Mortuary Practices: Their Social, Philosophical-Religious, Circumstantial, and Physical Determinants Author(s): Christopher Carr Reviewed work(s): Source:

Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, Vol. 2, No. 2 (Jun., 1995), pp. 105-200 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20177326 . Accessed: 26/04/2012 14:44
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Journal

of Archaeological

Method

and

Theory,

Vol

2, No.

2, 1995

Mortuary Practices: Their Social, Circumstantial, Philosophical-Religious, Determinants Physical

Christopher Carr1

and

in its paradigmatic out Recent, mainstream, American mortuary archaeology, and case studies, has empha look, middle-range theory, analytic methodology, as the primary factor sized social organization that determines mortuary and social science traditions have recog practices. Broader anthropological nized philosophical-religious beliefs as additional, important determinants. The historical roots of mortuary archaeology's focus on the social, and the conse is reviewed Then, through a Human quence of this on theory development, Relations Area Files (HRAF) cross-cultural survey, the kinds of philosophical and physical factors that affect circumstantial, religious, social organizational, specific kinds of mortuary practices, and the relative importance of these fac The data are also used to test basic premises that mor tors, are documented use today to reconstruct social organization. A tuary archaeologists routinely balanced, more holistic, and multidisciplinary approach, which considers many kinds of causes beyond social ones, is found necessary to interpret mortuary remains and to reconstruct the past from them.
KEY WORDS: ganization. mortuary archaeology; mortuary practices; ideology; archaeology of social or

INTRODUCTION
studies By far the most common focus of recent American archaeological of cemeteries and burials has been the reconstruction of mortuary practices. In turn, archaeologists have used these practices to infer a great diversity of These include past cultural, behavioral, ecological, and historical phenomena. social organization et aL 1981), his (Braun, 1979; Brown, 1971a; Chapman,
department of Anthropology, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona 85287.

105
im-S369t9S/06OMlQS$ff7J5Q? O 1995 Plenum Publishing Corporation

106 torical trends in socioeconomic as expressive styles (Cannon,

Carr

that involves mortuary practices competition Little et al., 1992), trade and alliances 1989;

(Abbott and Howard, 1991;Carr, 1992;Carr andMaslowski, 1995; Trigger, 1969;Winters 1968), territoriality (Chapman, 1981),warfare (Owsley et al.,
1977; Ravesloot, 1988; Seeman, 1982a, 1984; McGuire, beliefs and world cal-religious (Hodder, (Brunson, 1989), ideology 1988), migrations and philosophi 1992; Pearson, 1982,1984), views (Emerson, 1989; Gruber, 1971; Hall, rigor to infer patterns of social interaction 1979), although this approach was applied in this century (e.g., Webb and Snow,

1979, 1983;Merbs, 1989; Penney, 1983, 1985; Sugiyama, 1992). Mortuary

practices have also been used with and cultural affinity (e.g., Seeman, more commonly and coarsely

earlier

1945;Willey and Sabloff, 1980, pp. 34-126). Broader bioarchaeological ap

information, proaches, which combine skeletal biological plus archaeological and eco have allowed these subjects as well as a wider range of biological logical topics to be investigated (e.g., Blakely, 1977; Buikstra, 1977; Chapman et al., 1982; Ortner and Put and Randsborg, 1981, pp. 19-23; Huss-Ashmore schar, 1981; Price et al., 1985; Ubelaker, 1989). in the the late 1960s and 1980s, it came to be accepted Between that the mortuary archaeology thought and practice of much of American in mortuary of variation practices and burial form is primary determinant social organization 1971, pp. 7, 16, 23; Rothschild, 1979, p. (e.g., Binford, and physical constraints T?inter, 1978, p. 107). Circumstantial upon 660; were also used to explain burial variations. In contrast, mortuary practices beliefe and world views lost socially institutionalized, philosophical-religious Beliefs in the study of mortuary relevance academic practices during this period. were deemphasized in paradigmatic outlook, middle-range theory, in American and case studies. Currently mortuary analytic methodology, beliefs and world views are not well philosophical-religious archaeology, as to how and how much and understood they affect mortuary practices, as worthy, and perhaps feasible, research have only begun to reemerge top ics (e.g., David, 1992; Hodder, 1992; Pearson, 1982a, 1984; McGuire, 1982,

1984; Sugiyama, 1992).

This paper has two purposes. The first and most central is to affirm beliefs in the study and inter the essential place of philosophical-religious eth of mortuary practices and remains. Through a cross-cultural pretation the kinds survey using the Human Relations Area Files (HRAF), nographic of social organizational, physical, and circumstan philosophical-religious, tial factors (and to a limited extent the ecological factors) that affect various are documented. The social factors that are kinds of mortuary practices considered that have of social organization here include the "dimensions" been studied in American mortuary age, gender, ver archaeology: typically and personal identities. The philo social positions, tical and horizontal

Mortuary

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include many categories of factors that are investigated sophical-religious "folk" beliefs and world-view about institutionalized assumptions socially the disease, dying, death, the soul, the afterlife, and the cosmos. Among in and physical factors that are treated are ones previously circumstantial such as the location, timing, and cause of death, and other fac vestigated, for the health of survivors, tors yet to be studied, such as requirements the relative and access to the body. The survey discloses body processing, which these kinds of causal factors operate cross-culturally frequency with and the variation in their balance with sociopolitical complexity. Philosophi of intra factors are found to explain a significant proportion cal-religious across cultures. From in mortuary variation repeatedly practices that a balanced, more holistic, and multidiscipli the study, it is concluded nary approach, which considers many kinds of causes beyond social ones, remains and to reconstruct the past from is required to interpret mortuary them. The aim of this survey is not to support or refute any particular para societal to beliefe and mortuary of society or its relationships social factors, In particular, no attempt is made to argue whether practices. or other factors the intents of individuals, philosophical-religious ideas, phenom might be ultimate sources of stability or change in sociocultural the goal of this survey is more ena, including mortuary practices. Rather, digm on the nature the kinds of relationships to inventory and inductively generalize that or forms and their more occur between mortuary do commonly practices and other causes. social, philosophical-religious, proximate data The second purpose of this paper is to test with cross-cultural some common working premises that archaeologists have used to recon basic: struct social organization from mortuary remains. Many of these premises or archaeological have been developed from only a few ethnographic cases, or without to the effects of the interactions between philosophi attention include premises beliefs and social factors. Examples about cal-religious the kinds of mortuary practices and forms that indicate vertical and hori of cemetery and grave loca and the determinants social positions, tion. In almost all instances, the simple relationships that have been posited and their causes are found here to be more between mortuary practices and sobering. A few of the premises have little em complex, multivariate, zontal in this article is Hertz's (1907) premise, which relates the of the corpse to beliefe about the soul and afterlife. physical manipulation thus far (e.g., Huntington and Met Although applied only ethnographically Hertz's hypothesis is important to archaeology. It suggests how calf, 1979), beliefe can determine mortuary philosophical-religious practices directly and independently rather than simply as a symbolic of social organization, pirical support. tested Also

108 framework for expressing vides a general framework views and and beliefs. The social organization. for reconstructing

Carr

Hertz's hypothesis also pro some aspects of past world

cross-cultural found here between mortuary practices relationships their causes might be classified theoretic by some as middle-range in that they provide bridges between the systemic and ar (sensu Binford), most of the bridges constructed domains. However, here are chaeological statistical generalities rather than theoretical At the same propositions. mortuary in selecting time, the disclosed patterns do offer the archaeologist guidance to be relevant to social or philosophi traits that are more likely In this functional way, the patterns research problems. resem cal-religious ble middle-range theory. this paper, the specific terms "philosophical-religious be Throughout or "beliefs" for short, are used rather liefs" and "world-view assumptions," than the more general term "ideology." This is done because ideology can refer either broadly to any "systematic body of concepts about human life . . that constitute or culture," or more narrowly to "integrated assertions. a sociopolitical program" 1963). In contemporary (Webster, archaeology, the latter, narrower usage has become common (e.g., Earle, 1990; Hodder,

1982a, 1982b;Miller and Tilley, 1984). Philosophical-religious beliefs and

world-view assumptions cial structure or means in contrast, no necessary are frequently to be translations considered and political for social organization action. of so Here, ideas and

linkage between philosophical-religious is implied. Finally, the term "mortuary prac social structure or organization tice" is used in short to refer to both ritual activities and the resulting material forms of disposal. This paper begins with a summary of different archaeological and an views on the roles of social organization and beliefs in de thropological to trace historically It proceeds how recent termining mortuary practices. came to focus on social or American mainstream mortuary archaeology as the fundamental with restrictive consequences determinant, ganization for the subsequent development of the cross-cultural study of
sented.

of middle-range the results theory. Finally, are pre the causes of mortuary practices

CONTRASTING VIEWS ON THE DETERMINANTS OF MORTUARY PRACTICES

there are at least three distinct and sociology, anthropology to archaeologists for explaining mortuary that are available approaches are offered by (1) mainstream These approaches practices. contemporary Within

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American

is based largely in the materialist-ecological archaeology, which French sociology of the early part of this century and some (2) paradigm, and (3) recent British British and American anthropology; contemporary contextual action-focused, archaeology. symbolic, three schools differ in five primary ways. First, they contrast in These factors are recognized to con the degree to which philosophical-religious

tribute to patterning in mortuary practices. Second, they differ in whether the symbolic relationships between mortuary practices or forms and their are thought to be fully arbitrary. referent philosophical-religious meanings the approaches is Third, vary in the degree to which social organization thought to be mirrored directly in symbolic mortuary practices and forms, rather than expressed and world beliefs intervening indirectly through the schools differ in whether beliefs and world views are views. Fourth, of social re independently thought to sometimes affect mortuary practices social relations are thought lations. Finally, the approaches vary in whether to be passively mirrored in mortuary practices or, instead, to be idealized, or otherwise manipulated when masked, inverted, symbolized by those practices as part of social strategies. has come to emphasize Mainstream American mortuaiy archaeology the view that social organization, rather than philosophical-religious beliefs, is the primary determinant of mortuary T?inter practices. For example, summary of American mortuary archaeology, that Binford's (1971) cross-cultural, survey of mor ethnographic . .that the argument. tuary practices "confirms beyond serious contention in terms of variability in mortuaiy variability practices must be understood (1978:107), concluded of social systems, not in terms of normative in the form and organization [i.e., ideationally based] behavior."2 Rothschild (1979, p. 660), in her study of prehistoric mortuary practices in the Midwestern United States, stated, distinctions visible in mortuary practices reflect status life. If patterns exist in mortuary it is during practices, assumed that they relate to structural divisions in society." Other determi nants of mortuary practices were envisioned to be secondary by Rothschild to this tendency exist." Similarly, Greber exceptions: "Exceptions (1979, p. stated, "It is mortuary 38), in her analysis of Ohio Hopewell variability, visible "It is assumed that distinctions in his influential

assumed herein, following Binford (1971) and Saxe (1970), that patterns
found within associated
fainter remains

a burial population ... living population.

reflect significant social patterns of the It is probable that a closer approximation

that the interpretation of variation in mortuary (1978, p. 109) did acknowledge often requires a consideration rituals are behaviors, of ritual. However, and mortuary rituals are aspects of mortuary rather than causes of them?a that Tainter practices point confused. or other determinants, rituals may have social, philosophical-religious, Mortuary on which Tainter silent. remained

110

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to [the] total social structure will be made by using in a data base as many different aspects of the physical remains of the individual and of all burial as possible." In line with these views, Rothschild's (1979) (funeral) activities and Grebefs al analyses do not once consider possible (1979) mortuary causes of patterning. Likewise, most other ternative, philosophical-religious case studies since the late 1960s have American well-cited archaeological remains interpreted mortuary or no attention to alternative in terms of social interpretations organization, giving little beliefe and world concerning

views (e.g., Binford, 1964; Blakely, 1977; Braun, 1979; Brown 1971b, 1981; Goldstein 1981;O'Shea 1981, 1984; Peebles, 1971;Tainter, 1975).3 Finally,
and formal methodological for mor the thrust of quantitative developments 1979, 1981; tuary analysis has been social reconstruction (e.g., Braun, 1972,1974; Saxe, 1970; Tainter, Brown, 1971b, 1987; O'Shea, 1984; Peebles, 1978, pp. 110-114, 128-136). is the primary determinant of mortuary That social organization prac of Binford's not the intended message tices was apparently (1971) earlier to stir modern interest in the seminal survey, which helped archaeology's this tenet has social causes of mortuary practices Nevertheless, (see below). come ently to be assumed as a result of in American mortuary appar archaeology, commonly some ambiguity article (see below) in Binford's and translations of Binford's different conclu significantly and Tainter 1915; Hertz, just quoted. 1907; Van Gen

through subtly but sions, such as those French Bloch

of Rothschild, Greber, studies (Durkheim, sociological

nep, 1909) and American and British anthropological studies (Bloch, 1971;
and Metcalf, and Parry, 1982; Douglas 1970; Huntington 1979; Pen than socially ney, 1983; Turner, 1969) of rituals and symbols are broader cited works differ from These focused American mortuary archaeology. in three significant ways. First, they clearly American mortuary archaeology to social beliefs and world views, in addition show that institutionalized rites and forms. For affect a society's mortuary fundamentally organization, example, Hertz various peoples afterlife. (1907) showed that the practice reflects their belief of Borneo of secondary burial among that a "second funeral" is

needed to guide the soul of the deceased to the society of souls in the
re some of the above works suggest that the "symbolic" Second, and the philosophical-religious between mortuary practices lationship in them is not fully arbitrary. Cross-cultural behind regularities meanings and some of those meanings themes and cosmology basic world-view exist, can be reconstructed from mortuary remains. For example, archaeologically
to mortuary social approach and of the New Archaeology's 3For a polar assessment practices see David and world views on mortuary of beliefs underestimation of the effects practices, on American attitudes toward archaeology's (1989:46) (1992, p. 182). See also Emerson reconstructing cosmologies.

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Penny (1983) and Henry (1994) have convincingly shown how the relative
common symbols of shamanic cosmolo of some cross-culturally placement can be understood as cemeteries within Ohio Hopewell gies (Eliade, 1964) universe. Third, the above of the shamanic three-layered representations is not necessarily mirrored works show that social organization directly in is the structure of mortuary rituals and forms. Instead, social organization the constraints of and through in such practices within usually expressed as the filters of "collective including basic world-view representations," nature of reality, time, space, sumptions and more specific beliefe about the the soul, death, the afterlife, disease, and so forth. For example, age, gen are made der, and prestige distinctions because of and through the expression in Nuba of beliefs burial practices, but only about purity and fertility contextual approach to ar

(Hodder, 1982a, p. 199).

The recent British, action-focused, symbolic,

chaeology (Hodder, 1982a; 1982b; 1984; Pearson, 1982) also contrastswith

it aligns more closely with archaeology; socially focused American mortuaiy studies. In Hodder's and anthropological the above sociological view, cul is "meaningfully constituted" ture, including mortuary (Hodder, practices, such as mortuary practices, are ac 1982b, pp. 9-10). Behavioral practices, tively chosen by actors in relation to specific beliefs and broader world-view and symbolic themes, and within the constraints of underlying psychological rules of asso structures (e.g., dualism, triadic dualism) and "grammatical" ciation, ordering, and transformation. Because beliefs and their symbols have and reworking through they are open to reinterpretation in behaviors such as mortuary practices, and can become a 1982a, p. 186). The (Hodder part of active social and personal strategies nature of the reworking varies with the context and the intention specific of the actor(s). Thus, mortuary practices need not be passive reflections of social organization; they can be the product of active social and personal the dynamics of social relations/or choices and strategies, which comprise and which are made relative to beliefs. ganization are sometimes seen to idealize In this paradigm, mortuary practices some ambiguity, their expression the practical, daily social relations that comprise Or social organization. are seen to invert or mask social relations 1989; Hodder, (Cannon, they sur 1982, p. 110). Behaviors 1982a, p. 200; Little et al., 1992; Pearson, not mirror behaviors To the extent that in daily life. rounding death need such alterations of social relations align with a society's larger world view, mortuary behaviors may reflect the society's world view more than its prac tical organization. the above-cited French, British, and American authors who do Among see beliefe as affecting mortuary practices, there is one additional important Both Hodder's school of thought and Durkheim's, distinction. in bringing

112 beliefs

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and world views into the study of mortuary practices, the emphasize of mortuary social functions, effects, expressions, and/or manipulation prac as providing and world views are envisioned the symbolic tices. Beliefs or manipulating social relations. For Hodder's framework for expressing action-focused school, sociopolitical ideology and strategy, more than philo sophical-religious beliefe, are the paradigmatic foci (Hodder, 1982a, p. 186,

215-217; 1984;McGuire, 1992, pp. 145-164; Pearson, 1982,1984), although

other American and 1982c, p. 141). In contrast, entirely (Hodder, and Metcalf, French studies (e.g., Hall, 1979,1983; Hertz, 1907; Huntington not

1979;Merbs, 1989; Penney, 1983, 1985) show that beliefe and world views
can affect mortuary practices directly and independently of social relations for expressing in addition to providing a framework and structures, them.

For example, Hertz (1907) and Huntington andMetcalf (1979) clearly dis
that reflect social of mortuary rites in traditional Borneo to mourners) of the deceased/corpse from as organization (relationships to beliefs about death (relationships that are attributable of the de pects to the soul, afterlife, and souls therein). Thus, the linkages ceased/corpse and philosophical-religious between mortuary beliefs appear to practices in their own right (see also Hall, be fruitful for investigation 1983, p. 102). tinguished aspects and anthropological In sum, different literatures vary archaeological and beliefs relative degrees and ways in which social organization in the are thought to determine mortuary practices. These diverse views require reconciliation through empirical study.

