University of Banjaluka Faculty of Philology

Final paper: Postcoloniality and Postcolonial Discourses

Student: Zoran Vukovac Academic year 2011/2012

Mentor: Danijela Majstorovi, PhD

Content: 1. Introduction to Postcolonial Theory and the Notion of Postcoloniality..2 2. A Space for Postcolonial Theory..3 3. rigins of the Postcolonial thought: Said, Spivak, Bhabha....4 3a. Edward Said and the Notion of Orientalism.....4 3b. Homi Bhabha and Liminality....6 3c. Spivak and Subaltern Identities.....7 3d. Balkanism as a Version of Orientalism.....8 4. Towards a Balkan Postcolonial Agenda.9 4a. Extensions of Postcoloniality ...9 4b. Theorizing postcoloniality in the Balkans: contested identities and the perpetual war.......10 5. Conclusion.12 6. References..13

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1. Introduction to Postcolonial Theory and the Notion of Postcoloniality

Postcolonial theory explores the discourses around postcoloniality, dealing with colonial relations after the colony seized to exist and with the new relations between the colonizer and colonized that have been constituted as a result. Postcolonial theory speaks of the subject positioning in the context of postcoloniality, making themes of race, nation, subjectivity, power, subalterns, hybridity and creolization a focus of its investigation (Barker, 2000). It tries to focus on the oppression of those who were ruled under the colonization by exploring the literature written in previously colonized countries, as well as the position of the formerly colonized subject in the postcolonial world. It is Edward Said who initially moved the colonial discourse into the literary and cultural theory, bringing back the discussion about the relationship between the Orient and Occident to the first world academia. There are two more indispensable names when talking about postcolonial theory, those of Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak and Homi Bhabha, the former being more philosophically involved in the theory and the latter in literature dealing with postcoloniality. If we state that subjects are formed through difference, this means that what we are is constructed in part by what we are not. The main politics of cultural studies, following the structuralist and poststructuralist optic and the Saussurean linguistic turn whereby meaning is generated through a play of difference down a chain of signifiers, has been to question the very structure and the origin of this difference. What does this difference stand for? Is it race, gender, class? And how did we come to deliberate on this issues? Because the current regimes of power are not only regulating these concepts but are constantly producing this difference that perpetuates every oppression. This is visible in everyday practices of patriarchy, racism, homophobia, nationalism and fascism, to mention but a few. As already introduced by Saussure, the relation between the signifier and signified is always arbitrary, leaving a space for new inscriptions, but it is on us to find out who makes these choices. Is that some powerful elite, to follow the Marxist philosophy, or is it a society that does not know better, to observe the issue through the social-constructivist lenses? How is power exercised or, more importantly, how is it regulated and through what kind of bio-politics (Foucault, 1976)? Williams and Chrisman (1993) are introducing two key concepts in postcolonial theory, those of domination-subordination and hybridity-creolization (Barker
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2000: 23) but the issue of subordination and domination this time extends to postcolonial identities, subjects and societies using the same old Marxist tools, namely ideology and hegemony, always securing the economic base of the privileged few. 2. A Space for Postcolonial Theory Ashcroft et al. (1989) claim that three-quarters of the people living in the world today have had their lives shaped by the experience of colonialism and that postcolonial literature is that work produced by the peoples of former European colonies. However, Ashcroft et al. (1989) underlines the notion of black writing, which includes the writers that are not postcolonial in a primary sense of the term, but have been, as many others, subjugated and marginalized in various ways by the colonial dominance. This creates a space for other subaltern subjects to be observed through the prism of postcolonial theory, and, in a sense, raises a question whether postcolonial subject is able to completely embrace hers/his aesthetic judgment, or it is this always, even when his/hers individual judgment is in question, socio-economically conditioned by their habitus? And what is it that Rushdie, Gordimer, Ishiguro, Morrison, Lahiri, Kireshi write about? How do they position their postcolonial subjects? How do they introduce them to all the places from which they had been erased, or have not even existed? What do simultaneous events like birth of Saleem Sinai and independence of India in Midnights Children mean in the light of postcolonialism? Are the residents of the Mansfield Park concerned about the origin of the money that makes their lives so snug? While postcolonial theory has significant place in literature studies, the notion of postcoloniality extends even further to relations of subordination-domination relevant to society and culture as well. My idea in writing this paper has been to give a more cultural studies flavor by presenting its main postcolonial thinkers, ideas, and also implications given the current condition of social and political inequality influencing global culture in general. Firstly, I will introduce three main thinkers such Said, Bahbha and Spivak and their main ideas: orientalism, hybridity and subalternity. In the third paragraph I will propose how postcolonial theory could be applied to Balkan studies given the present day issues of postsocialist context of what Rastko Monik calls perpetual transition, peace building colonial practices (Majstorovic, 2007),

