UNEXPECTED LIGHT ON HEBREWS 13:1-6 FROM A SECOND CENTURY SOURCE

WILLIAM L LANE WESTERN KENTUCKY UNIVERSITY

The second century writer, Lucian of Samosata, prepared a caustic account of the death of the Cynic teacher Peregrinus Proteus. In the explanatory remarks offered for the benefit of his correspondent, Cronius, a Platonist, Lucian includes a number of statements which shed unexpected light on the paraenetic instruction in Hebrews 13:1-6. What is striking is that incidental parallels are offered for the entire paragraph, with the exception of verse 4 which addresses marriage and sexual morality. Nothing that Lucian recorded touched upon these topics of Christian concern. Although other writers of the second century mentioned Peregrinus,1 what is known of his life is drawn almost entirely from Lucian's The Death of Peregrinus.2 Peregrinus was born to wealthy parents in Parium
Aulus Gellius 12.11 ; Philostratus, Lives of the Sophists 2.1.33; Tatian, Oration to the Greeks 25; Athenagoras, Legation of the Christians 26. See K. von Fritz, "Peregrinus (Proteus)," RE 19.1 (37th Halbband, 1937) 656-63; M. Croiset, "Un ascte paien au sicle des Antonius, Prgrinus Prote," Acadmie des Sciences et Lettres de Montpellier, Mmoires de la section des Lettres 6 (1878) 455-91; J. F. Aerts, Peregrinus Proteus, een Kynieker uit de 2e eeuw na Kristus (Dissertation Lwen, 1931-32). For the translation of The Death of Peregrinus 11-13 I have relied on F. C. Grant in Hellenistic Religions (Indianapolis, 1953) 98-99; for 16 I have adapted the translation of A. M. Harmon in The Loeb Classical Library edition of the text (Vol. 5, 1913).
2 1

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(14), a small Greek town in the Hellespont. As a young man he was involved in disreputable love affairs and in violent quarrels at home. He left Parium under the suspicion of having strangled his father. His travels brought him to Palestine, where he was introduced to Christianity. In time he became recognized as a prophet and leader in Christian circles, attaining a considerable reputation as an interpreter of the Scriptures and a defender of the Christian faith (11). When Peregrinus was imprisoned for his activities as a Christian, churches in Palestine and elsewhere rallied to his support (12-13). Following his release he returned to Parium, but soon found it expedient to resume his travels. Everywhere he was able to depend on local Christians for hospitality and provisions, until a rupture occurred in his relationship with the churches. When the churches withdrew their support Peregrinus was reduced to petitioning, unsuccessfully, for the return of his estate, which he had deeded to the town of Parium for charitable purposes. He subsequently went to Egypt, where he studied with the Cynic Agathobulus and adopted many of the grosser traits of Cynic behavior.3 From Egypt he made his way to Italy, but was banished from Rome by the city prefect for his verbal abuse of the emperor. That incident encouraged some individuals to rank Peregrinus with reputable philosophers like Musonius Rufus, Dio of Prusa, and Epictetus who had also been placed under a decree of banishment (18). Peregrinus then traveled to Greece, where he attempted to instigate a rebellion against the Roman administration. There he publicly insulted the philanthropist, Herodes Atticus. He finally crowned his career by a sensational suicide. He cast himself into the flames of a blazing funeral pyre as a means of apotheosis before an admiring crowd at the Olympic Festival of A.D. 165 (35-36).4 Subsequently, Peregrinus became the object of a cult.5 A statue that was set up in his honor was credited with miracles and attracted large numbers of pilgrims.6 Lucian, who was personally acquainted with Peregrinus, was present at the Olympic Festival. He had witnessed the self-immolation of Peregri3 4

H. M. Hornsby, "The Cynicism of Peregrinus Proteus," Hermathena 23 (1933) 65-84.

P. Franchi de' Cavalieri, "Zu Peregrini 36," Studi Romanil (1914) 208; M. Nilsson, "Der Flammentod der Herakles auf dem Ohe," ARW2 (1922) 310-16; R. Pack, "The 'Volatilization'of Peregrinus Proteus, "Am Journ Philoldl (1946) 334-45; D. M. Pippidi, "Apothoses imperiales et apothose de Peregrinos," Studi e materiali di Storia della Religion 21 (1948) 77-103. H. D. Betz, Lukian von Samosata und das Neue Testament, religionsgeschichtliche wrtdpflrnetische Parallelen. Ein Beitrag zum Corpus Hellenisticum (Berlin: AkademieVerlag, 1961) 124-30.
6 5

Athenagoras, Legation 26; cf. Lucian, Death of Peregrinus 41.

