Status of Women and Girls New Haven Report

The Status of
Hsora & Cr|

New Haven
1200 18th St. NW, Suite 301
Washington, DC 20036
Phone: (202) 785-5100
Fax: (202) 833-4362
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About the Institute for
Womens Policy Research
The Institute for Womens Policy Research (IWPR)
conducts rigorous research and disseminates its findings
to address the needs of women, promote public
dialogue, and strengthen families, communities, and
societies. The Institute works with policymakers, scholars,
and public interest groups to design, execute, and
disseminate research that illuminates economic and social
policy issues affecting women and their families, and to
build a network of individuals and organizations that
conduct and use women-oriented policy research. IWPRs
work is supported by foundation grants, government
grants and contracts, donations from individuals, and
contributions from organizations and corporations. IWPR
is a 501(c)(3) tax-exempt organization that also works in
affiliation with the womens studies and public policy
programs at The George Washington University.
Since 1996, IWPR has produced an ongoing series of
reports on the status of women and girls in states and
localities throughout the United States. Status of women
reports have been written for all 50 states and the District
of Columbia and have been used throughout the country
to highlight womens progress and the obstacles they
continue to face and to encourage policy and
programmatic changes that can improve womens
opportunities. Created in partnership with local advisory
committees, the reports have helped state and local
partners achieve multiple goals, including educating the
public on issues related to womens and girls well-being,
informing policies and programs, making the case for
establishing commissions for women, helping donors and
foundations establish investment priorities, and inspiring
community efforts to strengthen economic circumstances
by improving womens status.
The Status of Women and Girls
in New Haven, Connecticut
Cynthia Hess, Ph.D.
Rhiana Gunn-Wright
Claudia Williams
IWPR #R355, July 2012
ISBN 978-1-878428-03-05
Library of Congress 2012940696
$20.00
Copyright 2012 by the Institute for Womens
Policy Research, Washington, DC.
All rights reserved.
Printed in the United States of America.
About This Report
This report is the result of conversations over nearly two
years among women leaders in New Haven about the
growing need for data on women and girls in New Haven.
The report has four goals: 1) to provide baseline
information on women and girls in New Haven; 2) to
inform policy and program priorities for women and girls in
New Haven; 3) to provide easily accessible data on women
and girls in New Haven; and 4) to create a platform for
advocacy and dialogue on issues affecting women and
girls in New Haven. The report was written by the Institute
for Womens Policy Research (IWPR) in partnership with
the Consortium for Women and Girls in New Haven under
a contract with the City of New Haven.
In producing this report, IWPR collaborated with many
individuals and organizations in New Haven. Dr. Chisara
Asomugha and Dr. Carolyn Mazure served as co-chairs of
the Consortium for Women and Girls and coordinated the
work of the Consortium, which is comprised of individuals
who work in diverse fields, including law enforcement,
womens health, education, philanthropy, immigration
services, business development, and employment services.
As co-chairs, Drs. Asomugha and Mazure managed all the
Consortium activities, including organizing meetings,
facilitating the review of the report by the Consortium
members and the Critical Review Panel (see list of panel
members below), editing the report, and coordinating the
writing of program descriptions to include in the text. The
Consortium co-chairs and members also helped select the
indicators for the report to ensure that the data analysis
would be useful, publicly presented the report findings,
and organized the publicity surrounding the report. Many
additional organizations and agencies in New Haven
collaborated with IWPR and the Consortium in this project
by providing data for the report on topics such as
domestic violence, womens health, housing, and political
participation.
About The Consortium for
Women and Girls in New Haven
Created and convened by Dr. Chisara N. Asomugha,
Community Services Administrator for New Haven and
co-chaired by Dr. Carolyn Mazure, Director for Womens
Health Research at Yale, the Consortium for Women and
Girls in New Haven represents various sectors and
communities in New Haven. Members of the Consortium
were tasked with obtaining local data and providing the
framework for a quantitative report on the status of
women and girls in New Haven. Members recognized
that the data could provide a common platform for New
Haven to address issues that affect women and girls.
The Status of
Hsora & Cr|
in NewHaven, Connecticut
Cynthia Hess, Ph.D.
Rhiana Gunn-Wright
Claudia Williams
Acknowledgments
This report was generously funded by the Community Fund for Women & Girls at
The Community Foundation for Greater New Haven, United Illuminating, Yale
New Haven-Hospital, New Haven Healthy Start, and the Junior League of Greater
New Haven. It was also supported with funding from grant #CCEWH111021 [The
New Haven Mental Health Outreach for Mothers (MOMS) Partnership] from the
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS)/Office on Womens
Health. Additional funding was provided by the Institute for Womens Policy
Research with support from the Annie E. Casey Foundation and the Ford
Foundation. The Chairs of the Consortium for New Haven Women and Girls
acknowledge the staff support provided by Lynn Lyons, Connie Cho, Zoe Mercer-
Golden, Kerri Lu, and Ariel Morriar, and the tremendous effort of the Consortium
Members (see list below). The Consortium also thanks former Assistant Police
Chief Petisia Adger and members of the Critical Review Panel, whose comments
strengthened the report. Members of the panel include Mark Abraham, Penny
Canny, Amy Casavina-Hall, Kelly Chapman, Amanda Durante, Ellen Durnin,
Esther Howe, Dorsey Kendrick, Laoise King, Shirley Jackson, New Haven MOMs
Partnership Community Mental Health Ambassadors, Shelly Saczynski, Barbara
Segaloff, Barbara Tinney, Dacia Toll, Susan Yolen, and Teresa Younger.
The authors of this report thank the Consortium Members, especially Co-Chairs
Chisara Asomugha and Carolyn Mazure, for their intensive work on the project.
Dr. Asomugha provided invaluable support in acquiring local data and
coordinating committee input in her role as the projects primary point of contact.
The authors would also like to acknowledge Institute for Womens Policy Research
(IWPR) staff who contributed to the production of this report. The authors thank
Barbara Gault, IWPRs Vice President and Executive Director, for her advice and
guidance throughout the various project phases. Heidi Hartmann, IWPRs
President, and Ariane Hegewisch, Study Director, gave helpful feedback on the
report. Caroline Dobuzinskis, Communications Manager, and Mallory Mpare,
Communications Assistant, provided valuable editorial assistance. Research
assistance was provided by Research Fellow Justine Augeri, Research and Program
Assistant Youngmin Yi, and Research Interns Jessica Emami, Clara Hanson, Vanessa
Harbin, Zoe Li, Sarah Murphy, Maureen Sarna, and Anlan Zhang. In addition, the
Institute thanks the organizations and agencies who provided data for the report,
including the Birmingham Group Health Services, the City of New Haven, the
Community Alliance for Research and Engagement at Yale, the Connecticut State
Police, the New Haven Health Department, New Haven Healthy Start, the New
Haven Police Department, New Haven Promise, and the New Haven Public
Schools.
Finally, the Consortium and IWPR acknowledge all the womenand menwho
laid the groundwork for progressive change in New Haven. It is upon this history
and passion that this report is made possible.
Foreword
What began as an idea nearly two years ago has materialized into a
comprehensive portrait of women and girls in New Haven. A thoughtful, diverse,
and powerful group of women with extensive ties to the New Haven community
came together in a meeting room and asked, What is the status of women and
girls in New Haven? And our answer became the impetus for this unprecedented
effort to paint a clear and compelling picture of New Havens women and girls.
Understanding the disparities that women and girls face in health, education,
economic security, and earning potential as well as in safety and political
leadership, this group set out to obtain and compile the data that would highlight
the challenges faced by women and girls in our community. The resulting
document is meant for policymakers, advocates, and communities to review and
use as a tool for advancing the lives of women and girls and thus improve the
well-being of the entire community.
This report has four main goals:
I To Provide Baseline Information on Women and Girls in New Haven
This report provides a foundation from which we can measure progress
and assess the impact of policies and programs in New Haven that affect
women and girls.
I To Inform Policy and Program Priorities for Women and Girls in New
Haven
This report provides community organizations and leaders, policymakers,
advocates, and residents with information on women and girls that can
inform their initiatives.
I To Provide Easily Accessible Data on Women and Girls in New Haven
While New Haven has numerous organizations that collect various types
of data on women and girls, until now the data have not been compiled
in one place that is easily accessible to community stakeholders.
I To Create a Platform for Advocacy and Dialogue on Issues Affecting
Women and Girls in New Haven
New Haven has historically been a proving ground for progressive change
and remains at the forefront of innovative social policy. Following this
tradition, this status report on New Havens women and girls provides an
important opportunity for New Haven to give voice to women and girls
at a critical time in our history and prioritize their needs to create a
stronger community.
We are excited about this report and its potential to leverage resources that will
improve the status of women and girls in New Haven. And while all the data it
presents cannot capture every facet of womens lives, we hope that the report and
the dialogue and action it fosters will ensure that New Havens residents can
benefit from a quality education, enjoy healthy lives and families, achieve
economic security, and actively engage in the community.
i
The Status of Women & Girls in New Haven, Connecticut
Chisara N. Asomugha,
M.D., MSPH, FAAP
Carolyn M. Mazure, Ph.D.
Co-Chairs, Consortium for
New Haven Women and Girls
ii
Ms. Nancy Alexander
Consultant and Past Chair
Community Fund for Women
and Girls
Dr. Chisara N. Asomugha*
Community Services Administrator
City of New Haven
Sister Mary Ellen Burns
Director
Apostle Immigrant Services
Ms. Sharon Cappetta
Director of Development
Community Foundation for Greater
New Haven
Ms. Maria Damiani
Director of Womens Health
New Haven Health Department
Ms. Suzannah Holsenbeck
Yale Co-Op Partnership Coordinator
Director of Co-Op After School
Cooperative Arts & Humanities High
School
Ms. Mubarakah Ibraham
Chief Executive Officer
Balance Fitness
Ms. Latrina Kelly
Development Director
Junta for Progressive Action
Ms. Jillian Y. Knox
Police Officer
New Haven Police Department
Dr. Carolyn Mazure*
Director, Womens Health
Research at Yale
Professor of Psychiatry
Yale University School of Medicine
Ms. Ebony McClease
Graduate Assistant, Womens
Studies Program
Graduate Intern, Womens Center
Southern Connecticut State University
Dr. Megan V. Smith
Assistant Professor of Psychiatry &
in the Child Study Center
Yale BIRCWH Scholar (NIH
OWRH/NIDA/NIAAA
Building Interdisciplinary Research
Careers in Women's Health Program)
Yale University School of Medicine
Ms. Lynn Smith
Senior Vice President of Community
and Business Development
Start Community Bank
Ms. Sandra Trevino
Executive Director
Junta for Progressive Action
Ms. Tomi Veale
Coordinator, Youth@Work
Youth Department
City of New Haven
Ms. Patricia Wallace
Director, Elderly Services Department
City of New Haven
Ms. Shirley Ellis-West
Supervisor of Street Outreach
New Haven Family Alliance
*Consortium Co-Chairs
iii
Consortium Members
iv
Contents
Executive Summary..................................................................................................1
I. Introduction....................................................................................................5
II. Employment and Earnings ..........................................................................13
III. Economic Security ......................................................................................29
IV. Education......................................................................................................41
V. Health and Well-Being ................................................................................53
VI. Crime and Safety..........................................................................................67
VII. Political Participation and Leadership ........................................................77
VIII. Creating a Brighter Future for Women and Girls in New Haven ..............87
Appendix I: Methodology ....................................................................................91
Appendix II: Tables ................................................................................................93
References ............................................................................................................107
v
List of Figures
Figure 1.1. Percent of Female Residents by Race/Ethnicity,
New Haven, 20082010 ........................................................................7
Figure 1.2. Percent of Female Residents by Race/Ethnicity,
Connecticut, 20082010........................................................................7
Figure 1.3. Age Distribution of Women and Girls by Race/Ethnicity,
New Haven, 20082010 ........................................................................8
Figure 1.4. Female Immigrants by Place of Birth, New Haven, 20082010 ........10
Figure 1.5. Marital Status by Gender and Nativity,
New Haven and Connecticut, 20082010..........................................10
Figure 2.1. Percent of Women and Men in the Labor Force,
16 Years and Older, New Haven, Connecticut,
and United States, 20082010 ............................................................15
Figure 2.2. Labor Force Participation Among Women Aged 55
and Older in New Haven, Connecticut, and
United States, 20082010....................................................................15
Figure 2.3. Unemployment Rates by Gender in New Haven, Connecticut,
Figure 2.4. Unemployment Rates by Gender and Race/Ethnicity,
New Haven, 20082010 ......................................................................18
Figure 2.5. Ratio of Women's to Men's Full-Time/Year-Round Median Annual
Earnings by Race/Ethnicity in New Haven, Connecticut, and
United States, 20082010....................................................................21
Figure 2.6. Distribution of Women and Men Across Broad Occupational
Groups in New Haven, 20082010 ....................................................23
Figure 2.7. Womens Distribution Across Employment
Sectors in New Haven, 20082010 ....................................................26
Figure 3.1. Median Annual Income by Household Type in New Haven,
Connecticut, and United States, 20082010......................................31
Figure 3.2. Poverty Rates by Gender in New Haven, Connecticut,
Figure 3.3. Poverty Rates by Gender and Race/Ethnicity,
New Haven, 20082010 ......................................................................33
vi
vii
Figure 3.4. Poverty Rates for Selected Family Types in New Haven,
Figure 3.5. Poverty Rates by Gender and Age in New Haven,
Figure 3.6. Percent of All Households and Households
with Children Receiving Food Stamps in New Haven,
Figure 4.1. Dropout Rates by Gender for New Haven and
Connecticut, 20032010......................................................................46
Figure 4.2. Percent of English Language Learners in New Haven and
Connecticut Public Schools, 20012011 ............................................47
Figure 4.3. Educational Attainment of Women and Men
Aged 25 Years and Older in New Haven,
Figure 4.4. Educational Attainment of Women Aged 25 and
Older by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 20082010 ............................49
Figure 4.5. Median Annual Earnings by Gender and Educational Attainment,
Aged 25 Years and Older, New Haven, 20062010............................50
Figure 4.6. Poverty Rates for the Population Aged 25 Years and
Older by Educational Attainment and Gender,
New Haven, 20082010 ......................................................................51
Figure 5.1. Breast Cancer Incidence Rates by Race/Ethnicity,
New Haven County and Connecticut, 20052009 ............................57
Figure 5.2. Crude Mortality Rates for Breast Cancer per 100,000 Women
by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 20052009 ......................................59
Figure 5.3. Percent of Women Receiving Non-Adequate
Prenatal Care by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 2008..........................61
Figure 5.4. Annual Infant Mortality Rates per 1,000
Live Births by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 20052009....................62
Figure 5.5. Teen Birth Rates in New Haven per 1,000 Teens Aged 1519
by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 2000, 2006, and 2008 ....................64
Figure 6.1. Type of Youth Violence
Perpetrated by Gender, New Haven, 2010..........................................72
Figure 6.2. Percent of High School Students Feeling Unsafe or
Experiencing Violence or Harassment by Gender,
Connecticut, 2009................................................................................74
Figure 6.3. Percent of High School Students Experiencing Dating
Violence by Type of Violence and Gender, Connecticut, 2009 ........74
Figure 7.1. Political Identification Among Registered
Voters by Gender, New Haven, 2012 ..................................................79
Figure 7.2. Numbers of Women and Men Employed in
City Government, New Haven, 2011 ................................................81
Figure 7.3. Numbers of Women Employed in City Government
by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 2011 ................................................82
List of Tables
Table 2.1. Disability Limits or Prevents Work by Gender,
New Haven and Connecticut, 20092011..........................................16
Table 2.2. Disability Limits or Prevents Work by Gender and
Race/Ethnicity, Connecticut, 20092011 ..........................................16
Table 2.3. Median Annual Earnings of Women and Men Employed
Full-Time/Year-Round by Race/Ethnicity in New Haven,
Table 2.4. Womens and Mens Median Annual Earnings Across Broad
Occupational Groups in New Haven and Connecticut,
20082010 ............................................................................................24
Table 4.1. Percentage of Third Through Eighth Graders Who Scored At or
Above Proficiency on Math, Reading, Science, and Writing
by Gender, New Haven, 20102011 ..................................................44
Table 4.2. Average SAT Scores by Gender,
New Haven and Connecticut, 2011....................................................45
Table 4.3. Poverty Rates by Gender and Educational Attainment in
New Haven, Connecticut, and United States, Aged 25 Years
and Older, 20082010 ........................................................................52
Table 5.1. Health Insurance Coverage by Gender and Race/Ethnicity in New
Haven, Connecticut, and United States, 20082010 ........................55
Table 5.2. Crude Mortality Rates per 100,000 for Selected Causes by Gender
and Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 20052009 ....................................59
Table 5.3. Babies Born with Low Birth Weight as Percent of All Births, by Race
and Ethnicity of Mother, New Haven and Connecticut, 2008 ........63
Table 6.1. Violent Crime in New Haven in 1990, 2000, and 2010 ....................69
viii
List of Appendix Tables
Table 1 Distribution of Women and Girls by Age, New Haven and
Connecticut, 20082010......................................................................93
Table 2 Distribution of Households by Type, New Haven and
Connecticut, 20082010......................................................................93
Table 3 Immigrant and Native-Born Populations by Gender and Age in
New Haven, Connecticut, and United States, 20082010 ................94
Table 4 Median Annual Earnings by Gender and Nativity in New Haven,
Table 5 Distribution of Women Across Broad Occupational Groups by
Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 20082010............................................95
Race/Ethnicity, Connecticut, 20082010 ..........................................96
Race/Ethnicity, United States, 20082010 ........................................97
Table 8 Percent of Students Enrolled in Public Schools in the New Haven
School District by Race/Ethnicity, 2011 ............................................98
Table 9 Educational Attainment of Women and Men Aged 25 and
Older by Nativity in New Haven, Connecticut, and United States,
20082010 ............................................................................................98
Table 10 Educational Attainment of Women Aged 25 and Older by
Race/Ethnicity in New Haven, Connecticut, and United States,
20082010 ............................................................................................99
Table 11 Median Annual Earnings by Gender and Educational Attainment in
New Haven, Connecticut, and United States, 20062010 ..............100
Table 12 Numbers and Rates of Asthma Hospitalizations per 10,000 Among
Adults Aged 18 and Older by Gender, New Haven and Connecticut
(Minus Five Largest Cities), 20012005............................................100
Table 13 Numbers and Rates of Asthma Hospitalizations per 10,000 Among ..
Children Aged 017 by Gender, New Haven and Connecticut (Minus
Five Largest Cities), 20012005 ........................................................101
Adults Aged 18 and Older by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven and
Connecticut (Minus Five Largest Cities), 20012005 ....................101
ix
Children Aged 017 by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven and Connecticut
(Minus Five Largest Cities), 20012005............................................102
Table 16 Age-Adjusted Mortality Rates per 100,000 for Selected Causes by
Gender and Race, New Haven, 20052009 ......................................102
Table 17 Average Annual Count and Incidence Rates per 100,000 for Cervical
Cancer by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven County and Connecticut,
20052009 ..........................................................................................103
Table 18 Average Annual Count and Incidence Rates per 100,000 for Ovarian
Cancer by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven County and Connecticut,
20052009 ..........................................................................................103
Table 19 Numbers and Rates of Teen Births per 1,000 Teens by Race/
Ethnicity, New Haven and Connecticut, 2000, 2006, and 2008 ....104
Table 20 Chlamydia Diagnoses and Rates per 10,000 (Aged 10 and
Older) by Gender and Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 2010 ..............104
Table 21 Gonorrhea Diagnoses and Rates per 10,000 (Aged 10 and Older)
by Gender and Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 2010 ..........................105
Table 22 Chlamydia Diagnoses and Rates per 10,000 Among Women
Aged 10 and Older by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven and
Connecticut, 2010..............................................................................105
Table 23 Gonorrhea Diagnoses and Rates per 10,000 Among Women
Aged 10 and Older by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven and
Connecticut, 2010..............................................................................106
Table 24 Gonorrhea and Chlamydia Diagnoses Among Women and
Girls by Age, New Haven, 2010 ......................................................106
x
Executive
Summary
H
omen and girls in New Haven, Connecticut, have experienced
remarkable social, economic, and political progress in recent decades,
but the need for further improvements remains. Many of New Havens
women and girls are vulnerable to challenges such as poverty, long-term economic
insecurity, domestic violence, and specific adverse health conditions. In addition,
women and girls experience stubborn racial and ethnic disparities in opportunities
and outcomes. Addressing these challenges and disparities is essential to the health
and vibrancy of the city; when women and girls thrive, whole communities thrive.
This report provides information, using the most recent available data, to help
pinpoint areas where progress is needed to speed womens and girls
advancement. Drawing on multiple data sources, it analyzes issues that
profoundly affect the lives of women and girls: employment and earnings,
economic security, education, health and well-being, crime and safety, and
political participation and leadership. The data are intended to serve as a resource
for advocates, researchers, community leaders, and members of the public who
seek to analyze and discuss community investments and program initiatives that
will lead to sustained positive change.
Key findings include the following:
I Women and girls in New Haven constitute a diverse group. Among the
more than 68,000 women and girls who live in the city, blacks make up the
largest share (37 percent), followed by whites (32 percent) and Hispanics (23
percent). This is quite different from the composition of the female
population in Connecticut as a whole, which is largely (72 percent) white.
1
I Women in New Haven are less likely than men to be married. Only about
one in four women (26 percent) in the city aged 18 and older is married,
compared with more than three in ten men (32 percent). Both women
and men in New Haven are much less likely than women and men in
Connecticut to be married. In the state, half of women (50 percent) and
more than half of men (56 percent) aged 18 and older are married.
I Twenty-three percent of all households in New Haven are headed by
single women (with and without dependent children), compared with just
13 percent in the state as a whole. Only one in four households in New
Haven is headed by a married couple, a significantly smaller proportion
than in Connecticut as a whole (50 percent).
I Despite their increased participation in the workforce, womens wages
continue to lag behind mens. On average, women in New Haven earn
significantly less than men in the city: womens median annual earnings
are $37,530, compared with $42,433 for men. Womens median annual
earnings in New Haven are also much less than womens ($45,379) and
mens ($60,344) median annual earnings in Connecticut, but slightly
more than womens median annual earnings in the United States overall
($36,142).
I More than one-quarter of New Havens residents live below the federal
poverty line and more than half of those living in poverty are female.
Among the citys female population, Hispanics and blacks are
significantly more likely to be poor (43 percent and 30 percent,
respectively) than whites (17 percent) and Asians (19 percent).
I Girls in New Havens public schools outperform boys in many respects.
On the 2011 Connecticut Mastery Test, girls in New Haven in grades
three through eight scored higher than boys on nearly every section of
the test, including in mathematics (in all grades except third and sixth)
and in fifth and eight grade science, the only years for which data are
available by sex in this subject. In high school, the citys girls also have
lower dropout rates than boys and receive, on average, higher writing
scores on the SAT.
I Education is critical to womens economic security. Nearly half (47
percent) of women in New Haven with less than a high school diploma
live in poverty, compared with 12 percent of those with a bachelors
degree or higher. Among men, the proportion of those without a high
school diploma who live in poverty is significantly lower (29 percent).
Only 10 percent of men in New Haven with a college or advanced degree
live in poverty.
I In New Haven, as in the United States as a whole, women earn less than
men with similar levels of education, leading to a persistent gender wage
gap.
2
I Women in New Haven are more likely to have health insurance than
men. White women have the highest rate of coverage among women and
men in the city at 95 percent. Hispanic men have the lowest coverage rate
(58 percent), followed by Hispanic women (79 percent). Although women
overall have higher rates of coverage than men, significant disparities exist
between women of different races and ethnicities. Twenty-one percent of
Hispanic women in New Haven are uninsured, compared with five
percent of white women and ten percent of black women.
I The availability of reliable, gender-specific health data for New Haven
City varies greatly by health condition. Particularly pressing gaps in data
include information about cardiovascular disease, various forms of
cancer, mental health conditions, and addictive behaviors, including
smoking.
I As in many urban areas, births to teenage mothers are an issue of concern
in New Haven. Although teen birth rates in New Haven have dropped
considerably in the past decade, from 60.6 per 1,000 girls in 2000 to 46.0
per 1,000 in 2008, teen birth rates (to girls aged 1519) in New Haven are
double the rates for Connecticut, with black and Hispanic girls
comprising about 94 percent of all births to teenage mothers in the city
in 2008.
I Changes to public policies and program initiatives provide opportunities
to create a better future for women and girls in New Haven.
Recommended changes include encouraging employers to take steps to
remedy gender wage inequities, supporting women-led, women-initiated
businesses and female-specific programs in New Haven, implementing
strong career and education counseling for girls beginning in elementary
school, and creating a comprehensive health curriculum in the New
Haven School District that addresses physical and mental health,
including the prevention of dating violence and the advancement of
reproductive health.
I Better mechanisms for data collection and sharing across agencies are
needed to track progress for New Havens women and girls on key
indicators.
The economic, social, and political disparities that women and girls continue to
experience, as well as their significant progress, reveal the need to explore
opportunities to further advance the status of women and girls in New Haven
and the United States as a whole. Especially now, as the nation strives to move
beyond an economic recession in which women suffered substantial losses and
have experienced an especially slow recovery, it is imperative that womens
interests and concerns fully inform policymaking, service provision, advocacy,
and program initiatives. This report aims to provide information that can be used
to help ensure that this goal becomes a reality.
3
4
5
7
he status of women and girls is a key component of the overall health and
well-being of New Haven, Connecticut. Investing in initiatives that address
the needs of New Havens women and girls can improve not only their
circumstances, but also the economic standing, health, and well-being of the entire
community. When women and girls thrive, whole communities thrive.
Local initiatives that focus on women and girls must address the complex realities
of their lives. On the one hand, women and girls in New Haven have made
significant social, economic, and political progress in recent decades. Women who
live in New Haven today are active in the workforce, head local organizations, run
their own businesses, volunteer in their communities, participate in social justice
movements, and get involved in local politics. Their leadership and activism has a
long tradition in the city: in the early 1950s, more than 370 formally organized
womens clubs existed in New Haven (Minnis 1953). By the 1970s, a strong
womens movement had developed in the city, involving a large number of women
who believed in the power of collective action to create change (Kesselman 2001).
Women have playedand continue to playa vital role in making New Haven a
more vibrant community for all.
On the other hand, women in New Haven, as in Connecticut and the nation as a
whole, continue to experience specific challenges that reveal the slow nature of
change. Women at all educational levels earn less than men and are more likely to
live in poverty. Women are also disproportionately vulnerable to certain types of
violence and are often underrepresented in public office. In addition, women and
girls in New Haven experience persistent racial and ethnic disparities in
I.
Introduction
More than 68,000
women and girls live
in New Haven,
comprising 53
percent of the citys
total population.
1
The American Community Survey (ACS) population count includes both households and
group quarter (GQ) facilities, which include places such as college residence halls, residential
treatment centers, skilled nursing facilities, group homes, military barracks, correctional
facilities, workers dormitories, and facilities for people experiencing homelessness. Certain
