Separate Telangana Movement: Territorial Versus Democratic

The paper deals with the Separate Telangana Movement: the issues and the concerns that
are involved in it. It concentrates on the brief history of Andhra Pradesh in general and
Telangana region in particular. It tries to analyze reasons for the movement and also deals
with the three phases of the movement that includes political, economical, cultural and
social scenario of the region starting from the 1940s till 2009. The study intends to study
societal activism, Dalit perspective and the political developments. It also deals with the
response of the government towards the Telangana movement. Study intended to
interview the scholars, academicians, artists, activists, students to comprehend and justify
the given objectives effectively. The study also tries to understand the Telangana
Movement and try asses either people of the Telangana need merely geographical or
territorial separate Telangana state or democratic Telangana state.

Indian political system is witnesses the complex, critical and complicated social system.
It also witnesses the different regions with varied cultures, geographical conditions and
developmental scenario. India is passing through the combination of both the traditional
and modernity. State is gradually withdrawing its responsibilities from the welfare
responsibilities. It resulted in the spurt in people’s movement since two decades. It is well
know fact that in Indian system there are many issues involved. For instance, the political
fragmentation and linguistic regional insulation; hierarchical social division
institutionalized inequality, cultural-ethnic diversity and social intolerance were the basic
characteristics of traditional India. These multiple dimensions had shaped the nature and
type of social movements. The nationalist ideology subsumed the divergent social
movements encompassing into Indian liberation movement. All the spiritual national
leaders participated in the national movement irrespective of their caste and culture
without selfishness and personal interests but it is argued that positive outlook is lacking
in post-independence India. The Nationalist spirit withered away very soon. Negative
aspects like the denial of access to productive resources, social discrimination, and

1
patriarchal values became a common phenomenon. Hence it resulted in emergence of
social movements continued and revived. 1

It is well known fact that the outcomes of a movement could be seen in terms of social,
political and economic change, some times structural and non-structural. However, the
state has the power to formulate new public policies or to modify the existing public
policies within the constitutional framework in response to the demands of different
social movements. Thus, social movements through the state and its actions initiate and
determine public policy. Ultimately the social movements are the result of the failure of
policies. The movements also work against the discrimination on all the grounds i.e.
caste, creed, gender and untouchability. The movements also strive for the access of
decent earnings, education and health to all that are the main components of human
development. The emergence or recurrence of social movements can be explained in
terms of the failure of the state at different levels of the policy cycle.2

These movements emerged around the issues of caste, class, region, and language. The
different types of movements: women, Dalit, tribal, agrarian, farmers, regional
movement, identity and human rights movements exist based on the socio-economic
characteristics of the participants. All these are aimed at acquiring due spaces for
different sections of populations and the regions that had denied systematically in the
economy, political and in the development process. Andhra Pradesh political scenario is
not an exception to this phenomenon. The movements are an attempt to negotiate with
the state, market and civil society.3

Impact of the other people’s movements in Andhra Pradesh:

The state of Andhra Pradesh has a distinct place in the history of social movements in
India. Andhra Pradesh was almost a laboratory for international institutions or
experimenting with economic reforms. The State also witnessed the movements against

1
Ghanshyam Shah, Social Movements and The State, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 2002.
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.

2
the reforms. Against the reforms, different social groups are participated/still
participating in the movements down the line ranging from the extreme left to
autonomous groups. It also witnessed anti liquor movement, movement against the
globalization, separate Telangana movement, Naxalite movement, and so on. Especially
Telangana now stands on the verge of another movement for liberation from aliens and
for participatory democracy. The demand for small states are considered as a demand for
the responsible and participatory politics. The Telangana movement of 1969 was the first
Indian struggle for economic and cultural autonomy. The movement going on now has
added a demand for social emancipation. This is as it should be. The whole world is
moving towards liberation from racism, sexism and casteism. The Telangana has stood in
the vanguard of such movements for the last fifty years and awaits correct leadership.
The Dalit and tribal movements in the state were the first in the country in demanding
reservation within reservation among Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes
(STs). The violation of civil rights ensured by the constitution especially in Andhra
Pradesh where the presence of radical left parties resulted in frequent infringement of
civil rights resulted in the civil rights movement. The recent resurgence of the movement
for land indicated the renewed demand for the distribution of land to the landless. The
long survival of the movement for a separate Telangana is an indicator of the many
regional identity movements in the country.4

Brief history and politics of Telangana Region:

To understand the relevance of Telangana movement study intends to emphasize its

historical background of the region. The Andhra Pradesh of today is a state of twenty-
three districts which corresponds fairly accurately to the area in which Telugu language
and culture are dominant. The state is divided into three well-defined sub-regions: the
Delta, Rayalaseema and Telangana. For most administrative purposes the Delta and
Rayalaseema are treated as one. The Delta, well irrigated and fertile, is the most
prosperous and wealthy of three sub regions; Telangana region relatively backward

4
Human Development Report-2007, Andhra Pradesh, Centre for Economic and Social Studies (CESS),
Vidhya Graphics, Hyderabad, 2008, pp.19-21.

3
economically. Rayalaseema is a dry, infertile area, subject to frequent droughts and
famine. Telangana is one among the three regions of Andhra Pradesh, which consist of
ten districts including Hyderabad which is the capital city of the State of AndraPradesh.
During the pre- independence period Telangana was part of the Hyderabad State. The
princely State of Hyderabad was under the control of Nizam rule, which consisted of
three linguistic regions Marathi, Kannada and Telugu. Telangana was the Telugu
speaking region of Hyderabad. Telangana region is located in the western part of Andhra
Pradesh. Earlier Asaf Jahis ruled the State of Hyderabad. It came out of the ruins of
Bahamani and Qutub Shahi kingdoms and formed a polygonal tract occupying the centre
of Deccan Plateau. The Nizam’s State comprised three linguistic regions, viz. Telangana,
Marathwada and Karnataka. For the purpose of Administration the entire State was
divided into four Subas i.e. Warangal and Medak (Telangana) Aurangabad (Marathwada)
and Gulbarga (Karnataka). The Telangana region that formed a part of the Nizam’s
Dominion represented the unique Deccan culture. Even though India got independence in
1947, the Hyderabad state did not get freedom at that time. They remained unfree till the
year 1948. After police action under the leadership of Sardar Vallabai Patel, the state was
merged with the Indian union. In the year 1956 the regions was merged with Andhra
region (it was a part of Madras presidency) based on language i.e. Telugu.5

The jagirdars system of landholdings seems to have stood in the way of agricultural
development: “ though endowed with fairly good rainfall averaging 35.2 inches annually,
the poor soil and the rugged country seem to present a handicap to intensive agricultural
development. Besides, the agrarian conditions under the Jagirdar system in the olden days
did not seem to have provided adequate incentives to the ryot to attempt any intensive
cultivation. In the early years of present century the Nizam’s government constructed a
major irrigation scheme based on the Nizamsagar dam, thereby making Nizamabad the
most prosperous district in Telangana district. The rule of the Nizams was autocratic and
the official language, both in politics and education, was Urdu. The people of Telangana
were effectively insulted from the Telugu renaissance and both their language and their

5
Tajuddin, Md, Role of State and NGOs in issues of Food Security: A Case Study Of DDS, Medak
District, , unpublished Diassertation, Centre for Regional Studies, University of Hyderabad, 2004, pp.5-6.

4
culture came under strong Islamic and Urdu influences. Popular participation in politics
was actively discouraged, and the Indian National Congress was cautious about extending
the national struggle to the princely states. It was not until 1938 that a Hyderabad state
was formed, only to banned shortly after by Hyderabad State Congress was formed, only
to banned shortly after by the Nizam, and until 1951 was the Hyderabad Congress
merged with the Indian Congress. Within the Hyderabad Congress there were three
provincial Congress Committees, one for each of the three lingistic areas of Karnataka,
Marthwada, and Telangana.

Telangana was part of Hyderabad state during this period, there was a serious dislocation
of power owing to the accession, by force, into the farme work of Indian bourgeois state
and the restruturisation Telangana countryside through methods of repressive domination
between 1948 – 52. Its rich peasantry, thwarted both by the landlords and the Nizam’s
State in the preceding years, more importantly by its separation from trading activity, its
initial participation in the peasant movement, its not so enthusiastic identification with
communist party had blunted its edge in the post-police action period. The collapse of
Nizam’s tiny but powerful bureaucracy and its replacement by the local bureaucracy in
the subsequent years had left with little scope for a coalition between itself, the weak
political elite and the not so expansive, not much surplus generating rural rich. The
legitimacy of the political elite of Telangana was very weak by all standards, especially
in comparison with Andhra elite.

The people of Telangana were late in becoming politically mobilized, and the neither the
masses nor the elite were involved in the movement for the setting up of Andhra Pradesh.
This had been ininitially led by Telugu Brahmins who were predominance in the
administration in the legal and educational system of the existing Madras Presidency. But
nevertheless Brahmin dominance was gradually challenged by the rising non-Brahmin
castes, particularly the Kammas and Reddis, who tended initially to support the Justice
Party and the Andhra Movement, finding themselves at loggerheads with each other only
after the setting up of Andhra Pradesh in 1953. None of these events seemed to attract or
involve the people of Telangana to any great extent, nor was any attempt made to

5
mobilize them politically. They were only marginalized affected by the Telugu
renaissance, presumably because their rather Urduized and unliterary Telugu was
despised by the people of the Circars. Congress, was very slow to involve the people of
the Princely states in the national struggle; here again the people of Hyderabad acted
mainly as spectators. The non-Brahmin movement did not spread to Telangana or
politicize the people because Brahmins had never been as dominant under a Muslim
Nizam as they became in neighbouring parts of British India. They are not even the
horizontal political mobilized group based on the caste which has been so characteristic
of linguistic politics, cross the Hyderabad state. After the police action Hyderabad
remained as a separate political entity. Indeed, there was a certain amount of public
feeling against the division of the state on a linguistic basis: on June 16, 1952, a motion
in the Hyderabad Legislative Assembly for the dismemberment of the state was defeated
by 79 votes to 63. Aware of their backwardness, mulkis feared exploitation at the hands
of their fellows in Andhra. Telangana played no part in the agitation which resulted in the
setting up of the state of Andhra Pradesh in 1953, composed of Telugu districts formerly
in Madras. The national leadership of Congress seemed to flirt with the idea that
Hyderabad might be retained as a multilingual state, a kind of bastion against linguistic
feelings.

The four coastal districts, known as the Northern Circars, developed rapidly under British
administration and particularly from the Krishna and Godavari rivers for agriculture. The
Circars became the most prosperous part of the Telugu country and the rice-bowl of
Andhra enjoying the benefits of a stable and enlightened administration. Between
1946-1956, the Andhra region’s agrarian bourgeoisie with rural petty-bourgeoiseise is its
ally had very much come into their own as factors of decisive importance; especially
since 1953 when Andhra State was carved out as their exclusive zone of operation. The
combination of commercialized agri-produce and trading of the same had brought
realized surplus, which went into and were still going into same activity. The highly
commercialized rice, tobacco, sugarcane, its trade and industries based on these agro-
produce were not separate ventures but enterprises highly interconnected and owned and
operated by one and the same class of people. Centered in the coastal districts they were

6
an ever-expanding rural rich and the political elite in the region that emerged during this
phase. The origins of this class were a highly self- conscious, activated group that forged
a regional ideological solidarity through Andhra and Visalandhra projects. The
bureaucratic elite had also forged a link with these political elite sharing the same
commitment to regional ideology. Separate Andhra state fitted not only with their
political ambition but also their psychological make-up. (35-36) Real strength of this
change however lay not just in the sphere of production alone but in intellectual
ideological wisdom, matured bourgeois mindset and politics of the Andhra political
intelligentsia. These new ideas of development versus backwardness were spread by this
generation of political class. To know more about the nature of political class, the initial
rise of individuals as leaders depended on the castes consciousness, numerical strength of
the caste and the degree of social hegemony.

