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Experts with a cause: proposal to investigate the possible interactive effect of political expertise
and the dispositional need to evaluate on N400 measures of automatic evaluative processing
Brian C. Woolfrey
University of Minnesota
Experts with a cause 2
Abstract
In 2003 Morris and colleagues conducted an ERP study of automatic evaluative processing in
which they found that N400 responses during a lexical decision task were significantly
attenuated when a target adjective was affectively congruent with a political prime word. Using
evaluative processing, I propose to further study the relationship between political expertise, the
dispositional need to evaluate, and the tendency to automatically evaluate political stimuli.
Specifically, I predict to find an interactive effect between political expertise (PE) and the need
to evaluate (NE) on ERP measures of automatic evaluative processing, just as Federico and
constraint. If so, this would support the idea that automatic processing tendencies may be one of
the mechanisms behind the ideological organization of political information in high-NE political
experts.
Experts with a cause 3
Experts with a cause: proposal to investigate the possible interactive effect of political expertise
and the dispositional need to evaluate on N400 measures of automatic evaluative processing
Over four decades ago Philip Converse conducted a study of the French electorate in
which he found considerable disparity in levels of ideological constraint between members of the
mass public and a sample of political "elites" (Converse, 1964). Ideological constraint in this
context refers to the general consistency of one's ideological beliefs. A person with high levels of
constraint, for example, will respond to questions about a variety of political issues in an
ideologically consistent manner. As expected, this consistent pattern of responding was common
among the group of political elites in Converse's study. Members of the mass public, however,
tended to respond in a far less ideologically consistent manner. The average correlation between
subjects' stands on ideologically-related policy issues was so low, in fact, that it led to questions
in some academic circles about the capacity of average voters to hold ideologically-based beliefs
Since Converse's original study researchers have spent a great deal of time studying the
relationship between political involvement and ideological constraint. Not surprisingly, the
statistical correlation between the two variables has almost always been found to be strong and
positive (Converse, 2000). One of the most concrete examples of this came from an extensive
study of National Elections Survey (NES) data by Jennings (1992). In this study Jennings
stratified the public into groups according to levels of political activity and found that the higher
the group’s level of political activity, the more constrained and stable their political opinions and
preferences were. Moreover, the ideological consistency among party elites was found to greatly
exceeded even the most politically active stratum of the mass public.
Experts with a cause 4
researchers to wonder what it was about political involvement that seemed to facilitate the use of
ideology. One of the most popular answers to this question was that it may have something to do
with the amount of political information one has access to. People who are more involved in
politics are naturally exposed to more political information than people who are less involved in
politics. Many of them are even described by Krosnick (1990) as political "information junkies"
who spend a great deal of time seeking out and reflecting on political information. As
consequence, they usually have more complex and well-developed political schemas, or
"organized clusters of information about political institutions, actors and abstract political ideas",
from which they can draw to use as context when making political decisions (Federico, 2007,
222). In psychological literature, this is referred to as political "expertise", and can be measured
many researchers were not surprised to find that, like political involvement, political knowledge
is also positively correlated with ideological constraint (Zaller, 1992). What's more, this
relationship was found to exist regardless of a person's actual level of political involvement.
Because of this, it was speculated that the acquisition of political information may be a key
acquiring new political information may inevitably facilitate the use of ideological thinking
because complex social information is cognitively organized in terms of schemas, and ideology
is the natural of schema by which political information is organized. Evidence to support this
idea comes from Zaller (1992) who showed that the mere contemplation of a political issue
before making a political decision was more likely to increase ideological constraint in political
Experts with a cause 5
experts than political novices. Among other things, this suggests that the development of
(Federico, 2007).
The problem with this idea, however, however, is that not all political experts are prone
to think of political issues in ideological terms. Although the correlation between political
professors of philosophy, for example, boast an intimate understanding of abstract political ideas
but at the same time refuse to take an ideological stand on many political issues. Although they
are certainly a minority among their learned peers, low-constraint political experts do exist. As
such, it does not seem very likely that the acquisition of political information alone is responsible
for the facilitation of ideologically-organized thinking. Rather, it may be more likely that
political expertise is a necessary but not fully sufficient condition for ideological thought.
What is it then, if not political expertise alone, that facilitates the use of ideology? Recent
findings by Federico and colleagues (2007) suggest that the answer to this question may have
had been shown to be moderately correlated to political activism called "need to evaluate" (NE).
