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HENRY CORBIN
R.J.: Now, among the other great philosophical figures whom you met
in the late fifties and sixties in Iran was Henry Corbin, who was at that
time the director of the French Institute for Iranian Studies in Tehran.
What was the contribution of Corbin to your Islamic thought and your
philosophical thought in general?
S.H.N.: I would not say that he made a contribution to my philosophi-
cal thought, but I learned a lot from him as far as the subjects of his
scholarship were concerned. He wrote on certain philosophers, as I
already mentioned, such as on Ibn S!ın!a (especially on his Oriental
Philosophy,87 which I think is one of the most ingenious studies in
Islamic philosophy), and of course there are both his edited texts and
analyses of Suhraward!ı and several other philosophers; I benefited from
all these scholarly works. But as far as my philosophical position is con-
cerned, I was not influenced by Corbin. In fact, we complemented each
other rather than agreeing totally on everything. I had already come to
92 IN SEARCH OF THE SACRED
know very well the writings of Corbin while I was in the United States
before returning to Iran. As I told you, when I was writing my Ph.D.
thesis in 1957 and 1958, I made extensive use of the writings of Corbin
as far as Ibn S!ın!a was concerned. When I came to Iran in 1958, very
early that fall I met Corbin, and of course he realized my interests. We
became good friends, and he asked to see my Ph.D. thesis, which was
then in manuscript form, and I gave him a copy of it. He was elated by
it and wanted to get it published immediately in the Bollingen Series at
the Princeton University Press, but the Harvard University Press found
out and said, ‘‘No, we would like to do it ourselves,’’ and finally pub-
lished it88 although it took them a few years to bring it out.
Anyway, Corbin and I began immediately to discuss matters of
mutual interest. At first, there was a certain friction between us, because
he was opposed to the position of Gu"enon and the traditionalist
perspective in general, which was mine. At the same time, however, he
himself was really the reviver of many aspects of traditional philosophy.
Once he made a few harsh criticisms including personal attacks and I
became angry. His attack during a meeting we had at the Institut
Franco-Iranien was not against Gu"enon but against Burckhardt,89 who
was a very close personal friend of mine. So I got up and left the Insti-
tute. Then Stella Corbin, his wife, called me up and apologized that
Corbin had said these things. She said, ‘‘No, please, come. He wants to
see you.’’ In any case, after that episode, I always took great care not to
discuss such matters with him and so did he. I understood his idiosyn-
crasies and avoided matters that he disliked.
From the doctrinal point of view, we continued to disagree on many
matters as things went on. I must add that over the years he became
more and more aware of the significance of traditional writings. I shall
never forget that in the sixties Teilhard de Chardin90 had become very
popular, and Corbin was very angry with his whole approach towards
theology and philosophy. At that time, Frithjof Schuon had written in
the footnote of one of his books, Comprendere l’Islam,91 that this kind of
theology proposed by Teilhard de Chardin is the surrender of theology
to the microscope, and he made a very severe criticism of him, which
elated Corbin. He said, ‘‘I am going to quote this footnote in one of my
writings, but that is going to cost me membership in the Acad"emie de
Belles Lettres in France,’’ and that is exactly what happened. This shows
you what kind of prejudice existed against traditionalists in academic
circles in France at that time. Corbin also added, ‘‘la vie est trop court,’’
meaning ‘‘life is too short’’ to care about the consequences of his action.
PART THREE 93
R.J.: Together?
S.H.N.: Together, and it went like this. Corbin would usually choose a
philosophical text. For example, for several years it was the commentary
of Mull!a S: adr!a upon the Us: u!l al-ka!f !ı of Kulayn!ı,94 which is a philosophi-
cal masterpiece to which no one in the West had paid attention before
Corbin. The text of Mull!a S: adr!a is an incredible work, which was never
completed. Corbin in fact compared it to The Art of the Fugue of Johann
Sebastian Bach, which was also left incomplete in the middle of a fugue,
but which is nevertheless a very remarkable work. Corbin would first read
the text of Mull!a S: adr!a in French and then provide his own commentary.
