THEICONOGRAPHYOFFAMINE DavidCampbell Famineaspoliticalatrocity Inthetwentiethcenturymorethan70millionpeopleworldwidediedfrom famine,makingitthemostfaminestrickenperiodinhistory.Giventhatthecapacity toabolishfaminegloballywasachievedinthetwentiethcentury,preventablemass deathonthisscaleconstitutesanatrocity.Framingtheissueinthiswayradically revisesconventionalunderstandingsoffamineandposesafundamentalchallenge tothewayfaminesarephotographed.

Therehavebeentwoshiftsinhowfaminehasbeenunderstoodinrecent

times.AsStephenDevereuxmakesclear,whilefamineisbydefinitionafoodcrisis, thenatureofsuchcrisesismanyandvaried,suchthatsimpleinterpretationsof famineasanaturaldisasterhavebeensupersededbymorecomplexunderstandings thathighlightpoliticalresponsibility.Withover80%offaminedeathsinthe twentiethcenturylocatedinChinaandtheSovietUnion,andallthosedeaths occurringbefore1965,theimportanceofpoliticalcontextisclearlyparamount.i Indeed,wecanextendthefocusonpoliticalresponsibilityandconcludethat nothingcausesfamine:peoplecommitthecrimeofmassstarvation.ii Thefactthatfaminesareinescapablypoliticalisunderpinnedbythesecond

importantdevelopmentinthetwentiethcentury,wherebyfoodcrisesarenow locatedalmostentirelyinsubSaharanAfrica,wheretheintersectionofpolitical conflictandnaturalfactorshasbeenmostacute.Thismeansthatstatespreviously

freeoffoodcriseshavebecomepronetoconflictinducedfamines.Thefirstand mostnotableofthesecriseswasBiafrainthelate1960s,yetthisregionofNigeria wasdevoidoffaminebeforethecivilwarandhasremainedfreefromfaminesince.iii Whileourunderstandingofthecausesandcontextoffaminehasundergone

majorrevisioninthetwentiethcentury,thephotographicportrayaloffoodcrises hasremainedlargelystaticthroughtheuseofstereotypes.Astereotypeis somethingpreconceivedoroversimplifiedthatisconstantlyrepeatedwithout change.Stereotypesinvolveicons,whicharefiguresthatrepresenteventsorissues. Iconshaveasacredhistorybuttheattentiontheyattractasobjectsofourgazecan producearangeofaffectsdependingontimeandplace.Thephotographic deploymentofparticulariconsviaanestablishedaesthetictorepresentfamineisa clearexampleofstereotypesatwork.Itiswellillustratedbythe13July2003cover ofTheNewYorkTimesMagazinedesignedtofeatureastoryonWhyFamine Persists.Withamontageofthirtysixblackandwhitephotographsdepicting faminesinvariousAfricancountriesbetween1968and2003,theunchanging relianceonportraitsofeitherlonechildrenorwomenindistresswasthereforallto see.ivThecoverincludedimagesfromwellknownphotographersincludingAbbas, EveArnold,StuartFranklin,andChrisSteelePerkinsofMagnumbutthearticledid notaddressthepersistenceofthisphotographicstyleacrosstimeandplace. Thisessayexaminestheiconographyoffamine,askinghowandwhy

stereotypicalportraitsoffaminevictimscontinuetobeproduced,andconsidering whateffectthispersistentrepresentationhasonourunderstandingofthepolitical complexitiesoffoodcrises.Inthelastdecadetherehavebeenanumberoffood crisesthatcouldhaveservedasexamplesforthisanalysis,includingrepeatedevents 1

inEthiopiaandSudan.vHowever,myargumentherefocusesonthecaseofMalawi in2002becauseofthewaythisfoodcrisisdemonstratesclearlythepoliticalnature ofcontemporaryfamine,andbecauseofthewayoneoftheiconicphotographs fromthiscontexttravelledacrossthemediatobeusedinanumberofdifferent ways. TheMalawifamineof2002

Figure1:LukePiri,aged3,sufferingseveremalnutrition,withhisribsexposedanddistendedbellyhe waitsforhisfirstmealsincearrivingatanorphansfeedingcentreinLudzi,easternMalawi,May 2002.UsedwithpermissionfromMirropix.

