The American City in Brazil: Revealing Some Aspects of One Cultural Relationship, 1876 1945.

"Preparado para apresentao no Congresso de 2009 da LASA (Associao de Estudos Latino-Americanos), no Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, de 11 a 14 de junho de 2009."

The American City in Brazil: Revealing Some Aspects of One Cultural Relationship, 1876 1945. This paper aims to explain the making of a relationship between Brazil and the United States between 1876 - when the Emperor Pedro de Alcantara went to the United States to participate of the Centennial Exhibition held in Philadelphia - and 1945 - when the World War II was finished, and the presence of goods, equipments and the way of life from the United States got the most relevant levels in the whole world. The papers object can be understood like a plural one: not only the architecture, but also the whole urban culture in that time. The Brazilian enthusiasm for the American City is analyzed by the trajectory of architects, engineers and intellectuals and prove the importance of the United States for the construction of a Modern City in Brazil, following the American example.
1 An America not so far from here.
I received a magazine from So Paulo and I would like to thank it. The name of this magazine is Klaxon. In beginning, I thought that it was a magazine advertising for any brand of American cars. I was certain about it, because a publication with this weird name just could be invented by American merchants to sell their product. Lima Barreto, 1922 [2005].

As pointed by Jeffrey W. Cody in the book Exporting American Architecture: 1870 2000 the first milestone of the U.S. assertion in the commercial relations between the countries of America and even Europe, was the Centennial Exposition of Independence of the United States. The International Exhibition of Arts, Manufactures and Products of the Soil and Mine, known as The Centennial Exhibition, held in Philadelphia, from May 1876 to mid-1877, is a key point for this paper. The initiative, more to celebrate the independence of the US, had, also, the goal of exposing Americans inventions to several countries of the world (PESAVENTO, 1997). Imbued with the character of the "Celebration of the Progress", as pointed by Sandra Jatahy Pesavento, the Centennial was a follower of the ideology started with the Great International Exhibition, emerged in 1850 in England. In fact, the Centennial Exposition of American Independence showed, with preponderance, the creations of United States and revealed the expansionist intentions of manufacturers of that nation. The Centennial, according Pesavento:
"Was accompanied by the publication of many works illustrative and explanatory of the nations development during one hundred years of its independent life. The meaning was clear laudatory, and America was presented as the land of the Promise, the greatest example of democracy on the planet, the nation that, from a modest home was able to match, after a century, with the major powers of the world. (...) According to their self-assessment, the United States not only had given the world a demonstration of his genius as America has proven to be a nation in the first world (...) [that exceeded the old countries of] Europe by its mass production and the ingenious inventions that made it easier and more comfortable everyday life (PESAVENTO, 1997: 149, 152).

This new range of "make the daily life easier" was exploited by the hosts with cunning. Cody showed the impressive success of the Centennial and pointed that the international press helped to crystallize the idea of the United States as the land of the greatest technological advances of the nineteenth century (CODY, 2003: 6-7). Brazil has also been achieved by the effects of this fair, especially with the journey of Emperor Pedro II as official guest of the American government. The presence of the Brazilian emperor at the event inaugurated a new era on several fronts in the BrazilUnited States relationship. Although he stated that traveling as a Brazilian citizen and not as the head of state,i Pedro II aroused interest in the American press, because he was the first monarch to travel to the U.S. before the independence" (Schwarcz, 2003: 374 ). The presence of the Brazils imperial chief in the North America, for nearly three months, allowed him to the physical contact with American schools, scientific institutions and museums. Pedro II also was invited to participate of the inauguration of roads and factories, to visit Niagara Falls and to be closer to the legacy of one of his favorite intellectuals, the naturalist Louis Agassizii. It is important to show that the presence of Dom Pedro II in the United States, as well in other foreign locations he have visited1, put him in contact with several inventions of his century, as the photography2, the telephone3 and the electricity4, which ended up being taken and distributed in Brazil, by his action. A trip to the Philadelphia Exhibition, although this appears in the history of relations that Brazil - the United States as an isolated case, should not be seen this way. Although it is not possible to create a genealogy of intellectual, commercial and urban relations with the US taking, only, the presence of Dom Pedro II there, we can use the tour of the emperor as an important milestone for the start of a new relationship between the two nations, which was successively expanded during the following decades. The presence of the monarch in the same place of the inventions, products and in the midst of the American symbols of "development and progress", crystallized the acceptance of American paradigms in Brazil. Dom Pedro II, as shown Lilia Schwarcz, granted the United States the epitome of a progressive land: "the great American nation" (Schwarcz, 2003: 373). This statement illustrate that there was not a great distance between Brazil and United States in the XIX Century. In addition, we can affirm that the Brazilian presence in the Centennial improved the commercial partnership and the transmission of cultural references among the countries. The monarch that had desired to be a scientist tried and ordered American products, disseminating it in many Brazilian cities. In addition, the emperor charged respectability to the U.S. science and, consequently, to the American scientists. It was important to understand some ways of interaction between Brazil and the United States from the decade of 1870. The Brazilian participation in 1876 fair also created the idea that the South American country could become closer to the United States. This Centennial not only pushed the country to get technology and manufactured goods in US, but forced the improvement and the expansion of its foreign market by its stand. The Brazilian intention was to increase local sales of agricultural products such as rubber, cocoa and coffee, and, in

addition, to demonstrate the various types of industry from the provinces. Thus, in 1874, was established by imperial decree, the committee responsible for organizing the Brazilian participation in the event. The committee was allocated within the portfolio of the Ministry of Agriculture and was made by Count D'Eu (chairman), the Viscount of Jaguary (1st vice president), the Viscount of Bom Retiro (2nd vice president), the Viscount de Souza Franco, the Comendador Antnio Joaquim de Azevedo (Members), the Director Francisco Ignacio Marcondes Homem de Mello and the Count of Bonfim (Commissioners) (ALMANAK Laemmert, 1874: 81; 1876: 91). Through the report of the Minister of Agriculture, published in Almanak Laemmert in 1875, we can not only understand the preparatory stages of the exhibition in Philadelphia as in Brazil, but also the concept used by the committee in that work:
"To promote and provide the preparatory work for the exhibition of Brazilian products in the compartment, with the extension of 1851 square meters, which was designed in the palace built in Fairmount Park in Philadelphia, I appointed the head of the Brazilian Legation in Washington, Director Pedro Antonio de Carvalho Borges. (...) In April of this year must be held exhibitions in the provinces of their industrial products, and in the Court on September 7 in order to make selection of which are to be sent to Philadelphia. (...) I had send recommendations to the presidencies of states to do their utmost in order that you obtain the best products, and in quantities that have shown the activity and progress of various branches of national industry. These recommendations have been generally observed, and it is expected that Brazil occupies a place of distinction between religious people, even in concept, although severe, the American professionals" (ALMANAK Laemmert, 1876: 92-93).

In the United States, in 1876, Pedro II with the American President Ulysses Simpson Grant, triggered "the Corliss engine, generating force to prove that all machines" of Machinery Hall, the pavilion for the display of the technological advances of participating countries (KUHLMANN JUNIOR, 1996: 38). The generator Corliss - "big as a house" in the language of his contemporaries - announcing the superlative character of the American technology that would be one of the marks of the American civilization during the twentieth century. After the Centennial, Brazil was contacted by some American institutions devoted to science. These institutions were interested in exchanges with similar institutions in Brazil, as shown Heloisa Maria Bertol Domingues. Concerning this author, in 1876 the National Museum in Rio de Janeiro received requests from the Department of Agriculture, in Washington D.C., from the Smithsonian Institution of Philadelphia and from the Department of Agriculture of the State of Illinois about exchange of seeds of American forests by Brazilian wood, fruits, fiber, botanical features, fossils, plants, and some other symbols of science in the XIX Century (Domingues, 1999: 211). But Brazil has not been represented in the United States only during the Centennial. The strengthening of relations between the two countries, after that event, allowed Brazil to be invited to take part in other exhibitions promoted in the "Land of Uncle Sam". Often, the country has exposed not only their agricultural production, but also the industrial goods produced, as the imperial report showed us. Carlos Lemos noted, for example, that for the international exhibition of Saint Louis, concluded in 1904, the Lyceum of Arts and Crafts of Sao Paulo won a prize "with a swivel stand that the President of the State Bernardino de Campos order, whose design shows kinship with the work of Mackmurdo" (LEMOS, 1993: 53).