HISTORICAL ROOTS AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE VIEWS TAKEN BYMAINSTREAM AMERICANMORTUARY ARCHAEOLOGY
in the social of the history of ideas about mortuary practices have already been written and archaeology sciences, anthropology, (Bartel, and Randsborg, 1981; Chapman 1982; Binford, 1981; Hunt 1971; Brown, Reviews

ington and Metcalf, 1979;Whittlesey

here. focus is placed

1978, pp. 82-108) and will not be

on the specific reasons that appear Instead, repeated to have led American mortuary away from the study of philo archaeology of taking this path. and some of the consequences beliefs, sophical-religious late 1960s through early 1980s was a formative The period during which basic insights into the nature of death and mortuary practices were In archaeology, in many disciplines. Bin gained and theory was developed

ford (1971), Saxe (1970), Brown (1971b), and Peebles (1971) published
seminal works the nature of social organization and estab that modeled or cross-cultural fundamental lished, by example comparison, relationships

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and mortuary im certain social dimensions practices. Especially was their introduction of role theory (Goodenough, and for 1965) portant or quantitative methods to model and bridge the social and mal-structural illus domains. No less insightful were their case studies. These mortuary trated some of the cross-culturally most common kinds of mortuary expres between still focuses. This body sions of social dimensions, upon which archaeology was subsequently and refined in equally critical of knowledge expanded

works by Braun (1977, 1979),who introduced systems theory (Blau, 1970)

and the relationships to model between social dimen social organization on mortuary the energy expended sions; Tainter (1978), who interpreted the spatial structure of who rituals; Goldstein (1976, 1981), interpreted the effects of archae and O'Shea cemeteries; (1981, 1984), who evaluated formation processes. ological the same time, other disciplines were exploring the nature of About death the causal and mortuary practices from different roles of beliefs and world views. perspectives In ethnology, more attuned to and Huntington

Metcalf (1979) and Bloch and Parry (1982) compared and interpretedmor
from symbolic-structural, Marxist-structural, tuary practices cross-culturally views. They also helped to in and archetypal-psychological motivational, studies (Hertz, 1907; Van Gennep, tegrate previous French sociological 1909), which were translated into English only recently, into contemporary studies, following Durkheim thought about death. These anthropological to social organization and function related mortuary (1915), practices the expression of society as "collective through representations," including institutionalized beliefs. In history, Philip Aries study of the re (1977) made a comprehensive to religious of deathbed, and grieving practices funerary, burial, lationship and how these behaviors attitudes and beliefs about death in Europe, and to the present. ideas changed in sync from the early Middle Ages In the social sciences, Habenstein and Lamers (1960) compiled basic descriptions the dying arid death practices of over 70 societies around the world. for each culture how these practices relate systemati They also described to philosophical-religious, and political factors. In social, economic, cally of cul contemporary American psychology, Kubler-Ross (1969) characterized not only in the emotional ture's view of death. She showed its expression of the dying and bereaved, for which her work is best known, adjustments but also in American mortuary practices. the period of ferment from the late 1960s through early 1980s, During American inde theory about mortuary practices developed archaeological that were growing in other disciplines and pendentfy of these understandings even in ethnology. This situation arose from or was allowed by paradigmatic and philosophical differences inhib among the disciplines, which apparently

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lems of

The situation also stemmed from certain prob ited their intercommunication. in the foundation of mortuary that was laid by archaeology logic

Binford (1971). The workings of each of these factors is now described.

Paradigm The materialist-ecological cal-religious beliefs paradigm that dominated determinants American archae practices

ology during the late 1960s through early 1980s did not consider philosophi
to be essential of cultural

generally (Flannery, 1972, p. 400; Trigger, 1969, pp. 289^294, 308, 327-328; Willey and Sabloff, 1980, p. 186) andmortuary behaviors in particular (Bin
view, beliefe were classified ford, 1971, p. 23). In the materialist-ecological as related to more "core" cultural institutions only loosely "epiphenomena," for culture stability and and practices, which were thought to be responsible beliefe were seen as less relevant to the study change (Steward, 1955). Thus, and social evolution, sociocultural of human-land adaptation, relationships, to the study of mortuary in general, and practices, specifically, which were a reflection of social organization. In Binford's taken to be (1971, p. 23) the mortuary words, "The form and structure which characterize practices of any society are conditioned by the form and complexity of the organiza In no way can ideational of the society itself.... inno tional characteristics or ideas be cited as sufficient cause for vations or communicated knowledge and other practices]." Binford change, variability, or stability [of mortuary American during the late 1960s mortuary archaeologists the broader behavioral-ecological 1980s did not embrace and world views a clear role in the functioning through the early of the paradigm

time (Rappaport, 1968; \&yda and Rappaport, 1967), which did give beliefe
and evolution of human et al., Gardner ecosystems, (e.g., including mortuary practices 1963). The beliefs and world-view assump integrated paradigm behavioral-ecological tions (e.g., "ultimate sacred propositions," Rappaport, 1979) into the study of cultural functioning and change through the concepts of information and information exchange (Flannery, 1972, p. 400; Rappaport, 1979).4 One ap to of American mortuary archaeology's parent consequence predisposition over and energetic aspects of societies and ecosystems, ward the material with other disciplines beliefs and information, was a lack of communication that were studying how beliefs influence mortuary practices. To clarify the paradigmatic views of American mortuary archaeologists

during the late 1960s through early 1980s, it is necessary to distinguish two
to focus on social choice of American 4The paradigmatic mortuary archaeologists as means of sociocultural and not on philosophical-religious beliefs, adaptation not faulted. out in historical be pointed retrospect, organization, should only

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kinds of causes of mortuary practices. These are: (1) their "ultimate causes" of stability or change, and (2) their "proximate causes" of 'Variation" or "dif ferentiation" within a society, i.e., their logical and/or functional relationships with other components of the cultural system. Binford's (1971) article was concerned primarily with ultimate causation. He argued that the ultimate, "sufficient" cause of stability or change in the mortuary practices of a society is stability or change in its organization (Binford, 1971, p. 25). He debated Kroeber's (1927) position, that mortuary practices are inherently unstable and that change ultimately results from creativity or diffusion of ideas (Binford,

1971,p. 15).Binford attempted to supporthis position empiricallyby showing

mensions social complexity and the number of di symbolized in mortuary practices. exam At (1971, pp. 12-13) did cite numerous in mortuary within a society symbolize of how variations ples practices caused by them. Also, beliefs and are proximately philosophical-religious Binford apparently did not rule out the eventual reconstruction of beliefs the organizational from mortuary practices: "It is only after we understand correlation between of social organization the same time, Binford make comparisons properties of cultural systems that we can meaningfully them in terms of cultural content" (Binford, 1971, p. 25). among These two positions of Binford's (1971), on the ultimate and proximate causes of mortuary practices, were sometimes confounded in his essay, which its reading and the development of American mortuary archaeol to determine, in places, whether Binford was it is difficult ogy. Specifically, arguing that beliefs are not the ultimate cause of stability or change in mor tuary practices, or that beliefs are not the proximate cause of intrasocietal affected in the abstract differentiation in mortuary practices, or both. For example, of the article, Binford (1971, p. 6) debated the normative paradigm of the 1950s saying, "Much of contemporary and inter archaeological conjecture of culture change, cultural differentiation, and pretation regarding processes the presence of specific burial customs is inadequate as well as the ideational and assumptions these notions" propositions underlying (emphasis added). In other places, too, the causes of change and stability inmortuary practices were lumped with the causes of their differentiation (Binford, 1971, pp. 23, the examples that Binford gave of idealist-rationalist 25). Likewise, expla nations of mortuary include both proximate practices, which he debated, explanations (e.g., "We study burial to gain information on religion and be liefs") and ultimate explanations (e.g., "The changes in the mode of the dead are evidently the results of changed views concerning of disposal the future a cross-cultural

1911, p. 123 and TJrter, 1921, life.") (Binford, 1971, p. 7 quoting Viollier, Binford's cross-cultural p.123, respectively). Additionally, analyses address both the ultimate cause of change in mortuary practices over cultural evo lution (Binford, 1971, Tables 2,3) and the proximate causes of various kinds

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of mortuary practices (Binford, 1971, Table 4). The differing kinds of cau
whereas these analyses pertain was not clarified by Binford. Finally, apparently gave beliefs a (1971) theoretical consideration intrasocietal differentiation in mortuary prac role in proximately explaining in practice his earlier analysis of the Galley Pond site tices (see above), sation to which Binford's

(Binford, 1964) considered only social organizational factors, not philosophi

cal-religious, circumstantial, or physical ones.

The relationship that Binford (1971) demonstrated between mortuary

to spark the interest of many Ameri practices and social organization helped can archaeologists in the potential of mortuary practices for reconstructing in Binford's article, the ambiguities the past (see references above). However, Binford's model Galley Pond analysis, which was entirely social in its (1964) and perhaps simply the excitement of being able to "get at" pre orientation, historic led to social organization (Tainter, 1993, personal communication), of a paradigm that involved, for at least some archaeolo the crystallization gists, a subtle yet significant shift in thinking from the primary thrust of Bin ford's (1971) article. Emphasis was placed, inmainstream American mortuary on reconstructing social organization from intrasocietal variation archaeology, as a proximate cause of mor in mortuary practices?i.e., social organization

secondarily on cultural dynamics and social organization tuary practices?and as the ultimate cause of stability or change in mortuary practices, which had been Binford's main concern. This emphasis was natural; the first step logi in focusing on social or cally has to be taken before the second. However, the potential as a proximate cause of mortuary practices, role of ganization beliefs as alternative, proximate causes was not carried philosophical-religious forward from Binford's essay. By implication and explicit statement (see quo tations by Greber, 1979, Tainter, 1978, above), social or 1979, Rothschild, came to be viewed as the primary proximate determinant of ganization beliefs became secondary or mortuary practices and philosophical-religious This view had the op unconsidered proximate determinants. "exceptional," it fit comfortably within the material to become popular because portunity at the time. that dominated American archaeology ist-ecological paradigm focus on social organization did In turn, American mortuary archaeology's an exchange of understandings about mortuary not encourage practices with were demonstrating ethnology or disciplines outside of anthropology, which how beliefs influence mortuary practices.

Philosophy
A mining second mortuary reason why practices understandings did not filter of from the role of beliefs in deter other social sciences into

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American archaeology during the 1960s to the 1980s is the difference in

the disciplines' and the generality of their research goals. philosophies was dominated American archaeology by positivist concerns with universal In contrast, the studies of mortuary and beliefs by propositions. practices

Aries (1977),Haberstein and Lamers (1960), andKubler-Ross (1969) (cited

In ethnology and sociology, the above) were contextual and particularistic. general nature of world views and belief systems and their variation with social organizational types had yet to be defined (Kearney, 1975), and this remains largely true today. An exception was Douglas' (1970) work, Natural her social organizational 1962) used (Service, types did not by American correspond

Symbols. However, the evolutionary

to

types archaeologists then; the conceptual bridge from mortuary practices and social organization to world view was not obvious. Works that begin to make this bridge by societal types to kinds of belief systems are Goodman's relating (1991) and Swanson's studies. (1960) cross-cultural

Problems

of Logic

of mortuary inde Archaeology's understandings practices developed of those growing in other disciplines also because of two explicit, that were made by Binford arguments persuasive (1971) and commonly toward the study accepted. These arguments directed mortuary archaeology of social organization and away from the study of beliefs, but unnecessarily involved subtle illogicalities. so; both arguments First was Binford's argument against the "idealist" or "rationalist" ap proach to cultural analysis, including mortuary analysis. The idealist posi pendently that similarities and differences in behavior, such as mortuary result from similarities and differences in ideas. Binford rituals, (1971, p. this view in two ways, in favor of a stance that explains dif 7) criticized ferences in mortuary in relation to social organization. behaviors First, he out that if differences are to be explained in mortuary behaviors pointed in belief, one must still seek explanations for the different by differences beliefe. This is true. However, the same logic could be applied to a social are to be ex in mortuary behaviors organizational approach: If differences one must still seek plained by variation in social relations and organization, tion holds for the different social organizations. Binford's criticism per explanations tained to the issue of infinite regression in explanation rather than to the relevance of beliefs or social organization to explaining mortuary behavior. view was by claiming that his position against it is a logical replay of Durk heim's justified criticism of the unilinear evolutionists. This analogy is not

The second way in which Binford (1971, p. 7) criticized the idealist

118 valid. Binford held that social rather

Can

than beliefs, is the ap such as mortuary In rituals. propriate explanation that "social facts," rather contrast, Durkheim argued (1938, pp. 97-112) and individual psychology, than hypothesized should be personal emotions social facts are patterns used to explain behaviors ultimately. Importantly, ultimate organization, of behaviors Durkheim and but also institutionalized behaviors beliefs. as acceptable, ultimate explanations of behav did not argue, as Binford said iors, including mortuary rituals. Durkheim that behaviors such as mortuary practices are determined he did, ultimately rather than beliefs and are to be explained in this by social organization that include not only modal saw such beliefs

how differences way. Thus, for example, Durkheim (1951) demonstrated in France at the turn of and Protestants in the suicide rates of Catholics in their institutionalized the century related to differences beliefs. Likewise, that mortuary reflect Durkheim's student, Robert Hertz, argued practices to the living, and beliefs such both the social relationship of the deceased as the nature of the soul's journey to the afterlife (Hertz, 1907; see above). The second argument of Binford's (1971, p. 16) that directed American and away from toward the study of social organization mortuaiy archaeology the study of beliefs is that mortuary practices are symbolic. InWhite's (1949) a symbol is a thing, the form of which is arbitrarily related to the it by its collective users. From this view, Binford bestowed upon meaning reasoned that the form of any mortuary practice holds an arbitrary relation ar ship to the beliefe or social identities itmight reflect, which thus remain sense, unreconstructible chaeologically (see also Tainter, 1978, p. 121). For example, is cremated does not inherently reflect any par whether or not the deceased the deceased was a chief, a criminal, or died ticular belief, nor whether Binford then went on to argue that archaeologists must study the drowning. structure rather than the form of mortuary remains, and that their structured of the society's members. variation within a society reflects the organization was an alternative: that structured Binford Not considered by (1971) the organization in mortuary remains might variation reflect, analogously, the philosophical-religious of a society's philosophical-religious beliefs, i.e., the society's world view. Specifically, in part, comprise themes that may, can reflect cate as contrasting groups of burials within a population just differ socially in life or death, so too can they reflect gories of persons that charac of persons that differ in their philosophical-religious categories to some belief. In turn, the multiple, in life or death, according teristics redundant symbols that define those categories of persons and that reflect of those beliefe particular beliefs could indicate the organization multiple, themes. For example, burials oriented into broader philosophical-religious to go to two different af east versus west might reflect persons presumed

terlives in different directions, asMerbs (1989) has illustrated for the Inuit.

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

119

Other

traits that correlate with burial orientation mortuary (Merbs, per sonal communications, may indicate a suite of characteristics 1989-1992) of those two afterlives, theme of the Inuit world view. i.e., a cosmological or associated sets of symbols, analyzed It is such kinds of contrasting in the synchronie and historical context of each other and supplemental data,

that the contextual school of Hodder (1982a; 1982b, p. 9) has exploited to

reconstruct terms, themes. In Turner's (1967, pp. 50-51) philosophical-religious it is possible to infer the "positional meaning" of a symbol from its to others as a system. relationships

A final, more subtle way in which Binford's (1971) essay directed American mortuary archaeology from the study of beliefs was through away an implicit overgeneralization of the results of his cross-cultural survey. Bin ford's survey revealed some fundamental associations between several di vertical social position, horizontal mensions of social organization (e.g., age, social position) and certain forms of burial practices (e.g., body preparation,

grave furniture) (Binford, 1971, Table 4). Binford (1971, pp. 23, 25) cor
that social differentiation and complexity rectly concluded proximately cause mortuary practices. However, his further conclusion (Binford, 1971, and per p. 25), that ideas/beliefs do not explain burial practices ultimately, sur is unclear here), does not follow. Binford's haps proximately (Binford vey did not include any variables that would allow one to assess the impact of beliefe on mortuary practices within a society and the degree of mutual of beliefs and mortuary practices over cultural evolution. The survey change reported here corrects for this situation.

for several paradigmatic, and logical reasons, Thus, philosophical, mainstream American mortuary became focused on the study archaeology of social organization rather than beliefs and world views from the 1960s to the 1980s. Findings in other fields about how beliefs impact mortuary were not integrated into archaeology. practices

Consequences

for the Development

of Middle-Range

Theory

Once focused on social analysis, American mortuary archaeologists to build a body of middle-range for reconstructing social or theory from mortuary practices and remains. Although efforts were in ganization the rate of theory development itially productive (see references above), soon slowed. Over the past decade, little progress has been made within the American tradition. The works of O'Shea (1982, 1984) on the effects of formation processes remains, and McGuire upon mortuary (1992, pp. are among the last fundamen 126-128) on quantifying energy expenditure, tal, theoretical advances. sought

120 A

Carr

in theory building is the narrow primary reason for the slowdown of the context of beliefs, outside focus on social organization, that was taken. This has had two effects. First, it deterred acquisition of basic knowl that deter edge about the full spectrum of factors, and their interactions, Such a broad knowledge-base mine mortuary might have been practices. used, through Specifically, that were analytic middle-range theory the several to continue the development feedback, in ways that have not occurred. cross-cultural ethnographic of robust

surveys of mortuary

practices (Binford, 1971;Goldstein 1976, 1981;Tainter, 1975;Vehik, 1975)

to develop and test theory coded and searched for undertaken or circumstantial causes of variation in only social organizational regularities inmortuary practices, not beliefs or their interaction with social organization as causes. As a consequence, in some key case studies of mortuary remains in where some incongruities between archaeological contextual patterning, relative to social explanations and expectations occurred formation, (e.g.,

Braun, 1979; Brown, 1971b;Greber, 1979; Peebles, 1971;Rothschild, 1979;

Tainter, and testing of possible rela 1975), further exploration, modeling, to beliefs, or to the interaction of beliefs of mortuary tionships practices and social organization, were not encouraged; directive feedback was dimin in theory development of diminished feedback problem below shows that nearly The cross-cultural survey presented slight. record that mortuary the features of the archaeological archaeologists are often determined to reconstruct social organization cally analyze balance The of social and philosophical-religious second way in which the narrow ished.5 This is not all of typi by a

slowed the development ultimately rather than causal theory. Specifically, many the formulation of correlative so that are affected by social factors do not symbolize mortuary practices or social identities directly. Instead, they are choices cial organization that attitudes and values about those identities in re reflect social or personal to beliefs. For example, infants may be buried outside of the life not because of their age, directly, but because of of a community space and having a soul at that age (e.g., see dis beliefs about their humanness cussion of the T?llensi, below). often do not directly cause of social organization Because dimensions correlate with them through intervening but, instead, mortuary practices between mortuary and variable beliefs, relationships practices and dimen lation
5In as been some have of beliefe viewed the effects instances, upon mortuary practices to patterned social organization and mortuary between relationships practices disruptions as causal factors of interest in their own 1978, p. 108; Ucko, 1969) rather than (e.g., Tainter,

factors. focus on social organization has of middle-range theory is by fostering

Hodder, 1982a). right (e.g., Gruber, 1971;Hall, 1983, p. 10%

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

121 are quite variable cross-culturally for theory for relating mor middle-range can logically be developed only when interaction are considered together for

sions of social organization, alone, most practices (see below). Stronger to their social causes tuary practices social organization, beliefe, and their their effects on mortuary practices. There

are other reasons why the development of theory about mor behavior has slowed, beyond American focus on the tuary archaeology's social. First, as in all the sciences (Kuhn, 1962), bursts of creativity in theory building are typically followed by a slowing, during which times the routine, and setting appropriate relationships occur. Goldstein's boundary (1976, 1981) clari fication of Saxe's (1970) hypothesis about how corporate groups are re in mortuary flected is an example. Other possible remains (see below) reasons for the slowdown include the small number of archaeologists and students who have focused their research on mortuary practices and com the larger American cultural and educational milieux prise a workforce; "normal scientific" conditions death as a subject matter; and (Kubler-Ross, 1969), which have downplayed access to human remains, which American recent, decreasing archaeology's for mortuary enthusiasm may be dampening archaeology. theory Finally, has probably been slowed by the complex structure of many development data sets, which pose tough methodological that have mortuary problems pat terning (e.g., Braun, 1979; 1981). In sum, it would appear that further development and strengthening of middle-range in mortuary of archaeology requires a broadening theory to include both social organization and philosophical-religious perspective beliefs as determinants of mortuary to in for choosing practices. Reasons beliefs need not be simply a matter of paradigm or interest (Hod vestigate der, 1982a, 1982b). discouraged relevant and in-depth quantitative analyses of mortuary tasks of clarifying for propositions

