥uess is that your text is a summary for popular consump-
tion yet found in Tibet - as such it provides a unique document of Tibetan aesthetic tIOn of the basIc mtentlOn of the Dam pa'i chos kyi rgyal po theg pa chen po'i mdo
(Lhasa: mDo mang Va 1-23 a 6, Stog Palace no. 216). This suggestion is sup-
sensitivity and carving skills in the early ninth century. ported by the frequent references in this siitra to the minds of sentient beings and
390 391
THE EARLY PERIOD: TO C. AD 850: THE YARLUNG DYNASTY NINTH CENTURY BUDDHIST IMAGES CARVED AT LDAN MA BRAG
their relationship to the (aspect of 'Buddha-nature') songs rgyas kyi ngo bo . .. (it) dedicated to this form ofVairoc.na, composed by Rgyal ba'i 'od (Jayaprabha, P. 3489), the
is confirmed pretty conclusively by the reference in your text to the Dam pa'i chas reading is dar la stod g.yogs dang smad g.yogs can, "having silk upper garment and trousers."
kyi yi ge, which corresponds to Dam pa'i chos kyi rgyal po'i yi ge which we find at It is to be noted that the earliest commentary and the tantra do not stipulate specific
the end of our sutra. On the other hand, your text is not, I think, a straightforward garments but rather state that Vairocana is to be represented in Bodhisattva fonn, with
quote, and it uses the expression sangs rgyas kyi rang bzhin rather than ngo boo crown and jewelery. This description of Vairocana as Bodhisattva implies royal gannents
Thus I think your text is a popular statement by a monk (Tibetan or Chinese?) of not monastic robes. As far as we have been able to detennine, the poncho garment appears
the intention or purport of this sutra. to be an artistic convention denoting sovereignty.
18 Cr. Harle op. cit.
Cf. Blondeau, A.-M, 1976. "Les religions du Tibet" Encyclopedie de la pliiCide, Histoire des 19 Auboyer, J. and J6za Berard, R. (ed.) 1976. La route de la soie, Paris, pI. 302, inv. no. MG
religions, Paris, vcl. Ill: 233-;329, for discussion of summarized or simplified texts used to EO 1174, ninth-centnry (?), painting on hemp, described as a "winged lion."
convert the Tibetans during the Yarlung dynasty. Cr. also Karmay, S. 1988. The Great 20 Photograph courtesy of H. E, Richardson.
Pelfection, Leiden, concerning the Tibetan conceptions of "Buddha-nature" during this 21 Cr. Snellgrove and Richardson 1980. op, cit" p. 33-48, who assign the lions to the tomb of
period. Ral pa can (reign: 815-836). J. Panglung has published the most detailed study of the royal
7 Cf. notably the detailed study of the sku bla, Macdonald, A. 1971. "Une lecture des P.T. tombs to date, and described the lions' location as beside the tomb of Khri srong lde btsan
1286,1287,1038,1047 et 1290. Essai sur la formation et l'emploi des mythes politiques dans (reign: 755-c. 794 AD). Cr. Panglung, J. 1988."Die metrischen Berichte uber die Grabmaler
la religion royaIe de Srong btsan sgam po", Etudes tibktaines dediees a la memoire de Marcelle der tibetische Kiinige", in Uebach, H, and Panglung, J. (eds.) Tibetan Studies, Munich,
Lalou, Paris, pp. 190-391. More recently, R. A. Stein has examined Tibetan religion at this pp. 321-367.
time in "Tibetica Antiqua IV. La tradition relative au debut du bouddhisme au Tibet", 22 It is probable that the site was re-painted and the triangular throne ornaments may be a
BEFEO 75: 169-196. later embellishment. It is impossible to tell if these triangles are in relief as well as painted.
8 Among recent studies, cf. Tarthang, T. (ed.) 1986. Ancient Tibet, Berkeley CA. (Dharma 23 Sadhanamala as translated in Bhattacharyya, B. 1968. The Indian Buddhist Iconography,
Publishing), Richardson 1985 op. cit., and Beckwith, C. 1988. The Tibetan Empire in Central Calcutta, p, 45, 53-54; Mallmann, M. T. 1975. Introduction a /'iconographie du tantrisme
Asia, Princeton N.l. bouddhique, Paris, translates additional sections of this as well as text 19 of Ni$pannayogiivali,
9 Kolmas, J. 1966. "Four Letters of Po Chu i to the Tibetan Authorities (808-810 AD)", ArOr viz. the Vajradhatu mandala where VaifOcana is white, either with one face and two hands
34: 375-410. or with four faces and eight hands. Both Siidhanamiilii and Ni$pannayogavali anthologies
10 The text is recorded on the rdo ring of Lhasa, er. Richardson 1985 op, cit. pp. 106-143. are, however, later than the man ma brag carvings. Tucci, G. 1939. Indo-Tibetica, lVll,
11 Dimensions for all figures from China Daily article. Roma, p. 119 summarizes iconography for Vairocana listing four forms: 1) white, one face,
12 Cr. Duan Wenjie (ed,), 1989. Les fresques de Dunhuang, tome 2, Bruxelles, pI. 145: dharmacakra mudrii; 2) white, four faces and two hands in byang chub mchog (bodhiyagri)
"Avalokitesvara muni cl'un disque ruyi, grotte no. 14, Derniere periode des Tang." mudra as in the Tattvasamgraha cycle; 3) yellow, one face and hands in samiidhi mudrii as in
13 Harle, J. C. 1988. "Some Foreign Elements of Costume and Hair-style in Indian Art", in the Vairocaniibhisambodhi cycle; 4) white, four faces, two hands in samadhi mudrCi as charac-
Gnoli, R.(ed.). Orienta/ia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata, Roma, I: 569-578, discusses this teristic of the Durgatiparisodhana cycle.
garment which he terms a "carnail, chasuble', "of Central Asian origin with pan~Asian 24 Richardson, H. E. 1990. "The Cult of Vairocana in Early Tibet", in Skorupski, T. (ed.)
distribution", and illustrates a 4-5th c. stone Buddha from Taxila, as well as the famous Indo-Tibetan Studies, Tring, pp, 271-274. This iconography is also found in a painting from
Musee Guimet Bodhisattva from Fondukistan (7-8th c,) Harle also cites Pal, P. 1975. Dunhuang now in Musee Guimet (inv. no. MO 17.780: Vairocana is crowned and dressed
Bronzes of Kashmir, Graz, pI. 16, 30, 32, 36, for later examples. in royal garments, gold body color, holding wheel), illustrated in Klimburg-Salter 1982.
14 D. Klimburg-Salter has identified this image as "Jeweled Shakyamuni (8th-early 9th c.)" op. cit" pI. 68.
(1982. The Silk Route and the Diamond Path, Los Angeles). However, this same image is 25 Cf. bSod nams rGya mtsho and Tachikawa, M. 1989. The Ngor Mandalas of Tibet, Tokyo,
also identified as "Buddha Vairocana in dharmacakramudra (Kashmir, 9th-10th century)" color plate 20; "Rnam snang mngon byang lha brgya dang nyi shu rtsa gnyis kyi dkyil 'khor.
in Huntington, J. 1983. "Three Essays on Himalayan Metal Images", Apollo CXVlIl (261): 122-deity Abhisambodhi Vairocana Mandala". Cf. also Blo gter dbang po, 1972. rGyud sde
416-425. We are indebted to U1rich and Heidi von Schroeder for the information that this kun btus, Delhi, vol. Ill: 1-13.
garment is to be found on many Hindu-Sahi royal and divine metal images from Kashmir 26 Cf. Tibetan Tripitaka (Peking edition), Bstan'gyur, vol. 32, texts nos. 3486-349, which
and the Swat Valley as of ninth to eleventh century. The Tibetan custom of placing a cloth include siidhana and commentarial literature by Buddhaguhya and rGyal ba'i 'od. The
over the shoulders might be borrowed from the Kashrniri usage. tantra reference is Tohoku 494: rNam par snang mdzad chen po mgnon par rdzogs par byang
15 Cf. Sis, V. and Vanis, J. 1961. Tibetan Art, London, pI. 57, and SneIlgrove, D. L. and chub pa rnam par sprul pa byin gyis rlobs pa shin tu rgyas pa'i mdo sde'i rgyal po zhes bya ba.
Richardson, H. E. 1980. A Cultural History of Tibet, Boulder, p. 90 for Srong btsan sgam A. Wayman has informed us that Buddhaguhya's commentary was translated into Tibetan
po. Cr. also Meyer, F. 1987. "The Potala Palace of the Dalai Lamas in Lhasa", Orientations c,760-70, while the tantra was only translated by Silendrabodhi and dPa1 brtsegs c.775.
1817: 14-33 and fig. 30-31. Cr. Wayman, A. 1992 The Enlightenment of Vairocana, New Delhi. The sonrce of the sample
16 Dance Costume, Collection of The Newark Musenm (54.1 Gift of Alice Boney; 11.648, description is Peking text no. 3489, rNom snang kyi sgrub pa'i thabs kyl cho ga, fol. 359b-
Crane Collection: 48.18, acquired by exchange with American Museum of Natural History). 362a (author: rGyal ba'i 'od), as weIl as Bnddhaguhya's principal commentary. In this
We thank Valrae Reynolds, Curator of the Asian collections, for her generous help. Cr. commentary and ritual, the name of mudra is chos kyi dbyings kyi phyag rgya, while Wayman
Reynolds, V. 1978. Tibet a Lost World, Bloomington, p. 66, cat. nos. 144-146. fonnd elsewhere ehos kyi dbyings kyi stong pa nyid kyi phyag rgya (his translation: dharmadhiitu
17 Cr. Olson, E. 1961. Catalogue of the Tibetan Collection of the Newark Museum, vo/. IV, akasa mudrii), rendered as "space mudra" in his recent book. On Buddhaguhya, cf. Lo Bue,
Newark, p. 40. Olson supplied. name for the gannent and translation: Tib. stod g.yogs, E. 1987. "The Dharmamandala sutra by Buddhaguhya" Orientalia Iosephl Tucci Memoriae
literally "upper garment" or Chinese yun chien "cloudMcollar". According to Tibetan Dleata, 2: 787-818. Cf. Lalou, M. 1953, "Les textes bouddhiques au temps du roi Khri srong
informants, a more appropriate term would be stod khebs, which H. A. Jaschke (1972 re- 1de brtsan," Journal Asiatique, nos. 321-322, no. 609 for another text written by rGya1
print, A Tibetan English Dictionary, London, p. 223) defines as "a sort of frill or ruffle of ba'i'od.
the lamas." Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo also lists stod gos (silk shirt). In a short ritual 27 Lalou 1953 ibid., p. 326.
392 393
THE EARLY PERIOD: TO C. AD 850: THE YARLUNG DYNASTY
NINTH CENTURY BUDDHIST IMAGES CARVED AT LDAN MA BRAG
28 Collection of the Newark Museum, W. Clark Symington Bequest Fund. Previously identi- the literature of the Tattvasamgraha cycle as well as a ritual for Abh,'sambodb' V .
fied as Amitabha, cf. Reynolds, V., A. HelIer, and J. Gyatso, 1986. Catalogue of the NelVark (P. 3488). ' a,rocana
Museum Tibetan Collection, vo/. III: Sculpture and Painting, Newark N. J. This drawing is
43 Personal communication from Paul Williams, 24.X.1992. Cf. Williams 1989 o<p. cit.,
part of the contents of a chorten, radio-carbon dated to 1230 AD Although this is an ink pp. 116-138.
drawing on paper, lacking all color, the identification as Abhisambodhi Vairocana is proposed
due to the Buddha's mudra, crown, garments and jewelery, and stance on the lotus cushion.
29 Personal communication from Nyima Dorjee. Appendix
30 Mallmann 1975 op. cit., p. 246. The Inscriptions of !Dan-rna-brag
31 Bhattacharyya 1968 op. cit., p. ?8. However, no specific text is quoted for this description.
32 Cf. Klimburg-Salter 1982 op. cit:, pI. 57, and 1989. The Kingdom ofBamiyan, Rome, pI. 43, gi-gu in reverse shown as underlined i
for the discussion of a Dunhuang drawing said to portray Maitreya represented with one modern equiv~lences by Chab-spel sh-own in parenthesis ( )
head, two hands in chos kyi dbyings kyi phyag rgya, crown and jewelery, vajrasana. This proposed readmg by A. Helier shown in brackets [ ]
identification as Maitreya is determined by virtue of a sman stupa above the crown, in the
apex of the nimbus. Rather than a lion beneath the lotus cushion, there is a dragon. questIOnable readmg noted by Lhasa commission shown { }
33 Collection of the British Museum. We thank Anne Farrar, Assistant Keeper, for her assist- . .. lacuna m text noted by Lhasa commission
ance. This scroll is also illustrated in black and white in Yoritomi, M. 1990. "An Iconographic
Study of the Eight Bodhisattvas in Tibet", in Skorupski, T. (ed.), 1990 op. cit., pp. 323-332. The text ofthe inscriptions is based on the reading quoted by Chab-speI1988. op. clt.
Yoritomi cites this painting by a Japanese reference which corresponds to Whitfield, R 1982. However, smce no photographs of the inscriptions have been published in SOme cases
The Art of Central Asia in the Stein Collection of the British Museum, Tokyo, where it is
possible to see a color representation of this painting. Were the Buddha's body red and were the readmgs may be conjectural, whilst in other caSes there are lacuna~. The transla-
the Buddha dressed in monastic robes, then the identification as Amitabha would be conclus- tIOns proposed here remam tentative in view of these factors.
ive. However, the body color is golden, the lion throne is clear, the mudrfi and stance and
garments also correspond to the iconography of Abhisambodhi Vairocana. In the light of 1.
information presented here on the iconography of Abhisambodhi Vairocana we therefore // dam pa'i chos kyi mdo ni /
propose to identify the Buddha of the Dunhuang scroll as Vairocana rather than Amitabha.
sems can thams cad la yang sangs rgyas kyi rang bzhin dran zhiflg shes pa'l sems re re
34 For a Central Asian example, cf. Klimburg-Salter 1982. op. cit., pI. 54, Traveling Shrine in yod de /
wood, now in the collection of the Nelson Gallery, Atkins Museum of Fine Art, Kansas
City, MO. We are indebted to K. Tanaka for two references to Abhisambodhi Vairocana sems de ,ni mkh~n-po,danglhas kyang ma byas pha ma las kyang ma skyes /
surrounded by eight Bodhisattva: one mural painting from An-xi (Oansu), Yu-lin caves, thog ma! mtha mya z)mYl; mt] rnyed pa nas kyang yong (ye) nas yod /
displaying the "cloud collar", crown, chignon and braids, jewelery, mudra and lion throne, mthar kyang sh!ng ba z ma myed par yang my'l 'gyur to /
estimated date late Tang dynasty (plate 6, previously pUblished in Anonymous, 1990. sems des dge' ba rgya cher spyad de sems can kun la legs pa byas shing dam pa'i chos
Chugoku-Sekkutsu, Tokyo), and the statue from Ratnagiri (tenth century), analysed by the bym ba dang /
late Dr. Sawa, 1988. Mikkyo-bijyutsu-no-genxo, Kyoto. A notable 15th century Tibetan rep-
resentation is the gilt copper Vairocana in the eastern temple of the bum pa level at Gyantse, sems rnam par spyangs pas na /
cf. Lo Bue, E. and Ricca, F. 1990. Gyantse Revisited, Firenze, pI. 27. sangs rgyas dang byang chub sems dpar rgub (sgrub) nas /
35 We thank Ulrich von Schroeder for this photograph from Ratnagiri, Orissa, India (plate 7). skye ba dang rga ba dang na ba dang shi ba las thar te bla na med pa'i bde skyid ba thob
Cf. Mitra, D. 1983. Ratnagiri, New Delhi, pI. 260 and p. 314. bo /
36 Richardson 1990 op. cit., p. 272.
37 H. E. Richardson kindly sent us this article: gNya' gong dkon mchog tshe brtan and Padma sems des legs nyes 'dran ('dres) mal' spyad na Iha dang myi'i gnas su skye '0/
'Bum, 1988. "Yul Shul khul gyi bad btsan po'i skabs kyi rten yig brag brkos ma 'ga"', Krung sdtg pa dang myi dge' ba'i las cher spyad pa na /
go Bod kyi shes rig, 4: 52-65. Geoffrey Samuel has recently visited this site and taken a ~dig yul sems can dmyal ba las rtsogs par skyes te sdug bsngal ba'i nang du rgyun tu
videotape of the image and inscriptions. khor ro /
38 Again we thank H. E. Richardson for the reference: P. Tsering, "Epenkundliche und de bas na bdag gi sems la bla na myed pa'i byang cub [chub] man cad kyang yod /
historische ergebnisse einer reise nach Tibet im jahre 1980", Zentralasiatische Studien,
16-18: 349-504. In a future study we hope to compare several of these ancient Tibetan rock sems can dmyal ba yeng (yan) chad kyang yod pa yin no /
carvings of images and inscriptions. dam pa'i chos kyi bdud rtsi myong na sdug bsngal thams cad las thar pa'i sa myod do
39 For the definition of the cakravartin, cf. Williams 1989 op. cit., p. 129. On the cult of the (myong ngo) yun du bde skyid pa'i gnas myang (kyang) thob pa'iphyl do (phyir ro) /
blSan po, cf. Macdonald 1971 op. cit. de bas na sems can la dam pa'i chos gces te /
40 Personal communication, 8.VIl.1992. ma ma chls (mchis) pa myi tung ngo [/tung ngo] /
41 Cf. Cleary, T. 1989. Entry into the Realm of Reality. A translation of the Gandavyuha, the
final book of the Avatamsaka sutra, Boston, pp. 387-394. mdor spros par nyad [snyad] de bdag dang gzhan gyi don la rgyang ring po dang /
42 This literature also retained popularity in India. According to S. Levi (Epigraphia Indica, ched ka,chen po la rtogs nye zhib de dg' ba'l bshes { } na [dge ba'/ bshes gnyen] la dris shjg
XV, pp. 363-364, quoted by Mitra 1983 op. cit., p. 19), in 795 AD the king of Orissa dam pa! chos ky! yz ge la yang rtogs shjg dang khong du chus par 'gyur ro/: /'
presented Emperor Te tsung with a letter accompanied by a manuscript of the GandavyUha
and the vow (Le. the bZang spyod). The continued importance attributed to Vairocana Concerning the Sutra of the noble Dhanna, all sentient beings possess a mind for
in India and Kashmir is also indicated by Rin chen bzang po's translation from Sanskrit of remembenng and knOWing Buddha-nature. As for this mind, it was not made by a
394 395
THE EARLY PERIOD: TO C. AD 850: THE YARLUNG DYNASTY NINTH CENTURY BUDDHIST IMAGES CARVED AT LDAN MA BRAG
lord (i.e. a creator) or gods, and (it) is not born of a father and mother. Having holding rank of the golden level,' the lady Queen Legs mo btsan of Mchims,' and
obtained the human body, it was there from beginningless time. Likewise, it will others brought deliverance to many subjects.
not die at the end. If this mind practices virtue vastly and does things favorable to all, The dge slong holding high authority Bran ka yon tan,'O and Lho don dam, 11 the great
giving noble Dharma and purifying itself, after having liberated itself from birth and Minister 'Bro khri gzhu ram bshags 12 ••• and the minister of the interior, Khri sum
old age, illness and death, it will attain supreme happiness, having a Bodhisattva bzheng mdo btsan,13 etc. (all these) were appointed to negotiate."
(career) and realizing Buddhahood. If there is practice of virtue and vice alternatively, At the beginning of treaty (negotiations) with the Chinese,15 the abbot Ye shes dbyangs 16
there is birth in the realms of gods and men. And if the majority of activities are non- and the monk Stag 10 gthan te and Gad Nam ka'i snying po have had these prayers and
virtuous and sinful, there will be birth in hell with continuous suffering. Therefore, in this image made for the spiritual benefit of the Sovereign blsan po and the prosperity
one's mind there is (the seed) 'of Buddhahood and that of the beings in hell. If the of all sentient beings.
mind experiences the nectar of the noble Dharma, it will obtain this land of liberation As for the supervisors, '0 ngu the cider (v. note 5), Rlang mchog rab and Bzang po
from all suffering and the state of great joy. For this reason, the "sacred law" is to be dpal did this (work). The foreman (for construction): the monks called Dge slong Zhe
cherished and it is not appropriate to not have it (the Dharma). In short, ask masters hri, Dge long gseng pab shin and ... did this (work). The chief stone-earvers were
for detailed expositions for the sake of oneself and others (even if they are) far away Yugs Nyag bre shab and Shog legs kong and Ldum ma 'gam, and the Chinese Hun
and (enduring) great hardship. The books of the noble Dharma must be learned and bong tseng spad and Hva ho'u jin. 17
we will comprehend them (?). He who takes pleasure in this (work) will attain equal merit (with those who made
it).
11.
// Spre'u gi lo'i dbyar / Ill.
mtsan po [blsan po] khri sde srong brlsan gyi ring la / // ye shes dbyangs kyis yol dang 'bom dang led { } b!'u du yang rgya-che { } bris so:
dg'e slong chos dang chab srid kyi bka' chen po la brags sle / mkhen ni dge slong ring rdo rjes /
gser gyi bku rgyal man cad kyi Ihabs rlsa 1/
jo mo mchims lla legs mo brlsan la rtsogs pa / No translation proposed for Inscription three.
rjes (rje) 'bangs' mang mo zhig Ihar pal' bkyel/
bka' chen po la glogs pa'i dge slong bran ka yon tan dang lho don dam dang blon chen IV.
zhang 'bro phri [khri] gzu' dam (ram) shags, , . dang nang blon ( ) blon khri sum bzheng // sku bla dang dang ma gnyan po 'd!' la /
mdo' brtsan la rtsogs pa / phyag 'Ishal zhing mchod pa byas na
chab srid la bka' rlsal te / ji smon 10 chog 'grub cing tshe phyi ma la yang lha yul du skye'o /
rgya dang mjal dus (dam)' kyi mgo' brlsams pa'i las la { }' mkhan bod gor ye shes kha ngan nam rkyad ka byas na /
dbyangs dang / 'phral du yang nad la rtsogs pa nyes pa sna tshogs 'byung la /
dg'e slong slag 10 gthan le dang / yun du yang na (ngan) dag lu itung ngo /
gad nam ka'i snying po dbyangs kyis / bka' khrims las kyang chos la ngan {rgyu} byas na /
blshan po'i [btsan po'i] sku mon [sku yon] dang sems can Ihams cad kyi bsod nams yang mes spun Ishun cad nas bca [bca'] bde gun zhed pa byed do /
su / de bas na su yang phyar ka dang rkyel ka ma byed cig
sku gzugs [= sku brnyan] dang smon lam 'di rnams bris le /
spyi'i zhing (zhal) ta pa ni / When one makes offerings and pays hommage to the sku bla and the (lha) gnyan
'or ngu'i ['0 ngu'i]' gnas brtan / po (?)" all wishes will be realized and (he or she) will be born as a god in the next life.
rlang mchog rab dang / If one utters evil words and so produces all sorts of misery (such as) sudden illness
gnyi bzang po dpal kyis bgyis / and constantly falling into evil (births), and if (evil words) are made for the purpose
las dpon { } dg'e slong zhe hr'i dg'e slong { } gseng pab shin dang yen dam yes bgyis jo of harming the Dharma which is against the law, may all as far as the ancestors
(rdo) mkhan . . { } / (be cursed) and may only the joyous (i.e. virtuous) oath be made. For these reasons
yugs gi nyag bre shab dang shod lags kod (legs kong) dang / no-one shall make blame (phyar ka) nor overthrow (rkyel ka) (?) ...
ldum ma 'gam dang rgya hun bong tseng spang (spad) dang /
hva ho'u jin rnams kyi bgyis so /:/ End of text, followed by a few more carved Tibetan letters, said by Chab-spel to
'di la rjes su yi reng (rang) bas kyang bsod nams mnyam par Ihob bo / be illegible, then a Chinese inscription. The newspaper article (China Daily,
Aug. 26, 1986) states that in all there are 800 Tibetan words and 60 Chinese
In the summer of the monkey year during the reign of the btsan po Khri sde srong characters, but according to Chab-spel's article, there are only "about ten" Chinese
btsan.' The dge slong having authority over the doctrine and the kingdom,' those characters.
396 397
THE EARLY PERIOD: TO C. AD 850: THE YARLUNG DYNASTY NINTH CENTURY BUDDHIST IMAGES CARVED AT LDAN MA BRAG
Notes to the inscriptions of dhyana teachers at Khri-ga some eighty miles southeast of Kokonor. Their history is
outlined in P,T. 996 which has been translated by Mile Lalou (1939. 'Document tibetain sur
We thank Ven. bsTan-'dzin Yang-dag, Rabten Choeling Monastery, Switzerland, for his l'expansion du Dhyana chinois', Journal Asiatique 231: 505-523.), Spug Ye-shes-dbyangs
help with this translation, and Samten Karmay for his criticism. was ordained in the reign of rgyal-mo-myes, presumably Khri Lde~gtsug~brtsan. He was
2 Ije 'bangs. According to H. E. Richardson, "althongh this appears in later nsage apparently learned in Chinese and Sanskrit as well as Tibetan. He died in a horse year at age of 80. If
meaning 'ruler and subjects', cf. rie blon 'king and ministers', it is not found so far as that year was the tenth after the monkey year, 816, he would have been ordained at the age
I can see in early Tibetan. There the term rjes 'bangs is seen several times, e.g. P.T. 131, of nine, at the earliest ... That is, in my view, the only obstacle to accepting the historic-
230 and Thomas, TLTD, p. 97, I wonder whether rje 'bangs may be a reader's error. If it ally most probable date of 816 for the !Dan-ma-brag inscription. At the last minute, I have
is not, there is a comparable usage rgyal 'bangs, meaning 'subjects of the king'." (personal seen that R. A. Stein puts Spug Ye-shes-dbyang's birth in Khri Srong Lde-brtsan's life,
communication). 742-797."
3 The reading by Chab spel Tshe brtan phun tshogs prefers rgya dang mjal dam, but it is 17 Richardson proposes the following tentative translation of this passage: "The stone mason
grammatically acceptable to retain dus, rgya dang mjal dus "when meeting the Chinese". tu Yugs carved the scroll capital and the base. Ma-'gam and the Chinese Hun-bong-tseng gave
. the opinion of Samten Karmay, this reading can be retained, and does not require modifica- the (cost of) the Idum and Hva ho'u jin and others did the work." He notes that the words
tion. However, the usage of the term mjal dum, which Richardson translates as "treaty", are obscure, but reads Yugs either as a name or as a synonym for gdugs, umbrella; nya
is recorded several times during the reign of Khri Lde srong btsan. Cr. Richardson, 1985 would be something of a rope-like pattern; bre~ba is a capital, and shod the base; ldum, some
op. cit. sort of enclosure ..."
4 Richardsou suggested here that mol or mold seems a probable word to fill the lacuna. 18 According to Karmay, ma gnyan-po is a doubtful reading. He proposes "maybe Lha
cf. Lhasa Treaty, east. gnyan-po,"
5 'O-ngu is proposed in the place of 'Or-ngu, due to a personal communication from Nyima
Dorjee, native of Brag-g,yab and historian specialized in Khams regional history. According
to Dorjee, Vairocana translated the NyVod seng-ge commentary as well as the translation Bibliography
of the Rgyud Gsang-ba'i snying-po at the site of 'O-ngu iu southern Khams.
6 Richardson remarked: "I think the preamble means that the inscription was written in the Tibetan language sources
monkey year, not necessarily that the events described took place in that year. That would
seem to be the case in the Zhol and rKong-po inscriptions." (personal communication). rGyal ba'i od (Jayaprabha), 1957. "rNam par snang mdzad kyi sgrub pa'i thabs kyi cho ga", in
7 Richardson noted that there is no certain evidence that Bran-ka yon-tan was chief minister D. T. Suzuki (ed.) Tibetan Tripitaka bstan 'gyur rgyud 'gre!, 77: 223-229.
before 808, and proposed that the monkey year might be 816 rather than 804. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, c,1900. rJe btsun thams cad mkhyen pa bsod nams rgya
8 Richardson stated that "although Chinese records mention gold as an honor next after mtsho'i rnam thar dngos grub shing rta. Lhasa.
so-so it is not mentioned in Tibetan documents, e.g. P.T. 1071." (personal communication). Chab spel tshe brtan phun tshogs, 1988. "bTsan po'i dus kyi brag brkos yig ris gcig gsar du
9 Richardson has noticed that the queen Legs-mo-btsan was included among the witnesses to mtsham sbyor zhus pa", Krung go'i bad kyi shes rig, I: 44-53.
the edict of Khri Lde-srong btsan after 'Bro Khri-mo-Iegs and before Cog-ro brtsan-rgyal. gNya' gong dkon mchog tshe brtan and Padma 'bum, 1988. "Yul shul khul gyi bod btsan po'i
10 We are indebted to Samten Karmay for the information that Bran-ka yon-tan was the chief skabs kyi rten yig brag brkos ma 'ga", Krung go'i bod kyi shes rig, 4: 52-65.
negotiator for the 821/23 Lhasa treaty with the Chinese. Cr. Demieville, P. 1952. Le Concile Blo gter dbang po (ed.), 1972. "rNam par snang mdzad mguon pa byang chub snying rje 'byung
de Lhasa, Paris.
11 According to Richardson, "Lho Don-dam, hitherto unrecorded, was also a dge-slong. The ba Iha brgya dang nyi shu rtsa gnyis mtshan ma gnyis dang bcas pa'i dkyil 'khor", rGyud sde
Lho clan does not figure in Tibetan records after its disgrace in 707 until it reappears in the kun btus, 3: 1-38 (New Delhi).
person of a fairly lowly minister as witness to the edict of Khri Lde-srong brtsan's Edict." Sangs rgyas gsang ba (Buddhaguhya), 1957. "rNam par snang mdzad mngon par byang chub
(personal communication). pa rnam par sprul pa'i byin gyis brlabs kyi rgyud chen po'i bshad pa", in D. T. Suzuki (ed.)
12 Rectification of 'Bro-phri gzu darn shags to 'Bro khri gzhu ram shags, mentioned as com- Tibetan Tripitaka bstan 'gyur rgyud 'gre!, 77: 110-215.
mander who conquered Khotan ca, 792 in Old Tibetan Chronicle (P,T. 1287), according to Sangs rgyas gsang ba (Buddhaguhya), 1957. "rNam par snang mdzad mngon par dzogs par
Beckwith, 1988 op, cit" p, 155, byang chub pa rnam par sprul pa byin gyis rlob pa'i rgyud chen po'i grel pa", in D. T. Suzuki
13 According to Richardson, "the Edict of Khri Lde-srong brtsan shows that Khri sum bzher (ed.) Tibetan Tripitaka bstan 'gyur rgyud 'grel, 77: 231-322.
Mdo-btsan was of the Dba's clan". bSod nams rgyal mtshan, 1981. Rgyal rabs gsal ba'i me long, Beijing.
14 "appointed to negotiate": chab-srid la bka'-rtsal, literally bka'-rtsal::::; to order, to appoint,
chab-srid::::; temporal or political power, i.e. they were appointed to political power for this
meeting, i.e. as negotiators. Richardson has interpreted this differently, viz. "having been Non-Tibetan language sources
given authority, (they) consulted about the task of negotiating a treaty."
15 If instead of reading mjal-dus, the rectification of mjal-dum is preferred, since Richardson Anonymous: China Daily, August 28, 1986: "Cliffs Clue to Tibetau, Han Ties".
translates mjal-dum as a "treaty", the sentence would then read "at the very beginning of the Anonymous: 1990, Chugoku-Sekkutsu, Tokyo
treaty (negotiations) with the Chinese ..." Karmay considered that mjal-dum is to be pre- Auboyer, 1. et leza 1976, La route de la soie, Paris.
ferred reading here, as otherwise the following phrase mgo'a brtsams-pa doesn't make sense.
Berard, R. (ed.)
16 Richardson remarked, "Ye-shes-dbyangs provides a number of problems. The reading
Beckwith, C. 1988. The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia, Princeton.
of his family or monastery name is suspect. I cannot find either Gor or Dgor anywhere
and suspect that there may be an error in reading. Ye-shes dbyangs was clearly a person of Bhattacharyya, B. 1968. The Indian Buddhist Iconography, Calcutta.
importance in the frontier region. Despite the difference in the family or monastic name, Blondeau, A-M. 1976. "Les religions du Tibet", Histoire des religions,
the name Ye~shes-dbyangspoints to Spug Ye-shes~dbyangs, a famous lama in the succession Encyclopedic de la plfdade, Paris, vol. III: 233-329.
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Chandra. L. 1987. Sarva - Tathagata-tattva-sangraha, Delhi. Sis, V. and Vanis, J. 1961. Tibetan Art, London.
Cleary, T. 1989. Entry into the Realm of Reality. A Translation of the Stein, R. A. "Tibetica Antiqua IV. La tradition relative au debut
Gandavyuha, the Final book of the A vatamsaka sutra, du bouddhisme au Tibet", BEFEO 75: 169-196.
Boston. bSod nams rgya mlsho 1989. The Ngor Mandalas of Tibet, Tokyo.
Dagyab, L. S. 1991. Ikonographie und Symbolik des tibetischen Buddhismus: and Tachikawa, M.
Die Sadhanas der Sammlung rGyud-sde kun-btus, Skorupski, T. 1983. The Sarvadurgatiparisodhana Tantra, Delhi.
Wiesbaden. Snellgrove, D. L. and 1988. A Cultural History of Tibet, Bculder.
Duan, W. (ed.) 1989. Les fresques de Dunhuang, Bruxelles. Richardson, H. E.
Harle, J. C. 1988. "Some Foreign Elements of Costume and Hair-style Snellgrove, D. L. 1987. Indo- Tibetan Buddhism London.
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569-578. Cambridge.
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143/261: 416-425. nach Tibet im jahre 1980", Zentralasiatische Studien
Huntington, S. L. 1984. The Pala-Seno Schools of Sculpture, Leiden. 16-18: 349-504.
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(808-810 AD)", Archiv Orientalni 34: 375-410. British Museum, Tokyo.
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Ide brtsan", Journal Asiatique CCXLI: 313-353. London.
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Essai sur la fonnation et l'emploi des mythes politiques
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400 401
The Vajravali Mandala of Shalu and Sakya:
The Legacy of Buton (1290-1364)
Amy Heller
series of ritual texts for mandalas collectively known as revered that he virtually served as abbot - he was responsible
A the Garland of Vajras (Vajravali/Vajramala) was com-
posed in India in the late 11 th or early 12th century. Their
for the monastic ordination of Sakya Pandita himself! Shak-
yashri-bhadra transmitted the texts and mandala of the Sadha-
compiler was a Buddhist pandita named Abhayakaragupta, namala and the Vajramala in Tibet as of the early 13th century
living in the Vikramasila monastery, where he also compiled (Blue Annals, pp. 1047-48).
the Sadhanamala, an anthology of rituals for worship of indi- In terms of his personal biography, in 1290, Buton was born
vidual deities. These teachings were transmitted many times in the Nyang district south of Gyantse, the son of a teacher and
and translated into Tibetan in the late 11 th to early 12th century. village headman named Dragton (Brag ston), thus his nickname
Their transmission eventually reached the Tibetan scholar Bu- 'Bu' (son) of 'Ston' (the teacher). At the early age of 8, Buton
ton (Bu ston; 1290-1364), who was responsible for their diffu- went to Tropu for mandala teachings. He also studied with his
sion to his students in Sakya, Shalu and central Tibet. Recently father, his grandfather and 26 other principal teachers, receiving
it has been possible to identify mandalas painted on cloth which numerous teachings: initiations for Sakya teachings of Hevajra
are related to the mandalas constructed and painted at Buton's and many other Tantric cyles, Sakyapa philosophical texts, the
behest. In order to examine a few examples of these, we will six teachings of Naropa which were the basis of Kagyu teach-
first discuss Buton's life to see how he personally learned and ings, Nyingmapa terma teachings, the Kadampa teachings
transmitted these teachings, and how his patronage by the 14th stemming from Atisha, the Cho (gCod) teachings of Prajna-
abbot of Sakya, Lama Dampa Sonam Gyaltsen (Bla ma Dam paramita, Sanskrit language, many Tantric teachings of the
pa bSod nams'rgyal mtshan, 1312-75), influenced the actual Kalachakra system, and the Sadhanamala anthology of rituals
painting design of the mandala. for invoking deities (Ruegg, p. 89). It was his teacher Palden
Buton's cultural role role in central and southern Tibet Senge (dPal Idan Seng ge) who initiated Buton into the lil-
during the early 14th century is of crucial importance. He is jramala of Abhayakara (Bu ston gsan yig, p. 82; Ruegg, p. 86,
renowned as one of the most famous Tibetan Buddhist scholars, n. 3). When Buton was 30, Drakpa Gyaltsen (Grags pa rgyal
due both to his role as abbot of Shalu monastery from 1320 to mtshan), the secular hierarch responsible for Shalu monastery,
1356, and his prolific writings as historian and editor of the invited him to teach as abbot at Shalu. When Buton arrived there
Tibetan Buddhist canon. Buton's 1335 catalogue explaining the in 1320, he embarked on a lifelong relationship with Drakpa
history of the translations, as well as his record of teachings Gyaltsen, as prince and member of the donor family of Shalu,
received and his biography, written by a close disciple during and also with the principal family of Sakya, due to their matri-
his lifetime, provide precious documentation on his life and the monial alliances. Buton was constantly teaching and also re-
Buddhist texts then popular in Tibet. Through his commentaries ceiving initiations into many texts, including commentaries by
and historical studies, Buton maintained a position of great Marpa and his student Ngog Lama (rNgog bla ma) (ibid., p.
importance in the transmission and explanation of the principal 108), systemized teachings of Tantra by Luipa, and other ma-
cyles of Tantra of Guhyasamaja, Kalachakra, Hevajra and the hasiddhas (ibid., p. 119). Buton also requested initiations from
Yogatantra and Kriyatantra deities. He was also one of the most one of the princes of Sakya named Lama Dampa Sonam Gyalt-
important commentators on the Prajnaparamita literature. sen Pel Zangpo, who gave him teachings and at the same time
Buton lived during the later period of the Sakyapa para- remained one of Buton's principal students and patrons until
mountcy, which had moved Tibet to a greater extent into the the latter's death (ibid., p. 110). It was Lama Dampa who
Central Asian and Chinese realm of civilization during the 13th accomplished the consecration ceremony of Buton's Tanjur
and 14th centuries. His lifetime also coincided with the ascen- catalogue in 1335, and later invited Buton to teach at Sakya. He
dancy of the Sakya's rivals, the Drigungpa monastic school served as 14th abbot of Sakya, and de facto ruler of Tibet, from
allied with the house of Phagmodrupa, based at Densatil north- 1345 to 1349. His history of Tibet, The Mirror ofthe Genealogy
east of Samye in central Tibet. Buton's zone of influence ofthe Kings, has been a primary source for centuries, translated
extended from Shalu to Sakya as well as towards central Tibet into English several times. It was Lama Dampa who asked
during his lifetime. According to inscriptions in the Gyantse Buton to write numerous works on diverse Tantric teachings.
Kumbum (rgyal rtse sku 'bum), built circa 1427-35, after We will shortly examine the relationship of Lama Dampa and
Buton's death the mandalas here were painted in accordance Buton in connection with the Vajramala mandala series.
with principles he had established for the construction and Tribute and gifts to Buton were sent by Punyamalla, ruler
painting of mandala cycles of the principal chapel at Shalu from 1336 to 1340 of the Khasa Malla kingdom in western
(Ruegg, p. 18). The eminent Kashmiri pandita Shakya shri- Nepal and Purang (ibid., p. 121). Buton principally remained
bhadra (who taught in Tibet from 1204 to 1215) was regarded teaching and translating at Shalu, but around 1351, he travelled
as Buton's previous incarnation. The last abbot of the Vik- to central Tibet as a mediator in political matters, visiting Khra
ramasila monastery, Shakya shri-bhadra came to Tibet after the 'brug and Drathang monasteries, Samye and the Phagmodrupa
Muslim conquest of Bengal, at the invitation of Tropu Lotsawa monastery of Nedong near Tsetang. Here he gave teachings as
(Khro phu 10 tsa ba), the translator from Tropu; they translated well. He met Lama Dampa in central Tibet during this trip, for
together for roughly ten years, working mainly at Tropu, west the latter was involved in negotiations with the Phagmodrupa
of Shigatse, but also at Sakya where Shakyashri-bhadra was so hierarchy who had taken power over central Tibet in 1349, and
69
by 1354 gained control over western Tibet and Sakya as well refinement of det,lit: each mandala preserves the same palette
(ibid., p. 8, n. 2). Buton and Lama Dlllnpa became the principal of dominant reds and blues. the composition of highly c1abonllc
teachers of the Phagmodrllpa leader, the ruler of Tibet (Kuijp, gateways set againsl a deep blue background strewn with
1991/(994).ln the interim, in 1353, BUIOIl assumed the abbatial delicate norets. First published by Robert Burawoy. their prove-
scat of Tropu for a year, then returned to Sakya where he gave nance was llttributed to Ngor monastery. founded in 1434 as a
many teachings, to the great satisfaction of Lama Dampa, sub-school of Sakya (Burawoy. 1978). The last abbot of Ngor,
before resuming his abbacy in Shalll.ln 1355, at Sakya, he made Tartse Ken Rinpoehe (Thar rtse mKhan Rinpoche. d. 1986). had
the principal eoloured-powdermandala for Lama Dampa along recognized the KUIlJkulla mandala (now in the collection of
with numerous YogataTltra mandalas, and his visit culminated Jerry Solomon. Los Angeles) as the very mandala used for his
inlhe construction of a three-dimensional Vajradhatll mandala personal initiation at Ngor. llurawoy published the four man-
in silver. gold and jewels (RlIegg. pp. 141-42). Shortly after- dalas of Yogmnbam, Kurukulla, Pancharaksa, Buddhakapala
wards, to Lama Dampa and his relative Tishri Chenpo Sonam wi1h 9 allendants, with readings of their lineages by Rolf A.
LodroGyaltsen Pel Zangpo (Ti shri chen po bSod nams blo gros Stein. Stein recognized that lhe central figure in all cases was
rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, 1332-63), BlIton transmitted the the same religious hierarch. Many Sakya and Ngor paintings
teachings of the Vajramala, and inaugurated many mandalas were later studied by Anne Chayet, Gilles Beguin and espe-
(Ruegg, pp. 150-51/f. 33b). Thus he is represented as the last cially David Jaekson. who provided a historical framework for
teacher on several of the Vajramala mandalas of this series (see several lineages o.f 15th to 17th century paintings linked 10 Ngor
Figs I and 2). Bmon resigned as abbot of Shalu in 1356, and monastery (see bibliography). Jackson's data was the basis for
retired 10 Ripug. the Shalll hennitage where he lived until his the attribulion of the Jnanadakini mandala in Figure 3 as circa
death in 1364. Lama Dampa and his nephew. the Phagmodrupa 1375. from a Sakya or S,lkya affiliate monastery (Kossak and
leader and his attendant were the four hierarchs presiding at the Singer. pI. 46: see also Stoddard's remarks. Pal. 1'1. 73). though
grandiose funeral ceremony for Buton, the names of the mandala lineage were not published. In COJl-
Lama Dampa is the central figure represented in all thirteen (Fig. la) Detail of the mandala in Figure I showing
trast. John Huntington's study of Ihe members of the lineages Detail of tile mandala in figure 2 showing Buton
mandaJas of one Vajramala series conserved in several public Buton amI Pelden Senge of lhe Jnanadakini and Buddh,lkapal,l (Fig. 2) m<lndala led him
and private collect ions of which the present writer has read the to attribute this malldala series to Newar painters at Densatil
inscriptions. This series of mandalas represents the apogee of monastery. under patronage of the Phagmodrupa during the
14th century Newar painting, characterized by an extreme abbacy of Sonam Gyaltsen (1417-34) (HuntinglOn. 2003).
70 71
The present writer concurs with Jackson's analysis of Ihe historical misidclltilicatiOl1 due 10 frequency of names. Full Kirtichlllldra on numerous lexts in addition
historic attribution :lIld provenance of this series of mandalas, clarification of this lineage is found in Buton's wrilings, both 10 the SadlwlI(lIII(I{a (K vaerne. p. 2). while
In their forthcoming book, David Jackson, Ulrich von in his list oftcachings received. and his catalogues of canonical BUlon describes 3 texIs where he worked
Schrocdcr and Cyrus Steams will study in detail all Ihese works. In his cmalogue. l3uton discusses the work of the trans- with Vimalashri llnd Iransmitted other
mandalas in the context of several Sakya and Ngor series and lator Lotsawa Drakpa Gyallsen in collaboration with Vi- texts he translated to Chogden (Bulon. List
individual portmits. 111 the interim. :m explanalion of previous malashri. just as in the lineage of the Buddhakapala mandala o/Teacllillgs. p. 81), the teacher of Palden
errors in interpretation reveals important historical infonnation (Eimer. 072). As Buton wrote this catalogue in 1335. he was Senge who gave Butol1 the initiation. As
on the translation of this 1'1Ijral'(I/i and the SlIllIWl/al1lllla. as nOl referring to the 80 Dong abbot born in 1352. but to the wc have seen. subsequently Buton himself
well as better underst;\nding of this particular series of man- translator Drakp:l Gyaltsen. who lived in the second half of the transmilled these teachings to Lama
dalas. 13th century. In his list ofteaehings received. Buton also refers Dampa as well as othermandala teachings.
In Tibel. certain names arc common. much as .John Smith' to three other teachings transmined from Drakpa Gyahsen to Thus. Lama Dampa is at the centre of
is in English. To this day there arc many Sonam Gyallsens, and Chogden. then to Pelden Scngc and eventually to himsclf all the m:mdala lineilges - why? A series of
many were famous in earlier history. Burawoy had identified (Buton. p. 81). Moreover. in the Tibetan Tanjur.the conclusion mandal:ls of this magnitude is nOI under-
the personal name of the central figure as Sonam Gyaltsen Pel of the Sadlulllo11/ala :mthology infomls us that the translator taken lightly. The importance of L1ma
Zangpo. by collating the three different inscriptions for him. Dmkpa Gyallsen did his translation at Sakya with the Kashmiri Dllmpa in Tibetan history, and his innu-
two religious titles as well as the Sanskrit translation of his /JlIlldiw Kinichandm. and finished it at a nearby hemlilage. In ence wilhin the Phagmodrupa and the
name. The date proposed was 16th century. albeit not in relation view of the linellgcs. it is my understanding that it is one and Sakya monaslic order. leads to the hy.
to the lifetime of specific members of Ihe lineage. Subsequent the same tr.lnslmor. Drakpa Gyuhscn, who was responsible for pothesis that the entire series may have
research pennits us to idenlify the central figure and the chrono- the tnmsmission of the \'ajral'tlfj and the translations of texts been commissioned as a commemomtion
logical progression of the leachers beside him. The pallem of within the \'ajral'{l/i and the Sotlhalla11/alll anthologies. of his death in 1375. Ob it is a common
Ihis progression is the same in allthineen mandalas studied: all Bulon's list of teachings state that there were three different Tibetan custom 10 make an image or a
these figures are deceased at the time oflhc representalion. The versions of the \'ajralllala: 55. or 42. or 28 mandalas. He paillling to perfectly fufill all the wishes of
central figure is not the Dcnsatil abbot Sonam Gyaltsen, but received the tcxt of the \'ajralllala in three transmissions. in- the deceased to coincide with the first an-
rather BUlOn's patron. the Sakya abbot Lama Dampa. whose cluding the lincage via Dmkpa Gyaltsen. Although his binh niversary of the dealh, Buton is repre-
full personal name is Sonam Gyaltsen Pel Zangpo. The 'pel date is not known. he was a student of Shcmb Senge (Shes rab sented on sc\'er::lI mandalas. either in the
zangpo' (dpal b:allg po. 'glorious good man') added to the seng ge) (1251·1315). A prolific mmslator. he worked with lineage of Ihe upper row or outside the
name is imponant - il is the clue that this circle of the deities. Thus. in the other
is a Sakyapa master, After Kache Panchen mandala. we find lineages Ihal Buton had
(Kha che Pan chen) Shakyashri-bhadra received which passed through many dif-
ordained Sakyll Pandilll. '1>c1 zangpo'. or ferent maSlers. such as the Jnanadakini
'shri bhadra·. was affixed 10 his name in mandala (sce Fig. 3) which has the lineage
honour of his master as a reflection of the slemming from Marpa via Phagmodrupa
Kashmiri tradition of monastic ordina- to the Densatit abbots of the 131h century.
tion. Thus.lhis name was retained by IllOSt and the Vajrasallva mandala of the Berlin
of Sakya Pandita's successors, including Museum of Indian An (Fig, 4). with the
Lama Dampa (Ruegg. pp, 42-43. n. I), typical Sakya lineage stemming from the
In allmandalas of Ihis series, there are malwsidllha Virupa via Dombipa to the
always Ihirteen arches, with Sonam Gy· translator Drogmi (Brog mi)and his imme- (Fig. 4) Vajrasallva mandala
altsen Pcl Zangpo (13) :ltlhc centre: 654 diate followers, Subsequenlly, Ihese teach- Tibet. c. 1375, Sak)'a or affiliale l1\nn:"lery
321 (13)78910 1112,Thisisalineage ings were tnlllsmillcd to the teachers of Pigmenl on clOlh
Heighl 86 cm, width 73.5 cm
starting with (I) the Buddha or deity who Buton, and he in turn trallsmilled the teach- Museum fUr lndisl:he Kun"I, Berlin
revealed the tcachings 10 successive 11/0- ings to his disciples. nlC names of Ihc (PholOgraphy by J.l'afl~d()p(llIlos)
Iwsiddlws and historic leachers in chrono- donors of thc mandala ure inscribed - sev-
logical order. culminating wilh Lama eral of the most importanT monk-officials of Sakya and Phag- I):wid Jllc~son •• /\ fla;nling of Sa skyu fllll\ta~tcrs from an Old Ngnr pa scrie,~
Dampa SOllam Gyuhsell Pc1 Zangpo, For modrupll lineages commissioned this series of the Vajra\'(/li of LUlll 'bru, Ihang~:ls'. in Ha/ill/'r II/I/%gisclr,' Smdiell, 191:\6 (2). pp.
lhe mandala of Buddhakupala WiTh 25 at- 11landalas 10 honour the memory of Lama Dampa, spiritual heir 181·91.
tendants. the order of lhe lineage is: Va- of BUIOII. - , A lIi,'wl)' o/'libelwl P"iming, Vienna, 1996.
jradhara (I). Vajruyogini (2), Abhayakara - , 'The Identification of Individual TC'lchers in Paintings of Sa sk)'lI pu
Amy Ilcller is 'Ill indcl'cmlenl TibeloloJ!ist and an hislori,lI1 affili:ned witlllhe
(3), Nayapadil (4). Dasahalashri (5), Vik- Lincages'. in T. S~orups~i. ed" It,do·1ibe"'n Smdin. Trillg, 1990. pp.
French CN~S Tihct,ln sludies rcscardl Icam (UMR 8047) since 1986.
yatadevi (6). Kache Panchen Shakya Shri- 129-44.
bhadra (7), Bhurnishri (8), Vimalashri (9). Steven Kossak and l,me Ca..ey Singer, St,cn'd Vi"iw,,,: Etu/)' Pai"tittg"jrom
/\IHhor's nOle; Di:dicmed lom)' lellctler,tlle Venerable mTshan lhab~ Rinpochc, C<'Illm/1ihn, New York. 1999.
Lotsawa Drakpa Gyaltsen (IQ). Chogden 10 hOllour lite mcmory of his brolher.lhe Venerable Thar nse mKhan Rinpoche, Pcr Kvacme, /1/1 /lmllQlogy nf Bmhlltist1imlric SWigs. B:Ulglw~. 1986.
{I I). Pelden Sengc lmd Buton scated to- lasl abbol of Ngor. I would li~e 10 acl.:lloOwledgc Ihe ltelp of Robcrt Bura"oy, Leonartl van der Kuijp. T'OIJrteemh Cemury Tibelan Cutlllml History t: Ta'i
gether inside thc arch (12). Huntington :IJKIlhan~ D,lll M:trtin fOf con~lmCli\·e crilicism and (Of lhe Tibetan IC.\I of lhe
si-Ill Byang chub rGyal.mlshan as a Man of Religion'. in /",fo·lr",,;m.
postulated that (10) Lotsawa Dmkpa Gy- Sad//(/IJ/m"'/a colophon. I "ould also li~e 10 lhank E. Gene Smnll and Lconartl
Jo"mllll99~, pp. 13949.
allSen was to be identified as Drakpa Gy- van di:r Kuijp.
- . '00 the Life and Political Career of Ta'; si-m Byang chub rgyal 11llshan
altscll (1352-1405), third abbot of Bo (1302·136")". in Emsl Slein~ellner (ed.). TIbetan lIi.Jtory all/f umsuagl'.
Dong monastery. Again this is :l CllSC of SdUf~d bibl;Qgmphy
Vienna, 1991. pp. 277·328.
Roben Bum....oy, P~itlfllres d" }dOl/asferr d~ Nor. Paris. 1978. Erbcrto Lo Bue and Fmnco Ricca. GrantsI' Rn·isitl'd. Turin. 1990.
BUlOO, l.uf ofTuJchillgs. in Th~ Ca/lnuJ \Vo,*-, of 811'$10" (in Tibelan). \'01. Dan Manin. 1ibt'ran III$10ril'''. London. 1998.
(Fig. 3) 13«il) Jnan.:a Dal;ini mandala
26. New Delhi. 1911. pp. l·t~2. Prulapadilya Pal. 1I/lt'1: TrlUli,;on and Chonge. Albuqucrque.. 1997.
Tibel. c. 1375. Sura or alJilnue monastery
Heighl S4.5 cm. widlh 73.3 cm - . Camlogut' ofl/~ InTaIl '8)'"r (in Tlbelan). George Rocrieh (tnms. and ed.). The Blut' Aw/(/Is. Delhi. 1976.
n.., Melrupo1il.:an Museum of An Helmut Eimcr, ed.. ~r Talllm·Komlo8 dn Du SIOII. Bonn. 1989 Oavid S. Rue", Th.. Lif.. ofHuStoa RiIlpocM. Rome. 1966.
Lita Annenberg Haan Charitable Trusl GII\, 19lI7 John C. Hunungtoo, 1llc Study ofllimatayan Paintings: New Techniques and Raghu Vira and Lolesh Chandra. 7ilHlOn Munda/as (Vujrm'oli aad
(19117.16) Tools'. in OriMlatiGfU. OctobeT 2003. pp. 57-64. 1iJlltra,SfllnU(:nJ,n, Ne\!< Delhi. 1995.
72 73
Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara
Western Tibet; dated 1543
Copper alloy
H. 7 1/2 in. (16.5 cm)
Gift from The Blanchette Hooker Rockefeller Fund
1994.004
The strap tied around the waist and right leg of this
seated Avalokiteshvara, the Bodhisattva of Compassion,
was used to maintain the body's position during lengthy
meditation practices. Avalokiteshvara's left hand holds a
lotus and makes the gesture of elucidation and his right
hand makes the gesture of gift-bestowal. He wears a
finely rendered cloth around his waist (dhoti), etched
with five different patterns of flowers. Although only
one lotus rises up behind Avalokiteshvara's left shoulder,
a cup-shaped holder remains on the base behind him on
the right and a small copper knob survives behind the
right arm, both of which would once have held the stem
of a second lotus in place. The inscription in Tibetan
around the bottom notes that the image, commissioned
by a Tibetan from a Nepalese artist, is a funerary image.
It was created in homage to a lama, Nyari Panchen
(mNga ris Panchen, 1497 - 1542), after his death, in
order to ensure him good rebirth. As a result of the
teacher's great spirituality, the statue represents him as
the Bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara.
Inscription
//Om sva sti/ kun mkhyen lhaíi lha mchog spyan ras
gzigs// padma dbang rgyal dgongs pa rdzogs phyir tu//
bzang po lha sbyin rab gus dad pa yis// cho mo lug gi
cho 'phrul dus chen la// ne bal mkhas pa a pha jayatis
bsgrubs// dge bas 'gro kun sangs rgyas myur thob shog//
mamgalam//
"Om sva sti, To honor the memory of Padma Wangyal
[who is one with] the omniscient Avalokiteshvara, best
god of gods [the donor] Zangpo Lhachin had this
[image] completed with deep reverence and faith by the
skilled Newar Apha Jayati on the 15th day of the 1st
month of the water-female-sheep year. By the virtue [of
making this image], may all beings rapidly attain
Buddhahood. Blessings." Translated by Amy Heller
The Lhasa gtsug lag khang: Observations on the Ancient
Wood Carvings *
Amy Heller
In the ninth century inscriptions on the Karchung rdo ring1 , the foundation of the
Lhasa gtsug lag khang, the most revered Lhasa temple, is attributed to the reign
of Srong btsan sgam po. The likely period is between 641, when the Chinese prin-
cess to whom he was betrothed arrived in Lhasa, and ca. 649-650, when he died.
Traditionally, the foundation is attributed to a Nepalese princess, also considered a
royal bride of Srong btsan sgam po. Although the historic existence of the Nepalese
princess has long been questioned, there is ample evidence to support active ex-
changes—political, cultural and commercial—between Tibet and Nepal at this time.2
The Tibetans had encountered the marvels of Buddhist art as an indirect result of
their military expansion towards the Himalaya as well as to the Silk Routes and
China. Tradition would have us believe that the Nepalese bride founded a temple
like those of her homeland. Demiéville however pointed out in 1952 that the Tang
annals describe the construction of a residence, Chengyi, to lodge the court.3 Com-
parison with the rGya ma residence of Srong btsan sgam po (Fig.1) is important due
to the tower core construction of this building which may relate to the original
architecture of the central portion of the Lhasa gtsug lag khang as will be discussed
hereafter. Despite the reference of the Chinese term to a non-religious structure, still,
this might correspond to the apparent core construction of the Lhasa temple be-
cause the contemporary model of Nepalese vihara fulfilled both political and reli-
gious functions. Although no seventh to eighth century temples are extant today
in Nepal, depictions of Nepalese structures in manuscripts and archeological in-
vestigations show that such buildings included both chapels and sleeping cham-
bers disposed around a square courtyard, with a series of open assembly halls on
the ground floor, and a gallery on an upper floor.4 This plan was known from India
where the fifth to eighth century stone constructions of Ajanta and Ellora are charac-
terized by a series of rooms built round an open courtyard with the room opposite
the entryway, which serves as the shrine of the monastery, slightly larger than the
other rooms. Adaptations to the Nepalese model rendered in wood rather than
stone, were necessitated by the Tibetan climate, notably the stone masonry of the
walls, the roof over the open courtyard and wooden pillars for its support. As known
today, the most ancient section of the gTsug lag khang seems remarkably faithful to
the square form of ancient Nepalese models (see plan, Fig.17).
It is beyond the scope of this paper to attempt a precise chronology of the founda-
tion of the gTsug lag khang and its successive phases of reconstruction and embel-
lishment. However, according to several modern historians, many of the activities
attributed to the seventh century Chinese bride Wengcheng would in fact be those
of the Chinese princess Kimcheng, who arrived in Tibet ca. 710. Her foundation of
several temples is historically attested, as is the arrival in Tibet of many artists and
religious masters from Nepal, both Newars from the Kathmandu Valley and Indians
who reached Tibet via Nepal. Notable examples of this type of migration are re-
corded in traditions concerning the construction of Samye, ca. 779. Shantaraksita,
for example, was summoned from Nepal, and Nepalese artists participated in the
initial decoration of this monastery. Although few works of art concretely dated to
the seventh and eighth century survive today in Nepal for comparison, the monu-
mental image of Vishnu dated 643 A.D. being a notable exception as well as the bas-
reliefs of the stupa of Chabahil, Tukan-bahal and portions of Sanku sanctuary,
numerous small stone caitya in Kathmandu and the corpus of extant Licchavi sculp-
tures allow a sufficient understanding of the tendencies of Nepalese aesthetics and
architecture of this period.5 Nepalese aesthetic elements may be discerned in the
door lintels, pillars and capitals in the gTsug lag khang. I propose to examine here a
sample of these wooden carvings at different stages of preservation, restoration, and
during conservation efforts.
After crossing two outer courtyards, one arrives at the veritable entrance to the
Lhasa temple, on the west facade. The massive wooden doors measure approxi-
mately 4 m high. They open onto a corridor approximately 2 m wide, the walls of which
are covered with a thick coat of brightly varnished plaster. The very first pillars
show traces of successive reconstructions. One might call this a tradition of architec-
tural recycling, as in figure 2b, in which one can see the base of a pillar incorporated
into the wall which has replaced the pillar as the support of the roof. The existence
of the pillar allows us to understand that the walls of this corridor are probably a
later stage of construction—initially, it would appear that the doorway had two
rows of pillars without walls, supporting a portico roof, as is known from a manuscript
illustration dated to 1015.6
The sculpture on the base of this pillar is half buried. Stylistically, there is strong
Nepalese influence, and the theme itself is a form of Avalokiteshvara especially
popular in Licchavi art. Still it cannot be confidently determined whether or not it was
part of the initial construction. According to the research of Anne-Marie Blondeau
and Yonten Gyatso, the installation of the lateral chapels of this entrance corridor
was decorated during the 12th century with the Four Guardian Kings as part of
restoration efforts by Gung thang Lama Zhang (1123-1193), so the corridor was
certainly in existence at this time.7
The principal square of the ground floor of the temple comprises approximately
20 chapels, of which 5 are visibly the oldest. The first floor has the same configura-
tion. Despite noticeable differences among them, to which I will return, these ten
chapels do appear older by the sculptures of the lintels, the shapes of the doorways,
as well as the construction techniques. On the eastern wall, narrative panels are
sculpted as traverse sections of the doorway lintels, while the chapels on the north
and south walls have a distinctive structural decoration and geometrically carved
lintels. On the northern chapel, the exterior of the doorway has griffons or sardula,
animals known from the Indian thrones of late Gupta and Pala-Sena sculptures8 . On
the south, the griffon is replaced by carvings of a lion’s head. There is an intriguing
series of dancers and musicians, such as a drummer with monkey head, dwarves
eating and dancing—this series of joyous companions at the entrance of temples is
found in many Ajanta cave temples (Fig.3) and Lhasa doorway. There has been
substantial restoration of these figures, as is demonstrated by this photograph
THE LHASA GTSUG LAG KHANG 5
The choice of the Gandavyuha to illustrate the Lhasa temple is an element which
tends to reinforce the ancient date attributed to these panels. The Gandavyuha is
probably of South Indian origin, but the Avatamsaka-sutra cycle which it con-
cludes was probably compiled in Khotan and then translated into Chinese, becom-
ing well known in China as of the seventh century. It was certainly known in Dun-
huang during the Tang dynasty. Some episodes are represented in Dunhuang wall
paintings,12 made both before and during the Tibetan occupations (670-690 and
787-866). The translation of the Gandavyuha-sutra into Tibetan must have been
accomplished during the early diffusion of Buddhism in Tibet. This can be deter-
mined because of the quotations of its concluding verses (the Bodhicaryaprani-
dhana, bZang spyod) as consecration formulae for a sculptural mandala of Vairocana
and the Eight Bodhisattva commissioned in 806 A.D. in ’Bis mda’near Jyekundo.13
Also, a Tibetan translation of the Gandavyuha is listed in the Tibetan royal library
catalogue of ca. 822.14 The popularity of this text in Nepal cannot be documented
earlier than the late 11th or early 12th century, the approximate date of a manuscript
found by Professor Tucci in Tibet and now dispersed in private and public collec-
tions.15 In conjunction with these Nepalese manuscript illuminations, the narrative
panels of the Gandavyuha sculpted in the early ninth century at Borobudur, Indo-
nesia, facilitate tentative identification of some of the episodes represented in Lhasa.16
Even allowing for the differences in media and techniques (painting vs. sculpture),
it is striking to compare the body proportions and stance of the figures from this
illustration of an episode from the Gandavyuha manuscript now in the Los Angeles
County Museum with this panel from the Lhasa gtsug lag khang (Fig.10)
As only a relatively limited number of narrative panels are extant today, the hypoth-
esis of this identification must remain somewhat tentative. Also, it is not being
claimed that the Gandavyuha was the exclusive textual inspiration, since some pan-
els are apparently related to the Amitayur-dhyana-sutra (Fig.9). One seems to narrate
an episode from the story of King Bimbisara already represented during the sev-
enth-eighth century in Dunhuang with this episode of immolation of a hare17. This
sutra was also in the catalogue of the Tibetan royal library; it was certainly trans-
lated very early and known in Tibet. While the extent to which the Jataka tales were
known in ninth century Tibet remains open to question, there is virtual certainty
that the Gandavyuha was popular in Tibet at this time, due to the cult dedicated to
Vairocana by the Tibetan sovereigns, hence the great likelihood of its representa-
tion in the principal Lhasa temple.18
The study of the panels for their iconography has led to an unexpected discov-
ery regarding their structure. Most of the lintels are composed of a single, solid piece
of wood, in all probability a single tree trunk, now approximately 25-30 cm thick.
However certain panels have an interlocking edge, which allows insertion of the
panel in between adjacent panels on both sides. In other words, some lintels are
comprised of both permanent, fixed sections as well as non-permanent fixed ele-
ments, which could be moved to other locations, substituted, replaced or renovated
over the course of time. For example, in this panel of the eastern wall chapel on the
first floor, some details may appear to be characteristic of later iconography, such as
the figure who might indeed be a mahasiddha (Fig.11). It seems doubtful that the
liturgy of the mahasiddhas became known during the early diffusion of Buddhism
in Tibet. In consideration of the Tibetan tendency to copy earlier styles, it is possible
THE LHASA GTSUG LAG KHANG 7
that this section of the lintel was a later addition, perhaps carved during restorations
known to have occurred during the 11th century.19
Before discussing the Jo khang chapel, in addition to questions of later substitu-
tions or replacements, the question of successive cross-influences is pertinent. To
what extent did the fame of the Lhasa temple spread during the Tibetan Empire; did
it serve as a model? Extant examples in Tibet are few. Perhaps Samye, Tradruk and
Keru preserve the outer appearance of the vihara square, but the interior architec-
ture has undergone substantial restorations over the centuries. As a possible emula-
tion of Lhasa, these pillar bases come from a monumental tomb near Chengdu, Sichuan,
dated ca. 925-950; in subject matter and body proportion, they are very similar to
those of the Lhasa temple,20 (Fig.12) originally inspired in turn by Nepalese Ganas
(Fig.13). This is not completely surprising because in addition to close relations
with Nepal, contacts between Buddhists in Tibet and Sichuan were ongoing during
the eighth and ninth century,21 and involved the exchange of texts and teachers.
Commercial and political relations linking Lhasa with the Nanzhao kingdom in Yunnan
during the Tibetan empire have also been amply documented.22 Although very few
examples have yet been identified, the question of the spread of Tibetan aesthetic
influence to Sichuan as well as Yunnan may be raised.23 Archeological investiga-
tions now in progress in Sichuan and Yunnan will hopefully provide more docu-
mentation on this subject.
To conclude, it is important to discuss the ancient carvings at the entrance to the
Jo Khang, the chapel which houses the Jo bo statue, the central chapel whose con-
tents are deemed so quintessential that the entire sanctuary is sometimes refered to
by the name of this chapel. Bearing in mind considerations of cross-influences and
successive restorations, it is to be recalled that Béguin et Mortari Vergara de Caffarelli
had already evoked comparison to Ajanta in previous studies, specifically to the
architecture of the doorway to cave 2 (Fig.14a). 24 While this comparison may also
hold true for doorways on the north and south wings, the central chapel is dissimi-
lar in some respects. The height of the two principal lateral pillars with carved stand-
ing figures is just 3 m, but the full pillar height reaching to the floor of the first storey
is approximately 10 m, which corresponds to the ceiling height inside the Jo bo
chapel. The carved section of the pillar is surmounted by several tiers of curtains
suspended across the doorway; a series of shelves for small statues or books
occupies the width of the doorway up to the ceiling. In support of the agreement
between the CNRS and the Lhasa Academy of Social Sciences, the monks gave a
special authorization to allow me to view behind the curtains bringing a very high
ladder. The wall behind the curtains reveals three horizontal rows of small friezes of
amorous couples in embrace (fig 15a). These are unlike any other friezes in the
temple and are exceptionally well conserved beneath layers of paint. To a certain
extent these figures correspond to the Gandarva-Apsara couples frequent in In-
dia25, such as those painted on friezes placed above the doorway at entrance to
Ajanta cave 17 (Fig.15b). Although the iconographic scheme above the Jo khang
recalls Indian antecedents, the carving of these is manifestly Licchavi in body
proportions, garments and jewelry replete with scarf at the neck and cabochon
studded crowns. In a slightly larger scale, this bracket adjacent to the Jo bo chapel,
illustrates the same aesthetic paradigm of the carved Gandarva, albeit alone; it may
indeed be probably contemporary (Fig.16). Indeed, aesthetically and structurally
8 THE TIBET JOURNAL
the doorways and brackets of the eastern wall would seem to represent a unified
concept which is distinct from the decorative scheme and architectural structure
represented by the doorways of the north and south walls. The ceiling height of the
Jo khang chapel on the eastern wall extending to the upper floor, is approximately 10-
12 meters, with the four lateral chapels and the central sanctuary forming a sort of
core tower, around which additional chapels seem to have been constructed later.
The construction of a core tower with subsidiary chambers recalls the architectural
models of rGya ma (Fig.1) and Yum bu bla mkhar, traditionally believed to be the first
royal residence.26 As a working hypothesis, the following outline is proposed for
the initial phases of construction (Fig.18):
ca. 640-650 residence
ca. 710-750 reconstruction of core tower as central chapel and lateral chapels
post 780-835 adjacent sleeping quarters progressively linked to
core tower
ca. 1050 reconstruction of north and south walls following Indian portal
style for central chapels of each wall on both ground floor and
first storey
ca. 1075 construction of the Zhal ras lha khang, according to scheme by
Roberto Vitali27
ca. 1160 embellishment of the entrance corridor by Gung thang bla ma
I would like to acknowledge financial support by two anonymous private donors and the
CNRS URA 1229 for two trips to Lhasa in 1995 and 1996. In Lhasa I was helped by Phuntsog
Tshering, President of Lhasa Academy and Lama Phurbu of the gTsug lag khang. For fruitful
criticism, I particularly thank Valrae Reynolds, Lionel Fournier, and Ernst Steinkellner.
Grateful acknowledgement to Rob Linrothe for editing, and to Ian Alsop and Corneille Jest
for critical reading.
Notes
1. Richardson 1985, 72-81. Richardson 1977 provides the first detailed discussion of the
entire Lhasa gtsug lag khang, while Shakabpa 1982 gives summary of the history of the
temple (7th to 20th century) and detailed inventory of contents of all chapels.