The effective participation of Brazil in the events hosted in the United States is systematized in Table 1, below. Through it will understand that the country responded to several calls, almost always built their own pavilions, linked to the architectural language internationally accepted in those moments. Without doubt, these spaces served to broaden the American imagination about the country and, concomitantly, to generate a positive image of the U.S. products in Brazil.
TABLE 1:

INTERNATIONAL FAIRS IN THE UNITED STATES WITH EFFECTIVE PARTICIPATION OF BRAZIL

Systematization: F. Atique YEAR 1876 1884 1893 1904 1926 1933 1939 1939 PLACE Philadelphia New Orleans Chicago Saint Louis Philadelphia Chicago San Francisco New York NAME United States Centennial International Exhibition World's Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition Worlds Columbian Exposition Louisiana Purchase Exposition United States Sesquicentennial International Exposition Century of Progress Exposition San Francisco Golden Gate Exposition New York Worlds Fair WAY OF PARTICIPATION Pavilion Stand Pavilion Pavilion Pavilion Pavilion Pavilion Pavilion

Than the Centennial, Brazil participated in one of the most important international exhibitions happened in the United States, held under the pretext of celebrating the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus. The World's Columbian Exposition held in Chicago on the shores of Lake Michigan, in 1893, can be seen as one of the first attempts to clarify the technological and economic power of the United States. During the time of Monroe Doctrine, and under the purpose of "celebration of America" - the "New World" discovered by Columbus - the host country showed to the European countries and to the other American countries, the power and the economic potential of the U.S. At that time, architectural identities that become symbols of the American continent were revealed by the fairs, including the Chicagos World Fair. The Renaissance Spanish, used in the California State Pavilion, became an option of style to express the "American unity" through the resumption of Iberian colonial plasticconstructive. The committee that was responsible to organize the Brazilian participation in this event was formed by Republicans, because the establishment of this political system in Brazil, had occurred a few years ago. The Chicagos Fair was seen as a great chance to demonstrate to the other nations of the world the alignment of the Brazil with its neighbors, cooperating with the idea of America as the locus of democracy. The Brazilian pavilion was designed by the military engineer Francisco Marcelino de Sousa Aguiar, binding to the constructive trend of the fair: the white city, proposed by Daniel Burnham. The pavilion was decorated in its central front, with "indigenous figures, allegorical to the Brazilian Republic", which attracted attention and approval of the hosts and showed a dose of exoticism (PESAVENTO, 1997: 214). Marcelino Sousa Aguiar was, further, the author of the So Luiz Palace, then renamed as Monroe Palace, originally designed as a Brazilian pavilion of Saint Louis Fair in the exhibition, held in 1904 to commemorate the purchase of Louisiana by the Americans. With this building, Brazil was celebrated by the U.S. press, because its pavilion was judged with an example of harmony of lines and quality of space. Its important to say that this pavilion received the gold medal in Grand Prix World of Architecture, passed

parallel to the exposure (PESAVENTO, 1997). While it was in the United States for this exhibition in 1904, Sousa Aguiar was asked to do some research for the Brazilian government. Among these investigations, was the request made by the Minister of Interior, the analysis of institutions for grants to encourage the design of new buildingsite of the National Library, in Rio, and the study of bills production to improve the services of the House of Money and the American system of manufacture of cordite (www.fau.ufrj.br/brasilexpos/f2-1893.html. Accessed on 23 Apr 2007). The search for Sousa Aguiar seem to have been successful, at least in regard to the implementation of the National Library, as the writer Lima Barreto, in an article published in the Correio da Manh of Rio de Janeiro on January 13, 1915, explained that the library was a "American Palace" that's so magnificent, chase the Rio citizen who wished to go read (BARRETO, 2005: 64). Another person connected to the Brazilian modernization, in course in those decades, who also felt attracted by the "American news" was Delmiro Gouveia. He visited the exhibition in Chicago in 1893, knowing not only the pavilions, but also the very concepts of urban spaces, architecture and technology showed there. As pointed by Telma Correia de Barros, "the project of the Derbys market" - a shopping and entertainment center built by Gouveia in Recife, in 1899 - "has been deeply marked [by] architectural values of [the Fair], with particular inspiration in Fisheries Building, designed by H. Ives Cobb"(Correia, 1998: 195 -196). Brazil was represented, again, an international fair the U.S. in 1926, in celebration of the Sesquicentennial Exposition, occurred in Philadelphia. According to the research in Brazilian journals, the country did not participate and neither built a pavilion (COSTA, 1997). However, the research made in the United States showed that Brazil not only built a structure in Fairmount Park, but also had the 15th of November 1926 named as the "Brazilian Day". In those date, the Brazilian ambassador in Washington D.C., Gurgel do Amaral was received at the exhibition with brilliant staff (AUSTIN, HAUSER: 1929: 8, 412 - 413). In 1939, the country participated of two of other Exhibitions in the United States: in the New Yorks Fair - constantly studied in Brazil because the importance of Brazilian pavilion designed by Oscar Niemeyer and Lucio Costa and decorated by Paul Lester Weiner - and in San Francisco Golden Gate Exposition, whose pavilion was designed following the architectural lines of Marcello Piacentini. In fact, the project of this pavilion was responsibility of the American architect Gardner Dailey, with collaboration of Ernest Born (displays) and Berlandina Jane and Robert Howard (mural) (ARCHITECTURAL FORUM, jun 1939:492 - 493). After 1939, the Brazilian participation in events in the United States decreased, much by the loss of meaning of such type of exposure. The same can not be said, however, with respect to participation in professional conferences and other meetings of politicaleconomic content, which only increased over the decades of the twentieth century. An example that illustrates well the attraction by the Brazilians by the American academic world is the professor of the Central School of Dentistry, in Rio de Janeiro, the dentist Coelho e Souza. In 1911, Coelho e Souza went, for a brief season, to the United States to improve his career in the Dental School of the University of Pennsylvania. In Philadelphia, a city where the university is based, Souza Coelho took contact with he called the "American civilization". In 1922, Coelho e Souza was sent by the Brazilian

Society of Dentistry for Philadelphia to attend the 7th International Dental Congress. This trip, which was expanded to other locations around the U.S. nation, and, also, to Canada, resulted in the book published with name Impresses dos Esatdos Unidos (Impressions of the United States), launched in Rio de Janeiro in 1927. The aim of the book, according to its author, was to provide his fellow, the Brazilian dentists, of references about the U.S., facilitating the exchange of ideas and culture (SOUZA, 1927: 2). In fact, we have to consider the hypothesis that this voyage of Coelho e Souza has achieved great repercussion in Brazil, and more, that his book provide important material to stimulate the Brazilians to visit the "Land of Uncle Sam" finding and transporting solutions of space, as described below:
"In the U.S. we can find many automatic solutions, but the most interesting that I noticed there was the restaurant service. It is not similar to the method adopted by the Young Womens Christian Association in the Largo da Carioca, in Rio, which is not new to us. (...) The costumer gets his tray and cutlery. Scrolls the display and see what you want. The choice made, cast by his opening the currency representing the value of the dish. Immediately the door of the niche that houses the dish with the sweet opens, the person removes it and sits at the table to consume it" (SOUZA, 1926: 55).

