On the Identity of Xandrames and Kraanda Author(s): Edward Thomas Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Society of Great Britain and Ireland, New Series, Vol. 1, No. 1/2 (1865), pp. 447-487 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25207663 . Accessed: 09/08/2012 09:49
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447

Art

XVI.?On By

the Identity Edward

of Xandrames Thomas, Esq.

and Krananda.

of the Royal Asiatic the meeting Society, on the 21st I undertook the task of establishing the identity Nov., 1864, of the Xandrames Siculus and Quintus Curtius, of Diodorus the undesignated of other king of the Gangetic provinces the potentate whose name appears on Classic Authors?with a very extensive series of local under the bilingual mintages form of Krananda. Bactrian and Indo-Pali At With the very open array of optional of the readings name afforded by the Greek, Latin, Arabic, or Persian tran for con scriptions, I need scarcely enter upon any vindication in the doubly autho the whole circle of misnomers centrating have perpetuated: ritative version the coins my endeavours of the reasonable probability will be confined to sustaining existence of Alexander the Great and the contemporaneous to exemplifying the Indian Krananda; the singularly appro of the coins and abundance currency priate geographical and lastly to recapitulating the curious evidences themselves; supplied by indi bearing upon Krananda's individuality, and their strange coincidence with the legends genous annals, preserved by the conterminous Persian epic and prose writers, translators, who, however, reproduced by Arab occasionally more accurate knowledge from purely sought eventually
Indian sources.

this inquiry, I shall be in a position to was the prominent of the show, that Krananda representative " nine Nandas," of the and his coins, in regnant fraternity no their symbolic devices, will demonstrate for us, what In the course of written has as yet explicitly de history, home or foreign, were Buddhists. we may that the Nandas Hence clared, now that the revolution which infer, conclusively placed Chandra Gupta on the throne, was the result of an effort of to supplant the State Religion, successful for

Brahmanism

448

ON THE IDENTITY OF to hold the con

after him, while the grandson, Asoka, though educated in his father's creed, to the local faith, of reverted, shortly after his accession, which he subsequently became so energetic a promoter. that the Nandas were Buddhists it is by no In asserting means necessary that their creed was identical to declare with the advanced and reformed faith sanctioned by the 3rd indeed, there is good reason Synod under Asoka's auspices; to conclude that the belief of those days retained much of the old leaven of primitive magic and cognate impostures,1 com bined with certain surviving elements of local demonolatry, freely intermixed with rites derived from Scythic and other de exotic mythologies: as, under a like law of progressive this phase of tho ancient the contrast between velopment,
1 An incident in the life of Buddha, related in the Dulva, would seem to imply success was supposed to bo connected that even among his own relations Sakya's ono of $ukya*8 cousins, the model of a with the practice ofMagic. "Lhas-bym, he endeavours to acquire tho How and rancorous person. malignant knowledge He applies to Sakya, and upon of the magical art, or of performing prodigies. re Res. xx. p. 84). " Astrology his refusal to his principal (As. disciples." lated by Sukya/' 516. In another place, however (p. 70),'* an astrologer" is stated " to Buddhism." to have been The traditions of ancient magic and converted a place in domestic have retained similar delusions may well legends, over to reassert themselves at any moment, tracts of outlying couutry, extensive ready in its singular stagnation of society?which under similar conditions retained of these ancient elements below the surface most intact, prepared alike for the or at the service of those who desired to rehabilitate the older creeds reformers, current in the land?which under the mask of the more advanced religions in itself account for the of so early tendency may possibly many reception into the later Tantrik absurdities and marked heresies rituals; Sec Wilson's on the Religion of the Hindus, For other ii. p. 75; As. Res. xvi., xvii. Essays references to magic, see Wilson's Works, Trubuer, London, 1862, i. 23, 26, 248, 354 (Magic taught) 368, 373; iv. iii. 168, 175 (Yoga Nanda) ii. 377; 255; in has instituted an interesting 130, 152; v. 109 (Yoga) 143. Mr. Caldwell the result of which he states as quiry into" the ancient religion of tbe Dravidiaus, follows : On comparing this Dravidian system of demonolatry and sorcery with * races of Shamanism'?the which tho Ugrian prevails superstition amongst frontier of China, which is still Siberia and the hill tribes on the south-western of the Mongols, with the Buddhism mixed and which was tho old religion of up wero disseminated and Mohammedanism the whole Tartar race before Buddhism cannot avoid the conclusion that those two superstitions, them?we amongst races so widely separated, arc not similar but identical." though practised by only has further illus ?Dravidian p. 519. A connexion Mr. Hodgson Grammar, '* It would See also Mahawanso, xviii. p. 397. J.R.A.S. trated, appear p. xiv. at that period, was the demon or yakkha in Lanka, that the prevailing religion worship." v. For further iUustrations of the general question, sec J. 11. A. S.; Stevonson, vii. pp. 1-64; Wilson, vi. 239; xii. 238; xiii. 105, 273; Briggs, pp. 189-246: xiii. pp. 282 (note 7), 285, 290, 304.

the time, inasmuch as their priests continued sciences of this king and his son Vindusdra

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA.

419

century is exemplified by religion and that of the nineteenth the limited theological of Asoka, which range of the Edicts on their first were pronounced publication by a very high to be altogether in the spirit of later authority wanting Buddhism.1 borrowed and Brahmanism largely from of which local ideas and superstitions, they are preexisting found to hold so much in common ; neither one nor the other need be deemed a simple emanation from or reform of its of the littlo reserve many rival, but both admitted with in situ, where priest formulated vague realizations already craft had been aided by growing intel civilization, parallel Both Buddhism lectual building culture, and occasional systems contributions adapted up religious from without, in to the credulity and at large.

courting the adhesion of the community Buddhism seeks confesses to an Indian home, Brahmanism to conceal its to similar local influences, but if the obligations in their other migrations arrived at no parallel pure Aryans theogony, no like perfection of speech, their southern section must
and

in all reason be made

literary refinement of

to concede much
the nation, among

to the philosophy
whom these pre

tendedly independent advances were accomplished; more espe cially must they submit to somo such admission, now that the internal evidence of their own Vedas has proved conclusively what crude barbarians they were on their first entry into the and what erudite scholars and immaculate hierarchs Punjab,
they represent themselves, with moro or less reason, to have

on the become, during progress the less the matured banks of the Saraswati. faiths Hence, races of Persia and India are found of the twin Aryan to accord, the more must the latter and less accessible soil the spirit which dominated over the claim to have changed their towards and residence in their joint nidus. the simple Aryan faith verged towards Chaldean origi causes may naturally have pro nals in Persia, analogous culture of the more duced similar results in the devotional need scarcely resent tho and Brahmanism easterly migration, If
iWilson, J.R.A.S. xii. p. 236.)

one and the other

450 inference that

ON THE IDENTITY OF

derived

some of the afflatus of its early success was and religious tendencies the exoteric worship in the land in which its organizers were avowedly prevailing domesticated. Carrying out these comparisons of geographical from influence and ethnic predilections upon divergence of ritualism, it may be doubted whether greater and more direct effects or provincial were not often due to subdivisional jealousies, and whether such tendencies may not materially have affected

in their indigenous growth. from the land of his nativity, Kapila, Sakya's mission, issuing to was mainly confined in its immediate contemporary progress we hear nothing or Behar;l of its effects upon the Magadha and Buddhism the course of Brahmanic people of tho upper Jumna, while from crude Vedic concep institutions after their adaptation tions and amalgamation with the tenets obtaining on the banks was clearly downwards from the chosen of the Saraswati, Brahmarshi, where towards the kingdoms of the mid-Ganges, This sugges had been so well received.2 Sakya's teaching tion again opens out a larger field of enquiry as to whether is not in its religious significance the Brahmanical element of tho Chandra Vansas amid the ancient legends, typified and the Puravas of the north,3 as opposed to the popular the history of the Surya Vansas of Oude,4 who supported faith of Gautama. and more locally matured the Great, in adverting to The classic historians of Alexander refer to tho informa his final halt on the banks of the Ilyphasis, tion incidentally obtained on the spot regarding the monarch of forces thoGangetic kingdoms, whose numerically overwhelming to encounter the Macedonian army must have been prepared had their leader persuaded them to advance further into India. Diodorus Siculus has preserved the name of the king in ques less mixed
1 J. A. S. B. vii. 1013. Vulva. As. Res. xx. pp. 01, 64, 65-74, 89, 91, 290, 435. and cspeciaUj p. - Manu. h. 17. J 3 See the com as No. 1, Plate vii. vol. i. Prinsep's J. A. S. B. Essays, figured xxv. fig. 1. On this piece we have possibly the first instance of the use iii. pi. of the detached half-moon associated with the name of the Vishnu deva in the old title of Chaudra to note further the Royal Pali It is instructive characters. See also St. Martin, i.e. Vishnu Gupta. Gupta, and the real name of Chanakya, Jour, des Saw vol. v. (1858) p. 142. 4 Tumour, Mahawanso, p. 9; J. A. S. B. vii. 927.

both Brahmanism

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. tion under the Greek

451

transcription of S,avBpdpi]<;,1 and Quintus it in Latin as Aggrammes.2 Whatever reproduces of the phonetic be the imperfection may rendering of Xan as representing the oral sound of Krananda, it is drames, clear that the names of Havhpdjjt,r)<; and Xavhpd abundantly were not primarily /CU7TT09 derived from one and the same Curtius Indian or the that Xandrames, designation, notwithstanding be ingeniously converted into a Chandramas, may similitude of Chandra Gupta.3 The toning down of Xandra localized

1 *AKo6o~as5^ rod *v7)yiws ircp\ r?is tcipttv rod 'IvSou Trora/xov X^Pa^ "Tl BdiotKa. fi\v rjfxfpdv $x(l BioTwv (prjfxnv, pura Bh ravrrjv tlvai nora/xbv rbv ovofia^6^ifvov rdyyrfv, rb /x^v irharos rpidicovra ?al b*vdiv (rraBiwv, rb 5? (3d0os pLtyicrrov rwv Kara ri\v 'IfSiK^v, irtpav 8? rovrov KaroiKeiv r6 re ru>v nal Tavhapiocov llpataiuv tQvos,\ rovruv 5e $a<ri\*{)civ "Bavdpdfirju, \ixovra Bicfivpiovs fikv imrus, irefav d (Xkooti fivpidfias, dpfiara 8c Sttrx^Aia, lhs<pavra$ 5* iro\*[xiKws K KO(T]j.tj/x4vovs aTrurr-fivas 5e ro7s Xeyofifvois irpoo*Ka\t<raro rbv Ucopov, ko.1 nrpaKiaxt^ovs, % 5e ra\Ka pev vrrdpx'iv ftuirvvOdviro. irepl rwv irpoffayycWofxevoov raapifits a tLrravra a\r)0r) Sifflefiaiovro, rbv Se j3a<riA. rwv Yavhapib&p %<prj(Ttv cvreAr) rravrcAcos tlvai nal &l)o?ov a>s av Kovpecvs vlbv vo/xityficvov elvai' tbirpeTrrj yap 6vra rbv rovrov irarcpa jj.zya.Koos vnb ri)s f3ao'i\io'ffrjs ayanr]Or)vai, Ka\ rov /ScunAcaj? Sick rrjs yvvainbs 5o\o<povrj04vTOS (Is rovrov irtptorrrjvcu rrjv f3ao~i\ciav.?Diod. Sic. xvii. c. 93. 2 ix, i. ? 35. Relicto igitur Sophitc in suo regno, ad fluvium Hypasin procc.-^it, re?nonem subegerat, 36. Phegcus or it, HcplKrstione, qui divcrsam conjuncto. * suis colore agros, ut assuevcrant,' rex, qui, popuTaribus gentis proximo ju.<si>. cum donis occurrit; nihil quod impcraret detrcctans. Alexandro ii. ? 1. Biduum apud cum suhstitit rex : tcrtio die amncm superarcdecrcverat, transitu diflicilcm, non spatio solum aquai urn, sod etiam saxis impeditum. 2. l\r ' contatus igitur xi dierum ultra flumeu per vasfa* Phegca, qua? noscenda crant, solitudines iter esse' cognoseit: totius India? 'excipcre deinde Gangen, maximum : 3. ulteriorem fluminum et Pharrasios ; eorumque ripam colore gentes Gangaridas xx millibus euuitum ducentisque regem esse Aggrammem, peditum obsidentem : 4. ad hiec vias duo niiliia trahere ct praucipuum terroreni clc quadrijjarum phantos, quos trium niilhum numcrum explore' diccbat. [Five variants of tin name are given, Agramcn, Agranimcm, Agramc, 5. ln Agramcn, Aggramcm.] crcdibilia omnia videbantur: cum co crat) percontatur, Porum regi (nam igitur *au vera csscnt, qua? diccrcntur ?' 6. 111c 'vires quidem gentis et regni hand falso jactari' allinuat; 'cctcrum, qui rcgnarct, non modo ignooilcm esse, scd etiam ultiuuc sortis: tonsorera vix diurno oua.stu propulsantcm quippe patrem ejus baud indecorum, cordi fuisse regime: 7. ah ea in pro famem, propter habitum interfecto eo per iu piorcm ejus, qui turn re^nnssct, arnicitia) locum admotum, sidias, suo specie tutcla; libcrum ejus invasissc rc^num ; nccatisquo pucris hum , qui nunc regnat, gencrassc, invisum vilcmquc i.opularibus, magis paterme fortunu , quam siiiu memorem.'?Quintus Curtius, ed. belph. London, 182/5, vol. ii. 670. 3 v. p. 286. Max Miiller, Asiatic Researches, Sanskrit Lit. p. 279. Wilford, The to which the action of the Patent Laws in Englam! jealous scrutiny has lately been has shown how few modern ideas are positively and subjected, it becomes the duty of the humblest Hence, completely original. aspirant for the honors of even a new combination, to record, in all fullness, any pre towards the same end; however little viously published suggestions they may have conduced to the immediate and ultimate result he undertakes to an nounce. As far as my guidance towards an identification of Xamlramcs and Nanda is concerned, the earliest claim must be conceded to th* unhesitatingly