group quarter facilities are excluded from ACS sampling and data collection, including
domestic violence shelters, soup kitchens, regularly scheduled mobile vans, targeted non-
sheltered outdoor locations, commercial maritime vessels, natural disaster shelters, and
dangerous encampments.
6
opportunities and outcomes. These challenges and disparities are often under-
recognized but must be addressed for the city as a whole to thrive.
Those working to understand and improve womens and girls circumstances need
reliable data on the status of New Havens female residents. This report seeks to
address this need by analyzing how women and girls in New Haven fare on
indicators in six topical areas that profoundly shape their lives: employment and
earnings, economic security, education, health and well-being, crime and safety, and
political participation and leadership. The analysis of these indicators provides
information that can be used to assess womens and girls progress in achieving
rights and opportunities, to identify persisting barriers to gender and racial equality,
and to propose promising solutions for overcoming these barriers.
In focusing on these indicators, the report offers a glimpse into womens and girls
lives, highlighting their successes and contributions to local communities and the
economy as well as the complex challenges they face. A sketch of some basic
demographic information begins to paint a portrait of women and girls in New
Haven and their many contributions and challenges.
A sr(ro( s[ Hsora oad Cr| a dr Ho.ra
The female population in New Haven is, in many ways, quite diverse
1
. Among the
more than 68,000 women and girls who live in the city, comprising 53 percent of its
total population, blacks make up the largest share (37 percent), followed by whites
(32 percent) and Hispanics (23 percent; Figure 1.1). This is similar to the
composition of the male population in New Haven but significantly different from
the composition of the female population in Connecticut (U.S. Department of
Commerce 20082010a). In the state as a whole, more than seven in ten (72
percent) women and girls are white (Figure 1.2).
Figure 1.1
Percent of Female Residents by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 20082010
Note: Whites are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is identified
as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race. Other includes those who chose more than one race
category as well as those who chose a race other than white, black, Hispanic, or Asian.
Source: IWPR calculations based on American Community Survey data accessed through the
American Fact Finder (U.S. Department of Commerce 20082010a).
Figure 1.2.
Percent of Female Residents by Race/Ethnicity, Connecticut, 20082010
Note: Percentages do not add to 100 due to rounding.
Whites are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is identified as
Hispanic or Latino may be of any race. Other includes those who chose more than one race
category as well as those who chose a race other than white, black, Hispanic, or Asian.
32%
37%
23%
6%
2%
White
Black
Hispanic
Asian
Other
72%
10%
13%
4%
2%
White
Black
Hispanic
Asian
Other
7
The population of women and girls in New Haven is also diverse in age. Of the
age groups shown in Figure 1.3, the largest share is aged 2544 (31 percent),
followed by those aged 1524 (22 percent; Appendix II, Table 1). In New Haven,
the age distribution of women and girls varies considerably by race and ethnicity,
although for every race and ethnic group the age range 2544 is the largest.
Among whites, a much larger proportion of women are 65 years and older (16
percent) than among blacks (nine percent), Hispanics (four percent), and Asians
(three percent). Hispanics are the youngest group (Figure 1.3).
Figure 1.3.
Age Distribution of Women and Girls by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 2008
2010
Note: Whites are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is
identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race.
On average, the female population in New Haven is younger than the female
population in Connecticut as a whole (Appendix II, Table 1). The relatively
young character of the female population in New Haven compared with women
across the state may stem partly from the citys sizable student population due to
the presence of colleges and universities, as well as from higher birth rates among
New Havens residents. In 2009, the birth rate in New Haven (per 1,000) was 16.7,
compared with 11.0 for the state as a whole (Connecticut Department of Public
Health 2009a).
Women in New Haven are slightly older than men, on average, and less likely to
be married. Only about one in four women in the city (26 percent) aged 18 and
older is married, compared with more than three in ten men (32 percent)a
7%
21%
28%
11%
24%
18%
21%
31%
31%
29%
31% 44%
22%
23%
16%
11% 16%
9%
4%
3%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
White Black Hispanic Asian
65 Years and Older
45-64 Years
25-44 Years
15-24 Years
0-14 Years
8
2
This report uses the term immigrant to refer to individuals born outside the United States
who were not U.S. citizens at birth. As Singer, Wilson, and DeRenzis (2009) observe, this
includes legal permanent residents, naturalized citizens, refugees, asylum seekers, and
migrants who temporarily stay in the United States. It also includes some undocumented
immigrants, although this population is likely undercounted by the U.S. Census survey data.
The term native-born refers to individuals born in the United States or abroad of American
parents.
9
difference that may stem partly from the fact that women in New Haven
outnumber men. Both women and men in New Haven are much less likely than
women and men in Connecticut to be married. In the state, half of women (50
percent) and more than half of men aged 18 and older (56 percent) are married
(U.S. Department of Commerce 20082010b).
Half of all households in Connecticut are headed by a married couple, compared
with just one quarter of households in New Haven. New Haven has a
significantly higher proportion of households headed by single women either
with or without children (23 percent) than Connecticut as a whole (13 percent;
Appendix II, Table 2).
Dooroa( Hsora oad Cr| a dr Ho.ra: Darroa
(/r C(g P/ar oad O.rr(g
Over the last several decades, the rich diversity in New Haven has been enhanced
by growth in the citys immigrant population.
2
Between 1990 and 2010, the share
of New Havens population that is foreign-born doubled, increasing from eight
percent in 1990 to sixteen percent in 2010 (University of Virginia Library 2012
and U.S. Department of Commerce 2010). Between 2008 and 2010, slightly less
than half of all immigrants in the city (47 percent) were female (U.S. Department
of Commerce 20082010b).
Immigrant women and girls come to New Haven from all over the world. The
largest groups are from the West Indies and South America (20 percent and 16
percent, respectively), followed by Mexico (13 percent), China (11 percent), and
Central America, Canada, and Thailand (4 percent each; Figure 1.4). The pattern
of immigration differs somewhat in the United States as a whole, where the
largest group of female immigrants comes from Mexico (27 percent), followed by
South America, Central America, the West Indies (7 percent each), and China
and India (6 percent each; U.S. Department of Commerce 20082010b).
Figure 1.4.
Female Immigrants by Place of Birth, New Haven, 20082010
Source: IWPR analysis of 20082010 Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) American
Community Survey microdata (Ruggles, et al. 2010).
The demographic characteristics of immigrant women and girls in New Haven
differ in several ways from those of immigrant men and native-born women. A
larger proportion of immigrant women is aged 55 and older than immigrant men
(18 percent and 12 percent, respectively), a pattern that holds true for the citys
native-born population as well, although the difference in the proportion of older
women and men among the citys native-born residents is not as great (Appendix
II, Table 3). Immigrant women in New Haven are also less likely (44 percent) than
immigrant men (49 percent) but much more likely than native-born women (22
percent) to be married (Figure 1.5).
Figure 1.5.
Marital Status by Gender and Nativity, New Haven and Connecticut, 2008
2010
Note: For women and men aged 18 and older.
Source: IWPR analysis of 20082010 IPUMS American Community Survey microdata (Ruggles,
et al. 2010).
20%
16%
13%
11%
4%
4%
4%
3%
25% West Indies
South America
Mexico
China
Central America
Canada
Thailand
USSR/Russia
Other
44%
22%
59%
48% 49%
27%
64%
54%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
Immigrants in New Haven Native-Born in New Haven Immigrants in Connecticut Native-Born in Connecticut
Women
Men
10
oa(a o (r/(rr Fa(arr [sr Hsora oad Cr| a
dr Ho.ra
As the nation moves out of a lingering economic recession, the New Haven
community needs to take steps to strengthen the economic security of women and
their families. National data show that although the media dubbed the Great
Recession of 20072009 a mancession, women suffered substantial losses and
have experienced an especially slow recovery, regaining jobs in the recessions
aftermath less quickly than men (Institute for Womens Policy Research 2012a).
Across the nation, many women have expressed concern for their ability to meet
their basic needs (Hayes and Hartmann 2011) and for their future economic
security (Hess, Hayes, and Hartmann 2011), making it imperative to explore the
opportunities to advance womens economic, social, and political status that exist
within communities like New Haven.
This report aims to help build economic security and overall well-being by
providing critical data on women and girls in New Haven, and by pointing to
places where additional data are needed to understand the health and well-being of
women and girls. We hope the information the report presents will assist
community leaders, policymakers, advocates, and others striving to enhance the
prospects of women and girls in the city and strengthen its many communities.
11
12
13
rg Fada
I In New Haven, as in virtually all cities and states in the United States,
women who work full-time, year-round have lower median annual
earnings than men. The gender wage gap in New Haven, however, is
smaller than in the United States as a whole. In New Haven, women earn
88 percent of mens earnings, compared with 78 percent in the nation.
This smaller earnings gap stems from two factors: mens earnings are
considerably lower in New Haven than in the nation as a whole, and
womens are slightly higher in the city compared with womens earnings
in the United States.
I Between 2008 and 2010, men in New Haven had a higher unemployment
rate (14 percent) than women (11 percent). White men had a higher
unemployment rate than white women (6 percent compared with 4
percent), and black men had a higher unemployment rate at 25 percent
(the highest rate of any gender-race/ethnic group) than black women (13
percent). Only among Hispanics did women (20 percent) have a higher
unemployment rate than men (14 percent). Among all women, Hispanic
and black women had much higher unemployment rates than white
women. Hispanic womens unemployment rate of 20 percent was the
highest and was five times higher than the unemployment rate for white
women (4 percent).
II.
Employment
and Earnings
3
Womens labor force participation includes the proportion of the adult (aged 16 and older)
female population who are employed or unemployed but looking for work. This includes
civilian, non-institutionalized women who are employed full-time or part-time, those who
work 15 hours or more per week as unpaid workers in a family business, and those who are
not currently working but are actively seeking employment (U.S. Department of Labor 2012a).
14
I In New Haven as elsewhere, there is a significant amount of sex
segregation in occupations. Women are twice as likely as men to work in
sales and office occupations, and men are about twice as likely as women
to work in production, transportation, and material moving occupations.
Men are also eleven times more likely than women to work in natural
resources, construction, and maintenance occupations.
Da(rsda(sa
Womens increased participation in the labor force marks an important change in
the national economy across the last six decades.
3
Nearly six in ten women now
work outside the home, compared with 34 percent of women in 1950 and 43
percent of women in 1970 (Fullerton 1999). Womens labor force participation in
New Haven reflects this national trend: 63 percent of women aged 16 and older
who live in the city are employed or looking for work (U.S. Department of
Commerce 20082010a).
The higher percentage of women in the workforce today points to the workforce
opportunities available to women and to the financial challenges women often
encounter as they strive to support themselves and their families. Womens earnings
are important to many families well-being and long-term economic security. Many
families rely on womens earnings to stay out of poverty and provide for old-age.
Despite womens increased labor force participation, women still do not enjoy
economic parity with men. In the nation as a whole, womens median earnings are
significantly less than the median earnings of men, a trend that is reflected in New
Haven, although to a lesser extent than nationwide. This section examines the
economic status of women in New Haven by considering their labor force
participation, the limitations placed on their work by disabilities, their earnings in
relation to mens, and their distribution across occupations and employment
sectors.
Hsora a (/r losr Fsrr
Between 2008 and 2010, more than six in ten women (63 percent) who were living
in New Haven were in the labor force, compared with 68 percent of men. Women
in New Haven are equally as likely as women in Connecticut, but more likely than
women in the United States as a whole, to be in the workforce (63 and 60 percent,
respectively), whereas men in New Haven are somewhat less likely than men in
Connecticut and nationwide to participate in the labor force (Figure 2.1).
Figure 2.1.
Percent of Women and Men in the Labor Force, 16 Years and Older, New
Haven, Connecticut, and United States, 20082010
The labor force participation rate for women in New Haven is strong for all the
large race and ethnic groups. Two-thirds (66 percent) of black women are
employed or looking for work, compared with 62 percent of white women and 61
percent of Hispanic women (U.S. Department of Commerce 20082010a).
Workforce participation in New Haven, as elsewhere, varies across the life cycle. For
women, the highest participation occurs between the ages of 25 and 44 (79 percent;
U.S. Department of Commerce 20082010a). As women near retirement age, they are
less likely to work. Nonetheless, 62 percent of women aged 5564 and nearly one in
three women (32 percent) aged 6574 are in the workforce in New Haven (Figure 2.2).
Figure 2.2.
Labor Force Participation Among Women Aged 55 and Older in New
Haven, Connecticut, and United States, 20082010
63% 63%
60%
68%
73%
70%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
New Haven Connecticut United States
Women
Men
15
62%
32%
2%
68%
28%
4%
60%
21%
4%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
5564 Years 6574 Years 75 Years and Older
New Haven
Connecticut
United States
losr Fsrr or(po(sa oad Oo|(g
While womens labor force participation has increased over the last six decades,
women with disabilities continue to face barriers that make it difficult to maintain
employment. In New Haven, a similar proportion of women (7.9 percent) and men
(8.5 percent) experience a disability that limits or prevents their participation in the
labor force. These percentages are similar in Connecticut, where 8.5 percent of
women and 8.0 percent of men experience a disability that limits or prevents their
work (Table 2.1). In the state as a whole, black women and men are more likely than
their white and Hispanic counterparts to have a disability that hinders their labor
force participation. Among both women and men, Hispanic men are the least likely
(6.6 percent) to have such a disability. Black women are the most likely (14.3
percent; Table 2.2).
Table 2.1.
Disability Limits or Prevents Work by Gender, New Haven and Connecticut,
20092011
Note: Includes women and men aged 15 and older.
Source: IWPR analysis of microdata from the 20092011 Current Population Survey Annual
Social and Economic Supplement (King, et al. 2010).
Table 2.2.
Disability Limits or Prevents Work by Gender and Race/Ethnicity,
Connecticut, 20092011
Notes: Includes women and men aged 15 and older.
Sample size is insufficient to reliably estimate the percent of Asians whose work is limited or
prevented by a disability.
Whites and blacks are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic; and black, not Hispanic.
Persons whose ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race.
Source: IWPR analysis of microdata from the 20092011 Current Population Survey Annual
Social and Economic Supplement (King, et al. 2010).
Disability Limits or Prevents Work
New Haven Connecticut
Women 7.9% 8.5%
Men 8.5% 8.0%
Overall 8.2% 8.3%
16
Disability Limits or Prevents Work
Women Men Overall
White 7.4% 8.1% 7.8%
Black 14.3% 12.5% 13.5%
Hispanic 13.4% 6.6% 9.9%
uarop|sgora(
Many women (and men) are looking for work in New Haven and are struggling to
find a job. Based on a three-year average (20082010) that encompasses the
recession and early stages of the recovery, the unemployment rate for both women
and men in the city is significantly higher than in Connecticut and the United
States as a whole. Eleven percent of women and 14 percent of men in New Haven
were unemployed, compared with 8 percent of women and 9 percent of men in
Connecticut and 8 percent of women and 10 percent of men nationwide (2008
2010 averages; Figure 2.3).
4
Last summer, Connecticuts General Assembly passed the first statewide
paid sick days law in the United States. This law represents an important
victory for workers in New Haven and the rest of Connecticut. Public
Law 11-52 guarantees full-time and part-time workers, in businesses with
50 or more employees, five paid sick days (or 40 hours) per year, usable
after 120 days of employment. Workers can use their paid sick time for
diagnoses or treatment of their own or their childs health condition or
for preventive care. They can also use it to address the effects of
domestic violence, sexual assault, or stalking (Miller and Williams 2010).
Paid sick days will significantly benefit New Havens working women.
Women are more likely to have caregiving responsibilities and to
sacrifice a day of pay to meet their families health care needs (Lovell
2003). Women also tend to be concentrated in occupations that are the
least likely to offer paid sick days, such as food preparation, personal
care and service, cleaning and maintenance, and sales and related
occupations (Williams, Drago, and Miller 2011). Because of the passage
of the paid sick days law in Connecticut, fewer women in New Haven will
have to choose between a day of pay and taking care of a sick child at
home.
New Law Introduces Earned Sick Days Policy
17
4
In the American Community Survey, the unemployed population includes all civilians not
living in institutionalized quarters, such as jails and nursing homes, who are aged 16 years and
older and who do not have a job but are actively looking for work (or waiting to be called back
to a job from which they have been laid off and are available to start a job). Students living
in dormitories who are at least 16 years of age and are actively looking for work are included.
Figure 2.3.
Unemployment Rates by Gender in New Haven, Connecticut, and United
States, 20082010
Unemployment in New Haven is particularly high among blacks and Hispanics,
with black men and Hispanic women experiencing the highest unemployment rates
(25 percent and 20 percent, respectively) between 2008 and 2010. Only four
percent of white women and six percent of white men in New Haven were
unemployed during these years (Figure 2.4).
Figure 2.4.
Unemployment Rates by Gender and Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 2008
2010
Notes: For women aged 16 and older.
Sample size is insufficient to reliably estimate the unemployment rate for Asians.
Hispanic or Latino may be of any race.
8% 8%
14%
10%
11%
9%
0%
2%
4%
6%
8%
10%
12%
14%
16%
Women
Men
18
4%
13%
20%
6%
25%
14%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
White Black Hispanic
Women
Men
Eoraa oad (/r Cradrr Hor Cop
Despite their increased participation in the workforce, womens wages continue to
lag behind mens. Women in New Haven earn significantly less than men in the
city: womens median annual earnings
5
are $37,530, compared with $42,433 for
men. Put another way, women in New Haven earn nearly $5,000 less each year than
the typical man. Womens median annual earnings in New Haven are also much
less than womens ($45,379) and mens ($60,344) median annual earnings in
Connecticut, but slightly more than womens median annual earnings in the
United States overall ($36,142; Table 2.3).
6
This measure of earnings, however, includes only those who work full-time, year-
round. If the earnings of all women and men were included, the earnings gap
would be even larger. Nationally, women are twice as likely as men to work part-
time (U.S. Department of Labor 2010) and more likely to work for less than 50
weeks a year (U.S. Department of Commerce 2010). This disparity in working hours
is due to the unequal distribution of unpaid work in the family (Krantz-Kent 2009),
the lack of a public infrastructure to help families negotiate the demands of work
and family responsibilities (Society for Human Resource Management 2011), and,
in the low-wage segment of the economyparticularly in retail, hotels, and
restaurantsthe limited availability of full-time jobs (Kalleberg 2000; Lambert and
Henley 2009; Shaefer 2008). Research shows that part-time jobs pay lower hourly
wages, on average, than full-time jobs and are much less likely to come with
benefits (Kalleberg, Reskin, and Hudson 2000; Wenger 2001).
In New Haven, the median annual earnings of women who work full-time, year-
round vary considerably by race and ethnicity. White women have the highest
median annual earnings ($47,585), followed by Asian ($38,448) and black women
($35,977). Hispanic women have the lowest median annual earnings ($30,153). The
pattern differs slightly in Connecticut and the United States. In the state and the
nation as a whole, Asian women have the highest median annual earnings, followed
by white, black, and Hispanic women (Table 2.3).
While womens earnings in New Haven are lower than mens, the difference is not
as large as in the nation as a whole. In the United States between 2008 and 2010,
the ratio of female to male median annual earnings for full-time, year-round
workers was 78 percent. This means that women earned about 78 cents for every
19
5
The U.S. Census defines median earnings as the amount which divides the income
distribution into two equal groups, half having incomes above the median, half having
incomes below the median (U.S. Department of Commerce 2012a). Median annual earnings
here include only those who worked at least 50 weeks per year for 35 or more hours per
week.
6
While in New Haven men overall earn more than women, this pattern does not hold true
among the citys immigrant population. Immigrant women earn, on average, more than their
male counterparts ($36,460 compared with $32,000; Appendix II, Table 4). Earnings data,
however, do not distinguish between documented and undocumented immigrants and likely
do not fully account for the work performed in the informal economy.
Women in New
Haven earn
significantly less
than men in the city:
womens median
annual earnings are
$37,530, compared
with $42,433 for
men.
In 2010 inflation-adjusted dollars.
Whites are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race.
Source: IWPR calculations based on American Community Survey data accessed through the American Fact Finder (U.S. Department of
20
7
Because the data in this report are based on the 20082010 file of the American Community
Survey, they are not strictly comparable to IWPRs standard calculation of the gender wage
gap, which is based on the Current Population Survey (CPS). In 2010, the national earnings
gap based on the CPS was 23 percent (Hegewisch and Williams 2011).
8
Research has found that even after controlling for factors such as differences in work
experience, industry, and occupations, there is a gender wage gap that cannot be explained
and is potentially due to discrimination. One study estimates the unexplained percentage of
the wage gap among full-time workers in the United States to be 41 percent, and finds that
this residual gap includes discrimination in the labor market, although it may include other
factors as well (Blau and Kahn 2007).
Women Men Percent Women Men Percent Women Men Percent
All Races/Ethnicities $37,530 $42,433 88% $45,379 $60,344 75% $36,142 $46,376 78%
White $47,585 $53,631 89% $48,843 $65,361 75% $38,548 $51,395 75%
Black $35,977 $42,334 85% $38,572 $43,039 90% $32,197 $37,100 87%
Hispanic $30,153 $28,215 107% $31,374 $35,678 88% $26,847 $30,844 87%
Asian $38,448 $47,167 82% $49,457 $62,089 80% $42,116 $52,314 81%
Table 2.3.
Median Annual Earnings of Women and Men Employed Full-Time/Year-Round by Race/Ethnicity in New
dollar earned by men, representing a gender earnings gap of 22 percent.
7
In New
Haven during this time period, the female/male earnings ratio was 88 percent (it
was 75 percent for Connecticut; Table 2.3). Women in New Haven earned less than
men in all race and ethnic groups, with one exception: Hispanic women had higher
earnings than Hispanic men ($30,153 compared with $28,215). Nationally, and in
Connecticut as a whole, men earned more than women in every race and ethnic
group (Table 2.3).
8
The smaller wage gap in New Haven compared with the nation as a whole reflects
two factors: (1) mens earnings were comparatively lower, and (2) womens earnings
were comparatively higher than the national median annual earnings (but not
higher than earnings in Connecticut as a whole). Mens median annual earnings in
New Haven ($42,433) were lower than for men in the United States as a whole
($46,376) and significantly lower than for all men in Connecticut ($60,344). While
Connecticut is a state with some of the highest earnings for men in the nation (only
21
88%
89%
67%
56%
72%
75% 75%
59%
48%
76%
78%
75%
63%
52%
82%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
All Women's Earnings
as Percent of All Men's
White Women's
Earnings as Percent of
White Men's
Black Women's
White Men's
Hispanic Women's
White Men's
Asian Women's
White Men's
Figure 2.5.
Ratio of Women's to Men's Full-Time/Year-Round Median Annual Earnings by Race/Ethnicity in
New Haven, Connecticut, and United States, 20082010
Notes: Women and men aged 16 and older who work full-time, year-round.
The earnings of all women as a percent of the earnings of all men includes all races and ethnicities for both women and
men.
Whites are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be
of any race.
Source: IWPR calculations based on American Community Survey data accessed through the American Fact Finder (U.S.
Department of Commerce 20082010a).
Washington, DC, ranks higher nationally for mens earnings)
9
, it appears that a
relatively small proportion of New Haven residents hold high earning jobs.
Hispanic men, in particular, have below average earnings compared with Hispanic
men both in the nation and Connecticut. Asian men also earn less in New Haven
than in the state and the nation, although their earnings exceed the earnings for all
men in New Haven (Table 2.3). Unlike men in New Haven, women in the city
overall have slightly higher median annual earnings than women nationally, further
contributing to New Havens smaller wage gap.
10
Another way of examining the gender wage gap is to compare earnings for different
groups of women with the highest earning group, white men. Between 2008 and
9
See Institute for Womens Policy Research. 2012b. Overview: State-by-State Rankings and
Data on Indicators of Women's Social and Economic Status, 2010, available at
<http://www.iwpr.org/initiatives/states/2010-state-by-state-overview>.
10
Also, the large percentage of men of color in New Haven means that median earnings for
all men are lower in New Haven than in Connecticut or the United States (because men of
color have lower earnings, on average, than white men). The wages of women of color, while
generally lower than white womens, actually reflect smaller race/ethnic differences than
among men, explaining why mens median earnings in New Haven are more affected by the
large share of men of color than are womens median earnings.
22
2010, Hispanic women in New Haven earned 56 percent of the earnings of white
men in the city. In Connecticut and the United States, they earned only 48 percent
and 52 percent of white mens earnings, respectively. Black women earned 67
percent of white mens earnings in New Haven, 59 percent in Connecticut, and 63
percent in the United States. By comparison, for white women the wage ratio was
89 percent in New Haven and 75 percent in both Connecticut and the United
States. Asian women in New Haven earned 72 percent of the earnings of white
men, a lower earnings ratio than for Asian women in Connecticut (76 percent) and
the United States (82 percent; Figure 2.5).
While these gaps are large, for all groups of women except Asian women the gaps
between the earnings of women and white men in New Haven are smaller than
they are in either Connecticut or the United States as a whole. The explanation for
this pattern lies largely in the higher earnings of white, black, and Hispanic women
in New Haven relative to the earnings of comparable women in the nation as a
whole.
Dapo(sao| O(ra(sa
In New Haven, women tend to concentrate in several lower-paid broad
occupational groups. Twenty-eight percent of women work in sales and office
occupations, which have median annual earnings for women of $35,401. Nearly
one in four women (24 percent) in New Haven works in a service occupation, the
lowest paid occupational group for women (with median annual earnings of
$27,963; Figure 2.6 and Table 2.4).
The concentration of women in lower-paid occupational groups is especially
evident among Hispanic and black women. Hispanic and black women are much
more likely (28 percent and 33 percent, respectively) than white women (16
percent) to work in service occupations. In addition, 20 percent of Hispanic women
and eight percent of black women work in production, transportation, and material
moving occupations (the second lowest paid group of occupations for women),
compared with just three percent of white women (Appendix II, Table 5 and Table
2.4). The high proportion of Hispanic women working in these occupations makes
New Haven rather atypical compared with Connecticut and the nation as a whole,
where a much smaller proportion of Hispanic women work in such jobs (Appendix
II, Tables 6 and 7).
Few women in the city are employed in the highest paid occupational groups of
management, business, and financial occupations (seven percent); computer,
engineering, and science occupations (five percent); and healthcare practitioners
and technical occupations (seven percent; Figure 2.6; Table 2.4). More than one in
five women in New Haven, however, works in education, legal, community service,
arts, and media occupations, which have median annual earnings for women of
$39,940. This occupational group combines relatively well-paid jobs, such as
teachers or administrators in education, with very low-paid jobs such as teaching
assistants. A comparison of the median earnings for women and men in this group
suggests that women are much more likely than men to work in lower paid
occupations within this broad occupational category (Table 2.4).
23
In New Haven, as in the nation as a whole, the distribution of men across
occupations differs from the distribution of women, raising the question of the
extent to which occupational segregationthe concentration of women and men in
different occupations
11
contributes to the citys wage gap. Men in the city are
much more likely than women to work in natural resources, construction, and
maintenance occupations (11 percent compared with 1 percent). Overall, men are
also more likely to work in production, transportation, and material moving
occupations (17 percent compared with 8 percent). In general, however, the
differences in the jobs and sectors in which men and women work are less
pronounced in New Haven than they are nationally, partly because the share of
men in New Haven who work in service occupations (21 percent) is comparatively
high, as is the share of men who work in education, legal, community service, arts,
and media occupations (17 percent; Figure 2.6). In the nation as a whole, seven
percent of men are employed in education, legal, community service, arts, and
media occupations, and fifteen percent work in service occupations (U.S.
Department of Commerce 20082010a). New Havens economy is dominated by
service industries, with both large educational and health establishments, which are
sectors that hire workers at both high and low wages, depending on the education
and skills needed for the specific occupations they fill.
11%
8%
8%
4%
17%
17%
21%
14%
1%
5%
7%
7%
8%
21%
24%
28%
0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30%
Natural Resources, Construction, and Maintenance
Occupations
Computer, Engineering, and Science Occupations
Management, Business, and Financial Occupations
Healthcare Practitioners and Technical Occupations
Production, Transportation, and Material Moving
Occupations
Education, Legal, Community Service, Arts, and