Coelho e Souza was, in the other hand, so critical with the indelicacy of the American men, in special with the women, but it is important to say that he was explicit with the celebration of the technology that he found there(SOUZA, 1927: 55). Commenting on many aspects of American life, Coelho e Souza trained many readers to go to the United States to experience, on-site, everything he described. In the professional field of dentistry, for example, many journals were created in Brazil, producing materials with eyes in the United States. The journal Brasil Odontolgico, (Brazilian Dental) for example, not only circulated throughout the Brazilian territory, for some decades, but was sent, also, to the United States, to supply of information professionals and Brazilian students living in that nation. In any case, for those unable to cross the American continent, there remained the option to purchase the products "made in USA, in Brazil, helping to stimulate a behavior nominated by Souza as irrevocable". In a specific understanding it means that the Brazilian must have to know and to buy the machines created to do everything: washing, cleanliness of the house etc"(SOUZA, 1927: 54). Regarding the arrival of American products to Brazil, we discovered some aspects that are important not only to the comprehension about what Brazilians have acquired, but also, what the Americans sold to the tropics. Searching Almanak Laemmert, published in Rio de Janeiro, between 1844 and 1889, there were some "claims" that illustrate the North American industry sent to be sold in the former Brazilian capital, in the half of the nineteenth century. In the Almanak, the products linked to the United States were identified as, "American stores chairs, mats from India to quilt and bed rooms, and other items from India and North America." The distributors listed, in 1859, for example, were Felix Antonio Vaz & Cia, and Jos Antonio Pedroso (Almanak Laemmert, 1859: 409). Already around 1870, we could identify to other distributors: Manoel Olegrio Abranches, whose commerce was at the Rua da Alfndega, in the heart of the imperial capital (Almanak Laemmert, 1876: 574). In this almanac was possible to verify also the existence of a store called "The Two Americas" owned by Generoso Estrella & Queiroz, where was possible to find products made in England, France, German, Austria, U.S., and many types of mechanisms, agricultural objects,

garden ornaments, and a large assortment of foodstuffs for domestic use and for travel, wholesale and retail "(Almanak Laemmert, 1877: 748). This same company supplied the Rei da Dor (King of Pain), imported from New York (Almanak Laemmert, 1877: 748). Laemmert had, in addition, notices of telegraph companies, of shipping companies and international newspapers, among which is the "New World" presented in the claim as "the first illustrated newspaper of the Portuguese language in America, written by Brazilians, in New York, with a special destiny to Brazil"(Almanak Laemmert, 1880: 941). The objective of this publication, according to their announcement, was to provide access to various news about the United States and the rest of the world, and make available to the public reader "delicate pictures and articles of transcendent importance (...) and a section for the ladies, as illustrated in costumes, embroidery and other things worthy of consideration" found in that country (Almanak Laemmert, 1880: 941). The historian Luiz Felipe de Alencastro illuminate the knwouledge about the commercial relation between Brazil and U.S. by means of articles published in Histria da Vida Privada no Brasil (History of the Private Life in Brazil), in the volume of the Brazilian imperial period. Alencastro says that in the first decades of the XIX century, the people that need to cross the U.S. country side by side, had to navigate from the East coast to West Coast by the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans by the American continent. In this trajectory, the American vessels docked in many cities in Brazil, such as Salvador da Bahia and Rio. In each stop many American products were distributed. As pointed by Alencastro the main house of importing American genera of Rio de Janeiro was the Nathaniel Sands. This store published advertisements in Brazilian newspapers announcing that they sold "fabrics, machine threshing of corn () industrial products etc"(Alencastro, 1997: 41). The range of products "made in USA" left in the Brazilian port cities was much higher than those found in the pages of the newspapers or in the Almanak Laemmert. Even in the decade of 1870 it was possible to buy in Salvador da Bahia, for example, sewing machines, furniture, iron and, mainly, from pocket watches, known as "ceboles", which helped to change the time for religious time to the mechanic in the country (ALENCASTRO, 1997: 42-43; MATTOSO, 1997: 165). However, beyond this initial period of trade - that certainly was upset when the Americans wish their connections coast to coast -, Brazil, seeking a more economical approach, concluded in 1891, a treaty of economic reciprocity by which "favors entry of American machinery and of wheat flour, and the United States gave similar treatment to our coffee" (Singer, 1975: 375). As a possible reflection of this agreement, there is news in the home area of So Paulo, the presence of an iron stove "with the coil [and] imported from the United States (...) known as' economic stove." This stove was baptized in this way "because it allowed the better use of wood, adding to the fact that provided the heating of water to be used in faucets and bath, at once, promoting a gain of the time to be spent on household chores, line, therefore, the concept of "technological progress" sought by national elites in those years (Homem, 2003: 131). This product could be purchased on the Rua da Imperatriz, under the name "Uncle Sam", in a store called George Harvey & Silva. (A Provncia de So Paulo, Dec 28, 1879, quoted by Homem, 2003: 130). Another product which, although restricted to very wealthy homes, caused repercussions in the city of So Paulo at the end of the XIX century was the "American refrigerator also imported from the United States. This tool home "was made with wooden structure and, internally, sheets of Flanders, which were placed on blocks of

ice delivered daily by breweries in the capital. Allied to its high cost, Maria Ceclia Naclerio Homem pointed a few other drawbacks of the "machine" in question "only worked during the time that we had ice and let the water thawed on the floor (Homem, 1996: 132). In the Brazilian trade balance, some other arrangements were made with explicit gain of the United States. The taxation on several occasions have been reduced resulting in the spread, in the main capital of the country, of American products, such as "condensed milk, manufactured rubber, wheat flour, clocks, fruits, paints and varnishes" In 1910, the country began to receive also "cement, corsets and dried fruit" broadening the range of U.S. products in the country (Singer, 1975: 375). We have to point out too, that the Brazilian musical scenery and its ways of leisure were modified by the presence of American products. In 1891, in Belm do Par, a phonograph, produced by Brand Pacific, was landed by a Hungarian named Friedrich Figner, newly egress from New Orleans. "Fred" Figner to be known as the "pioneer of the disc and the phonograph in Brazil" was, until the 1930s, the main importer and dealer in phonograph, cylinder glass for recording, discs and other sound gear in Brazil (S, 2002: 15). Between 1891, year of arrival in Belm until 1896, when he opened the first store specializing in the audio sector in Rio de Janeiro, Figner circulated by various locations such as Manaus, Fortaleza, Natal, Parahyba (now Joo Pessoa), Recife, So Paulo, and several cities of Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul, which reached even Montevideo and Buenos Aires. Figner take these trips, at first, only reported the phonograph, which was "paid hearings," but over time came to take, also for sale, discs and other equipment, mostly, North American. The success that was achieved Figner both, that their stores in Rio de Janeiro became known throughout the country, especially one that was named "Casa Edison," in honor of the American, inventor of the phonograph (S, 2002: 15-21. More American equipment arrived in So Paulo City, even at the end of the nineteenth century. In 1884, the first telephone equipment were installed in So Paulo City, and one year before, 680 were in the entire state, which demonstrates the possibility of connections, not only between various locations in the same city, but also between So Paulo and Santos, and also between the various towns and farms of coffee in the hinterland of the state (LOVE, 1982: 130). Regarding the increase of costumers in Brazil, Ana Luiza Martins shown in Revistas em Revista: imprensa e prticas culturais em tempos de Repblica (Journals: media and cultural practices in times of Republic), that the journals of the first decades of the twentieth century saw the woman - the responsible for the household -, as a potential client, capable of influencing the decisions of the family. Martins says, therefore, that the journals published in Brazil, to ensure "the preference for imported product at the expense of similar recent national went to abuse of adjectives like "Parisian chic"still in the idea that Europe was the locus of the sophistication - and modern young Yankee- introducing a vision of American woman as dynamic and innovative. This strategy brought selling from "restorative for offspring, dentifrices for the family, food, soap-quality" cooking up "American oil coolers and the other thousands of manufactured products with American accent, many of which were produced in country (MARTINS, 2001: 379).

