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Shifting Cultivation and Conservation of Biological Diversity in Tripura, Northeast India Author(s): A. K.

Gupta Reviewed work(s): Source: Human Ecology, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Dec., 2000), pp. 605-629 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4603374 . Accessed: 07/05/2012 07:04
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HumanEcology, Vol. 28, No. 4, 2000

Shifting Cultivationand Conservationof Biological Diversity in Tripura,Northeast India


A. K. Gupta1'2

Shifting cultivation (jhooming) has been identified as one of the main human impacts influencing biodiversity in Tripura, Northeast India. Over the last few years a new class of shifting cultivators has emerged that has adopted non-traditional forms of jhooming, which have been responsible for the loss of biological diversity in the state. This paper describes the successes achieved by the state government in providing the jhumias (tribespracticing jhooming) with various non-jhooming options. Recommendations include the need for short and long term control measures, improvement of existing jhooming methods, and integration of traditional knowledge with new practices.
KEY WORDS: shifting cultivation; biological diversity; conservation; Northeast India; Tripura.

INTRODUCTION Shifting cultivation is the oldest cultivation system practiced throughout the tropics and subtropics (zones of high rainfall, moderate temperature, and steep slopes), dating back to the Neolithic Period (13000-3000 BC) (Sharma, 1976). In India, shifting cultivation is vaiously known as adiabik in Arunachal Pradesh, dawar in Madhya Pradesh, panda by the Myrias of Bastar in Madhya Pradesh, dabi, komon, pama dohi, or bringa among the Bhuiyas of north Orissa, gudia or dhongarchar in south Orissa, jhoom in
Wildlife Research Group, Department of Anatomy, University of Cambridge, Downing Street, Cambridge CB2 3DY, UK. e-mail: akglOOO@hermes.cam.ac.uk 2Present Address: Conservator of Forests, Wildlife Institute of India, P.O. Box 18, Chandrabani, Dehradun 248001, U.P., India. 605
0300-7839/00/1200-0605$18.00/0 ? 2000 Plenum Publishing Corporation

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Assam and Tripura. The Reangs of Tripura use hookni smong as a synonym for jhoom. Shifting cultivation could be said to have evolved as a response to special physiographic characters of the land, and the economy and sociocultural traditions of the cultivators practicing it. Two major ecological reasons for the use of shifting cultivation could be poor fertility of fragile soils under tropical conditions, with a tendency to decline further without modern soil conservation and irrigation measures, and the low capacity of the soil to retain plant nutrients. Ganguly (1968) argued that unlike settled agriculturalists, who use manure and fertilizers to augment soil fertility, shifting cultivators, who are not conversant with soil conservation methods, shift to another fertile plot of land following loss of soil fertility on a particular jhoom plot. Shifting cultivation was a sustainable use of forest ecosystems while cultivators had plenty of forest areas available (Myers, 1990; Whitmore, 1975). However, today this form of cultivation accounts for about 61% of total tropical forest destruction (Myers 1984, 1991; Westoby, 1989), following the influx of migrant "shifted cultivators" (farmers without any background of traditional shifting cultivation) in the past 50 years. These cultivators replaced traditional jhooming with nontraditional jhooming as their source of livelihood.

Jhooming in Tripura In Tripura (23? 50'-24? 32' N, 91? 10'-92? 21' E) (Fig. 1), shifting cultivation is deeply integrated into the social, cultural, and economic life style of many tribal groups that constitute about 31% of the total population of the state. There are 19 different tribal communities, of which 17 (excepting the Bhutias and the Chaimals) practice jhooming (Table I). Out of a total of 55,049 jhumia (shifting cultivator) households all over the state, 21,677 (39.3%) are entirely dependent on jhooming, and the remaining 60.7% are partly dependent. The Tripuri (28%) and Reang (25.6%) tribes are the two major jhumia communities. The majority (70.8%) of jhumias have only 0.8-2 hectares of jhooming land per family, and only 6.1% had more than two hectares. About 223 km2 of forest (3.76% of the total forest area of the state) is cleared annually for jhooming, higher than the national average of 2.26%. The basic methods of jhooming in Tripura, similar to other places, involve the cultivation of an area for a short period, often only a year, after which it is abandoned for several years. Generally, the slopes of the hills are reckoned suitable for jhooming. After preliminary selection of plots

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undergrowth to make a small clearing to perform religious rites aimed at getting the approval of the supernatural. If it is not obtained these plots are abandoned and the search continues for others. Plots with dense forest cover, with about ten years' bamboo growth (mostly Melocanna bambusoides), or with fairly dense secondary forest are preferred. The size of the cultivation plots, which are allocated by the village head, corresponds with

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Table 1. Population of Shifting Cultivators (jhumias) in
Tripuraa

Gupta

Jhumia population Tribe Tripuri Reang Noatia Chakma Halam Jamatia Mog Garo Lushai Kuki Munda Uchai Orang Bhil Khasi Santhal Lepcha Total No. of families 15721 13801 10097 4975 3921 2949 1861 524 484 323 175 94 52 30 30 11 1 55049 Total population 80747 73891 50160 27837 20871 16298 9527 2661 2624 1896 881 426 279 129 117 42 4 288390

aSource:Survey report on The Jhumias of Tripura. Directorate of Welfare for Scheduled Tribes, 1987, Government of Tripura, Tripura.

