THE REDEMPTIO OF THE PARA G SABIL: A RHETORICAL CRITICISM OF THE TAUSUG PARA G SABIL USI G BURKES DRAMATIST PE TAD

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A Thesis Presented to the Department Of Speech Communication and Theatre Arts at the University of the Philippines

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In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Bachelor of Arts in Speech Communication

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By Ysa Tatiana Lluisma

Dr. Belen Calingacion, Thesis Adviser February 2011

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TABLE OF CO TE TS Chapter Page

I. I TRODUCTIO ..1 II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE.10 Theoretical Framework.28 Conceptual Framework.34 III. METHODOLOGY Research Design.................38 Research Instruments................41 Data Gathering Procedure41 Data Analysis..................41 IV. FI DI GS A D A ALYSIS.42 V. SUMMARY A D CO CLUSIO S...102 Implications of the Study..109 Recommendations for Future Studies.111 Appendix A.112 Appendix B 114 Appendix C 131 Appendix D 134 Bibliography...138 References...143

ACK OWLEDGEME T It was with great inspiration and passion that I came to write my thesis but more so because of a handful of people who have significantly helped me throughout the course of writing it. Dr. Belen Calingacion, my thesis adviser, it was your profound knowledge and expertise that made me continuously challenge the work that I did. I would like to express my warmest thanks to your encouragement, criticism and unwavering trust in me. Dr. Abraham Sakili, it was you who inspired me go beyond what I expected of myself. Were it not for you, I would not have realized my passion for learning beyond my own culture. I may have been blind before but with you as my teacher, constant adviser and inspiration, I began to see, I began to question and more importantly, I began to learn. Professor Jannete Pinzon, more than just my panelist, you went out of your way to help me with my interviews. Without your valued advice and suggestions, my thesis would not be the proud work that I have today. For this, I express my most heartfelt thanks. Professor Johanna Aes, your kindness and caring nature has given me strength to persevere in finishing my research. Thank you for being one of my panelists; it was an honor to learn from you and to have a shared love for rhetoric. Professor Teresa de Luna, my love for rhetoric started in your Speech 130 class. From the beginning of my research until its last day, you readily extended a hand whenever I desperately needed it. I thank you with all my heart. Dr. Antoinette Hernandez- Bass, my Speech 199 adviser, it was you who told me to write a thesis that I would be passionate about. Without this great piece of advice, I would not have enjoyed doing my thesis as much as I actually did. Thank you! To my parents, Gilda and Arthur Lluisma, not once did you doubt that I would accomplish anything less and that meant the world to me. Thank you. To God, My Father, I thank you every day but today, I especially want to express my gratitude for not abandoning me and for being my constant savior no matter how undeserving I may be. To my blockmates, friends and family, I would not have done this without your support. Know that I did not forget the things you did for me, no matter how little.

CHAPTER I Introduction For the Moros are a grand people. Everything written about them, almost, has been authored by their enemies. They are feared and hated by the Filipinos. They were feared and hated by the Spaniards. (Hurley, 1936) This research is among the few studies ever done on the Parang Sabil of the Muslims in the Philippines. Books, like Swish of the Kriss by Vic Hurley and Muslims in the Philippines by Cesar Adib Majul, have only mentioned it in passing. Some represent this practice as institutionalized suicide (Ewing, 1955), ritual suicide (Kiefer, 1973) or martyrdom (Majul, 1999). The Juramentado is the one performing the parang sabil and it literally means a person who had taken an oath. In its traditional definition, (Majul, 1999) refers to: (a) Muslim warriors who, after specific religious rites and a night of prayer with panditas, would on the next day rush at the Christian invaders with the determination to kill as many as possible and not to expect to return alive. The overriding hope of such dedicated warriors was to merit paradise as a recompense.(b) Muslim warriors who battled with such religious ferocity such that they had been judged as fanatical by their enemies(p. 419). The juramentado refers to the person/ persons performing the act while the practice is more appropriately referred to as the parang sabil. This practice is distinctive of the Tausugs or the Muslim group in Sulu. It is characterized by its religious motives and patriotism, but not by the high degree of spontaneity and indiscriminate choice of victims of an amuck as many mistakenly perceived (Majul, p. 419). Saleeby (1913) asserts that Juramentado are not religious
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fanaticsThe juramentado is not actuated by a religious feeling. It is fierce patriotism that excites his rashness and provokes his craziness. The Tausugs of Jolo are part of the little Muslim world known to Christians (Chung, 1999) and this lack of exposure and knowledge about such people from a different culture breeds distrust and conflict. Thus, the rhetorical criticism of the parang sabil, considered one of the most misunderstood traditions of these people (Sakili, 1999), will not present the Muslims as the bloodthirsty, treacherous Moro (Chung, 1999) but as noteworthy people willing to sacrifice their lives for their freedom. This research is an exploration of the Muslim practice of parang sabil using Kenneth Burkes Dramatist Pentad for Rhetorical Criticism. The pentad is a discovery tool to open up and explore new insights on a subject (Guilford, 2010); it will serve as the tool in describing and analyzing the act of the parang sabil. The pentad serves as a model to generate motives in the rhetorical act (Reynolds, et al, 2010) and illuminate another perspective of the act. The five elements of the pentad (act, agent, agency, purpose, and scene) are the key terms in understanding human behavior wherein each of the five heuristic probes can be seen as an aspect of the other; for example, war can be an act, a scene, an agency (as a means to an end), a purpose (in schemes proclaiming a cult of war), and as a collective act (Reynolds, et al, p.317). By looking into the ratios (relationship of elements with one another), subquestions are formulated which are more penetrating and specific than the first (Guilford, 2010). In this study, the researcher aims to answer the question: How does the parang sabil achieve redemption for the Tausug people? In order to answer this, a rhetorical criticism will be conducted on four selected texts (primary artifacts): the Parang Sabil of Abdulla and Putli Isara
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in the Spanish Times (English translation) and the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan. These Tausug folktales serve as historical records in the form of oral tradition. As most of us know, there are two historical sources that can be used in writing history: those that are written and those that are oral(Asain, 2002). These texts will serve as secondary information since the researcher lacks first hand encounter. As a detached observer, the researcher will analyze the primary artifacts, with the aid of interviews, using the Dramatist Pentad with particular focus on the scene-act ratio. By looking into the scene and act, the researcher is creating a view of the drama wherein the scene constrains the act and realistically reflects the course of the action and symbolizes it (Stewart, 1990, p.34) in a way that the act achieves redemption for the Tausug. According to Blake, et al (1945), Horatio suggests that "the sheer natural surroundings might be enough to provide a man with a motive for an act as desperate and absolute as suicide" which implies the significance of the scene in accomplishing the purpose of an act. Thus, the scene can be seen as the motivation. The researcher, a Speech Communication major and a Christian since birth, aims not just to criticize the parang sabil, but more importantly, to provide a perspective by which nonMuslims, especially Christians, may interpret it. In order to properly contextualize the study, a brief overview of the Muslims in the Philippines, rhetoric and the Dramatist Pentad will follow.

Muslims in the Philippines The believers of Islam are called, Muslims or Moros, a political designation overriding different Muslim ethnic identifications (Sakili, 2003).They compromise eight percent of the Philippine population and are divided into thirteen ethno-linguistic groups which mainly reside in Southern Philippines. The five most prominent groups are the Tausugs of Sulu, the Samas of Tawi-Tawi, the Yakans of Basilan, the Maranaos in Central Mindanao and the Maguindanaos in Cotabato. These groups differ in historical development, level of Islamization, dialect and culture. Despite such differences, Islam unites and binds these people. Sakili (2003) asserts that The common Islamic factor in their culture sets them apart from the rest of the Filipino citizens, majority of whom, are non-Muslims. It was the 13th century that the Islamization of Southern Philippines began. It is important to note that there are generally two modes of Islamic beliefs and practices: Normative Piety and Sufism. Much is credited to the Sufi mystics for the spread of Islam in the Philippines. Sufism or Islam mysticism (Sakili, 2003) is a secret doctrine concerned with the Divine-human encounter and the Tariqah or mystical path through which union is attained(p.37). Normative Islam on the other hand, is a behavioral form of religionthe ShariahQuran and the Hadith and Sunnah form the core of Normative Islam (p.37). Sufism is the mystical mode of Islam while Normative Piety is associated with orthodoxy. Both coexist in Islam practices and belief in the Philippines. Islam permeates every aspect of Muslim life. It is more than a religion; it is a way of life. This is the foundation in understanding Muslim culture.

Rhetoric Rhetoric, according to Aristotle is the ability in each particular case to see the available means of persuasion. In effect, rhetoric is used to achieve purposive ends. Furthermore, the rhetorical theorist Kenneth Burke (1969) defines rhetoric as the language as a symbolic means of inducing cooperation in beings that by nature responds to symbols (p.43) From this, communication is viewed as symbolic interaction and the symbols being exchanged are rooted in rhetoric. The means by which to understand symbolic interaction is rhetoric. Therefore, it is concerned with how people communicate within a particular context. Rhetoric plays a significant role in culture. Strecker and Tyler (2009) assert that, Many factors contribute to the shaping of human action, but rhetoric, we argue, is the decisive factor in the emergence of cultural diversity past and present. Inward and outward persuasion is the mother of invention, and it is our rhetorical genius, which creates the customs and lifestyles of culture (p.1). In this light, rhetoric and culture have interlacing functions in describing and interpreting human action. This research is focused on the use of rhetoric to criticize the parang sabil within its cultural setting. Dramatist Pentad The pentad is a tool of analysis that lets us trace how our worlds are constructed through rhetoric (Borchers, 2006). This is where subjective realities come in. If reality is a social construct, then reality for one may not be the reality for another. The pentad allows us to understand the motives and situation by which humans communicate. It provides a window of
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understanding as to how humans frame situations from their own subjective realities and how others perceive that situation. It basically explores why people do what they do and how they do it. The pentad has five elements: act, scene, agent, agency, purpose. These are instruments by which to describe and analyze the subject of rhetoric. Statement of the Problem Using the Dramatist Pentad, how does the parang sabil achieve redemption for the Tausug community? Objectives of the study 1. To describe the parang sabil using the Dramatist Pentad. 2. To analyze the texts according to the scene-act ratio in the Dramatist Pentad. 3. To determine how the parang sabil achieves redemption for the Tausug community.

Definition of terms Rhetoric (conceptual) the ability in each particular case to see the available means of persuasion (Aristotle) (operational) In this study, the term refers to the rhetorical devices (symbols, values) used in the texts.

Rhetorical Criticism (conceptual) the process of using rhetorical theory in order to understand and evaluate rhetorical practice and generate future rhetorical theory (Borchers, 2006) (operational) In this study, it is using Burkes rhetorical theories to understand and evaluate the practice of the parrang sabil. Dramatist Pentad (conceptual) a method of analysis and a corresponding critique terminology designed to show that the most direct route to the study of human relations and human motives is via a methodical inquiry into cycles or clusters of terms and their functions (Burke, 1969) (operational) It is the method used to analyze the texts to determine how the rhetoric of the parrang sabil achieves redemption. Juramentado (conceptual) muslim warriors who, after specific religious rites and a night of prayer with panditas, would on the next day rush at the Christian invaders with the determination to kill as many as possible and not to expect to return alive (parrang sabil). The overriding hope of such dedicated warriors was to merit paradise as recompense. (Majul, 1999) Parang sabil (conceptual) Sulus way of waging a jihad or holy war; waged as the last option of resistance (Sakili, 1999)

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(operational) the Sulu form of jihad and last option of resistance which involves the specific religious rites and a night of prayer with the panditas before rushing to Christian invaders with the determination to kill as many possible without expecting to return alive. Redemption (conceptual) removal of guilt to restore order (Borchers, 2006) (operational) In this study, redemption is the removal of guilt to restore order in the Tausug community. Scope and Delimitation The research will be a rhetorical criticism of the texts: the Parang Sabil of Abdulla and Putli Isara in the Spanish Times (English translation) and the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan. The researcher will cover only two Tausug folktales because of the limited availability of written material and time constraint. Since folktales are primarily oral tradition, only a few have been transcribed with an accepted English translation from the Tausug language. Since the researcher is not knowledgeable about the Tausug language, the English translations will be used. The interviews will serve as supporting details. The researcher will be an indirect observer and will provide analysis from the third person point of view due to the lack of first hand encounter with the parang sabil. Because of ethical and practical reasons (time, proximity, risks), the researcher is not in the position to witness it firsthand. It is through the given texts that the research will describe and analyze the rhetoric of the parang sabil. Though the practice is generally of the Muslims, the study will focus only on the parang sabil of the Tausugs since they are the ones known to perform it in the Philippines. The research
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will limit itself to the scene-act relationship in the pentad. Another important limitation to be considered is the texts themselves. Since no live record of the parang sabil exists, and those who participate in it do not get a chance to tell an account of their act, the researcher will have to make do with secondhand information from the written texts. Due to time constraint, this study is by no means an exhaustive research of the parang sabil, the Tausug culture or the Moros in general. This study will present only one among many interpretations of the texts and one among the many perspectives by which the parang sabil may be viewed.

Significance of the study This study primarily aims to enlighten the others regarding the practice of parang sabil by analyzing it through the scene-act ratio in the Dramatist Pentad. This study is the researchers contribution to the few studies conducted on the parang sabil. It will hopefully bridge gaps between Muslims and Christians by presenting the Muslims in light of their culture. Since the parang sabil is a form of jihad, this study can be a foundation in understanding Muslim perspective of holy war and the present Muslim militancy in Mindanao. This thesis aims to provide a means by which Christians and other non-Muslims may interpret the Muslim practice and in effect, interpret a microcosm of Muslim culture. As a Speech Communication student, this study is the researchers contribution to the knowledge bank of her field of discipline, especially rhetoric. Hopefully, the research will assert the relevance of rhetoric in these modern times.
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CHAPTER II Review of Related Literature

This chapter studies on the parang sabil, rhetoric and rhetorical criticism, religious extremism, Tausug and Sulu, and studies on redemption. Both foreign and local studies are presented. The following are studies that present the relationship between rhetoric, history, and culture. Moreover, they reflect how rhetorical criticism functions in analyzing and understanding symbolic action. Local Studies on Rhetoric Elizabeth Reyes (2009) thesis analyzed the musical practice in the praise and worship of Victory Christian Fellowship- Quezon City using Burkes Elements of the Hexad. It reconciled the use of modern worship music to achieve identification within the larger VCF community by using the act-purpose ratio in describing the function of the musical practice and analyzing how the songs expressed the shared religious beliefs of the group. The study signified the function of the pentad in describing the act and analyzing the rhetoricality of the text. It concluded that identification was manifested in the collective participation during praise and worship. In An Analysis of the Rhetoric of Benigno S. Aquino Jr. Using the Quest Story Eneria (2004) presented the relationship between rhetoric and history. She argued that drawing a common vision from the rhetoric of Aquino was inevitable because of the situation in the Philippines, and thus, highlights the importance of the scene element in rhetorical criticism.
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Using the Quest Story, it maintained the common goal to reestablish democracy, the common enemy as former President Marcos and as victims of the dictatorship; Aquino shared the plight with the Filipinos. This was the common vision created from the rhetoric of Aquino, rooted within the political and social situation of the time. Fernandez (1990) also highlighted the importance of the scene and concluded that snap elections rose out of a scene that encompassed a deteriorating socio-political, economic Philippines society under the Marcos administration. Based on Burkes definition of rhetoric as promotion of social cohesion and perfection of society, the thesis analyzed speeches within a historical milieu to determine the extent of influence rhetoric had on the Filipinos fight for democracy. Lerias (1975) also points out the use of the pentad, especially the scene element, to confirm the hypothesis that rhetoric influenced the Filipinos fight for independence from the United States of America. The thesis concluded that involvement in the struggle for independence was affected by the political, social and economic conditions in each period and thus, tracing the role of rhetoric in Philippine history from 1907-1934. The mentioned studies, then, link how rhetoric plays a role in history and how history shapes rhetoric. Pelagio (1990) extends the role of rhetoric not just in history, but also within a given culture. Using James Andrews Cross-Cultural approach, the study aimed to determine the cultural differences between USA and the Philippines, manifested in the US-RP Military Bases Agreement. The period from 1946-1988 was the focus of the study to determine the basic differences of the two histories and cultures. It concluded that rhetoric becomes an agency which a particular group of people identifies its norms, values, ideas and behavior. This study further implies the rhetoricality of culture: how rhetoric shapes and creates culture.
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Rhetoric, though, is not limited only to culture and history, but encompasses the issue of power and politics in media and society as a whole. Desierto (2009) critiques how the political scene in the Philippines uses nationalist rhetoric to assert anti-foreign ownership in mass media. The political scene includes policy makers coming from the oligarchic families determined to maintain control over the media; the nationalist rhetoric is the persuasive strategy used to maintain oligarchic power through the legitimate prohibition of foreign ownership in media. Desierto analyzed the issue of foreign ownership prohibition in mass media by attacking the socalled nationalist rhetoric employed by political players. The study shows how oligarchic interests are protected through the rhetoric of the political players that control the media. Rhetoric, then, was used to critique and evaluate the use of power to serve political interests. Similarly, Cramb, et al (2000) evaluated the management practices of land managers through rhetoric. The research analyzed discrepancies between the written documents of farming conservation projects in the Philippines and the actual implementation of these. Rhetoric functions as a means of understanding and presenting the perspective of land managers in handling projects. In lieu of these studies, rhetoric is not constricted to speeches or literature, but encompasses practices, culture, politics, policies, etc; rhetoric is therefore, present in everything. It can function as a means to describe, analyze and evaluate the persuasive strategies, the effectiveness of the practice and the motives of actions. It influences the decisions, the way of thinking and the perception of people towards certain things. Thus, rhetoric provides ways to interpret human communication; understand it and view it in different perspectives.

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Foreign studies on Rhetoric The following are foreign studies on Rhetoric and Rhetorical Criticism. They present the functions and relevance of rhetoric in understanding human symbolic action. They pay special attention to the significance of the scene in rhetorical criticism. Stewart (1990) presented his thesis on the Burkean Method and proved its appropriateness and suitability in analyzing environmental text. Unlike Dramatism, the Burkean Method is a consolidation of all the key concepts and principles of Kenneth Burkes Rhetorical theory and thus, involves formal, structural and cluster analysis. Nothing is ever merely simple in Burke (p.9) and this goes to show that the complexity of Burkean Method is highly specific to environmental rhetoric. Stewart argues that: Burkes hierarchies provide clear linguistic and rhetorical connections between society, politics, and nature. The relationships between these hierarchies define current environmental issues and rhetoric. This hierarchical ordering and relationship provides a clear rationale for applying specifically Burkean analytical methods to environmental texts. (p.13)

This simplified method of rhetorical analysis does not, however, limit itself to environmental rhetoric but extends to all practical uses of rhetoricians involved in analyzing the motives and meanings of complicated texts. It is useful in terms of bringing features of texts to the surface that are not readily apparent, such as how they produce identification in their audiences, and in revealing rhetorical factors related to but outside the text, for example the authors motives (p.i) Usually, Rhetorical critics focus on either the identification or the pentadic aspect of Burkes theory (Borchers,2006,p.62) but in this thesis, it goes beyond identification of symbolic action; it also examines the underlying motives.
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Kahn-Egan (1997) on the other hand, uses the pentad to gain a different way of viewing rhetorical situations; particularly, the alleged suicide of Kurt Cobain, the lead vocalist and guitarist of the band Nirvana which was one of the most successful pioneers of grunge in the 90s. He considered the explanations of psychoanalysts, music writers and social critics to be insufficient and was not convinced that any of their explanations provides a motive for his suicide. He further asserts: Applying Burkes pentad and circumference models to Kurt Cobains suicide may help explain the event and its significance in a way that both scholars and students can find useful. For scholars, applying an academic method to a mainstream culture artifact helps us connect with the larger society we work in, as well as with our students (p.3). Kahn-Egan particularly looked at the scene-agent and scene-agency ratios to determine whether the scene subsumed the agency in which case, Kurt Cobain would be the unwilling agent. In this study, the ratios play a significant role in establishing the circumference by which the elements of the pentad will be read, discussed and interpreted. Burke (1952) conceptualizes circumference by: The word [circumference] reminds us that, when defining by location, one may place the object of ones definition in contexts of varying scope. And our remarks on the scene-act ratio, for instance, suggest that the choice of circumference for the scene in terms of which a given act is to be located will have a corresponding effect upon the interpretation of the act itself. (p.77) Thus, analyzing within a circumference presents just one perspective among the many possible perspectives. The scene-agent and scene-agency are used as tools to think outside the box. The study concluded Kurt Cobain as a clear picture of a man who was tortured by his loss of agency. In Burkean terms, the scene was asking too much from the agent, and the agent couldnt or wouldnt comply; but at the same time, he felt bad about it. In connection to Burkes
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concept of guilt and redemption, the alleged suicide is the act of redemption to free ones self of the guilt of losing agency. The function of rhetorical analysis in criticizing popular culture is highlighted and the scene illuminates the rhetorical situation. In the same manner, Walton (2006) analyzes films within the political scene. Again, the role and significance of the scene is expanded. The thesis examines how the films Mr. Smith Goes to Washington (1939), The Candidate (1972), The Contender (2000), Wag the Dog (1997), Power (1986), and Primary Colors (1998) function rhetorically with focus on the values. It argues that these films and the political consciousness embedded in them identify with American values which in effect, create a reflection of political reality. The political scene, in this study, is once again asserts the importance, relevance and usefulness of the scene in analysis. Similar to the researchers artifact for analysis, Walton presents the relationship between rhetoric and the significance of the scene which reflects the values of a particular culture. Identification of values is at the core wherein conflict can occur in the form of good versus evil, and this conflict can be a powerful catalyst to enact social change within the film, which also has the power to create a change in the audience (Rushing and Frentz, 1978). The study of Walton concluded that films indeed function rhetorically through the dramatic message of politics. Those who view this film can walk away feeling as if they saw an authentic representation of political life. My assumption is that generally audiences do want to believe in the idea of the redeeming hero, and dismiss the reign of the malicious antagonist (Walton, p.110). In this thesis, values reflect the political consciousness, depict the political mood of the era and represent a larger scale of American values. In effect, these values serve as underlying
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motivation of these films. The rhetorical criticism led to the understanding of political implications to the general public as consequences of political campaigns; it served as a means to interpret how (political) reality was constructed. The Rhetoric of American Beauty: A Value Analysis also focuses on values and how these determine the rhetoricality of films. Papajcik (2006) explores the values, value system and ideographs embedded in the film American Beauty, in an attempt to discover the definition of the suburban culture they collectively embody (p.1). The thesis argues that viewers identify with the values revealed in the film and rationalize their decisions based on these values; thus, American Beauty reflects how Americans define culture and contemporary suburbia.