R.J.: In French.
S.H.N.: Yes, in French, and then I would translate his words into
Persian and add a commentary of my own; this would continue for
some time. Then there would be questions and answers. As you know,
Corbin was almost completely deaf and that is why the way he spoke
French was very difficult to understand, and also the terminology that
he used was not easy.
I will never forget that when we wanted to inaugurate the seminar, all
the dignitaries of the Faculty of Letters came. Sadighi and Mahdavi did
not like very much what was going on. They were too positivistic in their
philosophical approach, but they did come, as did also Ali Akbar Siassi
who was then dean. Of course Siassi was one of the masters of the
French language of his generation in Iran, and he thought that he knew
French perfectly well. When the two-hour session finished he said,
‘‘Dr. Nasr, how in the world did you translate Corbin into Persian? I did
not understand anything he was saying.’’ I said, ‘‘Corbin speaks in
French, the angels understand him, then they transmit it to me in Persian,
and then I express it in Persian to the audience,’’ and we all laughed.
These seminars were important because many people, including all of
our own advanced students in the field of philosophy, graduate students,
some of whom I have already named, such as Purhusayni, Davari,
Davudi, and Mujtabavi, would be present along with many other people.
cultural scene and had a major impact upon the teaching of Islamic
philosophy in a comparative mode, as comparative philosophy East and
West, you might say. Later on, when I became dean of the Faculty, I of
course continued to emphasize very much the importance of this kind
of study. In addition, as I have already mentioned, Corbin and I would
meet with ‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı every other week during the fall when
Corbin was in Tehran. Furthermore, I would meet him privately almost
every week during the fall session, sometimes two or three times a week,
and we would carry out joint intellectual and scholarly projects.
R.J.: You knew already Suhraward!ı, I mean, you had already read him.
S.H.N.: Yes. In the fifties and early sixties I had read mostly
Suhraward!ı‘s Arabic works such as H: ikmat al-ishra!q96 and other works
contained in the two volumes that Corbin had brought out: the first in
Istanbul, and the second in Tehran and Paris. But the Persian works
were not easily available. Kh!anb!ab!a Bay!an!ı of the National Library of
Iran had brought out a couple of these treatises, but the few texts avail-
able were scattered here and there, and furthermore they were for the
most part faulty. I was, therefore, glad to edit the complete Persian
works because it was a major contribution to Persian literature as well as
philosophy in Iran. It was also an important step in creating greater
awareness among Iranians of their own past.
Immediately upon publication of these treatises, interest in them
spread like wildfire. The titles of these treatises, such as Saf !ı r-e sı!morgh
(The Song of the Griffin) and ‘Aql-e Sorkh (The Purple Intellect) came to be
used even by cinematographers and painters. It is unbelievable how it
caught on and what impact it had on the educated public in general.
Corbin asked if I wanted him to write a French prolegomena for my
volume,97 as he had done for the other two volumes. I responded affir-
matively, and then I wrote an extensive Persian introduction, and the
work came out as an eight-hundred page book, which was then repub-
lished by the Imperial Academy after I founded it.
This was a project that caused Corbin and me to meet every week
while the work was in progress and he was in Tehran. Corbin would
also consult with me about other projects. For example, when he wanted
to begin cooperating with Sayyid Jalal al-Din Ashtiyani on the
Muntakhaba!t-e h: ukama!-ye ela!hı! dar !I ra!n,98 which was to be a seven-
volume work, he consulted with me, and it was I who introduced Cor-
bin to Ashtiyani for this task and vice versa.
out. I was involved in nearly every major project that Corbin was carry-
ing out at that time. Of course I also published a M!e lange for him, which
you must have seen.
R.J.: Absolutely.
