THE SOURCES

OF THE FIRST TEN BOOKS OF

AUGUSTINE

DE CIVITATE DEI

A THESIS
PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY
FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

BY

S.

ANGUS, M.A.

Exspectabat enim fundamenta habentem

civitatem cuius artifex et conditor Deus.

PRINCETON
1906.

CONTENTS.
Page.
1

Note,

2 Bibliography,

4
6
in

3 Introductory,
I Literary

Sources

Books

Note on Composition of BCD. by A. F. West, 60 x 64 II Annotations on Books i 236 s Knowledge of Greek III Augustine
. .

Some Theses,
General Analysis,
Errata,
.

2 74
.

.281

2 79

SPECIAL ABBREVIATIONS USED.

BE

Benedictine Edition
Civitate Dei.
last sixteen

(in

Migne).
in

DCD De RD The

books (Rerum Divinarum)

Varro

Antiquitates.

E>R

NOTE.
The
was not
It

following treatise
its

the work of three happy years

original purpose. first place at the

at first intended as a thesis fcr a doctor s degree, but

has been converted from

suggestion of Professor A. F. West, and it is due to his personal encourage ment that it has been completed. I wish to offer him my
in

was started

the

sincere thanks for having read through

all

my work

in

MS,

for calling my attention to some things I had overlooked, and for the help derived from his own notes. Thanks are also due

MS

for suggestions; also to Dr. E. C. Richardson, Librarian of Princeton University, and to Rev. J. H. Dulles, Librarian of Princeton Theological Seminary, for having procured for me so many books I wished to consult.

to Professors

Winansand Westcott

S.

A.

Classical Seminary,

Princeton University,

March, 1906.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.
In preparing this thesis it was necessary to read of Au De Civitate Dei, Congustine writings the following entire De Doctrina Christiana, De Urbis Excidio, Retracfessiones, tationes, and all, his exegetical and controversial works; and in
1.

part also the Epistulae (especially the letters to Jerome, Marcellinus and Paulinus) and Sermones also the following entire :
;

Epitomes), Florus and Eutropius, Velleius Valerius Maximus, Sallust, Cicero s philosophical Paterculus,

Livy (with the

and rhetorical works, Quintus Curtius, Justin, Orosius, and also most of Aulus the remains of Varro and Porphyry Minucius Felix, Lactantius, Plotinus, HyGellius, Apuleius, ginus, and parts of Plutarch, Plato, Tertullian, Arnobius,
;

Eusebius, Ambrose, Cyprian, Rufinus, Paulinus of Nola, Ausonius, Symmachus, Procopius, Sozomen and Socrates; beside consulting other ancient writers incidentally.
2.

The

list

given below excludes standard writers of gen

eral

reference,

such

as Zeller,

Mommsen,

Milman,

Gib
;

as bon, Villemain, Gregorovius, Ozanam, Boissier and Bury well as editions of Augustine and the- other ancient writers
consulted.

An

asterisk

is

prefixed to a few which have been

found to be of especial importance.

*Agahd, R.

Quaestiones Varronianae

(in

Jahrbiicher fur

classische Philologie, * H.

Supplementband
:

24. Leipzig, 1897).

Aurelius Augustinus N. Clausen, Sacrae Scripturae Interpres. Hauniae, 1827.

:

Hipponensis

Cunningham, W. S. Austin and his place in the history of Christian thought (Hulsean lectures, 1885). London, 1886. Roman society in the last century of the Dill, S.
:

Western empire. *Francken,

inveniuntur in

London, 1898. H. J. Fragmenta M. Ter. Varronisquae libris S. Augustini De civitate Dei, Lugduni
C.
:
:

Batavorum, 1836.
Die Quellen Augustins im Frick, C. seiner Schrift de civitate dei. Hoxter, 1886.

XVIII Buche

Grandgeorge, L.
P.
:

Saint Augustin et
l e"cole

Paris, 1896.
Jlirges,

(Bibliotheque de

De

Sallustii

le neo-platonisme. des hautes etudes, vol. 7.) historiarum reliquiis capita

selecta. *

Einbeck, 1892.

Kuhlmann,

Hermann:
dei libro

De veterum
primo altero

historicorum

in

Augustini de civitate
Schleswig, 1900. * Loesche, G.
deo.

tertio vestigiis.

De Augustino

Plotinizante in

doctrina de

lenae, 1880. McCabe, J. Saint Augustine and his age. London, 1902. Paris, 1901. Martin, Jules, Saint Augustin.
:

Maurenbrecher: C.
Leipzig, 1891.

Sallusti Crispi

Historiarum reliquiae.
Geifs-

Neimann, A.
wald, 1895. Nourrisson:
Paris, 1866. *

Augustin

Geschichtsphilosophie.

La philosophic de Saint Augustin

:

(2 vols.).

De Eutropii breviarii ab U. C. indole ac Pirogoff, W. fontibus. Berlin (no date. Thesis for 1873).
Poujalet,
:

Histoirede Saint Augustin

:

(3 vols.). Paris, 1845.

*Reuter, H.
Richter, A.
:

Gotha, 1887. Augustinische Studien. Neu-Platonische Studien. Darstellung des

Plotin.

Lebens und der Philosophic des

Saisset,

Halle, 1867.

Emile:

La

cite"

de

Dieu de Saint Augustin,

French trans. (4 vols.). Schmid, Reinhold:

:

Paris, 1855.

Marius Victorinus Rhetor und seine

Kiel, 1895. Beziehungen zu Augustin. Scholer, H. Augustins Verhaltniss zu Plato in genetischer Jena, 1897. Entwicklung. De Varronis apud sanctos patres vestigiis in *Schwarz:

Jahrbucher furclassische Philologie. Supplementband. Leipzig,

1888, pp. 409-499.

Schneegans, C. F. Appreciation de Saint Augustin d apres ses travaux sur I hermeneutique sacr^e. Strasbourg,
:

1848.

Die Geschichtsphilosophie Augustins nach Seyrich, G. J. seiner schrift De Civitate Dei. Chemnitz, 1891.
:

Smith,

J.

R.

Augustine as an Exegete.
:

(In Bibliotheca

Sacra, April, 1904).

Spence, H.

D. W.

Early Christianity and Paganism.

New York

(no date).
:

Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount Trench, R. C. drawn from the writings of St. Augustine. London, 1869. De Alexandri Olympiadisque epistuZumetikos, A. M.
:

larum fontibus et

reliquiis.

Berlin, 1894.

INTRODUCTORY.
hibit completely,

This thesis has three parts. The first attempts to ex and in detail under each author, all the as-

certainable literary sources, except the Bible, used by Augus This part on tine in the first ten books of The City of God. the Literary Sources has been written to include the sources
as given by Dombart and Hoffmann, and in addition the con clusions I have worked out in the second part of this thesis,

the Annotations to Books I-X.

In order to do so

have gone

over every case where a literary source is required, and have searched all the extant sources to which Augustine could have had access, and several to which he could not, or did not,

have access.

In the Annotations, which are almost exclusive

ly restricted to the sources not specified in Dombart, when I quote from, or refer to, the writings of Valerius Maximus,

Velleius Paterculus, Julius Obsequens, also to Plutarch, Por phyry, Plotinus and Plato in Greek, and others not mentionedin the part on the Sources, it is not to be supposed that these are

suggested as sources for Augustine s knowledge. They are given simply for fulness of detail, or because they have pre served for us information once found in sources used by Au For example when Plut gustine but now no longer extant. arch is quoted, it is because he either confirms Livy (Augus
tine s source for the particular place), or because he has pre served for us information which was found in portions of Livy

now

lost,

and of which we have only the

later epitomes.

Similarly Julius

Obsequens has been quoted to confirm Livy

own work or to supply the missing part required. The Annotations on books I-X contain matter which The fact could not be treated of in the part on the Sources.
the Sources
that the Annotations has partly the same aim as the part on may excuse the frequent cross-references, and the

perhaps too frequent repetition of the same Latin passages. These latter have been given for the sake of fulness and for

convenience of the reader.

Each part is intended to supple passages and references have not been touched upon, as Dombart gives them almost complete. I have, however, added one instance which he has not re ment the
other.
Biblical

corded.

The text adopted as the basis for working has been that Dombart (2 vols., Leipzig, iSyy-^), not without reference to Hoffmann s text. The former is referred to by page and line throughout the notes; and the pair of heavy-faced numbers
of

given at the edge of the page before each note also refers to

Dombart

s text.
I

In the Annotations

have not mentioned any of the re

ferences given in Dombart, except occasionally for some parti cular purpose. As Dombart did not make any special study
of the sources, there are but few cases where there is occasion to quote his references, and all such I hope have been acknowl

edged.

Duebner

as

Dombart himself took his references chiefly from we learn from his own words: N o t a s o 1

ex editione Duebneri, qui in hac operis parte diligentissime versatus est, mutuatus sum. Ad fontes unde Augustinus hauriebat accuratius indagandos, cum mi.hi neque tempus neque vires suprelinpeterent, hoc negotii aliis quendum putavi (praef. p. x).
For the acknowledged fragments of Varro, where nothing more could be added, reference is made the editions of

corum ab Augustino ex allegatorum prope omnes

aliis

libris

Francken,

Schwarz

and

Agahd;

but

one fragment

not

noticed by these I have discussed and assigned to Varro. Most of the fragments of Porphyry, to be found in the
ten books of City of God which lie within the scope of this have not hitherto been collected and specifically as
I have collected them and signed to their respective books. attempted to assign each to its source in the light of all evi

thesis,

dence

could

find.

The
gustine
s

on Augustine

the part necessity for the third part of this thesis s Knowledge of Greek was suggested by Au

references to Plato, Porphyry and Plotinus in the have not followed any authority here. Besides the limited literature on this subject, it was necessary reading to go over all the Confessions and City of God and all his

BCD.

exegetical and controversial works, as well as several others, with a view to collect the principal evidence bearing upon that
subject.

For the convenience of readers some of the principal theses maintained are excerpted and printed together at the A table of such errata as have been noticed is added. end.
Finally great care has been taken to avoid mistakes in references, but it is to be feared some slips may still remain

uncorrected.

And now may this slight though laborious contribution to the explanation of Augustine s masterwork be commended to readers in his own closing words:

Quibus parum quibus nimium est, mihi ignoscant; quibus autem satis est, non mihi, sed Deo mecum congratulantes agant.
vel
S.

A.

I.

LITERARY SOURCES OF AUGUSTINE.

De Civitate Dei
We
self

I-X.

shall take up first those Sources which Augustine him mentions as having known, and secondly those Sources which, though not mentioned by him, we have evidence to show he used.
A.
I.

SOURCES MENTIONED BY AUGUSTINE.

find

all

of

Among these we whom were Latin

i.

the

names

of

pagan poets

except Homer.

CLAUDIAN.

In

DCD
in

two verses
tation from

V. 26 he mentions Claudian and quotes from him praise of Theodosius from the D e t e r t i o

consulatu Honorii. He
memory,
as

has either given the quo

we

find he has

V.

8,

and omitted the

in his

line

lus
found

armatas hiemes
manuscript
if

quoted elsewhere, DCD fundit ab antris (Aeo

c u
i,

or else this line was not

he had one.

But

it. is

more

likely

that he has erred in the quotation, as c u i occurs at the same place in both lines and passing from the first c u i to the

word following the second

says of

c u

gives a hexameter line.

He

Claudian

Christi nomine alienus,

this testimony of his should be accepted as we cannot rea sonably conclude from Claudian s poems that he was a Chris tian and Orosius supports the opinion of Augustine, speaking

and

poeta quidem eximius sed paganus pervicacissimus. The above the

of

Claudian as

is

only place Claudian.

in all

the writings of Augustine where he mentions

2.

ENNIUS.

This poet he knew through the writings of Cicero, see DCD II. 21, where he cites Ennius from the De Republicaof

But he had a larger knowledge of Ennius than this, Trinitate 13. 3.6 he quotes a verse of Ennius found which cannot be found again, slightly different, in Ep. 231.3
Cicero.
for in

De

10

in all

the works of Cicero.

From

DCD
tepa

VII. 27

he knew Ennius translation of the

dvaypa^

of

we gather that Euhemerus:

errores ante nos vel Graeco sermone Latino scripserunt, non in eo mihi placuit inmorari a possage which suggests that
vel
Augustine knew more about the Euhemerus of Ennius than he could have got by solely .consulting the only place in Cicero where the same translation is referred to (De Natura Deorum

et quae ad hanc rem pertinentia consequuntur, totam de hoc Euhemerus pandit historian! quam Ennius in L a t inum vertit eloquium, unde quia plurima posuerunt qui contra huius modi
-

ime tractata ab Euhemero est quern noster et interpretatus et secutus est praeter ceteros Ennius. In spite of the simi
larity

Quid? qui aut fortis aut claros potentis viros tradunt post mor tem ad deos pervenisse, eosque esse ipsos quos nos colere precari venerarique soleamus, nonne expertes sunt religionum omnium? quae ratio m a x
i.

42. 119.)

aut

tine s

between this passage and that of Augustine, own words quae ad hanc rem

still

Augus

perti
eo mihi
knew more
fit

nentia consequnntur placuit inmorari lead

about this subject than to dwell upon it.
is

and

non
if

in
he

us to infer

found

in Cicero,

he had seen

3.

HORACE.
In

There are three quotations in the DCD. Augustine quotes Horace (naming him)
:

DCD

I.

secundum

illud

Horatii
est

Quo semel
bit odorem.

imbuta recens serva-

Testa

u.

II

familiar

Evidently he knew his Horace well enough to quote some commonplaces. In DCD V. 13 he mentions and

quotes

him Ep.

Horace against the Romans. Augustine there cites i. i. 36 to show that Horace held the same views as

he himself did

and again, Odes

nandi libidinem

onamorem laudisvitium esse, ad reprimendam domi9,

2. 2.

ita cecinit.

4.

LUCAN.

There are six quotations in DCD. That Augustine Lucan we are not at all surprised, as Lucan s was in itself a rebuke to the Romans, painting in the poem darkest colours the decadent state of Rome, the corrup
used
tion of
politics, private

enmity, public calamity, the

horrors

of civil war, the dubious attitude toward religion. The preprevailing hopelessness of Lucan about his country would
find such expression as would suit Augustine to use in his 12 he quotes In DCD I. arguments against the pagans. him (Phar. 7. 819) in connection with the argument for the

civil

comparative unimportance of burial, and war between Caesar and Pompey. In

in

in

III.

III.

13 for the 27 he quotes

Lucan

entry into Rome. for witchcraft.

proof of the terrible vengeance taken by Sulla on his In DCD X. 16 he quotes him (Phar. 6.506)

5.

PERSIUS.

DCD II. 6 Augustine cites Persius (Sat. 3.66) as an example of the moral lessons which the people ought to hear, but do not hear, at public spectacles, and in the next chapter
In
(II. 7) for

a description of passion.
6.

TERENTIANUS MAURUS.
DCD

In VI. 2 (see also vol. 2, p. 257.22) he quotes a hendecasyllabic verse from the poet Terentianus Maurus in Terentianus was an praise of the great learning of Varro.
African, like Augustine himself,

DCD

who may have used

as a text-

12

book the poem. of Terentianus, De

metris.

litteris,

syllabis, pedibus,

In

De

utilitate

credendi 7.17 Augustine says

imbutus poetica disciplina Terentianum Maurum sine magistro attingere

non auderes.
7.

TERENCE.
often mentioned

Though Augustine has elsewhere

and

quoted Terence, he does so only once in DCD I-X, namely II.7, where he cites from the Eunuchus (584).
8.

VALERIUS SORANUS.

Augustine did not know Valerius Soranus directly, as he found in Varro the two verses he Cites from him in support of

lovis omnia plena (DCD

9

VII.

9).

VIRGIL.

Of all the poets mentioned by Augustine he made the He quotes him most frequent and extensive use of Virgil. about seventy times in the DCD more than the total of his quotations from all the other poets. The quotations are massed most heavily in the opening five books. He tells us of his boy ish interest in the story of Aeneas (Conf. i. 13. 21 sq); and
for Virgil

he has the greatest praise.

Augustine knew
1.3)
t

his
i

Virgil intimately.

He

says of

him

ebibitus animis non facile oblivione He quotes from the Aeneid, the possit aboleri.
Eclogues and the Georgics, but far most frequently from the Aeneid. Augustine quotes Virgil for Roman history and mythol-

(DCD

e n e r

ologyinDCDI.

2,

III.

2,

III.

n,

III. 13, III. 14, III

i6,VI1.27;

for the pride and high estate of Rome in for the helplessness of the gods of Rome

DCD

praef.,I.6,V. 12; to protect their

worshipers
protect

qualibus 1.3: diis urbem Romani servandam se commisisse gaudebant, I. 4, III. 7, III 31. In DCD 11.22
in

and them

their

need

of

their

worshipers

to

DCD

ecce

he quotes Virgil with sarcastic reference to the gods being of fended at the morals of the citizens and for the moral deteri;

13

oration of

Rome

in

BCD

III. 10.

For the dangers and im

morality arising from the Roman religion he cites the favorite poet of the Romans against themselves in DCD I. 19, where those who died by suicide are represented by Virgil as having

an unhappy existence
evils of

in

the under world;

in

magicae artes,
DCD
DCD

and

in

X
;

VIII. 19 for the 10 about the many-

IV. 9, IV. 10, VII. 9 he quotes shaped Proteus. In for the all-permeating influence of Jupiter compare also In IV. i r. V. 18 he cites him to prove that Brutus
slew his

him

DCD
who
In

own sons for

i

the sake of his country was

of Virgil
In*

x.

DCD
f

VI.
i
1

the words

solentenimessead risum
Eel.

a c

e s

are an echo

3.9

sed faciles

inquiunt, habens potestatem causarum quibus aliquid fit in mundo; he quotes him in DCD IX. 4 to describe perfect composure of mind. In
X. 30 he shows
of Virgil in

clarissima mundilumina indirectly In DCD VII. 9 he cites the line felix rerum qui potuit cognoscere causas with reference to Deusest,
cites Virgil s

nymphae

risere.

DCD

IX. 16 Augustine probably

i.

from Apuleius De deo Socratis chap.

how Prophyry has

refuted one of the doctrines

Lethe.

regard to purified souls being called to taste of In X. 27 Augustine quotes from the fourth eclogue of

Virgil as prophetic of the

coming glory

of the

Kingdom

of

oetice quidem quia in alterius adumbrata persona, veraciter tamen

Christ

si

ad ipsum referas.
7.

may term an
Aen.
266

Lastly we notice what we etymological use of Virgil, in DCD V. 19 from for the use of the word tyranni;

non
in

pessimi atque vetere nomine

X.
i

improbi
1.12.
10.

reges,
and

sed
again

fortes dicti,

for

c o

o n

from Aen

HOMER.

Homer, Augustine had read him, though distaste school days (Conf. i. 14. 23). Yet he mentions or him only four (or five) times in the DCD, never in quotes
for
ful, in his

As

Greek, always

in

Latin,

and does not seem

to have

made any

14

extensive use of him.

In

DCD

III. 2

he

tells

us

Homer makes

Neptune oppose and Apollo favor the Trojans. In DCD V. 8 Latinum he quotes two verses quos Cicero in found these lines in the De Fato of He probably v e r t t. twice more he refers to Homer on the authority of Cicero In DCD IX. i it Cicero, and once on the authority of Varro. lovem.. ab a question whether is is found in our Homer, fateantur I do not believe that except by implication in Iliad I. 222. this statement of Augustine has been made from direct knowl edge of Homer, as fateantur seems to be against this. I think Augustine took it from Lactantius Div. Inst. 4. 27. 15.
i
;

Homero

nuncupatum

See note
II.

p.

368. 16.

Turning now from the poets used and named by Augustine De Civitate Dei i-x to the prose writers named we find much greater variety. Some of them call for little or no notice. Those mentioned by name in books i-x are (in
in

alphabetical

order)

Apuleius, Cicero, Aulus Gellius, Justinus,

Labeo,

Livy, Plato, Pliny, Plotinus, Pomponius, Sallust, L. Annaeus Seneca, Tertullian and Varro.
i.

Porphyry,

APULEIUS.

The

parts of the
tion in the

use of Apuleius is almost exclusively confined to the which discuss Neoplatonism. The first men

DCD DCD occurs

in

VIII.

lingua, id est et
mentions the De deo

Graeca
Socratis

Afer extitit Platonicus nobilis.

of
14: unum scripsit librum titulum voluit de deo Socratis.

i2:inutraque autem et Latin a, Apuleius

Augustine
Apuleius

DCD VIII. cuius esse

in

This

is

the

work from which Augustine has quoted most, and the one which he has most severely criticised. In DCD VIII. 14 the earlier part of the chapter (before mention of Apuleius occurs) is evi dently taken from that author. Augustine uses the quoteword n q u u n t twice and the 341. loand
i i

(p.

23),

subject

of gods,

demons and men, and

of their respective places

and

relations,

is

what we

find in the

de deo Socratis, and

in line

apud quae reperiantur, Apuleius hac re sola scripsit librum.

30 he says

licet

alios

quoque
de

Augustine then briefly explains the subject matter of the de deo Socratis in some general statements. The whole four The teenth chapter is taken in substance from that work.
fifteenth
still

refers

chapter is largely a criticism of the same. In it he to the same author as we see from i n q u i u n t
. .

d c t Apuleius.. (p. 344.22). De moribus ergo daemonum cum idem Platonicus loqueretur and then
(p.

344. 3) and In chap. 16 he begins

gives quotations mostly word for -word from Apuleius and fol lows these by a criticism.
to In chap. 17 he treats of the the demons were subject, and shows which Apuleius granted how unworthy such beings are of worship who are moved by
all

perturbationes Apuleius
work
is

the passions of humanity; iste In chap. 18 the criticism of the same

in
s

(p.

347.7).

continued.

This
22.

chapters 20, 21, Augustine IX. 3 he again quotes from the de deo Socratis and proceeds to criticism, and chap. 4 is connected with this,
In

same work was

mind

in

DCD

because the review of opinions of philosophers on

d e

his

animi
arises out

motibus,
of

TrdOrj

or

perturbationes

the quotation from Apuleius in the preceding so that chapters 4 and 5 really continue the criticism. chapter, In chap. 6 he again names Apuleius.

chap. 7 he takes up a new subject from Apuleius, the distinction of the functions of gods and demons. namely
In

This
in

continued (with quotations) in chap. 8 and criticised chap. 9. Chap. 10, where Augustine introduces the opinion
is

of Plotinus,

is

has kept him

still in

a criticism on Apuleius work, for Augustine with d i c t mind, as he begins chap,

gives large quotations from Chap. the de deo Socratis with Augustine s criticism which is also continued in chap. 13, and after an excursus devoid of all liter ary citation in chap. 14 and 15, he returns in chapter 16 to the same author.
referring to Apuleius.
12

i6

X. 9 (ad fin).) he again refers to the de deo In X. 27 there is Socratis, though not mentioning that work. to the same work. another reference
In
thus see that Augustine was thoroughly conversant with the de deo Socratis of Apuleius, that he has given large quotations from it and attacked it with severe criticism.

DCD

We

He was also acquainted with the Asclepius, or Dialogus Hermetis Trismegisti, though he does not refer to it so often He or quote so much from it as from the De deo Socratis. refers first to it in DCD VIII. 23 where he also gives large and in chap. 24 he gives a long quotation and then extracts a criticism, and so again in chap. 26. In DCD IV. 2 he refers
;

DCD extat oratio qua crimen artium magicarum a se alienum esse defendit, innocentem vult seque aliter non videri nisi ea negando quae non possunt ab innocente committi. These words seem to
VIII.
19

and quotes from the De Mundo. Though Augustine has not quoted from the Apologia, or De Magia, it is likely he had read it: he mentions it in connection with magic arts in
to

show that he had read

Apuleius
defense.

it enough to know the method of From Apuleius Augustine no doubt got

much

general information on theology and philosophy which he

does not specifically mention.

2.

CICERO.
s

Cicero
in

is

one of the most important of Augustine

often
III.
:

sources

DCD I-X. He mentions him by name DCD II. 9, II. 13, II, 14, II. 21, II. 27,
IV. 30, V.
2,

Compare
IV,
26,

15,

V. 8, V. 13, V. 26, VI. 2, VIII. 5, IX. 4, IX. 5. He quotes him verbatim in II. 9 evidently with a copy of Cicero before him, d e n d e p a u o post (p. 63. 15)
i 1

and
s

ad

verbum
23);

excerpenda
13,
II.

arbitratus
15, III. 27, IV.

(p 63.

II.

14, II.

21, III.

26, IV, 30, 8, V. 13, VI. 2, IX. 5. cannot be certain whether the words

V.

In

DCD.

V. 26

we

Omiserum

cui

licebat are verbatim from Cicero or whether they merely give the sentiment. In DCD II. n and II. 12 he refers to the De Re pub. of Cicero. The above named passages need no remark.

peccare

More interesting is it to note the use which Augustine has made of Cicero as an authority without mentioning him as such
In

DCD

I.

3 (p.

8.

9)

Augustine uses the expression

cordatos
savours

homines.
but
as

The
we
find

word
only a

cordatos
scanty use
of

of Ennius,

Ennius made by Augustine, it is quite possible that Augustine got this word from Cicero Tusc I. 9. 18 or De Re pub. I. 18. 30 with both of which works Augustine was well acquainted. Of
course he
of

may have met

the word also in the

I t

viri cordati
34.

the

vulgate, but

not the

of

Job

10: but

if

Augustine had had

ten

this in

mind he would naturally have

for

writ

cordatos viros
I.

cordatos homines.
-

In DCD Si a u t em 15 (p. 26.33) Augustine writes dicunt M. Regulum etiam in ilia c a p tivitate illisque cruciatibus corporis animi virtute beatum esse potuisse.

Surely here he had in mind Cic.

De

Finn.

2.20.65

c e

pro me ipsa virtus nee dubitabit isti vestro beato M. Regulum anteponere clamat virtus beatiorem fuisse quam potantem in rosa Thorium. The
coincidence of the language and thought suggests that he had Cicero in mind.
In

DCD

I.

22

(p.

potius Cleombrotusinhac animi magnitudine reperitur quem ferunt lecto Platonis libro, ubi de inmortalitate animae disputavit, se praecipitem dedisse de muro atqueita ex hac vita emigrasse ad earn quam credidit esse meliorem. Nihil enim urgebat aut calamitatis aut criminis
Cleombrotus ille

36.27)

it

seems to me that the story of

i8

must have been suggested by Cicero Tusc.

1.34.84

limachi quidem epigramma in Ambraciotam Cleombrotum est quern ait cum ei nihil accidisset adversi, e muro se in mare abiecisse. There is really no other source
used by Augustine, which contains the story.
In II. 14 we have the account of Plato s banishing the poets from his ideal state, and his reasons for doing so
:

BCD

Iste vero et deorum iniurias indigne tulit et fucari corrumpique figmentis animos civium noluit. Of course Augustine did He proba not get this from Plato s Republic in the original.
bly had recourse to the fourth book of Cicero s De Re pub., with which book we know that he was well acquainted, and in

which we learn from the casual fragment of Nonius this sub A somewhat similar notice is found in Tusc ject was treated. but we rather think that the fourth book of Cicero s 2.11.27, De Re pub. was Augustine s source here (see note p. 69.10).
In
for

DCD

II.

16 Cicero

seems to be Augustine

authority

writing quamvis Lycurgus Lacedaemoniis leges ex Apollinis auctoritate

instituisseconfinxerit. See De Div. 1.43.96 and N.D. 3.38.91; and probably Cicero De Re pub. 2.14.26 was known to Augustine in his account of the civil and relig ious legislation of Numa Pompilius found in this same chapter, though Livy seems here to be at least a co-ordinate source.
se
Compare Livy
Cicero
20
(p.
is

1.19 sq.

undoubtedly Augustine

authority in

DCD

II.

Sardanapalus. account of Augustine, Tusc. 5.35.101

79.5) in the story of

Compare, with the

Sardanapalli

Haec
r

qui incidi iussit in busto: habeo quae edi quaeque exsatua t a libido
at ilia
a
r e
1
i

Hausit;
c
1
a"r

iacent multa
t

et

prae-

19

Finn.

Cicero mentions the voluptousness of the same king in De 2.32.106, and we know from the ^scholiast on Juvenal

of the

10.362 that Cicero said something of him in the the third book De Re pub. probably more than the scholiast gives.

We know

of no other literary source than Cicero from Augustine could have drawn this narrative so much

which resem

bling that of Cicero.

DCD
the

Perhaps also the contrast between Marius and Regulus II. 23 was suggested by Cicero Paradoxa 2.16.
In

in

DCD
:

III. 9 (p.

106

n) Augustine
of

refers

to Cicero in

words

novem

vel ut alii anni, for the length

volunt,
Numa
s

triginta
.This
is

reign

the

number which Cicero gives (De Re pub.

the authority of Polybius.

2.14. 27)

following

Again Cicero
of the death of

is

Augustine

chief authority in the account

Romulus and the action of Julius Proculus in DCD III. 15. As we know from the rest of the chapter (on which see notes p. 116.12, 117.8) Cicero was not his only au
thority, but he has followed
in the

him principally,

if

opening
for

part of the chapter.

Cicero alone

not altogether, is the au

of

thority

subornatum lulium Proculum.

that he

And Augustine shows below

Cicero
(p.

knew
. .

the account

Romuli receptionem
Cicero

116.30)

Cic ero

illam
.

inter deos significat

quoting from the De Re pub. and for the solis defectio he gives a fragment on p. 117.21 from the Hortensius of

:ut

easdem tenebrasefficiat quas

effecit in interitu Romuli qui obscuratione solis est factus. The p r o p t e r ferocitatem a senatu discerptum esse,
it is

true,

does not occur

in

Livy

gives this (1.16.4) as a report

.
.

any of the extant works of Cicero. which he did not credit

fuisse
e n
t
.

aliquos qui discerptum regem patrum manibus taciti arguer.

It is possible that

narrative

may have had

in his

Augustine while following Cicero s mind this detail from his knowl-

20

edge of Livy, but there

that this

dismemberment
in

recorded either

no reason why we should suppose Romulus by the Senate was not one of the lost parts of Cicero s De Re pubis

of

lica or in the lost

Hortensius,

Alexandro illi M a gno quidam comprehensus pirata r e spondit. Nam cum idem rex hominem
:

IV. 4 (p. 150.27) where Cicero has been used

In

BCD

we have another

clear case
-

interrogasset quid ei videretur ut mare infestaret, ille libera contumatibi, inquit, ut orbem t e r sed quia id ego exiguo navigio rarum; facio, latro vocor; quia tu magna class e, imperator. Compare with these words those

cia:

Quod

of Cicero preserved

lius de re pub. eretur ex eo

,

lib. 3: nam cum quaerquo scelere compulsus mare haberet infestum uno myoparone: code m inquit, quo tu orbem terrae.

by Nonius (pages

125, 318, 534)

M.

There is no doubt but that the passage from which this extract of Nonius is taken would have told the whole story given above by Augustine. Nonius extract is very incomplete, as he wished to quote only so much from Cicero as would serve
his

purpose, namely to

prove that

infestum mare
way
i

haberet, pro mare latrocinando infes

taret.

We

see this also from the

cum quareretur

the extract begins

ex eo

Nonius not being con

cerned to state or identify the noun ( p r a t a ) in Cicero to which the e o refers. Pirata in Cicero is all important to the story, but of no importance to Nonius for purely lexical
purposes. In DCD IV. 20
is

(p.

169 15)

we must conclude

that Cicero

virtutem in quattuor species distribuendam esse viderunt, prudentiam, iustitiam, fortitudinem, t e m perantiam. This four-fold division of Plato (De Legg.
the source
:

1.631 C),

is

repeated in Apuleius (De dog. Platonis 2.1) in

21

whose account
t
i

pudicitiam

is

the

same

as

tempera

n-

Jerome

of Augustine. See note p. 169.14 where it is knew that this four-fold division was found in the

shown
works

of Cicero, and from Augustine s own testimony (De Trin. 14.It 9.12) that he found it in the lost Hortensius of Cicero.

may be

noticed that

it

was found more than once

in Cicero, as

Jerome speaks

of Cicero treating these four virtues

in

f -

ficiorum libris, while Augustine says D e omni bus tamen quattuor (virtutibus) Tullius in Hortensio dialogo disputans. There is therefore no doubt that in the BCD IV. 20
Cicero, though not there mentioned,
is

Augustine

source.

For

the

193.32) there is, so far as I know, no literary authority except this passage of Augustine, and it is impossible to say with certainty whom Augustine has followed in this story. But the probabilities are greatly in

figuli rota

nobile in DCD

illud
V. 3
(p.

commentum

de

of Ciceronian authority. See the note on this passage 193.32) in which it is pointed out that the Nigidius Figulus, about whom the story is related, was on very friendly terms
(p.

favor

with Cicero, had some correspondence with him and is chiefly mentioned in his works. A second argument which I think
points in the same direction is derived from the words i n quit, i n q u i t (p. 194.6 and 9) used parenthetically in relating the story. These words I take as referring still to the

same author, namely Cicero, who has been his authority in A third and still stronger argument in support of chap. 2. Ciceronian authority, may be advanced from a close examina
tion

of
2,

the

context.
i

chap.
It

note

a q u e

Chap. and
,

is

closely connected

with

it is still

on the same subject.

begins

illud
does

commentum
refer
?
:

Frustra itaque adfertur nobile

de figuli rota. To what
In support of what
is

adfertur

nobile

illud

Only one brought forward ? answer is possible it refers back to the astrologia treated of in the preceding chapter, in which chapter Cicero was the authority. From all this we conclude that he too is the.

commmentum

22

authority for this story in the beginning of chap. all the more likely because followed by the words
i

3,
i

which
i

is
t
,

n q u

mentioned already. These three arguments seem to point beyond doubt to Cicero as Augustine s authority here. Moreover if the narrative about Hippocrates and Posidonius
n q u
i

Stoicus in

DCD

V.

is

referred to the treatise

De
i

Fato, to

which

seems most natural to assign it, as Dambart and the 1 e 1 1 u d editors of Cicero do, then I have no doubt n o b
it
i

commentum
of the same.

de figuli rota
197.13) could

is

also a

fragment

lis

nonnulpraedicatur quod quidam sapiens horam elegit qua cum uxore concumberet, unde filium mirabilem gigneret
In

DCD

V.