452 mas

ON THE IDENTITY OF

need suggest no more difficulty into Aggrarames than of the X in 'AvSpotcoTTos, or other more gross per So also in regard to the very versions of the indigenous term. as statements of the low origin of Xandrames, circumstantial to connect him to such an extent with Chandra Gupta, tending the elision the confessedly questionable offspring of Nanda! These detrac tive charges, in themselves, would scarcely servo to establish of any intentional any identity, even if the whole question and Chandra Gupta by the classical association of Xandrames authors at large was not set at rest by Plutarch's definitive

in closely connected of tho authority his mention passages Possibly for the statement may point to the true explanation why the came to be so well abused when Chandra extinct dynasty have Gupta himself became the accuser, who may naturally of sought to obscure his own special defects in the vilification discrimination individuals of his text. his predecessors. Quintus events to the Nanda, whose Alexander's Curtius manifestly applies after name had so imperfectly reached

of the

two

to the Queen in the allusion contemporaries, the Brahman Chanakya, who kills off the other sons, (Mura), tho last reputed son of the old and who begets or advances On the other hand, Arrian, with moro critical monarch.
to whom, I think, fair credit has never yet been given abused Wilford; was in the hands of his It was easy to say an Englishman by succeeding critics. Pandits in those days; the singular fact remains, of how they all were !?but much information, based upon honest and how though imperfect interpretation, a comprehensive, though nt times overstrained, faculty his master mind was to bear ou the amalgamation of Eastern and able to bring and elucidation as tried by either one or the other test in India, at the com Western knowledge, mencement of the present century. to substantiate in 1797, endeavoured the identity of Xandrames Wilford, as the and Chandra Gupta, under the approximate rendering of Chandramas local equivalent of both the Greek and the Sanskrit version of the real name in 1807, clearly abandoned this mere sug He (As. Res. v. 286). subsequently, that the Xandrames of Alexander's historians gestion, and took up the position was of that day (As. Res. ix. 94). Max Miiller, the reigning Nanda pimply or the other more complete aware of the one assimilation, possibly without being the nominal similitude, association, seems to accept in a measure though securing " that Xandrames be the same as the last Nanda" himself might by supposing General Cunningham, who has always had a lean p. 279). (Sanskrit Literature, his younger and bolder days used to say that Kunanda, ing towards phonetics?in as as the name so manifestly was one of the nine Nandas?but suggested, even tbis 4i asWilson called him (J. R. A. S. xvi. 230), courageous etymologist," has not ventured to adhere to his guess in his more mature writings (Bhilsa Topes, 1854, p. 355), I conclude he will not now seek to disturb the grave of Wilford. much

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. concedes all honour to the ruling as he even partially realised

453

acumen,

Hyphasis, obtaining oligarchical form of government in apposition with and contrast to the monarchical tions

powers beyond the the merit of the in those provinces,1 institu

to the westward, where Alexander's prevailing early had first impressed the Greek mind with a notion conquests an indication which, however vague, may of local customs: in the present inquiry. prove of important significance mere copyists from the Persians, The Arab authors?usually all ancient traditions in their who claim to have preserved Pahlavi writings?though in point of exclusive dating later in the order of this enquiry, the time, naturally follow, of Indian history. classical and equally exponents foreign in text or translation, may still carry Their evidence, whether with of high authenticity, if it re especially and indications of original of truth, signs in details from contempora however derivation, imperfect neous sources. Notwithstanding the many marked historical it the mark in itself tains it would have and other connecting coincidences analogies, to have based the identification of BavSpd/jLij^ been venturesome of the coins upon the imperfect similitude and the Krananda of tho two names as they stood in simple relation to each other ; in the form of Kand by but the retention of the designation the Arabic authors, restores the most important element of the name in the initial K. Masiiudi, who follows Ibn Mokaffa in his Indian tells (Obiit. 277 a.h.), history, after having disposed of Porus, entered Alexander, one of the most powerful respondence with kings
J Lib.

us

that into cor

of India

Ixii. 8 : *E\4youro yap oktoj /xiv fivpid^as Iwirorwv, (Xkoci 5e rrefcv, ical fiaxtfxovs ixlipavras 0l 8e oKTaKtaxiXta e?aKirrx?Afou5 *Xovrf* Upfiara Kai ii/^xiros ovk %v ncpl ravra' uirofxivav. YavHapiruiv Ka\ Tlpataltav 0aat\u$ 'AvUpoKorros yap vartpov ov noWQ 0uart\evaas 2cAeu.c<p irtvraKocrlous iKityavras ica\ arparou fiupidaiv Q4\Kovra r\)v 'Ij/SikV <?f 5)A0 i' arraaav naraarpt Idapfiaaro . . . Ixii. 26 : 'AfSpj.KOTTOj 8c /ucipdVtoi/ &v avrbv 'A\c?avb*pov 'olha Ka\ <p6/?(Vos. iroWdnis dnuv varepov, ws -nap ovfilv %A0e rd irpdyfxara Aa/3*Iv A\*\av \iyerat T Kai tipos? fiio-ovfxlvov Kara<]>povov(xlvov rod ftaatXlcos 8ia fioxQriplav na\ bvayt Vitro Parallels, vuav.?Vlut. Lipsim, 1813, iii. 208. Ta 5e irepav rod 'T<pdo~tos -norafxov, evtialfiovd re tV x^Pav ^Ivai l?ijyyfW TO, Se ra iroXifiia, Ka\ els ra tSia 5e ko\ avQp&wovs kyaQobs fxev yrjs ipydras, ytvvaiovs rcov robs troWovs, robs 4T(pwviv K6afxa> iro\ir*trovra$. Tlpbs yhp apiaruv &px^a0ai $t ovBh 2|? rod ImciKovs 1Z-nyuo-0ai.?Arriani Lib. iii. c. xxv. Expcd. Alexandri.

454 named Kand.1 distant

ON THE IDENTITY OF This monarch is represented as ruling the exact locality of which over a

is not part of the country, is stated, in opposition to classical testimoivy, He specified. to have borne the highest character for wisdom, virtue, and and the singular item is mentioned in administration; good

reference to the length of his life [or reign], which, though distorted in the repetition, seems to identify him directly with " one the Hindu hundred years" of the rule of the traditional The intercourse by ambassadors which ensues re Naudas. to the question of magic and the four marvels of lates mainly with the inexhaustible cup, which figures in so The same niany fairy tales, possessed by the Indian king. are embodied in the Shah Ndmah, stories of the two monarchs but by a transposition of the diacritical points the king's name the triliteral Jci is appears as &*? instead of x_ ? Though what M. Renan calls "a Semitic little more*than skeleton" a word, it retains the three leading letters of the original of ifil!p_?, and is readily improved by the insertion of the short r may easily have been lost vowels, while the missing sight of of the Sanskrit in the mechanical conversion letters; but there is no need to insist upon minor possibilities when the in a far closer identical name has been reproduced elsewhere necromancy though
1

altogether
chap. xxvi.

independently-devised

form of translitera

Masaudi,

^U
ij-*

^
<uLc ^>\

l?L? j^\ ^jl

Jd <U^ ^?^U

^li.
C-jUii.j

^y u.
^V.^

<Ub <U1 J^\*

?-jL-;j <u?r*jJ

[ One MS. No. 23,266 Mus. Brit, gives * Shah Namah, Chap, (headed)

the name as j^

].

Also,

Chap.

LjJsjJb Juj j\

ij4*Jui

lIX^jJJ j f^

j/^^
Macan

^'^
iii. p. 1299.

cLr*

*^

L^J^

iJCowj Oil

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. tion. The

455

text of the Majmal-ul author of the Persian who dates from the court of Sanjar bin Malik Tawdrikk, to have derived his Shah, in a.h. 522, after acknowledging the secondary medium of a Persian information through a.h. 417, from an Arabic author of earlier translation made in drew his inspiration from direct who, however, standing, Indian sources,3 goes on to quote similar tales of Alexander and the king he names as A^i3, whom he specially indicates as Hhe same' as the^ of the Shah Namah. Considering that a very slight turn of the pen would suffice to convert the second letter of this name from an u into an a, it will be scarcely taking much liberty with extant MSS. to restore the M. Iiei former letter to its proper place, and rehabilitate a licence the text itself into x*? Kananda, naud's Kefend
encourages, in reproducing the son's name as Ayanda, a very

that I would desire for ?A^3! A?ia?ida. obvious mistake Not to cite these Arab or Persian writers for the solid history or the latter are seen to make of India, when geography and the former base most of their Porus king of Kanauj, notions of Indian kingdoms upon the limited centre they early but with all this, their in occupied on the lower Indus; cidental notices may chance to prove, under proper checks illustration of the sub under review, the Ceylon Annals, the perhaps, exhibit ject nearest and most exact adherence to pure legendary history tho Indian mind was, at this period, capable of realizing: in regard to their facts, from the original site of emanating, so cardinal a whose religious verity constituted Buddhism, a series of incidents how in their record: embodying point
3 Majmal-al-Tawfirfkh.

and criticism, of considerable value. the various sources for the Among

M. Reinaud VOL. I.?[NEW

" Fragments 30

Arabes

et Persans."

Paris,

1845, p.

1.

8ERIE8.]

456 ever

ON THE IDENTITY OF

reported, and however imperfectly long subject to the of merely oral or partially written mechanism, disadvantage still following very closely upon the events, and speedily be into the fixed form, which was preserved, coming crystalized in all its simplicity, under the protection of a dominant and in an insular and comparatively undisturbed un hierarchy, An was not assailable kingdom. which inuuuuity clearly shared by the parallel chronicles of India proper, and for the historical of which we have to rely portions upon mainly aro not Brahmanic authorities, whose compositions only so much later in point of time, but were liable to bo affected by indifference to, if not a more, directly hostile feeling against a race of kings under whose auspices Buddhism antagonistic attained so much local prominence. The most important item the Ceylon Annals contribute to _ wards Krananda that the consists in the statement history " nine Nandas of this The bearings conjointly."1 reigned
question will have to be adverted to more at large hereafter ;

but to dispose of the independent home testimony to refer to the various it will be sufficient point, passages in the secular Sanskrit works and

upon

this

analogous in tho pseudo

" 1 Kalasoko had ten sons; these brothers Mahawauso, p. 21: (conjointly) for twenty-two ruled the empire, righteously, there wore years. Subsequently to their seniority, righteously nine; they also, according reigned for twenty-two the Brahman Chanakko, in gratification of nn implacable hatred years. Thereafter towards the ninth surviving brother, called Dliniia-nando, Wne having put him to death." etc. " : Subsequent to from the commentary Mahawanso, p. xxxviii. (the Tikii) those who held the second convocation, who patronized the royal linn KMasoko, to the reign of Dhamniasoko, when is stated to have consisted of twelve monarchs own sons were t<n Kalasoko's they (the priests) held the third convocation. i tho Their names are specified in the Atthakatha. The appellation of brothers. title. that patronymic Tho in nine of them bearing nine Nandos* originates of the ITtarawiharo miosis sets forth that the eldest, of these was of Atthakatha an extraction not allied (inferior) to the royal family, and that he (niatcmnlh) the other nine. it gives also the hi.stoiyof In dwell in one of the provinces: sons of KfiliVftku, of the the conjoint administration aforetime, during (nine) :His brothers next succeeded to the empire iu the order of their seniority. \\\ix. It was on this account that (in the years. reigned twenty-two They altogether it is stated that then* were nine Nandos. Their ninth yousigent Mahawanso) treasure, to hoarding from his beta" addicted brother was called Dhnun-naudo, stated to have] abandoned his passion for hoarding, becoming [lie is subsequently the desire of giving imbued with alms," etc. has u the ten sons of Kalas6ko Atthakathd reigned thirty lihuddhaghosa's to them, Nawanando two years. yean. twenty-two Subsequently reigned A. S. U. vi. 726 ;Mabawauso, Hi. CnAsr?A(.rrni p. years.'*?J. twenty-four

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA.

