Has Work-Sharing Worked in Germany?
Jennifer Hunt
The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 114, No. 1 (Feb., 1999), 117-148.
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‘Thu Now 17 10:21:34 2005HAS WORK-SHARING WORKED IN GERMANY?*
Jexwirer Hoxr
Starting in 195, (West) German unions began to reduce standard hours on an
indugtey-byrndustey basi, In an abtempt to raise employment. Whether this
‘worsharing" vorks is theoretically embiguous. { exploit the crass-induatry
variation in standard hours reductions to examine their imapact on actal hours
worked, wages, and employment. Analysis of industay-level data suggests that
“workcsharing” may have reduced amployrnant in the poriod 1984 1994. Using
{ndividua) data from the German Socie-Benromic Panel, I eubstantate the union
Claim of "ull wage compensation: the hourly wage rove encugh W offat the
Aecline im setal hours worked,
‘There is a widespread popular belief that unemployment can
be reduced by reducing the number of hours worked per person.
‘The reasoning is usually based on the idea that labor input is
fixed, and itis thought that ifeach worker works fewer hours, this
work can be spread over mote workers, and employment will rise,
This is known as work-shating, However, if restrictions on hous
make labor less attractive to employers, they will substitute to
other inputs, and there will also be a scale effect reducing use of all
inputs.
Interest in work-sharing resurfaces periodically in different
countries, and has been particularly high in Burope in recent,
years, following the rise in unemployment since the mid-1970s,
‘The tool of choice in Europe for the reduction of working hours is a
reduction in the standard workweek that is, a reduction in the
number of hours beyond which an overtime premium must: be
paid. In the 1980s the French government mandated reductions
in the standard workweek, and the Belgian government, created
incentives for employers to cut hours, while German unions have
achieved more far-reaching reductions on an industey-by.
industry basis. In 1998 the French government presented plans to
legislate a reduction in standard hours from 29 to 35, while
* Thank Alison Booth, Michael Burda, Haward Lazear, Daniel Hamersnea,
‘Michoal Lochnar, John. Psncavel, Anoo Hackon Royalty, Joe. Waldiogel, and
feminae parieipanta 2. the Deutsches Tact far Wirtshafetarschingy the
Hoover Institution, the Humboldt Universitat zu Berlin, MeMlasier University
(Conforonce an Bmoployment Preteckion|, tie Nabanal Bureau gt Zeonamic Ree
earch, Norinteestarn University, Stanford University and the Zentrum fr
E Wistodtforscuang (Cnsverstat anml) for eggcetone Be
band Blaine provided me with eaeaniatnfarmation, and Treas Rauherger cx
Rrudrew Bearkman were invaluable io setting ap the GROEP data. Ths research
‘was princally conducted whilel was a National Melow at the Hoover nsttation.
1 1960 bythe President and Fellows of Havas Cllge andthe Massoenselia Iai of
Technsbow.
Tre Quarry doureat of Beotamizn, Pabesoey 1969
uy8 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
similar moves were made in Italy. In the United States mandated
overtime premiums have been preferred as an inducement, to
work-sharing (the 50 percent. premium is higher than typical
premiums in Eurape). The use of standard hours as an hours-
reducing tool introduces further ambiguity into the thearetical
problem, however, since employers have the option of shifting to
using more overtime.
‘Most studies of reductions in standard hours have relied on
aggregate time series, where the effect of falling standard hours
could be confounded with the effect af another variable trending
down. In this paper I take advantage af the industry-level
variation in standard hours reductions in (West) Germany to
identify the impact on employment and other variables, The
reductions, negotiated between unions and employers, began with
the metalworking and printing sectors in 1985, where standard
hours fell in steps from 40 ta 36 between 1984 and 1994. Most
other sectors had a smaller reduction beginning later, commonly
in 1989, Since many of the reductions were agreed ta ceveral years
in advance, and could not be amended in response to unforeseen
economie changes, they are taken to be exagenous.
‘There appears tobe a consensus in Germany that this episode
of reductions in standard hours translated largely into reductions
in actual hours per worker, although this has not been examined
using micro-data.? These is less consensus on the jaint movement
of wages and standard hours, however, which is critical tothe final
impact on employment. On the one hand, unions claim to have
achieved standard hours reduction with “full wage compensa-
tion,® that is, no reduction in monthly pay, which suggests that
hourly wages may have risen in affected industries relative to
those with no standard hours reductions. On the other hand,
observers including union observers suggest that standard hours
reductions eaused “wage restraint.” It is generally believed that
employment rose, despite an almost total absence of ecanametirie
Sing tat mblayiont so whan hour ar cut include Hare ad
Sarge Pai and Seatarel (068) Pane and Reni), Wodlvent
(Gastar eg! 1808 Sudesh fang emplarment yo eet nude
Brana 1989) ong aed Bavinwsor[aGo) nc Latiront S901] Fare oh
Bidar od Wien [ab ane oewcction aration ty aours, and Anno eee
2° For example Silo aad Zeige 1987] ihre that dhe matalworting
inausicy quetimg rane Hy one-third of am hou presporce to fane-hocr fal
tinder hour Thi gwen responce larger than tt ealenated by eaten
‘hk nk rr be peal cases a
Testi riled by the eral of Lebment [1991 while the
tend Sn ny 190 dest housy wages tous wb Avene
Boum reducaoe