Caste and Cultural Composition of three regions:

Telangana has been primarily a territory of adivasis and nomads, pastoral and service
castes, artisans and leather workers. It was because of their composition Telangana has
become, in popular perception, a symbol of people’s rebellion. Telangana movement
means the movement of service caste, artisans, nomads, and pastoral communities.
Telangana was made up of their history their life and their culture. Telangana
subsequently lost its identity and had to satisfy with history of their struggles, sacrifices
and even loss of lives and its past was attributed to suit political interests of those who
established their power over Vishalandhra. Their valor, sacrifices were appropriated by
the leaders of Andhra type.

The modernizing castes produced the individuals of their castes as leaders and they in
turn hegemonized the political parties. Political parties, in such scenario, came under the
control of the castes. The Kammas, Reddys and Brahmins as communities organized in
Telangana and Andhra regions promoted their leadership. The Reddy community in

7
Hyderabad and homogenized Kamma peasant community in Andhra regions pushed
many of their caste men as their leaders. The castes, in fact, transformed as close knit
communities with harmonized characteristics identified themselves with regions of their
influence. The historical tragedy was the castes as organs of social/political entities were
strengthened, and further the regions came to be known in the name of castes – Andhra as
Kamma region and Telangana as Reddy region. Brahmins as protagonists of literary
culture occupied intellectual and cultural forums for Andhrisation of Telugus remained as
men of letters however their overriding intellectual positions were severely challenged by
the Kammas and Reddys. 6

When new power structure was constituted during 1947 to 1956 for the formation of
Hyderabad/Vishalandhra state the landed gentry of Telangana and peasant entrepreneurs
of Andhra vied each other with contempt but joined together against the lower castes.
They could turn the fighting communities into followers and carriers of their agendas.
Modern ideologies of linguistic state, land reforms and abolition of feudalism were
products of the modern educated intelligentsia that virtually brought the militant
communities under their control. Political parties that worked with such fashionable
programmes and agendas were resulted in organizations of the educated intelligentsia
who recruited people into it to obey their leadership.

There are no fundamental differences on the issue of caste between the three sub regions.
The same castes tend to have a horizontal spread throughout the state. Kamma
concentrated in the Delta districts sometimes known as Kamma Rastra, while the
Reddy’s are heavily centered in Rayalaseema. In Telangana the Reddy’s are
predominant. There is a tendency for traditional Reddy caste ties and factual conflicts to
disregard the sub regional boundaries. The principal castes in the three sub regions are
the same, although there are certainly interesting minor differences in caste configuration
between Telangana, Rayalaseema and Andhra. The socio-cultural space of Telangana is
different from that of Andhra. The presence of caste structures differs from Andhra as the
geography varies largely from one another. Hilly, forest, pastoral and feudal life shaped

8
professional castes and consequent consciousness of the Telangana as against that of
Andhra whose peasant/caste ethic of exploitation was determined by the coastal plains
and colonial rule.

These two paradigmatically different structures (Telangana and Andhra) were brought
together in 1956, not as a solution to Telangana’s many problems but as a contribution to
the requirements of the Andhra rich and their allies. The merger that came about took
place at the level of political and administrative arrangements. The elite structures of
Andhra parties and lobbies proceeded to subordinate their Telangana counterparts taking
advantage of their weakness and inexperience in bourgeois mode of arrangements. It was
at the level of bureaucratic elite that the subordinate of Telangana’s officials at the apex
was carried out through change of rules of service. Nothing in the State Reorganization
Act nor in the Gentlemen’ s Agreement could present this. The mulki rules were not
applicable to upper strata. The politico-bureaucratic elite could immediately be seen to be
divided on two levels, the dominant Andhra segment and the subordinate Telangana
section. However, no bureaucracy functions without a hierarchically organized,
numerically bigger, lower administrative functionaries. After an initial hesitation, the
mulki rules were flouted to bring in more Andhra employees. A process so started does
not stop at that and acquires a momentum of its own, which in the case of Telangana
bypassed even the qualified Telangana people. Discrimination was abetted by a system of
spoils, which was practiced with impunity by the Andhra political elite with a lot more
audacity than in the initial stages. If sub regional distinctiveness cannot often be traced to
caste, cultural, or linguistic factors, it is clear that a history of division goes far to create
sub-regional feelings within a broad cultural region. Andhra has a long history of unity,
but in the middle of eighteenth century it was broken up. Most of it came under British
rule, but Telangana remained under India rule as part of the territories of the Nizam of
Hyderabad. Telangana therefore has a separate political history of two centuries. There is
a widespread feeling that aspirations of Telangana people were undermined in all
spheres, i.e. social, economic and political which resulted in demanding of a separate
Telangana state.7 Hence, it is historical necessary for the people of Telangana to demand

7
Demand for Telangana state took place when Andhra Pradesh has formed separate state in 1950s.

9
for the separate statehood for the overall development that includes self-rule and self-
respect as Amartya Sen argued.

Separate Telangana Movement: The Issues:

In the separate Telangana movement, people from several walks of life are involved:
intellectuals, artists, women, Tribals, revolutionary groups, students and teacher
associations. All political parties have its own agenda and stand on the demand of
Telangana separate state. This movement has many dimensions- Social, economic,
political, cultural, linguistic, backwardness, industry, agriculture, the sentiment of People
of the region. Many scholars argue that it has been neglected by the government in
developmental activities. The people of Telangana also feel that they looked down their
culture and language by the Andhra region and reduced their status as second citizens in
the name of language in their own homeland. Hence it is argued, In fact, it is not just the
question of development, but it includes the self-respect of people.8

Historical Reasons for Separate Telangana Statehood Movement:

The newly-created State had more resources now. But the Andhra rich farmers who had
secured assurances from its coalitional partners, namely the politico-administrative elite,
would now want that it be provided with conditions to increase surplus. The period
ending with the mid-sixties, in which there was relative political stability, coincided with
the expansion of infrastructure for wider internal market and compulsory procurement of
food grains by the government. The expansion of education brought more qualified
people from Andhra into Telangana. Telangana’s qualified men and women were slow to
come in, the new educational institutions needed for the new system being opened only in
the late 1950s, Public works brought in contractors and transporters from Andhra. They
might have stopped coming Telangana if the government intervened to increase the rural
incomes and promote the potential rich. Tenancy reforms resulted in the increase small-

8
Jayashankar, Consensus on Telangana State: Facts, Mallepalli Rajyam Memorial Trust, Hyderabad,
2006.

10
scale production; very few agrarian rich could acquire meaningful surplus. Increased
irrigation facilities were the only way that could have brought prosperity to sections of
Telangana peasantry.9 37-38 Harinath argues the sustained pressure and combined
activity of Andhra ruling coalition concentrated its efforts to bring more water from
Telangana area for bigger surpluses. The Andhra agrarian rich did not, from the
beginning, want a competitive section from Telangana that would spoil its attempt to
perpheralise Telangana into small-commodity producing peasantry. The Andhra political
elites were instrumental in realizing this negative aspiration by scuttling all the attempts
of the Telangana subordinate elite through a tight network of lobby system. the peripheral
nature of Telangana’s economy was reinforced by the government’s cutting down of size
and outlay of Telangana irrigation projects and by increasing the supply of water from
Telangana to Andhra region by floating legal norms and arrangements( Nagarjunasagar,
Pochampadu). The irrigation and engineering bureaucracy, which dominated by Andhra
component was a crucial input in favour of Andhra rural rich. Andhra region as an
advantaged area began to take shape now. Disparities were created and protected by the
Andhra ruling elite that served as a mechanism in perpetuating this process. Telangana
was slowely but surely turned from a periphery into a colony by the middle of the sixties.
the systematic transfer of resources through the governmental net work had started,
water, coal and electriclty being the primary targets of such transfer. The monetary
siphoning continued to priority areas in coastal Andhra. Besides being converted into a
peripheral backward area, Telangana was paying more taxes in the form of higher
agricultural tax rates and excise tax.10 Author critically assess that the Andhra leadership
still continuing all the ill treatment meted out to them by the Tamil ruling class in the old
Madras Presidency and transferred the injury to the people of Telangana. But it was not
merely a collective psychological problem but was the lust for power and money of the
feudal classes of the Andhra area (Kammas, Reddys and Brahmins). Thus, Telangana
people were fooled and treated like subordinates, totally losing their self-respect. Soon
they lost most of their lands too as a result of Naxalite movement while Reddys of

9
Harinath P, Telangana: the Peripheralisation, Colonization and Marginalization of a region ( in edited)
Simhadri P & Rao, Vishweshwer P.L, Telangana: Dimensions of Underdevelopment, Centre for Telangana
Studies, 1997, pp. 38-39
10
Ibid. pp. 38-39

11
Rayalaseema continued to hold on to their lands and despotic power inspite of land
reforms. They subjected Telangana feudals to every type of humiliation imaginable. Yet a
character from this class betrayed the great peoples’ movement for Telangana of
1968-1972. (7) Scholars argue the Naxalite movement itself was a product of the betrayal
of the 1968-1972 movement as also tardy implementation of land reforms by the Coastal
area –Rayalaseema feudal coalition. It is absurd to say that there is no feudalism in
Andhra area. It is a totally casteist system too. A marauding capitalism has been
superimposed on a casteist and feudal society. All the contradictions of the Andhra area
are sought to be resolved by involving oppressed sections into a wholesale exploitation of
Telangana. Wholesale exploitation of Telangana resources for the benefit of the Andhra
area is accompanied by attacks on the way of life of Telangana people. In fact, the
insistence on the formation of Andhra Pradesh was itself with the intention of taking
control of Telangana resources.11 (7-8)

It is also argued that the root of the aspirations for (Sub) regional autonomy in India is the
fact of uneven development. Uneven development is multi-dimensional-economic, social,
political and cultural dimensions seen in their inter-relationship. Uneven development is
both historically determined and politically enforced process.(52) Large linguistic states,
as the experience of the last four decades shows, have strengthened the grip of dominant
caste/classes of the advanced regions over the economy, society and politics of the states,
including the backward regions, which by galvanizing the resources-mater and cultural –
ideological at their command have furthered their hegemony over the backward areas and
the increasingly impoverished subaltern castes/classes. The consequence of this is the
‘internal colonization’. Evidence of this is the dominant presence of the
‘outsiders’/settlers in all sectors of social life in the backward areas. It is a vindication of
their dominance that the upper caste/class leadership of the advanced regions and has for
this reason not only displayed indifference to the problems of the backward areas but in
fact actively professed ‘integration’. Further, the Left with economistic class
reductionism sought to reduce the question of uneven development almost exclusively
to the logic of capitalist development. Though the trajectory of capitalist transformation

11
Op.cit.

12
forms the context, in which regional unevenness and injustice is structured yet it cannot
simply be equated with nor can it be understood solely in terms of nationality defined
principally in terms of language.12

A Demand for Separate State and Comparison of Different Phases:

The issue of separate State is not a new phenomenon. It has its own history since
independence, however if we look at the demand for a separate State of Telangana into
three distinct phases form 1948 to the present.