Like Waltons thesis, Papajcik presents how film depicts reality. Papajcik asserts: Film, like many other forms of mass mediated communication, has the potential to influence an audience about cultural value, and is quite often successful in doing so as shown through previous research. Through value analysis, films can be examined to gain a better understanding of the culture represented through the beliefs, values and value systems discovered. (p.47) Rhetoric is, thus, not limited to the meanings and symbols within the text, but also its relevance and implications outside the text. The studies present the background and context of rhetorical situations as motivation for the production of films (Papajcik, 2006) (Walton, 2006), suicide (Kahn-Egan, 1997) and environmental texts (Stewart, 1990).

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Rhetoric and Redemption Bobbitt (2004) uses the redemption drama, also known as guilt-purification-redemption theory of Burke. This theory is a part of the whole theory of Dramatism which invites one to consider the matter of motives in a perspective that, being developed from an analysis of drama, treats language and thought primarily as modes of action (Burke, 1969, xxii). Bobbitt (2004) applies the redemption drama in analyzing Martin Luther Kings speech, I have a Dream wherein King upholds a drama between the conflict of good and bad, and resolves in salvation. The study follows Griffins statement that, To study a movement, is to study a drama, an act of transformation, an act that ends in transcendence, the achievement of salvation (1969, p.462). In the same way, the researcher analyzes the parang sabil as a drama which translates to an analysis of the achievement of salvation or redemption. In the analysis of Kings I Have a Dream, Bobbitt identified Kings awareness of the potency of guilt as a factor of human motivation and looked into the scene which the established the source of this guilt. Bobbit also discusses the concept of redemption and uses the term both in its secular and religious sense. In its religious sense, it means to deliver or save ones soul from the consequences of sin and in its secular sense, it can range from the act of freeing someone from a charge or claim to an act of atoning or making amends for past wrongs (p.30). Cone (1984), Miller (1992) and Lischer (1995) discuss the duality of redemption in black religion in the context of Martin Luther King. Based on the idea that man is both physical and spiritual in nature, redemption is also both worldly and otherworldly. This presents the importance for the researcher to look into both the physical (material) and spiritual (religious) scene of the object of the study in order to grasp the totality of the redemptive act.
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Studies on the Parang Sabil These are a progression of studies that starts a discussion on the juramentado and parang sabil in relation to the Muslim concept of Jihad. Parang sabil,also known in the Philippines as sabilullah, is considered one of the most misunderstood traditions of the Tausugs (Sakili, 1999, p.122). Those who perform this act are Muslims who sacrifice their lives for their religion and for the freedom of their land from those who subjugate it. After the eventful Battle of Bud Daho and Bud Bagsak, the Tausugs (Sulus) resulted into a form of guerilla warfare known as the parang sabil. Sakili (1999), Majul (1999) and Hurley (1936 ) reiterate that practicing the parang sabil is not going amuck as popularly depicted in movies in the Philippines. Sakili (1990, p.122) states that: It was a religious and patriotic act directed against the combatants of kafir (infidels) or foreign invaders. Parrang sabil is the Sulus way of waging a jihad or holy war. It was waged as the last option of resistance against colonization. The parang sabil continued its resistance even after its weakened state during the Carpenter Agreement on March 22, 1915. Dr. Najeeb Saleeby (1908, p.152) had this to say in justifying the resistance of the Moros in the Philippines: The Moro was not met except with the predetermination to fight him. He was not approached except with the intention of sharing his treasure. He was not invited except to surrender his right to government and no alternative was offered him except tribute or death. It is out of reason to expect them to yield to threats and be daunted by a bombshell shot from a distance.

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From Vic Hurleys Swish of the Kris (1936), the juramentado, coined by General Malcampo during the Spanish expeditions in Jolo in 1876, was characterized as the practice of running juramentado was a religious rite involving the waging of a jihad, or Holy War, upon infidels (p.126). Primarily, a band of men would become juramentados, willing to sacrifice their lives in the process. Eventually, single individuals performed this practice during the Spanish conquest. Hurleys statement brings forth the relationship of the juramentado and jihad, situated within particular instances in history that have brought about this radicalism. The Quran gives the basis of jihad and juramentado: War is enjoined against the infidels. (II, p.215) Oh True believers, wage war against such of the infidels as are near you. (IX, p. 124) Whenever ye encounter the unbelievers, strike off their heads until ye have made a great slaughter among them. (XLVII, p.4) Furthermore, Hurley states that: The jihad against unbelievers is enjoined by the Koran. In its pure form, the jihad consisted of bona-fide organized warfare against Christians. Juramentado was the degenerate form of jihad evolved by the Sulu MorosIn waging their individual war against the unbelievers, the Moros were more enthusiastic than religious, for they violated the strict tenets of the Mohammedan faith. According to Hurley, the Koran expressed that the unbeliever should be noticed of the attack before administering jihad. The Quranic bases are as follows: Say to the unbelievers, if they desist from their belief, what is now past shall be forgiven them. (Surah VII: 39-49) God loveth not the treacherous. (Verse 60) For whoever shall kill a believer of set purposes, his recompense shall be Hell, forever shall he abide in it. (Hidayah)

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Hurley goes as far as deducing that juramentados are those who had become overzealous in religious matters decided to commit..an act of constructive self-destruction, to terminate his unwillingness to live (p.127). Ewing (1955) entitles his paper as Juramentado: Institutionalized Suicide Among the Moros of the Philippines and refers to the practice of parang sabil as institutionalized suicide. Kiefer (1973), on the other hand, refers to the parang sabil as ritual suicide instead. According to him, it is the basic concept which sanctioned the holy war, especially in its later phases when it was institutionalized as a form of altruistic suicide. He mentioned the apparent confusion of the juramentado with the Malaysian amok. He explains that:

The amok mythology offered the Spanish a ready interpretation for the apparently strange behavior of juramentado conducted by the Moslems on their southern frontiers. With little understanding of the theology which gave sanction to sabbil, they commonly interpreted it as simple insanity of a particularly troublesome sort. The myth that the sabbil is an amok has tenaciously persisted in the Christian Philippines with a concern greater than the reality would warrant. (p.112) Furthermore, Kiefer characterizes the parang sabil as ritualistic in reference to the preparatory rituals, embedded in religious values, before the act is performed. He identifies the motives as primarily religious in nature. Religious motives were uppermost in the public rhetoric associated with parang sabil: a man did it for the greater glory of God, the community, and his own soul (p.114). Though, he also points out the personal motives of the juramentado usually shared among close friends only.

Following this line of thought, Majul (1999) describes the parang sabil not as suicide but as a matter of individual duty to repel the invaderssuch performance of an individual duty
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was a recognition of the Sultans ineffectual defense (p.422). The act is premediated compared to that of an amuck and has religious motives by which the latter lacks. The belief of the panditas and the warriors was that the recompense for one who had died for the Faith is Paradise (p.423) and this belief is in consonance with the following verses for the Quran: Count not those who are killed in the way of Allah (fil sabil-ullah) as dead, but living with their Lord. (Sura III, v.163) Let those then fight in the path of Allah (fil sabil-ullah), who exchange this present life for that which is to come; for whoever fighteth on Allahs path, whether he be slain or conquer, We will in the end give him a great reward. (Sura IV, v.76) The Hadith (Traditions) coincides as well: He who dies and has not fought for the religion of Islam, nor has even said in his heart Would to Allah I were a champion that could die in the road of Allah ((fil sabil-ullah), is even as a hypocrite. Fighting in the road of Allah (fil sabil-ullah), or resolving to do so, is a divine duty. When your Imam orders you to go forth to fight, then obey him. The following show the religious basis of parang sabil. Saleeby (1913) on the other hand, states the opposite: Juramentados are not religious fanaticsThe juramentado is not actuated by a religious feeling. It is a fierce patriotism that excites his rashness and provokes his crazinessReligion plays a secondary role in this case and no blame can attach to the juramentados creed. (p.24) It follows then, that the juramentado question is emphasized in the mentioned studies. Is the juramentado performing an act of patriotism or an act of religiosity? Apparently, the act has both religious and patriotic roots but the question remains as to which takes precedence. Soliven (2006) of the Philippine Star wrote an article which referred to the parang sabil as a Muslim religious rite that guaranteed a swift trip to heaven. He mentions Tony Orendain IIs
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book, Zamboanga Hermosa which called the Muslim rite as a degenerative form of the holy duty, called jihad, to defend dar-ul-Islam (name of Islam) from unbelievers and infidels, with a pledge of Paradise as a reward. The film of Gary Cooper was also mentioned; The Real Glory was contemplated by Soliven as the film that introduced the concept of the Juramentado or Muslim Amokthe forerunners two centuries ago of todays suicide bombers and Martyr Muhahideen. Clearly, the parang sabil, as a form of jihad is both religious and patriotic in essence but the precendence (if indeed there is) of one has not yet been realized. Some argue that it is suicide while some refer to is as defense. Though the researcher does not aim to clarify if it is indeed suicide or defense, the researcher will tackle the issue in the later chapters in analyzing how redemption is achieved by this act and the interpretation will hopefully lead to enlightenment on the issue. More important to note is Coopers concept of the parang sabil as the forerunners of present day suicide-bombers. This shows the on-going influence of the practice to modern times which all the more establishes the relevance and urgency of the study.

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Studies on Sulu and the Tausugs The following is an accumulation of the studies done on the history of Sulu and the Tausug people. The history of the Sulus is not known to the Filipino people. Being misunderstood, the Sulus appear as villains instead of victims, as aggressors instead of defenders (Sakili, 1999). According to Sakilis (1999) account of the history of Sulu, the land of Sulu or Lupah Sug, more commonly known to the natives, means the Land of the Current and was the most prominent and richest settlement in pre-Hispanic Philippines. It has 369 named islands and extends about 200 miles from the Zamboanga Peninsula, with Jolo as its capital town. Its native inhabitants are referred to as Tausugs or Sulus. Pre-Islamic Sulu trace their ancestors to the Neolithic Semang, believed to be the original inhabitants of other Southeast Asian islands. Sulu was once the principal route of migrations, trade, and Islamization from Malaysia to the Philippine islands Sulu interacted with its neighbors including Cambodians, Indo Chinese, Indians, Arabs and Chinese until 1840. These foreign contacts brought about assimilation with the culture of the land. Islam was adopted by the people into their lives, beliefs and customs and co-existed with the un-Islamic beliefs and practices of the inhabitants of the land. This is not because Islam is syncretic, rather certain pre-Islam beliefs and customs came to be associated with Islam and were misunderstood by the Muslim Filipinos to be part of Islam (Majul, 1966, p.71). Some notable influences of islamization include refrain from eating pork, circumcision, the ritual of praying five times a day, fasting during Ramadan, and burying the dead. Because of
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Islam, the Sulus became conscious of belonging to a wider community of the Ummah, the nonterritorial social world of the Muslims and regard their fellow Muslims as brothers. Furthermore, the Sultanate consolidated the different ethnic groups in Sulu, uniting their consciousness into one Bangsa Sug or Sulu nation. The coming of colonization brought about the longest resistance in Southeast Asia by the Sulus. For more than three hundred years, they fought to protect their civilization and retain their religion. They continued their struggle for freedom and national liberation upon the failure of the Americans and the Philippine government to secure the promise of progressive life and welfare. Because of this, the Moro National Liberation Front was established as a response to this injustice and as embodiment of the continued sacrifice of their forefathers. Sulu was referred to by colonizers as the place where black devil incarnate, born in mischief and without human characteristics ---barbarous and savage live. (Saleeby, 1963). This prevailing Moro image is traced to such phrases such as a good Moro is a dead Moro which was planted into the minds of the Christianized natives that eventually became allies of the Spaniards. The land of Sulu is a reminder to the Tausugs of the longest history of anti-colonial resistance in Southeast Asia and the glory of their past. It inspires the pursuit of freedom and justice. (Sakili, 1999, p.113)

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Studies on religious extremism Iannaccone and Berman (2006) provide an alternative analysis on religious extremism rooted on economics. They mention the obvious link of religious extremism and terrorism. Iannoccone and Berman explain that: Religious extremists are willing to murder because they embrace theologies that sanction violence in the service of God. They have no sympathy for their victims, because they view those victims as enemies of God. And they readily sacrifice their own lives because they expect huge and immediate afterlife rewards in return from martyrdom.(p.109)

Their study is based on the argument that self-interest motivates clergy just like secular producers and so, the market forces constrain both churches and secular firms; thus benefits of competition, monopoly and government regulation are realities for religion as well (Smith, 1965, pp.740-766). This view shows religious behavior as rational and uses the market model to analyze religion. This approach on the economics of religion treats people as consumers of religion wherein the costs and benefits determine their participation in religion. Consequently, the economic approach views most behavior as rational responses to varying prices, incomes, skills, experiences, technologies, and endowments; the economic approach looks into the scene of religious activities to understand extreme religious behavior by viewing it as rational and logical behavior. Iannoccone and Berman concluded that: Taking a cue from Adam Smith, scholars should examine these true instances of religious militancy and ask how much violence should be attributed to the religious-political environment rather than the religion itself. Genuinely violent sects tend to arise in
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countries where the civil government has suppressed religious freedom, favoring one form of religious expression over all others. Within these environments, a disfavored sect is strongly motivated to oppose the government, despise the established religion and covet the privileges that come with state support (pp.125-126).

Their statement describes the general situation of the religious-political environment of religious extremist behavior which the parrang sabil is a part of. It gives particular importance to the scene which propels and motivates this extreme behavior of sects. Huntington (2002) identifies four causes of the Age of Muslim Wars: the resurgence of Islamic consciousness, movements and identity among Muslim peoples; the existence of a great sense of grievance, resentment, envy and hostility toward the West; tribal, religious, political and cultural divisions within the Muslim World; and the high birthrates in most Muslim societies which produced a youth bulge wherein the young males are the principal perpetrators of violence in all societies. Huntington lays down the causes of terrorism and violence among extremist Muslims within the scene which their consciousness, ideology, resentment and motivation are rooted on. There is particular significance in identifying the scene which has circumstanced religious extremism.

In a local perspective, Angeles (2001), Banlaoi (2009), Cagoco-Guiam (2003) and Tan (2000) analyze the Mindanao problem in the Philippines with focus on historical events leading to the present-day situation of negative Moro image, so-called terrorism and war with the Moros. The studies pay particular attention to the brewing of Muslim insurgencies through the long history of oppression, injustice and cultural threat to the Bangsamoro. Tan reiterates the importance of independence as the underlying motivation for the continued struggle of the
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Moros. The studies imply the eventful insurgency in Mindanao rooted on the history of Muslims in the Philippines and the continuous subjugation of the Moros. In order to analyze religious extremism cases, there is a need to look into the historical, social, economic and psychological context which brought about this movement.

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Theoretical Framework This research is not only descriptive of the parang sabil, but it is also interpretive; it is an exploratory study. In order to completely grasp the approach of this study, Rhetorical Criticism is defined as the process of using rhetorical theory in order to understand and evaluate rhetorical practice and generate future rhetorical theory (Borchers, 2006, p.8).Wilson (2003) asserts that journals and publications of rhetoric have been observed to focus on criticism rather than theory recently. Criticism, compared to theory, looks at the rhetorical practices to derive principles while the latter use principles to describe rhetorical practices. Furthermore, criticism calls for the evaluation of rhetorical practice and focus on its implications rather than on its effectiveness. Thus, the object of study, the parang sabil is evaluated on how the act achieves redemption. This research is likened to Tiatcos study (2010) which uses the concept of traditionalization to refer to the continuous construction of narratives and interpretation of the kuraldal of Pampanga. These negotiations between the Catholic Church and the folk stories are then woven together providing the performative text(s) of kuraldal (p.2). Tiatco concludes that The performance of kuraldal indicates that although it is borrowed from the dogma of Catholic tradition, it presents ambivalent feelings and performances to the very religion on which the dancing ritual is based (p.28). Thus, traditions are viewed as dynamic and continuously modified within the culture of its human agents. Tiatco asserts:

Through this ongoing instance of traditionalization as seen in the kuraldal, Catholic communities in the Philippines (like the Sasmuan Catholic community) always engage in a dialogue with the institution (Catholic Church). Thus, the kuraldal is a performative strategy in this small fishing village to assert their sense of belonging and to assert their sense of identity distinct from the rest of the Kapampangan communities in Pampanga and in
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the entire archipelago and at the same time as a distinct Catholic community from the rest of the Catholic communities in the country and perhaps in the world. (p.27)

The dance-ritual is presented not just as thanksgiving but also as panata which refers to the public display of ones faith. It often involves physical violence as a means of redemptive suffering as Pablo David (in Tiatco, 2010) refers to it; this actualization of sacrificial vow is performed as a means to garner divine rewards or redemption.

Analogous to the kuraldal, the parang sabil as an act of martyrdom (Sakili, 2006) or ritual suicide (Kiefer, 1973) is part of the Tausug tradition. From Tiatcos study, the researcher gathered that the parang sabil and the kuraldal share the similar goals of redemption and similar processes of traditionalization. In the case of the parang sabil, the negotiation occurs between the orthodox Islam and the pre-Islamic culture of the Tausug; this dialogue in turn, brings about the localized jihad: parang sabil. It is the Tausugs assertion of their faith, as well as their ethnicity as Tausugs, distinct from other Muslim groups in the Philippines. Furthermore, the foundation of this thesis is Burkes theory of Rhetoric and Dramatism. Kenneth Burke (1969) defines rhetoric as the use of language as a symbolic means of inducing cooperation in beings that by nature respond to symbols (p.43). By this, he equates the analysis of rhetoric as an analysis of language and that to engage in language is to engage in symbolic action; thus, rhetoric is symbolic action which only symbol-using man uses. With Dramatism, Burke pushes the view of rhetoric further as a means by which humans create reality. He defines it as a method of analysis and a corresponding critique terminology
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designed to show that the most direct route to the study of human relations and human motives is via a methodical inquiry into cycles or clusters of terms and their functions (p.445). Dramatism explains actions through motives wherein motives are shorthand explanations of situations and an analysis of motives is an analysis of human behavior (Bobbitt, 2004). The tool in this particular analysis is the pentad. It describes and analyzes how rhetoric constructs realities within its five elements (Borchers, 2006, p.153): Act- what happens or takes place Scene- context or background of the action Agent- person or persons who perform the act Agency- means through which action takes place Purpose- reason an action took place These pentadic elements are ways by which the motives of a rhetor can be identified. Moreover, ratios, or relationships between two elements, shapes the rhetorical act and provides varying angles by which critiques may understand the situation. Stewart (1990) asserts that they provide a method for inferring and discovering the confluence of forces and motives that resulted in the creation of the text, who the text is intended to influence, and what influence it actually has (p.7). Campbell and Burkeholder ( 1997) have the following conclusions on Grammar of Motives: 1. Emphasis on the scene reflects materialist ideology 2. Act-behaviorist/empiricist
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3. Agent-idealism 4. Agency- pragmatism 5. Purpose- mysticism/ rhetorical act is an end in itself

Thus, the ratios denote the dominance of one element with another. In this study, the ratio in focus is the scene-act wherein the act stems from the scene (events in history). These elements are a means by which to deconstruct the text and a means to understand how the parts achieve a rhetorical purpose. The scene places an object in its setting as existing both in itself and as part of its background and that, scenes involve anything from society to 12:20 p.m. to the Elizabethan period to John Lockes expression the scene of ideas. Even the term, ground, is scenic; for example, On what grounds did he do this? is translated: What kind of scene did he say that called for such an act (Brock, et al, 1989); thus, the scene features a materialistic notion of determinism. In the scene-ct ratio, the scene contains the act, how it is symbolized and how it is expressed. The Burkean rhetorical criticism goes beyond the face-value of the artifacts and explores the deeper meanings of symbolic action. Borchers (2006) explains that from this analysis, we can appreciate how Burkes theory helps us to understand the motives and redemptive processes inherent in a communitys rhetoric (p.160). Furthermore, Duncan (1986, p.64) explains that redemption can be viewed in terms of drama because any principle of social order must be personified in some kind of dramatic action if it is to be comprehensible to all classes and conditions of man.

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And so, a key concept in dramatism is guilt: who experiences it and how it is removed. According to Borchers (2006), guilt is a sense of disorder, imbalance or remorse that individuals and groups feel because of symbol use(p.147). Humans implicitly use symbols to express the idea of hierarchy wherein, Those Up are guilty of not being Down, those Down are certainly guilty of not being Up (Burke, 1966, p.15). Burke (1969) further explains that: A dramatistic analysis shows how the negativistic principle of guilt implicit in the nature of order combines with the principles of thoroughness or perfection) and substitution that are characteristic of symbol systems in such a way that the sacrificial principle of victimage (the scapegoat) is intrinsic to human congregation. The intricate line of exposition might be summed up thus: If order, then guilt; if guilt, then need for redemption; but any such payment is victimage (p.450).