2. For bibliography from 1950 to 1996 of historians addressing this issue, and absence of all
mention of her prior to 11-12th century Tibetan historical works such as the Mani bka’’
bum, cf. Heller 1997. H.E. Richardson has discussed this most recently, cf. Richardson
1997. Slusser 1982, 33 investigated the Nepalese historical sources and found no cor-
roboration of the matrimonial alliance of Srong btsan sgam po and a Nepalese princess.
3. Demieville 1952, 201
4. Locke 1985, 4. Slusser 1982, fig.244, a vihara depicted in a Nepali manuscript dated
A.D. 1015 shows the two-storey construction.
5. cf. Slusser 1982, plates 254-288 are photographs of Licchavi caitya of the Kathmandu
Valley. Cf. PAL 1974, plates 8,9,12,14 Passim and Bangdel 1989.
6. Slusser 1982,. fig.244, vol. 2.
7. personal communication from A. M. Blondeau. Cf. Blondeau and Gyatso 1997, 47-49.
8. Auboyer 1949.
9. for chronology of Licchavi art, cf. Pal 1974 and Bangdel 1989. For a stone sculpture with
identical cylindrical earring, cf. Pal 1974, fig.227, attributed to 10-11th century.
THE LHASA GTSUG LAG KHANG 9
Reference
Archeological Team of the Museum of the City of Chengdu. The Tomb of Sun Hanshao of
Late Shu, Five Dynasties, Wenwu, 1991(5), 11-26.
Auboyer, Jeannine. Le Trône et son symbolisme dans l’Inde ancienne, Presses Universitaires
de France, Paris, 1949
Backus, Charles. The Nan-chao Kingdom and Tang China’s South-western Frontier, Cam-
bridge University Press, Cambridge, 1981
Bangdel, Lain. Stolen Images of Nepal, Royal Nepal Academy, Kathmandu, 1989.
Blondeau, Anne-Marie and Gyatso, Yonten. “Lhasa, L’gende et Histoire” in F. Pommaret
(réd), Lhasa, Lieu du Divin, Olizane, Genève, 1997, 35-58.
Broughton, John. “Early Ch’an Schools in Tibet” in R. Gimello and P. Gregory, Studies in
Ch’an and Hua-yen, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu, 1983, 1-68.
Caffarrelli, Paola and Beguin, Gilles. Demeures des hommes, Sanctuaires des dieux, Universita
de Roma, 1987.
10 THE TIBET JOURNAL
Chab Spel. “Lha sa gtsug lag khang gi lo rgyus rags bshad” (History of the Lhasa gtsug lag
khang), Bod ljongs zhib ’jug, 1982,10-44.
Cleary, Th. Entry into the Realm of Reality. The Guide. A Commentary on the Gandavyuha,
the Final Book of the Avatamsaka Sutra, Wisdom Publications, Boston, 1989
Demievillle, Paul. Le Concile de Lhasa, Paris, 1952.
Fontein, Jan. The Pilgrimage of Sudhana, A Study of Gandavyuha Illustration in China,
Japan and Java, Mouton, The Hague, 1967.
Frederic, Louis and NAU, Jean-Louis. Borobudur, Paris, 1994.
Gail, Adalbert. “Ramayana relief am Kaisha in Ellora,” Berliner Indologische Studien, 1985
(1), 177-185.
Heller, Amy. “Early ninth century images of Vairocana from Eastern Tibet”, Orientations
25/6, 1994, 74-79.
——— . “Early temples and rock carvings of Eastern Tibet” in J. C. Singer and Ph. Denwood,
eds, Tibetan Art Towards a Definition of Style, Laurance King, London, 1997, 86-103.
——— . “Ninth century Buddhist images carved at lDan ma brag to commemorate Tibeto-
Chinese negotiations”, Per Kværne, ed. Tibetan Studies, The Institute for Comparative
Research in Human Culture, Oslo, 1994, 335-349, and Appendix 12-19.
Huntington, S. and Huntington, J. Leaves of the Bodhi Tree, The Dayton Art Institute,
Dayton, 1990.
Imaeda, Yoshiro. Histoire du Cycle de la Naissance et de la Mort, Droz, Genève, 1981.
Lalou, Marcelle. “Les textes bouddhiques au temps du roi Khri srong lde btsan”, Journal
Asiatique 241, 1953, 313-353.
Locke, John. Buddhist Monasteries of Nepal, Sahayogi Press, Kathmandu 1985.
Lutz, Albert. Der Tempel der Drei Pagoden von Dali, Rietberg Museum, Zürich, 1991.
Mi Nyag Choekyi Gyaltsen, “Srong btsan sgam po’i dus kyi pho brang po ta la’i bzo dbyibs
dang chags tsuhl skor rob tsam dpyad pa” (An Elementary Analysis on Potala Palace’s
Shape and Layout During the Time of King Srong btsan sgam po), paper presented at the
1998 IATS Seminar Bloomington, Indiana, pp.1-9.
Pal, Pratapaditya. Arts of Nepal, Part One Sculpture, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1974.
Richardson, Hugh. A Corpus of Tibetan Inscriptions, Royal Asiatic Society, 1985.
——— . “Mun Sheng Kong Co and Kim Sheng Kong Co, Two Chinese Princesses in Tibet”,
Tibet Journal 22/1:3-11, 1997.
——— . “The Cult of Vairocana in Tibet” in Tadeuz Skorupski, ed. Indo-Tibetan Studies,
Institute of Buddhist Studies, Tring, 1990, 271-274.
——— . “The Jo-khang ‘Cathedral of Lhasa’” in A. Macdonald and Y. Imaeda, eds., Essais
sur l’Art du Tibet, Maisonneuve, Paris, 1977, 157-188.
Slusser, Mary. Nepal Mandala, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1982.
Steinkellner, Ernst. Sudhana’s Miraculous Journey in the Temple of Ta Pho, ISMEO, Roma,
1995, pp.14-19.
Vitali, Roberto. Early Temples of Central Tibet, Serindia, London, 1990.
Whitfield, Roderick and Otsuka, Seigo. Caves of the Singing Sands, Textile and Art Publica-
tions, London and Tokyo, 1996.
Wu Hung. “What is Bianxiang—on the relationship between Dunhuang Art and Dunhuang
Literature” in Harvard Journal of Asian Studies 52, 1992, 111-192.
THE LHASA GTSUG LAG KHANG 11
Fig.1 rGya ma khri mkhar, the residence and tower-fortress attributed as the
royal birth-place of Srong btsan sgam po, photo by H.E.Richardson, ca. 1947.
12 THE TIBET JOURNAL
Fig. 2a Detail of Vishnu statue, stone, length 750 cm, dated by inscription 643 A.D.,
Budhanilakantha, Kathmandu Valley, 1995 photo by A. Heller.
Fig. 3a/b Ajanta cave 26, entrance frieze, musicians sculpted in stone,
height ca. 40 cm, ca. 470 A.D., photo A. Heller 1999.
....
- "'.
•.",-r,
'Ill'... ,.',
';,'~
., .,
~ ~ ~l'"~l.r:~ .... ~
'. !
'1.',
..
'~-,,,
- ' " . '" '.::SJ .. I ". i
'.., .. ,
, ,
.- -- ,"",.
~~ >:";').'\ f
. ~~
. ""'~.J' ~,., .-r), ~~_
'. .".l),. •'J' " "";V ..'.<"Ik' ..
'. :-.--.-._~~._"( r,j • '<" "'\" . . "'.. ,". ....
."\'~...--:" ~,
. ' , .,'
-
I I , • .•
. ;',
'-'r;(
~
'
,-, • ,llJJ";.f,
"
L-" "1
.-. • '"... ..
....... L
, cJ
-"
"'{". ~"-- ~ . -~
-' .
p, ..... .,. . , . ;
Fig.10 Illumination from Gandavyuha manuscript, ink and color on palm leaf, 5.1 x 7.0
cm., Nepal, 11th-12th century, Los Angeles County Museum of Art (M.71.1.1f).
18 THE TIBET JOURNAL
Fig.14a Ajanta, doorway to cave 2, stone, height 175 cm, ca. 470 A.D.,
photo A. Heller 1999.
THE LHASA GTSUG LAG KHANG 21
Fig.14b Jo bo chapel doorway, Lhasa gtsug lag khang, wood, height 280 cm.,
ca. 720 A.D., photo A. Heller 1995.
22 THE TIBET JOURNAL
Fig.17 Simplified plan of ground floor, Lhasa gtsug lag khang, A. Heller 1997
24 THE TIBET JOURNAL
Transformation to Buddhist
sanctuary ca. 720 A.D.
Fig.18 Construction hypothesis for central chapels, Lhasa gtsug lag khang,
A. Heller 1997.
AMY HELLER (Ph.D. in Tibetan history and Philology at La Sorbonne, Ecole Pratique des Hautes
Etudes, France) has traveled eight times to Tibet. Her trip to Tibet in 1995 as a part of team for
evaluating restoration of monasteries of Gra thang and Zha lu and its subsequent research resulted
in her book Tibetan Art published in English, French, Italian and Spanish. She is currently working
on the cultural history of Dolpo to study the Pijor illuminated bKa’ ’gyur manuscripts.
Book Reviews
This book is the product of years of travel and research by Andreas Gruschke, whose
academic background is principally in sinology and anthropology. His research is grounded
in modern Chinese sources, and translations of Tibetan historical texts, yet throughout the
book, the lack of references to primary Tibetan sources is, to the eyes of this reader, a serious
shortcoming of the entire series of volumes. Gruschke has nonetheless guided study tours in
Eastern and Central Asia, from Ladakh to Amdo and beyond. This has led him to develop a
teaching perspective on the ethnic groups and cultural histories of many regions, their mon-
asteries and monuments. The two volumes here reflect this rich travel experience: thus the
reader is guided from region to region, monastery to monastery, with some emphasis on
outstanding features of architecture, history or geography. The vast travels of Gruschke have
enabled him to assemble a compendium of photographs in Amdo and Khams, of landscapes,
monasteries, tombs, artefacts and Buddhist or Bonpo wall paintings, from many remote
sites which are subject to severe restrictions in photographs. As each volume comprises
approximately one hundred pages of photographs and one hundred pages of text, the reader
will have ample opportunity to appreciate both his skills as a photographer and his selection
of destinations—what luck to visit Kum bum just after the freshly fallen snow has dusted
the ochre rooves and hills!
Yet personally and objectively, this reviewer is not enthralled. The present reviewer is a
person interested in Tibetan cultural history, especially rituals and art. The photographs
purely and simply do not give the necessary detail to use these books as reference books for
research in cultural history, in art history or in geography. Certainly, they provide excellent
guides, overall context, but the precise detailed photography and captions are totally lacking.
It is a major problem, as the captions are almost ludicrous—p.195, vol.1 “The TAR Part of
Kham”, no. 65: “A New Buddha in the old assembly hall”. Does this caption inform the
reader of the iconography of the Buddha and where the statue is situated—is he standing or
seated, how is he dressed and is there a temple where it is found, a context within a given
monastery? How has the author determined that this statue is new—because it is shiny metal?
The next caption is “Wara gompa’s assembly hall”, showing at least 10 different buildings,
none of which are identified, although one building is bigger and presumably is the Assembly
hall; No. 67, “An old thangka depicting an eminent Sakyapa lama (dukhang of Wara gompa).”.
There is no attempt to identify the monk represented on the painting, and the painting has
been photographed in such small format that it is hardly surprising not to have an identifica-
tion. In other words, when Gruschke photographed, the painting was not observed as a
potential resource material for Tibetan religious history or art, and subsequently could not
be identified with enough information to be pertinent to either domain. One may ask—was
it a waste of film? These few questions about the photographs and captions illustrate the
problems of the quality of the photographs, which to this author provide insufficient
documentation, except for the needs of a most casual tourist. Moreover, these problems of
photography appear to persist throughout the series of five volumes. He was told this by a
monk?
The content of the text is uneven. There are maps, there is an attempt to give historical and
geographical context—and sometimes this is successful, other times, less so. The result, it is
dependent on the detail, the sources cited by the author, and the additional information
gathered from modern informants. These books represent a considerable achievement,
there is no doubt. They are unique at present, and due to the difficulties of travel to this area,
will probably remain so for some time. Thus, in terms of research for Tibetologists, it is
102 THE TIBET JOURNAL
essential for university libraries to acquire the whole series, and eventual serious tourists
to Eastern Tibet will find them most useful. If attempting to use these books as genuine
reference books on Eastern Tibet, these books must be viewed as a complement to Tibetan
historical sources, as well as modern Tibetan written and photographic sources as well as
modern Chinese references on this area. In addition, the researcher on Eastern Tibet is
advised to consult photographic archives which are becoming increasingly available—
such as the Newark Museum. The Newark Museum’s photographs (some) can be found at
www.newarkmuseum.org/Tibet Information Zone, or the archives of Jacques Bacot in the
Centre d’Etudes tibétaines du Collège de France, Paris, France.
— Amy Heller
The Circle of Bliss: Buddhist Meditational the Los Angeles County Museum of Art from Tibet and range in date from the 12th
Art, by John C. Huntington and Dina and the Columbus Museum of Art. The to the 20th century. With a few exceptions,
Bangde1, Columbus Museum of Art and catalogue comprises 560 pages of essays on most objects are well known and have been
Serindia Publications, 2003. esoteric religious texts and ritual practices, published before but they have been
as well as individual descriptions of works assembled here in a new context that
This review is concerned with the Tibetan of art. Of the 157 objects - paintings, emphasizes the meditational significance of
material included in the major exhibition sculptures, and ritual implements - included the works of art rather than the aesthetic.
and catalogue entitled The Circle of Bliss, in in the exhibition, approximately half are However, as Philippe de Montebello has
said in another context, «works of art are
the tangible manifestation of man's highest
aspirations [in this case Buddhism] as
expressed in visual terms. "I
Seeing a seated Buddha is a reminder of
his teachings - the social ideal of peaceful
coexistence, compassion for all, and
liberation from suffering. The portrait of a
Buddha, a deity, or a human teacher also
conveys the Buddhist canons of aesthetics.
The beauty and aesthetic refinement show
that the artists were highly skilled, theirs
was a conscious quest for beauty as well as
spirituality. In Circle of Bliss, the works of
art serve as the basis for the authors'
extremely detailed explanations of Buddhist
doctrines - this may prove difficult to
understand for readers less familiar with
esoteric Buddhism. Also, it may be
somewhat frustrating for those who wish to
appreciate the aesthetic and historic context
in which these paintings and statues were
created, and instead find themselves reading
about the patterns of transmission of
Buddhist doctrines. Such readers should be
forewarned and arm themselves with
patience, or merely skip a few pages, for as
they peruse this volume, they will at least
see paintings, statues, and ritual objects of
exceptional quality.
With all respect for the authors'
objective of coherent explanations of the
religious doctrines, Huntington's
translations from the Tibetan are sometimes
quite problematic. For example, he uses the
inscription of the Vajrasattva mandala no.
130 (figure 1) to explain how the meditant
1. Vajrasattva mandala. Tibet, circa 15th century. 91.4 x 61 cm. The Art Institute of Chicago, fuses with the chosen deity. The inscription
Orto Doering III Fund (1984.1342). on the painting concludes with verses for
98
longevity of the teacher, but Humington
translates: "You develop the gotra (lit. caste
but implying '(dharmadhatu) life body') of
the best of teachers (guruttama)
i.e., you become Vajrasattva." (p. 518). Here
his didactic intention overrides the actual
meaning of the inscription, which may be
literally translated: "May the best lama's
lifespan be increased".2 Moreover, in
Tibetan Buddhism, it is frequent practice
to commission statues or paintings of
Vajrasattva or especially Amitabha as
Buddha of Infinite Life to honour the
teacher, and pray for their longevity, and
this Humingron does not explain to his
readers. Personally, this reviewer finds
HuntingtOn's translation of this inscription
inaccurate and his sentences
incomprehensible. He conveys a sacrosanct
and arcane tone of language instead of the
simplicity of the actual Tibetan text, and the
meaning of the Tibetan verse is lost.
Similarly, in the opinion of this reviewer, it
appears that the complicated tOne of some
of the very detailed essays reflects a certain
"loss in translation" from the original
religious texts. Although commentaries by a
modern Buddhist teacher in Britain form
the basis for the analysis of the symbolism,
it may be useful to remind the reader that
there are many distinct Tibetan teaching
systems devoted to the study of Vajravarahi
and Chakrasamvara, and even teachers
2. Buddhakapala mandala. Sa skya monastery or affiliate, Tibet, circa 1375. 73 x 83.5 cm.
within a single tradition explain text and Private collection, Switzerland (fiT 65).
symbolism differently according to the level
of the student, the duration of the teachings, Huntington has correctly understood that and human teachers represented along the
and other criteria.) Also, one may question, the two spectacular mandalas devoted to uppermost edge, all inscribed with names
are an art museum exhibition and Buddhakapala (no. 86) (figure 2) and in Tibetan script. All mandalas of this
accompanying catalogue the appropriate ]nanadakini (no. 122) (figure 3) were borb series have the same lama at the centre of
setting to divulge such religious teachings? formerly part of a single Vajramala/ the row. Professor David Jackson
In Tibet these are higWy esoteric teachings. Vajravali series, executed by an atelier of established the chronology, geographic, and
Ritual initiation to these texts are reserved artists who painted these higWy refined sectarian provenance of several different
for selected individuals - cenain monks or mandalas with consummate skill. All are series of mandala by identification of the
advanced practitioners who have previously identical in size, composition, palette, and historic teachers (see D.P. Jackson, History
accomplished many preliminary studies, and canon of proportion for the deities and of Tibetan Painting, Vienna, 1996). He
who will practise the rituals under the architecture of the central mandala palace. authoritatively dated this ]nanadakini
supervision and guidance of their teachers. These mandalas represent the epitome of mandala (Circle of Bliss, no. 122) to circa
In the case of several Tibetan mandalas, Newar painting in Tibet. This exceptional 1375, attributed it and other mandalas of
Huntington has studied the historical series of mandala has become well known this series to the Sa skya pa monastic
circumstances of their creation. His in Tibetan art since 1978, when four order, whether made for Sa skya or an
historical approach vacillates - either overly mandalas were first published, and several affiliate monasatery, due to recognition and
approximate or overly precise. In addition others in subsequent years." Each mandala historic identification of the Tibetan
the text is often confusing to read. has a lineage of twelve or thirteen divine teachers (no. 46 in S. Kossak and J. Casey
99
Singer, Sacred Visions, Metropolitan Sonam Gyaltsen. Abbot of the Densatil the years following his death. Huntington's
Museum of Art, New York, 1999, pp. 163- monastery, 1417-34. Huntington concluded error in historic identification leads him
64). Elsewhere in Circle of Bliss, that the mandala series was made for the and the reader to misunderstand the
Huntington and Bangdel praise ]ackson's Kargyu pa Densatil monastery in c:entral chronology, the geographic provenance, the
research and follow Jackson's historic Tibet, between 1434-37. Instead, the central sectarian affiliation, and the landmark
analysis for the Vajravali mandala no. 88 lama must be identified as Sonam Gyaltsen historical position of this mandala series.
(pp. 317-20). Unfortunately, the attribution Palzangpo, the 14th Abbot of Sa skya and The complete mandala series forms a
of the ]nanadakini mandala is flawed de facto ruler of Tibet 1345-49, a major unique and highly significant corpus of
precisely because Huntington has omitted patron and disciple of Bu ston (1290-1364), Tibetan paintings; in terms of Tibetan art
mention of ]ackson's previous analysis of the Abbot of Shalu renowned for his history, it is important to understand their
this mandala, although other comparative monumental achievement in cataloguing context. Among Newar artists invited to Sa
research is discussed. This has led Tibetan Buddhist canonical literature, and skya in the mid-13th century, certain
Huntington to mis-identify several of the for supervising the painting of numerous travelled to the Yuan court but others left
historic figures of the lineages on both the mandalas on the walls of Shalu monastery. their mark at Sa skya in monumental mural
Jnanadakini mandala and the Buddhakapala Sonam Gyaltsen Palzangpo died in 1375. paintings of mandalas made at Sa skya in
mandala, starting with the central lama of and following Jackson's reasoning, the the late 13th century; similar large-scale
the entire series. whom he identifies as series was made to honour his memory in mural paintings of mandalas at Shalu
monastery were made according to Bu
ston's specifications circa 1330-55. This
landmark series of mandala on cloth was
made in the decade following the death of
Sonam Gyaltsen at Sa skya in 1375. The
teachers and disciples of the Sa skya
monastery, and affiliated monastic schools,
were subsequently responsible for mandala
series produced shortly after the foundation
of the Ngor monastery in 1429, and the
monumental mural paintings of mandalas
on the walls of the Gyantse Kumbum,
painted circa 1435. Over centuries, until its
destruction in circa 1966, the N gor
monastery consistently engaged artists to
produce mandala series inscribed with
prayers to honour the lineage of abbots
and the memory of recently deceased
teachers, such as the Kalachakra mandala
(no. 148) (figure 4), and also five mand.las
of [he Vajravali (no. 90). According to
Tibetan inscriptions on the paintings, both
were commissioned by the 13th Abbot of
Ngor monastery to honour the memory of
the 11 th Abbot, following his death in
1569. Yet the reader may be confused
because the caption of the five-fold
Vajravali mandala (no. 89) dates the
mandala circa 1570 to 1575, the c~ption of
the Kalachakra mandala gives a dating
"circa 16th centuryn, and the reader is
given no cross-reference between the two
paintings although they share distinctive
features, such as the outer border of tiny
3. Jnanadakini mandala. Sa skya monastery or affiliate, Tibet, circa 1375. 73.3 x 84.5 cm. The painted gold flowers and a special throne
Metropolitan Museum of Art, Purchase, Lita Annenberg Hazen Charitable Trust Gift, 1987 (1987.16). for the most prominent lamas portrayed.
Amy Heller
Gendün Gyatso +#{-8`o,-W-13~- [dge ’dun rgya mtsho] wrote his throughout Tibet, which was remunerated with offerings of
autobiography at age forty-three in 1528,1 by which time he territory and economic support. These factors interacted and
had already served as abbot of three of the most important led to the political legitimation of his authority throughout
Geluk monasteries in Central Tibet. In 1512 he ascended the several regions.
throne of Tashilhünpo, in 1517 the throne of Drepung, and in This is crucial because during the lifetime of the 2nd Dalai
1528 that of Sera. He expanded the sphere of inßuence of this Lama there were very troubled times in Lhasa and Shigatse—
monastic school far beyond the regions of Tashilhünpo and members of the Karma School had taken control of Shigatse
Lhasa, which was the location of the foremost Geluk institu- during Gendün Drup’s lifetime but as of 1480, when Gendün
tions when he was born. Gyatso was six, they led troops towards Ü in central Tibet. A
Through teaching actively and sending envoys to such dis- period of tense retaliations from Geluk supporters ensued. In
tant regions as Guge in western Tibet and several principalities 1492, the Karma School allies invaded districts administered
south and east of Lhasa, he greatly increased the patronage by Lhasa and then in 1498 occupied the region of Lhasa itself.
network of patrons and adherents to the Geluk teachings. It was only in 1517 that the Karma were Þnally driven out of
During the early part of his lifetime, growing Geluk religious Lhasa and the Geluk regained control there in precisely the
inßuence impelled Gendün Gyatso to build new temples and year Gendün Gyatso assumed the abbot’s throne in Drepung.
restore the ancient sanctuaries in Guge. He was personally In this context it is important to see how the Geluk progres-
responsible for founding new monasteries in the region east sively reinforced their inßuence in Guge where their authority
“As soon as I was born, I looked about timidly and found beauty in front of of Lhasa. He founded Chökhorgyal Metoktang &}=-8"}:-W;-1{-)}#- was uncontested. Gendün Drup had begun cordial relations
*$- [chos ’khor rgyal me tog thang], the “Dharmacakra See of with the Guge monks and local rulers, which resulted in the
me, and I smiled. My mouth was turned towards the direction of Tashilhünpo
the Victory on the Flower Meadow” on the north banks of the king of the Guge, Lopsang Rapten R}-07$-:0-0K,- [blo bzang rab
and my hands were in a gesture of devotion. My body was white like crystal, Tsangpo beyond Samye in 1509. This monastery came to be brtan] patronizing Gendün Gyatso as the 2nd Dalai Lama, and
emanating a very pure light. My father immediately performed a special known as the personal monastery of the Dalai Lama lineage his Queen Dondupma +},-Es0-1- [don grub ma] founding the Red
because it was customary for each Dalai Lama to visit it at least Temple at Tsaparang. Their son continued this patronage in
ritual for Cakrasaṃvara.” (Gendün Gyatso) once during his lifetime. He founded Ngari Dratsang 1$8-:m=-f-3$- turn leading to the foundation of Ngari Dratsang in 1541. This
[mnga’ ris grva tshang] still further east in 1541, in homage to patronage complemented the Geluk extension of their inßu-
the long-standing strong relation of patronage with the kings ence east of Lhasa through Gendün Gyatso’s personal monastic
of Guge and to house many monks sent from there to study foundations at Chökhorgyal and Ngari Dratsang, and his
Geluk teachings in central Tibet. numerous letters and instructions for worship sent to local
When he wrote his autobiography at age forty-three, Gendün leaders.2 In this way Gendün Gyatso consciously strengthened
Gyatso was in the prime of his career as a religious master. In his patronage relationships by teaching patrons who guaran-
addition to teaching and officiating over ceremonies, he had teed his economic and political security and created a support
a pronounced penchant for writing and composed rituals network stretching from western Tibet, Mustang in the west-
and many letters of spiritual exhortation to his disciples and ern Himalayas, to the thresholds of Kham in eastern Tibet.3 It
patrons. He also wrote on religious history and composed a is striking that he was so politically astute. As we will see, his
biography of his father who had been his principal religious political sense developed very early perhaps because of the
teacher during his childhood and remained inßuential until his opposition to the recognition of him as a rebirth, and perhaps
death in 1506. We Þnd that both his biography and autobiogra- because of the unstable regional politics in Tsang during his
phy display a keen sense of the political in his life. For Gendün adolescence. This led to his searching for patronage and legiti-
Gyatso, politics represented three separate areas: his role as mation in the eastern districts of Ü and Guge.
a member of the lineage of the principal Buddhist teachers His autobiography begins with salutations to Atiśa and his
in Tibet; his participation in the complex hierarchical rela- Tibetan disciple Domtön and to Tsongkhapa, who is revered
tions within his religious order; and teaching various princes as a substitute Buddha. It is noteworthy that Gendün Gyatso
TH E S E CO N D DAL A I L AMA 43
explains that he is writing his autobiography upon request, an emanation of Padampa Sanggye, a famous Indian yogin who
which demonstrates his awareness of himself holding a dis- had taught in Tibet. Thus Lama Donyö and his father became
tinctive position in a lineage of Buddhist teachers. This masters of developments in earlier, later, and intermediary
attitude characterizes the autobiography from the beginning traditions. He was also the founder of the monastery of Tanak,
and shows how he had internalized both his role and its rami- on the north side of the Tsangpo facing Shigatse.
Þcations. He begins with Tashilhünpo’s lamas searching for Lama Donyö’s son Künga Gyaltsen \o,-+#8-W;-13,- [kun dga’
the reincarnation of Gendün Drup shortly after his death in rgyal mtshan] (1432–1506) was Gendün Gyatso’s father. Gendün
1474. First the lamas present auspicious offerings to a golden Drup, the “Omniscient” master, was the most illustrious of
statue of White Tārā and then consult an oracle in Tanak not Künga Gyaltsen’s teachers. He presided over Künga Gyalsten’s
far from Shigatse renowned for his powers of clairvoyance, novitiation ceremony at Tashilhünpo after already having vis-
Lama Donyö of Tanak. Speaking for the deceased, the oracle ited Tanak several times during Künga Gyaltsen’s childhood.5
says: “My next birth may be in China, but the Dharma is not In addition to those of the Geluk tradition, Künga Gyaltsen also
very developed there so I do not know. Possibly I will desire to studied Shangpa, Sakya, and Nyingma traditions, as well as the
have the birth received right nearby in this region, but since family tradition of rain-making.
I do not know precisely where my birth will be, tell the lamas Gendün Gyatso introduces his biological family, their religious
to please do no harm.” This message is given to the assembly background, and the spiritual link between Gendün Drup and
of Tashilhünpo lamas, and Gendün Gyatso hears this person- Tashilhünpo which proved crucial to his own future. When his
ally from one of the main lamas of Sera at the time. father was forty-Þve in the Year of the Fire Monkey,6 Gendün
Then Gendün Gyatso explains the family history regarding Gyatso emerged painlessly from the womb of Künga Palmo 24 The Second Dalai Lama. Bronze, gilded, with inscription on the reverse: “The valuable
omniscient Victorious Lord” Tibet, 16th century, H 24.2 cm, Tibet House, New York.
the oracle, who turns out to be his very own grandfather. The \o,-+#8-+.;-1-} [kun dga’ dpal mo], a spiritually inclined woman
family line traced its roots back several centuries earlier to the considered to be a rebirth of the ḍākinī and consort of Gotsangpa
mid-8th century of king Trisong Detsen, who founded Samye G}+-3$-.- [rgod tshang pa] (1189-1258), one of the most famous
monastery in 779 and proclaimed Buddhism the official reli- Kagyü teachers. Her status as an incarnation is not emphasized
gion of Tibet. At that time, a chaplain of Samye was the Þrst per se because by her lifetime, the Kagyü lineage from which she
recorded ancestor in Gendün Gyatso’s family history. Gendün hailed had already recognized the rebirth of the First Karmapa
Gyatso’s family line also had other illustrious ancestors trac- in 1193, and thus incarnations were not unusual to members of At the time of my entry into her womb, my mother dreamt At the moment of birth, just after my mother dreamed again, a
ing their origins from this chaplain at Samye.4 Gendün Gyatso’s the lineage. Gendün Gyatso describes his birth: that she handled many books of precious teachings and then voice said, “Only one son will be born to you. Give him the name
great-grandfather Þrst worked as secretary of a local lord, and touched her mouth. But because of the poison on the paper ‘Sanggye Pel’ =$=-W=-8/{;- [sangs rgyas ’phel]. This will be a sign
then after developing spiritual inclinations took monastic vows As soon as I was born, I looked about timidly and found beauty used to eliminate vermin, she feared that an old stomach ail- linking him to the Buddha of the past, present and future.” Thus
under a major Kagyü teacher. In Tanak, he studied the Shangpa in front of me, and I smiled. My mouth was turned towards ment would return, but she dreamt that no harm would come. I had this name until my ordination as a monk.7 Also around
Kagyü tradition with several masters including a yogin who was the direction of Tashilhünpo and my hands were in a gesture And indeed it was so. As for my father, while I was in the womb that time, my mother dreamt of a large shrine where my father
a specialist in tsha tsha-making and divination. He specialized of devotion. My body was white like crystal, emanating a very he dreamt that Gendün Drup had come to our family monas- had engaged excellent painters to paint the Kālacakra maṇḍala
in rituals for the Six-Armed Mahākāla of Wisdom. pure light. My father immediately performed a special ritual for tery’s meditation site to meditate. Gendün called out, “You, and just then they Þnished the Þnal strokes with perfection.
Lama Donyö Gyaltsen of Tanak was the son of Gendün Cakrasaṃvara. come before me,” at which point a young monk appeared and After that, when I was about two years old, I remembered the
Gyatso’s great-grandfather and thus Gendün Gyatso’s grand- they became friends. Then the young monk was leaving, and words “tāre tuttāre” from Tārā’s mantra. As there was a slight
father. Called “the Great Hermit,” Donyö was known for his This quote is crucial and full of religious signiÞcance—while we just as he reached the door of the cave, Gendün Drup said, imperfection and my pronunciation was not quite correct, at
great powers of clairvoyance and knowledge of the past, pres- have the timid, human character of the young boy, we also have “I am on retreat here. For the time being, don’t come up to Þrst the full version [Oṃ tāre tuttāre ture svāhā] did not come.
ent, and future and was the same lama consulted as oracle a spiritual linkage through the mention of white crystal, refer- see me.” But then just after, it did.
about the next birth of Gendün Drup. In addition to teach- ring to Avalokiteśvara in the form of Ṣaḍakaṣarī and his crystal When I was three, my mother scolded me, so I said to her,
ings of Shangpa Kagyü lineage, he also practiced very esoteric prayer beads. Also by saying that he was facing Tashilhünpo, After three days, through the liberation of meditation, he “Don’t get annoyed with me or I won’t stay, I’ll go to Tashilhünpo.
Nyingma teachings and studied with the Sakya teacher he is indicating the place where his predecessor, Gendün Drup, dreamt that Tārā came to invite him to Tashilhünpo to take up My house there is better than here. There’s even molasses for
Namkha Naljor ,1-1"8-M;-8A}:- [nam mkha’ rnal ’byor] who was came from to be reborn in Tanak. Gendün Gyatso continues: his monk’s bowl and robe. Continuing: me to eat there.” That was the very Þrst indication I gave of
initiation audible for us and thus the protector gave us the ini- Now all that was in the past. Guided by visions assuring a
tiation. One night later that year I composed many frightening good karmic connection with Drepung monastery near Lhasa,
syllables but did not write them down. Then at dawn, I instantly Gendün Gyatso headed there to take his full monastic vows
pronounced words to the effect that the top of the ßag of vic- in 1495 at the age of almost twenty. Due to political tensions,
tory is a wish-fulÞlling jewel. Then I lit the butter lamps and my he decided to accept invitations from patrons outside the
father wrote everything down. This is a description of my life Lhasa region, particularly those of Olkha where he founded
before ordination. Chökhorgyal in 1509, and was guided by visions of Lhamo dur-
ing construction.15 He presided there and as of 1512, he was also
It is fascinating to see that Gendün Gyatso’s local commu- named Abbot of Tashilhünpo and travelled between these two
nity recognized his status and that a ruler of a distant region monasteries in Ü and Tsang. In 1517, just as the Geluk regained
also recognized it speciÞcally as a way to continue the former control of Lhasa, he was promoted to Abbot of Drepung, which
relation with Gendün Grup. Yet all this time, a full enthrone- he assumed the same year. Thereafter he spent six months a
ment had not yet been authorized at Tashilhünpo. We may year in Lhasa and resided in Chökhorgyal the rest of the year
surmise that this long period of waiting may have contrib- until his death in 1542.
uted to Gendün Gyatso developing a sense of the complexity of Despite the fact that his biography barely discusses the sec-
political relationships within the religious hierarchy as well as tarian conßicts of his times, Gendün Gyatso, through his travels
a sense of secular politics. and network of inßuential patrons, contributed greatly to the
In his father’s biography, Gendün Gyatso describes a dream consolidation of the Geluk School as a political force in Tibet.
his father had in 1486 of Lhamo presenting him with crystal Furthermore, with his historic writings, ritual compositions,
prayer beads, which Gendün Gyatso describes as evidence and visions, he established a Þrm base of liturgy and ritual
of extraordinary miracles happening in dreams. The crystal practices which persisted into the time of the 14th Dalai Lama.
prayer beads are a well-known symbol of Avalokiteśvara that
conÞrms his link with both deities.12
In his autobiography, Gendün Gyatso describes his recogni-
tion at last as a getsul +#{-3u;- [dge tshul] “novice” at Tashilhünpo
when he was between ten and eleven.13 The initial vows of
monastic ordination were at last pronounced, his hair cut,
and the name Gendün Gyatso declared before an assembly
of the most illustrious Geluk monks then in Tibet assembled
from Lhasa and other monasteries. His education continued
at Tashilhünpo and nearby Nenying Monastery #,=-Jm$- [gnas
rnying] and sometimes at Narthang. Occasionally he returned
to Tanak Dorjedan to hear teachings from his father. When he
was seventeen, he was received to undergo teachings in the
Nyang region around Gyantse and further south. Great belief
in him and his teaching abilities came to all who had a chance
to hear him. He Þnally learned that the long delay in being
recognized and ordained was due to the animosity of certain
lamas—particularly that of the Abbot of Narthang—towards
his father. The abbot had said the birth of the Omniscient
Gendün Drup could not come to such a man as Gendün
Gyatso’s father.14
280 NOTES
THE PROTECTIVE DEITIES OF THE DALAI LAMAS
Amy Heller
In addition to believing that each person at birth has a protec- the 5th Dalai lama, encompassing areas in Mongolia as well as
tive deity associated with their body and birthplace, Tibetan a territory stretching from Ladākh to the eastern regions of
Buddhists have great faith in the power of deities sungma Sichuan 四川 and Yunnan 雲南.
Ns$-1- [srung ma] “guardians” and chökyong &}=-[}$- [chos skyong] According to the 14th Dalai Lama when he spoke in 2004,2
(Skt. dharmapāla) “Protector of the Dharma.” These deities are there is a special relationship between Palden Lhamo; Nec-
frequently invoked for physical protection against illness or hung Dorje Drakden, then as a follower of Tsongkhapa; the
accidents as well as from spiritual pollution or obstructions Six-Armed Mahākāla; and Dharmarāja Yama. On other occa-
to meditation. Each person has the ability to inßuence them sions, he has also mentioned Namthose. Among them Nec-
through worship in order to alleviate the suffering of exis- hung, Palden Lhamo, Mahākāla, and Dharmarāja Yama are
tence. The political power of the Dalai Lama as an institution dharmapāla, while Namthose is a god of wealth and prosper-
has derived its strength from deep belief in the powers of a ity. Below we discuss differences in appearance and some of
clearly deÞned group of guardian deities that protect the lin- the mythology of the protective deities different Dalai Lamas
eage in addition to the Dalai Lama himself. These deities were have venerated. In reading the biographies about and autobi-
therefore of the utmost importance and it is incumbent upon ographies of preceding Dalai Lamas in addition to the essays
the Dalai Lama to worship them to get their benevolent inßu- of the Fourteenth himself, however, it is apparent that the sig-
ences for him both as an individual and as a religious hierarch. niÞcance individual Dalai Lamas have attributed to any given
His worship of them has been all the more important in view of deity has greatly ßuctuated over the years. This may be due
his eventual role as a political sovereign who wants to protect in part to differences in each Dalai Lama’s birth-gods, since
209 Mahâkâla. Copper (?) sheet metal, polychromy, Inner Mongolia, H: 41 cm, W: 35 cm, D: 14 cm, Folkens Museum Etnografiska, Stockholm,
his people, government, and territory.1 these are linked with region of birth. For example, the 9th Inv. No.: 1935.50.2345. 210 Six-Armed Mahâkâla of Wisdom with his four “ministers.” Thangka, Tibet, 61 x 41.5 cm, Musée national des Arts
For example, the sacred protective deities of the Great Fifth and the 11th Dalai Lamas were both born in Kham, so their asiatiques Guimet, Paris (Gift of Mrs. Toussaint), Inv. No.: MG23126. >>>
were entrusted with the heavy responsibility to safeguard protective birth-god was the Red Warrior deity Setap,3 while
the stability of the government, recently formed in 1642. In since the 8th Dalai Lama was born in Tsang, he had Lijinhara
his capacity as an administrator, the 5th Dalai Lama progres- as his birth-god.4 A particular deity’s popularity may also
sively restructured government organization. Simultaneously reßect their individual tutors, who emphasized the deities Four-Faced Mahākāla who told him that they were his friends.6 he considered his personal monastery as did the succeed-
in his capacity as a spiritual leader, he profoundly modiÞed with whom they had personal affinities and initiated the Dalai These were the 1st Dalai Lama’s main protective deities as ing Dalai Lamas. Just before construction began, Paldan
through his visions and literary compositions—both biograph- Lamas for those deities. Another factor may be the dreams described in his namthar. Lhamo appeared to him in a vision to help him choose the
ical and liturgical—the forms of worshipping certain protec- and visions a Dalai Lama has of a particular deity, which may Lhamo was particularly important for the 2nd Dalai Lama exact place to build. Shortly thereafter, Gendün Gyatso went
tive deities to suit his political needs. He used the deities, or result in more frequent worship. The State Oracle and the Gendün Gyatso in the late 15th century. Looking through his to a lake near the monastery in the company of a few of
rather the power attributed to them, to legitimize his power, interpretations of his predictions may similarly inßuence the sungbum #=v$-80v1- [gsung ’bum] “collected works,” we Þnd that his disciples and again had more visions. Just as the 5th Dalai
so that celebrations of their cults also became a celebration of preference for certain deities. he wrote a major history of her cult and several rituals for her. Lama did with his protective deities, in 1528 the 2nd Dalai Lama
the political regime. He gloriÞed his own lineage by reinstat- Gendün Gyatso focused great attention on Lhamo throughout faithfully recorded his visions of Lhamo in his autobiography:
ing the religious preferences of earlier Dalai Lamas, as well as HISTORICAL BACKGROUND his life. Both he and his father had several visions of Lhamo,
by celebrating rituals they had written, particularly those of Let us now examine in chronological order some of the prac- particularly around the time that the saṅgha was hesitating to When I arrived at the edge of the lake, the surface was shining a
the 2nd Dalai Lama and to a lesser extent of the 3rd Dalai Lama. tices and preferences of earlier Dalai Lamas. According to his recognize Gendün Gyatso as the rebirth of Gendün Drup. As brilliant white and I performed a ritual dedicated to Lhamo. At the
With an eye toward creating an ideal central government, the namthar, immediately after the birth of the 1st Dalai Lama Gendün Gyatso grew older, Lhamo made an inßuential appear- moment of invocation a snowstorm suddenly arose from the east,
5th Dalai Lama also integrated the worship of the protective (1391-1474), a crow suddenly appeared on the roof of his house ance when he started building the Chökhorgyal Monastery, but the snow falling on the lake did not change the color. Immedi-
deities of other monastic orders into public celebrations in and stayed there as a sign of the Four-Faced Mahākāla’s pro- and then another when he visited the lake nearby, an appear- ately after that, each of us saw rays of light forming the colors of
order to gain the support of their followers and to reinforce tection.5 Lhamo, especially in the form of Lhamo Makzorma, ance which later generations in particular considered a major the rainbow. Clearly above the Þve colors of the rays there were
positive relations among the various schools. The geographic appeared in his visions and dreams Þrst after he took his event. Þve turreted palaces. Then the lake took on the color of the sky.
zone of inßuence of the Dalai Lama lineage’s protective deities monastic vows in 1410 and later several times throughout his With the expansion of the Geluk School under Gendün Next there was a frightening moment: the lake divided into two
grew as political power extended far beyond the zone of the life. Once while teaching at Tanak, the ancestral monastery Gyatso, the cult of Lhamo and the guardians worshipped parts—a ßat square area and an area rising like a mountain to the
early Geluk monasteries in the Lhasa region, eventually under of the 2nd Dalai Lama, he had a vivid dream of Yama and the with her also grew. In 1509 he founded Chökhorgyal, which sky. I understood that this was the magic of Lhamo.
mediums date from the writings of the 5th Dalai Lama in the relate to the arrival of Pehar in Lhasa: during the reign of the
17th century. Several other deities have also appeared through 5th Dalai Lama, Pehar sent Nechung towards Lhasa in order
mediums over the centuries, including Dorje Öden Karpo dis- for him to be near the capital. Nechung took up residence in
cussed earlier. Yet at present, Nechung is the official oracle, a monastery but his presence was not appreciated and the
and speaks primarily for Dorje Drakden. lamas performed coercive rituals to oblige him to leave. He
As we see in plate 219, the Nechung Oracle is depicted as a then chose a tree near Drepung in which to reside. Around this
warrior deity dressed in armor. In the center of his chest is a tree rose up a monastery which itself became a sanctuary for
breastplate on which a letter is written; this is in fact a mirror Pehar’s emanation. Eventually Pehar himself went there. The
used in séances. The letter is the “seed syllable” from which name Nechung, literally “Small Place” or “Small Presence,”
the deity emerges to enter the medium during trance. He also came to be the name of the deity and of the medium through
wears a helmet with a crown of Þve skulls and several triangu- which he manifests himself.27
lar pennants at the sinciput. In his right hand, he wields a lance At present, the tradition of Nechung as emanation of Bektse
with silk pennants, while in the left he holds the loops of a lasso is not widely known. This may derive in part from a vision
or slingshot used to coerce enemies of the Buddhist doctrine. the 5th Dalai Lama had in 1672: one day while performing
Behind on his right, we see a quiver with a few arrows, with a rituals devoted to Padmasambhava, the latter appeared in a
bow on his left. A long sword is attached to the apron covering vision and again designated Bektse as assistant protector of
his armor. Beneath his feet, this stocky warrior crushes a human the Dalai Lama. The vision continuing, Nechung appeared
body. Iconographically, in certain respects there is a great simi- as Bektse’s acolyte. From a purely iconographic perspective,
larity between Nechung and Bektse, which is perhaps related it is clear that while Nechung and Bektse share many of the
to a tradition which considers Nechung an emanation of Bektse. same attributes and both trample bodies, Pehar and his other
Today it is generally accepted that Nechung Chögyal is an emanations all ride on horseback. Yet Bektse and Nechung 219 Dorje Drakden, with probably the Fifth Dalai Lama (upper left), a very esoteric form of Hayagrîva (upper
emanation of Pehar (plates 222, 223, 225). Several legends have differing official roles. When the 5th Dalai Lama was center) and Pehar (lower center). Thangka, Tibet, 17th century, 63 x 41.5 cm, Nyingjei Lam Collection. >>>
220 Costume of Nechung Oracle. H: ca. 210 cm, Museum Rietberg, Zürich, Inv. No.: RTI. 221 Crown of an oracle. Metal, partially
gilded, coral, turquoise, Dm: 30 cm, H: 15 cm, Ethnographic Museum of the University of Zürich, Inv. No.: 19826. Mirror of an oracle
with the syllable hrî. Dm: 20 cm, H: 18 cm, D: 8 cm, Ethnographic Museum of the University of Zürich, Inv. No.: 17007.
282 NOTES
A Thang ka Portrait of ’Bri gung rin chen dpal,
’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143-1217)1
Amy Heller
Affiliated with the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique
Abstract: With this thang ka one can categorically identify ’Jig rten mgon po,
also known as ’Bri gung rin chen dpal or ’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143-1217), as
the principal subject of a thang ka due to the fact that the inscription is written on
the reverse of the canvas. Initially studied by the present writer prior to its inclusion
in the exhibition “Himalayas: An Aesthetic Adventure,” the full text of the
inscription, an edited transcription and translation are here published for the first
time. The identification is made possible by the fact that ’Jig rten mgon po’s name
is found in the Tibetan and Sanskrit inscriptions on the reverse of the painting.
The identification of this thang ka sheds light on the history and identification of
contemporary bla ma portraits in mural paintings in Alchi, Ladakh.
Despite the major role of ’Jig rten mgon po – also known as ’Bri gung rin chen
dpal and ’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143-1217) – in Tibetan religious and political
history, until this thang ka appeared from its place of hiding, surfacing on the
antique market several years back, there was only one identified portrait of him,
painted as part of a lineage of lamas (bla ma’i brgyud) painting in the interior wall,
third floor of the Gsum brtsegs lha khang at Alchi. In this lineage portrait his name
is inscribed as Ma bla ma ’pri[sic] gung ba, i.e., “the Great Lama Drigungpa.”2
Several bla mas of the lineage were similar in appearance, and thus one could not
distinguish if there was specific iconography for ’Jig rten mgon po; his characteristic
facial features – mudrā, āsana, and entourage – were not yet understood. Indeed,
the inscription from Alchi as Ma bla ma ’bri gung ba might have potentially referred
1
I would like to thank Dan Martin, Christian Luczanits, José Cabezón, Roberto Vitali, and Ven.
Mtshan zhabs rin po che of Zürich, as well as the anonymous reader, for their suggestions and criticism.
2
Roger Goepper, “Clues for a Dating of the Three-Storeyed Temple (Sumtsek) in Alchi, Ladakh,”
Asiatische Studien 44, no. 2 (1990): 159-75; and Roger Goepper and Jaro Poncar, Alchi (London:
Serindia Publications, 1996), 213.
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies, no. 1 (October 2005): 1-10.
www.thdl.org?id=T1222.
1550-6363/2005/1/T1222.
© 2005 by Amy Heller, Tibetan and Himalayan Digital Library, and International Association of Tibetan Studies.
Distributed under the THDL Digital Text License.
Heller: A Thang ka Portrait of ’Bri gung rin chen dpal, ’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143-1217) 2
to another ’Bri gung pa bla ma; however, the presence of Phag mo gru pa
(1110-1170) as his immediate antecedent in mural painting of the lineage of bla
mas suggests that the Ma bla ma ’bri gung pa can be none other than ’Bri gung rin
chen dpal. In 2003, the Rubin Collection in New York acquired a footprint thang
ka (C2003.7.1) in which the lineage of lamas is centered on a bla ma, named by
inscription as Bla ma chos rje rin chen dpal and Rin che[sic] ’bri khung pa.3 The
iconography of this bla ma is very similar to the Alchi lineage painting and, once
again, the position of the bla ma in the lineage and the position on the central axis
directly under Phag mo gru pa are decisive in his identification as ’Jig rten mgon
po.
Plate 1: Portrait of Jikten Gönpo Drigung Rinchenpel, pigment and gold on cotton, 70 x 50 cm.,
early thirteenth century. Private Collection, Zurich.
With the present thang ka (plate 1) one can categorically identify ’Jig rten mgon
po as the principal subject of a thang ka due to the Tibetan dedication inscription
on the reverse. Initially studied by the present writer prior to its inclusion in the
3
Deborah Klimburg-Salter, “Lama, Yidam, Protectors,” Orientations 35, no. 3 (2004): 48-53,
discussing Rubin Museum of Art painting C2003.7.1, with inscriptions in figs. 1a, 1b and 1c of her
article; see also http://www.himalayanart.org/image.cfm?icode=65205.
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 1 (October 2005) 3
4
Pratapaditya Pal, with contributions by A. Heller, O. von Hinuber, and G. Vajracharya, Himalayas:
An Aesthetic Adventure (Chicago and Berkeley: Art Institute of Chicago and University of California
Press, 2003), plate 132; Amy Heller, “The Tibetan Inscriptions: Dedications, History, and Prayers,” in
Pal, Himalayas: An Aesthetic Adventure, 291-92.
5
Khenpo Könchog Gyaltsen, trans., The Great Kagyu Masters: The Golden Lineage Treasury (Ithaca:
Snow Lion, 1990), 240. Ratnaśrī as an appellation for ’Bri gung rin chen dpal is attested to in ’Bri
gung pa rin chen dpal’s collected works, and it is confirmed in an oral communication from G.yu sgra,
the present head of the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud pa in Nepal, who states that he was known under this
name among certain groups of disciples even in his own lifetime.
6
Many years ago, Yönten Gyatso, former Tibetan assistant at the École Pratique des Hautes Études,
discussed in lectures the differentiation of the single or double line halo surrounding Buddha and bla
ma portraits and the multiple rings of the multi-color arch which adorn certain bla mas. The luminous
quality of enlightened beings is, by painterly convention, represented as a single or double halo.
According to Yönten Gyatso, this multi-color arch distinguishes the “rainbow body,” i.e., the vision
of a rainbow mandorla manifest to special disciples after the death of their teacher, such as described
in the hagiographies of many bla mas and teachers. Although this observation has been confirmed by
a painter in Nepal and other Tibetan teachers, I have not identified a textual source for this differentiation.
Heller: A Thang ka Portrait of ’Bri gung rin chen dpal, ’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143-1217) 4
in a mchod rten at Alchi (plate 2). There is no inscription to identify the bla ma
portrayed. Local tradition and Alchi monks identify the bla ma as Rin chen bzang
po (958-1055), as was already explained to Snellgrove ca. 1975.7
Mural painting of “Rinchen Zangpo” in the small chöten of Alchi (photograph by Christian
Luczanits, courtesy of the Western Himalayan Archive Vienna).
On the basis of the identical iconography of ’Bri gung rin chen dpal in the
inscribed and dated thang ka and of the bla ma in the Alchi mchod rten, and because
of the historical importance of the ’Bri gung pa at Alchi in the early thirteenth
century, it is my hypothesis that this mural painting at Alchi also represents ’Bri
gung rin chen dpal. Another mural painting, also at Alchi, inside the Great Stūpa,
is also said to represent Rin chen bzang po, portrayed as an enthroned bla ma in
dharmacakra mudrā, although not flanked by two bodhisattvas.8 This may also
represent ’Bri gung rin chen dpal.
The similarity in names (Rin chen dpal, Rin chen bzang po) and lack of
inscription, the local bla mas’ very indistinct memory of ’Bri gung patronage in
the thirteenth century, and their strong “memory” of the inaccurate but very
prestigious tradition of Rin chen bzang po as founder of Alchi have led them to
transpose the identification of Rin chen dpal and Rin chen bzang po.
7
David Snellgrove and Tadeusz Skorupski, The Cultural Heritage of Ladakh (Warminster: Aris and
Phillips, 1980), 2: 111; see also Christian Luczanits, “On an Unusual Painting Style in Ladakh,” in The
Inner Asian International Style 12th-14th Centuries, ed. D. Klimburg-Salter and E. Allinger (Vienna:
Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1998), 151-69, figure 1; and Christian
Luczanits, “Art Historical Aspects of Dating Tibetan Art,” in Dating Tibetan Art, ed. I. Kreide-Damani
(Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2003), 25-58, plate 3.
8
R. Goepper, “The ‘Great Stupa’ at Alchi,” Artibus Asiae 53, nos. 1 and 2 (1993): 111-143, figure
14.
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 1 (October 2005) 5
Two other thang kas may now also be tentatively identified as ’Jig rten mgon
po due to the identical iconography of the portrayal of the bla ma, although these
thang kas are lacking inscriptions.9 In both cases, there is also an emphasis on the
emblem of the ratna. The thang ka in the Pritzker collection has the ratna on the
textile beneath the throne, while the other bla ma still has his hands in a teaching
mudrā but clasps a thin gold stem from which the ratna emerges, positioned against
his heart.10
Let us now examine the photograph of the inscription (plate 3) which is written
on the reverse of the commemorative thang ka of ’Bri gung rin chen dpal (plate
1). The reading of the inscription is very difficult due to red ink with pale letters
in several spaces which interrupt the words. The ornamental handling of some
letters (such as rje at the beginning of line sixteen) is rather unusual, as is also the
elongated proportion and stylization of the ya btags ligature of many words. In
addition, throughout the inscription there are aureola which are the residue of bird
droppings which were removed during restoration. Thus one may deduce that the
painting was exposed to the elements for an indefinite period of time.
9
Steven M. Kossak and Jane Casey Singer, Sacred Visions, Early Paintings from Central Tibet (New
York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1998), plate 17; and Amy Heller, Tibetan Art: Tracing the
Development of Spiritual Ideals and Art in Tibet, 600-2000 A.D. (Milano: Jaca Book, 1999), plate 62.
10
In private research for the owner of the thang ka, Heather Stoddard initially identified this portrait
as Zhang ston chos kyi bla ma (unpublished notes 1993). However in Heller, Tibetan Art, plate 62,
although recognizing Stoddard’s earlier research, I gave the opinion that there was not yet sufficient
evidence to identify the bla ma portrayed. Even now, this identification remains tentative, due to
numerous characteristics which can be shared by bla ma portraits (see inter alia Jane Casey Singer,
“Taklung Painting,” in Tibetan Art: Towards a Definition of Style, ed. Jane Casey Singer and Philip
Denwood (London: Laurence King Publishing, 1997), 52-67; and Kossak and Casey Singer, Sacred
Visions.
Heller: A Thang ka Portrait of ’Bri gung rin chen dpal, ’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143-1217) 6
Inscriptions on the reverse of the portrait of Jikten Gönpo Drigung Rinchenpel, pigment and gold
on cotton, 70 x 50 cm., early thirteenth century. Private collection, Zürich.
The inscription is written inside the outline of a stūpa. In the tiered finial of the
stūpa (lines 1-12), I could only decipher the large letters om ah hum at the center
of several lines of script. The smaller letters appear to be syllables of mantra, and
I have transcribed what I saw on the painting using ultraviolet light and in magnified
scans on the computer screen, but the reading of the smaller letters in the upper
sections still remains uncertain. On the whole, the script is darker and clearer in
the lower sections of the stūpa. The key expression is the repetition in lines 16-17
in the main body (’bum pa) of the stūpa: om ratna guru ratnasri sku, “om body
of Rin chen dpal, the precious teacher (bla ma rin po che).” This is followed by
the Pratimokṣa verses. In 1990, studying Tibetan consecration verses on another
thang ka, José Cabezón identified the main excerpt (lines 21-24) as being from
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 1 (October 2005) 7
the Pratimokṣa.11 When this inscription was first studied, the main excerpt was
identified but the source of the other verses remained unknown to me. Subsequently,
thanks to Christian Luczanits and Mtshan zhabs rin po che of Zürich, I was informed
that several other verses of the Pratimokṣa were also apparent in this inscription.
A search has revealed that these verses are to be found at the conclusion of both
the Bhikṣu and Bhikṣuṇī Prātimokṣa Sūtras (Dge slong gi so sor thar pa’i mdo and
Dge slong ma’i so sor thar pa’i mdo).12 In the inscription the scribe copied the
next three verses, then omitted one full quatrain, as of line 33. He resumed his
quotation with the concluding quatrain of the entire Bhikṣuṇi Prātimokṣa Sūtra:
“Not to do any evil, to practice virtue perfectly, to completely subdue one’s mind,
this is the teaching of the Buddhas.” The scribe next wrote the ye dharma verses,
the mantra for the three great protectors (rigs gsum mgon po), viz., Ṣaḍakṣarī
Avalokiteśvara, Vāgiśvara Mañjuśrī, and Vajrapāṇi, concluding with vows for
great joy and pure spiritual accomplishments for many eons. There is no donor
name. After the edited transcription of the inscription, the translation to the relevant
verses is given following Charles Prebish’s translations of the Prātimokṣa.13
1 om
2 …ah…
3 …hum…
4 …om…
5 …a…
6 (?) ta te su -- gra -u ghu --- gu
7 dza la sar ba ….
8 tha’ ta’ hum ’byo
9 a bu ta badzra
10 ’trig: rna -- --
11 a ti lo tha khrod bha
12 badzra tra .. .. .. .. ra…te.. na . bro pa
13 ratna guru.. .. .. tsi badzra sva’ .. ..byar ma
14 ma te dnya: om ah badzra nyid la……………. ’ /
15 om a . rba na po ba ya ra bhrar .. .. .. .. .. .. a
16 rje rin po che badzra tsha .. .. .. .. … /om rat na ghu ru
17 rat na shri sku/ ….. om ra tna ghu ru rat ..(na) shri sku/
18 om a kha sa rat na dnyana badzra girti .. bla
19 ma rin po che……… grags pa.. .. .. .. .. ..
20 tar pa tha’……………. ma ..na ..su..ma
21 ..bzod pa dka’ thub dam pa bzod pa ni mya ngan
22 ’das pa mchog ces pa sangs rgyas gsung rab tu
23 ’byung ba gzhan la gnod pa dang gzhan la ’tshe ba .. .. .. ..
24 dge sbyor (ma yin no)/ mig ldan ’gro bar (sic) yod pa
11
Susan Huntington and John Huntington, Leaves of the Bodhi Tree (Dayton: Dayton Art Institute,
1990), 332.
12
We cite Prebish’s translation of the verses from the Bhikṣu Prātimokṣa below. It is interesting that
whereas in the Bhikṣu Prātimokṣa the stanzas continue after verse 8 for several more verses, in the
Bhikṣuṇī Prātimokṣa they conclude as they do in the inscription precisely with verse 8. See the Dge
slong ma so so thar pa’i mdo, in Sde dge bka’ ’gyur (Berkeley: Dharma Publishing, 1981), vol. 3, 290.
13
Charles S. Prebish, Buddhist Monastic Discipline: The Sanskrit Prātimokṣa Sūtras of the
Mahāsaṃghikas and Mūlasarvāstivādins (Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1975),
110-11; I am indebted to José Cabezón for this reference.
Heller: A Thang ka Portrait of ’Bri gung rin chen dpal, ’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143-1217) 8
25 yis/ nyams bdag ji bzhin du mkhas pa ’tshe ba’i ’jig rten ’dir/ (lacunae: sdig pa dag
ni yongs su spang)/ skur pa myi gdab gnod myi bya/ so sor thar
26 pa ’ang bsdam par bya/ zas kyi tshod kyang rig par
27 bya bas mtha’ gnas su gnas par bya/ lhag ma’i sems la yang
28 dag sbyor/ ’di ni sangs rgyas bstan pa yin/ ji ltar bu dab me tog las
29 kha dog dri la mi gnod par/ khu ba bzhibs nas ’phur ba ltar / de bzhin
30 thub pa grong du rgyu// bdag gis rigs dang mi rigs la brtag
31 par bya ste gzhan rnams kyi myi mthun pa dang gzhan rnams kyi byas
32 dang ma byas rnams la min/ lhag pa’i sems la bag bya ste/ thub pa’i
33 thub (recte: bslab) gzhi rnams la spyod (recte: bslab)/ sdig pa ci yang mi
bya ste (recte: sdig pa thams cad mi bya ste)/ dge ba phun sum tshogs par
spyad/ (recte: byas) rang gi sems ni/
34 yongs su gdul la/ ’di ni sangs rgyas bstan pa yin/ ye dharma he tu pra bha
ba he tun te ṣan
35 ta tha ga to ha ya ba te ṣan tsa yo ni ro dha ye baṃ dza ti ma ha ṣa ma ṇa/ ye sva ha //
36 om a a i i u u ri ri li li e e o o a a om ma ni pad me hum
37 om bagi shvari hum om badzra pa ni hum skal pa du mar sgrubs gyur pa’i las dag pa’o/// yi dam
lha’i bkra shis shog//
Bibliography
Dge slong ma so so thar pa’i mdo. In Sde dge bka’ ’gyur (Berkeley: Dharma
Publishing, 1981), vol. 3.
Goepper, Roger. “Clues for a Dating of the Three-Storeyed Temple (Sumtsek) in
Alchi, Ladakh.” Asiatische Studien 44, no. 2 (1990): 159-75.
———. “The ‘Great Stupa’ at Alchi.” Artibus Asiae 53, nos. 1 and 2 (1993):
111-43.
Goepper, Roger and Jaro Poncar. Alchi. London: Serindia Publications, 1996.
Heller, Amy. Tibetan Art: Tracing the Development of Spiritual Ideals and Art
in Tibet, 600-2000 A.D. Milano: Jaca Book, 1999.
———. “The Tibetan Inscriptions: Dedications, History, and Prayers.” In
Himalayas: An Aesthetic Adventure, by Pratapaditya Pal, 286-97. Chicago and
Berkeley: Art Institute of Chicago and University of California Press, 2003.
Huntington, Susan and John Huntington. Leaves of the Bodhi Tree. Dayton:
Dayton Art Institute, 1990.
Khenpo Könchog Gyaltsen, trans. The Great Kagyu Masters: The Golden Lineage
Treasury. Ithaca: Snow Lion, 1990.
Klimburg-Salter, Deborah. “Lama, Yidam, Protectors.” Orientations 35, no. 3
(2004): 48-53.
Kossak, Steven M. and Jane Casey Singer. Sacred Visions, Early Paintings from
Central Tibet. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1998.
Liu, Kuo-wei. ’Jig rten mgon po and the “Single Intention” (“Dgongs gcig”):
His View on Bodhisattva Vow and Its Influence on Medieval Tibetan Buddhism.
Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms, 2002.
Luczanits, Christian. “On an Unusual Painting Style in Ladakh.” In The Inner
Asian International Style 12th-14th Centuries, edited by D. Klimburg-Salter
and E. Allinger, 151-69. Vienna: Verlag der Öterreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, 1998.
———. “Art Historical Aspects of Dating Tibetan Art.” In Dating Tibetan Art,
edited by I. Kreide-Damani, 25-38. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag,
2003.
Pal, Pratapaditya. Himalayas: An Aesthetic Adventure. Chicago and Berkeley:
Art Institute of Chicago and University of California Press, 2003.
Prebish, Charles S. Buddhist Monastic Discipline: The Sanskrit Prātimokṣa Sūtras
of the Mahāsaṃghikas and Mūlasarvāstivādins. Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania
State University Press, 1975.
Heller: A Thang ka Portrait of ’Bri gung rin chen dpal, ’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143-1217) 10
AMY HELLER
This study will focus on a silk samit bearing a Tibetan inscription for which radio-
carbon analysis confirms a date of 680-950 CE. It is related by technique to
textiles imported into Tibet during the Tibetan empire in Central Asia (650-850).
Several branches of the Silk Road were subject to uninterrupted Tibetan military
control from around 760 to around 850. Already a full century earlier, Tibet had
begun to expand into northern Sichuan and the vicinity of Lake Koko Nor; in
about 666, Tibet occupied first Khotan, then Kucha and the northern oases, which
it held until 692. On Tibet's southern and western borders, active trade and diplo-
matic relations with Nepal and northern India are recorded by the mid-seventh
century; in about 720 the Pamir kingdom of Little Balur (northern Gilgit) fell to
Tibetan troops. Thus Tibet occupied a pivotal position linking the Indian subcon-
tinent, Central Asia, and China, crisscrossed by land routes used by traders and
Buddhist pilgrims. Although the Indian Ocean was relatively safe for travel dur-
ing this period, routes via Lhasa became the itinerary of choice between India and
China in the early eighth century for those seeking to avoid Central Asia, which
was the scene of frequent military confrontations.!
The political stability of the Tibetan government encouraged international
commercial and diplomatic ties. In Lhasa and central Tibet, the court and aris-
tocracy were sensitized to their neighbors' ma:urs and increasingly patronized
Buddhism. In this cosmopolitan climate, the Tibetan court received vast quantities
of silk as tribute from Chinese missions. Caravans from India, Gilgit, and Kashmir
conveyed traders with exotic spices and textiles besides monks bringing Buddhist
texts and images to spread the teachings to the Tibetans. 2
In order to examine the complex issues of provenance of Abegg silk inv. no.
5065 it will be pertinent to discuss aesthetic preferences in textiles contemporary
with the Tibetan empire. These are known from mural paintings and archaeologi-
cal investigations in Central Asia and China, as well as Indian Buddhist statues
long conserved in Tibet. In addition, mural paintings of textiles in Tibetan monas-
teries constructed during the late tenth to twelfth century indicate the persistent
popularity in Tibet of Sasanian roundel motifs enclosing both geometric and ani-
mal forms, long after their initial import during the Tibetan empire.
BECKWITH 1987, describes the Tibetan conquests 7 th -9 th century. HODOE 1994, p. 67, de-
scribes itineraries of Indian masters in transit via Lhasa en route to Dunhuang and Chang'an.
2 Detailed analysis of these trade patterns is given in SCHAFER 1963; Lw XINRU 1994; Lw
XINRU 1996.
176 HELLER Recent Findings on Textiles from the Tibetan Empire 177
both sides by a crimson stripe, inside which double rows of pearls are horizontal- cursive letters, measuring about 2.5 by 5 cm. The two letters may be read as mur
ly aligned. The cream-colored pearls define eleven derni-rosettes and eleven com- or mu ra. The handwriting presents formal characteristics that conform to Tibetan
plete rosettes, each surrounded by chains of small interlocking hearts alternating calligraphy found in manuscripts and inscribed stone stelae from the eighth cen-
in blue and red, arranged to form a diamond surround. The colors are vivid; the tury to the present. The punctuation of the first letter is visible as a single point
weft has a deep red thread, with no floating on the back side, but the palette of the between the two letters; the second letter has no apparent punctuation. As an iso-
threads creates overtones of green and turquoise due to juxtaposition of distinct lated word, the inscription lacks specific features of end-oF-sentence punctuation;
tones of blue and yellow and crimson and cream colors. the word inscribed does not require the reversed vowel signs that prevail in more
Fig. 122: Silk samit, detail a/the inscriptio1/. affigure /21. 7fl/_8th century.
Riggisberg, Abegg-Stiftung, jnv. no. 5065-
ancient written documents. Signs indicative of date are lacking here due to the
inscription's brevity and content, neither do the formal characteristics of the two
letters and their punctuation permit a precise indication of date. The first letter Ma
with subscribed vowel u is written as if attached to the upper line of the second
letter, almost as the beginning of the second letter ra. Such linkage of letters is an
unusual handwriting technique. It may be idiosyncratic to this handwriting but it
is more probably an adaptation due to the exigencies of writing on fabric rather Fig. 122
at the edge." Indeed, this interpretation corresponds to the position of the inscrip- textiles worn by Buddhist statues. 7 Kashmir at this time had a Buddhist prime
tion near the double rows of pearls, toward the border of the textile. However, it minister born in Tocharistan who actively promoted Buddhism and may have been
is unclear why such an indication was written as an isolated word centered in the instrumental in promoting the fashion of Sasanian-style textiles in Kashmir. s The
lower section of the textile. presence of Sogdian merchants participating in the sea trade between the Persian
Close examination of the inscription does not indicate any effacement of ink Gulf and Southern China via India is adduced from Sogdian clay seals on bales in
or a particular use of the textile either before or after the two-letter inscription. It Sri Lanka and from a Sogdian brand on sandalwood preserved in the Horyu-ji Tem-
therefore seems probable that there were no additional letters (prefix or suffix) ple, Nara. 9 Sogdian activity in trade overland to and from the Indian subcontinent
and no additional words or punctuation marks inscribed. This would support the is known from more than 600 short inscriptions in Sogdian on the Karakorum
interpretation "at the border (of the textile)." Yet, as a one-word inscription, lack- passes near Kashmir and Gilgit; it may be surmised that their caravans transport-
ing context, this inscription indicates the complexities of attribution. Clues for ed precious goods including silks to exchange for Indian gold and spices. lO There
dating the textile are clear, but not for dating the inscription: this is a single word is even a graffito of a Sogdian ambassador to Tibet dating to about 825,u Earlier
and its letters do not require the characteristic punctuation of manuscripts or traces of such far-reaching land communication are found in the late fifth-century
inscribed stelae or texts of the Tibetan imperial period. Also, the letters are not caves of Ajanta, west of Mumbai in Maharashtra state, India. Here portraits of a
those that changed in form over time but letters that are written in the same way Central Asian sovereign appear on the painted ceilings of Ajanta Cave 2, and pos-
whether in eighth-century manuscripts or twentieth-century handwriting or print- sibly a Sasanian or Central Asian warrior, pativ streamers (streamers extending
ed matter. The inscription determines that this textile was in Tibetan hands but from Sasanian royal headgear or at the neck of animals or birds) extended from
does not inform us when it reached Tibet, nor the circumstances or location of its his helmet, is painted in a bacchanalia on the ceiling of Ajanta Cave I.n
conservation. Sogdian or Sasanian-derived design is manifest in the textiles represented on
these two Buddhist statues, which possibly reached Tibet shortly after they were
cast. In the front section of the Buddha's throne in figure 123,13 the edge pattern of Fig. 123
The Design of Abegg inv. no. 5065 in Relation the cushion presents a roundel enclosing a geometric motif of four palmettes that
to Documented Textiles form a fleur-de-lis. In a tour-de-force of casting, each medallion has inlay silver
beads and the front fleur-de-lis have four silver palmette petals in a red surround
The rosette pattern has eight segments, recalling two Buddhist symbols, the lotus of copper inlay. The medallion pattern continues on the side edges of the statue
with eight petals and the wheel with eight spokes. Both symbolize the eight-fold but here the fleur-de-lis presents six silver-inlay petals; the rear section of the
path of ethics central to Buddhist philosophy. This possible link with Buddhist cushion has no medallion motif. Seen from above, the throne reveals what appears
emblems may indicate that the border area was marked prior to use of the textile to be a rug placed above this cushion. In diagonal alignment, the rug's large dia- Fig. 124
for decorating a Buddhist sanctuary, whether as a ceiling or wall drapery or for mond pattern encloses a flower with eight petals, four large petals at the cardinal
assemblage as a cushion for a throne. s Contemporaneous equivalents of Abegg points, four smaller petals at the interstices. 14
inv. no. 5065 include cushions represented on two eighth-century Buddhist statues
in bronze from Gilgit and Kashmir, in which the costumes and textile patterns
reflect Sasanian and Central Asian influences. 6 Tibetan awareness that such fab-
posed to understand li lugs as "Central Asian manner" rather than Khotanese manner (TUCCI
rics originated in Central Asia is reflected in their term li lugs, Central Asian 1973, p. 93)· The research ofVITALI 1990, pp. 37-68 reassessed the chronology ofIwang and
manner, utilized in the eleventh century to describe the representation of roundel its inscriptions as mid- II th century. It is notable, however, that in the 20 th century, due to their
understanding of such textiles as imported during the period of the Tibetan Empire for the con-
fection of Tibetan clothes, modem Tibetan scholars refer to robes made of such fabrics as
Tibetan-style robes (na bza' bod lugs), robes made of imported fabric according to the Tibetan
style (bod lugs) of garments during the sPu rgyal Imperial period (NGAG DBANG 1994, P.49).