457

do not directly con prophecies of the Puranas,1 which if they a system of oligarchal government, firm the existence of such of the Singhalese version of a fully justify the acceptance combined family sovereignty of some kind or other.2 had already The Greek authors, who follow Megasthenes, in of popular forms of government Siculus affirms that, in early times, the of the cities were administered by democracies, majority of the exception monarchies up to the invasion forming autonomous townships the Arrian discriminates Alexander.3 made known the existence India. Diodorus
1 Vishnu and his son Pun'ma, p. 467: His son will also be Nandi-varddhana; ten Saisunugas will be kings of the earth for three These will be Mahanandi. The sou of Mahananda will be born of a woman hundred and sixty-two years. for lie of the Sudra or servile class; his name will be Nanda, called Mahapadma, he will be the anni Like another Parasurama, will be exceedingly avaricious. hilator of the Kshatriya race; for after him the kings of the eartli will be Sudras. he will have eight sons, earth under one umbrella; He will bring the whole and he and his sons will Sumalya and others; who will reign after Mahapadma; The Brahman Kautilya will root out the nine govern for one hundred years. the Mauryas will possess the Nandas. Upon the cessation of the race of Nando, will place Chandra Gupta on the throne. earth, for Kautilya adds the following additional notes:?] [Professor Wilson the lord of Mahapadma! calls [Nanda] "The Bhagavata * ' IVlahapadmapati,infinite the commentator which host,' or of immenso sovereign of an interprets The Vayu and Matsya, how wealth ;' Mahapadma 100,000 millions. signifying as another name of Nanda." ever, consider Mahapadma 'he and his sons];' but it would be more com also "[has, The Bhfigavata as so many descents. to consider the nine Nandas The patihle with chronology years to Mah&padma and only the remaining Vayu and Matsya give eighty-eight and the rest of the remaining to Sumalya twelve eight, these twelve years to expel the Nandas." being occupied with the efforts of Kautilya and in the The several authorities agree in the number of ten Saisun&gas, call 360; years of their reigns, which the Matsya and the Bhagavata aggregate call the Saisunagas Kshatra has 362.The the Vayu Y&yu and Matsya an inferior order of Kshatriyas: bandhus, which may designate they also observe, the Varhad that cotemporary with the dynasties already specified, the Pauravas, there were other races of royal descent, as Aikshwakava rathas and Mugadhas, or Kuseyas, or Kasakas 25 . . .Kalakas 24; Haihayas, princes, 24; Punchalas, and Viti 32. Sakas, Asmakas, Kuravas, Maithilas, Surasenas, 24; Kalingas, on Sanskrit Literature, i. 133. also Wilson's hotrus.?See Essays 2 For further evidence of the co-ordination seeWilson's of the nine Nandas, i : " The Piiefack Mudi _ Rakshasa,' Hindu Theatre, ii. pp. 144-5-6. king when he grew old retired from the affairs of state, consigning his kingdom to these nine verses 155-7, p. 181: sons," etc. Text, A subsequent passage incidentally proves that the idea of joint kings was by no means foreign to the practice of the day. " and Chandra Gupta, seated Vairodhaka On the same throne, installed as equal kings, Divided Nanda's empire." v. 266. See also Asiatic Researches, 8'Died. Sic. ii. c 39, ? 38 : vcrrcpov 5e -noKKols erect ras irXelaras pep rwr iroAccov Bt]fxoi{parrj6?ivai, rivtav 8e idvuv ras fiaviAeias diajj.zu'ai f-^xpi rijs AXci-dy* dpGv diafidaccos.

458 of

ON THE IDENTITY OF

on the the Punjab,1 adverts to the rule of the nobility in marked the difference be and contrasts, detail, Ganges,2 and the functions of a chief magis tween regal government " trate of a free city.3 Quintus Curtius also speaks of validam qua? populi, non rcgum imperio regebatur" gentem, inciden (ix. c. viii. ? 4). The local annals, in like manner, contribute frequent evidences of the prevalent republican tally tradition has preserved various notices of the institutions; of Vaisali in the (Bassahr), as it was administered Eepublie Indiae and the history of the distribution of his ashes time of Sakya; casually discloses, that of the ten portions into which they were divided, eight fell to the share of republics or tribal cities, and one to a king.4 There are no data for determining the exact are seen to have been form of these constitutions, though they mere intramural municipality. far beyond The city any over the country around, and constituted dominated clearly to all intents and purposes a State. The number of citizens
participating in administrative functions appears to have

boon considerable
cases tribunes,0 there or were rajas.7

among
one or

the Lichhawis
more chiefs,

of Vaistili/*
whether

but in all

magistrates,

In addition to the written testimony, as to the prevalency to tho northward and eastward of India, they of republics seem to have been elsewhere complete enough in their political as well as fiscal details, to have left illustrative numismatic traces behind Surashtra,
1 Exped. 3 Arrian

them, in the extant coins of the Sah kings of in their make, extreme range of dates, and which

2 Ibid. c. c. xxiv. Alcxandri. xxv., quoted p. 453 ante. Indica. xii. 10 : eKroi 5e elaiv *\vZ6laiv ol itriaKoiroi Ka\ 6p. vot ovtoi re t.jj> x^W /cc^ Kara 7 ay miXeas. Kai touto avay ?(f>op&o~ira yivSpeva Hard, Ty5ol fy ro?s reXeaiv, Xvaiftp avrovopoi 'ivairep fiaaiXevovrai yiXXovai Ty fiaaiXei, xv. c. 1, ? 10. Hut he elsewhere adverts to The passage varies in Strabo, (lat. xv. c. 1, } 37. See also Tliny, Hist. Nat. an aristocratical form of government, 20. vi. 1 As. Res. xx. 439. Bhilsa Topes, p. *J9. Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, vii. 1013. 5 Mr. Tumour raiaa remarks in a note, p. 992, vol. vii. J. A. S. II. : "These or rulers were of the Lichchhawi called dynasty, the capital of whose dominions, states is stated to havo consisted The union of the Wajjian "Wajji, was Wesftli. of a eon fed-rat ion of chiefs or princes." ? As. Res. xx. pp. 66, 69, 72 ; J. A. S. B. "i. 4. 1 : II parait les habitant* Foekoueki, 240, 251, note 8, Klaproth que quoiquc eussent une forme de gouverncment lis avaient pourtant de Vaisali rGpublicainc, aussi un roi."

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA.

459

repeated identity of the annual records stamped on their sur face, have for long past,1 on mere mechanical sug grounds, the inference of an emanation from mints under tho gested of The working temporary control of one or more rulers. to tho such an administrative is not opposed government or any other more immediate native external supremacy need in no wise have suzerainty?which of tho original constitution, impaired the normal elements as had framed probably upon the same theoretical model on the banks of tin: served to raise up similar institutions is of a conjoint administration Tho supposition Ganges. recognition in this instance by the fact, that among demanded the S&h kings, no less than four, if not five, sons of Rudra Sah and three sons of Dama Sah are found to havo been regal honours. to The sovereignty of the nine Nandas may be conjectured have been based upon the same principle of coequal brother that coparcenary, in the North-Western sively of Phaigdchdra designation hood
fraternities, perfect equality

of a Greek

almost

endued with

or

to this day so exten prevails Provinces under the general tenures. In those proprietary
of inheritance constitutes tho

leading the community,

idea with

the practical concession that there should be one

the elder brother, who ager, usually this post, and whose seniority is invariably respected, though set aside for the. his administrative is frequently authority bencht of the joint estate, and bestowed upon a moro some combination efficient junior.2 of of Tho supposition tho this sort seems to afford tho most simple explanation on the coins admit of; viz. that the name of Amogha, legends
otherwise clearly superfluous, was retained as the first-born

for the good of man responsible is primarily entitled to

tho joint-brotherhood, and Krananda, in acknowledging as " tho brother of this priority, himself and describing leaves him intcntionaUy untitled, while he assumes Amogha," or the executive the proud position of Maharaja, to himself
1 Jour. R.A.S. vol. xii. pp. 39, 40, 41; Prinsep's Essays, vol. (1848), - See sub voce Bbyachara Sir II. M. Elliot's Glossary of Indian Terms, Settlement Circular orders, N.W.P. ii. p. 92. and his

of

4?;U '

ON THE IDENTITY OF

primus inter pares" of the family oligarchy. Necessarily, the supreme ruler of vast kingdoms exercised much more extended and independent powers than would have devolved a similarly to the constituted election upon him under of the affairs of an agricultural ; management community in cither but the theory and practice would be analogous of Imperialism would be less vase, though the possession disturbed than the patriarchal easily intendaney of the village
system.

As

the

Sanskrit adjusting tainment

Chandra

Sandrokoptos with the ol%the highest Gupta proved importance in scheme of Indian dates, so the ascer the general on the Ganges, of Krananda of the sovereignty

identification

of

the Greek

in 326 B.C.,1 in when Alexander retired from the Ilyphasis an earlier and far more precise date towards the furnishing rectification of the local annals than the undetermined epoch the expedition of Selcueus and his treaty with Chandra be expected in a higher degree to illustrate and lupin'2 may determine the many debatcable of contemporary points I may state that I As a preliminary Indian chronology. adopt almost unconditionally the Nirvana of Sakya Muni,
wort* the only nation among*

of <

the Ceylon traditional date of i.e. 543 n.c, as the Singhalese

the early converts who defi

for civil accepted religious a practice so to that, to adhered reckonings, consistently this day,3 the local almanacs appear with Anno Domini and in parallel columns. Objection has beon taken to AnnoBuddlue the probable exactitude of the initial date, because its use did not become in the hierarchal calendars (ill after the general of Asoka;1 the very admission but even involved reign nitely
in the protest concedes a. value, and importance to tho vehicle

the

era

of Buddha

or

which

all apparent good faith the historical preserved v.-hose inception must have been recently notified epoch, from the land where the incidents, out of which it arose, took place, and fully within the limits of rectification, had
1 Clinton, p. UKK Sxo. edition, Oxford, 1S51. 2 Clinton a Tumour Past. Hcllcii. iii. IS2, Dote. * Max Miiller, Sanskrit Literature, p. 264. J.A.S.B.

with

vi., pp. 722.

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. any doubts

401

It is not themselves. of its accuracy presented to the correctness of this foreign legendary dale necessary local annals should accord that the Ceylon of the Nirvana, an attempt was made, in a in full parallelism, though such to fix the advent of Vijaya at the crude way, in the endeavour identical cyclic epoch ;* nor need we criticise too closely the subordinate details, which reached the island chronological succession : for all purposes of a test the Magadha regarding there remains enough of truth pre of intentional veracity,
served to facts in their the text, and in some annals instances were a nearer permitted adherence to retain than counterpart

on their own soil.