repatriarchalisation and retraditionalisation (Leinert Novosel, 1999), problematic queer

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identities, ethno-nationalism (Majstorovic and Turjacanin, 2011) and the appealing populist rhetoric politics of main politicians.

3. Origins of the Postcolonial thought: Said, Spivak, Bhabha

3a. Edward Said and the Notion of Orientalism The East is a career.
Benjamin Disraeli, Tancred

Edward Said reconstructs and criticizes the European and American colonial as well as postcolonial relationship with the East. He uses his knowledge as a literary and postcolonial literary theorist to give a somewhat clearer structure of the Western domination over the Middle East. His Orientalism provides us with the ways the Orient has been constructed, colonized and dominated through conquering as well as cultural and political hegemony. Through strategic positioning (strategic location and formation) Said made a study of authority of the Orient trying to get a hold of everything that contributed the oppression of the Orient, as well as everything that opposed this oppression. Analysis explains where is the border between the Occident and Orient, who drew these borders and through which practices are they being perpetuated. To begin with, Said mentions one of the first distinctions between the Orient and Occident that goes as far back in time as the Iliad, where the hostile other was represented by the Persians. It is there, and in many literary works since then, that the Orient was used as the European ultimate Other, where everything European in comparison with the Oriental was always superior. With the correct distinctions of time and space being so blurry even though so important for the distinctions between the Orient and Occident, it is necessary to introduce the concepts of imaginative geography and history. Said uses a Levi-Strauss idea that no matter how abstract, vague or imaginative images and concepts we might have about something the mind finds a way to formulate them into what he calls a science of the concrete. That is why, no matter how distant something is in time and space, we have (or think we have) a rather clear understanding of it. We create an order of things in our minds where we recognize our land, our nation and its borders, and have a barbarian other with whom we make binary pairs like our land-barbarian land, us-them and similar. It is the
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other that is necessary in identification of the self, and it is superiority of any sort that provides stronger and more powerful identification. As Said notes:
It is Europe that articulates the Orient; this articulation is prerogative, not of a puppet master, but of a genuine creator, whose life-giving power represents, animates, constitutes the otherwise silent and dangerous space beyond familiar borders. (E. Said 1978: 57)