I Phase: 1948 – 1956

When India got independence in 1947, at the time Hyderabad State was under the control
of Nizam Ruler Meer Usman Ali Khan. On 13 September 1948 the Government of India
launched Police Action on Hyderabad. By 17 September 1948 Police Action was
completed and Union Government integrates Nizam State into Indian Union. After the
general election of 1952 the first popular ministry headed by B. Ramakrishna Rao took
charge of the Hyderabad State. Later it was integrate with the Telugu speaking Andhra
region, which was a part of Madras Presidency until 1953. After the Police Action,
officials were brought from costal district of Andhra to Hyderabad State for
“Administrative convenience”. But it led to agitation against non mulkis (outsiders) in
August, 1952. The agitation was popularly known as the Mulki Movement. The students
from the Telangana region actively participated in the movement which was suppressed
by the authorities. The 1952 agitation is significant because it shaped the attitude of the
people towards the issue of State Reorganization. The demand for separate Telangana
State had its roots from the Mulki Movement. Though this movement was not articulated
by political groups until the question of state Reorganization became a reality

Sate Reorganization Commission:

12
Srinivasulu. K, The Thesis on the Question of Small States, in Simhadri P & Rao, Vishweshwer P.L,
Telangana: Dimensions of Underdevelopment, Centre for Telangana Studies, 1997, pp.53

13
After the formation of Andhra State in October 1953, the demand for the creation of other
linguistic states acquire prominent place. On Oct 22, 1953 the State Reorganization
Commission was set up by the Government of India, headed by Fazal Ali. This
Commission recommended that the Telugu speaking people of Hyderabad State should
have separate State by the name of Telangana. By February 1956, the idea of separate
State was dropped and formed a single State called- Andhra Pradesh comprising of
Andhra and Telangana by Gentlemen’s Agreement (20 Feb, 1956). It was subscribed to
by the leaders of both Andhra and Telangana, in a way underwritten by the Central
Government embodied certain safeguards to the people of Telangana with regard to
employment, economic development and educational facilities. This agreement cleared
the way for the formation of the single State of Andhra Pradesh on November 1956. One
of the conditions of the agreement was, if the Chief Minister is from Andhra, Deputy
Chief Minister should be from Telangana. But this agreement was violated in 1956 itself
when Neelam Sanjiva Reddy became the first C.M. of A.P. refused to name any
Telangana Minister as Deputy C.M. And also Telangana people felt that Gentlemen’s
Agreement violated all the safeguards of the Telangana region. All these leads to a
massive revolt of the people of the region in 1968 – 1969 demanding separate statehood
for Telangana region from the State of Andhra Pradesh.

II PHASE 1968 – 1973: Telangana Agitation

The failure of Gentlemen’s Agreement and some other reasons were made path towards
the rise of Telangana agitation. Telangana people thought that there was an imbalance
between the two regions had been neglected in many aspects. The employment problem
and the delaying in implementation of the Mulki rules were the main aspects that being
neglected by the governments since the formation of single state and only very little was
done to set right this imbalance. All these lead to the agitation called Telangana Agitation
within the region of Telangana. This agitation took a violent turn in certain areas of the
region because unfortunately on 20 January 1969 police opened fire on the agitating
students at Hyderabad leads to so many deaths. Several political parties in the state have

14
also been actively involved in the agitation. Later a separate organization known as
Telangana Praja Samiti was formed under the Chairmanship of Channa Reddy in 1969
later it was turned as a political party. In September 1971 Bramananda Reddy who was
the C.M. of Andhra Pradesh, resigned his position to make room for a Telanganite to
become the Chief Minister and few days later P.V.Narasimha Rao became first Chief
Minister from Telangana. The second half of 1960s brought in a change situation through
application of Green Revolution techniques, b) development of infrastructure, c)
expanding irrigation, d) building dams, e) providing seed farms and fertilizer and f)
giving greater access to credit and other material and financial inputs and f) giving
greater access to credit and other material and financial inputs. Every aspect of these
measures was rigorously developed and provided to the already commercialized rich
farmers, who as a result, turned into capitalist farmers and the most profit-oriented class.
All of them were in Andhra. It created new prosperity in the core area. Due to the
concentration of Green Revolution’s means of production taken from Telangana area, and
technology in the Andhra capitalist farms, the efficiency and labour productivity of these
farms was greater than backward ones in Telangana. Under these internal colonial
conditions, agricultural market price is determined by the price of production of capitalist
agriculture that accumulated by the Andhra region elites. Telangana agitation of 1968-69
comes in the background of these developments in Andhra Pradesh. The fall in
employment opportunities and flouting of mulki rules brought into sharp focus the
underdeveloped region’s plight. 13

During the Chief Ministership of P.V. Narasimha Rao, Andhra Pradesh witnessed another
agitation. This time in the Andhra region. The agitation was the outcome of the Supreme
Court’s judgment on what was known as the “Mulki Rules”. The people of the Andhra
region who wants the immediate abolition of the Mulki rules were taken back. People of
Andhra region felt that their dignity and honor could be safe guarded only in a separate
state of their own. In order to achieve a separate Andhra State they started an agitation
popularly known as the Jai Andhra movement. Sensing the changed mood of the people
the central Government held discussions with leaders of both regions and evolved what is

13
Ibid. p. 40

15
known as the Six Point Formula in 1973. Abolition of mulki rules and Telangana
Regional Committee and establishment of a Central University at Hyderabad were the
important points of the formula. With the result of Six Point Formula, the State was
divided into seven zones within the framework of three regions, namely Coastal Andhra,
Rayalaseema and Telangana, treating the capital city as a separate entity.

III PHASE: 1990 onwards

In the decade of 1990s once again separate Telangana movement had started by the few
individuals and organizations. There were many ups and downs in the movement but the
movement continued, undaunted by betrayals. Twice every year large numbers gathered
at the Martyrs Memorials in Secundrabad and Hyderabad and paid tributes to martyrs. In
January, 1986 some activists decided to form ‘Telangana Information Trust’. Soon “Ma
Telangana” was launched, which was closed down after sevn months due to financial
troubles. More than a thousand people had gathered at its inaugural function at Basant
Talkies, Kachiguda. Around 1991 two organizations, Telangana Students Front and
Telangana Liberation Students Organization were launched in Osmania University. In
1992 the Kakatiya Unit of Telangana Students Front was formed. A national seminar on
small states was held in landscape Gardens and Tagore Auditorium in August 1993.
Surendra Mohan inaugurated the conference and Justice Madava Reddy addressed the
gathering. George Fernandez addresses the concluding session. (12) Stirrings of a new
movement could be clearly seen in Warangal on 1st November 1996 at the Telangana
Praja Samithi convention attended by more than five thousand delegates from all parts of
Telangana. The Hyderabad convention was held on 1st December 1996 and after that a
series of conferences, group and public meetings have been held at Godavarikhani,
Karimnagar, Siddipet, Jangaon, Aler, Ghanpur, Nizamabad, Khamma, Nalgonda, the old
city of Hyderabad and Bhongir. The Bhongir conference and the public meeting proved
to be a turning point. The Bhongir conference was addressed among others by Kaloji
Naran Rao, Dr. Jayashankar, Prof. P. L. Vishweshwara Rao and others. (13) There was a
meeting on 29- 30 December 1997 at Waranagal, Gaddar and people’s poet Kaloji was
also participated. Before the movement was held, unknown persons threatened Gaddar

16
that if he participates in the movement, they will kill on the stage itself with the help of
bomb blast. But Gaddar participated and written a song called “nee Patanai
vastunnanammo maa ammalara- Nee padalaku vandalammo maa ammalara”. Kaloji
sad in his speech those who are threatened Gaddar, let them kill him and Gaddar if they
have dare enough to kill them. There were three lakh people were participated in the
meeting.14

The emotions and forces generate by the movement were not strong enough, however a
demand for separate statehood was continuing. But in 1990’s once again the issue of
separate state rises up when Bharathiya Janatha Party promised for separate Telangana
State if they came to power. But the BJP could not create separate Telangana State
because of the opposition from its coalition partners, Telugu Desam Party. These
developments brought new life into separate Telangana movement by the year 2000.
Congress party MLA’s from Telangana region, supported the separate Telangana State
and formed a Telangana Congress Legislators Forum. In another development, a new
party called Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) was formed by K. Chandra Shekar Rao in
2001 with the single agenda of a creating separate Telangana State with Hydarebad as its
capital. It argued that Telangana is excluded from all sorts of developments and
opportunities in political power that made them dream of Telangana as a separate state.
Hence, it is essential to pressurize the state through people’s movements. Through which
they are expecting inclusive, strengthen and deepen the democracy. Exclusion means not
merely social and economic marginalization of the sections but also the regions. The
Telangana movement once again became the essential phenomenon in Indian politics
after the formation of Telangana Rastra Samiti in 2001 by K. Chandrasekara Rao on the
issue of Telangana. He has taken up the protests and demonstrations against the TDP
government for the implementations of the 610 GO, employment to the Telangana youth,
construction of irrigation projects through which party demand separate Telangana state
with the support of the youth, employees, teacher, women, artists and intellectuals. He
campaigned all over the Telangana and explained the backwardness of Telangana and its
culture, importance of local gods and goddess and explained how their culture and
14
Varavara Rao, Veshala Aikya Sangatana, Andhra Jyothi, 16.12.08, p.4.

17
language being undermined by the leaders of Andhra from all the political parties. TRS
held training classes for the students and the youth to explain the reasons for separate
state. In these classes, they explained how their language, culture was undermined and
betrayed by the leaders of the Andhra region. TRS promised employment to the youth,
chief ministership for Dalits, Deputy Chief Minister for Minorities. Then, later A.
Narendra formed the party and named as Telangana Sadana Samti and participated in the
local body elections and Hyderabad municipal election –2001 but could not gain the
people’s support, hence he merged his party with the TRS. Then, later Ms. Vijayashanti,
film actress turned politician formed the Telangana Talli Party for the cause of separate
Telangana State. Along with the political parties, artists are active in the movement. But
in before the general elections, she joined the TRS and contested from the Medak Lok
Sabha and won the elections.

In 2004, for Assembly and Parliamentary Elections, Congress Party and TRS had an
electoral alliance in Telangana region with the promise of separate Telangana State.
Congress came to power in the State and formed Coalition government in the Centre.
TRS joined the Coalition government in 2004 and was successful in making separate
Telangana State as a part of the Common Minimum Programme (CMP) of the Coalition
government. In September 2006 TRS withdrew support for the Congress led coalition
government at the Centre on the grounds of indecision in the government and the delivery
of its electoral promise to create Telangana. In December 2006, TRS won the bye-
election to Karimnagar Parliamentary Constituency which is considered by many as a
referendum on Telengana State with a record margin. Once again, all the MPs and MPs
who were elected on TRS party symbol resigned to their membership and went for the
bye-elections but they lost the elections. After the bey-elections, there was a debate once
again on the Telangana. one section of the people argued, people of Telangana doesn’t
want separate statehood as TRS lost the half of their setting seats. The political
formulations have changed. Devenadar Goud along with Peddi Reddy were come out
from Telugu Desam Party and formed a new party i.e. Nava Telangana Party. With this
pressure, TDP also agreed to bifurcate the Andhra Pradesh and supported Telangana state
demand. With the result, there was a lot of pressure on congress High Command for

18
creating a separate State. During the time of campaign, K.C.R. addressed a seminar on
Small States held at University of Hyderabad by saying that TRS is not for repeat of 1969
violence and the party wants the State to be bifurcated peacefully. He said this is not a
fight between two races, they are demanding a restoration of Telangana State which
existed already once. On the other hand a section of Congress leaders are supporting
Telangana within the party those who are from Telangana region. CWC member and
senior M.P. G. VenkataSwamy lead the Telangana group said there would be no
compromise on their stand. We will continue the agitation till the UPA Government
concedes the demand for separate State.