The Southern date of 54'J n.c. recommends in two cases of imperfect testimony obtained itself indirectly The Tibetan Books, iu citing from purely Indian sources. to Buddha, give the extreme rang'* the various dates assigned
from n.c. , _6 to n.c:. would 2422.' naturally Now as incline the tendency towards of oxagg< ;;ll _ ueh commentators

of

rating would they

tion

of the foundation of their creed, there tho antiquity reason to prefer the lower figures, even ii' be much so nearly to the independent affirma did not assimilate
of the basis of the era received in Ceylon. Again,

there j is a curious contributed description tainty

decease, and

to this same initial reckoning approximation in his centuries later by Hiueii who Thsang, in a.d. (348 adverts to the uncer of Kusinagara in situ regarding
he goes on to state

existing

the true epoch of Sakya's

the various computations

then

current, to the existing

the

very first of which being 1200 years prim even number of centuries quoted date?tho v singular to sa year of 552 n.(.:

dispenses with any pretence of exactitude?but the arithmetical result gives the approximate

1 Tumour vi. (1837) pp. 718, 720, Mahawanso, J.A.S.U. p. li. * also cites no les* ilia Csoma, Tibetan (Jrauuuar, p. 199. Professor Wilson from 2120 thirteen different bv a Tibetan collected dates, author, ranging n.c. to 453 n.c, three figures which suggest in themselves an erroneous transposi xvi. p. 247, and Dr. Host's edition tion ofthe copyist for 513. Wilson J.lt.A.S. of Wilson's works, vol. ii. p. 3*16 3 Suivant a 1*Histoire de la vie de llioucii-thsang, p. 301, le Ta-tliang-ei-\u-ki cc etc icdige en G48. D'aprcs premier calcul, (1200 n.c.) l'epoque du Nirvana a Tan 5-32 avaut J. C. ...c/i le fiiit rcmonferait La sceondc opinion (1300 remonter a 652 ; la troisieme opinion (1500 n.c.) a 852, et la quutricm<- (ul ueuf .cent* a uiille ans) entre 262 et 352. dale est relle qui re.pprocht It f_:i p'-rmi'lre

4()2 There Buddhist

ON THE IDENTITY OF is also an item of negative in support evidence is not without date which its significance. of this

Bud the Magadha Brahman, the eloquent and energetic dhaghoso, convert to Buddhism, who in the earlier part of the fifth cen a.d. made a to recover the tury pilgrimage Singhalese version of the Atthakatha, which was not extant in his native land,1 not only did not contest or question the epoch of 513 n.c, but adopted it in all its integrity as the basis of his very elaborate at the reconcilement of the conflicting dates in the of the two countries ;a though in the im perfect ion of the materials bearing upon tho regal successions of India the adaptation proved considerably at fault. is yet another There test, ab extra, of no very great histories value in itself, but the items contributing to which givo a near result to the Ceylon calendric standard. Few singularly to contest the simple proposition enquirers will be prepared that Sakya Muni flourished while Ajatasatru sat on the throne
Magadha. The various Brahmanical Puranas, in enume

attempts national

of

rating eighth Gupta, years; chosen Nirvana

the

year

and lengths of reigns between successions the of that monarch and the accession of Chandra the closely associated totals of 260 and 201 give tho elevation of Chandra the now, taking Gupta, at 31(5 n.c, the criterion of European chronologists,

of Buddha will fall, under this reckoning, in n.c. 576, giving a total of 83 years only in excess of the Singha lese era, a surplus that may fairly be subjected to critical reduction, when tested by the exaggerated avcrage;t involved in the 33 years to each of the five kings, comprising assigned the second
for

half
the

of the Saisunaga
ton successions ranges

dynasty,
even

whose
more

general

average

suspiciously

high

at 36*5 per reign.

de cellc des Tingalais Stan. Julien. (543), oui pnrnit generalement adoptee. phis li. 335. wno has a to averages, arrives by that General Cunningham, tendency to tho Coylon at a still closer approximation unsatisfactory method of rectification lihilsa Topes, p. 74. date, in the return of 544. 1 Tumour vi. (1837) pp. 507, 717- Mahawanso, J.A.S.H. p. xxx. and chapter 2 J.A.S.B. 250. vi. 725. xxxvii., p. Mahawanso, p. Iii. s Col. Tod's of 119 kings gives a return of 22 years per reign (i. 52). average v. 346) with an average extending over 535 years Wathen (J.lt.A.S. produces 25 years, while the "Walter Elliot inscriptions (J.R.A.S.*iv. 5) reduce the term to 17*7 See Note J.R.A.S., xii. p. 3G. years.

XANDIIAMES AND KRANANDA. The

403

to whom wo are mainly in Hon. George Tumour, our present knowledge of the question, investigated debted for care the Singhalese of the period with much chronology of Sakya and the accession intervening between the Nirvana of Asoka, the result arrived at being that if the former date fell in n.c. 543, the accession of Chandra Gupta must have in the southern system some GO or 70 years. been antedated Mr. that the cause of this error rightly divined of tho be found in the undue limitations probably table will be seen from his of the Nandas, which reigns to 44 years in all. to have been reduced quoted below,1 a very General Cunningham has suggested simple and rea Tumour would sonable method Nandas of correcting this deficiency by restoring to the 100 years the Sanskrit the approximate collectively2

1 "The ou the Pilabittaun, in the Atthakathd data contained chronological and in the Mahawanso, the history both of India and of <!eyhm% connected with in a tabular form, the following results:? exhibit, respectively, Indian Accession of ouch Kins:. B. C. II. n. IHmbUiro. .... Ailitasattu. 003 ,, -c. 551 00 0 8 J a. n. 24 ,n Kciorii Ycni 3. 52 8fckJ,? a,**incA ?"<M1>?ho?d iu ,l?'mh f \ year of this reign. died and the first convocation was /Sakya this ,JO J held in the 8th year of ... . reign. .... ?, 32 < J. , the former event Ihe constitutes j V Iiuddhistical epoch. 1G 0 n n .. , Table.

Mundho .}

Ud&yibhaddako.. ... ) Anuraddhnko .

519 cnr> 495 471 . c., 45.3 425 403 381 347

'503

40

8 Collectively.

Ndgadasako . Susunngo trel, M Kalasoko. Nandos. Nandos. Chandagutto. Bindusaro.

48 72 nn 90 118 140 1G2 196

24 18 held in the I )th 00 (The second convocation 28 { r ., of this rctgn. I 22 Collectively. 22 Individually. 34 28 f This monarch's took place inauguration in a. n. 218, four years after hi- acres j

table of ten years at his arr.\won. The third convocation was held in the L 17th year after his inauguration. 7 Bhilsa to give an extra 66 years to the Topes, p. 75. Lassen also proposes to but ho spoils the whole rectificatory process by limiting the remainder Nandas, 22 years. in my General Cunningham, expresses himself aggrieved by two statements last in this Journal I should not hive (5th July, J802, vol. xx. p. 99). paper to 60 personal a subject in this place, bad not General Cunningham alluded ]

Asoko

319

224

ZU

fj this

.which .bow .n anachroiiismiu

464 authors

ON THE IDENTITY OF

This then is the rectification usually assign to them. the accession of Nanda propose to apply, making in or about 425 n.c, and tulmittiug an inde Mahapadma more or less, which leaves nearly pendent reign of 22 years 78 years to be filled in by the joint rule of his nine sons. was ac while Chanakya This with a possible interregnum, will bring the ae the Brahmanic revolution, complishing I should
them and coupled into his reclamations, imported a certain degree of asperity with an inueudo of a design on my part to elevate another at his expense. coin of The first item is easily disposed of: iu my notice of ('ol. J. Abbott's u a new As the it with the term of king." Fpaudor (Note 2, p. (.>9)I associated Ihe words name did not occur iu any of the lists I was linn in the act. of quoting, to a conventional amounted indeed, as far as 1 was though expression, merely that its then aware, ihe coin itself was essentially notwithstanding unpublished, existence had heen long known to Indian Numismatists (Col. Ahhott himself, Col. left Calcutta. I, individually, Bush, etc) before the coins themselves arrogated it to I imagined no merit in the bringing forward of this novelty, though in Europe. he a unique specimen of a Bactrian sovereign previously unknown it seems that (leu. Cunningham, had, in an obscure corner of the J. A. However, in and fully published, S. B. for 18G0, devoted to miscellaneous notices ?fairly But in his attack upon India, the fact of his own possession o( a similar piece. that my article was the very qualifying uu. he completely incident, ignores ami incomplete, and lor the major part pre put forth as interrupted, axowedly of examining Col. when I first had an opportunity pared two years previously, IS59. I by hazard chanced to have Had in November, Abbott's collection have proved seen General other portions of it would notice, Cunningham's was then engaged upon, as furnishing really valuable to me lor the very cnquiiy 1 an important illustration of the contemporaneous record of another numismatic, of the names of Antioehun and in the conjunction Suzerain and Satrap, it in the extreme: second charge against me is eccentric The Agathoeles. that 1 designedly gave credit to Ilabu Kajendra lal, a purports, by implication, fellow-labourer in our own held of research, for a discovery General Cunningham enabled Mr. words made use of are?"has claims for himself (the exceptional Thomas," etc.) My inoffensive note, out of which all this jealousy has arisen, for a very pretty quarrel and literary combat in has furnished the groundwork which seems to me to I ii ilia, in which I have happily escaped taking part?hut to what may be hoped to be have been energetically and ettieiently conducted, the i nd, by the Babu himself (vol. xxxii. p. 139). a passage in publishing is my wrongdoing, All I am called upon to explain to revert so liable to if it were worth while but truly, misinterpretation, back and examine the original note (vol. x\. p. 108, note 1,) it will at once be number of the.I. A. S. 11., from a single detached manifest that I was quoting without capable of verifying, what bad been being aware of or at the moment in previous numbers ; hence, I was specially on my guard, and resorted published instead of has been identified with to the general llushka," phase of "who for the very sullicieut reason, lal, a reserve demanded saying by Ihibii Kajendra was so inexplauatory in itself that the article from which I drew my knowledge iu the paper, was elsewhere cited thv Mr. Uayley, that I hardly knew whether in cither not the originator The entire identification. of the disputed dilliculty, in Kngland ca-e?so from the too limited circulation far as I am concerned?arose the Asiatic of our fellow-society, of that excellent Journal Society of Ueugal. to avail myself be henceforth of, aa A plea I shall individually incompetent now in force, as an honorary member I regularly under the liberal arrangements receive their publications.

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. cession

kiqv at

465

of Chandra
the time of

sufficiently Whatever testimonies

of the

n.c. 317-6, which would Gupta to about with accord tho statement of his being a fieipd
Alexander's invasion.

questions of traditions have complicated may

dates, a much

and imperfectly recorded the right determination

more speculative enquiry

sueeessional

of alphabetical position when tried by parallel local inscriptions?the developments, legends on the coins of Krananda would limit the period of reserve in avowing their issue. There need be no possible on this currency is far in ad that the Indian Pali alphabet remains, lapidary writing of the Edicts of Asoka, I have, therefore, range from about b.c. 250 to 232. to seek to explain why the more matured characters should claim to date nearly a century prior to the palaeography of the monumental tablets. It has been usual to assume that were the earliest authen because these latter proclamations which sented extant, that therefore their letters repre inscriptions the primitive form of alphabetical writing of the entire continent of India, and hence that these phonetic signs had constituted the fountain head from whence or all progress were derived, in short, that these letters had improvements the ulti of local ticated vance of the formal

as to what

in the march

furnished the model, and therefore were to supply mate test of the age of all and every description
characters.

In accordance with this idea, James in 1838, framed Prinsep, ic table,1 which it was supposed would suffice to Palatograph determine by the mere gradational forms of characters, the date of any given of whatever The inscription locality. based upon the imperfect knowledge theory was primarily then newly attained, that Asoka's edicts were engraved in one and the same so to say, all over India ; and the alphabet, inference deduced was that the character em iri question bodied the every day of the nation at large, and writing hence that any divarication from, or advance beyond, these fixed literal forms involved a subsequent effort necessarily a
1 J. A. S. B. vii. pis. xiii. xiv., and Prinsep's Essays, vol ii. pis. xxxviii. xxxix.

466 of more mature

ON THE IDENTITY OF

This is an assumption I have long growth. the originality and ;! while full)r admitting protested against I have uniformly resisted merit of James Prinsep's conception, its unconditional because it was wanting in the acceptance, of caligraphy, for tho and materials of stages progressive the limitations or expansions and equally disregarded writing, the characters were incident to the dialects and languages connected with modes called upon to define. It is by no means character it clearly Buddhist chanically
teachers

essential

allowances

for local diversities

requisite to suppose, that the old Pali of the edicts was essentially a sacred alphabet, but the alphabet of the early centre of the constituted faith; and, as such, the primitive scriptures me that form of writing, with which its retained
missionaries were most conversant, and which

and

the spread of the creed have accompanied preferentially If we are to of which they were the oracles and exponents.
give the most scanty credence to the indigenous legends re

must

produced Sakya's India.

Asoka's

and Tibetan in the Sanskrit youth already many dissimilar This statement would indirectly
edicts emanated from one

texts ;" there were alphabets current support

copy, tinctured

in in

the idea that

Palace

dialect, and form of ideas, phraseology, possibly in these several at Court; but modified accepted writing as each of the in details, in the spread and promulgation, schools already located in different parts of the dependent to the vernacular to be necessary felt concessions country, with the speech or other already become These local influences, affected. by which they themselves had

out of range of lapidary records usually sculptured was implied, were so far as facile legibility human vision, intended to be published and proclaimed viva voce seemingly to the people, under the adventitious sanctity of proximity
to the monuments on whose surfaces they were perpetuated, 1 J. A. S. B. vol. xxiv ii. p. 41. etseq. (1S55) p. 21. Prinsep's Essays, 2 Csoma dc are mentioned Yavana Korbs, As. lies. xx. 290. Among the rest aud Iluna, Lalifa Visfara 1847, pp. 122, version) M. Foueaux, Paris, (Tibetan 123. Lai Mitra 1853, Indica, Calcutta, text) Bibliothcea (Sanskrit Bajendra p. 143 et seq. Tbe Sanskrit version omits the Yavana.