5 (p.

illud

be a fragment of Cicero

what we

find
in

we

find

s De Fato ? It is a subject kindred to has taken from Cicero in chap. 2, and Augustine the case of the fratres (p.

quosdam

192.12) that Posidonius Stoicus said the position of the stars at the hour of conception had something to do with the subse

These considerations quent simultaneous suffering of twins. render it highly probable Cicero was the source, and that the
statement was found by Augustine
In
in

the

De

Fato.
s

DCD

V. 20

(p.

231.6) Cicero was evidently Augustine

mind when he wrote

boni humani
ubi

S.olentphilosophi qui finem in ipsa virtuteconstituunt

tabulam quandam verbis pingere voluptas in sella regali delicata quaedam regina considat, quasi eique virtutes famulae subiciantur.
From
Cic.

tabulae pudebit inquam, Cleanthes sane commode verbis quam depingere solebat. lubebat eos qui audiebant secum ipsos cogitare pictam in tabula voluptatem pulcherrimovestitu et ornatu regali in solio sedentem, praesto ese virtutes ut ancillulas
illius

De Finn te,

2.21.69

sq.

(as

Dombart

indicates)

23

quae nihil aliud agerent, nullum suum officium ducerent nisi ut voluptati ministrarent. For the subject-matter in general of BCD VIII. 2 and 3
it is likely that Augustine had a fair general knowledge of philosophy from what he learned of it in the schools of his day. But one of the literary sources of his knowledge of philosophy

in

general (excluding Neo-platonism, of course) was no doubt Cicero, not only in his works which are extant but in those no To this last longer extant, particularly the Hortensius.

named work we may attribute a large amount of his knowledge of philosophy, both because of the high appreciation he had of this work and because of what we know of its comprehen
sive scope.

In Conf.

3.

4.

Augustine writes u

iam discendi ordine perveneram in librum quemdam Ciceronis, cuius linguam fere omnes mirantur, pectus non ita. Sed liber ille ipsius exhortationem continet ad philosophiam et vocatur Hortensius. Ille vero liber mutavit affectum meum et ad teipsum, Domine, mutavit preces meas et vota ac desideria mea fecit alia; and again in De beata vita 1.4 postquam in schola rhetoris librum ilium Ciceronis qui Hortensius vocatur accepi, tanto amore philosophiae succensus sum ut statim ad earn me transferre meditarer. Cicero himself
tells

Nos autem universae philosophiae vituperatoribus respondimus in Hore n s o and ibid. 3. 3. 6 de universa philosophia quanto opere et expetenda esset et colenda, satis, ut arbitror, dictum est in Hortensio, also De Finn. 1.1.2. In such a
t
i
,

us of the scope of the Hortensius

compare Tusc. 2.2.4

book there must have been a great amount of information on and philosophy in general which Augustine made his own
;

24

that

it

contained

BCD
logue

III.

an

obscuratione
show that
this

philosophy we learn from in this dia 15 where Augustine says he found Romulus and the of account of the death solis. We point out these facts to

more

than

book ought

to be given a very high place

among

the sources of Augustine.

In

BCD
The

VIII.
s

been Augustine
Plato.

4 either Cicero or Apuleius may have source for the narrative of the travels of

division of

sapientia

into

a c

v a

and

was probably taught in the schools, but for a literary source Augustine had Cicero, as we learn from the Be Trin. 14.19.26 that he found the plativa in the end of the dialogue Hortensius and no doubt Cicero treated both of the a c t i v a and

contemplativa

contem
;

contem
m
o
r

plativa.
n a
t

Augustine
i

literary source

for the three-fold

division of the Platonic

philosophia
r

into

probably Cic. Acad. 1.5.19, though no doubt this was taught in the schools in the discussions on Platonism.
u
r

and

o n a

was

In

BCB

VIII.

Augustine probably had Cicero

in
c

while writing Compare Tusc. 1.24.57,

notiones quas appellant

Be Finn

mind lWat

3.6.21, Acad. 2.7.22, 2.10.30.

In VIII. 13 Cicero is again the authority in regard to Plato banishing the poets out of his state.

BCB

No doubt
d
i

too Augustine must have

remembered Cicero

in

perturbatio est enim quae Graece

c
i

Traflos

in

BCB

VIII.

17.

in

i6:Beum quidem summum om sic a Platone nium creatorem praedicari asseverat, quod ipse sit solus qui non possit sermonis humani quavis oratione vel modice c o n p re
BCB
IX.
.
. .

Perhaps he had also Cicero

in

mind along with Apuleius

.

h e n d

Compare

Cic.

N.B.

1.12.20.

25

In one place Augustine has followed

Cicero as against

Lactantius, namely., in

unde

N.D. which Lactantius denies

Perhaps
also in

BCD religentes, religio dicta perhibetur: compare 2.28.72 sunt dicti religiosi exreligendo,
X. 3 (p 406.16)

et

Div. Inst. 4.28.3.

sacrificium res d hoc quoque vocabulo vina est, ita id Latini veteres appellaverint Cicero
DCD
X. 6
i

ut

was in Augustine N.D. 3-18.47.

thoughts:

compare De Div. 2.10.25 and

3.

AULUS GELLIUS.
in

This author

is

mentioned only

one chapter

in

the

DCD,

quibus titulus namely IX. 4 (p. 372.9): scribit A. Gelest Noctium Atticarum lius, vir elegantissimi eloquii et m u tae ac facundae scientiae. In addition to
In libris
1

this place I have been unable to find evidence in the first ten books of the City of God which would prove that Augustine in these books had specifically followed Gellius, except in one

place,

tamen in suis litteris credunt Arionem Methymnaeum, nobilissimum citharistam, cum esset deiectus e navi exceptum delphini dorso not to et ad terras esse pervectum. It
DCD
I.

14,

qui

is

be supposed for an instant that Augustine took this story from Herodotus, nor could he have got the given details from Cicero s extant works, and we know of no lost work of Cicero
in

took

which the incident was given. it from Gellius.

4.

It

seems then that Augustine

JUSTINUS.
the the

in

Justinus is named only once in this place extracts are made from

DCD
first

(IV.

6),

and
his

book

of

epitome of the Historiae Philippicae of Trogus Pompeius. There is no other place, I can find, in the first ten books of
the City of

God which need be

assigned to Justinus.

26

5.

LABEO.

praesertim Labeo, quern huiusce modi rerum peritissimum praedicant, numina bona a numinibus malis ista etiam
cultus diversitate distinguat, ut malos deos propitiari caedibus et tristibus supplicationibus asserat, bonos autem obsequiis laetis atque iucundis, qualia sunt, ut ipse ait, ludi convivia lectis t e r n a (p. 66. i). This is referred to again in DCD III. 25 secundum Labeonis distinctionem: com pare also VIII. 13 (p. 340.34). In DCD II. 14 he tells us Labeo placed Plato among the s e m d e o s and s e m d e o s autem heroibus anteponit; sed utrosque
i

The Labeo to whom Augustine refers is M. Antistius The Labeo the younger, the son of M. Antistius Labeo. elder Labeo was a jurist and pupil of C. Trebatius Testa, The younger Labeo flourished in the Cicero s young friend. time of Augustine and was one of the two great jurists of This Labeo was that age the other being C. Ateius Capito. a very voluminous writer, and among other things wrote on Roman religion. No work of his is specified by Augustine and no direct citations given. He evidently wrote on theology and in this department was one of Augustine s sources. Augustine refers to him for a distinction between deities: cum

inter

conlocat. Perhaps through Labeo Augustine gained some knowledge of Plato. In DCD IX. 19 we are told that Labeo is one of those who perhib-

numina

eosdem
if

ent

angelos daemones nuncupant.

ab

aliis

dici
Doubtless

quos

ipsi

we had the

works of Labeo extant we should be able to find other traces of him used as a source by Augustine. See note p. 66.1.
6.

LIVY.

Augustine mentions or identifies Livy only twice in the DCD, II. 24 scribit Livius in connection with the civil wars of Sulla and Marius, and again in III. 7 u t
entire

27

scribit Livius

as authority for the survival of the shrine of Minerva amid the burning of Ilium by Fimbria; other wise he never comes nearer to indicating him than by such a

phrase as

alii

scriptores.

Yet Livy

is

one of his

primary sources.

But though Augustine only in the two places given above refers to Livy by name, we can prove that he was familiar with the narrative of Livy, and had him often in mind in his historical references, and sometimes very closely follows the words of Livy and twice at least gives a verbatim quotation.
In

BCD

I.

Syracuse by M.

Augustine narrates the capture Marcellus, and adds refertur

6

of

cam

prius flevisse ruituram et ante eius sanguinem suas illi lacrimas effudisse.
Of Augustine s authorities Livy alone records this, (25.24. n.) That Livy was Augustine s authority here we have still stronger ne quis corpus proof in the words (p. 11.5) which are taken verbatim from liberum violaret, Livy 25.25.7; and Livy is the only historian who mentions this
edict of Marcellus.

In the account of the taking of Tarentum by Fabius Maximus Cunctator Augustine has closely followed the narra
tive of Livy.

the

words
(p.

be clearly seen by a comparison of The former of Augustine with those of Livy.

This

will

Tarentinae urbis eversor, a simulacrorum depraedatio n e Nam cum ei se abstinuisse laudatur. scriba suggessisset quid de signis deorum quae multa capta fuerant fieri iuberet, continentiam suam etiam iocando condivit. Quaesivit enim cuius modi essent et cum ei non solum multa grandia verum etiam renuntiarentur armata: Relinquamus, inquit, Tarentinis deos iratos. Livy tells the same in the words: Sed maiore animo generis eius praeda abstinuit Fabius quam
writes

n.u)

Fabius,

28

Marcellus; qui interroganti scribae quid fieri signis vellet ingentis m a gdeos iratos Tarentinis nitudinis
relinqui iussit
(27. 16.8).

Here Livy speaks

is

of Fabius

view of the booty, and Livy alone b a, and s c r of Fabius to the

i

the authority for the reply in his work alone Augustine

could find the comparison of Marcellus and Fabius.

In DCD I. 15 for the details of Regulus death Augustine probably knew Cicero, as shown in the note on this passage, but in addition to Cicero he had the narrative of Livy in the

Probably if this book were extant eighteenth book now lost. find that he has followed closely the account of Livy, although he also knew Cicero s remark concerning the happi

we should

ness of Regulus on account of his virtues.

For the narrative of Lucretia (DCD I. 19) Augustine had two sources. He had heard the story treated as a theme for a rhetorical exercise (quidam declamans ait, DCD I. 19), from which he got the words m r a b e
at least
i i 1

dictu,duo fuerunt
a d

et

adulterium unus

to agree with

Livy

Also he knew the account of Livy, as he seems in mentioning only Collatinus and Brutus as
(Livy 1.58.)

present at the suicide of Lucretia.

In

was

23 Livy s lost one hundred and fourteenth book no doubt the authority for the opinion of Cato s friends in
I.

DCD

regard to his suicide and for his advice to his son

In DCD I. 30 and I. 31 Augustine s knowledge of Scipio Nasica pontifex maximus was derived from Livy who gives the details recorded in Augustine. The same Scipio is mentioned
in

DCD
a e n

II.

5.

Also
s c
i

in

the
i

account of the institution of the

I.

u d
1

(DCD

32) the words of Augustine,

bellicose et solis an tea ludis circensibus adsueto, seem to be an echo of those of Livy nova res bellicoso populo, nam circi modo spectaculum fuerat (7.2.3.).

p o p u

29
If such a general statement as non aliquot annos post Romam conditam abAtheniensibus mutuarentur heges Solonis

(DCD
may

II.

16) is to

be referred to a specific literary source we

in

find

such a source

Livy 3.31.8:

iussique Solonis describere.

Livy
to
is

Athenas

m ss inclitas
i

g a

leges

probably the primary source used

in

the reference

the activity of
rites;

Numa

Pompilius

in

establishing laws and

though Augustine does not speak enough in between Cicero and Livy here. Augustine begins DCD II. 17 with a remark taken from Sallust (whom he mentions) and then leaves Sallust and passes on to illustrate Sallust s words by examples taken from Livy. He first mentions the raptas Sabinas, the source of which is found in Livy i. 9. This might have been taken also from Cic. De Re pub. 2.7.12, and Augustine s language is too vague to resemble either; but it seems more likely that Livy is his source, as he is in the remainder of the chapter; though we shall find instances in which Augustine has made use of more than one authority in the same chapter. See DCD III. 9,
detail to enable us to decide
III.
15, III.

ceremonial

16, III.

19 with the notes.

Livy

2.2 is the source for the expulsion of

Lucius Tarqui-

nius Collatinus by Brutus, as also for the narrative of Camillus as given in the same chapter.

Livy
altero

is

the only authority, as

in

Kuhlman

points out (De

veterum historicorum
tertio

Augustini de civitate Dei libro primo

p.

vestigiis.

n), for
p.

absens

etiam

damnaretur.
It

has been proved in the note on

86.23 that Livy was

the source for the account of Marius in

Livy is mentioned by Augustine in the 24, and we cannot doubt that the source of the other incidents in DCD II. 24 and II. 25 is Livy. In the words quod illi quadraginta tres

DCD II. 23. beginning of DCD II.

anni in tarn longa pace transact! sunt regnante Numa (DCD III. 9) it is difficult

to say

whether Augustine is following Livy or Eutropius, or both, as both give the same number of years. Augustine has not confined himself to only one authority in this chapter, as
the words

we know from
found

triginta novem,

which

"he

in Cicero. lost fifty-ninth

The

book of Livy was the source for the

incident related in the opening lines of III. n. It is true that the same incident is referred to in Julius Obsequens 28, but Augustine has given details not found there, and which we

DCD

may

reasonably assign to the lost narrative of Livy.

in

Livy

may

have been included by Augustine

the

alii

scriptores

DCD Brut us consanguineus Tarquinii fuisse perhibetur; compare L. lunius Brutus, Tarquinia, sorore regis, natus (i. 56.7).

DCD III. 15 (p. 117.8) as Livy Florus and Eutropius speak of the tempest at the death of Romulus. In III. 16 Livy seems to have been the source for

It is worth noting that in DCD., III. 16 (p. 121.7) while Augustine has Eutropius before him, he corrects the error of that author in regard to the of Valerius from Livy 2.8.9.

praenomen

In III. 17 and III. 18 Augustine has followed the narrative and order of Livy for a conspectus of the disasters of Rome from the death of the consul Valerius to the end of

DCD

the first Punic war. For the details see the notes on this part. For some of the events referred to there is no extant authority,
it is shown in the notes that these may all be placed with good reason in the lost parts of Livy s work which covered this In these two chapters period. (17 and 18) I have not been been able to find any trace of the use of any other historian

but

but Livy. He alone was Augustine s authority, and we con clude from the manner in which he has followed the order of Livy s narrative that he had a copy of Livy before him for reference. This is not generally so in Augustine s use of Livy, as he seems to have found him too long and full to consult continuously often only having him in memory for his general
narrative.

Kuhlmann admits only Livy and Florus

in

as sources used

DCD III. 19 and does not think Augustine by Augustine here. With this I cannot agree. Kuhlmann used Eutropius cited above p. 12) Itaque enim in 1. says (work
20 19, componendis capitibus Livius Augustino praecipuus fuit auctor, praeter eum Florus adhibitus. This is
true as far as
it

Ill

goes.

But

have shown

in

the note

p.

129.

that the words

tres
in
is

modios anulorum aureoccur

orum Cathaginem misit

in the

verbatim

and
say,
"

same order

however, that this

Eutropius (Brev. 3.11). the only way of expressing

One might
in

Latin

he

sent three modii of gold rings to Carthage." Even supposing two different authors independently of each other, expressed the same thing by the same words in the same order, yet for

the amount of rings

authority.

sent

Eutropius seems to be the sole

says (p. Atque quod 7) tres modios anulorum, Augustinus Livius autem supra tres modios Carthaginem esse missos tradidit, minor mihi videtur discrepantia esse quam ut Augustinum ex Livio pendere ea

Kuhlmann

d e

written as

This might be so, if Livy had though even thus it seems to be more natural to suppose he is using Eutropius as his But Kuhlmann has omitted d m d u m before authority.

causa negetur.
Kuhlmann has

cited him;

supra tres
it

modios

in

Livy

23. 12.

i,

which renders
s

the more improbable that Livy was Augustine

if it

authority.
is

Augustine were following Livy here, would have taken notice of the
Again,

likely

he

tres
as
it is

purpose to minimise the disasters of Rome. On the contrary he gives details to show the greatness of the disasters and thus heighten the effect
s

even supra no means Augustine evidently by

or

modios

dimidium supra
tres

modios,

of his

own argument.
v
i

For example

in

this

chapter he uses

the words of Florus

similior victo fuerit

128. 19);

q u

(p.

and

in the battle of

ille Cannae he

32

says

the

slaughter was
in

so

great that

Hannibal

c a e d e
(p. 128.

satiatus parci iussisse perhibetur

not found
;

29, Livy) and so great was the want of soldiers adds a t s e r v after this defeat that to the (p. 129.9) he facinorum (p. 129.8 not found in Florus the reos A similar tendency may be noticed in the v e or Eutropius). no no (p. 130.10) and in the dubious addition of
i
i

nam

etiam suorum cadaveribus pasta perhibetur (p. 130.13).

to Livian authority here seems to me to ment of Livy immediately following

nonnullis
d

Another objection be found in the state

the
i

supra
Even

tres

was nearer the truth

if

Fama tenuit, quae provero est, haut plusfuisse modio.. pior

;

modios,

to the effect that

one

m d u m modi us
i
i

hardly that the smaller

in justice

Augustine wished to give the higher number, he could have passed over this express declaration

number was nearer the

III. 19

truth.

Augustine no longer adheres to the whom he in some follows for the second Punic war. His use of respects closely Florus here will be noticed in its place. Once also he has adopted the account and followed the words of Eutropius. Yet Augustine proves from his own account that, though he has called to his service Florus and Eutropius in chapter 19, he was acquainted with Livy s history of the second Punic war. He supplemented or corrected Florus whom he had before him from his recollection of the account of Livy. The following words deserve note: D enique tanta militum
in

Thus

DCD

work

of Livy alone, but passes over to Florus

inopia secuta est ut Romani reos fa cinorum proposita inpunitate colligerent, servitia libertate donarent... Servis...arma defuerunt. Detractasunt t e m p Here Augustine follows Florus (Epit. 1.22.23)
1 i

s.

as far as the words are concerned, but Livy for the matter. He had the narrative of Livy in his mind and that of Florus before
his eyes.

He

unites both, giving the preference to Livy.

33

In the next chapter

(III. 20)

from Florus and returned

to

Livy.

Augustine has departed more In the words m s s

i i

legati ad

Hannibalem Carthaginem pergunt

(p.

Contempt!
he has followed Livy who
Florus gives only a single

gives the double embassy (21.9.3).

mission (Epit. 1.22.7).

octavo
of contact

mense quam coeptum oppugnari captum Saguntum quidam scripsere. Another point
between Augustine s narrative and that of Livy has been pointed out by Kuhlmann (De veterum historicorum in Augustini de civitate Dei libro primo altero tertio vestigiis p. 12) namely, that both Augustine and Livy call Saguntum

130.10).

Livy again was his only authority for See Livy 21.15.3

octavo

civitas
Livy 21.7.2).
In

opulentissima
III.

(Augustine

p.

130.8,

Augustine returns to Livy as his sole authority. opens the chapter with a notice of Sallust s statement about the morality and peace of Rome between the second and third Punic wars. But for the historical facts there is no trace of any other historian except Livy, to whom he
21

DCD

He

has adhered closely, even quoting his words.

Compare n

illius urbis captus desiderio and n e saltern mortuo in ingrata patria funus
f
i

e r e

with Livy 38.53.8:

sine desiderio urbis

in

and
f
i

ne
t
.

funus
There
is

sibi

ingrata

patria

e r e

also a striking

resemblance between the

words of Augustine

in this

Romam

chapter:

omni

hoste

Tune enim primum lecti aerati

inductae

Asiatica luxuria peior inrepsit.

et pre-

tiosa stragula visa perhibentur; tune

in convivia psaltriae et alia licentiosa nequitia, and those of Livy L u xuriae enim peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico invecta in urbem est. li primum lectos aeratos, vestem et stragulam, pretiosam, plagulas alia textilia et, quae turn magnificae
:

34

suppellectilis habebantur, monopodia

et

abacos
s

Romam advexerunt.
et
1

Tune

psaltriae sambucistriaeque valia alia ludorum o b e c t a m e n t a

e p u
1 i

conviaddita

The
to Livy.

(Livy 39.6.7.). reference to the massacre of

Romans by

the order of

Mithridates

DCD

III. 22 is too

vague

to assign with certainty

DCD
of Livy.

III. 24 is to

be referred to the lost sixty-first book Florus cannot be the authority, as there are details

given which are wanting in that author, namely L. milia t r i a . .

.

Op m
i

hominum occidisse

per-

haec enim pactio caedem praecesserat, and occisus est cum libris Marcus Fulvius consularis.
h
i

b e

and

To
note
p.

the

same

lost

book

of Livy

we must
of

refer theIII.

a e d e
25.

Concordiae
136. 25.

facta

est

DCD
p.

See

Perhaps, as pointed out in the note on

138.9, the

paucissimis, hoc est minus quam septuaginta, gladiatoribus of DCD III. 26 is to

be referred to the lost ninety-fifth book of Livy.
fatal objection to this that Epit. 95 It is

not a

gives

quattuor
in

et

septuaginta.
Kuhlmann (De veterum historicorum
civitate Dei libro

Augustini
19)
s

primo altero tertio vestigiis, p. refer to Livy the differences between Augustine DCD III. 27 and that of Florus, viz.

de would also

narrative in

Baebiuset

Nu-

mitorius unco tracti sparsis visceribus interirent and In ipsius autem Marii oculis continue feriebantur, quibus salutantibus dexteram porrigere noluisset. Perhaps these differences do neces
sitate the introduction of

would be Livy.
Florus.

This passage

another authority, which, of course, is more fully treated under

35

Livy
as

is

shown

in

also the authority for the prodigies of the notes.

DCD

III. 31

In DCD IV. 20, for Mucius, Curtius and the Decii, Livy must be posited as the source, as Eutropius does not give these details, and Florus does not mention Curtius, while Livy gives them all.

impossible in DCD IV. 23 to say whether Augustine deae (Felicitati) post tot Romanes principes Lucullus aedem constituit
It is

got

in Varro, or in the lost forty-eighth

book

of Livy, the epitome

of
his

which

tells of

Lucullus imprisonment by the tribunes and

in Spain.

subsequent campaigns
In

DCD

V.

18 Augustine

has followed

three different

Livy, Florus and Eutropius, though Kuhlmann cited above p. 6) admits only Livy, and Eutropius: for (work the use of Florus here see note p. 227. 5. In the first part of
authorities

the chapter Livy

is

the authority for the death of the sons of

Brutus by their father s order, also that of Torquatus son, for Furius Camillus, Mucius, Curtius and Marcus Pulvillus. In

connection

with the

last

Augustine writes

d e d

c a n s

aedem lovis lunonis Minervae (p. 226. and Livy lovis aedes (2.8.6), and Kuhlmann 10) remarks (work cited above p. 6) that Augustine ex sua rerum cognitione Livi verbis lovis aedes addit lunonis Minervae, nam lovis templum ex dextra et sinistra parte lunonis et Minervae cellam habuisse nulli illorum temporum viro docto non notum erat. This seems to be the
last use of

Livy as an authority by Augustine in the first ten books of the City of God. There is, so far as I know, no pas sage in books VI, VII, VIII, IX or X in which there is any
trace of

source

is

Thus the employment of this author as a Livy. limited to the first of the two sections (I-V and VIfirst

X), of the

part of the

DCD

(1-X).

36
7.

PLATO.

mentioned often by Augustine, for which Little need be said about Plato as a see Dombart s index. s knowl source, for it will be shown in the thesis on Augustine
This author
is

edge of Greek that he did not know Plato in the original. His knowledge of Plato was gained from the philosophic dis cussions in the schools of his day and especially from NeoHe had some Latin versions of parts of Plato s platonism.
writings, such as those

made by

Cicero.

general and those of Apuleius added to In reading the City of God his store of knowledge of Plato.

Cicero

works

in

we

very limited use of Plato, though Augustine The references (always in Latin highly of him. speaks as are not frequent nor specially significant, versions) are either commonplaces or mere inferences, or they usually
find after all a

or Apuleius. Possibly specific, come entirely through Cicero he got some knowledge of Plato from the D e P h i 1 osophia of Varro which he knew (BCD XIX 1-3).
if

8.

PLINIUS.

XV.
to

serpentibus, etiam deposita tunica senectutem ponere atque in iuventam re dire

h
i

XV. 9, Pliny the elder is mentioned by name in the but in the first ten books the only use of Pliny seems 12; be VIII. 15 (p. 343. 18) qui
dep e
r-

BCD

e n

r,

if

indeed
a

it

is

necessary

to

find

literary

source for so

common

phenomenon which Augustine must

See note on
p.

have observed for himself.

9.

343. 18.

PLOTINUS.

Augustine
the

BCB

as in

out by others, references to

relation to Plotinus, which is not so marked in some other works, has been sufficiently worked especially by Grandgeorge and Loesche. All the
s

Plotinus

occurring

in

the

BCB

are given by
to
in

Bombart, except in X. 2 which I have supplied. See note p. 404. 18. Perhaps Augustine had Plotinus in mind also

BCB

V.

ii.

See note

p.

210.31.

37

10.

POMPONIUS.
is

A
ait

certain

Pomponius

mentioned

in

DCD

IV.

16:

ut

Pomponius,

in

connection with the explanation

of the deity Murcia.

this was,

It is

impossible to say which Pomponius

but

and probably Augustine did not know him at first hand, found him mentioned in the work of Varro treating

of Murcia.

11.

PORPHYRY.

no doubt that Porphyry is one of the NeoAugustine informs us in his Confessions he platonists read through the Latin version of Victorinus. Porphyry is the chief literary source for the loth book of the DCD. Augustine But in book mentions him in DCD VII. 25 and in VIII. 12.

There

is

whom

X
10,

there

is frequent and extensive use of him; see X. 9, X. X. n, X. 19, X. 21, X. 23, X. 24, X. 26, X. 28, X 29,

X. 30, X. 32.
is

Porphyry
in

mentioned

a n

regressu scripsit m a e X. 29: quos de regressu animae scripsit and X. 32. The fragments or these found in this
the
i

n cum Aegyptium;
X.
:

epistula ad Anebontem
ad

Anebontem

de

part of Augustine are collected in my notes on this book, and in the case of the De regressu animae, I think for the first time. In addition to these works of Porphyry we have evidence in

DCD
In

VII

25 and from Euseb. Praep. Evang.

s irepl dyaA^arcov.

3.

n that Augus

tine also used

DCD

X. 21

p. 306. 23. Porphyry we have reason to believe from the evidence of

See note

Euseb.

Praep.

deumvel geniumnon venire

nisi

Evang.

4.

23 that the

dicit
in

bonum hominem
is

malus
of

fuerit
ircpl TT?S IK

ante

placatus
a

fragment AoyiW Augustine mentions under its Greek title and gives large extracts from a Latin version in DCD XIX. To this same 23. source Wolff (Porphyrii de philosophia ex oraculis haurienda librorum reliquiae, p. 146) would also refer the fragment in
<iA.o<ro</>ias

the

work which

38

BCD
Christ

X. 26

(p.

442. 14).

Perhaps the literary source of

X.
27.
p.

ipse

scribis

(DCD

444.

32)

in

regard to

Hunc autem Christum esse non credis; contemnis enim eum propter corpus ex femina acceptum et propter crucis opprobrium (DCD X. 28).
12.

s being acknowledged as divine by the oracles of the heathen may have been the Kara ^pio-riai/wi of Porpyhry also
:

SALLUST.

Sallust
in

the days

was the standard historian taught in the schools of Augustine, compare DCD III. 17: n e q u e

enim gravius vel graviora dicimus auctoribus eorum et stilo et otio multum impares; quibus tamen ediscendis et ipsi elaboraverunt et filios suos elaborare compellunt. Qui autem suscensent, quando me ferrent, si ego dicerem quod Sallustius ait? Augustine s
as an authority presents no difficulty His pessimistic description of the times of which he wrote and his severe censures on the depraved morals of Rome before the introduction of Christianity rendered him a use ful instrument for Augustine to turn against his own country

use

of

Sallust

whatever.

men. Augustine nowhere mentions the historian Tacitus, though it is hard to see how he could have failed to know about him. But Tacitus work was not so well adapted to
his purpose, as the gloomy pictures painted by Tacitus It is belong to times after the introduction of Christianity. strange that Augustine, though he has not made so extensive a use of Sallust as of Livy, mentions the former nearly always by name and quotes him verbatim, while he only twice refers

to Livy by name, and only twice seems to use the exact words of Livy. The reason of this is probably to be found in the fact that the works of Livy were too large and cumbrous for

continuous use.

Kuhlmann (work

cited

above

p. 2)

has tabu-

39
lated the instances of Augustine s use of Sallust s Catiline and Histories. Augustine shows no trace of any use of the Jugurtha.
13.

SENECA
is

Lucius Annaeus Seneca

in the

twice mentioned
verses
are
cited

DCD.
reference

In

V.

five

by name from Ep.

Augustine

107

given
:

by

Dombart.

Here
Again
in

quotes

from
ii

memory

Annaei Senecae
versus.
eo
is

sunt,
VI.
10

nisi
aud VI.

fallor,

hi

Augustine quotes from

libro
(p.

quern
267.9).

contra superstitiones condidit

Apart from these two references there
elsewhere
in the entire

no use of Seneca

DCD.

14.

TERTULLIAN

With the writings and views of his fellow-countryman He mentions him in Ep. 190. 4. 14, Augustine was familar. De Haeres. 86, Contra adversarium legis et prophetarum 2. 9. 32, De Genesi ad lit. 25 and 26. De bono viduitatis 4. 6 5. 7,
;

De anima

et

eius origine

2.

5.

9.
:

In the
i,

DCD

Augustine

viz in VII quod faceTertullianus fortasse quam v e r u s S dii eliguntur ut bulbi utique ceteri reprobi iudicantur. Outside this

mentions him by name only once

tius

ait
:

there

is

nothing from Tertullian

in

the

DCD.

DCD II. 3 for the vulgare proverbium: Pluvia defit causa Christiani sunt
In
it is

true the nearest approach is in Tertullian, (see note p. 55. 33,) but it is not likely that for the above words Augustine had
in

mind any

specific literary source

no doubt he had heard

we would infer from vulgare pro verbium. Nor is Tertullian required as the source of C a e e s t v r g n in Augustine s knowledge for DCD II. 4 (p. 57. n). Yet he is of service to us here as we
the expression, as
1

learn from

him that this deity was peculiarly African, hence the African Augustine would naturally be acquainted with the rites
of the

Caelestis virgo.

40
i5.

VARRO

The
literary

writings

of

source

for

the

Marcus Terentius Varro are the main fourth, sixth and seventh books.
particularly for Roman mythological relations of the gods and

Augustine
religion,

used

him

the classes

names and

goddesses to one another, their individual functions, their re spective rites and their acts of shame. Sometimes, but not fre In IV. 23 quently, he employs him for Roman history.

DCD

Francken has shown that Varro was Augustine s authority for the story of the refusal of the three gods Mars, Terminus, and luventas to give place to Jupiter when Tarquinius was building Here in opposition to Livy and other authorities the Capitol.
Jupiter
is

represented as encountering three-fold opposition.

Francken (Fragmenta M. Ter. Varronis quae inveniuntur in libris S. Augustmi de civitate Dei. Lugduni-Batavorum 1836), Krahner (Varronis Curio de Cultu Deorum. Neobrandenburg, 1851), Luttgert (Theologumena Varroniana a S. Augustino in iudicium vocata. Sorau, 1859), Schwarz (De Varronis apud sanctos patres vestigiis. Supplementband 16
;

In Jahrbucher fur classische Philologie. p. 407-499) and Agahd Leipzig, 1888. In

(Quaestiones
Philologie.

Varronianae.

Jahrbucher

fur

classische

Supplementband 24; Leipzig, 1898, p. 5-220 and have so carefully collected and fully annotated the 367-368) fragments of Varro taken from the City of God, that little more can be said. The work of these scholars is of very different merit. That of Luttgert is of little or no conse
quence,

piis
,

bus sua
de
t

magis quam doctis hominiprogrammata conscripsisse vi

as Schwarz says (work given above, p. 438), and Krahner comes next in unimportance. Francken s work is superior to both of these: and Schwarz and Agahd are the most recent and complete authorities. To the work of these editors of the fragments of Varro I would however add the following In DCD IV. 10 (p. 159.
u r

that

of

Cui etiam Phoenices d o num dabant de prostitutione filiarum antequam eas iungerent viris. Varro is ad20) Augustine writes
-

mittedely Augustine s authority throughout this chapter and the succeeding. This raises a presumption in favor of Varronian

source for the above cited words.

Moreover,

when Varro

was treating of Venus what would be more natural for him than to add the piece of information about the practices of It is all the more likely the Phoenicians in regard to Venus ?
that Varro gave this detail about Venus when VII. 19 some such details concerning the

DCD

we P
a

learn from

o e n

and
a

Galli

in their

worship of Saturnus:

dicit

dam pueros
Poenis, sicut a
a
1

quibussi

ei

solitos

immolari

cut

et a quibusdam etiammaiores Galli s: and in DCD VII. 35, Quod genus

.

divinationis idem Varro a Persis dicit In DCD IV. 31 (p. 186. 24) Varro evidently a u m
1

knew something

of the customs of Jewish worship, because there he adduces the example of the Jews to prove the truth of his assertion that if the custom of the ancient Romans, of

worshipping the gods sine simulacro, had remained, such worship would have continued purer. In DCD VII. 28

Hinc etiam Samothracum nobilia mysteria in superiore libro sic interprea t u r showing Varro knew the mysteriaof the
Samothracians.

The sum

of the probabilities

is

therefore as follows:

Varro is admittedly the sole source of all traceable (1) information about deities given in this chapter. It is natural that Varro should write this passage as (2) an illustration of the worship of Venus in a non-Roman cult, just as it was his habit to give analogous illustrations for the
worship of the deities in non-Roman cults, as shown above. There is no other source used by Augustine in the (3)

DCD, or elsewhere, so far as I know, where this particular information could have been found.
B.

SOURCES NOT MENTIONED BY AUGUSTINE.

In addition to the authors whom Augustine mentions as having been used by him there are some others used by him

42

whose names he passes over in silence. Some of these we are able to detect by the language or matter which Augustine has borrowed from them.
i.