Originally developed by Jarvis and Petty (1996), the need to evaluate is a construct that reflects
bad. People who score high on the NE scale typically experience many "evaluative thoughts" and
hold relatively strong attitudes toward a variety of objects, people and ideas (Bizer, 2004). This
includes everything from public policies that directly affect a person's life to relatively remote
and inconsequential things such as abstract art. In an extensive analysis of National Elections
Study (NES) data, Federico found that this trait has a robust mediating effect on the relationship
Experts with a cause 6
between political expertise and attitude constraint. Political experts tended to score higher on
measures of ideological constraint overall, but this effect was limited to only those experts who
scored high in measures of NE. Such an interaction between NE and political expertise is highly
consistent with the idea that the acquisition of political information itself is not sufficient to
facilitate ideological thinking, but instead may function as a fuel of sorts that interacts with
If so, this may suggest that political experts who have a high level of evaluative
motivation, such as party elites, may actually process political information in a fundamentally
different way than their low NE counterparts. One distinction that has been made between high
and low NE individuals in previous literature involves attitude formation styles. Specifically,
recent findings suggest that high-NE individuals tend to form their attitudes in an "on-line"
fashion, whereas low-NE individuals tend to form their attitudes in a more "memory-based" way.
On-line attitudes, as first described by Hastie and Park (1986), supposedly result from a process
in which an individual spontaneously evaluates each new piece of information and integrates
each of those evaluations into an overall “working tally” of evaluations. When prompted for an
opinion, this working tally is simply reported as the final attitude. Memory-based attitude
formation, in contrast, involves the relative deferral of judgment until a judgment is called for
and requires on-the-spot integration of immediate context and relevant information that a person
is able to recall. Based on this theory, we would expect that people who form their opinions in an
on-line fashion would be able to report their attitudes or evaluations more quickly upon request
than people who use memory-based attitude formation strategies. Indeed, this was exactly the
type of distinction that was originally used by Hastie and Park (1986) as evidence that individual
differences in processing styles exist. Thus, when Jarvis and Petty (1996) found that high-NE
Experts with a cause 7
participants, they reasonably concluded that high trait NE is associated with a more on-line
process of attitude formation and low trait NE is associated with a more memory-based process
Further research by Hermans, Houwer, and Eelen (2001) suggest that these apparent
tendencies. In this study, high-NE participants identified words to be affectively congruent with a
positive or negative prime word faster than they identified words to be incongruent with the
prime word. Low-NE participants, however, showed no statistical difference in the time it took to
identify the congruency of the words pairs. This evidence of affective priming in response to
semantic stimuli lends strong support to the idea that high-NE individuals may process affective
information in a more "automatic" way than low-NE individuals. According to this line of
thinking, otherwise known as the "hot cognition" hypothesis, all socio-political concepts are
coded into long-term memory with a corresponding positive or negative affective "charge" that is
quickly and automatically activated upon any future presentation of that same stimuli (Morris,
2003). Thus, people who tend to chronically evaluate incoming stimuli should possess
multiple pieces of information are presented to a high-NE individual, each new piece of
two or more of these networks happen to contain the same attitudinal valence nodes (e.g. "good"
or "bad"), these overlapping valences are strengthened and primed through converging
activation. It is through this cognitive mechanism by which an evaluative "tally" may be kept
during on-line evaluative processing. Additionally, this redundant strengthening and priming of
Experts with a cause 8
evaluative judgments may offer a plausible explanation as to why Lodge and Taber (2000) found
that affective true/false judgments were made about twice as fast as more "cognitive" true/false
judgments regarding a hypothetical congressman (as cited in Morris, 2003), and why Bizer
(2006) found that attitudes created through on-line processing were stronger and more resilient
More importantly, this model may have considerable explanatory power regarding
exposed to, the stronger and more redundant the evaluative networks of these people would
theoretically become. Eventually, it may be the case that new political information starts to
become cognitively organized in terms of common evaluations rather than simply being
organized in terms of "cold" nomological networks (see Figure 1 for a crude hypothetical
example). Such a model may provide a reasonable explanation as to why high-NE political
experts are more ideologically constrained in their thinking compared to low-NE experts and
political novices.
Simple behavioral evidence, however, has never been considered sufficient grounds on
domain of cognitive psychology, such models have only been considered valid if they are
notably, psychophysiological measurements of brain function. The latter has been proven to be
particularly useful in helping to identify distinct neural processes and subsystems involved in
information processing. Recently, the tools of cognitive neuroscience have begun to be used as
Experts with a cause 9
automatic cognitive-political processes that have previously only been inferred by behavioral
With this in mind, Morris and colleagues (2003) took the first step in using
psychophysiological methods to provide converging evidence for the "hot cognition" hypothesis
brain activity were interpreted as evidence that participants evaluated political stimuli in a
relatively automatic way and that these automatic evaluations affected later processing of
political information. To do this, they measured changes in a negatively-deflected ERP wave that
occurs about 400 milliseconds after the onset of stimulus presentation. In the domain of
cognitive neuroscience, the amplitude of this "N400" wave has been established as a fairly
unexpected words typically produce a greater N400 wave amplitude (greater peak negativity)
than semantically primed words (Kutas & Hillyard, 1980, as cited in Morris, 2003). This
difference has been interpreted by many to reflect underlying levels of neural processing activity.