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. while be after

at

467

the text

itself may, and

interpreted of the old Hebrew laboured the manner ritual,2 which so much of the essence of the Law to the vulgar to convey
large.

to perchance, have been designed to the multitude somewhat explained1

monumental inscriptions were not within can scarcely have been engraved with they legiblo to the masses, unaided the simple design of being intelligible At the same time the gloss of the authorized expounder. by If these Eastern distance, that the alphabet itself invented in situ, of writing represented the prototype of all the improved as and that it constituted as such, it would well as degraded alphabets of the continent; cither to the dwellers in remote continue fully intelligible or to the more highly instructed races, who were parts, to the use of advanced types of the same scheme habituated the letters, so with the dialects, of writing. And, as with and explana which must far more have needed illustration there tin? primasval scheme It can scarcely be imagined that the vernacular speech tion. at Dhauli and Ganjani was identical with, or even similar to,
that at Girnar was and made Pcshawur, of a at transcript which into last a site, new the larger concession character,

is no reason whatever

to doubt

of which were the Yavandni lipi of clearly of local usage, constituting were so Panini's Taxi la experience ; and which readily in parallel association with their own adopted by the Greeks, Sanskritic version, the letters
classic early issues alphabet, were on the sequence of Pactrian with coins, the whose endorse nearly contemporaneous

and a more

ment

of Asoka's Edicts. The more immediate the practical

vigour, on

whether
Prahmanio

point method
the

to be determined, howTever, is at the very focus of of writing

in b.c. 325, was not far in

Jumna,

1 is that in this very manner, J.A.S.II. vii. 414. these Prinsep. "My desire aloud by the persons appointed to the stupa," shall be pronounced (ordinances) " "This edict is to be read," etc. 452. Burnauf. Lotus de la lip. 445, 417. a 6tc "Sur cc Stupa bonne loi," pp. 672-3, G80. la regie morale piomulguee .Aussi cst-cc la cc qui doit etrc proclaiuc par le gardien du Stupa qui nc au regardcra rieu autre chose (ou bien, aussi cet edit a du. etre ciprime ct non dans un autre idiome)." moyen du Pnihita 2 Nchcmiah viii. 7, 8, 9-13.

468 advance of any

ON THE IDENTITY OF

of the undisturbed indi coeval development of Behar? To this question there can be genous alphabet or Indian Pali The fixity of the Magadhi, but one answer. is proved centuries character after this date, in the monu The Magadhi, mental records at Bhilsa.1 of whatever dialect, was satisfied, like the Hindi of modern da}*s, with disjointed consonants, altogether ignoring vocalic elisions; but from the moment the local alphabet was called upon to satisfy the precision mission,
nants, and

of Sanskrit to submit
was

it had, in that unexpected grammar, to the complication of compound conso

in the very compromise, rendered

therefore,

liable gether
simple

to modifications uncontemplated
scheme.

and mutations in its own of the Sanskrit

of normal primary clement and

forms alto admirably

The rent Arian,

parallel

action

on the concur

the entitled derivation, variously alphabet of Semitic as lucidly in the internal or Bactro-Pali, exemplifies
the progressive changes from tho fixed letters of

mechanism,

the Kapurdigiri9 inscription, and the unpretentious legends on tho early Indo-Greek coins3 to the marked contrast in the advanced literal combinations of the Taxilu exhibited or the composite of the mint double-letters Copper-plate,4 legends of the Lido-Scythians/' If the demands of a higher linguistic structure were liable to affect the formation of letters, a more directly caligraphio query remains, as to what influence the concurrent Official The exercised upon the local alphabet. system of writing learnt and acquired character which was seemingly on their passage through the dependencies of by the Aryans, to have been associated and identified Ariana, would appear with their southern migration along the base of the Hima and to a certain extent to have been domesticated with laya, Semitic
1 Dhilsa In one hundred and ninety -six inscriptions, there occur only Topes. '* three" examples of compound letters," p. 2GS. Bock Insciiptions, 1'rof. II. 11. Wilson's xii. 153. J.R.A.S., n Ariana 239 ct scq. ii. lt>2 et seq. Numismatic Antiqua, l'rinscp's Essays, Chronicle (18G1), vol. iv. 19G. 4 Professor Dowson's Article ix. p. 222. J.R.A.S., * J.K.A.S.. xx. 238, etc. "

XAND1UMES AND KRANANDA. them in their new home

469

to have extended

in Brahmavartta, and from tlnnoo as far at Mathura, below which downwards

all trace of it becomes

lost.1 It is clear that this graphic system to a great extent super seded the indigenous scheme of letters in the Punjab, though for no very extended period, as it was speedily superseded character of Indian and eclipsed congruous b}r the more

or Yavandni dpi is found by But, as the Bactrian growth.2 to have owed much lo linear construction the evidence of its and definition of letters, the southern theory of classification in its own advance from the sixteen figures of the PhccniVo and its further progress towards the full alpha Ix t Babyloimm, inade which Aryan languages demanded from the altogether so, in the very coins under quate normal Semitic elements; can be traced the effect of one system of writing review, up?i:i the other?the and reaction of concurrent action palcoo
' I in this alphabet:?1. Ilidda (No. the leading inscriptions recapitulate An earthen jar, having an Arian in Afghanistan. inscrip 13), near Jattnlabad, in ink, and dated in the year 8. Ariana Antiipia, p. 11 J, and tion, written vase from Biuiarfin 2. A steatite with a legend plate, p. 2G2. (Jallalabad), Ariana Antirptn, pp. 52, 70, pi. ii. fig. ! ; sirafched on its surface, undated. 3. The Wardak of Kabul; i. 107, pi. vi. (30 miles W. Prinsep's Essays, Brass Vase, now in the Indian Museum, inscribed with dotted letters, dated ?n name of Ilushka, of the coins ; .-? the OOIIPKI the year 51, and recording the i. 104, pi. x. ; Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, Ariana Antiqua, p. 118 ; Prinsej), 4. The Taxila Plate, dated 7S. iv. of 1801; Jour. Royal As. Soc, xx. 37. No. of the coins; the Moa of Moga, identified with bears the name Num. 5. Manikyala Stone Slab (now in the Chrnn., vol. xix. Bactrian List, No. xxv. Paris), dated in the year 18, contains the designation Imperiule, Bibliothcque xx. 251. of Kanishka; Prinsep's Kssnys, i. pi. ix. ; Journ, Royal As. Soc, I'Yom the name site was obtained the Brass Cylinder now in the British Museum ; To these may be added two inscriptions from the Yusafz:?i pi. vi. Prinsep, one dated 00; i. pi. Journ. As. Soc, Bengal, 1854, p. 705; Prinsep, country, ;. ix.; and the In-literal Prinsep, (Ariau and Indo-Pali), inscription at Kangra in Indian Pali letters, but da.< d 159, pi. ix., ns well ns the Mathura Inscription in Bactrian 1861, p. 427 ; and Coins, Prinsep*. figures, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, ii. 107. Essays, 2 A collateral branch of this itself in the course and survival enquiry suggests followed the conquering progress of the Bae of the Greel; alphabet in India,which as the affiliated of Semitic origin attended the domestication trian .1 lellenes, alphabet of the Aryan races. The accessory incidents differed, however, in this respect, tha' and was retained mo.y the classic language was naturally less completely domiciled, its literal system was preserved in a though exclusively by the ruling classes, form, possibly even beyond the duration of the currency of the Arian degraded I ts character. extension may be defined as nearly parallel to that of the geographical towards the Gangctic provinces, while it penetrated in a compara Arian writing It is singular that there is no identity to the "Western coast. tively independent trace of any solitary inscription in the Greek language in all India, but iu its numis matic form it remained the leading vehicle of official record, with a subsidiary vernacular translation, during more than two centuries under Greek and Scythian

470 graphics. difference I need

ON THE IDENTITY OF

not press the important point of the as the stiff forms of lapidary epigraphy, to the pen and ink writing of every day life; nor opposed need I further advert to any of the minor sup arguments the theory I advocate, as with the above and other porting good and valid reasons the case might be admitted as proven ; but that I desire to answer, by anticipation, objections which chance to be taken by those who still consent servilely may between which
was

to follow Prinsep*s original suggestion?a I, among the most devoted of his

not spared to improve and mature.

bright admirers, thus

thought, regret he indicate, is

The

deduction

which

archaeological

data

in conjunction It was similarly employed with Arian iiuspiees. legends by the the (Ariana Antiqua, pi. x. ligs. 5, H scq.), while lndo-Scythians Kadphises in the definition of their barbarous used it exclusively Kancrki Horde titles. The gold coins of the latter merge (Aviaua Antiqua, pis. xii. xiii. and xiv.) into those of the Guptas, but the degraded Greek gives place to a cultivated type the Gupta silver i. 227, &c.); while letters (Prinscp's Essays, of Indian Pali currencies of tho Sub Kings, based upon the standard of theWestern money, the titular TAO NANO in scarcely retains, TAO, of Kancrki legible outlines, to the spread (J. It. A. S. xii. p. 11). At a period much antecedent origination to the second, third, or even fourth is variously assigned of the Guptas, which ml. Alt., p. ii. 752, etc.; Prinsep's Essays, i. 276.) a.d., a very centuries (Lassen, I imperfect form of Greek had found its way into Guzerat, where it figures on the iu association with an of the coins of these Sah kings of Surashtra, obverse Sanskrit legend on the reverse. The nearest approach elegant and highly-finished of Greek admit of, is furnished by a to sense, any of these debased imitations coin of Rudra Sub, the son of Jiwu Damn (J. li. A. S. xii. 52; Ibid., ii. 88; where Iml Alt. ii. 791), like the name of Dionysius Lassen, something seen.? Alan. Chrou., vol. iii., N. S., p. 233. sic.) may be (AIOATllCTI, sheet has been set up in type, I have seen Mr. Newton's Since the preceding I!. A. 8., 10 Sept., paper on the Sah Kings 18G3). The ample (Bombay Br. to the author by native friends ou tho spot have enabled him matt rials supplied to the list of fifteen As Mr. known. to add three new names previously comments on my article in this Journal Newton (vol. xii. 1818), I may have but I may mention that Air. to review the whole question hereafter; occasion the complete series of the eighteen Newton makes kings date from 102 to 294, fo the era of Vikramaditya, or 192 years in all, which he assigns thus fixing the " v.n. 30 or 10 to a.h. In my last exami 210, 250." epoch of the dynasty at from I came to the conclusion of this subject (Journal Asiatique, Oclolno, luiion 1803) 1 bad observed on tbe coins ranged from 187 to 290, that, the limited numbers era to which 1 gave, ami continue to tested by the Soloueidan which numbers, n.c. 12/5 to n.c. 22. In still adhering to give, the preference, corresponded with 102 and dates between this cycle, I must explain, that I reject all Mr. Newton's the reading of the early numbers aud observe that the author 170, as 1 distrust . as 7 instead of the established 70. On the other hand, continues to interpret u iu to accept the improved reading of Varsha prat/tame, I am quite prepared the first year," on the coins of I'sieurn datta ; but I interpret the record to mean, "the first year" of his election hy .Republican suffrage to an ollice of deter a distinction the not to the first year of absolute sovereignty, tenure?and minate a modesty of his titles would alone imply, if the absence of patronymic does not also thus elevated. he was one of the earliest representatives justify the inference that

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. confirmed

471

in the most apposite manner, both and illustrated, evidence. the testimony of early tradition and mediaeval by iu a.d. G48, speaking of the legends preserved Iliuen Thsang, in the land regarding the origin and spread of Pali writing, as follows:?Les caracteres de l'ecriturc expresses himself out
forme

etc

inventes
transmiso

par

le dicu Fan,
de qui Nicole en s'assemblent

et, depuis
siecle. et Ello

Forigine,
se compose

lour
de

s'est

quarantc-sept

signes,

se combinent

suivant

Fobjct
et par s'est

ou la chose qu'on veut cxprimer.

divisee elle homines, elle ne en di verses s'est branches. aux que Sa aocommodee ct n'a s'est eprouve pas

Elle
source, usages de legeres

s'est repandue
s'etant des pays clargic ct aux

degrcs, des general,

besoins En

modifications. ecartee dc son

sensiblemcnt

origine.
ct

C'est

surtout

dans

FIndc

centrale

qu'elle
vol.