From the Congress point of view, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh are two major States
which can make the party’s fortune to wrest or retain power at the Centre, since both U.P.
and Bihar have slipped out of hands of the party almost two decades ago. A.P. and
Maharashtra together have 90 LokSabha seats. If Maharashtra and A.P. too are bifurcate,
this may prove to be politically disastrous for the Congress. So bifurcation of A.P. would
reduce the capacity of the Congress to garner sizable number of seats because regional
and sub- regional parties may gain upper hand in the bifurcated portions. So Dr. Y.S.
Rajashekar Reddy is saying that it would not be possible for UPA government to concede
to the demand for separate Telengana before the next elections since there was no
consensus among the coalition constituents on the issue and that the congress could take a
decision only if it is able to secure a majority and form the government at the centre on its
own.

Comparison of different Phases:

If we compare the different phases, there were four important issues took place in first
two phases like Police Action, Mulki Moment, State Reorganization Commission and
Gentleman’s Agreement and in the second phase followed by Telangana Agitation later it
leads to Jai Telangana Moment, Formation of a political party called Telangana Praja
Samiti, Jai Andhra Moment and Six Point Formula. If we look at similarities between the
first two phases, first phase ended with “Gentleman’s Agreement” and formed A.P. State

19
and the latter one also ended with “Six Point Formula” and it avoided the bifurcation of
the State. If we look at three phases the second phase was turned so violent, however
there were two outcomes to the people of the two regions. One was P.V. Narasimha Rao
was elected as the first C.M. from Telangana Region and second was Andhra people got
satisfied by abolition of Mulki rules. And the establishment of a Central University in
Telangana Region was a greater achievement of this phase. In the first phase, only the
leaders from both regions within the Congress party represented Gentlemen’s Agreement
whereas in the second phase students from Hyderabad and all over the region participated
very actively, if look at in the third phase some national parties as well as regional parties
participating in Telangana moment. However from the last five decades since the
formation of A.P, a strong feeling has taken roots among the people of this region,
including the minorities that gross injustice has been done to them and their region
despite the assurances trotted out by the successive regimes to fully abide by the
Gentleman’s Agreement, Mulki rules and Six Point Formula etc.

Formation of Separate Telangana Movement: Political Developments:

Telangana is today a hot issue and something no party can ignore to address. It has
become imperative for every political party worth the name in A.P to acknowledge the
issue of separate Telangana. Congress-I, Telangana Rastra Samithi had a political
alliance and controversial understanding on the demand of separate state during the
recent (2004) elections that dethroned Telugu Desam does not require any additional
emphasis to point out the importance of the demand for separate state. All the politics are
about the “appropriate time and the art of its interpretation. It is necessary to accept these
facts to acknowledge that demand for the separate state has a history and people support.
Telangana movement is playing a vital role in Indian politics since 1960s. Once again the
movement got enormous support from all sections of the region when TRS emerged as a
strong political force. Initially TRS was not considered as a political party for sometime
but later it decided to work as a political group but later they converted it into a political
party. They contested in the local body elections and won majority seats-2002. This
response clearly reflected the aspirations of the people in favour of separate Telangana

20
state. All the political parties: Congress-I, BJP, BSP, RJD, etc. have taken a stand in
favour on the demand of Telangana but TDP is not in a favour of Telangana state initially
till 2008. It has its own reasons for not to support the smaller states but in before 2009
general elections, it supported the Telangana State demand. TRS emerged on the issue of
Telangana. BJP support the bifurcation of Andhra as it is in favour of smaller states.

Emergence of Telangana Rastra Samithi and Electoral Politics:

In 1999 Lok Sabha general elections, BJP promised the separate states by promising “one
vote-two states”. But it did not stand on its stand and say did not get full majority in Lok
Sabha. Since 1960s, the Congress party has been making use of the sentiment for
Telangana and getting political mileage out of the Telangana demand. 1960s, Dr. Marri
Chenna Reddy mobilized public support in favour of separate Telangana. His party won
eleven Lok Sabha seats. Smt Indira Gandhi tried her level best to cool down the
movement by offering minor development programmes. It is also very important to
understand the development that neglected in the Telangana region during the Telugu
Desam Party’s regime. People of Telangana region thought that Andhra educated youth
robbing the employment opportunities of local youth. The leadership in Andhra Pradesh
also has been pursuing policies detrimental to the interest of the region. The Telugu
Desam leadership made Telangana a laboratory for the policies prescribed by the World
Bank which resulted in neglect of agriculture in the region and caused migration of
Telangana people from villages to towns, cities and in many cases to places outside the
country. Illegal diversion of water resources has reached it peak during the present
Congress regime. The pet projects of present regime namely Pothireddypadu, Pulichintala
will turn Telangana into desert. This once again made the people of Telangana region
demand for the separate statehood. The process of globalization also added to that
additional. This development gave the rise movement for separate state and new political
party that Telangana Rastra Samithi formed by K. Chandrasekhar Rao in the year of 2001
and won good number of seats in local body elections that made the Congress party to
have an alliance with the TRS in the year of 2004 general elections.

21
Separate Telangana Movement: Second Phase:

After a gap of more than 30 years, the issue of statehood for Telangana has come to
occupy the centre stage of electoral politics in Andhra Pradesh and is likely to have a
significant impact on the prospects of major political parties in the Assembly elections. It
was in 1971 that the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) had bagged 11 of the 14 Lok Sabha
seats in the region in the wake of a prolonged agitation led by Marri Channa Reddy
during 1969-70 for a separate State. The MPs who were elected on the plank of separate
Telangana at that time joined the Congress later and the movement eventually petered
out. With the fledgling Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) emerging as a strong force in
some of the Telangana districts this time. Ironically, the BJP, which revived the issue of
smaller States and brought back the Telangana factor into focus by adopting the `one
vote, two States' resolution at Kakinada in 1998, has now kept the issue in cold storage
due to electoral compulsions as its ally and the ruling party, the TDP, has rejected the
demand for bifurcating the State and has decided to seek the mandate for a united Andhra
Pradesh. The fact that the Congress high command has now agreed to appoint a
Telangana Regional Coordination Committee after persistently rejecting the demand of
the Congress Forum for Telangana (CFT) for a separate Pradesh Congress Committee
(PCC) for Telangana could be seen as a clear acknowledgement of its importance in the
ensuing elections. Senior Congress leader and CWC member, Ghulam Nabi Azad, during
the "Prajahita'' bus tour of Telangana has sought to assure people by saying that the
Congress respected their sentiments. Political observers feel that the Congress is not
coming out openly in support of a separate State as it might affect its chances in Andhra.
Agreeing that the Telangana issue would have some impact in the elections, The
sentiment might remain stronger if TRS went alone and might get diluted if an accord
was reached between the TRS and the Congress, he observed.

TRS Politics:

In 2004 general elections-Congress party had a coalition with TRS whose main objective
was separate statehood for the Telangana. Both the political parties campaigned together

22
in Telangana region in favour of their candidates. One of the public meetings, Ms Sonia
Gandhi, President, Congress party said, “Her party was for separate Telangana state and
respects the sentiments of people”. The people believed, as there was no other party
which was supporting the Telangana state. They reached thumping majority in both the
Lok Sabha and the Assembly elections and formed the governments at both the state and
the central levels. The Telugu Desam Party clearly said in their election manifesto that
they do not support the smaller states as it leads to disintegration of the state. It believed
that smaller states would enhance the power of the anti-social and anti state activities.
After the formation of the Union government, Ms. Sonia Gandhi invited K. Chandrasekar
Rao and A. Narendra to join the union cabinet without assuring Telangana separate state
on the pressure from the TRS, UPE agreed to include the issue in Telangana in the UPE
Common Minimum Programme. Both the leaders of TRS joined the union cabinet. Even
in the presidential address Dr. Abdul Kalam, President of India mentioned about the
Telangana separate statehood. UPE has constituted a committee with Pranab Mukargee as
a chairman to arrive at the consensus on separate Telangana State. Many parties in UPE
and non UPE believe that smaller states meet people’s aspirations in terms of access to
the administrative apparatus as well as developmental needs.

It may be recalled that the Congress party in Andhra Pradesh had an electoral understand
with Telangana Rastra Samithi (TRS) and won the 2004 Assembly and Lok sabha
elections. 2004 elections reaffirm the historic mandate of 1971 elections given by the
Telangana people to Telanagna Praja Samithi (TPS), which won 11 seats out of 14
parliament seats. As part of the electoral understanding the Congress party promised
statehood for Telangana. This was also reiterated by the President of India in his joint
address to parliament and it was also included in the Common Minimum Programme of
the UPA Government. However, strangely the Congress Party chose to appoint Pranab
Mukarjee committee which has become synonymous with delay and indecision. The
committee despite receiving letters of support from many political parties favouring
statehood for Telangana has not submitted its report to the government as on today for
the reasons best known to it. The Congress Party however has been saying that CPM is
opposed to formation of Telangana State and that UPA government survives on the

23
support extended by the CPM. However having survived the no-confidence motion in
Parliament recently without the support of CPM there are no hurdles for introduce a bill
in the ensuing parliament session. Telangana people are of the view that Congress has
exploited the democratic aspirations of people of Telangana for mere electoral gains and
that it has no respect for the overwhelming expression of people articulated through
electoral process. People of Telangana strongly feel that an end to the plunder of
resources, denial and deprivation of Telangana of their legitimate share in resources and
political process is possible only when Telangana people have a state of their own. It is
only by having political power in their hands the people of Telangana will be able to
script their destiny. There, time has come for the UPA government and its major
constituent, the congress party, to introduce a bill in Lok Sabha for creating State of
Telangana. Major political parties in the State except Congress have acknowledged the
democratic desire of the Telangana people and have passed resolutions to this effect.
Besides, many civil society organizations have been actively participating in the
movement towards creating separate Telangana and have been working with commitment
to spread awareness about the injustices meted out to the people of Telangana about the
violations of Constitutional guarantees, unjust exploitation of Telangana resources for the
development of coastal Andhra and denial of legitimate share of political power.15

K.C.R tried to convince the academicians from all over the country. He attended the
round table discussion on smaller states organized by the Academic Staff College-
University of Hyderabad on 4th Feb 2008. He emphasized that TRS party has a political
agenda to solve the problem of Naxalism after the formation of separate Telangana state.
He emphasized that separatist movement was not an ethnic struggle targeted at people of
coastal districts. People demanding the separate state had no right to disturb the lives of
people hailing from the coastal districts who had settled down in the region, particularly,
Hyderabad. The movement would lose the human angle if the migrants were targeted, he
said. Moreover, development of the region would be effected by the mutual acrimony. He
emphasized development is the civic right of people and separate state is their birthright.