FLORUS.
r

Florus with whom he w as quite is uses Florus as a historical source, either alone He familiar. as a principal source, or as coordinate or subordinate to Livy, Eutropius and Cicero.
Chief

among such

Compare

the words in

BCD

III. 19

similior victo
i

fuerit ille qui vie it with Florus Epit. i. 22. similior victo sit populus ille qui vicit: and the words preceding this quotation, qui non tarn narrare bella Romana quam Romanum

imperium laudare instituerunt,

are intended to describe the

evidently
a
r

work

of Florus.

Compare

defuerunt;

detracta
i.

sunt
Thus

129. 12) with Florus Epit.

22. 23

arma non erant:

a comparison of

templis

(p.

detracta sunt templis.

In the account of Hannibal

the language of both authors proves to us that Augustine had the very words of Florus before him here.
s

command

to

show mercy

at

Cannae, where Augustine writes

t

tanta inimicorum caede satiatus parci iussisse perhibeu r

he has followed Florus (Epit.

i.

22. 17)

who

is

the only

authority for this statement:

itaque duo maximi

exercitus caesi ad hostium satietatem donee Hannibal diceret militi suo parce
f

e r r o

Again in DCD III. 14 compare utriusque comminutio civitatis tergeminis hinc atque inde fratribus with Florus Epit. 3. utrique comminuerentur tregemenis hinc atque inde fratribus. This seems evi
i.

i.

dence enough that Augustine followed Florus for the between the Horatii and the Curiatii.

fight

43

But the indebtedness of Augustine to Florus

is

not confined

to isolated expressions or short quotations, as will

be seen by
2. 9.

comparing

DCD

III. 27 (p. 139. 17)

:

with Florus Epit.

14.

caput Octavii consulis rostris, Caesares a Fimponeretur bria domibus trucidarentur suis, duo Crassi pater et filius in conspectu mutuo mactarentur, Baebius et Numitorius unco tracti sparsis visceribus interirent, Catulus hausto veneno se manibus inimicorum subtraheret, Merula flamen Dialis praecisis venis lovi etiam suo sanguine litaret. In ipsius autem Marii oculis continuo feriebantur quibus salutantibus dexteram porrigere noluisset. The latter (in Rossbach s text) Octavi consulis caput pro rostris exponitur, Antoni consularis in Mari ipsius men sis. Caesar et Fimbria in penatibus domorum s u
The former reads
in
:

et Numitorium per medium forum unci traxere carnificum. Catulus se ignis haustu ludibrio hostium exemit. Merula flame Dialis in Capitolio lovis oculos venarum cruore r e ipsius spersit. Ancharius ipso vidente Mario confossus est quia fatalem ill am sci licet manum non porrexerat salutanti.

arum trucidantur, Crassi pater et in mutuo alter alterius aspectu.

filius B a e -

bium

ri

One cannot doubt

that

Augustine

had

Florus as

his

authority here, though he differs from him in omitting the death of Antonius, but still more in the last part where Augus
tine has

to death

heightened the effect by^stating that those were put (feriebantur), whose salutation Marius was

unwilling to grace by stretching out his right hand.

On

the

contrary his authority records here only the death of one such, Ancharius, and that because he had not reached out his hand
at

Marius salutation.

Kuhlmann is perhaps right in suggesting that the diffe rences between Augustine and Florus demand the use of another The points of difference pointed out by Kuhlmann historian.

Baebius et Numitorius sparsis visceribus interirent, and that already men

are

two

tioned about Ancharius.

Kuhlmann

says of these (work cited

above

p.

19)

lecto addidisse.

Augustinus ex iis quae Livio memoria teneret mihi videtur

He
does not take notice of Augustine
s

omission of the death of Antonius.

Florus seems to have been

Augustine

authority also in

DCD III. 28. Compare especially obsesso etiam senatu de ipsa curia tamquam de carcere producebantur ad gladium with Florus Epit. 2. 9. 20; obsessaque curia sic de senatu quasi de carcere qui iugularentur educti. Augustine s point of view as well as
words here so strongly resemble those must suppose he had Florus in mind.
his

of Florus that

we

that the words donee Sullae sinendos esse aliquos v suggeretur vere ut essent quibus possent imperare qui vicerant are a reproduction of Horus donee admonente Fufidio v Epit. 9. 25 vere aliquos debere ut essent quibus imperarent? The account of the tabula ilia

Who

will

doubt

2.

(p.

140.

27)

and

d u o

(p.

140.

30)

is

evidently

taken from this same place.

We
Epit.

2.

see also from a comparison of p. 141, 3-10 with Florus 9. 26-28 that the former was written from the latter:

manus diripuerunt, inmani us homines hominem vivum, quam bestiae solent

Quendam

enim sine ferro laniantium

45

discerpere cadaver abiectum. Alius oculis effossis et particulatim membris amputatis in tantis cruciatibus diu vivere vel potius diu mori coactus est. Subhastatae sunt etiam, tamquam villae, quaedam nobiles civitates; una vero velut unus reus duci iuberetur sic tota iussa est trudicari (Augustine). Baebium sine ferro ritu ferarum inter manus lancinatum, Marium, ducis ipsius fratrem, apud Catuli sepulchrum oculis effosis, manibus cruribusque effractis servatum aliquandiu ut per singula membra moreretur. Possis singulorum hominum ferre poenas; municipia Italiae splendidissima sub h-asta venierunt: Spoletium Tnteramnium Praeneste Florentia. Nam Sulmonem vetus oppidum socium atque amicum facinus indignum non expugnat aut obsidet iure belli; sed quo modo morte d a m nati duci iubentur, sic damnatam civitatem iussit Sulla deleri. (Florus) We thus see how closely Augustine has followed the
language and the sentiment of Florus. Only Augustine
is

more

general and indefinite, omitting the names of the victimised persons and .cities (giving general words instead, like q u e n -

dam,
As

alius,
will

quaedam civitates,
p.

una)

Florus being more specific.

be seen from the note on

in

227. 5

Augustine had

addition to Eutropius in the account of Quintius Cincinnatus, BCD V. 18. V. 22 Eutropius is the authority used by Augus yet in this chapter he has either made a slip about the numbers given by Eutropius or has consciously set him aside
In

evidently Florus before him

BCD

tine,

and taken Florus Epit.

i.

21.

for the sta.tem.ent

b e

Punicum secundum cem et octo Rom anas

(p.

per annos d e vires extenuavit

-

234. 13).

Augustine probably included Florus

in

the

alii

scrip-

tores eorum

defection! solis addunt etiam subitam tempestatem, BCD III. 15 and perhaps also de manubiis Capito(p. 117. 8); e m a b r c a n u m (p. 118. 8) is taken from Florus de manubiis captarum urbium i. 7) (Epit.
i

i.

templum erexit:
In

compare however Livy

i.

55. 7.

BCD BCB

III.

20

Florus has

been used as a secondary

authority

when Augustine writes octavo vel nono a Poenis mense deleta est. See note p. 130. 10.
In
IV.
5

Florus (Epit
writing

2.

8.

3)

is

perhaps Augus

paucissimi gladiatores in Campania de ludo fugientes tres duces habuerunt. This is all the
tine s

authority

for

more

likely

if

Florus

is

of the events of

Roman

Augustine s authority for the epitome history found in BCB III. 26.

All these ascertainable uses of Florus

found

in the third, fourth

2.

and

fifth

by Augustine are books of the City of God.

EUTROPIUS.

That the work of this epitomiser was well known to Augus we have abundant evidence. Eutropius is used much as Florus is, but somewhat more as an independent source, even to the extent of preferring some of his statements to those both of Livy and Florus. For similarity of language between the two authors com pare BCB. III. 15 in oppido Tusculo
tine

Romae

vicino quattuordecim, ut fertur, annos privatam vitam quietus habuit etcum uxore consenuit, which is almost a quotation from Eutropius (Brev. i. n): Tusculum se contulit quae civitas non longe ab urbe est, atque
per

ibi

quattuordecim
o

annos privatus
In addition to the verbal

cum uxore

onsen

u it.

47

relationship between these

also Augustine
s

two extracts, Eutropius has been only authority for two statements given
:

quattuordecim
consenuit.
Specially noteworthy V. 18 (p. 226.21)

annos
is

and

cum

uxore
BCD

the rememblance between

quoniam sicut Romanis eum

tenere volentibus respondisse fertur, postea quam Afris servierat, dignita tem illichonesti civis haberenon posset, and Eutropius (Brev. 2.25) offerentibus Romanis ut eum Romae tenerent, negavit se in ea urbe mansurum, in qua postquam Afris honesti civis servierat, dignitatem habere non posset. Augustine had Eutropius before
his eyes while writing this passage.

As Eutropius has been Augustine

half of

authority in the latter

alii

DCD III. 15, so scriptores

no doubt he includes him among the For the manner of the 117.8). (p.

Numa Pompilius, Ancus Marcius, Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius in this same chapter the authority
death of
is

also Eutropius.

sition to better sources in the

Augustine has also chosen to follow this epitome in oppo statement of the duration of the

Rome p er ducentos kingship at quadraginta tres annnos (p.

ferme
119. 8),

et

though

Eutropius (Brev. i.8.3)does not give anything corresponding to

ferme

of Augustine.

authority may be traced in the list of consuls of the year subsequent to the expulsion of the kings, III. 16, though Augustine has here corrected the praenomen of

The same

DCD

Valerius

given
u
s

u b

Lucius by Eutropius Brev. i. on the authority of Livy (2. 8. 9), while

9.

to

in

DCD

V.i8 he has preserved the error of Eutropius. I have already shown (p. 31), as opposed to the view of Kuhlmann, that I do not regard tres modios anu-

lorum aureorum Carthaginem misit (DCD

III. 19) as a

mere accident, and written independently

of Eutro-

48
plus; and that Augustine has not merely reproduced the of Eutropius, but has followed him as sole authority for

words
t r

e s

o d

s.

Eutropius seems to have been IV. 29.

the source

also

af

DCD

no doubt whatever about the authority for the DCD V. 18. The remarkable similarity of part here between Eutropius (Brev. 2. 25) and Augustine language

There

is

latter

of

(p. 226. 21)

of the

cannot be explained otherwise than as a clear case dependence of Augustine on Eutropius.

similarity of language, but
is

More evidence, not from

agreement
(p.
1 1.

from
a
1

in subject

matter,

found

in the

words L

e-

rium qui
227.2).
4)

in suo defunctusest consulatu Here Augustine has followed Eutropius (Brev. i.

in two mistakes, first, giving for the praeValerius, second, by making Valerius die during his consulship, both of which are in direct contradiction to Livy.

even

Lucius

nomenof

Another
Eutropius b e (i.e.
i

instance

of
is

in e
1
1

an
o

error

Augustine having thus followed found in DCD V. 22: q u n t u s

i

Italic

o)

annus finem

dedit.

See note

p.

234.13.

Again, for the

r e

promissa etiamquartaparte

of Pyrrhus to Fabricius 227. 12) (p. was Augustine s only authority, unless this occurred Eutropius in the lost thirteenth book of Livy. He has also had Eutro before him for DCD V. 22, as will be seen from the notes pius
i

g n

the

offer

on

p.

234.

It will

be seen from the above brief treatment of Eutro

is

pius that

Kuhlmann

not correct

when he

p. 19): Praecipue trium veterum historicorum vestigia in Augustini de civitate Dei libroprimo altero tertio cognoscuntur: C. Sallustii Crispi, Titi Livi, luliFlor omitting Eutropius, and again (on p. Uno tantum loco alterain c. 20.) 3. 15 parte conscribenda, ubi quomodo reges

writes (work cited

above

1.

49

Roman! mortui sint brevissime complectendum erat, Eutropius videtur Augustino ob oculos fuisse; itemque sub finem
c.

18

DCD
S

1.

huius scriptoris vestigia

OF

secutus
AUGUSTINE

est.

METHOD

EMPLOYMENT OF

LIVY, FLORUS

AND

EUTROPIUS.
In regard to Augustine s manner of employment of Livy, -For Florus and Eutropius a few words more may be said. lists and epitomes of events of Roman history, and for ac

counts of distinguished Romans, he seems to have employed Florus and Eutropius whenever they gave the information which he required, evidently because their works were briefer

and more handy for such reference than the long and detailed He shows, however, such an extensive account of Livy. of Livy s history that we may not doubt that, even knowledge in such cases, he knew the account of Livy, which he did not When the information Augustine sought was always follow. not to be found in Florus or Eutropius, or found in them in complete or otherwise not suited to his purpose, he had re
course to Livy.

what has been said we may observe that Florus was used DCD JII. 14 for the account of the mutual of Romans and Albans, the fight of the Horatii and slaughter Curiatii, and for the death of the sister of the surviving Horatius. Perhaps also the list in DCD III. 26 is from Florus, although the details given at the end of the chapter do not seem to be taken from Florus. We have shown already that
of
in

As examples

the

list

of the victims of the

victoria Mariana

in

DCD

III. 27

has been taken from Florus, as also the events

extensively has Eutropius been employed III. 15 for the man

given in III. 28.

Somewhat more

for such recapitulations; compare ner of the deaths of the kings: III. 16

DCD
(

a d

for

the

consuls

of

the

year

qui

consules

quinque

50

h a b u
of the

perhaps also for the alterations in the boundary state in the times of Hannibal, Hadrian and lulianus respectively (BCD IV. 29). Certain examples are found in DCD V. 18 where Eutroi

Roman

pius has been

employed

for the accounts there given of

Regu-

lus, Z. Valerius, Quintius Cincinnatus and Fabricius; and in V. 22 for the enumeration of the different wars and their

DCD

respective periods of duration. Livy has been put the same service

when Florus and

Eutropius did not give the needed or suitable information, e. g. in I. 23 what is related of Cato Uticensis, Torqua-

DCD

and Caesar was evidently taken from a portion of Livy now lost. Livy was employed for the events given in DCD II. 17, the details of which are not given by the other writers, and for the list of prodigies in II. 24 and II. 25, not found in Florus
tus

or Eutropius.

The most conspicuous

in

DCD

III. 17

and

III.

18

use of Livy in such a case is found has been (p. 123-128); where he

and conspectus of events of from the death of the consul Valerius until history the beginning of the second Punic war, also in chapter 19 and 20 along with other authorities and in chapter 21 as the authority for the list of events; and again in DCD III. 24 and III. 31 and in DCD IV. 20 for the bravery of Mucius, Curtius and the Decii father and son.

employed

for the long review

Roman

3.

LACTANTIUS.
in

Lactantius
I

is

mentioned by name

DCD

XVIII.

23,

and

think there are three traces of a use of his writings in the first ten books of the City of God. For example, for the state

ment made

in

DCD

IX. i:

ita

ut
(Div.

a b

Homero fateantur daemonem

Lactantius
:

ipsum lovem
Inst.
4.

nuncupatum,
must be the source
i

27.

15)

credant Homero qui summum ilium lovem daemonibus adgreg a v

t
.

In addition to the difficulty as to whether this

is

really

found

in

language

ab

Homero fateantur

Homer, except by

implication, Augustine s does not seem to

mean
meant

If Augustine had that he got it from Homer himself. to imply direct Homeric authority or even the indirect

authority of a Latin version,

Homerus
In

(ipse) fateatur
IX.
20

he would naturally have written or some such ex

pression.

DCD

Daemones
scientia

tur

ab

enim dicunnominati
2.

is
-

mones autem grammatici dictos aiunt id est peritos ac rerum quasi

Sarj/xova?,

perhaps taken from Lactantius (Div. Inst.

14. 6)

d a e

s.

The words

alios

damnabiles
appellat

quos
(DCD
X.

et
9)

maleficos
Inst.
2.

vulgus
et
ii

bear so striking a resemblance to those of Lactantius (Div.

16.

4)

quos
that
it

vere

maleficos

vulgus appellat
have had
in
4.

would seem Augustine must

mind Lactantius

at this place.

JUVENAL.
in

Juvenal

is

not mentioned

by Augustine, but in Ep. 138. 3. him. The words perfrui

23) in connection with the

16

the City of God or elsewhere some verses are quoted from

diis

iratis
in

(DCD

II.

name Marius seem

to give a strong

presumption that here Augustine had fruitur dis Juvenal (Sat i. 49) another Marius. See note p. 85. 23.
In addition to
all

mind the words

of

iratis

used of

these authorities given, Augustine had

no doubt others

whom we

cannot certainly identify, especially

writers of chronology; ter a e and qui

as

aliae
IV.
6).

fideliores

lit

chronicam historian!

per-

secuti sunt

(DCD

Another literary source used by Augustine was the letter of Alexander the Great to his mother Olympias. This is treated of in the note on p. 327. 25.

CONSPECTUS
SHOWING ALL THE LITERARY SOURCES
(Except the Bible)

FOR THE FIRST TEN BOOKS OF THE DC

Civitate Dei.

BOOK
PREFACE.
Virgil once cited.

I.

CHAPTER
i

None.
Incidental use of Virgil, Horace, Cicero (or Ennius).
Sallust only.

2-4
5

7-11
12
T

Livy almost entirely Virgil once used incidentally. None. Slight use of Lucan, and Cicero (?) None. Aulus Gellius used once. Livy and Cicero. None. Livy and Virgil None.
Cicero.
chiefly Livy.

14
15
1

6- 18

19

20-21
22

23-24 25-29
30-33
34

Livy only. None.

Livy only.

Unknown
.

an error.

35-36

None.
first

Livy is thus the chief literary source for the book.

S3

BOOK
CHAPTER
1-4
5

II.

None.
Livy. Persius, and perhaps an F u g a 1 i a ).

unknown source

(for

Persius and Terence

both incidental.

8
9
T

None.
o

Cicero only. None.

Cicero and Labeo.
Cicero.

u
12-13
14
v 15
1

17 18

Cicero and Labeo Varro and Livy. Cicero and Livy. Sallust and Livy
Sallust,
Sallust.

chiefly Cicero.

chiefly Livy.

Livy,

alii

scriptores

chiefly

None.
Cicero once.
Sallust, Cicero,

20
21

Ennius

chiefly Cicero.

22

Sallust

and Livy

slight use of Virgil.

(?)

23

Livy.

Juvenal used once

24-5
26
27 28

Livy only. None.

Cicero only. None.
Virgil once quoted. Cicero, Sallust and Livy are the three chief literary sources for the second book.

29

BOOK
CHAPTER
i

III.

None.
Virgil,

2 ~3

Homer,

Sallust,

4
5

Varro only.
Livy.

CHAPTER
6

None.
Livy Virgil once. Livy, Varro, Cicero
;

7-8
9

chiefly Livy.

10
11

Sallust, Virgil, Livy.

12

13 14

Livy and Virgil chiefly Livy. Livy and Varro. chiefly Livy. Livy, Lucan and Virgil Florus, Livy, Sallust and Virgil chiefly Florus and
Livy.
Cicero,

15

Eutropius, Florus, Cicero and Eutropius.

Livy,
Virgil,

Livy,

Virgil

chiefly

Sallust,

Eutropius

chiefly Eutropius

and Livy.
17
Sallust, Livy,

Varro

chiefly Sallust

and Livy.

18
19

Livy only.
chiefly Florus and Livy. Livy, Florus, Eutropius Livy and Florus chiefly Livy.

20

21-22
23

Livy only.

None
Livy.

Florus

(?)

24
25

Livy and Labeo

chiefly Livy.

26
27

Livy only.
Cicero, Lucan, Florus, Livy
chiefly Florus.

28-29
30
31

Florus only. Florus (?) and unknown.

Livy

Thus there

Virgil once. are four principal literary sources in the third book Livy, Florus, Eutropius and Cicero.

BOOK
CHAPTER
1

IV.

Varro.

Apuleius only. None.

Cicero.

4
5

Florus or Eutropius

(?)

or Livy

(?)

55

CHAPTER.
6-7
lustinus

(Trogum Pompeium

secutus),

some unknown aliae fideliores lit ter a e and some unknown qui chroni-

cam historiam persecuti

8-1
1

sunt.

Varro
Varro.

chiefly

Virgil twice.

1215
x

None.
Varro, Cicero, Livy
chiefly Cicero

16-19
20

and Livy.

21-24
25

Varro only.
None.
Cicero, Varro, Livy.

26
27

Varro only.
None.

28
^.

29

Varro and Eutropius.

Cicero only.

30

31-32

33-34

Varro only. None. Varro is the principal

book.

literary source for the fourth

BOOK
PREFACE
None.

V.

CHAPTER
i

None.
Cicero only.

2-3
4
5

None
Cicero.

6-7
8

None.

Annaeus Seneca and Cicero.

Cicero.

9-10
1 1

None.
Sallust,

12

Cicero, Virgil

chiefly Sallust

and

Virgil.

13

Horace and Cicero.

None.
Virgil, Livy,
Sallust, Virgil

14-17
18

Eutropius,

Florus

chiefly

Eutropius.

19

and unknown.

56

CHAPTER.
20
21

Cicero only.

Unknown.
Eutropius and Florus None.
chiefly Eutropius.

22

23-24
25-26

None, partly Claudianus and Cicero. Cicero is the chief single source for the

and

next

to

him

come

Livy,

fifth book, Eutropius and

Florus.

BOOK
PREFACE

VI.

AND CHAPTER
1

None

but Virgil once used.

Varro, Cicero, Terentianus Maurus.

3-9 10-11
12

Varro only. Annaeus Seneca only.

Varro.

Varro

is

almost the only literary source for the sixth

book.

BOOK
PREFACE
None.

VII.

CHAPTER
1

4-8
9 10

Varro Varro Varro Varro Varro

and Tertullian.
only. and Sallust
chiefly Varro.

only.
Virgil once.

None.

11-12

13-24
25 26
27

Varro Sallust once. Varro only. Porphyry.

None
Virgil

Varro.
the
history
of

and
i

Euhemerus

q u a

Ennius
q u
u

in

Latinum vertit

elo-

57

CHAPTER.
28-30
31-32 33-35
Varro.

None.

Varro only.
In the seventh book, as in the preceding, principal source.

Varro

is

the

BOOK
CHAPTER
i

VIII.

None.
Cicero.

2-4
5

Letter of Alexander the Great to his mother Olympias, and Varro and Cicero.

6-13
14
15

Cicero

(?)

Labeo

(?)

writers

on Neoplatonism.

Apuleius only. Apuleius

and Pliny

(?)

16
17

Apuleius only. Cicero and Apuleius.

Apuleius; Cicero once. Letter of Alexander the

18-26
27

Great

to

his

mother

Olympias.
Apuleius book.
is

the chief literary source for the eighth

BOOK
CHAPTER
i

IX.

Lactantius.
Apuleius.
Cicero, Aulus Gellius, Virgil.

2-3 4-5 6-8

9

Apuleius only.
Sallust.

10

Plotinus.

11-13
14-15
16
17
1

Apuleius only. None.

Apuleius.
Plotinus.

None.

58

CHAPTER
19

Labeo.
Lactantius.

20

21-22
23

None.
Cicero (in his translation of Plato DCD XIII. 16).
s

Timaeus, see
is

So also

the ninth book Apuleius literary source.

in

the principal

BOOK
CHAPTER
1

X.

Virgil once. Plotinus.

Cicero.

4-5
6

None.
Cicero
(?)

7-8
9

None.
Lactantius, Porphyry, Apuleius
chiefly Porphyry,

lo-n
12-13
14
1
1

Porphyry only.
None.
Plotinus.

None.
Plotinus, Varro, Lucan, Livy
chiefly Varro.

17-18
19 20
21
22

None.
Porphyry. None.
Virgil once,

and Porphyry.

None.
Porphyry. None.
Porphyry.
Apuleius, Porphyry, Virgil.

23-24
25

26
27

28-29
30
31

Porphyry.

Porphyry, Plotinus, Virgil. Cicero and Porphyry.

32

Porphyry.

Porphyry

in

the Latin version

of Victorinus

is

the principal literary source for the tenth book.

59

the composition of Books I V, full of historical we see that Augustine employed principally Livy, Salcolor, lust, Florus, Eutropius, Cicero (chiefly for history), Labeo and At the close of the fifth book he dropped these Virgil. authors and took up for the philosophical-mythological books VI X a different set composed of Apuleius, Plotinus, Porphyry, Plato (in incomplete versions and from general
In

knowledge) and Cicero (chiefly im philosophy). Varro has been used in both divisions, but chiefly in the latter; and Aug-ustine
naturally deals with only the second part of Varro s great as suiting his the sixteen books De Rebus Divinis work

theme.

Augustine
exceptions

poetic quotations are confined

with but few

to the first five books.

Note also that long lists and brief epitomes are to be found largely in the first five books. Of course Augustine uses the Latin Bible freely, both in
the Vulgate and Itala. But these Biblical sources are so plain that they need no discussion here, and, moreover, nearly all the instances have been italicized and identified in Dombart s

expressions are merely suggested by Biblical but I have noted one citation which Dombart has language, overlooked noster praef. p. 3. 18,
edition.
:

Some

Deusadiutor
9.

e s t

is

a quotation from Ps. 61.

6o

NOTE ON THE COMPOSITION OF THE DE CIVITATE

DEI.

A. D. 354. D. 410.

Augustine born. Final sack of

Rome

by Alaric.

Orosius

urbe condita MCLXIIII irruptio urbis per Alaricum facta est.

A. D. 412.
II. col.

(Adv. Paganos, 40)

gives the date:

anno itaque ab
(BE
vol.

Letter of Marcellinus to Augustine

his

515) reminding him of

promise to write.

Book I written and perhaps issued sep Before 415. arately as a timely short answer to the p a g a n i Augus tine calls it a not a liber, at its end
.

volumen, Hie itaque modus sit huius

(p. 52. 31),

v o

minis
At the

whereas at the opening of Book IV, he speaks of

i i
1
i

in fine p r m end of Book V he expressly

it

as

(p.

146. 29).
first

states that the

three books

had been issued as one

treatise:

quorum tres

priores

edidissem coepissent

et in
(p.

multorum manibus esse

241. 10).

In this year Augustine added Books IV and A. D. 415. V to the first three already issued, as he states in his letter to Evodius written at the end of that year: tribus

nam
.
.

illis

libris

alios bris satis

(BE.
finished and,
in

De Civitate Dei duos addidimus: quibus quinque li

.

disputatum
By
the author

arbitror,

etc.

II. col. 742).

this time, then, the first five

books are

s eyes, constitute the first com section of a developed plan, which is to be completed pleted by adding a similar second section (which becomes Books

VI. -X.), as he himself promised at the end of his

first

book:

necessarium existimant cultum deorum suorum, propter quam vitam Christiani sumus. His libro primo polliciti sumus refers to Postremo adversus eos dicetur

Deinceps dicendum est sicut primo libro polliciti sumus adversus eos qui propter vitam post mortem futuram

6i

qui...conantur asserere non propter

vitae praesentis utilitatern, sed prop ter earn quae post mortem futura est
(p.

52. 16).

When his second section of five books After A. D. 415. completed, making ten books in all, he asserts with apparent inconsistency, that he will go on to complete his promise in
is

the

first

book by writing

de

duarum civitatum,
et

exortu

et

procursu,
the

debitis finibu

the subject matter of the next twelve books which constitute the rest of the De Civitate Dei (p. 460.32). Such a promise does
first book, but in such a way as to suggest mind an additional discussion complementary The contra to his original theme (DCD. I. 35, p. 51. 25.) In Book I he did have diction is apparent rather than real. but incidentally, and the thought of his greater task in mind X was in suspense until his definitely mapped first treatise I Then the suggestion of the latter treatise worked out.

indeed occur

in

that he had in

(XI-XXII) naturally takes on

fuller form.

The second

part of the

De

Civitate Dei (Books

XI-XXII)

gives scarcely any information measuring the progress of the There are three sections of four books each. composition.

At the very opening (p. 462. 4-14) he merely reaffirms what he had written at the end of book X, and starts in his first section
of four books:

exordia istarum duarum civi

of this first section

tatum.
there
is

At the end

(XI-XIV)

(II p. 57)

no analysis or summary, and he passes on without comment to his second section (XV-XVII). At the end of the second section he states that he has been arguing

quisnam
cursus
The

sit

duarum civitatum
final)

ex
his

(II. p.

345.14), and hints at the character of

quaeque suum finem

final

approaching third (or

section

section:

percipiat unaof

(Up. 345.23). (XIX-XXII) opens with such evidence

deliberation, as though the author had rested after his weari some progress and retired into his thoughts for a fully consid

ered

last

effort

as

he

comes

tQ the

consummation, that

it

62
/

seems necessary to suppose he did not pass currente a m o from the second to the third section, but took a breathing space more than days no doubt but whether weeks or months, none can say just a literary pause, enough to hold in the reins and look around before essaying the last
c a
1

dash.

The eighteenth book seems to have been finished shortly before 425 A. D., as may be argued from per triginta

ferme annos in its last chapter (Dombart II. 345. i.). This leaves only a short time for Augustine to hasten to the end, and the increasing speed of this final section when com pared with the more labored earlier parts, is plain to every
reader.

When

magnum opuset arduum

mini
We

he stops, his last sentence shows he knew his was over V i d e o r

:

debitum ingentis huius operis adiuvante Domino reddidisse, and so on to Amen. his concluding emphatic Amen.
A. D. 426-427.
of
his

work

after the

first

can set no exact dates for the stages five books. His Retractations,

however, written A. D. 426-427, mention the De Civitate as a completed and revised work (II. cap. 43) and give an analy
sis.

Augustine says:

Quod opus me

tenuit per

aliquot annos, apparently not feeling quite certain It was written between 410 and of the exact number of years.
426-427, apparently after the letter of Marcellinus We may therefore take 412-426 as the outer limits of
position.
in
its

412.

com

A. F. WEST.

II.

ANNOTATIONS ON BOOKS

I.-X.
refers to the

(The pair of

numbers prefixed to each annotation page and line in Dombart s text.)

BOOK

I.

Page

i,

line

3.

Roma Gothorum
sub rege
A
1

irrupc o
.
. . .

tione

agentium

a r

eversa est.
Rome was burned and
410,
after the third
in

siege in
to

sacked by the Goths in the year the second invasion of Alaric.

106.
9.

Augustine

his
in

Sermones ad populum,
the
fall

10,

(works

Rome also notices referring the pagan charge that this calamity was due to the Chris
BE,
vol. 5)

of

tians.

See also Ep. 99, (BE. vol.

7.

2)

and Orosius, Adver-

sus

pidam Romam
p
i

Paganos
.

37-40,
the

Adest Alaricus,
date (chapter 40)

treD.

obsidet, turbat,

irrum-

Orosius gives

as 410 A.

anno itaque ab urbe condita MCLX1III, irruptio urbis per Alaricum facta est.
Opposite positions have been taken by different scholars as to Augustine s attitude to the fall of the Roman empire, some asserting that as a patriot he showed the most intense sym
pathy, others that as a Christian^apologist he was utterly in Ozanam (History of Civilization different to the catastrophe.
in

Eng. trans, vol. i. p. 22): "But the catastrophe which terrified the whole world afforded no aston ishment to St. Augustine, whether his great genius was less bound by an antique patriotism, or whether love had raised
the Fifth Century,
it

to calmer heights, he

was able
in

to

measure with a firmer

him."

glance
vol.
i.

the

portentous
169)
"If

events around

Gregorovius,

(History of the City of

p.
:

Rome
the

the Middle Ages, Eng. trans, laments of the former (i. e.

the
the

Jerome)
cal

express
of

the

consciousness of
the

ancient politi

greatness
is

Rome,

heart

of

African

Augus

touched by no such considerations. The greatest genius among the theologians of the Roman church was only intoxicated with enthusiasm at the victory of Christianity."
tine

65

McCabe (St. Augustine and his Age p. 298) "The truth is that Augustine had scarcely a spark of human sympathy with The sermon (De urbis excidio), the disasters of Rome.
which he preached on the receipt of the news, expresses only On the an eagerness to draw spiritual profit from the event other hand as opposed to these three citations we have the
"

opinions of Dill
tine
is

(Roman
i,

Western Empire, Bk.

true

chap.

Society in the last Century of the "Yet here S. Augus 3, p. 65):

Roman
"

He is, after all, a guilty of a patriotic inconsistency. He is proud of the great past of Rome, at heart.

which had given her her place in the and E. de Pressense s article on St. Augustine (in Dic tionary of Christian Biography): "The effect which his elo quence produces is all the greater because we feel that Christian as he is, he remains still a citizen. Christianity has not inspired him with a selfish contempt of human sufferings, under the pretext that they form part of the plan mapped out

and

of the qualities

world;

in

prophecy.

He mourns

over the calamities of Rome, but his

him the destinies of the City of God:" "A recent French and that mentioned by McCabe (p. 298) writer ingeniously concludes that Augustine s soul was rent by the news of the fall of Rome, but he avoided the subject in
tears do not conceal from
:

the excessive pain it gave him." To decide between these two

ions

go to urbis excidio sermo 2.

we must

Augustine
3,

conflicting himself.

sets

of

opin

Compare

De

Horrenda nobis nun-

tiata sunt; strages facta, incendia, rapinae, interfectiones, excruciationes hominum: verum est, multa audivimus, omnia gemuimus, saepe flevimus, vix

consolati sumus; non abnuo, non nego multa nos audisse, multa in ilia urbe
e s s e
c o

m m
of

s s

In

2.

4,

he

speaks
fall

of of

the

insignificance

Rome with compared compara ad Gehenna m, et leve est omne quod cogithe
at the sufferings eternal punishment,

tas.

Hie temporalis,

ibi

aeternus

est,

66

et qui

torquet

et qui

torjquetur.

He

also

shows the necessity of repentance, and that God did not treat

He concludes the city as it deserved, but in a sense spared it. with the lesson of the utility of temporal tribulation. Compare
Sermo

dictum est de me;

Sed non dicat de Roma, O, si taceat de Roma: insultator sim, et nonpotius quasi ego Domini deprecator, et vester qualiscunque exhortator. Absit a me ut n sultem. Avertat Deus a corde meo et Ibi m u a dolore conscientiae meae. tos fratres non habuimus? non adhuc habemus? Portio perigrinantis lerusal-em civitatis non ibi magna degit?
105.
9.