Mrcia Padilha, in a study on urban life of So Paulo in the 1920s, added other elements to the list of products originating in the United States, available in Brazil's Old Republic. Draws attention to analysis of this author on the feminine universe, widely exploited by advertising that decade. Padilha showed that many American products were offered to women by their key role in the decision of the expenses of the Brazilian family, particularly because this effect, found here, was also present in the United States, facilitating in this way, not only the offer of direct goods, such as recycling of American ads, many times. Two ads cited by Padilha give the tone of how the United States were involved, little by little, the "oomph" women. The wax for skin Franck Lloyd, heralded in the Cigarra Magazine, March 1926, said that "without doubt, the woman, along with the excellent education, there should be a healthy skin" (A CIGARRA, 1926, cited by Padilha, 2001: 126). Years before, the same journal published the importance of "Beauty Parlors" for Brazilian women, emphasizing the element as the American equivalent to Europe in terms of refinement:
"The Institute of Modern Beauty set will street Libero Badar, 49 (mezzanine) has all the modern apparelhos requiring the progress of science, for the beauty care. Office of manicure, pedicure, massages, waxing, faciaes baths, steam baths and light, washing of head, violet rays, heat, highvoltage, etc.. Directed by Professor of beauty Hygienic dra. Titania S. of Grate, degree in Paris and Buenos Aires. Pedicure graduates by "the School of Chiropedy of New York" (A Cigarra, 1926, quoted by Padilha: 126).

Its is important to say that the notion of "civility" in those times, involves the concept of cleanliness and hygiene. Aware of this effect and, to a large extent, the actors of it, the U.S. companies established in the country began to show that one of the "progress of science" in that period, was to provide healthy appearances. So to the woman, but to the man too, the health care and the "civilized appearance" were conditions of success in the modernizing city. Thus, the man should use blades "brownie" produced by "Gillett Safety Razor do Brazil", and dental creams, such as "Kolynos" (A Cigarra, 1923, quoted by Padilha, 2001: 128 - 129). The proliferation of this type of advertisement, linked with the increasing population of Brazilian cities during the first decades of the twentieth century, facilitated the emergence of department stores, no doubt, a novelty in terms of retailing in Brazil. The Mappin Store was the retail that attracted the most public because of its pioneering spirit and its diversity of products. Founded in the eighteenth century, in the village of Sheffield, in Great Britain, by Mappin and Webb families, the store achieved fame and character of its department store in the nineteenth century, in the same period when, in the United States, this type of trade is widened (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Selfridges. Accessed on 17 Jan 2007). From Sheffield, the store moved to London and, from there, opened branches in Argentina and Brazil. The paulista version was founded by brothers Walter and Hebert Mappin in the street Quinze de Novembro, in 1913. In 1919 the store moved to the Praa do Patriarca, and in 1939, moved-into the Praa Ramos de Azevedo, opposite to the Municipal Theater of So Paulo. The Mappin, despite its British origin, sold many products with American origin. Padilha showed that beside the traditional tea of five, of English accent, the Mappin selling household items, books and goods of the most attended in Europe and the United States" (Padilha, 2001: 88). The presence of a store of these proportions, in the heart of the city of So Paulo, just emphasized something that was already noticed in a large scale in several Brazilian cities: the host of the United States as the benchmark Brazilian domestic life.

As showed by the book A vida cotidiana no Brasil moderno: a energia eltrica e a sociedade brasileira (1880-1930), (everyday life in modern Brazil: the Brazilian society and electrical power (1880-1930)), a publication of the Electricity Memory Center in Brazil, references to the United States arrived with great force not only in the Brazilian public space, for means for businesses and offices involved with the construction of the infrastructure of the cities, but also in the domestic space. The American reference to the daily domestic live is showed by the book as transformed by another kind of media: the radio. Although the Italian Marconi is recognized as the official father of the radio, the transmission of stories and songs for this vehicle is due to Reginald Fessenden, a Canadian who lives in the United States. There, in 1910, a schedule of daily news and events geared to entertainment and leisure was fixed, showing adherence to this type of programming both in the workplace, as in the house (ELETRCIDADE CENTER OF MEMORY IN BRAZIL, 2001: 215). In Brazil, in the 1920s, this way of transmitting news and music would be introduced. In 1922, when the opening of the Centennial International Exhibition of Independence, in Rio de Janeiro, the first radio transmission was made using equipment from Westinghouse Electric Company, installed on top of Corcovado. In 1923, Roquete Morize Henrique Pinto opened the first Brazilian commercial broadcaster, the Radio Society of Rio de Janeiro. In March 1923, in Pernambuco, also a group of guys would broadcast systematically (ELETRCIDADE CENTER OF MEMORY IN BRAZIL, 2001: 217). In 1927, on account of customs agreements, the old and few radios of galena were removed, gradually, the Brazilian market, and electrical appliances, from American origin, in particular, were brought. Brands such as Crosley and Zenith were sold in the country in places dedicated to the lighting, as Byington & Cia, and were advertised in several magazines, as Careta, A Casa, and others. In the second half of the 1920s, for example, the journal A Casa (The House) in one of his subjects discussed the transformation of domestic space and the need to provide the new homes with switch plugs intending the reception and the good use of American equipments. The journal pointed that the project must reserve spaces to accommodate
"All possible facilities that sooner or later, would be needed. It is embedded in the walls and cabinets in appropriate spaces, (...), dismantled tables, and the profusion of types of sockets and switch plugs at all points of the housing, to allow the placement of lamps, fans, irons and ironing, etc., in short, all that is needed today to be a civilized life" (A Casa, n. 32, dec, 1926).

The Brazilians also found other American references in their daily life, in special in those that refers to the simplification and organization of domestic life. The major space transformed was the kitchen. The kitchen received the water supplies, sewage and energy networks that came, gradually, to the Brazilian cities. Back, in fact, the first half of the nineteenth century, when Catherine Esther Beecher wrote works such as A Treatise on Domestic Economy, for the Use of Young Ladies at Home and at school, in 1841, which postulated rules for simplifying the work home and gave instructions for the enhancement of women's work. Due to the work of Beecher in the United States has developed an intense reworking of the environmental services of houses, and U.S. industry began to build and develop equipment that marked the debate triggered by Beecher. Interesting example of the ancestry of Beecher and his followers for the formulation of a new spatiality for the kitchen is the kitchen of Frankfurt. Developed by the team of architect Ernst May in the first period of reconstruction after war, the idea of the compact area of work supplemented by drawers and shelves designed from