PREVIOUS HUMAN RELATIONS AREA FELE SURVEYS OF MORTUARY PRACTICES

four cross-cultural surveys of mortuary practices have been the Human Relations Area Files (Binford, 1971; by archaeologists using Goldstein, 1976, 1981; Tainter, 1975; Vehik, 1975). Each of these surveys has been very helpful, yet also has drawbacks as a basis for building middle-range theory for interpreting mortuary practices. First, none of the surveys consid ered philosophical-religious beliefs, or their interaction with social factors, as of mortuary potential determinants practices. Second, none of the surveys examined, at once, a large number of practices and large number of poten Tb date,

made

122

Carr

a result of both limi tially causal factors for a large sample of societies. As to firmly establish the multivariate yet sys tations, it has not been possible that occur between single mortuary practices and their tematic relationships causes within and among societies. several proximate sometimes

Binford (1971) surveyed 40 nonstate societies, worldwide. He showed

social po of social differentiation (age, sex, horizontal in a society's mortuary social position) practices expressed to their in number and kind among societies according vary systematically as approximated their type of subsistence. His survey also by complexity, remains (e.g., body treatment, kinds of mortuary hints at the particular to of grave furniture) that tend cross-culturally grave orientation, quantity and circumstances of differentiation of social certain dimensions evidence the survey considered death (see below). However, only a limited number were only social causes of mortuary practices, and these (six) of potential ob the total number of relationships in nature. Also, and circumstantial for nine cate and causes is small?106 served between mortuary practices that the dimensions sition, vertical

gories of practices (Binford, 1971, Table 4). Thus, the stability of the
In addition, Binford's is questionable. sample of surveyed be biased in unknown ways, not having been based on Mur may the sociopolitical dochs complex (1969) world sampling provinces. Finally, in preparation for correlating which each society was characterized, ity by was based on itsmode of subsistence, rather than practices with complexity, on sociopolitical variables. The HRAF survey reported below cor directly rects for these limitations. in Goldstein surveyed 30 societies, worldwide, (1976, 1981, pp. 59-61) Saxe order to assess one socially focused relationship originally posited by lineal descent that corporate, groups that p. 119). Saxe proposed (1970, formal areas use and/or control crucial and restricted resources maintain patterns societies found that formal disposal for the exclusive disposal of their dead, and conversely, to found only the converse areas indicate such descent groups. Goldstein and ritualize their such social groups symbolize be true, because usually by many means, only one of which may be the maintaining corporateness of formal disposal areas (see below). Tainter (1975; 1978, pp. 121, 126-128) surveyed 103 societies world in order to evaluate one socially focused hypothesis: The social wide, again is expressed "rank" of a person through the amount of energy expended of the body. Tkinter found this propo on funeral activities and disposition sition to be true in every society he surveyed. He also found that only cer the social rank of indicated tain forms of energy expenditure consistently the deceased furniture social rank. (see below). Significantly, were placed with the deceased the kinds seldom and quantities of grave these indicators of among

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

123

Vehik (1975) surveyed 26 societies having specific characteristics

in thought relevant to modeling mortuary practices and their determinants societies similar to a central European, early Bronze Age society that she or studied. The selected societies are all simple, subsisting by horticulture and by large animal husbandry. All have without irrigation, agriculture small communities, averaging 100 to 200 persons, and practice inhumation of the dead. Because Vehik's sample of societies was so narrowly focused, it is not suited here. Moreover, it included only for building middle-range theory of the general kind sought 13 mortuary practices, Vehik's survey considered although causes. six social and circumstantial

METHODS HUMAN RELATIONS AREA FILE SURVEY:

to a wide spec of mortuary To investigate the relationship practices as well as social trum of possible causes, including philosophical-religious Relations societies were surveyed using the Human factors, 31 nonstate causes were coded. The and 29 possible Area Files. In all, 46 practices to Binford's survey to survey was designed (1971) cross-cultural parallel so that the re the extent possible and when methodologically appropriate, and integrated. sults of both can be compared

Societies

Sampled

Table I shows the sample of societies that were selected for study. Each of a different "world sampling province" as designed society is a member

by Murdock (1969) and, therefore, is approximately independent of the

others culture-historically. of societies dependence and White, 306; Murdock societies but having for which all culture-historical Thus, "Galton's problem"?the minimized in a sample?was 1967, p. (Murdock, 1980, pp. 5-6). Selection was also limited to those on mortuary and determinants information practices outside of the HRAF were not used.

could readily be accessed in theHRAF; societies listed byMurdock (1969) Within these constraints, societies thatMurdock (1969) listed as the first
of the world sampling provinces were preferred, their having the members most ethnographic information of any kind. The sample was also chosen so that each continent was represented by a similar number of societies of diverse sociopolitical complexity. Finally, a society was chosen only if the number mortuary of pages practices of ethnographic description specifically [Table H, "Outline of Cultural Materials" its concerning codes (OCM) their ethnographies

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126

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in top half] was manageable ( 750 pages) yet sufficient ( 30 pages). The
median number these of relevant selection Given for the sampled societies is 303. the sample is well distributed, but not criteria, cultural diversity as Murdock of worldwide and White's pages

as representative

(1980) standard cross-cultural sample of 186 societies. Of the 31 societies chosen for study here and the 40 chosen by Binford (1971), only eight are
shared (Tkble I), because Binford's sample was not based on Murdock's sampling provinces. Societies were characterized ricultural intensity" as encoded classes plex Man of societies were defined:

and "ag by both their "social complexity" Murdock columns 32, 28), not (1967, by

simply their mode of subsistence, which Binford (1971) had used. Five
hunter-gatherers having hunter-gatherers; (1) band-level (2) com substantial inherited or leadership positions,

not; (3) horticultural tribewith head men; (4) petty hierarchy with a Big
or chief; and (5) multilevel, chiefdom. The combinations paramount of Murdochs column codes used to define these classes are shown in Table data was then checked of each society using Murdock's I. The classification literature searched. A few in the ethnographic information with diagnostic as appropriate. were In the end, six band-level altered classifications nine horticultural five complex hunter-gatherers, tribes, hunter-gatherers, seven petty hierarchies, chiefdoms were studied. and four paramount

Coding

Variables

Table II shows the OCM traits (Murdock et al., 1982) for which rele
literature were searched. All traits that the ethnographic bear on the social, philosophical-religious, circumstantial, might reasonably were considered or ecological of mortuary determinants practices physical, vant pages of for search. This procedure contrasts with previous surveys, which limited

search toHRAF traitsdirectly pertaining to death and funerals (codes 76*).

statements of the reasons Also, beyond explicit locating ethnographers' cited by informants for particular mortuary practices, an attempt was made to understand the logical "fabric" of a society's world view (Tbelken, 1979, in the society's practices. is reflected and how this probably pp. 156-157) This was achieved by the following means. First, all of the pages of the traits on mortuary to au of the OCM listed in practices pertaining II (top half) were read for each society. These pages provided infor on both mortuary and reasons, of any kind, for them. mation practices Then, for two-thirds of the societies, randomly selected and as time allowed literature was read within OCM trait cate (Table I, column 5), additional HRAF Table

gories that focus on beliefe (TableH, bottom half) and that, by experience,

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

127

Table IL "Outline of CulturalMaterials" Traits that were Chosen for Search in the Ethnographic Literature
Traits pertaining to mortuary rituals and behaviors

164
165 211

Morbidity, including the distribution of diseases and accidents

Mortality, Mnemomic including devices, death rates and causes commemorative statuses and monuments including

266 428 523 533 682 727

731

Cannibalism Inheritance Hobbies, including heirlooms Music, includingdirges and laments Offenses against life, includingpunishment of attempted suicide Aftermath of combat, includingdisposition of war casualties
Disasters, including reactions to them

76*
761 763

Death
Life Dying, and death, including including postmortem amulets protective examinations and body manipulation

764 765
766 767 768 769 778 78*

Funeral Mourning
Deviant mortuary practices Mortuary specialists Social readjustments Cult Sacred Religious of

to death, inheritance including the dead, rituals, including behaviors, purification objects and places practices

782 783 788

796 843

Propitiation, includinghuman sacrifice Purification and expiation, including purification rites Ritual
Organized Pregnancy, ceremonial, including calendar ceremonial including the disposition of miscarriages and stillbirths

845 847
Traits 154 157

Difficult and unusual births, including the disposition of miscarriages and stillbirths Abortion and infanticide, including disposition of victums of infanticide
pertaining Adjustment Personality to philosophical-religious processes, traits including beliefe dreaming, and world inspiration, view0 intuition

183 208
374

Norms Public opinion, including attitudes

Heat, Sex including status, notions about hot and cold

513
562 577 673

Sleeping, including ideas about sleeping, positions in sleeping

Ethics, Wrongs, of uncleanliness of women including notions of conscience ideals, conception including ethical of legal norms including violation

674 682
689 727

Crimes Offenses against life, including punishment of attempted suicide, homicide

Social offences and their actions Aftermath of combat, including mortality in war

732
734 737

Feeblemindedness, handicapped
Invalidism, including Old age dependency, care of including sick and injured care of aged

738
75* 751 752 753 754

Delinquency
of diseases theory and treatment amulets including protective Bodily injuries, theory of accidental injuries of disease, about Theory including theory of death, notions in witches, werewolves Sorcery, including beliefs vampires, Sickness, Preventive including medicine,

loathsome

diseases

128

Can

Table IL Continued
755 Magkal life and mental

758
761

Medical care, including care of the insane, sick and injured

and death, including

therapy,

including

counter

measures

to sorcery of causes of death,

762 763
764

theories of life, death, disease Suicide Dying, including beliefs, omens of death
Funerals, Religious General

protective

amulets,

conception

769
77* 771

Cult of the dead, including beliefs about ghosts, ancestor worship

beliefs, character including of religion, the origins the relation these and magical beliefs, of conception sacred of fate, escatol

including

mortuary

sacrifices,

ideas

about

corpses

ogy, myths about origin of death

including of conception

772
773 774 775 776 777 778

and profane

Cosmology
Mythology, Animism, including including of breath the realm of Escatology, including familiar Spirits and gods, including Luck and chance Sacred objects and places, including organization to soul, soul concepts the dead, reincarnation spirits, gods, nature spirits, monsters concepts of soul-stuff, animated fetishes the cosmos*

779 78* 781 782

783 784 787

Theological systems Religious practices Religious experiences, including emotional reactions in religion Propitiation, including animal sacrifices
Purification Avoidance notions of uncleanliness, and expiation, purification including taboos taboos, including word Revelation and divination, of dreams, trances, religious including interpretation with omens and divination, communication spirit possession, spirits, revelation and

805
812 82* 821 822

and astrology 801 numerology Ordering of time will

Philosophy, Ideas about including nature conception and man, including of a moral order of the universe, concept of free and physiology phenomena; ideas of night of and

Ethnometeorology,

anatomy including ideas about cosmic

day 823 824 825

826

Ethnogeography, including notions of water Ethnobotany Ethnozoology

Ethnoanatomy, ideas about including ideas about

ideas about form, color, sound, including Ethnophysics, of time, ethnophysics and reflections, conception

interpretation

shadows

the human

anatomy,

ideas

about

blood

827 828 831

833 841 847 854

Ethnophysiology, including knowledge and beliefs concerning human physiology,

breathing

Ethnopsychology, including ideas about abnormal mental states, conceptions of

fatigue and dreams

Sexuality
Sexual ideas about sexual intercourse intercourse, including blood ideas about menstrual Menstruation, including Infanticide and abortion Infant care, including attitudes

855
856

Child care, including attitudes

Development and maturation, including ideas about these

857 881

Childhood activities, including sleeping habits of children Puberty and initiation, including notions of death and rebirth in initiation
ceremonies

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

129

Table IL Continued 886

888

Senescence, includingprescriptions for longevity

Status and treatment of the aged, including care of aged

""Outline of Cultural Materials" (OCM) traits are described by Murdock et al. (1982). All
were to mortuary rituals and behaviors searched in the eth the listed traits that pertain to not all of the traits that pertain literature for each society studied. However, nographic are listed that were searched for each society. Those world view and beliefs were searched I. in Table of

were

found

to be most

ciety's world-view

for learning about the fabric of the so productive themes and their effects on mortuary practices.

Analytic Tvvo kinds

Variables

the ethnographic in of variables were used to categorize variables" that describe mortuary practices and forms "response the potential variables" that describe social, (Table III) and "independent "determi and ecological circumstantial, physical, philosophical-religious, nants" of those practices (Table IV). The response variables describe prac levels: the body, the and logically nested tices at several distinguishable funeral and and grave furniture, and the disposal area. In addition, grave formation: bereavement practices (variables 30-39), many of which do not have effects were documented. These vari that would be observable archaeologically, in order to assess O'Shea's ables were lead, included, following (1981) or kinds of beliefs might typically whether any aspects of social organization lack archaeological effects and not be reconstructible. variables were constructed and independent The lists of response largely a priori, based on those that have previously been studied in death and ethno related literatures of the social sciences and in archaeological of mortuary practices, as well as on my own insights from logical analyses death-related literatures across cultures. All of the response variables stud

ied by Binford (1971) were included here. A few additions and refinements
to the lists were made tices and causes. The that very practices
6In hindsight to the las (2) general

unforeseen prac early in the survey to accommodate in final set of selected variables proved satisfactory mortuary

between few instances of unclassifiable relationships the survey.6 and their causes occurred through
and of fear for

relationships: (1) grief for the deceased as the sole reason for a practice should be added;
of the corpse/death (Hertz, 1907) as the sole reason for a practice should

independent

seven modifications recommend the benefit of future surveys, I would in order to accommodate certain and dependent variables,

130
Table HL Response Variables: Mortuary Some Body characteristics Practices examples and Forms of variable states

Variable

1.

Body preparation (B) Body treatment (B)

Washing; painting/ sprinkling the body or bones with

pigment,

2.

the body or bones as given) prior to the funeral

perfume,

flowers;

(i.e.,

ornamentation

of

Mutilation, cremation, embalming, autopsy, of disarticulation; disarticulation, degree bundling or other packaging of bones/ashes, cannibalism of the body or bones) (i.e., processing prior to or 3a or during See 3a funeral, secondary burial

either Body position, 3b, undetermined 3a. 3b. 4. 4a. paration and

Body position during pre

treatment

Body position at burial (B)

either 4a Body orientation, or 4b, undetermined to relative Body orientation

Hexing/extension head; chest Same as 3a See 4a

of body; positioning of legs, arms, up or down; on left side, right side

Direction

relative

to north

cardinal directions during

4b. and treatment preparation relative Body orientation to cardinal directions at Same as 4a

burial
5a. relative Body orientation features of real or to Direction relative to a river, to the land of the dead

mythological landscape
during preparation treatment 5b. and to at to Parallel; wheel Same as 5a relative Body orientation features of real or mythological

burial

landscape

relative Body orientation others in the grave at

perpendicular,

spoke

pattern

burial
Form of disposal Grave only, scaffold scatter ashes, put Grave 8. 9. Number of individuals container characteristics and grave, in river, in urn in home in tree,

per form

Number Architectural of grave, traits such urn; as total building size, volume, materials;

grave Grave and

shape

(B)
10. Grave orientation (B)
relative 11. to cardinal directions Grave orientation relative to feature of real or

coffin, ornamentation; Direction relative

to north

Direction

relative

to a river,

to the

land of

the dead

mythological landscape 12/17. Local grave location (B)

Within

or outside mound,

cemetery,

the community life-space; within house etc. floor, midden,

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

131

Table HL Continued Variable

Grave furniture Functional Some examples of variable states

characteristics

13a.

Kinds of grave furniture initiallyplaced in or on top of the grave (B)

Source of grave furniture

types present (e.g., knives, ornaments, of local versus exotic raw items made points), or styles, items found in the village as materials well as or only in mortuary broken or contexts, sacrifices unbroken,

13b.

The

14.

Quantity

of grave

furniture

initiallyplaced in the grave (B)

else's from person's, person's family, someone someone else's from outside within community, the community, shared community belonging of functional Counts and weights types, local versus or styles, items found in the exotic raw materials as well as or only in mortuary contexts village grave, of grave goods by type with to body relative location high; all burials similar location in

15.

16.

of Spatial arrangement grave furniture as initially in the grave placed Overall energy expenditure on grave architecture and relative to other furniture

Association

Low,

medium,

burials
Disposal 17. 18. See 12, above location of dis posal area relative to area characteristics

Regional

River

terrace,

ridge

top, next

to water,

in the forest

19/22a.

topography/ecozones location relative Regional settlement

to Near, Yes, Yes, it Yes,

far, visible no no no

or not,

from

settlement

20a. 20b.
21.

Cemetery formally
demarkated

Graves formally demarked

Cemetery visible or graves within from a distance as a warning to to the region) Cemetery

(e.g., intruders

content

and

internal

organization

22a. 22b. 23. 24.

See 19, above Number of burials

Number Number Distance some culturally and direction from placed a chiefs (e.g., burial), from some a hillock), or from the feature (e.g., geographic center of the cemetery, with respect to which the is organized cemetery near Isolated, average distance, feature

Number of types of burials

socially recognized location Within-cemetery of a grave relative to some absolute bench mark in the cemetery location Within-cemetery of a grave relative to all other graves Within-cemetery of all graves each other relative orientation to

25.

26.

Alignments

of graves

into

rows, wheel-spoke

pattern

132 Table BDL Continued Variable

27. Clustering relative benchmark 28. Within-cemetery relative to each grave other Yes, no; the type, the benchmark of all graves to some cemetery Yes, no; Some the kind examples of variable states

Carr

of benchmark

location of burial types 29. Clustering of certain burial

to some types relative benchmark cemetery Other 30. 31. 32. 33. funerary Funeral Funeral Funeral behaviors oratory song dance of

groups based on age, groups, Family cluster social categories together

sex, or other

the survivors,

not

reflected

in the grave,

body,

or cemetery

and games and Presence/absence of funeral number attendees and their

Self-explanatory Same as 30 Same as 30 or men few persons; women excluded; Many, women stand on one side of the corpse, men the other on

positioning
34. 35. Funeral Funeral fasting time, duration; a secondary whether funeral occurs ornamentation grave grave meals, Self-explanatory after death, after Immediately some calendric time, during Self-explanatory Same as 36 Male or female, gender compared relative or nonrelative to that of the a specified length of short, long

period;

36. 37. 38. 39.

Costume,

bereavement, Grief, visitation Corpse processors,

diggers
funeral activities, Other funeral form in general considered in Binford's

deceased,

Self-explanatory

fl(B) means

(1971)

survey.

to be general variables were constructed philosophical-religious be found through survey more that instances of each would likely enough to entail some of the logic that peoples than rarely, yet specific enough variables were coded, be attribute to mortuary rites. Only two ecological cause such causes are rarely recorded ethnographically; usually the mem The
be included. political into vertical be partitioned should social position (3) vertical reasons and religious/spiritual standing; power, (4) practical in differences for a behavior

wealth,

(e.g., shell is placed in ear orifices to keep the dirt out) should be added; (5) each of the

not simply the deceased, of the living funeral participants, of the social personae dimensions of the giver since grave goods can reflect the personae should be added as possible causes, attendees should be separated of funeral as well as that of the deceased; (6) the number or of secondary and (7) the occurrence the funeral ritual; from their positioning during or tertiary body processing and reburial, be should rites, and secondary funerary tertiary from funeral time and duration. separated

Mortuary Table

Practices

and Their

Determinants

133
of Mortuary examples Practices of variable and Forms states

IV. Independent

Variables:

Determinants Variable Some

Circumstances 51. Location of death of death since death At

of death not in social

52a
52b. 53.