est nctte
i. p. 72,

correcte."?Jlioucn-Thsang,

Mcmoircs,

etc.,

(Paris 1857).
Iliruni, residing in a.d. 1031 among the people whose customs he was describing, gives a full, list of the varieties of then current, and particularly specifies, at the head writing at that of the list, the form in use from Kashmir to Penares, Al
time the joint representatives of the learning of the country."1 1 I annex M. Remand's translation of the passage in question. As wc have no to cheek or improve the in England, whereby MS. of Al Uiruni's Tdrikh-i-llind French version, T allow it to stand without comment:?"On compte plusieurs La plus repanduc est cello qui portc le nom de siddha ecritures dans 1'Indc ou substance parfaite; matraca cllc est usitec dans le Cachemin. &~s) (lX!;U les deux principalis et h Benares, foyers scicntifiqucs du qui sont maintenant On so scrt egalement dc cettc ccriture dans le Madbya-Dec,a, pays. appele aussi on fait usage d'une ccriture Dans le Malva, du nom d' Aryavartta. appelC. nagara ( ?-^) : ccllc-ci est disposee de la memo manierc que la premiere; mais les formes en sont differcnt.es. Unc troisiemc ccriture, nominee arddha a moitie nagari, et qui e'est-a-dire nagary (l^Z^ participc drs deux pre _*')? et dans unc partie du Sind. I'armi mieres, est usitee dans lo Bhatia (<L.J'l^) les autres ecritures, on pout citcr le male firy usitc dans Malcasohcva (^^liil^i^ au midi du Sind, pros dc la cote; le besandiba employe (c?iSUsmj), (\*j5Jax*)9 ii Bahmanava, le karnata usit6 dans le villc appelee aussi Mansoura; (cl^U^S), aux pcrsonnes appelee, dans les armors, du pays qui donnc naissance Karnatc, dans I'Andra-De^a ou pays d'Andra (*r^>) ; l'andri, employe le dravidi, usitc dans le Dravida ou Dravira; le lari, dans le Lar (ijuJ^jU]) Deca ou pays dc Lar; dans le rurab-Dcqa le gaura <_%?*J) (^JLjJ [^J *-), ou region oricntalc et le bikchaka dans le Oudan (le Bengalc); (l!>jaX-j) yol. 31 i.~[new series.] nom dc Kannara

472 The

ON THE IDENTITY OF

coins

question of sites of discovery of purely geographical is altogether the range of any speculative beyond but it is singular that the centre around which the theories; limited number of more observant collectors would, under

that test,1 circumscribe the extreme radius of the currency of in pronouncing Krananda's money?results the chief seat of or veiy near to the sacred cradle of issue to have been in
Prahmanism, "between the two divine rivers."

first brought these coins prominently Sir Proby T. Cautky into notice, on their casual discovery during his excavation of the submerged city of Pehat on the Jumna, where, seven the modern surface of the sub-Himalayan in sinking wells for tho foundations of tho works of detritus, the Doab canal, he came upon the undisturbed deposits of the past, whose period of inhumation was geologically supposed to be told by the number of feet of sand, etc., which natural causes had added to the previous level of the country.3 feet below
There is a seeming inconsistency in admitting any notion

teen

est celle dont se scrvent La dcrnierc ccriture (clilXk^-Ji^ji). sur 1* ludc, p. 298; MS. No. M. Rcinaud, Meinoirc les bouddhistcs (AJ.)." 531, Folio, 39 verso. 1 General one of our earliest and most persevering coin collectors, Cunniugham, u as both of silver and copper, found chiefly between the speaks of this money Indus aud the Jumna" Air. JE.C. Bayley, another very (Bhilsa Topes, p. 334). concurs with me in placing their nidus further to the east devoted numismatist, ward (Prinsep's Essays, i. p. 204). The Stacy collection produced only 23 speci mens of the class, out of a total of between six and seven thousand coins brought labour and personal search, over a large together, during many years of patient of xxvii. p. 255), while the immense accumulations range of country (J.A.S.B. a single example did not confributc Masson in Afghanistan, (Ariana Antiqua, coins are engraved in pi. xxxii. vol. vii. p. 415). A number of Krauauda's (p. 1051), but their places of discovery are not noted. (1838), J.A.S. Bengal 2 Manu ii. 17. "The lies between the tract, fashioned by the gods, which two divine rivers, Sarasvati ami Drishadvati, is called Brahniavartta. The usage received in that castes, which lias been traditionally relating to castes and mixed The country of Kurukshetra (in the region of country, is called the mire usage. tho Jumna), Panehalas modern Delhi), and ot the Matsyas (in the vicinify of (on and Siirascnas modern which (in the district of Mathurd), adjoins Kanauj), is of Brahmarshis the land "The tract situated Brahniavartta, (divine Rishis)." and the Vindhya to the east of Yinasana between the Uimavat and to the ranges is known ns the Madhyadesa west of Prayaga, The wise know (central region). as A'ryavartta, the country which lies between the same two ranges, and extends Sanskrit. Texts, ii. 147. For the from the eastern to the western ocean."?Muir, ii. 10G-7 ; Major Colviu, comparative geography of this tract, see J. A. S. Bengal, xiii. 297; Major Macke vii. 752; Mr. M. P. Edgcworth, ix. 688 ; Lt. Baker, flon; and Elliot's Glossary of Indian Terms, article Bhuttiana, p. 78. * J.A.S.B. iii. 222. i. p. 76. Prinsep's Essays, Pourahanaka

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. of so northern confessed a scat for Krananda.

473

when he ip metropolis, of all the Gangetic Valley, a capital at Palibothra record? ; but the numismatic holding near the site of their themselves concentrated probably more frequent discovery of these coins original issue, and the to have been monarch would only prove that higher up the Indian Mesopotamia, had the advantage in this material and commercial wealth over the provinces more to of the king's dominions part wards the Delta. no ancient coins, in the In my own individual experience,
general sense, are found below Allahabad. Benares occa

a transported specimen, but the limitn of sionally coin collectors starting search, approved by my own Native or Dehli, our head quarters, at Suharunpore from gradually On the other hand, we ceased to extend below Mathura. of the the surviving know how singularly representatives1 contributes in Behgr&m, themselves localized Greek currencies to still continues and hoAv prolific tho soil of the Punjab remains of the more settled Indo be in the numismatic earlier Bactrian
These indicate,

and Indo-Seythio
archaeological no means by facts, show

kings.
whatever that their first was aspect not might king of Krananda

of social they certainly prove that whatever Magadha, and civilization may be held to be associated with a culture to full and complete system of monetary exchanges pertained on a limited area of comparatively soil, bordering unprolific on a desert on the one hand, and shut in by the Himalayas but the other; while the richer country of the lower Ganges, for whatever reason, remained unsupplied with a commensurate And it is a point worthy of remark, circulation. metallic chose as their new home that the tract which the Vedic Aryans
should, through so many ages, and under so many disadvan

till ocean navigation and tages, have retained its pre-eminence commerce gradually elevated Calcutta to the inhe English of Moghul Dehli. ritance of the Imperialism It is more difficult to prove directly from existing numis
1 Masson, J.A.S.B., iii. 153. Prinsep's Essays, i. 81.

474

ON THE IDENTITY OF

ma tic data the amplitude of the currencies of Krananda ; but be accounted for by the in this respect might any deficiency facts just cited, that the people of the more southern portions of his dominions either did not largely employ coined money, or that they were content to use it in the old form of specific of crudely-fashioned metal, even as the populations of weights a liko custom for so many ages after the peninsula adhered to had secured a permanent footing the higher class of mintages in the northern and eastern sections of Hindustan. One of to have been is stated by the Mahawanso or the rich Nanda Dha?ia Nanda, ; though the designated in the op is interpreted by the Ceylon translator adjective the nine Nandas
tional, but not necessarily correct, sense of "avaricious."

Wilford,

wealth,1 which, though greatly imposing and probably only in the lesser degree consisting exaggerated of absolute coin, must have been very complete in the technic in quantity, before issues and abundant details of the Mint the Prahinan Chanakya could have turned it to his purpose, the king's money, by forging new dies and re iu debasing of the true standard?in issuing metal reduced to one-eighth towards the funds needful to secure the order to contribute and the final elevation of Chandra Gupta.2 ruin of the Nandas It may be sufficient to remark in this place, that the extant is seemingly sufficient to justify tho coinage of Krananda The inference of his great wealth and extended dominions.3
1 v. 212) quotes a Pauii'mik account of Nanda's Wilford treasures, (As. Res. " which arc fabulously rated at 1,584,000,000 pounds sterling in gold coin alone ; all calculation; and the value of the silver and copper coin, and jewels, exceeded his army consisted of 100,000,000 men." 2" and escaping Opening the door (of Nanda's palace) with the utmost secrecy, of Winjjhft. with, the prince out of that passage, they lied to the wilderness While there, with the view of raising resources, he converted (by re dwelling of kahapana. into eight, and amassed eighty k6tis each kahapanau coining) to search for a second individual buried this treasure, he commenced Having to be raised to sovereign power, and met with the aforesaid entitled (by birth) xl. called Chandagutto."?Mahawanso prince of the Moriyan dynasty, 3It is a curious fact, in connection with this enquiry* that no single coin of or Asoka, has as yet been discovered; it is possible Chandra Gupta, Vindusara, sutliccd for the wants of the provinces, for that the ample issues of Krananda which they were originally designed, during the succeeding three reigns, while the time iu the south; and in Asoka's limited demand for coined money continued to supply all northern demands. Greek currencies came opportunely

also, citing account of Nanda's

the Sanskrit

authorities,

gives

us

an

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. minor

475

of the subdivisional and distribution arrangement would alone imply a largely diffused and com copper pieces and its adaptation scheme of Mint administration, prehensive exem to the circumstances is singularly of the community plified in tho incident that the copper currency appeals, in its of the isolated Indian Pali legend, to the limited intelligence classes, indigenes, while the duplicate legend of the governing for the more in Semitic is reserved characters, imposing
silver money.1

I have legends purport modern

to explain the still to describe the coins themselves, ou thoir surfaces, and to seek to trace the origin and for of the numerous symbols they have preserved investigation.

l^fcw

-A> c,^. %

lY^tf^o

vr Y'%%T\l A

tea ?--!

PivV

l\

29*0 grains. Silver.?Weight collection of James Prinsep).

Obverse.?The central figure

British

Museum
the

(from the

represents

conventional

form of the sacred deer of the Buddhists. (1) The horns are curved, and the tail is imitated from that of the fancifully use in its material an appendage which, Yak; Himalayan as a distinc and pictorial embodiment, was so early accepted In attendance on this symbolic animal tive type of royalty. female (2), who holds aloft a lotus ( >). The is a lightly-draped on the field, but the monogram J (4) completes the emblems of the legend.2 lotus is repeated at the commencement into modern Sanskrit in Indian Pali, transcribed Legend,
characters:?

Ilajnah Kranandasa

Amogha

Bhratasa,

Maharajasa.

1 In Akbar's was coined in four cities only, silyer in fourteen, and reign, gold i, 36. copper in no less than forty-two.?Ayin-i-Akbari, 2 On some coins the lotus is inserted in the field below the body of the stag the letter fr = V On other specimens (J. A. S. B. vii. plate xxxii. fig. 4). occupies the vacant space. [ Vihdra.?]

476

ON T1IE IDENTITY OF

the brother (Coin) of the great king, the king Krananda, of Amogha. central device consists of a stupa (5) sur Reverse.?The a small chhatra mounted appears a (0), above which by At the foot is a serpent (8). favorite Buddhist symbol (7). tree (9), the Swastika cross (10), In tho field are the Bodhi an emblem peculiar to the Buddhists and (11). Legend, in Bactrian P&li:?

llajha Kranandasa

Amogha-bhratisa,

Maharajasa.

name on this series of coins has hitherto, by The monarch's common consent, been transcribed asKunanda,1 and tested by the the more strict laws of its own system of Palaeography, initial compound, in Indian Pali, would preferentially repre sent the letters leu. There can be little doubt about the true normal form of the short u (L), which can be traced down in most of theWestern wards in its consistent modifications com the progressive Gangetic mutations Inscriptions, though The question reversed the lower stroke of their it ( j). pletely has, however, been reading of the designation on set at rest by the Bactrian counterpart legends definitively the better preserved specimens of the coinage, where tho initial combination figures as \ kr; a transliteration, which any more of the correct close and critical examination of tho rest of the Indian Pali in tho parallel use of would, of itself, have suggested, legend It would seem, therefore, the same subjunct L in ^ef bhrata? this mechanical that the local alphabet borrowed application
its exotic associate, an incorporation almost intuitive,

from

that the pure Pali writings had no possible need considering of or occasion for such a conjunction ; but, on the other hand,
Goldstiicker suggests that the kra, in combination with Nanda, may u a or some vague number corresponding with million," possibly stand for Iff kri, that the latter designation under the supposition Mahd padma (100,000 millions), was sense, as a fabulous family, in its numerical applied to one of the Nanda lotus." How of "a more usually received meaning total, and not in the larjjo wero one and and Nauua Mahapadma ever, as I do not suppose that Krananda the same person, I need not press the similitude. 3 ii. 158, 102. Prinsep's Essays, 1Professor

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA.