12,

These words would seem to imply that his hearers, or some one, had accused him of using words of indifference or of insult (quasi ego insultator) over the disasters of Rome. It is most remarkable that in the whole City of God there is
not one really sympathetic reference adequate to the greatness It is true of the calamities caused by the fall of Rome. above from the De urbis excidio in -the passage cited

omnia gemuimus, saepe flevimus, vix consolati sumus. But this

sermo
Augustine
says
isolated instance of the expression of his sorrow should not be stretched so far as some scholars have stretched it. Prof.
Dill

cites

two passages from

in the

DCD

to

show Augustine was

"proud

of the great past of

Rome and
world,"

had given her her place

omnibus artibus tamquam vera via nisi sunt ad honores imperium gloriam;
honorati sunt in omnibus fere gentibus, imperii sui leges inposuerunt multis gentibus perceperunt mercedem
s

of the qualities which V. 15 h i s namely

DCD

u a

m
in

cover
of

but Augustine had no such sentiment that I can dis He was indeed both proud and regard to her present.

tender as he thought of the ancient civic and moral grandeur Rome, despite her paganism. Compare his exhortation in

6;

DCD
o

II.

29:

oindolesRomana

laudabilis,

progenies Regulorum Scaevolarum Tune Scipionum Fabriciorum; enim tibi gloria popularis adfuit Expergiscere, dies est, sicut experrecta es inquibusdam
.

the

chapter).

Professor

Dill

also

refers

(and so on through to DCD V. 21

those
1

without

would

most

specifying which favor his

words.

We
view
:

give
I
1

which
i

own

unus verus Deus, qui nee iudicio nee adiutorio deserit genus humanum, quando voluit et quantum voluit Romanis r e g num dedit, qui dedit Assyriis vel etiam
P
e r s
i

In

these words where

is

the feeling about the

present? They seem to put Rome only on the same plane with Assyria and Persia; yet it is not unpatriotic, but like

Rudyard Kipling
in

passionate
.

one with Nineveh and Tyre

to find so little
1

his

Recessional

Of course we are surprised

r e r
fall

a c

a e

face of so great a calamity as the of the mistress of the world. This is emphasised by the
u
in

Augustine

in

contrast with the words of Jerome Ep. 126.

i,

(works

BE

vol.

col.

1086)

Ezechielis volumen olim

sed
in

a g

gredi volui

ipso

dictandi

exordio ita animus meus Occidentalium provinciarum, et maxime urbis Romae vastatione confusus est ut, iuxta v u gare proverbium, proprium q uoque ignorarem vocabulum; diuque tacui, sciens tempus esse lacrimarum; also Ep. Proh nefas! orbis terrarum ruit; 128. 4: in nobis peccata non ruunt. Urbs n clita et Romani imperil caput, uno hausta est incendio. Nulla est regio quae non exules Romanos habeat. In cineres ac favillas sacrae quondam ecclesiae conciderunt
1

68

must also remember that Jerome did not write any work called forth by the fall of Rome, in which he might great more fitly embody his thoughts.

We

1.6

usitato nomine pagan os:

a g a n
in
i

The name p

as a

synonym
use
:

for

g
d e

e n t e s

or

gentiles
previously.

was

common

at

this
i

time and

even
i

Compare Jerome

Ps. 41

q u

p a g a n

deos suos digito ostendunt.

i. g.
1
i

de civ itate Dei.

Of the twenty-two books under the title of De Civitate which Dei, it is really only the second part (Books XI. -XXII. The first part sense. treats of the de civitate Dei in the strict
This (Books I.-X.y deals mainly with the tcrrena civitas. himself incongruity about the name of the work Augustine Ita noticed and explained viginti et
:

omnes

duo libri, cum sicut de utraque civi tate conscripti, titulum tamen a m e u liore acceperunt, ut de civitate Dei p o
t
i

v o c a
i.

r e

u r

(p.

2.

6).

10.
e n u
i

Quod opus per aliquot

t
.

a n n o

me
De

See Prof. A.
Civitate Dei, p
3.

F.

West

Note on the Composition

of the

60.
rn

10.

Gloriosissimam civitate
of
Ps.
86.

Dei.
civi

An echo
this

3 so often quoted by Augustine in

work

gloriosa dicta sunt de

This announcement of the theme

te,
in

tas Dei.

the very in the ancient manner, occurs in similar words opening words, at the opening of the second part:

Civitatem Dei

(DCD XI
fili

i.)

3.

17.

carissime Marcelline.
He was brother of He was first com

His name was Flavius Marcellinus.

Apringius who became proconsul of Africa. mended by Jerome to Augustine for the elucidation of some

69

questions which were troubling him, and was kindly received by Augustine, between whom and Marcellinus we have extant
a considerable correspondence, especially with reference to Volus anus, the friend of Marcellinus, whom the latter was very
:

eager
tian

for

faith.

preside

to persuade to embrace the Chris Marcellinus was also appointed by Honorius to over the conference between the Donatists and

Augustine

conduct was admired by Augustine. (Compare Augustine, Ep. 141, Cod. Theod. 16. ii. Marinus, after the revolt, defeat and death of 5).
Catholics,
in

which capacity

his

of complicity with the party of the former,

his execution.

Heraclian, seized and imprisoned Marcellinus on the charge and then caused
In Retract.
2.

his dedication to Marcellinus of

33 and 37 Augustine speaks of De peccatorum meritis et re-

missione, et de Baptismo parvulorum, and

tera.

De

Spiritu et

lit-

Compare Augustine Epp.

al.

128, 129, 133, 134, 139, 141,

151, 166. et

4. 13.

multi vero

in

earn tantis

e x a r

descunt ignibus odiorum tamque manifestis beneficiis redemptoris eius n ingrati sunt, ut hodie contra earn non moverent, nisi ferrum hostile guas fugientes in sacratis eius locis vitam invenirent.
1
i

See Orosius, Adv. Paganosy. 39. a d e s t Alaricus, trepidam Romam obsidet turbat irrumpit, dato tamen praecepto
i
:

prius,

ut
in

si

qui

in

sancta loca

cipueque et Pauli inprimis

s
i

sanctorum apostolorumPetri

prae-

basilicas confugissent, hos inviolatos securosque esse

.

e r e n

Augustine

BCD

I.

ad

(p.

5.

26) challenges

the heathen to read the records of wars

ditam
i

Romam
i

vel ab

vel ante coneius exortu et

p e r

and see

if

they could find

aliquem ducem

70

praecepisse, ut inrupto nullus feriretur, qui in illo vel oppido illo templo fuisset inventus. Compare also De urbis excidio sermo 7. 7: multi in locis sanetis

barbarorum

vivi salvique servati

sunt.

5.30. aliquem ducem barbarorum prae cepisse ut inrupto oppido nullus feri

retur qui
That

in

illo

vel

illo

templo fuisset

inventus.
Augustine
or
in

ignorantly, gans, very thoughtlessly, is evident. editors point this out in the note

the

has written these words either very heat of the conflict against the pa

Even
on

his

Benedictine
place

this

which

Herculis confugerant, Alexandrum p e percisse. De Agesilao etiam Xenophon in A g et lib. 4 de rebus Grae(cap. 2) c o r u m Plutarchus (cap. 19) e t (cap. 3), Emilius Probus in Agesilao (cap. 4) n a r rant ipsum, Atheniensibus et Boeotiis
.

Augustinum praetierunt nonnulla huius rei litteris Graecis et Latinis consignata exempla. Nam refert Arrianus lib. 2 de rebus gestis Alexandri iis qui in templum (cap. 24) capta Tyro,
reads
:

eorumque sociis
devictis,
n o
1

in
e

pugna Coroneam
laedi
qui
in

i,s s

eos
se

Minervae templum
8. 9.

receperant.

To

these examples there might be added others.

cordatos homines.

The only instance of the word cordatos in the DCD. It savors of Ennius, but Augustine probably got it from Cicero, who quotes it from Ennius in egregie cordat
t

u
u

s s
.

homo
. .
.

(Tusc. 1.9. 18) and in a b

Ennio dictus
it,

egregie corda-

Annaeus Seneca and Lactantius, both

quoted by Augustine, also used

(De Re pub. 1.18.30). whom were read and the former in cordatus
of

homo
tive

(Lud. de morte Claudii 12), the latter in the compara

form

cordatiorem
word

(Div. Inst. 3.20.2).

in

Augustine
of

also

doubtless met the

the

viri cordati

Job. 34.10, which is the vulgate rendering, but cordati was not found in the Itala, which gave prudentes
c o r d e
.

9. 31.

All the ancient editors

and the best MSS.

(C. A. K. F.)

read Cato in this passage, though the words quoted here from

Hoffmann
(page 10)
Caesar.

Dombart and Sallust Cat. 51 are from a speech of Caesar. retain the reading of the MSS., and the former adds

Augustinus parum accurate rem

tractat.

eruditis nonnunquam contingit, memoria lapsus est, aut Sallustio usus vario
sive

The Benedictine editors emend it, reading Augustine is evidently either in error here or had a different reading in his text of Sallust, as the Bened. note states si in eo Augustinus, quod

Quod

mendoso. Marcus Marcellus, qui Syracuii. i. e sas....cepit, refertur earn prius visse ruituram et ante eius sanguinem
f
1

suas
....
d
i

illi

See Livy
c
i

lacrimas effudisse.... Marcellus ut. urbem 25. 24. n:

. .

subiectam oculis
t

Val.

Max.

5.1.4:

vidit, inlacrimasse M. Marcelli c e 1

mentia quam clarum quamque memorabile exemplum haberi debet, qui captis ab se Syracusis in arce earum constitit,

ret:

ut....fortunatam ex alto cerneceterum casum eius lugubrem n

i

tuens fletum cohibere non

Archimedes, and Eutropius Brev.
but, like Florus,
3.

potuit.

Florus

Epit. 1.22.33 mentions the fact that the city

was defended by

omits details.

14 speaks of its capture Compare also Cic. In Verrem

4.52.115. Livy

is

clearly Augustine s authority.

72

constituit ii. 5liberum violaret.

The words ne

edicto, ne quis corpus

quis corpus liberum vio

in

laret

occur verbatim

Livy 25.25.7,

the only authority for this statement, and the source of Augustine s account.
ii.

who also seems to be we conclude he is

Fabius, Tarentinae urbis eversimulacrorum depraedatione se sor, abstinuisse laudatur. Nam cum ei scriba
ii.

continentiam suam etiam iocando condivit Relinquamus, inquit, Tarentinis deos iratos.
fieri iuberet,
.

suggessisset quid de signis deorum...

.
.

This Fabius was the famous Q. Fabius Maximus Cunctator. Augustine derives the story from Livy, who appears to be the
only authority for the details here given.

See Livy 27.16.8:

e
i

sed maiore animo generis

u s

praeda

abstinuit Fabius quam Marcellus, qui interroganti scribae quid fieri signis vellet...deos iratos Tarentinis relinu s s t Here q u Marcellus and Fabius.
i i i
.

Livy suggests

the

comparison

of

16.

12.
is

h u

a n u

dies
"

This

man

day"

a distinctly Christian expression. hu Literally or "the day of man," the opposite of dies

Domini,
ment."

and so usually

"human

life,"

"man
"or

Thus
i

aut ab
Cor. 4.3.
p e c u
1

humano
t

die

s judg by man s

judgment,"

16. 29.

o r e s

"Watchmen"

Augustine has just

19.
ii.

word occurs 19 times quoted it from Ezech. 33.6.

this

in

the Vulgate.

Paulinus noster, Nolensis e p is copus, opulentissimo divite voluntate pauperrimus... .quando et ipsam Nolam barbarivastaverunt, cum ab eis teneretur, sic in corde suo, ut ab eo
-

ex

73

Dopostea cognovimus, precabatur mine, non excrucier propter aurum et argentum, ubi en im sint omnia mea,
:

s
is

This

related after a personal interview

a b
in

e o

postea cognovimus).

Paulinus was born

353

and after having spent many years in the services of the world, during which he enjoyed high civil honors, he accepted Chris He then gave up public life and tianity and was baptised 389. visited Florence, where he met Ambrose, and Rome, where he met Pope Siricius. Thence he passed to Nola and was ap
This office he faithfully discharged 409. which took place in 431. Of his writings we To him also is have extant his Epistulae and Poemata. This is the only attributed in the MSS. the Passio S. Genesii. place in the DCD where Augustine quotes the oral words of a Elsewhere he refers to him and had a consid contemporary.
pointed bishop
in

until his death,

erable correspondence with him. Ep. 27 is addressed to linus and is full of his praises. Ep. 186.12.39:

Pau

Fragrant
i

enim epistulae tuae odore sincerissimo

Christi, ubi germanissimus gratiae p sius dilector et confessor appares. We learn from Ep. 42 that Paulinus wrote a work against the
pagans which Augustine repeatedly asked him to forward. The fact that Nola was sacked by the Goths in 410 is pre served for us by Augustine alone. It was sacked by them on their southward march through Campania after their destruc tion of Rome. This march is mentioned by Procopius: De bello Vandalico 1.2.24 Sozomen H. E. 9.8, but they omit to menion Nola. Augustine refers to the same event in his De cura pro mortuis gerenda 16.19, where he says of the appear ance of Saint Felix a barbaris Nola o p ;

cum

pugnaretur, audivimus non incertis rumoribus, sed testibus certis, and is

it

certis is highly probable that the same the source of the information given above by Augustine. Hodgkin says (Italy and her Invaders, vol. i, p. 806), "We

testibus

74

hear incidentally of one captured town, Nola, which had re sisted Hannibal when flushed with his great success at Cannae, but which apparently did not delay the victorious march of
Alaric,"

and then records the incident about Paulinus of Nola.

23. 2.
e t
i

Verum tamen sepulturae curam m eorum philosophi c o n t e mp ser u n t

.

Compare Socrates reply to his friends in regard to his burial in the death scene at the close of the Phaedo. See also
Cic. Tusc. 1.43.102-104 for the reply of

machus, who threatened

to crucify him,

Theodorus to Lysi1st is, quaeso

inquit,

s t

puratis tuis; Theodori quidem nihil interest humine an sublime putescat; and for the story of Diogenes proici se iussit inhumatum. Turn amici: volucribusne et feris? M n m e vero, inquit, s e d bacillum propter me quo abigam ponitote Q u poteris? illi, n o n enim sen. ties Quid igitur mini ferarum laniatus oberit nihil sentienti? and the reply of
:

horribilia minitare pur-

Anaxagoras to his friends enquiry whether he wished to be removed to his native Clazomenae si quid acci-

disset:
v
i

Nihil necesse est inquit, undique enim ad inferos tantundem

a e

est.

Sunt quidem et alia quae sancti 24. 15. patriarchae de corporibus suis velcondendis vel transferendis prophetico spiritu dicta intelligi voluerunt. For condendis compare the directions given by Jacob Gen. 49- 2 9, sepelite me cum patribus meis in spelunca duplici quae est in agro Ephron Hethaei, and for transfe
rendis the directions of Joseph Gen. 50.24, a s p ossa mea vobiscum de loco isto.
o
r t

75

25. 9-

dunt Arionem Methymnaeum, nobilissimum citharistam, cum esset deiectus e navi, exceptum delphini dorso et ad
terras esse pervectum.
The earliest mention of this story occurs in Hdt. 1.23, 24. Herodotus relates how Arion stood on board and played be fore those who coveted his money, and how when he ceased they threw both him and his ia6dpa into the sea and TOV S*.
ScA^iva XeyovcTL VTro\a/36vTOL

qui tamen in suis litteris cre-

^VtKat

CTTI

TcuVapov.

Augustine, however, hardly went to Herodotus for it. Nor could he well get it from Cicero, who only once (Tusc.
2.27.67)
refers

piat vel

praesto est qui excidelphinus ut Arionem Methym

to

Arion:

naeum.

Compare Ovid

Fasti 2.110 sq.

Hyginus Fab. 194

have no doubt that Augustine the story from Aulus Gellius, whose writings he refers to got in the BCD IX.4. See N. A. 16. 19 where Gellius gives it on the
also gives a full account.

But

fabulam scripsit Hero dotus super fidicine illo Arione. 21. Marcus Regulus, imperator 25. populi Romani Captivus apud Carthaginienses fuit. Qui cum sibi mallent a Romanis suos reddi qua in eorum tenere captives ad hoc impetrandum etiam istum praecipue Regulum cum legatis suis Romam miserunt, prius iuratione constrictum si quod volebant minime peregisset rediturum esse Carthagin e m n senatu contraria persuasit
authority of Herodotus
:
.

....Nee

post hanc

hostes redire compulsus est. ..At illi eum excogitatis atque horrendis cruciatibus necaverunt. Inclusum quippe angusto ligno, ubi stare cogeretur, clavisque acutissimis undique confixo a m vigilando peremerunt. t
ad
.
t
r

persuasionem

suis

76

There were many sources of information at hand in See Livy regard to Regulus which Augustine might consult.

Regulus missus a Carthaginiensibus ad senatum ut de pace et,^si earn

Epit. 18

non posset impetrare, de commutadis captivis ageret, sed iure iurando a d strictus rediturum se Carthaginem si commutari captivos non placuisset, utrumque negandi auctor senatui fuit, et cum fide custodita reversus esset, supplicio a Carthaginiensibus de eo
-

sumpto
Brev.
i.

perit.
i.

Also Florus Epit.

Val.

i.

18.

23 sq.
i,

Eutrop.

21,

25.

Max.

i.

i.

14, 9. 2. Ext.

thaginienses Atilium Regulum palpebmachinae in qua undique ris resectis stimuli eminebant, inclusum praeacuti vigilantia pariter et continue tractu doloris necaverunt. Also Cic. De Off. 3. 26. 99. In 3. 27. 100 Cicero writes vigilando necabasq.
t

which

Augustine

may have had

Id.

in

mind

in

writing
65 In

2. 20. vigilando peremerunt, cum vigiliis et fame cruciaretur.

De Finn

such variety of authors it is impossible to say Augustine used only one or, if so, which one, while it would seem from the

autem dicunt M. Regulum (p. 26, 33) Si etiam in ilia captivitate illisque cruciatibus corporis animi virtute beatum esse potuisse that Augustine had before him Cicero dicet pro me ipsa virtus nee dubitabit isti vestro beato M. Regulum antepowords

nere...clamat quam potantem

2.

virtus
in
29. 83.

beatiorem

fuisse

(De Finn. Yet Augustine must have had 5. in mind also the detailed account of Regulus as was found in the eighteenth book of Livy, now no longer extant, in which no doubt something corresponding to vigilando pere merunt was found, and probably in the main Augustine
20. 65)
.

rosa Thorium

See

id.

has here followed Livy

account.

77

27.3- cum aliud civitas non concors hominum multitude.

See Augustine
s letter to

sit

quam
quid

Marcellinus (Ep. 138, 10)

est

autem civitas
in
i

num
cord

multitude homi vinculum redacta con quoddam

nisi
i

See

D
s

Re pub.

i.

25.

39.

Augustine
21.

discusses Cicero
30.
14.

theory of the state in

DCD

XIX.

Obstetrix virginis cuiusdam integritatem manu velut explorans sive malevolentia sive inscitia sive casu, dum inspicit, perdidit.
This
is

some story

for

which there

appears to be no

literary source except this passage.

Lucretiam certe, matronam 12. 31. nobilem veteremque Romanam, pudicitiae magnis efferunt laudibus. Huius corpore cum violenter oppresso T a r
marito Collatino et propinquo Bruto ..indicavit eosque ad vindictam c o n strinxit. D e n d e s e peremit.
i
. .
.

quinii regis filius libidinose potitus esset, ilia scelus improbissimi iuvenis
-

ipse

Nam cum Tarquinius iunior nobilissimam feminam Lucretiam eandemque pudicissimam, Collatini uxorem, stuprasset eaque de iniuria marito et patri et amicis questa fuisset, in omnium c o n spectu se occidit. Eutropius thus adds e a m
-

Augustine s account seems to follow the story as told in detail by Livy (i. 57-59). See also Florus Epit. i. i. 7, and filius eius et Eutrop. Brev. 1.8.2:

i -

which

is

not given

in

Livy nor followed by Augustine.

i

Compare

Cic.

Id. 5. 22. 64,

quo

De Finn. 2. 20. 66 who says testata civis, De Re pub. 2. 25. 46: p a t r s et propin De Legg. 2. 4. 10, Ovid Fasti 2. 760 sq.

78

While these sources give substantially the same account, Augustine does not follow them but Livy, who seems to make only Brutus and Collatinus go to see Lucretia, and
Juv. 10. 293.

adds

conclamat

vir

paterque

(Livy

i.

58) after

her suicide before their eyes. 4. 64 gives the fullest account of the interview previous to the crime.

Dion. Hal. Antiq. Rom.

Egregie quidam ex hoc veraciterque declamans ait: Mirabiledictu, duo fuerunt et adulterium unus admisit
31. 20.
.

Nothing nearly approaching any account of Lucretia with which I am acquainted. Augus tine says they were spoken by declamans, and they evidently came from a declamation in some school of rhetoric. Juvenal Sat. i. 16. and 7. 150 and Quintilian

to these

words

is

found

in

quidam

Or. 10. 5. 13-14 give some samples of the subjects chosen for such declamations, and this famous incident was probably a trite theme. Compare for the form of the expression Livy i. 58. 7,
Inst.

ceterum corpus est tantum violatum, animus insons. Nam ille patria cum patre 31. 29.
pulsus
31. 12. 34.
4.

est.
is

The source
in

Livy

i.

60. 2

for the passage see note

on

sanctis canonicis libris.

in

the De Doctrina Christiana, chap. 8, gives his Augustine opinion of the nature and number of the libri canonici. from which we learn that the canon as received by Augustine

included
also.

all

the books of our present Bible, and the apocrypha

35.

4,

Manichaeorum
all

errori.
and

Augustine was a follower of

this sect for nine years

i
:

was well acquainted with

their tenets; Conf. 4.

idem tempus annorum vigesimo anno aetatis meae, usque ad

Per ab undenovem,

79

duodetrigesimum seducebamur et ducebamus, falsi atque fallentes

variis cupiditatibus.
bitterly opposed the system of from his numerous attacks on
it

s e

in
seen

After his conversion he

as

Manichaeism
in his
it,

may be

Confessions.

He

among which are De moribus Manichaeorum, De libero arbitrio, De vera religione, De duabus animabus contra Manichaeos, Contra Adimantum Manichaei discipulum, Contra epistolam Manichaei quam vocant fundamenti, Contra Faustum Manichaeum, De actis cum Felice Manichaeo, De natura boni, Contra Secundinum, De
also

wrote

many works

to

refute

Genesi contra

Manichaeos,

Manichaeism held good and

evil

Disputatio contra Fortunatum. to be coordinate and eternal.

Compare Augustine,

De Haeresibus46: Man

quodam Persa exstiterunt, qui vocabantur Manes.... Iste duo prinichaei

a

cipia inter se diversa

demque aeterna et semper fuisse, composuitiduasquenaetmali....opinatusest.

se

adversa, e a coaeterna, hoc est

-

et

turas atque substantias, boni scilicet

malo purgationem, et boni quod purgari non poterit, cum malo in aeternum

pugnam

et

Quarum inter commixtionem et boni a

secundum
.
.

damnationem

sua

asseverantes.

dogmata

et passim.

36. 27. Illepotius Cleombrotusinhac animi magnitudine reperitur, quern ferunt lecto Platonis libro, ubi de mmortalitate animae disputavit, se praecipitem dedisse de muro atque ita ex hac vita emigrasse ad earn, quam credidit esse meliorem. Nihil enim urgebat aut calamitatis aut criminis. mach qu Compare Cic. Tusc. i. 34. 84: C a dem epigramma in Ambraciotam Cleomi
1
1

8o

brotum
also
Cic.

e s

quern ait,
e

cidisset adversi, abiecisse lecto Platonis libro.

s e

cum muro

ei

nihil
in

a c

mare
Compare

which seems to be the literary authority for saying the book was the Phaedo.
Pro Scauro
3.

4.

Compare Lact. ciotes ille,

Div. Inst.

3.

18.

9.

cum eundem dedit se praecipitem nisi quod P a nullam aliam ob causam

qui

quid

Am

librum
1

perlegisset,

toni credidit?
38. i.

nisi ilium
t
.

Catonem
18. 8,

qui se Uticae
71 sq., Val.

o c c

See Livy Epit. 114, Florus Epit.

3.
2. 14,

2. 13.

Max.
3,

Lact. Div. Inst.

3.

Aul. Gell. N. A. 12.20.

n,

Augustine probably derived this information from Livy of which we have only the epitome in which is briefly 114, mentioned the suicide of Cato. Here also we may conjecture Augustine found authority for writing quod a m i ci
14.

eius etiam
fieri
e s s e

docti quidam viri qui

i

hoc
-

prudentius dissuadebant, m b e cillioris quam fortioris animi facinus

c e n
s

u e r u n

(p.

38. 5).

38. 10.

Nam

Caesaris pitudinisfilio fuit, quern de Caesaris benignitate omnia sperare praecepit?

-

turpe erat sub victoria vivere, cur auctor huius t u r

si

Cato Uticensis commanded his son to hope from the clemency of Caesar does not seem to be mentioned in the writings of Cicero, Florus, Eutropius, Valerius Maxi-

The

fact that

It is mus, Velleius Paterculus, Lactantius or Aulus Gellius. most likely that Augustine found this in the H4th book of Livy of which we have only the epitome in which we find the words interveniente filio, so that Cato s son was pre sent at his father s death and no doubt on this occasion he
;

received the above advice from his father.

Another source

in

which Augustine might have found

this

information was the

8i

Karon/OS

informs us was written by Cicero.

which Plutarch (Vitae, Caes. 54 and Cic. 39) Compare Aulus Gellius

i3.2o.3M. Catonis, praetorii viri, qui bello civili Uticae necem sibi gladio manu sua

conscivit, Ciceronis
of which

cuius vita liber est M. inscribitur laus Catonis; qui

de
De
Div.
2. 2.

we

are assured by Cicero himself

Cato noster

ponendus
1

in horum librorum numero est. Orator 10. 35 Catone abso4.

,

3,

t o.

Ad

Att. 12.
ibid.

de
5.

Catone
2,

irpofiXrjfjia

Apx^Setov
12. 44.
e.
(i.

est....;
i,

12.

12.

40. i,

12. 41. 5,

saris

94

Caelegi epistolam multa de meo Catone. Top. Caesar contra C a ton em meum. Compare
13. 27.
i,

13. 46. 2
:

ad Balbum)

also Tac.

Ann. 4. 34, Quintilian 5. 10. 10 But it is more probable that Livy was Augustine

authority.

38. 13.

Nam
in
7 8.

si

eum filium, qui contra

gives a detailed account too long to 112., De Finn. i. 7. 23., pro Sulla

hostem pugnaverat, etiam victorem laudabiliter Torquatus occidit.

imperium
See Livy
cite.

who

Cic.

De

Off. 3. 31.

11.32: An vero clarissimum virum generis vestri ac nominis nemo reprehendit, qui filium suum vita privavit ut in

ceteros firmaret imperium.

See also Florus Epit.
Gellius N. A.
9. i.

9.,

Val.

13 relates the incident the older historian Quadrigarius.

Max. 2. 7. 6. Aulus on the authority of

tantum gloriae ipsius Caesaris, 38. 21. ne ab illo etiam sibi parceretur, ut ipse Caesar dixisse fertur, invidit.
Augustine no doubt found this statement in one of the books of Livy of which we have only the epitome. The only now extant Latin source that Augustine could have con sulted would seem to be Val. Max. 5. i. 10 Catonis morte Caesar audita et se illius
lost

quoque

gloriae invidere et ilium suae invidisse

d
i

But

Augustine

did

not

make use
d>s
<$

of

Valerius

Maximus.

Compare
e^toi o-u TT}S

Plutarch, Vitae, Cato 72

T

T/KOVO-C

TOV Odvarov
KCU yap

avrov Aeyercu TOVOVTOV etvmv

a-avTov
cru)T?7/oias

KOITCOV,

croi
<$>0ovw

TOV 0a.va.TOV

Caesar 54 which almost the same words. Compare also Zonaras, gives a twelfth century writer, who followed and epitomized D o Also Appian, Bellum Civile Cassius, Epit. Hist: 10. 10. 13.
t<f>06vr)(ra.S.

Id. Vitae,

2.

99:
39.

6 8e Katcrap t^j/xcv ot

<f>6ovf)craL

KaTawa

/caA^s

7rioWews.

22.

nam
Val.

in

tanta victoria mansit

4. 4. 6.

pauperrimus.
Compare

Max.

sit

vilicum

in

iugerum in tuum esse, occasionemque nanctum mercennarium amoto inde rustico n strumento discessisse, ideoque petere
i

consulibus scripquern septem Pupinia habebat, moragello,

-

ut sibi

success or mitte ret ur, nedeserto non esset unde uxor ac liberi agro sui alerentur. It is most likely Augustine had in
mind the
lost eighteenth book of Livy, the epitome of which a brief statement of the victory, defeat and death of gives Florus does not mention the poverty of Regulus. Regulus.
46.
29.

Nasica ille Scipio vester quondam pontifex viveret, quem sub in terrore belli Punic suscipiendis cum vir optimus quaePhrygiis sacris, reretur, universus senatus elegit...
Si
i

adulescentem nondum quaestorium, iudicaverunt in tota civitate virum bonorum optimum esse... P. Cornelius cum omnibus matronis Ostiam ire iussus obviam deae isque earn de nave accipere et in terram elatam tradere ferendam matronis.

Compare

Livy,

29.

14.

8:

S c

o n e

83

Also

c.

De Harus. Resp.

13.

27:

a c

tur vate suadente quondam defessa Italia Punico bello atque ab Hannibale vexata sacra ista nostri m a iores adscita ex Phrygia Romae conlocarunt; quae vir is accepit qui est optimus p. R. judicatus P. Scipio.
-

Compare
47,

also Val.
12.

Max.

7.

5.

2.;

8.

15. 3.

Livy Epit. 49.

a x
i

mus vester, iile iudicio totius senatus vir istam vobis metuens optimus, calamitatem nolebat aemulam tune imperii Romani Carthaginem dirui et decernenti ut dirueretur contradicebat
C
a
t

At ille Scipio pontifex m

o n

Porcium Catonem et Scipionem Nasicam, quorum alter sapientissimus

M.

Livy was no doubt the source: Epit 49 (ad.

init.)

inter

civitate habebatur, alter opti etiam a senatu iudicatus erat, diversis certatum sententiis est, Catone suadente bellum et ut tolleretur deleNasica dissua returque Carthago, de n t e Also Florus, Epit. 1.31. 4: Cato inexpiabili odio delendam esse Carthaginem
vir
in

mus

vir

et

cum de

alio

consuleretur pronun-

Scipio Nasica servandam, ne metu ablato aemulae urbis luxuriari felicitas inciperet.
tiabat,
See Plutarch, Vitae, Cato maior 27, who has preserved the account of Livy: KCU /?iaiorepov TO irepi Trai/Tos (.KZLVO 8
r/S>7

ov

"

S^TTOTC
Se pen

Trpay/xaros yv^fJiffv
Ko.1

a7ro<aivo/xvoi>

TrpoortTrKfruivtiv

ourcos

8oKt

Kap^r/Sova
cxei

/xr/

eivat

"

TOVVO.VTI.OV 8e IIoTrXtos

^KtTrtW 6

NcurtKas
/xot

7TiKaA.ov/u,ei/os

SiereAct Xeywi/ KCU a

KapxrjBoya

elvai.

84

saevis cruentisque seditionibus is probably to the agrariae conten tion e s of the duo clarissimi ingeniosissimi amantissimi plebis Romani viri Tiber
4722.

The

reference

ius
2.

and Caius Gracchus.

chaps. 1-4.

See Livy Epit. 58, 59.

Florus Epit.

deinde mox m alarum conexione 47. 23. causarum bellis etiam civilibus tantae strages ederentur, tantus sanguis e f funderetur, tanta cupiditate proscriptionum ac rapinarum ferveret inmani-

See Livy Epit. 69

48.
17.

sq.,

Florus Epit.

2.

6 sq.

fex

maximus....caveam theatri

quod idem ipse vester pontisena-

tum construere molientem ab hac dispositione et cupiditate compescuit persuasitque oratione gravissima ne Graecam luxuriam virilibus patriae moribus paterentur obrepere. See Livy Epit. 48 (ad. fin.) cum locatum a censoribus theatrum exstrueretur, P. Cornelio Nasica auctore tamquam inutile et nociturum publicis moribus ex senatus consulto destructum est. Also Val.
Max.
2.

4.

i.

sq.

No doubt Augustine
book
of Livy.

authority was the

now

lost forty-eight

Ut verbis eius commota senaprovidentia etiam subsellia, quibus ad horam congestis in ludorum spectaculo iam uti civitas coeperat, deinceps prohiberet adponi.
48. 25.

toria

See Livy Epit. 48 (ad

fin.)

populusque aliquam-

diu
2. 4. 2,

stans ludos

spectavit, also Val. Max. cautum est ne quis in urbe pro-

85

piusve passus mille subsellia posuisse sedensve ludos spectare vellet.

scaenici, spectacula turpilicentia vanitatum, non hominum vitiis sed deoruin vestrorum iussis Romae instituti sunt....
49.

ludi

tudinum

et

Dii propter sedendam corpo49. 15. rum pestilentiam ludos sibi scaenicos exhiberi iubebant. quia populo
.
. .

bellicose et solis antea ludis circensibus adsueto ludorum scaenicorum delicata subintravit insania.
Compare
Liviy
7.
2.

3,

et

cum

vis morbi nee

1

humanis consiliis

nee ope divina

e -

varetur, victis superstitione animis ludi quoque scaenici, nova res bellicoso populo nam circi mo do spectaculum fuerat inter alia caelestis irae placamina instituti dicuntur, and id.
36. 36.

Also Val. Max.

a

2.

4.

4,

nunc causam
ab
s

insti-

tuendorum
r e

ludorum
.
.

origine
source.

sua

p e
50.

Livy

is

Augustine

vos theatra quaereretis intrare8, impleretis et multo insaniora quam fuerant antea faceretis?
tis
For the fact that great and widespread calamities tend to to the front the basest passions of men, compare Thucydides account of the moral effects of the plague at Athens (book 2, 53 sq.) The same is recorded of the plague at Constantinople in 542, in that at Florence in the middle of the fourteenth century (recorded by Boccaccio in his De cameron), and in the Black Death in England in the seven
bring

teenth century.
50.

31.

Romulus

stituisse

Remus. asylum conperhibentur, quo quisque

et

86

confugeret ab omni noxa liber esset, augere quaerentes creandae multitudinem civitatis. Where Romulus and Remus asylum constituisse perhibentur is impossible to So far say.
it

as

am aware
to

seems

no authority for it, and the statement be a //.I^/AOJ/IKOJ/ d/xapr^/xa on the part of Augustine.
there
is

deinde ne vana urbis magnitude esset, adliciendae multitudinis causa vetere consilio condentium urbes. ...locum qui nunc saeptus descendentibus inter duos lucos est, asylum aperit, which account given of Romulus
See
Livy.
i.