15
Memorandum submitted to UPA Chair Person, , To demand formation of Telanagna State,, Nava
Telangana Praja Party and other Civil Society Associations on 22-10-2008.

24
Development was no substitute for self-respect and self-administration. Development in
real terms mean’t increase in purchasing power of people. That had not happened in the
last decades. K. Chandrasekhar Rao also promised, If Telangana state comes in true, his
government would take the steps to develop on all grounds. His party will setup the idols
of Sevalal maharaj and Komaram Bhim who are the spiritual and political leaderers of
Tribals, twelve percentage of reservations for them, all tandas will be recognized as
panchayats, distribute the three acres of land with irrigation facilities and loan will be
given for a year without any interest and birth and death anniversary of tribal leaders will
celebrate officially.16

On 7th Feb 2008, Telangana Rastra Samithi gave a call for one-day relay hunger strike all
over the region of Telangana. Thousands of people were participated in the strike. KCR
participated in relay hunger strike at Indira Park, Hyderabad. He demanded for
resignation of congress M.L.As, MPs and MLCs of the region. He claimed YSR is the
main constraint to separate Telangana. He suggested Congress leaders not to praise him
for their political interests, as people of Telangana wound not forgive them. He also said
it would not take one day to whip up the tensions and repeat the turbulent period at the
peak of the separate Telangana agitation in 1969. But the leaders of the movement did not
have a negative approach. He emphasized, if congress party delay the issue, people would
not keep silence, agitation may go beyond their hands. If this takes place, Congress party
would be the responsible for that. K. Jayasankar requested the people of Telangana not to
involve any kind of violent activities as YSR, Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh trying to
provoke the people to involve in violent activities. He whispered Y. S. Rajasekara Reddy
as the violent. As a form of protest, MLAs, MPs and MLCs from the Telangana Rastra
Samithi resigned to their posts and went for the elections. During the elections campaign
all political parties except CPI (M) directly or indirectly supported the cause of
Telangana state. Y.S, Rajasekara Reddy said in his public meetings his party i.e.
Congress Party would respect the sentiment of the people for the separate Telangana state
and the formation of separate state is possible only with Congress Party.

16
Vaartha, 12.12. 2008

25
On the Other hand with the resignations of its Four M.Ps, Sixteen M.L.A’s and Three
M.L.C’s, Telangana Rashtra Samiti is strengthening up for the big battle ahead for
separate statehood for the Telangana region. The party is trying to launch campaigns in
all over the region to protest the delay in the formation of Telangana state by the U.P.A
government. However, the Congress making sounds in its own way that, it is in no mood
to take a decision on the controversial statehood issue in the near future. Now T.R.S is
banking on the Telangana Sentiment and Sympathy over “sacrifice” to stage a comeback,
on the other hand the Chief Minister Dr.Y.S. Rajashekar Reddy is relying on the
development plank to resolve the situation. B.J.P and C.P.I. also making sounds on this
issue of separate statehood. Telugu Desam Party also faced the trouble with Mr.T.
Devender Goud and Mr. Kadiyam Srihari pressurized Mr.Chandrababu Naidu not to
ignore the Telangana Sentiment. However, the demand for separate statehood for
Telangana has been dominating the State’s Politics for over 50 years.

Chiranjeevi said his party was for a ’social’ Telangana where the social justice would be
rendered to the under-privileged castes. He said Telangana was not a backward region,
but it was pushed into backwardness by canny politicians. He, however, made it clear that
his party would not ‘exploit’ the Telangana sentiment for political gains. Mr. Chiranjeevi
announced his support for the formation of a separate State, there would be no stopping
for him in Telangana as well as in all other regions of the State.

2009- General elections and electoral Politics:

During the election campaign, Sonia Gandhi has said in the public meeting that Congress
Party is not opposed to Separate Telangana State in principle but she argues that
Congress Party thinks there is a need to consider the sentiments of other regions, settlers
in Hyderabad and the problems of Hyderabad Muslims, in case Telangana state is
formed. During the last Assembly sessions and Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh
announced in the Assembly that government is not opposed to separate Telangana state.

26
His party could respect the sentiments of the people of Telangana, but it is required to
study the problems of several sections of the state and the regions while forming the
separate Telangana State before the elections. During the election campaign, Chief
Minister has constituted the Cabinet Sub Committee to study the problems of other
regions and the security of Muslims in Hyderabad city. No opposition party joined the
committee as they argued that government constituted the committee only for the
political opportunism. In contrast to his commitment that announced in the Assembly,
said that the settlers from coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema in Telangana will become
foreigners if a separate Telangana state is formed as Telangana Rastra Samithi is part of
the Maha Kootami (Grand Alliance) in a public meeting at Nandyal in Kurnool district of
Rayalaseema region. But the same Congress party, and Y. Rajasekhar Rao during the
election campaign in Telangana, had said that it had no reservations on the formation of
separate Telangana state and in principle they are not opposed to Separate Telangana
State. A vote for the Telugu Desam Party would mean that people of Rayalaseema and
coastal Andhra regions will have to live like foreigners in Hyderabad because the party
has aligned with the Telangana Rashtra Samithi which is wedded to the creation of a
separate state. The Congress, in its election manifesto, has said that it has no objection to
formation of a Telangana state. Congress president Sonia Gandhi had promised to accord
top priority to the issue. The TDP, which reversed its traditional stand to support
Telangana demand last year, has pledged that if voted to power, it will initiate measures
for carving out a separate state. The second, and perhaps more important task, is to drive
home the point that the two major irrigation projects – Polavaram and Pulichintala- taken
up in coastal Andhra would be stopped in the event of the TDP coming to power because
of TRS objection to both the schemes on the ground that Telangana would be starved of
water if the gigantic projects come up. Compare this with what the Chief Minister had
said in a written statement in the Assembly in its last session of Assembly: “Telangana
issue is close to my heart and we are committed to addressing the demand.” Or, for that
matter, what Sonia Gandhi said at an election rally at Bhongir in Telangana: “If at all
there is a party which can deliver Telangana, it is the Congress. People should not trust
the TDP- TRS alliance.” Further, YSR, also says that the erstwhile Telugu Desam Party
(TDP) Government completely neglected irrigation projects in the region that were

27
witnessing severe drought, triggering the demand for a separate state. His government
undertook irrigation projects and other rural developmental activities in a focused
manner. In the last three-and-a-half years, over Rs 10,000 crore has been spent on
irrigation projects in the region. While some of these projects have been completed,
others are nearing completion. Thus, the situation is different now then earlier.17

he also cautioned the people of Andhra and Rayalaseema that supporting the TDP meant
endorsing the demand for a separate state of Telangana at the expense of the interests of
the people in Andhra and Rayalaseema regions.. 18

The Telugu Desam Party's (TDP) decision to support the demand for separate statehood
for Andhra Pradesh's Telangana region has brought the issue back to the centrestage and
is likely to put pressure on the ruling Congress party to take a similar stand ahead of the
elections scheduled to be held in five months. The fact that the TDP was forced to reverse
its 26-year-old ideological plank of unified Andhra Pradesh proves how significant the
issue has become in the run up to the simultaneous polls to state assembly and Lok
Sabha. The TDP is the first major political party with state-wide presence to take a clear
stand in favour of the six-decade old demand for separate Telangana state. The TDP had
fought the 2004 elections on the plank of united Andhra Pradesh. The party not only lost
power to the Congress party but was nearly wiped out from Telangana. The party's
strength in the assembly came down drastically to 45. The Congress had then fought
elections in alliance with Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS), fighting for separate
Telangana, and two Communist parties. The electoral understanding with TRS was based
on the Congress' assurance to help achieve the separate state.
However, with the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government failing
to take any concrete step for formation of Telangana, the TRS pulled out of the coalition
and accused Congress of once again betraying the people of Telangana. It termed the
formation of a three-member committee led by Pranab Mukherjee to look into the

17
Separate Telangana will be safe haven for Naxals: YSR
18
YSR shocks Telangana 17 April 2009, Express News Service

28
demand as a delaying tactic. The Congress state unit left the issue to party president
Sonia Gandhi for a final decision. With TDP reversing its stand, pressure is likely to
mount on the Congress to take a clear stand on the issue. The party was under attack for
holding talks with TDP for electoral alliance without the latter supporting a separate state.
As the Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) floated recently by Chiranjeevi has also hinted at a pro-
Telangana stand, it is only the Congress party whose stand on the issue remains
ambiguous. Interestingly, it was TDP leader K Chandrasekhara Rao who quit the party in
2001 to form TRS and revive the Telangana movement. The TDP also witnessed
desertions on the issue more recently. Its senior leader T Devender Goud, seen as number
two in the party, quit to float Nava Telangana Praja Party (NTPP) to bolster the
movement for a separate state.19

Political Activism in Separate Telangana Movement:

There are two kinds of participation in democratic states that plays a vital role in
democratic countries: representative politics and civil societal activism. In Telangana
movement, one could see civil society organizations and political parties working for the
cause irrespective of their identities and ideologies. They strongly believe that effective
weapon to mobilize the people with cultural activities. There are many civil society
associations are direct or indirectly supporting the Telangana movement. Many
intellectuals, academicians and human rights activists have been raising their voice in
favour of separate statehood for Telangana. APCLC and Human Rights Forum and
revolutionary groups all support the cause. They argue that the statehood for the
Telangana region was also a democratic solution to the problems of the region as the
region was pushed down in all spheres in spite of rich natural resources.

One among these organizations was Committee of Concerned Citizens (CCC). It consists
of intellectuals, administrators, writers and human rights activists. The revolutionary
parties are also support the cause. CCC has taken the initiation to bring the revolutionary
19
Telangana back in centrestage of AP politics, Fri-Oct 10, 2008, Hyderabad / Indo-
Asian News Service

29
groups for the peace talks with Government of Andhra Pradesh and succeeded to
bringing them for the peace talks. In the process of peace talks, the revolutionary groups
demanded the distribution of land and the separate Telangana state in the first phase of
talks. In their agenda there was separate Telangana state. But the peace talks were failed.
There were no second round talks between the government and Maoists. Many
associations are demand the construction of irrigation projects that can cater the needs of
Telangana and a comprehensive land distribution programme should be undertaken in the
state with special focus on Telangana. Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika (Forum for
Telangana Educationists) under the leadership of G. Kodandaram, working for the cause
of Telangana. Telangana History Forum also argues that the history of Telangana is
undermined and interpreted it as in favour of Andhra. Hence, they started rewriting of
their culture, political developments etc. Though the concept of Telangana Talli (mother
of Telangana) was earlier but once again all the organizations, artists, political parties
from the Telangana region are started talking about the Telangana Talli and argues in the
name of Telugu Talli (mother of Andhra Pradesh) leaders from Andhra neglected the
region of Telangana in all the development activities. In supporting the concept of
Telangana Talli, TRS installed the idols of Telangana Talli (mother of Telangana) all the
over the region.