family size. After final selection of the plot, the next phase is to cut and burn the jungle. Small trees, bamboo culms, and undergrowth are removed. Only few large-sized trees are left on the cultivation plots for economic, customary, and/or superstitious reasons. The branches of these unfelled trees are, however, pruned to allow sufficient light to filter to the crop below. The farmers co-operate with each other in cutting the jungle, but women do not participate as this is considered a hard task. As a rule, the cutting operation proceeds from the lower slopes. The cut vegetation is spread evenly on the plot for drying, and provides protection to the exposed soil from heavy rains, wind and excessive heat. The dried vegetation is burnt from mid-February to early March before the rains begin. The farmers set fires only when the wind direction is favorable, which helps the jhoom to burn quickly and evenly, besides protecting the hamlets and valuable forest resources. The ash, which is quickly absorbed into the soil with the help of rain acts as a natural fertilizer for the mixture of crops (cereals, pulses, oilseeds, perennial crops, vegetables, fibre crops, etc.). The farmers do not add any other kind of manure or fertilizer in the jhoom. The seed mixture is prepared in powdered earth and is sown with first monsoon showers either by spraying or digging holes with the help of a

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"takhal" (a chopper made of 10" x 3" iron blade), the only agricultural implementpeculiarto the tribal farmersof Tripura.The jhoom thus becomes a mixed crop field where, apart from paddy, various vegetables, maize, sesame, cotton, and other rarely available fruits are grown. The farmers construct a "MachangGhar" or "dandi" (a bamboo platform without any fencing walls measuring9' x 6' with thatched roof) at least ten to twelve feet above the groundand live in there to drive out the wild boars,monkeys,and other animalsattackingthe crops. At least one adult memberof a farmer'sfamilyremainson this platformthroughoutthe day, especiallywhen the crop is ripe. The annual crop is weeded two to three times at two to three monthlyintervals.Women and childrenalso participate in weedingwork.The crop is harvestedin the followingyear between June to October depending on the maturitytime of the different crops. is Jhoom harvesting a communalaffairin whichall familymembersas well poolingtheirlaborin rotation.The cultivated as other villagersparticipate, plots are left fallow after harvesting.The length of fallow period, which used to be from 20 to 25 years in the past, has now been reducedto about 3 to 5 years.

TRADITIONAL AND NON TRADITIONAL JHOOMING AND JHUMIAS IN TIPURA

life-style,economy, and ecologicaluse Differingin their sociocultural of forest ecosystems, the presentjhumia populationsin the state can be there are two differSimilarly, groupedinto traditionaland nontraditional. ent types of jhoomingassociatedwith these two jhumiaclasses.Some basic jhooming, although differences separate traditionalfrom nontraditional over the years most of the distinguishingcharacteristicsof traditional and jhoominghavebeen lost due to drasticchangesin demography sociopoliticaldevelopmentsin the state. As a result,even traditional jhumiashave jhoomingpracticesto survive,so that been forcedto adopt non-traditional traditional jhooming has been almost entirely replacedby nontraditional
jhooming.

Traditional jhumias and jhooming

Traditional jhumiaswere totally dependent on the forest ecosystems for their economy and socioculturallife-style. Their economy was largely based on food gathering and food production throughjhooming. They

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collected wild plant products, including medicinal plants, hunted and fished and made handicrafts and tools for daily (and ritual) use. They used a barter system for exchange and this economy was simple, self sufficient, and self contained, maintaining a positive balance between their needs and the quantities they produced or gathered. Village organization ensured proportional distribution of land for jhooming among families differing in size and economic status, and many religious and spiritual customs at individual and collective levels were also aimed at a conservative and respectful approach towards their major resource-the forests. The two most important characteristics of traditional jhooming were the use of a long fallow period (20 to 25 years) and the cultivation of a mix of crops (cereals, seasonal vegetables, fibre and tree crops). In traditional jhooming, a few virgin forest patches of climax vegetation were set aside as sacred groves around the forest patches selected for cultivation. Large trees on the cultivation plot were never felled, and a stump about six to seven inches above the ground was left of those that were cut. The farmers adopted various soil conservation measures which, besides protecting the soil, helped in the fallow regeneration process through the germination of seeds from the unfelled trees on the cultivation plots and those in the sacred groves. This regeneration process was further aided by shoots from the stumps left inside the fallows, which developed into coppice. The fallow period of 25 to 30 years was sufficient for woody biomass to develop and restore the lost soil fertility on the jhoom plots. The quick growth of vegetation cover on the fallows suppressed excessive growth of weeds, which in turn favored regeneration and growth of secondary vegetation on fallow jhoom plots. The use of a mix of crops provided a permanent soil cover besides supplying food and other products. In particular, leguminous vegetables enriched the soil through the action of nitrogen-fixing bacteria. The small-sized fallows created inside vast stretches of dense forests were very similar to the gaps created by natural forces (landslides, cyclones, forest fires, etc.) in tropical forest ecosystems. Thus, traditional jhooming, with its long fallow periods and associated sociocultural organization based on communal rights and reciprocity, was the most suitable, and possibly the only "life support" system for the prevailing socio-economic environment in the state.

Nontraditional Jhumias and Jhooming The human population in Tripura increased significantly between 1941 and 1991 (Fig. 2). The non-tribal population of Tripura increased by 71.05% during 1961 to 1971, whereas India recorded a growth rate of only 24.54%.