AfricasdyingagainwasTheDailyMirrorscoverstoryon21May2002.vi

ThisshockreportwasillustratedonthecoverbystaffphotographerMikeMoores pictureofLukePiri(Figure1),takenduringatriptoMalawiwithjournalistAnton Antonowicztouncoverwhatthepaperdescribedastheworldsworsttragedysince Ethiopia.vii ThecolourphotographofPiriwasoneofatleastthreeoftheboyMoore

tookwhileinLudzineartheMalawiZambianborder.TwooftheimagesshowPiri posedagainstabarewall,dressedonlyinpants,andlookingdirectlyifplaintively intothecamera.Oneofthephotos(notpublishedinthepaper)hasPiriholdingup anemptywhitebowl,chippedontherimandcontainingnomorethanasingle spoon,asthoughimploringtheviewerforfood.Another(thatappearsinsidethe paperalongsideanequallyemaciatedgirl)looksdownonPiriasastaffmemberat thefeedingcentreholdshim.Pirisdarkeyesoffertheonlyexpressiononan otherwiseblankface.ThecaptionHOPE:LukePiri,three,clingstolifeanchors themessage. MooresphotographofPiriwasconstructedasaportraitofatrocity.The

threeimagesofLukePiridemonstratethephotographerorganisedthepictures, gettingtheboytostandinfrontofablankbackdrop,anddirectinghimtoeither holdabowlorstandwithhishandsbyhissides.Assuch,itfollowsinthefootsteps ofsimilarpictures,suchasDonMcCullinsphotographoftheBiafrangirlPatience, whichMcCullintookaftergettingamissionorderlytoarrangeherwithhands obscuringgenitaliaforthesakeofdignity.viiiItisanotheroftheiconsthatmakeup thestereotypicalrepresentationoffamine.

MooresMalawiphotographswereframedbyboththepurposeand

presentationofthenewspapersstory.Inthesecondparagraphofthearticlethe functionoftheimageislaidbare:theemaciatedbodyofthethreeyearoldinour frontpagepictureiscoveredinscabies.Hisbellyisdistended.Hisribsracked.His sufferingasymboloffaminestalkingthistiny,landlockednation.ixInconjunction withtheheadlineaboutthescaleoftheimminentdisaster,andoppositeahalfpage imageofanoutstretchedhanddisplayingthedrygrassthatissaidtosubstitutefor food,thestoryisdesignedtojoltreadersintoaction.Withanotherbannerheadline declaring,cropshavefailed,foodpriceshaverocketed,thepaperisaskingpeople tomakecharitabledonations,anddetailsofhowtocontributetoaSavethe Childrenfundappealareprominentlydisplayedatthebottomofthepage. Thetextofthearticleclaimsthatbothexcessiverainsandprolonged

droughtdepletedthemaizeharvestandledtofoodshortages,givingcredenceto theideathatthisisanothernaturaldisaster.However,thearticlealsomentionsa rangeofpoliticalfactorsresponsibleforthecrisis,includingtheliberalisationof agriculturalpolicyfoistedonacorruptMalawiangovernmentbytheInternational MonetaryFund(IMF),whichresultedinthesellingoffofgrainstocksthatcouldhave providedcoverforfoodshortages.ThesituationinMalawiin2002embodied, therefore,thenewunderstandingoffamineaspolitical. Malawiisacountryinaperpetualstateoffoodemergency.xAlitanyof

developmentstatisticsunderscorethepopulationsongoingvulnerabilitytofood shortages:twothirdsofthepopulationlivebelowthenationalpovertyline,more thanaquarterliveinextremepoverty,andathirdofthepopulationhave consistentlypoorlevelsofnutrition.xiThisvulnerabilitywasmademoreacutebythe 4

combinedeffectsofinternationalandnationalgovernancestrategies.Morethana decadeofstructuraladjustmentpoliciespromotedbytheIMF,theWorldBankand majordonorcountriesremovedsubsidiesforsmallfarmers,dismantledprice controls,andprivatisedsocialagenciesthathadpreviouslyeasedfoodinsecurity. ThesechangesinMalawispoliticaleconomywereevidentintheselloffof

theStrategicGrainReservein2002,onlyafewmonthsaftertheMinisterof Agriculturehadwarnedthecountrysdonorsthatafooddeficitwasforthcoming.In April2002,shortlyafterinternationaldonorsremovedMalawifromtheHighly IndebtedPoorCountryinterimdebtreliefprogramoverconcernsaboutgovernment corruption,theIMFrecommendedMalawiselltwothirdsofitsgrainreservesto repayacommercialSouthAfricanbankloan.GoingbeyondtheIMFposition,the Malawiangovernmentsoldallitsgrainstocks,resultinginprivatetradershoarding suppliesinordertomaximiseprofit.Intheabsenceofpricecontrols,thecostof maizehadrisenby400percentinthesixmonthstoMarch2002,sotheconfluence oftheseforcesgreatlyhinderedaccesstofood.AsDevereuxmakesclear,famines arealwaysaproblemofdisruptedaccesstofoodasmuchasrestrictedavailability, andthepoliticaleconomyofaccessismoreimportantthantherestrictedavailability flowingfromnaturaltriggers.xii TheDailyMirrorstorystatedthenaturaltriggersforthe2002foodcrisisin