5 Lw XINRU 1994, p. 68: already in 404-14 CE Faxian observed silk banners suspended over 8 SCHROEDER 1981, p. 107.
monks' seats at grand ceremonies in Kashmir and India. 9 FRYE 1993, p. 77, note 9; YOSHIDA 1996, pp. 73-74·
6 PAL 1989, p. lI8, figs 2-3, shows another c. 8th -century Kashmiri statue of Buddha from 10 SIMS-WILLIAMS 1996, p. 52 passim.
the Lahore Museum, seated on a medallion-decorated cushion. WELDON 2000, fig. 3, shows 11 The single documented Sogdian inscription in Ladakh dated 825/26 reads: "the man from
another c. 8th -century Kashmiri statue of a Buddha seated on a roundel cushion, an image so Samarkand ... ambassador to the Tibetan sovereign," see DRAY 1983, pp. 406-7 and
revered that it was presented by the Seventh Dalai Lama to the Qianlong Emperor in Beijing OROFINO 1993.
in 1745. 12 OKADA/Nou 1991, pp. 36-37 (Cave 2); BEHL 1998, p. 108 (Cave 1).
7 GROPP 1974, pp. 36-37 discussed the presence of Khotanese artists in Tibet in the early 9 th 13 Attributed to Kashmir, 8th century (courtesy of Norton Simon Foundation).
century and analyzed the "Tibetan inscription li lugs from the 15 th century murals of Iwang" 14 1 thank Christine Knoke, Assistant Curator of the Norton Simon Museum, for correspondence
as referring exclusively to "Khotanese style," as had Tucci in 1940. Tucci subsequently pro- on this sculpture. See also FISHER 1988, figs 1-2.
180 HELLER Recent Findings on Textiles from the Tibetan Empire 181
123
The second statue of a crowned Buddha with donors and attendants, dated Fig. 125
71sl716 by its dedicatory inscription, is also cast with consummate skill. Again,
silver and copper inlay successfully create the palette of the textile's imaginative
designs. Along the front edge, medallions of black pearls enclose a single female
dancer who wears a short dhoti of copper inlay, her torso swaying in the opposite Fig. 126
direction of her head, further defined with silver inlay at the eyes, gilt for neck-
lace and earrings. This roundel recalls earlier Sasanian designs of a single figure
in a medallion, rather than two or more confronting creatures. The side edges
of the throne cushion have incised medallions without pearls, each enclosing a
f10rette of twelve petals. Above the cushion, the "rug" is patterned with carved Fig. t27
diagonal lines that form minute diamonds. The principal donor was King Nandi-
124 vikramadityanandi, sovereign of the Patola/Palola Sahi in Gilgit c. 696-7I7.15 At
Fig. 123: Altarpiece with Buddha and adorers. 8 rh century, bronze inlaid with silver and coppel;
height 33.2 cm, Kashmir (?), India. Pasadena, Nortol1 Simon Museum.
15 HINUSER 1999, p. 93. I thank Professor Oskar van Hinliber for his t.ranslation and analysis
Fig. 124: Base afthe altarpiece with Buddha (see fig. 123). Pasadena, Norton Simon Museum. of the dedicatory inscription of this statue.
182 H ELLER Recent Findings on Textiles from the Tibetan Empire 183
the feet of the Buddha, recognizable by his high crown, the king is portrayed in F;g.128
devotion wearing cape and military garb, notably high boots embellished with
beaded pearl edges and a la~ge roundel over the knee." He presents an incense
burner toward the feet of the Buddha. The central emblem of his crown, like that
of the queen, is the eight-petal lotus inside a crescent; the upper edges of both F;g.129
crowns are delimited by curves of chains of pearls, recalling the bead surround
of the medallions in the textile designs. The queen's earrings also emulate the
medallion, wh.ile the king wears two different earrings, complex elongated set-
tings for large gems. The medallion motifs on the edges of the cushions of these
statues, particularly the side medallions of figure 125, closely recall the design Fig. 125
of the Abegg samit inv. no. 5065. Perhaps the border section of the Abegg silk
was inscribed to assist in the making of a similar cushion; as a heavyweight silk,
it would have been ideal as the cushion cover for a throne.
The patterns of the Abegg silk use the principal motifs of the stylistic gram-
mar of the time: heart chains, pearl surround, palmette, rosette. These are com-
bined in a unique and distinct variation on the usual roundel, and the textile
includes a Tibetan inscription. From Persia to China, medallions of single or con-
fronting animals with a pearl surround were among the most popular designs of
127 the period. The creatures were frequently imaginary or hybrid birds or animaLs.
Horizontal chains of pearls delimit the painting registers found in Panjikent, dat-
ing to around 740." Chains of hearts in a concentric ring surround the pheasant
medallion on Abegg samit inv. no. 4866." Chains of hearts linked in a diamond-
shape surround are found on garments painted on the palace walls of Taq-i
Bustan,19 and also appear on stucco tiles from Ma'arid near Ctesiphon. 20 Heart-
shaped petals form a florette on the front of a wooden Tibetan book cover,
carbon- T4-dated to the ninth century. The side edges of the cover show a Buddha
inside a temple archway and a small palmette at either end." Excavations of the
Astana tumuli have revealed figured silks with heart-shaped petals, and one silk
face-cover has a design of hexagonal diamond lattice, inside which are woven F;g.130
16 PAL '975, fig. 31 shows another Buddhist statue donated by Nandivikramadityanandi, again
128 129 portrayed as a donor wearing Central Asian-inspired garments.
17 MARSHAK 1996, pp. 211-'4.
Fig.126: Detail of dancer in medallion affigure 125. Pritzker Collection. 18 SCHORTA 1998,P.7"fig.33.
19 Cat. Brussels '993, p. I '4. fig. 99 (Anna Jeroussalimskaja), pattern reconstituted in OTAVSK Y
Fig.127: Detail a/side and rug affigure 125. Pritzker Collection. '998a, p. '39, fig. 70.
20 OTAVSKY 1998a, p. 144 and fig. 79.
Fig. 128: DetaU of the donor King Nandivikramadityanandi affigure 125. Pritzker Collection. 21 HELLER '998, p. "5, figs 53 and 54·
22 YAMANOBE '979, p. 31, fig. 16 and p. 51, fig. 28 for heart petals, p. 53, fig. 29 for hearts inside
Fig. 129: Derail ojfhe queen (donor) offigure 125. Pritzker Collection. diamond lattice. J thank Jacqueline Simcox for these references.
184 HELLER Recent Findings on Textiles from the Tibetan Empire 185
remained in Tibet, which controlled and received tribute from Gilgit and Bolor;
Buddhist statues such as the Norton Simon Foundation bronze and the donation
of King Nandivikramadityanandi probably entered Tibet at this time, perhaps as
tribute." In addition, paintings at Dunhuang commissioned during the Tibetan
occupation indicate Tibetan familiarity with Indian textiles and aesthetics during
the eighth to ninth centuries.
The importation of textiles from so many potentially diverse sources com-
plicates identification of the provenance of Abegg textile inv. no. 5065. Although
it is difficult to determine its place of weaving, it may be surmised that it was
imported to Tibet, probably entering Tibet via one of the principal branches of the
Silk Road or via India during the period of intense international exchange that
characterized the Tibetan empire.'" In terms of the entire composition of a broad
band terminating a series of horizontal bands of varying width in fields of small
design motifs, a virtually identical composition has been identified in the Palace
of Samarra near Baghdad" The motifs and compositional structure also recall
textiles represented in mural paintings at Taq-i Bustan (cf. supra p. (83). A west
Central Asian provenance is plausible, especially considering a Pahlevi-inscribed
textile excavated from the Tibetan tombs at Dulan." A Sichuan provenance is also Fig. 142. p.199
possible due to the substantial production of polychrome silk for export during
this period and Sichuan's close commercial ties with Tibet.
An Indian provenance is also possible. Among paintings attributed to the
period of Tibetan occupation of Dunhuang, the border of a composition of mani-
festly Indian aesthetic corresponds closely to that of the Abegg textile. Relevant
elements include medallions enclosed in zigzag chains of pearls, and the deities in
Fig. 130: Fragmellf offigured silk/ace-cove!: 25.2 x 17 cm. the painting are draped in vividly colored lightweight silks with printed patterns
New Delhi, Stein Collection, As!. vii./.o6. of stripes and small floral and geometric designs" The Indian aesthetic is so pro-
nounced that the deities even wear thumb-rings and toe-rings, archetypal Indian
jewelry customs. The composition of Abegg textile inv. no. 5065, dominated by
with roundel motifs, principally silk samit with duck, phoenix, or fantastic bird the broad band enclosed between chains of pearls near the textile's border, shows
designs, as well as winged horses and felines. Fragments of silk, Linen, and wool striking similarity to the textiles painted on statues of deities in the monastery of Fig. 131
with geometric designs have also been found. The linen and wool may have been
locally produced, but most of the silks are believed to have been imported from
tbe Old Tibetan Chronicle but a Tibetan manuscript from Dunhuang (I. O. 728) relates an
weaving centers in Sogdiana or Central Asia, also from Sichuan and possibly unidentified lataka tale, either from I.ndia or Tibet, in which there is discussion of brocade,
central China, their movement facilitated by Tibetan control of several branches undyed muslin, and other textile terms.
of the Silk Road during the late seventh to mid-ninth century." Indian textiles 25 It is significant that during the excavation of Tibetan manuscripts and artifacts in Domoko,
Khotan, a Kashmiri statue of the early 8 th century was found. Several clay votive tablets with
may also have been transported to Tibet, particularly during the late seventh to
a Gilgit-style stupa or Sanskrit inscriptions were recovered in the Dulan excavations.
mid-eighth century, when Indian Buddhist teachers (and traders) passed via Tibet Presumably these artifacts passed via central Tibet to Khotan and Dulan. See HELLER 1999.
from Kashmir to Khotan, Dunhuang, and Chang'an. 24 Many Buddhist teachers p. 34, figs 25, 29-31.
26 For examples of textiles introduced to Tibet contemporary with their time of weaving, see
HELlER 1998, pp. 95-98; see Cat. ClevelandlNew York 1997/98, pp. 90-94, pI. 24 (James
23 Xu XINGUO!ZHAO FENG 1991; ZHAO FENG/SIMCOX 1997; OTAVSKY 1998a; HELLER C. Y. Watt, Anne E. Wardwell), for Xixia kesi woven in honor of a Tibetan lama with a dedi-
1998; see Zhao Feng's article in thjs volume, pp. 209-10, and Xu Xinguo's article in this vol- cation in Tibetan script during the lifetime of the recipient; REYNOLDS 1997, p. 124, fig. 109,
ume, p. 279. for another example of Xixia kesi inscribed in Tibetan and later imported 10 Tibet.
24 See note J, supra p. [75, and SCHA FER 1963, pp. 204-7 for Indian cotton, linen, and wild silk 27 I thank Karel Otavsky for Ihis information.
imported to China during the Tang dynasty by land and by sea; LIU XINRU 1996, pp. 69-70, 28 Xv XINGVO 1996, p. 9, fig. 12; OTAVSKY 1998a, p. 211; see Zhao Feng's article in this vol-
for silk as payment of Indian monks who sent silk as donations of merit to Bodhgaya and other ume, pp. 199, with fig. 142,2°5, and Xu Xinguo's article, pp. 279, 285 with fig. 229.
sanclUaries in India. Indian silk and cotton are not specified as tribute in the Tibetan annals or 29 Cat. Paris 1995, p. 402, fig. 283 (Tanaka Kimiaki); HELLER 1999, pp. 39-40, pI. 24.
186 HELLER Recent Findings on Textiles from the Tibetan Empire 187
~
~r
l'
:,
'f\• ~
c:".
,-.
'" ;t
~. "{.
F;g.132 Tabo, and to an illumination in a contemporaneous manuscript discovered in the looms until the their introduction in the nineteenth century." The samits and lam-
vicinity.'" Founded in 996, Tabo lies within the confines of what is now the state pas known to wealthy or noble Kashmiris would have been imported from west-
of Himachal Pradesh in India; it was formerly one of the two most illustrious royal ern India (Gujarat) or possibly eastern India (Bengal and Assam) or from Central
monasteries of the western Tibetan kingdom of Guge. The kings of Guge were Asia or China." The deities of Tabo wear a variety of garments and draperies of
famous for engaging artists of Kashmir, Nepal, and eastern India to teach the local diaphanous gauzes, heavyweight figured silks, or what appear to be printed, paint-
craftsmen. The wall paintings and sculptures of Tabo largely follow the aesthetics ed, and resist-dyed cotton cloths that are unmistakably Indian. They are typical of
of Kashrniri sculpture as regards body proportions, garments, and crowns. The Indian decoration and coloring known from later textiles of the seventeenth to
deities appear to wear garments inspired by the decorative textiles of the eighth- twentieth centuries, with alternating nan'ow and wide horizontal bands internally
century Kashmiri or Gilgit statues discussed earlier. While such painted or sculpt- decorated with small floral and geometric motifs drawn from the popular reper-
ed textiles may reflect the artists' visions more than they copy actual textiles," in toire:" According to Steven Cohen, no other culture was creating the latter type of
this case it would seem that the Tibetan artists dressed their statues according to
Indian or Kashmiri fashion to correspond with the liturgy they represented, which
33 I thank Steven Cohen, textile historian, London, for this information on weaving traditions in
had recently been retranslated from Sanskrit to Tibetan." In fact, Kashmir has no
Kashmir, where the famous Kashmiri shawls were woven on simple, basic three-pedal, three-
tradition of producing complex-woven textiles nor did its weavers know of draw- shaft looms necessary to weave simple twiUs (personal correspondence, April 2000).
34 lAIN 1998, pp. 27-28, no. 3; in addition to the roundel textiles painted in Tabo and Alchi,
PALlMEECH-PEKA RIK 1988, p. 144, pI. 37 shows an 11 lh -century Tibetan manuscript illumi-
nation from Toling with similar patterns of alternating small and large designs, separated by
30 I thank Jaroslav Ponear for this photograph. KLIMBURG-SALTER '997/98, p. 57, fig. 26. stripes of chains of pearls. I thank Valrae Reynolds for reference of an Indian example of a
31 RIBOUD/VIAL 198r, p. 140. roundel design PALlMEECH-PEKARIK 1988, p. 81, pI. 12: a T2th-century illuminated manu-
32 WANDL 1997/98, p.182 passim, analyzes Indian-style garments and Indian provenance from script, BmaI'.
northwest Gujarat or Rajasthan for many of the textiles painted in Tabo. GOEPPER 1997, 35 Cat. Boston 1966, for measurements, design composition and motifs of saris and girdles, figs
pp. 147-49, discusses the manifest Kashmiri aesthetic present at A1chi and Tabo. He consid- 253,256,257; RIBOUD and others 1998, pp. 170-71, pI. 32 and 33, e. CE 1600, formerly from
ers that the textiles were not necessarily produced locaJly, but "were in use in Kashmir and the Alice N. Heeramaneck collection; FOLSACH/KEBLOW BERNSTED 1993, pp. 119-21,
were possibly even used by the nobility of Ladakh." esp. no. 43 for design composition. See also GUY 1989 and GUY 1999.
188 HELLER
work until the eighteenth century at the earliest. 36 The fact remains that the climate
of India was inimical to the survival of ancient textiles. Only recently has a block-
printed Indian cotton of the tenth century been identified, and possibly an ancient
Indian woolY If early Indian silk samits and lampas weaves were exported to
Tibet, where the climate is ideal for conservation, then some might still survive.
Could the Abegg textile inv. no. 5065 be such a survivor?
To conclude, it is to be hoped that future studies determine with precision the
provenance of the Abegg textile inv. no. 5065. It would certainly be premature to
assign provenance at present, pending dye analysis and further structural studies.
The textile is unique in its combination of design motifs, composition, and samit
technique that recalls Sasanian models yet distinctly differs from them. This tex-
tile evokes the complex international relations that influenced aesthetic models as
well as trade and political structures during the Tibetan empire. In so far as the
Abegg textile inv. no. 5065 remains enigmatic, it is all the more essential to record
the high degree of affinity of its composition and design in relation to later Indian
textiles. It reveals, unexpectedly, an understanding on the part of its creators of the
pervasive influence of Sasanian designs throughout the Asian continent, long after
the decline of the Sasanian Empire.
Photo credits
Figs 121,122: Riggisberg, Abegg-Stiftung (Christoph von Vidlg). Figs 123,124: Pasadena, CA, The
Norton Simon Foundation. Figs 125-129: Hughes Dubois. Fig. 130: Reproduced from YAMANOBE
1979, p. 53, pI. 29. Fig. 131: Jaroslav Poncar. Fig. 132: Los Angeles, County Museum of Art (© 2002
Museum Associates/LACMA).
T
THE ANCIENT TIBETAN \VARRIOR DEITIES
35
defense and expansion was not merely political policy. It was the sacred and preserves the genealogy and exploits of the Tibetan dynasty from
duty of the Tsenpo to expand the Tibetan territory and create vassal earliest traditions until the reign of Trisong Detsen (khn srong lde btsan,
states whose tribute would ensure prosperity: r. 7SS-ca. 79il, there is the following request by a vassal to his sovereign,
extolling his exclusive possession of miraculous weapons:
The Tsmpo came from the land of the gods to be the ruler of mm. His
was a good religion which never varied; he had great power and his Yes, I "Will dare [to battle], if you in turn give me the treasures of the
radiance Ibyin) was like the sky, that is why the kingdom has grown, gods: the magical lance which attacks alone (mdung rang 'debs),
and the sacred helmet has always been mighty. ... 1\faking the dominion the sword which cuts on its ovvn (ral gyi rang gcod), the armor which
firm for ever by the successsion of his sons; making the populace happy clothes [the body] on its own (khrab rang gyod), the shield which
by his orders, conquering the external enemies by the sacred or glorious repulses [arrows] on its ovvn (phub rang bzurj. You "Will give me the
military strategy Iphyi'i dgra 'duI bai byin gyi dgra' thabs).' power of these great magical possessions, then I accept to fight. U
Also, the Tsenpo was considered guarantor of social justice and the well- The significance of magical armor of this type is that the wearer would
being of the Tibetan people. Thus the cult of the Tsenpo was practiced be instantly and effortlessly clothed in armor and therefore instantly
to ensure the stability of the empire and the royal government as well protected and ready for action. The advantage of \veapons that act
as to preserve the divine order. Belief in an afterlife led to elaborate independently is obvious. as is a shield offering effortless protection.
funeral rituals for the Tsenpo and great ministers and generals, which This key passage helps us understand how the Tsenpo and his warriors
included burial in tombs with food, utensils, jewelIJT, garments, armor. 8 were equipped.
These rituals were accompanied by the sacrificial burial of live horses in The Tibetan Chronicle later (line 262) describes ten armors and two
elaborate saddles and tack-sometimes as many as a hundred-for the s\vords as sacred objects that a vassal gave to his king to show alle-
horse was the symbol of the success of the warrior: his friend in this life giance (sku rtm du kltrab bse' sna bCl! dang Idong prom gyi ralgri mdor cod
and a guide in the afterlife. 9 The Tsenpo achieved their sacred goals, for gnyis gsol to). The word describing the material of the armor is bse,
from the mid-seventh to the mid-ninth century, the clout of Tibetan mil- which is variously translated as "leather" or "rhinoceros hide," and
itary power was feared throughout much of Asia. The Tibetans created may refer specifically to decorated leather, which characterizes
a strong empire with garrisons stretching from Ladakh to Sichuan as the leather from which most armor is made. i4 Although bse is a word
well as throughout the Silk Route oases from Dunhuang to the Pamirs whose signification has varied over time, it probably refers to leather
and the Karakoram Range. Their renowned metallurgical skills con· lamellar armor, or armor of small leather plates laced together. which
tributed to their success in war, both for the manufacture of weapons is the way Tibetan armor is described in the ninth-century Tang
and armor and for strategic advantages such as the eighth-century con- Annals. I '; At Samye (bsam yas) Monastery in central Tibet, in a late
struction of iron chain suspension bridges to transport troops and goods, eighth-century stone sculpture of the Buddhist god Vaisravana, god
a technology not found in the West for nearly another thousand years. le of wealth and also the guardian of the North, the deity is depicted
The Tsenpo as warrior was the core of the religion and the Tibetan wearing a breastplate of rows of small plates (fig. 32). This may be the
empire. The earliest representations of the Tibetan Tsenpo were earliest extant example of a Tibetan sculpture of a deity \vearing a
painted during the mid-eighth-mid-ninth-century Tibetan occupation breastplate. A mural painting of Vaisravana made during the occupa-
of Dunhuang, \....here there are many mural paintings of the Buddha tion by Tibetan troops along the Silk Route near Dunhuang, dating
with a cortege of royalty. Dunhuang ceremonial scenes show the from the early ninth centuf)~ shows a slightly later lamellar armor \vith
Tsenpo represented as supreme sovereign among many kings, all a skirt made of sewn·together plaques covering the legs (fig. 33).
dressed in long robes. The Tsenpo was often depicted with, suspended The French Sinologist Paul Demieville studied the ancient Chinese
from his waist, his sword, regalia of five or six knives, and two crossed armor terms in the Tang Annals and differentiated those for lamellar
knives.!! Leopard pelts and tiger-skin trim on garments were a sign of armor and for mail armor, both of w·hich were described as worn
the Tsenpo's success in battle. 12 by Tibetans; mail armor was also described as covering horses.'6
Unfortunately, in the extant mural paintings. there arc no representa- Moreover, Demieville stated that Tibetan armor was worn over a
tions of the Tsenpo in armor and helmet. Yet literary descriptions help silk or leather undershirt. I -;- Recent research on Tibetan manuscripts
us understand hmv they were dressed for their exploits. For example, written in Dunhuang during the Tibetan occupation has revealed the
in the Tibetan Chronicle, which was written in the mid-eighth century ancient Tibetan terminology for the silk undershirt, dar gyi beg tSf.
The garment was so important a component of the complete armor to the increasingly powerful Buddhist clergy. Rather than expanding
that larer the term became the name or One or the major Buddhist the Tibetan empire, the kings sponsored the founding of monasteries
protective deities. III and massive projects of rranslating Indian Iluddltisr texts into Tiberan.
In extant Tibetan manuscripts written during the eighth-ninth- Thus the cult devoted to the Tsenpo as sovereign warrior deities grad·
cenrury Tibetan occupation of Dunhuang, there is documented a new ually transformed imo the vener.rion of rhe Bnddha assisted by pro·
usc of weapons: Buddhist protective charms that have prayers sur- tective deirics who ensured the survival of the Buddhist teachings.
rounded by drawings of daggers. the vajra. rirual scepters. swords, and
hooks. In this context, these arC an "'. capons of protective and ritual
TIBETAN DEVF.LOPfI,H:NT OF \VAItRIOlt ICON >CRAPH\'
function. As Buddhism was ah:eringTibetan society. by the late tenth
cenrury the idecll of the Tsenpo as sacred warrior was changing into During the period of translating texts from Indian ritual anthologies,
the ideal of a ruler in devout service to Buddhism and ill close relation Tibetans followed tbe Indian Bnddhist models of prorective deities
Fig. 3<1. Hclll1el (ca. 14th cemu!")', iron widl silver dama.sct:uing), :I set of fOllr mil'
rors. fragmcllL" of :1 I:!mclhlr ,mHO I', and pit:ces t)f hol':lic harncss. Shalu Mon~L"tery.
Tibt:t (photo: the author. 1999)
rig. 37. The or;lc!c of the deity Balung Choje, photographed ilt Yonglling
by Joseph E Rock ill 1928 (phow: l"aliollal Geographic Image Collt:cliolt)
tied back, you wear copper arl110r (zangs k)'i beg tse), you carry a cop~
per knife in YOlll' right hand, you carry 3 hcart and lungs in your left
hand, your body gleams with shine and radiance (byitl. 17a). ..... J.J Larer
in the same ritual we reacl: "You the protector who wears rhe coppc.;r
armor(z"ltgs l.yi beg ,se), YOllr red hair is always tied back. 011 yom body
you have the copper breastplate (z"ltgs kyi ral klUl). You have copper
arrows and (;opper bow in (a quiver] of tiger skin (zangs mna' zangs
gz1111 stag child brg)'an). In your ri ·..hr hand you wield the sharp copper
knife (Z{/Ilgs sri mOlt po), in the left you hold the spear of red leather
(bse nl(hmg dmar po)." In comparison with the iconography of beg tse
seen in an eighteenrh~centllry Tibetan pain ring. thcre is dose COrre-
spondence between the weapons and arm()r described and the artis~
tic representation of the principal deity ({ig. 31). The major distinction
is the entOuragc of the deity. which grc.;w over time to include not
Hg. 6. Kycnlsc. wall painting depicting onc of V:\israv~na'seight horsemcn, late
15lh CCnl\ll'Y. H. of dc~il shown approx. 9% in. (2.5 cm). Gongkar Mooastcl')', Tibct only eight young men wielding knives, bllr also rwenry-onc arrnorcd
(photo: the 311fhor. 200':;) warriors.
ARMOR A'\O WEAPONS IN Tlih tCONO(:H.,\I)H,· 01'" TIIJ!;·I· ... N 8UUUIiIS'r Or-ITII3S 39
disks worn by the deities (fig. 37). The large and heavy helmet worn by
the oracle is a s)'mbol of the supernaruraJ powers manifest in the
medium during a trance, when the medium is possessed by the protec·
tive oracular deity. The weight of such a helmet is so great that assis-
tance is needed to put it on, but the oracle then wears it with great
aplomb during his trance. The physical force of such trances is tremen-
dous, for the oracles repeatedly perform feats such as twisting iron
swords with their bare hands. Such exertion is inevitably followed
by an extreme state of exhaustion and collapse. The power attributed
to the oracle and the protective deity in armor and helmet manifested
througb the orade gradually led to recol,,,,ition of this deity as one
of the two principal protecTive deities of the government.
The Glorious Goddess Lhamo is the other principal protective deity
of t.he Tibetan government. Lhamo is a wrathfll1 deity who is female.
tter cult was introduced lO Tibet from India, where she is associated
wit.h Mahakala, one of the major Indian Buddhist protective deities.
The earliest extant representation of Lhamo is found on a stone staUJe
inscribed with a dedication after it was carved in 1292 (fig. 38). Al the
CCntCr wC see YJahakala. the epitome of an Indian protective deity,
v.·ho is represenred as a stout, robust" crearure. l-iis grimace emphasizes
his fangs and ferociolls expression. He is crowned and adorned \""ith
much jewel ry and is essentially dressed in bone ornaments and a shon
loincloth of tiger skin. He holds a club and a skull cup, and he crushes
a Hindu deity underfoot. He is surrounded by several attendants, three
fierce male protective ddties ~md Lhamo. She is without a1'mor, nude
save for bone ornaments and a short skirt. 1\ female wr3lhfLlI deity
whose weapons and powers have made her protector deity of the Dalai
Lama and the Tibetan govermneot, she is depiCled carrying an Indian
ritual scepter (kllatVllIIga), a lance, a skull cup, and a very special sword
that has a scorpion bandle. In Tibetan me(tical and retigious ttactitions,
Fig.,38, MahakaJa with Lhamo and attendants. dated b)' inscription 1292. Stont:. the scorpion is esteemed for both its cLlrative and its coercive powers.
CoUecriOll of Lionel Fournicr (phOLO: Lionel Fourmer). Lhamo wilh her scorpion- "Lbe bolder of a sword with a scorpion hill is a wielder of power,
handle sword is depicled at Ihe lower right
immune to the venom of the scorpion and even capable of using the
scorpion as a weapon in addition to the sword blade. The scorpion
As of 1<>4>, the Fifth Dalai Lama had reorganized the Tibetan gov- sword thus reminds us that in Tibetan Buddhism weapons are con-
ernment with Lhasa as capital and his role as !.he supreme secular and ceived notJUSt for their potential for violence against encmlcs, but also
religious authority in Tibet. He codified rituals for deities as protec- for the intent of their aggressive characteristics in defense of Buddhism
COl'S of the govenu1Jent, as the institution of theocratic government against enemies.2. 1 Yet. sin e the enemies of the Buddhist doctrine are
was developing its protocol, which included a new emphasis on the any and all pernidous elements that prevent good concentration and
cult of certain oracle deities who were dressed in elaborate helmets ethical behavior, these weapons and the deities who wield them ulti-
and armOr as they gave pronouncements for the policies of the state mat.e1y represent t.he Buddhist ideal of ment.al disciptine, the taming
for the coming year. As mal' be seen in a 1928 photograph of an orade and pacification of the mind for lhe benefit of humanity.
in Yongning, there is a strong resemblance betw(~en some oracle helmets The arms and weapons of Tiberan \vanior deities were subject to
and the helmets seen in depictions of the wrathful deities and also the same metamorphoses over rime as Tibetan society itself. The mil-
between the "breastplate" worn by the oracles and the similar pectoral itary and expansionist ideals promoted by the Tsenpo to bring well-
cut through the clouds of ignorance. This is how Tibetans conceive the Tibetans due to their metallurgical skills, see Backus 1981, p. 28 and n. 79.
n. See Dunhuang ca\T !5(.) fix paintings of the Tsenpo and his entourage with such gar-
their warrior deities. who \vear armor and \vield their \veapons to
ments, for example as illustrated in Duan \Venjie et .11.. eds., LesJTesques de Dunhuang.
protect and preserve Buddhist teachings. voJ. 15 Off000 a11$ d'art chillOis ::Brussds, 1989:'. pis. HO 12.
12. See Dunhuang ca\T 2)1 teJf mural paintings of the Tsenpo and entourage. a tiger-skin
This essay concentrates on the iconography of protectin: deities as dn'clopeJ. in cloak and leopard pelt draped O\er the Tsenpo's garments. and a long s\vord sus-
Tibet principally by adherents of the Buddhist religion. Some Tibetans also practice pended from the waist, reaching below the knee. In the same cave, another person
the 130n religion, in which the role and iconography of protective deities are largely of the royal entourage has a wide lapel of leopard pelt and crisscrossed short knives
analogous with Buddhism. The cult deyoted to mountain deities is common to both retained in the belt, with several painted implements suspended from the waist. Cave
religions as practiced in Tibet _)60 has a painting of the Tsenpo with a sword in scabbard draped from a leather strap
This quotation is from a manuscript from Dunhuang. Bibliotheque "'\ationa1e de with metal plaques over his shoulder: the sword hangs at knec level, and the pommel
France, Paris. Fonds Pelliot tibetain. no. 216. as well as a Tibetan inscription carved of the sword i~ clearly delineated. In cave 454, the Tsenpo again has tiger-skin trim on
in stone ca. ,-\.D. 816 at the tomb of one of the Tibetan kings. It is cited in Ariane garments and five pointed implements suspended from the belt
\lacdonald. "L:ne lecture des Pelliot tibetain 1286. 1287. TOJ8. 1047 et 1290: Essai sur la 13. Tibetml Chnmiclc, B:\'F Pelliot tibetain, no. 1287. "'ung nas 10 ngam gyis gsol pa de
formation et l'emploi des mythes politiques dans la religion royale de Smng btsan sgam ltar myi gnang na lha'i dkor mdung rang 'debs dang ral gyi rang gcod dOIng
po." in Etudes tibhllillt's ddiccs d la 1l1c1l1llire de ."..laraHe LaloIl :Paris, 19711, pp. 338 -39. khrab rang gyon dang phub rang bzur la scogs pa 'phrul gyi dkor ched po mnga'
Richardson [(.)85. p. 8R ba'i mams hdag la scnl na phod ces gsol to. See Bacot et al. 1946. pp. 97, 124. for
4 RichardsollJ()S'j. pp. 109-11: discussed the terms of this treaty signed between Tibet Tibetan text and French translation; English translation by the author.
and China in .-\_ft 822. of \'.'hich the text was carwd on a stone stde that still stands 14. See, for instancc, the definitions under bse, bSt" ko, bse khmb, and ko bs<:in the boil rg}'a.
today in front of the Potala in Lhasa. Rhinoceroses arc not indigenous to Tibet; it is probable that this definition was given
'\ebesky-\Vojkowitz 1975. p. 411 to refer to the hard and resistant quality of the leather rather than the actual animal.
(-, These deities idemified as protectors of mountains are represented as armed 'war- although the Chinese ;\nna1s of the Sung dynasty record that the Dali kingdom
riors. dressed either in armor or in Tibetan robes. Eventually their cult was integrated . modern Yunnan sent rhinoceros-hide armor as tribute: Citation in Schater 1963.
into Tibetan Buddhist practices p.230.
This quotation is from the tomb inscription stele of Trisong Detsen :Hm' snmg lac 15. [bid .. p. 260
btst1IlI, ca ..-\.D. 816, n, 3-6, as translated in Richardson 1985. pp, 86-87. SR-R9. \..·ith 16. Demieville 1987, pp. 202-.3; also cited in Schafer 1963. p. 260,
amendments by the author 17· Demieyille 1987, p. 375
'to Armor segments \\-ere excavated from Tibetan tombs in northeast Tibet. in what is 18..-\my Heller. "Etude sur le developpemem de !'iconographic et du mIte de Begce.
now Qinghai Pnwincc the~' are illustrated as drawings in the research published by divinite proteetrice tibetaine" ,:diss .. .Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes. IVe Section
Xu Xinguo. chief archaeologist and deputy director of Qinghai Province Archaeological Histoire et philologie libctaines]. Sorborme. Paris, 1992:, pp_ 23-28
Institute. Xining, ..:-\ Conclusion [An .'\nalysisJ of Gold and Silwr-Plating Vessels 19. Personal communication during visit by the author to Shalu in 1995, 1996, and 1999.
Found in Tubo Tomhs in Dulan belong to Sogdi System." ZlJonggJw Zallg AUt:: ChifW 20. See Vitali 1990. p. 109.
Tibct,l/l'g)'. no. 4:1994'. pp. 31-45- 21. See Jackson 1996, chap 4
q. The sacrificial burial of one hundred horses at the tomb of the great general is dis· 22. .-\nother lider in the same mural wears a lamellar armor with pendant lappets at the
cussed in the old Tibc"tall Chronicle ,B:\'F Pelliot tibetain, no. 1287, 11. 264-74:'. In recent base of the skirt. just as actual armors haw. I am grateful to Donald LaRocca for
excavations. Chinese archaeologists studied an Sth-century Tibetan tomb with pointing out this last feature to me.
eighty-seven horse skeletons arranged in five trenches in front of the tomb in Dulan. 23. \Vrinen by dpalldan seng gc, a teacher of Buston fr-U stem rill chmgmb, 1290-1J64, abbot
now in Qinghai Province, Sce Xu Xinguo, '~-\n Investigation of Tubo Sacrificial Burial of Shalu :'. this description was included in a 16th-century ritual anthology compiled by
Practices, edited and translated from Chinese by Susan Dewar and Bruce Doar, tshar chen blo gsal rgya mtsho, Beg L,C be'll bum iGnod sbyin Beg gdong !calli .,ring gi C!IllS
Cllina Arc"lwmlcgy and Art Digot, no. 3 December 19961, p. 15: :\my Heller. "Some skc)r yougs 51/ r.dwll baJ --\ CL,l1ecti,m l:f Highly Esotmc Tf<1dlillg5J~lT the Pn'pitiation lif the
Preliminary Remarks all the Exca\'ations at Du1an.·· On'entatiolls 29 :October 19911:. 'iaska &~,-1SC and HIS RctlllllC Losar, Himachal Pradesh. 1978i, pp. 122-28.
pp. 84-92: and .'\my HelIer. "Archeology of Funeral Rituals as Rewaled by Tihetan 24· Heller 1997.
Amy HelIer
1 Doar 1996, 6.
2Heller, in press discusses comparison of architecture and spatial organization of DuIan tombs
with tombs in central Tibet and western Tibet; cf. Caffarelli Mortari Vergara 1997 and Chayet
1997 for detailed analysis of the latter configurations.
262 Amy Heller Archaeology of Funeral Rituals... 263
indicative of simultaneous coexistence of Buddhist cult and non-Buddhist all his descendents' tombs in the royal necropolis follow the trapezoid shape
Tibetan burial rituals. but above all, the difference lies in the interior of the trapezoid where there is
The photograph of Dulan Ml (plate 1), which is the main tomb at Reshui, construction of the cruciform chambers, which is believed to be characteristic
"warm water valley" shows the trapezoid shaped tomb ca. 1985, before any of the Tibetan tombs of this period.
investigation. Total height: 47 meters, 160 meters long, 60 meters wide. Al- However, the Ml tomb is not isolated. It is constructed within a complex
though this appears to be a two level construction, on the top of the entire of numerous tombs, both above and below ground, as evidenced by the fo-
mound were found traces of a foundation of a small chamber, destroyed long llowing diagram. In this context of study of Tibetan conceptions of space, this
ago. What was then the upper level measured 12 meters high, and contained a Dulan-Reshui Ml burial complex raises questions about the implications of
rectangular chamber about 6 meters long, 5 wide, 2.25 ceiling height, walls underground and above ground space.
one meter thick. This chamber contained bones of many animals, primarily The principal tomb is at center, constructed above ground, gigantic in
sheep, horses, yak and deer3 . This entire upper level was virtually totally ex- comparison to the others which suround it. No less than 9 above-ground
cavated in order to reach the lower level, which also had a chamber as we will tombs, all trapezoidal in shape. These tombs are all relatively the same height
see. The mountain behind the tomb is north, while to the south lies a river and dimension. They are now empty, robbed long ago. However, immediately
valley. In plate 2, we see the Ml tomb as excavated when I visited in 1997: the in front of main tomb, five lines - these are trenches for below-ground burial
upper layer missing due to excavation which revealed a cruciform shaped and at at the sides of the trenches, circles indicate circular pits also for
4
chamber at the center of the lower level of the trapezoid • below-ground burial. The five trenches, 3 meters apart, running east to west
Although the tomb had been robbed long ago, in the four sections were reveal the spectacular discovery of 87 complete skeletons of horses. It is
found grains, wood, vast quantities of textiles, some garments, some banners, pertinent here to recall the Dunhuang chronicle describing one hundred horses
utensils for eating , and wooden slips byang bu which provide inventory of sacrificed on the tomb ofblonpo mGar, but this was, if! may say so, literary
contents written in Tibetan dbu-med script. Although partially effaced, it is description of history, and perhaps literary hyperbole 9 • On the other hand, 87
still possible to read words such as btsan po (sovereign), pho brang (palace or complete skeletons of horses is simple archeological accuracy. The descry-
prince) and dar silks of different colors. However, today these chambers re- ption ofProf. Xu Xinguo is as follows:
vealed no human remains, no corpse and nor any effigy of a human body 5.
This tomb of packed earth and cut stone reinforced by log beams was "the remains of 87 sacrificed horses, a large number rarely encountered
6
constructed as two trapezoids, the smaller trapezoid built on top of the other . elsewhere, were found in the trenches: no. 1 trench contained 16 horses, no. 2
This trapezoid shape is likened in the literature to a mountain ri, or a tent gu/. 17, and number 3, 19 horses. the skeletons were arranged in different postures:
The shape is distinct from what may be a construed as a rectangular tower, some lay on their sides, some lay supine and others prostrate. A large boulder
had been placed on each horse. From this we can assume that the horses were
khar / mkhar, which shape is described by lDe'u chos 'byung for tombs only
alive when they entered the trenches. In the center of the main no. 1 burial
one generation before Srong btsan sgam p08. Srong btsan sgam po's tomb and
trench was a gold and silver sharira reliquary casket, on top of which (yet
another) large rock had been placed."IO.
brfsigso. 'Bro snyan Ide ru, great-grandfather of Srong btsan sgam po, who was buried alive with his two
8IDe'u Jo Sras 1987: 108 de nas bang so phul skyes fe, rfsig pa sogs khar byas pas ming mi wives. Cf. also Haarh 1969: 334.
gung ri sogs kha bya ba yin no, (then when constructing the tomb-offering, after the walls are 9 Macdonald 1971,254, citing PT 1287, lines 264-274; Chayet 1997,132 recalls the sBa bzhed
made as a fortress, it is called by the name mi gung ri sogs kha.) and LDE'V 1987: 251 dur du prohibition of horse sacrifice during the reign ofKhri srong Ide btsan.
bang sor gshegs khar (as the burial tomb, the fortress of the deceased) to describe the tomb for 10 XV 1996, IS.
264 Amy Helier Archaeology of Funeral Rituals... 265
per pit, while to the south, there were four pits containing complete dog killed?!3 Were they the custodians, guardians of the tomb and its contents?
skeletons. Two pits only contained large stones, no animal remains. What to think of a tomb empty of all human occupants?
In the northeast, below the tumulus and inside the exploratory trench In terms of the Tibetan literary models, if we review the Dunhuang
between the mountain and the tumulus, another circular pit, 1.2 m in diameter manuscripts studied by Professors Lalou and Stein, it is rapidly apparent that
and 40 cm in depth, held 27 skulls of sheep and yaks. the texts were re-organized in much confusion, probably due to the copyist as
To summarize the Dulan necropolis at Reshui Ml, there are numerous suggested by Stein l4 • Whatever disorder has come to PT 239 and 1042, it is
underground cavities for sacrifice of animals or for the dismembered remains clear that there are several phases of sacrifices, a procession of animals and
of animal bodies, slaughtered before burial. Perhaps approximately 200 ani- offerings. This would seem to correspond to the live burial in trenches of the
mals were killed. The main tomb had an upper chamber for ritual above the horses and the offerings of selected parts of sacrificed animals in pits. MIle
tomb, a chamber for animal remains within the first level of the tomb, and a Lalou remarked the dismemberment of an animal into 13 parts, 12 members
lower level with the cruciform chamber apparently for offerings. Was the plus the head ,which is confirmed by the arrangement of hooves and heads in
corpse interred in the center of the cruciform chamber pillaged long ago? The some of the circular pits - the animal was beheaded, then quartered, then the
secondary mounds beside the main mound are all empty, but believed to be of legs were cut in two, leaving the lower extremity of the hoof as seen in the
similar time and construction as the main mound. There is no indication of photograph!5. For instructions such as avoiding sacrifice of the horse of such
human burial here, neither human sacrifice or accompaniment of the mound. and such color, the archeological remains do not allow us to determine the
Yet these constructions do seem to be tombs. When confronted with textual color of the horse, for we are left only with his skeleton. Many of the rituals'
citations of Tibetan burial rituals, or historic annals accounts of these rituals, instructions in fact cannot be archeologically verified.
Haarh's understanding had been that" the royal tomb spur khang, that is the However, readings of Haarh of numerous historical documents led him to
funeral chamber and the corpse was in principle sub-terranean, below earth, reconstruct the tomb of Stong btsan in 'Phyong rgyas, as having a central
directly dug into the earth, or covered by a mound of earth"!!. The Dulan cruciform chamber which is in great correspondence to the actual spatial
burial complex indicates that the funeral chambers were not sub-terranean configuration of the Dulan Ml main tumulus. Although none of the 'Phyong
constructions, but clearly defined tombs of monumental above - ground rgyas tombs had horse burial trenches, the Tibetan tomb complexes at Khrom
architecture. In the literary and historic accounts, the yak, the mdzo, the sheep chen near Lha rtse and Ji du'i in central Tibet, north bank of gTsang po east of
and the horse are the divine animals. In the description of Dulan tomb Ml, the bSam yas, indicate the correspondence of the spatial organization of tumuli
sheep seem almost to be lacking while they are strongly emphasized in the burial combined with burial trenches primarily for horses in several regions of
rituals and historic literature. Professor Stein, and Erik Haarh too, differ- Tibet during the sPu rgyal dynastic period 16. Lion statues in stone and
rentiated their functions, which I think appropriate to recall here: the horse rdo-ring stele are also a common element among these burial complex, al-
was the mount of the dead, the guide through the mysteries, while the sheep though not described in the literature. Although I have had no access to the
had the task of finding the path to the dGa' ba'i yul, the land of Joy, the yak archeological statistics, another common factor among these tombs would
guides the demons in the rituals, thus he/she if mdzo has the task of separating appear to be the combination of above-ground burial constructions for
the dead person from any/all demons on the path . Thus the yak has a humans and below-ground burial for animals, which may well have impli-
protective function. Yet in the rituals there is another creature - the dbon lob, cations of religious and / or hierarchical nature. Yet, a possible correspo-
with most enigmatic roles, identified by Professor Stein as humans. In Dulan- ndence to the traditional tripartite division of space in Tibetan ritual and
Reshui Ml, as I mentioned earlier, today there are no human bones, not literary accounts may be a different type oftomb - rather than constuction in a
anywhere - not in the tomb, not in any sacrificial trench. But other ex- valley, such as the main necropolis at Dulan-Reshui, construction at elevated
cavations by Professor Xu and his teams have clearly revealed human levels. Further west in the same river valley of Dulan Ml is a big hill, and in
sacrifice 12• This corresponds to citations from Chinese historic sources but it the midst of this desert-like plain, this hill is almost a small mountain. Plate 3
also raises questions - were the humans part of the burial ceremony but not
13 Stein 1970, 169-170 for the citation of Chinese sources.
14 cf. detailed reconstruction of the texts by Haarh 1969: 368-370.
11 Haarh 1969: 381. 15 Lalou 1952, 341.
12 XV 1996, 10 and Xu personal communication, March 1998. 16 Huo Wei 1995: 116.
266 Amy Heller Archaeology of Funeral Rituals... 267
shows a photograph of the ridge of this hill where one may see the trapezoid honeysuckle vines? Or do we see claws of an eagle, body of a pheasant, head
construction of a tomb which has not yet been fully excavated, but is esti- of a female pheonix, while the sides of the box have the same flower and
lS
mated by archeologists to measure approximately 12 meters by 15 meters, at vines, but small iron birds with wooden heads with incrusted turquoise eyes •
least a height 6 meters. Does such a construction represent - even more than Tang reliquaries typically have a series of containers, gold inside and silver
the tumuli constructed in the flat plain - the idea of construction in a space outside, approximate dimensions 10 cm long. They are entirely made of
higher than the ground in a tripartite concept of the division of underground metal, usually carved repousse with Buddhist emblems, while the reliquary
'og, the earth sa and sky gnam?17. Or is such a construction simply analogous excavated from Dulan-Reshui Ml was constructed in wood, with metal panels
to the sacred mountain linked to the ancestors of the sovereign btsan po? Is the attached. In addition, the technique of gilding corresponds to what has been
division of space only two-fold - underground and above ground - and could identified as a Tibetan gilding technique, different from Sogdian or Chinese
this possibly reflect a more archaic concept of territory as Haarh had written: methods of mercury gilding l9 . The dimensions of the reliquary excavated at -
Dulan are approximately 2 times as big as contemporary Chinese reliquaries -
the ancient pre-Buddhist and pre-Bon concept of existence seems to have the length ofthe side panels is ca. 25 cm while the height of some fragments is
comprised two worlds of existence, that of man or Sa, the earth, and that of the as much as 30 cm. Silk had been attached to the metal, creating an effect of
defunct of 'Og, the underworld. The idea of heaven (gnam) in the sense of a relief. The base fragments with the iron birds were 44.5 cm in length. Such
third and upper sphere of the world may be a later development, which is distinctions in gilding process and scale of dimension may be indicative of
somehow connected with the rise and spread of the (organized) Bon religion
Tibetan provenance, although possibly craftsmen of other nationalities were
in which a particular significance and importance is ascribed to Heaven or
gNam. The idea of the world as a Ga 'u, the closed space of gNam-Sa, seems to
working in the Dulan region.
represent an intermediate stage of development towards the idea of world of Haarh has studied in detail not only the burial customs but also the
three spheres. mythology ofthe sPu rgyal dynasty. He has emphasized the ancestor Bya Khri
btsan po and the importance of bird characteristics in the literary accounts of
What differentiates the findings at Dulan Ml? Although one must be cautious the ancestors of Srong btsan sgam po, such as birds' eyes in conjunction with
due to the robbery of the tomb in past times, the reliquary seems to me to be webbed feet, turquoise eyebrows, whiskers and teeth20 . The birds on the Dulan
one factor indicative of simultaneous respect and / or syncretic practices of reliquary do not seem to relate to such a description but the interior cavity of
Buddhist and non-Buddhist rituals. The prominence of this object, buried in the container had a metal base with a rectangular space in the center, into
the center of the front trench amidst live horses, clearly signifies its impo- which a bone relic would have been inserted. In comparison to Buddhist re-
rtance. The reliquary consisted of a wooden container covered with sheets of liquaries known in Tang China, the Buddhist ritual function of the container
gold plated silver. It was buried under a boulder, just like the horses, in fact the thus seems confirmed, although the decoration neither recalls Buddhist emb-
pressure of the rock caused the object to disintegrate during excavation, lems nor the images of Tibetan sacred bird characteristics understood from
revealing a bed of ash, indicative that the container had once been burned. Or Tibetan literary accounts. The bird greatly resembles certain designs on text-
had it served to contain a fragrant burnt offering as well as a bone relic? From iles excavated from several tombs in Dulan region, which perhaps were cop-
the fragments (plate 4/5)now in Xining Archeological Institute, Professor Xu ied by local craftsman in metal (plate 7)?21. It is intriguing that the Buddhist
has reconstructed the shape. In comparison to this model (plate 6) of a reli- reliquary was buried under a boulder just like the live horses, yet the box was
quary from the Tang temple ofFamen si, consecrated in 874A.D., the shape of burned. It is speculation but perhaps fragrant substances were a burned off-
the object is indeed quite similar, but the Chinese reliquary has no wood
beneath the metal plates. The Dulan reliquary is distinctive also for the choice 18 Hybrid animals are frequent in contemporary Sogdian textiles and silver objects which
of the species of birds, carved out in silver and then partially gilt, is distinct. circulated in Dunhuang and along trade routes then controlled by Tibetans, see Otavsky 1998.
The side panel has the largest decoration - honeysuckle buds and vines su- Carter 1999, 31-33 discusses hybrid animals on Tibetan silver attributed to the sPu rgyal
dynasty.
rround a bird which is an imaginary hybrid - is it a standing phoenix against
19 Carter 1999,30.
20 Haarh 1969: 210.
17 For Haarh's reflexions on gnam sa 'og, see Haarh 1969: 161. Belleza 2000, 41-43 also 21 Zhao Feng 1999: 114-115, passim. Otavsky 1998 and Heller 1998 discuss the trade routes
documents such elevated tomb constructions in northern Tibet. I thank Charles Ramble for and provenance from either Sogdiana or Sichuan of these silk textiles, some of which were
kindly sending me this article. inscribed with Tibetan words and may have been commissioned for the Tibetan market.
Archaeology of Funeral Rituals... 269
268 Amy Helier
ering made in the space of the container which was then placed underground, the peripheral wall which surrounded this tomb complex, which had included
the burial of course gradually extinguishing the fire. a rdo-ring stone stele 300 cm. in height, and two stone lion statues also within
To conclude, I would like to briefly present two drawings on bone which the peripheral wall.
were recovered from the Kexiaotu excavations in Dulan county, also attri- To conclude, the excavation of such artefacts in Dulan county provides
buted to mid-8 th to early 9th century. Plate 8 presents a photograph of two concrete indications of the syncretic religious practices then observed during
skulls previously identified as camel skulls but which have now been burial rituals, which Tibetan literary and historic traditions had preserved. The
re-identified as skulls of a equid22 . The camel is virtually unknown in Tibetan tombs further document the basic uniformity of the architecture of Tibetan
literature, while the horse as known from the Dunhuang ritual served to guide tombs of this period throughout regions under Tibetan sovereignty. The arte-
the deceased. On the skull may be seen drawings of what is now termed a facts and tumuli complex revealed by the archeological investigations of
linga, a ritual offering of anthropomorphic or animal shape in clay or drawn Dulan county incite reflection on the antiquity of the Tibetan concepts of
on paper23 • As far as I know, in consideration of the chronology of the tombs, sub-divisions of space as well as the antiquity of syncretic practice of
these are the most ancient linga known today, yet they are strikingly similar to Buddhist bone offerings accompanied by animal dismemberment in burials.
the linga of this 17th century manuscript from Lhasa (plate 9), and to linga
drawn or printed on paper todal4 • The inscriptions are relatively simple:
crush the horse demon: rta sri mnan, interspersed with what appear to be
mantra25 . The attachment of the linga by a chain at ankles is clear, and the
wrists appear bound together, although no cord is visible. This linga so clearly
corresponds to models known in later Tibet that it is uncanny to find it
excavated in strata of 8th to 9th century. However, the Xining archeologist
Tang Hui Sheng confirmed that it was found inside a chamber of a tomb, and
considers this to be contemporary with the 9th century strata of this tomb 26 • To
my knowledge, no additional documents were recovered in the same zone.
The ritual which governed usage of this offering is unknown at present,
although the striking similarity to later examples would tend to indicate a
ritual somewhat analogous to known linga offerings for appeasement of
malefic forces. In this case, in terms of sympathetic magic, it would appear
that the linga were drawn on horse skulls in order to protect other horses from
illness or dire conditions attributed to the sri demons. Not far from this tomb,
tsha tsha representing stupa were found at the bottom of the foundations of
22 I thank Dr. Gervaise Pignat, Universite de Geneve, for consulting Pr. Louis Chaix, curator of
archeological zoology at the Museum of Natural history of Geneva. In his opinion, these skulls
are possibly those of a donkey, a horse or a mule, but without measurements, it cannot be
determined more precisely.
23 Cf. Stein 1951.
24 Cf. Karmay 1988: plates 45-46. I thank Anthony Aris for authorization to republish this
photograph.
25 The text ofthe mantra on the outer rim would appear to be as follows: gong sri mar mnan/ rta
'dre dang rta sri mar rnnanl.The inner two rims are largely effaced and appear to repeat several
syllables ofthe previous mantra. On the other linga, the outer rim appears to read as follows: las
so! rta la thug (?) thug (?) tsham tshe.....drag ....urn urn! In the small triangles of the next rims,
several times rta mnan and rta sri rnnan are legible although the entire inscription is again so
largely effaced as to preclude a fuller reader.
26 Personal communication from Pr. Tang Hui Sheng, september 1997.
270 Amy Helier Archaeology of Funeral Rituals... 271
BELLEZA, lV. 2000 Pre-Buddhist Archeological sites in Northern Tibet: an Plate 1. Tomb M1 Dulan-Reshui, prior to excavation ca. 1970
introductory report on the types of monuments and related literary and oral Dulan County, Qinghai Province. Ca. 750-850
historical sources (Findings of the Changtang circuit expedition 1999), Kailash, height: 47 m, length 160 m, width 60 m. (after Zhongguo Wenwu Ditu Ji, Qing-
1-142. haiFence, Beijing, 1996: 104).
CAFFARELLI MORTARI VERGARA, P. 997 Architectural style in tombs from the period Plate 2. Tomb M1 Dulan-Reshui, after excavation
of the Kings, in lC. Singer and P. Denwood, eds. Tibetan Art Towards a Dulan County, Qinghai Province. Ca. 750-850
Definition ofStyle, London: Laurance King, 230-241. height: 35 m, length 160 m, width 60 m. Photograph: Amy HelIer, 1997.
CHAYET, A. 1997 Tradition et Archeologie, notes sur les sepultures tibetaines, in H. Plate 3. Tomb M2 Dulan-Reshui
Krasser, T. Much, E.Steinkellner and H.Tauscher, eds., PIATS Graz, Vienna: Dulan County, Qinghai Province
Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 131-139. height 6 m, length 15 m, width 12 m. Photograph: Amy HelIer, 1997.
DOAR, B. 1996 Introduction, China Art and Archeology Digest 1 ( 3), 5-6. Plate 4. Reliquary fragment, lateral panel
HAARH, E. 1969 The Yarlung Dynasty. Copenhagen: G.E.C. Gad. Excavated from trench in front of Tomb M1, Dulan. Sogdiana or Tibet, ca. 750-
HELLER, A. 1998 Two inscribed fabrics and their historical context: some obse- -850
rvations on esthetics and silk trade in Tibet, i h to 9th century, in K.Otavsky, ed. Parcel-gilt silver
Entlang der Seidenstrasse. Friihmittelalterliche Kunst zwischen Persien und length 16,8 cm
China in der Abegg-Stiftung, Riggisberger Berichte V: 95-118. Photograph courtesy of Prof. Xu Xinguo, Qinghai Archaeological Institute, Xi-
HELLER, A. In press Preliminary remarks on the archeological investigations of ning.
Dulan: 8th-9th century Tibetan tombs?, in E.Sperling, ed. PIATS Bloomington. Plate 5. Reliquary fragments, lower lateral sections
Huo WEI 1995 Xi zang gu dai mu zang zhi du yan jiu (Tibetan Burial systems), Excavated from trench in front of Tomb M1, Dulan. Sogdiana or Tibet, ca. 750-
Chengdu: Sichuan University Press. -850
KVAERNE, P. 1985 Tibet Bon Religion. Leiden: Brill. Parcel-gilt silver
LALOU, M. 1952 Rituel Bon-po des funerailles royales, Journal Asiatique, 339-361. length 16,8 cm, width 2,5 cm
LALOU, M. 1958 Fiefs, Poisons et Guerisseurs, Journal Asiatique, 157-201. Photograph courtesy of Prof. Xu Xinguo, Qinghai Archaeological Institute, Xi-
OTAVSKY, K. 1998 Zur kunsthistorischen Einordnung der Stoffe, in K.Otavsky, ed. ning.
Entlang der Seidenstrasse. Friihmittelalterliche Kunst zwischen Persien und Plate 6. Reliquary
China in der Abegg-Stiftung, Riggisberger Berichte V: 119-214. Famen Si, excavation. China, prior to 874 AD
STEIN, R.A. 1957 Le Linga des danses masquees et la theorie des ames, Sino-Indian Parcel-gilt silver
Studies, V, 3-4. Approximate length 8 cm, width 8 cm, height 9,5
STEIN, R.A. 1970 Un document ancien relatif aux rites funeraires des Bon-po Photo after Famen Temple Museum, Shaanxi 1994: 149.
tibetains, Journal Asiatique, 155-185. Plate 7. Reliquary fragment, Side panel
XU XINGUO. 1996 (edited and translated by Susan Dewar and Bruce Doar as follows) Excavated from trench in front of Tomb M1, Dulan. Sogdiana or Tibet, ca. 750-
he Tibetan Cemetaries in Dulan County: their discovery and investigation, China -850
Art and Archeology Digest 1 (3), 7-12. Parcel-gilt silver
-An investigation of Tubo Sacrificial Burial Practices, CAAD 1 (3), 13-21. length 15,3 cm
-The Buildings for Worship and Sacrifice above Tubo Tombs, CAAD 1(3),:23-36. Photograph courtesy of Prof. Xu Xinguo, Qinghai Archaeological Institute, Xi-
-A Silver Casket from a Dulan Sacrificial Horse Trench, CAAD 1 (3),37-49. ning.
LDE'U Jo SRAS AND LDE'U CHOS BYUNG, Beijing, 1987. Plate 8. Tibetan charm against evil
ZHAO FENG. 1999 Treasures in Silk, Hong Kong: The Costume Squad. From Kexiaotu mound, Dulan County. Tibet ca. 750-850
Ink on skull of horse or mule
length of skull 30 cm (approximate)
Photograph courtesy of Prof. Xu Xinguo, Qinghai Archaeological Institute, Xi-
ning.
272 Amy Helier Archaeology of Funeral Rituals... 273
"*~~~ C*:jtlilm}
Fig. 1.
Fig. 2.
274 Amy Helier
Fig. 7.
Fig. 8.
Fig. 9.
Rezeption und Adaption fremder ästhetischer Elemente
in der tibetischen Skulptur - Eine Spurensuche
AMY HELLER
Quellen des 7.Jhs. n. ehr. schildern Tibet als blühendes, seit 8.Jhs., das buddhistische Ritualobjekte in den autochthonen
undenklichen Zeiten von Fernhandclsrouten durchzogenes Kult integrierte. 2
Königreich, das in politische und familiäre Allianzen nut Als Teil des komplexen Austauschs auf wirtschaftlicher,
rivalisierenden Stämmen und fremden Mächten aktiv einge- kultureller und politischer Ebene veränderte die Einfüh-
bunden war. rung des Buddhismus und seiner Kunst die tibetische
Diese Zeit des intensiven wirtschaftlichen und kulturel- Gesellschaft zwischen 650 und 850 stetig. Um die von den
len Austauschs ging mit der Ausdehnung und politischen Tibetern entwickelte einzigartige Verschmelzung und
Konsolidierung des tibetischen Großreichs einher, das bis Adaption fremder Kunststile und Techniken richtig würdi-
zur Mitte des 9.Jhs. bestand. Obwohl die Tibeter durch ihre gen zu können, sollen hier dic vielfältigen EinflÜsse der
Eroberungen mit dem Buddhismus in Berührung kamen, Kunst ZelUralasiens und Chinas, abcr auch der Kunstschu-
bewahrten sie ihre eigene, auf den»Tsenpo«, den König, aus- len Indicns, Kaschmirs und Nepals als Inspirationsquellen
gerichtete Religion, in der diescr mächtigste Kricger, sein für die tibetische Kunst ulUersucht werden.
sakraler Charakter und die Begräbnisriten mit einem Berg- Genauso wie tibetische Priester durch die Verbindung
gotthcitcn-Kult verbunden waren. Die frühesten tibetischen verschiedener Elemente einen eklektischen Begräbniskult
Skulpturen beziehen sich auf diese Religion, so z. B. Steinlö- geschaffen hanen, nahmcn tibetische Künstler die regional
wen von einem Meter Höhe als \Vächter der Königsgräber, sehr unterschiedlichen Stile auf - manchmal mehrere
ferner kleine, in Zentraltibet gefundene Pferdchen aus zugleich - und verbanden sie zu einer neuen Formenspra-
gehämmertem Gold, versehen mit Granulierungen und che. Eine nähere Betrachtung der ältesten Metallarbeiten
sorgfältig gearbeiteten Sätteln und Zaumzeug, sowie ein ver- aus Tibet veranschaulicht diesen Prozeß, der dann an Skulp-
goldeter Silberhirsch aus einem Grab in Dulan (Provinz turen weiter erläutert wird, die die Tibeter zu Ehren der
Qinghai).' Ein vergoldetes Silberreliquiar aus demselben buddhistischen Religion schufen.
Grab ist zugleich ein Beleg für die Entwicklung eines syn-
kretistischen Bestattungsrituals bereits um die Mitte des
Metallarbeiten aus der Zeit des tibetischen
Großreichs (7.-9. Jh.)
80 Ess . . ys
einem Dekor aus stilisierten Tang-Münzen verziert, wäh-
rend der Kopf eines mythischen Einhorns [chin. qilin] den
Abschluß bildet. Die Kombination dieser einzeiJ,en Elemen-
te verbindet sich hannonisch mit der ungewöhnlichen Krug-
form. Ein weiteres Stück, eine gegossene Silbervase mit Teil-
vergoldung in den Vertiefungen des Rankendekors, trägt
eine Inschrift mit der speziellen, im damaligen tibetischen
Großreich üblichen Interpunktion und Schreibweise
(Abb. I). Form und Proportionen der Vase entsprechen
denen einer klassischen indischen »Kalasa«, doch zeigen die
dominierenden Dekormotive phantastische Wesen, z. B. ein
teils vogel-, teils pferdcgesraltiges Hybridwescn zwischen
fein gearbeiteten Weinranken und Blattwerk. Während die
Weinranken- lind Blürenmotive wohl während der Tang-
Zeit (618 -907) aus dem Westen nach China gelangten, ent-
sprechen die hybriden \'(Iescn nicht den sinisierten Stilkon-
ventionen. Inspiriert von den künstlerischen Ausdrucksfor-
men Indiens, Zentralasiens und Chinas, repräsentiert die
Vase zudem eine völlig neue und eigenständige Schaffens- schen dem Tang-Reich und Tibet abgewendet werden. Im Abb.l. Vi~Qu auf
weise, da sie in der traditioncllen nepal ischen Tcchnik gegos- Jahr 641 verließ eine junge chinesische Prinzessin 7 die der Weltcnschlange
sen wurde. Vergleichbare Gefäße werden auch heute noch Hauptstadt Chang'an in Richtung Tibet. und dieses Ereignis in Budhanilakamha,
Nepal, 641 n. ChI'.
von newarischen Handwerkern in Kathmandu produziert. leitete eine Phase lebhaften kulturellen Austauschs ein. Mit
Stein, L 7111. Mit
Die beiden genannten Beispiele veranschaulichen die der Prtnzessin erreichten chinesische Literatur und wert- frcundlicher Geneh-
Vorgehensweise der Tibeter in der Übernahme von Techni- volle Seidenstoffe Tibet. Daß sie auch den Buddhismus in migung von Mary
ken und ästhetischen Elementen. Sie bezcugen die hohe Tibet einführte, ist angesichts ihrer Jugend unwahrschein- S. Slusser
Qualität der tibetischen Metallverarbeiwng, wie sie in lich, auch wenn spätere Überlieferungen ihr diese Rolle
historischen Quellen geschildert wird, und den außerge- zuweisen. Es ist aber durchaus möglich, daß schon zu dieser
wöhnlich kreativen Prozeß, der Elemente aus zahlreichen Zeit buddhistische Texte und kJeine Skulpturen nach Tibet
Kulturen zu einer neuen Ausdrucksweise zusammenführte. gelangten (vgl. Kat.-Nr. 12).8 In den folgenden Jahrzehnten
Der sassanidische Iran und das sogdische Zentral asien führten die tibetischen Eroberungen entlang der Seidenstra-
mögen die Ursprungsregioncn der Gold- und Silbertreibar- ße von Khotan nach Kashgar, Kucha und Dunhuang zu
beiten sowie die InspirationsquelIen für die in China und intensiven Kontakten mit zahlreichen buddhistischen Schu-
Tibet zu jener Zeit verbreiteten floralen Motive und Medail- len und der buddhistischen Kunst Zentralasiens und Chinas.
lons sein; die Tibeter vermischten diese umersch.iedlichen Im Süden stellten die tibetischen Truppen um 648 den
zentralasiatischen und chinesischen Motivc, benutzten abcr Schutz chinesischer Pilger auf dem Weg über Nepal nach
andere Metalltechniken. Indien sicher. Die tibetische Verwicklung in die Politik
Nepals begann etwa um 624, als eine Unterbrechung in der
Erbfolge der Licchavi-Dynastie den König Narendradeva
Die frÜhesten buddhistischen Skulpturen in Tibet zwang, Zuflucht in Tibet zu suchen. Man vermutet, daß er
mit seincm Hof in Lhasa lebte und mit der Unterstützung
Den tibetischen Chroniken zufolge kamen hauptsächlich Tibets 643 in die Heimat zurückkehrte, wo er seine Macht-
Seidenballen als Tributzahlungen aus dem China der Tang- ansprüche erfolgreich durchsetzte. VieUeicht standen die
Zeit; doch macht die große Anzahl der damals aus verschie- ersten Aktivitäten nepalischer KÜnstler in Tibct im Zusam-
denen Nachbarländern nach Tibet gelangten buddhisti- menhang mit Narendradevas Anwesenheit in Lhasa. Ob-
schen Skulpturen deutlich, daß die Tibeter wohl die frühe- wohl der chinesische Gesandte Wang Xuance in seinen
sten Sammler buddhistischer Kunst auf dieser Welt waren. Aufzeichnungen schildert, daß der nepalische König bei
Um zu verstehen, wie buddhistische Skulpturen nach offiziellen AnJässen "einen Buddha an seinem Gürtel trug«,
Tibet gelangten, muß man die Vielfalt der Stile im Blick waren die Licchavis grundsätzlich hindui.stische Herrscher,
haben, die die Tibeter auf ihren Eroberungszligen von der die aber auch den Buddhismus ehrten. 9 Die frÜheste darierte
Seidenstraße bis zum Himalaya antrafen. Etwa 637 n. Chr. Kolossalskulptur Nepals aus dem Jahre 641, die Steinskulp-
besiegten sie als erstes das mächtige Reich der Tu yuhun nahe tur eines schlafenden Vi~l~u auf der Wcltenschlange von 7 m
dem Kokonor-See. um unmittelbar darauf die benachbarten Länge in eincm Teich nördlich von Kathmandu, wurde vom
Tanguten und Sumpa-Stämme zu unterwerfen. AnschLie- KÖI>ig in Auftrag gegeben. (Abb.2).10 Der weiche Körper
ßend Überfielen tibctische Truppen die chinesische Grenze. Vi~t:Ius liegt ruhig und entspannt auf den Windungen der
Diese Bedrohung konnte nur durch eine Heiratsallianz zwi- Schlange, die sich unter dem Gott im Wasser räkelt. Von der
Abb.5 Vairocana
und acht Bodhisatt-
vas, Dcnma Drag
[Idan ma bragJ,
Bezirk Chamdo,
dar. 816n. ChI'. Stein-
relief, Höhe des Vai-
rocana ca. 120 cm.
Photo: Nima Oorjcc
lind Elizaberh Benard
82 ESSAYS
vom Königreich Bolor, dcm heutigen Gilgit, Tributleistun- Abb.6 Keru/Kaehu
gen ein. Im Jahr 740 wurdc eine tibetische Prinzessin nach Bodhisattva, ca.