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nus and wrote his account of the incident soon after the event. Lucian felt only contempt for Peregrinus Proteus and regarded him as a subject for ridicule.7 He presents him as an exhibitionist who staged his own death on the occasion of the Olympic Games in order to assure himself a vast audience and an enduring reputation. Lucian was convinced that Peregrinus' sole concern was for theatrical prominence. The speeches he had made at the Festival and the letters he circulated announcing his intention to consign himself to the flames were calculated to create a lasting impression for the present and the future, according to Lucian. Although Lucian's primary purpose is to convey a sense of the drama surrounding the death of Peregrinus, he introduces into his account an unnamed speaker, who is almost certainly Lucian himself, who provides a sketch of the life of Peregrinus. The portion of the sketch which covers Peregrinus' association with the Christian movement is of particular interest because of the incidental witness it offers to Christian faith and practice in the second century. Lucian was far from sympathetic toward Christianity.8 He knew little about Christian convictions and cared less. Lucian's lack of sympathy for Christianity is evident in the sarcasm with which he introduces the Christian phase of Peregrinus' career:
It was then that he learned the marvelous wisdom of the Christians, by association with their priests and scribes in Palestine. And how? He made them look like children; for he was a prophet and a leader of the cult and head of the synagogue and everything, all by himself. Some of their books he expounded and interpreted, but many of them he wrote; and they stood in awe of him as before a god, used him as their lawgiver, and inscribed him as their protectornext to that other one, of course, whom they still worship, the man who was crucified in Palestine because he introduced this new mystery initiation into the world (ll). 9

It is evident that Lucian's knowledge of Christianity was far from precise. While he knew that Jesus had been crucified in Palestine, he had no knowledge of the circumstances that had led to his execution. He appears to have regarded the Christian movement as an aberrant offshoot
E. Zeller, "Alexander und Peregrinus, ein Betrger und ein Schwrmer, " Vortrage und Abhandlungen 2 (1877) 154-88. E. Zeller, "ber eine Berhrung des jngeren Cynismus mit dem Christentum, "SA (1897) 129-32; P. de Labriolle, "Lucien et les Chrtiens," Les Humanits, Classe de Lettres 4 (1929) 148-53; C. Curti, "Lucian e i Cristiani," in Miscellanea di Studi di Letteratura Cristiana antica (Cartania, 1954) 86-109; V. Daumer, "Lucien de Samosate et la secte chrtienne," Cahiers du cercle E. Renan 13 (1959); E. Betz, "Lukian von Samosata und das Christentum," Nov Test 3 (1959), 226-37.
9 This passage attracted early attention; see C. Buttinghausen, "Observationes Miscellaneae. II. Primo Christianorum legislatore apud Lucianum in Peregrino," Bibliotheca Hagana Hist.-Philol-Theol. Classis tenia, fase, primus (Amsterdam, 1777) 178-84, who comments on The Death of Peregrinus 11 and 13. 8 7

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of Judaism because he confuses the church with the synagogue in describing the leadership of the movement. His presentation of Christianity as a rival to the mystery cults, and of Peregrinus as cult leader and head of the synagogue, certainly reflects confusion. If Peregrinus actually wrote any pamphlets of an expository or apologetic nature at this time, they have left no trace in the extant record. Lucian's intention did not demand precision. He regarded the Christian phase of Peregrinus' pilgrimage as just one incident among others. Lucian cited it because of the enthusiastic reception Peregrinus found among the Christians, whom Lucian regarded as "simple-minded people . . . without precise belief." His caustic attitude both toward Peregrinus and the Christians becomes clear when he concludes this portion of his account with the remark, "And so if any charlatan or clever trickster, capable of taking advantage of every occasion, comes among them, he at once gets rich by imposing upon simple-minded people" (13). The value of Lucian's account to the Christian interpreter can be seen when he comments on Peregrinus, penetration of Christian circles. Without intending to do so he provides a suggestive rationale for the structure of Hebrews 13:1-6, which begins on the note of brotherly love {Philadelphia, verse 1) and concludes on the note of freedom from the love of wealth (aphilarguos, verses 5-6). Lucian explains to Cronius that the relationship among Christians is unusual; they are to regard one another as "brothers." He illustrates his point by calling attention to their attitude toward material possessions and traces the willingness of Christians to share what they own with one another to the teaching of Jesus.
Moreover, their original lawgiver persuaded them that they should be like brothers to one another, after they have once broken the law by denying the Greek gods and by worshiping that crucified sophist of theirs and living according to his laws. Therefore they despise all things equally, and view them as common property, accepting such teachings by tradition and without any precise belief (13).