8.

is

alone after the death of

Remus recorded

in

chapter

7.

erat in proximo hunc asylum facit (Romulus). lucus;

Compare Florus Epit. 1.1.9,
Lactantius also, Divin. Inst.
.

2.

6.

13,

says
in

Romulus
Pat.
Hist.
17
(p.

...constituit asylum;
i.

also

Veil.

Rom.

8.

5.

It

is

worth notice that

it

DCD

V.

223. 14) Augustine calls

asylum Romuleum.

8;

BOOK II. ex quorum imperitia illud quo55- 33* ortum est vulgare proverbium: que Pluvia defit, causa Christian! sunt.
So far as
I

any other writer.

Apol
:

know these words do not occur in this form in The nearest approach is. found in Tertullian,
)

quod existiment omnis pubomnis popularis incommodi Christianos esse in causam. Si Tiberis ascendit in moenia, si Nilus non ascendit in arva, si caelum stetit,
40 (ad
init.

licae

cladis,

si

terra movit,
i,

si

fames,

si

lues,

statim

Christianos ad leonem adclamatur; and Si Tiberis redundaAd Nationes 9 (ad init.) verit, si Nilus non redundavit, si cae lum stetit, si terra movit, si Libitina vastavit, si fames afflixit, statim (?)

omnium

vox:

Christianorum meritum(?)
2
;

cumdicas plurimos conqueri quod

Compare Cyprian, Ad Demetrianum

S e d

e n

bella

crebrius surgant, quod lues, qu-od fames saeviant, quodque imbres et pluvias serena longa suspendant nobis imput a r and also 3: Dixisti per nos fieri et quod nobis debeant imputari omnia iste quibus nunc mundus quatitur et urgetur, quod dii vestri a nobis non
i
,

c o

a n

Compare
s
i

also Prudentius, Contra

Symmachum

2.

684.

Et sunt qui nobis bella exprobrare

n
i

s t r

Non dubitent, postquam templorum sprevimus aras.

88

Compare Augustine Enarr.

in Psal. 80.

which reads

vetus quidem, sed a temporibus Christianis coepit proverbium, Non pluit Deus, due ad Christianos.
fold

Tertullian (Apol. 40) points out to the pagans that mani and great misfortunes happened to mankind before the
of

introduction

Christianity.

Oro vos, ante T

2.

berium.
d e
r

id

quantae
u n
t
.

ante Christi adventum, clades orbem et urbes c e c

est
i

Also

Ad

Natt.

18.

Veniebamus etiam nos aliquando 57. 7. adulescentes ad spectacula ludibriaque sacrilegiorum, spectabamus a r repticios, audiebamus symphoniacos, ludis turpissimis qui diis deabusque exhibebantur oblectabamur.
-

Augustine is here speaking of something which he once had seen and heard (audieba and taken delight in mus) (oblectabamur). For his former love of theatrical spectacles compare Conf. 3. 2.2 me spectacula theat-

(spectabamus)

Rapiebant
plena

miser, iarum imaginibus mearum et fomitibus ignis mei. Com s pare also Lact. Div. Inst. 6. 20. 9 sq. (spectacu-

rica,

lis

publicis) intersunt; q

et
u a e

delectantur

et

libenter

inritamenta vitiorum et ad corrumpendos animos potentisstme v a lent

.
.

quoniam maxima sunt

Tertullian

22,

De

also Div. Inst. Epit. 58 sq. Pudicitia 7.

De

Spectaculis

57. II.

Caelesti virgini.
we
learn that the

From
v
i

Tertullian Apol. 24

C
n
i

a e

e s
i

g o

was peculiarly an African deity:

c u

q u e

est,

etiam p-rovinciae et civitati suus deus ut Syriae Astartes, ut Arabiae Dusares, ut Noricis Belenus, ut Af-

ricae Caelestis. In chap. 23 he calls her s t a ipsa Virgo Caelestis pluviarum pollii

t r

He mentions

her in chap. 12 and again in Ad.

Augustine as a North African would naturally have abundant opportunity of making himself familiar with the rites and with the manners
of the worshipers of this African deity. 57.
ii.

Natt. 2.8,

Caelestis Afrorum.

Berecynthiae matri.
29. 14;

See Livy

Catullus,

carmen 63; Tert. Apol.

.

15, id.

Ad

Natt.

i.

10.

For the immorality of the heathen gods and goddesses

see Arnobius, Adv. Nationes,
58.
6.
lib.

passim.

Nasicam
a
p. 46,

optimus
See note
58.
21.
i

Scipionem, qui senatu electus est.

29.

vir

theatrum aedificari.... prop. 48, 17.

b u

t.

See note
59.
25.

nee ubi Fugalia celebrarentur omni licentia turpitudinum (et effusa vere Fugalia, sed pudoris et honestat
this
in
i

).

All that

is

known

of the

Fugalia

is

derived

from

Augustine, which seems to be the only place passage extant Latin literature where the word occurs. The BE
in
.

foot-note reads

in

memoriam

Fugalia festa fuerunt

expulsorum

Romae regum et

liberatae reipublicae instituta, quae mense Februario celebrabantur post exacta Terminalia. This is a mere guess from
the etymology of
the word.

Perhaps Augustine means the

Regifugium
ser de ces Fugalia
?

pulsis

ex

urbe

tyrannis

(Auson., Eclog. 15. 13), but this may or may not be so. Saisset says in his note on this passage: "Que faut-il pen-

Sont-ce

les fetes

institutes en souvenir

de T expulsion des rois, comme le conjecture un commentateur, ou bien faut-il croire a quelque me prise de saint Augustin?"

The Totius

Latinitatis -Lexicon

of

sub. h. v.

adhibitum in plur. num. tantum ad significanda festa quae Romae celebrabantur VI. K.Mart. post Terminalia, in memoriam fugatoa
I i s

nomen proprium

adiect.

Forcellini gives a /u-

absolute

m regum, effusa omni licentia turpituut ait Augustinus, 2. Civ. D. 6 ., (in correctly quoting Augustine in the word turpitudinis). 62. 31. Quid autem hinc senserint R o mani veteres, Cicero testa tur in b r s de re publica scripsit, ubi Scipio quos disputans ait....
r

dinis,

63. 5.

sicut in eisdem

libris loquitur

Africanus.

Haec ex Ciceronis quarto de 23. publica libro ad verbum excerpenda arbitratus sum.
63.

re

All the passages which Augustine here gives from Cicero See Mueller Republic have been preserved by him alone.

s
s

edition of Cic.
63.
1

De Re

pub.

4.

10.

n.

8.

Cleonem, Cleophontem, Hyperboin

Cicero had probably

dians.

mind Thucydides and the come

36 ad
fin.

Compare Thucydides
IDV /cat e? TO.

3.

KAeW

6 KAeaii/eYov ....
TTO\V eV TOO
an>

aAAa

/^taioraros

rail/

TroXiroii

TCU re 8rj/jno rrapa.

rare Trt^aj/coraros

4.21 avrjp 8r//xaycoyos Kar e/cetrov rov \povov Kai TW TrX^et Trt^avwraroS Id. 16. also Aristoph. Ach. 289. 5. et KOL oi Cf. Id. ibid 377, avaio-xwros /38c\vpb<s TrpoSora r^S Trarpt SoS.

and

659;

Vesp. 62, 242, 596, 759.

805.
xei)ocov
/cat KA.eo<(W

For Kleophon see Aristoph.

Thesm.

TrdVrws STJ/AOV ^aXa/3a^ov5 Id.

Ranae

678.

For Hyperbolus see Thuc.

;

8.

73:

Y7rep/3oAoV TC

nvo.

TUV
/cat

/JLO^rjpov
TroAecos,

avOpwTrov, cocrrpaKKT/xevoi/

....

8ta

Trovrjpiav

also

Aristoph.,

Eq.

1304

avSpa

fjLO)(6r)pov

n q u g. This word both

63.
i

uses
to
is

in

the

DCD:
is

show he

and plural has two distinct as a quote-word which Augustine uses (i) In this use it quoting the words of an author.
in the singular

equivalent to our quotation marks in printing or writing; (2) a much less frequent use as equivalent to our "they say," or
the Greek
sagt."

Aeyouo-iv,

or French

on

"*

dit,

or

German

"man

65.

10.

quod

Aeschines Atheniensis, vir eloquentissimus, cum adulescens tragoedias actitavisset, rem publicam capessivit et Aristo demum, tragicum item actorem maximis de rebus pacis ac belli legatum ad Philippum Athenienses saepe miseca

libro

in eo quoque commemoratur,

de re publi-

runt.
This
is

the only place where this fragment

it,

is

preserved.

Mueller gives
i.

De Re pub

4.

n.

13.

66. cum praesertim Labeo, quern huiusce modi rerumperitissimumpraenumina bona a numinibus dicant, malis ista etiam cultus diversitate distinguat, ut malos deos propitiari caedibus et tristibus supplicationibus asserat, bonos autem obsequiis laetis atque iucundis, qualia sunt, ut ipse ait, ludi convivia lectisternia.

There is some difficulty in regard to the person of this Labeo. There were several Labeones. Who is the Labeo to whom Augustine here refers and what was his praenomen ? Other writers speak of Labeo without an additional name.

92

We

must try to decide on this question by considering some of the references to Labeo, and the nature of the works which he is reported to have written. There seems to be some con

fusion between an Antistius

to

Labeo and a Cornelius Labeo, and one or other of these Augustine refers. The Bened. note
h.
1)

(ad

reads

Labeones exstitere

tres,

iuris

omnium doctissimus Antistius Labeo qui cum Caesare Augusto vixit, non iuris modo
civilis scientia clari;sed unus

sed totius antiquitatis peritissimus de quo hie -Augustinus. Augustine mentions Labeo also BCD II. 14 H u n c P a t o n e m Labeo inter semideos commemorandum putavit, sicut Herculem, sicut Romulum. Semi deos autem hero bus anteponit; sed utrosque inter numina conlocat; BCD III.
1
i.

BCB VIII. 13 repeating II. 14; BCB quoniam nonnulli istorum, ut ita dixerim, daemonicolarum, in quibus et Labeo est, eosdem perhibent ab aliis angelos dici.... BCB XXII. 28, Labeo etiam duos dicit uno die fuisse defunctos et occurrisse invicem in
p. 66.

25 referring back to IX. 19,

secundum

Labeonis
i:

distinctionem

iussos fuisse remeare et constituisse inter se amicos esse victuros, atque ita esse factum, donee postea morerensome idea of the character of at The only Labeo who suits these statements is M. Antistius Labeo mentioned often by Aulus Gellius, from whom we learn that he was the famous
t

quodam compito, deinde ad corpora sua

u r.

These

citations give us

least part of the writings of

Labeo.

jurisconsult of the time of Augustus.

See Noct. Att.

i.

12,

virgine capienda scripserunt quorum diligentissime scripsit Labeo Labeo Antistius iuris Antistius; 13. 10. quidem civilis disciplinam principali
qui
i

de

93

studio exercuit,
sq.,
13.
i.

13.

12.

i;

grammarian,

4.

2.

10. 2,
12.

15.
;

27. i;
6.

he wrote commentaries on the twelve

i
;

tables
t

18
i

15.

20.
13.

i.

13; he wrote on the p r a e

3
;

e d

10.

he was versed

in

anti

quity

litterasque antiquiores altioresque penetraverat. Compare Suet. Aug. 54.

For the passage quoted above
Socratis 14 (Hildebrand
s

compare Apul. De deo

2,

edition, vol.

p.

nonnulli ex hoc divorum numero qui nocturnis vel diurnis promptis vel o claetioribus cultis vel tristioribus
hostiis
g a
u d e a n

142):

u n

vel
t.

caerimoniis

vel

ritibus

sicut 68. 4. apud Scipio loquitur....

The quotation Mueller gives it De
68
17.

Ciceronem
is

idem

which follows

preserved here alone.

Re

pub.

4.

10, as

Dombart

gives.

Illas theatricas artesdiu virtus

7. 2

Romana non noverat.

See Livy
troduction.

where

is

found the account of their

first

in

An forte Graeco Platoni potius 69. 10. palma danda est, qui cum ratione formaret, qualis esse civitas debeat, tamquam adversarios veritatis poetas censuit
urbe pellendos?
In book 2 of the Republic of Plato the Tron/rcu are in cluded under the general term fja^rai as requisite for the for mation of a (jLei&va TroAu/. In book 3, 398, the poets are d7ro7reyu,7roi^.eV re ets a.XX-rjv politely conducted OUt of the State: But 7roA.li/ Kara^eavrcs /cat epi w crrpti^avTCS. fj.vpov Kara rrjs
K(f>a\f)<s

in 10,

606

sq.,

they are expelled without any apology.

the
n-oi-qrLK^TO.rov

The

expulsion of

Homer,
s

and
go.

irpwrov ruv TpaywSioTrouov

vexes Plato

heart, but he too

s

must
s

Augustine
p.

source

is

Cicero

308. says:

M.

Tullius

De Re publica. Nonius, de re publ. lib 4:

.
"Ego

vero

redimitum
guentis
sibi

eodem,
c o
r

quo ille
s

Homerum
u n
-

o n

et

delibutum
ea
Cic.

emittit
git."

ex

urbe
Tusc.
2.

qua
n.

in
:

m finxit cum ille, optimos mores et optimum rei publicae statum ex quire ret, also Tert. Ad Natt. 2.7: criminatores deorum poetas eliminari Plato censnit, ipsurn Homerum
q u a

ipse fin Recte igitur ea civitate

Compare

27

Platone

eiciuntur

ex

sane

coronatum

civitate

pellendum.

Augustine did not read Plato for himself: Cicero is his source In support of this observe that Augustine has in the here. preceding chapter (13) quoted from the fourth book of the Republic of Cicero, and the passage cited from Nonius shows that such an account was found by him also in the same book
of Cicero
s

Republic.
I s t e
t
i

69.
i

13.

vero
t
i

e t
f

n d
i

g n e
e n
t

u c a
i

deorum n u r a corrum pique

i

a n

n o

Compare Plato, Repub. 365 Dsq., 377 D This also came from Cicero.
70. 35.
f r

sq.,

491 E. etal.

s t r

hoc exclamante

Cicerone

This

is

preserved only here

4.

given by Mueller and Baiter

also gives.
f
1

De Repub.
71.
17.

9.,

as

Dombart

ut tres
n u

tribus
I

minibus
t
i

o v o

i
,

M
1

a r

a mines haberent solos institutes, Dialem m Q u r na em Marti,

i
i

o.
i.

See Livy

20.

2.

n e

a d

d u u
e u

m
v e

cerdotem creavit insignique

et
a
1

s t e

curuli,
t

duos
e r u

flamines
m Q
u
i

regia sella adornavit. Huic adiecit, Marti unum,

r
i

o.

95

E u n d e m P o m p um 7 45. fecisse flamines, qui cum omnes sunt a singulis dels cognominati, in
Also Varro L. L.
i

ait

quibusdam apparent
tialis et Q
all

CTU/XQ,
.

cur

n a

It is likely

sit M a r that Varro gave

the details from which Augustine derived his knowledge.

71. 31.

non-

aliquot annos post Romam

conclitara ab Atheniensibus tur leges Solonis.

Compare Livy
. .

mutuaren-

mis si legati Athenas inclitas leges Solonis de iussique

3.

31.8

scribe r
72. 3.

qua m vis Lycurgus Lacedaemoniis leges ex Apollinis auctoritate se instituisse confinxerit. See Cic. De Div. Lycurgus q u d e m 43. 96. rem publicam qui Lacedaemoniorum temperavit, leges suas auctoritate Apollinis Delphici confirmavit. id. N. nee Lacedaemoniorum disciD. 3. 38. 91. dicam umquam ab Apolline p o plinam tius Spartae quam a Lycurgo datam.
i.
i

The
72.

first

mention of

this story

is in

Herodotus

i.

65.

6.

Numa Pompilius.... quasdam

leges, quae quidem

st
a

regendae civitati nequaquam sufficerent, condidisse fertur qui eis multa etiam sacra con
i

It is

impossible to assign the exact source.

in

The

story

is

commonplace, recorded

many
;

writers.
i 1 1

e Florus Epit. i. i. 2, Compare Livy i. 19. sq. sacra et caerimonias omnemque cultum deorum immortalium docuit, ille p o n -

tifices
uli
i.

R.

augures Salios ceteraque sacerdotia creavit. Eutrop.

De Re
pub.
2.

p op Brev.

3., Cic.

14. 26., Id.

N. D.

3.

2.

5.

96
72. 9. a

non

leges

tamen perhibetur numinibus accepisse.

i.

easdettl

congressus nocturnes esse, eius se monitu..*. sacra instituere, sacerdotes

Yet Florus (Epit. i. haec omnia 2.) says: quasi monitu deae Egeriae, quo magi 9 barbari acciperent, which Florus has taken from Livy 1.19. 5: simulat sibi cum dea Egeria

suos cuique deorum praeficere. raptas Sabinas. 72. 22.

See Livy
i.

9.,
2.

Eutrop. Brev.
7.

i.

2.,

Val.

Max.,

2.

4. 4.,

Cic.

De Re
72. 23.

pub.

12.

Livy

is

the source.
.

f r a u d e s p e c t a c u 1 i learn from Livy, Valerius Maximus and Cicero that was the C o n s u a i a. the name of this

We

spectaculum post expulsum cum liberis suis 73. 12. regem Tarquinium, cuius filius Lucre1

tiam stupro violenter oppresserat.

See note on
73.
14.
i

p.

31. 12.
i

u n u in
t
i

Brutus consul
1 1

L u
t

c
e

m
-

T
a

q u

o
,

a
c o

t
1

n u
1

m
u

m
s
,

u in
,

u s

d e
t

L u
i

c r e

a e

e
i

g a
r

q u e

n n o c e n

m
i

v
t

m m

u u p
r

m
o p

b o n u
t

e r
i

men

et

o p

n q u

e m.

q u

m nor u m

coegit vivere

magistral
in
2. 2.,

se

abdicare

nee
h u n c
i
,

civitate permisit.
where Brutus addresses Collatinus:
i
i i

See Livy

re tu, inquit, tua voluntate, L. T a r q u n move m e t u m, m e m n m u s a t e m u r e e cisti reges; absolve beneficium tuum, aufer hinc regium nomen. Then a b d c a v t se consulatu. rebusque suis omnibus Lavinium translatis civitate cessit.
,

Doubtless Augustine has here followed Livy.

Eutrop.
Brev.
i.

Compare

also

9.,

Cic.

De

Off.

3.

10. 40.

9?

73-21.

Marcus Camillas.. ..qui V e

1
1

e n-

tes

decennale b e u m superavit. invidia obtrectatorum virtutis s.uae et insolentia tribunorum plebis reus fact us est tamque ingratam sensit quam liberaverat civitatem, ut de sua damnatione certissimus in exilium sponte discederet et decem milibus aeris absens etiam damnaretur, mox iterum a Gallis vindex patriae futurus
.
. . .

gravissimos hostes populi Roman! post

.
.

n g

e.

See Livy 5. 19 Gauls see chap. 49

r e
1

sq.

For Camillus

total

defeat of

the

ne nuntius

quid
seems

em cladis
for writing

s.

The only

authority Augustine had

absens etiam damnaretur

who
is
;

be Livy, See Augustine s source for the account of Camillus. also Val. Max. Aulus Gellius, N. A. 17, 4. i. 2., 5, 3. 2a.
to
21. 20, Cic.

De Re
i.

pub.

i.

3.

6.,

Id.
i.

De domo sua
y
k

32.

86,

Eutrop. Brev.

20.;

Fl.;rus

Epit.

But whence does

aeris?

Augustine get the authority for writing decem milibus Of the authors mentioned in this note, Cicero, Aulus Gellius, F .orus and Eutropius do not state the amount
Livy
(5,

of the fine.

32

ad fin.)
(5.
3.

expressly says

absens
So also

quindecim milibus gravis aeris damnat

r.

Valerius

Maximus

2a) agrees with Livy.

TYJV SLK-TJV Iprj/jirjv,

Plutarch (Vitae, Camillus 13) oj^Xc

KCU
7rtvTaKLcr)(tXi(ji)v

ri/^/za //vpiW

rect

we

the manuscripts are cor must conclude that Augustine has here made a numer
acrcrapuov t^ovcrav.

If

ical error.

74.

In chap.

lost Historiae.

1 8 we have several fragments of Sallust s See Maurenbrecher, Historiarum Reliquiae u

and

16.

74. 18.

Nasica...
p. 47,

Carthaginem nole-

bat everti.
See note
12.

98
28.

75.

Dicit deinde plura Sallustius

de Sullae vitiis

ceteraque foeditate
in

rei

etalii scriptores publicae consentiunt, qua m vis eloqaio mpar

i i
.

haec
Au

multum
are.
e

It is

not easy to say

to limit

who

the alii
to those

scriptores
who wrote d

gustine seems

them

vitiis

ceteraque

Sullae foeditate rei publicae,

which would of course eliminate writers, like Tacitus, Juvenal and Persius. Again he speaks of them as compared with Sallust

as

eloquio multum impari,

sq.
,

which,

how

ever, according to his view,

would not eliminate Livy.

2.

Com
Plut.

pare Livy Epit. 88

5.

Florus Epit.
2.
1

9
2

sq.,

Eutrop. Brev.

4 sq., Veil. Pat., Hist. Rom. Vitae, Lysander and Sulla 3. 2,

e/xerpta^e Sta
ya/xcoi/

28.

sq.

Compare
irepl

o 8

ovre vtos wv

ras

eT

rryv

irevtav

ovre yrjpdcras Sta TYJV ^Ai/acu/,

etcr^yetro
vo/xoi;s

dAAa TOVS
Ipwv
KO.I

KOL (TMf^pocrvvrj^
(f>r)(rl

rots

TroAircus auros

/xoi^et oov, a)?

^aXova-Tios.

Augustine refers in the words given above to the now lost Historic of Sallust; he was the last literary person, so far as our evidence goes, to use the complete Historise, as has been
pointed out by Maurenbrecher (Historiarum Reliquiae. Leip.
1891, p. 4):

totas
t
i

Sallustii
.

Postremus, quoad nos scimus, historias legit Augus-

n u

sed domui Sardanapali com79. 5. paraverit? qui quondam rex ita fuit voluptatibus deditus, ut in sepulchre suo scribi fecerit ea sola se habere mortuum, quae libido eius etiam cum viveret hauriendo consumpserat. See Cic. De Finn, 2. 32. 106, corporis autein voluptas si etiam praeterita delectat, non intellego cur Aristoteles Sardanapalli epigramma tantopere derideat, in quo ille rex Syriae glorietur omnis

99
s e
1

secum Hbidinum voluptates

s s

a b s

t
1
1

u
i

Id.

Tusc.

5.

35. 101,

ex quo

S a

d a n a p a

opulentissimi Syriae regis, error a d gnoscitur, qui incidi iussit in busto:

Hae
r

h a b e o
t
i

q u a e

e d

i ,

q u a e q u e

e x s a

a
t
;

libido
at ilia
i
i

a u s

a c e n

r a e

clara relicta

Quid
in
s c r
i

u d

bo vis,
b e
r e s
?

n o n

in

inquit Aristo teles, n regis sepulchre

i

Cicero also mentioned Sardanapallus

in

the

third

book
i

of the

De Re
362
;

on Juvenal, Sat
s

10.
1

pub., as we Uarn from the scholiast S a r d a n a p a 1 u s rex A s 1

i

m
cle
i

n x u r

u s

d e

quo T
q u a
e r e

u s

in

tertio pallus
i

republica
e
r

sic ait:
1

Sardana
m

s
.

m
v
i

nomine
Kpit.
i.
t
i

m
t

Compare
r
t

Jnstinus*
1 i

3,

who
.

says of Sardanapallus
.

m
u s
r

u
)

c o r r u p

n v e n

A
t
1

b a c
r

e u

o
u
t

r
1

u
i

g
1

r e
i

g
u

e s
i

p u
u
,

p u
c

c o

m interscoro n e n e t e m
t

m
e

e b r

h a b
r

cum m
s
i

o o

a
s

c o r p o r
f

s s

o c u
t

o
t.

m
s

n e

n a

a n

r e

For

fuller details in

regard to

Sardanapallus

see

J.

E. B.
15.

Mayor

note on Juvenal, Sat.

10. 362,
its
:

79.

For the corruption of Roman society and

former days

con
I

trast

with

compare

Sallust, Cat.

sq.

primum insuevit exercitus p. R. a mare, vasa potare, signa, tabu las p c a s caelata mirari, ea p r v a t m ac publice rape re, del u bra spoliare, sacra p r o
i

fanaque poll ere (chap. 1). P o s q u a m d vitae honori esse coepere et eas gloria mper u m po en a sequebatur, h e b e s cere virtus, paupertas -probro haberi, innocentia pro malivolentia duci c o e Sed libido stupri, ganeae t p (chap. 12).
u
1

10O

ceterique cultus non minor incesserat: viri muliebria pati, mulieres p u d c tiam in propatulo habere.... (chap. 13). a quo (T. Graccho) scribit s e d 79. 26. tiones graves coepisse Sallustius.
i

This fragment
80.
20. -81.
23.

is

No. 17

in

Maurenbrecher

edition.

in his edition of

This passage is given in full by Mueller Cicero as the argumentum of book 3 of the

De Re

publica.

81. 5.

r e

v e

m
pub.

r e

p u b

c a e

d e

r.

tionein qua dixerat earn esse rem populi.

See Cic. De

Re
t

i.

25. 39,

s t

i
,

quit Africanus, res publica res populi,

a u u s e m non o m n s h o m n u m p o p u coetus quoquo mo do congregatus, sed coetus multitudinis iuris consensu et
1

utilitatis
81. 28.

communione
his

sociatus
in

reference

given by Dombart.
1

passage

is

given

full

by Mueller at the

principio beginning of De Re pub. 5 (in It. has not been noticed b r ). by Dombart.
i
i

quinti

H a ec Cicero fatebatur m post mortem A f r c a n q a c de re publica suis libris tare.

82. 21.

longe
u e

q u

d e

m
s

in
-

p u

Africanus died 129 B. C.

written 54 B. C.
83.
i.

Cicero

De Re

publica was

menta incertae

Mueller gives this passage as one of the Fragsedis of the third book of Cicero s Republic.

84. 3. quas deorurn leges illi civitati datas contempserint Gracchi, ut sedi tion b u s cuncta turbarent.
i

101

See Livy Epit. 58

Veil. Pat. Hist.

sq.,
2.

Floras Epit.

Rom.

2 sq.,

who

2. i sq., Sail. Jug. 42, says of the murder of Ti

berius Gracchus

hoc initium
Compare
Val.

in
2.

urbe

Roma

civilis sanguinis
t

gladiorumque impuniMax.
3.

17, 7. 2. 6.

quas Marius et Cinna et Carbo, bella etiam progrederentur c vilia causis iniquissimis suscepta et
84. 5.

ut

in

crudeliter gesta crudeliusque finita.

See Livy Epit.
77
sq.,

Florus Epit.

2.

9 sq.,

who

says:

causa belli inexplebilis honorum Marii fames, dum decretam Syllae provinciam Sulpicia lege solliinitium
et
c
5.
i

and

Veil. Pat., Hist.

Rom.

2.

19 sq.,

Eutrop. Brev.

8 sq.

quas denique Sulla ipse, cuius 84. 7. vitam mores facta describente Sallustio aliisque scriptoribus historiae..
. .

From Augustine
least

s own words we learn that he had at two sources of information about Sulla d escribente

Sallustio in the passage before us 28), and scribit Livius BCD II.
notices of Sulla-in the extant
51,

(compare also
24
(p.

p.

75.

87. 18).

For
37,

work

of Sallust, see Cat.

sq.
,

n,

and Jug.

95, 96.

See also Florus Epit. 2.9

Veil. Pat.

Rom. 2. 19 sq., Livy Epit. 66-89. The work of Sullust referred to above by Augustine is It is supposed that Sallust evidently the now lost Historiae.
Hist.

started this

militiae etdomi gestas composui

It
is

Lepido, Q. Catulo consulibusac deinde

(Frag
Jug.
1. 1).

work with the year of Sulla s death (B.C. Maurenbrecher gives Res populi
:

Romani M.
in

78), as

also

inferred from

Sullust s

own words

95,

idoneum visum est de natura cultuque eiuspaucis dicere;nequeenim alioloco

de

Sullae

rebus dicturi sumus,

et

L.

102

Sisenna.
v
i

parummihiliberoorelocutus
little

d e

that he said

about Sulla

in

the Historiae.

With seem

this

date

the

statement of Augustine

mores facta describente Sallustio

to be rather inconsistent.

would

Augustine writes
toriae.

In DCD II. 18 (p. 75. 28) Dicit deinde plura Sullustius

evidently also referring to the His But in each of these cases it should be noted that s q u e Augustine shows that he had other authorities a 84. 8), and alii scriptores in haec consen(p. t u n t (p. 75. 30). No doubt Sallust treated briefly of
1

de Sullae vitiis,

i i

Sulla at least by

way

of introduction.
3. 2,

Compare
SoAouorios

also Plut.
in

Vitae, Lysander and Sulla

to the vices of Sulla. 84. 21.

us

4>W^

regard

rumperentur
capta

Cum longe antequam mores corantiqui a Gallis Roma

diis dori.

et incensa? solus collis Capritolinus remanserat, qui etiam ipse

caperetur, nisisaltem anseres mientibus vigilarent.

The source
Eutrop. Brev.
85.
14.
i.

is

Livy

5.

41 sq.

See also Florus Epit.

7,

20.

qui enim Marium novum homiignobilem, cruentissimum a u c torem bellorum [civilium atque gesut consul fieret torem, septiens adiuverunt atque in septimo suo c on sulatu moreretur senex nee in manus Sullae futuri mox victoris inrueret. See note p. 84. 5. Florus (Epit. 2. 9. 17.) says: haec tot senatus funera intra kalendas et idus lanuarii mensis septima ilia Marii purpura dedit. Quid futurum fuit si an num consulatus implesset? Compare Veil. Pat.

nem

et

Hist.

Rom.

2.

23 (ad init.)

et

in

priorum dedecus

septimum Marius
iniit,

cuius initio

io 3

morbo oppressus decessit,

timate of Marius
is

vir in bello in.otio civibus infestissimus hostibus,

Sallust s es

quietisque impatientissimus.

found in Jug. 63 sq. For the contrast between Marius and Regulus here given by Augustine it is interesting to compare Cic. Paradoxa 2. 16:

Nee vero ego M. Regulum aerumnosum infelicem nee miserum umquam putavi.... C. vero Marium vidimus, o r qui mini secundis rebus unus ex tunatis hominibus, adversis unus ex summis viris videbatur, quo beatius
nee
f
-

esse mortali nihil potest. Nescis, in sane, nescis quantas vires virtus habeat.
Id. N. D. 3. 32. 81,

Cur enim Marius

tarn feli-

citer septimum consul domi suae senex est mortuus? Augustine probably had in mind Livy
for the narrative, while the contrast between ulus was perhaps suggested by Cicero.
85.
23.

Marius and Reg

p e

r f r

s.

Compare Juvenal,

Sat.

i.

49,

Exul

ab
d
i

octava
s
|

Marius
i

bibit
occur

et
in

fruitur

I r

Here the words

fruitur dis iratis

It
is

connection with the name Marius.

hard to say when

Augustine penned the words perfrui diis iratis, whether he did so independently, or while writing of one
or perhaps by a fused the

Marius he recalled the words of Juvenal about another Marius, lapsus Augustine con

memoriae Marium novum hominem

with the

et

n o b

proconsul Marius Priscus referred to

by Juvenal.

That Augustine knew Juvenal we learn from one

of his letters to Marcellinus (Ep. 138, 3. 16 in vol. 2 of BE), where he quotes a passage from the sixth satire of Juvenal. For the form of expression! compare Juvenal, Sat. 10, 129:

Dis

ille
s
i

adversis
s t r o.

genitus

fatoque

104 Plaut. Mil. Glor. 314,

natust quam
4.

quis magis dis inimicis tu atque iratis? Mayor in his

note on Juvenal, Sat. 10. 129, gives also Livy 9. i. n,Persius 27, Sen. De Benef. 4. 4. 3, Id. Lud. de morte Claud, n. 3,

and one or two others.

Regulus, captivitate servitute inopia vigiliis doloribus excruciari et emori diis amicis.
85.
24.

See note
86.
ii.

p.

25.

21.
1

Metellus enim Romanorum a u datissimus qui quinque filios consulares

habuit.
82,

De Finn. 5. 27. tris filios consules

See Cic.

Metellus qui vidit,equibusunum

Q
.

etiam censoremettriumphantem, quartum autem praetorem eosque salvos Metellus Id. Tusc. r e 35. 85, q u ille honor atis quattuor filiis. Val. Max. fecit uteodem tempore tres filios 7. consulares, unum etiam censorium et triumphalem, quartum praetorium videret. Veil. Pat. n, quattuor filios sustulit, adultae aetatis vidit, omnis omnis reliquit superstiteset honoratissimos. Mortui eius lectum pro rostris sustulerunt quattuor filii, unus consularis
1 i i

i.

i.

i,

i.

censorius, alter consularis, tertius consul, quartus candidatus consulatus quern honorem adeptus est. So also Plutarch,
et

De

fortuna

Romana

4, /ecu

Kat/a A.ios MeVcXXos 6

KKo//,io/xevos.

Ma,KeSovi/<os

yepw

VTTO Teo-o-a/CKDV 7rai <W vTrariKan/

Thus we

tine s

filios error in writing authority of Cicero, Velleius Paterculus, Valerius Maximus and Plutarch. Probably Livy gave the same as these authors

quinque

see AugUSagainst the

in

one of the books (16-19) dealing with the period of the Punic war when the Metelli first came into prominence.

first

In

105

same Metellus is mentioned. On the hand against the above sources and against Augustine other
Epit. 19 a victory of this

Pliny

(H.

N.

7.

13.

59)

says

cum sex liberos

multos liberos

relinqueret (7. relinquere. Catilina 86. 13.

and

43. 140)

pessimus

oppressus

inopia et
i

in bello

sui sceleris prostratus

See SallustCat., Cic. In Cat, Livy Epit. 102, 103, Florus

Epit.
2.

12,

Eutrop. Brev.

6.

15, Veil. Pat. Hist.

Rom.

2.

34.