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On the other hand, the ratio of tribal to total population gradually decreased from 52.89% in 1901 to 28.4% in 1981, in spite of overall population growth during these years. This increase was caused primarilyby an influx of people from neighboring Bengal, and after Partition in 1947. Even before 1947, whenever there were community riots in East Bengal, Hindus generally took refuge in Tripura. A great influx of migrants took place following Dacca communal riot in 1941. Even the Tripura King did not object to largescale migration and settlement of the Bengali Hindus after the Partition, since ruling elite were convinced that such a migration would augment the financial resources of the State as the new settlers bought lands, and would bring cultural enlightenment to the tribal communities once they came into contact with the settlers (Ganguly, 1969). The hopes of the rulers of Tripura were, however, only temporarily fulfilled as the immigrants began to grab land and paid merely nominal tribute to the State. The traditional jhumias were taken by surprise and their life-pattern was severely affected as they were pushed further into interior areas, losing jhoom land to the settlement of so-called "elite" settlers. This influx continued even after Partition and reached an all time high during the years 1952, and 1955 to 1956, but was checked in 1958 when the Government announced

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its decision not to register immigrants as displaced persons (Rehabilitation in Tripura, Tripura Administration, 1958, p. 41). Another wave of migration started in mid 1963 due to communal riots in Bangladesh (Khulna, Jessore, and other districts), and again during the Bangladesh liberation war (1971), when thousands of refugees migrated to Tripura for shelter. The settlement of these refugees in rural areas of Tripura completely destroyed the balance between natural resources and the socioeconomic and cultural life-patterns of the traditional jhumias. In addition, the loss of marshy lands reclaimed for refugee settlement effected a further fall in areas available to traditional jhumias. The immigrants came from an economy based mainly on settled cultivation and employment. In Tripura, they initially faced tough competition for fertile agricultural land and land for settlement, but they first started cultivating the low-lying areas and later made inroads into the jhoom lands of traditional jhumias. The traditional jhumias were unable to resist this pressure and were uprooted from their traditional holdings. The State administration helped the migrants by accommodating them in the mainstream of the development activities. The migrants, for whom jhooming had never been a part to their socio-cultural life style, took to jhooming only to supplement their main income, acquired through other sources. These non-traditional jhumia now account for more than 80% of the total jhumias in the State. Non-traditional jhooming is characterized by a short fallow cycle of 3-5 years, which is insufficient to allow fallows to grow into woody communities. This jhooming type, which is practiced more to supplement family income from other sources (mostly based on non-forestry activities), has no socio-cultural and economic linkages with the jhumias. Many of the measures regarded as integral to traditional jhooming (soil conservation, fire protection, setting aside some big-sized mother trees on individual jhoom plots, and protecting patches of virgin forests around cultivation plots, corridors of secondary forests, etc.), are totally lacking in non-traditional jhooming.

Reasons Traditional Jhumias Adopt Nontraditional Jhooming With the influx of large numbers of migrants and their subsequent control over the land and economy of the State, a drastic transformation took place in the sociocultural and economic life-patterns of traditional jhumias. The increase in the human population coincided with the creation of Reserved Forests (RF) and Wildlife Protected Areas under the control of the State Administration, the diversion of large tracts of evergreen

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primaryforest for 'productionforestry'and 'non-forestry' purposes,and the launchingof various "development"projects.This led not only to a reductionin per capitajhoom field size (about 0.12 ha), but also a reduction in the jhoom fallow cycle from 20-25 years to 3-4 years (as in nontraditional jhooming). The replacementof a simple barter economy (dependent upon various forest products) by a monetarized economy forced traditionaljhumias to leave their communitiesin search of wage labor, usually as daily-paidworkers. This explains the reduction in the State's annualjhoomed area from 1500 km2in 1972 to 759 km2in 1985 (Gupta and Mukherjee,1994). The State also recorded high growth of the wage component in household income from 9.1% in 1958 to more than 66%in 1982,with a corresponding decreasein income fromjhooming (Anon, 1985). According to a survey (1981), about 96%of the jhumia households earnincomefromwage employment(Banerjeeet at., 1984).Followinglarge scale migrationof male membersin search of employmentopportunities, individual joint familyunitscame to replacethe community social structure of traditionaljhumias. All these changes have forced traditionaljhumias to adopt practicesassociatedwith non-traditional jhooming. In addition, traditionaljhumias have also come into contact with timber traders and smugglers,and have become aware of the economic value of forestryresources.Traditional jhumias(especiallythe younggeneration)have started commercial exploitationof variousforestryresourcesin leaguewith traders and smugglers, total departure a fromthe past customsof respectfor forest resources.Traditional jhumiaswere no longer able to sustaintheir forestbased economy and were forced to nontraditional activities.

BIOLOGICAL DIVERSITY IN TRIPURA

Biodiversityencompassesall species of organismsand the ecosystems and ecological processes of which they are part. Biodiversityreflects the degree of native varietyand is essentialfor overall environmental quality, the intrinsic worth of all species on earth (Ehrlich and Wilson, 1991; McNeely et al., 1990;Wilson, 1988). Tripurarepresentsa transitionzone betweenthe Indian,Indo-Malayan Indo-Chinese and of sub-regions Oriental Zoogeographicalregion and is very rich in faunal and floral diversity. There are, however,not many scientificinventorieson the fauna and flora of Tripura, most data are based either on personalcasualobservations and of scientists, forestofficers,or are availableas passingreferences naturalists, in the literaryworks of a few contemporary writers.