477

the larger amount of Sanskrit carried by the Semitic alphabet had very early secured within its Eastern adaptive reconstruc tion a phonetic equivalent of the much required suffixed r. As the u in its modern course, in India, changed its original records the attached r, as far as monumental configuration, suffice an equally eccentric to prove, followed caligraphic an ar in reversing this earliest borrowed model, tendency

rangement which has survived from the date of the inscrip coast and tions and coins of the Sah kings on the Western those of the sequent Guptas in Northern India to the current Sanskrit is strikingly exemplified in these legends, where to supply its own deficiencies, the Bactrian alphabet, adopts to do duty for the more complete the Indian Pali Y =jh, as the Bactrian compound ^ jn of the sister Palaeography;l of consonants writing did not so easily admit of conjunctions it contented itself with the aspirate already in local use. The simple letters of the P&li exergues of these mintages var)r in the form of one and the same alphabetic symbol to an extent altogether incompatible with any possible hypothesis
of mere epochal Palaoographic advance. Here, on a concurrent

^f and the Bengali ^. Another result of mutual influences in a second instance of appropriation

in point of time to the issue of a single series of coins?confined or tested the localities of discovery closely limited in reign, by to be found letters of identical pho range?are geographical
netic power, whose expression, on the various specimens of the

a general circulation, departs from any given model to degree it would have required many centuries to have produced in more isolated provincial on the other part, alphabets; while, Asoka's have been modified Inscriptions, however much they may follow one uni in dialect or phraseology, form law of literal formation, so to say, over all India.2 As has Rock and Pillar

1 Asoka's P5.U the while the form as JRdja, Jldna, Ldja; Inscriptions vary Bactrian Transcript gives Rana ana JRdya, as in the Taxila Plates. J. It. A. S. iii. 163; xx. 222. 2 The Girnar has a far greater number of compound consonants Inscription than the more eastern texts, but the simple letters out of which these combina tions are formed follow the usual configuration. It is curious to trace in these normal lapidary epigraphs the crude methods adopted for clfccting the conjunction of consonants, anu the disregard shown for the position of the leading letter of the

478

ON THE IDENTITY OF

been already shown, there were sufficient reasons for this indi without at all trenching upon the independent vidualization, of other modes of writing of anterior development. progress The present suite of coins fully demonstrates the action of the Semitic system upon the local character of Northern Hindu stan ; if the former, as there is valid ground to suppose, was in India prior to P&nini's domesticated already extensively time and before tho advent of Sakya Muni, a very large margin, reckoning by centuries, may be conceded for the first date of its reception and gradual incorporation into the literature and grammar of the land, whilo tho comparatively unponctrated South contented itself with the old form of speech and its own
corresponding ample means of expression.

to the P&li letters. The ^ in Raja is To revert, however, sometimes shaped like the lapidary T and in other instances . The 5f, in the same word, is re follows theWestern type J on one specimen as E on another as 2. The anus presented tcara of the x^ is occasionally, as in modern writing, placed above the I in other cases it is inserted between the forward The bodies of the ^f's vary lines of the leading consonants.

from the square r_. to the rounded JJ and even to the pointed in their respec form ^. The "^*s and f{ *sdilfer perceptibly tive outlines, and scarcely any two numismatic specimens give the figure of the *5falike. Of the ten or twelve separate devices which cover the con coins, no single one can be denied joined surfaces of Krananda. of the among the received exoteric symbolization significance of 325 b.c. Many of these signs were Buddhism imperfect emblems of adopted, in later times, as distinctive undoubtedly schisms from the early creed; but tho collcotion particular of so many crude types on the royal money and association can scarcely be supposed to refer to any temporising concilia
tion of sectarian severances at a period when Buddhism was

in its first

stage

of development

from

the home worship

to

compound, whicli xvns at times placed below tbe sequent character, and at times in its now universally above the following letter. As, for in recognised place, r1 J, A, (viii. 2), Dhauli stance, in Bdmhana ^. (Tablet viii. 3), Magavyd

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. which

479

It will be more rational it was so largely indebted.1 to accept the entire series of symbols, so elaborately combined, as the prototypes of local thought and superstitious idealism, and to concede to religions, as to letters, a necessary growth or stagna and a progress more or less speedy as competition Under this test I will pass in chance to dictate. tion might to the contribute items which casual review tho several

more detailed reserving the seemingly anomalous conjunction, illustration for the extracts embodied in the foot-notes. on the obverse object (I). The central and most prominent a deer, an anitnal which may not have been directly consists of in very remote ages, had in India, but which, worshipped some secondary sanctity ; the Deer clearly been invested with Park of the Immortal,2 the sectarian symbol of a leading divi device for the seals of sion of the creed,3 and the authoritative the priesthood,4 each in their degree establish the existence of a primitive reverence for this consecutively recurring type. (2. The female attendant in front of the stag, whether in

1 Tho association of these symbols with a somewhat advanced phase of Bud the Stupa, and the dhism is shown in the retention of the deer, the Bodhi-trce, on some specimens, on the reverse of a is placed perpendicularly serpent, which coin, the obverse of which displays the standing figure of Buddha himself, having in the marginal the lotus and the word Jihdgavata, his special designation, legend. ?Prinsep's Essays, i. pi. vii. fig. 4; J. A. S. Bengal, iii. pi. xxv. fig. 4. 2 Foe koe lliouen Tsang, i. p. 354. J. A. S. B. vol. xxxii. ki, cap. xxxiv. p. xcvii. 3 Csoma Korosi remarks:?The different derived from systems of Buddhism are the following four :?1. Vaibhdshika. India, and known now to the Tibetians, 3. Yogdchdrya. 4. Madhydmika. 2, Sautrdntika. The first consists of four principal classes with its subdivisions. They originated with Shakya's four who are called in Sanskrit, Rahula, K&shyapa, Upali, disciples, son of Shakya. 1. Rahula, and Katyuyana. His followers were divided iuto the four sects.The distinctive mark of this class was an utpala padma (water iu the form of a nosegay. 2. Kashyapa, of lily) jewel, and tree-leaf put together the brahman caste. His followers were divided into six sects. They were called .... the "great carried a shell or conch as a distinctive They community." mark of their school. 3. Upali, of the Sitdra tribe. Ills .followers were divided into three sects.They list carried a sortsika flower [No. 10 of the Jaina " the class which is honoured infra ?] as a mark of their school. They wero styled 4. of the Vaisya tribe. His followers were divided into hy many." K&ty&yana, three had on their garb the figure of a wheel, as the distinctive sects.They " mark of their school. the class that have a fixed habitation." They were styled ?J. A. S. B. vii. (1838) p. 143. 4 J. A. S. II. v. "A man of tbe religious As. Res. xx. 86. (1835) p. 625. order must have on his seal or stamp a circle with two deer on opposite sides, and below the name of the founder of the Vihara. A layman may have either a full length human figure or a head cut on his signet."?Dulva.

480 tended to represent

ON THE IDENTITY OF or more probably the priestess, Bhikshuni, to the ceremonial of national attached performer conventionally after the chosen

professional is outlined somewhat worship, model of India's daughters.

" There The Whose

in the fane, a beauteous creature stands, first best work of the Creator's bands ; slender limbs bosom," inadequately etc. bear Megha-duta, v. 647.l

A full-orbed

subordinate among The figure in question, though otherwise in the history of the the leading symbols, is of importance the crowning demonstration coins themselves?in furnishing There is no semblance in of their independent art treatment. of any Greek teaching, and no possible trace this engraving of secondary copying or crude imitation of classic designs. in the ideal in all his originality, The local artist is declared, even to and mechanical rendering of the form, composition the the massive anklets, which to European eyes so disfigure outline. general (3.) Like other favoured localities, where self-growth presented so marked a form of floral perfection as the lotus, India's chil of nature dren early learnt to associate with the adoration " the Hence itself one of its most attractive earthly types.
flower of the waters" continued here, as elsewhere, to em

the still received device of many more advanced and As such, it is found as a stan intellectual systems of belief. either of most of the external combinations dard adjunct in to the more peculiarly or Brahmans, Buddhists belonging more directly identified in the first instance, and former blemize with spread of their religion, it entered largely of the imagery of the originally imported rituals. localized faith grounded but speedily upon Vedic on these is possibly flower Hence the symbolic repeated the Southern the details into
coins, as a mere sequence of a preconceived ideal,2 while 1Lieut. in his admirable drawing of the Ndchnl (pi. xiv. Bhilsa Topes), Massey, lias vividly reproduced the beau ideal of tho Buddhist sculptor, from the Sanchi The general design of the figure is in singular accord with the tenor of gateway. from imperfect the poet's description. My own artist's drawing has suffered sadly engraving. 2 As. Res. Ante, note, p. 476. J. A. S. B. i. 2. Dulva, 42G, "Padma-chcnpo." ' Sco also p. 644, and Transactions, x_x. 300, A white lotus or the true religion." R. A. S. iii. 107.

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. Jainas1 and Brahmans8

481

the in later times equally claimed in its religious sense as their own. General Cunningham supposes that this is a symbol (4.) his authority for of the Sun,3 he does not, however, mention the attribution; I should prefer to look upon the figure as a more primitive definition of the Sacred Tree, which was sub If we jected to so many changes of artistic representation. infer that the religion had, at this period, attained so may emblem much as to recognise other Buddhas of progressive development, to Sakya Muni; antecedent this severe outline may chance a predecessor; while to typify the traditional symbol of own emblem may be intentionally in the contrasted Sakya's flourishing
tree on the

branches
reverse.

of the larger

and more

ornamental

fig of in to to

(5.) The most prominent device on the reverse consists the conventional outline of the sepulchral tumulus, named the Pali Tuphai 7p$ (Sanskrit, Stupa), from the root W{, in its secondary and derivative sense, came burn,5 which

1 or arhats of the Jainas :?1, a Bull; 2, an Ele Symbols of the deified saints 7, a Swastika; 8, the 4, an Ape; 5, a Curlew ; 6, a Lotus; phant ; 3, a Horse; a Srivalsa 9, Makara Moon; 10, flower); (a four-petallcd (a marine monster); a Thunderbolt; a Boar ; 14, a Falcon a Rhinoceros; a Buflaloc; ; 15, 12, 13, 11, 18, Nandavarta 17, a Goat; 16, an Antelope; (an arabesque device formed by a continuous prolongation and parallel repetition of the lines of the original Swas 22, a Conch; 24, a Lion.? 23, a Serpent; 19, a Jar; 20, a Tortoise; tika): ? Colebrooke, As. Res. ix. 304. ?: 2 Tho are thus described Wilson the Indian Plutus, gems of Kuvcra, by " The Paama, Mahapadma, ?ankha, Makara, Kachhapa, Mukunda, Nanda, Nila, . . . Some of the words bear the mean are the nine Nidhis." and Kharva, or holy things; the shell or thus, Pad ma is the lotus, Sankha ings of precious some of them numbers ; thus Padma is 10,000 millions, conch. Again, imply large in is 100,000 millions, and Mahapadma etc.; but all of them are not received We may translate almost all into things; either the one or the other acceptation. a shell, a certain fish, a tortoise, a crest, a mathe thus, a lotus, a large lotus, matical figure used by the Jainas (Nandavarta, No. 18 of Jaina list). Nila refers .... means a dwarf. to the Agreeably only to colour; but Kharva, tho ninth, of the Tfmtrikas, the Nidhis are personified, and upon certain occasions, as system come in for a share of the goddess of tho worship of Lakshmi, prosperity, etc., verses. They have also their peculiar mantras or mystical religious veneration. verse 534, vol. ii. note, p. 380. Wilson's Works. 1864. London, Megha-duta, 8 Bhilsa Topes, p. 354. 4 So written on the Rock at the vernacular Books have Thupa. Dhauli?though to be derived from is said by the Native grammarians etc. The Sanskrit Stupa to heap, but the application of rHI i*1 cPTO seems to negative the root lira this deduction. 6 ; Latin, tepo, tepidus, etc.; Italian, Tu/o, Zend, tap, tafnu; Persian, tpJu

482

ON THE IDENTITY OF

signify the locality of cremation and the resting place of the remains of the dead. The Greek and Latin etymologies followed a parallel law, in rv(f>o, rvpftos, and uro (buro, nvvp), bust inn, which incineration, earth heaped from an original came eventually to the locality of application of to designate the mound The practice of incremation

over the ashes. and raising tumuli over the cinerary remains of the deceased, "was in Sakya's institution in Behar clearly an established time, and in its theoretical growth probably carried with it a certain amount of veneration for the tombs of kings, heroes, or saints, though Buddha himself clearly did not contemplate the worship of the extraordinary extension and development relics was destined to reach in the case of his own mortal the singular competition for portions of which, possibly an adventitious gave impulse to tho faith he had introduced. to Anauda were, that his obsequies His dying instructions should be conducted as those of a Chakkavatti Raja, which he " is reported to have defined, himself they consume the body and for a Chakkavatti of a Chakkavatti raja they raja; roads meet.'*1 build the thupo at a spot where four principal the original As the worship of relics advanced in popularity, were devoted to new uses, as receptacles of sepulchral Stupas and later, in point of time, objects of pretended sanctity, were furnished with secret passages, etc., to aid more effec ashes; A curious instance of the vulgar.2 tively in the deception is furnished of the progress of ideas, in this respect,
M. Pictet bas collected a long array of other Aryan coinci Tufa, hence Tuff. dences in p. 606 et scq. Les origines Indo-Europeennes. is asserted to be derived from tumeo, to swell; but it seems The Latin Tumulus The name of Chaitya is borrowed ; of the Greek rvpfios. very like a corruption and the Daghopa is scarcely satisfactorily gabbhan 'womb explained by Dhdtu to derive the term It would be more reasonable of a relic* (Mahawanso, p. 6). from tho root <?t| "to burn ;" Zend, daj, whence and the Arabic dakhma,il lieu do combustion."