the duties of cooking and food preparation has its origin in the United States. At the time of construction of household units by the team of May, it appointed the architect Grete Shutter Lihotsky to apply the principles developed by Christine Frederick and Mary Pattison, two neighbors in a company town in the United States. Lihotsky had studied the proposals of Frederick Pattison and through that both the books published, names of, respectively, Household engineering: scientific management in the home and Principles of Domestic Engineering in the period 1915 to 1919. In these works, the idea of compact kitchens with appliances and plugins for many shelves for the various household utensils were recommended. May's team developed a proposal, applying it to several sets of Frankfurt housing. For this reason received the name, although the genesis of this proposition is the United States. In Brazil, the principles of spatial arrangement of the "kitchen of Frankfurt" were used in the Realengos housing unit, in Rio de Janeiro, designed by the architect Carlos Frederico Ferreira, in the 1930s. However, the American solutions for the kitchen were already visible here in the early years of the twentieth century. However, we emphasize that the great change in the design of the kitchens occurred in the 1940s, when the country could receive in a more systematic manner, the production of canned food. The cans of sausage, sardines, sauces and vegetables were so visible inside the Brazilian kitchens. Because of World War II, the principle of Case Study House and streamlined kitchens came to Brazil, and seems to be rooted to the present day (IRIGOYEN, 2005). If U.S. products were able to change many aspects of everyday life in Brazil, is time to understand how the theories applied in the U.S. industrial scenery also attracted the attention of Brazilians. 2 United States: the industrial locus of Americas In the first part of this paper, we discussed how the Brazilians were attracted by the "American goods and equipments". Now is time to open space for comments for the reception of the modern industrial environment and technological advances peak in Brazil. In fact, when talking about the movement of ideas and products between the United States and Brazil, we can not fail to comment, too, as the urban environment was modified by the introduction of lighting, especially from the power matrix. According to the historian Nicolau Sevcenko, the urban life in the passage of the XIX to the XX century emphasized the fairy lights, constant and dizzying as one of the achievements of Modernity (SEVCENKO, 2000: 18). The issue of lighting and supply of electricity to the Brazilian cities were tied to the direct action of North American professionals and the incorporation of patented technology or produced by that country, along with other nations such as Germany and France (MAGALHES, 2000: 31). Even with Brazilian professionals, particularly the Polytechnic School of Sao Paulo, who developed systems of production and transmission of electric current from the nineteenth century, the lack of public investment, according to the prevailing liberalism in the period, made impossible the implementation of national inventions, paving the way for the entry of foreign money. When you talk about power in the two main urban centers of that period in Brazil - Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo - we must remember the group Light. Large-scale in the country, the group was formed by American, British and Canadianscapital and had

been made to the operation of transport by tram and electric lighting in Brazil. As the historian Joo Luiz Mximo da Silva points,
"The group of capitalists involved in the formation of Light had experience in the operation of transport services and the construction of electrified railways. Francisco Antonio Gualco (who lived and worked in Montreal) was the representative of this group in Brazil. His role was to create favorable conditions and provide coverage for the installation of the group in the country, acquiring concessions services for the company. Gualco in 1897 was associated with [the] to the Commander Augusto de Souza and obtained the grant of the electrical service road for forty years. Directed by American engineer Frederick Pearson, the organization succeeded in extending the original grant for new routes and additional authorization for the production and distribution of electric energy. In 1899, a group linked by Pearson founded the So Paulo Railway, Light and Power Limited, based in Toronto, but with English capital. In the same year, Sousa Gualco and transferred its privileges and concessions for the company now be called The So Paulo Tramway, Light and Power Company Limited" (SILVA, 2002: 18).

Tams Szmereczniy showed in one article about the history of the Light group in Brazil, that, "in practice, the Light was not a Canadian company" and the fact that "its headquarters was located in Canada", not meant that Light had a Canadian project for Brazil. This author says that the choice of Canada as the seat was due to two factors: first, the opportunity to be the next British world of investment through the Commonwealth, and, secondly, the most decisive, according Szmereczniy, "for convenience tax and financial" offered there (SZMERECZNIY, 1986: 134). In Brazil, the formed group became interested in more control of the electrification of the country. In 1900, the Light group inaugurated its first thermoelectric plants and their first line of trams. In Rio de Janeiro the Light was established in 1904 with the opening of electricity in some central points of the city during the administration of Pereira Passos. Entering into conflict with Gaffre and Guinle, a carioca company interested in the service of public lighting and transport by tram, the Light Department of State appealed to the United States, the Baron of Rio Branco and the Minister for Lauro Mller exclude competitors and, thus, its effective action in that city, although the name of Candido Gaffre and Eduardo Guinle continue working in other districts and within the fluminense (MAGALHES, 2000: 53). The trajectory of Light, in Rio de Janeiro, is analyzed as follows by Carlos Kessel:
"The Light (...) initially secured the monopoly of supply of electricity of the Federal District, with the acquisition of a concession owned by William Reid (which dated from 1900), and the signing of an agreement with the state of Rio de January to explore the waterfall of Ribeiro das Lages. At the same time initiating the acquisition of the controlling shareholder of The Rio de Janeiro Gas Company (parent company of Socit Anonyme du Gaz, holds the concession for lighting the city's public and private) companies rails Saint Kitts, Vila Isabel, Rio and Urban Rail and the Rio de Janeiro Telephone Company, parent company of Brasilianische Elekticcitts-Gesellschaft, the German concession of telephone services (KESSEL, 2001: 34).

The reformist ideal triggered by the urban reforms of Pereira Passos, in Rio de Janeiro, and by the "Urban Improvements" of Antonio da Silva Prado, in So Paulo, favored the establishment of Anglo-Canadian Company in these locations. It should be emphasized that the public image of the Light, because of its field of action, and depending on who hired, supported the North American image of "progress" and "made urban superlatives," typical of that society. Among the North American professionals hired by Light was Frederick S. Pearson, engineer of the Metropolitan Street Railway of New York, responsible for building the plant Itupararanga in Sorocaba - high-ranking executive of the group -, and the American engineer, Asa White Kenney Billings, born

in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1876, manufacturer of the tear of the plant, the plant in Cubatao, and the dam in the escarpments of the Serra do Mar in 1926, named Billings, by its action in the idealization of the venture. The symbolic force of the enterprise shown by the Light was seen as a sign of "progress" and art in Brazil. Both were once the Revista de Engenharia Mackenzie, in an editorial of 1926, celebrating the "progress" brought by foreign hands,
"We were a people in need of full support, experience, skill and technique from abroad, foreign friends and values, finding that on us, financial and economic sources, awakens in us and for us, so many similar interests" (Revista de Engenharia Mackenzie, quoted by Magalhes, 2000: 66).

In 1912, as shown Tams Szmereczniy, was formed a holding company that took the name of Brazilian Traction, which is subordinated to both the Light of Sao Paulo in Rio Shares of the company were sold in London, checking large profits and paying slightly British investors lead on the Americans, but they also continued not only in number of the company, as printed in time, business process management methods and Americans (Szmereczniy, 1986: 135). In commercial terms, to disclose the Light "American world" in that matter and exposed electrical appliances in shop windows in cities that acted as it did for the first time in 1908, in the Plaza Antonio Prado (Silva, 2002: 54). This "adviser", performed by the Light, aimed at expanding the domestic consumption of energy, it has generated and distributed, but in small proportions, both in So Paulo and Rio, those early years of the twentieth century. In line of this initiative of the Light, other companies also imported electrical products and disclosed, such as shops specializing in electrification, and to illuminate house Byington - a mechanism that mattered, the name "Standard Machina Vaccum Airgaz", focused on gas production, at home, from oil products - in addition to "The So Paulo Gas Company, which imported and marketed by gas stoves, North American, which desbancaram electric cookers sold by Light (SILVA, 2002: 32, 42, 55 ). In Rio, in turn, was the name Guinle & Co. who sold products to companies such as General Electric, Kodak and the Victor (KESSEL, 2001: 37). Also Anonyme du Gas Companies selling electrical household appliances and of several origins, especially the United States (Center Memory of Electricity in Brazil, 2001). In publications devoted to stakeholders in construction and improvement of domesticity - as architects, engineers or builders -, advertisements for machinery and appliances, as well as reports on technical development, the U.S., began to appear with greater frequency, from 1920. The magazine The House has claimed that deserve some attention. In August 1927 a notice was published which brought sell "vacuum sweepers for all purposes," American brand of Apex-Rotarex. These "crawlers" were electric vacuum cleaner that could be purchased at the "Casa & Cia Byington, General Camara the street" (A Casa, n.40, 1927: 12). In the following, published in September of that year, a brief note contained the following:
"There has long been studying the process for the projection of light images in the sky. In the United States has just been built by General Electric a powerful projector, which is approximately how much of the guns of warships. (...) There are currently being made equal to the other serving as the experience. Have a parabolic reflector of 1m, 50 in diameter and can project images on clouds situated 8 kilometers away "(A Casa, n.41, 1927: 34).