Media Occupations
Service Occupations
Sales and Office Occupations
Women
Men
Figure 2.6.
Distribution of Women and Men Across Broad Occupational Groups in New Haven, 20082010
Note: For employed women and men aged 16 and older. Includes part- and full-time workers.
11
For an analysis of occupational segregation in the U.S. labor force, see Hegewisch, et al.
(2010).
24
Many men in New Haven are also concentrated in lower paid broad occupational
groups. The median earnings for men in New Haven who work in service
occupations and production occupations are $31,849 and $35,434, respectively.
The median earnings for men who work in natural resources, construction, and
maintenance occupations (which employs more than one in ten men in New
Haven) are $32,554, compared with $33,304 for women (Table 2.4).
Table 2.4.
Womens and Mens Median Annual Earnings Across Broad Occupational
Groups in New Haven and Connecticut, 20082010
Notes: For women and men aged 16 and older who are employed full-time, year-round.
In 2010 inflation-adjusted dollars.
Source: IWPR compilation of American Community Survey data accessed through the
Women Men Women Men
Management, Business,
and Financial
Occupations $60,268 $66,800 $66,696 $95,083
Computer, Engineering,
and Science
Occupations $53,264 $50,876 $71,050 $80,754
Education, Legal,
Community Service,
Arts, and Media
Occupations $39,940 $60,250 $52,933 $69,408
Healthcare Practitioners
and Technical
Occupations $64,123 $56,870 $65,758 $96,116
Service Occupations $27,963 $31,849 $29,080 $40,019
Sales and Office
Occupations $35,401 $43,750 $39,755 $54,597
Natural Resources,
Construction, and
Maintenance
Occupations $33,304 $32,554 $44,788 $50,561
Production,
Transportation, and
Material Moving
Occupations $30,326 $35,434 $30,385 $45,095
25
Differences in the median earnings of men and women in several broad
occupational groups that employ a substantial percentage of both indicate that the
wage gap in New Haven may reflect, in part, the differences in the wages that men
and women are paid within these similar broad fields. For example, for men who
work in educational, legal, community service, arts, and media training
occupations, median annual earnings are $60,250, compared with just $39,940 for
women. For men who work in sales and office occupations, median annual
earnings are $43,750, compared with $35,401 for women. These substantial
differences in mens and womens median earnings likely result from mens
concentration in higher-paid detailed occupations within these broad occupational
categories. For example, men may be more likely to work as lawyers and women as
social workers (Table 2.4).
In addition to the differences between womens and mens earnings in New Haven
in several relatively gender-integrated occupational groups, the data show large
differences between the earnings of New Haven residents and Connecticut
residents in some fields. Women and men who work in computer, engineering, and
science occupations in Connecticut have median earnings of $71,050 and $80,754,
respectively, compared with just $53,264 for women and $50,876 for men in New
Haven. Women and men who work in natural resources, construction, and
maintenance occupations in Connecticut have median earnings of $44,788 and
$50,561, respectively, compared with $33,304 for women and $32,554 for men in
New Haven (Table 2.4).
While these earnings differences show that women and men who are city residents
in New Haven are much less likely to hold medium- or high-paying jobs in some
fields than women and men in Connecticut, they do not necessarily indicate that
New Haven offers few high-paying jobs in these fields. Recent research shows that
as of 2009, the City of New Haven had 80,000 jobs, more than half of which paid
more than $40,000 per year. Only 21 percent of individuals holding these medium
or higher paying jobs, however, were New Haven residents (Data Haven 2011).
Eop|sgora( ?r(sr
Like occupational distribution, the distribution of women across employment
sectors differs somewhat from the distribution of men in New Haven. Women are
less likely (56 percent) than men (62 percent) to work in the private sector, but
slightly more likely to be employed as private not-for-profit wage and salary workers
(25 percent of women compared with 20 percent of men) or for the government
(15 percent of women compared with 12 percent of men; Figure 2.7 and U.S.
Department of Commerce 20082010a). The share of women who are self-
employed is four percent whereas for men it is five percent (U.S. Department of
When comparing women in New Haven with women in Connecticut and women
in the United States as a whole, more striking differences emerge. Women in New
Haven are significantly more likely to work in nonprofit jobs than women in the
state and nation (13 and 11 percent, respectively). Two-thirds of women in
Connecticut and the United States work in the private sector, a much higher
proportion than women in New Haven (56 percent; U.S. Department of
Similar differences exist in the patterns of mens employment in New Haven and
mens employment in both Connecticut and the United States. Whereas one in
five men in New Haven works in the nonprofit sector (20 percent), just six percent
of men in Connecticut and five percent in the United States are employed as not-
for-profit wage and salary workers. Sixty-two percent of men in New Haven work in
the private sector, compared with three-quarters of men in Connecticut and the
United States (74 percent and 75 percent, respectively; U.S. Department of
These differences between both womens and mens distribution across
employment sectors in New Haven when compared with Connecticut and the
United States suggest that New Haven offers its residents, to some extent, different
job opportunities than are found in the state and the nation as a whole. The
prominence and size of New Havens educational and health/biotech
establishments is a likely reason for this large nonprofit sector. New Haven provides
an unusually high share of nonprofit jobs, which typically offer many women
employment opportunities; nationally, a higher proportion of women than men
work in the nonprofit sector (U.S. Department of Commerce 20082010a). For
those employed in managerial and professional jobs, however, the average hourly
earnings of full-time workers in the nonprofit sector are less than those of full-time
private industry workers (Butler 2009). Perhaps the relatively low representation of
the private sector in New Haven helps to account for mens relatively low earnings.
Figure 2.7.
Womens Distribution Across Employment Sectors in New Haven, 2008
2010
Notes: For employed women aged 16 and older. Includes part-time and full-time workers.
26
56%
25%
15%
4%
Private For-Profit Wage and
Salary Workers
Private Not-For-Profit Wage
and Salary Workers
Government Workers
Self-Employed Workers
27
A 2011 study by the Connecticut Center for Economic Analysis
showed that the New Haven nonprofit All Our Kins Tool Kit Licensing
Programwhich provides materials, mentoring, and support to help
family, friend, and neighborhood caregivers fulfill state licensing
requirementshas created $18.4 million in additional tax revenue for
the state, increased the earning potential of women, and provided
high-quality, culturally-competent child care (Waite, et al. 2011). For
every parent licensed to become a childcare provider through the Tool
Kit project, four to five parents were able to enter the workforce. If a
caregiver was already running an unlicensed childcare center, his or
her profits tended to increase substantially. Sixty percent of providers
earned $5,000 more the first year after licensing and 45 percent
earned at least $10,000 more the second year after licensing than they
had earned before.
All Our Kin Promotes Economic Security
28
29
rg Fada
I In New Haven, households headed by single mothers have the lowest
median annual income ($22,660) of all family household types. The
income of households headed by single mothers is 59 percent of the
income of all households in the city and just 32 percent of the income of
married couple households with children. Households headed by single
mothers in New Haven also have the highest poverty rates among all
family household types: more than four in ten (44 percent) of households
headed by single mothers in the city are poor.
I Women in New Haven are more likely than men to be poor. Women
aged 65 years and older are more than twice as likely as men in the same
age group to live in poverty.
I Hispanics in New Haven are more likely than whites, blacks, and Asians
to live in poverty. Forty-three percent of Hispanic women and thirty-three
percent of Hispanic men are poor. Hispanic women are more than twice
as likely as white (17 percent) and Asian (19 percent) women to live in
poverty. Their poverty rate is also 13 percentage points greater than black
womens poverty rate (30 percent).
III.
Economic
Security
12
In this report, women who are described as living in poverty or poor refers to those who live
in households with incomes at 100 percent or below the federal poverty threshold as
calculated with data from the American Community Survey (ACS).
13
Eight types of income are reported in the American Community Survey: wage or salary
income; self-employment income (which includes both farm and non-farm self-employment
income); interest, dividends, net rental income, royalty income, or income from estates and
trusts; Social Security income; Supplemental Security Income (SSI); public assistance income;
retirement, survivor, or disability income; and other income (which includes unemployment
compensation, workers compensation, Department of Veterans Affairs payments, alimony
and child support, and contributions received periodically from people not living in the
household). The median household income divides the distribution of total income received
by households into two parts, with one-half of all households below the median income and
the other half above. In the American Community Survey, the median income for households
is based on the distribution of all households, including those with no income.
30
Da(rsda(sa
Womens economic security depends on having enough income and financial
resources to cover their expenses and save for retirement. Many women find,
however, that multiple factors undermine their efforts to make ends meet and save
for the future. The persistent gender wage gap, womens prevalence in low-paid,
female-dominated occupations, and womens relatively fewer hours of paid
employment compared with mens make women more vulnerable to poverty and
more likely to face economic insecurity in retirement. In addition, due to family
caregiving responsibilities, women often take time out of the labor force, which
diminishes their lifetime earnings and leaves them with lower incomes and fewer
assets in their later years (Hartmann and English 2009).
Many women in New Haven encounter these barriers to economic security and
stability. More than one quarter of the citys residents live in poverty, and women
are more likely than men to be poor (U.S. Department of Commerce 2008
2010a).
12
A close look at womens economic status in the cityincluding womens
median income, poverty status, and use of public programshelps to pinpoint their
specific challenges and opportunities. It also reveals the need to expand promising
initiatives to ensure the economic well-being of women and their families.
mrdoa Hsar/s|d Dasor
Womens economic security is directly linked to their household income, which
includes not only earnings from jobs, but also income from other sources such as
investments, retirement funds, government benefits such as Temporary Assistance
for Needy Families (TANF), and Social Security. In New Haven, the median annual
income for households of all races and ethnicities combined is $38,585, which is
much lower than the median annual income for comparable households in
Connecticut ($67,067) and the United States ($51,222).
13
White households in New
Haven have the highest income ($47,860), followed by Asian ($45,192), black
($32,096), and Hispanic ($28,869) households (U.S. Department of Commerce
20082010a).
Stark discrepancies exist not only between the incomes of households from
different race and ethnic groups, but also in the incomes of different family
household types in New Haven. Married couple families, which often benefit from
two incomes, have the highest median annual incomes. In New Haven, married
couples with and without children under the age of 18 have incomes of $71, 875
and $73,677, respectively. These incomes are much less than the incomes of
comparable households in Connecticut ($106,847 for married couples with
children and $93,325 for married couples without children; Figure 3.1).
Households headed by single parents in New Haven have median annual incomes
that are quite low relative to the incomes of other family household types,
suggesting that many single mothers and fathers in the city face significant
economic hardship. Households headed by single women with children under age
18 have the lowest median annual income at $22,660; the income for households
headed by comparable men is slightly higher at $24,325. In Connecticut,
households headed by single parents also have incomes that are much lower than
those of married couple households, but the disparity between single father- and
single mother-headed households is greater, with single fathers faring significantly
better than single mothers (and also much better than single fathers in New Haven).
In the state as a whole, the median annual income for households headed by single
fathers is $45,986, compared with just $30,795 for those headed by single mothers
(Figure 3.1).
Households headed
by single women
with children under
age 18 have the
lowest median
annual income at
$22,660.
$22,660
$37,693
$24,325
$50,257
$106,847
$30,795
$51,681
$45,986
$65,537
$79,002
$24,011
$41,685
$36,113
$50,338
$71,875
$73,677
$93,325
$70,820
$0
$20,000
$40,000
$60,000
$80,000
$100,000
$120,000
Married with
Children Under 18
Married without
Children
Under 18
Single Female-Headed
with Children
Under 18
Single Female-Headed
without Children
Under 18
Single Male-Headed
with Children
Under 18
Single Male-Headed
without Children
Under 18
Series4
Figure 3.1.
Median Annual Income by Household Type in New Haven, Connecticut, and United States,
20082010
Notes: For all households, including those with no income. 2010 inflation-adjusted dollars.
Source: IWPR compilation of American Community Survey data accessed through the American Fact Finder (U.S.
31
32
s.rr(g
While womens increased labor force participation and earnings have helped many
women to achieve economic security and stability, other women face substantial
economic hardship. In New Haven between 2008 and 2010, more than one in four
individuals was poor and more than half of those living in poverty were female
(Figure 3.2).
The poverty rate in New Haven is considerably higher than in the state of
Connecticut as a whole (where approximately one in ten individuals is poor) and in
the United States (where the overall poverty rate is about 14 percent). In all three
geographic areas, the poverty rate among the female population is higher than
among the male population. In New Haven, 28 percent of women and 25 percent
of men live in poverty, compared with 11 percent of women and 9 percent of men
in Connecticut and 16 percent of women and 13 percent of men in the United
States (Figure 3.2).
The federal poverty threshold on which poverty rates are based, however, does not
come close to capturing the cost of living for most families in the United States.
Established by the federal government in the 1960s, the federal poverty threshold
has been adjusted for inflation but not for increases in mainstream living standards,
and therefore does not accurately measure the resources needed to avoid economic
hardship (Fremstad 2010). A family is considered poor if its pre-tax cash income
falls below the poverty threshold; in 2011, the poverty line for a single woman with
two children was $18,123 (U.S. Department of Commerce 2011)an amount that is
not enough for her to make ends meet, let alone build assets to ensure long-term
economic security. Given the inadequacy of the official poverty measure, the
proportion of women and men in New Haven who face economic hardship is
likely much higher than the proportion living in poverty as calculated based on the
federal poverty threshold.
Figure 3.2.
Poverty Rates by Gender in New Haven, Connecticut, and United States,
20082010
Note: Percent living below the federal poverty line among individuals of all ages.
28%
11%
16%
25%
9%
13%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
Women
Men
In New Haven, Hispanics and blacks face disproportionately high poverty rates.
Hispanics are most likely to live in poverty: more than four in ten female Hispanics
(43 percent) and one in three male Hispanics live below the federal poverty line.
Among blacks in New Haven, 30 percent of women and girls and 28 percent of
men and boys are poor. The poverty rates are much lower among whites and
Asians. Seventeen percent of white women and girls, 16 percent of white men and
boys, and 19 percent of both female and male Asian residents of New Haven live in
poverty (Figure 3.3).
Figure 3.3.
Poverty Rates by Gender and Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 20082010
Notes: Percent living below the federal poverty line among individuals of all ages.
As is the case in Connecticut as a whole and in the nation, poverty rates in New
Haven also vary considerably by family household type.
14
Households headed by
single women with children are much more likely to be poor than households
headed by single fathers or married couples with children. In New Haven, more
than four in ten (44 percent) households headed by single women in the city with
children under age 18 are poor, compared with 26 percent of those headed by
33
30%
19%
17%
43%
19%
16%
28%
33%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
45%
50%
White Black Hispanic Asian
Female
Male
In New Haven, more
than four in ten (44
percent) households
headed by single
women in the city
with children under
age 18 are poor,
compared with 26
percent of those
headed by single
men with children
and 13 percent of
those headed by
married couples
with children.
14
In the American Community Survey, a family household consists of a household head and
one or more persons who are related to the household head by birth, marriage, or adoption
and who are living together in the same household. Family households are classified as either
a married-couple family or a family headed by a man or woman without a spouse present.
Family households with no spouse present include household heads of all marital statuses
except those who are married and have their spouse present. Households where an
unmarried partner is present are classified as family households only if there are other
persons in the household who are related to the household head by birth, marriage, or
adoption.
single men with children and 13 percent of those headed by married couples with
children. Thirty-one percent of households headed by single mothers in
Connecticut and 38 percent of those headed by single mothers in the United States
are poor, compared with 15 percent of households headed by single fathers in the
state and 21 percent of those headed by single fathers in the nation. Households
headed by married couples with children under age 18 in Connecticut and the
United States fare much better: only three percent of these households in the state
and seven percent in the nation are poor (Figure 3.4).
Among the immigrant population in New Haven, poverty rates are similar to
poverty rates of the native-born population overall. Nearly three in ten female
immigrants in New Haven (29 percent) live below the federal poverty line, a slightly
higher proportion than among male immigrants (26 percent). An additional 18
percent of female immigrants live near the poverty line, along with 23 percent of
male immigrants (U.S. Department of Commerce 20082010b).
15
21%
13%
4%
44%
26%
13%
7%
3%
2%
31%
15%
8%
10%
7%
3%
38%
21%
11%
All Families Married Couples
with Children
Married Couples
without Children
Single Women
with Children
Single Men
with Children
Single Female
Householders
New Haven
Connecticut
United States
15
Those who live near poverty include women and girls who live in households with incomes
between 100 and 200 percent of the federal poverty line as calculated in the IPUMS ACS
(Ruggles, et al. 2010).
34
Figure 3.4.
Poverty Rates for Selected Family Types in New Haven, Connecticut, and United States, 2008
2010
Notes: With children includes those under 18 years.
D|drr Hsora Esaso ?rar(g
Many older women experience significant economic hardship and live in
households with incomes that fall below the federal poverty line. In New Haven,
nearly one in five (19 percent) women aged 65 and older is poor, compared with
just eight percent of men. Although older women in Connecticut as a whole and
the United States are also more likely than older men to be poor, the disparity
between older womens and older mens poverty rates is much larger in New Haven
than in the state and nation. In Connecticut, eight percent of women and five
percent of older men are poor; in the United States eleven percent of older women
and seven percent of older men are poor (Figure 3.5).
16
In general, the primary reasons for higher poverty rates among older women
compared with older men are womens low lifetime earnings due to the gender
wage gap, family caregiving responsibilities, and occupational segregation. Older
women are also more likely to experience chronic health conditions that require
intensive personal care and lead to substantial out-of-pocket expenses. Moreover,
many women aged 65 and older are unmarried (separated, widowed, or divorced)
and therefore may not have access to a spouses retirement benefits or other
resources. Womens longer life expectancy (U.S. Census Bureau 2010) also means
that women who are married often outlive their spouses and lose some or all of the
spouses pension benefits as a result (Hartmann and English 2009).
35
16
It is also important to note that the poverty threshold for elderly people ($10,788 for an
individual aged 65 and older in 2011; U.S. Department of Commerce 2011) falls far short of
the cost of living for older women in New Haven. Wider Opportunities for Women has
developed the Elder Economic Security Standard Index (Elder Index) to measure the income
required to meet basic needs for persons older than 65 in the United States. This Index shows
that although [e]xpenses vary widely across different types of communities[t]he statewide
annual average for older single adults [in Connecticut] is $21,000 for [a home owner] with no
mortgage and $24,000 for a single renter (Gerontology Institute, University of Massachusetts
Boston, and Wider Opportunities for Women 2009). Both figures are much higher than the
poverty threshold set by the federal government for elderly persons.
Figure 3.5.
Poverty Rates by Gender and Age in New Haven, Connecticut, and United
States, 20082010
?so| ?rar(g
Given the economic vulnerability of many older women, Social Security provides
an especially important economic base. In 2009, Social Security lifted more than 14
million women and men aged 65 and older above the poverty line; without Social
Securitys programs, one-third of women in the United States aged 6574 and half
of women aged 75 and older would be poor (Hartmann, Hayes, and Drago 2011).
Research suggests that Social Securitys programs were especially critical for women
and men during the recent recession (Hess, Hayes, and Hartmann 2011), as people
experienced a decline in home values (Baker 2009), in home equity (Baker 2011),
and in income from other assets (Hartmann, Hayes, and Drago 2011). Without
Social Security, many more women and men in Connecticut and across the nation
would be unable to make ends meet.
In Connecticut, 94 percent of the population aged 65 and older receives Social
Security benefits, a slightly higher proportion than in the United States as a whole
(92 percent). More older women in the state receive Social Security benefits than
older men (267,626 compared with 197,651), a pattern that also holds true in the
smaller geographic area of New Haven County, where 65,420 women and 46,685
men aged 65 and older are Social Security beneficiaries (Social Security
Administration 2011).
The benefits that Social Security provides, however, are relatively modest. In New
Haven County, the average monthly benefit for women aged 65 and older is
$1,121, compared with $1,453 for comparable men (data are not available for New
Haven City). For women aged 65 and older in Connecticut, the average monthly
36
27%
19%
22%
8%
10%
8%
8%
5%
15%
11% 11%
7%
1864 Years 65 Years and Older 1864 Years 65 Years and Older
Women Men
New Haven
Connecticut
United States
37
benefit is $1,125, slightly higher than the average monthly benefit for comparable
women in the nation ($1,011), but significantly lower than the average monthly
benefit for men aged 65 and older in the state as a whole ($1,476) and in the United
States ($1,332; Social Security Administration 2011).
Despite the modest nature of its benefits, Social Security is a vital source of
economic support, especially for older women. Its programs provide more than
three-fifths of total income for women aged 65 and older and more than half of all
income for men of the same age range (Hartmann, Hayes, and Drago 2011). While
Social Security is important to both women and men, it especially helps older
women, whose longer life expectancy means that they often rely on the program for
a longer period of time. In addition, older women are less likely to have income
from their own pensions (either their own or a spouses or former spouses); only 28
percent of women aged 6574 receive pension income, compared with 42 percent
of men aged 6574. When women do have a pension plan they receive, on average,
less than half as much as men (Hartmann, Hayes, and Drago 2011).
7/r Eorard Dasor 7ox Crrd( (EITC) Darror Foo|r
Esaso ?rar(g
Another option for increasing families economic security is the Earned Income Tax
Credit (EITC), a refundable tax credit for low- and moderate-income working
people. In 2012, working families with children whose annual incomes are below
about $36,900 to $50,300 (depending on marital status and the number of
dependent children) may qualify for the federal EITC (Center on Budget and
Policy Priorities 2012). Each year in New Haven, a team of nonprofit agencies
recruits volunteers to provide free income tax preparation and benefits assessment
for eligible low-income individuals and families and to help those who qualify take
advantage of the EITC. Fifteen Volunteer Income Tax Assessments (VITA) sites are
located throughout New Haven.
?o[r(g dr( [sr Esaso ?rar(g
Like Social Security, other public programs, such as Temporary Aid to Needy
Families (TANF) and Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, formerly
called food stamps), can play a vital role in assisting women and families who lack
economic security. While these forms of assistance alone do not alleviate poverty
for many families, the benefits they offer can lessen the financial hardship some
face and help families make ends meet in difficult economic times.
In New Haven, a higher proportion of households receive cash assistance or food
stamps than in Connecticut as a whole and the United States. Four percent of
households in the city receive cash assistance, compared with two percent in the
state and nation. About one in five households (21 percent) overall in New Haven
and one in three households with children (34 percent) receive food stamps, a
considerably larger proportion than in Connecticut (where 8 percent of all
households and 12 percent of households with children receive food stamps) and
the United States (where 10 percent of all households and 18 percent of households
with children receive food stamps; Figure 3.6).
Figure 3.6.
Percent of All Households and Households with Children Receiving Food
Stamps in New Haven, Connecticut, and United States, 20082010
Note: Households with children includes those with children under age 18.
38
Many parentsdisproportionately single mothersmust choose
between paying for food and rent and paying for disposable diapers. In
some cases, lack of access to diapers hinders parents ability to send
their child to day care. Most day care centers require a substantial
personal supply of disposable diapers, and parents who cannot afford
these diapers are sometimes forced to find riskier childcare options or
stay home with their children, losing the possibility of employment. Since
2004, the New Haven Diaper Bank (TDB) has served families in the New
Haven community and surrounding towns by providing free diapers. The
impact of TDB on the community has led to the introduction of
legislation in the U.S. Congress to ensure that the basic needs of children
are met.
The New Haven Diaper Bank Addresses Poverty
1/7
Nationally, homeownership rates are lower in urban areas than in the suburbs (U.S.
Department of Commerce 2012b).
21%
8%
10%
34%
12%
18%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
All Households
Households with Children
The proportion of households receiving food stamps in New Haven varies widely
by race and ethnicity. Asian households are the least likely to receive food stamps (2
percent), followed by white (6 percent), black (30 percent), and Hispanic
households (39 percent; U.S. Department of Commerce 20082010a).
Hsorsarr/p oad Hsaa
Homeownership is part of the American dream. For many people, owning their
home is the key to ensuring long-term residential and economic stability. In New
Haven, 30 percent of households own their homes, a proportion that is much lower
than in Connecticut as a whole and the United States, where about two-thirds of
households own their homes (69 percent in Connecticut and 66 percent in the
United States).
17
Homeownership rates in New Haven are much higher among
white households (42 percent) than among black and Asian households (23 percent
each) and Hispanic households (22 percent; U.S. Department of Commerce 2008
2010a).
Many New Haven residents lack affordable housing. More than half (52 percent) of
all households in the city spend at least 30 percent of their monthly income on
housing costs (U.S. Department of Commerce 20082010a), a level of housing
costs that the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD)
describes as unaffordable for most families (2003). In Connecticut and the United
States, the proportion of households with unaffordable housing is slightly lower.
Forty-one percent of households in the state and thirty-six percent in the nation
spend thirty percent or more of their monthly income on housing (U.S.
Intake and re-admission data collected by Homeless Management Information
Systems (HMIS) from six emergency shelters (not including domestic violence
shelters) in the New Haven area further indicate that unaffordable housing and
homelessness are serious problems for many women and men.
18
During a one-year
period between January 1, 2010 and December 31, 2010, a total of 2,376 individuals
aged 18 and older (722 women and 1,654 men) sought shelter services. The vast
majority of women (637 of 705, or 90 percent) and men (1,426 of 1,521, or 94
percent) who reported their housing status were homeless or seriously at risk of
becoming homeless.
19, 20
39
18
Five of the six shelters are located in the City of New Haven, with the other located nearby.
19
Four women and 110 men did not know or refused to provide information about their
housing status. Data on homelessness or housing status were also not entered for an
additional 13 women and 23 men. HMIS data provided by Nutmeg Consulting LLC, e-mail
communication, February 17, 2012. Percentages calculated by IWPR.
20
Most, but not all, of those seeking services are residents of New Haven City.
New Haven Home Recovery, Inc. (NHHR), established in response to an
immediate need in the community for shelter for women and their
children, provides a place for 18 single women and 13 women with
children every night.
New Haven Home Recovery Provides Shelter and
Housing Assistance
40
The number of clients seeking help from emergency shelters in the New Haven area
varies considerably according to contextual factors such as age and race or ethnicity.
Among all women seeking services, the largest share were aged 3150 (45 percent),
followed by women aged 1830 (39 percent). The largest share of men seeking
services were also aged 3150 (51 percent). The proportion of older men, however,
seeking services was double the proportion of older women. Twenty-five percent of
adult male clients were aged 5161 and seven percent were aged 62 and older. Only
16 percent of adult female clients were aged 51 and older.
A substantial majority of women and men seeking emergency shelter services in
2010 were either white or black. Among women, 347 of 722 clients (48 percent)
were black and 295 clients (41 percent) were white. Among men, 676 of 1,654
individuals seeking services (41 percent) were black and 625 (38 percent) were
white.
21
Nineteen percent (139 of 722) the women and twenty percent (335 of
1,654) of the men seeking services identified their ethnicity as Hispanic.
In addition to shelters, public housing programs offer another source of assistance
for women (and men) struggling to afford housing. In New Haven, female-headed
households are about three times as likely as male-headed households to reside in
public housing; as of March 16, 2012, a total of 2,079 public housing units in the
city were occupied by 1,522 female headed households and 557 male-headed
households.
22
An additional 3,081 households in New Haven participate in the
Housing Choice Voucher program (formerly Section 8),
