Africa: the focus of the BRICs

34th AFSAAP conference "Africa 2011" Dr. Joo Bosco Monte University of Fortaleza,Brazil

Abstract
The world's emerging economies are already set its sights on Africa. It's not just China that spreads inexorably much of the continent, Brazil is also betting on entering this huge market and investment, as well as Russia and India are well aware of its benefits. The scenario of systemic reorganization in the XXI century has provided both opportunities and challenges for Africa and for the BRIC group. For the African continent, after the decade of decolonization (1960), the decade of revolutions (1970), the "lost decade" of economic adjustment (1980) and marginalization of the continent in international affairs (1990), Africa has had a history recovery and development related to the construction of modern national states. Thus, trade between Brazil and Africa increased from just US$3 billion in 2000 to more than US$200 billion in 2010. Nigeria, Angola, Algeria and South Africa are key partners in Brazil. Similarly, the bilateral trade between India and Africa increased from just under US$5 billion to more than US$35 billion over the same period.Contrary to the arguments that Africa is a continent facing the past, steeped in intractable conflicts and irrational, but instead perceives an "African renaissance". What is noticeable is that in African countries there is strengthening of democratization processes and institutional mechanisms, the containment of armed conflicts and regional wars and civil, economic growth with relative macroeconomic balance, the growing social concern associated the expansion of public policies, and increase the confidence of the elites through new forms of cultural and political rebirth, linked to greater decision-making autonomy of African countries. As the African continent is seeking new partners, members of BRIC are focusing their attention to the continent and increasing their relations with the mainland, taking advantage of new business opportunities, and investing in planning short and long term, which are already showing positive results. Key words: BRICs; Africa; African renaissance

Africa: the focus of the BRICs

Dr. Joo Bosco Monte University of Fortaleza, Brazil

The rise of "big edge," as members of the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China), and the strengthening of South-South relations are frequently mentioned as elements of a new world order in formation. To analyze the substance of this assumption, this article aims to analyze the role of Africa in international trade in BRIC as an aspect of the transformation of contemporary international economic relations. The choice of BRIC is due to the fact that these countries despite their differences, have some characteristics of emerging poles. The condition of emerging country depends on the following assumptions: the expanding power resources, ability to contribute to the management of the international system, and recognition and ambition to occupy a more influential role in world politics. Among the emerging countries, there is however, elements that differ in terms of power resources, economic weight and degree of integration into the world economy, cultural backgrounds and distinctive historical, and political systems and institutional specific domestic. It must be emphasized that, unlike the other BRICs, Russia is not in the condition of emerging country, because its trajectory is different. Instead of dynamism and expansion of its international ambitions, the country showed remarkable decline by the end of the USSR. Indeed, the emergent character of Russia due to an attempt to preserve the heritage of the former USSR and the recovery of the country's international role after move from superpower to "third-globalization. Thus, the central theoretical assumption is that the international system is undergoing a reorganization under the three movements together: the loss of competitive advantages of the homogenous nation, the intensification of interstate rivalries and the emergence of new configurations of power. This assumption may unfold in the historic transformations underway, ie the loss of relative power of the central pole (The United States and European Union), the growing political and economic rivalry in the African continent and the creation of new diplomatic