Having in mind this silent and dangerous place, the goal of an Orientalist, contemporary as well as it was for any other, is not so much the East itself as the East made known, and therefore less fearsome, to the Western reading public. In this attempt to unveil the Orient, every knowledge of it is welcome, because to know something in Foucauldian terms means to dominate it, or, in other words, to have authority over it and to deny its autonomy. In this sense, the period after the last third of the eighteen century in dealing with the Orient is what Said names as modern Orientalism due to the more systematic scientific approach to it. This collection of systematic knowledge that was being produced about the Orient certainly gave the upper hand to the colonizing West, because under the general heading of knowledge of the Orient, and within the umbrella of Western hegemony over the Orient during the period from the end of eighteenth century, there emerged a complex Orient suitable for academic studies as well as for reconstruction in the colonial office, whereas theoretical illustration in anthropological, biological, linguistic, racial, and historical theses about mankind and the universe were produced appropriate for economic and social theories of development, revolution, cultural personality, national or religious character (Said, 1978). To go back in time a bit, we must mention that the Renaissance Orientalists were primarily specialists in the languages of the Biblical provinces, and all until the med-eighteen century Orientalists were Biblical scholars, students of the Semitic languages, Islamic specialists. In the late eighteen century, through the revelation of the riches of Sanskrit and Avestan, a whole new enthusiasm with the Orient came to light. By the middle of the nineteen century Orientalism became a learning treasure house. Example of this was the encyclopedic description of the Orientalism roughly from 1765 to 1850 given by Raymond Schwab in La Renaissance orientale. Schwab characterized as Orientalist everyone who was enthusiastic with the Asiatic, or everything that is mysterious, strange, profound, seminal. And there were numerous Orientalists, since there was, aside from these scientific discoveries, the virtual epidemic of Orientalia affecting every poet, essayist or philosopher of the period (Said,
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1978: 51). And every one of them, producing a certain amount of text, played a role in subjugating and, as Said points it, Orientalising the Orient. Having this enormous database in mind, it is not accidental that Said says that: Orientalism is after all a system for citing works and authors (Said, 1978: 23). Following this line of thought, and bearing in mind that, from its very beginning, the postcolonial theory relied exclusively on literature, it is necessary to point out that inside of this system of citing the (post)colonial subject never had the opportunity to speak for itself, never existing as a legitimate source of knowledge but always as an object of knowledge. Always represented, never representing. A clear cut example of this sort is definitely the Flauberts courtesan: Kuchuk Hanem. She never spoke for herself, she had no emotions, no history and no presence but the one he provided her with. Flaubert spoke for and represented her, along with that representing a common pattern for Westerns way of addressing the Orient. When considering the reality that novels do depict to a certain extent, we have to bear in mind that:
..Whenever a Westerner tries to depict the Orient, regardless whether the texts are so-called truthful (histories, philological analyses) or artistic (i.e., openly imaginative), the depiction always relies on evidence, it is always exterior representation of the Orient, never the truth about it. (Said; 1978: 21)

It is this deferred and altered truth created in the process of (re)presentation that Said points out as important fact for all Orientalists to be aware of, and not just for the awareness sake, but to finally give the subaltern a chance to speak.

3b. Homi Bhabha and Liminality

Just as Edward Said introduces postcoloniality as a discourse, Homi Bhabha takes that discourse to a new level by indicating the position of the postcolonial subject in the contemporary postcolonial world. Dealing mostly with literature, Bhabha challenges the structuralists notion of binary pairs stating that the binary logic of black and white, here and there, back and forth etc., has a liminal space; in-between the designations of identity it becomes the process of symbolic interaction, the connective tissue that constructs the difference between the upper and lower, black and white(Bhabha, 1994). That opens a space
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for hybridity that entertains difference without an assumed or imposed hierarchy. Neither the colonial nor the colonized cultures and languages retain their pure forms, nor they can ever be separated from each other which challenges centrality of everything colonial and marginality of the colonzed. (Bhabha, 1994). According to Bhabha, and in this sense, the prefix post-, in all the terms where it is used (postcolonial, postmodern), only embodies the restless and revisionary energy, it shows that all the essentialities are insufficient, and that their boundaries are just another place where something begins its presencing (ibid.). In this sense he also talks of the colonial legacy, the unhomeliness of all the refugees, the collective memory that must not be put aside and amnestied, but through cultural translation inverted and put back to light. He notes that the study of world literature might be the study of the way in which cultures recognize themselves through their projections of otherness (Bhabha, 1994). And it is not only through literature but art in general that Bhabha sees the opportunity for creation of this splitting, this liminal space that becomes a scream made to affirm a profound desire for social solidarity.