Gilgit vcrheiratet. Der kulturelle Austausch mit Gilgit 820 n. Chr.
brachte die Tibeter mit der stark vom benachbartcn Kasch- Nach: Vita": 1990,
Taf. 8a, mit freund-
mir bccinflußtcn buddhistischcn Kunst in Bcrührung. Ein licher Erlaubnis des
ovales Gcsicht, ein flacher, halbkugeliger )U~I~I~a<, ein in Autors
dcr Stirnmiuc spitz zulaufender Haaransatz, langgczogcnc
Mandelaugen, eng gewölbte Brauen) cine geradc, spitzc
Nasc, cin klcines Kinn) ein f1eischigcr Hals sowie in wellen-
förmigen Fairen eng am Körper anliegendc Gewänder sind
typisch für die Buddha-Skulpturen beider Regionen. Ein
kaschmirischer Buddha aus der Mitte des 7.Jhs. (Kat.-
Nr.I)) weist allc diese Merkmale auf; ihre Kontinuität
dokumentiert ein Buddha aus Gilgit, der heute im Potala
aufbcwahrt wird (Kar.-Nr.II). Im von den Tibctcrn ab dcm
späten 7.Jh. besetzten Khotan fand man in Domoko nebcn
tibctischen Dokumcntcn auch klcinc tönernc Votivtäfel-
chen [tsha tsha] sowic dic Skulptur eincs sitzcnden, wahr-
scheinlich ebenfalls aus Gilgit stammenden Buddha, dcr in
das späte 7. oder frühe 8.Jh. datiert werden kann und einc
große Ähnlichkeit mit dem Gilgit-Buddha aus dem Potala
aufwcisr. 12 Dic Tibcter lernten dcn Stil Kaschmirs und
Gilgits sowohl in dcn Regionen selbst als auch in dcn
Oascnzcntrcn entlang der Seidenstraße kcnncn. Sehr wahr-
schcinlich wurde der Gilgit-ßuddha kurz nach seiner Fer-
tigstellung nach Tibct gcbracht. Er entspricht in seincr Gc-
staltung stilistisch jener Phase, in der die Tibeter Gilgit Einfluß der zllm Herrschafrsgebict dcr Tibctcr gchörcnden
besctzt hicltcn und Tribute nach Zcl1traltibct cntrichtct buddhistischen Kunstzentren von Khotan bis Dunhuang. ls
wurden. Charakteristisch für dic »ästhetische Grammatik« DarÜbcr hinaus hatten indische, kaschmirischc lind nepali-
Gilgits ist der Medaillondekor aus Kupfer- und Silbereinla- schc Lehrmeister seit langem buddhistische Skulpturen und
gcn auf dem Sitzkisscn des Buddha. Die Perl medaillons mit illustrierte Manuskripte nach Tibet gebracht, auch chinesi-
eincm Vogel oder einem gegenständigcn Ticrpaar im Zcn- schc und korcanischc Mönchc hieltcn sich dort auf. Ernst-
trum auf sassanidischcll und sogdischen Stoffcn und Mün- hafte Übcrsctzungsprogramme begannen bercits in der
zcn, die im 6.-7.Jh. von Persien und Samarkand aus gehan- zweiten Hälfte des 8.]hs. Chroniken berichten, daß in
delt wurden, hatten einen langanhahenden Einnuß auf die Samyc, dem 779 gegründeten, crSten buddhistischcn Klo-
buddhistischc Kunst in ganz Asicn, nicht zulctzt aufgrund stcr Tibcts, tönernc Bodhisatcvas von cinem lcgendärcn
des Fcrnhandels entlang dcr Seidenstraßc und ihrer bis nepalischcn Künstler nach der Physiognomie der ortsansäs-
nach Indicn führenden ebenrouten. 13 Medaillonll1otive sigcn tibetischen Bcvölkcrung modellicrt wordcn waren.
erreichten Tibct mit dcn importierten Textilien sowohl aus Die möglichen 5tilrichtungen (indisch, nepalisch, chjnesisch
China und Zcntralasicn als auch durch dic Tcxtildarstcllun- und tibetisch) waren dcn Tibctern als ästhetische Vorbilder
gen auf buddhistischen Skulpturen. Ähnliche Motive auf der Zeit bestens bekannt. " Ebenfalls in das 9.Jh. werden die
Licchavi-Münzen zeigcn einc Gotthcit oder cincn Elefanten Tonfigurcn eines stehenden Bodhisattva und eines Adeligen
im Zentrum. In achbildung nepalischer Münzen schnitz- in der Nähe von Samye datiert (Abb.6). Ihre gelängten
tcn dic Tibctcr diese Elefanten-Medaillons in eine Stele, die Körpcr tragen Gcwänder, dic zwar indischen Schals und
im 9.Jh. für einen buddhistischen Tempcl errichtet worden ,.Dhotls« ähneln, aber nicht so eng wie die indische Klei-
war,14 Die Medaillons blieben in Mode und wurdcn in dung anliegcn. Die steifen Körper entsprechen nicht den
Nepal etwa im 10.-1 I.]h. als Textilmustcr übernommcn, entspannten, sinnlichen Körperformen indischcr Skulp-
wie das Kissen der Göttin Vasudl';ir' (Kat.-Nr.63) zeigt. turen, und auch die strengcn Gewänder und Körperformen
Die Vergoldung von Kupferfiguren entsprach dem nepali- sind eher vom Stil der buddhistischcn Kunst an der Seiden-
schcn Geschmack ehcr als die verschiedcnfarbigen MetalI- straßc bceinnußt. Die hohen, dÜnnen, bogenförmigen
einlagen aus Kaschmir oder Gilgit. Auf das Erscheincn Augenbrauen und die Mandelaugcn crinnern entfcrnt an
dieser Medaillons in der tibetischcn Kunst dcs II.Jhs. wcr- den Gilgit-ßuddha, währcnd die breiten Gcsichtcr mit
dcn wir später zurückkommen. den vollen Wangcnknochcn mchr dic Licchavi-Ästhetik
Die Tonskutprurcn stehender Bodhisattvas in den zen- reflekticren, die schon in dcm osttibctischcn Buddha von
traltibetischcn Heiligtümern des 9.Jhs. zcigen dcutlich dcn 816 zu crkennen war. Auch fÜr diesc Bcispiele tibetischer
REZEPTION UNO AO .... I·TlON f'REMOER A.STHETlSCH[R EI.EMliNTE IN DER TIIH:TISCIlEN SKUJ.I'TUR
Rechts: Skulptur ist die Vermischung verschiedencr Stilelcmente
Abb.7 AvalokitcS- charakteristisch.
vara Padmapi'it~i.
Westtibet, um
1000 n. ChI'. Kupfer-
legierung mit Kup-
Die Blütezeit des Buddhismus (ro.-14.Jh.)
fer- und Silberein-
lagen, 1-1 (oocm. Nach dem Zusammenbruch des tibetischcn Großreichs
Sammlung Pritzkcr, wanderten die Nachfahren der Könige etwa Mitte des
Photo: Hughes
To.Jhs. nach Westcn, in dic Region Guge) ab, die sich vom
Dubois
Kailash bis in das heutige Ladakh erstreckt. Sie wurden
bckennende Anhänger des Buddhismus und schickten Ge-
sandte an die großen Klosteruniversitäten nach Nordost-
Indien und Kaschmir, um buddhistische Lehrmeister einzu-
laden und die orthodoxen Lehren in ihr westtibetisches
Königreich zu holen. Die von ihnen initiierte Organisation
umfangreicher Übersetzungen ging mit Klostergründungcn
in Toling und dem benachbarten Tabo einher, wo Original-
skulpturen und Malereien noch hcute bcwundert werden
können. Die Lehmstllckskulpturen geben mit betont robu-
sten Körpern, breiten Schultern und kräftiger Brust- und
Bauchmuskulatuf den stilistischen Einfluß Kaschmirs wie-
der. In den Gesichtszügen setzen sich Merkmale der frühe-
ren Epoche fort: hohe geschwungene Brauen, gelängte
Augen und kleiner Mund. Ocr von den Guge-Königen nach
Kaschmir entsandte Mönch Rinchen Sangpo kehrte mit
buddhistischen Texten, Skulpturen und zahlreichen kasch-
mirischen Künstlern zurück. Im Jahr 996 gab die königliche züge und unüblichen Handgesten lassen vermuten, daß sie
Familie anläßlich der Gründung eines Heiligtllms in Khojar- entweder von in Westtibet tätigen kaschmirischen KÜnstlern
nath eine Metallskulprur in Auftrag. Zeitgenössische Doku- oder von tibetischen) in kaschmirischem Stil arbeitenden
mente beschreiben sie als »Große Silberskulptur«, ähnlich Künstlern geschaffen wurde. Beim erneuten Blick auf den
den literarischen Umschreibungen massiver kaschmirischer Padmapal).i der Pritzker-Salllmlung fällt der zweite Ohrring
Skulpturen in Gold, Silber und Kupfer, die der indische Hi- im oberen Teil des Ohres als tibetische Besonderheit auf.
storiker Kalhana im 12.Jh. schildeneY Spätere Autoren Dieses Merkmal findet sich bereits bei aristokratischen Lai-
beschreiben die Khojarnath-Skulptllr jedoch als Gemein- enanhängerinnen in den Wandmalereien von Ajanta lind
schaftsarbeit zweier Künstler, des Kaschmiri \'(/angula und auch an späteren nordostindischen Pala-Skulpturen. 2o Es
des Nepali Asvadhanna. Die »Große Silberskulptur« wlJrde kann zwar auf die Skulptur einer Göttin aus dem 4.Jh. als
zu einer jener Kultfiguren Tibets, von denen Repliken ange- kaschmirisches Beispiel für dieses Merkmal verwiesen wer-
fertigt wurden, um die heilige Präsenz des Originals auch den, doch handelt es sicb generell um ein in Kaschmir eber
andernorts zu vergegenwärtigen. 18 Die Padmapa,~i-Figurin seltcnes, häufiger dagegen im Indien der Gupta- und Pala-
der Sammlung Pritzker (Abb.7) ist eine solche Skulptur." Zeit auftretendes Element. 21 Auch männJicbe Bodhisattvas
Sie repräsentiert Elemente der kaschmirischen Ästhetik, wie in Tabo tragen diesen zweiten Ohrring, und in Alcbi ist er
sie von den KÜnstlern Westtibets verstanden und umgesetzt sowohl bei männlichen als auch weiblichen Gottheiten zu
wurden. Eine extrem muskulöse Brust- und Bauchpartie, sehen. Vielleicht ist dieses Motiv ein Relikt indischer Künst-
silbern eingelegte Augen, Kupferstreifen in der »Ohot1« ler aus Magadha, die um looon. Chr. in Toling arbeiteten,
sowie die auffällige Krone mit der Sichclform Über einer Per- oder des nepal ischen Künstlers Asvadharma, der traditions-
lellreihe sind Charakteristika der kaschmirischen Plastik. gemäß an der Skulptur in Khojarnath mitgearbeitet haben
Dennoch weisen die Größe der Skulptur) die weitgehend sol1.22 Aufgrund des kontinuierlichcn wirtschaftlichen und
unbearbeitete RÜckseite und die tibetischen Weihegaben in kulrurel1en Austauschs mit dem Pala-Reich waren die nepa-
ihrem Innern auf Westtibet als Herstcllungsort hin. Ähnliche lischen KÜnstler mit der Pala-Ästhetik vertraut und hatten
Merkmale finden sich in der Skulptur des Vajrasattva LInd sie, dem Geschmack ihrer Auftraggeber folgend) weitgehend
seiner Partnerin Vajradharvisvari (Kat.-Nr. 2 T). Die später adaptiert.
entstandene Figur eines sechsarmigen AvalokiteSvara (Kat.- Im 1 I.Jh. luden die Könige von Guge den buddhisti-
Nr.35) mit stark kaschmirischel1 Zügen ist wahrschein.lich schen Gelehrten Ati,a (Kat.-Nr. 43) aus dem Kloster Vikra-
ebenfalls in Tibet entstanden. Ihre Rückseite ist zwar voll- masila im Zentrum des Pala-Reichs ein. Er soll ein speziel-
ständig ausgearbeitet) doch die wenig markanten Gesichts- les Modell des Mahäparinirvä[~a-Stüpa nach Tibet mit-
ESSA"S
Abb. S Hr;, Nord-
ost-Indien, Päla-Zeit,
ca. 1050-1100. Stein,
H 10,) cm. Privat-
sammlung, mit
freundlicher Geneh-
migung von John
Eskenazi Ltd.
gebracht haben (vgl. Kat.-Nrn. 24a-c), dessen Vorbild das Bildhauer der Statuette eingefügt wurde. Einerlei, ob dicses
architekwnische Abschlußclcmcnt auf dem Mahäbodhi- Bildwerk nun tatsächlich in lndien für tibetische Pilger her-
Schrein in Bodh Gayä bildet (Kat.-Nr.22).23 Außerdem gestellt wurde oder ob es durch Lehrmcistcr wie Ati.sa nach
brachte Arisa als didaktische Hilfsmittel zahlreiche Manu- Tibet gelangte: Es gibt keinen Zweifel daran, daß viele Pala-
skripte mit, die CI' auf seiner Reise übersetzte; cr selbst Sulpturen schon vor sehr langer Zeit nach Tibet gebracht
verfaßtc viele Texte und fertigte während der täglichen worden sein müssen, da sie keine Korrosionsspuren aufwei-
Rituale kleine Tonskulpruren (vgl. Kar.-Nm. 108-112) an. sen, wie sie bei vielen ausgegrabenen Statuen in Indien
Mit den buddhistischen Texten kamen Manuskript-Illustra- durch die lange Lagerung im Boden auftraten. 25
tionen als künstlerische Vorbilder (vgl. Kat.-Nr.26) aus Päla-Skulpturen einer bestimmten regionalen Werkstatt
Indien nach Tibet, dazu kleine gegossene, in Stein gravierte präzise zuzuschreiben, wird durch die tibetische Eigenheit
oder aus vergänglichen Materialien gearbeitete Bildwerke. erschwert, besonders heilige indische Bildwerke zu kopie-
Die Skulpturen der Pala-Zeit zeichnen sich durch sinnliche ren, so z. B. den Buddha aus dem Tempel von Bodh Gayä. 26
Sirz- oder Stand posen aus, kurvenreiche Körperformen mit In der Diskussion über den stilistische Archaismen hervor-
eng am Körper anliegenden Gewändern und Schmuck aus bringenden >l'anciquarischen Geschmack« im 14.-16.Jh.
Juwelensträngen, elegante Proportionen, ovale Gesichtcr wird dies deutlich. Für einige Pala-Plasiken des 11.-1 2.Jhs.
und zu hohcn Haarknoten aufgetürmte Lockenfrisuren; ist es praktisch unmöglich zu entscheiden, ob sie in lndien
Statuen wurden auch mit Einlagen aus Edelstcinen, oder Tibet hergestellt wurden, ob sie aus dieser Zeit stam-
Silber und Kupfer verziert. Die Lotossockel bestehen aus men oder spätere Kopien sind, und woher der Bildhauer
mindestens zwei Reihen sorgsam aufgereihter Blütenblärrcr stammte, der sie anfertigte.
mit Perlbändern am oberen und unteren Rand (Abb. 8, vgl. Aufgrund seiner bengalischen Herkunft kann Atisa als
KaL-Nrn. 32, 51).1" Die kleine Stein-Tara ist ein exquisiter einer derjenigen gelten, der die Tibeter mit dem indischen
transportabler Miniaturschrein, der wahrscheinlich in Pala-Stil vertraut machte; er ist aber wohl auch mitverant-
lndien für einen tibetischen Pilger angefertigt wurde. Die wortlich für den Zustrom nepalischer Künstler nach Tibet,
Rückseite der Skulptur hat ein typisches »Fenster«, das den Nach der Abreise aus Vikramasila schlug er den Weg nach
Blick auf Täras Haarknoten, ihre Halskette und die fein- Westtibet über das Kathmandu-Tal ein, wo er sich minde-
gliedrigen Perlenstriingc ihres Gürtels freigibt. Auf der stens ein Jahr aufhielt. In seiner Biographie wird er als be-
Rückseite des Lotossockels befindet sich eine kunsrvoll gabter KÜnstler und KalJigraph beschrieben. Wiihrend sei-
gearbeitete, tibetische Inschrift, deren hervorragende Aus- nes Aufenthalts in Nepal traf er indische Künstler und schuf
führung darauf schließen !:ißt, daß sie ebenfalls von dem ein Selbstporträt aus Sandelholz.27 Zweifellos begegnete er
86 ESSAYS
von Perlsträngen an Halsketten und Gewandsäumen, der Links:
Betonung von Hand- und Fußgelcnken sowie weniger Abb. TO Drei Bo-
schlanken Körpern erkennbar sind.3 6 Diese Skulpturen dhisattvas, Westtibet,
Guge oder Purang,
waren sowohl für buddhistische Klöster im westlichen
um 1220. Silber und
Himalaya bestimmt als auch für zentraltibctische Heiligtü- Messing mit Kupfer-
mer, wie für den Drigung- und den Jokhang-Tempe\ in einlagen und Vergol-
Lhasa)7 Im Kloster Densathil, das während des 13. LInd frü- dung, H 71,4cm.
hcn 14.Jhs. zur Drigung-Schule gehörte, gab es zahlreiche Sammlung Pritzker,
Phow: H ughes
vergoldete Repousse-Reliquiare der verstorbenen Linien-
Dubois
halter. Den Inschriften zufolge, die Tucci während seines
Aufenthalts dort kopierte, waren diese nach Vorbildern aus
der nepal ischen Kunst gestaltet. 38 Die Figuren aLlf den ver-
goldeten Kupfer-Repousse-Reliefs und die gegossenen
Skulpturen von Densathil sind durch dynamische Haltun-
gen, reichlichen Gebrauch von Perl reihen auf den Gewän-
dern sowie üppige l-lalbedelsteineinlagen gekennzeichnet.
In der Skulptur der Göttin Mahämayüri (Abb.ll), im Ali-
dha-Ausfallschritt, hat der Künstler die Fläche des gespann-
ten Rocks mit Edelsteinen zwischen Perlstreifen besetzr. 39
Diese auffällige Farbkombination kontrastiert mit der wei-
chcn ModelIierung der Körpermitte, zuma] das Mieder
wiederum mit einem kJcinJormatigercn StreifenIlluster aus
Perlen und Juwelen dekoriert ist. Die Tänzerin zeigt die
Adaption VOll Schmuck, Perlendekor und schwereren Kör-
performcn der Khas-Malla-Skulpruren anstelle der im
Kathmand u-Tal üblichen entspannteren LInd spirituelleren
schwer faßbar ist. Den Thermolumjniszenztests zufolge ist Körperhaltung. Die gcsteigerte Lebhaftigkeit und Bewe-
die Trias etwa in das 12..-I).Jh. zu datieren. Die Metallana- gung sind wohl ci ne Anpassung an den tibetischen Ge-
lyse offenbart zudem, daß der Körper der mittleren Figur schmack. Nach Meinung Tuccis sind die Skulpturen in Dcn-
des Avalok.itesvara aus reincm Silber, die beiden anderen
Bodhisattvas aus einer Legierung mit hohem Zinnanteil
gegossen wurden. AvalokteSvaras »Dhoti« aus feinem Mes-
sing ist mit in Silber und Kupfer eingelegten Mustern Über-
zogen. Die Verzierungen, die feinc Vergoldung sowie der
Stil des Tora.t:J-a-Bogens und der Basis spiegeln die nepalische
Ästhetik der Zeit wider, während die außergewöhnlichen
Einlegearbeiten in der »Dhoti« an den in Westtibet belieb-
ten kaschmirischen Stil erinnern, der zur Entstehungszeit
der Großen Silberskulptllr >~en vogue« war. In welcher
Beziehung diese Trias zu den lebensgroßen »Drei Silbernen
BrÜdern« in Khojarnath steht, sei noch dahingestellt. In
jedem Fall ist sie das beredte Zeugnis einer höchst eleganten
Kombination einzelner ästhetischer Stile mit verschiedenen
tradierten Metalltechniken in einer tibetischen Sktl1ptur.
Als die Drigung-Sehulc im IJ.-14.Jh. Khojarnath kon-
trollierte, traten die buddhistischen Herrscher des Khas-
Malla-Königreichs im westlichen Nepal als ihre Unterstüt- Abb.l1 Tanzende
zer auf. Die Khas Malla emwickelten aufgrund ihrer Kon- Göttin Mahämayuri
takte zum Päla-Reich und ihrer militärischen Einfälle in das (?), Kloster Densa-
Gebiet von Bodh Gaya einen charakteristischen Skulptu- fhil, Zentraltibet,
renstil, der die Ästhetik des Kathmandu-Tals mit Einflüssen ca. 1350-1400. Ver-
goldetes Kupfer mit
aus dem pah-zeitlichen Nordostindien vereinte. 35 Die Perl-
Halbedelsteinen,
band ränder päla-zeitlicher Lotossockel erscheinen häufig in H J4 em. Sammlung
KI13s-Malla-Skulpturen, die an ihren spezifischen Kronen- Marie lose Rossotto
und Ohrringformen, den doppelten oder dreifachen Bögen d'Hareoun
88 Ess . . ys
vorgestellt werden (Abb.14). Der Betrachter nimmt zu- Links:
nächst eine in das 8.-9.Jh. datierbare Skulptur cines sitzen- Abb,14 Sitzender
den Buddha auf seinem Thron wahr, die den ästhetischcn Buddha Säkyamuni,
Vorgaben dieser Periode in Kaschmir oder Gilgit entspricht. Kaschmir,9·Jh.
Messing mit Silber-
Das »Prabhamal~9ala« in hochwertiger vergoldeter Kupfer- einlagen; Prabha-
Repousse-Arbeit korrespondiert aber u. a. durch den Garu- mal~4ala: Vergoldung
9<1 an der Spitze mit nepalischen Modellen. Auf der Thron- und Bemalung, ca.
basis befindet sich eine sorgfältig eingravierte tibetische 1663-1664 anläßlich
] nschrift, die besagt, daß die Enkelin des Raja Amgön SaI11- der Königlichen
Weihe zum Gcdcn~
drub Rabtcn [am gon bsam grub rab brtan] von Mustang im
ken an den Tod des
Gedenken an ihren Großvatcr den Toral~a-Bogen ca. 1664 IUja von Mustang,
bei dem nepalischen Bildhauer Süryajyoti in Auftrag gab. Amgön Samdrub
Mit diesem gespendeten Thron-Schmuck wurde die kost- Rabtcn [a mgon
bare Buddha-Skulptur ausgestattet, ihr Gesicht zusätzlich bsam grub rab brtanJ,
angefertigt. Samm-
mit Kalrgold und Pigmenten bemalt und dic Figur zum
lung Pritzker, Photo:
Wohl allcr fühlenden Wesen erneut gcweiht. Dieses Bild- I-Iughes Dubois
werk ist ein typisch tibetisches Beispiel für die rituelle Pra-
xis, alte Sklllpnlren zu verehren und ihre spirituelle Wirk-
kraft zu erneuern. Gleichzeitig demonstriert die ungewöhn-
liche Verbindung kaschmirischer lind nepalischer Elemente
einen Einblick in die besondere tibetische Art der Wcrtschät-
zung beider Vorlagen, deren Zus<1mmcnführllng zu einer
neuen ~sthctischen Form Ausdruck eines einzigartigen
Eklektizismus ist, der die tibetische Skulptur kennzeich-
netY
(click on the small image for full screen image with captions.)
Criss-crossed by trade routes since time immemorial, the earliest historic records of Tibet in the
7th century describe a flourishing kingdom actively engaged in political and matrimonial
alliances with rival tribes and foreign powers. This was a period of intense economic and cultural
exchange coinciding with the political consolidation and extension of Tibetan territory which
lasted until mid-9th century. Exposed to Buddhism and Buddhist art by their conquests, the
Tibetans maintained a distinctive religion centered around their Emperor, the Tsenpo, the
mightiest warrior whose sacred character and burial rites were linked to a cult of mountain
deities. The earliest Tibetan sculptures known are related to this religion, for example stone lion
statues 1 meter high to guard the royal tombs, small horses with elaborate saddle and tack in
hammered gold with granulation discovered in central Tibet, as well as a gilt silver deer
excavated from a tomb in Dulan (Qinghai) [1] . A gilt silver reliquary excavated from the same
tomb indicates that already by mid-8th century, the Tibetans had developed a syncretic burial cult
in which Buddhist ceremonial objects were integrated within the indigenous rites. [2] The
introduction of Buddhism and Buddhist art was part of a complex interaction – economic,
cultural and political – which was progressively transforming Tibetan society from the mid-7th to
mid-9th century. To appreciate how the Tibetans developed their distinctive fusion and
adaptation of foreign styles and techniques, we will examine here the multiple influences inspired
by the arts of Central Asia and China, as well as of India and the Kashmiri and Nepalese schools.
Indeed, just as the Tibetan priests had created eclectic burial cults by accumulation of diverse
elements, it became the hallmark of great Tibetan artists to observe regional styles and absorb
them by accommodating them, by blending them into a new mode – sometimes several
simultaneously. We will first examine the esthetic characteristics of the most ancient metalwork
to see how this process of fusion and adaptation of foreign influences was accomplished, and
subsequently we will examine these tendencies in the sculptures which the Tibetans made to
honor the Buddhist religion.
Since the imperial period, in addition to stone sculpture, there is ample documentation of Tibetan
metallurgical skills for fine and base metal. In base metal, military objectives led to the
development of sophisticated technology of suspension chain-link bridges and scale armor
during the Tibetan empire. [3]
The earliest traces of Tibetan sculpture in metal are gold artifacts found in central
Tibet attributed by archeologists to the 7th to 8th century. The 7th century
Tibetan goldsmiths were frequently cited by the Tang Annals for remarkable
objects used in ceremonies, such as a fabulous golden ewer, shaped like a goose
more than 2 meters high. [4] Ancient Tibetan historical sources describe silver
jugs shaped like birds [5] , or a finial of a bird or camel head at the top of an
ewer. In fact, a spectacular hammered and gilt silver jug attributed to 8th to 9th
century Tibetan workmanship has been conserved in the Lhasa Jokhang since the
Fig. 1 17th century: 80 cm high, it holds 35 litres of liquid, with gilded designs in raised
scrolling for heart medallions and three scenes of central Asian dancers and men in drunken
revelry. [6] The representations of such people demonstrate Tibetans’ familiarity with their
Central Asian neighbours whose crowns, facial features and long curly hair were all very
different from their own appearance. The nape of the jug has a motif of stylized Tang coins,
while the animal head belongs to a mythical animal, a one-horned deer, known in Chinese as the
qilin. This accumulation of discrete elements has led to an unusual form of ewer which
harmonizes the diverse elements. Another remarkable ancient Tibetan silver object is a cast
silver vase with parcel gilding in the recess of the floral designs; it bears an inscription in
Tibetan letters written in the distinctive form of punctuation and spelling used during the Tibetan
empire. (Fig.1). The shape and proportions of this vase are those of the classical Indian kalasha
however the principal designs represent fantastic creatures, such as a part-bird, part horse hybrid
among elaborate vines and foliage. While the vine scrolls and flowers may have been introduced
to China from the west during the Tang, the hybrid creatures are far from sinicized stylistic
conventions of fantasy animals. Inspired by Indian, Central Asian and Chinese artistic
vocabularies, the vase represents a totally new and ingenious mode of creation. Technically,
however, the vase is cast in a traditional Nepalese manner – similar cast and embossed vases are
made even to this day by the Newar craftsmen of Kathmandu. This indicates assimilation of
technique as well as esthetic elements. Both the silver jug in the Jokhang and the silver vase in
the Pritzker collection corroborate the high quality of Tibetan skills in metalwork as described in
the ancient historical sources – simultaneously they reveal and demonstrate this exceptional
creative process which integrated multi-cultural elements to form a new idiom. While Sassanian
Iran and Sogdian central asia may be the ultimate source of the art of hammered gold and silver
and the inspiration of many floral and medallion designs circulating in Tibet and China during
this period, it may be argued that the Tibetans fused diverse Central Asian and Chinese design
motifs and substituted other metallurgical techniques in the creation of their metal objects .
According to the Tibetan Annals, the principal tribute received was bolts of silk from Tang
China, yet the vast quantity of Buddhist sculptures of many countries from this period which
remained in Tibet obliges us to recognize that the Tibetans may have been the earliest collectors
of Buddhist art on earth!
To understand the Buddhist sculpture which reached
Tibet, it is essential to review the multitude of styles
the Tibetans encountered by their conquests and their
expansionist campaigns in all directions, from the Silk
Route to the Himalayas. The powerful empire of the
Tuyuhun, based near Kokonor, was the first foreign
conquest by Tibet, ca. 637, immediately followed by
the subjugation of the nearby Tangut and Sumpa tribes.
This led the Tibetan troops to raid the Chinese border, Fig. 2
a threat which was concluded by a marriage alliance between China and Tibet. The young
Chinese princess left Xian for Tibet in 641, inaugurating a period of lively cultural exchange.
Chinese literature and silks reached Tibet with the princess. Did she introduce Buddhism to
Tibet? This is unlikely, due to her youth. However later traditions attribute this role to her and it
is quite probable that Buddhist texts and even small sculptures reached Tibet during this period
(see show: item No 21. N.Wei Buddha). [7] In the following decades, Tibetan conquests along
the Silk Route, from Khotan, to Kashgar, Kucha and eventually Dunhuang, amply exposed them
to many schools of Buddhism and Buddhist art of Central Asia and China. To the south, in 648
Tibetan troops assured protection of a Chinese pilgrim en route to India via Nepal. Tibetan
involvement in Nepalese politics began ca. 624 when a break in the succession of the Licchavi
dynasty led the Licchavi king Narendradeva to seek asylum in Tibet. He is understood to have
been present in Lhasa with his court. Assisted by Tibetan support, he returned to Nepal in 643
where he was victorious in his quest for power. Narendradeva’s presence in Lhasa may be linked
to the activity of Nepalese artists in Tibet since these earliest historical political relations in mid-
seventh century. Although there is a famous description by a 7th century Chinese pilgrim of the
Nepalese king on official visits “wearing a Buddhist emblem in his belt”, on the whole the
Licchavi kings were Hindus who showed reverence to Buddhism. [8] This is reflected by earliest
dated sculpture in the Kathmandu valley, the royal sculptural commission of a colossal
recumbent Vishnu lying on the naga serpents (length 7 meters ) carved in 641 in a pond north of
Kathmandu (Fig. 2) [9] . The esthetics of Licchavi Nepal were directly inspired by late Gupta
India for both Hindu and Buddhist art. The very smooth still body of Vishnu lies poised above
the coils of the naga sensually winding in the water beneath the god. The Licchavi sculptors
excelled in smooth modeling with simple and naturalistic treatment of garments. In Tibet, the
impact in Lhasa of the presence of Narendradeva may be seen in the carvings in wood of the
Lhasa Jokhang, traditionally believed to be the earliest Buddhist sanctuary in Lhasa. (Fig. 3,
below). Here one will find a peacock beside the amorous couple cavorting on the lintels, their
garments and distinctive earrings directly inspired by Licchavi models such as this female
devotee carved in stone at the base of the Chabahil stupa in Kathmandu. (Fig. 4, below) The
slender body with tubular legs and arms and the spiritual expression of her face characterize
Licchavi sculpture as does the peculiar way of aligning the toes, heels and legs to form an
unbroken line. [10] It was not only in the vicinity of Lhasa where this esthetic was appreciated for
in a rock sculpture carved in Eastern Tibet, the Buddha Vairocana exhibits similar body
proportions and the distinctive alignment (Fig. 5, below). This sculpture is dated by inscription
to 816 AD. It is remarkable for the bodies of the Buddha and his bodhisattva attendants all
display the similar body proportions. The Chinese stylistic conventions to portray Buddha in
voluminous folds of monastic robes have not been followed, and upon closer inspection, an
Indian dhoti would probably be visible at the thighs. The legs and feet are presented in full lotus
position (vajra paryanka asana). The lotus pedestal is composed in two levels. The upper section
has one layer of large, rounded petals, the lower portion presents a single layer of almost flat
petals, symmetrically aligned about the circular medallion at the top of the thick lotus stem. In
these aspects, Nepalese esthetics have inspired the sculptors. However, the canopy above the
Buddha and Bodhisattva is a canopy inspired by paintings and sculptures in Dunhuang, typical
of Chinese Buddhist art along the Silk Route, while the lions beneath the thone recall those
carved to guard the Tibetan tombs.
Indeed, the impact of the Tibetan occupation of the city-oases of the Silk Route, intermittently
from mid-seventh century until 850 AD, had been contact with the Indo-Hellenic cultures
prevalent in Central Asia as well as the Confucian, Taoist and Buddhist traditions of China.
During the same period, and with fluctuating success, Tibet controlled or exacted tribute in the
Pamirs, notably from 720-740 the kingdom of Bolor (now Gilgit). In 740, a Tibetan princess was
sent to cement the alliance with the Gilgit royalty. Earlier, a mission from Gilgit had presented
tribute in central Tibet.
The cultural exchange with Gilgit exposed the Tibetans to the canons of Buddhist art then
prevailing in Gilgit, which was strongly influenced by neighbouring Kashmir. The plump oval
face with low spherical usnisa, widow’s peak hairline, elongated almond eyes, narrow arched
eyebrows, straight pointed nose, small lips, narrow chin and fleshy neck are the typical features
of the Buddhas sculpted in both regions, whose garments clinging to the body in rippled folds.
The mid-7th century standing Buddha from Kashmir (Cat. No. 81 ) already presents these
characteristics; their persistence may be seen in the seated Buddha from Gilgit now conserved in
the Potala (Cat. No. 80). The Tibetans occupied Khotan from the late 7th century, and in
Domoko, Khotan, where Tibetan documents were found, so were small clay votive plaques (tsa
tsa) and a cast sculpture of a seated Buddha, probably from Gilgit ca. late 7th to early 8th
century. [11] This sculpture bears great resemblance to the seated Gilgit Buddha of the Potala.
Indeed, Tibetans encountered the Buddhist esthetics of Kashmir and Gilgit both in situ and
during their occupation of the oases along the Silk Route. Quite possibly the Gilgit Buddha now
in the Potala was brought into Tibet directly from Gilgit shortly after its creation as this sculpture
chronologically corresponds to the period of Tibetan occupation of Gilgit as well as the period
when Gilgit presented tribute in central Tibet.
The seated Buddha from Gilgit has a fabric cushion with the inlay of copper and silver forming
the patterns of roundel motifs which was also a characteristic of their esthetic grammar. The
pearl roundel designs of Sassanian and Sogdian fabrics and coins traded from Persia and
Samarkand during the sixth to 7th centuries made a long-lasting impact on Buddhist art
throughout Asia due to the trade along the Silk Route and ancillary routes leading to India. [12]
These designs showed a pearl medallion centered around a bird or animal, or confronted
creatires. Roundel motifs reached Tibet via actual textiles imported to Tibet from China and
Central Asia as well as the representations of these textiles in Buddhist sculpture. Similar
designs were used in Licchavi coins, with a deity or an elephant at center. Emulation of Nepalese
coins led the Tibetans to carve the roundel pattern with an elephant at center at the erected for
the foundation of a 9th century Buddhist temple. [13] The roundel remained fashionable, for in
Nepal, ca. 10th-11th century, it was adopted as a textile pattern for cushions beneath Vasudhara
(see Cat. No. 58 ), where the roundel is cast in copper with traces of gilding, following Nepalese
taste, rather than the inlay work of Kashmir or Gilgit. We will discuss below its presence in 11th
century Tibet.
During this period, the kings of Guge invited the Buddhist master Atisha, one
of the foremost scholars of Vikramasila monastery in the heartland of the
Indian Pala kingdom. Atisha is credited with the introduction a particular model
of stupa to Tibet (see Cat. No. 23), which is the Mahaparinirvana stupa found
as finial on the Mahabodhi shrine in Bodhgaya (see Cat. No. 22). [22] As
didactic tools, Atisha brought numerous manuscripts with him to translate as he
traveled, he composed many texts himself and in daily rituals he made small
clay sculptures (tsha tsha) such as the Avalokiteshvara (Cat. No. 104-d). In
Fig. 8 addition to the introduction of the Buddhist texts then practiced in the monastic
universities of Bihar, inevitably the artistic models of Pala India were conveyed by the
illuminations in the texts themselves (such as the Prajnaparamita manuscript Cat. No. 26) as well
as the small sculptures, whether cast, or carved in stone or in perishable materials. Pala sculpture
may be characterized by voluptuous seated or standing postures, curvaceous bodies with
garments and strands of jewelry which cling to the body, elegant body proportions, oval faces,
piled locks of hair combed into large chignons; in cast sculptures, there may be ornamentation
with inset gems as well as elaborate use of silver and copper inlay. The lotus pedestal is often
tiered, at least two layers of petals, carefully aligned, with beading on upper and lower edges of
the pedestal. [23] (see Fig. 8 Pala stone Tara, and Cat. No. 32, Maitreya and Cat. No. 51, Heruka).
The small stone Tara is an exquisite portable shrine in miniature, probably made in India for a
Tibetan pilgrim. The back of the sculpture has the typical “window” to reveal Tara’s chignon, a
necklace at the nape of her neck, and the intricate strands of beads of her belt. Behind the lotus
pedestal, there is very skilled carving of an inscription in Tibetan letters which probably was
made by the sculptor due to the mastery of the carving technique. [23a] Whether this sculpture
was actually produced in India for the Tibetans who traveled there as pilgrims or whether it was
conveyed to Tibet by masters such as Atisha, there is no doubt that many Pala sculptures reached
Tibet long ago, as there is no corrosion from burial as found in many excavated Pala sculptures
in India. [24] The accurate attribution of provenance of Pala sculpture is further complicated by
evidence of a practice of casting copies of especially sacred Indian images, such as the enshrined
Buddha of Bodh gaya, which has been recognized as a Tibetan practice. [25] We will return to
this topic below, in discussion of antiquarian taste in Tibet in 14-15-16th century. For the some
of the Pala sculptures of 11th to 12th century, it is virtually impossible to determine whether
these may have been made in India or in Tibet, whether they are contemporary or later copies,
and the nationality of the sculptor remains uncertain.
The 11th to 12th century clay sculptures from Shalu and rKyang bu are eclectic. The body
proportions correspond neither to the elongated tubular Nepalese limbs nor the sensual fleshy
curves of the Indian bodies although these sculptures are enthroned inside prabhamandala of
Indo-Nepalese origin. The massive bodies of the sculptures are hidden by the garments, whether
robes or dhoti and sash, which are often embellished in relief with the roundel textile motifs
previously discussed. The esthetic features of this school of Tibetan clay sculpture borrow
specific aspects from multiple styles and bring these discrete elements together in such a way
that the “origins” are concealed. Among these clay sculptures, the robes of certain Buddha
sculptures are closed with a specific hook which is typical of Korean and Chinese monks’ robes.
[30] The facial features show Pala influence for the square forehead, the dip of the upper eyelid,
the thin pointed nose, but the pursed lips and pronounced chin do not follow Pala prototypes.
The clay sculpture in Tibet allows ample appreciation of the Tibetan capacity to transpose
esthetic elements from one style to another and create a unique synthesis.
During the 12th to 13th century, many Nepalese artists came to work in Tibet. The most famous
is a young Nepalese sculptor, Aniko, who came to work at Sa skya monastery ca. 1251. In the
wake of Sa skya involvement with the emergent Yuan dynasty, Aniko traveled to the new capital
in the entourage of the Sa skya monks serving as teachers to the Yuan emperor Kubilai. The
1292 stone Makakala sculpture is an excellent example of the Nepalese esthetics during the reign
of Kubilai (see plate in Stoddard Essay). The dragons on the lower level of the stone sculpture
belie a degree of Chinese influence in what is otherwise a Nepalese sculpture commissioned for
an icon of Tibetan Buddhism. The donation inscription mentions a high-level administrator in
eastern Tibet during Kubilai’s reign whose nationality is uncertain – and the artist dKon mchog
skyabs is credited for the sculpture. [31] Certainly the temptation to attribute this sculpture to
Aniko is great. [32] However, in view of the sculptor’s name, it is more likely to attribute this
work to the school of Aniko, the extremely fine workmanship reflects the Nepalese esthetic
associated with Aniko’ or his atelier, characterized by scrupulous attention to proportions and
iconography and highly expressive features. [33] The face of the Mahakala almost sparks with
flames from the eyebrows and moustaches! (see also Cat. No. 64). In view of the workplace of
the donor of the 1292 Mahakala, this sculpture is the oldest dated example known today of a
work made in Tibet, according to Tibetan Buddhist iconographic stipulations, in the most pure
Nepalese esthetic style. It is both an extraordinary sculpture and an historical document.
While Aniko left Tibet for Beijing, during the 13th to 15th centuries, many
other Nepalese artists settled in Tibet, working at Sa skya and other
monasteries affiliated with Sa skya such as Shalu in central Tibet. In Western
Tibet, the Brigung monastic order took control of Khojarnath and founded
several sanctuaries in the Kailash area. The life-size Great Silver Statue of
Khojarnath was given two bodhisattva attendants as well as a full torana and
base ca. 1220, and henceforth known as the Three Silver Brothers. A unique
triad in the Pritzker collection represents the Three Silver Brothers (Fig.10,
Fig. 10 Three Silver Brothers). A Tibetan dedication inscription describes the donor,
a Tibetan lama named Nam mkha’ grags, whose historical identification remains elusive.
Thermoluminescence tests confirm that it dates from ca. 12 - 13th century. Metallurgical
analysis further revealed that the central statue of Avalokiteshvara has a torso cast in pure silver,
his dhoti of brass with inlay in silver and copper in elaborate patterns, while the two other
bodhisattva are cast in an alloy with a high percentage of tin. The elaborate composition of the
Pritzker triad, the fine gilding and style of the torana and the base all reflect Nepalese esthetics of
the period, the exceptional inlay of the dhoti is a reminder of the Kashmiri style which was so
popular in Western Tibet when the Great Silver Statue was made. It remains to be determined
what relationship this triad has with the life-size Three Silver Brothers of Khojarnath. Even so, it
is an eloquent testimony to the consummate taste of Nam mkha grags: it is a Tibetan sculpture
which is a most elegant fusion of discrete esthetic styles and metallurgical techniques.
Thus far we have examined esthetic developments and fusion in Tibetan sculpture from the 7th
to the 15th century. In the following centuries, on the whole, the Tibetan sculptors further refined
their skills and persisted in the stylistic models reflecting diverse degrees of influence from
different regions. Certain individual sculptors so esteemed ancient sculptures that their own
sculptures reinterpret the ancient styles. The Tenth Karma pa (1604-1674) was an exceptional
artist who was so inspired by the sculptures of 7th century Swat that he revived this style. [46]
Tibetan appreciation of the ancient workmanship lead to the vast accumulation of sculptures in
the monasteries, while simultaneously, the desire to generate positive karma stimulated new
productions.
Footnotes:
1. The gold horses measure 4.4.cm x 2.4 cm. These artifacts were first studied in Kaogu
2001/6: 45-47 (Xizang zhizhiqu shannan diqu wenwuju, “Xizang langkarzi xian chajiagou
gumuzang de qingli”, reproduced in Heller 2003a, fig. 1. The silver deer (5.6 x 3.5 ) was
studied by Xu Xing Guo in Khrung guo zang xue 1994/4:136.
2. Xu Xinguo, chief archeologist, analysed the gilding technique of this reliquary as cladding,
a Sogdian technique, rather than fire-mercury gilding commonly found in Tibet and Nepal in
Xu, Krung go zang xue 1994/4. See Heller 1998 for photographs of the reliquary (heller 1998,
Orientations ).
3. See Backus 1981, p.28, n. 79 for bridge technology; Demiéville, Paul, 1987: Le Concile de
Lhasa, Paris (reprint of 1952), p.203 for armour.
5. Wangdu, Pasang and Diemberger, Hildegard, 2000: Dba’ bzhed. The Royal Narrative
concerning the Bringing of the Buddha’s Doctrine to Tibet, Verlag der Österreichischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien.: p.56 and note 166.
6. The Fifth Dalai Lama describes this jar in his Catalogue of the Jokhang written in 1645.
For discussion of the silver jug and ancient Tibetan silver vessels, see particularly Carter
1998, as well as Heller 2002 and Heller 2004. Richardson 1998, 254, Carter 1998, 39, fig.14,
Heller 2002/2004, Knauer 1998, 101,fig.70, attributed to Tibetan workmanship; Schroeder
2001, 792-795, pl. 190 A-D, attributed this jug to Sogdian workmanship of 8th century.
7. Richardson, Hugh E., 1998: Two Chinese Princesses in Tibet, in: High Peaks, Pure Earth,
Collected Writings on Tibetan History and Culture, Hg.: Richardson, H.E., with an
introduction by Michael Aris., 207-215, Serindia, London, U.K. , p.208-209, discusses the 7th
century Chinese princess, the later weaving of legends about her introduction of Buddhism
and construction of temples. He concludes that much of what is attributed to her is more
likely to be the activities of the 8th century Chinese princess Kong Jo who was also sent to
marry a Tibetan emperor.
8. Lévi, Sylvain, 1905: Le Népal, etude historique d’un royaume hindou, vols. 1-2., Ernest
Leroux, Paris., p.163-5. Slusser, Mary S., 1982: Nepal Mandala A Cultural Study of the
Kathmandu Valley, vol.1-2, Princeton University Press, Princeton, USA, p.39 discusses the
Licchavi kings’ practice of Hindu religion as well as non-sectarian patronage, including royal
foundations of Buddhist monasteries. Slusser, Mary S., 1982: Nepal Mandala A Cultural
Study of the Kathmandu Valley, vol.1-2, Princeton University Press, Princeton, USA, p.33-34
explains the improbability of the Tibetan tradition of a marriage alliance with a Nepalese
princess. Although this tradition is regarded as fact today, this Nepalese princess is unknown
in either ancient Nepalese or Tibetan historic sources prior to the 11th century.
9. See Slusser, Mary S. and Vajracharya, Gautamvajra, 1973.: Some Nepalese Stone
Sculptures: A Reappraisal within their Cultural and Historical Context, In: Artibus Asiae,
p.35 (1-2), p.79-138. and Slusser, Mary S., 1982: Nepal Mandala A Cultural Study of the
Kathmandu Valley, vol.1-2, Princeton University Press, Princeton, USA,, pl. 376
10. Weldon, David, 2000: Tibetan Sculpture Inspired by Earlier Foreign Sculptural Styles.
In: Oriental Art 46 (2), 47-56., p.49, fig. 8 draws attention to this alignment of legs in
Licchavi art.
11. Siudmak, John, 2000. The Development of the Classical Buddha Image from Kashmir,
and some Observations on Kashmirian Influence on the Sculpture of West Tibet. In: Oriental
Art 46 (2), figs. 3, 4. and for the most thorough study see Hinüber, Oskar von, 2004: Die
Palola Sahis, Ihre Steinischriften, inschriften auf bronzen, handscriftenkolophone und
schutzzauber. Materialien zur Geschichte von Gilgit und Chilas. Verlag Philipp von Zabern,
Mainz, 2004. I thank Professor Oskar von Hinüber for correspondence on the chronology of
these statues.
12. Klimburg, Maximilian, 1982: The Setting: The Western Trans-Himalayan Crossroads ,in:
The Silk Route and The Diamond Path, Hg.: Klimburg –Salter, Deborah. UCLA Art Council,
Los Angeles, USA, 24-37. for Trans-Himalayan routes; Heller, Amy, 1998: Two Inscribed
Fabrics and their Historical Context: Some Observations on Esthetics and Silk Trade in
Tibet, 7th to 9th Century.in: Entlang der Seidenstrasse. Frühmittelalterliche Kunst zwischen
Persien und China in der Abegg-Stiftung. Hg: Otavsky, Karel. Riggisberger Berichte 6,
Riggisberg, Schweiz, 95-118. for Tibet and silk trade; Sims-Williams, Nicolas, 1996: The
Sogdian Merchants in China and India , in: Cina e Iran da Alessandro Magno alla dinastia
Tang,Hg.: Cadonna, Alfredo and Lanciotti, Lionello, Leo S. Olschki Editore, Firenze, 45-67.
for trade from Sogdiana to India.
13. I am indebted to Professor Pasang Wangdu for photographs of this stele which he
discovered in 1985. See discussion in Heller, Amy, 1998: Two Inscribed Fabrics and their
Historical Context: Some Observations on Esthetics and Silk Trade in Tibet, 7th to 9th
Century.in: Entlang der Seidenstrasse. Frühmittelalterliche Kunst zwischen Persien und China
in der Abegg-Stiftung. Hg: Otavsky, Karel. Riggisberger Berichte 6, Riggisberg, Schweiz, 95-
118., p.113, fig. 51.
14. Vitali, Roberto, 1990: Early Temples of Central Tibet. Serindia Publications, London, p.1-
37.
15. Karmay, Heather, 1975: Early Sino-Tibetan Art, Aris and Philips. Warminster., p.4; see
also sBa bzhed and Wangdu, Pasang and Diemberger, Hildegard, 2002, p.65.
16. This passage was quoted in Weldon, D. und Singer, Jane Casey, 1999: The Sculptural
Heritage of Tibet, Buddhist Art in the Nyingjei Lam Collection, Laurence King, London.:
p.14.
17. Alsop, Ian, 1990: Phagpa Lokeshvara of the Potala. In: Orientations Magazine 1998 (Art
of Tibet, Selected articles from Orientations 1981-1997), p.81-91, discusses multiple copies
of the sacred statue Phagpa Lokeshvara of the Potala; Alsop, Ian, 2000: Copies in Tibetan
Sacred Art, Two Examples. In: Oriental Art, N. S. 46(2), 4-13, discusses this statue further as
well as another sacred statue.
18. Pal, Pratapaditya, 2003: Himalayas, An Aesthetic Adventure, The Art Institute of Chicago
in association with the California Press and Mapin Publishing, Chicago p.85,85 and p.87:
Schroeder, 2000, plate 41 B-E; Heller, Amy, 2003: The Three Silver Brothers. In:
Orientations 34(4), 28-34.
19. Postel, Michel, 1989. Ear Ornaments of Ancient India, Project for Indian Cultural Studies,
Publication 2, Bombay. , pl. V.39, a 9th/10th c. stone Tara in the Patna Museum.
20. I thank John Siudmak for the reference to Foucher, Alfred, 1913. Les Images indiennes de
la fortune. In: Mémoires concernant L’Asie Orientale, L’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles
Lettres, Ernest Leroux, Paris, p.123-138., pl. 13.
21. Vitali, Roberto, 1996. The Kingdoms of Gu.ge Pu.hrang according to the mNga’.ris
rgyal.rabs by Gu.ge mkhan.chen Ngag.dbang grags pa, Tho.ling gtsug.lag.khagn lo.gcig.ston
‘khor.ba’i rjes.dran.mdzad sgo’i go.sgrig tshogs.chung, Dharamsala., 313 for the discussion
of the artist from Magadha in Toling ca. 1000 AD.
22. Schroeder, Ulrich von, 2001: Buddhist Scultpures in Tibet, 2 Bde., Bd. 1: India & Nepal;
Bd. 2: Tibet & China, Visual Dharma Publications, Hongkong, p.330, pl. 111B.
23. Weldon, D. und Singer, Jane Casey, 1999: The Sculptural Heritage of Tibet, Buddhist Art
in the Nyingjei Lam Collection, Laurence King, London, p.21-22, notes 22-23, figs. 11-15.
23a. The inscription reads, “ pur pa ‘de sa ho‘i ”, Tibetan transliteration of sorts for
pūrvadeśa, “(belonging to) the eastern country”, ie. Eastern India, probably Bengal, where the
sculpture may have been made ca. late 11th.
24. Schroeder 1981, 248 details the Muslim raids in India of 11th and 12th century which led
the monks to bury images. Huntington/ Huntington 1990 already presented sculptures
attributed to Indian workmanship in Tibet, however, they concluded that there was “no
detectable wave of artistic influence” after Muslim raids and rather that “the Pala artistic
idioms were already so thoroughly integrated into Tibetan culture, and Tibetan knowledge of
the Pala idioms was so current, that even a new wave of émigrés did not visibly alter the
artistic direction”. However, Tibetan historical sources do not document the constant presence
of Indian artists in Tibet. Sporadic references of one or two individual masters are found, but
the numerous works attributed to Indian production in Tibet presuppose the existence of
several ateliers of Indian artists in Tibet during 12th-13th century, and these are not yet
historically documented. Is it not possible that much of the production was by Nepalese artists
in Tibet emulating Indian styles? While no evidence of Indian artists settled with ateliers at
that time in Tibet is documented at present, there were possibly areas in Bangladesh and E
India which were less dismantled than the main areas destroyed further East (to Bihar and
Bengal) and in these areas of (present-day) Bangladesh and East India, possibly sculptures
might still have been cast. This topic remains to be investigated in the future by art historians,
while the historical context of this research on surviving Saiva and Buddhist micro-kingdoms
is on-going by Professor Alexis Sanderson (see his forthcoming volume: Religion and the
State: Initiating the Monarch in Saivism and the Buddhist Way of Mantras, Heidelberg,
Harrasowitz Verlag, Ethno-Indological Series, now in press.)
25. Weldon, D. und Singer, Jane Casey, 1999: The Sculptural Heritage of Tibet, Buddhist Art
in the Nyingjei Lam Collection, Laurence King, London, p.61-65, figs. 28-33; Schroeder,
Ulrich von, 2001: Buddhist Scultpures in Tibet, 2 Bde., Bd. 1: India & Nepal; Bd. 2: Tibet &
China, Visual Dharma Publications, Hongkong, pl. 85 a-e; Huntington/Huntington 1990, fig.
135, attributed to Tibet, late 11th to early 12th century.
26. Martin, Dan, 2001: Painters, Patrons and Paintings of Patrons in Early Tibetan Art, in:
Embodying Wisdom, Art, Text and Interpretation in the History of Esoteric Buddhism, Hg.:
Linrothe, R. und Sørensen, H., The Seminar for Buddhist Studies Monographs 6, 139-184,
Kopenhagen, 142-144.
27. Lo Bue, Erberto, 1997. The role of Newar Scholars in transmitting the Indian Buddhist
Heritage to Tibet (c. 750-1200) in: Les Habitants du Toit du Monde. Hg: Karmay, S. and
Sagant, P. Société d’Ethnologie, Nanterre, France, 629-658. Newar Scholars, 633 passim.
28. Schroeder, Ulrich von, 2001: Buddhist Scultpures in Tibet, 2 Bde., Bd. 1: India & Nepal;
Bd. 2: Tibet & China, Visual Dharma Publications, Hongkong, p.220, pl. VII-6 and pl. 169c
29. See most recently the photographs of Professor Fosco Maraini republished in Lo Bue,
Erberto, 1998: Tibet, Templi scomparsi fotografati da Fosco Maraini. Turin.
30. Heller, Amy, 2003: The Silver Jug of the Lhasa Jokhang: Some observations on silver
objects and costumes from the Tibetan Empire (7th –9th century). In: Silk Road Art and
Archeology 9, p.213-237., 45, figs. 17 and 19 (here 2003 = Grathang article).
31. Heller, Amy, 1999: Tibetan Art, Tracing the Development of Spiritual Ideals and Art in
Tibet, 600-2000 A. D., Jaca Book, Antique Collector’s Club, Milano pl.69-70, citing L. van
der Kuijp 1995, 922-923, for the identification of the donor.
33. Béguin, Gilles, 1990: Art ésotérique de l’Himâlaya, Catalogue de la donation Lionel
Four-nier. Musée national des arts asiatiques Guimet, Paris, p.54, considered Stoddard’s
attribution to Aniko as “gratuitous”.
35. Alsop, Ian 1994, fig. 1, and Alsop, Ian, 1997, fig. 50.
36.Roerich, George N. 1996: The Blue Annals, von Gö Lotsawa Zhönu Pal [’gos lo tså ba
gzhon nu dpal], Teil 1 & 2, übers. von G. Roerich, Calcutta 1949, Reprint Motilal Banarsidass
Publishers, Delhi, p.580, 583, 584, 607.
37.Tucci, Giuseppe, 1956: To Lhasa and Beyond, Diary of the expedition to Tibet in the year
1948. Istituto Poligrafico Dello Stato, Roma, p.128; Mele, 1969, for photographs of Densatil
during Tucci’s expedition.
38. Pal, Pratapaditya, 2003: Himalayas, An Aesthetic Adventure, The Art Institute of Chicago
in association with the California Press and Mapin Publishing, Chicago, p.217-218, pl. 140.
39. Tucci, Giuseppe, 1956: To Lhasa and Beyond, Diary of the expedition to Tibet in the year
1948. Istituto Poligrafico Dello Stato, Roma, p.128; Pal, Pratapaditya, 2003: Himalayas, An
Aesthetic Adventure, The Art Institute of Chicago in association with the California Press and
Mapin Publishing, Chicago, p.217 concurs with Tucci’s opinion.
40. Lo Bue, Erberto F. und Ricca, F., 1993: The Great Stupa of Gyantse, A Complete Tibetan
Pantheon of the Fifteenth Century, Serindia Publications, London, p.24, and pl. 4 E 2 for the
Chinese throne.
42. Lo Bue, Erberto, 1997. Sculptural Styles According to Pema Karpo. in: Tibetan Art
Towards a Definition of Style., p.253.
43.Lo Bue, Erberto, 1997. Sculptural Styles According to Pema Karpo. in: Tibetan Art
Towards a Definition of Style., p.253.
44.Weldon, D. und Singer, Jane Casey, 1999: The Sculptural Heritage of Tibet, Buddhist Art
in the Nyingjei Lam Collection, Laurence King, London, p. 90.
"this noble sculpture of the teacher was made as the personal image of the Chief Abbot of
Sang pu Monastery (gsang phu gling srad kyi gdan sa pa) the Choje Sherab palden zang po
(chos rje shes rab dpal ldan bzang po)."
That is what the inscription says, literally.. This sculpture was made for Sherab palden
zangpo, the Chief Abbot of the monastery (there were several small monastic residences, he
was the head of the whole monastery.) He was still alive in 1476, having ruled already 2 years
as chief abbot.
In view of the fact that he had recently assumed the abbot's throne, he had probabl y
performed in 1475 the one-year commemoration ceremony of the previous abbot, Sangye
Chopa, who had ruled for 14 years until his death. It is a very long reign and he was a great
teacher. In my opinion, it is clear that this sculpture represents the teacher Sangye Chos pa
and was made to be the personal meditation image of Sherab palden zangpo, to be a reminder
of his predecessor and mentor.
The history of the lineage of the abbots of Sangpu monastery is found in Tibetan historic
sources, but also in the English translation of one very reliable history book, The Blue
Annals. The discussion of Sang pu and the lineage of abbots is page 329 (Roerich 1996, p.
329)
46. Weldon, David, 2000: Tibetan Sculpture Inspired by Earlier Foreign Sculptural Styles.
In: Oriental Art 46 (2), p.53-56, figs. 21-28; Schroeder 2001, pl.178 A-C; Schroeder 2001,
796-819, pl. 191-194.
47. The author has studied and translated this inscription as personal research in 2004.
Inscription on statue:
Om svasti/ rmad byung tshogs gnyis chu gter dbus su
'khrungs/ rnam dag byang chub spyod pa'i khams las grub//
'phags sras gser ri'i dbus na nyer mdzes pa// thub dbang rin
chen rdul brtsegs la phyag 'tshal// chos dpal chen 'am mgon
bsam 'grub rab brtan gyi thugs kyi dgongs pa yongsu rdzogs
par gyur zhing/ bdag nyi zla ma bu 'khor dang bcas pa la
mchog thun mong gi dngos grub ma lus pa brtsal du gsol// bzo
rig bal po bzo su dza 'dzo tri sogs dbang po ' grangs can kyis sgrubs// bkra shis//
Translation :
Om Svasti.
To honor the memory* of the glorious Ah mgon bSam grub rab brtan, in the hopes that Nyi
Zla mother and child(ren) and all sentient beings may attain the superior and the mundane
levels of spiritual realization, the Nepalese workmanship (i.e. the creation of the prabha) is the
achievement of the master artist Su Dza dzo ti** , the sculptor of infinite prowess.
May there be praise to Buddha who is most precious***, (he who is) the noble son in the
center of the golden mountain of beautiful offerings, he who has totally perfected the
practices leading to enlightment as the result of the karma of birth in the center of the ocean
combining the two excellent conditions ( = wealth and religion, ie. Shakyamuni Buddha was
born as prince Siddhartha and he had religious aspirations). May there be happiness!
Notes :
* literally, « to completely fulfill the intentions or spirituel aspiriations, » in analogy to the
Buddha whose death was his mahaparinirvana. Thus this is an idiomatic expression, it means
« to die ». so when an image is made in complete fulfillment of the person's desires, it means
that it is an image made soon after the person's death, usually for the one year
commemorative ceremony.
*** literally, the mighty sage of precious particles all piled up together.
TIBETAN PAINTING
P
OUR PAINTINGS are representatives of Tibetan art
of the 12th to 16th century. The portrait of the Buddha
in his shrine is a composition, which directly reflects
the Indian temple model of Bodhgaya. The composition and
the body proportions, jewellery and costumes all derive from
Indian models. In Tibet this is called rgya gar lugs, 'Indian
style'. The portrait of the preaching lama and the group
of mwu;iala both are representative of the Nevar aesthetic
grammar as imported to Tibet, known as bal-bris, 'Nepalese
painting'. This school of painting is characterized by the
palette of dominant reds, yellow and green, a penchant for
ornate scrollwork and a composition where the main subject
is framed by an upper and lower border portraying hierarchs
and deities. The painting of Tara represents a style of
painting known as Guge style in modern literature because it
originated in mural paintings in the Guge region of Western
Tibet in the 16th century. This style is synthetic. The Guge
style harmoniously combines the palette and composition
from the bal-bris, Nevar painting, with the facial features,
massive upper body and pinched waist derived from ancient
Kashmiri models, known as kha che lugs. The Guge style also
integrates certain Chinese artistic influences, especially the
treatment of fabrics and billowing garments, which became
popular in 15 th century mural paintings in central Tibet,
such as Gyantse Kumbum. Thick folds of fabrics and layers
of garments were characteristic of the Chinese Buddhist
art imported to Tibet due to Chinese imperial patronage of
Tibetan lamas, particularly during the Yung-Io reign
(CE 1403-1424). Thus, these four paintings permit
understanding of specific features, which distinguish the
principal Tibetan painting styles.
AH
circles enclosing the deities outside the main man(ialas are all
characteristic of four Vajriivali ma"dala attributed to Ngor AH
monastery, 15 th century, now in the collection of the Musie
According to the inscription in yellow ink along the lower painters had been engaged to work at Ngor monastery since
edge of the painting, the Tenth Abbot of Ngor monastery, its foundation. During the second half of the 16" century, the
Dkon mchog Lhun grub is represented here, with the same geometric composition of primary colours juxtaposed in strong
attributes as Sa skya Pandita. Sa skya Pandita is one of the five contrasting tones of red, blue, gold and green characterize this
foremost religious teachers of the Sa skya pa monastic order, school of painting. The lateral section of the torana is formed by
especially revered for his teachings on logic and philosophy. As elaborate stem and leaves of the flowers emerging from the vase
he is regarded as an incarnation of MaiijusrI, like his spiritual of the nectar of immortality. Another common feature of this
forefather, his attributes are a sword and book. Dkon mchog period is the red border frame of delicate tiny gold florets.
Ihun grub was thus regarded as a later incarnation of both Sa
skya Pan>1ita and MaiijusrI whose attributes he shares. Dkon Inscription:
mchog thun grub is surrounded by the teachers of the 'Path and Om svasti/ dkon mchag gsum dngos yangs 'dzin mkhan gyis
the Fruit', (Tibetan: Lam 'bras) which is the principal pedagogic bzungl khrims ldan rhos bsam bsgam pa'i nor gyis phya-/ lhun
system used by monks of the Sa skya school. This painting grub phrin las phyags brgyan srol mkhas pa'i/ blo ldall dge ba'i
was executed at the Ngor monastery, a sub-sect of Sa skya pa bshes ... Ilyen... 'debs! 'khor ba'i bla ma brgyu pa la tshogs pa
founded in 1429. Dkon mchog Ihun grub served as abbot from phyag 'tshalla/ dge la ... 'byullg gnas gsullg rab lam 'bras pa'i bla
1534 until 1557. It is typical custom to make a painting of the ma...sum cu'i 'khor/ bdall gsum lha... dus 'khar la brgyud pa rha
abbot to commemorate his memory for a ceremony one year dad kyi/ bskyollgs sgrub thabs brgya rtsa rgya mtsho'i/ rjes gnang
after his death. According to the inscription, this painting was du mod grangs kyi lha rnams dallg/ gzhall yallg (lille 2) 'dolllha
made at the occasion of a great religious initiation ceremony. thor bu bcas pa 'di/ 'dzam glillg byallg phyogs kha ba call gyi
The inscription further tells us that the local lord, Mi dpon ljollgs/ dge bcu legs (shallg 'khor de'i ... la ru/ dpal 'byor dad
lha dbang bkra shis rdo rje, commissioned this in praise of ldall dge ... brtsoll pa'i mi dpolllha dballg bkra shis rdo rje yis/
the Buddha and his parents; the painting was consecrated by pha ma'i drill call bsam ba dallg sallgs rgyas kyi bstod pa phyogs
another monk of Ngor; the name of the painter is also given, but mthar rgyas phyir... bzhellgs.. ./ bkod rab gllas E vam chos rjes
unfortunately, it is obliterated. This painting thus represents the mdzad pas/ ... bsam dag pas bris.. .IllMangalamll
style of the Ngor School of painting in the mid-16" century. It
is strongly influenced by evar painting styles, as many Nevar AH
1. G.N. Roerich, The Blue Awzaf!>', New Delhi, 1976, p. 1050.; S. Beyer, The Cl/It
o/Tara, Berkeley, '1978, Note ll, p. 470.
AH
Amy HelIer
south of the Tarim basin, as well as routes towards central China Tibet . CD Contrary to the latter archeological sites where the
and Sichuan. CDAlthough to date it has not been possible to deter- tombs were pillaged long ago, the excavations in Dulan county
mine the ancient Tibetan name of the area of Dulan, as a regional have yielded vast quantities of artefacts, particularly textiles of
name, Dulan is documented since the early part of the 20th cen- great historical significance due to typology of weaves, threads,
tury. ®Initial archeological investigations in Dulan county began design, chronological and geographical provenance. ®
in 1982. As of 1997 when I visited Dulan, twenty-three sites had In comparison to the findings of the archeological investiga-
been excavated, each site comprising 20-30 tombs, over an area tions of tombs in the Tibetan Autonomous regions, at Khrom
of approximately 160 2 kilometers. The principal zone of investiga- chen , 'Phyong rgyas and Gra thang, the following are consist-
tion covers the approximate area of latitude 36°5, longitude 98°5. ent at all sites:
I was authorized to visit six archeological sites attributed to the 1) architectural shapes of tomb structures, m particular
period of the sPu rgyal dynasty, two of which will be described prevalence of the trapezoid-shaped mound of varying dimensions.
here due to their significance in relation to archeological investi- 2) construction materials of rammed earth alternating m
gations of eighth to ninth century tombs at Khrom chen near Lha layers with cut stone, as well as unbaked bricks alternating m
rtse in west Tibet and 'Phyong rgyas and Gra thang in central layers with cut stone, in both cases reinforced with wooden
beams at roof or ceiling juncture. At Dulan, a median layer of
relatively thin tree trunks (cypress or birch trees)is inserted be-
tween levels of cut stone/ rammed earth.
3) construction techniques of underground tomb-chambers
within the mound
4) the association of a stone stele rdo ring and two statues of
CD On the Qinghai traderoutes, see Atlas of Chinese Cultural Relics, Qinghai
Province. Beijing: 1992 :29-31; cL also Stein, R. A. Les Tribus Anciennes des Marches
SincrTibhaines, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1959; Heller, A. "Two in- CD For Tibetan archeological investigations of tombs, cf. Chayet, A. Art et
scribed Fabrics and their Historical Context: some observations on esthetics and Silk Archeologie du Tibet, Paris: Picard, 1994. Mortari Vergara Caffarelli, P." Architec-
Trade in Tibet, 7th to 9th century" in Otavsky, K. ed. Entlang der Seidenstrasse. Rig- tural style in tombs from the Period of the Kings" in Singer, J. C. and Denwood, P. Ti-
gisberg: Abegg-Stiftung. 1998: 95-118. betanArt, Towards a Definition of Style, London: LaurenceKing, 1997:230-241;
® I thank Peter Hessel for this reference: Filchner, W. Bismillah, Leipzig, Chayet, A. "Tradition et archeologie, notes sur les sepultures tibetaines"in Krasser,
1938: 102-103, his visit to Dulan in 1933. CL also Maillart, E. Oasis Interdites. Lau- H. et ai, Tibetan Studies, Wien: Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissen-
sanne: Editions Payot et Rivages, 1994: 73, 87, visit ca. 1932, in proximity to the schaften 1997: 131-139. On Khrom chen tombs, cf. Pa Tshab Pa sangs dBang 'Dus,
route "Doulan to Lhassa". According to the studies of Xu Xinguo, head archeologist of P. " gsar du rnyed pa'i khrom chen bang so'i tshogs la dpyad pa." Kvaerne, P. Tibetan
Dulan, the ancient Chinese name of the area was BAILAN (cL Xu Xinguo and Zhao Studies, Oslo: Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture 1994: 629-639.
Feng, "A Preliminary Study of the Silks excavated at Dulan. "Zhonguo Lishi Bowu- ® cf. Xu Xinguo and Zhao Feng op. cit. 1991; at the request of the archeologists
guan Guankan [Bulletin of the National Museum of Chinese History] 1991/15-16: seeking urgent support for their future investigations, I wrote an introductory article on
63-81; translated by Bruce Doar in China Art and Archeology Digest 1996: 13-34, the Dulan excavations with 22 color photographs of silks, artefacts and tumuli. Heller,
p.31. Bailan as ancient name corresponding to modern Dulan and Balong regions of A. "Some Preliminary remarks on the Dulan excavations". Orientations 29/9 1998:
Qinghai). 84-92.
Preliminary Remarks on the ArCheologiCBl1
Investigations of Dulan: 8th-9th
Century Tibetan Tombs?
stone lions. <D side the smallest hole, two camel skulls were found, inscribed
All these factors are also documented for the principal tombs with Tibetan letters. All the other chambers were empty, save
of Dulan county, Qingahi Province, two of which will be dis- for occasional byang bu, wooden slips with Tibetan lettering,
cussed here, Kexiaotu and Reshui. approx. 10-15 cm long, 3 cm wide, with 3-4 lines of cursive
script. The inscriptions on the two horse skulls are imprecations
I. Kexiaotu against evil: the phrase sri gnan "crush the sri demons" is re-
peated numerous times in circles around an anthropomorphic
In Mongolian language., Kexiaotu means" stone hut". There drawing, the feet restrained under a sort of bar. CD. In addition,
have been two principal excavations here since 1995. there was one inscription on a sheep rib, two drawings on sheep
The large size hemispherical mound was some 8 meters shoulderblade, one inscription on a white quartz stone. Accord-
high, some 40 meters in circumference. This corresponds to "me- ing to the head archeologist here, there are many layers to inves-
dium- size" mound, in a typology of three sizes. The west and tigate still under ground level.
north face are still covered with grass; the view from the west
shows small mounds (approximately smaller than ZOm in circum-
ference) which formerly had surrounded the entire area. There
was an exterior delimitation of a 160 meter long diagonal un-
baked brick wall, one meter thick, on perimeters of site. A river
flowed beside the site, but not through it. The lions and stele
had formerly been inside the area of the brick wall, but not im-
mediately beside the main mound. Within one of the brick walls,
a jar with rim was immured; a pillar base with a sun design, ap-
proximately 60 sq cm. was also excavated in this area. Inside the
8 meter high structure, three levels. Below ground, a courtyard
Fig. 1 Photograph of Reshui M1 prior to investigation, ca. 1970
leading to a large chamber, approximately 20 square meters. The
(after Zhongguo Wenwu Ditu Ji, Qinghai Fence, Beijing, 1996: 104)
construction was of packed bricks and stone with timber beams.