Timing Duration

home, away from base camp, an area to normal body processing conducive The season, weather conditions, position calendar days; years (pertinent to secondary

Hours,

Cause of death physically, which causes physical

on processing the body, funeral, etc. bereavement, constraints

Partial body, mutilation, no body

funerals)

Physical 55a. 62a. Physical Physical health requirements Must

requirements bury before visible signs with quickly of decomposition oil before after cremation; death in

of the living the body

62b. 63. 64. Need Heed after Need for access

for requirements of processing subsequent to the body

Body must be anointed must flex the corpse Yes, Yes, Yes, no no no

preparation for burial

for funeral ritual

for access to the body funeral ritual to hide or protect the

body from animals, etc enemies, Social 56. social class Circumstantial, at ification of deceased time of death 57 58. 59. 60. Vertical social position position in Chief, shaman, commoner, other social strata position War-dead, twin of the deceased criminal, male initiate, newborn

pregnant,

life
Horizontal social

in Ufe
as a social position Age as a social position Gender Indicators personal of only self the

group, residence Kinship and relative deceased Fetus, Male, infant, youth, female,

group, sodality of the to other living persons adult, elder

androgenous

61/
65.

Symbols of personality, physical deformity

Philosophical-religious beliefs
54. Beliefs about cause of sickness and death of deceased the Good death" versus "bad death"; anomalous suicide and its spiritual deaths: implications; versus natural death; sacrificial witchcraft victim, of the murderer, social category and cannibalism, their spiritual implications the grave will cause an illness, the soul will Seeing seek revenge

55b.

Beliefs

about

requirements

the living

physical health or safety of

134
Table IV. Continued Some examples of variable states

Can

Variable 81a. Beliefs about the afterlife

Location of the afterlife, good or bad quality of the

afterlife, needs of of the deceased on the there, living, time

in the afterlife 81b. Beliefs about the nature of the soul (other than its journey) and its effect on the living
Beliefs about the nature of Influence the deceased

spent soul

vengeful

83.

Supplies

are

required

to reach

the afterlife,

the

soul

the journey of the soul to the afterlife

86. Beliefs about a soul's maturation, reincarnation about and existence, 82. 84. Beliefs of about

must be sung directions to the afterlife to find its

waning during life

the soul or myths Beliefs universal orders

young do not have a soul and do not treatment, only the very require special burial deaths die natural who die are reincarnated Children quickly Male/female, dry/wet, land/water, clean/unclean, color numbers, magical the cardinal directions

way The very

old

their

semen/blood, symbolism,

the symbolic symbols, of a person classification upon death

day/night, of qualities

85. 87.

Origin myths Beliefe about third-party

souls funeral and spirits, after

A person should be buried in the direction of the

homeland The

death through after the 88. Beliefe about responsibilities

of the to or punishments soul of the deceased about the status and Beliefs change of status of the at/after person their effect on their death, the living

protected from evil spirits, spirits will trouble the

living unless Relatives must a certain offer thing is done for the soul's furniture

body

as a representative

of

the soul must

be

grave

well-being The deceased gains importance and power over the

89.

living upon death

Ecology 90.
91.

Territorial marking
Land/resource availability

Mounds built on bluff crests

Land too scarce for a cemetery

bers of a society are unaware of the higher-order, systemic determinants of their behaviors. to a given de of a given mortuary An observed practice relationship as a whole if the rela terminant in a society was recorded for the society uniformly across the society. The relationship was recorded tionship applied a relation if it held for only that group. For example, for a subpopulation only for persons of certain age classes (e.g., socially recognized adults)

ship of the energy expended on burial to vertical social position might hold
or

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

135

gender as well

(e.g., male). In such cases, the stratifying variable (e.g., age, gender) as the determinant of focus (e.g., vertical social position) was re corded as a cause of the practice (e.g., energy expenditure). literature for each society was read by 34 The selected ethnographic graduate and honors students under my direction in four seminars. Students recorded quotations or paraphrases of reported relationships between mor and wrote an overview essay of the tuary practices and their determinants themes of the society's practices and determinants. Most societies were sur were surveyed by two, when veyed by different students. A few societies explicitly reported half) was sought. In the records, relationships were distinguished from those inferred from the ethnog by ethnographers in the coding, stu consistency raphies by the students or me. To promote of each variable, and particular cases dents were instructed in the meanings of coding were regularly discussed during the survey. From the collection the data presented and essays, I encoded of direct quotations, paraphrases, II, bottom
here.

within theOMC trait categories on beliefs (Table supplemental information

of 46 response variables describing kinds of constructed variables describing kinds of po mortuary practices and 29 independent tential causes (Table V). Each cell of the matrix gives the number of so an independent and dependent between in which a relationship cieties was found in the literature (Table V). Each instance of a re variable-pair " the same relationship When is called here an "observation. lationship variables was reported more than once and dependent among independent for a society, the relationship was tabulated only once. The data include inferred by the students or me were given 1887 observations. Relationships were a count of .5, whereas in the ethnographies those stated explicitly a count of 1. The data include only 51 inferred relationships?2.68% given of all observations. These are scattered randomly through the matrix. or "lay The primary matrix was broken into five component matrices ers" (Tables VT through X). Each contains the counts of observed relation variables for societies of only and independent ships among the dependent one of the five classes that differ in sociopolitical complexity. The recorded mortuary causes, and relationships among practices, include behav them are probably of several kinds. The practices probably as well as the actual behaviors iors reported to ethnographers by informants include ideal as observed Informant reports probably by ethnographers. well and modal practices. The range of practices observed by an ethnog rapher may not be modal, given the small numbers of deaths that ethnog raphers typically witness during their limited stays in the field. This bias is less problematic for most of the sampled societies, which were studied by multiple ethnographers. The analytic effect of tabulating practices of th?

A matrix was

136

Can

Table

V. Counts

of Observations

of Relationships

Between

Mortuary

Practices

and

51

52a

52b

53

55a

62a

62b

63

64

56

57

58

59

60

1 2
3a

21 22
3

2112139 13
1111

243

13
1

10 3 9665
1

12

4 4a
4b 5 5a 5b 6 7_5 4 10 11 12/17 13a 13b 15 18 20a 2 1 1 16_2_111 1.5 25 9 1_2_2.5 1 2 8 3.5

3 3b
1

13 13 4

8 14

2 3 3

11 2 11

3 1 3

5 1

2 2

1_1_15 1

3 1

5 6 14 1 2 5 5

11 13 5.5 22 4

6 5 4 2 6 2

11 11 4.5 12 4

3 14

19/22a 4 20b 3
21_1_

321
112

10 2 3

7392 7
11

1
1 23 1 1 5 1

3
2 1 3

4
12 1

3
3

22b 24 25 26 27
29_

1 14 1 28 14 30 6 4 4 4 1 1

3 31
32 341 1 35 5111211

2
111 9 7 392

4
5 4

3
5 1

13 2 33 5 1.5 7 3 10

36 37
Total
"Matrix data.

1 1 11
4 12
variables

118 3 8
10 3 4 5 38 3 2 3 12 16.5 27.5 107.5 194.5
mortuary practices. Columns

11

5 3
7 1 79

4 39 2 12 39
rows are

4 14 3 6 129 160.5
are

response

describing

independent

Mortuary Their

Practices

and Their

Determinants

137

Determinants

for Societies

of all Levels

of Sociopolitical

Complexity"_

61/65 4 4

54 8 8

55b 81a 81b 3 6 7 15 4 13.5 3 2.5 2.5 5 23

0.5

83 8 2 1 11

86 5.5 11

82 1

84 12 10.5 113 14 6

85 1 14

87 2

88 8 8 1

89 2 1

90

91 Total 126.5 120 7

3.5

1 40.5
1.5

5.5 1 3.51 1.5 17

2 15 1 2 7.5 9 35 1
1.5 1 2.5

1 32 2

0 1 12 1112 2 5 5 3 1 10 7.5 1 6.5 15 2_10 2 9.5 2 1 2 88.5 12 1 2 1_101_ 16

5936 20 3 5.5 1114 113 4 1 242362 75 1 312172

4 7 3.5 1 1111 11 17 17 13 2 2_3

10 4 6 10 2 12 8 7 36 4 1_114_ 2 165.5 1 19.5 28 1_80_ 156 1 92 10 55

1

3317_5 16 1 2 11 3 1 1 25 111
_1

10.5 1 3

13

1 115 2

3_3_1 81211 1 5.5 4

1_1_05_1_53_

12

49 2 1 1 3 5 0 1 22
_g_

1111 131717114127 12 515 1113 3 11 3 1 5 6 13 5 4 1 1 11 6.5 3 1 3 14 5 3 9 24121 68468 563 100 71 111 165 1133 263
variables describing factors that determine

5246 2 116 5 6 1 9.5 4 105 1 12 6 6 171

mortuary

3 1.5 1 5.5 11 8 12 2 1 1 12 2191 773 30 66 135

practices. See

2 1 1 67 3 2 1 26 2

50 48 23 413 1 86.5 34.5 873 70 79 1887

of the

text for a definition

138

Can

Table VL Counts of Observations of Relationships Between Mortuary

1? 1 2 3 3a 3b 4 4a 4b 5 5a 5b 6 7 8 9 10 11
12/17 13a 13b 14 15 16 18 19/22a 20a 20b 21 22b 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39
Total "Matrix data.

52a 52b 53 55a 62a 62b 63

64

56

57

58

59

6o"

1
2 1 23

1 2 1 1 1 1 2

1 1

1 8
rows are

1 3
variables

1
mortuary

73
practices.

11

32

1 12
are

18
independent

response

describing

Columns

Mortuary Practices

Practices

and Their

Determinants

139
Hunter-Gatherers"

and Their

Determinants

for Band-Level

61/65

54

55b 81a 1 2

81b 3 33

83 1

8(5 1

82

84 3 23 1 2

85

87

88

89

90

91 Total 24 21 0 2 6 0 1 3 0 1 13 0 203 3 193 2 1 9 303 4 7 1 11 14 14 0 5 1

1 2 1 1 1 1

03 23 1 1 1 1 1 3 2 1

1 3 2

5 1 1

2.5

3
4.5

1 13

1 1

1 1 2

1 18
variables

1 15 1 27
factors

1 10

43

2 393
mortuary

5
practices.

17
See

22
text for a definition of

17 11 5 7 10 13 5 15 9 14 321
the

describing

that determine

140

Can of Relationships

Table

VIL Counts

of Observations

Between

Mortuary

51 1 3 3a 3b 4 4a 4b 5 5a 5b 6 7_1_12 8

52a

52b

53

55a 1

62a

62b

63

64

56

57 2

58 1

59

60

1113 22 1 1

114 12 9 3 1

10 11
12/17 1_1_1_1

13a 2 13b 14 15 16_1 18 19/22a 20a

21_1_

2 13

3 0.5

1 20b 1

1 2_2 1111 12 111

22b 23 24 25 26 27 28
29_

30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 Total
"Matrix X sum rows response to the counts in Table are

1 1 1 1 1 2 11111 1 200210306
variables V.

1 1

1 11

11 14 21.5
Columns

10 263
are

10

mortuary describing practices. of the data. See text for a definition

independent

Mortuary Practices

Practices

and Their

Determinants

141
Hunter-Gatherers"

and Their

Determinants

for Complex

61/65 54 55b 81a 81b 83 86

13

82 84

85 87 ?"
1

89

90

91 Total 223 12 1 4 4 0 0 43 2 0 0 0 18 0 16 1 0 9 28 3 3 2 8
8.5

1.5

1.5

13 1

1 03

2 03

2 1 1

1 23 2 1 03

1 1

03

1 1 03 3 13 2 1 0 343
mortuary

123 0 9 23 0 11 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 6 4 23 13
5.5 8 10 8

13
variables

1 10

12

16

28 19.5 103
that determine

1
practices.

19
Counts in Tables VI

143 10 13 2693
through

describing

factors

142
Table VUL Counts of Observations of Relationships

Carr
Between Mortuary

51 2 3 3a 3b 4 4a 4b 5 5a 5b 6 2

52a

52b

53

55a 1

62a

62b

63

64 11

56 3 1

57 2 2

58 16 12

59

60 3 1

1113

11

7_2 10 11 12/171_1_112 13b 14 15 16_:_1_18 18 19/22a 20a 20b 21 22b 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 35 36 39 Total

"Matrix X sum

3_3 12 8 12 9

1 3

3 13a 13 2 2 1 3 1112 12 111 1112 1 232 3 1 5 2 1 1 12 14 4

13

1 112 111

112 34 1 12 13 2 37 38 12 1114 04 1723 3 2 2 4 4 39

are

2 2 2 4 3 2 66 1 1 2 1 24

1 90004
rows are

47

Columns variables mortuary describing response practices. of the data. in Table V. See text for a definition to the counts

independent

Mortuary Practices

Practices

and Their

Determinants

143

and Their

Determinants

for Horticultural

Tribes

with

Headmen"

61/65

54

55b 81a 81b 1 6 2 23 1.5

83 3

86 1

82

84

85 1

87

88

89

90

91 Total 4 413 34 4 33 0 5 0 0 4 0

4 121232

1 43 14111

1 1 1 11 83 1

11 13

12

1 12

2 _4 12 1_2

11 1_3.5 1 33 33 1 3_4_3 2_37_ 32141 21 11

_1_1_4_25_

1 203 1

1_223_ 5 5 3 46 8 9 5 133 28 8 12
_0_ 1

3 3 6 111 1 1 3 112

13 1 11 2 111 14 3 1546 11 111 112 14 2

2 1

23 1 1 111

1 1 1

1 1 1 11 1111 12 12 1 2 13
variables

1 11113 12 13

15 0 1 0 0 9
_0_

2 2

12 14

13

2 4 2 1

4 1 3 4

31

1113 12 333

52 523

2 3 12.5 4 3 3 3 563
mortuary

14 12 83 1 13 14 2 17 4 2 49
Counts

15 19 9 10 24 28

1 2 7

0
VI

24 22 24 1 5693
through

describing

factors

that determine

practices.

in Tables

144

Can

Table

DL Counts

of Observations

of Relationships

Between

Mortuary

Practices

and

51 1 2

52a

52b

53 1 11

55a

62a 111

62b

63 2 1

64 14

56 2211

57 2

58 3 1 2

59 12

60

3
3a 4 4a 4b 5 5a 5b 6 7 8 3b2

1
4 12

1_4 1111

1_2

9 10 11
12/17 13a 13b 14 15 18 19/22a 20a 20b
21_

1
1_2 2 1 4

12

4
6 114

13
2 12 3

1
2 3

1 16_1_2 112 2 2 114 4 12 3 6 12 1 13 12 2 1

22b 23 24 25 26 27 28
29_

13

11111 30 13 2 11 111

31

32
35 36 37 39 Total
"Matrix data.

1
33 2 1 1 2 34 3 13 114 13 2 382 2 66 41
Columns

1
52 2 11 3 52 12 39
are

1 2 1

1 2 12
rows are

2
variables

32

29

response

describing

mortuary

practices.

independent

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

145

Their Determinants for Petty Hierarchies with a Bigman or Chief 82 86 84 85 87 88 61/65 54 55b 81a 81b 83 1 2 1111 13 11 11 2 03 1 3 1 03 03 ? 13.5 1 1.5 03 03 1 1.5 03 1 1.5 1

89

90

91 Total 16 28 1 33 15 0.5 13 8.5 0

0 _2 1 1 5 1 03 1 1_3 1 2 1_1_18_ 5 1 1 1 203 2 0 2 322445 13 1_4_1 2 1112 _1 11 1_1 1 1_1_1_19_ 11 10 1 1 1_2 2 1 33 3_42_ 211 15 5 38

1
1 12 1 2 2

13
1 1

4
2 2

1
2

253
1 25
_2_

0 11 0 0 0 0 7
_0_

1 I 1

1 1 11 1

6 10 3 12 10 2 13 10 21 13 21 0 435.5
of the

1 II 12 12 3 103 233
variables

2 2 113 20 4 1 1 183
mortuary

11 1 1111 15 233 28

43
practices.

3 16
See

1 2 24

1 5

describing

factors

that determine

text for a definition

146
Table X. Counts of Observations of Relationships Between

Can

Mortuary

1? 1 2 3 3a 3b 4 4a 4b 5 5a 5b 6 7 8 9 10 11
12/17 13a 13b 14 15 16 18 19/22a 20a 20b 21 22b 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39
Total "Matrix X sum

52a 52b 53 55a 62a 62b 63 1 1 1 1

64

56

57

58

59

AT

03

03 1

03

1 1 1

03 1

2 1 1 3 1 1 1 28

1 1 2

1 1 1

8
rows are

63

183

29
are

18
independent

Columns variables mortuary response describing practices. to the counts in Table V. See text for a definition of the data.

Mortuary Practices

Practices

and Their

Determinants

147

and Their

Determinants

for Paramount

Chiefdoms"

61/65

54 3

55b 81a 81b 1113 2 2 2

83

86 1

82

84 13 2

85 2

87 2

88 3

89 1 1

90

91 Total 223 25 1 1 1 0 4 0 0 0 0 3 12 0 0

1 1 1 1 12 1 1 1.5 73

3 111

1 1

1.5

1_1_1 2

1_22_

_1 113 1

1_1_1 2

1_17_ 2

22 1 4 0
1_17_

_2

1_2_1

2 2

2 2

1 2

1 1

1 1 1 12

10 1 4
_0_ 0

1 1 1

4 2 3 0 0 4
_0_

1 1 12 1 12

3 2 8 115 1 22.5 3

12 23 11

1 11

03

1 1 1112 1 112 53
practices.