Malawiwereonlypartofthepictureandtheyaresurelycorrectinthat assessment.Wehavetoquestion,therefore,whetherthephotographsofLukePiri areconsistentwithastorythatencompassesbothnaturalandpoliticaldimensions, andinwhichaccesstofoodismoresignificantthansimpleavailability.Dothe

stereotypesallowforanunderstandingoftheinherentlypoliticalnatureoffamine? Ifnot,whatistheirspecificfunctionandhowdoweexplaintheirpersistence? Themeaningoffamineicons Portraitsindividualisethesocial,andthephotographofLukePiri,asa

portraitofatrocity,conformstowhatKleinmannandKleinmanncallthe ideologicallyWesternmodewherebyfaminebecomestheexperienceofthelone individual.xiiiRegardlessofthecontentofanysupportingtext,photographsofthis kindsuggesttheindividualisavictimwithoutacontext.Indigenoussocialstructures areabsentandlocalactorsareerased.Thereisavoidofagencyandhistorywiththe victimarrayedpassivelybeforethelenssotheirsufferingcanbeappropriated.xiv Asappropriationsofsuffering,photographsareaffectiveratherthansimply

illustrative.Theyaredesignedtoappealemotionallytoviewersandconnectthem withsubjectsinaparticularway.Themessageisthatsomeoneissuffering,andthat weshouldbesympathetictohisorherplightandmovedtodosomething.However, thelackofcontextualsupportmeansthatviewersregardactiontoalleviatesuffering ascomingfromoutside.Thisstructuringoftheisolatedvictimawaitingexternal assistanceiswhatinvestssuchimagerywithcolonialrelationsofpower. Asanhistoricalandpoliticalformation,colonialisminvolvesthegovernance

ofanindigenouspopulationbyadistantpower.Thepracticesofgovernmentality throughwhichindigenouslivesaremanagedareasymmetricalandresultinunequal relationsthatstructuretherelationshipofselfandother,usandthem,as superior/inferior,civilized/barbaric,developed/underdevelopedandsoon.The colonialrelationshipbetweenselfandothercanbeconductedinanumberof 6

differentmodes,fromviolentsuppressiontoahumanitarianconcernwiththewell beingofcolonialsubjects,anditisthelatterthatthephotographicstereotypesof famineinvoke. Thisisespeciallyevidentwhenthefamineiconsareportraitsofchildren.The

efficacyofthechildassymbolflowsfromanumberofassociatedcultural assumptions:childrenareabstractedfromcultureandsociety,grantedaninnate innocence,seentobedependent,requiringprotectionandhavingdevelopmental potential.Byremovingcontextwhileindicatingthefuture,suchimageryturnsa particularindividualintoauniversaliconofhumansuffering,therebydepoliticising thecircumstancesthroughwhichthelifeofthephotographedindividualhasbeen produced.xvAtthesametime,becausethesetropeshavealongcolonialhistory, stereotypicalphotographsembodycolonialrelationsofpowerthatcontrastanadult andsuperiorglobalNorthwiththeinfantilisedandinferiorglobalSouth.Thisis evidentfromTheDailyMirrorsuseoftheLukePiriphotographonitscover alongsidetheheadlineAfricasdyingagain.Thecontinentisconstructedinrelation tothephotograph,therebyinfantilizingandhomogenizingaspacehometoabillion peoplein61diversepoliticalterritories,mostofwhicharenotsubjecttofamine. ThephotographsofLukePirihadalonglifeandtravelledtootherlocations.

Forexample,onlyweeksafterappearinginthenewspaperthesamepicture(albeit reversed)wasusedbyaUKcharityforanappealadvertisement.xviWhilesimilar picturescontinuetodominatecharitableappealsregardlessofthetime,placeor issue,aidorganizationsworkingtoprovideassistanceintheglobalSouthhave signeduptocodesofconductdesignedtolimitboththeproliferationandnegative effectsofstereotypicalimages.However,thereisnoescapingthefactthatbecause 7

photographsarepolyvalenttheycansustainparadoxicalreadings.Inthissense,the malnourishedchildcanbebothasignofhumanitarianvaluesandthesymbolofan infantile,inferiorandhelplesszoneofdespair.xviiThisisevidentinthethirditeration ofPirisphotograph(Figure2).

Figure2:SundayMirror,3July2005,p.16.

InJuly2005,tocommemorateLive8,thecampaignforincreasedassistance

forAfricafromG8nations,theSundayMirrorproducedamontageofthecontinent byassemblingagalleryoffamineicons.RecallingtheNewYorkTimesMagazine coveroftwoyearsearlier,thisrepresentationincludedtwophotographsofLukePiri one,withemptyfoodbowlinhand,wasprintedoveraspacestretchingfrom SenegaltoCotedIvoire,whilethesamereversedpictureusedintheearliercharity appealbestrodethecentreofthispictorialmap.Likethe2002DailyMirrorcover, thehomogenizationandinfantilizationofthecontinentasabasketcaseawaiting externalaidisobvious. ThereuseofthePiriphotograph,itsiterationregardlessofcontext,isthe