The concept of guilt then is based on the human drive for perfection and hierarchy which results in naturally seeking for order. But then, the presence of guilt within this quest for order will result to the rhetor (individual or community) to remove that guilt. According to Burke, there are two strategies for redemption: mortification and scapegoating; in this study, the focus will be on the latter. A scapegoat is the representative or vessel of certain unwanted evils, the sacrificed animal upon whose back the burden of theses evils is ritualistically loaded (1973, p. 39-40) and by which, one character may be redeemed through the act or agency of another (1970, p.176). A worthy scapegoat may be one who is legally responsible of the guilt, a fatalistic scapegoat, or one who is considered too good for this world. Often times though, scapegoats are not always negatively viewed by those who fill them with guilt (Carlson and Hocking, 1988). Sometimes, the sacrifice is necessary to create a positive meaning for the community.

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In this study, the agent is identified as the scapegoat by which the act is transformed into a positive event of heroism and bravery (p.206) by which the community is redeemed of its guilt. The following chapters will explore how redemption is achieved by the parang sabil which translates to the study of the rhetoric of the parang sabil. The pentadic analysis of the texts will, in effect, define how individuals may understand and view the parang sabil.

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Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework presented consists of the key theories of Burke used by the researcher: Dramatism and redemption. They appear as thus:

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In this diagram, the two texts (Parang Sabil of Putli Isara and Abdullah, Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan) are both presented according to the elements of the Pentad: act, scene, agent, agency, purpose. However, only the scene and the act are highlighted to show that the scene-act ratio is the particular focus in the pentad. The rhetorical criticism of the researcher will involve the pentadic analysis and a more detailed analysis of the scene-act relationship. The two texts tell different stories but they share a similar depiction of values, symbols and culture. These particularly influence the process by which the researcher will analyze the achievement of redemption. The texts make use of scapegoating, the process by which to achieve redemption. The researcher will analyze the two texts from a pentadic analysis, ratio analysis (scene-act) and an analysis of the redemptive function of the text using Burkes concept of scapegoating. Through rhetorical criticism, the researcher investigates the practice of the parang sabil based on the folk tales. The context of the texts, as well as the factors influencing the source of texts interweave with the receivers own context to create meaning. This negotiation between the source and receiver results in the meaningful discourse. The researcher decodes the texts using the Dramatist Pentad. The elements of the pentad are shown as: TERM DEFINITION (theoretical) Act What happens or takes place (conceptual) Parrang sabil

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Scene

Context of the action

Historical and cultural situation

Agent

Person or persons who perform the act

Juramentado, Tausug

Agency

Means through which the action takes place

Kris

Purpose

Reason the action took place

To defend the homeland against the infidels

This diagram, however, only shows one of the possible combinations of the pentadic elements. The act may be the purpose as well; or perhaps the scene could be also become the agent. Thus, the initial analysis may differ from the final analysis of the researcher. The dramatistic analysis, though, will not examine all the relationships of the elements but only focus on the scene-act ratio. The elements can be likened to the elements comprising the story and the sequence is likened to the terms of order. And so, the parang sabil is plotted according to the elements in focus (scene-act) and the sequence of the drama (terms of order: guilt, purification, redemption). The analysis, according to the pentad and according to the terms of order is aimed at answering the research question of this study. The function of Rhetorical Criticism is to use the dramatist pentad to analyze the texts in order to determine how redemption is achieved in the parang sabil.

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CHAPTER III Methodology Research Design This study is a qualitative research using Rhetorical Criticism. The research will both describe and interpret the object of the study. Rhetorical Criticism is the application of rhetorical theory to rhetorical practice in order to understand and or evaluate rhetoric (Borchers, 2006). The researcher is the critic and takes active participation in the criticism. The first step, according to Borchers, is the identification of the rhetorical artifact to study which will be examined to answer a question. This artifact provides the data for the study and may be a speech, film, advertisement, rhetorical act, event, process, etcetera (Floss, 1996). In this case, the artifacts will be the two accounts of the parang sabil as told in the selected folktales. The critic/researcher has formulated the research question: How does the parang sabil achieve redemption for the Tausug community? The next step is to identify a rhetorical method which will answer the question. The critic/researcher will be using Dramatism, which Burke (1968) defines as, a method of analysis and a corresponding critique of terminology designed to show that the most direct route to the study of human relations and human motives is via a methodical inquiry into cycles or clusters of terms and their functions. Because his works are so voluminous, wide-ranging, and sometimes seem inconsistent, it is useful to extract a few basic principles from the totality of his works and restate them in terms of a clearly defined, simplified method of rhetorical analysis (Stewart, 1990); and so the researcher will look into the terms of order, elements of the pentad and ratios

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to determine how the Burkes rhetorical principle of redemption is achieved in the parang sabil. Regarding the vastness and complexity of Burkes theories, the researcher shares the same explanation as Stewart (1990): The method presented here does not attempt to exhaust all the analytical tools that Burke offers, as this is both impossible within the scope of this project and unnecessary; impossible because of the breadth and depth of Burkes works, and unnecessary because just a few of his analytical methods are enough to extract some significant features from a text and gain some useful insights into the rhetorical principles operating both within and outside of the text. Also, any method derived from Burke is only one possible interpretation because he does not provide a clear and simple explanation of his methods or how to apply them (p.13). The next step is using the method to analyze the artifact. The Pentad (act, agency, agent, scene, purpose) will be used for preliminary analysis and for identifying how the rhetorical situation is framed. The texts will be analyzed according to the scene-act ratio to determine what motivates the act and how it leads to redemption. The higher-level analysis will involve evaluating how the text fits into the terms of order or the process through which guilt is created and removed (Borchers, 2006, p.155). It is presented in this pattern: 1. Order 2. Pollution 3. Guilt 4. Purification 5. Redemption The terms of order is based on the dramatist method of Burke as written in his poem from Rhetoric of Religion:
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Here are the steps In the Iron Law of History That welds Order and Sacrifice: Order leads to Guilt (for who can keep commandments!) Guilt needs Redemption (for who would not be cleansed!) Redemption needs Redeemer which is to say, a Victim!). Order Through Guilt To Victimage (1970, pp.4-5)

The terms of order was the pattern used by Huglen and Brock (2003) in critically analyzing the effectiveness of Hillary Clintons rhetorical appeals in her speech to the opposing global and local perspectives. Similarly, it serves as the structure of analysis for both this study and the study of Huglen and Brock. They explain that, The disruption of and return to order, for Burke, is a cyclical, psychological process that can be captured by the terms order, pollution, guilt, purification, and redemption. Through the terms of order, the researcher will evaluate how the text as symbolic action functions in terms of purgativeredemptive function and how redemption is achieved in the parang sabil. Finally, the critic/researcher will evaluate the artifact based on his or her analysis and should be able to answer the question (Borchers, p.10). In order to do so, the researcher will analyze the two texts with support from interviews to be conducted.

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Research Instruments Interviews with experts will be used. The interviews will provide the necessary supporting details on the study. The two artifacts will serve as primary research instruments since they serve as the texts to be analyzed. Data Gathering Procedure The artifacts for Rhetorical Criticism will be: Tausug folk tales of the Parang Sabil of Abdulla and Putli Isara in the Spanish Times (English translation) and the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan. The researcher will conduct interviews with Abraham Sakili, an expert on the topic and a native of Sulu (Tausug), Nonilon Queano, a Muslim and expert in fictional literature and Severino Labiano, a non-Muslim respondent and resident of Jolo, Sulu. The interview guide is enclosed on the page following the methodology. Data Analysis The analysis of the data will use Burkes Dramatist Pentad as framework. The first phase would be the description of each artifact through the pentad, followed by the scene-act ratio analysis (phase two). The texts will then be analyzed according to the terms of order (phase three). Analysis will start from the initial level and climb its way up to higher analysis in the third phase to produce substantial results.

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CHAPTER IV FI DI GS A D A ALYSIS This chapter will feature the analysis of the primary artifacts according to the outlined methodology in the previous chapter. For this research, two artifacts were chosen for rhetorical criticism: the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan and the Parang Sabil of Abdulla and Putli Isara as told in the Tausug folktales. These texts were chosen because they best tell the stories of Tausug warriors who do the parang sabil, the act of retaliation against infidels, without the expectation of coming out alive and thus, dying a martyr. The folktales are based on real and historical events of sabisl (those who do the parang sabil). Each tale is an example of the two categories of the parang sabil epic: true sabil and pseudosabil, according to Tuban (1977) which will be further discussed later. Burke has a created a view of rhetoric that enables critics to see an artifact as a product of the intertwining Burkean theories. The identification of the elements of the pentad (act, agent, agency, scene, purpose) encloses the artifact in one scope of reality and in effect, pronounces only a slice of this reality. Burke (Action, 45) explains: Even if any given terminology is a reflection of reality, by its very nature as a terminology it must be a selection of reality; and to this extent it must function also as a deflection of reality. The ratios (relationships of elements) expose areas by which the critic can look into for the source of motives. But then, rather than limit the analysis to the pentad, the researcher has included the terms of order as well: order-guilt- purification- redemption. The artifact is analyzed according to its transformation from a state of order to guilt and with purification, the
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achievement of redemption. The researcher likens the elements of the pentad to their corresponding terms. The scene includes the change from order to guilt; the agency as purification, the means by which redemption is achieved; purpose as redemption, the ultimate goal of the act. With this, the researcher aims to resolve the answer, how does the parang sabil achieve redemption for the Tausug community? The parang sabil is a term that appropriately refers to a religious and deliberate act in defense of the community of believers, in the path of Allah (Macdonald, 2000) wherein the Tausug dies a martyr in the process. The researcher deems it necessary to clarify that parang sabil or parrang sabil is synonymous and the extra r is only an indication of how the speaker has pronounced it (whether with emphasis on the rr or without emphasis r). More often than not, the case of the spelling is less of an issue than the definition of the word. Parang sabil in the academic arena is commonly referred to as a form of local resistance against the colonizers which translates to a wider cause of religious assertion. In this context, the parang sabil becomes associated with the jihad; furthermore, Sakili (2004) points out that it is a localized form of jihad in Sulu as a way of resistance against infidels. Jihad can be a military struggle and it can also be an internal, individual struggle. Holy war is waged on infidels and falls under military struggle. However, a struggle for personal change in the form of spiritual healing, self-improvement in the name of Allah is also considered a jihad. The parang sabil falls appropriately on the latter (military struggle) since it outwardly resists infidels with sanctioned war for Allah. This is the definition that the research has incorporated in this thesis.

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The confusion is not only with the connection between jihad and parang sabil, but the issue is directed towards whose definition is in use. In the interview with Labiano (2011), a nonMuslim resident of Jolo, Sulu, he recounts displays of the parang sabil simply as a Tausugs way to redeem himself or herself from hiya or dishonor. An example is the story of the Tausug who farted in the market place while he and his friends were socializing in a circle. His sudden reflexive release of gas caused tumults of laughter and taunting from those around him. He was deeply shamed and committed parang sabil. Another story Labiano shared was about a couple who was not favored by their families to get married. Because of this, they did the parang sabil; they brandished their krises and ran into the town, killing all infidels in sight. Labiano was six years old at the time and was briefed by his teacher to hide. He was told to aim for the eye or the head of the sabil in case he or she went into the school. The only way to stop a sabil is by killing him or her. He acknowledged the strength of the Tausugs for their determination in battle led the Americans to create the 45 caliber which was specifically designed to kill the Tausug sabils. However, Labianos concept of parang sabil saunters away from the definition of Sakili (2003), Majul (1999), Tuban (1977) and Kiefer (1973) which depicted the act as a patriotic and religious act in defiance of colonizers and infidels that threatened the community and their Islamic faith. Labianos view is a representation of what Christian common folk (residents) in Sulu refer to as their definition of parang sabil. Theirs lack the patriotic or religious justification that the researcher makes use of; rather, their definition and the description of the stories are more acquainted with the amuck. According to Majul (1999), this is often a mistake among those unacquainted with the concept of the parang sabil. An amuck goes into a violent rampage, killing anyone in sight, without the predetermination of the sabil. A sabil prepares for the act
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through a series of rituals which will be further discussed in the later part of this chapter; an amuck is crazed with fervor of violence while the sabil is crazed with patriotism and faith. Though the parang sabil may have different connotations for the non-Muslim folk and for the academic institutions, the researcher will clarify this dilemma by stating early on in this analysis that the definition used in this research is that of the academic perspective. The parang sabil in this research is referred to as Sulus way of waging a jihad or holy war; waged as the last option of resistance (Sakili, 1999) wherein religious rites and prayers are done the night before rushing into the infidels with the aim of killing as many as possible without the hope of coming out alive in this ordeal. Also, the researcher has to make a distinction with the parang sabil as an act and as a folk tale or kissa (ballad) of the Tausugs. The folk tales are often referred to as parang sabil epics since the stories revolve around tales of Tausug warriors who committed the act; these epics are appropriately classified as either kissa (ballad) or katakata (narrative). According to Tuban (1977), a Tausug who did her Masters thesis entitled Tausug Folk Literature, the parang sabil epics are in theory, motivated by religion, viewed as religious by Tausugs and so, the singing of the kissa is also religious. Sakili (2010), a Tausug and professor of Art Studies and Humanities in the University of the Philippines, goes further to point out the duality of the parang sabil act: he clarifies that it is not only religious but patriotic. He defines it as the patriotic act of the people of Sulu, specifically designed against all kinds of colonialism and its role in history was to provide the continuity of the struggle. This particular definition can be interpreted either for the epic and the act itself; the act is considered an instrument against colonialism since its direct result is the killing of the infidels that threaten the Tausug
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community. Similarly, the epic is usually recited during circumstances that the community is under threat such as the Spanish colonial period and the American colonial period. Sakili (2010) explains that they are sung or recited to garner inspiration among the Tausugs to defend the community and to treat the parang sabil epic heroes as role models in times of colonialism. Thus, the protagonists of the stories are viewed as both hero and martyr or Muslim saint (shahid) because they defend the homeland and the people believe that they will go to heaven (Sakili, 2010). Regarding the continuity of the struggle, both the epic and the act function to remind the Tausug community of the ongoing threat that calls forth committing the act and remembering such acts of patriotism and martyrdom. The survival of these folk tales is still for many Tausug a cry for independence and love of Islam (Macdonald, 2000). Again, the dual theme of patriotism and religion are reiterated. As the folk tales will be analyzed using the dramatist pentad, the researcher shall take note of the manifestations of the dual themes. They are significant because what makes an act a parang sabil is its patriotism and religiosity. Tuban categorizes some of the epics as pseudosabil, such as the story of Putli Isara and Abdulla because it is done principally to defend Isaras honor, a personal, thus unreligious act (1980, p.128). Sakili (2010) validates this concern regarding the true sabils and those epics that are sung as parang sabil epic yet do not actualize the ideal parang sabil that is done out of patriotism for ones homeland and martyrdom for ones faith. This proves as a challenge to the researcher as to how redemption is achieved by the parang sabil epics that could be true sabils or pseudosabil. If in theory, some of the folk tales do not qualify as parang sabil, then do they still achieve redemption for the Tausug? These speculations shall be dealt with in the following analysis of the texts.

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The first phase is the analysis using the Dramatist Pentad to describe the two artifacts (two Tausug folk tales); with this, the researcher applies the first objective of the research.

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A. The Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan The story of the parrang sabil of Panglima Hassan is set during the American colonialism. Tuban (1977) best summarizes the tale (pp,126-127): The Tausugs under the leadership of Panglima Hassan, revolt because the Americans ask them to secure their cedula or residence certificates. To the Tausugs the cedula is a symbol of subjugation and domination. Since they refuse obedience to the order of American authorities, they become rebels or outlaws. The story starts with the torture of Andung, one of the leaders. Soon after that, Antayung, another leader, calls all their relatives and headmen to vindicate Andung. Andung tells Datu Laksamana that he will kill because of the cedula which the Americans have imposed on them and which is a symbol of subjugation and domination. They send a letter, soliciting help to Panglima Ambutung, Nakib Susulan of Lagusan, Panglima Dammang of Parang, Panglima Indanan of Likup, and Panglima Hassan of Luuk, the hero of the story. When they are all gathered, Panglima Hassan says that they have to see the Sultan and ask his permission to fight the Americans. They consult the Sultan (Jamalul Kiran II) who says that if they revolt they will all land in jail and advises them to surrender. But Panglima Hassan refuses to give in to the Sultans decree to surrender. So some leaders follow Panglima Hassan to fight against the Americans. They send a letter to the Governor (his name is not mentioned in the story but most probably it was Governor General Leonard Wood or the Military Governor of Sulu Hugh L. Scott), to fight them. When the American soldiers arrive at the battlefield, Hadji Butu meets them. He has been sent to negotiate the surrender of Panglima Hassan and his men but to no avail because Panglima Hassan and his men refuse to hear his plea. Hence, a fight ensues, exacting heavy toll on both sides. Since the Americans are well equipped with cannons, guns and ammunitions, it is easy for them to subdue the Tausugs. Again the Sultan who was sided with the Americans, meets Panglima Hassan and asks him to surrender before he and his men all die in battle but the recalcitrant and stalwart Panglima Hassan refuses. So the fierce battle continues, resulting in the death of Panglima Hassan and his men.

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The text used by the researcher is the copy of the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan as told to by a Tausug to Rita Tuban (1977) in her dissertation. The text has been translated by Tuban into English. Given that the informant is Tausug, the bias of the narrator should be taken into account; the folk tale has been passed on as oral tradition and so, this text is already an interpretation of story by the narrator who was an informant from Sulu in the dissertation of Tuban (1977). Despite the limitation of the text, the folk tale presented here is still a piece of Tausug literature which that tells of their struggle against colonialism. This parang sabil is categorized by Tuban as true sabil because it is centered on religious and patriotic motives.

SCE E The text provides the setting of the story during the American colonial period in Sulu, speculated to be under Governor General Leonard Wood and Military Governor of Sulu Hugh L. Scott. During this particular event in Sulu history, Americans mandated that all citizens secure the cedula or residence certificate. Clearly, this was an assault to the Tausug community who claim to be an autonomous entity and not subjugated by the Americans. The beginning of the story already foreshadows conflict in the narrative. Andung, one of the headmen in Sulu was tortured. This marked the start of organizing a rebellion in Sulu by Antung who called a gathering of the panglimas or headmen. The torture of Andung cannot be fully understood without the events that lead towards such incident. The researcher will begin by stating the historical basis of this story.

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Foreman (2007) relays a description of the period during the American occupation in Jolo (p.584): Every few days a juramentado (vide pp. 146, 150) would enter the town and attack a white man with his brong in broad daylight. There was nothing furtive in his movements, no hiding under cover to take his victim unawares, but a straight, bold frontal attack. Brong in hand, a Moro once chased a soldier though the street, upstairs into a billiard-room, and down the other steps, where he was shot dead by a sentinel. At another time a juramentado obtained access into the town by crawling through a drain-pipe, and chased two soldiers until he was killed. Many Americans were wounded in the streets of Jol, but the aggressors were always pursued to death. Petty hostilities, attacks and counter-attacks, the sallies of punitive parties to avenge [584]some violence committed, and the necessity for every individual in the town, civil or military, being armed and always alert, made life there one of continual excitement and emotion.

Panglima Hassan was an actual Tausug historical figure. It was in October 1903 that he launched a rebellion against the Americans in Jolo, lead by Colonel H. Scott; Hassan had about 4000 followers which is considered to be the most number of followers and network of alliances in Sulu. In November 1903, he escaped capture in Lake Seit camp. By February 1904, he went into battle in Pampang with Datu Laksamana and Usap, against the pro-American Sultan Kiram. It was finally in March 1904 that Panglima Hassan died in Bud Bagsak. He had 17 wounds in his body, but died game, crawling with his kris in his mouth toward the nearest wounded American soldier when the last bullet dispatched him (Foreman, 2007). The year 1904 was a significant event in history because it was the year that the Americans defeated the Spaniards in colonizing the Philippines. The Americans had scrutinized the situation of the Philippine colony under Spain and deemed it necessary to ally with the Muslim soldiers to gain control of Mindanao as well. Since Manila had become the capital of the colony under Spain, the Mindanao islands were
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isolated from the center; thus, most of inhabitants there such as the Muslims, were not conquered. Also, the continuous armed struggle of the Muslims, especially in Sulu, had fortified their homeland unconquerable to colonizers. The Americans however, proclaimed the Bates Treaty with the Sultan of Jolo in August 1899 to ratify a peace pact between them. The treaty is expounded as thus, Foreman (2007, p.586): In place of the Spanish treaty, the Bates Treaty included the recognition of U.S. sovereignty over Sulu and its dependencies, mutual respect between the U.S. and the Sultanate of Sulu, Moro autonomy, non-interference with Moro religion and customs and a pledge that the "U.S. will not sell the island of Jolo or any other island of the Sulu Archipelago to any foreign nation without the consent of the Sultan.