1111
1 2 1 25.5 17 11
factors

1
4 2 14 133 7 0 21

1
0
VI

13
16 1 2913
through

7 12 21 8 12
Counts

variables

describing

that determine

mortuary

in Tables

148

Carr

cross-cultural patterning might exist diversity would be to weaken whatever and their determinants. between practices cited as determining The beliefs that ethnographers specific mortuary and that are tabulated here are also probably of several kinds. practices are (1) institutionalized i.e. those embodied in social insti These beliefs,

tutions such as myth or magic; (2) the orthodox opinions of specialists; (3)
1954, pp. 237 (Malinowski, popular views; and (4) individual speculations to have eliminated beliefs of the fourth 254). It would have been preferable do not necessarily bear the third kinds from study. These and, perhaps, to specific practices and/or tight logical relationships selected, enduring, and be regular cross-culturally. that might Unfortunately, identifying

screening beliefs of the third and fourth kinds did not prove to be possible.
Again, weaken the effect whatever of relationships might and mortuary practices. recorded here include largely emic The causes of mortuary practices some ones: primarily causes cited by informants, perhaps and some etic and a few (2.68%) that seemed very clear to inferred by ethnographers, the student readers and me. tabulating cross-cultural beliefs of these various kinds would between be to exist beliefs

Data, Given the nature

Analytic,

and Interpretive

Limitations

of descriptive sible to make. between

and the collected data, certain kinds are and are not pos and interpretations statements, analyses, of relationships in the tabulated frequencies variations First, and their causes may not always be attributed mortuary practices of the HRAF cross-cultural variations alone. In addition, the variations

to their actual

ob and differential ethnographic investigation, may reflect (1) incomplete of practices and causes, and servation, and reporting of various categories ethno survey and coding of the literature. Differential (2) incomplete in turn, may relate to many additional biasing factors. coverage, graphic

These include the relative "visibility"of a practice or determinant physically

in the relative and as a function of its temporal frequency and duration, and the de terest of ethnographers in various practices and determinants, that informants have of different practices, causes, and gree of awareness of their own cultural system. the workings or biased data, some are probably Of these factors causing missing over the societies surveyed and have no or little ac distributed randomly re the kinds of body treatments effect. For example, cumulated, patterned include only part of the full for a society might corded by an ethnographer be symbolized, range of treatments used and some of the social personae

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

149 in other might be cross-cul

the ethnographer deaths infrequently. Randomly, witnessed treatments and symbolized personae societies, different ranges of other biasing factors are probably systematic, missed. However,

cause

turally, and affect the data in patterned ways. For example, the organization is not a common focus of ethnographic and history of growth of a cemetery nor need it be physically obvious to an ethnogra interest and description, the high by the participants of a culture. Likewise, pher or fully understood reasons for traditional behaviors and ideas are order, ecological obscure to a society's members. The infrequency of observations and ecology recorded in Table V (variables 6, tery organization well reflect these possible biases. 90, 91) may A second limitation of the data is that they are not readily to statistical and of commonly on ceme 24-27, 29,

amenable

among testing relationships modeling changes in variable states and relationships with sociopolitical complexity, or autocorrelation to any possible culture-historical attributable dependence. for some Such approaches are discouraged by missing or sparse observations variables, and the proposive nature of the sample. Thus, analysis is restricted found be here largely to inventorying, with lists, the kinds of relationships tween mortuary practices and potential ordi causes, and the approximate, nal-scale commonality of practices, causes, and their relationships. to typify the modal practices, causes, and Third, no attempt was made relationships among them within each specific society. To do so would have and cross-checking, required extensive cultural reconstruction using many sources and domains of culture for each society. Instead, pat ethnographic terning was sought among societies rather than within them, and only in a fashion through an exhaustive listing of presence-absence pretypological, all practices and causes cited to occur in each society. relation Finally, the nature of causality constituted by the documented ships must be clarified. A continuum of kinds of causes, from weak to strong, can be defined. (1) Weakest are proximate, logical and/or apparently func tional relationships that are inferred by an ethnographer, student recorder, or me for various traits of a single society. As mentioned above, such rela a very small percentage of all observed tionships comprise relationships. and White Murdock that such relationships (1980, pp. 3-4) have warned may be spurious rather than functional. stronger are causes (2) Somewhat stated by informants of a single society. These can be functionally explicitly or orthodox reasons, but might also bo post hoc significant, institutionalized, or orthodox rationales. individual speculations or post hoc institutionalized Most of the individual observations in the data base are causes of this second kind. (3) Yet stronger causes are relationships that demonstrate cross-cul tural regularity over historically societies. The cross-cultural independent quality of the patterning can be taken as evidence of valid functional rela

the variables,

150

Carr

tionships (Murdock andWhite, 1980, pp. 3-4). (4) Finally, the strongest
causes which are ultimate, historical causes of stability and change within a culture, can be demonstrated through historical research. in this paper are causes of the all of the relationships evaluated Almost

Their

third kind: cross-cultural regularities evidencing valid functional relationships. nature corresponds with the goal of the papen to find, between mor the common, functional relationships that tuary practices and other factors, remains. allow those factors to be reconstructed from mortuary

RESULTS
first presents some inductively derived, cross-cultural gen of mortuary practices to their possible de of the relationships are with which those relationships terminants and the relative frequency can serve the as found across cultures. The generalizations archaeologist low-level models that define the probable relevance of particular mortuary are to solving particular research problems. The generalizations variables This section eralizations of seven broad questions that pertain to the framework presented within issues raised in the historical sections of this paper. The section proceeds

to focus on the deductive testing of Hertz's (1907) premise about the philo
of mortuary practices. Also tested are some determinants sophical-religious common have used to reconstruct that archaeologists social propositions results also bear on the issue remains. These from mortuary organization of selecting relevant analytical variables.

Generalizations as Symbolic 1. Are Mortuary Practices and Remains, to Their Determining and Forms, Arbitrarily Related and Within Societies? Cross-Culturally Causes/Referents

Question Behaviors

of mortu combinations Clearly no. Of the 1334 possible variable-pair number of cells in Table V) only ary practices and their determinants (the 517 (39%) were found to occur in the sampled societies. Specific kinds of mortuary practices (the rows in Table V) are caused by specific, different, in Table V) crossculturally. restricted of factors (the columns ranges accurate picture is gained if focus is limited to only certain, A more relevant variables. First are those independent variables that are more likely between mortuary to involve symbolic and their relationships practices as opposed causes: social or philosophical-religious to physical, cir factors,

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

151

ones. Second, it is appropriate to screen re and ecological cumstantial, as a result of a variables that were observed sponse infrequently, probably and reporting, as well as those that are lack of ethnographic investigation redundant (variables 4, 5, 6, 22b, 26, 27, 29). Narrowing the data in this

way, only 437.5 (62%) of a possible 702 relevant variable-pair combinations

were revealed. This con and their determinants of mortuary practices accords with the nonrandom between strained distribution relationships of social organization that Bin and dimensions specific mortuary practices

ford (1971, Table IV) found crossculturally.

found here and by Bin The patterned, semideterminant relationships fac ford between mortuary practices and social and philosophical-religious that specific mortuary tors contradict Binford's p. 16) position (1971, behaviors and forms, being symbolic in nature, hold arbitrary relationships to their causes and referents within relate specific mortuary referent meanings. practices In turn, these societies and cross-culturally. Instead, to wide, yet still constrained ranges of semideterminant show that relationships

there is not an empirical basis for concluding, as Binford (1971) did, that

remains it is the structure, rather than the symbolic content, of mortuary that is productive the past. for reconstructing At the same time, itwould be naive to conclude that the specific mean ; in a given culture can usually be inferred from ings of mortuary practices in Table V pertain only their forms, alone. The relationships inventoried to general categories of meaning?for example, "beliefe about an afterlife" rather place), cific social detailed is a better than specific ideas about an afterlife (e.g., the afterlife or "social categorization of the deceased at death" rather than spe categories cross-cultural at death

criminal, pregnant). More (e.g., war-dead, reveal some relationships between surveys may spe cific practices and meanings Conclusions, below). (see for the constrained Several factors are probably responsible range of in Table the practices and general meanings found between relationships occur are certainly set by V First, some limitations on which relationships the constraints of worldly and their natural associa forms and processes basis for cross-culturally tions. These conditions the repeated provide and Metcalf, "natural symbols" (Douglas, 1970; Huntington 1979, pp. 44 to the body are 60). Universal, aspects of death and changes biological of language and world determinants examples. The natural environmental view content (Kearney, 1984, pp. 110-114) are well appreciated in anthro are also and meanings between pology. Second, practices relationships probably limited by the wide but finite range of logical structures, especially basic world-view themes, by which a culture can be organized yet remain in regard to basic material, and social requirements operational biological, (Rappaport, 1968, 1979). Third, mortuary practices and their meanings re

152

Can

late in limited ways that possibly are patterned by universal psychological see also 1995, for a review of archetypes; archetypes (see Carr and Neitzel, some of which concern death or the body (e.g., Jung, 1964), explicitly

Eliade, 1964;Goodman, 1990;Grof and Grof, 1980;Huntington andMet

these three explanations is 1979, pp. 44-60; Walsh, 1990). Exploring the scope of this paper. Finally, the constrained found beyond relationships between practices and meanings probably reflects, to some degree, missing discussed information above. resulting from sampling problems calf,

Question Observed

2. What Are

theMost

Cross-Culturally Practices and Particular

Between

Associations Particular Mortuary Determinants?

Common

to the lists these common relationships, which are equivalent in Table V Significantly, each of the major dimensions cell frequencies largest that archaeologists of social personae and social organization attempt to re reflected in mortuary practices and remains. Six di construct was frequently Table XI mensions commonly associated with several kinds of practices. These are age, gender, vertical social position, horizontal social position, social classification of the deceased and the circumstantial identity, personal at the time of death. This finding gives empirical credibility to the archae were dimensions

through mortuary practices. investigation of social organization factors were balanced the same time, the six social organizational determine factors that commonly mortuary by six philosophical-religious the These are beliefs about the soul, the afterlife, and remains. practices to the afterlife, universal orders and their sym nature of the soul's journey and responsibilities to bols, the cause of illness and death of the deceased, ological At of the deceased. and punishments Philosophical-religious of social organization, dimensions appear empirically for mortuary archaeology. investigation ideas, as well as to be valid topics of

Question 3. With What Relative Frequencies Do Social, and Circumstantial, Physical, Philosophical-Religious, Ecological Categories of Variables Determine Mortuary Practices? Table XII shows the frequencies with which variables of these different are shown were found to affect mortuary practices. Frequencies variables grouped by social, philosophical-religious, circumstan

categories

for both individual, independent variables (top of TableXII) and the in

dependent

tial, physical, and ecological categories (bottom of Table XH).

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

153

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Mortuary

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156 Social

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variables were found to affect mor and philosophical-religious than circumstantial and five to ten times more frequently tuary practices were noted several times variables. And these latter determinants physical more frequently than ecological determinants. These ordered relationships

hold both when comparing the independent variables individually (top of

Table XII) and when (bottom of Table XII). ties in the number chances quent biases together summing all of the variables of a category also obtain when inequali The ordered relationships and the differential of variables among categories, are taken into account. The infre those categories, determinants can possibly be attributed to

for observing of ecological observation above. discussed

and social organizational factors were found to Philosophical-religious or perhaps the former in similar frequencies, determine mortuary practices dif factors are somewhat more common (bottom of Table XII); measures

fer. There is no empirical basis for Tainter's (1978, p. 107) position that
are to be understood largely as the product mortuary practices and remains of social organization. social factors outweigh circumstantial The great magnitude by which con contrasts with the common factors in determining mortuary practices case studies might in specific cern of archaeologists that mortuary variation as variables as much reflect the season of death and other environmental social organization (e.g., Chapman and Randsborg, 1981, p. 15; Ucko, 1969,

pp. 272, 274, 277).

the the social factors, vertical social position, age (especially and horizontal social position were observed adult distinction), several times more often than gender and personal identity as determinants. that most directly reflect power social organization of The two dimensions Among child versus and age?were observed social position and prestige distinctions?vertical most frequently. factor that determined mortuary The philosophical-religious practices most often is beliefs about universal orders and symbols. This result sup that fundamental themes or axes ports Hodder's (1982a, p. 215) position of structural opposition within a culture's world view, such as clean/dirty, and or life/death, are worthy of archaeological investigation male/female, or other archaeological remains. from mortuary be reconstructible might themes that tend of the various world-view A more specific understanding is necessary in particular mortuary to be symbolized or reflected practices Another to realize this potential, however Conclusions, below). philo (see is beliefs about found almost as commonly determinant sophical-religious the nature of the soul and its effects on the living. This factor is one com

ponent of Hertz's (1907; see below) contention that fear of the body/soul
is an essential cause of the form of mortuary rituals.

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

157

that Reflect Question 4. Are There Certain Mortuary Practices Social Factors More Often Than Philosophical-Religious Ones, and Vice Versa? that were observed more shows those mortuary Table Xni practices or less frequently to reflect either social or philosophical-religious factors. than Some variables that more often reflected aspects of social organization social organization, and that appear to be useful for reconstructing beliefe, on the overall energy expended include cemetery internal organization, mortuary and disposition of the body, the number of socially rec ognized burial types, the number of persons per grave, and the quantity of grave furniture. The first two factors are expectable. They are the archae and ranking that Gold ological correlates of corporate group organization activities

stein (1976, 1981) and Tainter (1975), respectively, found through cross
cultural survey (see below). to reflect philosophical-religious that were observed Some variables and that seem useful for reconstructing ideas more than social organization,

and the spatial arrange beliefe, include body position, body orientation, of body position ment of furniture in the grave. The associations and ori themes is expectable, entation with philosophical-religious give the in meditation and shamanic jour roles of these two conditions essential work cross-culturally and psychopomp neying, healing, divination, (Good tasks involve a shaman in guiding the soul of man, 1990). (Psychopomp to a land of the dead, or in communicating the living the deceased between and the dead.) Moreover, the cross-cultural association of burial orientation specifically with beliefe about the direction of an afterlife has been repeat 1971, p. 71; Merbs, 1971, pp. 12-13; Gruber, edly observed (e.g., Binford, these 1989; also see the many references within each of these). Supporting to reflect in this survey, body orientation was found most commonly views, a society's beHefe about the afterlife, universal orders, and the soul's jour ney to the afterlife. In contrast Body position common was observed most frequently to reflect

the first two factors (TableXiy

to a now

below).

from archaeological premise derived was not found Binford's cross-cultural survey, body orientation (1971, p. 22) once to associate with horizontal social position, specifically sodality affili to Binford's was ation. Also in contradistinction results, body orientation never found to reflect origin myths specific to a sodality. Instead, body ori entation was associated with philosophical-rehgious factors, and these as sociations were The different society wide rather than sodality-specific. societies sampled here and by Binford may explain this discrepancy. The central block of Table XIII lists a number of mortuary practices were found to have social and philosophical-religious that causes in ap

158

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Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

159

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160

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on the measure similar frequencies, of association. proximately depending The analytic relevance of these variables to reconstructing social organiza tion or beliefs is debatable in general and should be demonstrated in any case study. Importantly, among these variables with ambiguous are several that archaeologists have commonly used to infer social meanings the kind of grave furniture; local, regional, and eco patterning: grave form; zonal grave location; body treatment and preparation; and the form of dis particular posal. Most to those with philosophical pertaining than with social or religious factors somewhat one would factors. The ganizational expect to symbolize or depend on social relations: the number and/or potentially the relationship of corpse processors of funeral attendants, to positioning and the dress of the attendants. the deceased, (variables 30-39), and cemetery, associated to much more frequently are traits that exceptions recorded funerary to the body, grave, traits in contrast

Question

5. Are There Certain Kinds of Mortuary Practices that Cross-Culturally Are Determined by Only One or a Limited or Social Number of Solely Philosophical-Religious Factors? Organizational enumerates for each kind

of mortuary its most practice associated at least five times with determinants?those commonly are the cell the practice. The tabulated numbers of observations frequencies or more observations in 'able V The cut-off value of five includes the top observed among variable-pairs. frequent associations It is clear from Table XIV that most mortuary practices are determined common are usually a mix of factors. These by multiple, cross-culturally and social factors, often in roughly equal frequencies. philosophical-religious It cannot be concluded from Table XIV that those mortuary practices are necessarily determined by a small number of factors cross-culturally suitable for reconstructing the past. "purer" indicators of them and more 1 shows that, in this study, the number of factors that were docu Figure a mortuary to determine mented practice depends not so much on the na ture of the practice, but on the number of times it was observed?a itself, sampling effect. It is not clear that any of the practices analyzed here are determined by a small set of factors across cultures. There entation to this pattern. (1) Body ori appear to be certain qualifications relative to the cardinal directions (variable 4b) was found to be that affected body orientation are beliefs about the afterlife, 10.8% most

Table XIV

determined largely by beliefs. A total of 31 (97%) of the 32 observations

of variables

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

Table

XTV. Most

Common

Practices

Associated

Five

of Mortuary Determinants Practices for those or More Times with Some Determinant Number of

Independent

variable 1: Body preparation 15

observations*

81b

Beliefs

about

the soul's

nature

84 59 57 56 54 88
83

Beliefs about universal orders 12 12 Age Vertical social position 10 Social classification at death 9 Beliefs about cause of death 8 Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased
Beliefs about the soul's journey 8

81a 86

Beliefe about the afterlife 7 Beliefs about a soul's development

2: Body treatment

5.5

81b 56
84

Beliefs about the afterlife 13.5 Social classification at death 13

Beliefs Beliefs Beliefs about about about universal orders 10.5 to the deceased 8 8

57
88 54

Vertical social position 9

responsibilities cause of death

55b 58 59 60

Beliefs about health/safety of the living Horizontal social position 6 Age 6 Gender 5 3b: Body position at burial Vertical social position 8 Beliefs about universal orders 6 Beliefs about the afterlife 5 4b: Body orientation at burial Beliefs about the afterlife 9 Beliefs about universal orders 9 Beliefs about the soul's journey 55
7: Form of disposal

57 84 81a

81a 84a 83

56 54 59 81b 84
57

Social classification at death 13 Beliefs about cause of death 12 11 Age Beliefs about the soul's nature 10 Beliefe about universal orders 10
Vertical social position 8

83 51 55b

Beliefs about the soul's journey 7.5 Location of death 5 Beliefs about health/safety of the living

Table XIV. Continued

Number Independent variables 9: Grave form observations0 of

57 59
84 81b

Vertical social position 14 Horizontal social position 11

Beliefs Beliefs about about universal the soul's orders nature 9.5 7

83 84

Beliefs about the soul's journey 65 Beliefs about cause of death 5 12/17: Local grave location

57 59
81b

Vertical social position 11 Age

Beliefs Beliefs about about the soul's universal nature orders 11 7

11

54
84

Beliefe about cause of death 9 Beliefs about the afterlife Horizontal social position 6 Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased
Beliefs about 3rd-party souls 5

81a 58 88
87

6 6

51 63 56 61

Location of death 5 Need for access to the body after funeral 5 Social classification at death 5 Personal identtity 5 13a:Kind of grave furniture

61 81b 81a 83 60 57 59
84 88 87

Personal identity 20 Beliefs about the soul's nature 17 Beliefs about the afterlife 17 Beliefs about the soul's journey 16 Gender 14 Vertical social position 13 Age
Beliefs Beliefs Beliefs about about about universal orders responsibilities souls

11
10

10.5 to the deceased 7

3rd-party

55b 56 58

Beliefs about health/safety of the Irving 7 Social classification at death 6 Horizontal social position 5
13b: Source of grave furniture

61

Personal identity

55
of grave furniture

14: Quantity

57

Vertical social position 55

16: Overall energy expenditure

57 59

Vertical social position 22 12 Age

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

163

_Table Independent

XTV. Continued_ Number variables of observations0

88 58 56

Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased 8 Horizontal social position 6 Social classification at death 5
18: Regional, ecozone location of disposal area

84 81b 56

Beliefs about universal orders 8 Beliefe about the afterlife 6 Social classification at death 5
19/22a: Regional location of disposal area relative to settlement

81b Beliefe about the soul's nature 115 56 Social classification at death 10 59 Age 9 54 Beliefs about cause of death 15 57 Vertical social position 7 87 Beliefe about third-party souls 7 84 Beliefs about universal orders 5.5 55b Beliefs about health/safety of the living 5
20b: Grave formally demarked

57
81b

Vertical social position 7

Beliefs about the soul's nature 7

88

Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased

23: Number of socially recognized burial types

59 57 56 54

12 Age Vertical social position 11 Social classification at death 5 Beliefe about cause of death 5 28:Within-cemetery grave location of burial types Horizontal social position 6
30: Funeral oratory

58

81a 83 88

Beliefe about the afterlife 7 Beliefe about the soul's journey 7 Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased
31: Funeral song

88
57

Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased

Vertical Beliefs Beliefs social about about position the soul's universal 5 5 journey orders 5 dance and games

81a
83 84

Beliefs about the afterlife 5

32: Funeral

88

Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased 6

Table XIV. Continued

Number Independent variables observations0 of

33: Funeral attendance and positioning of the living 58 57 59 60 Horizontal social position 9 Vertical social position 5 Age 5 Gender 5
34: Funeral meals/fasting

88 57 58
83 87

Beliefe about responsibilities to the deceased Vertical social position 7 Horizontal social position 7
Beliefs Beliefs about about the soul's third-party journey souls 6 5.5

11

81a 81b 84

Beliefs about the afterlife 5 Beliefs about the soul's nature 5 Beliefs about universal orders 5
35: Funeral time and duration; secondary funerals

81b 57 59 88 54 84 51

Beliefe about the afterlife 11 Vertical social position 10 Age 9 Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased Beliefs about cause of death 6.5 Beliefs about universal orders 6 Location of death 5
36: Funeral dress, ornamentation

84 58 60

Beliefs about universal orders 9.5 Horizontal social position 8 Personal identity 5
37: Grief, bereavement, and grave visitation

88 58 84
81b

Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased Horizontal social position 11 Beliefs about universal orders 105
Beliefs about the soul's nature 9

12

57 59 55b

Vertical social position 8 Age 7 Beliefs about health/safety of the living 5

38: Corpse processors and grave diggers

58 84 88 60 57

Horizontal social position 14 Beliefe about universal orders 12 Beliefe about responsibilities to the deceased 9 Gender 7 Vertical social position 5

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

165

_Table

XIV.