86. 23. Mariusa miserantibus Minturnensibus Maricae deae in luco eiuscommendatus est ut ei omnia prosperaret, et ex summa desperatione revers-us n in urbem d;u x t crudele m^ c r u columis delis exercitum.
i
i

The account as given here is not to be found in Florus, In Eutropius, Valerius Maximus or Velleius Paterculus. Valerius Maximus we find the nearest approach (2. 10. 6)

Minturnenses autem

maiestate illius

capti conprehensum iam et constrictum dira fati necessitate incolumem praestiterunt, but he does not mention the goddess in
whose grove
Marius was concealed. Velleius Paterculus mentions the goddess, but his account is not that to which Augustine refers extractus harudineto circa
:

paludem Maricae in quam se fugiens consectantisSullae equites abdiderat, iniectoincollum loro in carcerem Minturnensium iussu duumviri perductus
est

We may conclude that (Rom. Hist. 2. 19. 2). Augustine got his information here from one of the lost books of Livy, probably the eightieth, in the epitome of which we have mention of Marius return to the city and his cruelty,
We may
note that Plutarch gives the same facts to
39).

which

Augustine refers (Vitae. Marius,

io6

vilis
v o
1

ubi quam cruenta, quam incihostilique immanior eius victoria fuerit, eos qui scripserunt legant qui
86. 27.

u n

See notes on pp.

84. 5, 85. 14, 86. 23.

cum primum ad Urbem contra 87. 17. Marium castra movisset (Sulla), adeo laeta exta immolanti fuisse scribit
Livius ut custodiri se Postumius haruspex voluerit capitis supplicium subiturus, nisi eaquae in animo Sulla haberet, diis iuvantibus implevissetThis was evidently in the seventv-seventh book of Livy, which has been lost. In Epit. 77 we read of the first entrance of Sulla into the city againt Marius, L. Sylla consul

cum exercitu in urbemvenit etadversus factionem Sulpici et Mari in ipsa urbe expugnavit eamque expulit.
Compare
Ov<ravTos

Plut.

Vitae,
TO.

Sulla.

9:

6
ra<s

Sc

/xavrts

IIoo-Tov/xtos

avrov

Kara/xa^wv

o-^eia KOI

\etpa.<s

d//,<orepas

TW

SvAAa
el
j.7

7r/ooreii/as,

r)iov $e6fjvai KCU

Trai/r

This same
in
i.

Postumius haruspex
in

is

mentioned

connection with Sulla

33. 72; see also Val.

a sacrificial act in Cic.

i.

De

Div.

Max.

6.

4.

We may

also note here

that Augustine has followed the authority of Livy as against that of Cicero and Valerius Maximus. Cicero (De Div. i. 33.
72)

makes
f
i

tke
1

incident
r e

take
i

Nolam
t
,

place
a

s s

m
i.

ante oppidum Samnitium castra

c e p

so also Val. Max. 6. 4, qua visa Postumi haruspicis hortatu continue exercitum in expeditionem eduxit ac fortissima(?) Samnitium castra cepit. In these words Valer
ius

Maximus has very

Sulla 9
If

closely

followed
the

Cicero.

Vitae,

(ad
it

init.),

gives

same
it

account

Plutarch, as
be,

Augustine.

is

the

same

incident, as

seems to

io 7
all these cases, probably the version by Augustine, after Livy, is the correct one, as it was probably found also in the i>7ro/Av?7/AaTa of Sulla, which Plutarch also knew.

that

is

referred to in

given

here

Deinde cum esset in Asia bellum 87. 25. Mithridaticum g erens, per Lucium Titium ei mandatum est a love, quod esset Mithridatem superaturus, et factum
is here following Livy also, but that part of Livy s history has been lost. According to Plutarch (Vitae, Sulla 17.) this man s name was not Lucius Titius but ws Se SuXXas avros cv 8eKaYa> rail/ QuintlUS TltlUS.
yeypa<

est. No doubt Augustine

KoiWios Tmos, OVK

O.VTOV
fjBr]

a<J>avr)S

avrjp

raV

cv
/xa^r/i/

rJKt

Trpos

rrjv eV

Xaipooveta vcvLKrjKora

aTrayyeXXoov

on

Kai

Scurepav 6

Tpo</>an/tos

avroOi

/xa^ryi/

/cat

VLK^V Trpocrry/xatvet evrbs

oXtyov
28.

87.

Urbem
civili

Ac postea molienti redire

et

in

suas

ulcisci, iterum man datum est ab eodem love per militem quendamlegionis sextae, prius se de

amicorumque

iniurias

sanguine

Mithridate praenuntiasse victoriam, tune promittere daturumsepotestatem, qua recuperaret ab inimicis rem publicam non sine multo sanguine. Turn percontatus Sulla, quae forma militi visafuerit.
et
. .

Doubtless this was found

in

one of the now

lost

books of

Livy

and

in

Sulla

memoirs.
17.
/txera

We
Se

find

Plutarch Vitae,
(TTpa.Tvo[Jicvwv

Sulla,

TOVTOV

preserved in eV raet di/r/p

it
TOJI>

oi/o/xa

SiO.Xovrjvio S

avrjveyKf.
e^etv.

Kara

rr)v

IraXiai/

Trpa^eis

/jit\\ov
OXi)yu,7ria)

Trapa TOV Oeov reAos olov al a/xcoTpot 8e raura

Kai TO

T(3

yap

Att

Kat TO /caAXos

etv

<^>acrav.

io8
88. 17. Deinde cum venisset Tarentum Sulla atque ibi sacrificasset, vidit in capita vitulini iecoris similitudinem coronae aureae. Tune Postumius harusei pex ille respondit praeclaram victoriam iussitque utextis significari illis solus vesceretur. Postea parvo intervallo servus cuiusdam Lucii Pontii vaticinando clamavit: A Bellona nuntius venio, victoria tua est, Sulla. Deinde adiecit arsurum esse Capitolium.

Again we
Ovcravros
6 A.o/3os
fjikv

have only Plutarch

eu$etos
r)
Sie/3>7

see
Sa<n7<;

Vitae,
HOVTLOV
7roXe/xot>

Sulla

27.

yap

Trept

Tapavra,
<f>r}crli

crrec^avou TVTTOV ^(ov

@o<f>6pr)Tov

w(f>0r]

ev Se

^tXouta)

OLK^TTJV

A-eyovra Trapa r^s

ei

E^vou? /cparos

/cat

VIKVJV

8e

fjir]

o Treucretci/ e/XTT7rp^cr^at TO KaTrtrwXtov.

AugUSlost
find

eighty-fifth

no doubt got his information here from the now book of Livy, in the epitome of which we mention of Sulla s return to Italy.
tine 89. 26.

quadam Campaniae lata ubi non multo post civiles acies planitie, nefario proelio conflixerunt, ipsi inter se prius pugnare visi sunt. Namque ibi
in

auditi sunt primum ingentes fragores, moxque multi se vidisse nuntiarunt per aliquot dies duas acies proeliari. Quae pugna ubi destitit, vestigia quoque velut hominum et equorum, quanta deilla conflictatione exprimi poterant,

invenerunt.
This incident,
Obseq.
"

The

Battle of the

Demons," is

not

men
Jul.

tioned anywhere in the extant works of Livy.

Compare

57(n8)L.Scipione

C.

Norbanocoss,

Volturnum ingens signorum sonus armorumquecum horrendo clamore auditus,

per Syllana tempora inter

Capuam

et

io 9

viderentur duae acies concurrere perplures dies. Rei miraculo interius considerantibus vestigia equorum hominumque et recenter protritae herbae et virgulta visa. But there can be no doubt that
i

ut

Augustine got
tant.

it

from one of the books of Livy no longer ex

miles quidam, dum occiso spolia go. 5. detraheret, fratrem nudato cadavere agnovit ac detestatus bella civilia se ipsum ibi perimens fraterno corpori
a d
i

u n x

alter

quo bello duo fratres, Pompeii exercitu, alter ex Cinnae, ignorantes concurrerunt, et cum victor spolia ret occisum, agnito fratre, ingenti lamentatione edita, rogo ei exstructo, ipse se supra rogum transfodit.
See Livy Epit. 79, in

ex

92.

19.

C
p.

a e
57.

c s
i

See note
93.

r.

19.
i

Vir
.

graviset philosophaster
Philosophaster

T
is

fine

touch of amused scorn.

used only this once in the DCO, and in leccl it is a7ra of Aiuu>tme but in Latin Aeyo /xvov not only in the writings This is the only instance in For ;rlhni (w lt-re the re literature.
ference

Du Cin; 14) passage from Augustine some MSS. e.ul

l

7. Verr. and does not occur in

Cic.

14

mu
i

d be
.

c.

5
in

Verr.

Kve:i

the above

philosophus
t.

e r

which, of course,
n o b

is
i

incorrjc
s

95.

26.

sanguine

h a n c

peperere suo.
Both Dombart and Hoffmann have printed these words as ordinary prose not noticing that they are a quoiatiun from
Virgil

Aeneid n.

24.

no
96.
5.

lapis

a p

n u

s.

It is not perfectly clear

whether reference

is

made

to

some
"

stone statue of Jupiter or to some sacred stone -on the Capitoline

on this passage) says: St. veut parler de la fameuse statue de pierre e leve e a Augustin Aul. Gell. i. The words found in Jupiter au Capitole. Aulus Gellius are: lapidem, inquit,
hill.

Saisset

(footnote

21."

lovem sanctissimumiusiurandum habitum quod

t
.

e s
25,

The
TO op/aa

classical

passage
crvvOrjK&v,

is

found
eis

in
rr]v

Polybius,
X**-P a

3.

eon

Se

Aia XiOov TOLOVTOV.

?repi
TWI>

Aa/3a)i>

^Oov

Troiov/xeros

TO,

7rei8av ofAOO-y (fy/Acxria TriVrct

el

Xeyet

Ta8,

euop/cowrt fj.v

rroitiv

rayaOa

8e

aAXws

SiavorjOeLyv

rj

TTUVTWV TWV
vo/xois
7rt rail/
.

aAAa>i>

(rw^o/xevwv kv rats tSi ats Trarpuriv, ev rots

leptov
ctTrcbi/
T<x<a)V,

t8tW /JiW
/cat

eyw /xwos
rov \i6ov

eKTrecroiyat

ws oSe At^os vCv

Tairr*

piirrti

IK

T?}S

See Tyrrell

note on

lovem

lapidem

iurare

on

bius,

Fam. 7. 12, where he quotes this passage from Poly and Strachan-Davidson s note on the same passage in his Prolegomena VIII. (p. 73-80) to Selections from Polybius, Oxford 1888.
Cic.

Ill

BOOK
100. 24.

III.

Romulum Martis.
i.

See Livy

4,

genitus Martis cum Remo editus est, Cic. De Re

101. 5.

et

Florus Epit. Romulus Marte Rhea Silvia, Eutrop. Brev.

i. i,
i.

i,

fratre
pub.
2.

uno

partu

2.

4.

vir

doctissimus eorum Varro

falsa haec esse....paene fatetur. Sed utile esse civitatibus dicit ut se viri fortes, etiamsi falsum sit, diis genitos esse credant, ut eo modo animus humanus velut divinae stirpis fiduciam gerens res magnas adgrediendas prae-

sumat audacius, agat vehementius

et

ob hoc impleat ipsa securitate felicius.

Quae Varronis sententia expressa,

potui, meis verbis....
For
this, as for all

ut

subsequent quotations from or para Fragmenta Varronis (Lugduni-Batav. 1836), Schwarz, De Varronis apud sanctos patres vestigiis, (Leipzig 1888), and Agahd, M. Terenti Varronis Antiquitatum Rerum Divinarum libri I., XIV., XV., XVI.,
phrases of Varro, see Francken,
(Leipzig 1898.)
102. 9.

Romani

antiqui

in

stupro detecd e
-

Vestae sacerdotes vivas etiam fodiebant.

tas
Jerome
See Livy. 2. 42. n, 8. 15. s Chronicle of Eusebius
7.,

2,

virgo vestalis Sunia stupro viva defossa

Aen. 11.206.
guilty Vestal

Compare in BE) deprehensa in Servius on Verg. est.

Epit.
2,

63.

(vol. 8,

col.

384

The
is

found

best account of the death of a supposed in the younger Pliny Ep. 4. u. 6.

112

132.

ii.

qua mor

;M
t

vis aliqua
c

autem adulteras feminas, damnatione, nullatamen plectebant.

is

Th s sleeping statement of Augustine From Auius (iil.i.is N. A. 10. 23 we learn that

power
quotes
ID put to
fr
>m

not correct.

the husband had

death his wife

a.

spcjoli of

if caught in adultery. Gellius n q u a i d Cato entitled de dote

:

quoquo scriptum
ores
n e c a
d e p
r e
.

r
.

e h e n s
.

ita

DC scriptum:
.

est in adulterio u x a s ius fuisse maritis Jure autem occidendi adulterio uxorem In
i

tuam

si

e h e n d
.

s s e s

sine iudicio
i
i

This continued until the introduction p u n e n e c a r e s t e r s e t p u d i c i t i a, a d c a d u of the lex J u

I
i

passed by Augustus B.C. 18, by which the death of an unfaith ful wife at the pK asure of the husband (sine iudicio)

was forbidden, and a family court required

tion.

for

such condemna
10. 31. 9

Probably Augustine

h.ul

rtk-rjnce to Livy

Q. Fabius G urges consults filius aliquot m a t r o n a s ad p o p u u m s t u p r d a m n a t a s reference given in the BE note. pecunia m u t a v
1

a.

quid miser urn commiserat Ilium, Fimbria, Marian arum partium h o mine pessimo, everteretur.... porro autem Fimbria prius edictum proposuit ne cui parceretur, atque urbem t o t a m
103.

17

ut

cunctosque in concremavit.
in the

ea

homines

incendio

The account of this was to be found in Augustine s day now lost eighty-third book of Livy; compare Epit. 83, urbem Ilium, quae se potestati Syllae

reservabat, expugnavit ac delevit. Com

pare Augustine

tra

Illi enim con clauserant ut portas Sullae servarent integram civitatem.

DCD.

III. 7

(p.

104, 2),

Fimbriam

Though

the epitome does not mention the edict of Fimbria,

we cannot doubt but

This
is

that

it

was found

in

Livy

own work.

not recorded by Florus or Eutropius.

27.

104.

Eversis

omnibus cum oppido simulacris solum Minervae sub tanta ruina templi illius, ut scribit Livius, integrum stetisse
perhibetur.
reference here must be to the lost eighty-third book of Livy, the epitome of which mentions the sack of Ilium by Fimbria. Livy s description has been saved in Julius Obse-

quippe

et

incensis

The

Fimbria incenso Minervae deflagrascum aedes quoque set, inter ruinas simulacrum antiquissimum inviolatum stetit spemque resquens, 56. (116),

Ilio

C.

titutionis oppido portendit.

105.
9.

Ilium.

Expugnante Fimbria cecidit Unde ergo stetit Minervae sim

a

ulacrum?
See the two preceding notes.
105.
ii.

Gallis ipsa
.
. . .

Roma capta

et

a d incensa e s t redierunt ut saltern Capitolinum collem, qui remanserat, tuerentur.

vocem anseris cito

See note.

p. 84, 21.

Hi etiam Numam Pompilium 105. 20. successorem Romuli adiuvisse credunturut toto regni sui tempore pacem haberet et lani portas, quae bellis

patere adsolent, clauderet, eo merito scilicet, quia Romanis multa sacra constituit. See Livy Qui regno ita 19 (ad init.) urbem novam, conditam vi et potitus armis,iure earn legibusque ac moribus deintegro condere parat. Quibus cum
i.

114

adsuescere videret non posse, quippe efferari militia animos, mitigandum ferocem populum armorum desuetudine ratus, lanum ad infimum Argiletum indicem pacis bellique fecit, a p e r t us ut in armis esse civitatem, clausus pacatos circa omnes populos significaret. Eutrop. Brev. 3, Numa Pompiliusrexcreatusestqui bellum quidem nullum gessit. Florus, Epit. See note p. 2.
inter

bella

i.

i.

72.

6.

106. ii. Quid ergo est quod illi quadraginta tres, vel, ut alii volunt r ginta novem anni, in tarn longa pace transact! sunt regnante Numa.
t
i

Livy gives 43 years and Cicero

39.

Livy

i.

21. 6,

Numa
20,
rpi a

tres
dXX
B
i.
eTTi

et
ye

quadraginta,
No/xa /JacriXetas
err]

Plutarch,

Vitae,

Numa
uxjiOrj^

rrj<5

ouSc/xtai/

^/xepav dVewy/xevos

Kal

TTTapaKOVTa

crwc^ws

e/xcii/e /ceKXeicr/xevos.

Eutrop. Brev.

3 also gives 43

says he
pub.
2.

years, though the Bened. note (ad h. 1.) Jerome s Chron of assigns only 41 to Numa s reign.

Eusebius (sub
14. 27)

Numa)
writes

assigns 41 years.

Sic

ille

raginta annos summa in pace concordienim aque regnavisset (sequamur potissimum Polybium nostrum quo nemo fuit in exquirendis temporibus In spite of diligentior) excessit e vita.
the statement above quoted from Plutarch we might get 40 or 41 years by comparing the closing words of chap. 21 ereXc^o-e Se \p6vov ou TTO\VV rots oySoT/KovTo, 7rpo(7/5i(ooaas with the opening

cum undequad-

But Cicero (De Re

words

of

chap.
r^KOV

5
(XTTO

dXXa

yap
ot

eros

7/877

StareXowrt

TO)

No/aa
?ri

T(TcrapaKO<TTOi>

Pwyarjs

Trpecr/Scts

TrapaKaXovvrcs

TYJV

posttam multos annos ab urbe condita usque ad Augustum pro

106,
15.

vix

"5

magno miraculo unus commemoratur annus post primum bellum Punicum, Romani claudere quo belli portas
potuerunt
See Livy
i.
?

19.

bis

deinde
also
orav
r)

post

Numae
Numa
20,

tum

regnum clausus fuit, semel T. Manlio consule post Punicum primum perfecbellum,....
ew^OaL
o
Sr)

Plutarch,
TroAe/xos,

Vitae,

/xev

avrov
rjv

/ceKAer#ai Se cip^vrys

^a\7rov

/ecu

crTravicos

yivd/xcvov

.....

TrXrjv tirl

ye TOV ^ffiacTTOv KaiVapos cKXeiaOyj Ka^cXovros A.vT(i)viov, /cat Trporcpov M.dpKov AriXiov /ecu Tcrov MaXXt ov ^jpovov ov TTO\VV.

Neque enim aliunde Apollo Cumanus, cum adversus Achaeos regemque Aristonicum bellaretur, quad108.
18.

ille

riduo flevisse nuntiatus est....

Compare
Julius

Obsequens 28 (Jahn

edition),

Pub

Crassus adversus Aristonicum dimicans occisus. Apollinis simulacrum Cumis lacrimavit per quatriduum. Vates responderunt Graeciae fore exitium, unde deductum esset. Sacrificatum turn a Romanis donaque in templo
p o
s
i

this passage.
98),

Jahn quotes from Augustine in the footnote on Cicero probably refers to the same (De Div. i. 43.
to

cum Cumis Apollo sudavit.

The war
which Augustine refers seems to be that men

Livy Epit. 59, Florus Epit. i. 35, Eutrop. Brev. 4. and Augustine s authority here must be the lost fifty-ninth 20, book of Livy, as he gives a fuller account than that found in Julius Obsequens. Why does Augustine add adversus

tioned in

Achaeos?
but
it is

In Livy 43. 13. 4, a similar incident not the one referred to. by Augustine.
22.

is

recorded,

109.

rex quippe Tarquinius

ibi

Capi-

tolium fabricavit.

See Livy
i

i.

55.

Eutrop.

Brev.

i.

6,

Capitolium

Compare Cic. De Re pub. 2. 20. 36, where the aedemque in Capitolio lovi Optimo m a x m o was vowed by L. Tarquinius, and 2. 24. 44, where
n c h o a v
i

Tarquinius

Superbus

votum patris
persolvit.
It

Capitolii
is

aedificatione
authority (see note

not

clear

whether Augustine here follows Livy or Varro, for in BCD IV. 23, where the same building is referred to, Varro is the
p.

174. 30).

109. 23. Aesculapius autem ambivit ad Romam.

ab

Epidauro

inventum in libris, AesEpidauro Romam arcesculapium cum pestilentia civitas s e n d u m and Epit. missi legati ut Aesculapi laboraret, signum Romam ab Epidauro transferSee Livy
10. 47. 7,

ab

1 1,

rent.
a

Livy

is

the source.

mater etiam deum nescio unde 109. 25. Pessinunte. See note p. 57. n and p. 46. 29. See Livy 29. 10 sq.
no.
i.

Cynocephalum,
his

qui longe postea

knowledge of Cynoce-

venit ex Aegypto.
Augustine here probably got
phalus from Varro.
In

BCD

XVI.

8 he says of Cynocephali

quid dicam de Cynocephalis, quorum canina capita atque ipse latratus magis bestias quam homines confitetur?
In Tert. Ap.
6,

Cynocephalus
22,

is

Egyptian Minucius Felix, Octav.

deities as prohibited

mentioned along with other from the Capitol. Compare

cum Cynocephalo suo

Isis.perditum filium
et

calvis sacer.

dotibus luget, plangit, inquirit mox invento parvulo gaudet Isis, ex ultant sacerdotes, Cynocephalus in ventor gloriatur. From the passage quoted above
.
.

from Augustine

(BCB XVI.

8),

Cynocephali seem to be a

117

monstrous race of men, and Cynocephalus

is

also an

Egyp
and

tian deity, probably, from the derivation of the to be identified with Anubis.
K<^>aX^),

word

(KVWV

no.
i

8. t

ut
in

Varro dicit, certos

the

atque
Antiquities

n c e r

o s.

This was

39th and

4oth

books of

(Quadraginta antiquitatum, BCD

unum
VI.

libros
3),

scripsit
:"

books of the second division of

his

work

or in the i4th and i5th de rebus divinis

"

Hanc

velut

pompam obsequiorum
certi,
VI.
3

in

tribus, qui restant, dii ipsi sequuntur extremi, quibus iste universus cultus

inpensus est: in primo dii secundo incerti .... (DCD

the complete analysis of Varro
s

in

contains

Antiquitates).

dolo raperent moxque in. 3. ut ea compellerentur pugnare cum soceris, ut miserae feminae nondum ex iniuria maritis conciliatae iam parentum san guine dotarentur?.... in. 25. Romani autem soceros interficiebant in proeliis quorum iam filias amplexabantur in thalamis.
See note
p. 72. 22.

Romulus de suorum iam virtute 112 12. desperans lovem oravit ut starent, atque ille hac occasione nomen S a toris invenit....
t

ipso

foro pugna, adeo ut Romulus lovem oraret, foedam suorum fugam sisteret; hinc templum et Stator I u
p
i

See Livy

i.

12 sq.

Florus Epit.

i.i.

i,

atrox

in

e r

Compare

Plut. Vitae,

Romulus

18.

Livy

is

Augus

tine s source.

Deinde Titum Tatium regem 112. 17. Sabinorum socium regni Romulus ferre

compulsus est....Unde et ipso interfecto, ut maior deus esset, regnum

solus obtinuit.
Florus Epit. i. i. i, sic pax See Livy i. n sq. facta cum Tatio foedusque percussum, sequutaque res mira dictu, ut relictis sedibus suis novam in urbem hostes

demigrarent.
Here Augustine lays the blame of the death of Titus Taon Romulus. On what authority has he done so ? Eutropius, Florus, Velleius Paterculus, Valerius Maximus and Cicero do not, in their extant writings, mention the death of Titus Tatius. Augustine did not find this account in Livy, L av i n i who thus records the death of Tatius:
tius

Nam

cum ad sollemne sacrificium

set,

eo venis-

concursu

facto

interficitur.

We

can only suppose that Augustine here, in the passion of argu ment, has become too rhetorical and made a misstatement, in which he is followed by his contemporary, Orosius (Adv. pag. 2. ut in socie4. 6),

Titum Tatium. mox tatem regni adsumpsit occidit.

. . .

113.

i.

Quam crebrae

strages

Romani

Albanique exercitus fuerunt et utriusque comminutio civitatis! Alba namque ilia.... a Tullo Hostilio rege provocata conflixit,....Tunc eventum belli de tergeminis hinc atque inde fratribus placuit experiri: a Romanis tres Horaab Albanis autem tres Curiatii tii, processerunt.
. .

See
reference

Livy

i,

22

sq.,

Eutrop.

Brev.

i.

4.

But
i. i.

the
3.

comes

straight

from

Florus

Epit.

exercita iuventute provocare ausus et diu Albanos,. gravem principem Sed cum pari robore f r e populum. comquentibus proeliis utrique
-

minuerentur, misso in compendium Horatiis Curiatiisque, r geminis hinc atque inde fratribus, utriusque populi fata permissa sunt
bello,
t
i

comminutio civitatis comminuerentur, and the

hinc atque
batim from Florus.

.... Augustine seems here to follow closely the account and words of Florus. Note Augustine says, utriusque
;

Florus

t r

q u e

words

inde

tergeminis
are

fratribus
7.

taken ver

Compare

tissimi viri, qui nondum libera civitate tamen populi Romani comitiis liberatus est, cum sua manu sororem esse interfectam fateretur, Id. De. Inv.
2.

Cic. pro Milone, 3.

Horati,for-

26.

78.
2.

Alba namque ilia quam filius 113. Aeneae creavit Ascanius.

See Livy
i.

3.

3.

Marcellus Syracusanam civi113. 28. tatem recolens eius paulo ante culmen etgloriam sub manus suas subito concidisse communem cogitans condicionem flendo miseratus est?
See note
115.
16.
p.

n.

i.

Horatiorum soror.
p.

See note
115.
f r

113.

i.

27.
.

Alba,
i.

ubi

Amulius
fratre
4.

expulso

t r e

r e

See Livy g n a t
.

3.

n.

pulso
i.
i.

Amulius

Florus Epit.

De Romulo viderit adulatio fabulosa, qua perhibetur receptus in caelum; viderint quidam scriptores
116.
12.

I2O

eorum qui eum propter ferocitatem a senatu discerptum esse dixerunt subornatumque nescio quern lulium P r o culum, qui /eum sibi apparuisse diceret mandasse se populo per eumque Romano utinter numinacoleretur.... Acciderat enim et solis defectio.
-

Compare Livy s account i. 16., from which it will easily be seen that Augustine has not here followed Livy, as the
latter gives neither the

subornatum lulium
P
r

P
.

c u

nor the
2.

solis defectio.
o c u
1

Compare
i

Cic.

De Re

pub.

10. 20.

qui

inpulsu patrum quo illi a se invidiam interitus Romuli pellerent, in contione dixisse fertur a se visum esse in eo colle Romulum qui nunc Quirinalis vocatur;

populum delubrum Quirinum

Though Cicero

sibi mandasse ut ut sibi eo in colle rogaret fieret; se deum esse et vocari, also De Legg i. i. 3.

eum

in

these passages

does

not

mention

the

solis
In

defectio,

words that he found that

we know from Augustine s own in Cicero. Compare p. 117. 21.

-

Hortensio vero dialogo... ut e a s dem, inquit, tenebras efficiat quas effecit in interitu Romuli, qui o b scuratione solis est factus, and from this
dialogue

Augustine may have taken the whole account. Augustine s authority is doubtless Cicero, whom he mentions and quotes from in this chapter. Also p. 117. 8. he says

alii

addunt

scriptores eorum defectioni solis etiam subitam tempestatem.

Here, after he had consulted Cicero, he evidently noted the accounts given of the same event by other writers. Livy
(i.

16)

Florus

and Eutropius (Brev. i. 2. 2.) tell of the tempest (Epit. i. i. i) mentions both the tempest and the
;

eclipse of the sun.

121

Both Livy and Cicero write Proculus

lulius Proculus.

lulius,

but Florus

nam et alii scriptores eorum 117. 8. defectioni solis addunt etiam subitam
tempestatem.
See Livy
i.

16.

i,

cum magno fragore tonitribusque tarn denso regem o.peruit nimbo ut conspectum eius contioni abstulerit. Eutrop. orta subito tempestate. Florus Brev. 1.2, oborta tempestas solisque Epit. defectio consecrationis speciem praei.
i.

subito coorta tempestas

i,

b u e

r e

117.

12 and 28.

tilius)

qui et ipse (Tullus Hosfulmine absumptus est.

prava

i. 31. 8, sed ira lovis sollicitati religione fulmine ictum cum domo conflagrasse. Eutrop. Brev. i. 4, ful mine ictus cum domo sua arsit. Jerome s

See Livy

Chron. of Eusebius (BE

vol. 8, col 363).

117. 26. excepto Numa Pompilio et Anco Marcio qui morbo interierunt.

Livy i. 21. 6 does not say how Numa died, but we may probably infer from this silence that Livy supposed he died a natural death. Florus Epit. i. i. 2 likewise says nothing as
to the

manner
e

of his death.

cessit
expressly
aura)

vita;

morbo decessit;
reAeirrTys,

pub. 2. alone (Brev. Eutropius

Cic.

De Re

14. 27,
i.

e x

3)

writes

Plutarch, Vitae,
cu<viSioi>

Numa

21 (ad fin.), 6 No/xas

rrjs

ereAeuTT/crev ov ra^et as ouS

//.t/cpov

dAA.a Kara

VTTO

yrjpws

KCU vocrov

aTTo/xapau/o/xci/os ais IcrToprjKf. Ilto-wv.

In regard to
i.
i.

4) gives details as

Ancus neither Livy (i. 35) nor Florus (Epit. to how he died, nor does Cicero (De
33).

Re

pub.

2.

18.

Jerome

Chron.

of

Eusebius

vol. 8, col. 366),

ad

extremum morbo

(BE

periit;

122

Eutrop.

Brev.
359)

i.

5,

morbo
nothing

periit.

But

Jerome
-

about the death of Numa Pompilius. Accordingly in both cases Augustine has fol lowed Eutropius. Is it possible that this statement and the following (p. 117, 28. 30. 31) were found also in the Hortensius of Cicero, in which was recorded the translation of

(BE

8.

says

Romulus

(p.

117, 21)

117. 28. Tullus, ut dixi, Hostilius, victor et eversor Albae, cum tota domo sua fulmine concrematus est.

Again Eutropius
i.

is

Augustine

authority.

Compare Brev.

Hie bella reparavit, Albanos vicit .... fulmine ictus cum domo sua
4,

a r s

Livy gives the

same account:

o v

fulmine ictum cum domo conflagrasse (i. 31. 8). Priscus Tarquinius per sui 117. 30. decessoris filios interemptus est.
sollicitati

prava

religione

See Livy

i.

40.

7.

The source

is

Eutrop. Brev.

i.

6,

per Anci filios occisus est, regis eius cui ipse successerat. Cic. De Re pub. 2. 21. 38,
Jerome
s

Chron. of Euseb. BE,

vol. 8, col. 357.

Servius Tullius generi sui Tarquinii Superbi qui ei successit in regnum nefario scelere occisus est. See Livy The source is Eutrop. Brev. Oc 48. 7, cisus est scelere generi sui Tarquini Superbi, filii eius regis, cui ipse suc cesserat, et filiae quam Tarquinius habebat uxorem. Augustine here makes no mention
117. 31.
i.

i.

and Livy refers to the same, but compare

of the participation of Tullia in the act, as Eutropius does, p. 118. 30, g e-n e r i

sui scelere

nee ignorante filia.

vol. 8, col. 373)
:

Jerome,

Chroa. of Euseb. (Bened. ed.,

Tarquinii

Superbi, generi sui, superioris regis

123

filii,

seel

re

occisus

est

guage here closely follows that of Eutropius, to be following as his authority.

118.
c a n
t

Augustine s lan whom he seems

8.

de
.

manubiis Capitolium fabrid e

See Florus Epit. 1.1.7.

Brev.
i.

erexit, also Eutrop. Augustine here has followed Florus Livy i. 55. 7. or Livy rather than Eutropius.
8,

rum urbium templum

de
p.

manubiis capta-

118.

17.

Lucretiae stupro.

See note
118.
18.

31. 12.

Ardeam civitatem tune oppugi.

n a b a

t.

See Livy

57, Florus Epit.

i.

i.

7,

Eutrop. Brev.

i. 8.

8.

27.

in

oppido

Tusculo

Romae

vicino quattuordecim, ut fertur, annos privatam vitam quietus habuit et cum uxore consenuit. See Livy 2. 15. 7, Tarquinius, spe omni reditus incisa, exulatum ad generum

Mamilium Octavium Tusculum

Florus does not mention
this.
i.

abiit.
se

But Augustine here closely

follows Eutropius Brev.

n,

Tusculum
uxore
the

con-

tulit, quae civitas non longe ab urbe est, atque ibi per quattuordecim an

nos

privatus
alone

cum

consenuit.

words privatus, quattuordecim annos, and cum uxore consenuit, as Livy and others do not give these
Eutropius

matches

details.

per ducentos ferme et quadratres annos. ginta Livy Epit. i, regnatum est annis CCLV, while Livy i. 60. 3, regnatum Romae ab con119. 8.

124

dita urbe ad liberatam ducentos quadraginta quattuor, Cic. De Re pub. 30. lis enim regiis quadraginta a n n s 52, et ducentis paulo. Florus, Epit. p r m a aetas sub regibus fuit prope per annos quadringentos which seems to have better MSS. authority than the more correct prope ducentos quinquaginta per annos. Jerome, Chron. of
2.
i

i.

i,

Euseb.

Bened.
a

ed.

vol.

8,

col.

381,

Romanorum

reges

Romulo, septem usque ad Tarquinium Superbum, imperaverunt annis CCXL sive, ut quibusdam placet,

CCXLIII
;

CCXLIV).
Romae
annis
v
i

But Augustine is evidently following Eutropius as his authority compare Brev. 1.8, Ita regna-

tum est per septem reges ducentis quadraginta tribus.

IIQ.
10.

vix

illud

imperium intra

urbe milia dilataverint. ginti See Eutrop. Brev. i. 8 (ad fin.), cum adhuc Roma, ubi plurimum, vix usque ad quintum decimum miliarium possideret, and Je
ab
rome, Chron. of Euseb., BE,
If

vol. 8, col. 381,

XV lapidem Roman! tenebant imperium.

the

vix usque ad
to have

MS. readings are correct Augustine seems

is is

made

a slip in writing
unless,

intra viginti ab urbe milia,

conscious that he
certainly
is

of course, he generally, for "XV."

speaking very

intra viginti.

Nam lunius Brutus exhonora119. 26. tum eiecit urbe collegam Lucium Tar quinium Collatinum.
See note
p.

73.

14.