23
a program of the federal
government that helps very low-income families to afford housing in the private
market by subsidizing a portion of their rent (U.S. Department of Housing and
Urban Development 2012b). Eighty-eight percent (2,703) of these households are
headed by women.
24
21
IWPR calculations using 2010 HMIS data.
22
Public housing units come in different sizes and types, ranging from single family homes to
high rise complexes, and are managed by local housing agencies that allow low-income
families to live in the units at a cost they can afford. The U.S. Department of Housing and
Urban Development supports public housing programs by administering federal aid to the
local housing agencies (U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development 2012a).
23
New Haven Housing Authority, e-mail communication, March 16, 2012.
24
New Haven Housing Authority, e-mail communication, March 16, 2012.
41
rg Fada
I In 2011, girls in New Haven in third through eighth grades outperformed
boys on nearly every section of the Connecticut Mastery Test, including
in mathematics (in all grades except third and sixth) and in fifth and
eighth grade science, the only years for which data are available by gender
in this subject.
I Women and men in New Haven have similar levels of education,
reflecting the national trend in which women have made steady progress
in closing the education gap with men. Among women in New Haven
from different race and ethnic groups, however, significant disparities in
education levels emerge. More than half of white women (52 percent)
have a bachelors degree or higher, compared with 14 percent of black
women and 12 percent of Hispanic women.
I In New Haven, as in the United States as a whole, men earn more than
women with similar levels of education, leading to a persistent gender
wage gap.
I Women in New Haven with a bachelors degree earn nearly twice as much
as women without a high school diploma.
I Women in the city with bachelors degrees, however, earn less than men
with only some college education or an associates degree.
IV.
Education
42
I Women and men in New Haven are more likely than their counterparts
nationally to hold bachelors degrees or higher. They are also more likely
than women and men across the nation to have less than a high school
diploma.
Da(rsda(sa
Education is a key to womens long-term economic security and stability. In the
United States and around the world, adults with higher levels of education
consistently earn more than those with lower levels and are less likely to live in
poverty (Gornick and Jntii 2010).
Nationally, women have made significant strides in higher education; they now
outnumber men in both undergraduate and graduate degree programs (Snyder and
Dillow 2011). Nonetheless, womens median annual earnings continue to be less
than mens and women are more likely than men to be poor. These factors suggest
that although women on the whole fare well educationally, it is critical to ensure
both that their education prepares them for future economic success and that they
do not face discrimination in the labor market. It is also critical to attend to the
barriers that some girls, particularly those from low-income families, encounter in
striving to achieve their educational goals.
In New Havens public schools, girls outperform boys in many ways. Both girls and
boys from the citys low-income neighborhoods, however, have significantly lower
test scores than students from more affluent neighborhoods and are less likely to
graduate with the skills necessary to succeed in college and later in life (a pattern
that holds true across the state as well; Connecticut Commission on Educational
Achievement 2012). One of New Havens greatest challenges, then, is to close the
gap between wealthy and poor studentsa challenge the city strives to address
through its School Change Initiative. Like school districts across the nation, New
Haven must also face the challenge of examining how well the education system
serves women and girls and prepares them for jobs and careers with family-
sustaining wages.
Eor|g Corr oad Edao(sa
Meeting ones full educational potential often begins with a strong foundation in
early childhood, which for many includes early care and education programs.
Research suggests that participating in these programs helps children to develop
strong social and cognitive skills that prepare them for educational success
(Schweinhart, et al. 2005). Care and education in the early years have many
benefits, including gains in math and language skills, improved scholastic
achievement, and an increased likelihood that a child will enroll in postsecondary
education (Campbell, et al. 2001).
In 20102011, girls
in New Havens third
through eighth
grades scored
higher than boys on
nearly every section
of the Connecticut
Mastery Test (CMT).
25
The New Haven Public School (NHPS) district consists of more than 40 schools that serve a
student body comprised primarily of students of color. Black students constitute the largest
group in New Havens public schools (55 percent), followed by Hispanic students (31 percent)
and white students (11 percent; Appendix II, Table 8).
43
The benefits of strong early care and education programs are particularly important
in places such as New Haven, where a relatively high percentage of young children
face risk factorssuch as poverty and low levels of parental educationthat make it
more difficult to succeed educationally. A study by the Highscope Educational
Research Foundation of more than 120 children born into poverty found that those
who had been enrolled in a high-quality preschool program were much more likely
not only to have graduated from high school, but also to have attended college and
own a home (Schweinhart, et al. 2005).
To address the challenges posed by risk factors such as poverty and limited parental
education, and to help close the achievement gap in New Havens schools, the New
Haven Early Childhood Council has created an early care and education system
that serves about 2,700 children by improving and coordinating their access to high
quality early childhood care and education. The Council has developed child care
centers throughout New Haven and helped boost preschool attendance from 64
percent in 2001 to 73 percent in 2008. It has also worked to improve the quality of
care offered by center and home-based providers, connecting early care and
education teachers to continuing education and professional development
opportunities and assisting providers through the accreditation process (New Haven
Early Childhood Council 2009).
While early care and education programs benefit children in many ways, they also
provide an important workforce support for mothers and fathers. Affordable,
quality child care makes it possible for parents to do their jobs while knowing their
children are receiving adequate care and a strong educational foundation.
Unfortunately, for many families the cost of child care is prohibitively expensive. A
family in Connecticut with two workers that has one preschooler and one
schoolchild pays an average of $1,301 per month for child care, making child care
the largest expense. In some cases, the high cost of child care threatens a familys
economic security or makes it impossible for a second parent to work and add to
the familys income (Wider Opportunities for Women 2012).
For many women, a strong early care and education system is an absolutely critical
form of workforce support. According to one national study, three of four
employed mothers work at least 30 hours per week, and more than nine in ten use
some kind of child care (Boushey and Wright 2004).
Aodro A/r.rora( a dr Ho.ra
Like early care and education, a strong primary and secondary education helps lay
the groundwork for future economic security and stability. In New Haven, girls
appear to be faring fairly well at establishing this foundation relative to their male
counterparts. Recent test results show that in the citys public schools, girls
outperform boys in many ways.
25
In 20102011, girls in New Havens third through
eighth grades scored higher than boys on nearly every section of the Connecticut
Mastery Test (CMT), including in mathematics (in all grades except third and sixth)
and in fifth and eighth grade science, the only years for which data are available by
gender in this subject (Table 4.1). Girls were also significantly more likely to score at
or above proficiency on the writing section of the CMT than boys at every grade
level (Table 4.1).
Although girls generally outperform their male peers in New Havens public
schools in the third through eighth grades, their relative success compared with
boys in high school is more mixed. In 2011, girls in the citys schools received, on
average, better writing scores on the SAT than boys (421 for girls compared with
407 for boys), but girls math, reading, and composite scores in New Haven and
Connecticut were lower than boys. The composite scores of both girls (1221) and
boys (1230) in New Haven are significantly below the average composite scores of
girls (1503) and boys in Connecticut (1525; Table 4.2). They are also well below the
minimum scores required for top colleges in the United States (Connecticut State
Department of Education 2010).
Subject
3rd Grade 4th Grade 5th Grade 6th Grade 7th Grade 8th Grade
Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male
Math 65% 70% 70% 65% 73% 71% 73% 73% 77% 73% 72% 67%
Reading 51% 49% 50% 48% 51% 48% 73% 73% 79% 71% 71% 64%
Writing 72% 54% 77% 60% 83% 65% 78% 65% 65% 49% 67% 50%
Science N/A N/A N/A N/A 61% 57% N/A N/A N/A N/A 56% 50%
Table 4.1.
Percentage of Third Through Eighth Graders Who Scored At or Above Proficiency on Math, Reading,
Science, and Writing by Gender, New Haven, 20102011
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the Connecticut State Department of Education (2012a).
44
Figure 4.1.
Dropout Rates by Gender for New Haven and Connecticut, 20032010
Note: Students in grades 912.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the Connecticut State Department of Education
(2012e).
While test scores in New Havens public schools are lower than in Connecticut as a
whole, recent results from the Connecticut Academic Performance Test (CAPT),
administered to students in grade 10, show that student performance in the citys
schools has improved over the last several years. In all subjects combined
(mathematics, reading, writing, and science), 62 percent of all students tested in
2011 were proficient or more than proficient, compared with 58 percent in 2010,
53 percent in 2009, and 57 percent in 2008. Students in New Haven were most
likely to be proficient (or above proficient) in writing (75 percent), followed by
reading (61 percent), science (58 percent), and mathematics (54 percent;
Connecticut State Department of Education 2012c).
In striving to make educational gains, the New Haven public schools must contend
with certain challenges, including a relatively high proportion of students whose
families lack economic security and stability. Nearly four in five students (78
percent) in New Havens public schools qualify for free- or reduced-price lunch,
compared with one-third (34 percent) of all students in Connecticut (Connecticut
State Department of Education 2012d). New Havens schools also have a dropout
rate that is higher than Connecticuts schools as a whole, with the dropout rates for
boys in both the city and state remaining consistently higher than the dropout rates
for girls. Among girls in New Haven, the dropout rate rose from 5.4 percent in the
20032004 school year to 7.8 percent in the 20082009 school year. For boys in the
city, the dropout rate increased from 6.9 percent in 20032004 to 9.4 percent in
20082009. Some variation occurred in the dropout rates from year to year, with
the 20052006 school year marking the low point for both girls (4.2 percent) and
boys in New Haven (4.3 percent). Between the 20082009 and 20092010 school
year, however, the dropout rates for both girls and boys significantly decreased
(Figure 4.1).
45
5.4%
4.7%
4.2%
5.3%
4.7%
7.8%
5.5%
6.9%
6.5%
4.3%
5.9%
6.8%
9.4%
8.1%
1.4% 1.4%
1.5% 1.5%
1.6%
2.1% 2.0%
2.0% 2.0%
2.1%
1.9%
2.2%
3.8%
3.5%
2003-04 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 2009-10
New Haven Female
New Haven Male
Connecticut Female
Connecticut Male
Table 4.2.
Average SAT Scores by Gender, New Haven and Connecticut, 2011
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the Connecticut State Department of Education
(2012b).
In recent years, the citys schools have also experienced challenges stemming from a
shift in the student body as the number of English language learners (ELLs) has
increased (along with the number of ELLs in Connecticuts schools as a whole). In
New Haven, the number of ELLs has increased significantly between 2001 and
2011, while total enrollment has remained fairly stable. The number of ELLs has
grown from 1,629 students or 8.4 percent of total enrollment in the 20012002
school year, to 2,446 students (or 12.8 percent of total enrollment) in the 2010
2011 school year (Figure 4.2).
46
Subject
Female Male Female Male
Composite 1221 1230 1503 1525
Math 391 409 491 522
Reading 410 413 499 505
Writing 421 407 513 498
8.4%
12.8%
12.6%
13.3%
12.4%
11.4%
10.7%
10.8%
10.3%
9.5%
5.5% 5.3%
5.2%
5.2% 5.2%
5.1%
4.8%
4.5%
4.0%
3.7%
0%
2%
4%
6%
8%
10%
12%
14%
200102 200203 200304 200405 200506 200607 200708 200809 200910 201011
New Haven
Connecticut
Figure 4.2.
Percent of English Language Learners in New Haven and Connecticut Public Schools,
20012011
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the Connecticut State Department of Education (2012f).
Edao(sao| A((oaora(
In New Haven, women and men have similar levels of education, reflecting the
national trend in which women have made steady progress in attaining higher
educational levels and closing the education gap with men. One-third of both
women (32 percent) and men (34 percent) aged 25 and older in the city have a
bachelors degree or higher, and 22 percent of women and 18 percent of men have
some college or an associates degree. One in five women and men (19 and 20
percent, respectively) aged 25 and older in New Haven has less than a high school
diploma (Figure 4.3).
Overall, the educational attainment of women in New Haven is lower than that of
both women and men in Connecticut. In the state as a whole, 35 percent of
women and 37 percent of men have a bachelors degree or higher; 27 percent of
women and 23 percent of men have some college or an associates degree. Only 12
percent of men and 11 percent of women in Connecticut have less than a high
school diploma (Figure 4.3).
The comparisons between the education levels of New Havens residents and those
of women and men across the nation, however, are more mixed, with more
individuals in New Haven concentrated at both the high end and the low end of
the educational spectrum. Women and men in the city are more likely than their
counterparts in the nation as a whole to have a bachelors degree or higher. At the
same time, women and men in New Haven are more likely than women and men
in the United States to have less than a high school diploma (Figure 4.3).
Much like women and men overall in New Haven, immigrant women in the city
tend to fall into disparate groups when it comes to education. More than four in
ten (44 percent) have a bachelors degree or higher, a larger proportion than
immigrant men (36 percent) in New Haven as well as immigrant women (31
percent) and immigrant men (32 percent) in Connecticut. The relatively large
proportion of immigrant women in New Haven with at least a bachelors degree
may be due to a sizable presence of immigrant women as students and staff at the
citys largest employers, Yale University and the Yale-New Haven Hospital. At the
same time, one in four (25 percent) immigrant women in New Haven has less than
a high school diploma, a proportion that is similar to immigrant men in the city (24
percent) and immigrant women and men in Connecticut (23 percent each), but
much higher than native-born women and men in New Haven (17 percent each)
and Connecticut (nine percent and 10 percent, respectively; Appendix II, Table 9).
47
Figure 4.3.
Educational Attainment of Women and Men Aged 25 Years and Older in
New Haven, Connecticut, and United States, 20082010
When comparing the educational attainment of women in New Haven from
different race and ethnic groups, significant disparities emerge. In New Haven,
more than half (52 percent) of white women hold a bachelors degree or higher,
compared with 14 percent of black women and 12 percent of Hispanic women
(Figure 4.4). The same pattern exists in Connecticut as a whole and in the nation.
In Connecticut, 38 percent of white women hold a bachelors degree or higher,
compared with 18 percent of black women and 16 percent of Hispanic women.
In the United States, 30 percent of white women, 19 percent of black women,
and 14 percent of Hispanic women have a bachelors degree or higher (Appendix
II, Table 10).
15%
14%
12%
11%
20%
19%
29%
28%
28%
28%
28%
27%
28%
30%
23%
27%
18%
22%
29%
28%
37%
35%
34%
32%
0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Less Than a High
School Diploma
High School
Diploma or Equivalent
Some College
or Associate's Degree
Bachelor's Degree
or Higher
48
Figure 4.4.
Educational Attainment of Women Aged 25 and Older by Race/Ethnicity,
New Haven, 20082010
Notes: Sample size is insufficient to reliably estimate the educational attainment of Asian
women.
Edao(sa oad Eoraa
Wage data show the importance of postsecondary education for women in New
Haven and across the nation. In New Haven, the median annual earnings for
female workers with less than a high school diploma are about half ($18,306) the
median annual earnings for those with a bachelors degree ($35,660). Among male
workers in the city, the same pattern holds true: the median annual earnings for
those with less than a high school diploma are $23,859, compared with $42,790 for
those with a bachelors degree. Women and men with a graduate or professional
degree have the highest earnings ($45,944 and $55,725, respectively; Figure 4.5).
Although women benefit economically from achieving higher levels of education,
men experience greater returns in the labor market from education. In New Haven,
as in Connecticut and the United States, male workers earn more than female
workers with equivalent levels of education (Figure 4.5; Appendix II, Table 11). This
disparity in earnings is due not only to discrimination in the labor force, but also to
occupational segregation. Research shows that at each skill level (low, medium,
high), female-dominated professions, such as teaching and social work, are lower-
paid than male-dominated professions, such as computer software engineering and
construction management (Hegewisch, et al. 2010).
9%
23%
16%
52%
20%
35%
31%
14%
42%
30%
17%
12%
Less Than High
School Diploma
High School
Diploma or Equivalent
Some College or
Associate's Degree
Bachelor's Degree or
Higher
White Black Hispanic
In New Haven, the
median annual
earnings for female
workers with less
than a high school
diploma are about
half ($18,306) the
median annual
earnings for those
with a bachelors
degree ($35,660).
49
Edao(sa oad s.rr(g
A close look at poverty rates among women and men with varying education levels
indicates that education is crucial to womens (and mens) basic economic security.
In New Haven, nearly half (47 percent) of women with less than a high school
diploma live in poverty, compared with one in four (25 percent) of those with a
high school diploma or the equivalent and just 12 percent of those with a
bachelors degree or higher. Men without a high school diploma are also much
more likely to live in poverty than men with a college or advanced degree (29
percent compared with 10 percent; Figure 4.6). In both Connecticut and the
United States, this pattern of lower poverty rates among those with higher
education levels also holds true (Table 4.3).
While having higher levels of education is critical to the economic security of both
women and men, the economic risks of not completing secondary education are far
greater for women. Women in New Haven who do not have a high school diploma
are 62 percent more likely than comparable men to be poor (Figure 4.6). In
Connecticut as a whole and in the United States, women without a high school
diploma or the equivalent are also significantly more likely than comparable men
to be poor, although the difference in their poverty rates is somewhat smaller. In
the state, women without a high school diploma or the equivalent are 44 percent
more likely than men without a high school diploma or the equivalent to be poor;
in the nation, women are 36 percent more likely than men to live below the federal
poverty line (Table 4.3)
$18,306
$23,325
$29,505
$35,660
$45,944
$23,859
$27,280
$37,200
$42,790
$55,725
$0
$10,000
$20,000
$30,000
$40,000
$50,000
$60,000
Less Than High
School Diploma
High School
Diploma or
Equivalent
Some College or
Associate's Degree
Bachelor's Degree Graduate or
Professional Degree
Women
Men
Figure 4.5.
Median Annual Earnings by Gender and Educational Attainment, Aged 25 Years and Older, New
Haven, 20062010
Notes: 2010 inflation-adjusted dollars.
Includes full- and part-time workers.
Source: IWPR compilation of American Community Survey data accessed through the American Fact Finder (U.S.
50
Figure 4.6.
Poverty Rates for the Population Aged 25 Years and Older by Educational
Attainment and Gender, New Haven, 20082010
The low earnings and high poverty rates of women with lower levels of education
make it especially important to ensure that all women and girls have access to
higher education and the support necessary to succeed in achieving their
educational goals. Women who are parents, in particular, often encounter
distinctive challenges in pursuing their educational goals, including the need for
child care and for greater and more specialized student services for those raising
children (Miller, Gault, and Thorman 2011).
Women in New
Haven who do not
have a high school
diploma are 62
percent more likely
than comparable
men to be poor.
51
To address the growing financial burden of pursuing higher education,
the City of New Haven has partnered with Yale University and the
Community Foundation for Greater New Haven to create New Haven
Promise, a scholarship program that works to ensure that all New Haven
public school students have the opportunity to pursue postsecondary
education, regardless of their financial circumstances. The Promise
scholarship, which provides full tuition to any public, in-state college or
university, and up to $2,500 annually for any private, in-state institution,
is available to all New Haven Public School students with a cumulative
3.0 GPA and at least ninety percent attendance in high school (New
Haven Public Schools 2012b). In the first year of Promise which is
part of the larger initiative launched in 2009 in New Haven called School
Change71 girls and 41 boys received the scholarship.
Higher Education: A New Haven Promise
47%
25%
17%
12%
29%
25%
10% 10%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
45%
50%
Less Than High
School Diploma
High School
Diploma or
Equivalent
Some College or
Associate's Degree
Bachelor's Degree
or Higher
Women
Men
Educational
Attainment
Women Men Women Men Women Men
Population 25 Years and Older with Earnings
Less Than High
School Diploma 47% 29% 26% 18% 30% 22%
High School Diploma
or Equivalent 25% 25% 11% 8% 14% 11%
Some College or
Associate's Degree 17% 10% 8% 5% 11% 7%
Bachelor's Degree 12% 10% 3% 2% 4% 4%
Table 4.3.
Poverty Rates by Gender and Educational Attainment in New Haven, Connecticut, and United States,
Aged 25 Years and Older, 20082010
Source: IWPR calculations based on American Community Survey data accessed through the American Fact Finder (U.S. Department
of Commerce 20082010a).
52
53
rg Fada
I The availability of reliable, gender-specific health data for New Haven City
varies greatly by health condition, highlighting the need for expanded data
collection and distribution. Particularly pressing gaps in data include
information about cardiovascular disease, various forms of cancer, mental
health conditions, and addictive behaviors, including smoking.
I Women in New Haven are more likely than men to have health
insurance. White women have the highest rate of coverage among women
and men in the city at 95 percent. Hispanic men have the lowest coverage
rates (58 percent). Although women overall have higher rates of coverage
than men, significant disparities exist between women of different races
and ethnicities. Twenty-one percent of Hispanic women in New Haven
are uninsured, compared with five percent of white women and ten
percent of black women.
I Overall, black and Hispanic women in New Haven have worse health
outcomes than the citys white women, particularly on indicators of maternal
health. New Havens black women have the highest rates of infant mortality
and babies born at low birth weight, and black and Hispanic women in the
city and are less likely than white women to have adequate prenatal care.
I Approximately half of girls (47 percent) as well as half of boys (51
percent) are overweight.
V.
Health and
Well-Being
26
Those with health insurance were covered by one of the following options at the time the
American Community Survey data were collected: (1) employer-provided insurance; (2)
privately purchased insurance; (3) Medicare; (4) Medicaid or other governmental insurance;
(5) TRICARE or other military care; or (6) Veterans Administration-provided insurance. The
Census Bureau does not consider respondents to have coverage if their only coverage is
from Indian Health Services (IHS), since IHS policies are not always comprehensive.
54
Da(rsda(sa
Health is a critical and complicated component of womens and girls lives. Poor
health can pose serious obstacles to economic stability, educational attainment, and
employment opportunities, just as good health can help women prosper in all of
these areas. Yet, health can also be quite hard to control. A persons health is
shaped by personal factors such as genetics, family history, and lifestyle choices, as
well as by ones environment. The contexts in which people live and work play very
important roles in determining whether they are protected from or put at risk of
disease, as well as the diseases to which they are exposed (World Health
Organization 2008).
Overall, Connecticut residents enjoy relatively good health, but there are very
serious and striking health disparities across the state, particularly in communities
with significant populations of low-income residents and people of color. As one of
the states few urban cores where a majority of residents are ethnic minorities and
many live in poverty, New Haven suffers from pronounced racial and ethnic health
disparities. For example, New Havens black and Hispanic residents have far higher
rates of infant mortality, babies born with low birth weight, and teen births than the
citys white residents. Some evidence also suggests that certain chronic diseases
such as heart disease, diabetes, and strokedisproportionately affect the citys black
and Hispanic women.
Despite these disparities, women in New Haven often have better health outcomes
than their male counterparts. For example, when accounting for distributional age
differences among women and men, women are less likely to die from heart disease
and stroke. While the exact reasons for these differences are unclear, they may stem
partly from the fact that women are more likely to engage in preventive care
measures, such as making regular visits to the doctor and maintaining healthy
eating habits (American Society for Microbiology 2008; Bertakis, et al. 2000).
Ar (s Hro|(/ Corr: Hro|(/ Daaroar Cs.rror
Health insurance is critical to the ability of women and girls to access health care.
In general, women in New Haven, as in Connecticut and the United States, are
insured at higher rates than men. The largest difference between women and men
occurs within the Hispanic population; 79 percent of Hispanic women are insured,
compared with 58 percent of Hispanic men.
26
Although women in New Haven
enjoy relatively high rates of health insurance coverage, substantial disparities exist
in the city among women of different race and ethnic groups. White women are the
most likely to have health insurance coverage (95 percent), followed by black
women (90 percent) and Hispanic women (79 percent). Women of all three race
and ethnic groups are, on the whole, more likely to have health insurance coverage
than comparable women in Connecticut and the United States (Table 5.1).
Table 5.1.
Health Insurance Coverage by Gender and Race/Ethnicity in New Haven,
Connecticut, and United States, 20082010
et al. 2010).
C/rsa Oror
Despite relatively high rates of health insurance coverage in New Haven, chronic
diseases, which are the most common causes of death (Kung, et al. 2008) and
disability (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2006) in the United States,
pose a serious concern for many women in New Haven. In particular, available data
on cardiovascular disease, cancer, HIV/AIDs, diabetes, and asthma suggest that
each affects the health and well-being of many of the citys women and girls.
Cardiovascular Disease and Diabetes
Women in New Haven are less likely than men to die from cardiovascular disease
(heart disease or stroke) or diabetes (when using an age-adjusted mortality rate,
which accounts for distributional age differences among population groups;
White
With Health
Insurance
Coverage 95% 89% 95% 92% 90% 87%
Black
With Health
Insurance
Coverage 90% 83% 88% 80% 82% 73%
Hispanic
With Health
Insurance
Coverage 79% 58% 79% 65% 66% 57%
55
27
Since rates of cancer incidence and mortality are not available for New Haven City, county
rates are used here instead. New Haven County, however, has different demographics than
New Haven City, so the rates presented do not necessarily present an accurate depiction of
cancer incidence among women in the New Haven City.
56
Appendix II, Table 16). Nonetheless, these diseases pose a serious concern for many
women in New Haven, particularly among women from the most under-resourced
neighborhoods, which are predominantly black and Hispanic. When surveyed for a
project conducted by the Community Alliance for Research and Engagement
(CARE), women in New Havens six most under-resourced neighborhoods reported
rates of heart disease and diabetesas well as obesity, asthma, and high cholesterol
that were above those of the surveys male respondents (Ickovics, Rosenthal, and
Carroll-Scott N.d.). Although these data suggest that there may be gender
differences in these diseases in New Haven, there is insufficient citywide data
collected on these conditions. Therefore, it is difficult to draw definitive
conclusions about the extent to which women and men are affected by them.
Cancer
In recent decades, the nation has made considerable progress in the prevention,
detection, and treatment of certain forms of cancer. Nevertheless, cancer is the
second leading cause of death for all women in the United States, after heart disease
(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2011a). Lung and breast cancer are the
forms of cancer from which women are most likely to die (Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention 2012).
In New Haven County, women of all races and ethnicities combined fare slightly
better than in Connecticut when it comes to the incidence of breast cancer, with an
average incidence of 136.7 per 100,000 (compared with 137.3 for the state) between
2005 and 2009.
27
The rates for white and Hispanic women in the county are lower
than the comparable rates for white and Hispanic women in Connecticut.
Conversely, black women in New Haven County have a higher incidence of breast
cancer than black women in Connecticut (122.4 vs. 114.6; Figure 5.1). Since the
demographic profiles of New Haven County and New Haven City, however, are
very different, the cancer rates for New Haven County are not necessarily indicative
of the citys rates.
While women overall in New Haven County have a slightly lower incidence rate of
breast cancer than in Connecticut as a whole, they have slightly higher rates of
cervical cancer compared with all women across the state. In New Haven County,
women have an average cervical cancer incidence of 7.1 per 100,000 from 2005
2009, compared with 6.1 per 100,000 in the state as a whole. In both New Haven
County and Connecticut, Hispanics have the highest cervical cancer rates (9.3 and
10.7 per 100,000, respectively), followed by blacks (8.5 per 100,000 in New Haven
County and 7.6 per 100,000 in Connecticut) and whites (6.6 per 100,000 in New
Haven County and 5.4 per 100,000 in Connecticut; Appendix II, Table 17).
Womens incidence rates of ovarian cancer in New Haven County are slightly lower
than their rates of ovarian cancer in Connecticut as a whole. From 20052009, the
incidence rate of ovarian cancer for women in New Haven County was 12.5 per
100,000, compared with 12.9 per 100,000 for women in the state. In both New
Haven County and Connecticut, white and Hispanic women had higher incidence
rates of ovarian cancer than black women (Appendix II, Table 18).
HIV/AIDS
As of 2009, close to half (46 percent) of the 10,574 people in Connecticut living
with HIV/AIDS resided in New Haven, Bridgeport, or Hartford (Connecticut
Department of Public Health 2010). In New Haven, as in the state of Connecticut
as a whole, the number of new cases of HIV/AIDS in the city has declined
dramatically in recent years, dropping from 106 new diagnoses in 2002 to 41 in
139.5
122.4
126.1
136.7
119.2
98.7
137.3
140.2
114.6
73.9
0.0
20.0
40.0
60.0
80.0
100.0
120.0
140.0
160.0
All Races/Ethnicities White Black Hispanic Asian/Pacific Islander
Race/Ethnicity
I
n
c
i
d
e
n
c
e