Continued_ Number of observations41 practices

Independent

variables funerary

39: General

55b
83

Beliefe about health/safety of the living 8

Beliefs about the soul's journey 8

87 88 59 54
81b

Beliefe about third-party souls 7 Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased Age 6 Beliefs about cause of death 6
Beliefe about the soul's nature 6

84

Beliefe about universal orders 6

of observations and The (determinant) is found. V. Only a of association between given independent a given response variable prac (mortuary to the cell frequencies in five or more societies

"The number variable association in Table of

tice), as listed in column 3, is the number of societies in which the

those number is equivalent observed associations are listed. societies

the 31 sampled

the soul's journey to the afterlife, or universal orders and structural oppo sitions. This finding is expectable relative to the practices of shamanism and and beliefs about the direction of an afterlife, as discussed above. meditation,

(2) The energy expended overall on mortuary rites (variable 16) was
to reflect predominantly the vertical social position of the de ceased, or age, which affects vertical social position. This was the case for 34 (42%) of the 80 observations of energy expenditure. This result supports on burial re Tkinter's (1975) universal finding that the energy expended flects the rank of the deceased the result also quali (see below). However, fies Tkinter's finding considerably was found in that energy expenditure here to also reflect other social dimensions and beliefs 58% of the time. energy expenditure Although usually or always reflects the rank of the de as well. it can reflect other dimensions ceased, observed

(3) Grave locationwithin the cemetery (variable 28) was documented

to reflect most observations

primarily his or her kin group. This was the case in 6 (27%) of the 22
of grave location. The pattern

frequently

the horizontal

social position

of

the deceased, with the

more specific findings of Goldstein (1976; 1981, p. 61). She documented

across cultures that a permanent, bounded area for the exclusive disposal of a social group's dead?either a cemetery or a portion of it?usually rep resents a corporate group, typically a lineal descent group, with rights over the use and/or control of crucial, restricted resources (see below). At the same time, Goldstein's results must be qualified in that within-cemetery and grave location was found here to reflect the vertical social position as horizontal almost as frequently social position. age of the deceased

is logically compatible

166

Carr

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40
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60
of with

80
some

100
determinant

120
practice

140

160

the mortuary

Fig. this

a mortuary to determine of factors that were observed number practice a function of the sample of observations number is, to a large degree, the practice rather than its nature. 1. The study

in of

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

167

(4) The number of burial types recognized by a society (variable 23)

was found position, to be determined primarily by the social factors of vertical social or age, which contributes to vertical social position. This was so the pattern generally agrees with Tkinter's (1975) findings. than social ones.

for 23 (47%) of the 49 observations of the variable, "number of burial

types." Again, reflected

(5) The presence of funeral oratory and song (variables 30, 31) both
philosophical-religious factors more

This was the pattern for 35 (70%) of 50 observations of funeral oratory

and 30 (62%) of 48 observations of funeral song. The pattern was not found for the other studied funerary variables, which instead tended to reflect a more equal mix of social factors and beliefs. on a attendance, which relates to the energy expended (6) Funeral and positioning of the living at the funeral (variable 33), was found funeral, to be affected largely by social factors. This was the case for 26 (63%) of 41.5 observations of funeral attendance and positioning. The finding cor

frequently

roborates linkagesmade by Binford (1971, pp. 17,21), Saxe (1970), Tkinter (1975; see below), andWebb and Snow (1974, p. 167) between the social
rank of the deceased, the number of persons having duties to the deceased, and the energy expended on funerary ritual and burial. and grave diggers (variable 38) de of corpse processors (7) Selection on kinship relationship to the deceased, the gender of pended primarily the deceased, and universal orders that pertain largely to the male/female

structural opposition. These relationships held for 33 (47%) of 70 obser

vations The of this mortuary practice. data in Table XIV only partially Differences between bear out the cross-cultural asso

ciations thatBinford (1971:Table 4) found between mortuary practices and

their determinants. reflect associations the different the two surveys' results probably samples of societies drawn and the small number of that Binford's of the specifics survey revealed. A comparison

of the two surveys follows. in both surveys to reflect the ver (1) Body treatment was documented tical or horizontal social position of the deceased. However, it also associ ated here often with age, gender, and various kinds of beliefs. Body treatment was not found here to be determined frequently by the conditions of death, in contrast to Binford's (1971) report. (2) Form of disposal of the body was observed in both surveys to reflect the age and vertical social position of the deceased. At the same time, it was also found here to be determined often by the circumstantial social at death, the location of death, and various of the deceased classification beliefs. It did not associate frequently here with in contrast to Binford's (1971) findings. the conditions of death,

168

Can

Table XV. The Balance with Which

Religious, Determine Circumstantial, Mortuary

Social, Philosophical

and Ecological Factors Physical, with Varies Practices Sociopolitical

Complexity
Factors Number Band-level hunter-gatherers of observations*6

Beliefs Social position Physical requirements

Circumstances of death

15.9 1913 16.7 100. 25 125

4518.

Ecology 1. 0.5
Complex hunter-gatherers

Beliefs Social position

Physical requirements of death Circumstances 0. 0. Ecology Horticultural

13.4 1603 15.8 95.

2.0 10. 1.0 4.

tribes

Beliefs Social position

requirements Physical of death Circumstances

332.5 27.6 35.3 212.

3.2 16. 11. 2.8

Ecology 1. 05 Petty hierarchies 15.2 184. 36.2 217.5

3.6 18. 4.0 16.

Beliefs Social position

Physical requirements of death Circumstances

Ecology 1. 0.5
Paramount chiefdoms

Beliefs Social position

requirements Physical of death Circumstances Ecology_L_05_ column: aSecond between

156.512.9 17.1 102.5

2.5 12.5 5.0 20.

of association of observations summed number of the philosophical-religious, variables all independent or ecological circumstantial, respec categories, social, physical, for socie variable and any response practice), (mortuary tively, are Numbers level of sociopolitical ties of a given complexity. totals of all independent to the sum of the column equivalent in Tables VI through X for societies of a given category variables of different complexity. column, but divided *Third column: same total as in the previous category.

by (weighted by) the number of independent variables in the

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

169

by (3) Grave form was often found in both surveys to be determined the vertical social position of the deceased. Yet, it was also revealed here social position and by many to be caused almost as frequently by horizontal of beliefe. categories reflected the horizontal social posi infrequently (4) Body orientation

tion of the deceased in this study and in contrast to Binford's (1971) find
factors associated ings. Philosophical-religious this mortuary practice (see above). (5) Local grave location was found here here overwhelmingly with

to reflect a broad range of vertical social position, horizontal social position, and age, factors, including as in Binford's (1971) survey, but not the conditions of death. Local grave location was also revealed here to be determined very frequently by a num factors and moderately ber of philosophical-religious frequently by expect and physical factors. able, circumstantial associated (6) The kind of grave furniture placed with the deceased in both surveys often with the deceased's gender and vertical social position. However, study?as this practice was well as many found here to reflect more frequently the per

sonal identities of the decease?a dimension that Binford (1971) did not
other social factors and beliefs. here and in Binford's of grave furniture was documented (7) Quantity to be determined most commonly by the deceased's vertical (1971) survey variable contributing social position, and almost as often here by age?a to one's vertical social position. These corroborating results should not be as evidence that the quantity of grave furniture is a strong taken, however, vertical social position indicator of vertical social position. The deceased's was found to be indicated much less commonly by the quantity of grave furniture (only 5.5 observations) than by other archaeologically visible cor relates such as energy expenditure form (14 ob grave (22 observations), etc. This pattern the kind of grave furniture (13 observations), servations), supports Tkintefs (1978) survey finding, that social rank is infrequently re flected by the quantity of furniture in the grave and is symbolized much more often by other mortuary (see below). practices

Question

6. Does

the Balance

of Social,

and Circumstantial, Physical, Philosophical-Retigfous, Practices Vary with Determinants of Mortuary Ecological Sociopolitical Complexity?

TableXV shows thefrequency with which these different kinds of fac

tors were differing revealed to affect sociopolitical any mortuary practice or form for societies of For societies at each level of complexity, complexity.

170

Carr

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Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

171

social and philosophical-religious variables were found to affect mortuary and physical variables; far more often than circumstantial and practices were observed more often than ecological these latter two determinants ones. These ordered relations did not shift with sociopolitical complexity. and It was expected, a priori, that the importance of circumstantial physical to social and philo of mortuary practices compared determinants ones would be greatest in simpler, hunter-gatherer and sophical-religious the horticultural societies. Presumably, their greater mobility would make location and timing of deaths and need for ritual access to the body more critical factors in structuring mortuary practices. This was not found to be the case entirely. Consider physical societies determinants Table XVI, which summarizes information from

TableXV TableXVI (columns 3,4, 5) shows a trend for circumstantial and

to be most and hierarchical important for band-level at the ends of the hierarchies and paramount (petty chiefdoms) less important examined cultural evolutionary spectrum, and systematically for societies of intermediate sociopolitical complexity (complex hunter-gath erers and horticulturalists). This trend is seen in both the varying absolute frequencies with which circumstantial and physical causes were observed for

the societies (Table XVI, column 3) and the relative frequencies of circum to social and philosophical-religious stantial and physical factors compared ones (Table XVI columns 4, 5). Thus, the mobility of a society is apparently not among the most fundamental determinants of its mortuary practices. The balance ious factors determinants factors and philosophical-relig of social organizational in determining mortuary practices also shifts systematically with were observed

XVI, columns 6, 7). Philosophical-religious sociopolitical complexity (Table

relatively more often in simpler societies. So as sociopolitical cial factors become relatively more frequent systematically increases from band-level hunter-gatherers complexity through petty hier for which philo archies. The trend reverses with paramount chiefdoms, beliefs again increase in their relative frequency. sophical-religious

Two reasons may explain this trend. First, as sociopolitical complexity of roles of its increases, so does the size of a society, the specialization and the diversity of its categories of social personae. Small-scale, members, face-to-face relations. society gives way to a larger society of classified an increase in the number of channels by These developments require are symbolized and communicated social personae if an effective level of social integration and functioning is to be maintained. Mortuary rituals are one potential channel, to the extent that they are public. Thus, one would expect social factors to become more important in determining as sociopolitical increases. mortuary practices complexity which Second, the reversal of this trend and the increased importance of be liefs in paramount chiefdoms may reflect the evolution and institutionaliz

172 Table XVEL Shifts through Cultural Evolution in the Commonality of

Various Dimensions of the Social Persona Mortuary that are Symbolized Practices Number Dimension of the Social Persona observations* hunter-gatherers 36.0 13.5 of of Percentage observations by and/or Determine

Carr

Band-level

Vertical social position 32 Horizontal social position 12 Age Gender 9 Personal identity 18
Complex Vertical Horizontal social position social position

18

20.2 10.1 20.2

hunter-gatherers 21 10 26.5 10 13 26.1 12.4 32.3 12.4 16.1

Age
Gender

Personal identity
Horticultural Vertical Horizontal social position social position tribes

47 39 66 24 13 hierarchies 66 39 32 29 10.5

24.9 20.6 34.9

Age
Gender

117
6.8

Personal identity
Petty

Vertical social position

Horizontal social position

37.5 22.1 18.1 16.4 5.9

Age
Gender

Personal identity Chiefdoms

Vertical Horizontal social position social position

Age
Gender

Personal identity
aNumber and of observations variable for that of association (mortuary independent between practice). variable any response the column total

28 29 18 7 2

333
34.5 21.4 8.3 2.4

a given variable independent The number to is equivalent in Table V.

as means for legitimizing vertical differ ing of beliefe in ancestor worship ences in social position. Ancestor worship and the sanctity of ancestral lines have their roots in tribal societies but are 1960, pp. 100-108), (Swanson, in chiefdoms that evolved for maintaining and among the primary means

justifying differences in rank and rights to office and land (Service, 1962,

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

173

KEY; Ma .i. -horizontal

vertical social position age social position

-gender w*rMVM personal identity

j_i_i_i_i

v \ \

\ \ \

\ \ \
the social

\ \ \
persona and

\ \

that comprise Fig. 2. The balance of dimensions and/or symbolize mortuary changes with practices evolution.

sociopolitical

complexity

that determine over cultural

are a natural domain in which such beliefs p. 162). Mortuary practices about continuity with the ancestors and their social hierarchy can be sym one would and exercised. Consequently, communicated, bolized, expect in determining mortu beliefs to regain importance philosophical-religious ary rituals at this point in cultural evolution. this second point, the specific kinds of beliefs that were Supporting in paramount chie found to determine mortuary practices more commonly to fdoms than in simpler societies include beliefs about (1) responsibilities the deceased, the status and change of status of the person at death (2) and their effect on the living, (3) the causes of sickness and death, and (4)

174

Can

or safety of the living in relation to the the physical health requirements about the soul's development dead. Beliefs during life also often deter in paramount mined mortuary chiefdoms, but are less relevant to practices this argument.

a that Constitute 7. Does the Balance Question of Dimensions inMortuary Practices Social Persona and That Are Reflected

Vary with Sociopolitical Complexity? TableXVII and Fig. 2 show the frequencies with which different di
mensions of the deceased's social persona were observed practice by any mortuary social position, include vertical The dimensions complexity. ciopolitical social position, age, gender, and personal horizontal identity. A number of patterns were discovered. declined systematically in fre First, personal identity, as a determinant, This trend is expectable. with increasing sociopolitical complexity. quency comes to be known by As society becomes increasingly larger, a person rather than personally to which he or she belongs, the social categories unique characteristics. social position, Second, horizontal crease systematically in frequency with tern as a determinant, was found to in and/or be symbolized for societies to determine of varying so

complexity. This pat sociopolitical is expectable for two reasons, which pertain to lineal descent groups and sodalities. First, over the course of cultural evolution through the chief the number of functions and importance of lineal descent groups dom-level, In more mobile increases. societies, they may only or primarily generally ex of labor, and material the recruitment patterns, regulate marriage In more sedentary societies, lineal descent groups may, in addition, change. control access to land and strategic resources, and provide the framework as lineal descent these developments, for ranking and political power. With function and personal des to community become more groups important and communicating of descent expect the symbolizing tiny, one would to become it defines, and the rights and obligations group membership, more significant in life and death. social position on mortuary The increased influence of horizontal prac for a second increases is also expectable tices as sociocultural complexity is marked reason. The evolution of tribal and more complex societies by of sodalities and an increase in their power and field of the development activities and eco subsistence action. Sodalities may regulate community nomic lations. relations, maintain Thus, one would law and order expect internally, and govern foreign and communicating the symbolizing re of

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

175

to become more im like descent group membership, sodality membership, portant in life and death through cultural evolution. Third, gender showed no significant trend in its frequency in affecting its fre increases. Moreover, mortuary practices as sociopolitical complexity low relative to those of other dimensions of the quency was consistently social persona. This finding is reasonable for two reasons. First, with inhu mation, gender does not require any special mortuary practices to symbolize it. The body is an obvious, natural symbol and clothing is usually an obvious indicator of this dimension of one's social persona. Second, although gender is commonly one basis for prestige and power, it is typically not among the final, most narrow criterion that societies use to select leaders and that be come important to symbolize and communicate in life and death. Strength, hunting skills, diplomacy, oratory skills, kinship affiliation, community affili ation, and/or other such criteria are used to narrow the field of possible to a final few and, thus, are more essential to communicate. candidates Fourth, at the opposite extreme, vertical social position and/or age, as a basis for vertical social position, were found to affect mortuary practices

with consistently high frequency in societies of all degrees of complexity.

This pattern concords with arguments of Saxe (1970), Binford (1971, pp. of funeral rites and burial 17,21), and T?inter (1978) that the characteristics on the social rank of the deceased and the number depend fundamentally of persons having duties to the deceased.6

Tests This

of Some Common shifts from

Premises

About Mortuary search

Practices deter

section

the inductive

for cross-cultural

to the deductive minants of mortuary practices that are useful in archaeology for reconstructing zation. The section begins with a test of Hertz's beliefs

testing of certain premises beliefe and social organi

(1907) premise concerning about the soul and afterlife, and continues with tests of archaeologi about social organization. cally common propositions

Hertz's

Premise

Middle-range theory for reconstructing philosophical-religious beliefs

and world-view assumptions from mortuary practices and remains hardly
serve as a natural 6It is true that the deceased's body might symbol of his or her age. Age, like gender, might to affect mortuary less commonly. then be expected However, practices this situation is overshadowed correlates with and is a possibly by the fact that age usually critical basis for vertical social position and the size of a person's social network, which have a strong on funerary expenditures. bearing

176 exists. The

Carr

of this kind pres framework single, most powerful, middle-range of mortuary available is the model practices ently developed by Hertz Hertz and Metcalf, that mor argued essentially 1979). (1907; Huntington are determined in their structure and content by the rela tuary practices

the corpse of the deceased, three kinds of personae: the tionships between and the remaining of mourners. soul of the deceased, society to the corpse entails the obligations of the mourners The relationship of the living to the dead. This relationship provides a social organizational a per the more prestigious of mortuary explanation practices. Specifically, are duty-bound or her, to him son, the greater the number of persons that at the death of that person, the the greater the level of social disruption the greater the elabora greater the fear of the corpse, and, consequently, and alleviate fears. This chain of tion of the funeral to balance obligations

Table XVffl. Test of Hertz's Hypothesis: Independent Variables that Determine How the Body isHandled, Ordered by Their Frequency of
Observation Number Independent 84 Beliefs about universal variable orders 47.5 54.5 of

observations0,6

81b 56 57 59 54 81a 83 88 60 55b 58 85 51 61

86

Beliefs about the soul's nature Social classification at death 38 43 Vertical social position 35 46 31 Age Beliefs about the cause of death 31 40 Beliefs about the nature of the afterlife Beliefs about the soul's journey 24 27 Beliefs about responsibilities to the deceased Gender 15 18 Beliefs about health/safety of the living Horizontal social position 14 20 Origin myths 9.5 9.5 Location of death 9 14 Personal identity 9 14
Beliefs Beliefs about about the soul's development souls 8 13 8.5

42

53

42 . 32 26 25 19 18 15

11.5

64
87

Need to hide/protect the body 8.5 115

third-party

63 53
The

Need for access to the body for the funeral Cause of death physically 5 5
remaining column: independent summed variables variables number and have less than of

10 5

five observations association (mortuary between practices) between practices) a 1, a 1,

"Second

of observations response V. variables

given independent 2, 3b, 4b, 7, as taken from Table number summed 'Third column: and variables given independent

of observations response variables

of

association (mortuary

2, 3b, 4b, 7, 12/17, as taken from Table V.