At ground level, there were two chambers and above these, a
small "attic" chamber just beneath the summit of the mound. In-
Q) Such imprecations chanted in ritual and written on charms continue to the
present. cf. Nicolas SilhHfonhcoming thesis), as well as cakro diagrams such as pI. 45,
ill Pa Tshab, ibid: 631. lion statues positioned on east and west corners of the 3 from a manuscript of the esoteric autobiography of the Filth Dalai Lama, Karmay, S.
main Khrom chen tomb Ml; Panglung, J. "Die metrischen Berichte uber die Grabmaler Sr:crr:t Visions of the Fifth Datai Lama. London: Serindia, 1988. Detailed study of the
der tibetischen Konige" in Uebach, H. and Panglung, J. Tibetan Studir:s. MUnchen :' Dulan diagram and ritual inscriptions was presented at the workshop "Myth, Territori-
Bayer. Akad. Wissen. 1988: 365 illustrates the lions at east and west corners of the ality. and Ritual in Tibetan Areas" (Vienna, 1999), IQ be published in the proceedings
'Phyong rgras tomb no. 6. of the workshop.
Preliminary Remarks on the Archeological
Investigations of Dulan: 8th-9th
Century Tibetan Tombs? •
I
ured also 2. 5 cm in diameter, imprinted with letters of an Indic
script, probably to be identified as the Ye dharma hetuprabhava
"Buddhist Creed" in Sanskrit. CDThe level of this structure would
in principle be contemporary with the other structure, thus a
date of mid-8th c. to mid-9th c. is proposed.
Although Kexiaotu appears today as a mound, architectural-
ly it does not correspond to the tombs investigated elsewhere,
despite the lions and the rdo ring. The question may be raised
whether this was an administrative building, a sanctuary or resi-
dential building of a provincial official, due to the peripheral
walls defining the space. Future investigations here may yield ar-
tefacts which will allow determination of the function of this
Fig. 2 DULAN. Reshui M1. a) prior to excavation. top mound in- structure.
tact. position of upper chamber. b) after excavations of 1992. cruciform
chamber exposed as top of mound (drawing by Charles Helier) .
11. Reshui valley CMl, M2) ®
Beyond the brick wall, the archeologists had made several digs at
Reshui is a Chinese term means "warm water" valley. The
selected areas of the periphery. At 4 meters depth, two tsha tsha
most important excavation of Dulan county conducted to date is
were found. Measuring 2. 5 cm in diameter, one tsha tsha had a
the tomb called Ml, the largest and most complex tomb investi-
stamp of a stupa, of a type carved in the rock in the upper Indus
gated thus far. The trapezoid tomb mound now measures 160 m
valley attributed to the 8th century, believed to derive from stu-
in length, 60 m in width at base. The highest point of the tumu-
pa models known from Buddhist mural paintings at Kakrak C5th-
Ius now is 35 m high, but much of the top of the tumulus was re-
6th century). CDSuch forms of stupa are frequent later in Tibet,
moved by excavation, approximately the upper 12 ~ 15 meters of
although it is traditionally believed to have been reintroduced to
the mound. Here under a seal of earth in stepped shape, there
Tibet from India in the 11 th century. ®The other tsha-tsha meas-
had been seven courses of cypress beams at the summit of the tu-
mulus, built of walls of rammed earth and cut or broken stone
CD Jettmar, K. op. cit. fig. 2; Bussagli. M. Central Asian Painting. Geneva. Ski-
ra: 1963: 39; a fragment of the same mural is conserved in the Musee Guimet, Paris.
® According to Tibetan oral traditions of the 20th century, miniature stupa with CD 1 thank Dr. Burkhard Quessel of The British Library for kindly examining
banners suspended from the finial are known as "bKa' gdam pa" stupa and their intro- photographs of these tsha tsha. whose indistinct script precludes further identification.
duction to Tibet is attributed to Atisa. Radio-carbon analysis established a 12th century ® All mesurements and construction analysis quoted from Xu Xinguo, "The
date for one such stupa in the Tibetan Collection of the Newark Museum. ( p\. S9 A-D. buildings for Worship and Sacrifice above Tubo Tombs", Qinghai Wenwu1995 (9):
V. Reynolds. A. Helier. and J. Gyatso. Catalogue of the Tibetan Collection of the 40-50. edited by Susan Dewar and translated by Bruce Doar in China Art and Archae-
Newark Museum. vo\. 3. Newark: Newark Museum. 1986). ology Digestl996: 23- 35.
Preliminary Remarks on the Archeological
Investigations of Dulan: 8th-9th
Century Tibetan Tombs? •
I
with infill of pebbles and wet clay. Within this upper section of quadrangle composed of either five or nine squares, as in the ex-
the tumulus, there was construction of one chamber, with an- ample of the five-chamber structure attributed to the treasure-
other level of construction beneath. (see diagram: Fig. 3b) The tomb (nor gyi bang so) of the Yum bu bla mkhar, according to
total surface area of the upper constructions was estimated at the descriptions of the text rGyal po bka' thang ,compiled in mid-
1500 sq. meters, prior to archeological investigation. Excavations 14th century from earlier documents. CDThe Mani bka' bum also
here were conducted from 1982-1986, resumed in 1994-1996, describes five chapels inside the tomb of Srong btsan sgam po,
interrupted only to resume briefly in 1998. When I visited in but lacks any explanation of their arrangement. ®The archeologi-
1997, the packed earth of approximately the upper third of the cal investigations of sLebs ri in central Tibet had reinforced the
mound had been removed during the successive phases of investi- likelihood of this cruciform chamber hypothesis but concrete cor-
gation, leaving a cruciform chamber exposed to the elements. roboration is now provided by the archeological invest~gation of
Initial excavations had revealed, at 4. 5 meters below the up- Reshui Ml. <ID
per surface, a small rectangular burial chamber, 580 cm x 480 In the central chamber there was no mummy, but fragments
cm x 225 cm in depth. The stone and earth walls were 90-100 of clothing and pennants, primarily of silk and linen, on the
cm thick, the ceiling had consisted of 13 cypress beams cut to east, there were bone utensils, on the west grains. The silks
size. This chamber contained primarily bones of yak and horses, have been analysed for provenance from Sogdiana, central Asia,
also some bones of sheep and deer. This chamber was directly sit- central China and Sichuan. @) In addition, scattered at random
uated under the apex of the tumulus. were many byang bu wooden slips, some still attached to a
Geological structural analyses indicated that this chamber
was constructed on top of yet another chamber, thus the cham- CD Haarh, E. The Yarlung Dynasty. Kobenhavn: G. E. C. Gad, 1969: 352-356,
ber was destroyed in order to gain access to the construction level translating the gter ma of Orgyan gling pa, rGyal po bka' thang, Beijing: Mi rigs dpe
skrun khang, 1986: 153-154. CL rGyal rabs gsal ba'i me long, ed. Sorensen, P. K.
beneath (see Fig. D. These excavations revealed a stepped stone
Tibetan Buddhist Hagiography. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1996: 345-46 for numer-
wall set above a cruciform multi-chamber construction, measur- ous references to such five-chamber tomb structures in the literature devoted to Srong
ing in total 21 m from east to west, 18. 5 m from north to south, btsan sgam po.
® Mani bka' bum, Dharamsala, Bod gzhung shes rig par khang, 1988: vo!. 1,
height of walls now varies from 160 to 180 cm. Charred cypress
592, "bang so smug po ri nal lha khang lnga yod pa brtsigs tel dar zab kyis brgyan
beams on ceiling and walls indicated that the construction had naslbod so la mnga' gsol chen po byas par mthong ngol."
been burned; pillage was evident due to the arrangement of the <ID Huo Wei, Xizang Gudai Muzang Zhidu Yanjiu. Chengdu: Sichuan People's
Press, 1995: 172 for diagram of sLebs ri tomb M 28, which has the exterior in a shape
boulders and slabs of slate which had sealed the entrance to the
of a mandala. I thank Michael Waiter for reference to P. Denwood, "Some Formative
multi-chamber structure. The cruciform chamber was constructed Influences in Mahayana Buddhist Art" in T. Skorupski (ed.) The Buddhist Forum,
as a central rectangle with doorway facing north, with smaller vo!. 2, 1991: 61-69, which discusses such cruciform shapes as architectural paradigm
in Buddhist context.
chambers on east, south, and west, thus there are five sections.
@) cf. Zhao Feng, "Silk Roundels from the Sui to the Tang", Hali (92) 1997:
This five-chamber cruciform structure corresponds to what Erik 80-85, 120 where Zhao makes a reassessment of much data from his earlier publication
Haarh had analysed as one of two possible types of tomb, a in collaboration with Xu Xinguo, cL note 3 supra.
Preliminary Remarks on the Archeological
Investigations of Dulan: 8th-9th
Century Tibetan Tombs?
I
string; their initial position within the chambers cannot be Fig. 3 Spatial configuration of Tibetan tomb complexes
~q
known as quite possibly they had been moved during pillage. A
brief examination of some byang bu conserved in the Qinghai Ar-
cheological Institute indicated that the wooden tablets listed an
O. 0,
inventory of sorts, such as articles in silks of different colors,
perhaps of the contents of this level of the tomb. CDThe head ar-
cheologist Xu Xinguo has considered that there would be a deeper
......
level of construction in which human remains would be found. ~
To date, this has not been ascertained, but a third level of sub-
terranean chambers does not necessarily correspond to the data
from later Tibetan historical sources. Q)Haarh's interpretations of
the literary descriptions of Tibetan sources are presented as ar- ....
chitectural diagrams where the cruciform zone is conceived as the a. Khrom chen, Lha rtse rdzong
main chamber for offerings and human remains, as the lower lev- (after H uo Wei, X izang gudai Muzang zhidu yanj iu, 4-12)
el of the tomb structure, and a temple constructed above consti- ""
tuted the upper subterreanean level. ®In comparison, the excava-
tions of tombs at Gra thang, and a site in lHo brag revealed a
.,,, cc
single vaulted chamber connected by a stone stairway to a plat- co"""""-----
"O~
__
_~ M_"~ cQ
::;::;I~o
<:>"'~~-"'o
form of packed earth and stone slabs, situated 50 cm beneath the QO '~-:::::= 00
summit of the trapezoid tumulus. ® b. Dulan Reshui M1 c. Lho brag 'Dus byung (JiduD
(diagram by Amy HelIer) (after Huo Wei, Xizang gudai Muzang
zhidu yanjiu, 4-14)
CD For readings of some of these byang bu, but no photographs, cf. Wang Yao.
and Chen Jian, Xi zang Yan J iu. 1991(3): 127-135. At the base of the trapezoid tumulus of M1, five trenches
~ Xu Xinguo, op. cit. 27
measuring 165 m long, ca. 90 cm wide and 150 cm deep had been
Q) I thank Professor Mark Aldenderfer , Department of Anthropology, Univer-
sity of California, Santa Barbara for his opinion that a third level chamber does not seem dug. These were found to contain remains of 87 entire horses, re-
probable due to his interpretation of a cesium magnetometer survey performed at Reshui calling the sacrifice of 100 horses on the tomb of a minister ac-
M1.
® Haarh, E. op. cit. 1969: 387-391. cf. N. Cutler, "The Early Rulers of Tibet:
Their Lineage and Burial Rites", Tibet Journal, 1991(3): 28-51.
® Chayet, A. op. cif. 1994: fig. 42, citing the excavations of bSod nams dbang
'dus, 1986/3, Lhasa, Xizang WGH. The Chinese name for the Lho brag site is Jidui,
the Tibetan name is 'Dus byung. I thank Pa Tsab Pa sangs dbang 'dud for this informa-
tion.
Preliminary Remarks on the Archeological
Investigations of Dulan, 8th-9th
Century Tibetan Tombs?
I •
carding to the Tibetan ChronicLe, P. T. 1287. (])In the centre of land Museum, attributed to Tibet, mid-seventh century. (])The
the first trench, beneath a large boulder, a silver casket was un- remarkable workmanship of Tibetan metallurgy, whether for
earthed. Although partially crushed, as reconstructed from the sculpture, armour, or metal link bridges, has long been known,
remaining panels, some of which had wood elements incrusted particularly thanks to Tang Chinese historical works, but the de-
with turquoise, the casket is believed to be of Sogdian or Tibetan scription of the actual techniques of Tibetan metallurgy were lac-
workmanship. ®Its shape and dimensions recall silver or parcel- king. ® The excavation of the Dulan reliquary, even partially
gilt silver reliquaries found in the underground chamber of the crushed, does give the opportunity to assess the carving and met-
Qingshan Si temple, consecrated in 741 A. D. and also the reli- allurgical skills. It cannot be determined at present if the casket
quaries of the Famen Si temple, consecrated in 871. Attributed to was local production or imported for the consecration, however
either Sogdian or Chinese workmanship, it is believed that these the strikingly distinctive gilding techniques both of the reliquary
reliquaries were made, or imported, for burial as consecration and the silver vessels now conserved in Cleveland do permit an
contents of the temples. The gilding technique of the metal of the understanding of the prowess of ancient Tibetan metallurgical
Dulan reliquary is distinctive. ®Rather than painted-on mercury techniques.
gilding, which is common to both Chinese and Sogdian work- The reliquary was found at centre, front of the five rows of
manship of this period, the gold was applied to thin silver sheets trenches for horse sacrifice. The base of the reliquary had a panel
that were then cut. This technique is very similar to the gilding for conservation of a relic, such as a tooth or a fragment of bone,
on the cup. rhyton and vase now in the collections of the Cleve- conceived as a reminder of the physical body of Sakyamuni Bud-
dha. It is my understanding that the burial of the Buddhist reli-
quary in the centre. front trench is an indication of syncretic reli-
gious practices, combining Buddhist relic cult with the horse sac-
(]) CL footnote 2 on p. 27 for reference to the study of Dr. M. Carter, op. cit.
1998:30. When these silver vessels were analysed by H. Stoddard prior to 1988, neither
(]) Macdonald, A. (nee Spanien). "Une lecture des P. T. 1286, 1287, 1038, the documentation on Dulan nor T. Takeuchi's major study of Old Tibetan terminology
1047, et 1290. Essai sur la formation et l'emploi des mythes politiques dans la religion (Takeuchi, T. Old Tibetan Contracts from Central Asia. Tokyo, Daizo Shuppan ,
royale de Srong btsan sgam po. " Etudes Tibhaines dediees a la memoire de Marcelle 1995) had been published. Subsequent interpretation of the inscription on the silver can
Lalou. Paris: A. Maisonneuve, 1971:254 passim. take into account these publications, notably Takeuchi's findings on personal seals, of
® Although turquoise might seem to be quite essentially Tibetan, from an exca- which sug-rgya(op. cit.1995: 108-116). In view of this subsequent data, sug-byangin
vation in Kazakistan, presence of incrusted turquoises On a Chinese diadem is also docu- the inscription may be understood as analogous to sug-rgya, referential to personal i-
mented. cf. Pirazzoli-t'Serstevens, M. "Pour Une archeologie des echanges. Apports dentification mark. 1 would like to thank Dr. Martha Carter for correspondence On this
Etrangers en Chine- transmission, reception, assimilation." Arts AsiatiquesI994:21- subject.
33. ® In addition to the oft-quoted passages from the Tang Shu on Tibetan armour
® Carter, M. op. cit. 1998:30, Xu Xinguo, "A Silver Casket from a Dulan Sacri- and gold sculptures, Backus has documented Tibetan metal bridges in Nanzhao during
ficial Horse Trench" , originally published in Zhonguo Lishi Bowuguan Guankanl995: the 8th century. cf. Backus, C. The Nan-chao Kingdom and T'ang China's Southwest-
1, edited and translated by B. Doar, China Archeology and Art Digest, 1996: 37-49. ern Frontier. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981: 172-173.
Preliminary Remarks on the Archeological
Investigations of Dulan, 8th-9th
Century Tibetan Tombs?
I
rifices common to non-Buddhist Tibetan burial rituals. The posi- mountain. CDThe tomb was quadrangular, roughly trapezoidal, to
tion in centre of the front row does not seem accidental, but a height of ca. 20 meters. Prior to excavation, M2 was dynamited
rather a purposeful derournementof the Buddhist object. CDAll five on August 23, 1996. At the base of the mountain, the seven an-
trenches were apparently conceived for the remains of the rituals cillary tombs had all been pillaged. There were no trenches on ei-
of animal sacrifices. At both extremities of each trench, four cir- ther north or south of the mountain. Although damaged by the
cular pits were constructed and excavated. The contents of these dynamite blast, only the outer sections of rammed earth were ac-
ancillary burial pits also relate to animal sacrifice. (2)In addition, tually touched. The inner chamber( s) would still be intact, and if
there were subsidiary mounds, with contents of animal bones, anything, more easily accessible. Reshui M2 remains a good can-
bringing the total complex to 27 subsidiary mounds. In central didate for thorough investigation in the future, due to its massive
Tibet, the Lho brag excavations had revealed the principal tumu- architecture, probably the second most important tomb structure
Ius, as well as another major tumulus, both with five trenches of in the Reshui Valley.
animal bones .stretching in front of tombs. At Khrom chen, a
somewhat similar disposition of three long trenches has been ana- Ill. Stone Lion Statues
lysed for five of the principal tombs. The Khrom chen trenches
were excavated in 1990. This aspect of trenches for remains of At the Dulan Archeological Institute is conserved a stone li-
horse sacrifice further confirms the cultural context of a Tibetan on, 82 cm high, 56 cm broad shoulders to tail, 34 cm broad at
burial in Reshui M1 (see Fig. 2 ,3) . mane level.
The M2 mound of Reshui is situated approximately one kilo- The lion statue was recovered in January 1997 during road-
meter south of Reshui Ml. For M1, until subsequent archeologi- work in the town Xiang ri de. (2)This lion was one of two lions
cal investigations are performed, the question of a third level of which were found by peasants in the fifties at the site called Kex-
chamber and of natural or artifically constructed substratum of iaotu whose excavation is described above. The lions were near a
rock and earth under M1 remains. For Reshui M2, there is no stone stele, .all were made of similar, distinctive granite. The ste-
doubt that the tumulus was constructed high on a mountain le measured approximately 240 x 40 x 30 cm, corresponding to
spur, perhaps at ca. 100 meters in height, yet the stones for the the stone stele used for edicts, rdo ring. The lions and stele were
construction were carried from beside the river at the base of the then brought to the town of Xiang ri de where they were placed
in front of the Communist party office. During the Cultural revo-
lution, the lions were taken and buried in front of the office, the
CD Several tsha tsha of seated Buddha and Bodhisattvas were also recovered in the
Dulan excavations, but their original placement in the main tomb or subsidiary tombs
cannot be determined. cf. Heller, A. Tibetan Art. Milano: Jaca Book, 1999: fig. 29-
31. CD I thank Pr. Tang Huisheng, Qinghai Archeological Institute, for this informa-
(2) The sacrificial and consecration rituals of Dulan tombs are the subject of my tion and subsequent analysis of Reshui M2, verbal information of 3. 9. 97.
research for the joint colloquium on "Myth, Territoriality and Ritual" sponsored by (2) Xiang ri de is situated 15 km north of the town now called Dulan. Prior to
Paris C. N. R. S. and Austrian Academy of Science, December 1999. 1940, the county seat was at Xiang ri de, which was then known as "Dulan".
Preliminary Remarks on the Archeological
Investigations of Dulan, 8th-9th
Century Tibetan Tombs?
I
stele was sectioned in four . . tion in Tibetan language related to sPu rgyal dynasty
an IOScnp
used as part of a foundation 'I stoms. <D The Tibetan tombs of 'Phyong rgyas and
buna cu
woodshed. There were no '. hen are dated 8th to 9th century due to the date in-
Khro m C
carvings of letters Or desi&ua': 'b d n their rdo ring stele. The combination of such stele and
scn e 0
the portions of the rdo riftg ['Ion s appears to indicate political authority of those buried;
tWO
amined. After the fortuitous. ' figures as emblem on a seal of an administrative docu-
the IIOn
covery of the stone lio!) d Khrom chen. ®The lion of Dulan may not be dated by
ment fr om
digging for irrigation pipes, , of the accompanying stele which lacks any inscription,
Virtue .
1998, excavations were co however, archeological artifacts, particularly numismatic evi-
ted to recover the second dence found at the Kexiaotu site, suggest an approximate date of
Fig.4a Stone Lion sculpture of Khrom chen, nearby, under 1-2 meters mid-8th to mid-9th century. Q)In contrast to the manes of the
Lha tse county. Photo A. HelIer 2004. packed earth. The two lions 'phyong rgyas lions which have several rows of tight, flatly
virtually identical. carved curls, the mane of the Dulan lions presents loose wavy
In comparison to the 5 locks, carved in the round, which may be compared to the mane
of stone lions also attributed- of lions carved in repouss on a silver rhyton, and on a silver cup,
the sPu rgyal dynastic the latter bearing a Tibetan inscription attributed to the sPu rgy-
the lions of 'Phyong rgya.
considerably bigger, height 1
5 cm, width 94 cm. , while
extant lion of Khrom chen (
Fig. 4) is approximately th..
CD Helier. A. op. cit. 1998.
as the Dulan lions. It is to be CD CL the lion seal of P. T. 1083 illustrated as plate 429, Spanien. A. and lmae-
called that the principal tom" da. Y. Choix de documents tib~tain s conurvs a la Bibliothique Nati01lale compl~te par
Fig.4b Second Stone lion sculpture of Khrom qllelquesmo.nuscrits de l'lndia Office et du British Museum. Paris: Bibliotheque Na-
Khrom chen has been iden·
chen. Lha tse county (partially excavated). tionale. 1979.
as that of a minister or P cr> Copper coins inscribed Kaiyuan lOngbao were excavated according to Xu Xin-
Photo A. Helier 2004.
cial authority. The lion's guo. "The Tibetan Cemetaries in Dulan County: their Discovery and Investigation",
hing position on rearlegs and WWB. 21 July 1996. translated by B. Doar, China Art and Archeology Digest 1996,
7-12: I thank numismatologist ~icholas Rhodes for the information that due to a hia-
curve of the tail between the tus in minting after 760. Kaiyuan coins continued to circulate from 760 up to soon after
and flank is a stylistic COD 841 when a new type of coin was produced in large numbers throughout China. CL
tion common all of these Rhodes. N. "Tang dynasty coins made in Xinjiang", Tanabe, T. , Cribb. J. and Wang,
H.(eds), Studies in Silk Road Coins and Culture, Papers in honour 0/ Professor
ons, also to IkltO Hirayama on his 65th birthday. Kamakura, Institute of Silk Road Studies, 1997,
represented on a textile 181-186.
Preliminary Remarks on the Archeological
Investigations of Dulan: 8th-9th
Century Tibetan Tombs?
I
al dynastic era by virtue of punctuation and vocabulary . CD The Fi1chner's account of Dulan, he mentioned a cave containing a
Dulan lion on the flank shows a small section of decoration which stone lion weighing approximately 25 kg, which corresponds to
may correspond to the" star" of carved lions at Chilas, upper In- the smaller lion statue in weight. CD
dus Valley, India. ®
In addition to the two stone lions of the Kexiaotu site, two Conclusions
other smaller stone lions have been found. ®Measuring approxi-
mately 40 cm in height, one of the lions was long conserved as The recent archeological investigations of Dulan county un-
relics in the Bon po temple not far from Reshui valley, the prove- equivocally present artefacts and tumuli characteristic of Tibetan
nance is otherwise undetermined. The body proportions and mor- burial systems and Tibetan architecture of the mid-8th to mid-9th
phology, the curls of the mane are all in close correspondence century. Whether the deceased were Tibetans or Tuyuhun, the
with the Kexiaotu lions. The utilization of smaller statues repli- adherence to Tibetan burial customs is clear due to the character-
cating the larger stone lions is not documented in archeological istic lions, rdo ring beside the trapezoid tomb of rammed earth.
investigations elsewhere in Tibet to my knowledge, however, es- The masterful masonry of these constructions provides precious
thetically these statues show a strong formal relation. In additional documentation of Tibetan construction systems, while
the artefacts concretely document both daily life and the highly
CD These silver objects will be discussed below due to their distinctive gilding, al-
international connections fostered by the Tibetan empire - in pol-
so present on objects excavated at Dulan. For the dating and full analysis, cf. Carter, itics, in commerce, in religion. It would seem that the distinctly
M. "Three Silver Vessels from Tibet's Earliest Historical Era: a Preliminary Study,"
Tibetan cultural matrix gained impetus with such exchanges, in-
Cleveland Studies in the History of Art (Cleveland Museum of Art): 1998 (3): 22-
47, citing H. Stoddard's attribution of this cup to mid seventh-century as a possession
sofar as the Dulan investigations document virtually the same
of Wen cheng, due to Stoddard's translation and analysis of the inscription carved on its constructions and rituals hitherto known from central Tibet and
base "phan: shing:gong:skyes:gyi:sug: byad(or byang)" as "personal possessions of western Tibet during the same century. The archeological inves-
the high-born princess", vis. Wen cheng. H. E. Richardson noted that while the orthog-
tigations at Dulan also provide insight to the large-scale commu-
raphy cannot be later than the ninth century, certain problems arise with the princess's
name, usually transcribed in Tibetan as mun: sheng or mun: shang: kong: ko, not phan nity involvement necessary for construction of such tumulus
shing gong skyes as inscribed here. Below the inscription, two circles are carved, which complexes and for the performance of the designated rituals, as
may be an identifying mark; two such circles are also carved on the base of the rhyton.
well as the network of trade relations and military occupation.
Such rhytons are "typically a festal vessel for grape wine used by aristocratic males in
Sogdiana"(M. Carter, personal communication 23. 8. 1999). If the inscription is alter- The archeologists have revealed fascinating clues to understand
nately read" valuable possessions of a noble-born person", the owner of cup and rhyton aspects of life and death in Dulan, with intimations of cultural
might be male, rather than "high-born female".
paradigms that may have affected many of the inhabitants of the
® Jettmar, K. "The Main Buddhist Period represented in the Petroglyphs at Chi-
las and Thalpan"., South Asian Archeology 1985, Copenhagen. 1989: 407-411. Tan- Tibetan empire.
abe, K. "Essay on Two Lion Images from the Rock carvings at Hodar, Upper Indus
Valley: reconsideration of K. Jettmar's interpretations" . Bulletin of Ancient Orient
MuseumXI (1990): 209-256.
® I thank Professor Mark Aldenderfer for this information. CD Cf. note 3 supra.
Cl gratefully acknowledge partial funding from C. N. R. S. , Paris E. R.
A. 1229 and Universitede Lausanne for travel to Dulan in 1997, and thank
Fran<;oise Pommaret and Mark Aldenderfer for their criticism. This research
was first presented at the 1998 Bloomington (USA) conference of the Inter-
national Asssociation for Tibetan Studies, which proceedings were never pub-
lished. In view of the themes of the 2004 Beijing conference on Tibetan art and
archeology, I thank Xie Jisheng for including this article in this volume. )
PRELIMINARY REMARKS ON THE MANUSCRIPTS OF GNAS
GSAR DGON PA IN NORTHERN DOLPO (NEPAL)
AMY HELLER
(CNRS PARIS, UMR 8047 ‘LANGUES ET CULTURES DE L’AIRE
TIBÉTAINE’, ASSOCIATE MEMBER)
This article will discuss data compiled from a corpus of 640 volumes
of late 12th to early 16th century manuscripts conserved in Gnas gsar
dgon pa,1 in the small village of Bi cer, recorded on maps as Vijar,
Phijor or Pijor,2 in northern Dolpo, near the Tibetan border (Figure 1
Map). Although the village name Bi cer has been given modern
‘volk’etymology as byi bcer, ‘crushed mouse’ (condensed from byi ba,
mouse, and bcer ba, to squeeze, to press ) this seems most unlikely.3 In
both Gro shod and in Glo, there is a town named Byi ba mkhar.4 The
signification of mkhar as fortress is well established, but as a town
name, ‘mouse fortress’ seems unlikely. This implies that there may be
another signification to byi ba, possibly local dialect of western
Tibet/western Himalaya or possibly related to certain ancient Bon po
deities.5 In the dedication prefaces of the Bi cer manuscripts, the
spelling is frequently bi jer or bi cer, although the actual pronunciation
is much closer to ‘vi che’. This may reflect instead a mixed Tibetan and
1 For a preliminary report on this library, emphasising the illuminations, and initial
findings on the history of the dgon pa, see, Heller 2001. Here I will present subsequent
findings on the manuscripts, their dedications and their history, summarising where
necessary the previous data. I gratefully acknowledge constructive criticism from
Giacomella Orofino and Roberto Vitali.
2 There is considerable variation in the spelling of the name of the town. Officially
the spelling as written in Nepali English is Vijer; several Tibetan spellings are found in
the manuscripts and village documents: Bi jer, Bi cer, Bi cher, Byi cer, Byi cher, Byi
jer, Bi tse ra.
3 This etymology was explained in May 2000, by the village lama of Bi cer, Bstan
’dzin rgyal mtshan, who subsequently published this explanation in his history of Dolpo
and Bi cer (see bibliography).
4 Vitali 1997: 1027 (fn. 14) calls attention to the need to differentiate between these
two Byi ba mkhar. See also Everding 2000: 528 (fn. 1363) on Byi ba mkhar and the
pass Byi rdo la in upper Dolpo.
5 I thank Lama Shes rab bstan ’dzin of the Bon po monastery Bsam gling, near Bi
cer village, for discussion on this possible Bon po etymology.
130 AMY HELLER
11 Mathes (1999a: 10–11) describes the 1996 filming of historical texts and theft of
manuscripts in 1997. In 1999 Mathes examined certain historical documents belonging
to Lama Bstan ’dzin but did not see the library concealed behind the altar.
12 Glang dgon pa is situated about an hour’s walk from Bi cer; it was affiliated with
Bi cer, but now is abandoned except for one lama who performs retreats there.
13 Although this is a very rudimentary list, it will be included in the detailed pub-
lication now in press.
132 AMY HELLER
14 This is crucial in some cases. For example, N 327, a Prajñāpāramitā volume, has
a dedication made during the reign of the second Mustang chos rgyal, A mgon bzang
po (reign ca. 1450). However, the text of the volume is in different handwriting through-
out, and the illuminations of the frontispiece appear stylistically to have been made in
an earlier time. Radio-carbon analysis gave a date range of 1287–1399 for the paper,
which corresponds better to the aesthetic data. In this case it is presumed that the vol-
ume was re-dedicated.
15 At present, the lama and local people say dgon pa (monastery) but in the pref-
aces, in general, the expression Gnas gsar gtsug lag khang (sanctuary) is used.
16 T 32 and T 13 refer to a Bka’ brgyud lineage of lamas at Gnas gsar; Mathes 1999a
describes the ’Bri gung hermitages founded in the early 13th century in Dol po.
17 See inter alia: Vitali 1996: 454; Roerich 1976: 583 for a gift of golden roofs to
Gdan sa mthil presented by the Ya rtse ruler prior to 1310; and Alsop 1994 and 1997 for
the history of Khasa Malla patronage.
18 N 107 and N 188 refer to the Ya tse reign and T 17 specifies that it was made dur-
ing the reign of Pritivimalla.
MANUSCRIPTS OF GNAS GSAR DGON PA 133
well as his illustrious brother Glo bo mkhan chen Bsod nams lhun
grub.19
Radio-carbon analysis of certain pages confirms the chronological
context of the manuscripts, spanning the 12th to 15th century.20 This is
of great historic importance due to the role of the Ya rtse kings as
patrons of Buddhism beyond their fief in Dzumla, and in particular, the
king Bsod nams lde as patron of manuscripts of the Tibetan Buddhist
canon. Bsod nams lde was a Tibetan from Pu hrang who succeeded to
the throne of Dzumla after long holding the throne of Pu hrang.21 He
was a strong patron of Bu ston (1290–1364), abbot as of 1320 at Zhalu,
just while Bu ston was preparing his manuscript catalogue and edition
of the Tibetan Buddhist canon.22 We know in fact from historical
sources that as he acceded to the throne of the Ya rtse kingdom in
Dzumla ca. 1336, he had commissioned a copy of Bka’ ’gyur and Bstan
’gyur compiled by Bu ston, one copy of which was placed at
Khojarnath, on the Tibet-Nepal border south of Kailash.23 It remains to
be determined if certain volumes of the Bka’ ’gyur texts at Gnas gsar
may be part of another copy of texts commissioned by Bsod nams lde
from Bu ston at this time. In view of the fact that certain volumes in
Gnas gsar are attributed in their dedications to the period under the
power of the Ya rtse kingdom (chos rgyal dri myed ya tse rgyal po’i
mnga’),24 it may well be that there is a factual basis for the local Dolpo
tradition attributing the gift of Bka’ ’gyur to Gnas gsar to the patronage
of Bsod nams lde.
The Buddhist manuscripts conserved in Gnas gsar require further
research to determine their situation in relation to the history of the edi-
tions of Bka’ ’gyur in western Tibet and the Himalaya. Yet already their
dedications reveal data relating to political history, trade routes, eco-
19 L 02, L 13, L 26, L 36, L37, L49, L 56, L 64, L 67, L 78, N 07, N 239, were all
written during the reign of Bkra shis mgon; L 64 dedication situates the date as the
reign of Bkra shis mgon, and describes the Gnas gsar gtsug lag khang, its statue of the
Buddha Maitreya, wall paintings and the bka’ ’gyur and bstan ’gyur inside the sanctu-
ary, all extant prior to the dedication of the text.
20 These results will be discussed in detail in my forthcoming book on the Gnas gsar
library, provisionally titled Treasures of Dolpo: Tibetan Manuscripts and Statues of the
Nepal Himalayas.
21 Vitali 1996: 463–69.
22 Vitali 1996a: 18.
23 Vitali 1996: 454–55.
24 This is a quotation from the dedication of N 188, ’Bum vol. Ka; in N 107 ’Bum
vol. Ga, the attribution to Ya rtse reads: dri med chos rgyal ya tse rgyal po’i mnga’.
134 AMY HELLER
30 N 107, N 108, N 171, N 188, N239, N306, N 314, N 354, N361, N 455. One must
bear in mind that many volumes’ prefaces are no longer extant, thus this family may
have commissioned other volumes as well.
31 Vitali (in press) discusses the biography dictated by Khyung rgod rtsal to his dis-
ciple.
32 The document Chags rabs: Byi gcer yul gyi chags rabs mdor bsdus tsam gcig
brjod pa, NGMPP Reel No. E 3017/29, 1 fol. states that the ‘Bri gung pa yogin Seng
ge ye shes, made a consecration ceremony and gave the name Gnas gsar. Jest (1975:
360) noted that the expression Gnas gsar pa in local Dolpo usage does not have the lit-
eral meaning of ‘new place’ or ‘new sacred presence’, but refers to pilgrimage (gnas
gsar ba). Mathes’ 1999 study proved that the villagers of Bi cer economically con-
tributed to the upkeep of Sen ge ye shes as he meditated nearby; his biographies men-
tion that he visited Bi cer. Thus we may suggest that the name Gnas gsar reflects the
development of pilgrimage to the places where Sen ge ye shes taught and meditated.
See Mathes 1999 for a discussion of Sen ge ye shes in Dolpo. Mathes in subsequent
research (Mathes 2003) has literally interpreted the chags rabs E017/29, and attributed
the initial foundation of Gnas gsar to the period of Sen ge ye shes’ presence in Dolpo,
ca. 1220. The radio-carbon analysis of the pillars contradicts this attribution. The full
phrase reads: byang na jo bo nub ri rong dang mdzes po rong yod pa’i sa cha de ru bla
ma gtsug na rin chen gyis dgon pa btab nas de ru bzhugs pa’i dus su grub thob seng
ge ye shes phebs nas khong gis dgon pa de la rab gnas mnga’ gsol legs par mdzad nas
dgon pa de’i mtshan la gnas gsar zer ba’i mtshan ’phul lo// On the north, there is Jo
bo Nub ri rong and Mdzes po rong and at the (centre) of this place, once Bla ma Gtsug
na rin chen had founded the monastery, while he was staying in the region, Grub thob
Seng ge ye shes came, made a consecration ceremony for the dgon pa, and to this dgon
pa he gave the name Gnas gsar.
MANUSCRIPTS OF GNAS GSAR DGON PA 137
33 The local source of this data is the anonymous historical document entitled
History of Khenpo Jamyang (Mkhan po ’jam dbyangs gi lo rgyus) which is contempo-
rary with the reign of Bsod nams lde (NGMPP :L/ 651 - 9). See Heller 2001, Mathes
2003. This document explains the Sa skya orientation of the sanctuary as of the 14th
century, although certain Bka’ brgyud pa teachings were retained in the rituals prac-
ticed at Gnas gsar. Lama Bstan ’dzin has hand-copied the list of Gnas gsar abbots, in
which Tshul khrims rdo rje immediately follows Mkhan po ’jam dbyangs in the mid-
14th century, and he is called a lama of Bka’ brgyud orientation in the preface to the
Vinaya volume T 32 (see below).
34 For example, blon sa is the administrative term found in N 354 and N 7; L 02, L
13, L 26, L 31, L 40, L 49, L 65, L 96. In text L 64 there is specific mention of Blo
smon thang as the capital (rgyal sa) and Bi cher as the blon sa, where the chief of the
district (gru gtso) lives.
35 See also de Rossi Fillibeck 2001: 242, first line of the verso: “mnga’ ris mchog
gyur spyi ti zhes bya ba ’dir/ sa la ’bur du thon pa’i rgyal sa brang khar ’dir”.
138 AMY HELLER
their repetition of certain phrases, the rhythm of the stanza, and the fre-
quent similes. The example of the preface from the Vinaya volume T 32
is selected because it reflects the Bka’ brgyud pa presence at Bi cer.
The preface from the Prajñāpāramitā N 107 indicates how the Ya rtse
kings’ authority in Bi cer is represented in the prefaces. The preface
from Prajñāpāramitā N 239 is dated to the specific year 1469 during
the reign of Bkra shis mgon. This text demonstrates the relationship of
Bi cer with Sa skya and a broader Tibetan Buddhist geographic context
as well as the local gods. It is to be noted that the inclusion of Bi cer
within a larger Buddhist geo-political context is part of these geogra-
phies, although the precise name of the ruler is not always stated. The
model of this sacred cosmology and geography is ultimately the cos-
mology of the Abhidharmakośa.38
Tshul rdor, the one who is born of the Bka’ brgyud line, who protects
the Buddhist doctrine and spreads the teachings, he who made the vow
of the dharma of monastic discipline.39
the earth. Kye ho! On this earth the five great and especially noble
lands: India, the land of Dharma which completely clears all ignorance;
China, land of calculations which establish geomancy; Iran/Persia, the
land of jewels, which clears all sufferings of (lack of) money; Gesar’s
land of war, where the hoards of the heroes vanquish; and Tibet, the
high peaks and pure land of Tibet (Spu rgyal Bod). Praise to the five
great lands of Jambudvīpa. Kye ho! And concerning the doctrine of the
Buddha today, after remaining during 5000 years, in 110 lands of the
prowess of the Buddha, having shown the way of transcending all
afflictions, the calculation of years: it is 3200 years since the nirvāa.
And this best of all years is the Earth-female-ox year (= 1469). As for
the later development of the Buddha’s teachings, may the Buddha’s
teachings be upheld and also the holy ones, the best of those who
uphold the saffron (colored robe) in meditation in 1800 favorable
places. Kye ho! From among the three thousand realms, the paradise of
Śākyamuni, the best paradise being the southern continent Jambudvīpa,
on the north direction of this continent, the realm of the land of snows,
and at the heart of this realm, to the west of the Glorious Sa skya
monastery, to the east of the land of Oiyana where the ākinīs con-
gregate, to the south of the land of the knowledge holders which is
Shambala, to the north of Bodhgaya which is the heart of the noble land
(India), in the north where the sacred dharma spread to the land of
Tibet, the land which became best is the land of Jambudvīpa, and at the
heart of the land is Byi cer, domain of the minister. Beside the moun-
tain Rmog po rong protected by the lha btsan, and at the shores of
(lake) Zhi de rong protected by the Mu sman. Kye ho! As for the extent
of powers of the king, he makes an oath to uphold the teachings of the
Buddha, and to maintain the two laws (chos khrims/ rgyal khrims: reli-
gious and secular law) to eradicate all that is pernicious. O ā hū!
Sound the praises of Bkra shis mgon in Mnga’ ris bstod (sic: stod); may
he be the pinnacle of princes of our times. Kye ho! May he protect by
the law of the ten virtues just as the Buddha was victorious (over
Mara’s demons) in the forest grove, may he be like a second
Cakravartin! May he destroy all poisons! Praise of wonder to the body
of the man of power and joy! Kye ho! in the good family lineage of Pha
chen Shud kye, here in the happiness of the prominent Dpal Khang
household. Kye ho!….42
42 N 239: kye ho / ’og bzhi (recte: gzhi) ’degs bye rgya ram rlung kyis bteg / de
142 AMY HELLER
In the limited scope of this article, I will not discuss further the man-
uscripts in terms of paper, codicological features of composition and
format of writing, archaic orthography, nor the illuminations of the
Gnas gsar manuscripts and comparative mural paintings of a Sa skya
lineage in Tarap, in lower Dol po, which appear to be contemporary
with the period of Sa skya orientation of the Gnas gsar dgon pa during
the 14th–15th centuries. These topics will be included in my forthcom-
ing book on the Bi cer library and its contents of books, paintings and
statues, studied in the context of cultural history of Dol po..43 To sum-
marise the significance of the manuscripts of Gnas gsar dgon pa, it is
already apparent that the data from the prefaces of the Buddhist manu-
scripts may be fruitfully studied in both religious and historical per-
spectives. These manuscripts document religious doctrines and prac-
tices of Dol po from the 12th to 15th century. In addition, they help to
provide a more precise understanding of the interaction between Dol po
stengs ’byung ba chu’i dkyil ’khor chags / de stengs dbang chen gser gyi sa gzhi chags
// de stengs ri rab dpag tshad bzhi khri chags / gser gyi ri bdun rol pa’i mtsho yi bskor
// gling bzhi gling ’phren bye ba phrag brgyad chags // kye ho / ’khor lo rtsibs rgyad
(recte: brgyad) ’dra ba rgung gi ’og/ dab rgya pad ma ’dra ba dog sa’i steng / kye ho /
sa stengs ’di la yul chen khyad ’phags lnga / ma rig mun sel rgya gar chos kyi yul /
snang srid rtan la ’bebs pa rgya nag rtsis kyi yul / dngul ba’i sdug bsngal sel mdzad
stag gzig nor gyi yul / dpa’ bo’i dpung rnams ’joms pa ge zer dmag gi yul // ri mtho sa
rtsang spu rgyal bod kyi yul / ’dzam bu gling gi yul chen lnga la stod / deng sang thub
pa’i bstan pa ni / lo grangs lnga stong bar du gnas pa las / thub dbang gyad pu’i yul
du rgya bcu la / mya ngan ’das tshul bstan nas lo grangs ni/ sum stong nyis rgya nyag
ci ’das pa’i lo/ lo mchog gyur sa mo glang gi lo// phyin chag rgyal ba’i bstan pa ni /
stong dang brgyad rgya legs par gnas pa’i ’tshams / ’tshams der ngur smrigs ’dzin pa
(recte: ngur smrig (gos) rig ’dzin pa) rnams kyi mchog // bshes gnyen rnams kyang thub
bstan ’dzin gyur cig // kye ho /// stong gsum nang nas sha kya rgyal po’i zhing / zhing
gi mchog gyur lho’i ’dzam bu gling / gling gi byang phyogs kha ba can gyi ljongs /
ljongs kyi snying po dpal ldan sa skya’i nub // mkha’ ’go ’du ba u rgyal yul gyi shar /
rigs ldan rgyal sa sham pa la’i lho / ’phags yul snying po rdo rje gdan gyi byang /
byang du dam chos dar ba bod kyi yul / yul gyi mchog gyur lho’i ’dzam bu gling / gling
gi snying po blon sa byi jer lags / lha btsan ’ches pa rmug po rong gi mgul / mu sman
’ches pa zhi rdi rong gi ’gram / kye ho / ’dzin ma’i khyon la dbang bsgyur rgyal po ni
/ sangs rgyas bstan pa ’degs pa’i ka chen mdzad / ma rungs rtsad spyod (read gcod)
khrims gnyis bya ba ’dzin / om ah hum bkra shis mgon zhes mnga’ ris bstod du grags
//ding sang rgyal phran bye ba ’i gtsug na mdzes gyur cig // kye ho / rgyal byed tshal
na thub dbang ji bzhin du / rnam dkar bde bcu’i khrims kyis legs skyong ba // ’khor lo
sgyur ba’i rgyal po gnyis pa lags // mi srun bdug pa’i tshogs rnams tshar gcod cing //
mi dbang dge lde’i sku la ngo mtshar stod // kye ho // gdung rabs bzang po pha chen
shud kye’i rgyud / sa la ’bur dod dpal khang byer dga’ der /
43 This book is destined for general readership, but it is planned that the publication
will include a CD with facsimile of the Gnas gsar dedication prefaces and historical
documents.
MANUSCRIPTS OF GNAS GSAR DGON PA 143
and Ya rtse kingdom and the interaction between Dol po and Glo, with
specific reference to Bi cer in relation to both larger polities. Still, it
remains a mystery why and how the tradition of manuscript commis-
sions and illuminations developed here.
Future research will focus on the network of political, economic and
cultural relations leading to the creation of this library of manuscripts,
as the dedicatory inscriptions progressively yield information on the
political and sacred geography, and on both political and religious his-
tory; in terms of art history, the future analysis will also seek to estab-
lish clear differentiation of the periods and the styles of the illumina-
tions. It is hoped that in the future, Buddhologists will eventually be
able to study the bka’ ’gyur of Gnas gsar to situate it in the context of
the western Himalayan traditions of the Tibetan Buddhist canon.44
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Tibetan texts
Anonymous (date uncertain). Chags rabs: Byi gcer yul gyi chags rabs mdor bsdus tsam
gcig brjod pa, NGMPP Reel No. E 3017/29, 1 fol. (1 paragraph, no author
colophon, but last sentence attributes this short composition to Lama Tshul
khrims rdo rje, listed elsewhere as an Abbot of Gnas gsar in mid-14th century)
Anonymous: History of Khenpo Jamyang (Mkhan po ’jam dbyangs gi lo rgyus) which
is contemporary with the reign of Bsod nams lde (NGMPP :L/ 651 /9); another
copy is NGMPP Reel No. E 3017/27 2 fols.
Bstan ’dzin rgyal mtshan. 1997. Hi ma la’i mnga’ khongs dol po byi gcer gi lo rgyus
tshangs pa’i gra dbyangs zur tsam, handwritten xerox, 29 pages.
Bstan ’dzin rgyal mtshan.2001. Dol po Byi gcer gnas gsar dgon dang / bla ma’i brgyud
rabs kyi lo rgyus rags bsdus go bder brjod pa.
Dmar sgom Blo gros dbang phyug (ca. 1700–1750). (Short title: Blo gros dbang phyug
gi mo la)
—— Rgyas ’bring bsdus gsum gyi rnam par phye ba mol gtam zab mo lo rgyus gter
gyi kha byang. 22 fols. Photographed at Bi cer. (This manuscript is also recorded
in the Kathmandu Archives, as NGMPP Reel No. L 731/3. 22 fols, and L1168/2
Mol gtam zab mo: 22 fols.)
—— Rgyas ’bring bsdus gsum gyi rnam par phye ba mol gtam lo rgyus gter gyi kha
byang gi ’grel lo rgyus lung rigs kyi gter mdzod. 54 fols. NGMPP Reel no. L 543/4
and L 1175/3.
44 Michael Zimmermann and Peter Skilling have kindly offered comments on cer-
tain texts from Gnas gsar and Glang, and the preliminary inventory made in May 2000
by the present writer. Zimmerman’s initial analysis of one text has now been published
as an appendix in Mathes 2003. Helmut Eimer has already offered much constructive
criticism towards understanding the position of the Gnas gsar material as an interme-
diary phase between the Phu brag and Glo Bka’ ’gyur edited during the visit of Ngor
chen ca. 1536. I would like to thank all of them for their help and considerate attention
to these manuscripts.
144 AMY HELLER
—— Dmar sgom bla ma bstod pa. NGMPP Reel no. L 1185/5. 69 fols.
’Gos lo tsa ba (1476/8 ?) (repr. 1984). Deb ther sngon po. Shi khrung dpe mdzod khang
(no place name listed).
Published References
Alsop, I. 1994. The metal sculpture of the Khasa Malla kingdom. Orientations 25/6,
61–68.
—— 1997. Metal sculpture of the Khasa Mallas. In J. Casey Singer and P. Denwood
(eds), Tibetan Art Towards a Definition of Style. London: Laurence King
Publishing, 68–79.
Aris, M.V. 1998. Editor’s introduction. In H.E. Richardson, High Peaks, Pure Earth,
London: Serindia, iii–xiii.
Everding, K.-H. 2000. Das Königreich Mang yul Gung thang. Vols. 1–2. Sankt
Augustin: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag.
MANUSCRIPTS OF GNAS GSAR DGON PA 145
Heller, A. 2001. Terma of Dolpo: the secret library of Pijor. Orientations 32/10, 54–71.
Jest, C. 1975. Dolpo: Communautés de langue tibétaine au Népal. Paris: Editions du
Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique.
Jest, C. 1985. La Turquoise de vie. Un pèlerinage tibétain. Paris: A.M. Métailié .
Mathes, K.-D (1999). Bericht über die NGMPP-Expedition nach Mugu und Dolpo
1.6.–18.7. unpublished report of the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation
Project. Kathmandu and Hamburg, 1–17.
—— 1999a. The sacred crystal mountain in Dolpo: beliefs and pure visions of
Himalayan pilgrims and yogis. Journal of the Nepal Research Centre 11, 61–86.
—— 2003. Establishing the succession of the Sakya lamas of Näsar gompa and Lang
gompa in Dolpo (Nepal). WZKS 47, 85–108.
Petech, L. 1978. The ’Bri gung pa sect in western Tibet and Ladakh. In Ligeti L. (ed.)
Proceedings of the Csoma de Koros Memorial Symposium. Budapest 1978,
313–25 (repr.in L. Petech. Selected papers on Asian history, SOR LX, 1988).
—— 1980. Ya-ts’e, Gu-ge, Pu-rang: a new study. CA J, 24, 85–111 (repr. in L. Petech.
Selected papers on Asian history, SOR LX, 1988).
Richardson, H.E. 1985. A Corpus of Early Tibetan Inscriptions. London: Royal Asiatic
Society.
Roerich, G.N. 1976. The Blue Annals (edited translation of ’Gos lo tsa ba’s Deb ther
sngon po). Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
de Rossi Filibeck, E. 1988. Two Tibetan Guide Books to Ti se and La phyi. Bonn: VGH
Wissenschaftsverlag.
—— 2001. Due Fogli Manoscritti da Tabo conservati nel Fondo Tucci. In R. Torella
(ed.) Le Parole e i Marmi. Roma: Istituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente, SOR
XCII/1, 237–45.
Schaeffer, K. 2004. Himalayan Hermitess. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Scherrer-Schaub, C. 2002. Enacting words. A diplomatic analysis of the imperial
decrees (bkas bcad) and their application in the Sgra sbyor bam po gnyis pa tra-
dition. JIABS 25(1–2), 263–340.
Schuh, D. 1981. Tibetische Handschriften und Blockdrucke Teil 8. Wiesbaden , VOHD
XI, 8.
Snellgrove, D. 1961. Himalayan Pilgrimage. London: Cassirer.
—— 1967. Four Lamas of Dolpo. London: Cassirer. (repr. Kathmandu, 1992)
Soerensen, P. 1994. The Mirror of Royal Genealogies. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
Vitali, R. 1996. The Kingdoms of Gu.ge Pu.hrang. Dharamsala: Tho.gling gtsug.
lag.khang lo gcig.stong. ’khor.ba’i rjes dran mdzad.sgo’i go.sgrig tshogs.chung.
—— 1996a. Introduction. In R. Vitali (ed.) Jo bo rin po che dngul sku mched gsum rten
brten par bcas pa’i dkar chag rab dga’ glu dbyangs. Dharamsala: Tho.gling gtsug.
lag.khang lo gcig.stong. ’khor.ba’i rjes dran mdzad.sgo’i go.sgrig tshogs.chung.
—— 1997. Nomads of Byang and Mnga’-ris-smad: a historical overview of their inter-
action in Gro-shod, ’Brong-pa, Glo-bo and Gung-thang from the 11th to the 15th
century. In H. Krasser et al. (eds) Tibetan Studies. Wien: Verlag der Österre-
ichistchen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2, 1023–36.
—— (1998) Accounts of the journey to the ‘western regions’ with particular reference
to Khyung rgod rtsal and his ’das log experience. An historical view. Paper pre-
sented at the IATS 9, Bloomington.
Zimmermann, M. 2003. Appendix: A preliminary analysis of the Tathāgatagarbha-
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of the Sakya lamas of Näsar gompa and Lang gompa in Dolpo (Nepal). WZKS 47,
104–105.
146 AMY HELLER
Khojama1h
TIBET P.R.C
OOLPO
NEPAL
INDIA
Map: Dolpo and surrounding areas
MANUSCRIPTS OF GNAS GSAR DGON PA
Plate 1: T 32, ’Dul ba, vol. Kha,, 64.2 x 21.3 cm., preface page of volume. Photograph by Maya Roncoroni, May 2000
147
148
AMY HELLER
..
,
r-
Plate 2: N 107, ’Bum, vol. Ga, 68 x 22 cm., preface page of volume. Photograph by Maya Roncoroni, May 2000
MANUSCRIPTS OF GNAS GSAR DGON PA
Plate 3: N 239, ’Bum, vol. Tha, 68 x 22.5 cm., preface page of volume. Photograph by Maya Roncoroni, May 2000
149
PT. 7A, p.T. 108, p.T. 240 AND BEllING BSTAN 'GYUR 3489:
ANCIENT TIBETAN RITUALS DEDICATED TO VAIROCANA
Amy Heller
(Nyon)
E. Gene Smith has been most influential in Tibetan studies in many ways yet foremost among his scholarly
achievements remains his vast bibliographic research throughout Asia to discover Tibetan xylographs and
manuscripts. His efforts resulted in their publication and inclusion in the United States Library of Congress
and its catalogue, thereby accessible to Tibetans and to scholars of Tibetology for generations to come. By
virtue of his research, E. Gene Smith may justly be compared to the heroic explorers such as Paul Pelliot
who recovered the Tibetan manuscripts from Dunhuang, now preserved for future scholars in the
Bibliotheque Nationale de France. In a small gesture of homage, here will be presented a brief analysis and
texts of two unpublished rituals for Vairocana from the Dunhuang manuscripts now in Paris. I
The importance of the cult of Vairocana in Tibet during the sPu rgyal dynasty has been well demonstrated
by previous studies based on ancient artistic representations of Vairocana extant in the twentieth century and
on research of the translations made during this period. 2 We propose to present preliminary analysis here of
two Dunhuang manuscripts which constitute a ritual of praise. to Vairocana and his entourage of the eight
Bodhisattvas (P.T. 7a, P. T. 108) and a ritual dedicated to a mm.ujala of Vairocana (P.T. 240), with reference
to the description of Vairocana developed in a ritual text attributed to rGyal ba'i 'od, one of the authors
mentioned in the early ninth century lDan kar catalogue. 3
The relationship of these rituals to the canonical cycles remains to be established. The translation of the
Sarvatathiigatatattvasa1'fl.graha (SITS) for the Vajradhatu cycle was accomplished in Chinese in 753 A.D. in
the Hexi corr.idior region by Amoghavajra (705-774). The Tibetan translation of the
Sarvadurgatiparisodhana (SDPS) tantra followed soon after, as did the Vairocanabhisambodhi tantra (VAn,
both of which are listed in the lDan kar catalogue; the iconography of Vairocana is distinct in each of these
textual traditions. 4 Although today the extant translation of the SITS is that accomplished by Rin chen bzang
po (958-1055), previous studies indicate that a version of the SITS was known in Tibet during the sPu rgyal
dynastic period. 5 Dating from late eighth to late ninth century, four ancient major artistic representations of
I. This paper is adapted from my presentation at the 1997 Beijing Tibetology Seminar and revised for the 1999 lABS
Lausanne conference, which I attended thanks to support from the C.N.R.S., Paris, UMR 8047.
2. See in particular H.E. Richardson, "The Cult of Vairocana in Early Tibet," in Tadeusz Skorupski, ed., Indo- Tibetan
Studies. Tring: The Institute of Buddhist Studies (Buddhica Britannica, 11),1990, pp. 271-274; Tadeusz Skorupski,
The Sarvadurgatiparisodhana Tantra - Elimination of All EviL Destinies. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1983; Alex
Wayman and Ryujun Tajima, The Enlightenment of Vairocana. Vo!. I: Study of the Vairocanabhisambodhitantra
(by A. Wayman); vo!. 2. Study of the Mahiivairocana-Siitra (by R. Tajima). Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass (Buddhist
Tradition Series, 18), repr. 1992; and, most recently, Matthew T. Kapstein, The Tibetan Assimilation of Buddhism
- Conversion, Contestation, and Memory. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.
3. rGyal ba'i 'od is listed in the lDan kar catalogue as author of the Byang chub kyi sems sgom pa (609); see Marcelle
Lalou, "Contribution ala bibliographie du Kanjur et du Tanjur - Les textes bouddhiques au temps du roi Khri-sron-
Ide-bcan," JournaL Asiatique, CCXLI, 3 (1953), pp. 313-353. rGyal ba'i 'od is the author of Beijing bsTan 'gyur
No. 3489: rNam par snang mdzad kyi sgrub pa'i thabs kyi cho ga.
4. Lalou,op. cit., nos. 321, 322, 323, 324.
5. See Lalou, op.cit, no. 319 in the category of gSang sngags kyi rgyud: rGyud kUI1 Las btus pa, which bears a title
reminiscent of the Tibetan for SITS. I thank Matthew Kapstein for discussion (1997) of the hypothesis of this text
as an earlier versi011 of the SITS, and refer the reader to his recent volume, The Tibetan AssimiLation of Buddhism
(see above), ch. 4: "The Royal Conversion to Buddhism Reconsidered," pp. 51-68. On the basis of his analysis of
Stein No. 36711, Kimiaki Tanaka presented very convincing evidence of the translation of the SITS during the snga
86 Amy Helier PT. 7A, PT. 108, PT. 240 and Beijing bsTan 'gyur 3489 87
Vairocana with eight Bodhisattva attendants are attributed to Tibetan patronage during this period: the rock Vairocana is lord of the Akani~tha 'og min paradise. Vairocana is not described physically using the specific
sculptures of IDan ma brag (816 AD.), the sculptures of 'Bis mda' lha khang (804/6 AD.), the mural translations of It)dian Buddhist terminology of mudrii or asanii, but he is described in "normal" Tibetan
paintings of Yulin cave 25, and a portable painting on silk (the latter two are both attributed to the Tibetan language. He is the center of a ma~u:jala, he is in perfect calm, in meditative mood, mnyam bzhag, he does
occupation of Dunhuang 787-866 AD.),? but the Tibetan liturgical cycle which inspired these artistic not move, nor speak. This description of his meditative state contrasts very much with the Tibetan term for
representations had not hitherto been identified. The mystery is here potentially elucidated by the ritual in meditative gesture, which is found in the VAT and in rGyal ba'i 'od's siidhana ritual, Chos kyi dbyings kyi
praise of Vairocana and the eight Bodhisattvas in texts P. T. 7a and PT. 108. phY~$ rgya, Sanskrit: dharmadhiitu mudrii. Although this terminology is not used in the two fragments, the
The Vairocana teachings continued to develop as evidenced by PT. 242, a complex successsion of posItIOn or gesture of the hands appears to be the same. The description of this gesture is supplied by Rgyal
mal.u/ala centered on Vairocana and series of emanations of Bodhisattvas as well as eight niiga, eight lha ba'i 'od as the two hands extended, the thumb tips meeting inwards, the index held tightly one above the
chen. This ritual is linked by internal reference to the Vajradhatu cycle due to the residence of Vairocana in other, which is the hand position habitually called samiidhi or dhyiina mudrii. lO In PT. 10817a, Vairocana is
the realm named rdo rje dbyings. Vairocana is the dharmakiiya, chos kyi sku, and here appears as a· described as the yid bzhin nor bu rin chen, "the jewel of wish fulfilling jewels," probably a reference to a
"generator" of the cosmos. sa11,1bhogakiiya representation in jewels and royal garments as described in VAT. In contrast, Rgyal ba'i 'od's
The center of the palm of the hand of Bhagavat Vairocana is the ocean of the phenomenal worlds and text, fol. 361 b, stipulates that the Bhagavat Vairocana may be venerated either in the golden body and
in each of these phenomenal worlds resides a Tathagata, and for each of these Tathagata is a Bodhisattva. So attributes of royalty (crown, diadem, braid, upper and lower garments of silk) or in the form and color of
they abide. To each of these Bodhisattvas, by the ocean of Buddhas is shown the ocean of Dharma. From Sakyamuni, with monastic robes: pad ma seng ge gdan de la sangs rgyas bcom ldan 'das rnam par snang
the hairs on the face of Vairocana emanates the brilliant radiance of all the ocean of Buddhas of the mdzad gser gyi kha dog thor tshugs dang dbu rgyan dang cod pan can dar la 'i stod g.yogs dang smad g.yogs
Tathagata. 7 can nam/ shakya thub pa'i cha byed dang kha dog dang dbyibs ji skad du grags par'ang rung ste. This text
The mwu;lala described in PT. 240 is far more succinct. Here Vairocana is the center of a ma~lrJ,ala of thus documents representation of Vairocana in either the aspect of nirmii~lQkiiya or sa11,1bhogakiiya,
five families of Jina, with the four yum of the other Jina and four lha mo offering goddesses attendants whichever is suitable for the practioner.
surrounding him. Rather than residing in the Vajradhatu, Vairocana and his attendants are in a divine palace In the 'Bis mda' temple, at the center of the eight Bodhisattvas statues, the statue of Vairocana is
of jewels, rin chen gzhal yas sprul khang. But other elements of this ritual recall the central ma~lrJ,ala of the sculpted wearing the heavy robes with long sleeves, crown and boots of the btsan po, the Tibetan sovereign,
fi ve Jina Vajradhatu ma~lrJ,ala of the SITS as we will discuss below. In the Vajradhatu ma~lrJ,ala of cl'!-y statues as known from contemporary paintings of the btsan po and his attendants, such as in the Dunhuang cave
in the gNas mjal che mo cave west of Kampa Dzong, the throne of Vairocana is surrounded by small 159. This 'Bis mda' Vairocana statue somewhat tends to amalgamate the concepts of nirmii~lakiiya - the
sculpted symbols for each of the four yum, but eight offering goddesses face Vairocana. 8 This arrangment representation in human body - and the sa11,1bhogakiiya representation in the ideal body of bliss wearing
bears much comparison with the configuration of the clay statues of the SITS ma~lrJ,ala of Tabo, 9 stemming royal garments, which are usually Indian garments in light, diaphanous Indian silks for scarves, blouse and
from Rin chen bzang po's translations of the SITS and its commentaries. However, among the eight pants. Among Buddhist countries, to my knowledge, only in Tibet does one find representations of Buddha
Bodhisattvas represented at 'Bis mda', the statue inscribed with name of Spyan ras gzigs, Tibetan name for wearing boots! This distinctive and ancient iconography of Vairocana at 'Bis-mda' has been identified as
Avalokitesvara, holds a vase not a lotus. This indicates that several styles of representation and several the Vairocana of the Glacier Lake (rnam par snang mdzad gangs can mtsho ).11 It partially corresponds to the
systems of iconography were known and used simultaneously for Vairocana and the eight Bodhisattvas. description made by Bu ston in his Chos 'byung:
Comparison reveals that the two textual fragments recovered from Dunhuang, PT. 7a and PT. 108, are de'ang rnam snailg gangs can mtsho'iphyag gi mthil gyi rdul phran gcig la gnas shing rnam snang
in fact the same ritual. PT. 108 gives the initial verses of PT. 7a which is truncated, PT. 108 appears de longs skur 'dod dol ngo bo nges pa mtshan dpes brgyan pal 'khor nges pa sa bcu'i byang sems/
complete, while PT. 7a has an additional stanza. In the following paragraphs, the two texts are conjoined. longs spyod nges pa theg chen gyi chos la rdzogs par longs spyod pal de nges pa rgyun mi chad pa'o/
Bu ston describes Vairocana of the Glacier Lake as having Vairocana in the desired from as sa11,1bhogakiiya
in a minute part of the open palm of his hand, the latter is adorned with the characteristic signs of the
dar in his presentation at the 1998 IATS, Bloomington seminar: "The Aryatattvasailgrahasadhanopayika and Buddha, surrounded by Bodhisattva of the ten fields. Thus the rNam snang gangs can mtsho has his hands
Vajrahumkarasadhanopayika discovered at Dunhuang," forthcoming in the proceedings of this seminar. in dhyiinamudrii to accommodate Vairocana and the ten Bodhisattva - but the mudrii of the second Vairocana
6. These artistic representations and the rock inscriptions of historic or liturgical texts nearby them were the subject
of my research summarized in Amy HelIer, "Buddhist Images and Rock Inscriptions from Eastern Tibet, VIIIth to
Xth Century, Part IV," Proceedings of the International Association of Tibetan Studies, Oraz, 1997, pp. 385-403.
7. PT 242, line 4: bcom ldan 'das rnam par snang mdzad kyi phyag gi mthil gyi snying po 'jig rten gyi 'khams rgya 10. rOyal ba'i 'od, bsTan 'gyur no. 3489, Rnam par snang mdzad kyi sgrub pa'i thabs kyi chog ga, Ngu, fols. 358-368.
mtsho zhes bya ba gnas sol 'jig rten gyi 'khams de re re la yangl debzhin gshegs pa re re bzhugs sol de bzhen Description of the mudrii on fol. 361 a: chos kyi dbyings kyi phyag rgya ... ni lag pa gnyis khu tshur bcangs la mthe
gshags pa re re la yang byang chub sems pa re re mol de bzhugs sol byang chub sems pa re re la yangl sangs rgyas bo gnyis nang du bcugs ste mdzub mo gnyis bsgreng ngo (Daisetsu T. Suzuki, ed., The Tibetan Tripitaka. Peking
rgya mtshos chos rgya mtsho sten{? bstan] tol rnam par snang mdzad zhal gyi mdzod spu nasi da bzhin gshegs pa'i Edition. Tokyo: Tibetan Tripitaka Research Institute, 1957: bsTan 'gyur, rgyud 'grel, vol. 77: pp. 223-229). I thank
mtshan sangs rgyas rgya mtsho thams cad kyi 'od rab tu snang ba zhes bya ba bzhugs so. It is beyond the scope of Yen. mTshan zhabs Rin po che of Zurich for his help in the interpretation of rOyal ba'i 'od's text. For samiidhi
the present article to discuss in detail PT. 242 as the system of successive emanations is very complex and appears mudrii, the SDPS uses the term ting 'dzin phyag rgya accor>iing to the description of Kun rig Vairocana in
Skorupski,op. cit., 1983, pp. 311-313. .
to be in related to the Avatamsaka liturgy for the aspect rNam par snang mdzad Thub pa gangs chen mtsho rgyal
(see note 12). I hope to pursue study of this text in the future. ll. See Samten G. Karmay, p. 478 in "Inscriptions Dating from the Reign of btsan po Khri IDe-srong-btsan," in
Proceedings of the International Association of Tibetan Studies, Graz: 1997, pp. 477-486. In personal
8. For this sculptural Vajradhatu ma1Jcjala, see Amy HelIer, "The Caves of gNas mjal che mo," in Deborah E.
Klimburg-Salter and Eva Allinger, eds., The Inner Asian International Style, 12th-14th Centuries. Wien: WOAW, correspondence S. Karmay has explained his source for this identification as his informant, gDugs dkar Tshe Ring.
1998, pp. 133-150. • My thanks to Gregor Verhufen for reference to his study of 'Bis-mda': gDugs dkar Tshe Ring, "Yul shul 'bis khor
9. See Christian Luczanits, "The Clay Sculptures," in Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, ed., Tabo: A Lamp for the Kingdom rnam snang gtsug lag khang gi bod btsan po' i dus kyi brag brkos lha sku yi ge la yang bskyar dpyad pa," in Zangzu
- Early Indo- Tibetan Buddhist Art in the Western Himalaya. Milano, Skira. 1997. pp. 189-205. Lishi Zongjian Yanjiu: Beijing: Zhong Guo Zang Xue Chu, 1996, pp. 283-328.