verydefinitionofastereotypeatwork.Thisisreinforcedbythefactthatasa campaigntwentyyearsonfromtheLiveAidphenomenon,Live8wassaidtobe aboutjusticenotcharity,aimedtomakepovertyhistoryratherthanrespondtoa specificfamine,andinvolvedpoliticalmobilisationratherthanfundraising.xviii Nonetheless,despitethesecontrastinggoals,thesamevisualstrategiesthat dominatedthecoverageofthe1984Ethiopianfaminewereredeployedin2005. MoststrikinginthisregardwastherebroadcastoftheCanadianBroadcasting Corporationfilmthatcontainedimagesofayoungchild,BirhanWoldu,who appearedattheLive8concertinLondontodemonstratetheimportanceofrelief assistance(Figure3).xixWhenfirstbroadcastduringLiveAidin1984ithadan immediateimpactontheaudienceandwasshownafurthertwotimes,withits boosttothefundraisingeffortdescribedasimmeasurable.In2005itwasreused toputafamiliarfaceontheissueofAfricaanditspowerwasundiminished.xx 9


Figure3:Live8broadcastofCBCfaminefilm,featuringBirhanWoldu, ExchangeSquare,Manchester,2July2005.Photograph:D.J.Clark

Thefunctionoffamineicons The1984Ethiopianfaminewasawatershedintermsofhowwethinkabout

theimpactoffamineiconography.Throughbothtelevisionandprintthe stereotypicalpictureshelpedproducetheLiveAidphenomenon,oneofthelargest charityeffortsever.Theaffectivepoweroftheseimagesconnectedwithaglobal audience,generatingdonationsworthmorethan250millionintodayscurrency. Onequestionarisingfromthisisthenatureoftheaffectproduced:wasit

10

compassiondirectedtowardsspecificindividuals,orwasitpity,anabstractand generalizableconditionwithcolonialtraces?xxiDiditconnectpeopletothecontext ofthefamine,orwasitacaseofviewingsufferingatadistancethatconfirmedour senseofsuperioritythroughtheportrayalofbarbarismoverthere? IntheaftermathoftheEthiopianfamineandLiveAid,aEuropewideImage

ofAfricaprojectstudiedthemediarepresentationoftheEthiopianfamine.Oxfams UKreportconcludedthatmotherandchildphotographswerethedominantvisual strategyacrossthenewspapers,andthattheseimagesmanifestedanumberof problems: Allthesepicturesoverwhelminglyshowedpeopleasneedingourpityas passivevictims.Thiswasthroughadecontextualisedconcentrationonmid andcloseupshotsemphasisingbodylanguageandfacialexpressions.The photosseemedmainlytobetakenfromahighanglewithnoeyecontact, thusreinforcingtheviewerssenseofpowercomparedwiththeirapathyand hopelessness.xxii Thephotographicexamplesdiscussedinthischapterdemonstratethe

persistenceofthisaesthetic.Partoftheexplanationforthisreiterationof stereotypesmightbefoundinwhatsocialpsychologistscalltheidentifiablevictim effect,whichdescribesthewaypeoplereactdifferentlytowardidentifiablevictims thantostatisticalvictimswhohavenotyetbeenidentified.xxiiiThecentralclaimof theidentifiablevictimeffectisthataphotographofanindividualpersonindistress

11

inanygivendisasterismoreeffectivethanaccountsofthecollectiveatriskordying fromthatsituation. Thisargumenthasbeensupportedbyaseriesofpsychologicalstudies.xxiv

Oneaskedgiverstorespondtoastatisticaldescriptionoffoodshortagesinsouthern Africaaffectingthreemillionchildrenversusapersonalappealwithapictureofa youngMalawiangirl,andtheidentifiedvictimtriggeredamuchhigherlevelof sympathyandgreaterdonations.Inasimilarstudy,whenpotentialdonorswere facedwiththeoptionofhelpingtwochildrenratherthanasingleindividual,the responsefortheindividualwasfargreaterthanforthepair.xxvInanalysingtheform oftheimagethatbestelicitsaresponse,researchersfoundthatsadfacial expressionsproducedamuchgreaterresponsethanhappyorneutralimages,and thatthiswasachievedthroughemotionalcontagion,wherebyviewerscaught vicariouslytheemotiononavictimsface.xxvi Thesestudiesreportresultsfromexperimentalenvironmentsbutdontdetail

whatmakesidentifiablevictimsaffectiveagents.Theyspeculatethatthereasons couldincludetheideathatasingleindividualisviewedasapsychologicallycoherent unity,whereasagroupisnot;thatidentifiablevictimsaremorevividandcompelling thancolourlessrepresentations;thatidentifiablevictimsareactualratherthanlikely victims;andthatbyidentifyinganindividualblamefortheirconditioncanbemore easily(ifnotmoreaccurately)attached.Intheend,though,toposetheissuein thesetermsislimiting,becausewhetherweareconcernedwithcompassion, empathy,pityorsympathyastheprevailingaffect,theyarestructurally individualisticandlimitedtothevicariousexperienceofsufferingbetweentwo