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

177

that the energy expended logic is the basis for the archaeological premise on funeraiy activities and burial reflects the prestige of the person (Binford, 1971, pp. 17, 21; Saxe, 1970, p. 69). The relationship of the soul to the living involves the "unfinished busi the survivors and the deceased. This relationship ness" between provides a social-psychologLcal emo of mortuary practices. Specifically, explanation bonds between the living and deceased must be gradu and replaced by new bonds between the living. This process ally dismantled involves the two issues of inheritance and the appropriate social forms of issues must expression of grief, in part through funeral practices. These in culturally appropriate ways, lest the soul of the deceased resolved be be tional and economic

upset and imperil the living.

relationship of the soul to the corpse gives a philosophical-religious of mortuary In this case, the state of the corpse explanation practices. to be a "model" of the the death process is taken by mourners through state of the soul (Huntington and Metcalf, 1979, p. 14). For example, and Metcalf, among the Berawan and other groups of Borneo (Huntington formless, 1979), during the liminal period, as the corpse rots and becomes so the soul of the deceased is thought to be uncomfortable, wander home The or illness. When the corpse is reduced to hard, less, and cause mischief in dry bones, the soul is said to become strong and worthy of membership the society of souls in the afterlife and able to leave the living world. Im the body stands as a metaphor because for the soul, the soul portantly, can be appeased the survivors' manipulating and manipulated the by This equation follows from the more general "laws of similarity corpse. and contagion" in sympathetic magic (Frazier, 1929). Thus, the manner in which the body is handled in various mortuary practices may directly reflect a society's beliefe about the nature of the soul, the afterlife, the soul's jour ney to the afterlife, and other aspects of world view. Hertz's is important to archaeology. First, it (1907) third relationship a theoretic and heuristic framework that can guide provides middle-range some past beliefs from physical remains. in reconstructing archaeologists it suggests how some beliefe can determine mortuary Second, practices di of social organization, rather than simply serve rectly and independently as a framework for expressing social organization. Hertz's of the corpse to be (1907) premise relating the manipulation liefs about the soul has been applied ethnologically to interpret the mor tuary practices of a few societies (Cuevas, 1993; Hertz, 1907; Huntington and Metcalf, Its cross-cultural 1979), but not archaeologically. validity has yet to be tested thoroughly. Table XVIII provides data for making such a test. Six mortuary prac tices were taken as measures of "handling and manipulating the corpse":

178

Carr

and treatment, body position and orientation at burial, body preparation the form of disposal of the body, and local grave location. The factors found to determine these six practices were then ordered in the cross-culturally table by the sum of their frequencies of association with the practices. The

frequencies were derived from TableV Hertz's (1907) theory is largely supported by the data. The single in
variable that one would expect from Hertz's to most dependent premise affect how the body is handled is beliefs about the soul's nature and its effects upon the living. This was found to be the second most frequent of how the body is handled. Also, as expected, beliefs about determinant the nature of the afterlife and the soul's journey were commonly observed to affect how the body is handled. At the same time, other factors pertain rather than the soul also determined ing to social organization corpse han taken to measure of the several variables of the dling. Finally, handling at burial was found to be affected primarily corpse, only body orientation the kinds of beliefs predicted by Hertz' premise, by including ideas about the afterlife and the soul's journey (Table XIV). The support found here for Hertz's premise suggests that certain kinds those related to handling of mortuary practices and remains, especially the have good potential for reconstructing world views and beliefs past corpse, In particular, the varied mortuary tasks of "burial pro archaeologically. grams" and the diverse types and locations of remains that they produce seem important for reconstructing some kinds of beliefs as well as the social prestige of individuals and social complexity (Brown, 1971b, 1981; Tainter,

1978, pp. 128-136).

Vertical Of Social Position and Energy Expenditure

that mortuary all the cultural characteristics have archaeologists to reconstruct, is the most common. social inequality Brown attempted

(1981, pp. 26, 29) and Tainter (1978, pp. 119-122) have reviewed the rele
vant A in this literature is the degree to which the vertical social or his/her family, is indicated by the kinds and the deceased, position in the grave and other expenditures of furniture placed made quantities while disposing of the body. Whittlesey has reviewed (1978, p. 89, 98-100) a number of traditional archaeological studies that explicitly assumed both of the kinds and quantities of grave furniture to reflect vertical social position. Binford with (1971) found both of these traits to associate crossculturally literature. key issue

vertical social position. Stickel (1968) argued that both the kinds and quan
tities of items placed in graves distinguish rank from egalitarian societies.

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

179

Table XDL Mortuary Practices That Are theMost Commonly Determined by the Vertical Social Position of theDeceased
Frequency of observations0

Mortuary practice 16 9 13a 23 12/17 1 35

2

Number

Percentage

Overall energy expenditure 22 11.0 Grave form14 7.2 Kinds of grave furniture 13 6.7 Number of types of burials recognized socially Local grave location 11 5.6 Body preparation 10 5.2 Funeral time and duration 10 5.2
Body treatment 9 4.6

5.6 11

3b 7
37 19/22a

Body position at burial Form of disposal

Grief,

8 4.1 84.1

and grave visitation 8 4.1 bereavement, to area relative location of disposal Regional settlement 7 3.6 Funeral meals 7 3.6

20b
34

Grave formally demarkated 7 3.6

aColumn 3 lists the number of observations of vertical social position (V57) associating with
a given number variable response response variable (mortuary practice). The number equals the number of societies

inwhich the association is found, as listed in Table V. The percentage in column 4 is the
of observations (mortuary variable with a given of vertical social position response (V57) associating out of 194.5 associations some of vertical social position with practice) practice).

(mortuary

(1975, 1978, p. 121) reacted to Stickel's study, arguing that, theo retically, many kinds of mortuary practices can reflect vertical social posi tion because mortuary behavior is symbolic and the relationship between and their meanings is thus "arbitrary," or more practices appropriately, T?inter went on to find, through a cross-cultural semideterminant. survey T?inter a set of practices that most consistently associate with so are (1) the complexity of body treatment, (2) construction and placement of the interment facility, (3) the extent and duration of mor to the ritual, and (5) human sacrifice. tuary ritual, (4) material contributions All of these are forms of "energy expenditure/' a polythetic variable that T?inter favored as the best indicator of social rank and one that always of 103 societies, cial rank. These associated with social rank in his survey. T?inter did not commonly find the kind and quantity of furniture placed in the grave to indicate the social rank of a person. Grave furniture was found to mark social rank in less

than 5% of 93 societies that he surveyed (T?inter, 1978, p. 121). T?intefs

findings are now well accepted in the archaeological literature.

180 Cross-cultural data for

Carr

Tkinter/s (1975, 1978) arguments and are given in Ikble XIX. The table corroborating findings empirical to be determined shows those mortuary that were observed practices by The data document vertical social position most several pat commonly. terns. First, many kinds of mortuary practices are approximately equally as T?inter the vertical social position of the deceased, determined by (1975, 1978, p. 121) suggested. The quantity and kind of grave furniture are not the sole nor the best indicators of vertical social position. testing his Second, expenditure reflected vertical so quently by vertical social position. Energy expenditure as frequently as the next several most cial position almost twice commonly affected practices. that T?inter Third, each of the specific forms of energy expenditure with social rank and that were sur noted to associate consistently (1978) here were commonly found in this study to reflect vertical social veyed position. These forms include body treatment (variable 2), the construction of the various mortuary practices surveyed here, overall energy all of its specific forms) was determined most fre (considering

of the interment facility (variable 9), the duration of the funeral (variable
to the funeral (variable contribution 35), and feasting as a material 34). in the grave was rarely ob the quantity of furniture placed Fourth, served to reflect the vertical social position of the deceased, in accord with and in contrast to Binford's. Only 5.5 Tainted (1975, 1978)survey findings (2.8%) of this association were found here among the 194.5 cases of with some dependent vertical social position variable. being associated of grave furniture was determined in by vertical social position Quantity cases

only 5.5 (18%) of 31 societies.

However, fifth, the kind of furniture placed in the grave was observed often to be affected by vertical social position, contrasting with T?in quite ter's (1975, 1978) findings. Kind of grave furniture was revealed here to be the third most common mortuary by vertical social practice determined

position. It associated with vertical social position 13 times (6.7%) out of

of vertical all 194.5 relationships and in 13 (42%) of 31 societies. 5% of 93 societies approximately ture to indicate social rank. social position with is much more This in which Tainter some determinant than the frequent observed grave furni

In conclusion, it appears that several kinds of mortuary practices fre indicate the vertical social position of the deceased and are good quently for reconstructing candidates These include the over this archaeologically. on the funeral and burial, the five mani all amount of energy expended

festations of energy expenditure cited by T?inter (1975, 1978), the kind of

offerings placed in the grave, but probably not their quantity.

Mortuary Table

Practices

and Their

Determinants

181

XX. Determinants

of Within-Cemetery Grave the Cemetery

Location

and Formal

Demarcation

of

Number Determining variable Observations0 28: Within-cemetery grave location

of

58 57 59 52b
56

Horizontal social position Vertical social position Age Timing of death

Circumstantial social classification at death

60 54 81a
81b

Gender Beliefs about cause of death Beliefs about the afterlife

Beliefs about the soul's nature

83 87

Beliefe about the soul's journey Beliefs about third party souls
20a: Cemetery formally demarked

58
81b

Horizontal social position

Beliefs about the soul's nature

2 2

64 57 61/65 83
84

Need to hide/protect the body Vertical social position Personal identity Beliefs about the soul's journey
Beliefs about universal orders

88
with

Responsibilities to the deceased

"The number

variable 28 or 2a associating of response of observations (mortuary practice) a given independent the number variable. The number of societies the in which equals association is found, as listed in Table V.

Vertical Binford cial position lationship (Brown, T?intefs

Social Position

and Grave Location

the deceased's vertical so (1971) found that, cross-culturally, is often indicated by the local location of the grave. This re case studies to be borne out by archaeological also appears

among the results of 1971), but is not mentioned cross-cultural survey. (1975, 1978) the vertical social position of the deceased Here, commonly associated with local grave location (variable 12/17, Table XIV). Vertical social position and two other factors were tied as the most frequent determinants of local grave location. Vertical social position was indicated by local grave location in 11 (9.6%) out of 114 associations of local grave location with some vari able. Also, vertical social position was the second most common factor found to determine within-cemetery location (variable 28, Tables XIY grave 1971b; Peebles,

182

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XX); 4 (18.2%) out of 22 associations of within-cemetery grave location

with clear some variable involved vertical that local and within-cemetery social position. grave location At the same time, are also determined it is by

a diversity of other factors (TablesXiy XX).

Horizontal Social Position and Burial Location

Goldstein (1976, 1981, p. 61), qualifying Saxe (1970), proposed that

area for the exclusive if a permanent, bounded of the group's specialized disposal a corporate then it is likely that this represents that has rights exists, group resources. This corporate con the use and/or control of crucial but restricted trol is most of lineal descent from the dead.... The by means likely to be attained more structured and formal the disposal of area, the fewer alternative explanations dead over social organization apply.

Goldstein

that the converse of this association is not true; also emphasized such corporate groups may regularly reaffirm their rights by any of several area. to burial in a restricted, formal, bounded alternative ritual means here by two data patterns. is supported The validity of this premise of both within-cemetery observed determinant The most frequently grave of the cemetery location (variable 28) and formal demarcation (variable is the horizontal social position of the deceased (Table XX). This find "hori ing is broader than Goldstein's (1976, 1981) premise. The variable, zontal social position," pertains to sodalities, ?kinship groups of unspecified kinds, or residence groups, whereas Goldstein's premise focuses specifically 20a) on descent groups. qualified. In particular, the affirmation many social and philosophical-re of economically corporate groups and exclusive use of a disposal area, be

At the same time, data suggest thatGoldstein's (1976, 1981) premise

must be further factors beyond ligious may be indicated by the bounding it a cemetery or a section within a cemetery social (Table XX). Horizontal to determine within-cemetery group affiliation was observed grave location in only six (27%) out of 22 cases of the cemetery and formal demarcation and two (20%) out of 10 cases, respectively. T?inter (1978, pp. 123, 136), perhaps without intending to, informally broadened

and simplified Saxe's premise by relating burial spatial distribu to corporate group differentiation. There is little support for tion generally of the deceased was not among social position the this idea. Horizontal observed causes of the two spatial variables, many, commonly regional re location of the disposal area relative to the ecozone and to the set gional tlement (Table XIV: variables social position was 18, 19/22a). Horizontal observed with moderate frequency to determine local grave location (Table

XTV: variable 12/17).

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

183 Regional Location

Determinants

of a Cemetery's

If horizontal gional portance cosmology, borne out universal afterlife. minants location of

is not a primary determinant social position of the re of cemeteries, what factors are? Chapman and Randsborg as territorial markers), the latter two factors is that the regional, ecozonal lo of the cosmos, and

(1981, p. 17), followingRenfrew (1976) and Hall (1976), proposed the im

cemeteries territoriality (specifically, influence of and other beliefs. The shows

in this survey. Table XIV orders (variable 84),

cation of cemeteries (variable 18) associated most often with beliefe about
including the structure

with beliefs about the afterlife (variable 81a), including the location of the
The frequencies of these two factors relative to all of the deter of cemetery ecozonal location total to 14 (25%) out of 55.5 ob servations (Table V). Philosophical-religious beliefs, in general, determined

cemetery ecozonal location 29.5 (53%) out of 55.5 times (Table V). Another relevant response variable, regional cemetery location relative to the set seldom was explained by specifically beliefs. How tlement, cosmological

ever, beliefs in general were found to affect it in 49 (53%) out of 92

with any other determining factors (Table V). found for the premise that a cemetery's regional lo no conclusion cation reflects its function as a territorial marker. However, can be drawn because territorial marking was rarely observed in this survey, instances No evidence was perhaps because of data Another determinant has been cumstances limitations of described above. areas that to the cir the regional location of disposal is the deceased's social classification relative of its association

(1975, p. 36), in her focused, proposive sample of societies found that death due to an accident, certain dis (see above), led to burial away from the main com eases, or pregnancy complications cemetery. This pattern was also found, although more weakly, munity the more diverse societies at among sampled here. Social classification death was found to be the second most common determinant of regional location of the disposal area relative to the settlement (variable 19/22a) and the third most common determinant of regional, ecozone location of

posited of death. Vehik

the disposal area (variable 18) (TableXIV). Social classification at death accounted for five (8.9%) of 56 associations of a disposal area's regional
location associations relative to the settlement with of a disposal area's regional, some cause, and 10 (11%) of 92 ecozonal location with some cause

(TableV).8
*rhis one, is the only probably found between the results correspondence because of differences in sampling design. of Venue's (1975) survey and this

184
Table Location XXL Most Common of Local Grave Determinants (3 or More Observations)0 Number Determining 81b 84 Beliefs Beliefs about about variable the soul's universal nature orders 7 6 Observations6 of

Can

in Egalitarian

Societies

81a 59 57
54 83

Beliefs about the afterlife Age5 Vertical social position 4

Beliefs Beliefs about about cause of death the soul's

3 3

journey

87 51
61/65

Beliefs about third-party souls 3 Location of death 3

Personal here and as band-level horticultural

identity_3_ include those classed societies "Egalitarian huntergatherers, hunter-gatherers, complex tribes. ^The

local grave lo of response number of observations variable, with a given vari 12/17, associating cation, variable independent in which of societies the number the able. The number equals from the relevant cell frequencies is found, as summed association com for band-level in Tables VI, VII, and VIII hunter-gatherers, asso

tribes. Only those and horticultural plex hunter-gatherers, are listed. societies in three or more observed ciations

Local Binford

Grave Location

and Age

survey that age (1971, pp. 21-22) found in his cross-cultural he reported that in egali location. Specifically, determined grave commonly life children are frequently buried outside of the public tarian societies under the house in private familial space, of the community?either space the or beyond the settlement. In contrast, adults tend to be buried within public life-space. To explain this pattern, Binford suggested a child has few identity relationships outside of sequently, a child's death does not affect the In contrast, the death of an ritual involvement. accrued social relationships, is often This involvement public that in egalitarian societies the immediate family. Con larger society or require its

adult, who through life has rights, and duties, requires wider community the by adults being buried within symbolized

life-space. location of child In this survey, the same spatial pattern of differential and adult graves was found often. Also, age was the second most commonly of local grave location (variable 12/17), considering observed determinant at all levels of complexity societies societies, (Table XTV). In egalitarian

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

185

observed determinant of local age was tied as the third most frequently grave location. At the same time, the reasons revealed here for child and adult graves being located in different places, and for the local locations of graves in proposed by Binford. Table general, are wider than the social explanation of local grave XXI shows that three of the four most common determinants location in egalitarian societies are beliefs: beliefs about the soul's nature, three factors com universal orders, and the nature of the afterlife. These of local grave location being affected by some prise 33% of all observations In determinant. in general comprise 57% of all such observations. Beliefs was tied as only the third most common determinant of local contrast, age grave location and was found in only 9.2% of all relationships of local grave location with some factor. The causes of local grave location are more di are more frequently and apparently (1971) recognized than social in nature. philosophical-religious to determine Some insightful examples of beliefs that were observed the Tkllensi, an adult is bur local grave location are the following: Among or at the entrance of his/her homestead, ied either within the settlement on whether clan has a certain cult specialist. the person's In depending the settlement on a path so contrast, an infant is buried near but outside verse than Binford for food. A twin who dies its way back to its compound it is not after birth is buried in a special, uninhabited place because shortly to yet be human and have a soul. Among the Bison-horn Maria considered and buried in funeral grounds outside Gong, most persons are cremated the God of the Gong, who is asso of the village, near saja trees, because youth, resides there. In contrast, all who die abnormal deaths, are buried elsewhere. This is done including infants, are not cremated and an abnormal death from intermingling to keep the souls of those who die with the souls of those who die naturally. Should the two classes of souls those who died unnatural deaths would argue with the others, take mingle, on the living, bring angry ghosts to them, and cause more deaths. vengeance ciated with that it can find

Archaeological

Visibility

of Horizontal

Social Position Central archae distinc vertical inher

O'Shea from his case study of concluded (1981, pp. 49-50) are more visible in the Plains Indians that rank social distinctions than are horizontal remains of mortuary social ological practices tions. He attributed this situation to the different practices by which versus horizontal are symbolized social positions and their different rank is communicated through wealth symbols and energy

ent archaeological visibility. Following Binford (1971), O'Shea argued that

expenditure,

186 fr., fr

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????