S.H.N.: This is a very large volume and is a major work, one of the best
things done on Corbin or for him. I asked the prime minister Amir
Abbas Hoveida,99 who liked Corbin’s writings very much, to come to the
celebration on the occasion of the publication of the book. We had a
wonderful celebratory session for Corbin at Tehran University in which
this book was presented to him. When I became the founding president
of the Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy, Corbin was then retiring
from the Sorbonne, and I asked him to become one of our professors.
So, he continued to come to Tehran for the last four years of his life
under the auspices of the Academy, being no longer formally associated
with the Institut Franco-Iranien and no longer receiving a salary from it.
Corbin of course taught at the Academy, and this was an important
part of the grand design I had for the Academy, which was to make it a
major center for philosophy East and West, where different currents of
philosophy were to be taught alongside our own philosophy, Persian
Islamic philosophy, which was at the heart of our program. I brought
both Izutsu100 and Corbin to the Academy, and of course they played a
very important role. Thanks to them and others, it was possible for
many fine students to be trained there. The few years we had together
was really the golden age of the Academy. Izutsu and Corbin as well as
myself used to teach there along with many others, but we were the
three main teachers.
R.J.: What kind of man was Corbin, I mean, personally? I mean, did he
practice his religion?
S.H.N.: That is a very good question. As I said, Corbin had been origi-
nally Catholic but converted to Protestantism because of the limitation
put by his Catholic teachers upon his study of mysticism in which he
was intensely interested. He was attracted to the study of mysticism
since his youth, and so he began to study early in his life 16th- and
17th-century Lutheran mysticism and theosophy, and then he was led to
the study of Islam and specially Suhraward!ı. He discovered through
Suhraward!ı the Shi‘ite Persian world, which he felt was his spiritual
home. He had a very deep, personal attachment to the Twelfth Imam as
well as to the other Shi‘ite Imams. It was unbelievable to observe the
love he had for the Shi‘ite Imams as if he were a very pious Shi‘ite; but
at the same time, he was a French intellectual but not like figures such
as Gu"enon and Schuon who embraced Islam formally and practiced
what they preached in the sense that when they said you have to follow
a tradition they themselves followed one. They got up in the morning
and said their prayers but Corbin did not practice Islam on the formal
level. I never saw Corbin formally perform nama!z or something like that,
but I definitely did see him pray. He was a religious man in the sense
that he not only believed in God but also prayed to Him.
In addition, I think that Corbin was given a kind of divine gift of
being able to be in contact with the angelic world. He was a kind of her-
meneut of the angelic world in that he had a natural inclination towards
that world and the ability to interpret its message for us. He was a kind
of natural visionary. Whenever he looked at things, he looked behind
them, not only at them. He always looked for the inner sense of things.
That is what drew him to esoteric Shi‘ism, and Sufism, to all of the
PART THREE 99
sense opened the door in the West to combining Islamic studies and
philosophy.
Before him, Louis Massignon, another great French orientalist, had
achieved the same to some extent for mysticism, and Louis Gardet105
for theology. Gardet was a Catholic theologian and at the same time an
Islamicist who wrote many important books. Of course, Massignon was
a remarkable figure, not only an Arabist, but a Catholic mystic and
thinker who was at the same time very well versed in Sufi mysticism and
touched by it personally, and who introduced Sufism seriously to the
West through his works on H: all!aj and others. Corbin achieved that task
for later Islamic philosophy, but he met immediately with great resistance
from several quarters—first of all, from the Catholic scholars of Islamic
philosophy. They looked with disdain upon Corbin for having left
Catholicism. Furthermore, having been trained in a narrow understand-
ing of ‘‘Arabic philosophy’’ ending with Averroes, they did not want to
accept the integral tradition of the Islamic philosophy that has had its
main home over the centuries mainly in Persia with some branches in
India and the Ottoman world and that has continued to this day.