88 Amy Heller PT. 7A, PT. 108, PT. 240 and Beijing bsTan 'gyur 3489 89
is not indicated, although it is stated that in this san:dJhogakiiya manifestation, he is the completely perfected mkha'mthas klas pari bskal pa chen po dpag myed dui 'khor bas yongs su myi skyo barl sgrub pa nam
Dharma of Mahayana. 12 mkha'mthas 'jal bal mgon du gyur la phyag 'tshallol rgyal sras thu bo
In PT. 7a and PT. 108, the eight Bodhisattvas are named and described by color, for example, Line 3
Avalokitesvara is white. It is not certain whether the colors and attributes were constant in the liturgy of the kun tu bzangl snga dus bskal pa mang po "nasi dri ma'i skyon rnams yongs bsal eingl las dang nyon
period, for the statue of Avalokitesvara at 'Bis mda' has gold body color (but thi~ is ~robabl~ due .to a later mongs ci tsam byal dgongs bzhin srid pa yongs 'dzin cingl bzang po spyod pa rgya ehen gyisl 'gm ba
over-painting of color) but as mentioned above, the attribute held is a vase, whIch IS not hIS typIcal lotus mtha'dag rnam 'gml bal mgon du gyur la phyag 'tshal lol phyag na rdo rje gsang ba'i bdagl rigs
attribute of later liturgy. In PT. 7a and 108 Avalokitesvara is textually described as white "like a glaci~r sngags byin rlabs kun gyi blal rdzu 'phrul mthu stobs bsam myi khyabl bdud dang bgegs kyis yongs
mountain" (gangs ri 'dra), which is certainly a very Tibetan literary metaphor. Although no Sansknt Line 4
antecedent text for this ritual has been found, this metaphor implies that the Tibetan authors were already myi rjel ri rab rtse la mthu brten tel lha klu gnod sbyin btul phab nasi'byung po kun la mnga' mdzad
adapting Buddhist literature to the Tibetan concepts and not simply translating verbatim. In addition, pal mgon du gyur la phyag 'tshallol dpal gyi dam pa 'jam pa 'i dbyangsl tshogs chen rnam gnyis yongs
Avalokitesvara is also compared to a lotus, but the descriptions of the other Bodhisattvas are in general less bskangs pasl bsod nams tshogs kyis mdzes dgur ldanl ye shes tshogs kyis mkhyen pa 'phagsl sku gsung
specific for attributes. thugs rnams yongs dag pasl 'jam mnyen snyen pa phun sum tshogsl
As the members of the group of eight Bodhisattvas can vary considerably, it is pertinent to list those Line 5
named in PT. 7a and PT. 108: Avalokitesvara, Maitreya, Akasagarbha, Samantabhadra, VajrapaI).i, MafijusrI, mthong thosthams cad yid 'dul pal mgon du gyur la phyag 'tshallol sgrib pa thams cad rnam sel pal
Sarvanlvaranaviskambln, K~itigarbha. Notably absent from the list of PT. 7a1108 is Vajrasattva who does 'jig rten 'dren pa'i shes rab kyisl lta ba'i dra ba mang bsal tel bdag myed rnam gnyis rab rtogs pasl
figure among th~ inscribed names of the eight Bodhisattvas surrounding Vairocana in the British Museum sgrib pa gnyis po yongs sel cingl gzhan yang yang dag lha lam dui rnam par bkod pa dge bshes mehogl
painting inv. 50.Ch.0074 recovered by Sir Aurel Stein from Dunhuang. 13 .
mgon du gyur la phyag 'tshallol sa 'i snying po yongs kyi rtenl dge ba'i lo tog
The description of Marcelle Lalou had noted PT. 7a as a group of texts among which item 3 is the rNam Line 6
par snang mdzad 'khor dang beas pa la bstod pa, of which the beginning is missing. Her description of PT. kun kyi gzhil brtson 'grus go eha myi shigs sral rkyen ldan dus bzhin byin kyis rlobl khyod la brten te
108 indicated a fragment composed of two texts, the first of which is Sangs rgyas beom ldan 'das rnam par bsgrubs so 'tshall sdug bsngal zad pa'i mthar gyur pasl snying po yang dag thob mdzad pal mgon du
snang mdzad 'khor dang beas pa la bstod pa. The two titles are equivalent: "Hymn of praise to Buddha gyur la phyag 'tshallol rnam par snang mdzad 'khor dang beas pa la bstod pa rdzogs sol
Vairocana and his entourage." 14
While PT. 107 concludes after the evocation of Sa'i snying po in line 6, PT. 108 continues as follows until
Transcription of P. T. 108 and P. T. 7a the end of the sheet of paper, and then remains incomplete.
PT. 108 'phags pa dri ma myed pa gragsl thams la mkhas pa mehog brnyes pasl khyim bdagehen po gzugs ston
sangs rgyas beom ldan 'das rnam par snang mdzad 'khor dang beas la bstod pa'l rnam par snang yangl shes rab pha rol phyin bsgomstel dngos..{Jo ji bzhin yongs mkhyen pasl 'du 'dzi kun la rab dben
mdzad beom ldan 'dasl 'og myin mnga' bdag ehos kyi rjel sa beu brnyes pa 'i dkyil 'khor nal myi gsung eingl 'jig rten skyon risl myi ehags pal mgon du gyur la phyag 'tshallol thugs rje ehen po rin can dpall
myi g.yo mnyam bzhag kyangl yid bzhin nor bu rin ehen ltarl bsams pa tsam gyis dngos grub cingl bltas sku gsung thugs kyang rin een tel myi skyo las la myi dgongs pari phyag na rin een rab gthong bal zhal
pa tsam gyis re bskong bal mgon po 'i mehog la phyag 'tshallol spyan ras gzigs dbang 'jigs rten mgon/ nas rin een ehos ston cingl sangs rgyas rin een thob par mdzadl rin een thams cad 'byung ba 'i gnasl mgon
thub pa 'i dang po spyi du gyur la phag 'tshallol mthu ehen khams gsum rnam par rgyall rnam thar gsum po rab bsgoms pasl
PT. 7a srid pa gsum gyi nyon mongs bsall dpa' brtan mthu stobs ehe dang ldanl do tshol sdog (end of sheet).
Line 1 Transcription of P. T. 240
gtsug brgyan/ sku mdog dkar gsal gangs ri 'dral nyon mongs myi gos pad ma bzhin/ thugs rje ehe zhing
mthu ldan pal sems can nyam thag phongs dgu yisl dran na sdug bsngal zhi mdzad pal mgon du gyur We next refer to the text of PT. 240, which for all apparent purposes is a text which combines elements of
pa la phyag 'tsh~llol myi 'pham dga' ldan ehos kyi rjel ye shes pha ml phyin rdzogs te! ehos kyi sprin the vocabulary and iconographic systems of the two tantra VAT and SITS. Vairocana is gold, like the VAT,
la mnga' brnyhes zhingl thams cad mkhyen du tshe gcig thogsldus ngan tha ma lo beu'i tshe! mngon not white as in the SITS. Like PT. 108 and 7A, Vairocana is compared to a "wish fulfilling jewel" (yid bzhin
sprul dge beu nor bu). In PT. 240, his mudrii however is the bodhyagri mudrii, byang ehub mehog gi phyag rgya. This
Line 2 mudrii is textually documented in the extant liturgy of the SITS but does not figure in the VAT or in Rgyal
ba'i 'od's composition as retained in the bsTan 'gyur. In Indian iconography and later Tibetan iconography,
rims bstan nasi ring por myi thogs 'ehang rgya bal mgon du gyur la phyag 'tshallol nam mkha 'i snying
po skyon mi gosl dgongs pa rgya ehe nam mkha' bzhin/ sems can rab 'byam mang don dui 'jig rten nam the bodhyagri mudrii is understood as the gesture where the index of left hand is clasped by the five fingers
of the right hand. But the term byang ehub mehog gi phyag rgya literally signifies "the gesture of the highest
enlightenment." It does not describe how to position the hands. This may have been a factor leading to a
certain degree of uncertainty in artistic representations. Is the "best enlightenment" characterized by the
12. See Bu ston, bDe bar gshegs pa'i bstan pa'i gsal byed chos kyi 'byung gnas gsung rab rin po che'i mdzod, mTsho
clasping gesture or the samiidhi mudrii where one hand lies atop the other, as explained by Rgyal ba'i 'od's
sngon mi rigs par khang, 1987, p. 89 and E. Obermiller, History of Buddhism by Bu-ston, Heidelberg, 1931, p. 132.
My translation differs from that of Obermiller, who did not recognize the specific aspect of Vairocana as rNam
ritual and the VAT? The variant hand positions of representations of Vairocana do not permit clear
snang gangs can mtsho rgya!. understanding at present of how the understanding of the term byang ehub mehog gi phyag rgya may have
13. See M. Yoritomi, "An Iconographic Study of the Eight Bodhisattvas in Tibet," in Skorupski, op.cit., 1990, varied in different lands and different periods. It is to be hoped that future documentation may help to
pp. 323-332. . establish chronology or textual or artistic context in which the differentiation may be clarified. The
14. Marcelle Lalou, lnventaire des manuscrits tiberains de Touen Houang conserves ala Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Vajradhatu maw!ala is characterized by the five Buddha families, while VAT has three or five families. PT.
Pelliot tiberain, vo!. I. Paris: Maisonneuve, 1939. 240 has 5 families, rigs lnga sangs rgyas, with a more .elaborate description of their attributes and colors
90 Amy Heller PT. 7A, PT. lO8, PT. 240 and Beijing bsTan 'gyur 3489 91
than PT. 7a or PT 108. In PT. 240, colors and attributes follow the later Vajradhatu as known from Rin chen gsum dang! spyod pa'i dam tshigs las tshogs ste!lung bnos nasi bsrung ba dang spyod pa'o! bsregs
bzang po's translation of STTS. For example, in the west (fols. 3b-4a of text), the yum of the Lotus family bzlas brjod (fol. 7b) pa nil sngags kyi snying po sems la zlos pa dang! tan tra'i lung rgyud dang! ngag
is red in color, holding the lotus and a jewel. Still, there is a degree of literary innovation, such as the yum gis gsal bar brjod pa'o! bsreg sbyang ni mchod pa 'i zhal zas kyi rnams! sku gsung thugs kyi snying po!
of the Vajra family; this is the female deity Locana being compared to a crystal brilliance (fol. I b: shel gyi '0 ma gis bsreg! om gis 'ong.du bsgyur! hum bdud rtsi zi lngar bsgyur ba dang!yang gcig du na! bskul
gzi/ shel gyi 'od), as are several other female deities in this. ritual. gsum gis sbyang zhing bag cags bkrus ste! mye'i
PT. 240 Fol. 8
Fol. I bskal pas dngos pa gang yang rung ba bsreg! rlung gi bskal pas bsregs pa'i thal ba thams cad phyar
dpal rdo rje sems pa' la phyag 'tshallo! rigs lnga sangs rgyas 'khor dang bcas pa thams cad la phyag g.yeng! chu ba 'i bskal ... (tear in page) cags bkru zhing sbyang ngo!lta ba ni shes rab chos tshul stong
'tshallo! rdo rje 'dzin pa thams cad la phyag 'tshallo ... rin cen gzhal yas sprul khang na! dbus kyi nyi ... (tear in page) sar chud cing rigs dang! kun rdzob bsgyu mar dngos ... (tear in page) mas! gzugs
ma 'i dkyil 'khor na! (fol. I b) dpal cen mam par snang mdzad bzhugs! gser mdog ri rab byang gi ngos! brnyal1 dang brag cha lta (end of PT. 240).
longs spyod rdzogs sku yid bzhin gther! byang cub mchog gi phyag rgya tshul! 'dir gshegs mchod pa
dam pa bzhes! nye gnas dbyings ma' bzhi bzhugs pa! shar kyi Although certain parallels with VAT, SDPS and STTS have been suggested, there is not yet clarification of
Fol. 2 the textual, origin of these Dunhuang manuscript fragments. It remains to be determined with which tantra
phyogs na bzhugspa nil rdo rje rigs kyi yum yin te dpal gyi dam pa lotsana! dkar la rtsa dmar mdangs or liturgicall cycles these rituals are to be associated, or whether they stem from cycles which are no longer
dang ldan! shel kyi gzi dang mdog 'dram! sna tshog sa rgyan gyis rab du brgyanl 'od kyi 'phrang bas extant. The Tibetan texts are presented here in full in the hope that other scholars may find data
rnam par (fol. 2b) klubs! spyan gyi dam pa sku bzhugs te! g.yon kyi phyag na spyan yang 'dzin! g.yas complementary to their own research.
kyi phyag na rdo rje bsnams! zla ba'i dkhyil 'khor bdan la bzhugsl rdo rje rigs kyi dam bskul ba! 'dir
gshegs mchod pa dam pa bzhes!lho 'i phyogs na bzhegs pa nil rin cen yum
Fol. 3
yi rigs kyi yum yin te! dpal gyi dam pa ma maki nam ka 'i mdangs dang ldan pa 'if be du rya mdog 'dram
rin chen sprul pa'i rgyan dang ldan! sna tshogs rin cen mdzod kyi gther! g.yas kyi phyag ba rin cen
bsnams! g.yon kyi phyag na yid bzhin 'dzin! zla ba 'i dkhyil 'khor (fo1. 3b) gdan la bzhugs! rin cen rigs
kvi dam bskul ba! 'dir gshegs mchod pa dam pa bzhes! nub kyi phyogs na bzhugs pa nil pad mo rigs
kyi yum yin te! dpal gyi dam pa na bza' dkar! mdog dmar pad mo ra ga 'dra'! yid bzhin ldan pa 'i rgyan
gyis gzhugs! shi
Fol. 4
na du gsal ba'i yid bzhin mdzadl g.yas kyi phyogs na' pad ma bsnams! g.yon gyi phyag na yid bzhin
'dzin! zla ba 'i dkyil 'khor gdan la bzhugs! pad mo rigs kyi dam bskul ba! 'dir gshegs mchod pa dam pa
bzhes! byang gi phyogs na bzhugs pa nillas kyi rigs (fol. 4b) gyi yum yin te! dpal gyi dam pa dam cig
sgroll mdog ljang i 'dra ne la 'dra! sna tshogs mdzes pa 'i mdangs dang ldan! shin tu gsal ba 'i yid bzhin
mdzes! g.yas gyi phyag na ud dpal bsnams! g.yon gyi phyag na yid bzhin 'dzin! zla ba 'i dkyil 'khor gdan
la bzhugs
Fol. 5
las kyi rigs gyi dam bskul ba! 'dir gshegs mchod dam bzhes! nang rim lha mo bzhi bzhugs! shar gyi
phyogs na lha mo nil rdo rje rigs mchog sgeg mo ste! rdo rje mdzes can lha mo la! dkar lrtsa dmar
mdangs dang chas! shel gyi gzi dang mchog 'dram! zla ba'i dkyil (fol. 5b) 'khor gdan la bzhugs! rdo
rje 'i khu tsur dkar bstan te! 'dzum steg tshul gyis thugs dam bskull 'dir gshegs mchod pa dam pa bzhes!
lho'i phyogs gyi lha mo nil rin cen rigs te 'phreng ba ma! mdog sngo be du rya'i mdog 'dram! rin cen
sprul pa 'i spyan dang ldan! zla ba'i dkyil 'khor gdan
Fol. 6
la bzhugs pal rin cen 'phreng bas thugs dam bskul! 'dir gshegs mchod pa dam pa bzhes! nub kyi phyogs
kyi lha mo nil pad ma rigs gyi dbyangs mkhan ma! mdog mdzes pad ma dmar ba'i mdog! yid bzhin rin
cen rgyan du bsnams! zla ba'i dkyil 'khor gdan la bzhugs! (fol. 6b) sgra dbyangs snyan las thugs dam
bskull 'dir gshegs mchod pa dam pa bzhes! byang gi phyogs gyi lha mo nillas gyi rigs gyi gar mkhan
mal dkar dmar mdzes pa'i yid 'phrog ma! zla ba'i dkyil 'khor gdan la bzhugs! brda mchog gar gyis
thugs dam bskull 'dir gshegs mchod pa dam pa bzhes ...
Fol. 7
skol mdo drug la! dam tsigs! bzlas brjodl bsreg sbyang!lta ba'! lha bsgom pa! smon lam dang drug go!
dam tshig gang zhen! tshul khrims dang sdom ba'i rang bzhin! sku gsung thugs kyi dam tsig gi rtsa ba
Lions and Elephants in Tibet, Eighth to Ninth Centuries
Amy Heller
(Tibet Program 8155, CNRS, Paris)*
Neither lions nor elephants are native to Tibet, yet these 3) Construction techniques of underground tomb-cham-
animals are represented in Tibetan art during the eighth to bers within the mound, as well as upper chambers. The mound
ninth centuries as a consequence of flourishing cultural and is most often trapezoid in shape, occasionally spherical. Sig-
economic exchanges between Tibet and her neighbours dur- nificantly, other than these tombs, underground chambers are
ing this period. In their natural habitat in India, the lion tra- absent in ancient Tibetan architecture.4
ditionally symbolizes royalty, power and strength and the 4) The combination of a stone stele rdo ring (T. “long stone”)
mighty elephant is the regal vehicle par excellence. In Bud- and two statues of stone lions appear near the most important
dhism, the lion became the symbol of Shakyamuni’s royal birth tombs in those necropoli which appear to be linked to politi-
as well as his valour; one speaks of the “lion’s roar of the Bud- cal authority.5
dha’s teachings, and the taming of the wild elephant is an anal-
ogy to the taming of the undisciplined mind. Thus certain In addition to the placement of rdo ring at such tomb sites
aspects of Buddha may be seated on thrones supported by pairs during the dynastic period, Tibetans carved inscriptions on
of lions, while statues of elephants and lions served as guardi- rdo ring to stipulate the conditions of treaties or to celebrate
ans at the entrance to monasteries. The representations in India the foundation of temples and monasteries. I am grateful to
closely copied the physical reality of the lion yet sometimes Professor Pa Tshab Pasang Wangdu, a Tibetan colleague at the
there is a touch of fantasy, such as the addition of wings on Tibetan Academy for Social Sciences, Lhasa, who has brought
lions.1 As Buddhism spread beyond the Indian subcontinent, to my attention the rdo ring stele with its lion and elephant
so did the mythology of lions and elephants. These foreign carvings, which I also present here. While the majestic, mono-
representations may be anatomically inaccurate yet they con- lithic lion of the Tibetan royal necropolis at ’Phyong rgyas
vey the salient features of both creatures. In this article, my (Fig. 1a and b) has considerable renown, this is not the case for
primary focus will be the physical description of these animals the lion sculptures of Dulan and Khrom chen (Figs. 2-5). The
in the art of the sPu rgyal dynasty (mid-seventh to mid-ninth lion’s seated posture and the curve of its tail between its left
centuries), where to date, in addition to a stone stele with a rear leg and flank are stylistic conventions common to all of
lion carved on its top and an elephant at its base, archaeologi- the tomb lions, also to be found on a pair of lions represented
cal investigations of Tibetan tombs have revealed three pairs on a textile bearing an inscription in Tibetan language related
of lion statues: at the royal necropolis in ’Phyong rgyas, central to sPu rgyal dynasty burial customs.6 However the facial fea-
Tibet, at Dulan, in northeast Tibet near Kokonor, and at tures and especially the manes of the Dulan and Khrom chen
Khrom chen, near Lhatse in southwest Tibet.2 lions are very different from the bulging eyes and the mane of
stylized rows of incised modelled curls of the ’Phyong rgyas
First, to attempt to understand the raison d’être of the lion.7 I will therefore summarize these two grave sites and their
Tibetan tomb lion statues, it will be helpful to situate them stone lions, and conclude with discussion of the stone stele and
within the context of Tibetan burial systems during the impe- its sculpted animals.
rial period. We will return to the lion-elephant stele below.
Comparison of the tombs situated in the vast territory of the
sPu rgyal Empire reveals the following factors to be consistent I. Dulan
in all regions investigated:
1) Spatial organization of a principal tomb surrounded by Dulan is the modern name of a town and a county within
ancillary tombs and trenches for animal sacrifice; in Dulan and Qinghai province, situated immediately southwest of Kokonor.
Khrom chen, there were trenches for animal sacrifice in front During the early seventh century, this region was home to an
of the principal tomb as well as smaller satellite tombs.3 ethnic group called ’A zha in Tibetan and Tuyuhun in Chinese.
2) Construction materials of rammed earth alternating in The region came under Tibetan sovereignty during the second
layers with cut stone, as well as unbaked bricks alternating in half of the seventh century, their political alliance was cemented
layers with cut stone, in both cases reinforced with wooden by the marriage of a Tibetan princess to the ’A zha ruler in 689
beams at roof or ceiling juncture. CE.8 The strategic importance of this region was considerable
56
57
58
59
84-92. At present there are no excavated artefacts from the ’Phyong rgyas letin of Ancient Orient Museum XI (1990): 209-56. See similar marks on the
tombs. lion textiles now conserved in the Abegg Stiftung in Amy Heller, “Silk Route
13
Xu Xinguo has recently summarized his findings on Kexiaotu. See Xu Textiles.”
Xinguo, “The Discovery,” 265-90. 21
Xiang ri de is situated 15 km. north of the town now called Dulan. Prior
14
Specifically, copper coins inscribed Kaiyuan tongbao: Xu Xinguo, “The to 1940, the county seat was at Xiang ri de, which was then known as
Tibetan Cemeteries,” 7-12. I thank numismatist Nicholas Rhodes for the “Dulan.” In 1950, the two lions were still at the tomb site, brought to the
information that due to a hiatus in minting after 760, Kaiyuan coins contin- town sometime thereafter. After their burial by the townspeople, they were
ued to circulate from 760 up to soon after 841 when a new type of coin was forgotten until one was discovered in the roadwork of 1997. The stele was
produced in large numbers throughout China (Nicolas Rhodes, “Tang moved from the tomb site at an unknown time, its significance unrecog-
dynasty Coins Made in Xinjiang,” in Studies in Silk Road Coins and Culture, nized. When I saw the lion in September of that year, I asked if there was a
Papers in Honour of Professor Ikuo Hirayama on his 65th birthday, eds. Kat- second lion and if there was a stele, as this was the model I knew from central
sumi Tanabe, Joe Cribb, and Helen Wang (Kamakura: Institute of Silk Road and western Tibet. Someone vaguely remembered the burial of the second
Studies, 1997), 181-86. lion nearby and the use of the stele in the farmhouse foundation. The second
15
Karl Jettmar, “The Main Buddhist Period Represented in the Petro- lion was recovered and I was able to study the pieces of the stele and recon-
glyphs at Chilas and Thalpan,” in South Asian Archaeology, 1985: Papers from struct its original measurements.
the Eighth International Conference of South Asian Archaeologists in Western 22
I thank Mark Aldenderfer for this information and for his kind autho-
Europe, Held at Moesgaard Museum, Denmark, 1-5 July 1985, eds. Karen rization to publish his photograph of the small stone lion.
Frifelt and Per Sørensen (London: Curzon Press.1989), 407-11; Mario Bus- 23
Wilhelm Filchner, Bismillah, 102-3. In the same cave, along with the
sagli, Central Asian Painting (Geneva, Skira: 1963), 39; a fragment of the lion, Filchner saw a silver saddle, gold hair ornaments and some garments.
same mural is conserved in the Musée Guimet, Paris. 24
As Tang lions, compare, for example, the powerful stone lions at the
16
According to Tibetan oral traditions of the twentieth century, minia- Qianling mausoleum near Chang’an and of the Third Tang Emperor and
ture stupa with banners suspended from the finial are known as “bKa’ gdams Empress Wu Zetian.
pa” stupa and their introduction to Tibet is attributed to the Indian master 25
I am grateful to Professor Huo Wei and Professor Pasang Wangdu for
Atisha who taught in Tibet ca. 1042 CE. Radiocarbon analysis established many discussions on these gravesites, their artefacts and historical signifi-
a twelfth-century date for one such stupa in the Tibetan Collection of the cance. See “A Briefing of the Old Graves at Lhatse and Tingri Counties,
Newark Museum (Valrae.Reynolds, Amy.Heller, and Janet.Gyatso, Cata- Tibet,” Tibet Archaeology Issue, Southern Ethnology and Archaeology 4
logue of the Tibetan Collection of the Newark Museum, 3 [Newark: Newark (1991): 105-24 (in Chinese with English and Tibetan summaries).
Museum, 1986], pl. S9 A-D.) 26
See a document issued by the political authority of Khrom chen in
17
I thank Burkhard Quessel of The British Library for kindly examining Ariane Macdonald [Ariane Spanien] and Yoshiro Imaeda, Choix de docu-
photographs of these tsha tsha, whose indistinct script precludes further ments tibétains conservés à la Bibliothèque Nationale complété par quelques
identification. manuscrits de l’India Office et du British Museum 2 (Paris: Bibliothèque
18
See note 14. Nationale, 1979), pl. 429. Although Imaeda initially identified the animal
19
These silver objects may possibly have been made in the region of Dulan, carved on the seal as a winged lion (p.18), in fact, it has the appearance of a
they are now conserved in the Cleveland Museum of Art. For the dating and hybrid creature: almost a head of jackal, wide wings, four paws, furry tail
full analysis, see Martha Carter, “ Three Silver Vessels from Tibet’s Earliest (also illustrated in Heller, Tibetan Art, 10). This may reflect Tibetan uncer-
Historical Era: a Preliminary Study,” in Cleveland Studies in the History of tainty about the accurate representation of lions as seen on the stele (see
Art 3 (1998): 22-47, citing H. Stoddard’s attribution of this cup to mid-sev- below). On the history of the different prefectures known as Khrom chen,
enth century as a possession of the Chinese princess Wencheng, sent in 640 see Hugh Richardson, “The Province of the Bde blon of the Tibetan Empire,”
CE to marry the first Tibetan historic sovereign, Srong btsan sgam po. Stod- in High Peaks, Pure Earth: Collected Writings on Tibetan History and Cul-
dard translated the inscription carved on its base “phan: shing: gong: skyes: ture, ed., Michael Aris (London: Serindia Publications, 1988), 167-76.
gyi: sug: byad (or byang)” as “personal possessions of the high-born princess,” 27
Pa Tshab Pa sang dbang ‘dus’s study of the stele and regional history
viz. Wencheng. H.E. Richardson noted that while the orthography cannot lead him to associate the main tomb with the aristocratic ‘Bro family who
be later than the ninth century, certain problems arise with the princess’s provided several queens and ministers to the sPu rgyal dynasty (Pa Tshab,
name, usually transcribed in Tibetan as mun:sheng or mun: shang: kong: ko, “Khrom chen”).
not phan shing gong skyes as inscribed here. Below the inscription, two circles 28
See the studies of the stele inscription by Pa Tshab Pa sang dBang ‘dus,
are carved, which may be an identifying mark; two such circles are also note 2 supra, and Huo Wei’s analysis of the tomb and their spatial configura-
carved on the base of the rhyton. Such rhyta are “typically a festal vessel for tion, Xi zang gu dai mu zang zhi du yan jiu [Analysis of Tibetan burial sys-
grape wine used by aristocratic males in Sogdiana” (Martha Carter, personal tems] (Chengdu: Sichuan University Press, 1995), 114 passim.
communication 23 August 1999). This leads me to propose to translate the 29
In May 2005, the Shigatse district Cultural Relics office administrator
inscription instead as “valuable possessions of a noble-born person,” in which informed me that this excavation was planned for the near future.
case the owner of cup and rhyton might be male corresponding to the Sog- 30
Pasang Wangdu has supplied this information (personal communica-
dian custom. Tibetan men adopted the custom of using rhyta as known from tion, April 2007).
paintings on a wooden coffin excavated in Dulan county by Xu Xinguo, 31
I thank Nicolas Rhodes for information on the Gunānka coins, Nepal,
attributed by him to the sPu rgyal period (personal communication, see Xu minted ca. 625-641. For examples of many such elephant coin models, see
Xinguo, “A Study of the Pictures on the Coffin Panels from Tubo Tombs at Rhodes, Gabrisch, and Valdettaro Pontecorvo della Rocchetta, The Coinage
Guolim Township,” Xichui zhidi yu dongxi fang wenming [Western China of Nepal, pls. 3-5.
and the Eastern and Western Civilizations], (Beijing: Beijing Yanshan Chu- 32
In central Tibet, at bSam yas monastery, there is a stone elephant statue,
banshe, 2006). h. 75 cm, base 20 cm., traditionally believed to date from the foundation
20
Karl Jettmar, “The Petroglyphs at Chilas and Thalpan”; Katsumi period of the monastery in late eighth century. See colour pl. 19 in A. Heller,
Tanabe, “Essay on Two Lion Images from the Rock Carvings at Hodar, Tibetan Art (Milan: Jaca Book, 1999).
Upper Indus Valley: Reconsideration of K. Jettmar’s Interpretations,” Bul- 33
Cristina A. Scherrer-Schaub and Georges Bonani, “Establishing a
60
61
Fig. 3.
Figure 1a. Seated Lion, c. 800 CE. East of tomb of Khri srong lde btsan,
’Phyong rgyas, Tibet Autonomous Region. Granite? h: 152.5 cm, w: 94 cm.
(Author’s photograph, 1995.)
Figure 1b. Detail of head and mane of seated lion, c. 800 CE. Tomb of Khri Fig. 4
srong lde btsan, ’Phyong rgyas, Tibet. H of head and mane, approximately
45 cm.
Figure 2a. Seated lion, left profile, c. 750-850 CE. Tomb at Kexiaotu, Dulan,
Qinghai. Granite. h: 82 cm, w: 56 cm. Dulan Archaeological Institute.
(Author’s photograph, 1997.)
Figure 2b. (Right) Seated lion, right profile, c. 750-850 CE. Tomb at Kexia-
otu, Dulan, Qinghai. Granite. h: 82, w: 56 cm, Dulan Archaeological Insti-
tute. (Author’s photograph, 1997.)
Figure 4. Seated lion, c. 815-836 CE. East of tomb at Khrom Chen, Lhatse,
Tibet Autonomous Region. Granite? h: 98 cm, w: 114 cm. (Author’s pho-
tograph, 2004.)
Figure 5. Head of lion still partially buried, c. 815-836 CE. West of tomb at
Khrom Chen, Lhatse, Tibet Autonomous Region. Granite? H of head: 70
cm. (Author’s photograph, 2004.) Fig. 5
62
Fig. 6.
Fig. 9
Figure 6. Stele. Broken in two parts, reign of of Khri srong lde btsan (c. 755- c.
797 CE), Glang dkar village, Kongpo, Tibet Autonomous region. Granite?
h: Standing section 301 cm (total h: 370 cm).w: 93 cm, (Photo courtesy:
Pasang Wangdu, 1996). The upper section of the stele appears, at left in the
photograph. (See Figure 7 for detail of the base and Figure 9 for the upper
Fig. 8
section).
Figure 7. Base of stele with elephant carving, c. 755-797 CE. Glang dkar village,
Fig. 10 Kongpo, Tibet Autonomous region. Granite? h: 50 cm. (Drawing by Charles
Heller, 2007).
Figure 8. Obverse, coin of Guṇānka, minted 625-641 CE, Nepal. Copper and
lead alloy. d: 2 cm. The British Museum, London, UK (Acc. No. V (10.1*)
(© The Trustees of The British Museum).
Figure 9. Lion carved on upper section of Khri srong lde btsan stele, c 755-797
CE. Glang dkar village, Kongpo, Tibet Autonmous region. h: 69 cm. w: 85
cm. (Drawing by Charles Heller, 2007).
Figure 10. Buckle with lions, c. 750- 800 CE, Tibet, brass alloy. h: 6 cm , w:
4.8 cm. th: 1.5 – 2 mm, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, UK (EA 2000.104).
(Photo courtesy: Ashmolean Museum, Oxford).
Fig. 11 Figure 11. Buddha Vairocana seated on a lion throne, 804 CE, Ldan ma brag,
Chamdo, Tibet. Rock relief, approximately 400 cm x 400 cm. (Photo cour-
tesy: Elisabeth Anne Benard and Nyi ma Dorjee, 1983).
63
Amy Helier
This article will present three conservation projects in relation to mural painting
conservation in Tibet (all situated within the Tibetan Autonomous Region). Due to my
training as an art historian and tibetologist, I participated in the inspection of conser-
vation projects in Tibet as of 1995. My experiences led me to approach mural conser-
vation as an entity in itself and to understand the need for conservation of mural
paintings as a consequence of architectural restoration or renovation programs. In
this presentation, I propose to document three case studies of sanctuaries in Tibet
which raise different issues related to pair\ting conservation inside the TAR.
Grathang
The monastery of Grathang was founded in 1081 and consecrated in 1093. The
exceptionally fine paintings of the principal sanctuary constitute the largest series of
11 th century mural paintings now extant in Tibet (surface area: 12 m x 8 m x 6.6 hei-
ght).ln 1995, 5halu Association, a not-for-profit association for preservation ofTibetan
cultural heritage founded by Professor Heather Stoddard (INALCO, Paris), sponsored a
roof conservation project using traditional arga technique as a means of preservation
of the paintings in the main sanctuary which had been damaged in the past by water
seepage from the roof'. Despite protective measures which aimed at reconsolidation
of the ceilings prior to the application of arga on the roof, substantial mudspill on the
mural paintings was the direct consequence of the arga roof conservation in 1995 (La
Bue, 2006). The Tibetan traditional arga roof technique is a water-proofing system. A
layer of pebbles is applied to the flat earth roof, and on top of the pebbles, another
layer of crushed arga rock is placed, mixed with liquid (ie. water) and followed by
application of light coat of oil to polish the surface. According to Professor Richard R.
Ernst of Zurich Polytechnic Institute, the composition of the arga rock shows the pre-
sence of calcium carbonate, of iron and of aluminum. Microscopically it is a complica-
ted sedimentary composite containing:
- Feldspar, ego KAISi308, and possibly AI203 (Bauxitj,
- Iron oxide,
- Calcium Carbonate, a typical sedimentary material.
Possibly there are some more minor components present. It is a material difficult
to accurately characterize as it is qUite inhomogenous 2
In the dry Tibetan climate, once the liquid evaporates, the crushed arga is solidified
and has an effect as if it were kaolin, a water-resistant clay. The arga procedure must
134 Amy Helier MURAL CONSERVATION IN TIBET 1995-2007: GRATHANG, SHAlU AND lUKHANG CONSERVATION PROJECTS 13S
,11100'.
~OXRr
"'M
fHR
.,
SI;•• 04·~.s
01_1004<
bi<lde<' p,oIolo,(oU/""ol. Ff.lR
Michel Terrier, and three other conservators. They all concurred in the observations ( .....1>\0
whlteprop...li•• fill." WV;(quorU) Ff·1R 01_tOO4o
that the mudspill remained superficial, and did not appear to have penetrated into bind." Inoldolo<tobl.) F"HR
the pigment layers of the mural paintings. The conservators took samples from flaking mortO' ~nd." "kilo,cloy,,,••""
C.ij.lo••
FT·lft
Ff.lR
01-1004.
01-10041
areas of paint. These samples were analysed by Dr Christopher Herm, in the laborato- S..w.II'S.pbl' ",M Slld.C·N,)
.', ThO '''in ,.Holol;' f,b", <Mid Mt o. d.t.""ino" in d.t,d.PlM '"01''' hotl,,1 b"i< f;bre.
ries of the Swiss Institute for Art Research (Zurich). The analysis confirms the conserva- Uno" ~ ••1";,.,, ,n" ",d .1"01 • Hp;,,1 ",",to'. of loo >,.",j' '"uld b••tl,ib.l<e 1"0 ,1'd.,1
wo;," i•• eh.,,<WIW«,g. of 11>., n'IlI., or ,"",i. f,o,."
tors' observation that the mud spill remains superficial. Furthermore, the analyses indi-
cate the composition of the paint and the stratification of the wall surface for the 11 th Fig. 1 - Grathang ground floor west wall, sam-
century mural paintings (Figs 1,2 and 3).lt is significant that the composition of the ple 1: cross section sample 06 (width=0,79
11 th century pigment corresponds to traditional Tibetan pigments for thangka and mm, slide 06-1).
Fig. 2 - Grathang sample 2: cross section sam-
mural paintings (Jackson and Jackson, 2006; Ernst, 2001). Full discussion of these
ple 04 (wldth=0,79 mm, siide 04-1).
analyses will be presented in the forthcoming book by Jean-Michel Terrier on the con-
Fig. 3 - Sakyamuni Buddha of Grathang.
servation of Tibetan paintings. In my subsequent visits to Grathang every year since (Photo Amy Helier, 1999).
2003, the monks have reiterated their concern for the long-term effect of the mudspill
on the painted surface, and the issue has been raised with the district Cultural Relics
officials. However, to date, there is no conservation program in the immediate future
to resolve the problems of the Grathang monastery and its mural paintings. falling from the wall (Lo Bue, 2006). At the request of the monks of 5halu, in 2000 an
interdisciplinary conservation project was proposed for this chapel, with collaboration
of an architect specialized in Himalayan construction, mural painting conservators, a
Shall.!
tibetologist and. local workers. The monks and the present writer approached the
The 5halu monastery was also founded in the 11 th century and many chapels were director of the 5higatse cultural relics bureau who expressed his support for this
embellished with spectacular mural paintings during a renovation program in the project. However he did not receive a formal reply from any authorities in Lhasa. In the
early 14th century. In the 5halu monastery, the arga roof resurfacing sponsored by Tibetan administration, it is necessary to first approach local authorities who then
5halu Association in 1995 was successful. However previous architectural consolida- approach Lhasa for TAR. regional authorization which must be followed by a request
tion efforts had created stress on one particular 14th century wall painting. An additio- to Beijing for authorization from 5ACH (state administration for cultural heritage). The
nal ceiling beam was propped against the chapel wall to create pressure above the interdisciplinary conservation proposal of 2000 thus never received a construction
painted surface in order to retain the mural painting in place. However the weight of permit. As a result, the mural painting was increasingly detached from the main wall.
the beam resulted in the opposite: the weight of the beam on the mural painting The monks were very concerned and during my successive visits in 2003,2004 and
created a pressure which led to a gradual detachment of the mural painting from the 2005, they reiterated their request for adequate conservation measures for this wall
wall behind it. Over several years the mural painting was increasingly detached from painting. I presented a study on this wall painting at 5halu in the September 2004
the wall so much that in photographs taken during successive years, the distance conference in Lhasa, «International conference on Traditional Architecture and mural
increased from 0.25 cm to close to 3 cm with some sections of the painting actually. conservation» sponsored by Tibet University and Norwegian Technical University,
136 Amy Helier MURAL CONSERVATION IN TIBET 1995-2007: GRATHANG, SHALU AND LUKHANG CONSERVATION PROJEITS 137
Trondheim, Norway'. Several Tibetans working in Lhasa in Cultural relics offices of the presented to the Lhasa municipality Cultural Relics Office and Foreign Affairs Office in
Lhasa Municipality and the TAR attended this conference and gave positive feedback 2004. The Lukhang project was necessitated by successive phases of architectural
about the need for conservation at Shalu for several areas within the monastic com- consolidation during the 20th century, which resulted in ceiling hymidity and water
plex and for this particular chapel. In 2005 at the request of the monks, a second seepage as well as successive programs of painting conservation, notably the applica-
project was presented to the Shigatse Cultural relics office.This project was not imple- tion of a coat of a «varnish» on the paintings as a protective measure. The cumulative
mented, however, in the following months, the Shigatse Cultural relics office interve- effect has resulted in paint loss and peeling in many areas of Lukhang mural p,!in-
ned: the wall at Shalu was reconsolidated using traditional Tibetan archictectural tings. The flaking paint and top-coat were analysed again by Dr Christopher Herm of
techniques of infill of clay with vegetal fiber 4 No painting infill has been made on the the Swiss Institute for Art Research, Zurich. In comparison with linseed oil of the brand
reconsolidated portion of the wall. The wall is solid, the mural painting is no longer fal- Rascher, the results of the curves indicate that the top coat which was applied to the
lng and the monks and the local community are pleased (Fig.4). mural paintings is «drying oil» (Figs 5,6).
The concept of the Lukhang project was four-fold:
Lukhang 1. Consolidation of the structure by a Tibetan architect specialized in architectural
conservation ofTibetan buildings
In Lhasa at the 2004 conference on traditional architecture and mural conserva- 2. Foreign conservators of painting to remove the varnish assisted by Tibetan pain-
tion, jointly sponsored by Norwegian Technical university, Trondheim and the ting professors of the Fine Arts Department, Tibet University
Engineering and Art departments of Tibet University, Lhasa, the fruitful meeting of 3. Tibetologist/art historian to coordinate team and analyse the iconography
professors of painting and sculpture in the Fine Arts Department, a Tibetan architect 4. Results: In addition to removing the varnish from the mural paintings, Tibetan pain-
specialized in architectural conservation and a Swiss tibetologist-art historian ters will learn these conservation techniques and be able to teach them to their
(myself), resulted in our joint conception of the Lukhang project, which was initially students.
The proposal for the Lukhang painting conservation project intially received a very
enthusiastic response but no permit was forthcoming. The status of the Lukhang as a
temple within the periphery of the Potala Palace complicated the approval of the per-
mit. In the initial conception of the UNESCO zone of the Potala Palace, the Lukhang
had been part of the zone but subsequently was delegated for administrative purpo-
ses to the Lhasa Municipality Parks department. In 2005, Jing Feng of Unesco visited
and requested that the Lukhang be reinstated in the UNESCO protection zone.
Subsequently, the administration of the Lukhang is now within the Cultural Relics offi-
ces. Rather than architectural or painting conservation intervention on the painted
surface of the murals, in 2005 protective glass was placed in front of the mural pain-
tings of the Lukhang. An esplanade now surrounds the Lukhang temple.
Conclusion
In Buddhist philosphy, impermanence of all phenomena is a'central concept. This
impermanence is evident in mural paintings where it is traditional Tibetan practice to
paint over damaged mural paintings and create a new mural, rather than conserve
the more ancient paintings (Lo Bue, 2006). However, during the 20th century, there was
an increasing awareness in Tibet of the exceptional beauty of those rare mural pain-
tings which have survived and at the dawn of the 2pt century, this appreciation has
increased all the more. The three case studies presented here show the complex inter-
play of factors involved in issues of painting conservation in Tibet. The scientific analy-
sis of the pigments and stratification allow us to understand more about the composi-
Fig. 4 - Shalu mural painting as restored in 2006. (Photo Yvon Helier). tion of these mural paintings and the varnish. The mural paintings of Grathang, Shalu
139
138 Amy Helier
---------
- - - - - - - - --~~~
------
.·,'.;;..'S~.sd:!d
.::iHKsrstrasse 32
':;H - 8032 ZOrlch
Methods or Inwsdgatlon
riv'\
Cross section The samples were imbedded iD ligln-curing aet)'lic resin Tedtnovil J
® 2000LC and subsequently pOli!b<d (Mkr<>me<h). Inciden.llgh.
mlcf('l$C()PY with datk fteld iUumination: Leit1. Orthoplan with
Ullropak, magnification lOOx ... SOOX. Illumination with balogen
bulb <lOO W) for Yisible light or lIDO-lOO mercury vapour lamp
(optical tiller SCOOtI 001, UV cut-off filter Schou GO) ior UV
lluore=nc<.
Mi<:roph6tographs were taken from eBCh cross :section under visible
light. Micropbotograpb, under UV light were mken onl)' in tbe caso
of signifICMt fluorescetlcc.
3'4'
i \I
energy dispem'O'C X·ra)' non-distructivc meCUiun::mcnt of lhc surface.
\ i
flu"""",""" (IIDXRF) Instrument: Traoor Spectrace TX6000. Rh-target (Rh Ka "'"
~
20.21 keV), 3ll kV IO.02·'1.06 mA
FT-IR micro:ipeclromelr)' For r:T~IR..spectromeh')' secondary wnple,'l were Wen \ 1
(FT·IR) mechanicall)' from the sample nweriaJ using a tung.s.ttn needle. \ I1I i I
In$IIUmcntation: Fourier·ttm\$(orrn infrarod·mterospoctromctcr i I! I: I .
'~
(Ptrkin Elmer Sy$tem 2000) linked to an IR/VlS·mirror microscope \I!
~\,
1460 \
(Pewa Elmer i.Serie$) equipped with a diamond anvil cell
Polarizing rnicroscopy For the tmnsmitled light mi~y 8«'oodary samples wtro laken
(PLM) from the sample 1lllUerial. The pigment £aI11PIes. were dispersed
ull-ing metIumoI or water snd were mounted using a thermoplastic
~ I
1379 1237
1 1104
° I I
resin (Cargille Meltmounr81 0 =1.662 IZ5OC) at lWC The
crystaJ-optieal properties of the particles wc-re determined in a
%T
11/111111
\I i
"lu 1',11\ 1737 1171
layer obtained by EDXRF. FT~IR. and PLM. respectively, are 5umrnariztd in the tahles a...
well. \ I 11 I ~I \
Results from EDXRF arc &urnmansoo in table I, The rorresponding spet;tra arc given in the \ / II \ I I I
appendix (13 _ I .
FT-IR spx:tra are given mthe appendix (54 pagc$). The spectrum on (opof each page is the one J 11 1 !Vv'\
laken from the wnple under iOve$1i,gation (file name C:\ir_mcas\... ). The spectra below are I \1 I
11 \
reference $peClra for comparison (file name C:\ir_ret\..•) I1 I ! '\ I
Colour didesfmm micCO$CO(l)' ()n cro"tS sedions (31 slides) as well as from PLM (41 slides) am
att3C:hed (0 t~is report I I11 \ 1 v
Ilj \1
2I19~
11 \1
+---~-~3000,i\I
4000.0
--2'OO--:O--~J-~15;;'O::O~----~I;;;OOO;;:~-~-;;580.0
cm-l
Cl:measure2001jvamish surface
C2:ref/linseed oil (Rascher brand)
Figs 5, 6 - Lukhang flaking paint and top-coat analysis, Swiss Institute for Art Research, Zurich. ' - - - - - - - - - - - - _ . ---~----------
140 Amy Helier
and the Lukhang remain the silent but eloquent witnesses of the policies of mural
conservation in Tibet.
References
Lo Bue, Erberto. ({Problems of Conservation of Murals in Tibetan Temples» in Xie Jisheng, Shen
Weirong, and Liao Yang, Studies in Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Art, Beijing, 2006. 404-427.
Jackson, David P. and Jackson, Janice, Tibetan thangka painting: methods and materials,
Serindia Publications, 2006.
Ernst, Richard R. «Arts and Sciences, A. per'sonal perspective of Tibetan Painting» Chimia 55
(2001): 900-914.@SchweizerischeChemischeGessellschaft ISSN 0009-4293.
The author
Helier, Amy (1951), Swiss nationality, Tibetologist - Art historian.
1974 BA cum laude in Art History, Barnard College of Columbia University, New York. 1979
diploma of Tibetan language and civilisation, National Institute of Oriental Languages, Paris.
1992. Doctorate in Tibetan history and Philology at La Sorbonne, Ecole Pratique des Hautes
Etudes. Since 1986 affiliated with of Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CN.R.S.),
Paris research team (UMR 8155), Tibetan Civilisation. Twenty visits to Tibet to study archeologi-
cal sites, as well as documentation ofTibetan art 1986-2006. In 1995 CN.R5. sent her to Tibet
where she was part of team evaluating restoration of Tibetan monasteries, Her research on the
architectu·re and the art of these monasteries has resulted in the book Tibetan Art (1999) publi-
shed in English, French, Italian and Spanish. In spring 2000 participant in a conservation mis-
sion for monastery restoration and analysis of ancient illuminated Tibetan manuscripts in
Dolpo, Nepal; autumn 2000 mission to Tibet with a team of painting conservators to evaluate
the condition of wall paintings in monasteries in Lhasa, Grathang, Shalu, and Sakya, Participant
in «International conference on Traditional Architecture and Mural conservation», Lhasa, Sept
2004. Coordinator and technical advisor on restoration in Tibet to Swiss Federal government
for Ramoche Conservation Project 2004-2006. Visiting Professor, Center for Tibetan studies,
Sichuan University, Chengdu. Visiting professor in University La Sapienza, Rome, in 2006,
Book Review Ban as an ancient, 'native Tibetan religion' as opposed to the for-
eign religion of Buddhism, which was gradually introduced to Ti-
BO/1 - Tile Magic Word: The IlIdigenol/s Religio/! a/Jibel bet from India, Nepal and China (primarily Dunhuang) between
Edited by Samtcn G Kannay and Jcff Watt the 7th and 9th centuries. However, already in the preface David
Rubin Museum of Art, New York and Philip Wilson Publishers, Snellgrove relates that the Bonpo claim the origins of their early
London, 2007 scripmres to be from Tazig (modern Tajikistan), suggesting to
240 pages. 126 colour illustrations (approximately) them the western cnd of the Silk Route bordering on Gilgit and
Hardcover and soflcovcr Khutan, and that they were subsequently translated into Tibetan
ISBN 978-0-85667-649-9 (hardcover) to be disseminated in Tibet prior to lhe advent of Buddhism (p.
ISBN 978-0-97721-312-2 (softcover) 11). Tonpa Shenrab ('the Best of Priests'), the founder of the reli-
Price: USS75 (hardcover); US$34,95 (softcQver) gion, is supposed to have lived in a remote past, and to have taught
in regions to the northwest ofTibet and in mythical lands, as well
he publication BO/1 - The Magic /Vonl was designed to ac- as in Tibet. This idea of simultancously indigenous and foreign
T company the eponymous show at the Rubin Museum of Art, origins indicates the complexity ofthe history ofBon. In addition,
New York (5 October 2007-14 April 2008), 'shen' as in ·Shenrab' is also the name ofa
which featured approximately 100 artworks clan, and in ancient Tibetan manuscripts
from around the I1 th to the 21 Si century. This means a priest specialized in royal Tibetan
is a historic volume insofar as this was the funerary rituals of the Pugyal dynasty
firSll11ajor exhibition devoted to the Ban reli- (7th-m id-9th century). So, was Ban as wc
gion and its art. One orthe two curators cum know it today in facl the indigenous religion
editors, the noted Tibetologist Samten of Tibet, existing prior to the introduction of
Kannay, is now Director of Research Emeri- Buddhism? As Karmay says, whether the
tus at the National Centre of Scientific Re~ early Bon is in continuity with the Bon reli-
search (CNRS) in Paris, and is perhaps best gious movement (as of the II th century) has
known for his stupendous work Secret Vi- become a subject ofdiscussion among schol-
sions of the Fijth Da/ai Lama (London, ars (p. 56), while Dan Martin explains that
1988); as a Tibetan who was raised in the 80n .. every religion in the world has taken fonn
tradition, he is an ideal person to explain Ban as a syncretic movement. Each religion took
as a social phenomenon and religious tradi- elements from the religious atmosphere in
tion. The other, JetTWatt, has worked with the which it grew and, as time went by, devel-
collections ofthe Rubin museum, and was TC- oped and refined itself in relation to other re-
sponsible for researching and organizing ligions ... ' (p. 101). Readers will find that
www.Himalayallllrt.org, the prodigiolls on- (Fig. 1) Nyamme Sherob Gyoltsen many ofthe Bon concepts, deities and rituals
line archive of Tibetan and Himalayan art Tibet, 18th century have analogies in Tibetan Buddhism, al-
with over 30,000 iconographic descriptions. Gilt copper alloy though certain aspects are speeitic to Bon
Height 19.69 cm
Rather than an exhibition catalogue with his- Rubi" Museum of Art and arc thus emphasized in the essays.
torical and descriptive entries of the works of (2005.34.2 (HAR 65572) According to Per Kvaerne in his biogra-
art, however, this book presents a series of phy of Ban's founder, 'the absence of indis-
carefully written essays conceived to familiarize the reader with putable historical evidence' is not problematic to adherents, who
the basic tencts and most important doctrines of Ban, the histori- do not primarily seek historical fact or legitimacy (p. 84).
cal and mythical teachers revered by its adherents, the artistic rep- Kvaerne describes the eighteen chapters ofTonpa Shenrab·s life
resentation ofBon deities and holy men, as well as ritual practices story, as illustrated by a series of thul/gkas (sec figs 54-58). These
and the conception ofsacred geography and sites, all illustrated by paintings are visually very similar in palette and composition to
works in the exhibition. The emphasis is on the iconographic Tibetan series of the previous lives ofShakyamuni Buddha, and
identification of the subject rather than chronology and regional include numerous teaching scenes. To viewers accustomed to
provenance. The essays comprise: 'An Introduction to Bon Art' such Tibetan biographical series, the differences appear 10 be
by lefT Watt; 'A Historical Overview of the Ban Religion' by slight, much as the portrait ofTonpa Shenrab in figure 4 at first
Samten Kannay; 'Tonpa Shenrab M iwo: Foundl:r ofthe Bon Reli~ sight appears to represent the historical Buddha. The Bon teacher
gion' by Per Kvaerne; 'Olmo Lungring: A Holy Place Here and Nyamme Sherab Gyaltsen in the sculpture illustrated here in Fig-
Beyond' by Dan Martin; 'Tsewang Rigdzin: The Bon Tradition of ure 1 might also initially be mistaken for a Buddhist monk. lefT
Sacred Geography' by Charles Ramble; 'Myths and Rituals' by Wait deftly guides the reader to develop an awareness of 80n
Samten Kannay; '13onpo Tantrie Deities' by Per Kvaerne, and symbols and other characteristics of its art, such as the distinctivc
'Imagining the 13eyond, 8eyond Imagination' by Henk Blezer. sceptrc. the swastika (T. YUlIgdnmg), the monks' eight-petallolUs
The title refers to the self-proclaimed epithet of Bon when it hats und the idiosyncratic throne animals. While the 130n pan-
was reorgmlized in the 11 th cennuy: ·Everlasting BOil, the magic theon comprises wrathful and peaceful deities similar to those of
word of truth' ('Tmlngag denpai Yungdrung Ban') (p. 58). The Tibetan Buddhism, there are also tl1al/gkas which are definitively
subtitle would appear 10 be self-explanatory, making reference to BOil, sueh as the cosrnological mandala with outer walls of
73
yrmgdn/llg and sets of abstract geometric forms in Figure 2. Un-
fortunately, this intriguing painting is not described in the book
(and the website caption, mandala 'representing the pure cosmic
reality of the principal "Mother Continuum" tutelary deity from
the Tantras ofthe Yungdrung Bon', although very explicit regard-
ing the textual origin of the mandala, leaves the visual aspect and
the symbolism unexplained). Many other paintings arc described
in detail, however, with all the inscriptions under each scene or
deity meticulously translated and explained. In particular, Henk
Blezer devotes his entire essay to the Bon concept of the af-
ter-death state and its visual represelllation. The painting Peaceful
al/d Wrmhfitl Deity Body in Figure 3 especially allows an appreci-
ation of how distinctive Bon painting can be; while there may be a
degree of analogy to lndic concepts of chakra within the body,
this is eOlleepmally and visually quite unique.
Great attention to detail and extremely fine brushwork often
characterize fine painting throughout the world, and in this re-
spect, Tibet is no exception. [t is praiseworthy that several paint-
ings are il1ustmted in full and then details enlarged and given a
separate caption to emphasize or explain. Occasionally, however,
lFig. 2) Bon mondala
there are problems with the size of the enlargement, leading to a Tibet, 18th century
slight blurring of the image and resulting loss of clarity of the de- Pigments on cloth
tail; this is the case with thecover illustration, a channing male de- Height 68.6 cm, width 68.6 cm
Rubin Museum 0/ Art
ity wearing a eloak of feathers lInd holding a thread-cross and a F1996.31.25 (HAR 200011)
74
OBSERVATIONS ON AN 11TH CENTURY
TIBETAN INSCRIPTION ON A STATUE OF AVALOKITEŚVARA*
Amy Heller
T
his paper will review a dedication inscription first studied by
Rahul Sanskrityayana in 1957, more recently by Per Kvaerne
and Laxman Thakur1. The inscription is on the base of an
Avalokiteśvara statue from Kamru (Kinnaur, India). Thanks to com-
parative photographs, here I present a new reading and interpretation
of this inscription, which sheds light on the identification of the offici-
ant of the consecration ceremony, thus establishing the chronological
context of this statue c. mid-11th century. To my knowledge, this in-
scription is one of the most complete Tibetan consecration inscriptions
of the early phyi ’dar period because it comprises the name of the sub-
ject of the statue, the donors, the officiant and the circumstances of the
creation of this image.
Sanskrityayana discovered the statue in the village temple of
Kamru, Kinnaur in 1948, and published his observations. Unaware of
Sanskrityayana’s study, in 1991, A. K. Singh and M. Chaturvedi re-
discovered it there and brought photographs of the inscription and the
statue to the 1992 IATS seminar where P. Kvaerne, C. Luczanits and I
studied the inscription. According to Singh, Kamru is a small, ancient
settlement lying along the trade route linking Kulu and Chamba with
Tholing, about 4 to 5 days walk via Chitkul. The village of Kamru,
called Mone in Kinnauri tradition, was the former capital of Kinnaur.
Singh noted a local tradition that the village deities of Kamru (Kin-
naur), Badrinath (Garhwal) and Tholing (Guge) are brothers and that
they used to visit each other in former times.2 Furthermore, local ritual
songs narrate that the deity of Kamru first came from Tholing monas-
tery.3 The statue was stolen in 1992, recovered in 1993, whereupon L.
Thakur examined it in 1994 and visited the Kamru sanctuary. Accord-
ing to Thakur, an inscription in this temple dated 1974 records the
name as A hra rang Mone lha khang.4 Thakur further stated that the
temple was founded during the 11th century along with those of Ropa,
Tasarang and Thangi.5
*
Dedicated with esteem and friendship to Samten whose commitment to excellence
in Tibetan studies has been an inspiration since more than thirty years!
1
See R. Sanskrityayana, Kinner-deśa, second edition, Allahabad, 1957, pp. 234-49; P.
Kvaerne’s reading is published in A. K. Singh, “An Inscribed Bronze Padmapāṇi
from Kinnaur” Acta Orientalia 1994: 55: 106-110; L. Thakur, “A Magnificent Bronze
Statue of Avalokiteś́vara from Kamru and its Himalayan Legacy” Oriental Art 1998:
44/3: 57-61.
2
A.K.Singh, ibid: 106.
3
A.K. Singh, ibid:108.
4
L. Thakur, op. cit. : 57.
5
L. Thakur, ibid: 61. Ropa is mentioned among the 21 smaller places where Rin chen
bzang po is said to have founded a temple, Tibetan spelling Ro dpag, in the
108 Tibetan Studies in honor of Samten Karmay
The statue is exceptional for its large size (78 cm), skilled modeling of
the body and jewelry, and fine craftsmanship of the brass alloy with
inlay of silver and pitch (Figure 1), reflecting Kashmiri esthetic tendan-
cies as known in western Tibet in the 11th century. 6 The statue repre-
sents a crowned male Bodhisattva standing in slight déhanchement
inside a mandorla of stylized flames. The figure has a robust torso yet
very narrow waist. His thighs are hefty but the lower legs are slender;
the body is smoothly modeled revealing no muscular exertion. His four
arms flank his torso. The arms are joined at the elbows: the upper left
hand holds prayer beads, the lower left hand forms the varada mudrā
of boon bestowing/generosity; the upper right hand holds a book in
dpe cha format, the lower right hand clasps the stem of a lotus which is
in full bloom above the right shoulder. This lotus is one factor for ico-
nographic identification as a form of Avalokiteś́vara. The most salient
factor is the seated Buddha Amitābha in the central panel of the triple
point crown. At present, to my knowledge, no sā̄dhana in Tibetan or
Sanskrit language describes this precise aspect of Avalokiteśvara.7
There are however two sādhana which describe peaceful aspects of six-
armed Avalokiteśvara whose attributes include prayer beads, the book,
and the lotus; a statue in this iconography, attributed to Kashmir, late
10th to early 11th century, is now conserved in the collections of the
Musée Guimet (Figure 2); it bears the Tibetan inscription na ga, refer-
ential to the name of the early 11th century Guge prince Nagaradza (see
note 6).8 It is therefore presumed that this iconography of Avalokiteś-
vara with four arms may represent a transient form of Avalokiteśvara
popular in India and/or Kashmir, whence it was introduced to Tibet
during the early phyi dar.
biography of Rin chen bzang po attributed to his immediate disciple. See discussion
on this chronology for Ropa in C. Luczanits, Buddhist Sculptures in Clay, 2004: 57.
Luczanits does not include Mone/Kamru among the 21 temples, according to the
biography of Rin chen bzang po. The name Mo ne lha khang may perhaps be
indicated by the temple Mo nang near Ro pa, according to Mnga’ ris rgyal rabs
(Vitali 1996: 110, 268-269).
6
As a contemporary example of this Kashmiri esthetic in western Tibet, compare the
standing Buddha (98.1 cm) inscribed lha btsun na ga ra dza’i thugs dam (“personal
image of lHa btsun Nagaradza”), who was a prince and monk of the Guge royal
family, historically identified by Heather Karmay, 1975: 29-30 (Cleveland Museum
of Art accession no. 66.30). This Buddha is Śakyamuni and has no jewelry. For
similar crown and earrings in an Avalokiteśvara sculpture, said to have been
imported to Guge by Rin chen bzang po, see D. Pritzker, “ The Treasures of Par and
Kha-tse”, 2000: fig. 11; Tucci 1932/1988: 66 discussed this statue.
7
See M.-T. de Mallmann, Introduction à l’iconographie du bouddhisme tantrique,
1986: 109. In the two sādhana reviewed here for the white four-armed
Avalokiteśvara, the principal pair of hands are joined in either samadhi mudrā or
anjali mudrā, the attributes are a strand of prayer beads and the ubiquitous lotus;
the bodhisattva is seated. In contrast, the Kamru statue is standing, has the book as
attribute, and the principal hands are not joined.
8
See M.-T. de Mallmann, ibid: 110. The Musée Guimet Avalokiteśvara ( MG 5493) is
illustrated in A. Heller, Tibetan Art, 2000: plate 33 and p. 62.
Observations on an 11th century Tibetan inscription 109
1. lan bit ya ba das phyag len mdzad/ smon blon che klu mgon mched yum
sras kyis yon bdag bgyis che ’das pa smon blon che shes
2. bcan gyis bsod nas su rigs gsum gyis ku bzhengsu bsol pas/ che ’das la dang
mar yas pa’i sems can thand cad sgrab pa pyad bar gyurd cig/
1. man bi ta byi dya (?) ba dras phyag len mdzad/ sMer blon che Klu
mgon mched yum sras kyis yon bdag bgyis nas/ tshe ’das pa sMer
blon che Shes
2. stsan gyi bsod nams su/ rigs gsum gyi sku bzhengs su gsol bas/ tshe
’das pa dang mtha yas pa’i sems can thams cad sgrib pa byang bar
gyurd cig/
9
Sanskrityayana 1957: 234-49, cited by Thakur 1998: 61.
10
I thank Laxman Thakur for kindly sending me his article in 2006. It was his
insistence that the first letter was pa which lead me to review the inscription.
11
Thakur 1998: 57. Thakur does not cite Singh’s publication with Kvaerne’s
translation of which he was apparently unaware. Thakur’s translation, “
Successfully gained admiration or glorious invocation: The Chief Minister of sMer,
brother Klu-mgon, mother and son offered alms for the merits of the expired Chief
Minister of sMer Shes-tsan, and after offering prayers, set up the statues of
110 Tibetan Studies in honor of Samten Karmay
1. pana ba ti bye rya (tra?) ba cas phyag len mdzad/ smer blon che klu mgon
mched yum sras kyis yon bdag bgyis nas/ tshe ’das pa smer blon che shes
2. tsan gyi bsod nams su/ rigs gsum gyi sku bzhengsu gsol bas/ tshe ’das pa
dang ma’ (>mtha’) yas pa’i sems can thams cad sgrib pa byang par gyurd
cig//://
Thakur remarked that the inscription is absolutely clear with the ex-
ception of the first line; the gist of his translation otherwise concurs
with Kvaerne. Thakur further noted that sMer occurs in several petro-
glyphs in the Ladakh region recorded by Denwood and Orofino, al-
though the precise individuals named in the statue’s inscription are
otherwise unknown.12
Due to the exceptional esthetic qualities of this statue, which relate
to early 11th century sculptures of Kashmir and Guge, I have long been
intrigued by the history of the statue and its ancient inscription, and its
possible relation to an early family line documented specifically in the
the vicinity of Alchi, as the petrogylphs have been attributed to the
period of the end of the Tibetan empire or early phyi ’dar. Comparison
of the previous readings and photographs lead me to understand the
first phrase quite differently, as follows:
/ ˈ˯ˈ / Pan bi ta (sic: paṇḍita) byi rya ba dras (>sic: bha dra) phyag len
mdzad,
The great Smer minister Klu mgon, his brother(s), his wife and chil-
dren acted as donors,
Smer blon che Klu mgon mched yum sras kyis yon bdag bgyis nas
For the merit of the deceased great minister Smer Shes (shes rab?)
stsan it was requested to make the statues of the Three great (Protec-
tors),
Tshe 'das pa sMer blon che Shes stsan gyi bsod nams su
Rigs gsum (mgon) gyi sku bzhengs su gsol bas
May the sins of the deceased and all sentient beings without limits be
purified!
Tshe 'das pa dang ma' (mtha’) yas pa'i sems can thams cad sgrib pa byang
bar gyurd cig//://
14
See C. Scherrer Schaub and G. Bonani, “Establishing a typology of the old Tibetan
manuscripts: a multi-disciplinary approach” 2002: 191 and fig. 20.5; A. Heller (in
press): “Three Ancient Illuminated Manuscripts from the Tucci Collection, IsIAO”.
15
G. Tucci, Indo-Tibetica vol. 2: Rin chen bzang po e la rinascita del Buddhismo nel
Tibet intorno al mille. 1931/ 1988 reprint: 45-48.
16
Naudou, Les Bouddhistes Kashmiriens,1968: 200-202. I am grateful to Dan Martin
for the data on Vīryabhadra (Brtson 'grus bzang po) as follows: Chimpa, THBI, p.
305; Biographical information in M. Mejor, Kṣemendra’s Bodhisattvāvadā-
na‑kalpalatā: Studies and Materials, Studia Philologica Buddhica, Monograph Se-
ries no. 7, International Institute for Buddhist Studies (Tokyo 1992), p. 3, n. 3. Con-
temporary of Atiśa, Kṣemendra and Rin chen bzang po. Re: Pañcakramapañji-
kāprabhāsārtha (Rim pa lnga pa'i dka' 'grel don gsal ba). Tōh. no. 1830. Derge
Tanjur, vol. CI, folios 142v.7‑180v.3. Its translation is attributed to Shes rab brtson
'grus in Gangs can mkhas grub, p. 171; Black Hat Tanjur, p. 428. Tr. by 'Bro Shes rab
brtson 'grus.
112 Tibetan Studies in honor of Samten Karmay
17
P. Harrison indicates concrete proof of Kashmiri artists upon magnified inspection
of the manuscripts due to Indic script beneath the frames of the illuminations of the
Tholing Prajñāpāramitā manuscripts collected by Giuseppe Tucci c. 1933 (“West
Tibetan manuscript folios in the Los Angeles County Museum of Art”, 2007: 235).
In 2002, Huo Wei discovered illuminated Prajñāpāramitā manuscripts in Kha tse,
near Tholing (Huo Wei, Xizang Ali Zhada-xian Paerzong yizhi tanchengku de
chubu diaocha” Wenwu 2003/9:60-73).
Observations on an 11th century Tibetan inscription 113
Figure 1. Avalokiteśvara, Kamru, photograph by A. K. Singh.
114 Tibetan Studies in honor of Samten Karmay
Figure 3. Inscription on Avalokitesvara, Kamru, photograph by A.K. Singh.
Observations on an 11th century Tibetan inscription 115
Bibliography
Tucci, G. 1932 (1988). Indo Tibetica, vol. II. Rin chen bzang po and the
Renaissance of Buddhism in Tibet Around the Millenium. New Delhi,
Aditya Prakashan.
The Ramoche Restoration Project, Lhasa
Amy Heller
/
.
III
x
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.... ....
,...,:~." ..
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princesses Wencheng (d. 680) from China and Bhrikuti Devi
(T. Belsa Tritsun) from Ne pal, said to be respon sible
iI"
,
•E:
11
I.