This agreement also included provisions on the monthly payments that Sultan Jamal ulKiram and his datus or tribal chiefs would receive as compensation for raising the American flag in Sulu and granting permission for them to occupy the lands there. According to Foreman (1977), it was Hadji Butu Abdul Bagui, the prime minister and adviser of the Sultan, together with Datu Jolkanairn and Datu Kalbi. Hadji Bagui, the top ranking datus, that had recognized the folly of the resistance and wanted to put a stop to a bloody war; and so, they urged the Sultan to agree to the Bates Treaty. Eventually these datus supported the gradual incorporation of the Moros in the Republic of the Philippines. But then, this treaty was later abrogated by the Americans on March 2, 1904 because the Sultan was allegedly charged with failure to suppress the resistance of the Moros. According to the Americans, the Moro rebellion and the treaty were obstructing the progress and development of good colonial administration in Mindanao. With this, the payment to the Sultan and datus was temporarily put on hold but was later resumed in November 1904 by the US Philippine Commission. Eventually, Bates confessed that the treaty
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was never meant to be ratified in the first place because it only served as a temporary distraction until the northern forces were quelled. From this, we can gather that story of Panglima Hassan took place within 1903-1904; the parang sabil, his last act of defiance to the Americans was most likely in 1904, the year of his death. The year which Panglima Hassans rebellion took place was after the acceptance of the Bates Treaty by the Sultan. It was marked by a series of other rebellions against the establishment of Sulu as part of the colony of America. The years between 1899-1903, is enough time to see significant changes in the way things were run in Sulu under the Americans. One such example is the implementation of the cedula or residence certificate. Abiding with this would entitle the holder to be under the American colonial government which imposes the payment of taxes. In this narrative of the parang sabil of Panglima Hassan, the cedula is the main cause of rebellion of Hassan. In the text, the story began with a setting about the time of the holy month of Fasting: Hariraya; at this sacred time for the Muslims, one of their members, Andung, was being tortured by the Americans though truly he had no fault. Tuban (1977, verse1): About that time (It was) the holy month of Fasting, As the moon shone, it was Hariraya Andung was tortured Truly he had no fault.

At a sacred time for the Muslims, one of their members, an innocent man was being tortured by the colonizers who had come to subjugate their homeland. Surely, this incident is a
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huge disrespect to the Muslims in Sulu. Not only was an innocent man tortured, but he was tortured during the holy time of sacrifice for Allah. Thus the Hariraya establishes the spirit of sacrifice and sacredness that were permeating forces in this particular time. Under these circumstances, Antayung calls forth the headmen of Sulu, including Panglima Hassan and asks for their support in vindicating Andung. Since the Sultan has been marked as an ally of the Americans, Antayung calls the headmen for the gathering instead. Aside from the incident of Andungs torture, another concern in the gathering was the issuance of the cedula. These incidences depict the extent by which the Americans have managed to take hold of Sulu. They have accomplished setting up territory in Sulu and setting up a colonial government that gave them the privilege of authority despite the refusal of some Tausugs to recognize it. At least in the form of the treaty, the Americans have official authority as colonial government. This authority however, is questionable because the treaty that granted it was done with the Sultan who did not represent the unanimous opinion of his community. When the Sultan decided on his own without the consent of the community, he had separated himself from the collective community of Tausugs. The scene provides us with all the problems in Sulu that makes rebellion justified. Their Sultan, supposedly a representative of the collective Tausug community, has acted selfishly without the consent of his members; he had consulted with his datus only. The decision of the Sultan to consent to becoming under the American government was interpreted by the headmen as a failure to defend the community. Second, their homeland has become home to strangers who have taken hold of the government to make use of their resources. Third, a member of their own community, who was innocent, had suffered torture under the infidels at the month of fasting, a
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holy month in their Muslim faith. Though the Americans did not impose them to convert to Christianity like the Spaniards did, they still managed to offend the Islamic faith with their disrespect for the holy month. The scene calls for vindication of Andung, a member of the Tausug community. In their culture, it is customary to ask for payment for the killers or the offender. This is why the headmen sent a letter to the American colonel first, warning them of their eventual strife. The Tausug concept of payment is distinguished in this situation where the headmen of the community seek punishment as payment for the crime of the Americans in torturing one of their members. More than just a vindication of one of their members, they organized a rebellion because of the issue with the cedula, which sheds on a political issue rather than a personal one. Though Islam or their religion was not directly mentioned, the fact that it was the holy month of the Muslims during the time of Andungs torture encloses the events within a religious context. Such crime done in the holy month is a lack of respect which greatly offends the Tausug honor as visceral of Allah: the defender of religion, the protector of the Muslim unity. This honor marks the responsibility of the Tausug to defend Islam against threats that could penetrate the unity of the community. This cultural context gives light to the indignant reaction of the headmen, including Panglima Hassan regarding the issuance of the cedula, the occupation of the American colonizers and the torture of Andung. ACT The parang sabil was not done on a whim or within a violent rampage; instead, it was prepared and done after a few considerations. First, the period at the time was a period under colonization; this provided the natives, the Tausugs, the reason to defend their land. Next, the
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torture of a member of the community, Andung during the holy month of Muslims had triggered a quest for vengeance. And so, an order for the vindication, alongside with rebellion against the cedula was put in place by Antayung, another Panglima. Tuban (1977, verse 2): Antayung commanded To strike the gong To call form the hills And shores All close relatives Truly must unite and help Till death.

When Panglima Hassan arrived, he advised the other Panglimas to consult with the Sultan first before proceeding with the plan. This showed his respect for the Sultan, though he had sided with the Americans; also, this showed the Panglimas patience to consider other options first before consenting to bloodshed. However, he was prepared for the eventual outcome of war (Tuban, verse 25-26): If the law enforced is unbearable, We will still proceed with our plan. We will proceed with our plan, To fight against the government, Even with whatever weapons. The Americans are truly our enemies.

In the meeting with the Sultan, the Panglima was offered the option of surrendering because if he pushed through with the rebellion, then he would be killed or jailed. The sultan also points out that the rebellion he is planning would only be like a bite to the Americans, implying the large number of American forces and ammunitions against the followers of Hassan. Tuban (verse 35):
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That would be like to bite the Americans If you will be found out with Your activities, Jail will be your permanent haven.

Since the Sultan did not support Panglima Hassan, the plan with the rebellion still pushed through. As a leader and patriotic Tausug, Hassan did not fear the consequences of his actions. He performed the necessary task of informing the concerned parties about the war that he would pursue against the Americans. He first informed the sultan who did not support him and then, he informed the priests (imam) and religious heads, and the American governor as well. Tuban (1977, verse 50-52): The priests and religious heads went there From all the corners of the place They verified if it was settled Each of them said: I have an Antique kris Which was selected by my grandfather Panglima, I will go with you. Hastily he wrote The governor was informed They gave thanksgiving And they conveyed their plans The letters were sent to all concerned Which included the captain The fort was renovated and heavily guarded The content of the letter said: Lord, if you permit There must be a fight.

The verification of the religious leaders and the imam signified that Panglima Hassan and his followers would be sabil. The details of the ritual in preparation for the parang sabil were not
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mentioned except for the part about giving thanksgiving. The first fight was in Luuk, Sulu where cannons were fired against Panglima Hassan and his men; despite the cannons from the other side, the fight was fairly equal. The kris of Hassan was curved, broken in the middle and fell, but the antique kris was picked up and replaced with a mango twig for the handle. Three or two persons were said to be hacked by this kris. This showed the value of Hassan and his men on not giving up. The line which said, They saw the shadow of the horse with green hairs (verse 93) foreshadowed the parang sabil. The horse referred to is the mythical horse that carries the sabils to heaven when they die. The story described them as invulnerable (verse 95): The bullets of a gun Could shake and numb Panglima Hassan But the cannon balls which hit him Were like thunder Were not able to kill him.

Having gone through the battle without getting hit, Panglima Hassan and his men retreated to Jolo town where they found out that the American Lieutenant had been killed. After this, the Sultan offered Hassan the chance to surrender; giving up would garner him monthly salary as payment from the American government. Hassan denied the offer. In the kissa, the Sultan is identified as a great sinner who helped the American government because he was given salary and had a comfortable life. He was accused of doing the foolishness (siding with the Americans) during the time to pray at noon. The text gives the idea that the Sultan failed to perform the necessary worship during noon because he preferred betraying his own community to the Americans. This betrayal is a great sin to the Tausugs. Juxtaposed with Panglima Hassan, the Sultan was a sinner while Hassan became the leader which the Sultan failed to be. This is

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depicted in verses 111- 113 of the folk tale where Hassan converses with the Sultan after the first battle: You cannot anymore take care of Luuk because I will be the master Like your rooster that is a fighter Alone in the fighting It is better to stand aside And come out to the open If we will die Our cadaver will surely be picked up Tell the governor To fight us now To revenge we will not anymore It is up to them.

The following lines show the sentiments of Hassan regarding the betrayal of the Sultan. Though Hassan is not supported by the Sultan, he is still willing to die in battle and he foresaw his death when he mentions that he and his men will not take revenge anymore. He calls for the final battle which he knows his death would be. He believes, however, that his death would not be meaningless because others would pick up their cadavers and continue the resistance. The final battle ensued for one month. The Americans with their guns, cannons and ammunitions came after the group of Panglima Hassan but the group remains steadfast and stays to fight. They refused to surrender and did the parang sabil. They got killed in the end after killing as many Americans they could. They committed the parang sabil only after the fort had been destroyed and they had no way of escaping. Only then did they brandish their krises against the American forces without fear of death. The end of the kissa is stated as thus, Tuban (1977, verse 127-128): If it was meant to exaggerate
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It could not be The fight had already occurred The condemnation of the Holy Book is great If the law is not followed THe consequences is eternal damnation. All of them were invulnerable All of them were smashed They all died without wounds Only their bones were broken.

These lines tell the reader that the story is a true story because the battle had already happened. It forewarns against thinking that it is only an exaggeration or a work of imagination. The cause of the battle is the offense against Islam which called for the parang sabil, a form of jihad or holy war. The Holy Book would condemn those who would fail to defend it. The sabils were invulnerable because they died with only their bones broken but without any wounds. This is not scientifically possible but rather than conclude the statement as exaggeration, the researcher would like to point out another interpretation; these lines are similar to the Tausug motto: It is better to crack ones brace rather than to lose ones faith. The bones (or the brace) of the soldiers were broken in death but their faith was intact so when they died, they left behind their body but their souls gained eternal life in heaven which gave the concept of them being invulnerable. Their faith has saved them form condemnation and instead, given them eternal life. This sheds light into the Tausug sentiment regarding life after death wherein they believe that eternal life or heaven is granted to those who die for their Islamic faith. This is the embodiment of their concept of redemption: attainment of heaven by dying a martyr. AGE T

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Though it was not only Panglima Hassan who committed the parang sabil, he is the hero of the story; thus, he is the primary agent. His character is that of the ideal Tausug leader: charismatic, noble, fierce, respectful, and God- fearing. He was a charismatic leader having over 4000 soldiers; he had the most number of followers among the headmen in Jolo. His position as headman was a position of power that fell under the Sultan. Though the Sultan had displeased the other headmen because he sided with the American government, Panglima Hassan took the courtesy to talk with the Sultan first before rendering the attack to the Americans. Tuban (1977, verse 22): We must go the Sultan And hear his words If we are permitted Then we will go near our enemy.

The narrator of the story describes him as having his barung, the traditional tausug bladed weapon, tied to his waist; his scabbard was decorated and the belt was nice to look at (verse23). A picture of Panglima Hassan (central figure) is provided, Dumindin (2006):

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The Sultan at the time, Jamalul Kiram II with the American army was also captured as the central figure in this picture, Dumindin (circa 1899-1901):

The Panglima also had an image of a fierce warrior who was prepared for battle (verse 29): I have here with me, My old striped barung If the Americans will do any Mischievous act, There would be spinal cords To be broken

In the historical record of Foreman (1907) in the Gutenberg Project, he states the impression of Major Scott (p. 585): During the interview Panglima Hassan appeared quite friendly; indeed, whilst he and the major were riding together, the chief, perceiving that his host was unarmed, gallantly remarked, As you
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are without arms I will relinquish mine also, and at once took off his brong and handed it to his attendant.

This shows that Hassan is an honorable man who manages to be civil and respectful to his enemies. By relinquishing his arms, he sets an equal footing with the Major and also implies a temporary state of peace during their meeting. This shows that he is courteous and he is open to considering a settlement with the American forces rather than resolve to violence directly as Antayung and the other Panglimas resolved to do. However, the story tells us that the conflict ended in battle and the Sultan did not grant his support Panglima Hassans cause. Despite the call for surrender by the Sultan and the American troops, Hassan remained steadfast and firm in his decision. He did not choose to give up. In Tuban (1977, verse 36), he tells the Sultan of his indignant resolution to never surrender: We will try this, Lord. The breast is like the dove Which is full of anger. If it would not be broken, It would like to be melted.

He expresses his sentiments about rebelling against the Americans as something far too great to be constrained. Doing so might kill him or break and melt his body but he is prepared for such consequences. He further reiterates this by saying that even the body will melt, my heart will not be afraid (Tuban, 1977, verse 114). This statement coincides with the Tausug motto regarding the defense of the Islam faith: marayaw pa in daghal muka daying sin iyman humuka or translated as, it is better to crack ones brace rather than to lose ones faith, (Iduri,

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1998). In Tuban (1977, verse 81), Panglima Hassan was juxtaposed with the Christians who were described as: Their hearts were afraid To hack them in any manner They do not want to be retaliated.

Unlike the Christians (that could refer to the American troops or the Christian Filipinos hired by the colonizers to fight), Hassan was not afraid to be hacked or retaliated against. He openly accepts the challenge and the possibility of death in battle. Regarding the fierceness of the Tausug warriors, he takes pride in it by saying these lines in Tuban (1977,verse 83): Why are you amazed You said like that You did not know yet The origin of the people in places Of Luuk What they use for bluffing Are the rotten heads Get as much as a cavan of bullets And fire them at us We will never be afraid.

In this statement, he refers to the traditional headhunting in earlier Tausug history. This was dated from the time prior to the coming of Islam wherein the head would be displayed as a show of pride in success of a warrior. He mentions this to refer to the long line of ancestors that were fierce warriors and that the people of Luuk (in Sulu) would not fear a cavan of bullets. He implies that whatever the Americans would devise against them, they would not be afraid because the fierceness in battle runs in the veins of the people.

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As mentioned earlier, Panglima Hassan as a character in this folk tale was an actual historical figure. However, the nature of stories and epics would undermine facts for exaggeration. In this case, Hassan was embodied with supernatural characteristics (verse 94-95): Among the many invulnerable people, Panglima Hassan happened to be alone The bullets were fired like rain But his body was untouched. The bullets of a gun Could shake and numb Panglima Hassan But the cannon balls which hit him Were like thunder Were not able to kill him. These lines depict him as invincible, along with the other sabils. Despite the Panglima being alone, he was able to thwart the bullets. This shows the Tausug view of the sabils who are believed to garner divine inspiration and protection after the ritual of the preparation for the parang sabil. This same divine inspiration puts the sabil into a state of fearlessness because he believes that Allah is watching over him and that he will soon be with Allah. Another perspective on the fearlessness of the sabil as embodied in Panglima Hassan is the distince risk taker image of the Tausugs. Kiefer analyzed the Tausugs as risk takers and adventurous people (1973, p. 115): The important Tausug value in this regard is the enormous emphasis which is placed upon risk-taking and adventure in almost all aspects of life dominated by males. Tausug are stress-seekers, and the prudent among them lose the opportunity to demonstrate important values of character: bravery, daring, magnanimity and pity to inferiors, indifference to pain, fortitude, loyalty to comrades, and acceptance of fate without question.

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Such description of Kiefer is manifested in the character of Panglima Hassan, an actual historical figure who has gained a reputation among the Tausugs as a martyr and a model for leadership.

AGE CY The group of Panglima Hassan used their swords to fight and kill as many Americans as they could before dying. However, the act of parrang sabil was officiated by the blessing of the imams. Tuban (1977, verse 50): The priests and religious heads Went there From all the corners of the place They verified if it was settled Each of them said: I have an Antique kris Which was selected by my grandfather Panglima, I will go with you. I will try to run amuck.

The blessing of the imams officiated Panglima Hassan and his followers as sabils. Though the ritual and necessary preparations were not detailed in the text, this verse implies that the recognition of the Hassan as sabil follows that the necessary parang sabil rituals have been performed. The actual weapon that the Panglima used was the barung or the Tausug bladed weapon. A picture of the Tausug weapons that were captured is depicted (Foreman, circa 19021905):

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According an interview with Sakili (2010), the traditional weapon of the parang sabil is the kris or the barung. The kris is the sword with waves while the barung is the bladed one. The kris originates from Southeast Asia especially in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand. It is considered as a weapon that is traditionally used for battles and it used to be customary to carry it around during travel in case of self defense. It is also a spiritual object because it is believed to hold good luck or bad luck; at times, it is believed to possess the power of the wielder of the sword. In the Tausug culture, according to Sakili (2010), it is a symbol of war and manliness. Brandishing the kris or the barung would mean that war is imminent. On the other hand, possessing the kris demands respect to the owner and usually, Tausug hosts primarily entertain guests who own the kris. Most traditional Muslim families have a kris at home placed in an altar. This is common in Sulu and is parallel to the situation in Indonesia where the kris is also rendered with the same honor. Thus, the weapon is a symbol of power to the one who owns it and uses it. Furthermore, brandishing it would mean that the wielder is waging war and the fact that a kris or barung is used, would mean the reason falls within the traditional reason for war: offense to Islam.

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Prior to the actual parang sabil, there was an order spread throughout Sulu about the gathering of the Panglimas regarding the issue with the cedula and the torture of Andung. Tuban (1977, verse 27): The order was spread throughout The land That there was the enforcing element If the cedula was mentioned They would conceive to kill.

The text points out the cedula as the enforcing element that would justify the panglimas to kill the enemies (Americans); thus, the cedula could be viewed as an agency for the rebellion and the parang sabil. However, at the time of the actual parang sabil, it was the moment where Panglima Hassan and his men were surrounded in the fort. They were also outnumbered by the Americans and their ammunitions; they had no fort to take security and no way of escape. The only option left to them was either to surrender or continue to fight despite the slim chance of surviving. Since the Panglima and his men were already sabils, they were equipped with the necessary preparations to die and do the parang sabil. The Tausug sense of honor and justice denied them the option of surrendering. It was the reward of heaven by dying a martyr that seemed the more honorable option. The story indicated a series of battles that had ensued before the parang sabil was done. The compromised situation that encased Hassan and his followers led to the parang sabil and the death of Hassan. Therefore, the act not done simply because of the issue with the cedula, but it was also done at that particular moment because of the compromised situation; the parang sabil as an option was a result of the Tausug value for honor, faith and patriotism.

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PURPOSE Panglima Hassan and his followers rebelled against the Americans because they refused to be subjugated. Tuban (1977, verse 15): Those who refused the issuance Of the cedula Belonged to one place. Even ill fate would fall on Them, They would not submit themselves To the issuance of the cedula. Each seemed to say: What I say is the truth It is my true word of honor If it is because of the cedula, I will sacrifice t o fight (verse 57)

Kiefer (1973, p. 116) explains that: Hassan vehemently objected on the grounds that to give even two pesos to the Kafirs was tantamount to embracing their religion. It is clear from the context of the poem that the tax was interpreted as comparable to a religious tithe.

From this, the researcher gathers that the parang sabil was done as a way to defend their pride as Tausugs by safeguarding their land and by defending their religion from the American threat. Colonization which was manifested in the issuance of the cedula and the imposition of tax is interpreted as tithe to the Americans who imposed their authority over the Tausugs. Accepting the cedula would be subverting to the Americans and such action would mean that they have allowed enemies to disrupt the unity and order of the community. At the start of the story however, Antayung gathers the panglimas to attack the Americans because of Andungs torture.
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Though this is initially a personal vindication, the character of Panglima Hassan the political context of the period and the religious setting that enclosed the period says otherwise. Hassan supported the rebellion because of the cedula issuance and he planned the attack only after talking with the Sultan and with the American officer, Major Scott. The torture of Andung should be treated as a trigger for starting the gathering of the panglimas but not the main reason for the rebellion or the eventual parang sabil.

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B. The Parang Sabil of Abdulla and Putli Isara in the Spanish Times The Parang Sabil of Abdulla and Putli Isara actually appeared in the Spanish Times. It was popularly sung by the famous Tausug singer, Indah Annura and was heard on the government radio. Though copies on cassette tapes were made, most of its stocks were burned in 1974 in the battle of Jolo. The copy used by the researcher is found in the book Old ties and new solidarities: Studies on Philippine communities (Macdonald and Pesigan, 2000, pp.16-17). The copy was translated in English from the original Spanish version. This tale is that of a Tausug couple who did the parrang sabil to seek justice from a Spanish soldier who had sexually assaulted Putli Isara. Yu-Jose (2005, p.145) writes a summary of the story as: Isara, engaged to Abdulla, is sexually molested by a young Spanish lieutenant. This is seen as a religious attack against a believer. After talking things over and praying, Isara and Abdulla decide to do sabil against these infidels by killing as many soldiers as they could. They are killed in return, thus receiving the rewards of martyrdom given to those who die in the defense of Islam. They are then followed by the successive sabil of Isaras mother and later her young brother. Her mother dies a martyr. But the little boywho kills four soldiersis taken captives by the Spanish captain. This officer adopts the boy as his son with the hope that he would later help him soften the heart of the people. Meanwhile, the grieving father who all along had opposed his kins sabils and remained passive throughout, looks in vain for his son and dies lonely and miserable.

Though the story mentions the parang sabil of the mother and brother of Isara, the researcher will focus only on Putli Isara and Abdulla. Tuban (1977) characterizes the parang sabil of Putli Isara and Abdulla as pseudosabil because the couple renders the parang sabil mainly to defend Isaras honor and to punish the Spanish soldier for assaulting her.

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SCE E The scene can be either physical or non physical; it can range from the history, the actual physical area, the psychological context, the social status, etc. The wider historical context of the parrang sabil of Putli Isara, Abdulla has been provided earlier by the researcher, but the story provides more specific details. The place was in Jolo during the Spanish conquest; it was a particular time when the Spaniards erected military quarters in the Muslim territory of Jolo. Macdonald and Pesigan describe it as thus (2000, p.16): This happened when the Spanish colonizers were causing great turmoil as they set foot in Jolo and erected military quarters. This is the story of the lovely Princes Isara, the daughter of a local chief and how she taught the Spaniards a lesson.