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Faunal Diversity Blyth (1844, 1847), Sterndale (1884), Sclatter (1891), Singha (1897), Pocock (1939), and Khajuria (1954, 1955) have provided the first scientific records on the faunal diversity in Tripura. Their descriptions are mostly of large mammalian species, e.g., large populations of rhinoceros (Rhinoceros unicornis) (a place in Dhalai district in Tripura is called Gandachhara because a large population of rhinos, called locally ganda, existed there in the past), elephants, tigers, leopard, bear, langurs, and monkeys. Prater (1948) mentioned the presence of slow loris in Tripura. In 1970, a report on the wildlife of Tripura by the Forest Department recorded the presence of six tigers in the State, and in 1974, the tiger census report confirmed the presence of seven tigers in Longtharai RF (North Tripura). Menon (1975) noted in Tripura District Gazetteers that "fauna of Tripura bear a close resemblance to that of Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh and Hills of Southern Assam in India, thus, exhibiting a mixture of fauna peculiar to these two regions" (pp. 37-38). Aggarwal and Bhattacharjee (1977) described 31 species and sub-species of mammalian fauna based on a survey in Tripura conducted from 1969 to 1973, including one species of bat (Rousettus amplexi caudatus) and one sub-species of mongoose (Herpestes auropunctatus birmanicus), which are new to the Indian Region. The short nosed fruit bat (Cynopterus sphinx), rhesus macaque (Macaca mulatta), and the Irrawadi squirrel (Calloscisurus pygerythrus) are widely distributed, whereas slow loris, elephants, leopards, clouded leopards, golden cats, etc., are now confined to the southeastern portion of the State. The large populations of elephants have reportedly shifted to adjoining areas of Bangladesh. In 1984, Bhattacharjee and Chakraborty further updated this list of mammalian fauna to 56 mammalian species belonging to 9 orders and 20 families. In 1989-90, based on a thorough survey of the State, this list was further updated, and 90 land mammal species from 65 genera and 10 orders were identified (Gupta and Mukherjee, 1994). A total of 14 genera and 18 species are included in Schedule I of the Wildlife (Protection) Amendment Act, 1991, as highly endangered species, and 10 genera and 14 species are included in Appendix I of the CITES (Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Flora and Fauna). The main extant land mammal species include: elephant (Elephas maximus), bear (Melursus ursinus), binturong (Arctitis binturong), wild dog (Cuon alpinus), porcupine (Artherurus assamensis), barking deer (Muntiacus muntajak), sambar (Cervus unicolor), wild boar (Sus scrofa), gaur (Bos gaurus), leopard (Panthera pardus), clouded leopard (Neofelis nebulosa), and many species of small cats and primates. Tripura has an amazingly high density of primates including some highly endangered species. Out of 15 free ranging primate

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species in India,7 (46.7%)species are found in Tripura,the highest in any one Indian State. In 1989, based on the primatesurvey conductedby the author,a total of 287 groups of all seven primatespecies were located in Tripura(Gupta, 1994). In 1988 a group of golden langur(Trachypithecus geei) was released in Sepahijalaand TrishnaWildlife Sanctuary(Gupta and Mukherjee,1994). Tripurais also very richin avifauna.The mid-winter waterfowlcensus recordedthe presence of about 400 species of both land and water birds in the state, includingabout 40 migratoryspecies (Gupta, 1989, 1990). In adition,21 species of aquaticterrapinsand soft shelled turtles (including to seven endangeredspeciesaccording the Wildlife(Protection)Act, 1972), and other endangeredpoisonous (pit viper, viper, krait, cobra, etc.) and non-poisonous(python) snakes have been recordedin the State.

Floral Diversity

The geomorphicfeatures,zoo-geographical position, and tropicalclimate of TripuraState provide ideal conditions for rich floral diversity. Seven hill ranges(altitude20-1000 m), manywatersheds,riverswith their numerous rivulets or streams, heavy rainfall, lateritic and alluvial soils, moist and drydeciduousvegesupporttropicalevergreen,semi-evergreen, tation of greatdiversity.More than 33%of the recordedforest cover (6292 kM2) in the State is dense (crown density >40%), and the remainderis
open forest (crown density 10%-40%) (Anon, 1991). In the Working Plan

Documentsof the State Forest Divisions, 123 species of timber,fuelwood, and fodder, and 153 species of medicinalplants are recorded.About 14% of the total plant species in Tripurahave restricteddistribution elsewhere (Deb, 1975).Tree forests,bamboobrakes,and grasslands, along with geomorphicfeatures,providea largearrayof ecosystems/subecosystems,each contributing richlyto the floraldiversityof the State.

EFFECTS OF NONTRADITIONAL JHOOMING ON BIODIVERSITY

The frequentperiodicclearingof forestsas in non traditional jhooming creates an ecosystem where secondaryplant species are totally different fromthe parentforest. These changesin habitatalso affect animals,birds, and microorganisms(Singh,1996).Nontraditional jhoominghas impacted floraland faunal diversityin Tripurain the followingways.

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Floral Diversity Forest area and vegetation cover have shrunk by about 22.9% and 12.4%,respectively in last 40 years (Table II). Similarly, per capita availability of forest cover has declined from 1.40 hectare in 1951 to 0.15 hectare in 1988 (Anon, 1992). Open, less diverse, moist and dry mixed deciduous secondary forests have replaced the dense primary forests. Repeated jhooming on short fallow rotation coupled with grazing and other human disturbances (encroachment, over-exploitation for timber, fuelwood, fodder, and construction materials, etc.) have arrested secondary succession at the seral community stages, favoring weed infestation, loss of accumulation of woody biomass, and reduction of floral diversity. It has also resulted in the creation of Imperata cyldrica grasslands, and poor quality, degraded bamboo forests. The underground rhizomes of these seral communities act as self-perpetuating communities and out-compete secondary plant species in regeneration and exploitation of land and soil resources for growth and establishment. Frequent exposure of soil for long periods has increased soil-erosion, leaching and flooding leading to the loss of diversity among ground flora and fauna. Habitat islands have been created following disappearance of forest corridors between neighboring forest fragments. Most of these habitat islands are separated from each other by a wide matrix of highly degraded forests, agricultural land, and human habitations. Most of the Reserved (RF) and Proposed Reserved Forests (PRF) in the State are such habitat islands. The general impact has been that landscapes that were once large