.:
.:
-
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33 33 85
rage during the major Buddhist holidays. Since Ramoche is (http://en.tibet.cn/news/tin). The conservation work was car-
situated on the longitudinal axis of the Potala, the Dalai Lama ried out by a Tibetan and Chinese team using traditional Ti-
would have been able to see the Potala from the centre of town betan techniques and materials, under the supervision of this
while performing the ritual circumambulation of the Ramoche writer, with Mi Nyag Rinpoche Chökyi Gyaltsen and Qu Yan,
arhat shrine (Fig. 1). both architects specializing in conservation of Tibetan build-
Although Ramoche suffered much damage during the Chi- ings (Fig. 2). However, while the roof and upper circumambu-
nese Cultural Revolution (1966-76), it was partially restored latory passage are now open to the public, the roof shrine re-
and opened for worship in 1985. The upper roof and the roof mains closed, because it is empty of the traditional clay statues
shrine, however, remained closed. In 2004, the Swiss govern- it once housed, and there has been a lack of funds to commis-
ment initiated a conservation project for the roof and roof sion replacement statues and consecrate their contents.
shrine; since Ramoche is in the vicinity of the Jokhang, a
UNESCO World Cultural Heritage protection zone, it was
stipulated that the work was to be carried out using traditional T he murals that line the walls at the entrance, back and sides
of the principal shrine on the ground floor consist of very
Tibetan architectural techniques and materials, conforming to fine gold line paintings on a red background representing the
UNESCO guidelines. In addition, this writer was appointed to Buddhas Amitabha and Maitreya (Fig. 3). The paintings on the
oversee progress, working with Tibetan and Chinese architects entrance walls are coated with a thick layer of clear varnish,
specializing in conservation. The project, a collaboration be- which is affecting the pigments. This coating needs to be re-
tween the Swiss Foreign Affairs Ministry and Federal Office moved with appropriate solvents to preserve the original 17th
of Culture, was approved by both the Chinese authorities and century paintings. The back and side walls of the shrine are
the Tibetan religious authorities, and coordinated by the Lhasa covered in an obtrusive layer of black paint, present since the
Municipality Foreign Affairs and Cultural Relics offices. In shrine reopened in the 1980s. When painting conservators ex-
2004 the Swiss Federal Councillor, Pascal Couchepin, made amined the walls in 2004, in the context of the International
an official week-long trip to the PRC in his capacity as Minis- Conference on Conservation of Traditional Architecture and
ter of Culture, and visited Lhasa to attend the signing of the Mural Paintings (20-24 September, organized by Tibet Uni-
agree ment pledg ing Swiss funds (CHF200,000 or ver sity, Lhasa, and Nor we gian Tech ni cal Uni ver sity,
US$160,000) to support the restoration work. Trondheim), they observed cracks in the black paint, revealing
It was the first time that Beijing had authorized a foreign the original, undamaged paintings underneath (Fig. 4); remov-
government to undertake work to preserve Tibetan heritage. ing all the paint to uncover them would, however, require the
The project was completed in September 2005, and a conclud- skill of an experienced painting conservator. At the confer-
ing ceremony took place in April 2006, notably attended by ence, three professors from the Fine Arts Department at Tibet
Swiss Ambassador to the PRC Dante Martinelli, who said: University proposed that they assist in the conservation of
‘The renovation project … is an “ideal start” of China-Swit- these important paintings, which would give them an opportu-
zerland cooperation in cultural heritage preservation in Tibet’ nity to learn the techniques involved. They would then be able
34 85 86 87 34
35 34 85 86 87
I
n 1415-16 a Tibetan monk, Amy Heller unveils an
Shakya Ye shes, visited the
Chinese Yung-lo emperor to extraordinary, unknown 15th-
give him Buddhist teachings.1 century Chinese Buddhist silk
One result of their meeting is
a masterpiece of needlework, embroidery, made as a gift
a thangka (banner) embroidered from the Yung-lo Emperor to
with multi-coloured silk and
gold threads representing the the Tibetan lama who was his
meditation deity Hevajra and his personal teacher and mentor.
consort Nairatma (Figs. 1 and
4). They are accompanied by a
Tibetan lama, a mahasiddha (a type of accomplished
yogi) and protective deities. The borders are lips almost touching Hevajra’s mouth. With a vajra
embroidered with auspicious emblems and deities as chopper in the right hand and a kapala in the left
well as the distinctive vajra (diamond-thunderbolt). hand, she lifts her right leg to clasp her consort. She
A long dedication inscription written in gold in wears a delicate bone apron draped around her waist
Tibetan on the reverse of the thangka sets out a and many gold ornaments, with threads of red and
historic lineage of lamas and monks and concludes blue to represent inset rubies and sapphires. The
with acrostic verses in veneration of Shakya Ye shes couple dances above two small obstacle-creating
(1354-1435), who was a monk of the dGe lugs pa deities (vighna, bgegs) who dutifully hold their feet,
order. The verses use the Tibetan version of the title while two other deities hold some of the skulls of
given in homage to Shakya Ye shes by the Yung-lo the long garland draped around Hevajra. These
Emperor.2 The thangka can thus be dated to the deities gaze somewhat impassively at the enraptured
emperor’s reign (1403-1424). This argument is Hevajra and Nairatma, who embody the bliss of the
strongly supported by comparison with another indivisible Buddhist union of wisdom (shes rab,
embroidery thangka, representing Yamantaka, also prajna) and means to enlightenment (thabs, upaya).
associated with Yung-lo, as well as with other works This aspect of Hevajra and Nairatma has a
of art bearing his reign mark.3 long history of veneration within the Sa skya pa
The thangka depicts the distinctive iconography monastic school. This explains why mahasiddha
of Hevajra as Kapaladhara, ‘he who holds the kapala’, Virupa, revered as the spiritual ancestor of the Sa
a skull cup.4 The deity stands on a lotus pedestal at skya pa teachings, is represented in the upper
the centre of the embroidery. His slender body is register, above Hevajra’s right shoulder. He is also
dark blue, he has eight heads of different colours mentioned in the dedication prayer on the reverse
and 16 arms each with a kapala containing symbols of the thangka. Virupa is shown in one of his
of planetary or animal deities. Hevajra embraces the characteristic aspects, in which he raises his hand
black goddess Nairatma, who has a single head, her towards the sun (Fig. 2). He has a massive, corpulent
1 The Buddhist meditation deities Hevajra and his consort Nairatma, depicted in a Chinese embroidered
silk thangka, made on the orders of the Yung-lo Emperor for presentation to the monk Shakya Ye shes,
probably in either 1416 or 1419 (detail of Figure 4). Pritzker Collection, Chicago. Photo: Hughes Dubois
homage by an emperor
2 Virupa, revered as the hat, which has three panels. There is an oval white
spiritual ancestor of the medallion above the central panel; a seated human
Sa skya pa teachings figure with hands over the heart in the centre of
(detail of Figure 4) each panel probably represents a crowned Buddha.6
According to the Ming Annals, the Yung-lo Emperor
3 The three protective presented a black hat, a robe and a title to Shakya
deities of the Sa skya pa Ye shes when he left for Tibet in 1416.7 It is
monastic school (detail probable, therefore, that this figure is Shakya Ye
of Figure 4) shes, depicted as he appeared upon his departure
from the imperial court, when he was 61 or 62.8
1 I am grateful to Jose Cabezon, In the lower register, further reference to the
Leonard Van der Kuijp and Shen
Weirong for discussions and biblio- importance of Hevajra within the Sa skya pa
graphic references in relation to Shakya monastic school is emphasised by three deities
ye shes, his studies and his role as
teacher to the Yong-lo Emperor. revered as principal protective deities of the Sa skya
2 Elliot Sperling, ‘Early Ming Policy (Fig. 3): Mahakala in his aspect as Nag po chen po,
Towards Tibet: An Examination of the
Proposition that the Early Ming ‘the great black protector’; Jambhala as god of
Emperors Adopted a “Divide and wealth; and Lha mo. Mahakala in this iconography
Rule” Policy Towards Tibet’, Phd
thesis, Indiana University, 1983, is the is linked to the text known as rDo rje gur (its full title
fundamental historical study of this is Mkha’ ‘gro ma rdo rje gur gyi rgyud chen po, in Sanskrit
period. See Chapter 4 for the discussion
body. As part of his ascetic practices, his hair of the titles and relation of Shakya ye Dakini-vajra-panjara-mahatantra), which is part of the
has been shorn, and he wears only a dhoti and a Shes and Ming Cheng zu. See also Hevajra cycle of texts and immediately follows the
Heather Karmay, Early Sino-Tibetan Art,
meditation belt, to restrain his leg. The long dhoti, Warminster, 1975, for an introduction Hevajratantra in the bka’ ’gyur section of the Tibetan
which extends almost to his ankles, is patterned to the historic and aesthetic context. Buddhist canon.9 Mahakala’s role as protective deity
3 James Watt and Anne Wardwell,
in horizontal stripes of alternating colours. On When Silk was Gold, Central Asian and of this cycle has given rise to an alternative name for
his head, above his short curls, he wears a ribbon Chinese Textiles, exh. cat., Metropolitan this aspect of him, gur gyi mgon po, an abbreviation of
Museum of Art, New York, 1997 (no.
adorned with small flowers. His left hand is raised 62, Thangka with Yamantaka); statue rdo rje gur gyi mgon po, meaning ‘protector of the
towards the sun; his right hand is hidden behind of Shakyamuni on tiered throne with Vajra-panjara tantra’.10
prabhamandala, British Museum,
his legs. The raised left hand is a reminder of the London, OA 1908.4-10.4, height 59 Mahakala’s appearance is indeed great (maha)
powers that Virupa acquired by his spiritual cm, and the statue of Shakyamuni on and black (kala), as his name implies. He holds a
tiered throne with prabhamandala,
practices. Legend has it that he had no money to reproduced here as Figure 6. stick, a kapala and a gri gug chopper in front of his
pay for drinks he had consumed in an inn. He 4 For the iconography of different fat belly as he stands straight in his characteristic
aspects of Hevajra and Nairatma, see
vowed to stop the sun if the innkeeper did not Marie-Therese de Mallman, Introduction pose, with knees bent and heels turned in. Lha mo
forfeit his bill – and as he raised his hand, the sun à l’iconographie du Tantrisme bouddhique, in this aspect rides a mule, with a sword in one hand
Paris, 1986, pp. 182-86.
came to a halt in the sky. The other clients in the 5 For a recent study of Virupa, see and a trident in her upper hands, a skull cup and
inn were so uncomfortable that the innkeeper Rob Linrothe, ‘The Tavern Customer’ what may be a strand of beads (it is indistinguishable
in Rob Linrothe, ed., Holy Madness,
complied with Virupa’s request.5 Portraits of Tantric Siddhas, New York, at present). She is a member of the entourage of
Above Hevajra’s left shoulder there is a Tibetan 2006, pp. 28-29. Nag po chen po. At the centre is Jambhala on his
6 I thank Jose Cabezon, director of
lama seated in meditative position, his hands in a the Sera Project, for sending me a lion, to ensure the auspicious nature of the offering
variant of the gesture of teaching (dharmacakra photograph of a statue of Shakya ye of a gos sku, or ‘silken image’.
shes in Sera in which he wears a hat
mudra). He wears a red cloak above the Yellow with three panels in the front, each with According to the lineage recorded by the thangka,
monastic robes (Fig. 5). Above the lama’s right a stylized mantra letter Om ah hum. The the Hevajra teachings were transmitted to Shakya
hat appears to have a gold vajra finial.
shoulder is a lotus on which a vajra is placed, and According to Michael Henss, this is Ye shes by Bla ma dam pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan,
above his left shoulder a lotus on which a bell is the hat given to Shakya ye shes by the 14th Abbot of Sa skya and de facto ruler of Tibet
Yung-lo Emperor (see M. Henss, ‘The
placed. The man appears to be middle-aged, as there Woven Image: Tibeto-Chinese Textile 1343/5- 1347/9. He stands in a lineage of lamas
are horizontal stitches to represent wrinkles in his Thangkas of the Yuan and Early Ming given in the inscription (see Appendix 1). Each
Dynasties’, Orientations, vol. xxviii, no.
forehead. His rather plump, round face has an 10, p. 37). lama is a holder of the lineage of transmission of
emphatic chin and small features and his ears are 7 Watt and Wardwell, op.cit., p. 204, the teachings of meditation on Hevajra, starting with
quotation from the Ming Shi, vol. xxviii,
relatively large. His hair is concealed by his black chapter 311, p. 8577 (see note 16 below the Buddha and culminating with Shakya Ye shes.
64 APOLLO
ARTICLE THEME
4 Thangka of Hevajara
and Nairatma, China,
probably 1417 or 1419,
in its original mount.
Silk with embroidery in
silk and wrapped gold
thread and horsehair,
81 x 131 cm. Pritzker
Collection, Chicago.
Photo: Hughes Dubois
for the title given in the Ming Shi).
8 In the most recent study of two kesi
of Kalachakra and Cakrasamvara
attributed to the Yong-lo reign, Shakya
ye shes is represented wearing a similar
black hat with three panels of Buddha
in silhouette: see Erberto Lo Bue, Tesori
del Tibet, Milan, 1994, p. 122, for the
Kalachakra of the Potala Palace, and
see lot 35, Cakrasamvara, The Arts of
the Buddha, Sotheby’s, New York, 21
September 2007. On a portrait made
during the reign of the Xuande
Emperor, he is represented as a very
gaunt, aged man: see Watt and
Wardwell, op. cit., p. 204, fig. 88 and p.
206, detail, cat. no. 62 for the portrait
of a much younger lama, identified as
Shakya ye shes, a detail of the gos sku
of Yamantaka attributed to the Yung-lo
period (Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York). Shakya ye shes’ physical
appearance, hat and costume on the
Metropolitan gos sku and the Hevajra
gos sku are extremely similar.
9 H. Ui, M. Suzuki, Y. Kanakura,
T Tada, eds, A Complete Catalogue
of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons, Sendai,
1934. The Vajra panjara tantra is text
number 419 (Aryadainivajrapanjarama-
hatantrarajakalpa). I thank Mireille
Helffer for helpful correspondence on
the relationship of the Hevajra cycle
and the protector Nag po chen po in
the aspect gur gyi mgon po, due to her
studies of the liturgies and music for
this protector in the Sa skya school.
10 See the remarks of Giuseppe Tucci,
Indo Tibetica, vol. iv, part 1: Gyantse and
its Monasteries (English translation), New
Delhi, 1989, pp. 124-130)
11 Sperling, op.cit., pp. 140 and 143.
12 Sperling, op.cit., p.132 and n. 109.
13 Sperling, op.cit., p. 142, n. 29.
14 See Sperling, op.cit, p. 143, for a
discussion of how Cheng zu sought
consecration as cakravartin through the
rites of Mahakala and Hevajra. The
inititation of Hevajra is clearly
confirmed by the dedication inscription
of this Hevajra embroidery. The
biographies of Shakya Ye shes in
Tibetan language, which are not
contemporary with his lifetime, clearly
delineate the numerous mandala
initiations to Cheng zu. See Khetsun
zangpo, Biographical Dictionary of Tibet
and Tibetan Buddhism, Dharmasala, 1973,
vol. xii, for the biography of Shakya ye
shes, quoting Tshe mchog yongs ‘dzin’s
18th-century biography, Phrin las sna
tshogs la mkhas shing gsal ba/ chos nyis
dam pa mchog tu rgyal ba/shes rab rnam
dag snang ba chen po /kun tu khyab cing/
rgyal khams skyobs pa / bstan pa rgyas
mdzad rab tu dge ba/byams chen chos
kyi rgyal po, which specifies
Guhyasamaja, Hevajra, Samvara,
Kalachakra and Vajrabhairava as
APOLLO 65
homage by an emperor
66 APOLLO
shes’ relationship with Ming Cheng zu than to his
association with the Xuande Emperor’.17
After the mandala series, Shakya Ye shes
continued his teachings to Cheng zu, bestowing
initiations of Amitayus to ensure the emperor’s
longevity as well as tantric inititions, again
accompanied by miraculous phenomena.18 On
leaving the court to return to Tibet, on 5 June
1416,19 Shakya Ye shes was presented with ‘an
imperially ordered composition praising him’ as
well as Buddhist images and scriptures, gold and
silver vessels, indicative of Ming Cheng zu’s great
esteem for his teacher. When he returned to Tibet,
Shakya Ye shes settled in a hermitage at Sera. In
1419, Tsong kha pa died and Sera was formally
consecrated as a monastic foundation, with Shakya
Ye shes as the first abbot. In the same year he
received presents of silks, books and images from
Ming Cheng zu.
The appearance in the inscription on the thangka
of the title that Ming Cheng zu bestowed upon
Shakya Ye shes suggests that it was made either for
Shakya Ye shes’ departure from Beijing in 1416 or
that it was one of the presents sent to him by the
emperor in 1419. The dedication closes with several
verses of homage to Shakya Ye shes: ‘Homage to the
one who came into the presence of the cakravartin,
he gave me great merit, Homage’, which may be
understood as a special expression of gratitude to
Shakya Ye shes for his personal teachings and
numerous initiations bestowed upon the Yung-lo
Emperor in his capacity as cakravartin.20
Support for this argument is provided by the
thangka’s style, which shares many characteristics
of the art of the Yung-lo reign.21 Most notably there
is the distinctive shape of the slightly pointed arch
that surrounds Virupa, Shakya Ye shes and the three
protective deities of the lower register; an arch of the
same shape also surrounds Hevajra and Nairatma,
although adapted to allow for the inclusion of
pilasters and the makara (an aquatic monster) This
arch is characteristic of the Yung-lo period and
may be seen for example in one of the outstanding
sculptures bearing the Yung-lo reign mark (Fig. 6),
depicting the Buddha in an aureole of fire (prabha-
mandala). The flames of the sculpture and the
embroidery share distinctive swirl motifs that are
also characteristic of the period. The vajra border 7 Thangka of Yamantaka following observations, which indicate that the two
that encloses the entire thangka is emphasised in the Vajrabhairava, China, embroideries may very well be products of the same
successive sections of the sculpture’s prabhamandala. early 15th century. Silk, imperial atelier. The background navy-blue silk is
In terms of iconography, the pilasters of with silk thread, wrapped of excellent quality and finely woven, and in both
Hevajra’s arch are very similar to those on an a gold thread and horse- embroideries the silk has been turned on its side in
slightly larger embroidery of Yamantaka in the hair, 146.1 x 76.2 cm. The order for the thangkas to hang smoothly. Among
Metropolitan Museum of Art, which also has a Metropolitan Museum of other shared techniques are the use of flat gold
similar portrait of Shakya Ye shes and has been Art, New York, Purchase thread and z-wrapped gilded paper; horsehair under
attributed to the Yung-lo period (Figs. 7, 8 and 9).22 Lila Acheson Wallace the embroidery to give a raised effect; encroaching
I am most grateful to Jacqueline Simcox for the Gift 1993 satin; and fancy couching over satin stitches.23
APOLLO 67
homage by an emperor
68 APOLLO
INTRODUCTION
anonymity preferred by the artists and the relative paucity of dated images, all tend
Introduction to hamper the accurate assessment of date and geographic provenance. In view of
Tracing the development of early Himalayan sculpture this, we will refer where possible to dated monuments in situ which elucidate the
major trends in the development of the arts of Nepal and Tibet.
he Himalayas, or 'Abode of snows', have long captured the imagination of The trade routes
T those aspiring to the ideals of p~ace an~ p.urity, w~ether foreign ~ou~
taineers attempting virgin summIts or pIlgnms seekmg peace of mmd m
remote temples far from the tumult of modern life. The rich heritage of religious
The Himalayas stretch in a majestic arc from north-west India to Nepal and Tibet,
forming a formidable spectacle of sublime height and beauty. For three months of
paintings and sculptures created in those Himalayan sanctuaries can also offer :he the year, winter transforms the mountains into an impenetrable barrier of snow-
potential for sublime discoveries. The artefacts of secular life, more~ver, .provI~e bound passes which separate the indigenous populations from their neighbours. At
tantalizing links to ancient cultures and traditions which have survIVed mtact m other times of year, ancient caravan routes through the mountain passes have long
distant mountain villages to the present day. connected these diverse regions. Thus religious teachers and pilgrims, as well as
The Ashmolean Museum's collection of early Himalayan art comprises some merchants and shepherds, were able to cross the mountain passes and to roam
sixty sculptures and artefacts from Nepal, Tibet, and the western Himalayas, southwards, eventually bringing back with them the religious and cultural values
ranging from the seventh to the fourteenth century. They include a number of secular of the Buddhist and Hindu religions, which soon took root in this new terrain far
objects as well as images of deities of the Hindu and Buddhist pantheons. To trace from their origins in India.
their aesthetic and historical development, and their materials and techniques of The pattern of these trade routes depended originally both on topography and
manufacture, we will here explore three perspectives. First, we examine the geog- economic incentives (see Map). In general, the Himalayan region has many
raphy of trade within the Himalayan and neighbouring regions, since trade a~~ the north-south passes, linking with the Indian subcontinent to the south, and with
nomadic movement of populations did much to foster the spread of the rehgIOus Central Asia and Tibet to the north. Most of Tibet lies north of the Himalayas, in
movements and cultural exchanges which led to the creation of these sculptures. what is called the plateau of the Transhimalaya. This term can be misleading,
Next, we review their antecedents in India and the surrounding regions, since because rather than a high flat zone (as implied by 'plateau'), the Transhimalaya is
many Tibetan, Nepalese, and western Himalayan sculptures follow aesthetic, a region of many small mountain ranges of around soo(}-6ooo metres, punctuated
iconographic, and metallurgical traditions established in India in the earliest by saline lakes and river valleys situated at about 3700 metres. In the ages before
centuries of Buddhism. refrigeration, trade in Tibetan salt was essential to those areas of the Himalayas and
Finally, we focus on developments in the arts - aesthetic, iconographic, and northern India that were too far from the sea. Tibetan horses also were renowned
technological- from the seventh to the fourteenth century. The arts of Nepal, both throughout northern Asia. Ancient inscriptions describe Nepalese exports to India
Hindu and Buddhist, were largely influenced by the art of northern India. For Tibet, of wool, musk, yak tails (for fly-whisks), iron, and copper.! Except for the metals,
which politically then comprised much of Ladakh and the western Himalayas, the which have long been mined in Nepal, these were all goods imported to Nepal from
situation is far more complex. Inspired by the arts of Central Asia and China, as Tibet and conveyed further south by Nepalese merchants. From Kathmandu, their
well as India and the Kashmiri and Nepalese schools, Tibetan work reflects the route lay southwest to the lowlands of Lumbini, where the Buddha was born, and
interaction of these various external influences, which the indigenous artists due south to the Gangetic plain, with Benares, Bodhgaya, and the great monastic
progressively fused into expressive and distinctive styles of their own. These ",:ere complexes of Sarnath and Nalanda. Heading north from Kathmandu, following the
moreover complemented by the many works executed in Tibet by itinerant IndIan, Sunkosi and Bhotekosi rivers, there is a low pass leading towards central Tibet.
Nepalese, and Kashmiri artists. The requirements of iconographic accuracy and West of Kathmandu lies Pokara and the valleys of the Kali Gandaki river, which
consistency, rather than aesthetic innovation, were reinforced by Tibetan religious flows from Mustang and again allows entry to Tibet by an easy pass north of
conservatism. Moreover, certain special icons - as well as the prevailing styles of the Mustang. Further west, the Karnali river network flows from Mount Kailash, the
earlier schools per se - were held in such esteem that in some cases replicas of them traditional juncture of India, Tibet, and Nepal. The east-west river valleys in central
were made centuries later. The portable nature of these sculptures, combined with Nepal were a major axis, as were the east-west land-routes beyond the Himalayas
a tendency to offer images as gifts to visiting dignitaries, ensured that icons leading to Kailash. Mount Kailash was the focal meeting point of several trade
travelled far and wide from their place of origin. These factors, as well as the routes linking many lands. The Kailash region is also the watershed and source of
11
10
INTRODUCTJON INTRODUCTION
routes connected Qinghai with Xian, the capital of Tang China, and with Lhasa, as
well as a network of routes leading to the Mekong river valley and the riches of
Sichuan and Ywman.
Tak/a Makan Desert
12 1}
INTRODUCTION
oases and eventually reaching China. As Buddhist teachers travelled spreading the
Fig. L Standing Buddha
Sakyamuni. Grey schist. sacred doctrines of liberation from suffering propounded by Sakyamuni, a fusion
Gandhara (north-west of these two major Buddhist styles developed which was complemented by an aes-
Pakistan), C.200 AD. H. 95 cm.
Ashmolean Museum.
thetic integration of the physiognomy and costumes of the local populations among
whom Buddhism had spread (cat. 24, 26). Moreover, Buddhist teachers were able
Fig. 2. (Opposite) Seated to adapt certain local cults and beliefs to correspond with Buddhist concepts, thus
Buddha: The First Sermon.
Sandstone. Samath, late fifth ensuring the successful transplantation of the religion throughout most of Asia.
century AD. Sarlwth MuseulIl. Soon after this northward diffusion of Buddhism had started in the third
(Photo: Robert Ske/ton.) century, the Gupta dynasty became established in the Gangetic plain, the heartland
of Buddhism, and gradually extended both its territory and artistic influence far
beyond the main sculptural centre of Sarnath (jig. 2). Conceptually, the evolution of
Buddhist doctrine had led to the ideal of the historic Sakyamuni as one member of
a long periodic succession of Buddhas, assisted by their attendants, the male
Bodhisattvas and female goddesses, who are conceived as resident both in our
in religious robes. The urna, or tuft of hair between the brows, and the wheel of
Dharma placed on the palms of the hands or the soles of the feet are also counted
among the thirty-two sacred marks which distinguish the Buddha.
Roughly contemporary with the evolution of Mathura sculpture, a further
stylistic development took place in the north-western region of Gandhara (northern
Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan) which had formerly been part of the conquest of
Alexander the Great. Here, the standing Sakyamuni Buddha, with his right hand
extended and his left hand holding his robe, would be widely differentiated from
the Mathura type in his body proportions, hand positions, hair and facial features,
and the folds of his monastic garments. In a Gandhara standing Buddha of [.200 AD
in the Ashmolean's collection (jig. 1), we immediately apprehend the strong impact
of Hellenistic and Roman sculpture in this image of a handsome man, his perfect
oval face framed by thick wavy hair and the total harmony of the folds of the
garment hiding the athletic body, as if clad in a Roman toga. Yet for contemporary
Buddhists and their later followers, the more essential aspects of this image are the
sacred marks of the urna, the lIshnisha, the elongated earlobes, and the monastic
robe (samghati), all elements signifying the profound spirituality of this figure.
The maturity of the Mathura and Gandhara styles coincided with the expansion
of Buddhism as it spread beyond India's north-west borders, through the Silk Route
14
[NTRODUCTIO
phenomenal world and in infinite space, and are committed to the collective
salvation of humanity and all sentient beings. The importance attributed to these
doctrines gave rise to the aesthetic expression of these metaphysical concepts, thus
evoking in plastic form the bliss and compassion of the Buddha and Bodhisattvas,
and their heroic devotion to the liberation of sentient beings from the sufferings of
existence. The sculpture of the Cupta dynasty - and the paintings commissioned in
the fifth century at Ajanta and Bagh by the Vakataka dynasty who were their
feudatories - reveal the calm and refined beauty of the transcendent state exem-
plified by these saviour figures, whose appearance is codified in prescriptive
canons detailing the harmonious proportions of their gracefully modelled, slender
bodies, revealed through thin garments.
The Cupta aesthetic was recognized in India as the supreme expression of the
Buddhist ideals of spirituality and beauty, and was rapidly diffused far and wide in
Candhara, the Himalayas, Central Asia, and China. Simultaneously, the influences
of western Asia reached Buddhist art. Traces of the pativa ribbons of the royal
crowns of the Sasanian empire (fourth-fifth century) would reappear, as a vestige
of western Asiatic influence, in the crowns of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas in
Candhara art of the later period, as for example at Bamiyan in Afghanistan.
Whether represented on silver bowls or coins, these royal portraits were highly
portable and some have been recovered in Tibetan areas (jig. 3).
The Himalayan valley kingdom of epal received the new Cupta stylistic
influences directly, by way of the major trade route linking Kathmandu and the
Cangetic plain. In Nepal, Hinduism and Buddhism existed side by side, much as
they had done in the later Cupta kingdom. Due to the Nepalese Licchavi kings'
dependence on the Brahman class, the court gave less support to Buddhist institu-
tions, although ewar society in general was very sympathetic to Buddhism.'
Among the first traces of Buddhism in Nepal is a stone inscription of c.350 AD
which indicates the establishment of a system for feeding members of the Buddhist
community of monks at Chabahil stupa." There were also other stupa foundations
such as Bodhnath and Swayambunath, and carved royal edicts in stone. Early
Licchavi sculptures of the Buddha strongly reflect the influence of the Cupta
aesthetic, with their spherical llshnislla and coiffure of juxtaposed spiral curls, the
gentle face with half-closed eyes and full lips, the smoothly modelled body in
Fig. 3. Sasanian silver coin with clmgmg robes, standing inside a flame and bead border (fig. 4).
royal portrai t showing a homed
helmet. Recovered in Dulan, To the west of Nepal, the relative proximity of Kashmir and Cilgit to the former
Qinghai province, sixth century. Candhara region facilitated a fusion of the Cupta style with local Candhara
(Photo: Qinghai Archaeological traditions. Further north along the Silk Route, the pearl roundel designs of Sasanian
Institl/te.)
and Sogdian fabrics and coins traded from Persia and Samarkand influenced the
Fig. 4. (Opposite) Stone standing textiles WOrn by the painted and sculpted Buddhas and Bodhisattvas of Khotan and
Buddha at Pashupatinath,
Dunhuang. Sogdian colonies in Dunhuang first introduced these designs, which
Kathmandu, Nepal.
6th/ th century. H. 82 cm approx. came to be emulated in textiles and metalwork, especially silver, by Chinese
(Photo: allthor.) craftsmen. The Indian models of deities of tall stature, wearing light robes suitable
16
17
INTRODUCTION
for a hot climate, were largely retained in the clay sculptures of the Buddhist
grottoes in Central Asia and the western Chinese garrisons of the Silk Route.
Further east, these canons were gradually infused with the Chinese aesthehc,
resulting in the voluminous, heavy robes and draperies hiding the human body
which characterize much of Chinese Buddhist art.
The Licchavi dynasty took over the Kathmandu valley in the fourth century AD and
ruled until 879. A change in the succession occurred in the mid-seventh century,
which corresponds to the period when historic records of Tibet and Nepal
commence. n Although we have a famous description by a seventh-cenhuy Chinese
pilgrim of the Nepalese king on official visits 'wearing a Buddhist emblem in his
belt', it is known that the kings were themselves Hindus who showed reverence to
Buddhism." This eclectic attitude became characteristic of Nepal, where the
integration of Hindu deities and ritual practices into the Buddhist pantheon has
prevailed to the present day. The worship of Avalokitesvara is documented by
inscriptions from the mid-sixth century. There is much evidence, both sculphual
and epigraphic, of an evolved form of Mahayana Buddhism, verging on the Fig.). Recumbent stone Vislmu at Budhanilakanta, Kathmandu valley, 641 AD. L 6.45 m.
(Photo: courtesy Mary Slusser.)
Vajrayana, during the seventh century. Still, the only firmly dated seventh-cenhuy
sculphues are portraits of Vishnu: in the round, in high relief, sometimes on a
colossal scale. The earliest dated sculpture in Nepal is a monumental grey schist lost-wax technique which became their trademark. These copper sculphues were
image of Vishnu, recumbent on the serpent Ananta, carved from a boulder almost then subjected to fire-gilding, traditional in the Nepal valley." Silver was used in
7 metres long, which lies in a tank north of Kathmandu (fig. 5)· Vishnu, revered as vases and jewellery but rarely in sculpture."
lord of the Kathmandu valley, was represented in this form as a commission by the Licchavi stone sculptures could be monulnental in scale, or else consist of
Licchavi king in 641 AD." The sculpture is a prime example of the late Gupta architectural elements in the form of bas-reliefs (fig. 6), or much smaller votive
aesthetic in Nepal. The stone has a smooth polish. The elegant body has massive sculptures, or combinations with bas-relief in a base panel for a Buddha image (cat.
shoulders, a slender waist, and elongated legs lying prone over the curving tail of 1). Lion bas-reliefs of a relatively large scale are an important feahue in the seventh-
the serpent, which intertwines almost as if rising and falling in the water of the to eighth-century stupas of Kathmandu such as Tukan bahal(fig. 7). The majority of
pond. Two distinctive facial features are emphasized: the protruding lower lip and Licchavi cast copper sculptures are between 20 to 40 cm in height and retain the
the nose with strong aquiline profile and a pronounced pointY tendency to broad shoulders, a slender waist and slightly elongated legs, and a
Isolated standing figures of Sakyamuni and Avalokitesvara were popular in the single-layer lotus pedestal with broad petals bearing a central striation. The facial
Kathmandu Valley during the eighth and ninth centuries. However, the most features consistently repeat the Licchavi tendency to a pronounced aquiline nose.
commonly found Licchavi remains are stone caityas supporting stupas, the lower Nepalese artists appear to have been active in Tibet since the earliest firmly
level consisting of four standing figures around a centre. Typically, these four dated political relations in the mid-seventh century, when the exiled ruler of Nepal,
figures are Sakyamuni Buddha, Vajrapani, Avalokitesvara, and Maitreya or a the Licchavi King Narendradeva and his entourage, temporarily settled at the
second Buddha. Above them, one finds a seated meditating Buddha, surmounted Lhasa court of Song tsen gampo (r. 64()-50 AD). Tibetan tradition recounts that Song
by the anda and harmikn of the stupa." While the earliest sculptures of Licchavi tsen married the daughter of the Nepalese king, as well as the daughter of the
NepaJ are carved in stone, Newar craftsmen were also known for their copper Chinese emperor, and credits the two wives for the introduction of Buddhism to
coins," and their gilt repousse work is docurnented by a royal commission of 607 AD Tibet during Song tsen's reign. The Nepalese princess is said to have been respon-
for a sheath made in this technique at Changu NarayanY Already in the sixth to the sible for the construction of the Jokhang, the Chinese princess for that of the
eighth century they were apparently casting almost pure copper sculphues in the Ramoche, the two principal temples of Lhasa. Although there is no historical
18
evidence in the most ancient Nepalese or Tibetan sources for the existence of the Fig. 7· (Above) Stone lions in bas-relief. Tukan bahal, Kathrnandu, eighth century.
H. c. 40 an. (Photo: aI/thor.)
Nepalese princess, the carvings of the lintels and capitals of the Jokhang do indeed
strongly reflect the late Gupta aesthetic (jig. 8), as known from sculptures of the Fig. 6. (Opposite) 6as-relief of a kneeling devotee. Kathesimbu, Kathmandu Valley, late
seventh century. National Musellm, Kathmandl/. (Photo: cOllrtesy SUSfll1lZe Held alld
Kathmandu valley of the sixth to eighth century (jig. 9; also cat. 1-2). The Tibetan GiUes Begllil1.)
penchant for the successful fusion of the best elements drawn from foreign influ- Fig. 8. (Below) Sculpted figures on wooden lintel (the female figure with pendant earrings),
ences may be seen in the silver jug of the Lhasa Jokhang, which is cast in epalese beneath a protective chain. Jokhang temple, Lhasa, eighth century. Lintel H. 20 cm approx.
(Photo: allthor.)
techniques but combines Central Asian, Chinese, and TIbetan design motifs (jig. 10).
Likewise, the Ashmolean's silver vase (cat. 15) is decorated with peonies and flying
phoenixes, both typical Chinese decorative motifs, as well as vine scrolls inspired
by Indian models, yet the vase is cast and finished in the Nepalese manner as then
practised by the Tibetans.
It is quite plaUSible that the presence of arendradeva at the Lhasa court may
have influenced the early TIbetan sovereigns to encourage Buddhism, but the intro-
duction of Buddhism to TIbet resulted from a multifaceted interaction - economic,
cultural, and political- between TIbet's royal government and the cultures of Inclia,
epal, Central Asia, and China between the seventh and ninth centuries. TIbetan
historical records from the early seventh century identify Song tsen as responsible
for the gradual political unification of central Tibet and the rapid extension of
Tibetan territory by military conquests and matrimonial alliances. His conquests
east of Qinghai threatened China to such an extent that a Chinese princess was
indeed sent to Tibet by 641 AD. After the subjugation of the Tuyuhun (near Qinghai)
and Zhang zhung (now western TIbet and Ladakh), matrimonial alliances were
used to seal diplomatiC relations with each kingdom by sending a TIbetan princess
20 21
INTRODUCTION INTRODUCTION
to marry their ruler.'" His descendants also pursued this policy of military conquest
and matrimonial alliance: from the mid-seventh century until 850 AD, Tibetan
armies intermittently conquered and occupied portions of the Silk Route and
pressed constantly against the Chinese frontiers from Gansu in the north to Yunnan
in the south, vying with the Chinese in western Central Asia near Ferghana, and so
bringing Tibet into contact with the Indo-Hellenic cultures prevalent in Central
Asia and the Confucian, Taoist, and Buddhist traditions of China. During the same
period, and with fluctuating success, Tibet controlled or exacted tribute from epal
and portions of north-eastern India and the Pamirs: notably, from 720-40 AD, the
kingdom of Bolor (now Gilgit), during which time a Tibetan princess was sent to
consolidate the alliance with the Gilgit royal family.
Trade in all directions was facilitated by this political expansion, resulting in the
importation of Chinese and Central Asian silks to the Lhasa court, as well as
Sogdian silver and Buddhist sculptures, whether from Gilgit (occupied in the early
eighth century), Dunhuang (occupied as of 680, then reoccupied 750-850), or epal
and India. Khotan was occupied from the late seventh century: in Domoko
(Khotan), where Tibetan documents were found, so were small clay votive plaques Fig. 10. (Above) Jug. Cast and hammered silver. Tibet, eighth century. Jokhang temple,
Lhasa. H. 78 cm. (Photo: courtesy Ulrich V011 Schroeder.)
(Isa Isa) and a cast Kashmiri sculpture of a seated Buddha, probably datable to the
late seventh or early eighth century" !fig. 11). There are in the collection of the Fig. 9. (Opposite) Female devotee with pendant earrings. Stone relief. Chabahil stupa,
Potala at Lhasa several very similar seated Buddha sculptures which can be Kathrnandu, 7th-Sth century. H. 25 cm. (Photo: allthor.)
22 23
Fig. 11. Seated Buddha, found at
Domoko, Khotan. Cast brass. Kashmir,
C.725 AD. H. 42 cm. KJwtan Museum.
(Plloto: C. Baumer.)
26 27
INTRODUCTION
scant historic records. Yet by then Buddhism was too firmly entrenched in Tibet to
disappear. Small groups of disciples were able to cluster around individual masters
in their hermitages and so continue the transmission of Buddhist teachings.
Deprived of the protection of a central government which could ensure their
doctrinal cohesion, these groups integrated non-Buddhist deities and practices into
their teachings, which came to the forefront in the mid-tenth century, when
Buddhism again flourished in TIbet.
28
INTRODUCTION
eighth-century cast brass sculptures of the seated Buddha with a robust chest and
body (jig. 11), to more elaborate models with an exaggerated abdominal musculature
and costume which had evolved by the tenth century, as may be seen in the seated
Avalokitesvara flanked by two female attendants (jig. 16). Notable among the
creations either imported to Tibet from Kashmir or made in western Tibet by
Kasluniri artists are many Buddha and Bodhisattva images, characterized by trian-
gular or crescent crowns, long almond-shaped eyes in an oval face, an athletic chest,
and lobed lower abdomen (cat. 37, and fig· 17)· While eighth-century Kasluniri
artists had made monumental images of gold, silver, and copper, the use of such
metals persisted to embellish the brass alloys." The use of silver and copper inlay
in facial features and fabric designs was also frequent, as well as pitch for the eyes
and copper for the mouth. These features were sufficiently distinctive for Tibetans
to adapt them in the clay sculptures made for Tabo and nearby sanctuaries (jig. 18).
The Tibetans thus developed the art of clay sculpture to new levels, as is evidenced
in the elaborate scrolls seen in throne-backs, as well as sculptures of deities, in
western and central Tibet (jig. 19)'"
During the period of Buddhist revival in western Tibet, the Kathmandu valley
was in a state of political transition (87<)--1200 AD), until the Malla dynasty took
power in the thirteenth century. While the technical and aesthetic preferences of the
Licchavi period still persisted, there was an evolution towards larger images and
more decorative rather than naturalistic forms. The Nepalese type of facial
expression became more stylized, often glancing downwards with gently smiling,
thin lips, as seen in a portrait of the Buddhist goddess Vasudhara who was very
popular in Nepal (jig. 20). Here the gilt copper image has a tiered crown studded Fig. 16. Seated Avalokitesvara
with lapis lazuli, turquoise, and other semi-precious stones, and very simple foliate with attendants. Cast bronze.
Kaslunir, tenth cenhrry. H. 24.5
disc earrings. Her body has a relaxed and pure silhouette, and all six arms are cm. Ashmolean Museum
effortlessly positioned and perfectly balanced. Yet the sash which falls from her (Barrett Loan.)
belt and drapes artistically between the legs clearly reveals the sculptor's joy and
Fig. "7. (Right) Standing
mastery of modelling. Avalokitesvara. Brass with silver
In Nepal, Vasudhara was worshipped either Singly or with Vajrapani and and copper inlay. H. 100 cm.
Pritzker Collection.
Padmapani as her attendants. The Aslunolean's cast gilt copper seated Padmapani
(Photo: Hllghes Dllbois.)
(cat. 9) originally formed part of such a group. The central Vasudhara image, now
in the Rietberg Museum, shares the same fine features of the full face, with long
almond eyes, a thin nose, and thin lips (jig. 21). The other attendant figure of
Vajrapani is in a private collection (jig. 22).35 In each case, the torso is narrow, the
waist slender with the typical two sash knots visible at the lower back. The casting branch of the Guge dynasty, who maintained an active patronage of Tibetan
is quite smoothly polished, and the sculptures are modelled as deftly at the back as Buddhist larnas. Later rulers went as far south and east as Bodhgaya by 1255, and
in front. The lotus pedestal is separately made, in each case using repousse rather they invaded Kathmandu by 1288. Their presence at Bodhgaya gave them ample
than cast copper. opportunity to appreciate the aesthetic qualities and iconography of the Buddhist
In western Nepal, the Khasa kingdom was consolidated in the basin of the art of Pala lndia. This is clearly reflected in their sculpture, which emulates certain
Karnali river during the late twelfth century. The earliest Nepalese documents of conventions of Pala iconography, including jewellery and decorative beading, as
the Khasa period date from 1223, during a phase of political expansion with well as faithfully echoing the modelling and proportions of Nepalese work of the
westward forays into Kumaon. At this time the kingdom was ruled by a collateral same period.'" Alsop has established a typology of Khasa sculptures, distinguished
30 3"
Fig. 19· Clay Bodhisattva images in a chapel at Shalu monastery, TIbet, mid-eleventh
century (archive photo, pre-196os).
sculptor to accompany their entourage. His selection as chief of the imperial atelier of
sculpture led to the diffusion of the Newar aesthetic and Tibetan Buddhist icono-
graphy in China as well as Tibet."
A further wave of Nepalese aesthetic influence was introduced into Tibet as a
result of Tibetan pilgrims visiting the Buddhist sanctuaries of Kathmandu, where
they commissioned works from Newar painters. Some of these artists were subse-
quently invited to work in monasteries in Tibet. There they collaborated with
Tibetan painters, who emulated the Newar aesthetic in magnificent mural paint-
ings and mandala compositions which accentuate the Newar tendency to elabo-
rate detailed scrollwork, floral and vegetal motifs, notably at the Shalu monastery
during the fourteenth century. The persistence of the Newar aesthetic in Tibet is
demonstrated in several series of mandalas commissioned for the Ngor monastery
in the fifteenth to sixteenth century which are probably the work of Newar artists,
or else of Tibetans adopting the Newar aesthetic (cat. 61).
Fig. 20. Vasudhara. Gilt copper. Nepal, twelfth century. H. 16.5 cm. Formerly Heeramaneck
Collection.
Fig. 21. (Opposite) Vasudhara. Cast gilt copper on repousse base. H. 16.2 cm.
Museum Rietberg, Zurich.
Dolpo during the period of their greatest power in the thirteenth to the fourteenth
century." In addition to the Khasa sculptures, Tibetan appreciation of the work of the
Newar sculptors led to the tribute of their sculptures to Tibetan monasteries, as well
as to the migration of Newar sculptors to Tibet, where they remained influential in
determining local aesthetic models. By the second half of the thirteenth century and
until the mid-fourteenth century, when Tibetan lamas exercised spiritual authority at
Beijing for the Mongol emperors of China's Yuan dynasty, they chose a Newar
34 35
INTRODUCTION
As we have seen, the hallmark of the greatest Tibetan art is the harmonious
fusion of discrete elements reflecting different stylistic tendencies, which become
both enhanced and imperceptibly blended. The seated Buddha Sakyarnuni (cat. 52:
fig. 23) represents in many respects the culmination of the technical, aesthetic and
spiritual developments at work in Tibetan and Himalayan sculpture during the
seventh to fourteenth centuries. This Buddha is cast in a leaded copper-zinc-tin
alloy, which has been recognised as an alloy used in sculptures from western TIbet
of the twelfth to thirteenth centuries. The elaborate shoulder folds of the robe
recall Nepalese models, as do the jewel finial of the ushl1isha and the shape of the
head and ears. Yet the head is positioned straight, a distant echo of the stalwart
seated Buddhas of Kashmir, as emulated in western TIbet. The aesthetic synthesis
is so complete that, more than Simply emulating the epalese folds, the sculptor
goes beyond his stylistic antecedent: the robe has a copper inlay of diamond
fabric motifs which elegantly enhance the shoulder pleats. Moreover, this Buddha
was consecrated according to the prescribed ritual practices with the insertion of
written prayers, clay votive tablets and a sculpture of Vairocana (cat. 40) within its
core, showing the persistence of this Indian practice, which is known from about
the seventh century at Bodhgaya, Sarnath and many sites of Pala India." In TIbet,
the clay used to make such votive tablets is mixed with funerary ashes: this
sculpture is thus simultaneously a portrait of the historical Buddha Sakyarnuni
and a reliquary consecrated to preserve the memory of the deceased individual
and to protect the Buddhist teachings. This unique sculpture therefore affords us
an opportunity to glimpse the function of the image of the Buddha in TIbetan
Buddhist ritual practice, as well as appreciating the way in which sculpture serves
to embody the Buddha and his teachings, as a symbol of the highest spiritual and
aesthetic aspiration.
INTRODUCTION
Notes Pakistan), who was aligned with Gilgit: see Uebach, 'Eminent Ladies of the Tibetan Empire
According to Old Tibetan texts'.
21 See Siudmak, 'The Development of the Classical Buddha Image from Kashmir', figs. 3, 4;
1 Slusser, Nepal Mandala, vol. 1, p. 5, citing Licchavi inscriptions. and for the most thorough study, O. von Hiniiber, Die Palola Sahis.
2 Klimburg, 'The Western Trans-Himalayan Crossroads', pp. 25-37, with detailed 22 See von Schroeder, Buddhist Sculpture in Tibet, vol. 1, for the Potala collection sculptures
description of all these routes. from Kashmir and Gilgit, in particular pIs. 13, 15, and 19, for the seated Buddha images.
3 Chayet, Art et Archeologie du Tibet, pp. 47-51, citing numerous Chinese publications on 23 Ibid., p. 7, on the Tibetan occupation of Gilgit.
Tibetan archaeology as well as the Tibetan scholar Sonam Wangdu, 'Le site neolithique de
Karo dans le district de Chamdo au Tibet'. The Karo pottery was exhibited in Tresors du 24 See Kapstein, The Tibetan Assimilation of Buddhism.
Tibet, Paris: Museum National d'Histoire Naturelle, 1987. 25 See Vitali, Early Temples of Central Tibet, pp. 1-36, for the history of this temple, and
4 Aldenderfer and Moyes, 'Excavations at Dindun, a Pre-Buddhist Village Site in Far pIs. 5-11 for photographs of the standing Bodhisattva in the temple. Vitali has identified
Western Tibet', and Aldenderfer, 'Defining Zhang zhung Ethnicity: An Archaeological this temple as Kachu; however in the opinion of H. E. Richardson its name is Keru.
Perspective from Far Western Tibet'. 26 The Tibetan Bon religion of today may stem from these ancient Bonpo priests, as
5 Xizang Zizhiqu Shannan Diqui Wenwuju, 'Xizang Langkazi sian Chajiagou gumuzang de claimed by its modern adherents, but their beliefs and ritual practices are totally distinct
qingli', Kaogu, 2001:6, pp. 45-7. These horses and earrings are illustrated in HelIer, from what is known of the Tibetan royal funerary rites of the eighth to the ninth century.
'Archeological Artefacts from the Tibetan Empire in Central Asia', Orientations, April 2003. 27 See Lalou, 'Rituel Bonpo des funerailles royales' (1952), or more recently, HelIer,
6 Simons et aI., 'Archeological Research in Mustang'. 'Archeology of funeral rituals as revealed by Tibetan tombs of the 8th to 9th century'.
7 Snellgrove, The Image of the Buddha, pp. 13-24. 28 Stein, 'Du recit au rituel', p. 485, n. 19.
8 Selig Brown, Eternal Presence: Handprints and Footprints in Buddhist Art. 29 Ibid., p. 514.
9 Snellgrove, 'Shrines and Temples of Nepal', pp. 3-20, 93-120. 30 Kapstein, op. cit., pp. 1(}-11, for the migration of monks from Central Tibet and
discussion of the importance of the Tibetan language and its development during this
10 See Locke, Karunamaya, for discussion of numerous Licchavi Buddhist inscriptions: at period.
pp. 296-97 he describes the earliest dated inscription as 464 AD, at Changdu Narayan by
Manadeva, and discusses the Buddhist inscription at Chabahil, believed to be a hundred 31 Vitali, The Kingdom of Gu.ge Pu.hrang, p. 263, for the sculpture made by Nepalese and
years earlier. Kashmiri artists in collaboration in 996, and p. 313, for artists from Magadha.
11 Slusser, Nepal Mandala, vol. 1, p. 31 et passim. 32 The Tibetan text of Atisha's ritual for modelling of clay tsa tsa votive plaques is still
practised to this day (see article by P. Skilling, in press).
12 Levi, Le Nepal, vol. 1, pp. 163-65.
33 According to Kalhana, the twelfth-century Kashmir historian, as cited by Weldon and
13 Slusser, 'Some Nepalese Stone Sculptures: A Reappraisal within their Cultural and Casey Singer, op. cit., p. 14.
historical Context', pp. 79-138.
34 See Luczanits, Buddhist Sculptures in Clay.
14 Ibid., p. 93, and figs. 2 and 5, for a contemporary Vishnu sculpture.
35 Sotheby's New York sale, 30 November 1994, lot 95. I am grateful to David Weldon of
15 See Gutschow, The Nepalese Caitya, pp. 10(}-72, on Licchavi caityas. Sotheby's for providing a photograph.
16 The Chinese pilgrim Hsuan Tsang (seventh century) reported their red copper coins 36 See Alsop, 'The Metal Sculpture of the Khasa Malla Kingdom', for discussion. Notable is
(Slusser, Nepal Mandala, p. 39, citing S. Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, Translated a Khasa Malla sculpture of Prajnaparamita, conforming to the Pala preferred type of a
from the Chinese of Hiuen Tsiang, repr. 1969, vol. 2, p. 80). two-armed, rather than the Tibetan Buddhist four-armed, aspect.
17 Slusser, loco cit., and vol. 2, pI. 448. For the metallurgical analysis see Reedy, Himalayan 37 See HelIer, Hidden Treasures of the Himalaya: Tibetan Buddhist Manuscripts, Paintings and
bronzes, pp. 10(}-01, 22(}-47. Sculptures of Dolpo (forthcoming).
18 Lo Bue, 'Statuary Metals in Tibet and the Himalayas: History, Tradition and Modern 38 Vitali, op. cit., pp. 103-9, for discussion of the artistic exchanges between Sa skya, the
Use', p. 35. Yuan court and the Kathmandu valley artists, and the artistic repercussions in Tibet.
19 Weldon and Casey Singer, The Sculptural Heritage of Tibet, p. 90: 'silver was not used in 39 See Bentor, 'The Content of Stupas and Images and the Indo-Tibetan Concept of Relics',
Kathmandu valley works of art.' p.26.
20 For example, the sister of Song tsen gampo was sent to Zhang-zhung as a bride. In 671,
another princess was sent as a bride to Zhang zhung, and in 689 the granddaughter of
Song tsen was sent to the Tuyuhun (near modern Dulan, in Qinghai). In 734 a Tibetan
princess was sent to the Khagan of the Tiirgesh (east of Samarkand), and in 740 a princess
was sent as a bride for the ruler of Bru-zha (the modern Hunza valley in far northern
39
68
WHAT IS THE POLICY ADOPTED BY CHINA REGARDING
TRADITIONAL TIBETAN CULTURE?
The Red Guards' vandalism during the Cultural Revolution must not
be confused with "the correct policy carried out by the people's gov-
ernment during the greater part of the post-liberation period. Re-
specting and protecting the traditional cultures of all minorities is the
policy of the Chinese government.... The world-famous Potala
Palace, for example, has been listed on the register as a national his-
torical relic, under special protection by the government." Works of
art and books held there are all "well preserved."
The government also encourages the development of Tibetan
medicine and medical science. As far as Tibetan literature is concerned,
"by 1987, more than 43 million copies of 600 books written in Ti-
betan had been published in China." The world-famous epic King Gesar
has been"saved and edited and published." Tibetan dramas, dancing,
and operas are being encouraged, and "traditional repertoires" have
been developed.
20 9
210 / Culture and Education Questions 68-75 / 211
with the objective of reinforcing unity among the diverse ethnic groups. This epic-given here as an example of protection of culture-has become an
applies to Tibetans living in the eastern provinces of Qinghai, Gansu, "official competition," with prizes for the best singer (see also Question
Sichuan, and Yunnan, as well as to the inhabitants of the TAR. The prob- 70). The traditional contest of the butter sculptures (torma) made by the
lems resulting from this policy are obvious: in Tibet, "culture" was intrin- monks of Lhasa and Kumbum monastery as part of the month-long New
sically linked with religious values, principally Buddhist values; it was also Year celebrations (see Richardson 1993= 27-30) is now advertised in the
linked with social structure dependent on religion (the predominant role of mass media.
the clergy, the national religious festivals and ceremonies, village rituals, etc.). The Chinese authors give several other examples, such as the architec-
Thus, the destruction and limitations imposed on religious practices, as well tural restoration of the Potala and the encouragement of Tibetan medical
as the suppression of traditional social structures resulted in the disappear- techniques and pharmacology, which will be discussed later. Here, we shall
ance of a relatively large proportion of festivals and cultural events-or else, say a bit about Tibetan opera-or theater-and songs and dances.
the basic meaning of these gatherings was distorted to align them with It is true that these arts have a protected status "in a Chinese way," which
official policies. is to say that both in the TAR and in China, institutes have been founded
Moreover, the clergy is no longer the sole depository of knowledge, and to train professional actors, singers, and dancers. In the old Tibet, there were
the aim of the Chinese government is as always the "laicization" of Ti- professional touring theater companies, but on the whole, their perfor-
betans, which is completely out of harmony with traditional Tibetan cul- mances were unsophisticated. They were either traveling companies or
tural values (this also applies to Question 70). That is why "popular" gath- people who pursued agricultural activities outside of the "theater season,"
erings are in theory authorized, but are sometimes so estranged from their when they had to perform first for the Dalai Lama, then for Drepung
initial intention that they become pure" folklore" rather than religious cel- monastery, for aristocratic families, and finally in the Norbulingka, where
ebration. And such festivals become tourist attractions. For example, there the entire population of Lhasa was in attendance. This was the festival called
is a Jyekundo "fair" that now has thousands in attendance, watching horse "The Yogurt Feast" (zhoton), which in fact marked the end of the monks'
races, participating in various competitions, and attending a giant com- summer retreat. This festival still exists, but paradoxically, the plays are
mercial bazaar. Originally, this "fair" took place during a weeklong cele- also performed in theaters. And (as the Chinese answer to Question 70 tells
bration for local deities, with rituals to honor them. This intent is now to- as well), the religious origin of this festival has been all but effaced, be-
tally disguised, and unknown to many who attend. Describing a similar cause it is now called "The Festival of Tibetan Opera." The actors' and
"popular cultural festival" in Amdo at the end of the 1980s, Per Kvaerne singers' training has been in great part sinicized, and their makeup and
(1994: 180-82) emphasizes the aspect of masquerade and the artificial char- singing style have been altered to suit Chinese theatrical tastes. This is also
acter of the ritual, as well as the political message of peace, harmony, and true of the so-called popular troupes of singers and dancers that go on stage
unity among all the nationalities of China conveyed by such a festival. For and are sent on tour abroad. The contrast with villagers' performances of
the same reasons, village rituals-which are conceived of as beyond the the same songs and dances-which may not be as pretty but are at least
sphere of Buddhism, since they occur outdoors and unconfined by temple authentic-is striking.
walls-are on the whole favored. This despite the fact that to the foreign 100 Questions praises the development of the traditional theater reper-
observer, such festivals would appear to reinforce local identity to the detri- toire. In all, formerly, there were about ten plays, all related to moral or re-
ment of the process of construction of national identity as citizens of the ligious themes, except for one whose theme was the marriage of Songtsen
"motherland" (Karmay 1994). Here, too, the PRC is heir to the policies for- Gampo with a Chinese princess and a Nepalese princess (Gyaza Belza). How-
merly maintained by the empire, whereby the notion of "folklore" is ap- ever, what the authors neglect to mention is that except for the creation of
plied to local customs, songs, and popular dances, making them, as such, a theater play from the Gesar epic, the majority of the new creations are di-
innocuous and easy to integrate into Han culture. (On this subject, see Tre- rectly inspired by Communist ideology: the themes are those of the liber-
binjac 1990, which demonstrates the policy of control of popular gather- ation of the oppressed serfs from their evil masters, the patriotic sacrifice of
ings in process since the Han dynasty.) the hero for the good of the nation, and so on. Censure of other themes can
In Tibet under control of the PRC, for example, the singing of the Gesar sometimes be quite strong; in 1996, a play called "The Secrets of the Potala
212 / Culture and Education Questions 68-75 / 21 3
Palace" was simply forbidden both in theater and on film, because there was conceived as a central and centrifugal force, all other cultures being regarded
no performance of the kowtow (Chinese protocol prostration) by the 5th as "exterior" and peripheral, in short, barbarian and viewed as curiosities.
Dalai Lama when he met with Emperor Shunzhi. In Tibet today, this is the mutual perception of both the crowds of Han
tourists and the inhabitants of Tibet: who is mocking whom in the game of
masquerading as a Tibetan nomad for a souvenir photograph in front of the
69 Kumbum monastery, in Qinghai, or in front of the Potala in Lhasa? The re-
SOME FOREIGN NEWSPAPERS HAVE CLAIMED THAT CHINA cent intense interest in Tibet by Chinese results in the high percentage of
HAS PAID NO ATTENTION TO TIBET'S HISTORY AND CULTURE. Han tourists in Tibet. But it is not Tibet's art treasures but rather the Disney-
WHAT ARE THE FACTS? land effect that dominates.
That said, it is true that certain traditional cultural activities are pro-
tected and encouraged, but, as indicated in the previous answer, in a very
The regional government has made great efforts to maintain and de- selective way. In line with the declared goal of achieving the seculariza-
velop Tibetan historical culture. A wide range of institutes and schools, tion of Tibetan society, the areas that will be encouraged are purely secu-
as well as research institutes, have been created: the "Nationality lar, such as horse races, dances, and open air theater, in which the clergy
education research institute," the "Tibetan language teaching research hardly participated in traditional Tibet. Those activities linked with reli-
society," the "Tibetan language teachers training centre." Language gion are either forbidden or officially limited to such an extent that their
textbooks and training materials for students at primary and second- impact is virtually nil, and in any case, the government does not patron-
ary schools are translated [from Mandarin] and published. A Tibetan ize them. For example, pilgrimage to holy places was certainly one of the
medical school and a medical department inTibet University have been Tibetans' most widespread religious activities. Currently, the policies
set up. Tibetan history and religion are studied in specialized insti- about pilgrimage vary from year to year, and pilgrimages are sometimes
tutes, while the Academy of Social Sciences focuses its research on tolerated, sometimes discouraged, either by economic sanctions or politi-
history, religion, and culture. cal restrictions.
Since 1980, the central government has spent huge sums of money In short, as long as "culture" is defined as that of lay society, Tibetan
for the restoration and preservation of Tibet's cultural and historical culture is officially protected (PRC, Information Office of the State Coun-
sites. For instance, since 1981, state expenditure on the maintenance cil, 1999)· But as soon as "culture" is related to the clergy, the concepts of
of Potala Palace alone has exceeded 4 million yuan, and more will be feudalism and social exploitation are used to devalue and discourage reli-
given in the future. gious practices.
The subject of religion is certainly a vexed question in a Communist so-
ciety, which by definition is atheistic. But, in the case of Tibet, it is clear that
AMY HELLER
the official hostility to religious culture is reinforced both in the sense of
The Chinese reply to this question is extremely vague. It combines culture opposition to the previous regime of government by the Dalai Lamas as re-
(Questions 68-69) with the subject of restoration of buildings (Question ligious leaders, and by the aristocracy, and because of the strong attachment
71) and with teaching of language, history, and traditional medicine; instead, to this religious culture that Tibetans still frequently express.
here, culture and history will be discussed as a direct reply to the question. On another level, the Chinese reply to this question describes the cre-
We refer the reader to Question 74 on Tibetan medicine. One must em- ation of schools, research institutes, and so on, responsible for the study of
phasize that since 100 Questions was initially published in 1988 (in French), Tibetan language and history, and encouragement of such studies. This is
there have been several years of work on the restoration and renovation of indeed a concrete achievement (on which, however, see Questions 61 and
the Potala (see Question 71). 75)· As far as history is concerned, the way of studying it reflects the polit-
As regards the importance attributed to Tibetan history and culture, it is ical ideology, that is, the study of history is oriented toward the proof of the
essential to note that for the Han, culture is by definition Chinese culture, subordination of Tibet to China and the justification of Chinese sovereignty
/ Culture and Education Questions 68-75 /
over Tibet. The political history of Tibet has been systematically "re- and in the homes of many Tibetans. Exhibitions in Beijing in
arranged" to correspond to these claims and to the "just cause" of the Chi- May 1986 and in Paris during summer of 1987 have been
nese occupation of Tibet since 1951. The ideology only recognizes the Chi- highly praised.
nese version of Tibetan history, whereby Tibet has been an integral part of
China since the thirteenth century, but the far more complex historical re- Moreover, various publications on Tibetan opera, folk songs and folk-
ality is silenced. Certainly, the idea of a vast Tibetan empire from the sev- tales, proverbs, and folk dances are in preparation. Since 1983, a dozen
or so Tibetan cultural and art troupes have toured in many Asian and
enth century to the ninth is accepted, but any notion of Tibetan political in-
Western countries.
dependence in the twentieth century is officially denied, as shown in Part I
of this book.
AMY HELLER AND ANNE-MARIE BLONDEAU
One cannot deny that in the past fifty years, thanks to the impetus of the
7° Chinese, there have been considerable strides forward in publication of oral
WHAT IS THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT'S ATTITUDE TOWARD and written Tibetan texts and research on various aspects of Tibetan liter-
TRADITIONAL TIBETAN LITERATURE AND ART? ature, and a modern literature has developed on a vast scale among young
Tibetan writers. Here, as in the general conception of culture, it is secular
literature-at least as far as the Chinese understand it-that is esteemed.
In order to show the great importance attached by the Chinese gov- Much of the literature produced in Tibet during the past 1,)00 years is re-
ernment to this topic, which is "an important component of China's ligious: philosophical, and ritual, of course, but also hagiographical, historio-
traditional culture," three examples are given: graphical, and poetical. Even what the Chinese consider "secular" or "popu-
lar" literature-such as the Gesar epic, the opera, and medical literature-was
1. The collection, collation, and publication of the King Gesar epic, written by the clergy and served to transmit the values of Buddhism to the
the longest epic in the world. It is also" a valuable historical general populace. In other words, a complex interaction evolved between
document of the three or four centuries of war that followed forms of literature that probably had popular origins, like the Gesar epic,
the collapse of the Tubo Dynasty, with much information about
and the learned literary production where religion, whether Buddhist or
the religious rites, social mores, marriage system, customs,
Bonpo, is omnipresent, often forming the principal theme.
and habits of the period." This epic is "one of the state's key
academic research projects. Research institutions on King Gesar This interaction has also influenced modern bards, whose songs reflect
have been set up across the country," bards are invited, their or sometimes reproduce written versions of the Gesar epic. So, while it is
singing is recorded, and the written versions are collected and true that the wars Gesar must wage against his adversaries are the main-
published. spring of all the episodes, which are full of battles, sorcery, and intrigue, they
2. The spreading and development of the Tibetan opera. "A wide- are incorporated into what is now a completely Buddhist framework, in
spread popularization program has led not only to the establish- which Gesar, as the incarnation of a Buddha, fights against incarnations of
ment of full-time troupes in the TAR and other areas, but also demons who threaten to destroy his kingdom and the world. It is thus to-
the organization of amateur opera groups in many villages," tally delusory to think, as the Chinese seem to do, that this epic saga is the
more than twenty in Medu Kongkar [Meldro Gungkar] county, reflection of a society where the clergy had not yet developed a strong
near Lhasa. "The Sour Milk Drinking Festival [zhoton] in July- influence, and to attempt on that basis to exploit it ideologically against the
August was originally purely religious. Now, Tibetan opera is its former Tibetan social system.
main component, hence it has been renamed the 'Tibetan Opera But in discussing the Gesar epic, which is the first example cited by the
Festival.' " Chinese as proof of their "attachment" to Tibetan literature, it is neces-
3. The new development of tangka [thangka] religious art. These sary to recognize the systematic research accomplished on this topic and
painted scrolls are hung both in the temples and monasteries, praise the results, even if their outcome may be deleterious in the long run
21.6 I Culture and Education Questions 68-75 I
to Tibetan culture. As 100 Questions emphasizes, this epic is probably the has virtually ceased (except among the Tibetans in exile, of course). On the
longest in the world, and it is still in a process of creation and transfor- other hand, a new phenomenon has arisen under the influence of Chinese
mation: even today the bards are inspired to create new episodes. First in- schools and universities. This is a secular literature, written by laypeople,
troduced to the Western public by Alexandra David-Neel's publication in in nontraditional forms, notably short stories and novels, and also poetry
1930, the Gesar epic has been relatively little studied in the West, and pre- in free verse (on these new literary genres, see Shakya 2000). There are many
ponderantly in written rather than oral form, as scholars were unable to new literary reviews in the TAR and in the former Kham and Amdo. One
hear it in situ. It is to the credit of Chinese and Tibetan scholars that they must remark, however, that a good many of the young Tibetan authors write
succeeded in locating living bards and recording their versions of the epic in Mandarin rather than Tibetan.
saga. There are literally thousands of hours of such recordings (Yang En- As for the themes dealt with, they obviously are different from those of
hong 1.999). They have thus documented a living tradition that, without classical literature, and writers are slowly freeing themselves from the po-
their efforts, would have inevitably been lost in the present context of litical correctness that was de rigueur in early novels and short stories. Fol-
modernization. lowing contemporary Chinese models, the new literary forms that have be-
Besides, this interest in the epic has had an unexpected effect among the come popular in Tibet are plots proselytizing for the Communist Chinese
Tibetan population. Traditionally forbidden in the big Gelugpa monaster- regime. Tsering Shakya shows the ideological framework in which "lay"
ies, the epic was a declining tradition before the 1950S, except in eastern Ti- Tibetan literature has been encouraged, and the political constraints hang-
bet; but, as the mass publication of the Gesar episodes has exploded in the ing over it. The first magazine devoted to modern Tibetan literature, Bokyi
low-price market, a new appreciation of their literary monument has arisen tsomrig gyutsel (Tibetan Literary Art), published in 1.980 by the TAR Writ-
among Tibetans. Moreover, Gesar has become the representative of a glo- ers' Association, contained four short stories by Tibetan writers written in
rious, free, and powerful Tibet and the emblem of the Tibetan nationalism Mandarin and then translated into Tibetan. The goal was to make the Chi-
(Karmay 1.994: 1.1.5). It is ironic to think that for the Chinese, the study of nese public empathize with the sufferings of the Tibetan people during the
the Gesar epic was encouraged because it "is a valuable historical document ancien regime and furnish a moral justification for the liberation of Tibet.
of the three or four centuries of war that followed the collapse of the Tubo Consequently, these stories tell about "Tibetan serfs" questioning the feu-
Dynasty," which means for them till the period of the integration of Tibet dal system (Shakya 2000). This magazine was followed by several others
into China by the Yuan dynasty. devoted to modern literature, but the fact that the subject had to include
As a second example, 1.00 Questions stresses the spread and development some kind of social commentary was evident, although the choice of what
of Tibetan opera, already discussed in Question 68. What the Chinese au- is politically correct changes with the various political phases inside and out-
thors describe here illustrates our earlier remarks: the creation of profes- side the TAR.
sional theater troupes, the secularization of the "Yogurt Feast" (zhoton), Publication in literary reviews imposed the genre of the short story. When
which has become an opera festival. the first novel written in praise of the PLA, "An Auspicious Flower [kelzang
The discussion has hitherto been based on traditional forms of Tibetan metogI," appeared in 1.982, it won a prize as "best national minority
literature, essentially, as noted, stemming from the clerics, who were the bas- groups" novel but did not sell well. However, the second modern Tibetan
tion of knowledge; even though literate people were to be found among the novel to appear, "The Turquoise [Ornament] of the Crown of the Head [Tsug
nobility, they left few writings. Only one early novel is known that does not yuI, " published in 1.985, which denigrated the old society in politically cor-
take religion as its central subject, and whose plot is based on laypeople's lives. rect fashion, was a bestseller. The style of these two works, especially the
Dokhar Tsering Wangyal, the author of this "romantic adventure," titled latter, constituted a major innovation in literary expression, and even if the
"The Tale of the Incomparable Youth," was an eighteenth-century Lhasa aris- themes are predictable, the language is lively and vivid.
tocrat who derived much of his inspiration as regards both style and content Modern Tibetan poetry, which was first published in a magazine called
from Indian epic literature such as the Ramayana (Shakya 2000). Drangchar (Gentle Rain), as of 1.981., deserves special mention. The leader
The dismantling of traditional monastic education means that the literati of the movement was Dondrup Gyel (1.953-1.985), who defended a modern
are no longer trained in the monasteries, and classical literary production Tibetan nationalism without arguing for either the ancien regime or the
2:18 / Culture and Education Questions 68-75 /
official Communist Party line. He committed suicide at the age of 32 (Stod- Although there are now conservation and restoration projects (see, e.g.,
dard :1994a; for translations of some of his poems and novels, see Shakya the Tibet Museum, Question 7:1), for many years, Tibetan traditional art
2000, Virtanen 2000, and ThondrupgyaI2007). was not really encouraged in official training programs or by commis-
To conclude on the subject of Tibetan literature, one must add a com- sioning of new works of art in traditional style. This is starting to change,
ment on publishing. Chinese government policy encouraged mass publica- and Tibet University's Department of Art in Lhasa now gives courses in
tion of cheap paperback editions, especially of the works of Marx, Lenin, and traditional painting, although traditional sculpture is not taught at present.
Mao and other political and ideological writings. The "Text of the Govern- There is a gallery, the Gediin Chophel Artists' Guild, situated on the north-
ment Policy on National Minorities" was published in Tibetan in Beijing as eastern corner of the Barkor, which shows their paintings, mixing both
early as :1952, and the constitution of the PRC was available in Tibetan in modern and traditional styles. Few masters of the preceding generation
:1954 (Stoddard :1994b: :129). The Chinese answer to Question 68 rightly are still teaching individual students; their work may be seen in the restora-
boasts about the volume of publications: already in :1987, more than 600 ti- tion projects of monasteries and temples. Officially, however, the Chinese
tles in Tibetan were available, amounting to 43.5 million books; these esteem and encourage the "new art" of lay Tibetan or Chinese painters
figures probably include large numbers of textbooks, technical and agricul- living in Tibet, who either reinterpret traditional art or are influenced by
tural manuals, and propaganda translated from Chinese into Tibetan. Still, Western modern art. The Kandze district school (in Kham), which rapidly
the spread of Tibetan literature was encouraged by this government policy. became famous for its reinterpretations of traditional thangka, came into
Apart from the Gesar epic, there are also other forms of classical literature being at the end of the :1980s. But if the esthetic style of Kandze thangka
reprinted in these inexpensive paperback editions or, in some cases, where creates an illusion of traditional painting, the subjects treated are purely
the woodblocks survived, in the traditional Tibetan format of individual rec- secular. These paintings are very subtle means of conveying specific new
tangular pages. Whatever the Chinese motivations may have been, it has political myths in a form familiar to Tibetans: the heroic grandeur of the
resulted in a popularization of Tibetan literature that had never before been period before Buddhism was dominant in Tibet; friendship between the
conceivable. For example, the collected works of Gediin Chapel, a most Han and the Tibetans; and the attraction of consumer products (Kvaerne
prominent intellectual of the first half of the twentieth century, well known :1994)· It is not yet clear what impact these messages have on the public,
for his "progressive" opinions (see Stoddard :1985; Lopez 2006), were reprinted and if a painting"commissioned" for these purposes will find a support-
in Lhasa and sold out in just a few days. ive echo. Nonetheless, among the new artists, there are some who are very
Unfortunately, after the political change of the :1994 Third Tibet Work gifted, and whatever subject they are required to paint-whether patri-
Forum, the budget devoted to academic and literary publications was se- otic or pastoral-they show real originality and talent (Stoddard 2000).
verely reduced in :1996: magazine circulation was almost cut in half. Today, As for sculpture, everyone sees the pair of monumental yaks in gilded con-
an author who wants to be published has to assume the cost of the publi- crete commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the "peaceful liberation"
cation of his own work, which can be as much as 20,000 yuan (U.S.$:10 in of Lhasa, exemplifying how art is exploited for political purposes today in
September :1997 was equivalent to 75.52 yuan). Tibet. In fact, a yak would never have been the principal subject of a tra-
The third example cited in the Chinese reply as a proof of the protection ditional Tibetan sculpture.
guaranteed to Tibetan art is the "new development of the art of thangka." Following the Cultural Revolution, in accordance with the new policies
The meaning to attribute to this "new development" is rather obscure, be- of restoration and economic restructuring, some artists and artisans were
cause the authors merely cite two exhibitions, in Beijing and Paris, follow- authorized to work in their traditional techniques. However, the economic
ing a very summary description of the thangka, portable Tibetan paintings priorities and lack of practitioners make transmission of these problematic,
on fabric, which are used in meditation rituals or as a didactic tool, depict- because the traditional apprenticeship system, both in art and in building
ing, for example, scenes from the life of the Buddha. Here we shall examine techniques, has been done away with. Tibetan and foreign architects have
the present situation of Tibetan art in more detail. worked to reestablish such apprenticeships since :1995, but these programs
Tibetan traditional art, whether painting or sculpture, was essentially are still limited to the urban center of Lhasa for now, and the outlying com-
religious and has been made famous in the West by numerous exhibitions. munities do not have access to such training (see also Question 7:1).