Abdulla and Isaras parang sabil made it to the newspapers, particularly, the Spanish Times, but the actual date of the event was not mentioned. However, this gives proof that the couple is not merely fictional, but actual historical figures in Sulu history. The Spanish colonization was a bloody history of wars between the Moros and the Spaniards. They came to the native land of the Moros to subjugate them, make them a colony and convert them to Christianity. Some sultanates converted but the majority remained steadfast to their faith and resisted the Spaniards. The story, being set in Jolo, implies that both Pulti Isara and Abdulla are Tausugs. Being a Tausug makes them a member of the ummah (universal Muslim community) and this membership is not reflected only in their prayers and rituals, but in their lifestyle as a whole.
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Islam is more than just a religion; it is a way of life that permeates all aspects of the individual. A Muslim carries the responsibility to maintain dar-ul Islam (region of safety of Islam) and when it is threatened by dar-ul Harb (region of war and vices) then jihad or holy war is justified. Putli Isara and Abdulla were not just an engaged couple who was wronged by a Spaniard, they were Tausugs who represent the Muslim community and carry the responsibility of being in that community. The Spanish lieutenant, who is the antagonist in this story, is not seen just as a wrong doer but an infidel as well. He is a foreigner in the land who dares to colonize the Tausugs and go as far as disrespect a daughter of the Sultan. The Spanish colonization was clearly a threat to the culture, the traditions and the territory of the Tausugs who consider themselves natives of Sulu. This threat corrupts the dar-al Islam and further antagonizes the Tausug couple by doing the assault. In this particular period of Sulu history, Spanish colonialism was not welcome and the Tausugs being fierce warriors, they never surrendered to the colonizers. Abdulla was in Sandakan Borneo to buy the necessary things for the wedding. Away from Abdulla, Isara went to the river to bathe on a hot summer day. Putli Isara is not just the fianc of Abdulla, but she is also a princess, the daughter of the Sultan. Abdullas title is not mentioned but is assumed to also be of noble stature to be able to marry a princess like Isara. Isara was in the river when a Spanish lieutenant sexually abused her. The text depicted it as (Macdonald and Pesigan, 2000): While there she was surprised and sexually abused by a young Spanish lieutenant who wanted her as a partner. She refused his offer. (p.16)

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According to an interview with Professor Abraham Sakili (2010), the Spanish soldier touched a part of her leg which to Muslims is considered sacred. After reporting her shame, a ritual of ablution was suggested by her father but this was not acceptable to Isara. When Abdulla arrived and permitted her to commit parang sabil after a night of prayer, she went with Abdulla to attack the Spanish barracks. Macdonald and Pesigan (2000): After a brief prayer, he lost no time in agreeing to join his fianc, saying, Togetherwe will fight the infidelIf we do not strike back, they (the Spaniards) will never be punished. (p.16)

ACT Isara came to see the Spanish lieutenant who had dishonored her. When the Spaniard repeated his marriage proposal to Isara, it was a signal to Abdulla to attack. The couple managed to kill the Spanish lieutenant, along with thirty other Spaniards before they too were killed and were carried away to heaven by a white horse. Macdonald and Pesigan (2000): Both attacked and fought with the Spanish officer, who died at their hands. Then together they rushed the soldiers. Thirty of them were slain before both Abdulla and Isara were joined in death and carried away to heaven by a white horse. (p.17)

Punishing the Spanish lieutenant can simply be revenge or an act of seeking responsibility for the fault he has committed on Putli Isara. If this is the case, then the act is incorrectly identified as the parang sabil; as mentioned earlier, the parang sabil is characterized by divine mandate and patriotism. Seeking revenge for a personal assault is hardly patriotic or religious. But then, this initial statement does not put into account who the people involved are,

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what they stand for, where they come from and how all these account for the parang sabil as an act of divine sanction and patriotism The native pride of fierce warriors and the sanctity of Islam fuse together in the identity of Tausugs. This same duality exists in the parang sabil; and so, the couple is both warrior and Muslim. In the story, Abdulla spends a night in prayer before permitting Putl Isara to commit parang sabil. Before this scene in the story, Putli Isara does not mention being sabil; she merely expresses her discontent with a ritual of ablution. For Muslim women, being touched, however slightly, on any part of the body by a man is a sin and the usual remedy is a ritual of ablution (Sakili, 2011). The discontentment of Isara could be arisen from the passiveness of her father, the Sultan, who dismisses the case with a suggestion to do the ritual of ablution. Being a bride-to-be, it is a shame to have been touched by another man other than your husband before being married (Sakili, 2011). To add insult, the Spanish lieutenant pursued Isara and proposed marriage to her though she is to be married to someone else. All these existing conditions have led to the climax of the story: the parang sabil. AGE T The two people who committed the parang sabil were Abdulla and Putli Isara, a couple who was supposed to get married. The assault was an offense to Putli Isara and this offense, extends to the fianc (Abdulla) as well. Isara as a princess is more than just a member of the royal family; she is also a role model and representative of Tausug women. Asain (1993, p.131) explains that: The daughter of the Sultan is considered an exemplar of all Tausug women..the epitome of the peoples values of beauty,
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grace, chastity, moral conduct and honor, which are all the qualities a woman is expected to posses in the Tausug society. This explains the crucial role of Isara as the ideal woman in society. Tausug women were isolated and they were very protective of them, especially from men. A single brush or touch from a man to a womans skin was sinful; more so, by a man who was not the womans fianc or husband. The unmarried women were seldom seen by men or other visitors. The encounter of Isara with the Spanish soldier while she was bathing in the river was a breach of conduct. According to Sakili (2010), her thigh was brushed by the hand of the Spanish officer. The officer pursued her despite her wishes and his assault to her was not clearly defined in the text. Sakili (2010) maintains that it was a brush of her thigh while Queano (2011) points out that there was a possibility of rape or other such sexual assaults. Nevertheless, the text made it clear that such offense had happened but the details remain unclear. Queano (2011) further explains that Muslim women were regarded highly as someone to be protected and it was the closed system culture of the Muslims that mostly kept them isolated. By this, he means that Muslim groups tend to maintain a rigid way of life that was by the book, the Holy Quran. The Scripture was their law and they were strict with following it. An example is his own experience with his wife, Potri Ranka Manis, a Maranao princess (daughter of the Sultan). He had to convert to the Islam faith before he could court and eventually marry Potri. The closed system is interpreted by the researcher as a defense mechanism to preserve their culture against vices and infidels. It is not a rigidity that pertains to being incapable of adaptability, but it pertains more to the strong unity and collectivism of the community that strive and struggles to maintain the perpetration of their culture and faith. They tend to go back to the Quran regarding modes of action regarding behavior. This tendency (going back to the Qur an) is widespread and not overly surprising;
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Islam has always been a scripturalist faith and few have wanted to question that basic orientation to the revealed text (Rippin, 1993, p.85). Thus, the collective nature and the protectiveness of women in Muslim groups is more than just a defense mechanism, but is an assertion of their identity as Muslims. In the case of Abdulla, he represents the concept of the Tausugs regarding accountability for women or their wives, specifically. Abdulla is linked to Isara mainly because he is the fianc and so he carries the responsibility to punish the offender. Asain (1993, p. 118), states that, In Tausug culture, a mans inability to take vengeance on his wifes confirmed paramour is considered a horrible disgrace and the victim is called dayyus. He remains an outcast in the community until he kills the offender. Therefore, Abdulla is not defending just Isaras honor, but also his honor. It is in their custom to punish the offender of their wife. As the fianc, the responsibility is given to Abdulla. Furthermore, the couple exemplifies the Tausug idea of shame and honor. It is a disgrace for Isaras chastity to have been touched by an infidel and man who was not her husband, and to be seen bathing as well; it is a disgrace to Abdulla to fail in taking vengeance on the offender. Both carry the need to become sabils because they had to defend their honor. Asain (1993, p.117), sheds light in the Tausug sense of honor: Failure to display physical and mental power, which is a value in Tausug society is tantamount to a great shame which he out to pay for his life if only to exonerate his identity and name. This points out that the disgrace of the couple, is their failure to display physical and mental power, in the face of an offender to their identity. The parang sabil is tantamount to their life as payment to exonerate their identity and name. It is in their identity and status in society that the act becomes justified.

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AGE CY The instrument or the weapon used to do the act can easily be identified: the kris of Abdulla and the barung of Isara. Abdulla picked up his kris and Isara her barung and went to the Spanish barracks. Macdonald and Pesigan (2000, p. 17). The kris and the barung are both kinds of swords used by the Muslims in traditional situations. Thus, the parang sabil, as a traditional act of holy war (jihad), it is only appropriate to use the traditional weapons. It identifies the couple as sabils who carry the traditional swords as testament of war and their struggle against the infidels (Queano, 2011). The agency, however, pertains not just to the explicit object used to commit the act. The researcher has noted that the act could not have been decided upon without the divine mandate that had inspired it. Only after a night of prayer did Abdulla agree to join his fianc and only after Isara consulted with Abdulla did she seek death in the path of Allah to force the Spaniard to pay his debt to her. Also, if Isara had found the ritual of ablution adequate, she would not have sought out the Spaniard. Such events led to the parang sabil. The couples value for honor and the societal norms on seeking vengeance on the offender righteously directs the couple to commit parang sabil, their defense for honor. PURPOSE Isara was shamed and to regain her honor, she wanted the Spaniard to pay his debt to her. Macdonald and Pesigan (2000):

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She then declared that after consulting Abdulla upon his return, she would seek death in the path of Allah to force the Spaniard to pay his debt to her. (p.16) However, regaining honor and seeking punishment transformed into seeking death in the path of Allah after consulting Abdulla. And so, the act became more than for personal gain; it became an act of dying for Allah which is an act of dying for the Muslim community. The purpose of regaining personal honor became a grander, nobler act of regaining the land from the infidels and defending the Islam community from their threat. The sexual assault is merely a motivation on the surface. The touching of Isara by the Spaniard and the marriage proposal to an engaged princess (Isara) is an invasion of Isara as a woman, a Tausug and a Muslim (though being Tausug and Muslim is one and the same, the researcher wishes to emphasize the duality). The invasion of Isara extends not just to her body but to her traditions, to her beliefs and her identity; such is the threat of the Spaniard to her being a Tausug (native of the land and Muslim). The threat is now established, but how about the divine sanction of the act? Take note, that Abdulla spends a night in prayer and only then did Putli Isara mention the parrang sabil. This denotes Abdulla asking for guidance from Allah and only doing so did he decide to give his permission to Isara and join her as well. The night in prayer could symbolize the divine sanction required to consider an act a parang sabil. Therefore, the colonization of the Spaniards, the sexual assault to Isara, the identity of the agents (Tausug), the night in prayer have transformed the simple act of asking the Spaniard to pay his debt into the parang sabil, a religious and patriotic act. Becoming a parang sabil directly identifies the couple as martyrs. The martyr is basically one who dies for the sake of others and the nature of the parang sabil is the inevitability of death. Abdulla and Isara literally
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die as they attack the Spaniards. One key point is the passiveness of the Sultan and the refusal to support Isara. Without the support of the Sultan, the most powerful and influential man in the sultanate, what can Isara and her fianc do to regain Isaras honor? Isara and Abdulla are powerless against the Spaniards under the lieutenant; and so, facing the lieutenant would imply not getting out alive. Knowing their fate, they still willingly committed the parang sabil, but this time, it was no longer a personal agenda. The lack of support and the slim chance of getting their due from the lieutenant and get out alive left them with the only choice: parang sabil. The circumstances have transformed the would- have- been selfish act of revenge into an act of martyrdom.

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II. SCE E- ACT RATIO A ALYSIS The second phase is the scene-act ratio analysis. The scene has significant impact on how the stories came about. Sulu has a rich history of native warriors who embraced the Islamic religion as a way of life. The warrior spirit is manifested in the many wars of the past against those who dared to conquer them. Until today, they take pride in being an unconquered race (Sakili, 1999). Their history is not common knowledge to Filipinos; theirs is a misrepresentation of history that has marked them with the negative Moro image (Sakili, 1999). Their history tells not only of events unknown or forgotten; they tell of the circumstances and conditions that have brought about a phenomenon that would recognize the Tausugs as a feared enemy of the colonizers and peaceful only in death (Asain, 2002 ): the parang sabil. It is necessary to understand the history of the people of Sulu in order to make sense of the parrang sabil, a local form of jihad (holy war) wherein the Tausug charges the colonizers with the kris (traditional Muslim sword) as his weapon, without the fear of death nor the expectation to come back alive. Prior to the attack, a ritual is performed to prepare for the parang sabil; this puts the Tausug in a state of divine inspiration that appeals to others as a maddened state. Thus, colonizers and the uninitiated mistake it for an amuck (Asain, 2002). This state of divine inspiration gives the sabil (one who does the parang sabil) the strength to go forth and take down as many infidels as he can without fear of dying. This strength is brought about by the conviction that the death of a sabil is a death in the path of Allah, which rewards him the merit of heaven. He dies with the honor of a Tausug warrior who sacrificed his life to defend the people
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and his faith; he dies a martyr. Upon death, a white winged horse would carry the sabil, still wearing the bloody clothes as testament of his act of martyrdom, to heaven. The tradition of fierce warriors, the culture of Islam and the colonization of Sulu are detrimental features of the scene. They justify, give authority and power to commit the parang sabil. In this case, the scene not only motivates the act, it also serves as the indirect agency that accomplishes the act. The folk tales tell the story of parang sabil in the past and the researcher will retell these stories under the eye of a critic to determine how the parang sabil achieves redemption for the Tausug community. With this main objective, the researcher takes into account the scene that significantly shapes the parang sabil and in a way, creates its reality. The existing conditions actualized the localized form of jihad and serves as a window by which one can gain insight into the act. With this reason, the researcher particularly highlighted the scene and the act relationship wherein the scene is the dominant element by which the act stems from. The researcher provides a background on the scene and the act. SCE E Because of the efficient organization of the Sultanate prior to the coming of colonizers, economic, political and social life in Sulu was developed. Neighboring sultanates such as Malaysia, Brunei, and Indonesia had formalized relations with Sulu. In 1760s its territory stretched from Kalimantan to Luzon Islands. The five stars in its flag which was used until 1915 signified the five primary areas: Kalimantan in Indonesia, Sabah, Palawan, Basilan and Sulu as the seat of central government.

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The history of Sulu is replete with heroic defense of the homeland which lasted for more than 300 years and is unparalleled in history of colonization (Sakili, 1990). As early as the 16th century, Spain sent expeditions to subjugate and convert the people of Sulu. The Sulus engaged the Spaniards and their Christianized native allies in what has been known as the Moro War. Of course, the Moro Wars would not have occurred if it had not been because of the dominant religion in Sulu: Islam. It was in the 13th century the Islam was first introduced in Sulu and TawiTawi. Dr. Cesar Majul (1974) traces the roots of Islam to an influential Tuan Mashaika who raised Muslim children with his native wife in Jolo. The Islamization of Sulu intensified in the coming of Abubakar who came from Palembang, Sumatra in 1450. He married the daughter of Rajah Baguinda and established the Sultanate of Sulu after the death of his father-in-law. As the Sultan, the political institutions were formed according to Islam. He constructed the madrasa, the house of worship where study of the Quran took place. Eventually, the natives of Sulu converted to Islam and learned Arabic writing. Neighboring Muslim islands interacted with Sulu through commercial means and eventually, political means at the coming of Christianization. Muslim missionaries in Sulu further strengthened and preserved Islam in Sulu (Sakili, 2003). The assimilation of Islam to the native beliefs, customs and practices has transformed the Sulu natives lives to revolve around a unified Islamic core. Islam is the civilizational basis of the Muslim world in politics, in society, in life (Rippin, 1993, p.19). When the Spaniards came with the mission to convert them to Christianity, Islam was the rallying point of the Philippine Muslims in their more than three centuries struggle against the Spaniards (Sakili, 2003). Islam had unified the Muslims in the South to identify with one another a common goal: to defend their socio-political and territorial space. Muslims belong to a world- wide community that has no definite physical territory but it is an imagined territory where all Muslims belong. In the
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community of Muslims that exist all over the world, each member has to observe that the vital Islamic beliefs and practices are followed to be able to feel fully Muslim in the community (Sakili, 2003). The homeland where in the dar al Islam, or the space of peace and justice in Islam, exists is an ideal place for the Muslims; however, once the Dar al harb (space of vices, corruptions and injustice) takes over the territory of Dar al Islam, the Muslims are obligated to oppose the enemy that has pushed the Dar al harb in their homeland. Such situation of dar al harb or dar al Islam validates or invalidates jihad or holy war; according to Islamic law, jihad or parang sabil (localized jihad), is sacred and patriotic (Sakili, 2003). Jihad is obligated in the following circumstances (Sakili, 2003, p.36): 1) When only the legal decisions of non-Muslims are regarded and those of Islam are not; 2) When Dar-al Islam is surrounded by Dar-al Harb; and, 3) when the security of the Muslims can no longer be protected by the government that is supposed to secure them.

In the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan, the American government failed to address the Muslims concerns in making legal decisions. Technically, the Americans were not recognized by the Tausugs as legitimate authority in the first place. Issuing the cedula and taxes was not a warranted legal practice in the Sultanate because the Tausugs did not recognize the imposed authority of the American colonial government. The presence of the colonizers and their imposition of authority undermined the Tausug community who lived as an independent Sultanate. The torture of Andung during the holy month of Fasting and the issuance of the cedula are the instances that represent the Dar al Harb overlapping with the Dar al Islam territory. Lastly, the Sultan was considered a great sinner who had betrayed the Muslim community to the Americans by siding with them in exchange for a comfortable life and monthly salary. The
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sinful Sultan represented the Sultanate governments failure to secure the community from infidels. In the Parang Sabil of Putli Isara and Abdulla, the Spaniards were the colonizers who imposed the Christian religion to the Muslims in Sulu. The sexual assault of the Spanish officer is a manifestation that Islamic beliefs and values have been breached; the act had rendered Isara to be dishonored and Abdulla as well, who was the fianc. The offense on the couple was a circumstance of Dar al Harb penetrating the territory of Islam peace and justice (dar al Islam). The father of Isara, the Sultan, did not support the proposition of Isara to commit the parang sabil to punish the Spanish offender. A grave offense to the princess, his daughter, the very symbolism of Muslim women was not properly dealt with by the Sultan. His failure to secure Isaras honor is the third justification for the parang sabil. Thus, the circumstances mentioned in the parang sabil epics show how scene justifies the act. Endress (1994) further reiterates the meaning of jihad: military effort in the cause of Islam, in the service of anti-colonialist nationalism (p.25). If the Muslim community (particularly the Tausug) feels the threat of colonialism in their territory, then jihad becomes an obligation that has the rewards of heaven. Ayoub (1989) points out that both religion and country belong to God in the Islamic perspective. Naturally, the colonizers interest in Sulu as a colony translated to their subjugation of the Tausugs religion. Clearly, the Spaniards were imposing them to convert to Christians but the Americans on the other hand threatened the Islamic faith with their disregard for Islamic customs, beliefs and traditions. Ayoub (1989) sheds light to the rationale behind jihad in the following statements:

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To engage in the true jihad in the way of Allah required that Muslims not take other than Allah, His Messenger and the peoplel of faith as allies or protectors. Only in worship, unity of purpose and social consciousness can Muslims protect those who are weak, exposed and oppressed. In fact the main aim of jihad in society is to eradicate wrongdoing and oppression. (1989, p.191) The motives or circumstances of jihad are the defense of life, property, faith, the geographic and socieo-economic integrity of the Ummah, personal or community honor and dignity. (1989, p.197) Social responsibility in Islam presupposes a one and single Muslim society. The greatest and most difficult act of jihad was and still is to achieve and preserve this unity. The hijrah or migration of the Prophet is also an account of jihad, of striving in the cause of Allah. (1989, p.192)

Resistance in Sulu never wavered even when the area, along with the rest of Mindanao, was turned over to civilian leadership in 1913 and the signing of the Carpenter Agreement on March 22, 1915. Again, this treaty caused confusion. Allegedly, it surrendered the authority of then Sultan, Jamalul Kiram II, over to the Americans, but Muslims acknowledge otherwise. Muslim lawyer Macapanton Abbas (1974) asserts that the treaties with the Americans were peace pacts for the cessation of American-Tausug hostilities. The pact was recognized by the sovereignty of the Sultanate of Sulu but the English version of the Bates and Carpenter Agreements were tampered with and were incorrectly translated from the original Arabic copies. The integration of Sulu into the Republic of the Philippines is by all means, not generally negative, but the Americans and the Spaniards crusading approach mislead the Muslims and thus, causing aggression towards programs of Filipinization. Moreover, migration of Christians to Mindanao and Sulu, together with national policies undermining the sensitive national distinction and history of the Moros further aggravated the on-going resistance of the Moros. The sultanates of Sulu are a historical pride of Filipinos, evidence of a refined civilization that
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preceded the accidental encounter of Magellan and our native shores. There is cause for resentment among people of the Tausug tribe. They have lost so much over 400 years, not just lives sacrificed for honor but also wealth, dignity and an illustrious history (Montelibano, 2008). Sakili (1999) further reiterates that the history of Sulu is a source of pride not just for the Sulus, but of all Filipinos and knowledge about this historical perspective, as well as that of the rest of the Muslims would improve understanding between the Muslims and Christians. Silva (1978) notes that Popular education had been and still is a potent force in bringing two peoples separated by centuries of war and hate towards greater unity and ultimately final acceptance of each other as distinct but one people (p.61). Angeles (1974) , Che Man (1990), Montelibano (2008), Orosa (1970), Velasco (2009) reiterate the significance of colonialism and Moro Wars in the traditions, practices and present day issues in Sulu and to the Muslims in the Philippines in general. The threat to Muslim identity has established a setting which cultivated resistance, militancy and so-called terrorism. The parrang sabil evolved as a form of jihad which can be explained by traditionalization (Tiatco, 2010) wherein practices, rituals and traditions undergo negotiations in society. The Tausugs as Muslims and descendants of warriors in the Malay-Indonesian race, together with the constant threat in Sulu, has negotiated a form of jihad only manifested in the Tausugs and not in other Muslim groups. Until today, the Sulus are still proud to say that, We were never conquered. This struggle against colonialism and threat to cultural identity can best be understood within the context of the Sulus Islamic and Malay descent (Sakili, 1999) and so, the historical context of Sulu and the Tausugs have great significance in analyzing the parang sabil.
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ACT The Parang Sabil As mentioned in the previous chapter, the parrang sabil is defined by Sakili (1990, p.122) as: It was a religious and patriotic act directed against the combatants of kafir (infidels) or foreign invaders. Parrang sabil is the Sulus way of waging a jihad or holy war. It was waged as the last option of resistance against colonization. To the Spaniards, the parang sabil is referred to as the juramentado which pertains to the person who has taken an oath to kill and be killed and nothing more (Asain, 2002, p.255). Quite clearly, parang sabil is appropriately used as a term for the act and juramentado for the person who performs the act. However, Asain (2002) goes further in critiquing the Spanish coined term juramentado as an inadequate term since the Spaniards have excluded the religious motive that gives license to the act. He explains that: The parrang sabil was not simply going out of ones way to kill people for pleasure or thrill. It was not an indiscriminate pursuit of violence without legitimate cause. ..If he did the parrang sabil, he did so thinking that was the only way to save his religion and homeland from the intrusion of foreigners who were out to reduce him and his fellowmen into slaves or vassals. (p.261)