Despite the note does not indicate the applicability of the projector, the tone of the celebration of the American advances in technology is very clear. This notion that the

Americans were free technical and industrial development appears in another report of the House. In February 1926 an area on the chandelier newly installed in the building the headquarters of the Bank of Brazil in Rio - CCBB today - shows understanding of Brazilians on the American self-celebration in the world of technology and technology:
"A chandelier ... distinguished. The chandelier that has been installed in the new building of the Bank of Brazil is not even the 'the biggest in the world' as the Americans say, anxious to make the world your country gaping as possessor of things great and huge, where even landslides and various rail disaster take great proportions, but in any case is the largest in South America "(A Casa, n. 22, 1926: 26).

From 1927 we can speak of another North American conglomerate focusing directly on the energy sector: the American & Foreign Power Co., known by its acronym, AMFORP. The AMFORP was linked to the Electric Bond & Share, an arm of General Electric, and came to Brazil to operate through a subsidiary - the Companhia Auxiliar de Empresas Eltricas Brasileiras - on several fronts in this area (Magalhes, 2000: 67). The Bond & Share AMFORP through that, indeed, was a trust with offices in Mexico, Cuba, Panama and Guatemala, "acquired concessions and services for the provision of electricity to no less than 10 Brazilian states" bring "unify these services and expand them "through the successive increase of tariffs, which generated a discontent of other Brazilian companies as well as the public, leading the government of Getlio Vargas, in 1934, the lower the National Water Code that abolished the clause the gold award of contracts for services of electricity, limited to 10% profit on capital invested and established the principle of historical cost in evaluating the capital of the utilities (Szmerecznyi, 1986: 135; Singer, 1975: 388). The AMFORP was forced from the 1940s to reduce its profit margin and falls in the guidelines of the federal government with the policy of nationalization of the energy sector. In the 1960s, all companies belonging to AMFORP were nationalized (Singer, 1975: 388). The General Electric do Brasil, in turn, understood as the meeting of its various economic arms in the country, served in a systematic way between the layers urban Brazil. Ranging from energy production to the sale of electric lamps, manufactured in its industry, assembled in 1921 in the country, going further, the distribution and regulation of energy and transport household electric, and in addition to increasing import and sale of appliances (Magalhes, 2000: 69). If this brief history of AMFORP forward the notion of validity of North American economic interests in Brazil, we can say that other enterprises developed, here, since the end of the nineteenth century, attest to the attraction that Brazil engaged in outside, in "Hunters of concessions, among which the largest exponent was Percival Farquhar (Singer, 1975: 377). The multi-entrepreneur Percival Farquhar, engineer training, can be considered the greatest American tycoon to undertake large-scale ventures in Latin America, the passage of the nineteenth century to the XX. Born into a family of entrepreneurs of agricultural machinery, Farquhar involved, since the youth, business coupled with the modernization of urban transport and regional, while others have in different branches. Its economic relationship with Brazil originated in 1904 when it acquired the Rio de Janeiro Light & Power Co., through the engineers and Frederick S. Alexander Mackenzie Pearson, as seen, related to firm So Paulo Tramway Light and Power. Farquhar took this same opportunity to share control of the services of trams in Rio de Janeiro, service that was founded and directed from 1868-1883, also by Americans. In 1905, Farquhar off Anonyme du Gas Companies, and the telephone

company headed by German carioca (SINGER, 1975: 379). Also in 1905, Percival Farquhar formed business in two other regions of the country. In Bahia, through the purchase of the tramway lines of British, Dutch and German, has the Bahia Tramway, Light & Power - which then would be acquired by AMFORP. In Par, a region that was of extreme importance in terms of exploitation of latex, he founded the Port of Para, which grant you guaranteed interest of 6% on capital, plus 2% on all imports (Singer, 1975: 381). In the Amazon, the American also won the award for the completion of the Railroad Madeira - Mamor intended to provide an exit to Bolivia to the sea, after the Treaty of Petrpolis, signed in the early twentieth century by the Baron of Rio Branco, invested after the Bolivian Syndicate, trained by British and North Americans interested in exploring the Amazon area of border with Bolivia (Bueno, 2003). The branch of the railway, it should be emphasized, was what consumed greater investment of political and economic Farquhar in Brazil and neighboring countries, especially in the south. Decided to build a railroad linking it to the extreme north, Uruguay Brazil, the idea arose after Pan American Congress of 1906, held in Rio, Farquhar came to attach railways and actions, to be a line of name Brazil Railway (Singer, 1975: 384). This idea of a railroad that cut the country from south to north must be understood within a broader discussion of pan-American character. The idea of a transcontinental railroad was old idea and an important debate that processing staff in the U.S. since the last decade of the nineteenth century, which gained impetus with Theodore Roosevelt. The intention to build this railway, from the U.S., was to facilitate communication in the north-south direction, facilitating the sale of machinery and wagons for the North American countries articulated by Pan American Railway, as yet, encourage the exploitation of natural resources needed for industrialization of the North America. In a sense, the high costs for the implementation of the contract and the nationalist sentiment of the various American republics calm down the project. In any case, the construction of the Panama railroad, which came to articulate the canal built in the decade of 1910, can be seen as a pronouncement effective this intention (Bueno, 2003, Green, 1942). Another attitude that supports the idea of "Pan-American integration is the design of the railway idealized by Farquhar. The entrepreneur founded over a decade, businesses that impressed by the territorial distribution and the diversity of areas. Researcher Carlos Kessel studying links between the engineer and former mayor of Rio de Janeiro, Carlos Sampaio, remained with the group Light and Farquhar, provided a list of companies under the control of the U.S.:
Uruguay Railway Co., Parana Railway Co., Brazil Land, Cattle & Parking Co., Southern Brazil Lumber Co., E.F. Vitria Minas, Transparaguayan Railroad, Bolivian Development & Colonization Co., Compagnie Port de Rio de Janeiro, Companhia Docas do Rio de Janeiro, Assuncin Tramways, Rio de Janeiro Hotel Co., Antofagasta & Bolivia Railroad Co., Bolivia Central Railway, Compagnie Port de Rio Grande do Sul, Amazon River Steam Navigation Co., Amazon Land & Colonization Co., E.F. So Paulo-Rio Grande, Madeira-Mamor Railway, E.F. Mogiana, E.F. Sorocabana, E.F. Paulista etc (Kessel, 2001: 35).