12

individuals(thevictimandthespectator)andcanthusonlyeverdealwiththe particularratherthanthegeneral.xxvii Theprimacyofindividual,identifiablevictimsisproducedandsustainedby

photographyasatechnologyofvisualization.Thatisbecausethehumanisttradition ofdocumentaryphotographyandphotojournalismisitselfsomatic;thatis,ithas historicallyreliedonimagesoftheindividual(theirbodyandface)inordertosignify socialissues.However,theimagesofindividualsproducedbydocumentary photographyrepresentneithersimpleindividualsnorcomplexabstractions.Rather, thesesomaticimagesembodyaspecificwayofbeinghumanthatHarimanand Lucaitescalltheindividuatedaggregate.xxviiiInthisunderstanding,theindividuated aggregate,althoughappearinginaphotographasasingularpersonorpersons, depictscollectiveexperiencemetonymicallybyreducingageneralconstruct (famine)toaspecificembodiment(child).Theindividuatedaggregatehastobe personalenoughtoconveythedetailsofaparticularlife,butequallyimpersonalso thosedetailsdonotderailalargergeneralization. Thisdualcharacteristichelpexplainshowcertainphotographicformssuch

asthemotherandchildportraitsthataboundincrisissituationsbecomeicons thathavestayingpowerthroughtimedespitevaryingcontexts.Themetonymic structureoftheindividuatedaggregatealsoservesanotherdoublefunction,one relatedtotheworkphotographsdoasopposedtothethingstheyrepresent. Photographspromptstructuresoffeelinghistoricallypresentinaudiences,usingthe somaticformtoplaceviewersinanaffectiverelationshipwiththesubject. Thepsychologicalstudiesdiscussedaboveconfirmthisatanindividuallevel,

butwhatHarimanandLucaiteshavedoneisrenderthisunderstandingincollective 13

terms.Inthiscontext,documentaryphotography,itselfaliberalhumanitarian technology,workstoactivateahumanitarianstructureoffeeling,profferingviathat structureoffeelingaparticularproblematizationoftheeventthatcallsforth establishedcharitableandhumanitarianmodesofresponse.Theindividuated aggregateallowsthefigureoftheindividualtoembodyalargersocialandpolitical contextinamannerthatfulfilsboththeneedforcollectiveactionandtheprimacy ofindividualautonomyinaliberaldemocraticsociety.xxixHowever,giventhewayit securesliberalindividualism,thecollectiveactioninspiredbytheindividuated aggregatewillbecharitableandhumanitarian,willnotcontestthefundamentsof liberalismathomeorabroad,andwillelidethepoliticalcontextthathasgivenrise tothecrisisinquestion. Thepossibleneedforfamineicons Theeasyconclusionofthisanalysisisthatfamineiconographyshouldbe

roundlycondemnedassimplistic,reductionist,colonialandevenracist.Butbefore wearesatisfiedwiththiscomprehensiverebukewehavetoaskacoupleofdifficult questions.First,wouldwebebetteroffwithoutthesephotographsaltogether?Of course,thatdependsonwhotheweis.Itmightbeeasytosaythatitwouldbe betterforusintheglobalNorthtobefreefromportraitsofatrocity,butdoesthe sameapplytocitizensoftheglobalSouth?Whatwoulditmeantohavenoimagesof atrocitieslikefamine?Notwithstandingtheircritiqueoftheappropriationof sufferinginfamineiconography,KleinmannandKleinmannarguethattheabsent imageisequallyaformofpoliticalappropriationandthatthinkingaboutthevisual

14

lacunaeoftheChinesefamineof195961publicsilenceisperhapsmoreterrifying thanbeingoverwhelmedbypublicimagesofatrocity.xxx Second,ifwewanttodispensewiththenegative,whatmightbethepositive

thatshouldtakeitsplace?IntheirImagesofAfricareport,NikkivanderGaagand CathyNashnotedresearchshowingphotographsofsmiling,satisfiedindividuals conveyedtheideathatwemusthavehelpedthemsothatviewersbelievedall AfricanshadbecomeaidedAfricans.Thismeansthescopicregimethatproduces Africaasaplaceoflackissostrongthatmanypositiveimagesonlyreinforcethe colonialrelationsofpowerembodiedinthenegativeimages.xxxiIndeed,oneofthe fewstudiesontheeffectofatrocityimagesfromAfrica,TheLiveAidLegacy, demonstratedthat80%oftheBritishpublicstronglyassociatethedevelopingworld withdoomladenimagesoffamine,disasterandWesternaid,therebyestablishinga relationshipwherewearesuperiorbecauseofourhumanitarianaidandcharitable giving,andtheyareinferior,passiveanddependentonus.xxxii Thecoevalrelationshipofthenegativeandpositivesuggeststhatweneedto

movebeyondthesetermsinframingouroptions.TheSouthAfricanphotographer GuyTillimputitwellina2009interview: Onehastobecarefulwiththepositive/negativething.Justbecauseone takesimagesofdancehallsinLagos,andpeoplebeinghappy,itmightendup beingasmuchofaclichasthesufferingimage.Positivesimagesareone[s] thatareselfawareorareinteresting,penetrat[ing]andoriginalnomatter whattheylookat.Negativesimagesareonesthatperpetuatetheissue.xxxiii 15