119. 28. ipse (lunius Brutus) in bello cecidit mutuis cum hoste vulneribus, occisis a se ipso primitus filiis suis

125

et

quod eos coniurasse cogrestituendo Tarquinio

uxoris
r

suae

fratribus,

no

v e

See Livy 2. 74, Florus Epit.

120. 17.

5 sq.,
i.

Cic. Tusc.

i.

37. 89,
i.

Id.

De

Sen. 20.

3 sq., Eutrop. Brev.

10.

idem Brutus consanguineus Tarquinii fuisseperhibetur. L. lunius The source is evidently Livy 56. 7: sorore regis, natus. Brutus, Tarquinia, Brutus parens Eutropius gives a different version: 8. 2). et ipse Tarquini (Brev. consul cum Bruto creatus est 120. 28. maritus Lucretiae L Tarq.uinius Colet
i.
i.
.

Nam

la

n u

See Livy

i.

60, Florus

Epit.

i.

3,

Eutrop.

Brev.

i.

9,

fuerunt igitur anno primo ab expulsis regibus consules L. lunius Brutus et Tarquinius Collatinus, maritus Lu
cretiae.

Lucretius quoque, qui in lo 121. 5. cum Bruti subrogatus, morbo antequam idem annus terminaretur, absumptus est. Ita P. Valerius, qui successerat
et M. Horatius, qui pro Lucretio suffectus fuerat, annum ilium funereum atque tartareum, qui consules quinque habuit, complev-

Collatino,

defuncto
e r a n t

2. 8 sq., also Eutrop. Brev. 10, Valerius Publicola Sp. Lucretium Tricipitinum collegam sibi fecit, Lucretiae patrem, quo morbo mortuo iterum Horatium Pulvillum collegam sibi sumpsit. Ita primus annus quinque consules habuit, cum Tarquinius Collatinus propter

See Livy

i.

126

nomen urbe cessisset, Brutus

io

in

proel-

perisset, Sp. Lucretius morbo morIt

tuus esset.
(2. 8.

should be noted here that Augustine has followed Livy 9) in giving to Valerius the praenomen Publius, as

against Eutropius (Brev. i. 9. 4), who gives Lucius, in spite of the fact that Augustine had before him Eutropius at the close of this chapter (16), though in DCD V. 18 (p. 227. 2),

where

his authority is also Eutropius, he gives L. Valerium, thus repeating there the error of Eutropius which he has here

corrected.
123. 6.

ulibus

et

quando Valerius consul ab e x servis inscensum Capitolium

est.
i

cum defensaret occisus

See Livy
123.
ii.
3.

18.
-

qando densissimis fatigata c vitas seditionum malis, cum legates Athenas missos ad leges mutuandas paululum quieta opperiretur, gravi fame pestilentiaque vastata est?
See Livy
123. 14.
3.

31-32.

praefectum annonae primum creavit, atque ilia fame invalescente Spurius

Maelius,
quia

populus, cum fame laboraret,

esurienti

multitudini

frumenta largitus est, regni adfectati crimen incurrit et eiusdem praefecti instantia per dictatorem L. Quintium aetate decrepitum a Quinto Servilio ....occisus est?
See
56, Id.

Livy

4.

12 sq.,
2.

Florus
49,

Epit.
Id.

i.

17,
i.

Cic.
i.

De

Sen.

De Re

pub.

27.

In Cat.

After examining all Vitae, Brutus i. clude that Augustine here followed Livy.
123. 21.

Plutarch, these sources we con

3,

quando
diis

exorta

maxima pestilentia inutilibus populus diu

127

nova lectisantea fecerat, ternia, quod nunquam exhibenda arbitratus est? From Livy 5. 13. 4: gravis pestilensque omnibus, animalibus aestas excepit. Cuius insanabili pernicie quando nee causa nee finis inveniebatur, libri Sibyllini ex senatus consulto aditi lectisterno tune primum in s u n t urbe Romana facto.... quando per decem continues 123. 26. annos male pugnando crebras et m a g exercitus Veios clades nas apud Romanus acceperat, nisi per Furium Camillum tandem subveniretur, quern postea civitas ingrata damnavit? Ubi erant, quando Galli Romam ceperunt caedibus incenderunt spoliaverunt impleverunt

multumque

fatigatus

From Livy

see note

p.

73. 21.

lentiam insignem mors quam matura tarn acerba M. Furi fecit.

124.
2.

cum ilia insignis pestilentia 123. 31. tarn ingentem stragem dedit, qua et ille Furius Camillus extinctus est. From Livy 7. i. 8 maximeque earn pesti;

In
;

hac

pestilentia
8.

scaenicos

ludos.... intulerunt.
From Livy
124. 4.

see note p. 49.

alia

venenis
est. From

matron arum
8.

de gravis pestilentia exorta credita

gives the

Livy

18,

who

names

of

two of them as

Cornelia and Sergia.

128

124. 7quando in Caudinas furculas Samnitibus obsessi ambo cum exercitu consules foedus cum iis dum facere coacti sunt, ita ut equitibus Romanis sescentis obsidibus datis ceteri amissis armis aliisque spoliati privatique tegminibus sub iugum hostium cum vesti mentis singulis mitterentur?

o"^

From Livy
Brev.
2.

9.

2 sq.

See also Florus Epit.

i.

n, Eutrop.

9.

quando 124. 12. pestilentia gravi ceteris laborantibus multi etiam in exercitu icti fulmine perierunt? From Livy 10. 31: in exercitu Ap. Claudii plerosque fulminibus ictos nuntia tum
e s
t
.

124. 14.

alia

intolerabili
ab

pestilentia

Aesculapium Epidauro quasi medicum deum Roma advocare atque adhibere compulsa est.
From Livy
;

see note

p.

109. 23.

cum conspirantibus uno tem124. 19. pore hostibus Lucanis, Brutiis, Sam nitibus, Etruscis et Senonibus Gallis
primo ab eis legati perempti sunt, deinde cum praetore oppressus exercitus septem tribunis cum illo pereuntibus et militum tredecim milibus?
From

Romanorum
fecti

cum legati Epit. 12: Gallis Senonibus intern essent, bello ob id Gallis
Livy.

Compare
a

dicto,

L.

Caecilius

cum legionibus caesus est.... S a m Adversus eos et nites defecerunt. Etruscos et Brittios Lucanos et
-

praetor

ab

eis

I2 9

aliquot proeliis a compluribus ducibus bene pugnatum est; also Florus Ep

it.

i.

Eutrop. Brev. 2. 10. The exact details given by Augustine are not, so far as I know, found in any extant Latin author before the time of Augustine but the account was found in the twelfth book of
12,
;

we have only the epitome the words from which (quoted above) briefly refer to circumstances in which it mentions the four such a calamity might well take place nations which were united against the Romans.
Livy, of which
:

post longas et graves Romae 124. 24. seditiones, quibus ad ultimum plebs
i

Pa

niculum
.
.

hostili
.

diremptione

dictator crearetur Hortensius qui plebe revocata in eodem magistratu exspiravit. aes See Livy Epit n: plebs propter alienum post graves, et longas sedi tiones ad ultimum secessit in laniculum, unde a Q. Hortensio dictatore deducta est; isque in ipso magis tratu decessit, and in this eleventh book of Livy s
secesserat,
.

own work Augustine found his ut inopia 124. 31.

information.

illi....
This
is

militum proletarii militiae conscriberentur.

But we in the extant works of Livy. a doubt say that it was found originally in the earlier part of the twelfth book of Livy, and that for three reasons first Augustine seems to have followed in this chap
not recorded

may without
;

ter an accurate chronological sequence, according to the order given by Livy, of the events of Roman history

consul missos

occisus

praefectum annonae primum creavit--dictatorem L. Quintiumnova lectisternia per decem continues annos. apud Veios-- Galli Romam
. . .

(Valerius legates Athenas

ceperunt ilia insignis pestilentia scaenicos ludos pestilentia gravis in Caudinas de venenis matronarum furculas -multi etiam in exercitu icti fulmine Aesculapium.ab Epidauroconspirantibus uno tempore hostibus ... plebs ad laniculum Hortensius,
.

on

all

of

tinued

which see notes). This sequence seems to be con also after this event. So then the event to which

Augustine refers would come naturally after the death of Hortensius which was related toward the end of Livy n (com pare epit. ii ad fin.) secondly as the terminus a quo
r

would seem

to

nus

ad
a

be the death of Hortensius, so the termi Ac c tu would seem to be quern

i

etiam
Epit. 12,

Tarentinis
in
.

Pyrrhus,

which
;

was

evidently recorded

the latter part of Livy 12

.
.

compare
thirdly,

Pyrrhus.
ferret,

ut

auxilium Taren
venit;
1

tinis

in

^Italian

Augustine informs us that the p r o multa rolled for warfare after

e t a r

were en

bella

ubique

and, since this does not occur in the extant books of Livy, what other time could better suit this than that described in Livy Epit 12, from which we learn that
the

crebruerunt,

Senonian Gauls, Samnites, Lucanians, Bruttians and Etruscans were in arms against Rome ? Compare fragment 12 in Hertz edition of Livy from pope
adv.

Livio auctore, hac urbe exorta pesti lentia infinita hominum milia deperiisse atque eo frequenter ventum, ut e m vix esset unde illis bellicosis poribus exercitus potuisset adscribi. We should note the resemblance between Augustine s lan Ro guage above and that of Orosius (Adv. pag. 4. i. 3) manos qui quantique hostes circumstrepserent permetientes ultima adegit necessitas proletarios quoque in arma
Gelasius Ep.

Andromachum

saepissime

in

cogere, hoc est eos qui in urbe sem per sufficiendae prolis causa vacabat, Orosius must have fol militiae adscribere.
lowed Augustine here, as Zangemeister admits.
124. 34.

Accitus
.

etiam
ferret,
i.

Tarentinis
ut
a u x
-

P y

r r

h u

From

Livy.

See Epit. 12:

Epit.

Pyrrhus,
in
13,

ilium
v e n
i

Tarentinis
also Florus

t,

Eutrop. Brev.

Italian! Hi 2. n:

tra

(Tarentini) Pyrrhum, Epiri regem, con Romanos in auxilium poposcerunt.

Plutarch, Vitae, Pyrrhus 13.

sane de rerum futuro Cui 125. 2. eventu consulenti satis urbane Apollo sic ambiguum oraculum edidit, ut e duobus quidquid accidisset, ipse d vinus haberetur (ait enim, Dico te, Pyrrhe, vincere posse Romanos ).
i

Compare

Cic.

De

Div.

2.

56.

116,

who quotes Ennius

Aio posse.
line
:

te,

Aeacida, Romanos vincere

This no doubt occurred in the latter part of Livy Pyrrhus would naturally consult the oracle before en From Livy Augustine evi tering on the war with Rome. dently took this; first, because all the other events in this
12, as

chapter seem to be taken from Livy; secondly, Augustine seems to be quoting accurately some definite source, D c o
i

vincere posse te, Pyrrhe, compared with the line of Ennius quoted above. mentioned in Plutarch s life of Pyrrhus.

Romanos,
This
is

as

not

in tanta strage bellorum etiam 125. 12. pestilentia gravis exorta est mulierum. Nam priusquam matures partus e d e r

ent,

gravidae moriebantur.
in

This event occurred

ter part), 13,

strage bellorum)

the war with Pyrrhus (in tanta which was related in Livy 12 (lat

and 14 (former part), and after the introduction

32

of Aesculapius to

Rome (ubi se,

credo, Aescula
This
in

pius excusabat, quod archiatrum, non

obstetricem profitebatur). lentia mulierum is not mentioned

p e s t i the epitome of Livy, and we know not exactly at what time in the war it hap pened, but we may assign it to Livy 13, which, as we learn

from the epitome, gives a notice of the first fighting, or to the earlier part of 14, which gives the defeat of Pyrrhus and
the conclusion of the war.
in

Perhaps we might note here that

A. U. C. 472, the second year of the war with Pyrrhus,

censa sunt civium capita ducenta octoginta septem milia ducenta viginti duo (Livy Epit. 13), and in A. U. C. 477, censa sunt ducenta septuaginta capita civium unum milia ducenta- triginta quattuor
owing
showing a decrease in the population, doubtless (Epit. 14) to war and pestilence.
625. 16. i a n t

Pecudes quoque similiter

.

in
3. 6;

ter b
3-

This occurred
32
5

in
*>

several pestilences,

compare Livy

I
3>

41

2I

but n one of these

Augustine is speaking of the time of Compare notes p 124. 31, 125. 2.

125.
18.

referred to here, as the war with Pyrrhus.

is

hiems

ilia

memorabilis

tarn

incredibili inmanitate saeviens, ut nivibus horrenda altitudine etiam in foro per dies quadraginta manentibus Tiberis quoque glacie duraretur.
not mentioned in Livy s epitome, but no doubt found it in the i3th or i4th book of Livy s own Augustine work.

This

is

125. 22.

ilia

itidem

ingens

p e

s t

lentia, quamdiu saeviit, quam multos peremit! Quae cum in annum alium frustra multo tenderetur gravius

133

Aesculapio, aditum est ad libros Sibyllinos....Tunc ergo dic tum est earn esse causam pestilentiae quod plurimas aedes sacras multi o c
praesente
cupatas privatim
tenerent.
i i
,

Nor is this incident mentioned in the Epitome, but it no doubt was taken from Livy book 13 or 14 (compare t d e m and frustra praesente Aesculapio).
126. ii.

Punicis bellis....
Florus Epit.

See for
18,

first

Eutrop. Brev.
21.
i

Punic war Livy Epit 16 sq., Florus Epit. i. For the second Punic war see 2. 20 sq.
i.

Livy
Brev.

sq.,

22,

Eutrop.
Epit.

Brev.
i.

3.

sq.

for the third

4.

Livy Epit. 48

sq.,

Florus,

31,

Eutrop.

10.

Instaurati sunt ex auctoritate 126. 24. librorum Sibyllinorum ludi saeculares, quorum celebritas inter centum annos fuerat instituta felicioribusque t e m poribus memoria neglegente perierat. Renovarunt etiam pontifices ludos sacros inferis et ipsos abolitos annis retrorsum melioribus.
-

Augustine might have derived

Varro.

his information here

8,

from

Compare Censorinus,

De

die natali, 17.

a r r o

scaenicis ita scriptum

de
that he
is

originibus
reliquit.

libro
But
it is

primo

fairly certain

still following Livy, whose religious mind could should refer to note such events as important. hardly the mention of these ludi to book 16, or to one of the

fail

We

following books, of which

this is

we have only the epitome

For the

in
r
i

which

passed over

in silence.

ludi

a c

com

pare

in
e d
i

Brutus munus gladiatorium Epit. 16, honorem defuncti patris primus

d
i

That Livy mentioned the ludi saeculares of the we are assured by Censorinus, De die natali 17. 9. Augustan age
t
.

127.

14.

fluvio

exundante nimis ultra morem Tiberino paene omnia urbis

34

plana subversa sunt, aliis impetu quasi torrentis inpulsis, aliis velut madefactis atque stagno diuturno
s

u b

a p

The events
first

referred to in this chapter occurred in the

Punic war

and chapter 19 begins Secundo autem Punico bello. Augustine found this incident probably in the nineteenth book of Livy. The epitome does not mention it but it is related by Augustine between the disaster of Regulus (mentioned in Epit. 18) and the burning of the temple of Vesta Istam deinde pestem ignis perniciosior subsecutus est, which is mentioned toward the end of epit. 19. At any rate Livy was un
;
:

(primo bello Punico

p. 127. 2),

doubtedly Augustine

source.

Istam deinde pestem ignis 127. 17. perniciosior subsecutus est qui.... Cuius tempi o Vestae non pepercit. exterritae virgines sacra ilia impetu fatalia....cum ab illo incendio berare non possent, Metellus pontifex
.

suae quodam modo salutis oblitus ruens ea semiustus abripuit.

See Livy Epit. 19 (ad
fin.)

tae arderet, Caecilius Metellus pon maximus ex incendio sacra tifex

r

:cum templum Ves

s

a p u i t and this i9th book of Livy tine s source.

,

own work was Augus

128.

17.

his

quoque
bella

fatentibus

non
u n
t
.

tarn

narrare

Romanum imperium laudare

In these words Augustine refers words he at once proceeds to quote.
128. 19.

Romana quam
instituerFlorus whose

qui

chiefly to

similior victo fuerit

ille

qui

135

These words are a quotation from Florus

Epit.

i.

22. i:

similior
v
i

victo

sit

populus

ille

qui

which is an additional proof that Augustine used Florus as one of his authorities. Dombart gives this refer
c
i

ence.
128. 27. De Cannensi autem mirabiliter horrendo malo.

See Livy
Brev.
3.

22.

44.

sq.,

Florus Epit.

i.

22.

15,

Eutrop.

10.

ubi Hannibal.. 128. 28. a n a inimicorum atrocissimorum caede satiatus

.
.

parci iussisse perhibetur.

Here again Augustine has followed Florus, for Livy does not mention the incident. Compare Florus Epit. i. 22. 17:

Itaque duo maximi exercitus caesiad hostium satietatem, donee Hannibal

diceret militi suo parce ferro.

Unde tres modios anulorum 129. i. aureorum Carthaginem misit.

acervus fuit ut metientibus dimidium super tris modios explesse sint quidam auctores. Fama tenuit quae propior vero est haut plus fuisse modio. Florus Epit. duo anulorum Car 22. 18, modi thaginem missi. Eutrop. Brev. 3. n tres modios anulorum aureorum Cartha ginem misit. Augustine clearly follows Eutropius
i.
:

See Livy 23. 12: effundi in vestibule curiae iussit anulos aureos,qui tantus

for not o d i i against Livy and Florus in the number of only is the subject matter the same, but the very words tres
,

modios anulorum aureorum Carthagi nem misit occur verbatim in Eutropius. Compare also trium modiorum Val. Max., 16, who also gives mensuram. Kuhlmann (p. 7) erroneously thinks that
7.

2.

136

Augustine has taken this from Livy. of Augustine, DCD. I-X, page 31).

(See Literary Sources

129. 7. Denique tanta militum iniopia secuta est ut Romani reos facinorum proposita inpunitate colligerent, servitia libertate donarent.... See Livy 23. 14. Florus Epit. i, 22. 23: in sacramentum liberata servitia, Eutrop. Brev. 3.

10 quod numquam (ad fin.): servi, ante, manumissi et milites facti sunt. Thus Florus and Eutropius mention only servitia or servi, while Livy adds qui capitalem fraudem ausi quique pecuniae indicati in vinculis essent, which account Augustine seems to
g

have followed here, though it should be noted how closely the words of Augustine (p. 129. 12) defuerunt. Detracta sunt templis resemble those of Florus

arma

arma non erant: detracta sunt templis, while reos facinorum proposita
i.

22.

23:

inpunitate
Florus.

could not come from had then the account as given by Livy in Augustine mind, while at the same time he perhaps had Florus before his eyes, using almost his words.

colligerent

129. 30.

exitium Saguntinorum
21. 6 sq.,

See Livy
Brev.
3.
7.

Florus Epit.

i.

22. 3 sq.,

and Eutrop.

130.

5.

ut

ab

missi legati ad Hannibalem eius obsidione discederet. Conthis with the

tempti Carthaginem pergunt.

Comparing
it is

account of Florus (Epit.

i.

22. 7)

certain that Augustine did not use him as his primary au thority here, as Florus does not mention the embassy first to
3.
i

The source is probably Livy: compare 21. 9. Hannibal. The same account is given by Eutropius Brev. 3. 7. 3: H u

Romani per legatos denuntiaverunt

ut

137

em miserunt.
to denote

bello abstineret. Is legates admittere noluit. Roman! etiam CarthaginThe words which Augustine employs
in

the

time spent
a
3:

siege of Livy 21.

Dum

hae morae
n.

Dum Romani tempus terunt

vel

gu

sending embassies during the ntu r (p. 130.8) may be an echo

legationibus mittendis; this resemblance has been pointed out by Kuhlmann (work cited above p. 12).
130,
10.

octavo
est.

nono

Poenis

mense deleta
duration of the siege.

Eutropius could not have been Augustine s source here as he does not (Brev. 3. 7) state the number of months of the

argue from
Florus Epit.
;

his
i.

That Augustine knew Florus here we vel nono with which compare giving

22. 3

novem mensibus
authority
:

cited in note

but he did not here use Florus as a primary source, p. 129.30 octavo vel nono, from which we conclude writing
that Livy was his
first

compare Livy

21

15. 3,

octavo
sere.

mense quam coeptum oppugnari captum Saguntum quidam scripAs Augustine had evidently Florus before him, as we saw from notes on chap. 19, he noticed that Florus gave
hence he added vel nono. and Livy speak of Saguntum as a Augustine
nine months,

Also both
c
8,
i

opulentissima
7.2).
130. 13. a

(Augustine

DCD

p.

130.

Livy

21.

bus

nam etiam suorum cadaverinonnullis pasta perhibetur.

Perhibetur

This is not recorded by Livy or Florus or Eutropius, nor can we point to any authority which Augustine may have had for seems to show that Augus these words. tine is not quoting, but has merely in mind some story of this
or a similar siege.

Scipio...inimicorum accusa132. 9. tionibus cessit carensque patria, quam

38

die longiore prodicta in Liternium concessit, and 38. 53. 8: vitam Literni egit sine desiderio urbis. Morientem rure eo ipso loco sepeliri se iussisse ferunt, monumentumque ibi aedificari, ne funus sibi in ingrata patria fieret. See also Val. Max. 5. 3. 2 b. eiusque voluntarii exilii acerbitatem non tacitus ad in fernos tulit, sepulchre suo inscribi iubendo ingrata patria ne ossa quidem
:

sua virtute salvam et liberam reddidit, in oppido Linternensi egit reliquam complevitque vitam, post insignem suum triumphum nullo illius urbis captus desiderio, ita ut iussisse perhibeatur ne saltern mortuo in ingrata patria funus fieret. See Livy 38. 50. 7: Roma victrix victorem Hie s p e Africanum expellat; 38. 52. n ciosus ultimus dies P. Scipioni Post quern cum invidiam et luxit. certamina cum tribunis prospiceret,
i
:

mea habes.
from

whom

But the source here is undoubtedly Livy, n in Augustine took the words n e
.

grata patria funus fieret.

Deinde tune primum per Gneum 132. 19. Manlium proconsulem de Gallograecis triumphantem Asiatica luxuria Romam omni hoste peior inrepsit. Tune enim primum lecti aerati et pretiosa stran e q u
i

gula visa perhibentur, tune inductae in convivia psaltriae et alia licentiosa

t
i

Augustine seems to have had in mind here the words of Livy found in 39. 6. 7. (quoted p. 33 in Literary Sources of Augustine DCD I-X). Compare Florus Epit. i. 47. 7.

139
133- 71

est etiam

ilia

ne quis

heredem feminam faceret, nee

:

lex Voconia,

unicam filiam.

See Livy Epit. 41 Q Voconius Saxa tribunus plebis legem tulit ne quis mulierem heredem institueret. Compare also
Cic. pro

Balbo

8.

21,

and De Re pub.

3.

10.

17.

Numantinum foedus horrenda 133. 29. ignominia maculosum; volaverant enim pulli de cavea et Mancino consuli, ut aiunt, augurium malum fecerant. See Livy Epit 55: C. Hostilio Mancino consule sacrificante pulli ex cavea evolaverunt... Et victus enim a Numantinis et castris exutus, cum spes nulla servandi exercitus esset, pacem cum
eis fecit

ignominiosam.
The 55th book

Florus Epit.
of Livy
s

i.

34. 5.,

Eutrop. Brev. 4. 17. Augustine s source.

134.
7.

own work was

quod Mithridates rex Asiae Asia peregrinantes cives Romanos atque innumerabili copia suis negotiis intentos uno die occidi iussit; et factum est. See Livy Epit. 78, iussuque eius quidquid civium Romanorum in Asia fuit uno die trucidatum est. Florus Epit. 40.

ubique

in

i.

Eutrop. Brev.

5.

Veil. Pat. Hist.

this

tine s brief

mention of

Rom. massacre makes

probably Livy.

2.
it

18.

Augus

impossible to

determine exactly his source

X 35* I 3-

sum Romam sociale Latium comcuncta animalia humanis moveret, usibus subdita, canes equi asini boves et quaeque alia pecora sub hominum

Namque antequam

se

adver-

140

dominio fuerunt, subito efferata domesticae lenitatis oblita.

. .

et

An account of this was probably found in the seventysecond book of Livy. Julius Obsequens 54 has preserved it for us from Livy ex agris in
:

cum urbem Latini agerent, pecora armentaque strage hominum passim facta armenta in tantam rabiem concitata sunt, ut vastando suos hostile imaginarentur
b

Adv. pag. probably knew this passage from Augustine.

e
1 1

Compare

also Orosius,

5.

18. 9,

who

Seditiones Gracchorumagrariis 135. 28. legibus excitatae.

See Livy Epit. 58 sq. Florus Epit. 2. 1-3. Either of these authors, or both, may be the source of Augustine s knowledge of the Gracchi.
,

Post Gracchi alterius inter136. 8. fectionem Lucius Opimius consul....

tria
h
i

milia
.

hominum

occidisse
now

perbook

e t u r

This was probably found

in the

lost sixty-first

of Livy though not found in the epitome. See Plut. Vitae, C. Gracchus, 18 (ad init.) OVTOS //.ei/rot Trporros eovo-ia SiKTctTOpos
ev {iTrarcia ^p^aa/Ae^os
/cat

KaraKTtVas

d/cpirous

CTTI

Tpiar\L\iois TroXtrats

Tatov

quantum grave
Compare
Florus

Percussor Gracchi ipsius caput, erat, tanto auri pondere consuli vendidit; haec enim pactio
136.
16.

caedem praecesserat.
Epit.
2.

3.

6:

insultatum

quoque mortis reliquis et illud sacrosanctum caput tribuni plebis percussoribus auro repensatum. The same may
have been found even with more detail in the lost sixty-first book of Livy. Most likely on Livy s authority Augustine
writes

haec enim pactio caedem praeces-

s e r

This is put almost beyond doubt by the fact that a t Plutarch (Vitae C. Gracchus 17) records the same: ty yap
.

TrpOKCKTypuy/zevov iv &pxfj r
rr]v

^ ^-X

r icrooracrtov l^

^pvcrtov rols aveveyKOuo i

Faiov *ai QovXoviov Kc^aA^v.

Compare

also Pliny N.

H.

33.

3.

48:

cum

Septumuleius
auro
os

familiaris
eius

addito parricidio suo rem p. etiam circumscripserit. occisus est cum liberis Mar 136. 19. cus Fulvius consularis.
The source was Livy Flaccus Rom. 2.6:
;

abscisum plumboque in

Gracchi rependendum caput

C.

ad

Opimium

tulerit,

see

Epit.

61., Veil.

Pat.

Hist.

in

Aventino
est;
also

cum
Plut.

filio
Vitae, C.

maiore
Gracchus
17.

iugulatus

136. 25.

aedes Concordiae
of this

facta est.
in

An account
sixty-first

was probably found

the

now

lost

book of Livy; Plutarch (Vitae C. Gracchus 17) That some contemporaries of the mentions its construction. event felt as Augustine did about the erection of the temple we have evidence in the words of the inscription which Plu tarch (Vitae, C. Gracchus, 17 ad fin.) tells us some one wrote
by night On the temple,
138. 4.
Ipyov aTrovoias vaov 6/zovoias
Trotet.

Lucius Saturninus tribunus Gaius Servilius praetor, plebis et multo post Marcus Drusus quorum omnium seditionibus caedes iam tune gravissimae
*

Veil. See Livy Epit. 69 sq. Val. Max. 9. 7. 3, Florus Epit.

sq.

Pat.
i.

Hist.
7. 8,
2.

Rom.
4.
i

2.

12
2.

sq.
5.
i

4.

sq.,

Plut. Vitae,

Marius 28

sq.

s e r

138. 7. u n t
.

deinde
Epit.

socialia
Italici

bella

exar-

See Livy

72:

fecerunt

Picentes

populi deVestini Marsi

142

Paeligni Marrucini
Florus
Brev.
Epit.
5.
3.
2.

Samnites Lucani,
Hist.

6,

Veil.

Pat.

Rom.

2.

15,

Eutrop.

138.
s
i

9.
.
.

Bellum deinde servile succesI

a m hoc est ex paucissimis, minus quam septuaginta, gladiatoribus. quern ad modum bellum servile contractum sit.... bellum In Livy Epit. 56 and 69 there is mention of
t
.

servile.

that of Livy Epit. 95 sq. 8, Veil. Pat. Hist. Rom.

But the one to which Augustine here refers Compare Florus Epit. 2. 7. and
2.

is
2.

30,

Eutrop. Brev.

6.

7.

Ex paucissimis, hoc est minus quam septuaginta, gladiatoribus. There is the

who caused
probably a
greatest diversity in regard to the exact the

number

of gladiators
is

bellum Spartacium. Seventy round number here. Livy Epit. 95 quattuor

with which Eutropius agrees (Brev.
8.
2.

et
6.7).

septuaginta,
Florus (Epit.

Oenomaus effracto Lentuli ludo cum

fortunae
,

3)

Spartacus
2.

Crixus

triginta aut amplius eiusdem

v
i

30. 5 sexaginta quattuor fugitivi. Cic. Ad Att. 6. 2. 8 n o n Cum amplius, inquis, quinquaginta. minus multi primo fuerunt. Spartaco
r
i

Veil.

Pat.

Hist.

Rom.

Orosius (later than Augustine by a few years)

gladiatores
5. 24.
i).

septuaginta
If

et
it

quattuor
might seem as

(Adv. pag.
if

Augustine followed It is true that Florus and Cicero as Velleius Paterculus. shown above give a number which is indeed minus quam septuaginta, but Augustine would not have used
the
are correct

MSS.

these words

if

he had had

in

mind

either the

number given by

Cicero or that given by Florus. It is also quite possible that

minus
s

quam sep
that the

tuaginta
Epitome
is

occurred

in

Livy

own work, and

a conscious correction from a later source.

Com-

143

pare Livy Epit.

(ad

fin.)
i.

annis
sisse
23.
12.

CCLV,

with Livy

60.

modii mensuram traditur with Livy dimidium super tris modios e x Fama plesse sint quidam auctores, tenuit, quae propior vero est, haut But against this Livian plus fuisse modio.
i

annos ducentos quadraginta quattuor: and Epit. 23 quos (anulos aureos) exces-

regnatum est regnatum

3,

authority it should be noted that tres writes

in

duces

habuerunt
s

DCD^

IV.

5
(p.

Augustine
151.
16)

while Livy Epit. 95 gives only two Crixus and Spartacus, un less we suppose that here again the epitome contains a

conscious departure from Livy

own

statement.
IV.
5 tells

The tres
against assum

duces habuerunt

of

DCD

ing Velleius Paterculus as the authority because he mentions only one leader (Hist. Rom. 2. 30. 5). The best solution is to suppose that Augustine s authority servile was the Historiae of Sallust, for the

bellum

and that there he found both the IV. 5, and the minus
3-

tres duces
p.

of

DCD
See

quam septuaginta.
v
i

Maurenbrecher, Historiarum Reliquiae,

9010.

146 sq., and frag.

138.

See Livy Epit. 77 sq., Florus Epit. 2. 9 brief account of all the civil wars to the

sq.,

who

gives a 4 sq.,

Bellum cum
Brev.
5.

Antonio
civile
2.

et

Anno urbis conditae sexcentisimo sexagesimo secundo primum Romae bellum

Cleopatra;
est.

Eutrop.

commotum

Veil.

Pat.

Hist.

Rom.

19 sq.
138. 23.

bella piratarum.
2.

See Livy Epit. 99, Veil. Pat. Hist. Rom. trop. Brev. 6. 12. sq., Florus Epit. i. 41.
139. 17.

31

sq.,

Eu

eretur

in

caput Octavii consulis ponrostris, Caesares a Fimbria

144

domibus trucidarentur suis, duo Crassi et filiu. s in conspectu mutuo mactarentur, Baebius et Numitorius
pater

unco tract! sparsis visceribus interirent, Catulus hausto veneno se manibus inimicorum subtraheret, Merula flamen Dialis praecisis venis lovi etiam suo sanguine litaret. In ipsius autem Marii oculis continue feriebantur, quibus salutantibus dexteram
n o
1

s s e t

In this passage Augustine must have had before his eyes

14 (quoted in Literary Sources of Augustine It will be seen from a comparison of these I-X, p. 43). two passages that Augustine either has made a rhetorical in ference in the words tracti sparsis viscer
2.

Florus Epit.

9.

BCD

unco

ibus from
in

the words of Florus

per

medium forum

unci
al

traxere carnificum,

and has misunderstood Florus

the last statement, or, as Kuhlmann has pointed together out (work cited above, p. 19), there are evidences of the use of another historian doubtless Livy in the divergence of

the narrative of Augustine from that of Florus. Epit. 80 sq., Veil. Pat. Hist. Rom. 2. 24.

See Livy

The great difficulty in the above passage of Augustine is connected with the readings of Caesares a Fimbria or Caesar et Fimbria. The MSS of Augustine read Caesar et Fimbria, which reading the BE (1864) re tains. This is also the reading given in Strange s ed. 1850, and the one observed by Saisset in his French translation. In the passage from Florus (Epit. 2. 9. 14) by which editors seek to correct Augustine the codex Bambergensis, E. III. 22, reads caesare fimbria; the codex Palatinus and codex Vossianus caesar et fimbria which is the C a e reading found in the above passage from Augustine. sares a Fimbria is the correction of Graevius upon Florus, and this correction is adopted in the Bipontine edition
1783,
in

Jahn

edition

(Leip.

1852), in

Seebode

edition

(Leip. 1821), in K. Halm s edition (Leip. 1872), in Rossbach s Other readings are a edition (Leip. 1896). a A. Schott proposed bria,

caesi

Fim-

Funebria. Caesares a Cinnaor caesares fratres. Dombart corrects Augustine from Floras, Caesares a Fimbria Florus 2. 9. 14; caesar et fimcaesi
r
i

s s

(crit.

lows Dombart here.

Little

note on the place); and Hoffmann fol light is thrown on this subject

from our extant histories, but Caesares a Fimbria Fimbria s death is seems to suit better the facts we know.
thus described in Livy Epit. 83:

Fimbria desertus

ab exercitu, qui ad Sullam transierat, ipse se percussit, impetravit de servo suo praebens cervicem ut se occideret,
and Plutarch not that we may lay too much stress on curacy as an historian Vitae, Sulla 25, 6/ocui/ Se 6
jj.Ta/3oX.r)V

his ac
rrjv

3>t/A/3pias

KOL TOV ^,v\\a.v

d)S

o.8iaAA.a/<Toi

SeSoiKws auros ecurrov

tv

TW

post Marii maioris pristinas 7. recentissimas caedes additae fuerunt aliae graviores a Mario iuvene atque Carbone earundem partium M a r ianarum, qui Sulla imminente non solum victoriam verum etiam ipsam desperantes salutem cuncta suis aliis caedibus impleverunt.
140.

ac

See Livy Epit.