G. Haragopal argues that in the region of Telangana, common people are not living with
peaceful as daily the encounters are taking place between the common people, police and
Maoist groups. It resulted in migration from this region to Arab countries and main cities
of India. Hence he argues peace in region is possible only in the separate Telangana
separate state. The Union and State governments claim that if separate Telangana State
would form, there is a possibility of strengthen the Naxalite problem in the state and
Telangana will become a tool of the Naxalites is stale, obviously it will impact on
national security. This one of the reasons, they are delaying the issue. But the scholars
who are working on democracy and movements argue that it is not at all impact on the
national integrity but they say by formulating the separate statehood, it would fulfill the
aspirations of the people. Moreover, it is democratic demand and in fact it has been
articulated by the general people itself but not by the leaders though it is fact that political

30
leaders from the same region hijacked the movement and made use of the movement for
their self interests and try to fulfill their political opportunities. They also argue this
argument has no credence as the Naxalite problem is not confined to Telangana alone in
the State or in the country. Naxalites are also in the coastal region of Vishakapatnam,
Srikakulam, East and West Godavari districts (Andhra Pradesh), Orissa, Chhattisgarh,
Bihar and almost everywhere. It is also argue that Naxalism did not take birth in
Telangana and Naxalism of the Telangana region was led and guided by the Andhra
comrades for a long time. Naxalism came from West Bengal and is very much part of our
contemporary national ethos. It is strange that we find people suddenly becoming
shortsighted to associate Naxalism with only Telangana. This is an ill informed alibi if
not an irresponsible allegation.

Separate Telangana Movement: Dalit Perspective:

Dr. Ambedkar argued for the separate electorates for Dalits. The formation of smaller
states could be seen from the Ambedkarite perspectives, the formation of separate
Telangana state would weaken the monopoly of the dominant castes and pave the way for
the majority sections of the population to take over the state power that was long denied
to them. By participating in the separate Telangana movement, excluded sections are
striving to get justice in separate state and they believe it leads to inclusive politics. As all
these groups believe that after the formation Andhra Pradesh, region of Telangana is
undermined in all the spheres and argue that only separate Telangana state is the solution
as they rule their state by their own.

There is also demand come from backward classes that what kind of Telangana they
require, either geographical or democratic Telangana. If Telangana gets separate state,
which section would enjoy the political power? The question of rights is involved in it.
Dalit scholars and human rights activists argue that as few elite classes who are socially
dominated, they are enjoying the privileges remained privileges i.e. economy and
political spheres. Hence, it argues feudal social legacy dominancy will continue, in the
post-Telangana Dalits will continue to suffer. It is not enough to get the political power.

31
They are demanding distribution of land, financial support to the dalits to cultivate the
land. They argue that demanding merely the irrigation projects to Telangana is not
enough, as it benefits the elite farmers. It is held that Dalits should get mobilize, unite and
lead a Dalit movement parallel to the Telangana movement. It would encourage new
leadership from Dalit community. Then, dalits would also grow strong like other elite
sections to be able to bargain the political power in post Telangana. Hence, the Dalits
started asserting their rights and demand the share in political power. Another section of
Dalit scholars also argue that they don’t want Telangana to be a separate state but they
want to live with self-respect and dignity and rights should be protected and respected. A
third section of Dalit group support and actively participate in Telangana movement.
They argue, if separate state forms, dominant castes may get weaken in terms of political,
moral and economic and they may lose the support from the same communities from the
others regions of Andhra pradesh. These complexities have to be understood in the
context of democracy, rights and people’s movements. Tribals groups argue that they live
in the forest and they depend for their livelihood on the forest and its products but
governments are engaged in degradation of forest and selling of the lands to the
industrialists and mafia groups, instead of securing and giving the land rights to the
tribals. In politics of Andhra pradesh-2007, the concepts like Dalit Bahujan and Sarva
Samaj, Sarvjana Sammelan under the leadership of Ramachandra Rao (senior Advocate)
K. Madava Rao (former IAS office). Though the concept of Dalit Bahujan was there
from 1990s, but all these groups tried to strengthen the unity among them against the few
elite classes. Since Ms. Mayavati (BSP) became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in
2007 Uttar Pradesh Assembly general elections based on the concept of Sarvajan Samaj,
it had an impact on the politics of other parts of the country including Andhra Pradesh
partially. Sarwajan Samaj means unity of SC, ST, BC and Brahmins who are
economically and politically weak. These political developments obviously impact on
Telangana movement as Dalit activists are mobilizing the Dalit youth in support of BSP.
It is supporting Telangana movement and agreed to support in the formation of
Telangana state if they could come to power in Central.

32
To take his views to the people, Gaddar began a 400-km ‘padayatra’ or walkathon or
cultural peace march from Manuguru in Khammam district for the cause of separate
Telangana. During his peace march he advocated for a separate state through peaceful
movement. His main slogan was “the people’s Telangana and democratic Telangana”.
Given the caste-ridden and unrepresentative character of the Indian society, he argued
that only a few sections are enjoying all sorts of rights. Unless the majority sections of
population find representation at all levels of power structures, India cannot be termed as
a democratic state. During the peace march, he tried to create awareness among the
people on the need of separate state, secure right over their land and water. Under the
leadership of Gaddar, all artists especially from ST/ST/OBC communities formed an
Aikya Cultural front and Bellaiah Naik formed a Telangana Sangarshana Samiti and
started pada yatra. All these groups are critical about the tactics and power politics of K.
Chandrasekar Rao (TRS) and they are campaigning for the cause of Telangana state by
their own way.

These recent developments indicate that there are contradictions and complexities in the
movements. There are disparities arousing between the elite class and Dalit and OBCs in
Telangana movement. It could weaken the movements. These developments have to be
understood in the context of new politics and rights perspective. Ms. Vijayashanthi
demanded a crash Programme to be adopted to improve educational facilities in the
identified backward mandals in region. She also argued for special measures to be
adopted to improve the economic and social position of the dalits, girijans (tribal people)
and minorities.20 A high-powered committee should be formed to undertake a
comprehensive study of the imbalanced development among different regions and
districts. A development index for each mandal should be developed on this basis and
comprehensive plans to be prepared. There should be strict implementation of GO No.
610 and rectification of past distortions and special funds to be earmarked for the
development of backward areas in every budget and a separate mechanism to be created
to oversee the implementation of the special plans for the backward areas.21 Apart from
these demands she demand for the Separate Telangana State. These developments
20
Vijayashanti, No personal agenda, http://www.hindu.com/2007/01/22/stories/2007012212000400.htm
21
Press release by Prakash Karat, Genera; Secretary- CPI (M) Stand on Telangana Issue.

33
indicate that the movement of Telangana taking new shape in Indian politics to pressurize
the governments: Union and State.

It also in juncture, it is an important to understand the political scenario of Muslims in

region of Telangana. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh, the dominance of Andhra
elite and propertied class got increased in Hyderabad in particular and in the region of
Telangana in general. Most of them have migrated from the Andhra and gradually
owned the land for their survival and existence in Hyderabad city. Thereafter all the
professions of Muslims in Hyderabad systematically have shifted to Andhraits. Over a
period of time Small business, industries, employment, land, etc., shifted to Andhra
migrants. Result was Muslims in Hyderabad lost their livelihood and became helpless.
After 2001 attacks on World Bank at Washington highly had an impact on Hyderabad
Muslims particular and Muslims in Telangana region in general. They were highly
scrutinized and their activities got extremely suspicious by the governments. Even they
are politically marginalized, culturally apprehensive. In this regard, M.D. Waheed, argue
that Muslims shall be realize their problems could be solved in the separate Telangana
state. It is the responsibility of political parties and civil society organizations to give
moral support and confident to Muslims that they will live the separate Telangana state
peacefully and they would develop economically, politically, socially and culturally
respected.22 They should get their share in political power based their population in
separate Telangana state. They shall be encouraged and mobilized to participate in the
Telangana movement in particular and social movement in general.

Pradeep Haglave, argues in the history of movements, political leaders and political
parties make use of the movements for their self interest. Out of the movement, they get
rewards, awards and political power. After getting all the benefits, they forget the
movement. This experience, he says, could be seen in separate Telangana state
movement. Like many political leaders, Chenna Reddy, Narendra, K. Chandrasekhar
Rao, etc. majority of the leaders enjoyed the political power, hence he argues, it is the

22
M.D. Wheed, ‘Telanganaloo Tellavarani Muslimla Batukulum’, Pooru Telanagan , Hyderabad, Dec
2007, p. 21

34
responsibility of the artists, poets, intellectuals, students and youth to lead the movement
till they get separate statehood.23

The separate Telangana Movement: Response of the Government:

The demand for separation is far more widespread now than in 1969 when the agitation
for a separate Telangana was first launched. It has now engulfed farmers, youth, and
women on a much lager scale. The movement of the late 1960s petered out not just
because of the opportunism displayed by the leaders of the movement or due to the
repressive measures of the state, as is often made out. It was in the early 1970s that Indira
Gandhi's slogan of `Garibi Hatao' caught the imagination of the poor throughout the
country. N.T. Rama Rao was another charismatic leader with a pro-poor and gender-
sensitive agenda who virtually took the place of Indira Gandhi in Andhra Pradesh during
1980s. Their credibility with the common people of Telangana was primarily responsible
for sweeping the statehood issue under the carpet of development for quite some time.
However, the policies initiated by the charismatic leaders could not be sustained for long
as the absence of commitment among their successors. The period following the demise
of these leaders witnessed a major shift in socio-economic policies. This phase also
witnessed the negligence of agriculture, rural development, and the social sectors. The
post-liberalization also witnessed the rural distress that brought into sharp focus the rise
in regional disparities in development. A disquieting feature of the current political scene
in Andhra Pradesh is that those still interested in the integrated State refuse to learn the
lessons from the since the agitation for a separate Telangana in the decade of 1960s.
Otherwise, they would not have initiated a diversionary move like the constitution of the
Second States' Reorganization Commission (SRC). Fifty years ago, the first SRC had
recommended the formation of Telangana as a separate State in response to the
simmering discontent in the region. The new SRC, in the present circumstances of
widespread discontent, is most likely to endorse the recommendation of the first SRC.24
23
Head of the department, Centre for Ambedkar Studues, Mumbai University, delivered a lecture in 4th
state meetings at Karimnagar, Telanganaloo Samskruthoodyhamam Modalaindi, Poru Telangana p. 72.
24
C.H. Hanumantha Rao, Chairman, Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad; source:
http://www.hindu.com/2007/01/08/stories/2007010801931000.htm new imperatives

35
The merger of Telangana with Andhra became possible because of a series of promises
made and guarantees given. But none of them has been honoured. The Gentlemen’s
agreement that was an assurance of fair play given to the people of Telangana was
scuttled the very same day on which the state was born. The result was a massive revolt
of the people of the region in 1968-1969. Subsequent assurances given in the form of an
All Party Accord, Eight Point Formula, Five Point Formula and Six Point Formula met
with the same fate. Even a judgment given by the Supreme Court of India in favour of
employees of Telangana region was void by an Act of Parliament. As a cumulative effect
of all these developments, the Telangana region continues to remain backward in every
sphere of activity inspite of the fact that the region is rich in resource endowment. Even
the minimum and legitimate aspirations of the people of the region have not been
fulfilled; the natural, mineral and human resources of the region have been exploited for
the benefit of outsiders. The balance sheet of development in the region has left a legacy
of horrible spectrum of pain, poverty, penury, suffering, starvation, stigma and struggle.
There has been extensive scale of emigration from the region. The conspicuous isolation
and neglect of Telangana can be evidenced by the fact that so far in the history of Andhra
Pradesh not even a single person from the region could adorn the office the Advocate
General of the High Court of the Andhra Pradesh. The people of Telangana are once
again restive, reiterating their demand for a separate state. The demand of the people of
this region for a separate state is not a new development. It was voiced much before the
formation of Andhra Pradesh and continues to be raised even thereafter. The reason for
the opposition of people of Telangana to join Visalandhra (metamorphosed to Andhra
Pradesh) was fear of neglect and injustice in the enlarged state and the reason for their
refusal to continue in the present state is the actual experience of becoming victims of
neglect and injustice.