The Syndicate Farquhar, name given to this conglomerate of companies controlled by this American man, has caused much controversy in Brazilian society, and was antitaxed by different sectors of the Brazilian economy, especially by Gaffre and Guinle, its main competitor. As noted Paul Singer, to cite S.G. Hanson (1937), this critical part of Brazilian society in relation to the concentration of services crucial to the functioning

of cities as well as coordination of the Brazilian territory in the hands of a foreigner, caused "an extraordinary outbreak of fear of territorial expansion in the U.S. Brazil and increased the growing Latin American anxiety about the Yankee imperialism" (Hanson, quoted by Singer, 1975: 384). This analysis is fully acceptable when one takes into account the broad national debate in vogue in the 1920s still cause surprise, because as noted by the table below, reproduced from the book Histria Econmica do Brasil, de Heitor Ferreira Lima, the period from 1920 onwards will be marked by the massive arrival of U.S. companies, Brazil:
TABLE 2:

Selection of U.S. Companies in Brazil (1920-1929) per year and Decree o f Authorization
Source: LIMA, 1976: 342-343.

Year 1920 1920 1920 1920 1921 1922 1923 1923 1923 1924 1924 1924 1924 1926 1926 1926 1927 1928 1929 1929 1929 1929 1929 1929

Decree number 14.166 14.167 14.242 14.244 14.887 15.551 16.056 17.164 16.270 16.585 16.754 16.756 16.757 17.304 17.491 17.609 17.970 18.404 18.591 18.592 18.648 18.664 18.745 18.768

Name American Coffee Corporation Ford Motors Company The Sydney Ross Company Bethlehem Steel Company of Brazil Davis & Co. Ltd. of Brazil Inc. Atlantic Refining Company of Brazil Firestone Tire and Rubber Company Universal Pictures Corporation American Steamship Agencies Company Inc. Great American Insurance Company Armour of Brazil Corporation Parker, Davis & Company International Business Machine Co. of Delaware International Harvester Export Company Metro Coldwyn Mayer (do Brasil) Ingersoll-Rand Company of Brazil Companhia Brasileira de Fora Eltrica Goodrich Rubber Company of Brazil Inc. General Tire & Rubber Co. of Brazil Refinaes de Milho Brazil Western Electric Company of Brazil First National Picture Brazil Incorporated Companhia Burroughs do Brasil Inc. Pan American Airways Inc.

This list of U.S. companies in Brazil led to the establishment of a branch of the American Chamber of Commerce in Sao Paulo, even at the end of the decade of 1910. Known by the acronym AMCHAM, as well as by name in Portuguese, the Brazilian Chamber of Commerce - United States, it was mounted in Sao Paulo, as electronic information site:
"On July 23, 1919, 18 American and Brazilian entrepreneurs [met] at a restaurant in the center of So Paulo. It [produced there] provided the combination of all firms that share the interest of AMCHAM in the development of trade between the United States and Brazil. The small group of founders included General Electric, the Singer Sewing Machine Company, the Mackenzie College, the Citybank and Brazil Packing Land and Cattle Company"(Available in www.amcham.com.br / entity / history / index_html. Accessed on 9 Dec 2006).

It aimed to encourage the disclosure of U.S. products in the country, and create a solidarity network between industry and North American institutions working in Brazil, using the jump exporter since the United States during the First World War. In an early list of members of AMCHAM, the Bulletin published in September 1920, included 87

companies in 25 of the center and two streets in the neighborhoods of Belm and Ipiranga. However, already in 1940s, it was possible to 6 thousand affiliates. The expansion of American Chamber of Commerce was not a phenomenon found only in Brazil, is a strategy of consolidation of foreign markets that reached around the world. The apex of proliferation of AMCHAMs made between the period of peace that lived the United States and the war against Spain in 1898, and putting this country in World War I in 1917. In the period after the First War, U.S. companies such as United States Steel Products, Armor and Standard Oil of Brazil were some of which had already been established in Brazil (Available in www.amcham.com.br / entity / history / index_html . Accessed on 9 Dec 2006). Of the companies listed by Ferreira Lima, transcribed in the table above, we can find firms of the food, the movie and particularly the automobile sectors. Ford Motors Company, authorized to operate in 1920, joined to the plant of So Paulo Luiz Grasse and brothers, producing bodies for trucks, first. Another company in the automotive sector which also began its work in Brazil, in that decade, was General Motors, which is installed in Osasco, in 1925, and is worth the same production company that Ford body to complete its production of vehicles in country (GUNN, 1986: 155). The presence of the car in the paulistana landscape was, as Nicholas Sevcenko pointed, a certificate of the metropolitanization in progress:
"In Sao Paulo, the car was a cult. The elite of the city was proud, if not to have introduced the car in the subcontinent, which was more difficult to prove, at least to have organized the first competition of the automobile club South America The more reserved and important city, landmark reference prime area of the center and meeting point of the elite that decided the fate of the Republic, was the Automobile Club (Sevcenko, 2000: 73-74).

Mrcia Padilha showed also that "the ads for car (...) were among those mobilizing more senses of the word 'modern', in Brazil of the 1920s (PADILHA, 2001: 115). The car turned to the Brazilian economic elite, the main demonstration of the limits of the ancient cities were being broken not only in relation to height of buildings - with skyscrapers - but also, as related to the distances be covered - with the cars. Maria Irene Szmereczniy for the insertion of the car in the urban dynamics favored the creation of new premises for the urban planning. Greater explanation of this reference, in Brazil, was the Plan of Avenues of San Paulo, proposed by Francisco Prestes Maia, in the 1930s, but originated from an article written for four hands with the urban Ulha Cintra, in 1924. Szmereczniy made important comments on the defense of the ideals and rodoviarista transport planning, in So Paulo. The author comments that although the physical structure of the Plan of Avenues, based on radio-concentrated, departs "more than this in the United States, whose cities have generally the form of scale, which applies orthogonal drains transit which, in the limit are true urban highways, the notorious example is Los Angeles and its metropolitan area "is a clear reference to the United States and the dynamics of occupation of the territory according to the car (Szmerecznyi, 2003). This author says that,
"In every way, plans for the city of cars become indispensable from the revolution of the Ford T, (...) and the fact that it is designed in Brazil in the 1920s, when So Paulo and the Rio January was called the streetcar cities, shows that this process early with "civilizing" American began in the country. According to some, the dominance of vehicles in the Brazilian transportation system has added to the value attributed to the mechanization of modern cultural elites affiliated industries and the industrial bourgeoisie, being welcomed as a symbol of strength and expertise paulista. Poristo also binds to the positivist belief in Taylorism and Fordism, and administrative solutions for the American economic and social development of the country, creating a social engineering of

the collaboration between classes. (...) As the United States, the automobile became the symbol of Brazil condition and freedom of movement. The size of the territory, the very history of their settlement expanding the agricultural frontier during the twentieth century and the lack of sufficient investment in railroads forced the other solutions. The car, truck, buses mass produced and sold on credit, were put out of reach of average earnings or savings poor, working as a small capital to be exploited commercially, thus satisfying the desire for social elevation of immigrants and internal migrants . From another angle, the automotive service, with all its demands infrastructure is part of an economic and political project that, as stated, is already in full swing in the years of governance in Washington Lus (1916-1930) whose most famous slogan was' rule is to open roads' (to run)"(Szmerecznyi, 2003).