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131
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a ci t: t? en ft> 0) 1-4 >

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Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

187

which

of the group of mourners reflect the size and composition that have to the deceased. More O'Shea held that vertical social specifically, is symbolized by elaborate and the kinds and grave construction position of grave furniture. In contrast, he suggested that horizontal social quantities are expressed distinctions through channels of "neutral" value, including tokens such as clothing, low-value coiffure, and totemic grave furniture, duties of which

are organic and poorly preserved. Also mentioned are the of the body and other rituals that occur prior to burial, which preparation traces, and body posture and orientation. may not leave archaeological and have a O'Shea's (1981) conclusions point in the right direction are borne out only their specifics theoretical basis. However, convincing on partially by the data studied here, as revealed by three perspectives most them. social position and horizontal social posi identical sets of mortuary prac by nearly 22 versus 21 archaeologically visible tices, of nearly equal numbers: At the same time, vertical social position variables, respectively (Tkble V). with some archaeologically visible mortuary form in 144 in associated stances whereas horizontal in only 67 in social position was so associated true that horizontal it appears stances. Thus, social position is less than is vertical social position. However, frequently visible archaeologically not the different arrays of practices this difference reflects that are deter versus horizontal mined by vertical social position but, instead, the different visible traits reflect the two dimen frequencies with which archaeologically sions. Vertical and horizontal social position are distinguished in mortuary remains quantitatively rather than qualitatively. vertical social position of the deceased, or that that he lists, were seldom observed to be so associated with horizontal preparation out of 126.5 cases of a relationship be (2.4%) some factor. Body treatment was determined Body First, most broadly, vertical tion were found to be determined

Second, three kinds of mortuary practices thatO'Shea (1981) listed as

symbolizing the horizontal or are close analogs to practices determined (Tables V, XVI). in only three social position tween body preparation and

by horizontal social position in only 6 (5.0%) out of 120 associations between

body treatment and some factor. The quantity of grave furniture was rarely determined by vertical social position (Table XDC, see above). more specific perspective A third, shows the complexity of the rela

tionships intowhich O'Shea (1981) had some insight. TableXXII lists the

absolute and relative frequencies with which horizontal and vertical social associated in this survey with each of several mortuary position practices or close analogs that O'Shea to them. Vertical social position discussed, each practice more affected than horizontal social position. Clearly, the is not as drawn by O'Shea, where vertical and horizontal situation social

188

Carr

sets of practices. However, the relative de position affect largely different to which vertical and horizontal social position affect each practice grees conclusions. vertical social position, somewhat follow O'Shea's Specifically, relative to horizontal social position, had its greatest effect on elaboration of grave construction (variable 16), and (variable 9) and energy expenditure Not

least effect on body treatment (variable 2) and body position (variable 3b).

following O'Shea's predicted pattern, body preparation (variable 1) was vertical relative to horizontal affected social position social position by more often than expected, and body orientation (variable 4b) was never to be determined either vertical or horizontal observed social position. by to be archaeologically In sum, horizontal less social position appears in mortuary visible than vertical social position Both remains. frequently affect a similar range of mortuary of social organization dimensions prac tices, but to varying degrees.

CONCLUSIONS
has focused 1960s, American mortuary archaeology as the cause of mortuary and as practices organization cross the object of cultural reconstruction. theory building, Middle-range and applications of analytical methods, cultural surveys, the development Since largely on social have within been so directed. the American that crystallized implicitly and explicitly is the primary is that social organization approach in mortuary within of variation societies, practices A view the late

determinant proximate of death. Material-ecological with modifications paradig by circumstances certain lines of argument made by Binford matic assumptions, (1971) early some ambiguities within his of mortuary in the development archaeology, are appar essay, and some subtle translations of it by other archaeologists for the focus and direction of contemporary studies. Yet, ently responsible and other disciplines, there is precedence for in anthropology historically a broader approach, a path followed here. This paper documents, through a cross-cultural prac survey, the wide array of factors that affect mortuary but tices and remains. These factors include not only social organization, beliefs and world views, physical also philosophical-religious constraints, relations. of death, and ecological circumstances and sobering finding of this survey is that most The most fundamental of mortuary by a complex mix of fac categories practices are determined and secondarily tors. These are social and philosophical-religious, primarily was found within single socie This complexity physical and circumstantial. the selection of relevant As a consequence, ties as well as cross-culturally.

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

189

variables for reconstructing social organization, beliefs, or archaeological other one aspect of a culture can be difficult. any One reason for this complex, multivariate causality is that social or as well as physical and circumstantial and social personae, fac ganization are often not expressed directly in mortuary practices but, rather, are tors, filtered of philosophical-religious beliefs, world through the framework and their symbolic codes. In addition, beliefs and world views them views, selves can affect mortuary of social, directly and independently practices factors. physical, and circumstantial here revealed many patterns, only The cross-cultural survey presented some of which support the premises of American mortuary archaeology. Some of the more important patterns are the following: (1) Mortuary practices and remains, as symbolic behaviors and forms, are related cross-culturally in a semideterminant rather than arbitrary way to their referent meanings. This relationship derives not only from the non are associated within any par inwhich form and meaning arbitrary manner ticular cultural context (Hodder, 1982b, p. 9), but also apparently from and constraints. Some of these broader-scale factors larger-scale processes include natural symbolic associations; material, and social may biological, that limit the way by which cultures and world views can be requirements and the structuring forces of psy organized while remaining operational;

chological archetypes. Consequently, in distinction from Binford's (1971)

remains hold po view, the contents as well as the structure of mortuary tential for reconstructing the past. factors were documented to determine in (2) Philosophical-religious as frequently, trasocietal variation if not more fre in mortuary practices than social organizational factors across cultures. This pattern quently, contradicts one view of mainstream American mortuary archaeology of the late 1960s through 1980s, that social organization is the primary determinant of mortuary practices. The pattern is entirely expectable when one considers that many cultural practices, including many mortuary practices, are mean

ingfullyconstituted (Hodder 1982b); they are chosen in relation to personal

themes. At the intentions, social strategies, attitudes, beliefs, and world-view same time, social organizational factors clearly remain major determinants of intrasocietal variation inmortuary practices, although often expressed in directly, through beliefs. An holistic and balanced view of the causes of mor is required. tuary practices, rather than a paradigmatic approach, Social and philosophical-religious factors were found to influence mor and physical tuary practices five to ten times more often than circumstantial factors. The latter two factors were observed with similar frequency, and several times more commonly than ecological on which in determinants, formation was only occasionally available.

190

Carr

zation

of social personae and social organi (3) Each of the major dimensions that archaeologists routinely attempt to reconstruct?age, gender, ver and the circumstantial social position, personal tical and horizontal identity, at death?were reflected in of the deceased social classification commonly

and remains. Of these factors, vertical and horizontal mortuary practices several times more and age determined mortuary social position practices and the circumstances of death. than gender, personal identity, frequently factors that were found most often to (4) The philosophical-religious determine mortuary practices and remains include beliefe about the soul, the afterlife, the nature of the soul's journey to the afterlife, universal orders and and responsi their symbols, the cause of illness and death of the deceased, soul. Among these factors, be of the deceased's bilities to and punishments liefs about universal orders, including structural oppositions, were the most

frequent determinants.This finding lends support toHoddens (1982a, p. 215)

and to oppositions when interpreting mortuary practices structural oppositions the feasibility of reconstructing archaeologically. that appear most useful for reconstructing (5) Some mortuary variables more often by social than in that they are determined social organization, of include the internal organization kinds of factors cross-culturally, other on disposal, the number of so the overall energy expended the cemetery, focus on structural burial types, the number of persons per grave, and the recognized that appear most useful for recon quantity of grave furniture. Variables them more in that they reflect beliefs, structing philosophical-religious include body orientation, body position, and the spatial arrange commonly, association of body position in the grave. The frequent ment of furniture cially roles is expectable, with beliefs given their fundamental and shamanic arts, including healing and in the meditative cross-culturally of burial ori association work, and the specific cross-cultural psychopomp entation with beliefs about the direction of an afterlife. The strongest association body (31 of 32 cases) found was between and philosophical-religious orientation factors, including beliefs about the afterlife, the soul's journey to the afterlife, and universal orders and oppo never associated with horizontal social position, sitions. Body orientation to in contrast or sodality origin myths, or specifically affiliation sodality and orientation

Binford's (1971) findings.

circumstan (6) The balance with which social, philosophical-religious, were found to determine mortuary practices varies tial, and physical factors and in a systematic and understandable way with sociopolitical complexity were observed more fre factors cultural evolution. Philosophical-religious relative to social organizational differential but with a declining quently, factors, from band-level hunter-gatherers ers to horticultural tribes. Social factors through complex predominated hunter-gather in societies with

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

191 found more reflect influential of in para

increasing size, greater role specialization, increasing complexity of the social of beliefs in ancestor and institutionalizing persona, and the development all of which correlate with increasing sociopolitical worship, complexity. Cir in comparison to social and philo and physical determinants, cumstantial society found to be less influential in ones, were unexpectedly sophical-religious most sedentary societies, generally. mobile societies than a social persona that constitute and (7) The balance of dimensions are reflected in mortuary practices varies in a predictable manner with that increasing per sociopolitical sociopolitical complexity. With complexity, and horizontal sonal identity was found to decline systematically social po as causes of in frequency sition was found to increase systematically in consistently low frequencies Gender was observed mortuary practices. while vertical social position and/or age (an essential determinant of vertical as determinants social position) were found in consistently high frequencies in societies of all degrees of sociopolitical complexity.

petty hierarchies, mount chiefdoms.

but beliefs These

were again trends probably

the effects

(8) Solid supportwas found for Hertz's (1907) premise thatmourners

that the state of the corpse is a model of the state of the soul, that the soul can be manipulated by the way in which the corpse is handled. In this way, some mortuary practices are determined directly by beliefs and express these independently of social or philosophical-religious ganization; mortuary practices need not be simply a language for symbolizing often believe and social organization. Moreover, the support found for Hertz's premise sug that physical remains and patterns related to the hand?ng of the gests a the diverse types and locations of burials comprising corpse?especially "burial program"?have for reconstructing past world views good potential and beliefs archaeologically. Burial programs can be used to infer more than the social prestige of individuals and the complexity of past societies. (9) The vertical social position of the deceased was found to be re flected most often in the overall amount of energy expended on disposing the body, including body treatment, grave construction, funeral duration, to the funeral, as T?inter (1975, 1978) showed. and material contributions grave location and the kind of furniture placed often reflected vertical social position, as Binford (1971) the quantity of grave furniture did not. (10) Local grave location and formal demarcation most frequently social position indicated the horizontal his/her lineal descent group. These associations including bounded disposal areas for the dead are maintained of social groups (especially corporateness lineages) Local in the grave documented, also but

of the cemetery of the deceased, accord with Saxe's

(1970) and Goldstein's (1976, 1981) premise and findings that formal,
the by and symbolize that have rights over

192 the use

Carr

and/or control of crucial, restricted resources. At the same time, local grave location and formal demarcation of the cemetery were also de termined by many other social factors and beliefe, the latter being some what more common. mined lineal descent group affiliation One factor beyond that often deter local grave location is age, as reported by Binford (1971). Whereas adults are often buried within the public life-space, children are often bur ied outside

of it, beyond the community or in or near the family dwelling. can be attributed to the relative degree of involvement of the the child in social life, as Binford as well (1971) recognized, kinds of beliefs that he did not: beliefs about the soul's nature, universal orders, and the nature of the afterlife. com (11) A cemetery's regional location was found to be determined beliefs about the afterlife, and other philosophical by cosmology, monly and Randsborg religious beliefs, as proposed by Chapman (1981). Ajiother often noted was the social classification determinant of the deceased in of death. relation to his/her circumstances social position of the deceased appears to be ar (12) The horizontal This pattern adult versus as to various than his/her vertical social position, visible less frequently as chaeologically this circumstance O'Shea does not de (1981, 1984) generalized. However, different rive, as he thought, from the two social dimensions determining that, in turn, differ in the visibility of their remains. arrays of practices both social dimensions were found here to affect very similar and Rather, broad ranges of mortuary for practices, but to varying degrees. Moreover, each practice considered here and by O'Shea, vertical social position af fected the practice more often than did horizontal social position. Finally, to indicate and body treatment, which O'Shea body preparation posited and quantity of grave furniture, which social distinctions, horizontal he to reflect vertical social distinctions, were seldom or never found thought to be so determined in this survey. associations between mortuary of the cross-cultural prac factors reported here can be taken to reflect valid, func within societies tional relationships 1980, pp. 3-4). (Murdock and White can be used, like middle-range in They theory, to guide the archaeologist traits that are relevant for studying specific categories selecting mortuary or other factors. of social, philosophical-religious, to the future, the potential of mortuary practices and remains Looking reconstruct past cultures still appears great?greater, to help the archaeologist more than originally envisioned though by Binford complex, (1971), Saxe The stronger tices and various mortuary helped to launch American archaeology. Beyond revealing past social organizations, reconstructing past philosophical is clearly a fruitful area into which the study of mortuary religious beliefs (1970), and others who

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

193

can be expanded, and is already developing. There are at least five practices reasons. First, philosophical-religious beliefs determine mortuary prac good as social factors. Second, such beliefe determine tices at least as frequently mortuary practices with no more multivariate complexity than social factors. inde beliefs can determine mortuary practices Third, philosophical-religious some middle-range statistical generaliza pendently of social factors. Fourth, tions, as reported here, are now available for interpreting mortuary practices as well as social terms. Finally, there is good sup in philosophical-religious for Hertz's (1907) useful middle-range theory, that the fate of the body port is often used as a metaphor for the fate of the soul. time, sound research on past beliefe requires that certain be made and certain approaches be taken. First, finer-grained preparations cross-cultural studies are needed of specific forms of beliefs and their cor relates in mortuary practices. The categories of beliefs examined here (e.g., nature of the soul, nature of the journey to an afterlife, universal orders) are too broad to be used to reconstruct the themes of a world view or At more specific beliefs. Two examples of the finer-grained work that with is re "ter the same

quired are Rose's (1922) and Mattock's (1990) studies of the association
of beliefe in reincarnation versus an eternal afterlife, respectively, restrial" versus "celestial" orientations of the body and head. the middle-range to move beyond it is necessary Second, of

statistical here to true, middle-range the kind presented generalizations theory, causes which links burial forms to their possible philosophical-religious etic and emic logic. For example, with ethnographic in through patterned some more specific be used to formulate Hertz's sights, (1907) theory might to about how particular "fates" of the soul tend crossculturally hypotheses be symbolized of the body. in specific forms of manipulation of a mortuary practice Third, when interpreting the cultural meaning(s) as a symbol, it is essential to use a broad contextual approach (Emerson,

1989, p. 46; Hodder, 1982a, 1982b; Taylor 1948), which considers the syn
chronie with and historical patterns of association and contrast other mortuary practices and broader circumstances. 'Ming sideration cross-cultural, statistical regularities in the meaning(s) of tice can be helpful but need not be sufficient. This is so for three First, it is the place of a mortuary practice within such synchronie of the practice into con the prac reasons.

and his torical patterns that the practice may take on and be constrained in its sym or other. Turner bolic meaning(s), be they social, philosophical-religious, of symbols their "positional mean (1967, pp. 50-51) labeled such meanings ings." Second, it is through synchronie and historical patterns of association and contrast among mortuary and other practices that cultural bundles of are revealed ? what have been termed the meaning "logical fabric" of a culture (Rosenthal, 1995; Tbelken, 1979), "configurations" (Kroeber, 1963),

194

Can

1989, p. 47). Impor "patterns" (Benedict, 1934), and "themes" (Emerson, can comprise basic tenets of a tantly, such bundles of meaning(s) society's are world view when the meanings in nature. Mul philosophical-religious or covariation tivariate patterns of cooccurrence in mortuary remains can thus represent the organization of a society's beliefs into broader, world-view themes (e.g., Penney, 1983, 1985).9 because a mortuary practice often is determined Finally, by a complex mix of social, philosophical-religious, and other factors, using a contextual cross-cultural in the meaning(s) regularities the teasing out of those meaning(s). A fourth requirement for sound research on past beliefs is careful se lection of the grain of the ideas sought. It is not expectable that very fine beliefs can often be validly reconstructed from mortuary grained symbolism, to ethnographic unless a direct-historical approach analogy is feasible (e.g., 1941). More likely within the reach of mortuary McGregor, archaeologists are bundles of beliefs that associate as part of basic world-view assumptions or broader cultural themes. Finally, sound research on beliefs of the past will require that archae the systematic become much more familiar with ologists organization, and contents of world views, and their cultural and biopsychological themes, causes and constraints, familiar just as in previous decades archaeologists with the nature of human subsistence, and so economy, the framework It is only within of general organization. models of belief systems that middle-range anthropological archaeological can be developed. for reconstructing them from mortuary theory practices In this vein, the fields of structural anthropology, language and culture, the anthropology of shamanism and heal comparative religion, mythology, the psychology of death and dying, the symbolic and im ing, thanatology, and depth psychology, of transpersonal and the age-focused aspects are all relevant. of consciousness anthropology ized themselves ciopolitical in conjunction with approach of that practice can facilitate

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I foremost thank on mortuary practices
^orld-view expressed themes, in mortuary or

the graduate and honors that I taught at Arizona

students of four State University

seminars for their

structural practices,

and Metcalf,
factor-analytic

and triadic dualities that are dimensionally oppositions, remains, and data (e.g., Hodder, 1982a, pp. 163-170; Huntington or qualitative approaches, analogous to the manner

1979, pp. 93-118; Roe,

related quantitative

1995) might be modeled and revealed through

in

which dimensions of the socialpersona have been somodeled (Braun, 1979;Goodenough, 1965, Tables 1,2) and revealed (O'Shea, 1981,1984; McGuire, 1992; Ravesloot, 1988)

Mortuary

Practices

and Their

Determinants

195

in recording the data upon which this article is based. These are Bernardo Arriaza, DeAnna Adkins, Michelle Briseno, Pascal Vicki Cassman, Maa-Iing Andrea Brown, Buck, Cheii, Nerine Cherepy, Andy Crawford, Peg Davis, Michael Dice, Tabor Dyke, lisa Falcone, Sarah Doreen John Hohman, Greene, Henry, Hager, Darby Heath, Michelle hard work students Cathy Johnson, Bong Won Kang, Sandra Kimm, Judith Lan Esther Morgan, Catherine Nowell, Sydney Langdon, Margaret Plumley, Steve Savage, Kelly Schroeder, Tammy Stone, Steve Street, Saburo and Alma Zamora. I also give warm thanks Sugiyama, Donna Van Houten, to Douglas Mitchell of Soil Systems, Inc., Phoenix, for the several years of our work together on the Pueblo Grande Hohokam Burial Analysis Project caster, with Corey and all that he helped me to learn about mortuary practices. Doug, along Breternitz (President, Soil Systems, Inc.) and Steve Street, also I needed to complete this study. Soil Systems, provided the encouragement funded a part of my coding of the data and the drafting of figures. Inc., Tbdd Howell,

My thanks also go toMichael Graves, George Gumerman, Randy McGuire, Peter Metcalf, Michael Schiffer, Joe Tainter, Susan Vehik, Tbbi Taylor, and several anonymous referees who provided helpful comments and editing, and to Michael Schiffer for supporting the complete reporting of the data.

REFERENCES CITED
D. R., Abbott, interaction the Society Bartel, B. and Howard, in Hohokam for American J. (1991). Pakohydraulics and ceramic exchange: Structure and at the annual meeting communities. of Paper presented New Orleans, Archaeology, April.

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