The people of Telangana have been demanding a State of their own from the days of
State’s Re-Organization following independence in the year 1947. The region has a
distinct geo-cultural identity and its merger with Andhra State in the year 1956 was in
utter disregard of recommendations of Fazal Ali commission which went into the issue of

36
States Reorganization set up under the State Re-Organization Act. The commission
toured extensively in the State and received representations in lakhs and interviewed
thousands of people and finally recommended that language alone cannot be basis for
formation of a state. In the considered opinion of the Commission the Telangana region
has a distinct geo-cultural identity and the merger with Andhra State will be to the
disadvantage of the Telangana people. However brushing aside these recommendations
the then leaders of Congress with grandiose designs and imperialistic outlook merged the
state of Hyderabad with the State of Andhra. The Congress leadership was guided by
language criterion as basis for re-organizing States in India. It is pertinent to recall the
famous statement of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru at the Nizamabad meeting soon after a
decision was taken to merge the state of Hyderabad with the State of Andhra. He said that
the merger of two regions was like a marriage between an innocent girl (Telangana) and a
naughty boy that it was a marriage on trial and if it does not last they could part ways.
The co-existence has never been based on trust, equality and respect as the history of
relationship between the two regions since 1956 shows. The apprehensions expressed and
cautions issued by Fazal Ali proved prophetic.

The merger was conditional inasmuch as the people of Telangana were offered many
safeguards such as local jobs for local people; revenue generated in the region to be spent
for the development of the region and equitable share in the political power and so on.
However it is a historical fact that these safeguards were observed in breach. History is
also witness to the unbridled exploitation of resources of the region such as river waters
and coal for the development of coastal Andhra region. Denial of employment and
educational opportunities to the youth of Telangana resulted in the famous 1969
Telangana agitation which took away lives of 370 young men and women. The formula
divided the State irrationally into six zones fore purposes of education and employment
and a new concept of ‘local candidate’ was invented in place of ‘mulki’. This is once
again a gross dilution of guarantees that were given at the time merger in the year 1956.
The story of deception did not end here. Many perverted interpretations were given to the
definition of local candidate. As a result many local youth were deprived of employment
opportunities. When these injustices were snowballing into a potential discontent and

37
were threatening to take the shape of an agitation the Andhra leadership once again
doused the ire of the people and blunted the discontent by issuing G.O.610 directing that
the six point formula shall be implemented in letter and spirit. However this was not to
happen. It took many more years for the State leadership to get the matter examined and a
committee headed by Mr. Girglani, a retired Civil servant was appointed. The committee
in its voluminous report exposed the violations in job appointments and transfer of
employees. The report is in fact an indictment and censure of the government. However
the report has not stirred the conscience of the Government. The government tried to hide
its embarrassment by issuing more G.Os to implement G.O.610 but withdrew them in the
wake of strong protest by the Employees Association. These were all happened just
because of pressure by the people’s movements and demanding for the separate
statehood.25

Perceptions of Respondents on People’s Movements:

As the study focuses on people’s movements to asses the democracy in general and
Indian democracy in particular, the study intended to interview the artists, academicians,
singers, human rights activists, students and youth to asses the people’s movement in
general and separate Telangana movement in particular.

Epuri Somanna argue the people of Telangana have the long history of Peasants struggle,
Telangana militant struggle and Naxalite movement that had an impact on them. Hence
this prepared the artists to participate in the Telangana movement actively and with lot of
commitment towards the movement. During 1990s, Telangana movement aroused once
again as the global market, privatization, liberalization and globalization effected Indian
economy in general Andhra Pradesh, especially Telangana in particular. The handicrafts
got marginalized, ruptured and lakhs of people lost their employment as most of the
private institutions, companies/industries gained the momentum enormously. Both the
governments behaving like facilitators between the people and the multinational
companies instead of taking the initiative for the welfare of people. The sections which
25
K. Jayasankar, Telangana Movement: The Demand for a State- A Historical Perspective: Source:
http://www.telangana.org/Papers/Article10.pdf

38
are effected from the process of globalization, protested against the global institutions
and against the governments. Andhra Pradesh is not exemption from this phenomenon.
Individuals, institutions, political parties and political society had resisted the
privatization. This phenomenon had an indirect impact on Telangana people. The people
of believe that separate Telangana state is only the solution for all these problems. He
argues that Telangana State should be formed and it has to be socially responsible,
politically effective, and economically helpful. The common people must feel that they
would be secure in the separate state. He assumed most of the artists and activists who
are working at the grassroots level are from the Dalit, Tribal, Backward classes and hail
from the rural background and few of them are from elite classes. Most of them are
ideologically strong, committed to the Telangana movement. They could able to
propagate the issue of Telangana to the people effectively. Generally artists take the
issues and articulate it, write the songs in local language which people speak and sing
those songs in a simple language and try to send the message to the people effectively.

As he comes from the humble and Dalit background, he has got attracted towards the
Telangana movement as he feels that it is democratic movement which is widely
supported by the civil and political society. He also argued that, all the political parties
are trying to use the traditional symbols like idols of Telangana Talli, Samakka and
Sarakka deities, Moharam (Peerulu), martyrs of Telangana movement and the symbol of
Komaram Bhim, etc., to create the feeling of Telangana sentiment, so that they could
explain effectively about the history of Telanagna, its culture, socio-economic conditions
of Dalits, adivasis and minorities. This is the way through which they mobilize people to
pressurize the governments: state and central to formulate separate statehood for the
Telangana sub-region. Hence, setting up of idols of Telangana Talli became the strategy
of Telanagna Rastra Samithi.26

Khasim said in terms geography, culture, awareness, political administration and the
history, the Telangana region are completely dissimilar from that of Andhra region. In the
history of Telangana from the beginning, folk culture, songs and writings had played a
26
Eppuri Somanna, artist and activist in Telangana Separate State movement, interviewed
on 12.12.2008

39
major role and the ideology of Communism influenced the people enormously. The
personalities like Sarvail Papanna, Meera Saheb fought against the fraud, feudal system
and struggled for the welfare of people. Apart from that they took active part in the
welfare of common people like construction of streams like Panagallu stream in
Mahaboob Nagar district. Though these movements were apolitical but had an impact on
the people. Though they were all treated as the dacoits by the rulers, but they struggled on
behalf of the poor and marginalized. The poor people treated them as their own leaders.
The writers, activists and artists are influenced not merely by political, identity and
gender movements, but by the revolutionary movements, communists, militant farmer’s
movement and armed struggle. Farmers of Telangana were more active and aware of the
political issues, and exploitation. They participated in the movement even before Russian
revolution-1917. All these historical factors made present generation to take part in the
movement.27

In the decade 1960s, separate Telangana Movement has created the political awareness
among the people in the region. Many revolutionary leaders like M.L. Seetarama Murthy
and Kondapally Seetaramaiah and K.G. Satya Murthy had supported the movement. The
revolutionary parties during the same decade supported the movement indirectly. They
fought against the social, political, economical, cultural exploitation. This leadership was
politically strong, ideologically committed and had come forward and taken part in the
movement. They had even created the political consciousness. Their continuous struggle,
he says, gave scope for the in formation of political parties. For instance Telanagna
Sadana Samithi. There are organizations called Raitu Kooli Seva Sangam, Peasants
struggle, Naxalite movement, writers and youth associations, Revolutionary Writers
Association, Chaitanya Samaykya, and other mass movements gave the scope for the
emergence of political organizations. The cultural organization called Jana Natya
Mandali went to the villages and explained the unlawful acts of Smt. Indira Gandi in the
decade of 1970s. There were people’s movements like Naxalite movement though started
at Naxalbari and Srikakulam district but was successfully worked in the Telangana

27
Khasim, Lecturer in Telugu at Telugu Sahitya Academy, Oriented College, Abids-Hyderabad,
interviewed on 16th December 2008.

40
region. They conducted the surveys on political issues and policies and explained the
people about the exploitation, fraud, land issues, atrocities on Dalits and emergency i.e.,
the inhuman step imposed by Smt. Indira Gandhi. They campaigned against the anti
people policies that effected the common people’s daily livelihood. He also mentioned
clearly regarding social justice in separate Telangana state, getting merely state will not
give benefits to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward classes, but
state should provide all the facilities to live comfortable and meaningful life. Separate
state should make the people as the responsible citizens. It is the responsibility of the
State to distribute the land to the landless along with the irrigation facilitates and fertilizes
to the farmers and develops the state industrially. Irrigation projects and the employment
opportunities have to be provided; the free education has to be given until the higher
education, handicrafts have to be encouraged and provide the employment opportunities
to the qualified youth, to implement these Programmes, government sector has to play the
major role. In separate Telangana state, government could not give the opportunity to the
private agencies like health, education and other employment aspects as he feels that it
may again cheat the Telangana people. To provide all these welfare facilities, he argues,
people need democratic Telangana but not merely a territorial Telangana state.28

In separate Telangana State movement initially the activists and the leaders from the elite
class were participated but there was no much leadership or activists from Dalits and
tribes and Adivasis, as they were not much motivated politically. But after 1980s leaders
and activists, artists from Telangana have started participating in the movements as they
were motivated particularly by the writers and the people’s movements. He also argues
that Dalits are more aware politically in the region of Telangana as there were not many
atrocities on Dalits in the region, unlike in Andhra region where atrocities like Psundur
massacre, Karamched incident where Dalits were being killed, their women being raped.
That indicates that in Telangana, though there was feudalism and vetti (forced labour)
there was not much killings and atrocities on Dalits. It was possible because of Naxalite,
Peasant, Marxist and other revolutionary movements in the region. In terms of economy,
culture and education, people from Telangana were not much developed and awareness

28
Ibid.

41
was lesser than those other regions in the state of Andhra Pradesh. Because of these
reasons, the rulers from Andhra region dominated Telangana, ever since the formation of
Andhra Pradesh, politically, linguistically, culturally and economically. Regarding the
cultural awareness in Telangana region, he said in the first phase (1960s) of Telangana
movement, there were not many artists and writers in the movement. The movement was
also not much ideologically sound and also without proper political strategy and lot of
violence involved in it. Many activists were being killed unlike the second phase of
movement, there are many artists participating with the clear ideology and in a
democratic way. Hundreds of artists, writers have emerged and creative writings have
come up and inspired songs are written by the artists. Because of this movement, the
cultural movement also became the part of Telangana movement. History of Telangana
also produced the artists like Goreti Venkanna and Dr. Andesree. It is important to
explain that Dr. Andesree is illiterate and he belongs to bonded labour family but he has
written many songs. One of the songs is “Jai Telangana…. Jai Jai Telangana” which
considered as a prayer song in Telangana movement. Hence, Kakatiya University
recognized and felicitated him with the doctorate award in the year of 2007. another
reputed writer and singer Goreti Venkanna wrote many songs which created enormous
awareness among the people and had an impact on their lives. Songs like Palle Kannru
Karchindoo Kanipinchani Kotraloo… Talli Bandhiai Pooendo.. And Eddaram
Veedipoote Boomibaddalaitunda….. Pommante Poovendera Pora Voo Valasa Dora.. and
many songs that have been playing a major role in the movement. And there are also
other prominent writers and singers like Maa Bhoomi Sandhya, Vimal- Arunodaya
Kalakaroola Samakhya, Rasamai Balakrishna etc. This indicates that people’s
movements not merely creates awareness among the people and struggle for the justice
but also movement creates the people who are ideologically strong, mentally prepare for
the sacrifice and maximum extent try to live with meaningful life. People who are part of
the movement are generally democrats and hence they struggle against the inhuman and
anti democratic activities in the state and society. They also try to create the democratic
culture. 29

29
Ibid.

42
Based on these findings, it is argued that people’s movements always strive for the
deepening of democracy. He also mentioned that Telangana movement was not started by
the political parties like Telangana Rastra Samiti but it was started by the intellectuals,
writers, students and those who are ideologically committed, democratically strong from
Telangana region. But the twice, the movement was hijacked by the political parties like
Telangana Sadana Samithi (1970s) and Telangana Rastra Simiti (2001). In the year of
1998, Telangana Jana Sabha argued that the issue of Telanagana demand is a democratic
demand and represent the spirit of democracy. They also demanded for the
implementation 610 G.O., establishment of corporate colleges have to be stopped in the
region, history of Telanagna has to be protected, employment opportunities have to be
provided to the Telangana youth. With these demands, Telanagna Jana Sabaha started its
campaign from village to village. Name of the programme was “Rachha Banda”. All
these cultural and political developments made the separate Telangana movement more
active but not the political parties.