network, the node that the word occupies in a nomological network is thought to become
activated in such a way that neural pathways from this node from long-term memory to working
memory are put into a state of "readiness" and thus take relatively less bottom-up processing to
access (Morris 2003). It is this type of facilitation that is thought to be reflected in the relative
paradigm to test whether affective incongruity in the domain of political information would also
produce changes in the N400 wave. In this experiment participants were presented with a
political object prime word and then a moment later were presented with an affective target
adjective that was either affectively congruent or affectively incongruent with the prime word
(depending on evaluative pre-testing and careful selection of these pairs for each participant).
When the second word was presented, subjects were told to make a judgment as to whether the
target adjective was positive or negative in valence. As predicted, it was found that affectively
incongruent political object prime / affective target pairs elicited an enhanced N400 negativity
and thus supports the hot cognition theory that affective evaluations are stored along with
As already discussed, automatic processing styles have already been linked to the need to
evaluate (NE) trait through behavioral evidence. Because of this I hypothesize that the difference
in N400 peak negativity between affectively congruent and affectively incongruent political
object - affective target pairs, or affective facilitation scores, will be greater in high-NE
individuals than in low-NE individuals. Also, because the evaluative networks of political
experts with high-NE should be even stronger based on the theoretical model discussed earlier, I
predict to find an interaction between NE and PE such that political experts with high-NE show a
far greater difference in affective facilitation than any other group. If so, this may lend
preliminary support to the idea that automatic evaluative processing styles may be at least one of
Experts with a cause 11
political experts.
Method
Participants
For this study I propose to recruit 40 undergraduate students from the University of
Minnesota who will be compensated with their choice of either cash or standardized extra-credit
points for an introductory psychology course. To ensure that some students are more politically
knowledgeable than others, half of the participants will be recruited from the political science
department. All participants will be native English speakers with normal or corrected-to-normal
Measurements
There will be several between-groups factors in this experiment. The first is the
dispositional need to evaluate, as operationalized by scores on Jarvis & Petty's (1996) original
Need To Evaluate self-report questionnaire. Participants who score in the top half of this measure
will be considered high-NE and participants in the lower half will be considered low-NE. The
will be divided into groups of high and low political expertise. This will essentially create 4
political novice 3) low-NE / political expert and 4) high-NE / political expert. The last between-
groups factor will be each group's average evoked N400 potentials as measured by standard EEG
electrodes placed at three midline scalp locations: FZ, CZ, and PZ (according to the International
10–20 system). Separate N400 averages for congruent prime/target pairs and incongruent
Experts with a cause 12
prime/target pairs will then be calculated for each group and used in the final analysis. Also,
because previous behavioral studies have found that there is no statistical difference in affective
facilitation between positive and negative stimuli, these differences will be ignored and both
positive and negative stimuli will be collapsed into the congruent and incongruent groups.
Lastly, a vertical electro-oculogram (EOG) electrode will be used to detect and discard trials with
ocular artifacts.
Except for added measures of NE and political expertise, the paradigm used in this
experiment will be virtually identical to that used by Morris (2003). Accordingly, participants
will come in two days before their scheduled experimental session for pre-testing. During this
which they indicate their attitudes (positive or negative) toward 36 different political "attitude
objects" as quickly as possible. Based on decision latency measures, the 5 strongest positive and
5 strongest negative attitude objects will then be selected as the prime words for that individual
in the following experimental session. Also during this pre-test session, the NE self-report
During the actual experimental session, each participant will sit in a comfortable chair
and all political prime and target words will be presented in 36-point red font against a solid gray
centimeters from the participants' eyes. All florescent lights will be turned off to reduce 60hz
EEG noise. To ensure that participants attend to the prime, they will told that the prime words
that are presented on the screen are "memory" words that may be used in a memory test later in
the study. As in Morris' (2003) study, these prime words will be presented for 150ms each,
Experts with a cause 13
followed by a delay of 100ms before the target word is presented. The target word will remain on
the screen for 1 second and then be followed immediately by an "R" to indicate that the
participant must make a judgment as to whether the target word was positive or negative in
valence. These target words will be from the same list of 15 "clearly positive" and "clearly
negative" adjectives used by Morris (2003). Each target word will appear a total of two times in a
randomized order for each participant and be preceded by either a positive or negative prime.
Thus, each prime word will appear a total of six times and be paired three times with a negative
Results
Once all measurements are taken and the N400 components are averaged within each
group for both congruent and incongruent prime-target pairs, the differences in average
amplitudes between the congruent and incongruent pairs will then be calculated for each group.