arrangements in the international system, including initiatives among members of BRIC and African countries. The scenario of systemic reorganization in the XXI century has provided both opportunities and challenges for Africa and for the BRIC group. For the African continent, after the decade of decolonization (1960), the decade of revolutions (1970), the "lost decade" of economic adjustment (1980) and marginalization of the continent in international affairs (1990), Africa has had a history recovery and development related to the construction of modern national states. The applicant is weak argument that Africa is a continent facing the past, steeped in intractable conflicts and irrational, but instead perceives an "African renaissance" in the midst of a complex legacy of decolonization peculiar and late. In other words, African countries there is strengthening of democratization processes and institutional mechanisms, the containment of armed conflicts and regional wars and civil, economic growth with relative macroeconomic balance, the growing social concern associated with the expansion of public policies, and increase the confidence of the elites through new forms of cultural and political rebirth, linked to greater decision-making autonomy of the countries of Africa. With this, the African continent, in general, strengthening the foundations of national sovereignty in the conquered Postwar, by creating mechanisms for regional integration and development, as the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and Development Community (SADC), expanding the "scope" of its international role, the relations established with the emerging countries (India, Brazil and China) and as an alternative to traditional Western powers (including the United States and former colonial metropolises); structuring and diplomatic areas, such as the African Union, able to create autonomous decision-making processes. For members of the BRIC group, the twenty-first century has been marked by impressive economic growth rates and continued. Even Russia, which had undergone an economic collapse in the 1990s resulting from the end of the USSR, and Brazil, which had notable mishaps during the years 1980-90 to retake the momentum. The extension of the ambitions of the emerging BRIC hinges, in turn, processes of systemic transition and multipolar. The process of multi-polarization, after earning projection with the Movement of Non-Aligned Movement, suffered a reflux during the years 1980-90, producing misperceptions about unipolarity. However, both Africa and the emerging BRIC now express the maturation of this trend of multi-polarization.

Indeed, it is possible to evaluate the multi-polarization by strengthening SouthSouth relations and the formation of a new geography of trade, in this case, the interaction between Africa and the BRIC. Between 1992 and 2009, the BRIC trade with Africa rose above the world average. (China -from 1.381 billion to 95.577 billion dollars; India- from 2.050 to 33.349 billion dollars; Brazil- from 1.553 to 21.918 billion dollars; Russia- from 732 million to 5.635 billion dollars) . The BRIC trade with Africa increased 6.3 billion to nearly 185 billion dollars, while the U.S. was 21 billion to 127 billion dollars and the European Union was 86 billion to 304 billion dollars The relative growth, particularly of the BRIC, was remarkable, presenting itself now as important actors in international politics and business in Africa. Although one can not neglect the still predominant presence in the countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in the international economy, it is necessary to emphasize the trend of rapid expansion of emerging importance in Africa.

The place of the BRIC countries in Africa The multi-polarization and the establishment of a new geography of trade are also evident by the creation of new mechanisms of integration and multilateral consultation established under the peripheral countries. Africa, accordingly, has assumed a place of growing importance in international trade in China, India and Brazil, while Russia strives to preserve its modest presence on the continent. Indeed, the central pole undergoes gradual but significant, reduction in trade relations with African countries. Africa has been important in the diplomatic agenda of the emerging countries cited. Among the central goals of Chinese foreign policy such as economic development, international outlook, the expansion of access to natural resources and reduce Taiwan's international space, Africa has relevant and successful paper. In China's case also, the creation of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in 2000, was instrumental in the institutionalization and strengthening of Sino-African relations. The Sino-African approach has been fundamental to Chinese energy security, providing about one third of oil consumption in the country. At the same time it increases the demand for natural resources in Africa, China projects its foreign trade and foreign policy universalized. Likewise, Indian diplomacy has created the India-Africa Forum (AIF) in 2008 to expand its presence in Africa. That same year, India signed a preferential trade treaty

with the countries of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU). For India as well as to China, Africa is crucial in providing natural resources, especially oil, minerals and foods. Demand growth increased to about 75% the need for oil imports by India, with around 72% of this oil comes from the unstable Middle East (U.S. Energy Information Administration). At the same time, the African economy becomes an important market for the sectors of pharmaceuticals and telecommunications equipment at low cost to the Indian economy. Therefore, Africa, on the one hand, provides conditions for rapid economic growth and, secondly, provides an important means for the international projection of India. Africa has gained prominence in Brazilian foreign policy from the Luiz Inacio Lula government (2003-2010), after a relative neglect of the previous government, the consequence of this, can be seen in many African countries by the significant presence on the continent of big companies, like construction companies as Odebrecht, Camargo Correa and Andrade Gutierrez, and extractive sector companies such as Petrobras and Vale. The evaluation from economic and commercial perspective demonstrates that Lulas diplomatic initiative has raised considerably the significance of Africa in international affairs. The space is conducive broad: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cte d'Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo, have received the visit of Lula da Silva and by a statement from the president himself, are on the Brazilian agenda with a view to the year 2022. Moreover, Petrobras and Embrapa continue sealing agreements with both state agencies and private companies in the United States, as well as institutions with British, Italian, Chinese, Japanese, Indian and South African. The strategy is the triangulation of business: some produce, others buy and Brazil is up to management. This scheme, profit intelligently applied to sustainable development can not only respond to urgent needs such as those faced by South Africa, which produces 92% of its energy with coal, but the future energy policy. This enables the replacement of traditional arrays and therefore opens up a future scenario where the common denominator may be the triplet-Africa-Brazil biofuels. It should also highlight the trilateral cooperation among India, Brazil and South Africa developed in order to promote South-South relations, this initiative resulted in the creation of the IBSA Forum in 2003. Moreover, South Africa has served as a route to Brazil and India has declared their interest in strengthening relations with Africa. Africa represents a strengthening of the Atlantic dimension of integration and expansion