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From this standpoint, parrang sabil is viewed as having a dual nature: religious and patriotic; the Muslim who does this act is considered both as a martyr and a hero of his people (Muslim community). The Quran provides the scriptural basis: War is enjoined against the infidels. (II, p.215) Oh True believers, wage war against such of the infidels as are near you. (IX, p. 124) Whenever ye encounter the unbelievers, strike off their heads until ye have made a great slaughter among them. (XLVII, p.4) Say to the unbelievers, if they desist from their belief, what is now past shall be forgiven them. (Surah VII: 39-49) God loveth not the treacherous. (Verse 60) For whoever shall kill a believer of set purposes, his recompense shall be Hell, forever shall he abide in it. (Hidayah) Count not those who are killed in the way of Allah (fil sabil-ullah) as dead, but living with their Lord. (Sura III, v.163) Let those then fight in the path of Allah (fil sabil-ullah), who exchange this present life for that which is to come; for whoever fighteth on Allahs path, whether he be slain or conquer, We will in the end give him a great reward. (Sura IV, v.76)

From the scriptures, defending the Muslim territory or defending the religion from threat is justified. The divine mandate legitimizes the act of killing the infidels. It should be noted, however, that the absence of an obvious religious purpose renders the sabil act inauthentic(Asain, 2002, p. 261). Hurley (1936) characterizes the parrang sabil as a form of the Muslim jihad or holy war; it can be done individually or collectively. Furthermore, jihad can be a personal sacrifice to gain merits to heaven, or the more commonly known, holy war which is done to protect the Muslim community from threats such as invaders and infidels. As cited in the third chapter of this research, references were made to parrang sabil as suicide. However, Sakili (2003 ), Asain (2002) and Majul (1999) clearly explain that suicide is a juru or
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mirtad (serious sin). The warrior getting killed is a consequence for defending his religion, his land, and his people. The ritual performed before doing the parrang sabil points out that it is a prepared and predetermined act. Majul (1999, p.422 ) vividly describes the ritual: On the eve of the day set for the performance of the duty, the mujahid (one who does the jihad) was completely shaved of his hair and eyebrows. He then went through a complete ritual bathing as a symbol of purification followed by dressing completely in white. Sometimes he wore a small white turban. The color here is that of mourning and the clothing signified the burial shroud. The mujahid would spend the evening in prayer in the company of panditas who would not only recite Quranic verses but probably local prayers not entirely devoid of pre-Islamic elements. The work Prang Sabil-ullah (Fighting in the way of Allah) with its exhortations and description of Paradise was read to him to encourage him in his decision. He would also carry with him a few amulets some of which would normally contain inscriptions of a few Quranic versesThe closest relatives of the mujahid would also be present, praying with him.

The Muslim who wishes to do the parang sabil has to first get the permission of the imam, and the relatives. Only after the ritual can he proceed to killing as many infidels as possible. His deceased body shall be buried by the panditas without changing the clothes he died in. Dying for Allah garners him the honor of one who no longer needs ablution and the bloody clothes are proof of his feat. They Muslims believe that such act is rewarded with Paradise. It is of their belief that a white-winged horse carries the body of the sabil warrior to Paradise upon his death. Though Islam sanctions the act, a real threat has to exist to instigate it. Original written records of the parang sabil are not available since they were speculated to have
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started occurring during the Spanish colonialism. They were instead, passed on from one generation to the next in the Tausug oral traditions of kissa (ballad) and katakata (folk tales). Historical records of battles also point out the existence of the sabil warriors. Asain (2002) cites a few particular events in history: 1877 when two thousand Tausugs attacked the garrison of the Spaniards in Jolo; the 1906 Battle of Mount Dahu; 1906 Battle in Taglibi; 1913 Battle in Mount Bagsak. The formidable Tausug warriors have garnered themselves the reputation with the colonizers as Muslim bandits, savages, pirates and people peaceful only in death (Asain, 2002), as Americans would say. Asain (2002, p. 255) best concludes it by stating, It seems that the ritual associated with the Tausg parang sabil was a blending or interphasing of what was customary and religious.

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SCE E-ACT RELATIO SHIP The institutionof a personal1 jihad, called juramentado by the Spanish, was a form of suicide in which a man went to a Christian settlement and ritually began to murder non-Moslems until he in turn was killed. (Kiefer, 1973, p.109) This raw description of Kiefer regarding the parang sabil falls short of the more substantial meaning by which Majul ascribes to. According to Majul, to equate parang sabil with the Spanish concept of juramentado is to not do justice to the act. Juramentado touches only the surface of what the act really is to the Tausugs. Majul explains that the act is not done simply out of retaliation or simply to kill as many enemies (Christian colonizers) until the warrior himself is killed; instead, he reiterates the sanctity and the honor that the act symbolizes through the ceremony done before it is administered. The warrior wears the official white garments of a corpse to indicate his readiness and embrace of eventual death. The ceremony for the dead is performed on the living warrior before he goes forth with the attack. Again, the preparedness for death is actualized in this particular ceremony. Since the warrior does not expect to come back alive, he performs the necessary rituals for the dead before the actual burial. When he dies, wherever he would be, he would already be prepared to face death. His anticipation of death has taken care of the necessary rituals for the dead. Kiefer attributes the occurrence of the parang sabil as a reaction towards the coming of Christian militancy:

Faced with an ethnocentric and1 militant Christian missionary zeal to the north, the Tausug conception of Islam grew naturally to emphasize the militancy of the holy war, or jihad, against the nonbelievers.(p.108) Also, he attributes it as a source of pride:
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Prior to the establishment of Spanish hegemony over Luzon in in the16th century, the Tausug sultanate was the largest and most powerful political entity in the Philippines, embracing at least a quarter million persons in a multi-ethnic group state. (p.109)

At the time of Kiefers field research (1966-1968), Sulu was only a ghost of its former self and was part of the larger scale of the Republic of the Philippines political system. The officials in Sulu were ruled the place only with nominal authority, seeing as the commitment to the nation was very weak (Kiefer, 1973). He establishes a key point in the analysis of the parang sabil epics: the significance of the scene. He points out in his studies and research, how the culture of the people and the events particularly explain the parang sabils existence as an act and as a piece of oral tradition. The scene provides the necessary context which it stems from. Particularly, the two artifacts for analysis highlighted the Tausug value for honor as a determining factor in the acts of the characters. Honor for the Tausugs, is called kamaruwan and is associated with the purpose of man, the vicegerent of God on earth. Sakili (2003) pertains to man as khalifah, the bearer of Gods trust in this world (p.82). In Sakili (2003, p. 82), Woodward explains this view of man as: The universe is summed up in man who is the central point. Standing on the borderline between the spiritual and the physical, on the one side, he joins hands with angels, while on the other he is related to the brutes and the materials world. Every other being in the universe reflects one or another of the Divine attributes; Man reflects the wholeMan is the theater of the Divine Names and the meeting point of the Divine attributes elsewhere scattered singly through the universe, and at the same time, reflects the union of these, and is in this way the image of God. So man is justly called the Microcosm or Lesser World as being the sum and epitome of the Macrocosm or Greater World outside. Moreover, as in the heart of man are reflected the attributes of God, it is held that the way to know God is throughMans own heart. (1989, p.185)
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Man, then, as the khalifah is put on a pedestal among Gods creations; he is the mediator between the spiritual and material world. Thus, he is the bearer of Gods trust and in this, follows his responsibility in maintaining order in the cosmos. The very purpose of man is to contemplate God and carry out his laws; he can do this according to the Islamic way of life which he should maintain. And so, the Muslims identity is that of his individual self, the social man belonging to the Ummah (Muslim social community) and the political man, who safeguards the integrity of Dar-al Islam (Islamic space of peace and justice) which involves acting out to stop injustice (Sakili, 2003). The identity of the Tausug as a representative of God and the whole Muslim community (ummah), and as a member of the Tausug community as well, defines the responsibility to defend Islamic peace and way of life. A failure to defend Islam is a sign of defeat or surrender of faith to the enemy; to defend ones faith, the Tausug stick to their motto: it is better to crack ones brace rather than to lose ones faith ( Iduri, 1998). To himself, the Tausug must protect his honor with all his capabilities because it is in their culture to uphold the necessary retaliation against offenders; doing otherwise would be a shame. Honor, for the self, for the community and for Islam are all existing within the individual. Thus, he has become a representative of himself, the Tausugs and Muslims as a whole. The act of the parang sabil, within this cultural context is given more meaning than just a form of attack against enemies. It is an act of defense for ones honor, defense for ones community and defense for ones faith. It is an honorable deed that is deeply rooted in mans role as khalifah. Colonialism, in the case of Panglima Hassan, threatened the Dar-al Islam and as
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khalifah, he did what was expected of him: he waged a jihad, specifically, the parang sabil, its localized form. Similarly, the dishonor of Putli Isara and Abdulla had called forth the punishment of the offender, the collection of his debt to them. As khalifah, the Islamic values of chastity and respect for women were breached; the dar-al Harb had surrounded the dar-al Islam with injustice. This justified their parang sabil. In talking about the Islamic space of dar-al Islam and dar-al Harb, the researcher points back to the identity of the Tausug as a political man within a political scope of territory: the Sultanate. During the Spanish period, the resistance to colonizers was quasi-unanimous and so, the parang sabil was a frequent phenomenon. However, when the Americans came, they adopted a divide and conquer strategy which weakened allegiances, cultural sentiments and political perceptions (book p.12). Gerard Rixhon points out that the change of scene under the American colonial rule had a significant effect in the Sulu resistance and occurrence of parang sabil. Unlike the Spaniards, the Americans did not impose the conversion to Christianity and at the same time, they established a developing educational system that led to upward mobility in public administration and politics. The educated class created a new allegiances and shifting political patronage that favored the elites. The quasi unanimous resistance and the parang sabil was thus, weakened because of this modification in the sense of belonging; now, the Sulus or Tausugs were in factions with regards to the interests of the community members. The elites aligned themselves to American patronage but the majority of Sulu remained in its traditional perception of their local community that is suspicious and antagonistic of colonialism. The political system, based on elections, have given further gap between the center and the periphery; the majority and the minority, which the Tausugs belonged to. Thus, the issue here is that of power.

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The concentration of power is a determining factor in the occurrence of the parang sabil. During the Spanish period, the leaders (like Panglima Hassan and sultans) interests on a sovereign sultanate of Sulu was aligned with this same interest of the community members. When the Americans came, the number of leaders, or significant power holders in Sulu, shifted their alliances to the colonizers. This shift could be a result of the change of scene during the American period of colonialism. As mentioned earlier, the elite class developed which severed the quasi unanimous alignment of interests of the community; with the transfer of political interests of the elites, power also magnetized towards them. This fragmented the solidarity and unity of the Tausugs as some of its members broke away from the resistance. This is the scene that envelopes those that severed ties with the resistance. The parang sabil was an echo of Sulus hopes for its own independence; it was a mark of the struggle for power over their own homeland. It was also an expression of the peoples sense of belonging to their Tausug community and to their Islamic faith, all wrapped into one. Colonization as subjugation of the homeland has called upon the duty of the warrior to defend the people and colonization as a threat to their Islamic faith has called upon the duty of the Muslim to protect dar-al Islam. In accordance to this, it is the Tausug community and the divine inspiration of Allah that empowers the sabil warrior. This duality of the circumstance of religion and native culture is the traditionalization (Anril, 2010) of the parrang sabil; this duality (tradtionalization) is embodied in the identity of the sabil as a Tausug and as a Muslim. The interweaving influences of Islam and the community result in the influx of a tradition that carries out a defense for faith and a defense for ones honor. The Tausug indigenous values of honor and the Islamic faith are both at work in defining the tradition of the parang sabil. Furthermore, Tuban (1992, p.137) states that:
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The parang sabil which originated during the Spanish regime in the Philippines was born out of necessity among the individual Muslims in the south to save Sulu, the dar-al Islam or the abode of Islam or peace from the threats of the Spaniards and of Christianity. In this scene-act analysis, the parang sabil is not just a resultant effect of culture and religion, but it is also a reaction to the historical context which envelopes it: colonialism. Clearly, the scene defines what the parang sabil is, why it is done and in what circumstance. Tuban (1992) reiterates that it is borne out of necessity; because of the threat to the territory of peace in their community. Thus, the motivation is largely stemming from the scene.

The parang sabil epic, a form of Tausug oral tradition, involves the creative process of historical characters, conflict, martyrdom and a mythical white winged horse, molded into folk tales. Despite the unreliability of folk tales in accuracy, the event of colonialism, the bloody Moro wars, the Tausug values of martyrdom, honor and sacrifice are undeniably real. For the Tausug folk, these folk tales that may seem fictional to an outsider of the community are their peoples history of struggle and pride for their homeland. The researcher parallels this to the Greek civilization that regarded Homers Illiad and Odyssey epics as their actual history, despite of course, the fictitious nature of Homers stories as epics.

The details of the parang sabil incidents may not be accurately passed on, but they were real people who sacrificed their lives and became sabil. The characters are the representations of the Tausug folks who had suffered and who had fought when the colonizers came. The stories of the parrang sabil are stories of honorable men and women; they are stories of the unsung heroes of the Tausug. Of course, in Sulu, they are no longer unsung heroes, but they are significantly
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remembered as shahid or martyrs. They are people who in the face of colonization, took arms in order to regain their tainted honor, to defend their people and to die for Allah. Their acts are something far greater than retaliation and far greater than bloodthirsty violence. To point them out as such is to completely ignore the distinct culture, the tradition, the beliefs and the proud history of our Muslim brothers and sisters. Before the Spaniards came, the Philippine islands consisted mostly of independent Muslim sultanates who lived amongst themselves in peace. When the colonizers came, armed with the spirit of the Crusades or Christian holy war, the Tausugs became a people threatened by infidels. The Tausugs have a rich culture, and an established civilization; they are distinctly a Muslim group residing in Sulu. To force them to abdicate and renounce their religion is to strip them of their identity as Tausug. The Muslim concept of tawhid or unity is the rationale behind the permeating presence of Islam into all aspects of the individuals life. Imposing Christianity is an insult to the lives that they have been accustomed to live; they were a free people who thrived according to the way of life in which they were born into. To tell them otherwise is to offend the individual, the community and the whole system which envelopes them. The parang sabil stories are not about revenge or petty skirmishes that went out of hand. They were not merely reactionary to the existence of Spanish threat, but they were natural tendencies, rooted in the deepest level of Tausug culture and Islamic faith, that came about when the circumstances recalled them. The Parang Sabil of Putli Isara and Abdulla, and the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan embody the Tausug sentiments on colonialism. They tell of the history of the people and reflect their ideals, values and beliefs. Highlighted in the stories are the Tausug value for honor, their
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concept of space (dar-al Islam, dar-al Harb), their ideal leaders, their ideal woman, and most importantly, their great value for sacrificing in the name of Allah.

More than just penetrating into the culture of the Tausugs, the researcher also points out the use of Islamic symbols that create the rhetoricality of the texts as political statements against colonialism, expression of Islamic faith and assertion of the Tausug identity. The kris itself is a traditional weapon of Muslims in war. Brandishing it carries the name of Allah and in using it for war, the battle is identified with the greater purpose of defending the Islamic faith. The Muslim community recognizes the jihad as a justified weapon against infidels and for those who threaten their faith. For the Tausug, the one who uses the kris is one who is empowered by Allah, and so, places a sense of sanctity in the act of killing using the kris. As a sabil, the kris represents the struggle of the people against the infidels, but it also marks the Tausug as a fierce warrior and a martyr who fears no death in the name of Allah. The weapon is tied to the hand so that when the sabil falls, it dies with it. This expresses the Tausug value for not surrendering. Even in death, the sabil refuses to give up the sword, to give up the fight. It is as if he is prepared to fight and die all over again if it need be. Thus, the kris is not just an expression of the warrior and the martyr, but it is also a testament of honor and martyrdom.

Another Islamic symbol is the white-winged horse that is believed to carry the sabil to heaven to be with Allah. Rippin (1992, p.99) further explains that: The sensual picture of the rewards of heaven can evoke a variety of responses. Such a position may want to propose that the picture is taken as mythic, that it is expressed in a language which would appeal to those at the time of Muhammad and urge them to convert and submit to the will of God.
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In the context of Sulu, the white winged horse served as an Islamic symbol that denotes mysticism, typical of the Sufis who had first introduced Islam in the area of Sulu. The Islamic idea of redemption and heaven is symbolized in the white winged horse that carries the sabil to heaven. The white winged horse can be seen as creating a myth around the act of parang sabil that renders the sabil as invulnerable, noble, handsome, brave and typically containing the ideal values of Tausugs. This mythical aspect also appeals to the Muslims to pattern their lives according to the sabil heroes in the stories. During times of war or threat in the homeland, the parang sabil ballads were sung to inspire the members of the community to resist the threat, to be aware of the situation and to remember the legacy of the martyrs. The pedestal in which the sabil is placed garners the reinstating of the lost honor of the Muslim warrior. From a state of shame, Isara and Abdulla avenged their names by punishing the offender. From a common headman, Panglima Hassan became a hero, an ideal leader and a martyr who would be remembered by the people as a noble leader and a fierce warrior. The cedula in the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan was symbolized as a religious tithe. Paying taxes would be similar to worshipping another religion because the American colonizers who imposed were considered infidels. Payment to them would be like submitting themselves to the enemies. Thus, the political issue of the cedula and the power of the government became not just an issue of politics, but a religious one. The cedula became a symbol of colonization and idolatry of infidels, which was prohibited in the Islamic faith. Idolatry was strictly forbidden and was considered a sin. Thus, the resolution to jihad or parang sabil was appropriated regarding the religious issue. In this context, the use of Islamic symbols transform otherwise political issues into a noble sanctified religious mission. Rippin (1993, P.141) adds that:
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Much attention is given to the attempt to implement Islamic ideals in society in general: this may be summarized generally as the impact of Islam upon politics. This is to be associated primarily with the Islamic totalist vision, in which the idea that Islam encompasses all of life has become the central pivot for political aspirations. Religion also becomes a political tool in this framework, as in the frequent charge that Islam is used by many political leaders simply to justify changeHere it is the matter of the social use of Islamic symbols rather than the personal use of them. With this, Rippin points out how Islamic symbols are used to pursue political agenda. With the totalist view of Islam, the cedula became associated with religious tithe. A political issue is justified with a the religious context as the bigger picture. It is in the nature of the parang sabil to be a religious act but at the same time, it is a political tool against colonialism. It was used in the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan as an act of martyrdom and an act of defiance to the American colonizers.

The infusion of Islamic symbols in the parang sabil epics create the view of the stories as religious and the ultimate purpose of the characters to be religious as well. The real reasons for the parang sabil in the stories cannot be accurately identified by the researcher because there are many possibilities regarding this. However, from the analyses of the texts, the Parang sabil of Panglima Hassan closely resembled the ideal parang sabil: patriotic and religious. Hassan was a leader of the resistance against colonizers and he became a sabil upon the threat of infidels taking control of their homeland, the dar-al Islam. In the Parang Sabil of Putli Isara and Abdulla, the conflict was mainly because of a Spanish officer who dishonored Isaras chastity. The concept of chastity and the Islamic laws prohibiting such offense to women created an issue of religious

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ethics that the Spaniard breached. Thus, the Islamic element in the conflict justified the parang sabil.

Therefore, the parang sabil epic is in itself, an expression of Islamic symbols that integrated the Tausug identity (values, culture) with the Islamic faith that would make the parang sabil act as a proof of martyrdom and heroism. The texts function rhetorically as a testament of the Tausug pride in their culture and their identity; it is a testament of their idealized hero and martyr in times of struggle. The Islamic elements and the manifestation of the Tausus psyche identifies with the Tausug community in their shared experiences, beliefs, values and ideals; together, they create the reality of the parang sabil as a religious act to defend Allah and a patriotic act to defend the homeland.