Based on Morris' (2003) study, these difference scores should reflect the degree of affective
priming or facilitation that took place in each group and thus provide a dependant measure of
automatic evaluative processing. For statistical analysis, data will be entered into a 2 (NE) X 2
(PE) between-groups analysis of variance with the "affective facilitation" score serving as the
dependant measure.
If my first hypothesis is true, we should find a main effect for both the need to evaluate
and political expertise such that the high-NE and high-expertise groups show greater affective
facilitation than the low-NE and low-expertise groups. If my second hypothesis is true, post-hoc
analysis will reveal that there is an interactive effect between NE and expertise such that only the
high-NE / high-expertise group will show statistically significant affective facilitation scores. No
Discussion
dependent measure of automatic evaluative priming, this would be consistent with previous
important finding would be the possible interactive effect of NE and political expertise on N400
measures of automatic evaluative processing. This evidence would lend support to the model of
overlapping and redundant affective networks in high-NE political experts and, when compared
measures of ideological constraint, would suggest the possibility that automatic processing
tendencies may be one of the mechanisms behind the apparent ideological organization of
information in high-NE political experts. If so, this may have far-reaching implications on how
For this study to be interpreted properly, however, several limitations must first be
addressed. First, the variables in this proposed study are all pre-existing factors. Pseudo-
experiments like this can only give us information about associations between variables. Even
when measures are taken from multiple domains (such as behavioral and psychophysiological),
we can still only speculate about underling causal relationships between these variables. There
are also other limitations. Morris' (2003) study only provided preliminary support for the
hypothesis that N400 attenuation was a valid measure of affective priming. As he cautioned, it
could be that the N400 wave reflects or includes some other processes that we do not yet
understand. Also, the procedure of dichotomizing continuous variables such as political expertise
and NE may not be the best way to analyze an interaction because of the problems it creates with
regard to statistical power. A similar problem may also arise out of the fact that the proposed
Experts with a cause 15
sample is limited to college students who are unlikely to represent the entire domain of political
participants from a group of political party elites and then analyze the data in a more
parametrically-oriented way.
Despite these few weaknesses, the proposed study would take an important step toward
clarifying the role of evaluative motivation and political expertise with regard to political
decision-making, and would likely encourage new studies to explore the "black box" of attitude
cognition in more detail. Future studies would most likely include functional MRI investigations
distinctive processing styles may inspire investigation into the merits and weaknesses of each in
relation to real-world political situations. Studies have shown that that although most political
experts are better at remembering political information than political novices, they are only
slightly better than chance when it comes to predicting actual political and social events (Tetlock,
2005). Could this be because the majority of political experts are influenced more heavily by
programmed ideological schemas? Or is this effect pushed by memory-based thinkers who may
evaluate political stimuli less efficiently than on-line thinkers? Any future study on this topic
would be fascinating and would undoubtedly have a profound effect on the way we think about
References
Bizer, G. Y., Krosnick, J.A., Holbrook, A.L., Wheeler, S.C., Rucker, D.D., Petty, R.E. (2004).
The impact of personality on cognitive, behavioral, and affective political processes: The
Bizer, G. Y., Tormala, Z.L., Rucker, D.D., Petty, R.E. (2006). Memory-based versus on-line
Converse, P. E. (1964). The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics. In D. Apter (Ed.),
Converse, P. E. (2000). Assessing the Capacity of Mass Electorates. Annual Review of Political
Science, 3, 331-353
Federico, C. M., Schneider, M.C. (2007) Political expertise and the use of ideology: Moderating
Hastie, R., Park, B. (1986). The relationship between memory and judgment depends on whether
Hermans, D., Houwer, J., Eelen, P. (2001). A time analysis of the affective priming effect.
Jarvis, W. B. G., Petty, R. E. (1996). The need to evaluate. Journal of Personality and Social
Jennings, M. K. (1992). Ideological thinking among mass publics and political elites. Public
Krosnick, J. A., (1990). Expertise and political psychology. Social Cognition, 8, 1-8
Experts with a cause 17
Morris, J. P., Squires, N.K., Taber, C. S., Lodge, M. (2003) Activation of Political Attitudes: A
Stanovich, K. E. (2007). How to think straight about psychology. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.
Tetlock, P. E. (2005). Expert Political Judgment: How Good Is It? How Can We Know? New
Weston, D. (2007). The political brain: The role of emotion in deciding the fate of the nation.
Zaller, J. (1992). The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion. New York: Cambridge University
Press.
Experts with a cause 18
Figure Caption
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Political Party
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Death Penalty Obama
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Gun Control High Taxes
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Figure Caption
Figure 2. Hypothetical results showing the possible interactive relationship between political
expertise and the need to evaluate (NE) on N400 affective facilitation (N4AF) scores.
Figure 2
High-NE
N400
Affective
Facilitation
Score
(N4AF)
Low-NE