Corbin also met resistance from mainstream Western philosophers
who did not want to consider seriously another branch of the tree that
had produced the tradition of Western philosophy. This is the result of
the absolutization, you might say, of Western thought in modern times
culminating with Hegel, an idea that is still very strong in the West. If
you accept that from the heritage of Abraham, Plato, and Aristotle
there grew another branch of the tree of philosophy that produced
people who were as important philosophically as Descartes but differed
completely from him while being his contemporaries, that reality would
destroy that absolutization of Western thought and the Eurocentrism
that lies at the heart of the Western paradigm created in the Renais-
sance. That is why it is easy for most scholars in the West to study
Ramanuja or some neo-Confucian philosopher such as Chu-Hsi as seri-
ous philosophy, but to study a figure in the 17th century from Persia
talking about Plato and Aristotle within the context of a monotheistic
revelation, as have our philosophers, is quite something else. It is very
difficult for Western scholars to accept these figures as serious philoso-
phers, because to do so means that the West has to rethink its own
historiography of philosophy and its own philosophy of the history of
philosophy. Therefore, it is a philosophical challenge to which the
Western philosophical establishment has reacted for the most part
through rejection.
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Then there is the third factor that has come from modern Arab
nationalism. The Arab nationalist interpreters of Islamic philosophy have
clung to the Western category of ‘‘Arabic philosophy,’’ which had a com-
pletely non-nationalistic meaning in the European Middle Ages. These
nationalists do not want to hear of the Persian connections of later
Islamic philosophy. They have continued to call Ibn S!ın!a an Arab, but
they know that we cannot call M!ır D!am!ad an Arab by any stretch of
the imagination. So Corbin met a lot of resistance from that corner and
so have I. Corbin rendered a very great service to the integral tradition
of Islamic philosophy by opening the door to the study of later Islamic
philosophy, with its main home in Persia.
our going to Sainte Odile, Corbin was not that much interested in
Heidegger in the latter part of his life, after he had discovered the later
Islamic philosophy of Persia.
R.J.: Can one say that Corbin was the last true philosopher of Persia?
S.H.N.: No, no, first of all, he was not Persian.
R.J.: I know, but . . .
S.H.N.: Again, no, because first of all there are several notable Persian
philosophers after Corbin. For example, there is Mehdi Ha’eri109 who
was a first-rate philosopher in the tradition of Islamic philosophy closer
to the Ibn S!ın!a school than to the school of Mull!a S: adr!a, a remarkable
logician and thinker and an epistemologist. In his Knowledge by Presence he
challenges Wittgenstein and Russell on the important question of knowl-
edge by presence or ‘ilm-i h: ud: u!rı!,110 his position coming from the tradi-
tion of Suhraward!ı and others. I can mention also Ashtiyani and the two
!
Amul! ıs.111 There are also a number of younger Persian philosophers
such as Gholam Hossein Ebrahimi Dinani and Gholamreza A‘vani.
Corbin died some thirty years ago, while all of us, people like myself,
who consider ourselves to be rooted in the Islamic philosophical tradi-
tion and are thinking philosophically about various subjects, are still alive
and belong to that tradition. So, I would not use the word last for Cor-
bin. Rather, he is the first, I would say, European ‘‘Persian philosopher.’’
for a person to have direct contact with the Twelfth Imam and to be
guided spiritually in an initiatic way by him. I believe it is this aspect
of Shi‘ism more than anything else that drew Corbin to the study of
Shi‘ism and to the whole question of imamology.
Corbin wanted to have a spiritual guide but did not want to have a
human guide. The whole ethos of this type of spirituality within Shi‘ism
therefore appealed deeply to him. I used to carry on debates with him
on this issue all the time. I believe that Mull!a S: adr!a had a spiritual
master, a human spiritual teacher, but Corbin always used to say ‘‘No,
he is like M!ır D!am!ad; he is one of those people who was guided only
by the Twelfth Imam.’’ He said that because he saw himself in that situa-
tion. I know that, for example, ‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı had had a spiritual
teacher when he resided in Najaf; I mean a human being of flesh and
blood who guided him spiritually.