3c. Spivak and Subaltern Identities Spivaks contribution to the postcolonial theory is enormous, as her essay Can the Subaltern Speak is considered to be the cornerstone of postcolonialism. She writes about predominance, as well as of the oppression. We must take into account that in any society certain cultural forms predominate others, just as certain ideas are more influential then others; the form of this cultural leadership is what Gramsci has identified as hegemony. It is the cultural hegemony that is not the same in every place, so the subaltern, as Spivak says, can not be approached everywhere in the same manner. The subaltern can not be generalized, it is not the same in every context, which is why, she suggests, we should locate the subaltern in our specific context and give it voice. In her interview1 Spivak marks that we should eliminate our prejudices towards the subaltern(following Gramscis idea) , whereas it is not only important to teach them skills but also to convert a particular person into what is by definition meant by a worthy citizen. While mentioning cultural differences, Spivak talks of the world divided into blocks which are being used as a politically correct

Interview with Spivak available at: http://www.zurnal.info/home/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=8229:krv-na-okruglomstolu-nije-krv-to-je-prepirka-intelektualaca-&catid=45:interview&Itemid=31

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alibis, and of globalization that threatens to erase old borders between those blocks and between binary pairs (black-white color, colonial-postcolonial), establishing something that was always truthful-that the history occurs simultaneously and that there is nothing mysterious and natural about authority. As Said puts it: Authority is formed, irradiated, disseminated; it is instrumental, it is persuasive; it has status, it establishes cannons of taste and value; it is virtually indistinguishable from certain ideas it dignifies as true, and from traditions, perceptions and judgments it forms, transmits, reproduces (Said, 1978:19). To get rid of such an authority, Spivak adds, we all need a drastic epistemological change, as well as to listen and understand our silent subaltern.

3d. Balkanism as a Version of Orientalism

It does not suffice to introduce all these authors, theories and terms only for the sake of being there, so I will try to use them and through them represent a possible way of looking at a more similar and more familiar concept, that of the Balkans. Maria Todorova provides us with a similar perspective to that of Orientalisam. Namely, while using similar strategies she elaborates on a somewhat different phenomenon, which she calls balkanism (Todorova, 1997:11) It is quite familiar to all of us that even though being in heart of Europe, the Balkans were never considered the integral part of Europe (hence the term European integration, even though it does not relate exclusively to the Balkans). Since geographically inseparable part of it Todorova notes that: Whether or not the Balkans are non-European or not is mostly a matter of academic and political debate, but they certainly have no monopoly over barbarity (Todorova, 1997: 7). This pressuposed barbarity became an excuse to culturally form the Balkans as the other within, hence it became able to absorb conveniently a number of externalized political, ideological, and cultural frustrations stemming from tensions and contradictions inherent to the regions outside and societies outside the Balkans (Todorova, 1997). The road to Europe, which in the domestic political agenda has no alternatives, is another sort of Western cultural hegemony. The West colonizes the Balkans anew on the cultural as well as political level, traping it in this liminal space (Bhaba, 1994) of perpetual transition with no precise beginning and a promise instead of the end. The point

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is that the Balkans indeed can be observed through the postcolonial lenses introduced by the mentioned theorists, as I will try to elaborate in the chapter below.

4. Towards a Balkan Postcolonial Agenda 4a. Extensions of Postcoloniality

Bearing in mind the fact that the term postcolonial is itself vague, imprecise and most importantly contested, it is most definitely liable for alternation and incorporation of new contexts and meanings. Gugelberger writes that postist terminology in general is to be understood as a signpost for new emphases in literary and cultural studies, indicative of the long-felt move from the margin (minorities) to the center that is also the major contribution of Derridean Deconstruction (1997). Thus we have the examples of the already mentioned black writing, concepts of imagined geography, hybridity, marginalization, subordination and liminality which altogether provide a frame, or create that liminal space allowing us think of the Balkans in the terms of postcoloniality. In Spivak's In Memoriam to Edward W. Said, published also as a preface to the Serbian translation of A Critique of Postcolonial Reason , she writes "the relationship of postcolonial theory to the Balkan as metaphor is a crucial task for our world" (Spivak, 2003: i). Even though postcolonial studies primarily went about studying strong colonial discourses and their relations to Others in the Middle East, Southeast Asia, Africa and Latin America, I would like to propose seeing the Balkans as a part of the Third World due to its long history of being othered and because after the Cold War and the Bosnian war, some former European socialist countries rapidly became Third World (Ivekovi, 2004). In Spivaks words,
"Colonizer" and "colonized" can be fairly elastic if you define scrupulously. When an alien nation-state establishes itself as ruler, impressing its own laws and systems of education, and re-arranging the mode of production for its own economic benefit, one can use these terms. (Spivak, 2003: 7-8).