220 / Culture and Education Questions 68-75 / 221
chiefly employs archeologists, but it is not known what training they have
71 received. Surviving historical archives are also conserved, in a building es-
WHAT WORK HAS BEEN DONE TO PROTECT CULTURAL RELICS pecially constructed for this purpose, and the invaluable library and artis-
AND HISTORICAL SITES IN TIBET? tic treasures accumulated over the centuries in the Potala have been pre-
served. An inventory of Tibet's artistic and historical patrimony has been
undertaken. In 1999, the Tibet Museum was opened in Lhasa, and several
It is repeated that "the protection of patrimony is the constant policy rooms in it present artistic treasures, even if one of them is exclusively de-
of the Chinese government," stating that much has been restored since voted to the demonstration that Tibet has been part of China since the Yuan
Tibet and the rest of China were devastated by the Cultural Revolu- dynasty. The desire to protect Tibet's cultural heritage is quite obvious, and
tion, and that the protection of patrimony has been reinforced with the conservation and restoration of cultural monuments has indeed begun.
attention to restoration of historic monuments"as much as possible." This will undoubtedly take years. The resources for restoration-whether
The amounts cited in previous answers are repeated: in Tibet, public human, financial, or technical-are limited, and sometimes the "best inten-
funds totaling 36 million yuan were spent on restoration of "impor- tions in the world" bring sad results. Examples abound of inadequate or
tant temples"; thirteen are under central government protection as cul- inappropriate restoration techniques that have actually damaged, rather
tural treasures, and eleven have been designated as TAR-protected. In than restored, the artwork on which they were used: for example, varnish
March 1980, Lhasa created a construction company specialized in applied to wall paintings in the fifteenth-century Gyantse stupa in a gov-
restoration, which repaired eleven famous temples and monasteries, ernment restoration program in the 1980s attacked the pigments under-
including the Daipung [Drepung], Sera, Gahdan [Ganden], the Jo- neath the surface, resulting in irreversible loss of ancient pigment (Heller
khang, Norbulingka, and Tashilhiinpo (the names of the other five 1993; Lo Bue 2004). In 1994, during roof restoration by a foreign NGO
restorations are not listed). "[M]ore than 10,000 m 2 of buildings and using Tibetan traditional techniques to preserve eleventh-century wall
1,soom2 of murals" were thus restored. paintings in the Dratang temple, inadequate supervision resulted in water
Other, secular historic sites have also benefited from special cred- seepage and mud spilling all over the ancient paintings. Other problematic
its, such as the tombs of the Tibetan kings and the fortress of Gyantse, restorations have occurred when local communities of monks, acting with-
"witness of the 1904 Tibetan resistance there against the British out consultation with regional cultural relics authorities, whitewashed or
invaders." repainted the ancient mural paintings using acrylic paint that compromises
Last, the Tibetan Cultural Relics Administration Bureau, created any future restorations.
shortly after the foundation of the TAR, "is now staffed with many The most important example of the protection of cultural heritage is the
professional specialists to ensure all renovation is carried out Potala Palace, which is now a museum (the monastery that it sheltered is
authentically. " still inhabited by about sixty monks, who are the guardians of the rooms
visited by tourists). The Chinese reply to Question 69 indicates that vast
AMY HELLER
amounts of money have been devoted to restoration of the Potala. Indeed,
since the publication of 100 Questions in 1989, it has been restored several
Even if the statistics on the destruction of temples and monasteries during times, at great expense. However, a large section of the exterior wall col-
the Cultural Revolution can be contested, it is hard to name a single city lapsed in 200:1 after the restoration had been completed, and work on the
or village where any of the religious and historical buildings were left in- roof and structural repairs were still ongoing in 2006.
tact indicating how widespread the destruction was. It is true that the cen- On the other hand, beside the interest shown in Tibetan cultural heritage,
tral Chinese government and the government of the TAR subsequently the government has also undertaken a series of major urban development
established a policy of protecting Tibet's cultural heritage, administered by plans for Lhasa, with the creation of giant avenues and an undeniable disre-
the Tibetan Cultural Relics Administration Bureau, whose offices were gard for architectural context; despite the creation of "protected historic
until recently housed in the outbuildings of the Norbulingka. The bureau zones," the immediate periphery of the monuments has been divested of
;1
222 / Culture and Education Questions 68-75 / 223
many of the ancient constructions, which have been replaced by incongru- building towering above the Jokhang and Ramoche temples. The situation
ous modern ones (see Barnett :1998b, 2006). In 2004, there were small bou- is far from a stable and consistent policy to promote preservation of Ti-
tiques bordering the esplanade in front of the ancient Jokhang temple, where bet's architectural heritage.
there are now stable paving stones and bright streetlights; this represents an Finally, it should be noted that the" encouragement of Tibetan traditional
improvement, because previously, from around :1995 until 2000, there were culture" includes the construction of modern concrete buildings "in Tibetan
two giant fountains in front of the Jokhang, a total architectural anomaly in style," which is truly absurd, both esthetically and technically, in relation
the dry climate of Tibet. The nomination of the Potala to the World Heritage to traditional Tibetan architecture (on which see Chayet :1994).
List of UNESCO in :1995 was expected to bring enforcement of the concept
of the "architectural buffer zone" according to the UNESCO principles, call-
ing for respect of the integrity of the historic zone (MacLean :1993). Instead, 72
in 200:1, to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the "peaceful liberation," a WHAT IS THE SITUATION OF TIBETAN STUDIES IN CHINA?
concrete "mountain" was built in front of the Potala, to the despair of urban [QUESTION 70, 200:1]
conservationists and architects. After consultation with UNESCO experts in
2004, the Lhasa cultural relics authorities announced a competition for ar-
chitects to propose a new monument and urban project to replace the "moun- The Tibetans "have a long history and brilliant culture. The field of
tain," which was, however, still there in 2007- Tibetan studies is a comprehensive science. China's study of Tibet
One must also consider secular architecture. Historians of Lhasa city began before the Tang Dynasty (6:18-9°7), and thousands of works
development have documented the disappearance of numerous ancient in the field have resulted from research done in various periods of
buildings in the residential section in the center of Lhasa. From :1993 until history."
:1998, an average of thirty-five buildings were demolished every year. In "In recent years, Tibetan studies have developed further. Remark-
:1998, a moratorium on demolition of traditional buildings in the center of able progress has been made in training professional researchers and
Lhasa was declared, and seventy-six buildings were targeted for restora- gathering historical data and reference materials." Institutes of Tibetan
tion as residences by the Lhasa municipality, which consulted with the res- studies have been established in various areas. In May :1986, the China
idents to determine contemporary needs, especially as regards sewers and Tibetology Research Center was founded, which has "pushed the
drainage (Alexander and de Azevedo :1998; Alexander 2005; THF :1999). country's research in this field to a higher level."
The Tibet Heritage Fund (THF), a European NCO that was responsible for
[The 200:1 version speaks of more than fifty institutes of Tibetan
many restoration projects, in collaboration with 270 Tibetan architects, ma-
studies, some thirty periodicals, in Tibetan, Chinese, and English, and
sons, and artisans, as well as for training in Tibetan traditional building
developing academic exchanges.]
skills, was obliged to leave Lhasa in 2000, but there are now several other
construction companies specialized in traditional Tibetan architectural
AMY HELLER AND ANNE-MARIE BLONDEAU
techniques adapted to current needs. Awareness of this issue was demon-
strated by an international seminar in Lhasa in 2004 on conservation of Let us start by saying that the Chinese definition of Tibetology is quite dif-
architecture and mural paintings in Tibet, co-sponsored by Lhasa Tibet Uni- ferent from the usual definition in the West, that of a modern discipline that
versity, and Trondheim Norwegian Technical University. Fifty urban plan- uses all the tools of the humanities and the social sciences for the study of
ners, architects, painters, sculptors, painting restorers, Tibetologists, cul- Tibet and its civilization. The Chinese present official documents, encyclo-
tural relics authorities, and engineers attended. Such a seminar shows pedia articles, and travelers' and pilgrims' accounts that have appeared since
understanding of the need for concerted interdisciplinary efforts to im- the Tang era as "research," supporting the notion that Tibetology has long
plement good conservation strategies for secular and religious architecture been a discipline in China. However, in practice, the Tibetan and Chinese
in Tibet, but just beyond the protective zone and buffer zones, high-rise Tibetologists work in very similar manner to Western Tibetologists, aside
buildings are still being constructed, such as the :13 -storey Public Security from the inevitable ideological givens, the exclusion of certain politically sen-
224 / Culture and Education Questions 68-75 / 225
sitive subjects, and weakness in critical methods. They also lack exposure
to foreign publications in the field and may thus be unaware of previous 73
WHAT DOES THE CHINA TIBETAN STUDIES CENTER DO?
work by other scholars, which sometimes limits the scope of their research.
WHO RUNS IT?
However, Chinese Tibetology is a relatively young field, and it is all too easy
to criticize these weaknesses, which are rapidly being corrected by the Ti-
betologists themselves.
Its mandate is "to organize and co-ordinate Tibetan studies in China,
Tibetology has been officially encouraged as a discipline. One example
to collect, collate and publish Tibetan literature and other Tibetan writ-
is the creation in 1989 of the Center for Tibetan Studies at Sichuan Uni-
ings, to train Tibetan studies personnel, and to further academic ex-
versity, Chengdu, to conduct archeological research in Tibet, as a comple-
changes on Tibetan studies with other countries." Its general secre-
ment to the Institute of Nationality Studies of the Chinese Academy of So-
tary [in 1989] is the Tibetan scholar Dojie Caidan [Dorje Tseten],
cial Sciences in Beijing, which focuses mainly on current cultural, economic,
former chairman of the people's government of the TAR.
political, and social aspects of Tibet. It is said that there are about 2,000 Ti-
Work in progress includes the collation and publication of the Tri-
betologists in China, 1,000 of whom are of Tibetan nationality, primarily
pitaka ["Three Baskets," the Buddhist scriptural canon] in Tibetan,
working in Lhasa, Xining, Beijing, and Chengdu (but this figure includes
the study and classification of Sanskrit manuscripts preserved in Ti-
translators, political scientists, publishers, and so on). There are indeed fifty
bet, and the study of "the relations between the Tibetan local gov-
Tibetology institutes, located throughout China, although some of them
ernment and China's central government since the Yuan Dynasty, and
have only one or two members (Tan Hongkai 2000).
the Tibetan serf system." The center also publishes a quarterly, China
In Tibetological research, certain subjects are particularly favored, as we
Tibetan Studies, in both Chinese and Tibetan.
saw earlier in connection with Tibetan literature and protection of Tibet's
cultural heritage. Ethnology and study of nomad life are recognized as eco-
AMY HELLER
nomically useful as well as culturally appropriate. However, if research on
ancient Tibet and archeology has great official encouragement, subject to Since its creation in 1986, the Beijing Tibetology Research Center has
the limitations and political imperatives mentioned earlier, the study of mod- evolved considerably. Even if the scholars are not free in their choice of sub-
ern history is undoubtedly subject to close supervision. "While the Dalai ject, they do good work. The results-both in research and publications in
Lama clique actively distorts current realities in Tibet in the name of Ti- the fields of Tibetan religion, history, and literature-are quite noteworthy.
betologists, Chinese Tibetologists have an obligation to tell the world what Several departments, such as those dealing with linguistics, the Gesar epic,
Tibet was and is like," Lhagpa Phuntso, current director of the Beijing Ti- and Bonpo religion, are very strong.
betology Research Center, asserts (quoted in Tan Hongkai 2000; see also Dorje Tseten, a longtime high-ranking TAR official, formerly headed the
Barnett 2003). Tibetologists in the PRC are also charged with translating center. Since 2000, its director has been Lhagpa Phuntso, a former president
Chinese classics and literature into Tibetan as a way of culturally integrat- of the Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences, then vice president of the TAR
ing Tibetans into the "Han" motherland. from 1992 to 1997 (Conner and Barnett 1997: 241).
Curiously-perhaps a repercussion of Chinese ethnocentrism? -100 In addition to the activities indicated by the Chinese answer, the Beijing
Questions focuses on the creation of the Beijing Tibetology Research Cen- Tibetology Research Center organized international congresses on Tibetol-
ter, to which the following Question 73 is devoted, and avoids mentioning ogy in 1986, 1991, 1997, and 2001, in the social sciences, history, archeol-
any of the other institutes, some of which are quite active and maintain a ogy, anthropology, and literature. In 2002 and 2004, in collaboration with
high level. In particular, the Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences in Lhasa the Chengdu Tibetan Center, the Beijing center organized seminars on Ti-
has reprinted many rare works, some from the Potala library, and also pub- betan art and archeology, bringing together some fifty scholars from many
lishes two journals, one in Tibetan and the other in English, both of which parts of China and foreign countries. In October 2006, the Institute of
are less politically oriented than China Tibetan Studies, published by the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Art at Capital Normal University (Beijing) convened
Beijing Center. the Third International Conference on Tibetan Art and Archeology.
234 I Culture and Education Questions 68-75 I 235
frustrations they feel without exposing themselves to political repression issue has been addressed in Question 61.. They are good tools for sinicizing,
in Chinese Tibet. as are cheap cassettes, which can even be heard in nomads' tents. The ad-
vent of portable telephones and text-messages, which are as popular in Ti-
bet as elsewhere on our planet, constitute another challenge to the Tibetan
75 language, because so far, only Mandarin can be used for text messages. How-
How ABOUT THE USE OF THE TIBETAN LANGUAGE? ever, Tibet University's Engineering Department is working on producing
[QUESTION 66, 2001] a Tibetan-language option for text messages (2004).
Concerning education (on which see Question 28), primary school is in-
deed taught in Tibetan, or was until 1997, with progressive introduction of
"The Chinese Constitution stipulates that each ethnic group has the Mandarin, which is required in secondary studies. As the 100 Questions re-
freedom to use and develop its own language." Since the "peaceful ply states, the People's Congress of the TAR adopted a series of rules in 1987
liberation" of Tibet, Tibetan-language specialists have been trained, concerning the study, use, and development of Tibetan language, which im-
and the number of newspapers, such as Tibet Daily, and magazines posed Tibetan as the language of instruction in early school, with Mandarin
published in Tibetan has continuously increased. "In both rural and introduced as of nine years of age. From 1993, Tibetan was to be used in
urban areas, most primary schools use Tibetan. In all middle schools conjunction with Mandarin in secondary school, and Tibet University
and colleges, there are special courses in the language, and the Tibet courses were to be taught in Tibetan as of 2000.
University has a Tibetan language department." The TAR government However, as discussed by Catriona Bass (1998; see also Question 61), the
has set up many language research institutions and published text- intentions of the 1987 regulations were undermined as a result of the Third
books, and so on, for primary and secondary schools. Tibet Work Forum, which resulted in realignment of Tibetan economic de-
"All the regional government's official documents are written velopment with other provinces and suppression of any Tibetan" separat-
either in Tibetan or both Tibetan and Chinese." According to the reg- ism." Bass explains how the 1980 policies to promote teaching of the Ti-
ulations adopted in 1988, as of 1990, "every unit can refuse to accept betan language were abandoned during the 1990S in conjunction with the
official documents if there are no copies in Tibetan; and all official seals, priority given to economic development. The policy of primary education
certificates and the proper names of public institutions must use both in Mandarin or Tibetan fluctuated over the years.
Tibetan and Chinese." The implementation of these regulations will The utilization of Tibetan in secondary education and university was sup-
certainly develop the use of the Tibetan language. pressed, and professors had to purge their courses to eliminate religious con-
tent (Dharamsala 2000: 19). Tibet University in Lhasa now offers studies in
[The 2001 version adds that local TV and radio use both languages, humanities, fine arts, computer science and engineering, twenty-seven
that "a major principle of local employment and school enrollment" teaching research offices, twenty-one laboratories, and one research insti-
is to give "priority to Tibetan language users," and that "the Tibetan tute. The eighteen departments include the Department of Tibetan Language,
Codes and characters for Information Technology, formulated by the Department of Language, the Department of Political Science and His-
Tibet, have been adopted by the International Organization for Stan- tory, the Department of Mathematics, the Department of Chemistry, Biol-
dardization, ISO. "J ogy and Geology, the Department of Economic Management, the Depart-
ment of Art, and the Department of Tibetan Language Teachers. However,
AMY HELLER AND ANNE-MARIE BLONDEAU all scientific disciplines are taught in Mandarin.
The Chinese response was optimistically written in 1989, but the situation Far more serious, however, is the level of illiteracy. The official statistics
was rather different in 2006. are bleak in this regard: according to the 1990 census, 44.43 percent of Ti-
As far as media are concerned, there is a newspaper in Tibetan, Tibet Daily, betans over fifteen years of age were illiterate. A PRC publication, China's
but it is hard to find it, even in Lhasa. Regarding radio and TV, the language Tibet magazine, reported that only 0.57 percent had studied at the univer-
23 6 / Culture and Education
sity level; 2.12 percent had high-school diplomas, 3.85 percent had under-
gone secondary education, and 18.6 percent had attended primary schooP
Independently, Bass found similar statistics (1998: 11). Nicolas Tournadre
(1999) observes: "The total primacy of Chinese in education and the media
divides Tibetan society in two: the highly sinicized urban groups, who have
access to secondary education, and the nomads and farmers (about 80 per-
cent of the population), who speak only Tibetan and are often illiterate....
When the younger generation come to the cities, they feel like complete
foreigners. "
As an attempt to remedy this situation, in 1987, a Tibetan-language high
school was founded in Beijing that recruits some 70 percent of its students
from families that are not on the payrolls of government offices and facto-
ries, and even from among nomads. In 2000, there were said to be twenty-
four such high schools located throughout the country, with an annual re-
cruitment of 1,)00 Tibetan teenagers (People's Daily, July 1, 2000).
After a slight improvement in the percentage of illiteracy (43.8 percent
in 2002), this percentage sharply increased (see Question 87). Anyway, in
the context of the present policy of encouraging academic associations
linking Tibet University with other universities in China and the policy of
encouraging students, scholars, and technicians from the best Chinese uni-
versities to "head west," whether to Xinjiang, Gansu, or Tibet, it seems un-
likely that a genuinely bilingual educational system will be created in Ti-
bet (TIN 2000b).
58 59
similar. The crown, in particular, shows the closest parallels
with a group identified by von Schroeder as belonging to the
Xuande period (ibid., p. 525). The elegant strands of beads at
the belt of the V&A bodhisattva can also be seen on these in-
scribed Xuande sculptures (ibid.) and an inscribed Yongle pe-
riod Manjushri in the State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg
(see Rhie and Tbunnan, pI. 30). A pertinent detail is the silk
scarf draped around the shoulders that falls to the ankles be-
fore rising in distinctive decorative twirls. The same treahnent
of the scarf may be observed in a dancing bodhisattva with a
Xuande inscription, formerly in the Ducas collection, illus-
trated by both Stoddard and von Schroeder (see Stoddard, pI.
66 and von Schroeder, pI. 149F). Bodhisattva's drapcs were al-
ready depicted in this manner during the Yongle period, as evi-
denced by the row of dancing figures in the lower register of a
magnificent embroidered thangka of Yama (see Hong Kong
Museum of Art, pp. 130-31). Thus the attribution for the
kneeling bodhisattva to the early 15th century is clear, but in
the absence of any inscription, it remains uncertain which
reign period it was manufactured in.
60 61
parisons (Fig. 7). Despite differences in the scale of the two
figures, there are resemblances in their robes and hairstyle.
The two women are similarly dressed: they wear short-sleeved
blouses and their skirts have a central pleated panel that ap-
pears to be suspended from a belt. Thanks to a reading of the
donor inscriptions in the Kwa Bahal temple, it has been estab-
lished that the sculptures of the couple were dedicated in 1804
(Nepali Samvat 934), thus providing some guidance for an ap-
proximate dating for the V&A figure (Locke, p. 33 and
Gellner, p. 157). The sculpture was acquired by the museum
from Imre Schwager (1868-1940), a Hungarian dealer who
lived in Delhi in the early 20th century and is regarded by his
(Fig. 6) Female donor countrymen as the discoverer of epalese an. Many pieces
Nepal, Shah period, late 18th/early 19th century
Gilt copper from his collection can be seen in the Ferenc Hopp Museum in
Heighf 33 cm Budapest today (Ferenczy, 1987).
Vidorio and Alberl Museum (IM 371-1914)
The works discussed in this anicle are merely a few high-
lights on view in the Robert H. N. Ho Family Foundation gal-
lery, but the opportunities they have given for fresh insight on
the V&A's collections already indicate that more new discov-
eries will be forthcoming as many of the museum's Buddhist
treasures are now on public display.
(Fig. 7) Husband-and-wife devotee figures
at the entrance of the Kwa Bahal in Patan
Doted by inscription to 1804 Amy Helier is Visiting Professor at the Cemre for Tibetan Stlldies,
(Photograph courtesy of Kevin Bubriski; after Keith Dowman with Kevin Sichuan University, Chengdu (2007-10) and affiliated with the Tibetan
Bubrinski, Power Places of Kathmandu, Rochester and London, 2001)
studies unit UMR 8155 at the Centre National de la Recherche
Scientifique, Paris. She is also the author of a forthcoming book on the
dcveloped a close relationship when they studied together as cultural history of Dolpo.
children. When the prince ascended the throne as the Qianlong
emperor, he named Rol pa'i rdo rje as 'the lama of the Seal',
Unless otherwise specified, all illustrations arc © V&A Images.
the highest clerical position in the Qing empire. Although he
was not even 20 at the time of ills appointment, Rol pa' i rdo rje
pursued his studies and was eventually able to teach in Ti- Selected bibliography
betan, Chinese, Manchu and Mongolian. During his lifetime,
Malcolm Baker and Brenda Richardson, cds, A Grand Design: The Arts
he returned to Amdo several times, but principally resided in
ofthe Victoria and Albert Museum, London, 1997.
dcdication in Tibetan. This sculpture was donated to the V&A But was it cast at the same time as the sculpture or added later Beijing_ The text of the inscription appears to have been in- Janc Cascy ct al., Divine Presence: Arts ofllldia alld the Himalayas, Bar-
in 1920 by Lady Navajbai Tata (1877-1965), the widow of Sir because of a changing sense of aesthetics? Could this then cised by someone who was unfamiliar with the Tibetan script, celona and Milan, 2003.
Ratan Tata (1871-1918), the Parsee financier and industrialis!. mean that the image was first manufactured outside China? perhaps a Chinese artisan. While the dedication does not spec- Laszl6 Ferenczy, 'Buddhist Works of Art in the Fercnc Hopp Museum of
Eastern Asiatic Arts. Budapest', in Oriel1ll1tions, March 1987, pp.
A scion of the renowned Tata family in Mumbai, Sir Ratan had Like the kneeling bodhisattva in Figure 3, however, this Bud- ify where the sculpture was cast, in view of its high-quality
30-41.
devoted much of his fortune to philanthropic causes. He dha has bright yellow gilding which was uniformly and thickly gilding and fine proportions, it is likely to have been created by David Gellner, 'Monuments of Lalitpur (Patan)" in Michael Hun et al.,
founded the Ratan Tata department of social science and ad- applied, a feature that tends to reflect Chinese taste. a major atelier. As the Qianlong emperor was a devout Bud- Nepal: A Guide to the Art and Architectl/re ofthe Kathmalldll Valley,
ministration at the London School of Economics and estab- ow, thanks to a re-reading of the inscription on the base, dhist who commissioned hundreds of sculptures during his Gartmore, 1994, pp. 138·69.
lished a Ratan Tata fund at the University of London for study- it is possible to understand that the Buddha reflects the aesthe- long reign, it may well be that this Shakyamuni was a mid-18th Amy Helier, Hidden Treasllres of the Himalayas. Tibetan Mallllscriprs.
Paintings alld Sculptures of Dolpo. Chicago, 2009 (forthcoming).
ing the conditions of the poorer classes. His art collection was tic models ofthe mid-18th century, and quite possibly the pref- century product of the imperial workshops in Beijing. s
Hong Kong Museum of All, Heaven Embroidered CIOlhs: One Thou~
bequeathed to the Prince of Wales Museum in Mumbai and the erences of the Qianlong emperor (r. 1736-95). The dedication salld Years ofChinese Textiles, Hong Kong, 1995.
works on view in its Nepal and Tibet gallery today, as well as inscription in Tibetan had been read but the historical implica- he small gilt-copper sculpture in Figure 6 hails from the Rob Linrothe, cd., Holy Madness: PortrailSofTolltricSiddhas, cw York
the gift to the V&A, are reflective ofTata's aesthetic interests. tions of the donor's name were not understood. Thus the Bud- T Kathmandu Valley. It depicts a small seated female donor and Chicago, 2006.
John Kerr Locke, The Buddhisl MOllasleriesofNepal, Kathmandu, 1985.
Previous scholarship attributed this figure to the produc- dha was fonnerly attributed to 18th century Tibet A fresh with her hands fonned in Gl1jali mudra (gesture ofreverence).
Marylin M. Rhie and Robert A. F. Thuffilan, Wisdom alld Compassion:
tion of Buddhist sculpture in 17th century China (von reading allows us to understand that this statue was commis- Her richly detailed garments and fine jewellery suggest that The Sacred Arl ofTlbel, New York, 1991.
Schroeder, p. 543). In fact, Ulrich von Schroeder has traced its sioned by no less than the Imperial Preceptor Rol pa'i rdo rje she may bea person of high rank, possibly a member of the rul- Ulrich von Schroeder,/lIdo·Tibetan Bronzes, Hong Kong, 1981.
provenance to a 1904 sale at Hotel Drouot in Paris. In the cata- (1717-86). Born near Lanzhou into a nomad family of ing household. While the V&A donor figure cannot be speci fi- E. Gene Smith,Among Tibetan Texts: NistOlyand Literatureofrhe Hima-
layan Plateall, Boston, 2001.
logue, the Buddha was shown with a Chinese-style nimbus, Tibetanized Mongols, he was quickly recognized as an incar- cally dated, the sculpture of a female devotee carved in the
David Snellgrove, FOllr Lamas 0/Dolpo, 2nd edition, Kathmandu, 1992
which was already missing when it entered the V&A collec- nation of a Gelugpa monk and took monastic vows at early Shah dynasty (1768-2008), who is shown together with (First edition, London, 1967).
tions. As the sculpture is as carefully modelled in the back as Tashilhunpo (see 'The Life oflCang skya Rol pa'i rdo rje' in her husband, at the entrance of Kwa Bahal (Golden Temple), Heather Stoddard, Early Sino-Tibetan Arl, 2nd edition, Bangkok, 2008.
well as the front, it appears that the nimbus was separately cast. Smith, pp. 133-46). Rol pa'; rdo tje and Prince Hong Li had the most important monastery in Patan, can offer SOl11e com- (First edition as Heather Karmay, Warminster, 1975.)
62 63
Himalayan Masks, functions and forms
AMY HELLER
The present selection of thirty masks represents a collection compiled Or Amy Helier is affiliated with Centre
National de la Recherche 5cientifique,
during the twentieth century in the Himalayas, where the practice of
Paris (UMR 8155, Centre de Recherche sur
[ham, masked dances, is very much a living tradition. These masks are les civilisations chinoise, japonaise et
used during religious ceremonies, primarily in monastic rituals inside tibetaine) since 1986; Visiting Professor
2007-2010 at the Centre for Tibetan Studies,
and outside the monasteries. Outdoor processions and cham festivals, Sichuan University, Chengdu. She has
both comprising several days of ceremonial dances performed in the written articles on Tibetan rituals, history
and art history, as well as the book Tibetan
courtyards of monasteries, attract great crowds.! (ham are mesmerizing
Art, Tracing the Development of Art and Spiritual
to watch due to the strong sounds of rhythmic drums, cymbals and Ideals in Tibet, 600-2000 AD (Jaca Book, 1999).
horns, and the captivating sight of swaying and leaping dancers Her new book Hidden Treasures of the
Himalayas, Tibetan Illuminated Manuscripts
wearing dramatic masks and silk brocade robes in brilliant hues (see from Dolpo will be published by Serindia
fig. 1. Cham performance, Bhutan, 1983) These dances are grounded Publications in 2009.
in Buddhist ritual manuals called chamyig, which precisely describe
the dances within the context of the many ritual offerings performed
over several days by 1110nk5. (ham are performed for the benefit of
all sentient beings, with the profound beliefthat those who have
witnessed the purificatory dances will enjoy long life, prosperity and
freedom from suffering and illness. Thus, in the Himalayas, it is every-
one's drean1 to attend a cham festival at least once in a lifetime. The
dance masks presented here have been used i_n Buddhist ceremonies
that venerate historic people for their spiritual accomplishlnents, as
well as in ceremonial offerings to both local deities and the gods and
goddesses of the Vajrayana pantheon. In tllls essay on Himalayan
masks, we will first discuss their ritual function within Buddhism and
the religious significance of masked dances. Then, we will examine
the typology of Himalayan dance masks. In addition, because several
of the masks in this collection are believed to COlue from Bhutan, we
will consider some dances of cham festivals performed in Bhutan, to
explain the masks in their distinctive religious context.
The Buddhist concept of the mask 1 The two principal studies on cham FIGU~E 1 NOTE
and their rituals are Relll~ de Nebesky Performance during Wangdiphodrang Tsechu, We are grateful to Marcdine de Montmollin,
In the ritual dances of Tibetan culture, the masks worn by dancers Wojkowitz, Tibe!an Religiolls Dunces, 1976, Bhutan, November 198) Emeritus Curator of the Bhutan Collection,
and Richard J. Kohn, Lord of the Dance, Museum of Ethnography, Neuchatel,
represent divinities or historic figures. The Tibetan expression for the Malli Rimdu Festiva!, 1001. Switzerland, for criticism of the essay and
mask is bak, which also means effigy or likeness; while the related term 1 The Tibetan terms are 'bog and 'dra 'bag. for generously providing her photographs
See Alexander Macdonald, Haute Route of chom in Bhutan.
drabak, literally "likeness-mask", in fact signifies a "portrait".2 A teacher
des Himalayas, photographs 69-70 and
or guru might give his closest disciples a small statue of himself for related text.
6
their personal meditation: In his autobiography, the Great Fifth Dalai Indian siddha Padampa Sangs rgyas (d. 1117 CE in Tibet) was one of
Lama describes the portrait statue he offered as a drabak. 3 The portrait the most illustrious masters in the history of Tibetan Buddhism,
thus serves to represent the guru and, likewise, the masks serve to renowned for his distinctive teaching of a system for meditation that
represent the deities by giving them a tangible form. In Buddhist severs attachment to the ego. Tradition has it that Padampa was born
religious art, the image of the Buddha is not merely a portrait that in south India, as reflected by his distinctive physiognomy: his wide
seeks to be a faithful representation of the physical appearance of the open eyes, dark skin and, especially, the coiffure in multiple plaits.
Buddha. Instead, the image of the Buddha is conceived in relation to We see how these traits are emphasized in the mask and may be
the concept of being a "support" or "receptacle". The Tibetan word ten compared to a thangka on which his portrait is painted (see Plate 1).
literally means "support", but it is a technical term applied to physical Wearing the mask represents the culmination of a series of rituals
embodiments of the wisdom of the enlightened mind, the speech or for the dancer. For several days preceding the open-air ceremonies,
the body of the Buddha. 4 This support can be evoked in the mind by the monk-dancer has performed successive meditations to invoke
meditation and enhanced by the recitation of prayers, mantra, for the the deity whom he will embody when he puts on the mask. The most
deity. More commonly, the support will be a statue or a mask, which essential part of the meditation is the dancer's identification with the
may be empowered as a representation of the enlightened mind of the deity he will represent. This ritual process is called avesha, or dagkye,
Buddha through the performance of a consecration rituaLs Masks with literally meaning "generation of the self". First the dancer meditates
peaceful expressions symbolize wisdom and altruistic love; while to develop the "right view" of three principles concerning the self, or
those with wrathful or passionate expressions illustrate the mental ego: clearness, emptiness and non-attachment. He sees the enlight-
poisons of anger, greed and ignorance, which are defilements to be ened nature of the self with clarity, with discernment. He recognizes
vanquished by the realization of the enlightened mind of the Buddha. 6 the self as being empty of innate nature, which enables his realization
For certain masks, particularly those of historic personages, there of a state of mind of non-attachment to ego. 8 This in turn allows the
may be a dual function. In those where the eyes are not open, it is generation of the deity in the mind of the dancer (dagkye, Tibetan:
possible that the dancer has a role requiring a limited field of vision, bdag bskyed), and the mental projection of the deity before him, in
in which case the holes of the gaping mouth provide enough space for order to perform a cult (dunkye, Tibetan: mdun bskyed). The dancer
sight (see lion, cat. no. 3 and the wrathful deities, cat. nos. 22, 27 and 28). will then assume the identity of the deity by continuous repetition
In other examples, it appears that rather than being used for dance of prayer syllables, mantra, which he will repeat as he enacts the dance,
performances, the masks assume a ritual function. They are used as as well as by performing special gestures, mudra, that are associated
the support during a ritual evocation of the enlightened mind of the 3 See Ariane Macdonald, "Un Portrait du with the specific deity. Wearing the deity's costume and holding
Buddha as embodied in historic figures, such as the great teacher Cinquieme Dalai Lama". pp. 126 and 148. his attributes, such as the sword which cuts through the clouds of
4 The Tibetan term for receptacle is rten;
Padmasambhava, who is traditionally responsible for the introduction the wisdom of the enlightened mind is ignorance when slicing through the air, reinforce the monk-dancer's
of Buddhism to Tibet and the Himalayas. The mask then functions called Yeshe Sempa (ye shes ~ wisdom, identification with the deity. For the professional dancers who are
sems dpa' ~ enlightened mind).
much as if it was a portrait, i.e. consecrated statue, and becomes the 5 On consecration with an enlightened
laymen, the mask they wear has already been consecrated by the
object of rituals of veneration through offerings of incense or music, mind, see Yael Bentor, "Literature on monks, and the lay dancer does not meditate in the same way as
Consecration" pp. 295-96.
or meditation.7 In the present collection, the pair of masks of the 6 See Matthieu Ricard, Bhoutan, Terre de
the monk prior to donning the mask. 9
tantric teachers Padampa, the famous mahasiddha (see cat. no. 1), and Serenite, p. 152. 8 Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Tibetan Religious
7 For another example of this type of mask Dances, p. 100.
his consort, the yogini Ma Cig lab sgron (see cat. no. 2), apparently
see Fran~oise Pommaret, "Les masques", g Personal communication from
function as portraits in this sense rather than as dance masks. The item no. 171, p. 190. joseph Q. Houseal.
8
9
The religious significance ofrhe cham
The performance of the cham by monks and laymen is considered to
be a way of accruing merit, both for oneself and for the community.
In Buddhist religion, it is believed that by the accumulation of merit,
good karma is generated and mental defilements are diminished,
leading towards a beller rebirth in future lives. For example, the copying
of sacred scriptures generates merit for those who make copies as well
as for those who read the scriptures or hear them read aloud. Similarly,
the performance of dance generates merit not only for the dancer,
but also for those who have com.missioned the dance and the comple~
mentary rituals performed alongside it, and for all those who attend
the performances, too. Dances are a moment of spiritual communion
for both observer and performer, whether the objective of the individual
dances is edification or the subjugation of malicious influences.
Duri.ng the presentation of individual dances, there are often extra
entertainers to watch, such as buffoons who bring gales of laughter
through lewd gestures and provocative humour. lo In Bhutan and
Tibet, for instance, there is a group of male dancers who carry a big,
wooden phaUus, with which they taunt the spectators, and wear a
distinctive anthropomorphic mask with a hooked nose (see cat. no. 4
and fig. 2). These men are called the atsara, a name derived from the
Indian term acarya, a Buddhist master, and they perform as the clowns
of the cham dances. Their appearance is also a comic exaggeration of
Indian physiognomy, with red or dark skin, large, prominent hooked
noses, and deep set eyes, features that are so different from those
of Tibetans. But theiJ role has other implications, too. In these cere-
monial dances, which typically last several days, they bring a moment
of relaxation from the serious thoughts of religious edi.fication or the
subjugation of eviL Moreover, some of their dances provide a welcome
venue for social criticism, such as a parody of the behaviour of monks
PLATE 1
10 See Gisele Krauskopff, ~Masked Jokers· and social hierarchy.ll These jokers tease and provoke both the crowd
(forthcoming) and Mareeline de
Portmit o(Podampa
Montmollin, COlltCtiOll du Bhouton, p. 116.
and the Buddhist deities, either by clumsily imitating the main dancers
Pigments on cotton
l09x8zQn
11 For a photograph of four otsora clowns or by rulling them with their phallic sticks. The clowning atsara thus
performing a parody in Bhutan in 2007,
Tibet, mid thirteenth to early fourteenth CE
see Matthieu Ricard, Lt Bhooton, Tmr dt
represent a ritual inversion of social norms. At the same time, through
Private collection
Sbinitt, p. 169. their acts of ridicule, they remind the faithful of how one should behave.
FIGURE 2
Atsaro dancer ,lnd deer-headed deity,
ThimphuTsrchu, Bhutan, October 1979
12
PLATE ;2
Drawing of a masked dance performed
at Samyc Monastery, Central Tibet
Anonymous, watercolour, mid-19th century
Wise Albums, British Library, Add. Or. 3032
and may be led by a dancer wearing the mask of a deer with real antlers
(see Plate 2).13 As Buddhism prohibits animal and human sacrifice, the
use of modeled dough or paper effigies (linga) was substituted at an
undeterrrlined date. 14 The linga is offered for the purpose of eliminating
evil. Tn general, linga refers to a figurine in human or animal form,
which is used to eliminate evil by serving as a support (ten) into which
the "soul" (namshe, Tibetan: mamshes) of an enemy is forced to enter.
Once coerced inside the effigy, the statue is cut into several pieces and
then burned or destroyed. Consequently, the enemy's soul is separated Detail of plate 2
'4
fiGURE 3
fiGURE ')
The dancing hounds, Thimphu Tsrchu, rama and his attend,mts. WlIlIgdiphodrall,q
Bhutan, October 1979 TSfChu, BhUlan, November 198]
yellow skirts and dog masks, and a servant for the hunter, who jokes festivals in Bhutan (see fig. 6). The dancer wearing the ox-headed
with the atsara clowns (see fig. 3). They perform a pre-hunting ritual mask has a very important role because he serves as Yama's Minister
to bring good luck with their prey, which is a parody on Buddhist ofJustice. The wiJd hog-headed helper takes account of black (bad)
ceremony. The following day, in a second phase of the cham, Milarepa and white (good) deeds. The bird-headed deity brandishes a small
is in the center of the dance area and two dogs, a stag and a hunter sword, which cuts the root of the "three poisons" of ignorance, desire,
appear in succession. He converts them and their conversion is and hatred, and also wields a big hammer that destroys "the rocky
symbolized by successfully jumping over a high rope. It is a moment mountain of sins". The lion-headed raksha holds a lasso, which
ofgreat acrobatics, much to the delight of the spectators. represents love, and an iron chain, symbolizing compassion. The
Also during the Isechu, there are solemn moments devoted to fierce bear-headed attendant carries the magical noose that binds
dances relating to death and rebirth, presided over by the deity who is together wisdom and means and a saw for cutting selfishness.
the Lord of Death, called Yama in Sanskrit, or Shinje (Tibetan: Bshin rje) The serpent-headed deity holds a mirror that reflects all actions.
(see fig. 4). In a moment of judgment, Yama must evaluate the good Lastly, the monkey-headed helper uses a scale to weigh good
and bad deeds of individuals following their death. To do so, he has and bad actions. Thei.r dance demonstrates to the audience that if
several different kinds of arumal and human helpers (see fig. 5). One they devote themselves to virtuous actions during their lifetime,
dance is performed by monks dressed as citipati, the lords of the upon their death they will be sent immediately to the pure lands
cemetery, who are depicted as grinning skeletons, called in Tibetan of Buddhist paradise.
dur daB (Tibetan: dur bdaB) (see cat. nos. 24 and 25). Oftentimes, the For all those participating in Himalayan cham festivals, certainly
masks are only male, but sometimes there are male-female couples the religious and didactic aspects of the dances are primordial. By
of skeleton dancers. Irrespective of their gender, however, the citipati observing the various masks worn by the performers, the faithful
are intended to mirthfully remind us of the impermanence of our audience witnesses the diverse physical appearances of the many
human existence and of the importance of accumulating good karma defenders of Buddhism. When we examine these masks outside of
to ensure a favourable rebirth. 16 their ritual context, an appreciation for their remarkable qualities as
In addition, Yarna has eight animal-headed deities who serve as 16 Sce Franl;oisc Pommaret. ~l'enigmc sculptures, either in wood or papier mache, is what dominates. Never-
his cohorts. 17 Their roles are assumed by professional dancers who are du sourire", pp. 44-45. theless, these masks also remain a concrete, physical expression of
17 For descriptions ofTsfChu in Bhutan,
laymen, not monks. These attendants are called the Rakshas and their sce the studies by Franl;oise Pommaret the aesthetic models of Tibet and the Himalayas, and a manifestation
dance is the Raksha marcham, which is performed during the TSfChu and Marceline de Montmollin. of the ideals and concepts of the Buddhist religion.
'7
Preliminary Remarks on the
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography
of an 11th-century Mchod rten
at Tholing
Amy Heller1
The monastery of Tholing (Tho ling, Mtho gling, Mtho lding, etc.) is of para-
mount importance for the history of political authority, religion and art in
the region of Mnga' ris (former kingdom of Guge, western Tibet). Although
the precise circumstances of its initial construction remain to be determined,
its foundation is attributed to the end of the 10th century under the impetus
of Ye shes 'od (947–1024), then sovereign ruler of Guge.2 According to later
Tibetan historical sources, he founded Tholing in 996, in conjunction with his
personal chapelain (mchod gnas) Rin chen bzang po (958–1055), the renowned
Tibetan translator. 3 Rin chen bzang po travelled to the monastic universities
in India and Kashmir in search of orthodox Buddhist texts to bring to Tibet.
Although firm proof was lacking, it has long been believed that Tholing was
1
I thank the CNRS Paris UMR 8155, Tibetan Studies section, for support to attend
the IATS seminar. Roberto Vitali has offered precious historical advice and criticism.
Thomas J. Pritzker, Erberto Lo Bue and Professor Huo Wei (Sichuan University Centre
for Tibetan Studies) encouraged this research. I gratefully acknowledge Professor
Zhang Jianlin for sharing his photographs of the Tholing excavation, Professor Suita
for his pre-excavation photographs, Erberto Lo Bue and Christian Luczanits for their
critical editing.
2
Dates of the death of Ye shes 'od according to the calculations in Vitali 1996:
233–234.
3
For the history of the foundation see Vitali 1999: 19–20. Vitali adopts the founda-
tion date of Tholing as 996 CE according to the Mnga' ris rgyal rabs compiled in last
quarter of the 15th century, and corroborated by earlier sources such as the Nyang ral
chos 'byung composed in late 12th century. See also the discussion by Luciano Petech
(1997: 252, fn. 33) who gives several different foundation dates according to later
Tibetan historical records. Rin chen bzang po’s appointment as royal chaplain by Ye
shes 'od is specified in his biography (Snellgrove & Skorupski 1980: 106): bla chen po
lha ldes dbu'i mchod gnas dang| rdo rje slob dpon mdzad nas.
43
Amy Heller
44
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
of 108 which surround the holy place on all sides testifies by the great
extent of the ruins to the piety of the ancient people.” (Tucci & Ghersi
1996 [1935]: 158)5
Although Tucci discovered the mchod rten and sanctuary which he attrib-
uted to the foundation of Tholing, he found no extant mural paintings of this
period at Tholing.
As he explored the ruins on the slopes above the monastic complex,
in the summer residence of the monks, he climbed inside a subterranean gal-
lery linking the two slopes of the hill. Here in this narrow tunnel high above
the monastic compound, Tucci found “the jumbled remains of ancient copies
of the Kanjur and Tanjur, thrown together in a heap, a whole library”. There
were many leaves of ancient Prajñāpāramitā manuscripts written in Tibetan
language with lavish illuminations, crucial clues to understanding the early
styles of painting. Tucci initially described these as the work of “Indian art-
ists, refugees from Mohammedan persecution drawn forth from the profaned
Indian universities towards this land where Buddhism was prospering with
renewed fervor.” (Tucci & Ghersi 1996 [1935]: 161).6
Soon after, Tucci qualified his remarks in discussion of the antecedents
of mural paintings in chapels at nearby Mang nang, one day’s travel south of
Tholing. He explained the relation to the Indian frescoes of Ajanta and Ellora
by saying that Mang nang was “the offshoot of those Indian pictorial tradi-
tions” … (which) “unmistakeably point to a very strong artistic influence of
Kashmir upon the beginning of the art of Guge” (Tucci 1937: 193, 195). He
returned to this topic in his masterwork, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, stipulating
that these illuminations and mural paintings are the work of Kashmiri schools
of painting which he described in detail:
“… the temple of Maṅ naṅ has preserved the only frescoes known today
which are certainly of the Kashmiri school, the extreme Northern
projections of those classical traditions which, transmitted by Ajanṭā
5
Indeed, the tradition Tucci heard has a grain of truth – but rather than the north-
west mchod rten outside the lcags ri, it is the northwest mchod rten inside the lcags
ri which is associated with Rin chen bzang po (see below for the discussion of the
donor inscriptions in this mchod rten and their relationship to Rin chen bzang po).
Either Tucci misunderstood, or possibly, over time, there was a transposition which
led the monks to confuse the identification of the two mchod rten.
6
Tucci & Ghersi 1996 [1935]: 161, remarks of 20th September 1933.
45
Amy Heller
7
The Mang nang murals are no longer extant; a few photographs by Ghersi are con-
served in the Tucci Archive, Rome (see Tucci 1937).
46
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
47
Amy Heller
10
I am most grateful to Professor Zhang for the discussion about the northwestern
mchod rten and for generously supplying four donor photographs. In addition, he
excavated a second mchod rten, lacking inscriptions.
11
Zla ba tshe ring et al. 2000: 236–38, pl. 142; Namgyal, 2001: 126–32. Namgyal 2001:
118–25 illustrates photographs of the second mchod rten at the northeast corner, which
also displays distinctive paintings in Kashmiri style.
48
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
49
Amy Heller
50
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
zhes bya| zhang po klu 'brel bas klu zor tsha zhes kyang bya'o|| (Rdo rje tshe brtan
1977: 233–234).
The colophon of the Tucci manuscript 654 in IsIAO indicates that it is the median
biography of Rin chen bzang po as is the biography translated by Snellgrove. The
name Hrugs wer for the paternal lineage (gdungs brgyud) is confirmed despite slightly
variant readings and spellings:
bla ma dam pa de'i bzhugs yul rtsa ba ni gu ge kha tsi 'i lha lungs yin| rigs ni kha
che (?> tse) g.yu sgra'i cen (> gshen) brgyud yin| gdung rgyud ni lha rabs drug gi nang
na yod| lha nyi ma hrugs kyi rgyud yin pas ni| hrugs hor (> wer) zhes bya'o| zhang
po klu las 'brel bas klu 'od zer zhes kyang zer ro|| (IsIAO ms. 654: fol. 4b-5a).
Lokesh Chandra published yet another version of the same text (Indo-Tibetica vol.
2, 1988: 104):
der lo tstsha ba chen po'i bzhugs yul ni gu ge'i kha' tse yin| rigs ni kha' tse g.yu khri'i
g.yu sgra yin| rus ni lha nyi ma hrugs kyi gdung brgyud yin| hrugs wer zhes bya|
zhang po klu dang 'brel bas klu zer tsha zhes kyang bya'o|
I am grateful to Christian Luczanits for drawing my attention to the variant reading
of the first line indicated by Tucci (1988 [1932]: 55), and to Elena De Rossi Filibeck
for verification of the entire passage in the Tucci manuscript IsIAO 654.
Snellgrove’s translation perhaps does not precisely render all the subtleties of the kin-
ship terms rigs, rus, brgyud (Levine 1981) but conveys the overall meaning quite well,
as evidenced by the three other copies of the same text which concur. I thank Nancy
Levine, Philip Denwood and Roberto Vitali for their criticism on this passage.
14
On the Rin chen bzang po biography, Petech (1997: 234) wrote, “His biography,
supposedly authored by one of his direct pupils, (was) probably compiled much later,
in the 14th or early 15th century.” Petech does not explain his reasons for attribution
to a later date. Whether or not the biography of Rin chen bzang po does indeed date
from the 11th century, the clan name Hrugs wer/Hrug ar is documented among the
11th century donor inscriptions at Tabo, thus it is contemporary with the period just
after the foundation of Tholing at the end of the 10th century (see also note 15).
51
Amy Heller
inscriptions (Luczanits 1999: 107, n. 29).15 The name is found for two monks
at Tabo: Rhugs 'or dge' slong Dbyig gi bsod nams and Rhugs 'er dge' slong
Dge' ba skyong.16 Also at Tabo there is a lady of the Hrugs wer lineage whose
inscription qualifies her as a donor: Hrugs 'or za [> bza']| ye shes sgron ngos
[> dngos] 'di'i yon bdag, i.e. the wife of Hrugs 'wer, donor of this genuine
lamp of wisdom (i.e. Tabo).
In view of this historic context of Hrugs wer as a recognized family
name, the names of the individual donors in the Tholing stupa may be poten-
tially significant for future research on the history of the Guge kingdom. Thus,
although incomplete pending full publication by Zhang Jianlin, in Appendix 1
the reader will find the list of all names as read thanks to computer-enhanced
magnification of the published photographs and a few additional photographs
generously sent by Zhang Jianlin. I have been able to examine 30 donors, but
due to a few blank cartouches, the list comprises only 25 names.17 To date, no
additional historic information about these people has been found.
In the representation of these donors, as noted above, the men wear
Tibetan garments: black (possibly felt or leather?) boots, a tightly wrapped
robe of plain material without design, with broad triangular collar, sash, and
long narrow sleeves with extremely wide cuff in contrasting colour analysed
as West Tibetan costume by Wandl (1999: 279 passim). Several men wear
white hats, either flat round hats or bell-shaped with brim. All those wearing
hats have a large turquoise at the back of the head, visible in their long black
15
Vitali (1996: n. 475) provides the reference to Tucci’s reading of the Tabo inscrip-
tion (Tucci 1940: vol. III, 74) for the reading Hug ar za Ye shes, which corresponded
to Luczanits’ reading Hrug wer Shes (1999: 106–107). The variant hrugs 'or/hrugs ar
and hrugs wer is probably due to the scribe: particularly in dbu med the shape of ha
can be easily confused with wa, and a 'greng bu read erroneously for na ro.
16
Klimburg-Salter (1996: fig. 11) shows some of these Tabo donors. However, the
inscriptions are not legible in the photograph.
17
In the hope of sharing this bit of information I presented a preliminary study of
this mchod rten, its pervasive Kashmiri aesthetic, the iconography related to Vairo-
cana and the reading of several donor names in the 2004 Beijing seminar on Art and
Archaeology of Tibet. Independently of my research, Christian Luczanits studied the
same published photographs, also reading Hrugs wer as the donor clan and recognizing
the Kashmiri aesthetic and iconographic context (Luczanits 2004: 32, 227). Luczanits,
however, did not provide the names of individual donors nor a detailed iconographic
analysis.
52
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
mander in Mustang.
53
Amy Heller
Fig. 5: 'Hrugs wer dmag pon lha blon, mural painting, c. 20 x
30 cm, c. 1025?; photograph courtesy of Zhang Jianlin.
to imply authority, although his actual political role remains elusive.
He has no hat or regalia indicative of his status. He is clasping a small
round gem between his right thumb and forefinger, his left hand is
raised and slightly closed. He appears to be offering this gem, maybe
a turquoise, as part of the consecration ceremony.
2. The second man is seated beside a very large white dril bu and an offer-
ing stand with a bowl of lotus petals, and holds the stem of a lotus
in full bloom (Fig. 5). The cartouche for his name reads 'Hrugs wer
dmag pon (> dpon) lha blon. The literal meaning of dmag dpon is
‘army commander’ while blon literally means ‘minister’ and lha literally
means ‘the gods’, ‘divinity’. Lha blon might therefore be interpreted to
mean ‘minister in charge of religious affairs’ or ‘divine minister’, which
corresponds well with the conspicuous size of his ritual implements.
However, he is not wearing religious garments. While it might seem
incongruous to cumulate religious and military functions, it would
seem that this probably was just what happened in Amdo/Hexi around
54
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
19
I thank Sam van Schaik for calling this to my attention and the example IOL Tib J
754 where a person called Dmog 'bum bdag, which is perhaps a military title, describes
himself as a monk.
20
See Scherrer-Schaub (1999: 214–16) for the specific titles and names of Ye shes 'od
according to contemporaneous inscriptions such as the Tabo inscription, the Pooh
(Dkor, Spu) rdo ring stone stele, inter alia. According to her study, the title dpal lha
btsan po ‘Glorious and Divine Emperor’ was retained by Ye shes 'od as confirmed by
the Tabo document attributed to 1019, concomitantly with the title lha bla ma ‘Divine
[King] and Spiritual Teacher’ (‘Majesté (et) Lama’ according to the interpretation of
Seyfort Ruegg 1995: 17–27).
21
I thank Roberto Vitali for correspondence on the interpretation of these names and
the suggestion of this interpretation of lha blon.
55
Amy Heller
56
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
See note 12 supra. In view of her inclusion among the group of donors of Hrugs
22
wer lineage, possibly she was born into the Hrugs wer lineage and married into the
Mang wer lineage or vice versa.
57
Amy Heller
23
For the history of the Vairocana liturgies and their translations see in particular
Skorupski 1983, Richardson 1990, Wayman & Tajima 1992, Kapstein 2000; for their
artistic representations in the Spu rgyal period see Heller 1994a, Heller 1994b, Heller
1997a, Heller 1997b, Tanaka 2000, Kapstein 2004 and/or 2009.
58
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
Vairocana’ were all translated into Tibetan during the second half of the 8th
century.24
The VAT is a Tantra which is centred on the Buddha Vairocana (anthro-
pomorphic, gold colour body, crown and jewellery, dhyāna- or samādhimudrā)
in a configuration of three families, the tathāgata, padma and vajra. Three
principal types of representation of this aspect of Vairocana are documented
in the Spu rgyal dynasty:
1. Vairocana may be surrounded by the two principal acolytes, the
Bodhisattva of the padma family, Avalokiteśvara (Padmapāṇi) and
the Bodhisattva of the vajra family, the vajra holder (rdo rje 'dzin),
i.e. Vajrapāṇi. This has been represented in a rock carving dated by
inscription to the reign of Khri srong lde brtsan as well as in a rock
carving attributed to a horse year.25
2. Within the textual context of the VAT, the second chapter describes
a mandala in which Vairocana is the centre of all, and north of him is
Avalokiteśvara, to the south is the vajra holder, and the Jina Śākyamuni
is represented to the east, of blazing golden colour with the 32 lakṣana
and the orange (monastic) robe.26
3. Vairocana surrounded by his eight spiritual sons, thugs sras brgyad, i.e.
the eight Bodhisattvas: here the appearance of Vairocana corresponds
to the previous description but Vairocana is represented wearing Indian
24
See Tanaka 1998, Tanaka 2000, Kapstein 2000 on the early translations of the
STTS. Heller 2007 summarizes four Tibetan texts on Vairocana from Dunhuang
manuscripts (PT 107a, PT 108, a ritual for Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi and eight Bodhisat-
tvas; PT 240 and PT 242, both related to different configurations of the Vajradhātu
mandala).
25
See Heller 1997b: 385–90 for the carving at Brag lha mo made during the reign
of Khri srong lde brtsan and Heller 1997b: 392 for the carving at Leb Khog made in
a horse year (814?). In this context, it may be pertinent to recall that the Leb Khog
inscription uses the names Sangs rgyas rnam par snang mdzad for Vairocana, Aryapalo
for the Bodhisattva of the lotus, and Rdo rje 'dzin for the Bodhisattva of the vajra
family.
26
Sde dge bka' 'gyur no. 494, Rnam snang mngon byang, edition Tarthang Tulku,
1981: vol. 31, p. 84. Wayman 1992: 122–25 for the verses 74–112; Lokesh Chandra
1989: 184.
59
Amy Heller
60
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
61
Amy Heller
tures of this mchod rten illustrate the three family iconography of the VAT
is reinforced by photographs which show the west sector and indicate that
formerly there was no sculpture in this quadrant (Zla ba tshe ring et al. 2000:
fig. 142). As a textual example, in P. 3488, which is the offering ritual for the
VAT as translated by Rin chen bzang po, the ritual evokes Vairocana at the
centre and then describes Śākyamuni in monastic robes, Avalokiteśvara to his
right and Vajrapāṇi to his left, as in the disposition of the Tholing mchod
rten (P. 3488: 344b). A conflation of Śākyamuni and Vairocana is indicated
by P. 3489 composed by Jayaprabha, late 8th to early 9th century (Lalou 1953:
no. 609) which states that Vairocana may be venerated either in the golden
body and garments of royalty (as saṃbhogakāya) or in the guise of Śākyamuni
according to whatever is suitable.30 As a precedent of this iconography among
the early monasteries in Guge, it may be recalled that this iconographic model
of the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi, in anthropomorphic form with hands in the
meditation mudrā, surrounded by two Bodhisattvas of the lotus and vajra
family, forms the primary triad in the cella of Tabo, subsequently comple-
mented by two additional Bodhisattvas. The cella sculptures of Vairocana and
the two Bodhisattvas are attributed to the period of the foundation in late 10th
century (Luczanits 2004: 21, fig. 7).
On the west quadrant of the Tholing mchod rten, rather than a statue,
there were mural paintings of two muscular black and red male wrathful pro-
tective guardians, whose attributes cannot be seen. At centre of the west wall
there was a large painting of a seated red goddess, of semi-wrathful demeanour,
holding a hook on a cord. In addition, there are two female protective goddesses
riding a stag and a ram. These two may possibly be assimilated to Wu nyu
min, the protective goddess of Tabo (Klimburg-Salter 1997: 78).
Among the mural paintings of the southern and eastern quadrants,
several goddesses and Bodhisattvas may be identified by collation of all pub-
lished photographs. In the first photograph, taken by Suita in 1985, one clearly
and Avalokiteśvara to his right is retained in Rin chen bzang po’s translation of the
VAT offering ritual (Peking no. 3488). Luczanits 2004: 31 noted the triad of the three
families but did not correlate the iconographic program with any textual source.
30
pad ma seng ge gdan de la sangs rgyas bcom ldan 'das rnam par snang mdzad
gser gyi kha dog thor tshugs dang dbu rgyan dang cod pan can dar la'i stod g.yogs
dang smad g.yogs can nam| shak ya thub pa'i cha byed dang kha dog dang dbyibs
ji skad du grags par 'ang rung ste| P. 3489: 361b.
62
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
63
Amy Heller
Aesthetic elements
The paintings and sculptures of the northwest mchod rten of Tholing are
characterized by a brilliant palette of bright colours, thickly applied to create
an opaque yet lustrous effect. On top of the base colour of the body, shading
is used to create an effect of chromatic modelling and volume. For some god-
desses, there is a broad field of pale colour applied to enhance still more this
effect of volume. The constant use of red or black outline also accentuates this
sense of volume. Strong colours are juxtaposed—crimson, white and yellow
fabric cling to the body of the deep blue statue, and the deep yellow body aura
radiates behind the painted Bodhisattvas and goddesses. The lavish use of gold
in the crowns and hair ornaments and the deep rich colours lend a sense of
opulence to these paintings and sculptures. The Bodhisattvas are represented
frontally, while all the goddesses are presented in the three-quarter profile with
the extended eye which is characteristic of Kashmiri sculpture, their eyelids
thickly outlined in black as if wearing kohl (Fig. 9). The goddesses’ faces have
the slightly puffed cheeks and small pointed chin which also are associated
with Kashmiri aesthetics. The bodies of the Bodhisattvas exhibit the strong
32
I would like to thank Professor Mori Masahide for corresponding with me on the
lack of Tibetan texts and mandalas which combine these Vairocana cycles in contrast
to the Japanese Shingon Buddhism, which tends to unite the two texts of the VAT
and the STTS and the two mandalas (the Garbodbhava and the Vajradhātu), as one
scheme. Professor Mori hopes to study Rin chen bzang po’s translation of the VAT
ritual offering Peking no. 3488 as well as Jayaprabha’s sādhana ritual Peking no. 3489,
both part of his ongoing research on mandala cycles and their history.
33
Lokesh Chandra 1989: 187 clarifies the structure of the fully developed Garbhadhātu
mandala where Avalokiteśvara is represented five times. It is therefore not surprising
to find a replication of the Bodhisattvas of the lotus and vajra families within this
mchod rten, each represented both in sculpture and mural paintings.
64
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
muscular torso and defined waist which are also typical Kashmiri stylistic ele-
ments. A dynamic sense of motion within the painted composition is created
by the turns of the goddesses’ lithe bodies combined with their varied arm
positions to hold their attributes, which is echoed by the varied arm positions
of the static Bodhisattvas. In terms of Kashmiri costume, one may note that
the goddesses all wear a veil behind their hair, in front of the ovoid halo, and
two sets of earrings, a small gold ring on the upper earlobe and a hoop with
65
Amy Heller
concentric pearls and gems suspended from the lobe (Fig. 9). The veil is typical
for both Kashmiri goddesses and female donor figures in sculpture; the double
earrings have long been fashionable in India—certainly since Ajanta and found
in a roughly contemporary Kashmiri sculpture of Lakṣmī—thus one may pre-
sume that it is an element of fashion for elegant women in both the central and
northwest Indian subcontinent (Heller 1999: 123, fig. 64 and Foucher 1913: fig.
63). The veil and the double earrings are worn by the goddess Prajñāpāramitā
in a manuscript collected by Tucci at Tholing, whose illumination is tradition-
ally attributed to Kashmiri artists (Pal 1990: M81.90.6).34 The thick ringlets
of curly black hair framing the goddesses’ forehead also reflect the Kashmiri
fashion, as does the fit of the goddesses’ dhoti to emphasize the lower belly,
two features also apparent in the illumination of the goddess Prajñāpāramitā
from Tholing. In contrast, the two protective goddesses riding their stag or
ram wear boots and pants to ride, but one is also wearing a white jacket with
red lining over a red blouse shaped according to Kashmiri fashion where the
garment has been cut in several arcs to accentuate the shape of the midriff (Fig.
12). This tall protective goddess has the largest veil of all, in opaque red fabric
which does not contrast strongly with her red-trimmed garments, thus it is
less obvious to the eye. Although her stag does recall the Tibetan protectress
of Tabo, the overall impression she conveys is a Kashmiri iconographic and
aesthetic model in conformity with the principal goddesses and Bodhisattvas
of the mural paintings. The Tibetan donors are all dressed very plainly. Their
depiction does not conform to the Kashmiri idiom except for the tendency to
three-quarter profile for the faces, which is frequent in Kashmiri art.
One element of the jewellery may perhaps help to provide the chrono-
logical context. In Tibet, it is customary for aristocratic men to wear important
earrings (Reynolds 1978: fig. 20), although none are worn by any of donor
figures, male or female, in the Tholing mchod rten. Although we do not know
when this custom started, it is interesting that in the Tholing mchod rten, the
goddesses all have a small gold ring on their upper lobe and very ostentatious
earrings on the lower lobe, while the Bodhisattvas have no upper earrings. This
34
I thank Paul Harrison and Robert Brown of LACMA/UCLA for verification with
high magnification of the presence of the upper earring worn by Prajñāpāramitā. In the
course of their study they noticed traces of Indian script in the margins surrounding
some of these illuminations collected by Tucci at Tholing; this would reinforce the
attribution to the hand of Kashmiri artists (Harrison 2007: 235).
66
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
is in total contrast with the mural paintings of Tabo made in 1041, where all
the mahābodhisattva painted in the ambulatory have a small gold ring in the
upper earlobe as well as large earrings suspended from the lower lobe; none of
the clay sculptures created at the same time have this upper earring (Luczanits
2004: 52–53, figs 44–5). This may be an indication that the paintings of the
Tholing stupa were creations of artists coming directly from Kashmir, such as
those said to have accompanied Rin chen bzang po. As Kashmiri artists, they
would be more likely to represent the Kashmiri/Indian jewellery traditions
faithfully, while in Tabo the presence of the upper earring for the painted
Bodhisattvas may indicate an adaptation of the original Kashmiri/Indian jew-
ellery model to suit the taste of their Tibetan patrons. In comparison to the
Tabo mural paintings, the paintings of the Tholing mchod rten display a much
thicker application of paint which may reflect a different primer technique for
the wall prior to painting. This results in a striking opulence of colour, almost
as if the wall paintings were the lustrous Kashmiri manuscript illuminations
of the finest quality.
Conclusion
Pending the complete publication by Zhang Jianlin, any conclusive textual
correlation would be premature at present. However, the data previously pub-
lished already documented an iconographic program which combines the rep-
resentation of the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi mandala with a context which com-
prises the eight Bodhisattvas and 12 goddesses, as well as the 16 vajrasattva/
mahābodhisattva and local protective deities. A possible textual correlation may
be suggested by certain elements in the ritual for the Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi
cycle translated by Rin chen bzang po (Peking no. 3488), which appear to be
combined within the context of Rin chen bzang po’s translation of a commen-
tary on the Vajradhātu mandala of the SDPS (Peking no. 3460). This hypoth-
esis can only be confirmed or refuted after the comprehensive publication of
the data by Zhang Jianlin.
In terms of the commission of the stupa, we may recall that the
biography of Rin chen bzang po informs us that to honour the memory
of his deceased father, he commissioned mural paintings of seven mandalas
of the SDPS (Snellgrove & Skorupski 1980: 90). When his mother died, he
commissioned another three mandalas of the SDPS (Snellgrove & Skorupski
67
Amy Heller
1980: 92). Upon the death of Ye shes 'od, Rin chen bzang po personally
made funerary offerings of the mandalas of the SDPS and others (Snellgrove
& Skorupski 1980: 92). The SDPS, ‘Elimination of All Evil Destinies’, was
certainly appropriate for such circumstances in memory of a deceased loved
one. Rin chen bzang po is not named among the donors we have been able
to examine, however, his family lineage was clearly involved in the creation
of this mchod rten. Possibly his portrait may appear in the subsequent data
to be published by Zhang Jianlin. The ‘giant’ donor in white robes, portrayed
alone beside the large-scale ritual implements, appears to have been the prin-
cipal donor, his privileged status being indicated by his position to the right
of Śākyamuni. His white garment and elegant broad red sash indicate that he
was an aristocratic layman, not a monk. This excludes the identification of
this figure as either Rin chen bzang po or Ye shes 'od who would be dressed
in red or yellow monastic robes due to their ordination. This layman of great
stature may possibly represent 'Od lde, successor to Ye shes 'od on the throne
of Guge. At present, his identification remains elusive; we do not know who
commissioned the paintings and sculptures for this mchod rten.
A hypothesis may nonetheless be proposed for the chronological con-
text of this mchod rten. The biography of Rin chen bzang po specified the
offerings of the SDPS and others to honour the memory of Ye shes 'od.35
In view of the sculptural program of this mchod rten centred on rituals for
Vairocana—Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi, whose veneration had long been linked to
35
Snellgrove & Skorupski translate: “As funeral rites the Translator himself performed
the Durgatipariśodhana and others”. The Tibetan text reads: gdung mchod ngan song
sbyong ba la sogs pa ni| lo tstsha ba khong rang gis mdzad do| (Snellgrove & Skorup-
ski 1980: 108). I suggest here a slightly different interpretation of this passage. First
of all, la sogs implies that the Durgatipariśodhana was not the only ritual performed,
other, similar rituals (indeed, perhaps other rituals of veneration of Vairocana) were
also performed. Moreover, as terminology for funerary rites, the terms are dgongs
rdzogs mchod 'bul or dgongs rdzogs sgrub/chog ga (Goldstein 2001: 224), while the
term gdung mchod used in this passage implies that, after the initial funerary rites,
offerings are made for the sku gdung, the mchod rten housing a corpse, which con-
stitutes a funerary mchod rten. Gdung khang is the term used in the Mnga' ris rgyal
rabs to describe the funerary chambers of 'Od lde (Vitali 1996: 116). If interpreted in
such way, this passage possibly refers precisely to the iconographic program combin-
ing rituals dedicated to the SDPS and the VAT inside the northwest mchod rten of
Tholing. I thank Ven. Mtshan zhabs Rinpoche of Zürich for discussion on these ritual
terms and their interpretation in this context.
68
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
the veneration of the Tibetan btsan po—in combination with murals related
to the deities of the mandala of Vairocanābhisaṃbodhi united with those of
the mandala of Sarvadurgatipariśodhana, and in consideration of the mag-
nificence of the sculptures and paintings within, it may be suggested that this
exceptional mchod rten could only have been made to honour the memory of
a highly important person at Tholing, whose devotion to the ideals of Bud-
dhism was equalled by his spiritual inspiration and aesthetic appreciation. This
person may indeed have been Ye shes 'od, whose striving to establish Tholing
as an epicentre of Buddhist learning and art in Tibet ceased with his death
in 1024. It is thus suggested that this mchod rten may have been created to
honour the memory of Ye shes 'od on the occasion of the dgongs rdzogs rjes
dran, the religious rites conducted on the death anniversary, celebrated a year
after his death, c. 1025.
69
Amy Heller
Appendix
Second tier
1. Rugs wer dmag pon lha blon
2. Rugs wer stong chung dpal 'brug
3. Rugs wer stag yang 'brug
4. Rugs wer thugs dpal khri sum legs
5. Rugs wer chos skyabs
6. Rugs wer yang sum sgra
7. Rugs wer nam phyed ba rigs sum mgon
8. Rugs wer rgyu gsum sgra
9. Rugs wer skyid 'ar ma
10. Rugs wer khri dog rje
11. Rugs wer srid gsum mkhar
12. Rugs wer tsel
13. Rugs wer gnyan gsum mgon
70
Donor Inscriptions and Iconography of an 11th-century Mchod rten at Tholing
Bibliography
Primary sources:
Peking bstan 'gyur no. 3459: Dpal ngan song thams cad yongs su sbyong ba'i ro'i
sbyin sreg gi cho ga, by Ānandagarbha, translators: Kanakavarman & Rin
chen bzang po, vol. 77, 187–201.
Peking bstan 'gyur no. 3460: Ngan song thams cad yongs su sbyong ba'i dkyil 'khor
gyi cho ga shes bya ba, by Ānandagarbha, translators: Buddhaśrīśanti & Rin
chen bzang po, vol. 77, 201–216.
Peking bstan 'gyur no. 3488: Rnam par snang mdzad chen po mngon par byang chub
par gtogs pa'i rgyud kyi mchod kyi cho ga, by Śrībhadrānanda, translators:
Padmākaravarman & Rin chen bzang po, vol. 77, 337–358.
Peking btsan 'gyur no. 3489: Rnam par snang mdzad kyi sgrub pa'i thabs kyi cho ga,
by Jayaprabha/Rgyal ba'i 'od, vol. 77, 358–368.
Sde dge bka' 'gyur no. 494: Rnam snang mngon byang. Edition Tarthang Tulku, 1981:
vol. 31, 303–521.
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