R
a
t
e

p
e
r

1
0
0
,
0
0
0
New Haven County
Connecticut
57
Figure 5.1.
Breast Cancer Incidence Rates by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven County and Connecticut,
20052009
Note: Whites are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or
Latino may be of any race.
Source: IWPR compilation of 20052009 data from the National Cancer Institute (2010).
28
For both adults and children, the rates of hospitalizations for asthma were considerably
higher in New Haven and similar urban areas in the state between 2001 and 2005 than in
the rest of Connecticut. A fact sheet by the Connecticut Department of Public Health
(2009b) shows that among all residents in the states five largest cities (Bridgeport,
Hartford, New Haven, Stamford, and Waterbury), the asthma hospitalization rate for this
five-year period among all residents was 27.0 per 10,000, compared with 9.9 per 10,000 for
the rest of Connecticut. In each of the five cities and in the rest of Connecticut, rates of
hospitalization were higher for adult women than adult men.
29
The sample size is too small to reliably estimate the CMR for Hispanic men and women in
New Haven.
58
2010, with some variation from year to year (Connecticut Department of Public
Health 2012). During this time period, womens share of new diagnoses also
decreased (from 47 percent in 2002 to 32 percent in 2010), with the low point
occurring in 2009, when women made up just 15 percent of newly diagnosed cases
in the city (Connecticut Department of Public Health 2012). More research
including research disaggregated by gender, age, and race/ethnicityis needed to
examine trends among women of different race and ethnic groups.
Asthma
In New Haven, adult women are significantly more likely than men to be
hospitalized for asthma; between 2001 and 2005, their hospitalization rates were
39.7 per 10,000, compared with 22.1 per 10,000 for adult men (Appendix II, Table
12). Girls (aged 017) in the city, however, were less likely to be hospitalized for
asthma than boys; the asthma hospitalization rate for girls was 64.0 per 10,000
compared with 78.9 per 10,000 for boys (Appendix II, Table 13). Among both
children and adults, blacks and Hispanics in New Haven were much more likely to
be hospitalized for asthma than their white counterparts (Appendix II, Tables 14
and 15).
28
Burden of Disease
While an age-adjusted mortality rate suggests that women in New Haven are less
likely than men to die from heart disease and stroke, a different result emerges
when a crude mortality rate (CMR) is used. Unlike the age-adjusted mortality rate,
the crude mortality rate does not account for age differences among groups and
thus shows the burden of disease for populations, rather than the risk of disease. In
New Haven, women of all races and ethnicities combined have a slightly higher
crude mortality rate (CMR) than comparable men for heart disease (146 compared
with 144 per 100,000), diabetes (23 compared with 20 per 100,000), and strokes (32
compared with 28 per 100,000; Table 5.2), indicating that the burden of these
diseases is slightly higher for women.
White women have much higher crude mortality rates from heart disease and
strokes than black women, while black women have a higher CMR for diabetes
(Table 5.2). These differences between CMRs for white and black women may be
due partly to the different age structures between the two groups. Because the
average age for white women in New Haven is higher than the average age for black
women, white women may experience more heart disease as well as other diseases
that disproportionately affect older people.
2
9
Table 5.2.
Crude Mortality Rates per 100,000 for Selected Causes by Gender and
Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 20052009
Notes: Whites and blacks are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic; and black, not
Hispanic.
Source: City of New Haven calculations based on data from Connecticut Department of Public
Health Death Master File and the 2010 U.S. Census (City of New Haven 2012a).
With regard to cancer, white women in New Haven City have a significantly higher
crude mortality rate for breast cancer than black women (Figure 5.2). There are not
enough incidences of ovarian and cervical cancer to reliably estimate the crude
mortality rates for these causes among women in New Haven.
Figure 5.2.
Crude Mortality Rates for Breast Cancer per 100,000 Women by
Hispanic.
Source: City of New Haven calculations based on data from Connecticut Department of Public
Health Death Master File and the 2010 U.S. Census (City of New Haven 2012a).
All Races White Black
Cause of Death Women Men Women Men Women Men
Coronary
Heart Disease 145 144 295 235 123 166
Diabetes 23 20 27 22 36 32
Stroke 32 28 65 47 29 26
59
27.7
52.4
29.7
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
All Races White Black
M
o
r
t
a
l
i
t
y

