African History tom Earliest Times to Independence SECOND EDITION PHILIP CURTIN (Fhe Johns Hopkiss Crivenin) STEVEN FEIERMAN (he Universi of lida) LEONARD THOMPSON ale Uriveniyy JAN VANSINA (Phe Universi of Win, Madson) LONGMAN LONDON AND NEW YORK422 ‘The European Conquest measure of self-government in internal affairs, with the vote restricted to men of European extraction, in the hope that this would win the support of the Afrikaner clte and repair the psychological damage done by the war. ‘Thus, from one point of view, the Afrikaner republics were like other secondary ‘empires that collapsed or fell under the controt of a European power during the period ofthe scramble. From another point of view, however, the British won the war but gave the Afrikaners the regity of victory, including the rg id their dominance over is retained more real power afer the strength of pseudo-scientifie racism in Britain. The Brit jn London were willing to assume that appropriate concessions would bein defeated Afrikaners into the family of self-governing setler territories ~ those that ter become the independent members of the Commonwealth of Nations ~ if only because these “European” Africans were “White,” while the other defeated secondary empires were ruled by “Blacks.” But the end result was to sacrifice the interests of the majority of South Afticans in order to coneiliate this European mi ority. The within South Africa was to deteriorate di next eighty years, while that of the local European became m South Africa, and South Africa became more independent of Brita Suggestions for further reading cb Rio in the Late versity Pres, 198), and Peter Duignan, Claim in Ace po Universi Press, 1969-75. Hargreaves, John D., Wet Afce Partitioned, London: Macmillan, 1974 IM, Joho, Tagen Under Geman Rl, 9e5-r, Canbrge: Cambridge Univesiy Pre 9 1960, 5 vols, Cambridge: Cambridge 1h Orerle, 1900-15, London: Oxford Maras, JS, The Fll of Kruger’ Republic, Oxford: Clarendon Pres, 1961 Pakenham, Thoms, The Scunbl for Africa: The White man's Congest ef te Dark Continent from 1836 1912, New York: Random House, 1991 Rel Coty mth 2 Cacrment a Fa Te Ri arin Nor, wats, Wide 19 Terence O,, Revolt f Sauthem Rhodesia ty Press, 1990. .” Companave tue in Seco and History, 2 16 THE IMPACT OF EUROPE “The colonial conquests introduced myriad changes in every aspect of Aftcan life. Even in those places where the fundamental matrix of African culture re continuous process of adjustment and readjustment from within was absorb the impact of the West. It may not be possible todo justice to such a complex in the space availble in a try todo so, frst by 3 Eutopean factor asa common denominator, even though it varied from then, from a more African perspective, by examining one by one the ‘aspects of change. In final chapt with the end of colonial rule throughout much ofthe continent, as continuance of European domination inthe fa south. (The complex set of changes of the post-colonial period that began in the easly 1960s is another story and cannot be dealt with here.) ‘The aims of administration When the Europ n powers conquered their new African territories they had few specific plans or ideas about what to do with them, Much had been acquired simply to keep other powers out. Specific possibilities suggested themselves — gold mining here, cotton growing there, or building railways to drain particular exports needed in Eur ‘ope; but long-range plans for economic, social, or politcal change were very few indeed. At another level, however, the Europeans shared certain presuppositions and rudi- xy qualms, even though these stopped short of systematic planning. For instance, believed that they had come to Africa to keep the peace. They intended to stop a-African warfare and to suppress those African customs they regarded as repul- For whatever reason, they all meant to set up administrations that could control the African populations, ether directly through their appointed officials or indirectly through the existing African authorities. ‘This rudimentary goal was bound to cost money, because it required a level of government separate from and superior to the44 ‘The Impact of Europe existing African governments. This meant that revenue had to be found, above and beyond what had previously gone to the African governments. It might have come from Europe, but European taxpayers expected the colonies to pay their own way, at the very {ecast. Colonial governments therefore acquired a second common goal; they needed to promote some form of economic development to produce taxable income. As a guide to the way these goals might be achieved, Europeans also brought with them a heritage of ideas about overseas empire. This body of ideas took into