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Albeit theoretically contested (Dupcsik, 2001), Bosnias present-day postcoloniality can be thought in terms of its inherent and inherited, usually negative, quality of Balkanness and balkanism as a problematic 'discourse on an imputed ambiguity' (Todorova 1997: 17). As a former Turkish and Austro-Hungarian colony and the poorest part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes SHS, Bosnia and Herzegovina (henceforth BiH) was a mostly rural, feudal society, with its Otherness/Balkanness briefly interrupted by fifty years of socialism and Yugoslav communality. This, however, was erased by the 1992-1995 war followed by the international community's interventionism, embodied in the Office of the High Representative (OHR) as the most powerful international body and the 'final authority in theatre' regarding the implementation of Dayton (postwar democratization) and the subsequent accession of (BiH) into the EU.

4b. Theorizing postcoloniality in the Balkans: contested identities and the perpetual war

As a Balkan country, BiH may geographically claim to be in Europe, but formally it still is not and may not be until 2014. As of April 2012, the country has two entity polices,2, a forcefully united army, a tripartite rotating presidency and a set of laws brought in by the internationals. In Senka Kurtovi's3 words, "Bosnia is like Frankensteins monster it has been sewn together with force." Perhaps one thing that all Bosnians have in common is the desire to join the European Union (EU) but this is not really visible in the media nor in the politicians' discourse. Rather, Bosnia's peculiar position has been marked by a perpetuation of the state of emergency and exception (Agamben, 2005), both when it comes to the international community and EU representatives regarding BiH's accession, which is reflected in the set of preconditions it has to fulfill, and the activities of local political elites who have been very successful in maintaining the status of a negative peace (Galtung, 1993), reflected in the absence of immediate violence but visible in the state of constant tension and emergency supported by overt nationalist rhetoric and secessionist aspirations.

2 3

Republic of Srpska and Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Muslim-Croat Federation). Senka Kurtovi is editor-in-chief of Sarajevo's daily Osloboenje. This quotation is taken from the interview with the German newspaper Die Welt in November, 2005.

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What does this perpetuation of the state of emergency mean? How is represented and maintained and what kind of discourses and practices does it entail? How is it achieved: through covert hegemony, or through repressive and violent practices that we have been accustomed to? Have we become immune to nationalism and exclusion of others to preserve our own fragile position of an ethnic political subject, or is the private fear rendering a different social and political imaginary unthinkable? Current research on ethnic nationalism in BiH shows that ethnic identifications, although predominant, are also volatile and elastic and that hybrid identifications also take shape (Majstorovi and Turjaanin, 2011). If we accept that nationalism and capitalism go arm in arm, especially in a world that is becoming more and more globalized, the division of loot in the war-torn and impoverished Balkans has not yet been completed, but is being perpetuated through the economy of scars in different public spaces and through a very specific reordering of (inter)national ideological and repressive apparata, different political economies and fields of action (state, media, culture..), and that the survivors of transition/genocide, politics of terror and inequality are being criminalized and ghettoized for they are to blame for the fate that has befallen them (Husanovi, 2010). Have we been robbed off of our political will so unknowingly that we do not even notice anymore that we, as ethnic citizens, have in fact become the disposable people (Ogilvy in Balibar, 20024)? While everyone is afraid of the possibility of another war, what if the war is still going on and we have become unable to see it? These are not easy questions to articulate nor is it easy to answer them. Yet the goal is clear, to engage in such an effort to map different arenas where this violence is performed and to locate the dynamics of this interplay in different forms of public discourse given the aforementioned postcolonial context and the practices maintaining the state of emergency in BiH. Only then, I think, can we provide potential for resistance and politics of hope (Zajonc, 2004) because resistance is impossible without understanding and deconstruction. In the light of the present day post-socialist, postwar and transitional legacies, political elites in BiH have the ultimate task of finishing the process of state building by all means necessary. The code of nationalism is embedded in the constitution established by the Dayton agreement, which means that only the three constitutional ethnicities--Serbs, Bosniaks and
4