Tillimhelpsrecastoursenseofwhatispositiveandnegativebymovingus

towardsanappreciationoftheneedforvisualstrategiesthat,bybeingreflexiveand penetrating,understandwhatthestereotypesareandhowtheycanbecontested. Thisinvolvesmuchmorethanrejectingoneaestheticandreplacingitwithanother, notleastbecauseoftheimportanceofcontinuingtoseephotographicrecordsof atrocity.Whiletheirpersistenceandproblemsneedtobeanalysed,thismeanswe needtobelessconcernedaboutthepresenceoffamineiconsandmoreconcerned abouttheabsenceofalternative,criticalvisualizationsthatcanassistincapturing thepoliticalcontextofcrises,therebypotentiallyshiftingthescopicregimefromthe colonialtothepostcolonial. Inmovingbeyondnegativeversuspositiveasthelimitofourcritical

understanding,wealsoneedtoappreciatethattherearemomentswhenfamine iconsmightbenecessaryinordertoaddressthepoliticalcontext.Indeed,wemight understandfamineiconographyasbeingproducedbythecomplexpolitical circumstancesitgenerallyfailstocapture.Thiscanbedemonstratedbyareturnto thecaseoftheMalawifamineof2002. TherewasadvancewarningoffoodshortagesinMalawi,butbecauseoftheir

strainedrelationswiththegovernmentinternationaldonorswerenotwelldisposed toreportsoffoodshortages.TheMalawiangovernmentwasalsoresistanttostories offoodcrisesfromlocalNGOs.Itwas,inpart,theproductionandcirculationof famineiconographythatbrokethisindifference.AsDevereuxspostmortemofthe crisisobserved,onlyafterthemediastartedreportingstarvationdeathsinMalawi didthedonorsreversetheirhardlinestanceandofferfoodaidunconditionally.xxxiv Thesamedynamichasbeenrepeatedinothercrises,suchasthe2005Nigerfamine, 16

wheretheWorldFoodProgram(WFP)beganreportingaloomingcrisisinOctober 2004andcalledfordonorassistance,butinternationalassistancewasminimaluntil themediagotinvolvedinJuly2005.AntheaWebb,WFPsseniorpublicaffairsofficer notes: Allinformationisavailable.Theproblemistoturninformationintoproviding foodtopeopleinneed.InNigerwehadpracticallynothinguntilwegot footageonvideoofpeopledyingofmalnutritiontotheBBC.Butitismuch bettertohelppeoplebeforeitistoolate.InNigerwehadmadeaveryclear plea.Theproblemisgettingthemessageacross.xxxv Althoughafreepresshasbeenregardedbymanyaspartofafamineearly

warningsystem,thisrecordindicatesthemediaiscaughtinatragicconundrum. Governmentsandinternationalinstitutionsarenotmovedbyinformationalone,and withoutofficialactivitythemedialacksahookforastory.Astorybecomespossible whenthereisvisualevidenceofdisaster,butinthecaseoffaminethatevidence cannotbeeasilyvisualized(atleastintermsfamiliartothemedia)untilpeoplestart showinganembodiedtraceofthefoodcrisis(asinLukePirisdistendedstomach andprominentribs)orstartdying.Bythattime,however,becauseofthe indifferenceofgovernments,thefinalstagesofafoodcrisishavebegun,the possibilityforpreventativeactionhaslongpassed,andtheonlycourseofactionis humanitarianandremedial. InMalawi,TheDailyMirrorsclaimoftwomillionfacingdeathturnedoutto

beagrossexaggeration,withthebestestimatebeingthat1,0003,000people 17

perished.xxxviThatdoesnotdiminishtheseriousnessoftheevent,becauseatthe heightofthecrisisof2002nearly70%offarmingfamiliesfacedfoodshortages. However,itwasntuntilevidenceofexcessmortalitycouldbepicturedthatthe mediahadawayoftellingthestory,andbecausethatistheendofthedisaster, coverageemphasizestheshockvalue,therebyidealizingthephotographspowerto repairthewrong.xxxvii Accordingly,themediaisalateindicatorofdistress,notanearlywarning.