Lucian's remarks reflect the fact that an educated person in the second century was quite unprepared for the Christian concept of Philadelphia expressed in the exhortation, "keep on loving each other as brothers" (Heb. 13:1 NIV). In ordinary usage, as well as in the Septuagint, the Greek term Philadelphia was restricted to the love of those who actually were brothers and sisters. The extension of the term to include men and women beyond the immediate family was something new. Lucian's choice of the Christian attitude toward property to illustrate Jesus'teaching that Christians were to regard themselves as brothers10 is interesting. It was
10

Cf. Matt. 23:8, ". . . and all of you are brothers."

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appropriate precisely because the willingness to share possessions unselfishly is characteristic of the relationship between members of the same family. It demonstrated that new attitudes concerning personal relationships would have implications for attitudes toward personal wealth (Heb. 13:5-6). One expression of brotherly love was hospitality. Early Christian documents indicate that itinerant teachers relied upon a network of Christian homes for shelter and provisions and that the extension of hospitality was regarded as an expression of brotherly love.11 It is sufficient to recall the commendation of a certain Gaius who had distinguished himself in this way:
Dear friend, you are faithful in what you are doing for the brothers, even though they are strangers to you. They have told the church about your love. You will do well to send them on their way in a manner worthy of God. It was for the sake of the Name that they went out, receiving no help from the pagans. We ought therefore to show hospitality to such men so that we may work together for the truth (3 John 5-8 NIV).

The integral connection between brotherly love and hospitality is underscored in Hebrews 13:1-2, when the instruction, "keep on loving each other as brothers," is qualified by the reminder, "Do not forget to entertain strangers, . . . "12 Peregrinus had been served well by the provision that Christians made for traveling brothers, as Lucian observed at a later point in his account:
He left home, then, for the second time, to roam abut, possessing an ample source of funds in the Christians, through whose generosity he lived in unalloyed prosperity (16).

Lucian, of course, regarded this as one more example of the ease with which an unscrupulous Peregrinus had been able to capitalize upon his association with the Christians. That Peregrinus took advantage of the Christian commitment to hospitality is not itself remarkable. But Lucian's statement becomes a valuable source of insight when he reports the manner in which the Christian communities responded when Peregrinus was imprisoned.13 The detail that meals were prepared which were shared with Peregrinus in his cell confirms that the early Church regarded a ministry to Christian brothers in prison as a corollary of the responsibility to practice hospital11 12

Cf. D. W. Riddle, "Early Christian Hospitality," JBL 57 (1938) 141-54.

An inscription on a portico beside the road near Oenoanda in Lycia preserves a similar statement attributed to the Epicurean Diogenes of Oenoanda (ca. A. D. 200): "love for mankind bids us render aid to strangers passing by." See Diogenis Oenandensis Fragmenta, ed. J. William, II (Leipzig: Deichert, 1907), 5 (Column 2 line 7),
,3

See G. Bagnani, "Peregrinus Proteus and the Christians," Historia 4 (1955) 107-12.

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ity. The response of the churches to Peregrinus' imprisonment reflects a sensitivity to the paraenetic concerns expressed in Hebrews 13:1-3, i.e., the sustaining of brotherly love, the extension of hospitality, the remembering of those imprisoned. Other elements in Lucian's account provide insight on the formulation of Hebrews 13:3, "Remember those in prison as if you were their fellow prisoners, and those who are mistreated as if you yourselves were suffering" (NIV). Lucian writes:
Then Proteus was arrested for this and thrown into prison, which fact in itself provided him with no small reputation for his future career When he had been imprisoned, accordingly, the Christians, viewing the fact as a misfortune, moved heaven and earth in their efforts to release him. Then, since this was impossible, every other kind of ministration was showered upon him, not incidentally, but with great zeal; from the break of dawn elderly widows and orphan children could be seen waiting outside the prison, while some of their more accomplished leaders slept inside with him, after bribing the guards. Then elaborate meals were brought in, and their sacred books were read aloud and the most excellent Peregrinusfor he was still called by that namewas hailed by them as "the new Socrates." Indeed, people came even from the cities of Asia, being sent by the Christians at common expense for the purpose of supporting, defending, and encouraging the man (12-13).