Gaddar agues that people of Telangana don’t want the geographical Telangana but they
want people’s Telangana and democratic Telangana. In separate Telangana state, surplus
land has to be distributed to the landless, the system of landlordism should be eliminated
and feudalistic nature of the rulers should be blocked. There are factories, natural
resources, investment industries which have to be taken back from the ruling class and
feudal lords. The property should be distributed to the poor and disadvantaged people.
When these problems would get solved, poor people could be developed. All these
sections together should fight for the separate Telangana state which is possible only by
the people’s movements. Then only the majority people will get all advantages including
the political power. In separate Telanagna state, land should be given to the landless
people, equal distribution of wages to the both men and women, people should also fight
against the social evils like untouchability, caste oppresstion and humiliation, the
problem of irrigation water and drinking water has to be solved. Social justice to Dalit,
minority, based on their population should be done, Muslims should be given
reservations. The other demands like oppose the globalization and stop barrowing the
money from international agencies and technology from foreign countries. Small scale

43
industries have to be started, right to work should be respected, and self employment has
to be provided to the educated youth.30

Muthaiah argues constitution does not act on its own. Government may not know all the
problems that the people are facing. Hence the people’s movement plays a vital role in
articulating the problems. To pressurize and to represent the problems of the people to
government, few individuals/ associations those who are capable, have a humane
concern, mobilize the people and hold a protest movements. Some times the movements
in democratic manner and some times beyond the democratic way. He also mentioned the
Ambedkar’s words. It says “unless one: he or she democratizes, one cannot democratize
the society”. Based on this statement he argues that in the separate Telangana state, first
of all one has to create the awareness among the people especially among Dalits, Tribals
and Adivasis. There should a strong movement against the landlordism, feudalism and
also against the caste suppression, untouchability. He argues before attaining the separate
Telangana state, Dalits in the region should feel that their concerns are respected.
Government should prepare a common agenda for Dalit empowerment. He argues that
upper caste people came forward first and took Dalits with them to strengthen the
movement, but they never struggled for the upliftment of Dalits. Most of the leaders from
the upper strata participate in the movement from the region only for the self-interest and
their political survival. Thereafter, he argues that separate Telangana is necessary and it
should be formed as a separate statehood but only with the social justice.31

G. Haragopal says that, why the aspirations of people for separate Telangana are not
fulfilled, he argues, the cause and consequences have to be analyzed. The demand only
gets fulfilled when the common people participate in the movement. As the people of
Telangana argue they are fighting against Andhra dominance on Telangana resources,
culture, language, polity and economy. Then, after the formation of the state, if the same
dominance continues from own leadership and own governments, then, what is the
alternative. Hence, he cautioned that it is people that have to watch all sorts of
developments: whether negative and positive. If your own leader becomes corrupt, one
30
Gaddar, Lecture at Telangana Diary-2009 inauguration meeting at Ravindra Bharati, Hyderabad.
31
Professor, in the Department of Political Science, Osmania University, interviewed on

44
has to question. In the history of Andhra Pradesh, lot of corruption and nepotism, feudal
character of leadership and atrocities on Dalits have taken place, therefore it is the
responsibility of the people; students, youth, employees and civil and political society to
see that it should not happened in separate Telangana state. If once again it happens,
people should respond through people’s movements. He emphasized that in a society like
India, peoples movements could play a vital role in strengthening of democracy and fight
against the dominance of all forms.32

Devender Goud argued that every movement should run with the people’s active
participation without which it cannot succeed. Now a days, movements are lacking the
humane grounds as the leaders who are leading the movement becoming selfish and they
also work for their own political benefits. Hence, he argues that the students, youth and
employees and poor people’ participation is required in the movement to protect and
promote the democratic spirit. He believes that these sections work with enormous
commitment and also without any political motives. He said that Telangana movement
since 2001 has not much participation of above mentioned sections; rather only political
parties played a vital role. As they always think about alliances and coalitions only to
capture the power: like how many seats that they demand for their party. He also argues
that Telangana Rastra Samithi as a part of its strategy, has mostly depended on lobbying,
alliances, requests, coalitions and joined UPA Government and enjoyed the power for
two years and later resigned for their minister positions both at the Union and State
cabinets. Twice they went for by-elections where they failed to win. Half of the
candidates have lost elections. This kind of strategy will not help the movement. He says
his party: Nava Telangana Party would go together with the movements as well as
representative politics. He says that all the problems like farmers, Dalits, youth,
employment, women and student etc should come under the Telangana problem and
mobilize all the sections into the movement and struggle for the separate statehood.33

32
Former Dean, School of Social Science, University of Hyderabad and Human Rights activist, delivered a
lecture in inaugural meeting of Telangana Dairy-2009.

33
President, Nava Telangana Praja Party, Telangana Vidyarthi Sadassu, Chakali Ilaimma Pranganam,
Osmania University, 9.08.08.

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Telangana Rastra Samithi has never strived for the mobilization of the youth and
students. Hence anti Telangana parties have been making use of this drawback and
striving for the denial of Telangana state. He also argues that demand should not confine
only to the separate Statehood but should beyond the Statehood. Every problem should be
consider as Telangana problem: Dalits, students, farmers, workers, poor people’s, and the
problems of handicrafts, unemployment and practice of untouchability, landlordism,
corruption. Then the movement shall create awareness among them and make them to
participate in the movement. It is the responsibility of leaders, parties, civil and political
organizations to create confidence among them for bright future after the formation of
separate Telangana state. On the issue of Telangana demand, politics of representation
has failed. Hence it is the responsibility of people’s movement to awake the government,
political parties and demand for the separate statehood- that is a democratic Telangana
but not territorial Telangana.34

Bellaiah Naik expresses that in separate Telangana state, Dalits and other marginalized
sections would enjoy all the privileges without any dominance from the upper caste
landlords because at present in Telangana region, property; like land and political power
is under the control of Reddy community and other elite castes. They also get additional
political and economic support from the other regions in Andhra Pradesh. With that
power, they are exploiting more the Dalits. In Andhra region where Dalits are very strong
in terms of social economic, political and culturally and they are also aware of the rights
as they had decent education during the British period. He argues, if Telangana state
formulate, the rich class in Telangana region will not going to get any support from
others, whereas Dalits will get additional political and economic support. Apart from this,
population of weaker sections in the region is high and they are more aware and
conscious about political and cultural issues as there exists heavily influence from
Maoists influence, Telangana peasant struggle and Telangana movement.35

34
Ibid.
35
President, Telangana Sangarshana Samithi, interviewed at Hyderabad on 12th December 2008.

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K. Kodandaram said in 1960s initially Telangana movement was started by the OBC,
artists, students who were attracted by the left wing politics. It continued till the
formation of Telangana Sadana Samithi. After the formation of TSS, movement became
political. Against the separate Telangana movement, there was Jai Andhra movement.
Result was gentle men’s agreement, five point, and six point formula. And P.V. Narsimha
Rao became the first chief minister from Telangana for Andhra Pradesh in the year of
1973. Against the Telangana Movement, Jai Andhra movement was launched. After
some years there was no movement for Telangana State. In the first phase of the
movement there was not much participation of artists and writers. Though movement was
strong but confined to the few elite leadership. There was also no scientific agenda and
strategy in the movement. There was even no substantive developmental agenda in
separate State. They demanded implementation of the mulki rules; spend the budget for
the development of Telangana region by the state government through the income,
revenue and taxes coming from the Telangana. They even demanded for the employment
for the Telangana youth. Because of the movement N.T.R. issued the 610 G.O to study
the employment problem. He said, it was the victory of the Telangana movement. He also
said, oppression, exploitation and domination is involved by the Andhra leadership (few
elite castes, leaders and bureaucrats) occupied all the resources like land, business,
employment, etc., which had direct impact on Dalits, Tribals, backward classes and
minorities, it is not necessary to see the exploitation alone, hence he argues that only
solution to these problems is the separate statehood to the Telangana region. All the
problems will get solved in the separate statehood. In Telangana region, Dalits and other
marginalized sections are conscious and there were not many atrocities and humiliations
on Dalits. Being that because of Peasants struggle, Naxalite movement and left
movements. Though there was the feudal system in Telangana but it was well fought by
the several movements that have been mentioned earlier. Telangana movement is not
merely political and economic movement but it also movement against the cultural
dominance; movement for self-respect, descent and dignified life. So, the cultural aspect
also involved in it. Hence the political parties like TRS started installing the idols of Talli
Telangana (mother of Telangana), celebrating Batakamma festival, Telangana sambaralu,
moharam festival. The globalization had also shown an impact on the Telangana region,

47
the earlier handicrafts are not to be found now and youth does not have the employment.
Hence, globalization is also one of the reasons for the emergence of separate Telangana
once again.

Pranab Mukarjee said on the demand of separate Telangana State, on this demand
committee has no got consensus in favour of separate State for Telangana region. After
the formation of UPA government, they constituted a Committee with the chairmanship
of Pranab Mukarjee on the demand of Telanagana State. The committee had written the
letters to all the political parties in the country. The many parties wrote the letters in
support of the formation of separate state to the committee. There are other political
Parties like CPI (M), Telugu Desam Party opposed the smaller states. But the before the
2009 general elections, Telugu Desam Party has withdrew his earlier proposal that was
against the formation of the Telangana state and had sent another letter in support of
Telangana state to the committee. Pranab Mukarjee has said when the TDP wrote a letter
to the committee, Committee has stopped working on the issue. Pranab Mukarjee also
said Congress party thought of solve the by constituting of Second Reorganization
Committee (SRC) but the parties like Telangana Rastra Samithi, CPI (M) and other
opposed the proposal brought by the Congress party. At last, as a chairman of the
committee said no consensuses have come up for the formation of the separate Telangana
state.

48