Journalists[are]likeobserversatacarcrash,toreportonthetragedy,notto preventit.xxxviiiWhilewecancriticiseTheDailyMirrorsstoryandpicturesfortheir reproductionoffamineiconography,wehavetoappreciatehowtherecourseto stereotypesisoftenafunctionofthepoliticalcontexttheyseektoaddressbut cannotrepresent.Importantly,thismeanscompassionfatigueisnottheissuewith respecttotherelationshipbetweenpicturesandpolicy.Peoplecontinuetorespond tothehumanitarianstructureoffeelinginducedbyphotographslikethatofLuke Piri.Theproblemisofficialindifferenceandthemediasentrapmentinthat indifferenceuntilitistoolate. Theultimatechallengeforphotographyasatechnologyofvisualizationisto

findcompellingwaysofnarratingthestorysothatthepoliticalcontextoffaminecan beportrayedinatimelymanner.Sometimestherearevisualstoriesthatachieve this,asinTheNewYorkTimesphotoreportdetailinghowthenewMalawian governmentrejectedneoliberalpolicies,reinstatedfertilizersubsidies,andoversaw increasedfoodproductionandreducedfamine.xxxixOfcourse,journalistsdontbear theprimaryresponsibilityforpreventingfaminebuttheyneedabetter

18

understandingofglobalmalnourishmentofwhichfamineisjustanacuteandmore visiblepartinordertorepresenttheissuebeforeitistoolate.xl

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NOTES i Onthepreventabilityoffamineandtheshiftsinunderstanding,seeStephen Devereux,FamineintheTwentiethCentury,InstituteofDevelopmentStudies WorkingPaper105(Brighton,2000),pp.3,6,29;andDevereux,Introduction:From oldfaminestonewfamines,inDevereux(ed.),TheNewFamines:WhyFamines PersistinanEraofGlobalization(London,2006),114. JennyEdkins,Thecriminalizationofmassstarvations:fromnaturaldisasterto crimeagainsthumanity,inStephenDevereux(ed.),TheNewFamines:WhyFamines PersistinanEraofGlobalization(London,2006),51.

iii iv ii

Devereux,FamineintheTwentiethCentury,pp.3,15.

BarryBearak,WhyFaminePersists,TheNewYorkTimesMagazine,13July2003. ThecoverimageisavailableatImagingFamine(http://www.imagingfamine.org/), section12.(AllURLsaccessed6June2010). SeethediscussionoffaminephotographyformEthiopiaandSudaninEthiopiaand therecurringfamine:samestory,samepictures?,http://www.imaging famine.org/blog/index.php/2010/05/ethiopia19842008/andFaminephotographs andtheneedforcarefulcritique,http://www.david campbell.org/2010/04/13/faminephotographscritique/. ThecoverimageisavailableatImagingFamine(http://www.imagingfamine.org/), section2.
vii vi v

20mfacestarvationinworldsworsttragedysinceEthiopia,TheDailyMirror,21 May2002,pp.89. DonMcCullin,UnreasonableBehaviour:AnAutobiography(London,1992),p.124.

viii ix

20mfacestarvationinworldsworsttragedysinceEthiopia,TheDailyMirror,21 May2002,p.8.

StephenDevereux,StateofDisaster:Causes,ConsequencesandPolicyLessons fromMalawi(London,2002),p.16. RoshniMenon,FamineinMalawi:CausesandConsequences(UnitedNations DevelopmentProgram,HumanDevelopmentReportOfficeOccasionalPaper35, 2007). Devereux,StateofDisaster,pp.iii,15;seealsoKwesiOwusuandFrancisNgambi, StructuralDamage:TheCausesandConsequencesofMalawisFoodCrisis(London, 2002),pp.1011,14. ArthurKleinmannandJ.Kleinmann,TheAppealofExperience;TheDismayof Images:CulturalAppropriationsofSufferinginOurTimes,Daedalus125(1996),pp. 1,7.
xiii xii xi

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 xiv Ibid;RolandBleikerandAmyKay,RepresentingHIV/AIDSinAfrica:Pluralist PhotographyandLocalEmpowerment,InternationalStudiesQuarterly51(2007),p. 149. EricaBurman,InnocentsAbroad:WesternFantasiesofChildhoodandthe IconographyofEmergencies,Disasters18(3)1994,pp.238253;Burman, Developments:Child,Image,Nation(London,2008);KateManzo,Imaging Humanitarianism:NGOIdentityandtheIconographyofChildhood,Antipode40 (2008),pp.637. ThisadvertisementisavailableatImagingFamine(http://www.imaging famine.org/),section1.
xvii xvi xv

Manzo,ImagingHumanitarianism,p.652.

LeshuTorchin,WhiteMansBurden:HumanitarianSynergyandtheMake PovertyHistoryCampaign,inMegMcLaganandYatesMcGee(eds.),VisualCultures ofNonGovernmentalPolitics(NewYork,forthcoming).

xix

xviii

Forthestoryofthisfilm,seeStrangeDestiny,CBCNewsOnline,2December 2004,athttp://www.cbc.ca/news/background/ethiopia/.ForanoverviewoftheLive Aidphenomenon,seeGregPhilo,FromBuerktoBandAid:themediaandthe1984 Famine,inGlasgowMediaGroup,GettingtheMessage:News,TruthandPower (London,1993),pp.104125.

LiveAid,TheWord,Issue21,November2004,p.95.AreviewofLive8notedthat showndozensoftimesinthepast20years,theoldLiveAidfilmoftheEthiopian faminesettoDrivebytheCarsshouldtheoreticallyhavehaditsimpactdulledby familiarity.Instead,itstunsHydeParkintosilence.AlexisPetridis,Beratedby Madonna,rockedbyRobbie,stunnedintosilencebyimagesoffamine,The Guardian,4July2005,p.4,at http://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2005/jul/04/live8.popandrock.

xxi

xx

BleikerandKay,RepresentingHIV/AIDSinAfrica,pp.140141,150.