R
a
t
e

p
e
r

1
0
0
,
0
0
0
Girls Health in New Haven: Health Behaviors and Chronic
Disease
When started at an early age, certain behaviors, such as tobacco and alcohol use
and poor dietary habits, can lead to chronic diseases later in life. A 2011 survey by
the Community Alliance for Research and Engagement (CARE) of students in
twelve kindergarten through eighth grade schools in New Haven found that a
significant proportion of both girls and boys in this age group engage in health
behaviors that could negatively affect their well-being in the years to come.
Approximately half (47 percent of girls and 51 percent of boys) of those surveyed
were overweight or obese, a problem that may stem from poor dietary habits and
inadequate physical activity. Four in ten boys and more than one in three girls (35
percent) surveyed in the CARE study reported drinking more than three cans of
soda or sugar-sweetened beverages per day. Only 16 percent of girls and 21 percent
of boys said they eat at least five servings of fruits and vegetables every day, and just
13 percent of girls and 24 percent of boys reported getting an average of at least one
hour of physical activity each day.
The poor health behaviors of many girls and boys surveyed do not necessarily stem
from a lack of information about good health provided in New Havens local
schools. About half (51 percent) of both girls and boys surveyed said they had seen
or heard messages in school about nutrition most or all of the time. A slightly
larger proportion (58 percent of girls and 57 percent of boys) reported the same
about exercise (Peters, et al. N.d.).
Prprsda(.r oad mo(rrao| Hro|(/
Access to prenatal care and perinatal/postnatal mental health services are important
indicators in assessing womens health status. Without these services, women and
their children are more likely to experience negative health outcomes.
Prenatal Care
Women who receive adequate prenatal care are, in general, more likely to deliver
healthy babies (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2009).
30
In New
Haven, however, one in four pregnant women receives non-adequate prenatal care.
The proportion of women receiving non-adequate care varies across race and ethnic
groups: black women and Hispanic women are more likely (28 percent and 25
percent, respectively) to receive non-adequate care than white women (21 percent;
30
The Connecticut Department of Public Health bases their designation of adequate and non-
adequate prenatal care on the Adequacy of Prenatal Care Utilization (APNCU) Index. The
index characterizes prenatal care based on utilization of prenatal services, namely the
adequacy of timing of the initiation of prenatal care (i.e., how soon care began after gestation
began) and the utilization of prenatal care visits after care has been initiated (i.e., how
regularly the mother had prenatal care visits after her first visit). The APNCU Index does not
evaluate the adequacy of the care provided, but only how often and how early the care was
received (Kotelchuck 1994).
60
Figure 5.3). To address these disparities, it is critical to assist women in accessing
prenatal services and, where these services are lacking, to work toward increasing
their availability.
Infant Mortality
New Havens infant mortality rate (IMR) is relatively high compared with that of
the entire state. Between 2005 and 2009 the annual average IMR for women of all
races and ethnicities combined in New Haven was 11.8 per 1,000 live births.
During the same time period, the IMR for Connecticut was 6.0 per 1,000
(Connecticut Department of Public Health 2011a).
In New Haven, there are significant disparities in infant mortality rates among
women from different race and ethnic groups. Between 2005 and 2009, the average
infant mortality rates for blacks and Hispanics in New Haven were 18.3 and 10.3
per 1,000 live births respectively, while the IMR for whites in the city was 6.2 per
1,000 live births (Figure 5.4).
61
25%
21%
28%
25%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
All Races/Ethnicities White Black Hispanic
Figure 5.3.
Percent of Women Receiving Non-Adequate Prenatal Care by
Notes: For mothers of all ages.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the 2008 Connecticut Department of Public Health
Registration Report (Connecticut Department of Public Health 2011a).
Figure 5.4.
Annual Infant Mortality Rates per 1,000 Live Births by Race/Ethnicity, New
Haven, 20052009
Note: Race categories are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic; black, not Hispanic; and
other, not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any
race. 2009 data are categorized as provisional by the City of New Haven.
Source: City of New Haven calculations based on birth and death certificates recorded by the
New Haven Health Department (City of New Haven 2011a).
Low Birth Weight
Babies with low birth weights are a health concern in both New Haven and
Connecticut. Among New Havens live births in 2008, 11 percent of babies had
low birth weights (LBW), compared with eight percent in Connecticut. In 2008,
babies with low birth weight made up 16 percent of the births to black women in
New Haven, compared with eight percent to white and Hispanic women and nine
percent to women of other races and ethnicities (Table 5.3). In 2008, babies born to
black women made up the largest share of those born with low birth weight in New
Haven at 51 percent, followed by those born to Hispanic women (28 percent) and
white women (17 percent; Connecticut Department of Public Health 2011a).
In the fall of 2011, New Haven became one of five cities in the nation to
participate in a national initiative to address racial disparities in infant
mortality. The Partnership to Eliminate Disparities in Infant Mortality
(PEDIM) Action Learning Collaborative, funded in part by the W.K.
Kellogg Foundation, brings together multi-disciplinary state and local
teams to collaboratively develop innovative strategies for addressing
these racial inequities.
The Partnership to Eliminate Disparities in Infant Mortality
62
60
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009
All Races/Ethnicities
White
Black
Hispanic
I
M
R

P
e
r

1
,
0
0
0

L
i
v
e

B
i
r
t
h
s
Year
Table 5.3.
Babies Born with Low Birth Weight as Percent of All Births, by Race and
Ethnicity of Mother, New Haven and Connecticut, 2008
race. Other refers to cases where a self-reported race is something other than white or black
but is not marked as unknown.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the 2008 Connecticut Department of Public Health
Registration Report (Connecticut Department of Public Health 2011a).
Teenage Pregnancy
Teenage pregnancy can have serious educational and economic consequences for
both the mother and child. While teen birth rates are declining in New Haven and
Race/Ethnicity
Number Percent Number Percent
All
Races/Ethnicities 234 11% 3,214 8%
White 39 8% 1,553 7%
Black 120 16% 684 14%
Hispanic 65 8% 706 8%
Other 10 9% 256 9%
63
New Haven Healthy Start (NHHS) is a federally-funded urban health
initiative to reduce rates of infant mortality and racial and ethnic health
disparities in birth outcomes. The program uses a consumer/community
driven approach to address infant mortality through the lens of the Life
Course Health Perspective, targeting the social determinants of health
that contribute to health inequities. NHHS implements a care
coordination model that includes outreach, care coordination, case
management, and education and training. During the 2011 calendar
year, NHHS provided care coordination services to 867 pregnant
women: 792 of these pregnant women received outreach services; and
623 infants were provided with care coordination services. Since 2002,
NHHS has served 14,035 women and 7,906 infants.
Creating a Healthy Start for Women and Children
60.6
13.4
71.1
102.3
51.8
10.3
61.8
133.3
46.0
9.8
54.9
90.9
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
110
120
130
140
150
B
i
r
t
h