Cf. also, jU>, ^^'. f^O, 1 vii. p. 1005; Dulva, As. Res. xx. 312; Prinsep's Essays, J.A.S.B. Tumour, see As. Res. to the subject of Topes, note p. 167, vol i. For other references J.R.A.S. v. 132, x. 131 ; Elnhinstonc's 1842, p. 108; Fergusson, Cabul, London, of Architecture,!. viii. 30, and Handbook 8; Mahawanso, 107, et scq.; Masson, " Bhilsa in Ariana Antiqua ; Gen. Cunningham Topes," London, 1864; Burnouf, Iutrod. Bud. Ind., Paris, 1844, pp. 355; ii. 672. 2 Masson, in Ariana Antiqua, p. 211; Bombay Br. p. 118, etc.; Mahawanso, R.A.S. 1853, p. 11.

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA.

483

The lowest itself. Tope by the celebrated Manikyala or urn of some early potentate level contained the cinerary a massive stone slab; above this in hierarch, sheltered under the line of the centre of the Tope, at various elevations, were found of subsequent two independant evidently deposits,1 or of the rise and augmentation insertion, possibly following as we know that the more modern the primary structure,2 custom was to place the relics high up in the general mass,3 to secure
on stated

ready access to them for the purposes

occasions.4

of exhibition

(G). The independent

small Chhatra notice, except

rendering early pictorial State equally affected ; by plied on the dome of the Topes in all imaginable directions,5 a and in some cases adapted to a sevenfold superposition, while in its course as combination of much reputed efficacy,6 as a an regal device, it survived adjunct of royalty, and later as the chosen heraldic of symbol of the last Imperial House Delhi.* (7.) This temporarily most popular device with the early like so many other cognate and Indo-Scythians, Buddhists forms, seems to have had a home in India long before it was accepted as a symbol of Pharma. The original sugges tion for the normal configuration may have taken its rise from an ideal combination of the Sun and the Moon, into the Taurus-like appears in such frequent repetition sign 8?which on the representative that preceded and of metal, weights led up to actual coined money. The old design is clearly identical with the outline of the savage rendering of the idols in its origin. In its of Jaggan&th,8 and probably coincident
1 J. A. S. B. iii. i, pp. p. 315, and vol. xxiii. p. 699; also, Prinsep's Essays, 101. 2 39. 4 ;Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. p. Mahawanso, 8 in Ariana Mahawanso, pp. 107, 190; Bhilsa Topes, * 322, et scq; Masson, 60. Iliouen Thsang, p. 216. p. Antiqua, 6 6 Bhilsa Low, Tr. As. Soc., iii. 99. Topes, plate iii. 7 Coins, Marsden Num. Orient.; ii., N.T., p. 68. Prinsep's Essays, 8 J. R. A. S., vii. 8 ; viii. 331; Sykcs, J. R. A. S., vi. 450 ; Bhilsa Stevenson, J. It. A. S., xiii. p. 114. I do not Topes, plate xxxii. p. 359, and Cunningham, concur in the fanciful derivation here suggested. 93,

the Stupa scarcely demands in so far as to refer to this very and Church of a symbol which the former the emblem was multi

over

484

ON THE IDENTITY OF

new form, with the duplicated and ornamental crescents, itmay of creed possibly have been associated with some modification as the lunar races pre or subjected to dynastic adaptation, over the local Burnouf dominated speaks of Stirya Vansas. " and adds, c'est 1st this device as entitled Vardhamdnakaya, encore une sorte de diagramme mystique 6galement familier son nom signifie _e et aux Buddhistes ? aux Brahmanes "l a curious coincidence, and one that may It is prospered that the cuneiform invite further comparisons, sign for should prove so similar in its general outline to Taurus ?^2 of the the rounded form of the hitherto incomprehensible ^ The dawning science of Astronomy, in its Indian system. concurrent must readily have deceptive phase of Astrology, in the interchange of identified itself with kindred magic, One of the most and symbols, as in other mutual aids. signs designs, figured thus LJJJ, singular of the primitive Buddhist

in sym in a series of less-finished coins approximated to Krananda's chosen Mint emblems, and is sub bolic details of the into the composite monograms sequently incorporated the form of a line takes where it eventually Indo-Scythians,3 as the by four baUs,4 in which shape it still survives superposed or the of Annrddhd 8ign f?r the 17th Nakshatra6 (3H<J\n)? the Indian Zodiacal scheme. in the East, probably (8.) The craft of serpent-charming a powerful contributed from the very beginning, adjunct towards securing the attention and exciting the astonishment used as an accessory to the unpre of the vulgar?whether or the more ad of the juggler's wallet, tentious contents of magic?who, of professors vanced mechanical appliances the advanced ancient nations progressively among so many to the de functions of their order from ocular deceptions occurs lusion of men's minds
1

and the framing

of religions,

of which

" cbap.xi. p. 70, line 3. (Wad Burnouf, p. 625. He refers also toMahawanso, kumdrikan." dhamanan) ? Rawliuson. J. R. A. S., vol. i., N. S., p. 224. ? Prinsep's Essays, vol. i., pi. iii., figs. 10, etc. * 162. Ibid, fig 14. See also Ariana Antiqua, pi. xxii., fig9. 155, 169, 160, 5 As. Res. ii. 293. is described as a The device of the 17th lunar mansion " row of oblations."?Goldstiicker's Dictionary.

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. constituted themselves a civilization the Priests.

485

so India, which its own, would appear, in purely of the living specimens of the reptile its soil to have simultaneously affected the mass of its encouraged, population with the instinctive dread and terror of the scrip fear which, in the savage stage, tural enemy of mankind?a similar to that accorded to less led to a sacrificial worship the dominance of the belief in evil spirits. Hence perceptible came to be a household and state tradition, which Nagas1 its preeminence and which especially retained in the more they early achieved the multitude local Buddhist faith. (9). Trees with their grateful shade, and protection from the sun of the East, may well have been intuitively asso bright ciated, from the earliest dawn of thought, with the gifts and Such primitive rever minor attributes of a superior power. ence in India, on the part of the dwellers in the land, naturally ensured its own vitality among the subordinate adjuncts of local the ancient village tree ized creeds of higher pretensions?hence of the more settled communities,2 whose home was still within the reach and influence of the aboriginal Forest Tribes?came to bo identified as a symbol of asceticism, and extended its meditative submitted recognized sanctity into the faith of Sakya Muni, who himself to a complete course of contemplations under the shadows.3 The Buddhist Bodhi-tree inspiratory

1 Wilson's Works, ii. 23; iii. 45; 194, 317. Burnouf, Lalita Vistara, Foucaux, i. 94; ii. 323. of Dragons "Two Kings named Tsang, pp. 11, 88. Hucn Nanda and Upananda." 2 " Then shall the ancient Tree, whose branches wear The marks of village reverence and care."?Megha Duta, 157. number of trees receive particular veneration from the [Wilson's Note.]?A "as the Indian fig, the Holy Hindus: In trees, etc. fig-tree, the Myrobalan most villages there is at least one of these, which is considered sacred, particularly and is carefully is hung with kept and watered by the villagers, occasionally or veneratory inclination of the garlands, and receives the Prandm head, or even and libations."?Wilson's iv. 336. Works, offerings Ward gives a list of seven Sacred Trees, independent of the Tulasi ( HHnfl iii. 203-4. Hindus, Ocymutn sanctum).?Ward's " Sq also, Quintus Cur this, Deos putant, quicquid colere coeperunt, arbores, raaximc, quas violare capital est." viii. 9, $ 34. In like manner Chaitya f ^tcSJj originally implied "Any large tree held in name was to the Buddhist sanctity ; though the ultimately appropriated sub. voce, and Burnouf, Sec Wilson's i. 348. See also Glossary, Scculiar etc. tupa, Stevenson, J. R. A. S. vol. v. p. 192. Sykos, ibid, vol. vi. p. 452. ? vii. 814. Turnour, J.A.S.B.

486

ON THE IDENTITY OF under which

was one only of the four already sacred its most prominent teacher confessedly a recommendation so authoritative With the selected emblems Ficus came to bo universally of the reformed

shades,

acquired perfection. that it is no marvel typified amid the

religion. seems (10). The extensively spread symbol of the Swastika to have been held in scant respect by the Sanskrit speaking wc find Panini at an epoch anterior to Buddhas Aryans?as as a mark for cattle.1 This practical use Nirvana, citing it of the figure
with

in the Punjab
among

need not, however,

the indigenous races

have
more

interfered
to the east

its reverence

ward, who may have accepted it as an inheritance and more crude forms of belief, and incorporated

from earlier it as one of

the prominent emblems of Buddhism in ;2while Brahmanism its growth and fusion with the superstitions of the land even _ As to the sign it into its own formulary. tually welcomed it appears to be a mere ornamental advance upon the simple cross lines, which might have suggested itself amid any in its first in uninformed people, without being identified, definite meaning, while it was singular ception, with any very enough in its outline to attract the attention of professors of itself, magic and cabalistic rites. The direction of the additional tail lines is not fixed and uniform, though the figure on the coins represents the favoured outline, but at times tho foot strokes are reversed and curved after the pattern in use in the The symbol was early affected western3 triple configuration. from Kamirus ; it is found on pottery by the Greeks its duplicated lines it of the sixth century B.C., and with as the hierogtyph or prototype of the Labyrinth of appears on the coins of Cnossus, 500 to 450 b.c. In its in Crete,
" 1 Goldstiicker, Panini, his place in Sanskrit Literature," London, 1859, p. 69, is a rule of his (vi. 3, 115) in which he informs us, that the owners of "There were at his time in the habit of marking on the ears, in order cattle their beasts to make them recognizable. Such signs, he says, were, for instance, a swastika, a ladle, a pearl," etc. 2 The Tao-szu or " Sectaries of the mystic cross aro noticed by Fa-Hien (cap. xxii. xxiii.). Their doctrine is stated to have formed the ancient religion of Tibet, which prevailed until the general introduction of Buddhism in the ninth cent. a.d. 3 Num. Chron. N.S. vol. iv. the earliest Indian coinage, plate xi. Prineep's ix. fig 26. Essays, pi.

XANDRAMES AND KRANANDA. Indian

487

dependent Nandivarta,

into the course, it was >T===jj] developed is figured thus ! ?-j 'the intent or im (11). I am unable to conjecture of the singular emblem which appears below the Swas port which tika. An earlier form of

device occurs on the the JO " as " but this outline sug currency introductory weight U of its solution real import gests no more intelligible than the more advanced linear configuration. The design from some fortuitous combina may possibly have emanated tion of mystic signs of local so many of which passed origin, into the symbolizations of Buddhism. General imperceptibly states that this device, or its modified Cunningham seen on Krananda's coins, is found on the necklace dhist symbols on one of the Sanchi gateways.1
1 Bhilsa Topes, p. 354, and plate xxxi, tigs. 10, 11, and xxxii.

form as of Bud

fig. fi

vol.

I.--[new

series.]

32