NikkivanderGaagandCathyNash,ImagesofAfrica:UKReport(Oxford,1987),at http://www.imagingfamine.org/images_africa.htm,p.41.
xxiii

xxii

DeborahSmallandGeorgeLowenstein,HelpingaVictimorHelpingtheVictim: AltruismandIdentifiability,TheJournalofRiskandUncertainty26(2003),p.5.

Ibid;TehilaKogutandIlanaRitov,TheIdentifiedVictimEffect:AnIndentified Group,orJustaSingleIndividual?JournalofBehaviouralDecisionMaking18 (2005),157167.

xxv

xxiv

DeborahSmall,GeorgeLowenstein,andPaulSlovic,SympathyandCallousness: TheImpactofDeliberativeThoughtonDonationstoIdentifiableandStatistical Victims,OrganizationalBehaviourandHumanDecisionProcesses102(2007),143 153;DanielVstjfll,EllenPetersandPaulSlovic,Representation,Affect,and WillingnesstoDonatetoChildreninNeed,citedinPaulSlovic,IfILookattheMass 21

 IWillNeverAct:PsychicNumbingandGenocide,JudgmentandDecisionMaking12 (2007),pp.8990. DeborahSmallandNicoleVerrochi,TheFaceofNeed:FacialEmotionExpression onCharityAdvertisements,JournalofMarketingResearch46(2009),pp.777787. However,anearlierstudyofpeoplewhohadalreadygiventoWorldVisionin Canadafoundpositivephotographsproducedthehighestaveragecontributionina charityappeal.SeeEvelyneJ.DyckandGaryColdevin,UsingPositivevs.Negative PhotographsforThirdWorldFundRaising,JournalismQuarterly69(3)1992,572 579.

xxvii xxvi

JamesJohnson,TheArithmeticofCompassion:ReThinkingthePoliticsof PhotographyPaperpresentedattheannualmeetingoftheWesternPolitical ScienceAssociation,SanDiego,California,20March2008,at http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p238169_index.html.Cf.LilleChouliaraki,The SpectatorshipofSuffering(London,2006).

RobertHarimanandJohnLouisLucaites,NoCaptionNeeded:Iconic Photographs,PublicCulture,andLiberalDemocracy(Chicago,2007),pp.21,3536, 8889.IhaveappliedthisanalysistotheissueofhowHIV/AIDSisphotographedin TheVisualEconomyofHIV/AIDS,athttp://www.david campbell.org/photography/hivaids/

xxix xxx

xxviii

HarimanandLucaites,NoCaptionNeeded,p.21.

KleinmannandKleinmann,TheAppealofExperience,p.17.

xxxi

vanderGaagandNash,ImagesofAfrica,p.17.SeeDavidCampbellandMarcus Power,TheScopicRegimeofAfrica,inObservantStates:GeopoliticsAndVisual Culture,editedbyFraserMacDonald,KlausDoddsandRachelHughes(London, 2010).

xxxii

VSO,TheLiveAidLegacy:TheDevelopingWorldThroughBritishEyesA ResearchReport(London,2002). GuyTillim,Verbal,July2009,athttp://verbal.co.za/2009/07/guytillim/. Devereux,StateofDisaster,pp.14,15.

xxxiii xxxiv xxxv

QuotedinMirenGuttierez,AWorldAddictedtoHunger,Part1,3May2006,at http://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/217/46189.html.Thestory oftheNigercrisisistoldinWFP,Niger:AChronologyofStarvation,4August2005, athttp://www.reliefweb.int/rw/RWB.NSF/db900SID/EVOD6EXHVT,andthe importanceofbroadcastimagesofsufferingisunderscoredbytheWFPdirector JamesMorrisinWorldwarneditmustdobetteras20mfacethreatoffaminein Africa,TheGuardian,8March2006,p.25,at http://www.guardian.co.uk/society/2006/mar/08/internationalaidanddevelopment. famine. 22

 xxxvi OwusuandNgambi,StructuralDamage,p.14;Devereux,StateofDisaster,p. 18.

xxxvii

SharonSliwinski,TheChildhoodofHumanRights:TheKodakontheCongo, JournalofVisualCulture5(2006),p.356. Devereux,StateofDisaster,p.8.

xxxviii xxxix

EndingFamineinMalawi,TheNewYorkTimes,2December2007, http://www.nytimes.com/slideshow/2007/12/01/world/20071202MALAWI_index.h tml.

xl

SeethedimensionsoftheissueinWFP,Hunger,athttp://www.wfp.org/hunger, andconsiderthemultimediaapproachoftheStarvedforAttentionproject coordinatedbyMSFandtheVIIagency,athttp://www.starvedforattention.org/.

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