The account conveys a vivid impression of the extent to which Christians in the second century rallied their resources to support one of their number who had been imprisoned as a confessor. The elderly widows who arrived at the prison by dawn must have particular reference to those women who constituted an order of widows and who devoted themselves to ministerial tasks (cf. 1 Tim. 5:3-16). The orphans may also have been enrolled among those who received their entire support from the churches. The detail that certain leaders slept inside Peregrinus' cell is suggestive of the manner in which the second century Church attempted to honor the admonition to remember those in prison as if they were fellow-prisoners (hos sundedemenoi). Christians were prepared to participate in the actual living conditions of an imprisoned brother.14 The reference to shared meals, the reading of the Scriptures and their exposition indicates that Christians were eager to extend to a prisoner the communal experiences of the house church. The arrival of Christians from Asia who were delegated to travel to Palestine "at common expense for the purpose of supporting, defending, and encouraging" Peregrinus is consistent with the measures of support Paul had received from churches in Macedonia and Asia when he was imprisoned.15 The details of Lucian's
Is this the meaning of Rom. 16:7: "Greet Andronicus and Junias, my relatives who have been in prison with me"?
15 I4

Cf. Phil. 2:25-30; 4:10-18; Tit. 3:13; 2 Tim. 1:16-18.

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account permit a more precise reading of the pastoral instruction in Hebrews 13:3, with its repeated summons to identification with those in prison and those who are mistreated. At one other point Lucian's remarks on the response of the Christian community to Peregrinus sheds light on the paraenetic instruction in Hebrews 13:1-6. Lucian explained to Cronius that the Christian attitude toward material possessions is based on the conviction that they will enjoy eternal life:
They manifest an uncanny speed whenever any such public action is to be taken; for they promptly spend all they possess. And so it was with Peregrinus; he received a considerable amount of money from them on account of his imprisonment. . . . For the poor devils have persuaded themselves that they are going to be entirely immortal and live forever and ever, and for this reason they despise death and willingly give themselves up when arrested that is, most of them do. . . . Therefore they despise all things equally, and view them as common property, accepting such teachings by tradition and without any precise belief" (13).

Lucian recognized a correlation between the willingness of the Christians to spend everything to aid a brother and their attitude toward life and death. They were willing to spend whatever they possessed because they did not place an ultimate value on wealth. They surrendered themselves to imprisonment and ordeal when arrested because they had no fear of death. A similar emphasis upon the absence of material concerns and the absence of the fear of death when threatened in a hostile environment is found in Hebrews 13:5-6. The admonition, "keep your lives free from the love of money and be content with what you have" (13:5) is supported by the divine promise, "I will never leave you, I will never forsake you," derived from Deuteronomy 31:6. Isolated from its context, the verse could be read as a summary of Jesus'teaching that God's people are not to worry about what they will eat or drink or wear because a loving Father will provide for their needs (Matt. 6:25-34 par). But in Hebrews the pledge of God's presence prompts the response of faith, "So we say with confidence, The Lord is my helper; I will not be afraid. What can man do to me?' "(13:6 NIV). The response of faith is a biblical quotation taken from Psalm 118:6-7, which has the effect of establishing a rather sober context for the instruction of verse 5. The writer's concern is not limited to the provision of daily needs. It extends to the confrontation with hostility that the people of God experience in the world. The assurance that the Lord is the divine enabler permits the Christian to affirm, "I will not be afraid. What can man do to me?" The logical shift from the monetary concerns expressed in verse 5 to the matter of confident dependence upon the Lord when threatened in a hostile world finds striking illustration in

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the explanation provided by Lucian for the Christians' readiness to spend all they possess in order to assist one of their members. The conviction that God's people will enjoy eternal life freed Christians in the second century both from a love of money and from the fear of death. The parallels which have been drawn between Lucian's The Death of Peregrinus and Hebrews 13:1-6 are interesting because they were unintentional. Lucian was not aware that the explanations he offered his friend concerning Christian faith and practice would provide light upon early Christian paraenetic tradition. But in unexpected fashion he comments on the brotherly love, the hospitality, the concern for an imprisoned brother, the attitude toward wealth, and the confidence in the face of death which distinguished the Christian communities of his day. His incidental witness to Christian attitudes and practice suggests that the paraenetic tradition expressed in Hebrews 13:1-6 became a vital force in shaping the response of the churches in the second century to the social dynamics of the hellenistic-Roman world.

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