In fact you have in Islam several possibilities. First of all, you have
the possibility of regular Sufi orders, both Sunni and Shi‘ite, such as the
Q!adiriyyah, Sh!adhiliyyah, Ni‘malull!ahiyyah et cetera, and then you have
the possibility of Sufi orders which are not formally organized and have
no distinct name. They are like what we see in the early centuries of
Islam when there were individual masters guiding a circle of disciples.
This latter type has definitely existed among Shi‘ite and even Sunni
‘ulama!’. Because of the opposition to Sufism that came at the end of
Safavid period in Persia, many of the Shi‘ite ‘ulama!’ were practicing Suf-
ism without saying, ‘‘We are a member of this or that order.’’ The word
s: u!f !ı was not used, but initiation and spiritual guidance took place. This
type included figures such as Bah: r al-‘ul!um or ‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı who
had an actual human teacher. And then there is in the Shi‘ite context the
third possibility, the possibility of direct contact with the Imam. The
fourth possibility is that of the Uways!ı way, the possibility of being
guided directly by Khid: r, a prophet mentioned in the Quran and identi-
fied also by some with Elias.
All of these possibilities exist within the universe of Islamic spirituality
taken as a whole, but Corbin was specially drawn to the possibility of
being guided by the Imam. ‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı, who performed spirit-
ual practice his whole life in addition to writing on philosophy and
theology, was very well aware of that fact. He both praised Corbin’s love
for the Imams and also was critical that Corbin was not willing to sub-
mit himself personally to spiritual discipline. Anyway, I think that is the
secret of how Corbin became personally involved in the study of what
he called imamologie, proph"e tologie, and similar subjects.
106 IN SEARCH OF THE SACRED
firmly within his world of S: adrian metaphysics and was not interested in
various philosophical ideas being discussed in modern Western circles.
As already mentioned, ‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı carried out dialogue in the
earlier period of his youth with the Marxists, and this shows that he was
interested in what philosophical and even ideological problems modern-
ized people were facing and the questions that they were asking. He felt
deeply that Islamic philosophy and thought had answers for all those
questions. This was a major characteristic of ‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı that
brought him close to Corbin.
As for Corbin, he also had several reasons for having intense interest
in these dialogues. Firstly, ‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı was like an ocean of
knowledge from which a scholar could draw so easily. Of course Corbin
was a great scholar, but when he did have questions about some aspects
of Islamic thought, he would turn with assurance of being answered in
an authoritative manner to ‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı, who would provide very
valuable clarifications, give references, provide the meaning of certain
verses of the Quran and matters like that. So, he served as a major
source of traditional Islamic thought for Corbin.
Secondly, because of his own personal and scholarly interest in Shi‘-
ism, Corbin wanted very much to establish dialogue with serious Shi‘ite
thinkers. He was not interested in carrying out dialogue with Ahmad
Fardid, Yahya Mahdavi, and people like that who were his friends. He
knew them well, but they were for him European-trained Persian philoso-
phers, and he could find plenty of people who thought like them in France
and Germany. Why come to Tehran to have a dialogue with them? Rather,
he wanted to have a dialogue with authentic representatives of Shi‘ite
thought, and he found the ideal solution in the person of ‘All!amah
T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı. Mind you, he also had discussions with other people, including
Sark!ar-i Aq!! a, the head of the Shaykh!ı branch of Shi‘ism. Corbin was also
interested in that school and wrote much about it. The extreme form of
love for the Imams, which characterizes Shaykhism, was especially attrac-
tive for Corbin. But no one else could provide what Corbin needed as did
‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı. Therefore, the latter was for Corbin a perfect partner
for dialogue.
Thirdly, Corbin was also doing the same thing as ‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı,
but the other way around. Through ‘All!amah T: ab!at: ab!a’!ı, Corbin could
discover what was going on in Qom and other Iranian cities among reli-
gious scholars and subjects that they were discussing.
One last element that united the two was the following: Both men,
from different perspectives and for different reasons, were very much
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