r
a
t
e

p
e
r

1
,
0
0
0
2000
2006
2008
In August 2010, New Havens School Based Health Centers (SBHCs)
began providing hormonal contraception to students who obtained
parental permission to use the SBHC. Since then, more than 2,500 visits
for comprehensive adolescent reproductive health care have occurred,
where students received abstinence and contraceptive counseling,
condoms, and hormonal contraception.
New Havens School-Based Health Centers Provide
Outreach
Note: Whites and blacks are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic; and black, not Hispanic. Persons whose
ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race.
Source: IWPR calculations based on the 2000, 2006, and 2008 Connecticut Department of Public Health Registration
Reports (Connecticut Department of Public Health 2011a), using population data from the 2006 and 2008 American
Community Survey (ACS) and the 2000 U.S. Census.
Figure 5.5.
Teen Birth Rates in New Haven per 1,000 Teens Aged 1519 by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven,
2000, 2006, and 2008
64
nationally, these rates (for teens aged 1519) in New Haven are double the rates for
Connecticut, with black and Hispanic girls in the city comprising about 94 percent
of all births to teenage mothers in 2008 (Appendix II, Table 19). Teen birth rates in
New Haven have dropped dramatically in the past decade, declining from 60.6 per
1,000 girls in 2000 to 46.0 per 1,000 in 2008. While birth rates for teens of all races
and ethnicities combined have declined significantly since 2000, for Hispanic teens
this drop began in 2006 (Figure 5.5).
65
Mental Health and Pregnancy
Research shows that depression disproportionately affects women (Mazure and
Keita 2006; New Haven MOMS Partnership 2012; Smith, et al. 2011) and, in New
Haven, may be a significant issue among the citys low-income mothers. One study
of 1,100 pregnant women and mothers with children from 02 years of age at
public OB/GYN clinics in New Haven (which serve disproportionately low-income
mothers) found that eighteen percent of the women had probable depression, and
those with probable depression were more than one and a half times more likely to
have given birth to a pre-term baby (Smith, et al. 2011).
?rxao| Hro|(/
National data show that women are more likely than men to get a sexually
transmitted infection (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2012). In
keeping with this trend, women in New Haven are much more likely to be
diagnosed with chlamydia and gonorrhea than their male counterparts. In 2010, the
chlamydia rate for women and girls aged 10 and older was 182.4 per 10,000,
compared with 64.3 per 10,000 for comparable males (Appendix II, Table 20). In
the same year, the gonorrhea rate for women and girls aged 10 and older was 34.2
per 10,000, compared with 26.2 per 10,000 for men and boys of the same age range
(Appendix II, Table 21). While the exact causes behind womens higher reported
rates are unclear, it is likely due to both their increased riskwomen are biologically
more susceptible to certain STIsand the fact that women visit the doctor more
often and, therefore, might be more likely to be screened for STIs (Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention 2011b).
On average, women in New Haven have much higher rates of chlamydia and
gonorrhea than comparable women in Connecticut. The chlamydia rate of 182.4
per 10,000 for women in New Haven was more than three times the rate for all
women in Connecticut (56.7). The gonorrhea rate of 34.2 per 10,000 women in
New Haven was nearly four times the rate for all women in the state (8.9 per
10,000; Appendix II, Tables 22 and 23).
31
In New Haven, black women and men
have higher incidence rates for both infections than their white and Hispanic
counterparts (Appendix II, Tables 20 and 21). In New Haven, as in much of the
nation, teens between the ages of 15 and 19 make up a significant proportion of
diagnosed cases of gonorrhea and chlamydia among the female population. In New
Haven, approximately four in ten diagnosed cases of both diseases are among pre-
teens and teens aged 1019 (Appendix II, Table 24).
The higher rates of chlamydia and gonorrhea infection among women and men in
New Haven compared with those in Connecticut as a whole are likely due largely
to the fact that New Haven is, unlike most of Connecticut, an urban center.
31
Incidence rates for chlamydia and gonorrhea were calculated using data on diagnosed cases
of these STIs provided by the Connecticut Department of Public Health (2011b) and
population data from the 2010 U.S. Census.
The New Haven Mental Health Outreach for MotherS (MOMS)
Partnership develops public health approaches to ensuring that
pregnant and parenting women who live in the City of New Haven
achieve the highest possible standards of mental health and well-being
throughout their lives. In 2011, a needs assessment done on the 513
pregnant or parenting mothers who participate in the MOMS
Partnership (Mental Health Outreach for MotherS) found that many
experience significant barriers to mental health care, such as fear of
losing custody of their children (18 percent), being unsure where to go
for help (27 percent), and feeling embarrassed about needing care (24
percent). A central goal of MOMS is to help women reduce stress in their
lives through the provision of high quality mental health services in
community settings.
The MOMS Partnership Provides a New Collaboration for
the Health of Mothers
Until recent years, women were not fully included as subjects in health
research. Womens Health Research at Yale was founded in 1998 to help
close the scientific knowledge gap created by the historical exclusion of
women in health studies. This center initiates and supports medical
research on an array of pressing womens health concerns, including
heart disease, cancers, bone health, depression, and addictive behaviors
such as smoking. It engages and collaborates with the community to
advance the well-being of women. One of its key goals is to provide
real-world findings that can be used by the community to improve health
and health care.
Womens Health Research at Yale Provides Gender-
Specific Data on Causes and Treatments of Disease and
on Health Promotion
66
Nationwide, metropolitan areas have high rates of sexually transmitted infections,
often between one and a half and three times the national average (Benbow 2007).
While these rates can be attributed in part to increased STI testing in urban areas,
they also stem from the complex interplay of poverty, racial inequality,
homelessness, and incarceration present in racially diverse cities such as New
Haven. Low-income urban communities are more likely to have problems with
drug use (Nandi, et al. 2010) and residential segregation (Lichter, Parisi, and
Taquino 2011), both of which increase the risk of transmitting and contracting an
STI for those who live there.
67
rg Fada
I Community violence affects both women and men in New Haven,
although in different ways. Women are disproportionately vulnerable to
domestic violence and rape, while men are more likely than women to be
homicide victims.
I Domestic violence undermines the economic security and safety of many
women and girls in New Haven. Between July 1, 2010, and June 30, 2011,
one local organization that works with domestic violence cases in the
Greater New Haven area received 2,291 calls to its 24-hour hotline and was
involved with 5,788 court and 1,651 non-court cases.
I Youth violence threatens the safety of many teen girls (and boys) in New
Haven. According to one recent survey, nearly half of girls and about six in
ten boys in the seventh and eighth grades in New Havens public schools
say they have started a fistfight. Eighteen percent of girls and approximately
three in ten boys report they have hurt someone badly in a physical fight,
and more than one in ten girls and one in five boys say they have
participated in gang fights.
VI.
Crime and
Safety
Da(rsda(sa
Feeling safe in our communities, schools, and neighborhoods is essential to the
well-being of women and girls. Without a sense of safety, the ability to thrive is
significantly compromised. Unfortunately, many women, men, and children in
New Havenas in Connecticut and the United States as a wholelive with the
threat or reality of violence on an ongoing basis.
The experiences of women and girls with violence in New Haven differ from those
of men and boys. Women are disproportionately vulnerable to domestic violence
and rape; men are more likely than women to be homicide victims. These forms of
violence are crucial to address, since experiencing or witnessing violence can have
profound short- and long-term physical, social, and psychological consequences
(Crowne, et al. 2011; Gudino, Nadeem, Kataoka, and Lau 2011; McKelvey, et al.
2011).
While violence can affect people from all backgrounds, contextual factors such as
poverty status, gender, and race/ethnicity make some individuals more vulnerable
than others (Truman 2011). The prevalence of violence in New Haven, particularly
in low-income neighborhoods, points to the need to strengthen community
initiatives that ensure the safety of women, men, and children.
vs|ra( Cror
Violent crime rates are one resource for assessing crime and safety in a given area.
32
According to statistics collected by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, in 2010
there were 1,992 violent crimes reported in New Haven, or 16.0 per 1,000 residents.
These numbers reflect an overall decline in reported violent crime in New Haven
between 1990 and 2010. From 1990 to 2000, a sharp decrease in violent crime took
place in the city (there were a total of 3,991 violent crimes in 1990 and 1,715 in
2000). The number of violent crimes rose again between 2000 and 2010 with some
variation from year to year, but did not return to 1990 levels (Table 6.1).
33
In 2011,
however, the number of murder and non-negligent manslaughter victims in New
Haven rose to 34, exceeding the number of victims of these crimes in 1990 (31;
68
32
Different sources of data on violence define the term in different ways. The Federal Bureau
of Investigation (FBI) focuses on violent crime and includes within this category murder and
non-negligent manslaughter, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault, which usually involves
the use of a weapon and is likely to result in serious bodily harm (U.S. Department of
Justice 2012a). Other sources define violence to include a wider range of actions, such as
fighting and verbal abuse. In this chapter, violent crime is defined following the FBIs use
of the term, and violence is used more broadly to refer to behaviors that inflict or
threaten to inflict physical or psychological injury on individuals.
33
The violent crime rate in New Haven is considerably higher than in Connecticut (which had
2.8 violent crimes per 1,000 residents in 2010) and the United States (which in the same year
had 4.0 violent crimes per 1,000 residents; U.S. Department of Justice 2012a). Crime statistics,
however, are not easily comparable across geographic areas. Many factors affect the
prevalence and type of crime in a given place, including the degree of urbanization, economic
conditions, variations in the population (especially youth concentration), and modes of
transportation (U.S. Department of Justice 2011a).
Table 6.1.
Violent Crime in New Haven in 1990, 2000, and 2010
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the U.S. Department of Justice
(2012a).
Table 6.1).
34
But in the first six months of 2012, only nine homicides took place in
the city, compared with eighteen homicides during the same period in 2011 (New
Haven Register 2012).
Data on violent crime in New Haven show that women and men are
disproportionately vulnerable to different types of crimes. Men are significantly
more likely than women to be homicide victims. Of the citys 193 victims of
murder and non-negligent manslaughter between 2001 and 2011, 90 percent of
victims (173) were male.
35
Women and girls, however, are far more vulnerable to
rape and sexual assault. The New Haven Police Department recorded 68 reported
rapes of female victims in the city in 2010 and 37 in 2011.
36
Official data on rape, however, are unlikely to accurately capture the number of
rapes in New Haven, for two reasons. First, they include only reported rapes, and
most rape victims do not report the crime to the police. One study found that only
36 percent of completed rapes, 34 percent of attempted rapes, and 26 percent of
sexual assaults that occurred between 1992 and 2000 came to police attention
(Rennison 2002). Second, these data are based on the Uniform Crime Reporting
69
34
Data for 2011 provided by the New Haven Police Department, e-mail communication,
January 3, 2012.
35
Data from the National Incident-Based Reporting System provided by Connecticut State
Police, Department of Emergency Services and Public Protection, e-mail communication,
April 17, 2012.
36
New Haven Police Department, e-mail communication, January 11, 2012.
Violent Crime 1990 2000 2010
Total 3,991 1,715 1,992
Robbery 1,784 660 787
Aggravated
Assault 2,008 974 1,112
Forcible Rape 168 63 70
Murder and Non-
Negligent
Manslaughter 31 18 23
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the U.S. Department of Justice (2012a).
37
Lifetime prevalence shows the proportion of people who have been victimized at least
once (Black, et al. 2011).
70
(UCR) Program definition of rape, which from 1927 to 2011 included only forcible
rapes of women by men (U.S. Department of Justice 2012b). In January 2012, the
UCR definition of rape was revised to include both male and female victims and
perpetrators and to reflect more forms of sexual penetration than the previous
definition recognized. The U.S. Department of Justice has suggested that this
revised definition will lead to a more accurate and comprehensive reporting of rape
nationwide (2012b).
A recent national survey that includes unreported as well as reported rapes indicates
that rape happens to women and girls with alarming frequency. In Connecticut in
2010, the lifetime prevalence of rape among women aged 18 and older was 22
percent, compared with 18 percent nationwide.
37
Most female victims were first
raped before the age of 25 and almost half were raped before the age of 18.
Victimization at a young age increases the chances of experiencing re-victimization
later in life. More than one third of women who were raped as minors were also
raped as adults, compared with 14 percent of women who had no history of
victimization prior to adulthood (Black, et al. 2011).
While both women and men are disproportionately vulnerable to certain types of
violence, research indicates that contextual factors place some individuals at higher
risk than others. In New Haven, people of color and young persons are especially at
risk for experiencing violence, particularly in neighborhoods with limited economic
opportunity as indicated by low labor force participation rates (Garcia 2011). From
2000 to 2009, the highest violent crime rates in New Havens neighborhoods (19.28
- 29.05 violent crimes per 1,000 residents) were in Dixwell, Newhallville, Wooster
Square/Mill River, portions of Downtown, Fair Haven, and the Hill (Garcia 2011).
Osor( vs|rar
Historically, advocates and scholars have viewed domestic violence (often referred
to as intimate partner violence) as involving physical battering. Recently, however,
many have come to recognize it more broadly as a pattern of behavior in which
one person seeks to isolate, dominate, and control the other by employing
psychological, sexual, economic, and/or physical abuse (Black, et al. 2011; Stark
2007). This pattern of control affects the lives of many women in the United States.
A recent study estimates that more than one in three (36 percent) women across the
nation experience domestic violence at some point in their lives (Black, et al. 2011).
While both women and men can be victims of physical violence perpetrated by
intimate partners, research shows that women are at much higher risk. One study
that analyzed data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) found
that in a one-year period, 85 percent of nonfatal violent victimizations in the
United States by intimate partners were committed against women (Rennison
2003). Another study found that young women aged 20 to 24 are the most
vulnerable to nonfatal intimate partner violence (Catalano 2007).
38
The Greater New Haven Area as defined here includes New Haven, West Haven, East Haven,
North Haven, Hamden, North Branford, Branford, Guilford, Madison, Milford, Orange,
Bethany, and Woodbridge.
39
Birmingham Group Health Services, e-mail communication, November 23, 2011.
40
These numbers represent an unduplicated count.
Since 2010, the New Haven Family Alliance (NHFA) has partnered with
Hillhouse High School to facilitate Introduction to Healthy Relationships
workshops. Attended by over one hundred 912th grade female
students to date, these workshops use teaching tools that were created
based on research that assesses the impact of violence on young women
in New Haven (e.g., Ellis-West, et al. 2011). These same tools are used
with community members and NHFA staff to encourage dialogue and
action towards improving interpersonal relationships in New Haven.
The New Haven Family Alliance Fosters Healthy
Relationships
71
While consistent, comprehensive data on violence in New Haven are not readily
available, several indicators suggest that domestic violence is a serious problem for
many women and girls in the Greater New Haven area. Data from the Birmingham
Group Health Services, which provides a range of domestic violence services, show
that there were 2,291 calls to the organizations 24-hour hotline for July 1, 2010
June 30, 2011 from the Greater New Haven area.
38
These calls represent a
duplicated count (some individuals may have called more than once). Among all
the hotline calls, 877 were from women in the City of New Haven. All of the 2,291
hotline calls were placed by women over the age of 18.
39
Additional data on domestic violence-related court cases and clients also reveal the
prevalence of this form of abuse in the Greater New Haven area. Between July 1,
2010, and June 30, 2011, the Birmingham Group Health Services worked with
5,788 court cases for the Greater New Haven area involving a domestic violence
arrest. In addition, the organization provided domestic violence services to 1,651
non-court clients in the Greater New Haven area, including 516 from the City of
New Haven.
40
While some domestic violence victims are able to access services, others are not, for
various reasons. For some women, it may be particularly hard to remove themselves
from violent relationships. Women with limited economic resources often find that
they have few options other than to stay with their abuser (Anderson, et al. 2003).
In addition, several studies indicate that members of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual,
Transgender, and Queer (LGBTQ) community who are victims of intimate partner
violence face specific barriers to safety. They may encounter discrimination in their
interactions with criminal justice personnel and, due to limited outreach about
violence in LGBTQ relationships, may lack access to information about the services
available to them, including protections under the law (Merrill and Wolfe 2000).
gsa(/ vs|rar oad Coa A(.(g
Like domestic violence, youth violenceespecially gun violence and gang activity
is a serious public health concern for girls and boys in New Haven. One study
found that gun violence reached its highest level in the city in more than a decade
in 2007 and many youth do not feel safe in their neighborhoods (New Haven
Family Alliance and Robert Wood Johnson Clinical Scholars Program 2009). This
lack of a sense of safety perpetuates the violence: when youth feel at risk for
victimization, they are more likely to engage in violent behaviors (Anderson 1999).
Findings from the 2010 Student Health and Behavior Survey (SHBS), which
surveyed 98 percent (or 2,559 students) of seventh and eighth graders in New
Havens public schools, indicate that girls are less likely than boys to initiate
violence. A significant proportion of both girls and boys, however, report that they
have been involved in violent incidents. Nearly half of seventh grade and eighth
grade girls say they have started a fistfight or shoving match, compared with about
six in ten seventh and eighth grade boys. Eighteen percent of seventh and eighth
grade girls report that they have hurt someone badly in a physical fight, as well as
twenty-nine percent of seventh grade boys and thirty percent of eighth grade boys.
And 11 percent of seventh grade girls and 13 percent of eighth grade girls say have
participated in gang fights, compared with 21 percent of seventh grade boys and 22
percent of eighth grade boys (Figure 6.1).
Figure 6.1.
Type of Youth Violence Perpetrated by Gender, New Haven, 2010
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the New Haven Public School Social Development
Departments Student Health and Behavior Survey (SBHS): Results 2010, District Report.
For some girls (and boys) in New Haven, the threat or reality of violence is part of
everyday life. One-third (32 percent of 7th grade girls and boys and 34 percent of
Started a Fistfight
or Shoving Match
Hurt Someone Badly
in a Physical Fight
Participated in
Gang Fights
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
7th Grade Girls 7th Grade Boys 8th Grade Girls 8th Grade Boys
49%
63%
48%
60%
18%
29%
18%
30%
11%
21%
13%
22%
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
7th Grade Girls 7th Grade Boys 8th Grade Girls 8th Grade Boys
49%
63%
48%
60%
18%
29%
18%
30%
11%
21%
13%
22%
72
41
Since not all students responded to every question, these percentages should be viewed
as a close approximation of the school population, not a precise count of every student
(New Haven Public School Social Development Department 2010).
42
The 2009 Youth Risk Behavior Survey (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2011c) was
administered to ninth through twelfth grade students in all 50 states and the District of
Columbia.
Teen girls and boys
perceive the
greatest threats to
their safety
differently. Boys
tend to identify
crossing over into
rival neighborhoods
as a key threat to
their safety, while
girls focus on their
lack of safety in
places traditionally
considered safe,
such as their homes.
Many teen mothers
speak about the
stress of raising their
children in an unsafe
environment and
their desire to
provide their
children with a
secure home and
the resources
necessary to
succeed in life.
73
8th grade girls and boys) surveyed in the 2010 SHBS said they had witnessed
someone get shot or stabbed at least once during the last year.
41
Another report
based on 15 focus groups with 19 girls and 10 boys aged 1419 found that teen girls
from distressed neighborhoods in New Haven experience violence to be pervasive,
arbitrary, and unavoidable. The majority of teenage girls who participated in the
focus groups had immediate family members who had been shot. Some had friends
who had been killed, and some had themselves been the target of a shooting (Ellis-
West, et al. 2011).
The same study finds that while community violence affects both girls and boys,
teen girls and boys perceive the greatest threats to their safety differently. Boys tend
to identify crossing over into rival neighborhoods as a key threat to their safety,
while girls focus on their lack of safety in places traditionally considered safe, such
as their homes (Ellis-West, et al. 2011).
Research suggests that the experiences of violence among boys and girls in New
Haven may differ especially among those who are parents. Teen mothers with
children are more likely to be primary caretakers than teen fathers. As a result,
many teen mothers speak about the stress of raising their children in an unsafe
environment and their desire to provide their children with a secure home and the
resources necessary to succeed in life (New Haven Family Alliance and Robert
Wood Johnson Clinical Scholars Program 2009).
7rra Oo(a vs|rar sr Horoora(
In addition to youth and community violence, some teen girls and boys in New
Haven may be affected by two other forms of violence that have recently captured
the attention of the national media, researchers, and others: teen dating violence
and harassment in schools.
While data for New Haven are not available, a recent survey of 2,392 youth in
ninth through twelfth grades in Connecticut indicates that violence and harassment
among teens undermines feelings of safety in some schools. Five percent of girls
and boys said they did not go to school on one or more of the past thirty days
because they felt they would be unsafe at school, or on their way to or from school
(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 2011c).
42
Approximately one in four
girls and boys said that they have been harassed or bullied on school property one
or more times during the past twelve months (Centers for Disease Control
Prevention 2011c). Twenty-one percent of girls and 36 percent of boys were in a
physical fight one or more times in the past twelve months, and 13 percent of boys
and 6 percent of girls were in a fight on school property (Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention 2011c; Figure 6.2).
Among teens as well as adults, violence and harassment sometimes takes place
within dating relationships. Approximately one in five girls (21 percent) and 14
percent of boys in Connecticut high schools who were surveyed in the 2009 Youth
Risk Behavior Survey said that their partner has verbally or emotionally abused
them during the past 12 months. Nine percent of girls and eleven percent of boys
reported that they had been hit, slapped, or physically hurt on purpose by a
boyfriend or girlfriend in the past twelve months. Eight percent of girls and six
percent of boys also reported having been forced to have sexual intercourse when
they did not want to do so (Figure 6.3).
Figure 6.2.
Percent of High School Students Feeling Unsafe or Experiencing Violence or
Harassment by Gender, Connecticut, 2009
Note: For students in grades 912.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
(2011c).
Figure 6.3.
Percent of High School Students Experiencing Dating Violence by Type of
Violence and Gender, Connecticut, 2009
Note: For students in grades 912.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
(2011c).
5%
25%
21%
6%
5%
26%
36%
13%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
30%
35%
40%
Did Not Go to
School Due to
Feeling Unsafe
Experienced
Harassment or
Bullying at School
Participated in a
Physical Fight at
or Outside of School
Participated in a
Physical Fight on
School Property
Girls
Boys
21%
9%
8%
14%
11%
6%
0%
5%
10%
15%
20%
25%
Experienced Verbal or
Emotional Abuse
Experienced Physical Abuse Was Forced to Have Sex
Girls
Boys
74
A recent national survey conducted by the American Association of University
Women found that sexual harassment in schools across the United States is
pervasive. Nearly half (48 percent) of students in grades 712 reported experiencing
some form of sexual harassment in the 2010-2011 school year. Girls were
significantly more likely than boys to be harassed (56 percent compared with 40
percent) and more likely to say that the harassment negatively affected them by
causing them to have trouble sleeping (22 percent of girls and 14 percent of boys),
making them not want to go to school (37 percent of girls and 25 percent of boys),
or changing the way they go to or come home from school (10 percent of girls and
6 percent of boys; Hill and Kearl 2011).
Csarqarar s[ Csooaa(g vs|rar
While the psycho-social and economic effects of violence and harassment against
teen girls and women has not been systematically analyzed in New Haven, one study
that conducted focus groups with adolescent girls and boys found that pervasive
community violence has negatively affected many girls and women in the city.
Widespread community violence was cited as a reason for women and men alike to
refrain from intervening when they witness violence, and for women and girls to feel
perpetually unsafe on the streets and in their own homes (Ellis-West, et al. 2011).
Other national studies show that violence against women and girls has devastating
consequences for victims. Those who experience violence are more likely to
develop mental health issues (Fergusson, Boden, and Horwood 2008; Kilpatrick
and Acierno 2003), have low expectations for the future (ODonnell, Schwab-
Stone, and Muyeed 2002), experience poorer physical health, and engage in poor
health behaviors (Weissbecker and Clark 2007). Adolescents who witness violence,
even without direct victimization, also face increased risk of post-traumatic stress
disorder and major depressive episode (Zinzow, et al. 2009). In some instances, the
effects of violence lead to an ongoing cycle of harm: girls who experience violence
are more likely to be victimized as adults (Whitfield, et al. 2003).
At a societal level, the economic consequences of violence are also severe. One study
estimates that each year female victims of intimate partner violence in the United
States lose almost eight million days of paid work because of the violence, a loss that
equals approximately 32,000 full-time jobs and 5.6 million days of household
productivity. This same study found that the cost of intimate partner violence in
1995 was $5.8 billion, with $4.1 billion paying for direct medical and mental health
services (Max, et al. 2004). In 2011 dollars, these costs would be more than $8.6
billion, with about $6 billion for direct medical and mental health services.
43
These facts point to the need to continue developing our understanding of violence
against women and girls through research and improved data collection that can
lead to promising anti-violence programs and practices. The lack of sustained data
collection on violence in New Haven, as in most other cities and localities across
the nation, makes it difficult to effectively target resources and develop initiatives
that directly address the needs of the communitys members.
75
43
IWPR calculations using CPI-U data for all items from the US Department of Labor (2012b).The
cost due to medical and mental health services needed is likely to be higher than estimated
here because medical care expenditures in the CPI-U outpaced overall inflation by 23 percent
between 1995 and 2011.
The cost of intimate
partner violence in
1995 was $5.8
billion, with $4.1
billion paying for
direct medical and
mental health
services. In 2011
dollars, these costs
would be more than
$8.6 billion, with
about $6 billion for
direct medical and
mental health
services.
76
77
rg Fada
I In New Haven, women voted at higher rates than men in the last three
general elections. The greatest voter turnout in these three elections in New
Haven was 2008, when 19,283 women and 13,520 men went to the polls.
I Women are active in New Havens city government and in 20122013 hold
a majority of seats on its legislative body, the Board of Alderman. They are
less well-represented, however, on the citys boards and commissions, where
they hold just 40 percent of all occupied posts.
Da(rsda(sa
Political participation allows women to shape laws and policies that reflect their
interests and needs. By voting, running for office, and becoming involved in public
life, women can raise the visibility of their interests and concerns.
Despite the critical importance of womens involvement in political processes,
women are underrepresented in governments across the nation. At the national
level, they make up only 18 percent of the Representatives and Senators in the U.S.
Congress: women hold just 94 of 535 Congressional seats (Women in Congress
2012). At the state level, just 24 percent of state legislators in the United States are
women (Center for American Women and Politics 2012a). In part, womens
VII.
Political
Participation
and
Leadership
Photo courtesy of The Community Foundation for Greater New Haven.
Women today
constitute a
powerful
component of the
electorate in the
United States. In
the nation as a
whole, women now
make up a majority
of registered voters
and vote more
often than men.
78
underrepresentation in politics stems from the lack of encouragementand
sometimes explicit discouragementthey receive to pursue careers in the public
sphere (Caiazza 2006; Fox and Lawless 2004). Some community-based
organizations, commissions, and regional and national groups strive to amplify
womens voices in political debate by promoting womens involvement in politics
and encouraging them to take on public leadership roles.
This section presents data on several aspects of womens involvement in the
political process in New Haven: voter registration and turnout, womens prevalence
in elected and appointed offices, women in New Havens city government,
womens institutional resources in the state, and philanthropic giving in support of
women and girls in New Haven.
A( (/r (o||s( (sx: vs(rr Pr(ro(sa oad 7arasa( a dr
Ho.ra
Voting is one way women and men communicate their needs and ensure their
concerns are addressed in political discussion and debate. Although women were
denied the right to vote until 1920 and in the decades following were often not
considered serious political actors (Carroll and Zerrili 1993), women today
constitute a powerful component of the electorate in the United States. In the
nation as a whole, women now make up a majority of registered voters and vote
more often than men (Center for American Women and Politics 2005).
This pattern appears likely to have held true in New Havens recent elections.
According to data from the Connecticut Voter Registration System (CONNVeRSe),
as of February 2012 there were 64,177 registered voters in the city, including 30,078
female and 22,912 male voters (11,187 registered voters were not identified by
gender). Among registered voters whose gender is identified by CONNVeRSe,
more women voted in the last three general elections than men. In the 2008
elections, a total of 19,283 women in the city voted, compared with 13,520 men.
Two years later, 10,893 women voted in the general elections, compared with 8,150
men. In 2011, 6,145 women and 4,902 men cast votes in the general elections
(CONNveRSe 2012).
A strong majority of female registered voters in New Haven identify as Democrats.
Among the 30,078 registered voters in the city who are women, 21,532 are
registered with the Democratic party and 814 with the Republican party (7,732
either express no political identification or identify with a group other than the
Democratic or Republican parties). Among the 22,912 male registered voters in
New Haven, a significantly higher proportion also identify with the Democratic
party (15,320) than the Republication party (1,063). An additional 6,529 male
registered voters either express no political identification or identify with a group
other than the Democratic and Republican Parties (Figure 7.1).
Figure 7.1.
Political Identification Among Registered Voters by Gender, New Haven,
2012
Note: Only 83 percent of voters are identified by sex.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the Connecticut Voter Registration System.
Hsora a E|o C(g Cs.rraora(
44
Participating in city government represents another way that New Havens women
can ensure their voices and concerns inform local policies and political processes.
In New Haven for 20122013, women hold a majority of (16 of 30) of seats on the
citys legislative body, the Board of Aldermen.
45
Their strong presence provides an
opportunity to shape a wide range of legislative initiatives. In a typical year,
approximately 950 bills are introduced and about 700 receive final action (City of
New Haven 2012b).
Women are less well-represented overall on the citys more than 40 boards and
commissions. As of February 2012, women held 40 percent (104 of 257) of all
occupied posts, which are typically appointed by the mayor with approval from the
Board of Alderman. On four boards and commissions, however, women held at
least two-thirds of occupied posts: the Financial Review and Audit Commission
(four of six occupied posts), the Mental Health Catchment Area Council #7 (the
only post), the New Haven Food Policy Commission (six of eight occupied posts),
and the Youth Commission (six of eight occupied posts).
21,532
7,577
182 814
155
15,320
1,063
6,347
0
5,000
10,000
15,000
20,000
25,000
Democratic Republican Other No Political
Identification
Women
Men
In New Haven for
20122013, women
hold a majority of
(16 of 30) of seats
on the citys
legislative body, the
Board of Aldermen.
Their strong
presence provides
an opportunity to
shape a wide range
of legislative
initiatives. In a
typical year,
approximately 950
bills are introduced
and about 700
receive final action.
44
New Haven is often referred to as the Elm City, a nickname it acquired when the first public
tree planting program led to the presence of many elm trees in the city.
45
Tabulation of Board of Alderman list available on the City of New Havens website
<http://www.cityofnewhaven.com/aldermen/index.asp> (accessed March 20, 2012).
79
46
Tabulations of lists from the City of New Havens website <http://www.cityofnewhaven.com/
Government/Boards_Commissions.asp> (accessed March 30, 2012).
47
New Haven Police Department, e-mail communication, May 19, 2012.
48
Those considered professionals work in occupations requiring specialized and theoretical
knowledge usually acquired through a college education, work experience, or other training
(e.g., social workers, registered nurses, doctors, economists, teachers, police and fire captains
and lieutenants). Technicians include individuals employed in occupations that require
knowledge and skill gained through specialized post-secondary school education or on-the-
job training (e.g., computer programmers, licensed practical nurses, highway technicians,
police and fire sergeants). Skilled craft workers includes those who perform jobs requiring
manual skill acquired through on-the-job training, an apprenticeship, or other training