of Brazil's foreign ambitions in the Indian Ocean, which are fundamental to national and regional security of both. Unlike other members of the BRIC group, the post-Soviet Russia has acted to limit further loss and to promote conditions in the long run, emerge as a great power (Macfarlane, 2009, p. 99). The vulnerability of the Russian economy in the 1990s did Russian diplomacy priority to territorial integrity in the face of threats of separatism, regional and ethnic conflicts, and thus regain influence over the regional space. Thus, Africa has lost its importance in the face of domestic concerns, the vulnerabilities of the region, of about the United States, and projected growth of China and further expansion of European integration. The low trade complementarity has also contributed to restrict African-Russian relations to investing in sectors intensive in natural resources, notably oil and mineral resources. Anyway, the Chinese presence, Brazilian, Indian and other emerging countries is not a new division of the continent. Insofar as the BRIC strives to diversify its international insertion and universalize the century, opens up the possibility of Africa international bargain their own insertion. Relations are asymmetric, but not neocolonial, have since been ruled by the former territorial shares of interventionism, military interventions, the destabilization of regimes, the imposition of institutional rules and economic models. Rather, the role of China, India and Brazil to support the state-building, technical cooperation, provision of affordable credit and acceptance of trade deficits has contributed to regional stability and development. The hegemonic structures of power established at the post-World War II are being profoundly shaken. Hegemonic structures at the international level are not restricted to the absolute superiority of one state but a complex of contradictory social relations on a global scale. They are, therefore, links of interest and law, international organizations, multiple public and private actors, among others, focused on national states (Guimares, 2000, p. 28). You need to assess, because the weakening of the absolute superiority of one state and central regions (the United States and European Union), the increasing pressures on the old institutional structures (such as UN), the strengthening of a new geography of trade, relations South-South and the role of emerging countries, and, finally, the creation of new diplomatic initiatives, such as ASA, ASPA, the FIA and FOCAC, for example. Therefore, this article suggests a set of reflections on the transition and the systemic erosion of hegemonic structures of power from the data collected on relations between Africa and the BRIC. First, there is evidence of the relationship between

systemic transition and multi-polarization, expressed especially by strengthening SouthSouth relations and the formation of a new geography of trade, especially between Africa and the BRIC group. Second, the subject on canvas, Russia is offset not only by its history, but his statement on the African continent, since the country still seeks to preserve the legacy of the USSR and assert themselves in their own region. Third, Africa, the continent marginalized in international relations, it is rated as "testing ground" of international changes, precisely at the time of reaffirmation of their national interests . Why Africa is now so important? Here is the answer. Africa provides, in relation to world production, a significant proportion of the following raw materials: diamond (75%), gold (70%), cobalt (70%), platinum (46%), chromium (36%), manganese (30%), copper (20%), and uranium (20%). In essence, these riches are concentrated in Southern Africa: South Africa, Namibia, Angola, Zambia and Democratic Republic of Congo. Regarding to hydrocarbons, phosphorus, iron and uranium, the Maghreb and its surrounding areas are a non-negligible area (Morocco, Western Sahara, Mauritania, Niger, Algeria and Libya). What we can see is that these raw materials are vital to the economies of industrialized countries. Therefore, access and control of the deposits are reasons determining the presence of various countries in Africa. This is what is at stake in Africa