Table II. Status of Forest Cover in Tripuraa Recorded forest (km2) Year 1951 1975 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1989 1991 1993 Total 8156.33 6491.60 6412.5 6395.7 6309.21 6299.18 6291.5 6280.0 6292 n.a. % of Total land area 85.5 62 61.2 61 60.2 60.1 60.1 59.9 60.1 % Loss (base year 1951) 20.4 21.4 21.6 22.6 22.8 22.9 23.0 22.9
-

Actual vegetation cover (km2) Total n.a. 6330.8 5743 5183.8 n.a. n.a. n.a. 5325.0 5535 5538 % of Total area 60.4 54.8 49.5 % Loss (base year 1975)

9.3 18.1

50.8 52.8 52.9

15.9 (+2.1%) 12.6 (+3.3%) 12.4 (+0.2%)

aSource: Some Basic Statistics of Tripura (1992), Directorate of Statistics, Tripura, and The State of Forest Report (1993), Forest Survey of India, Dehradun, India. n.a. = not available.

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tracts of evergreen dense primary forests are now fragmented into mosaics of small habitat islands of degraded primary forests, secondary forests, low quality bamboo forests, shrubs, and grasslands. The creation of secondary forests composed of a few dominant colonizing plant species, bamboo thickets, and thatch grasslands has adversely affected plant diversity. Plant diversity is also affected by the almost total cessation of the natural regeneration of shade loving species of Orchidaceae and Dipterocarpaceae following changes in the light regimes on the forest floor due to wide openings in the canopies created by large-scale jhoom clearings.

FaunalDiversity
Fragmentation of the habitat, reduction in plant diversity, and loss of forest corridors have adversely affected faunal diversity and faunal conservation status in the State. In the absence of comprehensive data on the population and behavioural ecology of many species, their long-term survival in the presence of non-traditional jhooming cannot be accurately assessed. Some predictions are possible, however, based on our present knowledge of the biology and ecology of these species. Species with more diverse year round needs for food (fruit and seeds) may be worst affected because of poor floral diversity in regenerating secondary forests following jhooming. Similarly, species using dense undergrowth for food and cover are likely to be lost and may not be able to recolonize due to initial sparse undergrowth in the recovered vegetation. Browsers and nibblers may be lost during jhooming operations, but may soon recolonise the regenerating fallow plots to feed on sprouting coppice shoots and seedlings. Soil fauna may get permanently destroyed during burning operations in the cultivation plots. The recovery of soil fauna is only possible in fallow with dense undergrowth. Burrowing worms and ants may only survive by retreating into the deeper soil. Rhinoceros (Rhinoceros unicornis), wild buffalo (Bubalus bubalis), and tigers (Panthera tigris), are now extinct (Gupta and Mukherjee, 1994). The sharp decline in the frequency of encounters with wildlife species over the last 3-4 decades indicates the loss of many mammal species (Arctitis binturong, Panthera pardus, Manis pentadactyla, Capricornis sumatraensis, Nycticebus coucang, Felis marmorata, Felis timmincki, Felis bengalensis, Lutra lutra, Elephas maximus, Nycticebus coucang, Cervus unicolor, etc.). Many species of birds, reptiles, and amphibians have also met the same fate. Most of these species are present in widely separated, isolated habitat fragments as reproductively isolated small populations. The migration and

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intermixing of populations in different fragments has been adversely affected following the loss of connecting forest corridors between fragments resulting from non-traditional jhooming.

Effects of Nontraditional Jhooming on Primates: A Case Study from Tripura I tested the hypothesis that the diet types of primates, and the extent and rates at which cultivated (jhooming) forest fallow plots regenerate appropriate food resources may be the principal factors associated with their responses to non-traditional jhooming. Dietary "generalists" are likely to be resilient to extinction and better able to colonize secondary habitat, while dietary "specialists" are more vulnerable to extinction. Most studies on shifting cultivation have addressed issues of the shift in forest composition and re-growth of climax forests (Denevan, 1977), soil degradation (Toky and Ramakrishnan, 1983), and regeneration rate of secondary forests accumulating woody species (Brown and Lugo, 1990). Other issues include factors governing the pattern and rate of regeneration (Toky and Ramakrishnan, 1981; Uhl and Clark, 1983; Murphy and Lugo, 1986), growth of herbaceous weeds at the initial regeneration stage and their replacement by larger shrubs, bamboo, and trees (Kushwaha, 1983). Ramakrishnan (1984) studied the minimum length of fallow period for sustainable use of shifting cultivation areas. Only a few studies address the effects of shifting cultivation on wildlife conservation. Eudey (1986) assessed the problem of reconciling the shifting cultivation practices of hill tribes in Thailand with conservation objectives. Marsh et al. (1987), while describing the effects of habitat disturbance on rain forest primates, identified shifting cultivation as one major kind of disturbance that creates opportunities for colonization, and, by creating strong new selection pressures, can lead to rapid changes in the population status, ecology, and behavior of primates. A study by Wilkie and Finn (1990) inferred that secondary forests, which become established after shifting cultivation, are able to sustain viable populations of terrestrial fauna at densities similar to those found in climax forests. Johns (1983) and Skorupa (1986) have suggested that largely frugivorous (fruit eating) primates are more susceptible to habitat disturbance. Wilson and Wilson (1975), Rijksen (1978), Avelling and Avelling (1979), and MacKinnon (1971) all have concluded in separate studies on the effects of habitat disturbance on primates that controlled disturbances (due to selective logging) may not cause total disruption to faunal communities; rather, some species can benefit. In Tripura seven species of primates, (Phayre's langur (Trachypithecus