program (e.g., mechanics, electricians, stationary engineers, and carpenters). Protective
service workers includes workers entrusted with public safety, security, and protection from
destructive forces, such as police patrol officers, firefighters, guards, deputy sheriffs, and
correctional officers. For a more detailed description of the different job categories included
in equal employment opportunity reporting, see the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity
Commissions website at <http://www.eeoc.gov/employers/eeo4survey/e4instruct.cfm>
(accessed March 19, 2012).
49
Data provided by the City of New Haven, e-mail communication, December 8, 2011.
80
Womens representation on many other boards and commissions is lower. On the
Development Commission and the Substance Abuse Commission, women hold
three of twelve occupied posts. On the Parks Commission, they hold two of eight
occupied posts. Women also have low representation on the Board of Fire
Commissioners, the Historic District, and the Housing Authority (one of five
occupied posts each). Only one of seven occupied posts on the Tweed New Haven
Airport Authority Board is filled by a woman, and there are no women on the
Board of Ethics, the Tax Assessment Board of Appeals, and the Transit District
(which have two, three, and two occupied posts, respectively; City of New Haven
2012c).
46
Women are also not well-represented within the New Haven Police Department
(NHPD) in relation to their share of the citys total population. Although women
make up slightly more than half of the overall population in New Haven, only 16
percent (64 of 396) of individuals who hold sworn positions in the NHPD are
women. Women make up a larger share of those who hold non-sworn positions in
New Haven (40 of 54, or 74 percent).
47
Womens low representation among law
enforcement personnel in relation to their share of the total population is a pattern
in police departments nationwide. As of 2010, only 12 percent of all sworn law
enforcement officers were women, while in civilian law enforcement positions,
women made up 61 percent of employees (U.S. Department of Justice 2011b).
In 2011, women in New Haven were also less likely than men to occupy city
government positions in six of seven job categories covered in the citys reported
data on equal employment opportunity. Women hold a significantly higher share
of office and clerical positions, but a much smaller share of positions as officials
and managers, professionals, technicians, skilled craft workers, unskilled laborers,
and protective service workers (Figure 7.2).
48,49
52
119
0
7
92
140
106
99
517
66
75
71
20
42
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
Officials and
Managers
Professionals Technicians Office and
Clerical Workers
Craft Workers
(Skilled)
Laborers
(Unskilled)
Protective
Service Workers
Women
Men
Figure 7.2.
Numbers of Women and Men Employed in City Government, New Haven, 2011
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the City of New Haven's EE-04 report (City of New Haven 2011b).
81
Significant disparities exist in the numbers of women from different race and ethnic
groups who work in these job categories in New Havens city government. Among
all the job categories combined, white women comprise the largest share of female
employees (196 of 390, or 50 percent), followed by black women (138 of 390, or 35
percent), Hispanic women (47 of 390, or 12 percent), Asian or Pacific Islander
women (8 of 390, or 2 percent), and American Indian or Alaskan Native women (1
of 390, or less than 1 percent).
50
White women are significantly more likely than
women of other races and ethnicities to work as officials and managers,
professionals, and protective service workers, and slightly more likely to hold
positions as office and clerical workers. Black women, however, are much more
likely than women of other race and ethnic groups to work for the city as
technicians (Figure 7.3).
50
Percentages do not add to 100 due to rounding.
Figure 7.3.
Numbers of Women Employed in City Government by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 2011
Note: Whites, blacks, Asians, and American Indians or Alaskan Natives are identified as exclusive from Hispanics. Persons whose
ethnicity is identified as Hispanic may be of any race.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the City of New Haven's EE-04 report (City of New Haven 2011b).
1
3
1
1
2
11
1
20
11
1
3
23
2
46
41
13
13
36
4
50
21
51
34
1
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Protective Service Workers
Laborers (Unskilled)
Craft Workers (Skilled)
Office and Clerical Workers
Technicians
Professionals
Officials and Managers
White
Black
Hispanic
Asian or Pacific Islander
American Indian or Alaskan
Native
82
In recent years, the City of New Haven has worked with its immigrant
population and local groups to implement policies and programs that
can help to increase the leadership and civic engagement of its
immigrant community, particularly among those who are undocumented
and therefore living in the shadows. One important initiative is the
citys creation of a resident card that serves as a multipurpose
identification card for residents, regardless of their immigration status
(Matos 2008).
Launched in 2007, the Elm City Resident Card grants access to public
libraries and city services, such as the recycling center. It serves as a
debit card that city residents can use to pay for select parking meters
and to make purchases at select local stores (Matos 2008). The card is
intended, in part, to increase immigrants access to local services, bank
accounts, and financial institutions (particularly for those who are
undocumented and may have no other official form of identification). It
is also intended to improve public safety and facilitate the civic
engagement of all community members (Matos 2008).
The Elm City Resident Card: My City. My Card
83
Hsora Da((a(sao| Prsarr Csaar(a( rrooara(
Csoosa sa (/r ?(o(a s[ Hsora
Womens institutional resources in state government, including commissions for
women and womens caucuses, can increase the visibility of womens interests and
concerns. When adequately staffed and funded, these resources can provide a
vehicle through which women can bring their experiences and interests to the
attention of policymakers and the general public (Oliver 2005).
While New Haven does not have a commission for women, Connecticut has a
state-level commission, the Permanent Commission on the Status of Women. Formed in
1973 by the General Assembly as part of the State of Connecticuts effort to
encourage the participation of women in state-level leadership positions, the
Commission seeks to ensure the health, safety, educational success, and economic
self-sufficiency of women, and to eliminate gender discrimination. To that end, the
Commission provides information to the states leaders about the nature and scope
of discrimination, recommends changes to legislation, and assesses the effects on
women of the programs and practices of state agencies (Permanent Commission on
the Status of Women 2012).
As part of its effort to fulfill this mandate, the Commission has created the
Government Appointments Project (ConnGAP), which monitors the status of women
in the political and civic arena and recommends qualified women for positions of
Since 1993, Mothers for Justice (MFJ), an all-women advocacy group
within Christian Community Action (CCA), has worked in the New Haven
community to support local low-income families. The Mothers for Justice
meet monthly to discuss problems facing low-income families in the city
and have testified before the Connecticut General Assembly for
legislative reform to improve the lives of local families and the
community as a whole.
Many members of MFJ are single parents who have experienced
homelessness and therefore have a unique perspective on problems in
the citys neighborhoods, schools, and homes. Their most recent
initiative has been a documentary film project, Living in a Broken
System, which gave group members the chance to interview members
of the community about their experiences with receiving TANF support
and to advocate before officials in the Connecticut Department of Social
Services and the Department of Labor in addition to local and state
legislators. Through this initiative, MFJ aimed to engage with the
community and to draw attention to the problems that families on
federal assistance often experience.
Mothers for Justice/Christian Community Action
Advocates on Behalf of Low-Income Families
84
leadership and influence (Permanent Commission on the Status of Women 2010).
Recently, women have held a low proportion of key leadership positions in
Connecticuts state government relative to their share of the states total
population. In 2011, they occupied 34 percent of executive branch agency top level
positions (Permanent Commission on the Status of Women 2011), and in 2012,
women held 30 percent of seats in the state legislature (Center for American
Women and Politics 2012a). Only 47 of 151 (31 percent) of the states house
members and 9 of 36 (25 percent) state senators were women. Compared with states
across the nation, however, the representation of women in Connecticuts state
legislature is fairly strong. The 30 percent of Connecticut state legislators who are
women is 6 percentage points higher than the proportion of women in state
legislatures in the nation as a whole. Among all 50 states, Connecticut has the ninth
highest share of women holding state senate and house or assembly seats (Center
for American Women and Politics 2012a). As of 2012, Connecticut also had three
women who hold statewide elective executive positions: Nancy Wyman (D) as
Lieutenant Governor, Denise Merrill (D) as Secretary of State, and Denise Nappier
(D) as State Treasurer (Center for American Women and Politics 2012b).
With regard to the representation of women in the U.S. Congress, Connecticut falls
slightly below the average of all states as a whole. Only 14 percent (one in seven) of
Connecticuts members in Congress are women, compared with the 18 percent of
U.S. Congressional members from all states combined who are women. The lone
51
Information available at <http://delauro.house.gov/contact.cfm> (accessed May 23, 2012).
85
woman among Connecticuts five members of the House of Representatives and two
Senators is Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-CT), who represents the 3rd Congressional District
of Connecticut, which includes New Haven. Rep. DeLauro, however, is a strong
advocate for womens rights and has supported issues critical to women such as equal
pay, access to employment in non-traditional jobs, and affordable health care.
51
7/r Csooaa(g Faad [sr Hsora oad Cr| o( (/r
Csooaa(g Fsaado(sa [sr Crro(rr dr Ho.ra
While recent data on philanthropic giving is not readily available at the state or
local level, the philanthropic community in Connecticut is strong, especially when
it comes to the number of charitable funds that support women and girls.
Currently, eleven philanthropic womens funds exist throughout the state to
enhance the lives of women and girls (Connecticut Council for Philanthropy 2012).
In New Haven, the Community Fund for Women & Girls (a component fund of
The Community Foundation for Greater New Haven) promotes social and
economic advancement for women and girls through strategic philanthropy, grants,
advocacy, and collaboration. Since its establishment in 1995, the Fund has awarded
over $655,000 (170 grants to 99 individual organizations) to nonprofit agencies in
the region with nearly one-third of awards going to organizations in New Haven.
More than 17,000 women and girls have participated in programs supported by this
fund (Community Foundation for Greater New Haven 2012).
Hsora lrodrr/p a dr Ho.ra
Womens leadership in New Haven is evident in many ways. Women head
nonprofit organizations and small businesses, lead sororities and other affinity
groups, and contribute their time and assets to the improvement of their homes,
neighborhoods, schools, and other city institutions. These efforts have significant
influence in shaping the environment of New Haven.
While women play a vital role in New Havens public life, the data in this report
point to factors that can limit the leadership and public engagement of some
women in the city, including low earnings and poverty, low levels of education, and
experiences of violence. National research points to additional obstacles that
prevent some women from taking on leadership roles in their communities: women
often experience a general discomfort with taking on leadership roles, and some fear
retribution for speaking out. Others may lack appropriate mentors or role models
(Caiazza 2006). These obstacles point to the importance of developing tools (such
as internships, apprenticeships, and workshops) that build leadership among
women and sharing those tools among community stakeholders to create a more
involved and enriched New Haven.
86
87
7
he Status of Women and Girls in New Haven examines critical issues that
shape the lives of women and girls in the city. In recent decades, women
and girls have made great progress, but the need for improvements in
their social, economic, and health status remains. For example, women in New
Haven continue to earn, on average, less than their male counterparts and are
disproportionately vulnerable to poverty. Women and girls in the city also face
challenges such as domestic violence, sexual harassment, and health concerns.
These challenges suggest that although women and girls have made substantial
gains, additional efforts are needed to make New Haven a place where they can
maximize their potential and fully enjoy economic security, safety, and good
health.
Changes to public policies as well as community investments and program
initiatives provide excellent opportunities to create a better future for women and
girls. To implement changes that benefit women and girlsand therefore all
members of New Havens communitiesit is necessary to understand the challenges
that women and girls face, the interconnections among these challenges, the varied
experiences of women and girls, and the need for improved data systems.
Da(rrsaar(rd C/o||rar
The issues discussed in this report are closely intertwined. For instance, economic
security directly relates to health and well-being, since without quality jobs women
often lack access to health insurance and health care. Similarly, educational
VIII.
Creating a
Brighter
Future for
Women and
Girls in
New Haven
88
attainment is integral to economic security, pointing to the importance of critical
workforce supports such as child care that enable women and teenage girls with
children to pursue a postsecondary degree. In addition, research points to links
between violent crime and high poverty rates, suggesting that those who live in
neighborhoods with limited economic opportunities are especially vulnerable to
violence. Understanding the multiple connections between the issues in this report
is essential to creating public policies and developing program initiatives that
capitalize on womens and girls successes and better address their needs.
O.rr(g oad Opor(g
Attending to the disparities between women and girls from different race, ethnic,
and socio-economic groups is another key to implementing changes that further
womens and girls continued advancement. Women and girls from low-income
communities in New Haven, who are predominantly black and Hispanic,
disproportionately bear the burden of many of the citys challenges, such as
unemployment, poverty, poor health, and crime. Addressing sources of inequity
will be essential to the citys ability to make the most of its rich and diverse human
resources.
7/r drrd [sr Oo(o
Reliable data are essential to assessing the status of women and girls and to
pinpointing promising policies and programs initiatives that will lead to sustained
positive change. On some indicators, however, current and consistent quantitative
data, disaggregated by gender and race/ethnicity, are lacking. More consistent, hard
dataespecially on issues such as health and safetyare needed to accurately assess
the needs of women and girls in New Haven and to track progress toward
addressing those needs. It is critical to develop more complete data collection
systems so that the information necessary to respond to the issues that many
women and girls face in the city is available.
Prsoorado(sa [sr s|g oad ro(r
In assessing the status of women and girls in New Haven, a powerful theme comes
through: New Haven is home to many individuals and organizations striving to
come together to understand and improve the circumstances of women and girls.
These individuals and organizations have developed initiatives designed to
strengthen the citys educational system, provide workforce opportunities for
youth, increase the safety of women and girls, improve child care systems, expand
womens and girls access to health care and services, and much more. Their efforts
have already made gains, showing how individuals can come together to implement
promising and innovative solutions.
Policymakers, service providers, and other community stakeholders in New Haven
can continue to strengthen and expand local efforts to improve the status of
women and girls by implementing the following changes:
89
I creating better mechanisms for the systematic collection and sharing of
data on key indicators for New Havens women and girls across
government and non-government organizations and programs (such as
councils, commissions, or task forces);
I focusing workforce pipeline efforts on supporting better education, skills
acquisition, and stable employment for women, especially women of
color;
I encouraging employers to take steps to remedy gender wage inequities,
such as conducting internal audits on pay equity;
I supporting programs that provide essential services such as child care, job
training, counseling, transportation, and affordable housing, especially for
households headed by single women;
I implementing a school-based curriculum that promotes financial literacy
and capability for girls in New Haven, beginning in elementary school;
I implementing a policy that supports STEM programming and strong
career and education counseling for girls, beginning in elementary school;
I working with New Haven Promise to track data on the application,
admissions, matriculation, and retention of New Havens female students
at the college level;
I systematically collecting and analyzing data on health, mental health, and
addiction among women across the lifespan in New Haven;
I implementing more intensive reproductive health and sexually
transmitted infection prevention initiatives within low-income
communities;
I implementing a comprehensive health curriculum in the New Haven
School District that addresses physical and mental health, including the
prevention of dating violence and the advancement of reproductive
health; and
I making a concerted effort to increase the number of women in positions
of leadership and create a pipeline for young women to take on
leadership roles.
Such changes are essential to improving the economic security and well-being of
the New Haven community. Women and girls are an integral part of the citys
future, and their progress can positively affect the lives of all its residents. We hope
the information and recommendations in this report will strengthen efforts to make
New Haven a community where women and girls from all walks of life can thrive.
And we hope it will lead to new, innovative approaches to create a brighter future
for women and girls in New Haven and for the city as a whole.
90
Appendix I: Methodology
91
In analyzing the status of women and girls in New Haven, IWPR selected
indicators that prior research and experience have shown to be integral to
womens lives and that allow, for the most part, for comparability between New
Haven, Connecticut, and the United States. To ensure the indicators reflect issues
critical to women and girls in New Haven, IWPR chose them in conversation
with members of a consortium comprised of local experts on womens issues who
work in diverse fields, including law enforcement, womens health, education,
philanthropy, immigration services, business development, and employment
services (see list of consortium members on p. iii).
The data for this report come from multiple sources, which are noted in the text.
Much of the data come from local, state, and federal government agencies,
including the Centers for Disease Control, the Connecticut Department of Public
Health, the Connecticut State Department of Education, the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, the New Haven Health Department, and the U.S. Census Bureau.
Local researchers and organizations also provided data on topics such as
homelessness and housing, political participation, and domestic violence. On
some indicators, however, current and consistent quantitative data, disaggregated
by gender and race/ethnicity, were not available. Gaps in the data presented are
due to a variety of factors, including unavailable or outdated data and difficulties
in accessing data.
Many of the figures and tables in the report rely on the U.S. Census Bureaus
American Community Survey (ACS), an annual survey of a representative sample
of the entire resident population in the United States, including both households
and group quarter (GQ) facilities. GQ facilities include places such as college
residence halls, residential treatment centers, skilled nursing facilities, group
homes, military barracks, correctional facilities, workers dormitories, and facilities
for people experiencing homelessness. GQ types that are excluded from ACS
sampling and data collection include domestic violence shelters, soup kitchens,
regularly scheduled mobile vans, targeted non-sheltered outdoor locations,
commercial maritime vessels, natural disaster shelters, and dangerous
encampments.
To ensure sufficient sample sizes for the analysis of ACS data, IWPR used
estimates that combine several years of data (20082010). When the three-year
estimates did not yield a sufficient sample size, five-year estimates were used.
Except where otherwise noted, the data for New Haven cover only the City of
New Haven and do not include all of New Haven County.
Most of the tables and figures in this report present data for individuals, often
disaggregated by race and ethnicity. In general, race and ethnicity are self-
identified; the person providing the information on the survey form determines
the group to which he or she (and other members of the household) belong. In
this report, whites are identified as exclusive from Hispanics or Latinos, who may
be of any race. When microdata from the IPUMS American Community Survey
are analyzed, blacks (which include those who identified as black or African
92
American) and Asians are also identified as exclusive from Hispanics or Latinos.
In instances where ACS data are analyzed using tabulations from the American
Fact Finder, blacks and Asians are not identified exclusively from Hispanics or
Latinos, since the American Fact Finder does not provide tabulations that
separate Hispanics from blacks and Asians for the selected indicators and main
geographic area (the City of New Haven) analyzed in this report. Because
individuals who did not choose white, black/African American, Hispanic/Latino,
or Asian as well as those who chose more than one race category represent a small
percentage of residents in New Haven, it was not feasible to reliably estimate their
status on the indicators selected for this report when race/ethnicity was
disaggregated.
Table 1.
Distribution of Women and Girls by Age, New Haven and Connecticut,
20082010
Table 2.
Distribution of Households by Type, New Haven and Connecticut, 2008
2010
Note: Households include those with and without dependent children.
Appendix II: Tables
Age Groups
Female Male Female Male
Less Than 15 Years 17% 20% 18% 20%
1524 Years 22% 22% 13% 14%
2544 Years 31% 32% 25% 26%
4564 Years 20% 19% 28% 28%
65 Years and Older 10% 7% 16% 12%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Household Type New Haven Connecticut
Total Number of Family and Non-Family
Households 48,679 1,361,186
Married Couple Family 25% 50%
Female Householder, No Husband Present 23% 13%
Male Householder, No Wife Present 5% 4%
Non-Family Household, Householder
Living Alone 36% 27%
Non-Family Household, Householder
Not Living Alone 11% 6%
Total 100% 100%
93
Table 4.
Median Annual Earnings by Gender and Nativity in New Haven,
Connecticut, and United States, 20082010
Note: For women and men aged 16 and older who are employed full-time, year-round.
et al. 2010).
Immigrant Native-Born Total Immigrant Native-Born Total Immigrant Native-Born Total
Female
Less Than 15 Years 3% 20% 17% 5% 20% 18% 5% 21% 19%
1524 Years 16% 22% 21% 9% 13% 13% 10% 14% 14%
2544 Years 49% 28% 31% 39% 23% 25% 41% 24% 26%
4564 Years 22% 20% 20% 29% 28% 28% 30% 26% 26%
65 Years and Older 10% 10% 10% 16% 16% 16% 14% 15% 14%
Total
a
100% 100% 99% 98% 100% 100% 100% 100% 99%
Male
Less Than 15 Years 3% 24% 20% 5% 22% 20% 5% 23% 21%
1524 Years 16% 24% 22% 11% 15% 14% 12% 15% 15%
2544 Years 57% 26% 32% 42% 24% 26% 43% 25% 27%
4564 Years 19% 19% 19% 30% 28% 28% 29% 25% 26%
65 Years and Older 5% 7% 7% 12% 12% 12% 10% 11% 11%
Total
a
100% 100% 100% 100% 101% 100% 99% 99% 100%
Table 3.
Immigrant and Native-Born Populations by Gender and Age in New Haven, Connecticut, and United States, 2008
2010
Note:
a
Totals may not add to 100 due to rounding.
Source: IWPR analysis of 20082010 IPUMS American Community Survey microdata (Ruggles, et al. 2010).
Immigrant Native-Born
New Haven
Women $36,460 $39,499
Men $32,000 $45,575
Connecticut
Women $38,486 $45,738
Men $46,000 $60,984
United States
Women $30,384 $36,460
Men $35,448 $48,787
94
Table 5.
Distribution of Women Across Broad Occupational Groups by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 20082010
Notes: For employed women 16 years or older. Includes part-time and full-time workers.
a
Occupation
Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent
Management, Business, and
Financial Occupations 2,192 7% 1,292 11% 536 5% 185 3%
Computer, Engineering, and
Science Occupations 1,476 5% 707 6% 204 2% 206 4%
Education, Legal,
Community Service, Arts,
and Media Occupations 6,474 21% 3,595 30% 1,615 14% 698 13%
Healthcare Practitioners and
Technical Occupations 2,136 7% 881 7% 839 7% 137 2%
Service Occupations 7,512 24% 1,912 16% 3,754 33% 1,533 28%
Sales and Office
Occupations 8,727 28% 3,263 27% 3,385 30% 1,673 30%
Natural Resources,
Construction, and
Maintenance Occupations 176 1% 38 0% 95 1% 20 0%
Production, Transportation,
and Material Moving
Occupations 2,609 8% 336 3% 909 8% 1,086 20%
Total
a
31,302 101% 12,024 100% 11,337 100% 5,538 100%
95
Table 6.
Distribution of Women Across Broad Occupational Groups by Race/Ethnicity, Connecticut, 20082010
a
Occupation
Financial Occupations 117,306 14% 97,027 15% 7,656 9% 6,604 7%
Science Occupations 26,843 3% 19,761 3% 1,519 2% 1,194 1%
Education, Legal,
and Media Occupations 145,396 17% 120,147 19% 10,454 12% 9,519 10%
Healthcare Practitioners and
Technical Occupations 76,243 9% 61,109 10% 6,239 7% 3,895 4%
Service Occupations 170,323 20% 103,682 16% 26,818 31% 31,025 33%
Sales and Office
Occupations 273,494 32% 207,266 33% 28,122 33% 29,191 31%
Natural Resources,
Construction, and
Maintenance Occupations 4,448 1% 2,944 0% 277 0% 951 1%
and Material Moving
Occupations 43,114 5% 23,802 4% 4,554 5% 10,996 12%
Total
a
857,167 101% 635,738 100% 85,639 99% 93,375 99%
96
Table 7.
Distribution of Women Across Broad Occupational Groups by Race/Ethnicity, United States, 20082010
a
Occupation
Financial Occupations 8,947,134 13% 6,569,756 14% 920,123 11% 762,308 9%
Science Occupations 1,874,317 3% 1,269,791 3% 160,390 2% 118,421 1%
Education, Legal,
and Media Occupations 9,873,689 15% 7,387,589 16% 1,050,324 12% 891,601 10%
Healthcare Practitioners
and Technical Occupations 5,678,768 8% 4,179,340 9% 631,848 7% 342,521 4%
Service Occupations 14,222,301 21% 8,103,440 18% 2,327,508 27% 2,791,092 31%
Sales and Office
Occupations 22,550,494 33% 15,566,477 34% 2,732,844 32% 2,899,757 33%
Natural Resources,
Construction, and
Maintenance Occupations 597,169 1% 336,150 1% 58,124 1% 171,254 2%
and Material Moving
Occupations 3,976,715 6% 2,129,675 5% 614,152 7% 918,455 10%
Total
a
67,720,587 100% 45,542,218 100% 8,495,313 99% 8,895,409 100%
97
Table 8.
Percent of Students Enrolled in Public Schools in the New Haven School
District by Race/Ethnicity, 2011
race.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from New Haven Public Schools (2012a).
Race/Ethnicity Percent of Students
White 11%
Black 55%
Hispanic 31%
Asian 1%
Other 2%
Total 100%
Table 9.
Educational Attainment of Women and Men Aged 25 and Older by Nativity in New Haven, Connecticut,
and United States, 20082010
Immigrant Native Born
Women Men Total Women Men Total
New Haven
Less Than High School Diploma 25% 24% 24% 17% 17% 17%
High School Diploma or Equivalent 20% 31% 26% 28% 30% 29%
Some College or Associate's Degree 11% 9% 10% 24% 22% 23%
Bachelor's Degree or Higher 44% 36% 40% 31% 32% 31%
Total
a
100% 100% 100% 100% 101% 100%
Connecticut
Total
a
101% 100% 101% 100% 101% 99%
United States
Total
a
100% 100% 100% 100% 101% 100%
Note:
a
Source: IWPR analysis of 20082010 IPUMS American Community Survey microdata (Ruggles, et al. 2010).
98
Table 10.
Educational Attainment of Women Aged 25 and Older by Race/Ethnicity in New Haven, Connecticut, and
United States, 20082010
Notes: Sample size is insufficient to reliably estimate the educational attainment of Asian women.
a
All Races/
Ethnicities White Black Hispanic
New Haven
Less Than High School Diploma 19% 9% 20% 42%
High School Diploma or Equivalent 27% 23% 35% 30%
Some College or Associate's Degree 22% 16% 31% 17%
Bachelor's Degree or Higher 32% 52% 14% 12%
Total
a
100% 100% 100% 101%
Connecticut
Total
a
101% 100% 100% 101%
United States
Total
a
100% 100% 99% 100%
99
Table 11.
Median Annual Earnings by Gender and Educational Attainment in New Haven, Connecticut, and United
States, 20062010
Notes: For those aged 25 and older who work either part-time or full-time.
2010 inflation-adjusted dollars.
Source: IWPR compilation of American Community Survey data accessed through the American Fact Finder (U.S. Department of
Commerce 20062010).
Educational Attainment
Total Population 25 Years and
Older with Earnings $29,561 $34,702 $35,234 $52,326 $28,514 $41,354
Less Than High School Diploma $18,306 $23,859 $18,742 $26,808 $14,645 $22,792
High School Diploma or
Equivalent $23,325 $27,280 $26,441 $40,858 $21,631 $33,173
Some College or Associate's
Degree $29,505 $37,200 $33,397 $49,646 $27,701 $41,530
Bachelor's Degree $35,660 $42,790 $45,529 $71,477 $40,313 $59,922
Graduate or Professional Degree $45,944 $55,725 $60,443 $93,713 $53,023 $80,111
Gender
Number Rate Number Rate
Women 974 39.7 6,866 12.4
Men 475 22.1 2,716 5.4
Table 12.
Numbers and Rates of Asthma Hospitalizations per 10,000 Among Adults
Aged 18 and Older by Gender, New Haven and Connecticut (Minus Five
Largest Cities), 20012005
Note: Data for Connecticut does not include Bridgeport, Hartford, New Haven, Stamford, or
Waterbury.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the Connecticut Department of Public Health (2009b).
100
Table 13.
Numbers and Rates of Asthma Hospitalizations per 10,000 Among Children
Aged 017 by Gender, New Haven and Connecticut (Minus Five Largest
Cities), 20012005
Note: Data for Connecticut does not include Bridgeport, Hartford, New Haven, Stamford, or
Waterbury.
Table 14.
Numbers and Rates of Asthma Hospitalizations per 10,000 Among Adults
Aged 18 and Older by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven and Connecticut (Minus
Five Largest Cities), 20012005
Notes: Data for Connecticut does not include Bridgeport, Hartford, New Haven, Stamford, or
Waterbury.
Race categories are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic; black, not Hispanic; and other,
not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race.
Gender
Girls 490 64.0 1,689 10.2
Boys 636 78.9 2,630 15.1
Race/Ethnicity
All Races/Ethnicities 1,449 31.4 9,582 9.1
White 190 9.7 7,203 7.8
Black 859 58.1 1,016 21.8
Hispanic 391 46.8 1,077 21.3
Other 9 2.6 286 7.7
101
Table 15.
Numbers and Rates of Asthma Hospitalizations per 10,000 Among Children
Aged 017 by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven and Connecticut (Minus Five
Largest Cities), 20012005
Notes: Data for Connecticut does not include Bridgeport, Hartford, New Haven, Stamford, or
Waterbury.
Race categories are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic; black, not Hispanic; and other,
not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race.
Table 16.
Age-Adjusted Mortality Rates per 100,000 for Selected Causes by Gender
and Race, New Haven, 20052009
Note: Whites and blacks are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic; and black, not
Hispanic.
Source: City of New Haven analysis of data from the Connecticut Department of Public Health
Death Master File and the 2010 U.S. Census (City of New Haven 2012a). Age standardization
to the U.S. Standard 2000 population.
Race/Ethnicity
White 97 39.5 2,608 9.5
Black 642 85.5 691 35.2
Hispanic 370 76.0 599 21.4
Other 17 18.9 421 23.0
Cause of Death
Women Men
All Races White Black All Races White Black
Coronary Heart
Disease 147.6 155.7 142.4 222.2 213.9 262.0
Diabetes 25.6 18.5 41.6 30.1 20.8 53.6
Stroke 32.4 33.0 32.5 44.7 43.2 42.6
Breast Cancer 30.6 38.4 33.4 N/A N/A N/A
102
Table 17.
Average Annual Count and Incidence Rates per 100,000 for Cervical Cancer
by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven County and Connecticut, 20052009
Notes: White are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is
Individuals who identified as Asian/Pacific Islander or American Indian/Alaskan Native are
included in the total for all races/ethnicities but are not reported in the race/ethnic breakdown
due to small sample size.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the National Cancer Institute (2010).
Table 18.
Average Annual Count and Incidence Rates per 100,000 for Ovarian Cancer
by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven County and Connecticut, 20052009
Notes: Whites are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is
Individuals who identified as Asian/Pacific Islander or American Indian/Alaskan Native are
included in the total for all races/ethnicities but are not reported in the race/ethnic breakdown
due to small sample size.
Source: IWPR compilation of data from the National Cancer Institute (2010).
Race/Ethnicity
New Haven County Connecticut
All Races/Ethnicities 33 7.1 117 6.1
White 23 6.6 82 5.4
Black 5 8.5 13 7.6
Hispanic 4 9.3 19 10.7
Race/Ethnicity
New Haven County Connecticut
White 57 13.2 246 13.4
Black 4 7.4 13 8.1
Hispanic 3 13.2 14 11.5
103
Table 19.
Numbers and Rates of Teen Births per 1,000 Teens by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven and Connecticut, 2000,
2006, and 2008
Note: Race categories are identified as exclusive: white, not Hispanic; black, not Hispanic; and other, not Hispanic. Persons whose
ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race.
Source: IWPR calculations based on the 2000, 2006 and 2008 Connecticut Registration Reports (Connecticut Department of Public
Health 2011a), using population data from the 2006 and 2008 American Community Survey and the 2000 U.S. Census.
2000 2006 2008 2000 2006 2008
Race/
Ethnicity Number Rate Number Rate Number Rate Number Rate Number Rate Number Rate
All Races/
Ethnicities 330 60.6 275 51.8 273 46.0 3,284 31.2 2,871 23.4 2,791 22.6
White 23 13.4 21 10.3 15 9.8 1,064 14.4 805 9.4 723 8.6
Black 146 71.1 132 61.8 127 54.9 780 62.4 697 47.5 635 42.8
Hispanic 129 102.3 114 133.3 130 90.9 1,258 90.4 1,289 79.4 1,353 74.2
Other 3 N/A 8 N/A N/A N/A 56 N/A 67 N/A 70 N/A
Table 20.
Chlamydia Diagnoses and Rates per 10,000 (Aged 10 and Older) by Gender
and Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 2010
Hispanic. Persons whose ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race.
Individuals who did not identify their race/ethnicity or identified as Asian or American Indian
are included in the total for all races/ethnicities but are not reported in the race/ethnic
breakdown due to small sample size.
Source: IWPR calculations based on data from Connecticut Department of Public Health
(2011b), using population data from the 2010 U.S. Census.
Race/Ethnicity
Female Male
All Races/Ethnicities 1,076 182.4 346 64.3
White 80 40.4 11 5.8
Black 597 278.0 197 113.5
Hispanic 185 130.3 34 23.4
104
Table 21.
Gonorrhea Diagnoses and Rates per 10,000 (Aged 10 and Older) by Gender
and Race/Ethnicity, New Haven, 2010
Source: IWPR calculations based on data from Connecticut Department of Public Health
Table 22.
Chlamydia Diagnoses and Rates per 10,000 Among Women Aged 10 and
Older by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven and Connecticut, 2010
Source: IWPR calculations based on data from the Connecticut Department of Public Health
Race/Ethnicity
Female Male
White 13 6.6 4 2.1
Black 144 67.1 96 55.3
Hispanic 25 17.6 16 11.0
Race/Ethnicity
White 80 40.4 1,591 13.4
Black 597 278.0 2,889 176.1
Hispanic 185 130.3 1,565 80.1
105
Table 23.
Gonorrhea Diagnoses and Rates per 10,000 Among Women Aged 10 and
Older by Race/Ethnicity, New Haven and Connecticut, 2010
Source: IWPR calculations based on data from the Connecticut Department of Public Health
Table 24.
Gonorrhea and Chlamydia Diagnoses Among Women and Girls by Age,
New Haven, 2010
Note:
a
Source: IWPR compilation of data from Connecticut Department of Public Health (2011b).
106
Race/Ethnicity
All Races/Ethnicities 202 34.2 1,447 8.9
White 13 6.6 180 1.5
Black 144 67.1 660 40.2
Hispanic 25 17.6 256 13.1
Age Groups
Gonorrhea Chlamydia
Number Percent Number Percent
All Ages
a
202 100% 1,077 101%
1014 Years 3 2% 17 2%
1519 Years 79 39% 405 38%
2024 Years 81 40% 419 39%
2529 Years 27 13% 139 13%
3039 Years 6 3% 78 7%
40 Years and Older 6 3% 18 2%
107
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