See more in Politics and the Other Scene by Etiene Balibar, London, Verso.

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Croats--can be elected, and which thus sets a course for the political action and legitimized nationalistic discourse in everyday politics ever since the war. Western imperialism and Third World nationalisms have always been mutually dependent, the former feeding the latter and vice versa (Said, 1994), so it is not a surprise that certain nationalistic practices do have a seemingly positive reception with the representatives of EU. Just like the domestic political elites, who try to preserve the current ethno-nationalist order and agenda, the International Community (IC) has played an ambivalent role in BiH with a stick and carrot strategy (Majstorovi, 2007) and it comes as no surprise that drastic democratization measures resulted in little real democracy on the ground (Chandler, 2000), which again makes the Europeanization process fictitious and even further away. Both sets of elites, however, have succeeded in the perpetuation of the state of emergency, which on one hand is reflected in the constant suspension and delay of BiH joining the EU, and, on the other, constant demands of the local political elites to secede making the project of post-Dayton BiH a failure turning the Bosnian citizen into Agambens homo sacer.

5. Conclusion What is to be considered as postcolonial in the contemporary world is highly ambivalent considering the fact that new forms and relations of the colonizer and the colonized are being introduced every day. We must have in mind that the Balkans do have theorists of their own who deal with its trauma and issues of otherness (Kirin and Prlenda, 2007), approaching to it trough the postcolonial theory. Variety of different topics, and the Balkans approached through the lenses of feminisms can be seen in a post-graduate course book: Feminisms in Transitional Perspective: Rethinking North and South in Post-Coloniality (2007), with the topics concerning motherhood, fatherhood, immigration, balkanism and so forth. All of the themes cover mostly contemporary issues where the thing missing, perhaps, is kind of historical approach to the matter, to have a sort of genesis of the subaltern in the Balkans. Following the work of Todorova, Spivak, Bhabha, Said and others, the Balkans should be approached similarly, with the extensive literature analysis (written and oral), field research that could cover oral heritage, historical domination of the West and almost traditional subordination of the natives (the peoples living on the Balkans), hybrid identities, subaltern subjects, and so on and so forth, and all of this compared with the contemporary literature, permanent transition and state of emergency, new identities, todays cultural hegemony of the
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West, the class, gender, sexual subordination etc.. All of this in order to finally get to know the European alienated part of the self, (or if you prefer to call it its inner other) and to finally feel the pulse of the silent subaltern.

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Jambrei Kirin, R. and Prlenda, S. (eds) (2007). Feminisms in Transitional perspective: Rethinking North and South in Post-Coloniality. Zagreb: Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku. Said, E. (1978). Orientalism. Routlege & Kegan Paul Ltd.

Said, E. (1994). Culture and Imperialism. New York: Random House, Vintage Books. Spivak, G. C.(2003) In Memoriam: Edward W. Said. Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 23. Todorova, M. (1997). Imagining the Balkans. London: Oxford University Press. Williams, P. and Chrisman, L. (eds) (1993). Colonial Discourse and Post-colonial Theory. Hemel Hemstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Zajonc, D. (2004). The Politics of Hope: Reviving the Dream of Democracy. Synergy books.

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