Enthusiast of the automobile, the journalist and columnist Joo do Rio showed that the car in Sao Paulo, helped the city to compose a "new-Yorker" scene, emphasizing the movement of money between an industrial bourgeoisie that was assiduous customer of Automobile Club, space that spoke to modernity through its association with the car (Joo do Rio in Schaponik, 2004: 170). Lima Barreto, who was ardent critic of the americanism, was on the other hand, an enthusiastic of the car (BARRETO, 2005: 53). In his novel Clara dos Anjos Lima Barreto noted that the car was at the beginning of the twentieth century, "the magnificent machine, which passed through the streets as a triumphant king" (BARRETO, 1922: 250 - 251, quoted by MACHADO, 2002: 182). If the car was celebrated for its modern appearance, almost as a herald of the similarities between Sao Paulo and New York, we should point out that the principles of organization of production, based in the theories of Henry Ford, were also accepted in the country, as well stressed Szmereczniy, lines ago. One of the greatest lovers of the "Fordist ideas" was the visual artist, journalist, writer, translator, critic of art and farmer Monteiro Lobato. For him, Henry Ford was "the highest expression of modern lucidity," a man who showed "the highest meaning of the word industry" (Lobato, 1946: 10). Lobato, that throughout his life went from Republican to integralista political positions, nourished and made a point of disclosing his admiration for the precepts of North American society. Having been in the United States at the end of the 1920s, as commercial attache of the Brazilian government, Monteiro Lobato wrote a book called America: the United States in 1929, that conversation with Mr. Slang, an old English character, who struggled in times of government in President Washington Lus, as seen, a leading political supporter of the car. Through a dialogue with this character, Lobato said aspects of life there, always pointing out the possibilities and obstacles to the industrialization of Brazil. As said in America,
"Iron and oil make the machine, and machine efficiency to man. The secret of prosperity is the American machine, instigator of efficiency. The evil of Brazil is the inefficiency of the man who lives for lack of intense intrigue, and the host country because it has not developed the industry of iron and oil - iron, the raw material machine - oil, raw material of energy that moves the machine" (Lobato, 1950: IX).

The Fordist legacy in Brazil is still under investigation, particularly with regard to its implementation in the field of architecture and urbanism. However, as James J. Flink pointed, the car, had an European birth but it is American by adoption" (Flink, 1990: 181). This author, studying the "Fordist myth", indicates that the car found great impact in the United States for various reasons, many of which were not applied to the European reality. Flink says that the large concentration of farmers around the developing cities, the car saw the possibility of increasing the flow of their way to agricultural production and the possibility of improving the conditions of cultivation, with the advent of tractors and agricultural machinery for middle of the combustion

engine. The same author points out, however, that, among some other reasons, was a wholesome character of the cars, compared to horses, which has caused the residents of urban centers adopt this mode of transport. Seen in the car for a solution to problems of urban cleaning, the government encouraged the purchase of vehicles and roads opened to accommodate their growing presence. In addition, the logic of the typical American company, Flink explains that the fact that there is some persistence of calls "jeffersonian myth," the middle class in the United States could combine the idea of capitalizing on the work in the city, and the bucolic life in the field, emphasizing new look and the suburb (Flink, 1990: 180). All these things, pointed out by this American author, stress the alleged benefits caused by the car, however, should show that in addition to the product "car", in itself, was the conclusion of a character: Henry Ford. This was due to the fact that one of the major inventions of the entrepreneur, the assembly line, could change some patterns of consumption in American society. According to Flink,
"These techniques of mass production have greatly decreasing the production costs, making Ford pass to the final consumer with a Ford T prices below $ 290 in 1927. Applied to the manufacture of other items, such techniques of production increased significantly, the standard of living of the average American family, and transformed the U.S. economy from subsistence to a productive orientation to an economy of high consumption. Recognizing, before his contemporaries that the mass production required mass consumption and it was necessary to create conditions for workers to reach means of acquiring the goods that it produced in 1914, Ford set for their employees, a journey Working eight hours a day, five U.S. dollars a time, which more than doubled to pay for one day short of work. (...) Led by the auto industry, the high purchasing power has become part of American society from the mid-1920s" (Flink, 1990: 184 185).

This vision, although the sound itself concluded Ford, serves to show the image that the entrepreneur was to entrepreneurs and the average urban citizen in the period. There is, moreover, several criticisms of the kind of regulation imposed by ostensive machine. The largest and most emphatic of them seems to be originated from a contemporary of Ford, the British Charles Chaplin. In the film Modern Times in 1936, dominated by the production machine not only regulates its own character and spreads out of control, reaching the Western imagination by which the effects of Americanization were noted. In Brazil, beyond the conclusion of the Ford character, carried out by Lobato and colleagues, the word "Ford" has become an adjective. This appropriation of the spirit producer "in series" carried by many different business sectors. The analysis of some publications devoted to the civil construction sector in the country, such as the aforementioned magazine The House, shows that the term was commonly used to refer to proposals where there was a minimum of innovation in performance. In 1926, a notice of homes for sale, at the same time, the term is worth Houses Ford as a way to show not only the speed of implementation, as the inclusion of works in cosmopolitan principles (A Casa n. 27, 1926: 29). In So Paulo, Carlos Lemos noted that the designation was applied to similar proposals in this same period. According to Lemos, in some parts of the city, the workers and the middle class acquired "Sobradinho Ford" (LEMOS, 2002: 6). Therefore, it is important to note that, little by little, the Brazilian urban society is the term used to, which, however, does not allow to say that there was a full understanding of the postulates Fordist. Other principles of industrial organization from the United States also reached impact and were used in Brazilian society. The key was to Frederick Winslow Taylor, a

mechanical engineer who created the "scientific management", yet at the end of the nineteenth century in Philadelphia. The taylorists precepts drew the attention of many businessmen and intellectuals and spread to more countries with different profiles at the same time as Russia, Argentina, France and Brazil, for example (Cody, 2003; Cohen, 1995). According to Harry Braverman, Taylor held up the "fundamentals of the organization of work processes and control over them" (Braverman, 1977: 83). To this author Taylor bound to principles already discussed in the twentieth century such as Charles Babbage, England, Colbert, and Belidor Vauban, France and Henri Faiol (Braverman, 1977: 85). However, Taylor can be seen as the culmination of the discussions on the work, and his conception of "scientific management" is the vision of Barverman, an attitude that has a "philosophy and title to a disconnected series of initiatives and experiences" (Braverman, 1977: 85). Although the application of Taylorist principles was designed for manufacturing environment, many authors and followers saw the relevance of its application in other areas, especially in the city and architecture. Telma de Barros Correia showed, with property, such as Taylorist principles were fundamental in shaping the Instituto de Organizao Racional do Trabalho - IDORT - and pointed its consequences, particularly the transformation of management of the house in the country (Correia, 2004: 79) . In the industrial field the same principles were followed by Paulo Nogueira Filho and Henrique Dumont Villares, who eventually facing some antipathy of its employees, who judged the timing of tasks, a new type of slavery, as happened in the United States, with its Taylor (Atique, 2004: 233). As pointed by Philip Gunn, the very organization of the office has changed in Brazil, from the decade of 1910, when the methods of scientific organization came here. The spread of the typewriter, marketed by IBM in Brazil and importing firms, has increased the yield of difficult tasks, such as completion of the verification of census on the economy in 1920 (Gunn, 1986: 157). Another type of equipment that is now widespread in Brazil was the machine to calculate, as a notice published in A Casa, notes: "Marchant Calculator: The calculator only levers of American manufacturing" (A Casa, n.39, 1927: 10). 3- Final Considerations In general lines, this article aimed to redefine the relations between Brazil and the United States. We can affirm that the consecrated historiography is able to reinforce the idea that the Americanization of Brazil was a consequence of the Policy of the Good Neighborhood, officially started in 1933 with Hoover. But in our interpretation, the Good Neighborhood as a policy could only be started because during the period known as Second Industrial Revolution, the two countries could constructed a trajectory of reciprocity and interested that allowed many connections and transferences of products, social actors and references, designing the Modernity. In Brazil, the American presence is still now a taboo, but it is important to reveal that many studies in course can reveal many characteristics of one urban relationship that extrapolates the ordinary interpretation of Imperialism. 4- References
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