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phayrei). capped langur (T pileatus), rhesus macaque (Macacamulatta), pig-tailed macaque (M. nemestrina), stump-tailed macaque (M. arctoides), hoolock gibbon (Hylobateshoolock), and slow loris (Nycticebus coucang))
occupy top position in the food chain. These primates, being the most conspicuous among the wildlife, are also one of the best indicators of changes in the habitat (Gupta, 1994). I compared the regeneration status of forest fallow in different years after jhoomingwith the major food species of different primate species (Gupta and Kumar, 1992). The results revealed that Phayre's langurs are dietary generalists and can switch over to diets of colonizing plant species regenerating in abandoned jhoom plots. Of the total regenerating tree species in the fallow plots, 66% to 100% were food species for the Phayre's langur, which might explain why they have survived the practice of jhooming(traditional) in Tripura. Traditional jhoomingwith long fallow cycles allowed adequate regeneration of secondary forests of desired food and cover species. Similarly, another dietary generalist species, rhesus macaques, also survived traditional jhooming.The short fallow cycle of non-traditional jhooming may not allow sufficient accumulation of woody biomass to provide food and canopy requirements, and thus, the survival of these two species might be threatened. Five other dietary specialist primate species, capped langur, pig-tailed macaque, stump-tailed macaques, hoolock gibbon, and slow loris, may not survive the changes in their habitat. The ecology and behavior of these species do not allow them to adapt to rapid changes in the status of food and cover following jhooming (Gupta and Kumar, 1994), which may also affect their reproductive biology (breeding success). It seems that regeneration growth of 10 to 15 years on jhoom fallow plots might support higher densities of primates than primary forests in the absence of other human impacts on these plots (grazing, encroachment, logging, etc.). In Bangladesh, the population density of Phayre's langurs was higher (1.2 groups/sq km) in a secondary forest than in a primary forest (0.3 groups/sq km) (Green, 1978). Mountain gorillas in Central Africa are more common in a mosaic of primary forests interspersed with the patches of shifting cultivation (Goodall, 1977). The population density of Phayre's langurs in this study is comparable with high densities of dusky and banded langurs in West Malaysia (Caldecott, 1986) and Nilgiri langurs in South India (Dr. Ajith Kumar, pers. comm.).

CONTROL OF SHIFTING CULTIVATION

Jhoomingcannot survive in the long term because increasing population in the absence of an abundant supply of land is bound to shorten the

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jhoom cycle, bringing about continuous deterioration in soil fertility and ecological changes. Studies conducted in the Philippines, Gambia, Malawi, Zambia, and in India (Ganguly, 1968; Saha, 1970) reveal that land carrying capacity under jhooming is very low-about six persons per sq. km. Therefore, conservation of biodiversity will largely depend on creating conditions to revert to traditional long fallow jhooming, finding suitable alternatives to jhooming farming practices, or a combination of both. In view of current demographic, economic, and land use patterns in Tripura, it may be too ambitious attempt to revert to traditional jhooming. Therefore, the best solutions may lie in finding suitable alternatives.

The Jhumia Settlement Schemes One such alternative was to settle the jhumias on the plains to encourage settled cultivation. Three groups were considered for this process. The first were those who, after the timber business was stopped due to partition of Bengal during 1947, became entirely dependent on jhoom cultivation. The second group were the people whose main occupation was jhoom cultivation and who depended less on other forest resources. The third group was marginal farmers who practiced jhooming only to supplement their income. The firstjhumia settlement attempt was made in 1930-31, when Maharaja Bir Bikram set aside an area of 28,490 ha in Khowai Sub-division, called Kalyanpur Reserve, for the settlement of jhumias. In 1943, the area was increased to 505,053 ha, and a new department called the Immigration and Reclamation Department was opened to develop the vast tracts of wild land and populate those areas. The King also followed a general policy of urging jhumias to take to settled plough cultivation, and the Tenancy Act (Tenant and Landlord Act, 1886) gave a special incentive for plough cultivation. According to section 57 of the Tenancy Act a tenant who accepted a lease for reclamation of hilly lands by cutting jungles got remission of rent for three years from the date of the lease (Ganguly, 1968). But, in spite of sincere efforts, the progress of settlement was not satisfactory (Administrative Report for 1939-40, Govt. of Tripura, Section 176-178). Systematic efforts to control jhooming and settle the jhumias in the State started in 1953, with the adoption of a two pronged (short term and long term) strategy to address the ecological and economic problems of jhooming. The short-term approach included measures to improve yields from jhooming and relief measures pending their resettlement, while the long-term measures were designed to wean the jhumias away from jhooming and resettle them through alternate occupations in the specially set up