account such colony and the metroy th of ideas about how ‘was a kind of dialogue running through ‘Western history from the sixteenth century onward, given new emphasis in the nine- century, as Europeans re-examined their place in the world in the light of their new industrial achievements at home and new empires abroad, ‘or the new sclministeative tech- European view of non-Western peoples, and that view had shifted in important ways during the second half of the nineteenth century. Earlier, from about the time of the French Revolution to the 1850s, the dominant view can be labeled “conversionist.” Europeans “knew” that they had the one true religion and that their way of life was ‘of mass education in Europe. Conversianism tures might be unequal at 2 particular point in eople are made in the image of God, with the the best. It was, in short, cultural ‘Then, with the rise of pseu Conversionism was badly eroded. Racists argued that non-Europeans were inherent and permanently inferior; their culture was part of their inherited racial status and could not be changed. Christians stil argued that all men were spiritually equal before God, but many Christians admitted thatthe capacity for salvation in the next life might not imply 2 capacity for high achievement in this one. If Afticans were racially ‘of Westernization, they rationalized, then it might be better for them to develop “in their own way.” As conversionism faded, the doctrine of trusteeship took its place. If Europeans were indeed superior, it was argued, they toward Africans ~ obligations equivalent to those of fathers to to women, of the strong to the weak. These obligations 's moral right — even moral duty ~ teenth century, the idea o several different versions capacity. Those who though ‘The means of administration: first stages in tropical Africa 25 the period of trusteeship would be limited. In time, Aftican colonies would develop enough to emerge as independent stites, though stll inferior to che West. At the opposite extreme, other Europeans believed that Africans on their own could never achieve anything of consequence. The best they could gain would be acceptance within an overseas European society as a permanent caste of servants. That view was most common among settles in southern Africa, but it was held by a substantial minority among Europeans in Europe too. With appropriate alterations, it was also applied by the setters in the Maghrib to Muslim North Africans. But the dominant position lay somewhere between these extremes, with an emphasis on European obligations as well 1s Affican duties. There trustee and ward would passed down through racial iffnot permanent, just asthe qualities supposedly eritance were claimed to be permanent. ‘The means of administration: first stages in tropical Africa, ‘The first stages of colonial rule, to about r920, were marked by a great variety of administrative expedients. Some were conceived in the sprit ofthe new racism. Others were mere stop-gap measures that took on a life of their own. Sill others were carry~ overs from the more egalitarian practices of the earlier nineteenth century. In the very earliest phase, many African rulers were merely asked to sign a paper and to ly the appropriate European flag. It was only later that the Europeans came back in force, to stay and to give day-to-day orders. But they rarely came in sufficient numbers to see those orders carried down to the level of the ordinary subject. Afric mediaries had to be called upon. Theorists of administratic frameworks on paper in w! tule. Under direct rule, the chain of command ran through echelons of European By contrast, the theory of Indirect Rule stressed the ‘ough African authorities lke the emirs of northern Nigeria. In ystems gave orders through some African intermediaries. The ‘of those intermediaries and the degree of formal or The range of choice le indeed. In many cases where the African ruler retained some bargaining power, his authority over local affairs was left intact. It could ven increase; with political support from the Europeans, he could guin a freer hand ‘against political rivals within his own kingdom. In other places, where the African kingdoms had been swept away, colonial rulers made contact with their African subor- dinates only a the level ofthe village head. Authorities at that level lacked the prestige and traditional power of kingship; but they were so numerous, and the colonial officals. so few, that they could often usurp power informally without fear of being caught. ‘Sometimes the Europeans tried to recruit their Aftican subordinates without regard to past authority. The Germai fica, for example, began on the coast by simply taking over the Zanzibari administration,