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III. TERMS OF ORDER Guilt is a normal phenomenon that arises from the nature of man to be perfect. It is natural to experience disorder and strive for order. According to Burke (1966), humans use symbols to express the ideas of guilt; and so, rhetoric is defined within the experience and the removal of this guilt. In examining such phenomena, the researcher will use Burkes terms of order: order, guilt, purification, redemption. Humans experience this cycle because life is an unending transformation from order to redemption; guilt and hierarchy exists and these are constant obstructions to the human drive for perfection. Those Up are guilty of not being Down, those Down are certainly guilty of not being Up (Burke, 1966, p.15). With the experience of guilt, comes the defining moment of redemption. It is basic law of nature: stability; and in striving for stability, guilt must be removed to go back to order. Redemption is the removal of this guilt, either through mortification or scapegoating. The researcher has mentioned in the previous chapters that scapegoating is the primary focus of the research. The scapegoat, the sacrificial animal is the bearer of the burden of guilt; this vessel or representative is the agent who will redeem another through its act or agency (Burke, 1970, p.176). In the two parang sabil folktales that have been analyzed, it has become explicit that the scene is identified as the source of guilt. In the story of Putli Isara and Abdulla, the situation of colonialism in Sulu marked a conflict between the native Tausugs and the Spaniards who had come to convert them to Christianity and colonize their land. Already there was a conflict of power and interest. Each side struggled for power over Sulu; the Tausugs strove to keep their native land while the Spaniards pursued to make Sulu their colony.

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The assault against Isara was a reflection of the larger situation: the subjugation and colonization by the Spaniards who failed to regard the Tausug values and ideals with due respect. Such offense brought dishonor to both Isara and Abdulla. The offense gave the idea of the Spaniard taking advantage and overpowering Isara and Abdulla as well, placing both of them with the guilt of being subjugated. The assault on Isara (touch of her skin) was an invasion of what Isara held sacred which translated to her sacred traditions, customs and belief that prohibited being touched by a man who was not her husband. Abdulla, who was the fianc of Isara, had been disrespected and his authority as the fianc was clearly unrecognized by the Spanish officer. In the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan, the cedula was the instrument of the Americans to openly announce their authority over the Tausugs; it was a symbol of their subjugation and assertion of power. In denying to submit to the cedula, Panglima Hassan and his men became rebels against the government that the Americans had established. The cedula is a manifestation of the conflict of the Tausugs who were openly being addressed by the Americans as under their rule. This hierarchy is a root of guilt. The torture of Andung showcased the extent by which the Americans would force their authority on the Tausugs. Since Andung was a member of the Tausug community, the others, especially the panglimas, primarily identified with one of their own. It was as if the torture was inflicted on the community and not just one of them; thus, the whole community is laid with the guilt of torture and war in their homeland. However, with guilt, comes purification to achieve redemption; the agents (Pulti Isara and Abdulla, Panglima Hassan) guilt was their own dishonor, their own shame, their responsibility as a vicegerent of Allah. Their burden was significant enough to motivate an act to release themselves from it: the parang sabil. The personal had become political wherein the
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burden of the self represented the macrocosms burden (community). Thus, the redemption that the self demands extends to the need for redemption of the community as well. As a Tausug in the face of colonization, they had the calling to defend their land and uphold their beliefs. They not only carried the guilt of their own, but the guilt of the Tausug people as well. The Muslim concept of tawhid or oneness encompasses the individuals life wherein the individual cannot be separated from Islam; just as the individual cannot be separated from the ulamma (Muslim community). The Americans and the Spaniards are representatives of the source of guilt. It was they who had created the struggle for power; they imposed authority on a land that was not theirs to rule. In the parang sabil epic, the source of guilt (Spanish and American soldiers) was killed by the sabil (agents). By eliminating the source of guilt, order resumes, temporarily. Putli Isara, Abdulla and Panglima Hassan killed as many as they could until they too died, but they were not able to kill all the colonizers. Their death however, has made them regain their honor, garnered them the title of heroes and at the same time, they merit the reward of heaven as the white winged horse carried their body to Allah. Dying in the path of Allah is instantly identified with martyrdom because the Tausugs believe that white winged horse to be the transport to heaven. It carries the sabil not just to his redemption (his attainment of heaven) but to the redemption of the Tausug community as well. The guilt of colonization, war and all that envelopes the Dar-al Harb, that burdens the whole community has been released from such state of guilt by the scapegoats (sabils). The researcher observes a parallelism to the way that Jesus Christ redeemed the Christians by his passion and death. The sins of the world were his burden to carry and in his sacrifice, he freed all from it. Though the sabils lack the messianic purpose of Jesus Christ, they are nonetheless
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martyrs who, for a greater purpose, sacrificed their lives. The Islamic symbol of the white winged horse creates the image of the parang sabil as an act of religious purpose, a divine mandate. Thus, the death of the sabil is not just the death of a hero who took down as many enemies without fearing for his own life, the death is also of a martyr who chose to sacrifice his life rather than denounce his faith. Though the previous analysis points out that the motives were not intentionally religious, but more political, the Islamic symbols have elevated it into a more grandiose purpose: martyrdom. Redemption is achieved with the sacrifice of the scapegoat: the sabil, who carries the burden of the guilt and who has taken the task of eliminating the source of guilt. The act of the parrang sabil has become an agency to achieve redemption; it has freed the sabil of shame and at the same time, the Tausug people are defended from infidels who have brought disorder. Tan (1982, p.116) reiterates that: This dichotomy of dualism or history and myth resulted in the development of a kind of historical consciousness that allowed or would allow a typical tausug to view his personality as an embodiment of the secular and the mystical. It is presumed that there are three concepts that seem to influence his action or conduct such as 1. That conflict tis part of human experience and cannot be avoided; 2. That conflict resolution depends on the intervention of the supernatural or the mystical; and 3. That what truly counts in any conflict is not so much the result in terms of victory or defeat but how one fights or behaves in battle.

The Islamic symbols and the representation of Tausug values in the stories extend towards the whole Tausug community and Muslim believers that identify with the image of the sabil as a martyr and the parang sabil as a redemptive act. It is in this shared view of the parang sabil that both the sabil and the community of believers achieve redemption.

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The text itself, is another matter of redemption. The existence of the parang sabil epic is in itself a rhetorical statement: the need for remembering the history of the Tausug, the need to express their identity and the need to inspire the generations to come with feats of their unsung heroes in Philippine history. The performance of the epics as ballads was part of the preparation of the individual parang sabil; it glorified the exploits of those who had resisted the colonizers in the past. These ballads were in Jawi script to ensure a fair degree of historical accuracy (Kiefer, 1973). The stories convey a sense of struggle, war and turmoil that Sulu had lost valuable lives of their people. As a member of the community and as descendants of the sabils, they feel guilt towards the unfortunate loss and predicament of their people. The epics appeal to their emotions regarding the deaths and the sacrifice of the past or their own thoughts towards the events that had happened. Reading and singing them as ballads somehow reduces their guilt by remembering and recognizing the martyrdom of the sabils. The Tausugs treat the sabil characters in the story as martyrs who have died to defend them and their homeland; this perspective creates a positive image for the community by transforming the tragedy of death into a noble act that had saved them from subjugation and colonization. Thus, redemption is achieved because sacrifice of the sabils have transformed into martyrdom, a worthy death for Allah and their community.

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Chapter V Summary and Conclusion This research is a rhetorical criticism of two Tausug folk tales: the Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan and the Parang Sabil of Putli Isara and Abdulla. This research aims to answer the question, using the Dramatist Pentad, how does the parrang sabil achieve redemption for the Tausug? The objectives are to describe the parrang sabil using the Dramatist Pentad, analyze the texts according to the scene-act ratio in the Dramatist Pentad, and determine how the parrang sabil achieves redemption for the Tausug community. The researcher will use Burkes Dramatist Pentad and terms of order in analyzing the texts. The parang sabil is defined as the religious and patriotic act against infidels or foreign invaders. It is the localized jihad in Sulu and also a form of resistance against colonization (Sakili, 1990). Prior to the attack, a ritual is performed to prepare for the parang sabil. Upon death, a white winged horse would carry the sabil, still wearing the bloody clothes as testament of his act of martyrdom, to heaven. It can be categorized as true sabil or pseudosabil, according to Tuban (1977); the former refers to the ideal parang sabil that is done out of a religious and patriotic purpose while the latter refers to those that are primarily for personal honor. The Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan is identified as a true sabil while the Parang Sabil of Putli Isara is identified as the pseudosabil. The researcher gathered data through interviews with two Muslim experts, Abraham Sakili and Nonilon Queano. Other related studies were also used as references. For the first phase of analysis, the researcher described the texts using the Dramatist Pentad. The Parang Sabil of Panglima Hassan is described as thus:
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TERM

DEFINITION

THE TEXT

Act Scene Agent

What happens or takes place Context of the action Person or persons who perform the act

Parang Sabil The American colonization, Sulu, Bud Bagsak Panglima Hassan

Agency

Means through which the action takes place

Kris

Purpose

Reason the action took place

To defend their homeland from the American subjugation; to rebel against the imposition of cedula; to protect the Islamic faith

The Parang Sabil of Putli Isara and Abdulla is described as thus: TERM DEFINITION

Act Scene

What happens or takes place Context of the action

Parang sabil The Spanish colonization, Sulu

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Agent

Person or persons who perform the act

Putli Isara, Abdulla

Agency

Means through which the action takes place

Kris and Barung

Purpose

Reason the action took place

To punish the Spanish officer who assaulted Putli Isara

The second phase was the scene-act ratio analysis. With this, the researcher has made significant realizations. The scene has significant impact on how the stories came about. The tradition of fierce warriors, the culture of Islam and the colonization of Sulu are detrimental features of the scene. They justify, give authority and power to commit the parang sabil. One dominant value in the texts is the high regard for honor. Honor for the Tausugs, is called kamaruwan and is associated with the purpose of man, the vicegerent of God on earth. The identity of the Tausug as a representative of God and the whole Muslim community (ummah), and as a member of the Tausug community as well, defines the responsibility to defend Islamic peace and way of life. Thus, the sabil is a representative of himself, the Tausugs and Muslims as a whole. Committing the parang sabil is an act of defense for ones honor, defense for ones community and defense for ones faith. Another result of the analysis is the issue of power. The concentration of power is a determining factor in the occurrence of the parang sabil which was an echo of Sulus hopes for its own independence; it was a mark of the struggle for power over their own homeland. It was also an expression of the peoples sense of belonging to their Tausug community and to their
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Islamic faith; this duality of the circumstance of religion and native culture is the traditionalization (Anril, 2010) of the parang sabil. This duality (tradtionalization) is embodied in the identity of the sabil as a Tausug and as a Muslim. In this scene-act analysis, the parang sabil is not just a resultant effect of culture and religion, but it is also a reaction to the historical context which envelopes it: colonialism. They tell of the history of the people and reflect their ideals, values and beliefs. Highlighted in the stories are the Tausug value for honor, their concept of space (dar-al Islam, dar-al Harb), their ideal leaders, their ideal woman, and most importantly, their great value for sacrificing in the name of Allah. The infusion of Islamic symbols in the parang sabil epics create the view of the stories as religious and the ultimate purpose of the characters to be religious as well. Islamic symbols are used to further political agenda. Therefore, the parang sabil epic is in itself, an expression of Islamic symbols that integrated the Tausug identity (values, culture) with the Islamic faith that would make the parang sabil act as a proof of martyrdom and heroism. The texts function rhetorically as a testament of the Tausug pride in their culture and their identity; it is a testament of their idealized hero and martyr in times of struggle. With the experience of guilt, comes the defining moment of redemption. It is basic law of nature: stability; and in striving for stability, guilt must be removed to go back to order. Redemption is the removal of this guilt, either through mortification or scapegoating. Redemption is achieved with the sacrifice of the scapegoat: the sabil, who carries the burden of the guilt and who has taken the task of eliminating the source of guilt. The act of the parrang sabil has become an agency to achieve redemption; it has freed the sabil of shame and at the same time, the Tausug people are defended from infidels who have brought disorder. The reading and the singing of the parang sabil epics achieve redemption for the Tausug community
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because the text functions as a memorial and testament of heroic feats of their people in the past. The tragedy of death that cause guilt in the community is redeemed because the rhetoricality of the text transforms the sacrifice of the sabils into martyrdom, a worthy death for Allah and their community.

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Implications of the Study The research has brought to light the lack of exposure of the majority of the Filipinos regarding the culture and history of the Tausugs and other Filipino Muslim groups. The study on the parang sabil shows the Tausugs as a proud people who shared the same struggle with the rest of the Philippines during the colonial times. Their distinct culture, interwoven with their faith, makes them a people steadfast in their principles, in their faith and in their own community. Their sentiments and their very identity define who they are and what they do. These play a significant role in determining their reactions towards particular events in history. Thus, a deeper understanding and appreciation of their culture will go miles in bridging the gaps between Filipino Muslims and Filipino Christians. For the Tausugs, their honor is their life; they fear no death when it comes to taking responsibility for their actions. The parang sabil epics prove their regard for sacrifice as a means of martyrdom. Rather than resolving for vengeance out of violent rampage, they choose to die a worthy death that would regain their honor, defend their community and profess their faith. They are a people who idealize what it is to be worthy. The parang sabil was an occurrence at the time of colonialism and it is significant to note that this particular form of jihad came about at such events in history. It goes to show that radical exemplars of faith and patriotism like the parang sabil are reactions to threats to their culture, their homeland and their faith. The existence of the parang sabil epics today remind us of the struggle for power and independence that all Filipinos share in the course of history. It is a political statement that marks the Tausugs as a group that feels their way of life to be threatened. Until they cease to feel that

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threat, they will not surrender in resisting. It is their value and their pride as Tausugs to never surrender for the sake of their community. They have to recognize and be recognized that they belong to the larger Filipino community. The conditions of the time have to understand their needs, their ideals and expectations to be able to properly address the on-going conflict in Mindanao, particularly the Muslim rebels. This study is only a preliminary into the potential of the parang sabil as an artifact that could open up insights on the issue of the Mindanao problem.

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Recommendations for Future Studies Throughout the process of this research, it has become imminent that there is a lack of documentation regarding the Tausug folk tales. Only a few were transcribed into text and actually recorded. There have been a few studies done on the parang sabil, but the number lacks significant research that would contribute in the knowledge and appreciation of the Tausug oral tradition and literature. Future studies should focus on creating more accurate documentation of oral tradition to be able to use the materials in garnering deeper knowledge and understanding of their culture. It is recommended to apply the research on oral traditions, especially the parang sabil, on finding effective strategies regarding the peace progress in Mindanao. The parang sabil is a piece of historical testament and an expression of Tausug sentiments that majority of the Filipinos should be exposed to. It is recommended to further the research on the rhetorical devices that define the parang sabil and its function in modern politics to determine its relevance in the Muslim movements going on. Perhaps other ratios in the Dramatist Pentad can be explored to widen the angles of rhetorical investigation. The researcher also recommends a rhetorical analysis of the subject using Fantasy Theme Theory; such study would explore the rhetorical vision that is produced by the texts. Furthermore, the potential of the parang sabil as a tool for radical movements in the face of imperialism should also be explored as the current period demands it.

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APPE DIX A The Parang Sabil of Abdulla and Putli Isara in Spanish Times (Macdonald and Pesigan, 2000, pp.16-17) This happened when the Spanish colonizers were causing great turmoil as they set foot in Jolo and erected military quarters. This is the story of the lovely Princes Isara, the daughter of a local chief and how she taught the Spaniards a lesson. Isara was engaged to Abdulla, a handsome young man who had just left for (Sandakan Borneo) to purchase the wedding trousseau. One hot summer day, against the will of her father and accompanied by her young brother, Isara went to the river to bathe. While there she was surprised and sexually abused by a young Spanish lieutenant who wanted her as a partner. She refused his offer. Returning home deeply shamed, she sought her fathers advice. Not wanting any complication, the chief suggested that a ritual ablution would do. This was not acceptable to Isara. She then declared that after consulting Abdulla upon his return, she would seek death in the path of Allah to force the Spaniard to pay his debt to her. Abdulla returned to be confronted by this bad turn of events. Isara told him everything. After a brief prayer, he lost no time in agreeing to join his fianc, saying, Togetherwe will fight the infidelIf we do not strike back, they (the Spaniards) will never be punished. Abdulla picked up his kris and Isara her barung and went to the Spanish barracks. It was easy for Isara to see the lieutenant, who renewed his marriage offer. At a signal, Abdulla joined her. Both attacked and fought with the Spanish officer, who died at their hands. Then together they rushed the soldiers. Thirty of them were slain before both Abdulla and Isara were joined in death and carried away to heaven by a white horse. There is a lesson here for the Spaniards and for our young: Do not follow such a bad example (against Allah and our women). Isaras father, the chief, refused to retrieve his daughters body despite his wifes entreaties. She then decided that she, too, would die in the path of Allah. She picked up her kris. Her son, the little boy, begged to join her but was told to stay home with his father. Kissing her son goodbye and with tears running down her face, the mother ran to the Spanish barracks to take a last look at the corpses of pitiful Isara and Abdulla. She then unleashed her weapon and started attacking and hacking the Spanish soldiers. She dispatched seven in a fight that lasted until dusk. She collapsed and died in a volley of bullets. Then her son saw the three of them side by side on the white winged horse. Inconsolable, the little boy decided that he, too, would follow his sister and mother, dying in the path of Allah. The white winged horse was already there for him. He told his father that he saw the image of his mother astride a mare. But the chief, wanting
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to avoid further complications, refused to listen and even told his son that staying home would be better as they had plenty of money to enjoy. Unconvinced, the boy prayed first, then proceeded to the Spanish garrison. Upon arrival he immediately hacked four soldiers to death. But the wily Spanish captain ordered his men not to harm the boy and to capture him so that when he is grown up and mature, he might help Spain in the futureto soften the heart of his people. He was caught by a clever soldier and brought to the captain who adopted him as his Tausug son. His father tried for a short while to look for him but in vain, and died shortly after. End of the song. Let this be a reminder for all relatives and friends.

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APPE DIX B The Story of Panglima Hassan (Tuban, 1977, pp.138-156) 1. To relate (and narrate) the story About that time (It was) the holy month of Fasting, As the moon shone, it was Hariraya Andung was tortured Truly he had no fault. 2. Antayung commanded To strike the gong To call from the hills And shores All close relatives Truly must unite and help Till death 3. It is better to call Matarul from the hills The only powerful Headman of our places. 4. Titled ones and headmen Even all priests or imams Are the same. And Laksamana also! What was the worry about? Everyone wondered. 5. My sadness is beyond compare That I am almost not to come To my senses (consciousness). My heart is on fire (full of Grief), Sincerely caring for you. 6. Ill try to pacify the truth About Panglima Hassan and his men. If my story is incomplete Then you can add. We will finish it.
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7. They walked but prepared, The weapons were tied to Their waists. They were all tired and weary. Upon their arrival, it was Finished. 8. But they kept pace (they did Not go near), It was fearful to approach. If like in betting (in gambling) You could even shout with cheers at them. 9. Laksamana said, Andung, you are a headman, If it is because of the cedula, Think that you would die. 10. Swear to the Holy Quran So I can verify. There youll see In words the truth is challenge. 11. Laksamana personally moved forward to confront, Both sat down facing each Other If you cannot face and swear, Prepare me to a spear. 12. Andung replied Prepare a Spear for me, I am not joking. If you say I lied, You can truly kill me. 13. There were three places in Luuk And the people had a meeting And agreed together. Their minds were set; More or less complete. 14. The letter was sent to all Places concerned They pitied the Panglima
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All of them refused to get cedula. 15. Those who refused the issuance Of the cedula Belonged to one place. Even ill fate would fall on Them, They would not submit themselves To the issuance of the cedula. 16. The letter was reached To Panglima Ambutung. He read the letter With all his men assembled. 17. Convey this letter To Nakib Susulan, In the land of Lagasan, He is alone powerful. 18. Afterwards, the letter was verified By Panglima Dammang and his men. In the district of Parang He was beyond compare. 19. Bring this letter to Panglima Indanan. In the forest of Likup, He is the most valuable. 20. Panglima Indanan in Likup, He had a house with white top. It would also be witnessed By the Panglima of Luuk. 21. When the Panglima arrived, Immediately he was told. If we are going to walk We should be all together. 22. We must go to the Sultan And hear his words If we are permitted Then we will go near our enemy.
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23. After tying his weapon on his Waist Andung went to Maimbung He wore his old barung (tausug bladed weapon)

With its scabbard decorated; And it had a belt Which was nice to look at. 24. When they went down the yard They had truly agreed; If the sultan was there They must not hesitate nor be shy. 25. It had been truly intended They tied their belted weapons On their waists. If the law enforced is unbearable, We will still proceed with our plan. 26. We will proceed with our plan, To fight against the government, Even with whatever weapons. The Americans are truly our enemies. 27. The order was spread throughout The land, That there was the enforcing Element. If the cedula was mentioned They would conceive to kill. 28. It was already intended The Americans in Zamboanga. They walked simultaneously Together It was better to visit and Attack them. 29. The Panglima said, I have here With me, My old striped barung. If the Americans will do any Mischievous act,
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There would be spinal cords T o be broken 30. When they arrived at the palace, They sat down and chewed betel Nut and lime, The Sultan came out He felt sorry. 31. Panglima Hassan said and Told the sultan, Lord, if you would permit, There would be a fight. 32. Immediately the Datu Rajamura Came out And said, Panglima you are well known. You are popular throughout the place, 33. Truly I am warning you. You are a very responsible man; Who possesses a precious amulet. If you go against the government And die, You will be like the Spaniards. 34. What had transpired You cannot imitate. Andung, the thinker Has many followers like bees. 35. That would be like to bite the Americans. If you will be found out with Your activities Jail will be your permanent haven. 36. The Panglima answered: We will try this, Lord. The breast is like the dove Which is full of anger. If it would not be broken, It would like to be melted. 37. The sultan asked for an extension
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For at least one week. He said, If it will be reached, I say, You must decide the matter. 38. We cannot repay you It is hard to forget But the captain went around which I so much hate. 39. It will never be good If Andung would be captured. Supposing it is you You will do what I intend to do. 40. The sultan decreed To Panglima Indanan: Make your own judgment Because Panlima Hassan is here. I cannot prevent him To fight against the Americans. 41. You make good with your decision. So that we will not be ashamed. That headman Panglima Hassan Is hard headed. We cannot be rough with him. 42. Indanan answered: It would be better to follow the sultan We, the leaders, must all be paid our salary. 43. If that is what you ask for, I am not boasting. If it is only for two pesos, I will not value it and accept Your proposition. 44. Panglima Hassan said It is fortunate that I respect so much the Sultan Otherwise I will lose my patience. 45. Panglima Indanana, I will ask permission to tie him, I will bang and hack him
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Because his answer is bad. 46. We did not think so To give alms to the priest. If it should be mentioned We will not be at fault. 47. It was not really discussed By some who were wise. Who did not expect To offer to the Christians. 48. It is so with a thief. The prince is like the governeor. If the governor takes a walk, Two men follow him. 49. No one said anything But each was vacillating They were afraid to be slapped. They were like chickens about to faint 50. The priests and religious heads Went there From all the corners of the place They verified if it was settled Each of them said: I have an Antique kris Which was selected by my grandfather Panglima, I will go with you. I will try to run amuck. 51. Hastily they wrote The governor was informed They gave thanksgiving And they conveyed their plans