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colonies. Both these Settlement and Colonisation Schemes were part of the overall strategy of the "Shifting Cultivation Control Scheme" initiated in the first plan period. Under the Settlement Scheme, each jhumia family was given cultivable land suitable for settled agriculture and a cash grant (Report of the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Tribes, 1955-56). In the Colony Scheme each jhumia family was allotted a dwelling house in a colony established by the government with facilities for drinking water, primary education, medical and veterinary help, and a cooperative society for credit and marketing (Saha and Baragohain, 1961). These schemes, operated through the Tribal Welfare Department, continued successfully for about three decades as long as suitable plains lands were available. Later, due to land scarcity, the jhumias were allotted inaccessible, unproductive and unsuitable (for plough cultivation) tilla (hilly) lands, and consequently they deserted the settlement colonies. A Diversified Settlement Scheme based on horticulture, animal husbandry, and pisciculture was started in 1985-86 to make up for the shortage of cultivable land. Simultaneously, the Restoration Assistance Scheme was initiated to provide financial assistance to tribal families whose previously alienated land is restored under the provisions of Tripura Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act (1960). The Tribal Welfare Department also started a new scheme, "Purchase of Land for Rehabilitation of Jhumias and Landless Tribal (1985-86)," in which jhumias are provided a grant (50% of the total cost) and a loan (for remaining 50%) from Schedule Tribe Development Corporation. The Tribal Rehabilitation Plantation and the Primitive Group Programme Department (TRP and PGP) were specifically created (1985) for settling jhumias of Reang tribal community. The State government set up the Autonomous District Council (ADC) in 1985 to fulfil the twin objectives of development and autonomy for the tribal populations. The ADC has been engaged in finding viable alternatives to jhooming by using agri-horti-forestry species models for jhumia resettlement schemes. The Agriculture Department (1986-87) launched schemes to increase production and productivity of major agriculturalcrops in settled and shifting cultivation, to provide training in and transfer of modern agricultural technology, to generate family income on a continuing basis, and to develop markets and marketing facilities, including price supports to eliminate exploitation of jhumias by middlemen. One nodal department coordinates the various other departments implementing ihumia development schemes. In the new schemes, anthropologists, economists, administrators, specialists, and elders of the jhumia communities work as a team to identify and prioritize problem areas for the development of jhumias. The state has recorded satisfactory successes in these schemes over the past 40 years (Table III).

622 Table III. Status of Jhumia Resettlement Schemes in Tripura (1953-1992)

Gupta

Executing authority Tribal Welfare Department Tripura Rehabilitation Plantation & Primitive Group Programme Department Autonomous District Council Tripura Rehabilitation Plantation Corporation (TRPC) Forest Department Agricultural Department Tripura Forest Development Plantation Corporation (TFDPC) Total

Number of jhumias inducted under resettlement schemes 47,403 6,238 2,350 2,090 2.029 1,994 653 62,757

The Role of Rubber and Orange Plantations in Jhumia Settlement Schemes Coffee (Coffee arborea), arecanut (Areca catechu), black pepper (Piper nigrum), rubber (Hevea braziliensis), betel (Piper betel), kathal (Artocarpus heterophyllus), and orange (Citrus sinensis), are important plantation crops in Tripura, and the rubber (all over the State) and orange (in North Tripura) plantations have given a tremendous boost to the jhumia economy. Tripura lies outside the traditional rubber belt, but agroclimatic conditions coupled with low elevation and soil types have made this region most suitable for rubber cultivation. About 64% of the total rubber plantations in Northeast India are in Tripura. The commercial success of rubber in Tripura led to the creation of the Tripura Forest Development and Plantation Corporation (TFDPC) in 1976 to establish large-scale rubber plantations through its 44 centers. Forest corporations were also set up in other northeastern states (Assam, Meghalaya, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh) almost at the same time. In Tripura, a second forest corporation, the Tripura Rehabilitation Plantation Corporation (TRPC), was set up in 1984 to oversee the settlement of jhumias on rubber plantations. As a labor intensive plantation crop, rubber cultivation is similar to traditional jhooming, requiring jhumia families to work on cooperative basis, and provides paid employment opportunities to all members of a jhumia colony. Rubber production provides the highest net production income ratio as compared to other plantation crops. It also provides additional income through sale of by-products (e.g., seeds as a source of vegetable oil), and after the latex production ceases, rubber trees can be used for timber and firewood. Features of rubber-based TRPC schemes, such as meeting initial plantation creation costs, granting permission to practice

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jhooming within plantationplots for an initial two years with additional income support through wages for weeding the jhoom crops, providing trainingin rubberplantationtechniques,involvingthe jhumiasin decision on makingthroughtheir participation the BeneficiariesCommittee,granting ownershiprightsover 1.5 ha of land and between500-600 rubbertrees, andprovidingcommunity facilitiesinsidethe plantationcentres,all ensured furthereconomic and culturalprotection to the jhumias, and helped the of gradual transformation theireconomyfromshiftingto settledcultivation. Since 1984, the TRPC has successfullysettled about 580 jhumia families on about2608hectaresof rubberplantations.Out of all the familiessettled throughthese schemes, almost 90%have completely given up jhooming (Anon, 1994). the Orangecultivationin the JampuiHills in NorthTripura, only place in Tripura wherethe climaticconditionsare suitable,has been in operation for many years. Orangecultivationis the mainjhoom crop for the Lushai and Reang tribes.The Law ResearchInstitute(EasternRegion, Guwahati, Assam, India),conducteda thoroughstudy between 1981 and 1984 on the economicconditionsof jhumia familiesin this region,which revealed that the economic conditions of orange growingjhumias were much better than those not growingoranges and much better than their counterparts elsewhere in Tripura (Anon, 1990). Moreover, as a policy of the State government,the orangegrowerswere eligible to acquirepermanentrights over land.About 60%of all orangegrowingfamilieshave completelygiven
up jhooming.

BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION: SOME RECOMMENDATIONS

Conservationof biodiversityis mainly the responsibilityof the State ForestDepartment,whichworksthrougha networkof 13 Forest Divisions and four WildlifeProtected areas (sanctuaries)coveringall majorhabitat types. Various national and state legislation, notably the Indian Forest Act, 1927, the Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, the Wildlife (Protection) Amendment Act, 1991, and the Forest (Conservation)Act, 1980, check illegal use and overexploitationof forestryand wildlife resources.Recent schemes on Joint Forest Management(JFM) and Eco-development(ED) aim at integratinglocal interestswith biobased on people's participation diversityconservationconcerns,and minimizingconflict throughsustainable use of limited resources. The key factor for biodiversityconservationvis-'a-vis shiftingcultivation is the length of time fallowplots are allowedto regenerate.Regeneration would also depend upon the natureof the matrixaroundfallow plots,

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the presence of seeding (mother) trees, and the impact of other human disturbances on the fallow plots during the regeneration phases. The presence of mature seeding trees within the fallow plots and in surrounding primary forest patches would greatly enhance the regeneration process. Repeated felling, burning, cultivation, and livestock grazing would result in premature termination of upcoming secondary succession into fire-climax or biotic-climax vegetation. The conservation of biodiversity in the mosaics of habitat islands would also depend upon success in reverting to traditional jhooming, (which may not be possible, given the present demographic situation in the state) and its integration with other sustainable land-use practices. Forestry plantations raised under farm-forestry, agro-forestry and social-forestry schemes may also provide buffer zones to reduce biotic pressure on wilderness areas. Applying advanced farming technologies (high quality seeds, fertilizers, modern agricultural implements, etc.) could enhance the economic return from non-traditional jhooming. Large-size jhoom plots, away from prime wildlife areas, for community-based shifting cultivation can replace small individual jhoom patches, and the adverse effects of short-rotation jhooming can be minimized by mixing jhoom crops with forestry and horticulture species, and controlling forest fires during jhoom burning operations. Vegetation strips around jhoom plots would check soil erosion, and natural forest patches between adjacent jhoom plots would be sources of seeding (mother) trees and colonizers during secondary succession. Allowing ownership rights to the forestry and horticulture crops on jhoom plots may prompt jhumias to increase efforts for better protection and productivity of jhoom and plantation crops. Jhumias should be provided opportunities for year round income, for example as fire-watchers, as members of forest protection squads, or as game wardens and tourist guides in the Sepahijala and Trishna wildlife sanctuaries. Jhumias may further add to their income through poultry keeping, animal husbandry, sericulture, fisheries, etc., with help from other State government departments. Jhumias are generally good craftsmen and only a little advanced training in modern tool use may sharpen their craft, and they can find suitable jobs in weaving, tailoring, and cane/bamboo craft centers located all over the State. All available degraded areas, community lands, etc., should be afforested through social forestry to increase the existing resource base. These afforested patches around protected areas would help reduce man-animal conflicts for the use of common resources, besides adding to the plant and animal diversity. The primary forest isolated should be protected from further destruction, as important genetic reserves and seed banks. Degraded secondary forests, bamboo forests, and grasslands should be reclaimed

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through added natural regeneration, artificial gap plantations, and the creation of corridors between adjacent habitat fragments. Field-based research projects may be undertaken to study the effects of jhooming on the conservation status of major faunal species and vegetation dynamics in different habitat fragments. The results of such research studies may help in assigning either "area-specific" or "species-specific" approaches for the conservation of biological diversity. The management priorities for a given habitat fragment could then be set according to the relative importance for ecological, economic, and social needs of different user-agencies. Such research projects may be jointly conducted by different government departments, specifically, Forest, Agriculture, Tribal Welfare, Science and Technology, Animal Husbandry, and Fisheries, to address the issues of concern from the perspective of biodiversity conservation.

CONCLUSION
The World Conservation Strategy recognizes that the concept of biodiversity conservation is closely linked with sustainable development of both human and natural resources (Ramakrishnan, 1992). Ecological integrity is to be maintained not only to meet human needs but also to achieve equity with social justice and provision for the maintenance of cultural diversity (Jacobs et aL, 1987). Conservation of biological diversity cannot be achieved in isolation without addressing the needs of the large human populations who are totally dependent on various forestry resources for their survival. Viewed from this perspective, it may be concluded that the problem of biodiversity conservation in Tripura is basically a problem of scarcity of resources (mainly land and forestry resources) and lopsided distribution among many user-groups. The problem is further compounded by the failure on the part of managers to transfer the benefits of technological advances and economic development to the people in socially and culturally acceptable forms. Therefore, while nontraditional jhooming is definitely detrimental to the conservation of biological diversity, it must be recognized that the damage it causes is only an outcome of other disturbances (population explosion, irrational land-use, and over-exploitation of land resources for economic growth, etc.) Dependence on jhooming will, however, continue until traditional and nontraditional cultivators are provided viable livelihood options as effective alternatives to jhooming. Until then this non-traditional shifting cultivation will continue to be an important life-support system and a land-use system forming an integral part of all forestry and wildlife management strategies. The solution to the problem of biodiversity conservation versus shifting

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cultivation in Tripura may lie in improving existing non-traditional jhooming practices through research and the integration of traditional knowledge at policy formulation, execution, and monitoring levels. The best solution, however, is an early and total replacement of nontraditional jhooming with other economically viable and ecologically sustainable options. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I thank the Principal Chief Conservator of Forests, Government of Tripura, India, for permission to conduct field study, and the Director, Wildlife Institute of India (WII), Dehradun, India, for funding the project. I also thank Dr. David J. Chivers, Department of Anatomy, University of Cambridge, UK, for his valuable comments and suggestions on the first draft manuscript. I am thankful to three anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions. REFERENCES
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