52. The letters were sent to all Concerned Which included the captain The fort was renovated and heavily guarded The content of the letter said: Lord, if you permit There must be a fight.
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53. But four of them Swore to each other That until their fort was destroyed Only in death would they part. 54. Tell the governor To fight us now Men and women Were all relying on the angels 55. After the discussion The telegram was sent The telegram said: all the panglimas Refused together because their Minds are set to fight the government. 56. All who refused Belonged to one place Even evil would come They would not surrender 57. Each seemed to say: What I say is the truth It is my true word of honor If it is because of the cedula, I will sacrifice t o fight 58. The telegram was sent It reached manila It said here is an antique Barung It is preserved for the Americans When they arrive. 59. When Tuesday came The yacht arrived The people were fast asleep Because they were acquainted with the sound of the yacht 60. When the soldiers arrived They were almost destroyed The people were more than a thousand There each one met another
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61. When the boats arrived Hadji Butu met them He asked if the fiscal would like To go to the hills and persuade Pangliman Hassan and his followers to surrender 62. He said I will try to convince Panglima Hassan and his men IF they will not listen and repent Then you may set the fire 63. The horse was mounted with a saddle, Toward the forest Upon reaching the door of the fort, Kutla met them 64. Kutla met them But he was asked by them What is your purpose It is better you say it I came here because You are my brother I would like to save you 65. You are true, my Sir, If I am alone We do not number by the thousand. You cannot support us 66. The Hadji said Even if you are millions As long as it would be verified I will swear to settle the dispute And get what you demand 67. The Panglima answered, Enough with your reasons It is useless Later on your bodies Will be full of blood 68. They went home And did not even look back Because it was so
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They heard had comments 69. When they reached the wharf, They reported to the Captain If we had stayed and argued long We would have fought with each other 70. It is better you kill them And try their bravery Go there right now And do not let them live 71. The Lieutenant answered Get Jayari It cannot really be He should come here 72. We really do not know About Panglima Hassan and his men You go to the wharf And instruct the captain 73. When it was midnight, Jayari arrived We will give him gold To guide us to the hills 74. He did not think Muslims and Christians When hit by the bullet of a rifle, Would die just the same. When it was dawn, The lieutenant woke up And wanted to start to walk. 75. When the boat retreated The soldiers were numerous. Jayari was intelligent, His suicidal instinct became Great when he saw the countless American soldiers. 76. The boat was turned Toward Tandu Luuk. The soldiers were grouped together
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all of them wore white hats 77. The boat was directed Toward Tandu Patung The captain used the telescope He saw there were many relatives 78. We will start it now Later on When the soldiers will start to walk He shall be the first to lead 79. The boat whistled The people, fast asleep, were Surprised and jumped. They fired seven shots The enemies were not yet there. We will dock there So that they will not be betrayed. 80. The first fight Was done in a nice way To betray is not good; It is a shame to the world 81. Unlike the Christians Their hearts were afraid To hack them in any manner, They do not want to be retaliated 82. When the captain arrived, The cannon was fired. He was so angry with Panglima The enemy was active 83. The enemies were so active That the war would be equal in Strength The Panglima said Why are you amazed You said like that You did not know yet The origin of the people in places Of Luuk
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84. What they use for bluffing Are the rotten leads Get as much as a cavan of bullets And fire them at us We will never be afraid 85. Afterwards Bullets were fired The music was sounded And the lieutenant sang 86. When the gun was pointed It was answered by a ballad Maharaja Tawasil He did not fail to move 87. Young men and young women, Sang a ballad; Come out my dear To the Americans and fight them. 88. When the cannon fired It sounded like thunder The kris was curved It was broken in the middle 89. When the center of the kris was broken It was dropped The antique kris was picked up; Its handle was replaced by a Mango twig 90. If it was used for hacking Two or three persons would die Simultaneously Luuk was greatly troubled The cannons were trembling 91. The Panglima was invulnerable His followers were not diminished After, he jumped To the door of their stony fort If lost in the smoke He jumped like a cow.
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92. Then he waited At the door of the fort The old and young people Struck their weapons at any directions. 93. Andung uttered Dont give up They saw the shadow of the Horse with green hairs. 94. Among the many invulnerable people, Panglima Hassan happened to be alone The bullets were fired like rain But his body was untouched 95. The bullets of a gun Could shake and numb Panglima Hassan But the cannon balls which hit him Were like thunder Were not able to kill him 96. When they retreated to the town of Jolo, They let the flag pass by At a distance they understood The Lieutenant was killed 97. The captain was the head He was the 7th captain If there was no guide to follow The captain would never go 98. However, the crown prince went out If the Panglima is taken There would be no trouble in our place 99. When the captain arrived The sultan shook hands with him and said You must think very well The governor is the one who is In tight situation 100.You should balance Your dead men Many soldiers were missing You can never count the dead
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101. The Sultan said We will patrol The sultan, a great sinner Did not pity the people The Panglima were tortured Because of him The sultan who helped the government 102. Just because he was given salary His life was comfortable He was then accused To have done the foolishness When it was time to pray at noon The soldiers were in trouble They thought deeply The sultan was the commander 103. When the soldiers arrived The people were troubled The Panglimas decision was a crazy one He thought of being a widower He said It is better to fight, and to cause pain By means of a barrel of a rifle. 104. Hadjirul answered: Father do not be thankful If the sultan will command them, We shall have short lived lives 105. When the Panglima saw the Sultan They vowed and prayed And kissed the feet and hands Of the Sultan 106. Afterwards, he asked The companion of the teacher Your majesty, how are you? What is your purpose? 107. The Sultan said All of you old and young people Alike Must surrender So that there will be peace in our place
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108. How many wars have been fought In seven consecutive months If it can be asked Follow us 109. Why do you believe The gossip of the young people If you refuse You are not going to be asked 110. Your majesty I already know That death is inevitable If we will surrender We will be surely jailed 111. You cannot anymore take care of Luuk because I will be the master Like your rooster that is a fighter Alone in the fighting 112. It is better to stand aside And come out to the open If we will die Our cadaver will surely be picked up 113. Tell the governor To fight us now To revenge we will not anymore It is up to them 114. Truly if it is not for you The dislike will be great Even the body will melt My heart will not be afraid 115. After they talked The yacht arrived The interpreter said You hold the gun 116. The two boats anchored At the middle of the sea. The machine gun was fired The dead were filed.
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117. When the machine gun was fired The door of the fort was destroyed The dead were not even by the thousands Who lay aside like grasshoppers 118. When the cannon balls were fired They died instantly The people were in turmoil And were lost in the dust 119. Afterwards it was ordered That the fort was to be examined. The fort was not destroyed And the Panglima was unblemished 120. Seven of them were still alive They all agreed and swore And requested the government To add more weapons Because the guns were not good enough To be used at war on earth 121. They sent words to the government To let the soldiers come to their hiding place And also artillery and cannons Which they only smiled at and took for granted. 122. Even it is meant to try To fight in the open field Though the fight will still last for one week We cannot be killed 123. When the scout rangers arrived The fort was surrounded by them There was a cease fire The Panglima was requested for peace talk 124. When the soldiers approached them They (Panglima and his men) Received the bullets The scout rangers were scattered The battle lasted for one month The Panglima continued to resist Seven of them were invulnerable
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125. It was already told there They were truly invulnerable That was why the intention to Kill them was postponed. The soldiers did not go and Revenge to fight 126. My will was mistaken Because of my patience My decision has been made To share with my Prophet 127. If it was meant to exaggerate It could not be The fight had already occurred The condemnation of the Holy Book is great If the law is not followed The consequence is eternal damnation 128. All of them were invulnerable All of them were smashed They all died without wounds Only their bones were broken 129. All of them were invulnerable All of them were smashed They all died without wounds, Only their bones were broken

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APPE DIX C Interview Guide Interview Information (Before interview) Name of interviewee: Nonilon Queano Date: February 16, 2011 Occupation: Assistant Professor in English/ Comparative Literature, University of the Philippines Diliman Time: 12:30- 1:30 pm Interviewer: Ysa Tatiana Lluisma Guide questions or topics of discussion (during interview)

PARRA G SABIL How would you define and describe the parrang sabil? The parrang sabil is the act against colonialism as well as a defense of Islam. It is a political statement against imperialism and colonialsm. It expresses their ideological and political view of anti-colonialism. Why do Tausugs practice the parrang sabil? Mainly to protect their group from colonizers who have interest in economic prospect of their land rather than their welfare. This issue goes further into the land problem, the cessation movement and the socio-economic conflict. What empowers the sabil warrior to perform the act? The struggle and the existence of the problems. They are empowered by the responsibility to defend Islam from the colonizers who wanted to Christianize them by force. They rebelled because of Islam. Do you think the parrang sabils warriors' motive are religious, political or personal?Which one is more dominant? We cannot really be sure about that. There could be many motives but the one who really knows is the one who did the parang sabil. But when you talk

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about doing the parang sabil, it connotes a religious and patriotic context. Ideally, it is both. Do you have experiences when you were told about the parang sabil stories? The one I am most familiar with is the Parang Sabil of Putli Isara and Abdulla because we had a production on that in 2004. It was my wife who told me about it. She is a Maranao princess and together, we are part of a theatre group based in New York. The play was a dance-drama that depicted the story. There you will see how the Muslim groups are a collective community that has a closed system. Because of this, their women are hardly seen and are very well protected. I had to convert to Islam to be able to marry my wife then. It is like their defense mechanism to protect their women against those outside their traditions.

PARRA G SABIL A D THE TAUSUGS

Are they treated more as heros or saints? Both.

What does the kris represent in the Tausug culture? It is the traditional weapon of war that is mainly used in retaliations regarding issues with ones honor. It is also a symbol of their struggle. Did the situation in Sulu affect the incidence of parrang sabils? If yes, why and how? Yes, many committed parang sabil at a time of colonialism. The possibility of subjugation had the parang sabil as a response to this.

PARRA G SABIL A D REDEMPTIO What is the Tausug meaning of redemption? To go to heaven and be with Allah.

Why do they put such high regard for dying in the name of Allah? Dying for Allah will surely merit you a place in heaven. It is in the Quran.
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What are the values of the Muslim (Tausug) martyr? If the act of colonialism is clearly there like in Palestine, invading Iraq by amercians without due process. For those that fall in grey areas, they are subject to interpretation that is why the parrang sabil or jihad is being malpracticed or acted in a wrong way.

PARA G SABIL A D ITS RELEVA CE TODAY Does this practice still exist today? Perhaps in a modernized form but it was prevalent during the colonial period. .

Notes (during or after interview)

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APPE DIX D Interview Guide Interview Information (Before interview) Name of interviewee: Abraham Sakili Date: January 12, 2011

Occupation: Assistant Professor in Art Studies/ Humanities, University of the PhilippinesDiliman; artist Time: 1:00pm-2:30 pm Interviewer: Ysa Tatiana Lluisma Guide questions or topics of discussion (during interview)

PARRA G SABIL How would you define and describe the parrang sabil? The parrang sabil is the patriotic act of the people of Sulu, specifically designed against all kinds of colonialism and its role in history was to provide the continuity of the struggle and it happened when the organized system of the sultanate was no longer possible or weakened so much that the individual parrang sabil carried on the act of defense against the colonial forces, mostly during the American time. But there were also instances with the Spaniards, the idea that they were in jihad during the Christian campaign of the Spaniards was justified. They were happy to do it because they believed that by dying, they would go to heaven. Why do Tausugs practice the parrang sabil? Well, because the history really was the history against particularly the Spanish and American colonization. It was history related with Islam especially under Sultan Harifah Ashim . it was a response to a changing situation brought about by colonialism What empowers the sabil warrior to perform the act? Partly inspired or empowered by islam and partly, it has been indigenized. Of course any act that you borrow from the local world will get in contact with local elements. Why is the parrang sabil not considered suicide? Because killing ones self will not get you to heaven. For Muslims, killing ones self is strictly a no-no. Do you think the parrang sabils warriors' motive are religious, political or personal?Which one is more dominant?
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Not personal because personal motives cannot be justified as parrang sabil. And I dont know of any instance in Sulu where in a parrang sabil was done for personal reasons. Like the error of the film in Perlas ng Silangan, the motives were clearly personal and romantic. Do you have experiences when you were told about the parang sabil stories? The one I can remember in Jolo when I was young was a man I saw brandishing his sword. But this was obviously not a parrang sabil but an amuck. Because there was no enemy and colonizers were not there. But I was not sure because he was already bloody and there was no enemy around. Perhaps, he had trouble with one of the people in town. For the parrang sabil, the soldiers would be the target, not everyone. Children and women are spared because they are not targets. It is common in Sulu for families to tell of stories about parrang sabil warriors. Usually, special events like when the Phil Army internve or if human acts are violated so they get inspiration from the parrang sabil.

PARRA G SABIL A D THE TAUSUGS

Are they treated more as heros or saints? Both. Heroes because they defended the homeland and saints because the people believe that they will go to heaven. Those in the kissa they are really heroes. The song is narrated in the kissa with music accompaniment. I remember my mother and how soothing it was to watch her especially the official accompaniment. I can sing a few and I know one about.Its like the modern rap so when I hear American rap, I always get surprise. THe soldiers were there to apprehend them. The tausug attitude is they make jokes or treat challenges lightly because they have fierce attitude. Samara Jauntung rushed to the soldiers and cut the bodies of the soldiers and they got struck down. I remember this vividly. What does the kris represent in the Tausug culture? The traditional weapon is the kris or barung. It is a weapon of war and a symbol of manliness. You would the first entertained by hosts if you have the kris. It demands respect. Did the situation in Sulu affect the incidence of parrang sabils? If yes, why and how? Of course situation has changed but the spirit of the parrang sabil remains the same. Before it was the kris and now modern weapons but still with the same concern and same spirit. Ive heard this modern MILF and they are called parrang sabil but they dont use the kris anymore. I think that if these people had access to the suicide bombs used in Palestine, they would use them too. Because the spirit is still there and the reason for doing the act is still there. Given the potential and the access to this, they would use the bombs. PARRA G SABIL A D REDEMPTIO
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 What is the Tausug meaning of redemption? Going to heaven- redemption. No matter how bad you are but if you commit the parrang sabil or repent, by defending yourself like in the parrang sabil they volunteer. It is their time to cleanse and go to heaven. But they need to apologize to those they have offended because it is a muslim rule that they have to ask forgiveness first before God will grant them forgiveness. Those whose situation does not allow it, then the situation will justify because heaven is there. When the parrang sabil is done, the redemption is that of the person or that of the people? Individual act with individual rewards. The white horse is the medium that would carry the dead body directly to heaven. Better wounded and bloody. He has to perform ablution. Why do they put such high regard for dying in the name of Allah? Dying in the name of Allah because of experience of oppressioin and desire for thoruguout history and want world without sin or vices. That notion. If it is just ordinary it doesnot motivate them but real threat right in their door or yard and response as an act of survival. Why do you consider the parrang sabil an act of martyrdom? Yes thats why everyone wants to be a shahid one who dies for freedom. A maryt in the face of his people and defined by his rewared in heaven. Ranked in heaven acc to act you have done. What are the values of the Muslim (Tausug) martyr? If the act of colonialism is clearly there like in Palestine, invading Iraq by amercians without due process. For those that fall in grey areas, they are subject to interpretation that is why the parrang sabil or jihad is being malpracticed or acted in a wrong way. PARA G SABIL A D ITS RELEVA CE TODAY Does this practice still exist today? Yes it is if colonialism is there. For example, the army are considered foreign enemies because the people are held as hostages. They need to be defended from this oppression. Why do you think there are fewer today? Today, it matters with the year depending on the level of colonization. Even if they are not MILF, they do the parrang sabil because it is the best way to ambush. What do you think is the modern form of the parang sabil? The act is done in the battle field even against tanks. The psychological mindset of Tausug warriors is that they are satisfied if they can bring down even just one. They can hit the tank or do damage ...it is an accomplishment. And God is very much with them. When I am with armed men, some relatives, I cannot imagine putting myself in that position. They are not afraid at all and they joke about going to battle as if they are going to play a game. I dont know if its because of my education but I seem to have lost the unique fearlessness of Tausug. I do not have the guts to do what they do. They make jokes of the soldiers and going to their territory. There was a battle in Hunay. I was in high school and they told me they were with a torch looking for enemies body which was found already rotting.
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 Why do you think it is relevant to study about it? Very much. The problem in Mindanao has been misread. The freedom is being denied. The social justice is not in sight and then, what has been fed to the people, including Christian Filipinos. History is constructed and legal matters are being pushed to address the situation in Mindanao. These are responses to the misreading of the problem. In this exhibit, social injustice continues and so if you let history be foregrounded, then it would benefit all, Muslim and Christians alike. An honest to goodness policy would come up. Suggesting something as irrelevant as ARMM, delays peace and cause another life wasted. It wont work because it was not designed to work. History itself reveals what is really happening. The truth should be made at the surface and basis of radical policy based on truth but not on misrepresentation. History tells us that these people have continuously been denied of freedom. Spain sold something which was not theirs. Even in Philippine law and policy, it is subject to punishment. Yes, all the causes in the context of struggle for sovereignty.

Notes (during or after interview)

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APPE DIX E Interview Guide Interview Information (Before interview) Name of interviewee: Severino Labiano Date: March 7, 2011

Description: Christian born in Sulu (April 28, 1932) and resided there since then. Time: 8:30-10:30 Interviewer: Ysa Tatiana Lluisma Guide questions or topics of discussion (during interview)

PARRA G SABIL How would you define and describe the parrang sabil? The way of Tausugs to defend their honor kapag napahiya. The Tausug asks the Sultans permission and the imam usually gives advice on this. Why do Tausugs practice the parrang sabil? The belief at the time was that killing infidels would make them achieve heaven pero later during the Japanese and in recent years, wala na. When colonizers came, they refused to give up. Most of the sabils are from the outskirts of Jolo and they do juramentado kahit umutot lang at napahiya. Once in Jolo town market, a group of Tausugs nagbibiruan at umutot siya. Pinagtawanan ng mga kasama. Napahiya kaya nag juramentado. What empowers the sabil warrior to perform the act? Their belief in attaining heaven, their belief that they have been dishonored and so they need to do parang sabil to gain it back. They ask the Sultan for permission before doing it. Why is the parrang sabil not considered suicide? No. Muslims consider it a sin to commit suicide. In parang sabil, they kill until they are killed by someone else. Do you think the parrang sabils warriors' motive are religious, political or personal?Which one is more dominant? Some are personal like the story of the man na umutot at nag juramentado. I heard the people talking about it. Pwede ring political and religious because they defend themselves from the infidels. Do you have experiences when you were told about the parang sabil stories?
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Yes many times when I was young. Nakwento ng tatay ko at mga guro ko sa eskwelahan to warn us what to do when those things happen. Wala ka naman talaga magagawa kundi magtago. Kristiyano kami eh at target kmi. We are infidels. There was one time when I was six years old and I was in school. There was a Tausug boyfriend and girlfriend who were not permitted by their parents to be together and get married. They went to the Sultan. Pinayagan naman at nag juramentado. They went into the town of Jolo. On their way there, a Chinese merchant was coming out of his tindahan and he was the first one killed. All non-Muslims were targets. At the school our teacher told all of us to hide and to aim for the eye or the head in case they went there. The only way to stop them is to kill them. In the end, they were killed by shotguns by those guarding the jails. Was it a normal incidence to have sabils in the town? Yes it was. There are lots of stories about them. Fortunately, I have not encountered one. If I did, I could have been dead.

PARRA G SABIL A D THE TAUSUGS

Are they treated more as heroes or saints by the Tausug? Saints because they will go to heaven when they do parang sabil. What about for you and other Christians there? Do you think of them as saints? For me, no. They are fanatics and they cause fear to us. They are criminals who kill infidels, all non-Muslims even if they are innocent. What does the kris represent in the Tausug culture? Laging kris ang gamit ng mga nag juramentado. Ginagamit nila kapag may away or war. Did the situation in Sulu affect the incidence of parrang sabils? If yes, why and how? Mas marami noong Spanish at American time. When the Japanese came, they killed the families of those who became sabils. This lessened the incidents of sabils. There was a barricade made of tisa from the Spanish times with a watch tower. This was built to see any sabils from passing through. If they saw them come, they would be shot to death. Until now, the barricade is still there though not as whole as it was before. PARA G SABIL A D ITS RELEVA CE TODAY Does this practice still exist today? Not so much anymore. There are few fanatics today. Why do you think there are fewer today? Some have accepted being part of the Philippines while some result to rebellion like Abu Sayyaf. What do you think is the modern form of the parang sabil? The Abu Sayyaf I think are continuing the legacy of the fanatics.
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 Why do you think it is relevant to study about it? Yes because not many people are aware of it and understanding it can help make Sulu a more peaceful place for Muslims and Christians alike.

Notes (during or after interview)

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