Pat. Hist.

83 sq., Florus Epit.

26.

2.

9.

13

sq., Veil.

Rom.

2.

obsesso etiam senatu de ipsa de carcere, producebantur ad gladium.

140. 13.

curia,

tamquam
is

Florus

clearly

the source.

See Fpit.

2.

9.

20

o b

sessaque curia de carcere qui

de senatu quasi iugularentur educti. Mucius Scaevola pontifex 140. 15. ...suo paene sanguine extinxit.
sic

146

See

Livy Epit.

86:

pontifex maximus bule aedis Vestae

Epit.
2.

Q.

Mucius
fugiens occisus

Scaevola
in

vesti est; Floras

Rom.

9. 21

Mucius
Orat.
10,

Vestalis amplexus aras eodem igne sepelitur,

2. 26,

Scaevola pontifex tantum non

Veil. Pat. Hist,

Lucan, Pharsalia i. 126. gustine probably had the account of Florus in mind.
Cic.
3.

De

3.

Au

Urbem deinde Sulla victor 140. 18. intravit, qui in villa publica non iam bello sed ipsa pace saeviente septem milia deditorum (unde utique inermia) non pugnando sed iubendo prostrav e r a
t
.

There

number

the greatest diversity in our authorities as to the whom Sulla thus put to death. Compare Livy Epit.
is

octo milia dediticiorum in villa 88; Florus Epit. 2. 9. 24 publica trucidavit quattuor milia deditorum inermium civium in villa publica interfici iust s Val. Max. 9. 2. i: quattuor legiones contrariae partis fidem suam secutas in publica villa.... obtruncari iussit;
;
:

Plut. Vitae, Sulla, 30 a/xa

ot rcrayfjicvoL

cd/ros re

Xeyetv evTJp^cro KCU /careKOTrror

5. 21.
I,

tem milia tune Romanorum Romani Sulla m o x interfecerunt and 5. 21. tria atque urbem victor intravit, milia hominum qui se per legates dediderant contra fas contraque fidem datam inermes securosque interfecit;
i,

TOVS 4a/acr;(tAioi;S.

Oros. Adv. Pag.

SCp-

Seneca De Clem.

i.

12.

2:

civium
work
;

Romanorum contrucidari
may have been found
in

qui

septem

milia

Septem milia
if

iussit. Livy s own

MSS. are correct Augustine would seem to have followed Seneca here who alone gives septem milia;
the

but

it is

better to suppose that he has got confused in regard

to the

number slain by Sulla on his entrance into the city and the number slain in battle before that. Compare the two
cited

above from Orosius. It is very strange that while closely following Florus in this chapter (28) Augustine should disagree with him here. It may be that Augustine has
places

made

a mistake.

donee Sullae suggereretur 140. 24. sinendos esse aliquos vivere ut e s sent quibus possent imperare qui
v
i

c e r a n

2. 9. 25, admonente Fufidio vivere aliquos debere ut essent qui bus imperarent. This is clearly the source. tabula ilia cum magna gratu140. 27. latione proposita est quae hominum ex utroque ordine splendido, equestri scilicet occidenatque senatorio, dorum ac proscribendorum duo milia continebat. See Livy Epit. 88, Florus Epit. 2. 9. 25 proposita est ingens ilia tabula et ex ipso equestris ordinis flore ac senatu duo milia electi qui mori iuberentur, Veil.

See Florus Epit.

Pat. Hist.
i.

Rom.

2.

28, Plut. Vitae, Sulla 31.

Val.

Max

9. 2.

in

Evidently Florus is here Augustine s authority. connection with the cruelty of Sulla his epitaph given by avrov Plutarch Vitae, Sulla 38. (ad fin.) TO oe 7rtypa/xyua
:

See also

<acriv

V7roypai//-a/x,

ov KaraXiTretv ov Ke^aXatoi/
K(XK(OS
)(6p<*>V

I<TTIV

us OVT

rwv

<iA.toi/

TIS

CLVTOV

V TTOLWV OVTC TOJV

V7Tp^8aXTO.

141.

3.

iantium manus diripuerunt, inmanius homines hominem vivum quam bestiae solent discerpere cadaver abiectum.
From
Florus Epit.
of
2.

Quendam enim

sine ferro

a n

9.

26:

ritu

ferarum, inter

Baebium sine ferro, manus lancinatum.

is

Here the language

Augustine

an echo of that of Florus.

48
-

Alius oculis effossis et p a r 141. 6. ticulatim membris amputatis in tantis cruciatibus diu vivere vel potius diu mori coactus est. From Florus Epit. 2. 9. 26: Marium, oculis effossis manibus cruribusque effractis, servatum aliquamdiu ut per singula membra moreretur. Seneca, De Ira 318, M Mario.... L. Sulla praefringi crura, erui oculos, amputari linguam, manus iussit et, occideret quasi totiens quotiens vulnerabat, paulatim et per singulos artus laceravit.
.

141.

8.

Subhastatae sunt etiam,

quam
t

villae,
.

quaedam
2.

nobiles

civi-

e s

municipia Italiae hasta venierunt, splendidissima Interamnium Praeneste Spoletium

From Florus
Epit.
9.

27:

sub

r e

n
9.

una vero,velut unusreus duci iuberetur, sic tota iussa est truci141.

d a

From

Florus Epit,

2.

9.

28:

S u
i

o n e

n o n

obsidet u belli, sed quo modo morte damnati duci iubentur, sic damnatam civitatem iussit Sulla

expugnat aut
d

r e

eleri.
141.
24.

Olim Gallorum
i.

et

Gothorum inruptionem.
See notes pp.
141.
32.
3

paulo ante

and

84. 21.
e
i

Gothi vero tarn multis s toribus pepercerunt ut magts m sit quod aliquos peremerunt.

n a
r

149

Augustine here takes the milder view of the extent of the On the other hand compare Procopius De bello Vandalico I. 2. 12: TOVS re dv^puJTrous aTravras CKTCIVOV ocrot lyzvovro
slaughter.
cv TTOCTIV, o^aoicos /xev 7rp(7/3irras oyaotcos 8e veovs oirre yvyaiKaij/ oirre TraiScav

and Socrates, Hist. many senators were tortured and

<etSo/Aj/oi
:

Eccl.
slain
:

7.

10,

who

says

that

KCU TroAAou

142.

21.

bella Sertorii.
sq.,

See Livy Epit. 79, 90

Brev.
6.
i,

Florus Epit.
2.

2.

10,

Eutrop.

Veil. Pat. Hist.

Rom.

30.

142.

21.

bella.... Catilinae.
Sail.

See Cic. In Cat.,

Epit.
2.

Cat.,
6.

Livy Epit.

102 sq., Florus

12, Eutrop. Brev.

15.

142. 23.

Lepidi
Epit.
2.

et n,

Catuli bellum.
Eutrop.
Brev.
6.
i

See
Epit. 90.

Florus

sq.

Livy

142. 24.

ad Pompei
2.

et

Caesaris (bellum).
6.

See Florus Epit.

Epit. 109 sq.

13,

Eutrop. Brev.

19 sq.,

Livy

Gaium Caesarem....tamquam regni adpetitorem quorundam nobilium coniuratio senatorum velut pro rei
143.
2.

publicae libertate
davit.
See Livy Epit.
Brev.
6.

in

ipsa curia truci2.

116, Florus Epit. Pat.

13. 92

sq.,

Eutrop.
2. 9.

25,
2.

Veil.

Hist.

Rom.

2.56, Cic.

De

Div.

23, Phil.
it is

But in this, as in the rest of this chapter, 29. to say which particular writer or writers Au impossible
12.

gustine has followed for his authority.

143.
8.

eadem

Antonius, cui vehementer pro

ilia

velut Cicero resistebat.

The source
of
this
is

patriae
It

libertate
cannot be Florus.
Veil.

uncertain.

See Cicero

In

M. Antonium Philippicae XIV,

Pat.

ISO
Hist. Rom. 2. 64. 2 Haec sunt tempora quibus M. Tullius continuis actionibus aeternas Antoni memoriae inussit notas,
:

also Id.

2.

66.

Florus and Eutropius do not expressly

men

tion his hostility to Antonius, but speak of .his assassination in the proscriptions to which Antonius was a party. See

Florus
Epit.
1

Epit.
20.
21.

2.

16.

5,

Eutrop.

Brev.

7.

(ad

fin.)

Livy

144.

boves locutos.
3.

See Livy
21.

10. 6
2.

24. 10. 10

27.

n. 4
27,

28.

n. 4
53.

35.

4;

41.
i.

il.

Jul.

Obseq.

15,

26,

43,

Verg.

Georg.

478.
21.

144.

uteris

infantes nondum natos de matrum quaedam verba clamasse.

24.
10.

See Livy

10

a n

e
i

in

e r o

o matris in Marrucinis triumphe clamasse. volasse serpentes. 144. 22.

Various prodigies
in Livy.
7
;

in

connection with serpents are related

Epit. 18, 21. 22. 8, 25. 16.
2,

Compare
but
to

7.

17. 3,

26.

these does Augustine [refer here. 19. He probably had in mind such a prodigy related in one of the This is all the more likely because he has books now lost.

none of

evidently taken the other prodigies from Livy is strange that if the above incident occurred

narrative.
it is

It

Livy repeated by Julius Obsequens in his Prodigiorum liber, as we can prove from his language he knew and in many cases
followed Livy, though not always.
144.
22.

in

not

feminas
i.

et

in

masculinum sexum
See Livy 22,
13
;

gallinas et homines
fuisse
;

conversas.
not recorded in

24.

io. io

this is

Julius Obsequens.
144.
27.

pluit terra.
io. 31. 8
i
;

See Livy,
16. 5.

35. 21. 3

37. 3. 3

42. 20. 5

45.

Jul.

Obseq.

(55), 14 (73).

144-

27.

pluit creta.
24.
10. 7.

See Livy
144.
27.

Jul.

Obseq. 47 (107).

pluit lapidibus.
i.

See Livy
23- 5
5

31.

21.

62. 6
i

3-

38-

8.

Jul.

Obseq.

26. i. 9 22. 36. 7 18 (77), 44 (104), 5 1 (55),

;
; ;

22.

(in), 54 (114).

Legimus apud eos Aetnaeis 144. 29. ignibus ab ipso mentis vertice usque ad littus proximum decurrentibus ita mare ferbuisse ut rupes exurerentur, ut pices navium solverentur.... Eodem rursus aestu ignium tanta vi favillae scripserunt oppletam esse Siciliam, ut Catinensis urbis tecta obruta et pressa dirueret; qua calamitate pereiusdem anni misericorditer moti tributum ei relaxavere Romani.
No doubt
of
this

Vidimus undantem ruptis

A
e
t

Livy (59 or 60).

n a

was taken from one of the now lost books See Servius on Verg. Georg. i. 472,

fornacibus

Livius, tanta mortem Caesaris ex ante flamma Aetna monte defluxit, ut non tantum vicinae urbes sed etiamRegina civitas adflaretur. Julius Obsequens refers to the same

ut

dicit

Aetnae incendio Catina (Prodig. lib. 32) consumpta. Orosius writes of this (Adv. pag. 13. 3) eodem tempore Aetna mons ultra solitum exarsit et torrentibus igneis superfusis lateque circumfluentibus Catinam urbem finesque eius oppressit ita ut tecta aedium calidis cinericonbus praeusta et praegravata cladis levandae cuius ruerent causa senatus decem annorum vectiThus Augusgalia Catinensibus remisit.
5.
: :

152

tine

and Orosius

differ

somewhat, the former saying that the

Romans
the latter
it is

remitted

eiusdem
is

anni
the

decem annorum vectigalia,

more
correct.

tributum,
and

impossible to decide which

Lucustarum etiam in Africa 145. 3. multitudinem prodigii similem fuisse, cum iam esset populi Romani prolitteris mandaverunt; convincia, sumptis enim fructibus foliisque lignorum ingenti atque inaestimabili nube in mare dicunt esse deiectam; qua mortuaredditaque littoribus atque hinc acre tantam ortam corrupto pestilentiam ut in solo regno Masinissae hominum milia octingenta perisse referantur et multo amplius in terris littoribus proximis. Tune Uticae ex triginta milibus iuniorum quae ibi erant decem milia remansisse confirmant.
See

Livy Epit.

60,

Jul.

Obseq. 30 who has preserved

apparuit lucustarum ingenti Africa, quae a vento in agmine mare deiectae fluctibusque eiectae odore intolerabili mortiCyrenis feroque vapore gravem pestilentiam fecerunt pecori; hominumque DCCC milia consumpta tabe proditum est.
Livy
s

account,

in

pag. 5. u. sq. who again differs and gives a fuller account. The former says from Augustine, that in Numidia where there were octingenta milia

Compare Orosius Adv.

plus quam ducenta milia est, apud ipsam perisse traditum vero Uticam civitatem triginta milia militum extincta atque abrasa sunt....apud Uticam sub una die per unam portam ex illis iunioribus plus quam mille quingentos mortuos elatos fuisse narretur.

hominum,
.

153

BOOK

IV.

Note how Augustine says he derived his infor 146. 16. mation for the facts related in the three preceding books and p a r t m parti m ex recenti
:

memoria

ex litteris
147. 23.

eorum. quae uno loco Apuleius brevin

.

iter

mundo scripsit, terrena omnia dicens

mutationes.
.

stringit

eo

libello

quern

de

These words and on to p. 148. piece from chapter 34 (in Hildebrand

8 are taken as a
s

solid

sed

magna lectionum

De Mundo, diversitate, as
edition) of

Hildebrand says.

Eleganter enim et veraciter 150. 27. Alexandro illi Magno quidam compreNam cum hensus pirata respondit. idem rex hominem interrogasset quid ei videretur ut mare infestaret, ille libera contumacia: Quod tibi, inquit, ut orbem terrarum; sed quia id ego
exiguo navigio facio, latro vocor; quia tu magna classe, imperator.
See Cic.
125, 318, 534)

De Re
.

quo scelere impulsus mare haberet uno myoparone, infestum eodem, This is quo tu orbem terrae inquit,
.

Nam cum quaereretur

pub.

3.

14.

24 (preserved by Nonius, pp.

ex eo

not recorded in Curtius Rufus.

source for this story.
151.

evidently Augustine s I-X p. 20. See Literary Sources of

is

Cicero

DCD

in

quando paucissimi gladiatores 15. Campania de ludo fugientes mag-

154

num exercitum compararunt, tres duces

habuerunt.
See note
I 53-

p. 138. 9.

4-

Qualibet

vel

iste

quaedam

autem fide vel Trogus scripserit illos fuisse mentitos

rerum (nam
aliae

fideliores litterae ostendunt) constat tamen et inter alios scriptores regnum Assyriorum a Nino rege fuisse longe lateque porrectum.
It is

refers.

Compare Chron.

44).

morum insigniumque facinorum

Id. col. 49, col. 259.

Ninus fuit rex Assyriorum, maxiauctor.

not possible to say to what sources Augustine here of Euseb. (Jerome, B E vol. 8, col.

153. 9-

Nam

sicut scribunt qui chroni-

cam historiam persecuti sunt, mille ducentos et quadraginta annos ab anno primo, quo Ninus regnare coepit,permansit hoc regnum donee transferretur ad Medos.
Compare Chron.
of Euseb.
t

accuratos scriptores anni mille d u centi quadraginta; secundum vero

alios
given
13

Tempus imperii Assyriorum secundum

-

(Jerome

BE

vol. 8, col.

50)

mille
347.

trecenti.
On
.

The same number

i.
.
.

is
2.

in col.

the other hand lustinus Epit.

Imperium Assyrii.
annis
with
the

mille treAugustine and not

centis
here
agrees

tenuere.
Chronicle
of

Hence
Eusebius

with lustinus.

Compare

BCD,

XII.

n.

in

regnum Assyriorum in eadem epistula Alexandri quinque milia excedit a n norum; in Graeca vero historia mille
-

quibus

ferme et trecentos Beli principatu

habet

ab

ipsius

55

157. 5

his

coli
i
.

Hunc Varro credit etiam ab qui unum Deum sine Simulased

alio

cro
p a
r

colunt,

nomine

nuncu-

For the fragments of Varro in the fourth book of DCD see Francken pp. 8-31, Schwarz especially pp. 438-449, Agahd, index p 367.
157. 17.

name

in

Though Augustine does not mention Varro by Chapters 10 and n, there can be little doubt from

the nature of the subject and the similarity with other authen ticated remains of Varro that these passages are to be attrib

uted to him also.

etiam Phoenices donum prostitutione filiarum, antequam eas iungerent viris.

159.

20.

Cui

dabant

de

Though Francken, Schwarz and Agahd do not mention

this

have no doubt that it is to be referred also to Augustine follows in the preceding and succeed ing pages. Probably Varro added this information in his This is sixteenth book of R D entitled "De Diis selectis. treated more fully under Varro in The Sources of Augustine,
passage
I

Varro,

whom

"

p. 40.

Quietum vero appellantes, faceret quietum, cum aedem haquae beret extra portam Collinam.
165. 32.

num Quietis.
a e d e
s

Compare Livy

4. 41. 8,

via
this
i

Labicana ad
located

From

we

learn that there was an

dedicated to

e s

tam Collinam,
same deity on the
167.

while

there

was a

extra por a n u m to the

u.
.

Labicana. Hoc (i.e. bonosessedeos) Plato

via
2.

Compare Plato Rep.

T
/CCU

379 B, OVKOVV ayaOos

Ibid. 379

o ye
JJV

0os TW

OVTL

XcKTCOf OVTCOS J
Trdvrtav

TL

(JLT/JV.

Ot>8

a/3Ct

S eytO, 6 $OS,

7Ti8^ dya0os,

av

CIT;

amos

OVK apa airo^Kriov

ovre

our aAAou

TTOLrjrov rauVr/v rrjv d/xapTt av Trepi

rovs Oeovs d
6

Ibid. 380.
U

3816

dAAa

/zr/v

0eos

ye

/cat

TO,

$ov

Travrrj dpio-Ta e^ei. Id.

Theaet. 176. C. 0os

But the above is rather an inference on the part of Augus from his knowledge of Platonism and Neo-Platonism than a reference to any specific statement of Plato, as no such definite statement is found in Plato.
tine

simulacrum catum est

vocant, ut matronis d e d et appellata est Fortuna muliebris, etiam locutum esse memor iae commendaverint atque dixisse non sernel sed iterum.
168. 13.

quam

Fortunam
quod
a

eius,

See Livy

2.

40.

Lact.

Div.

Inst.

2.

7.

n,

u d

etiam mirabile, quod simulacrum Forfunae muliebris non semel locutum esse traditur; ibid. 2. 16. n, quod Fortuna muliebris periculum denuntiavit; Val.
Max.
of in
i.

8.

4,

Id. 5.

2.

i.

No doubt

this deity

was treated

Varro

work.

169. 5.

Virtutem quoque deam fecer27. 25.

7

u n

See Livy

sq.

Id. 29.

i r.

13,

a e d e

m V
i.

tutis
i.

eo anno ad portam Capenam M. Marcellus dedicavit. Lact. Div. Inst. 20. 12,
20.
19,

Inst.
2. 8.

Ep.
19, 2.

15.

6,

Cic.

N. D.
pub.

2.
i.

23. 61,

3,

36.

88,

De Legg.
i.
i.

u.

28,

De Re

14. 21,

Val.

Max.

8.

et Fides dea credita est et 169. 9. accepit etiam ipsa tempi um et altare.
See Livy 1.21.
i

4,

et
2.

soli
23. 61,

Fidei
3.

sollemne
De Legg.
2.

s t

Cic. N. D.

18.

47,

8.

19, 2.

ii. 28.

169. 14.

Quando quidem virtutem

in

quattuor species

distribuendam esse

157

viderunt, prudentiam, iustitiam, for-

titudinem temperantiam.
Augustine s literary source for the four cardinal virtues was Cicero s Hortensius, as we learn from the De Trinitate 14.

De omnibus tamen quattuor v r tutibus)....Tullius in Hortensio dialogo disputans. That this was not the only place in
9.12,
(
i

the works of Cicero where the four- fold division of virtue was found we know from Jerome (Comm. in Zach. works, BE,

quattuor scilicet virtutes iustitia fortitude temperprudentia antia, de quibus plenissime in Officiorum libris Tullius disputat,scribens proprium quoque de quattuor virtutibus librum. A similar list is found in Apuleius
vol. 6, col.

1498)

(De dogmate Platonis, 213) where p u d c

i

2.
i

i;
i

Hildebrand

edition, vol.

2,

p.

stands for the

temperan

tiam of Augustine of DCD I-X, p. 20.

169.
25.

and Cicero.

See the Literary Sources

Mucio, cum dexteram porrexit

a
s
.

in

mm

ira

cum rex simul 2. 12. 12 infensus periculoque conterritus circumdari ignis minitabundus iuberet, nisi expromeret propere quas insidiarum sibi minas per ambages iaceret,
This comes from Livy
t

en tibi, u inquit, vile corpus sit iis qui

vident dextramque accenso ad sacrificium foculo inicit. See Florus Epit. i. 4. 5.

169.
27.

magnam
pro

sentias, quam gloriam

Curio,

cum

abruptam

terram

patria in praecipitem dedit.

se

The source is Livy, in whose history there are two ac counts of the origin of the lacus Curtius, i. 13 and It is to the event which took place on the latter occas 7. 6.
ion
(7.

6.

3) that

Augustine here

refers,

Cur-

S8

arma magis Romanum bonum quam virtusque esset? Silentio facto em pla deorum immortalium, quae foro imminent, Capitoliumque intuentem et manus nunc in caelum nunc in patentes terrae hiatus ad.deos manes porrigentem se devovisse, equoque deinde quam poterat maxime exornato insidentem armatum in se specum
t
i

tium, iuvenem ferunt gasse

bello egregium casti-

dubitantes

an

ullum

mm

s s e

In the examples

(Mucius, Curtius,

Decii

pater

et

filius)

of

fortitude

which Augustine gives at

the close of this chapter he has not followed Florus, for Florus does not record the case of Curtius, nor has he followed Eutropius or Cicero as they do not give the information here
required.

Augustine

authority must therefore be Livy.

169. 28.

Decio
P.

cum pro exercitu

Livy
is

patri
se
Decius

Decio et voverunt.
Mus pater

filio

the source

at Vesuvius in

the war against the Latins in the year 340 B. C. See Livy 8. 9 sq. Florus Epit. 1.9. 3. P. Decius Mus filius at Sentinum B. C.
brians.

295 in the war against the Gauls Etruscans Samnites and UmSee Livy 9. 40 sq. 10. 28., Florus Epit. i. 12. 7

nam oppressus in sinu vallis alter consulum Decius more patrio devotum diis manibus obtulit caput. Cur denique tarn sero huic 173. II.
tantae
deae tot post (Felicitati) Lucullus aedem principes constituit?

Romanes

This perhaps occurred in the forty eighth book of Livy lost, but Augustine may have found it in Varro s writings. There is no mention of Lucullus building a temple to Felici-

now

tas in

any of the extant writings of Livy, Florus, Eutropius,

159

Valerius Maximus, Velleius Paterculus, Seneca, Aulus Gellius, From Cic. In Verr. 4. 57. 126 we Tertullian or Lactantius.
that there existed a temple to Felicitas, but Cicero does not say that Lucullus built it. Arnobius, Adv. Natt. 4. i. i

know

mentions Felicitas among other deities who had shrines. L. Licinius Lucullus, the grandfather of the Lucullus who subdued Mithridates, is the Lucullus here mentioned. He was consul 151 B. C. and became notorious for his acts of cruelty in Spain, especially against the Vaccaeans.
t Nam sicut habent eorum 174. 30. cum rex Tarquinius Capitoterae, lium fabricare vellet .... per augurium quaesivit utrum concedere locum vellent lovi; atque ipsi inde cedere omnes
1 i

voluerunt praeter illos quos commemoravi Martem Terminum luventatem.

See Livy
i.

55. 4,

who mentions Terminus alone

same book gives

as not

yielding, while the Epitone of this

Ter mini et luventae arae moveri non potuerunt. So also Florus Epit. 1.1.7 cedentibus ceteris diis--mira res dicturestitere luventas et Terminus. Au
gustine by his addition of Mars to the dissenting deities dis This different version Augustine agrees with Livy and Florus. Francken says probably obtained from Varro.
:

adire potui, scriptores Martem lovi non cedentem non commemorant. See
his note p. 22 sq.

magis

confirmatur quod

ceteri,

Hoc quos

ter

Iste alienarum dicitur adulm uxorum; iste pueri pulchri pudicus amator et raptor.
177. 26.
i

These

stories

about
in

the

immorality of

doubtless well

known

the popular religion.

were need not They

Jupiter

therefore be referred to any particular literary source. 1 1 u d s s pare DCD, IV. 26. (p. 179. 9) in
i i
1

Com

cor-

i6o

ruptorem pudicitiaelovem turpissimi histriones cantabant agebant placebant. Cur ergo ludi scaenici ubi 178. 7. haec dictitantur cantitantur actitantur,

deorum
res

divinas scribuntur?
The main source seems

inter

honoribus exhibentur, a doctissimis conto be Varro.

. .

See Livy

7.

2.

3.

ludi
d
i

quoque
t

scaenici.
36.

caelestis
c u n

irae
.

.inter alia instituti placamina

4.

u r

Id.

36.

the

doctissimis.
also

Compare

Varro must be included in BCD III. 4. vir doctis-

BCD. IV. 31 (ad init.) Quid ipse Varro, dolemus in rebus divinis ludos scaenicos, quamvis non iudicio pro-

simus quern

posuisse. Tito Latinio rustico Romano 178. 17. patri familias dictum est in somnis in senatum nuntiaret ut ludi Romani instaurarentur.
prio,
. . .

See Livy
55,

2.

36,

Val.

Max.

i.

7.

4, Cic.

Be

Biv.

i.

26.

Lact.

2.

7. 20.

In regard to assigning this fragment to

p. 28,

Varro see Francken

and Schwarz pp. 144, 445, 451.

Relatum est in litteras doc179. 21. tissimum pontificem Scaevolam disputasse tria genera tradita deorum, unum a poetis, alterum a philosophis, tertium a civitatis. principibus Primum genus nugatorium dicit esse, quod multa de diis finga. ntur indigna; secundum non congruere civitatibus, quod habeat aliqua supervacua, aliqua etiam quae obsit populisnosse.
There can be little doubt that Augustine s authority is here Varro, as Bremer (lurisprudentia Antehadriana, Leipzig

1896,

vol.

i,

p.

48) has noticed

quern tria August in. us

Scaevolam.... genera deorum statuisse 4 e civ. dei IV. 27 Varrone

:

auctore narrat.

See also Agahd

p.

145.

The

Scaevola here mentioned was Quintus Mucius Scaevola, who was killed by the party of Marius 82 B.C.
179. 28.

solet enim et

iuris

peritis

dici:

superflua non nocent.

is

These words were evidently a law maxim, and one which cannot be traced to any particular source. This whole passage
p.

179. 2i-p. 180. 19

given by Bremer (work cited vol.

i.

plane incertae sedis remark Fortasse haec disputatio in libros recepta non
pp. 102-3) as a fragment after which he adds the of Scaevola
;

e r a t

Termini imperii deficientibus 21. multis ad Hannibalem civitatibus in angustum fuerant coartati.
182.

See Livy

22.

Poenos

hi

defecere autem ad 61. 11, populi: Atellani, Calatini,

Hirpini, Apulorum pars, Samnites praeter hos Uzentini et Graecorum omnis ferme ora, Tarentini, MetaCrotonienses Locrique et pontini, Cisalpini omnes Galli. Eutrop. Brev. 3. 1.
1

Augustine could not be following Florus here, as Florus does not record this defection to Hannibal after Cannae. Appar
ently Eutropius
is

the source.

182. 26. postea in orientalibus partibus Hadriani voluntate mutati sunt termini imperii Romani. Ille namque tres provincias nobiles, Armeniam Persarum Mesopotamiam Assyrian! concessit imperio. Apparently from Eutropius. See Brev. 8. 6. 2 Q u Traiani gloriae invidens statim proi

62

vincias tres reliquit, quas Traianus addiderat, et de Assyria, Mesopo tamia, Armenia revocavit exercitus ac finem imperii esse voluit Euphrat

e n

Jerome, Chron. of Euseb.

.
. .

BE

vol. 8 col. 465.

immoderato ausu 183. i. lulianus. naves iussit incendi, quibus alimonia portabatur; qua exercitus destitutus mox etiam ipso hostili vulnere e x tincto in tantam est redactus inopiam ....nisi placito pacis illic imperii fines constituerentur.
Apparently from Eutropius, Brev.
10.
16.

Nee Lucinam 189. 3. invocaverunt.

. .
.

mulieres
i.

illae
:

Perhaps with special reference to Exodus

sunt

Hebraeae

19

n o n

sicut

enim obstetricandi habent ipsae et priusquam veniamus ad scientiam, eas, pariunt.

Aegyptiae

mulieres:

i6 3

BOOK
193. 32.

V.

Nigidium hac quaestione turbatum unde et Figulus appellatus est.

This Nigidius Figulus was, according to Gellius (N. A.
9. i),

figuli

nobile illud commentum de rota, quod respondisse ferunt

4.

iuxta M.

Varronem doctissimus.
63 B. C.

He was

Apuleius (Apol. 42), was well versed

an astrologer and grammarian, and, as we learn from in magic arts. Cicero

in

employed him
ly

the

trial of Catiline in

Subsequent

2. 3). In the civil war he es poused the cause of Pompey (Ad Att. 7. 24) and consequently was obliged to retire into exile in which he died in 46 B. C.

he played a considerable part 42, ad Q. F, i. 2. 16, Ad Att 2.

in politics (Cic. pro. Sulla 14.

Of the

commentum

de

figuli

rota

re

ferred to by Augustine I can find no other mention, but I sus pect Augustine took it from some work of Cicero no longer extant, as this Nigidius Figulus is most frequently mentioned
in

Cicero

works.

Two
194.

authority here i n q u
.

may be
i

derived
6

other arguments for Ciceronian first, from the use of i n q u i t

(p.

and

9)

and secondly, from the

close connection of this chapter with the foregoing (f r u s t r a This passage is treated more

itaque adfertur).
fully in the part

on The Literary Sources of Augustine,

p.

21.

illud a nonnullis praedica197. 13. tur, quod quidam sapiens horam elegit qua cum uxore concumberet unde

filium mirabilem gigneret.

There seems to be no extant literary source for this ment before the time of Augustine. It has been shown
state
in the

Literary Sources of Augustine (p. 22) that it may with a high degree of probability be referred to the De Fato of Cicero.
It

might seem as

if

nonnullis

(plural)

a e

164

c a

u r

were against single Ciceronian authority.

But

we have several instances in Augustine where he uses the plural number where he really would require only the singular.
Conspicuous among such examples

same book (DCD V.

20. p. 23

i.

solent
Cicero
in

mind.

philosophi, If then philosophi

1

one which occurs in this where Augustine writes 6) where he has clearly only
is

can stand for

i

Cicero in particular, surely a n o n n u 1 the same service. It might be said that

may do

the

philosophi

here represents philosophers

the
first

in
s

exponent
r e

in

Augustine
10).

general, of whom Cicero was mind for the particular state

ment he was making

p
i

(tabulam quandam verbis

So also we

n g e

etc. p. 231.

may answer

that

nonnullis praedicatur may

sent in general the opinions of those or divination

(mathematici),

who when Augustine had

equally well repre believed in astrology

in

mind

chiefly this

remarkable example given by Cicero.

Other examples of the use of the plural numbers for single authority may be found in DCD IV. 24 in which the word n q u u n t is twice (p. 176. 15 and 29) used, where ap and again in DCD IV. 26, parently only Varro is referred to where the words a doctissimis conscribuntur refer chiefly to Varro, as we learn from DCD IV. 31 (p.
i
i
;

185. 18).

Livian authority has also been disguised by Augustine in a

and indefinite manner. where the three plural expressions

similar general

Compare

DCD
34)

III. 31

Legimus apud
(p. 144.
1
i

eos (p. 144. 29), scripserunt teris mandaverunt (p. 145. 5)

if

t -

stand principally,

not altogether, for the authority of Livy.

2O2. 6.

Illi

huic

sententiae
Greek

Cicero
hand

in Augustine was apt to prefer a translation when

to the
original.

quoque versus Homerici suffragantur quos Latinum vertit.

it

was

at

et

Homerus peritus texere

Compare Confess,

i.

14,

Nam
fa-

tales

i6 5

bellas, e t dulcissime vanus est, mihi tamen amarus erat puero.

et

The lines given by Augustine do not occur in Cicero s extant works, but are assigned, as by Mueller, to the fragments of the De Fato. They evidently occurred in one of his philo
sophical
treatises,

as

Augustine

tells

us

in

the context

Stoicos dicit vim fati asserentes istos ex Homero versus solere usurpare,
and
it is

more natural

the Acad., to which

tion mark.

Dombart

to assign them to the De Fato than to refers them though with a ques

202. 23.

Quam (divinationem)

sic

c o n

atur auferre, ut neget esse

scientiam

futurorum, eamque omnibus viribus nullam esse omnino contendat vel in homine vel in deo, nullamque rerum
praediction-em.
See Cic.

De

Div.

2.

passim,

De

Fato.

6.

n, n o n

enim
ar

credo nullo
d
c e r e

percepto

aut

ceteros

tifices versari in suo munere, aut eos qui divinatione utantur futura praei
,

ibid 14. 33, et passim.

non enim fieri aliquid potest 2 3- 33quod non aliqua efficiens causa p a e cesserit: si autem certus est ordo a o t causarum, quo fit omne quod inquit, fiunt omnia quae fiunt.
r
-

m o t u s ergo sine See Cic. De Fato. 10. 20, causa nullus est. Quod si ita est om nia, quae fiunt, causis fiunt antegressis; id si ita est, fato omnia fiunt; efficitur igitur fato fieri quaecumque
f
i

a n

t,

ibid

n.

26, 18. 41,

19. 44.

quod si concedimus, inquit, 204. 5. omnis humana vita subvertitur, frus-

66

tra leges dantur, frustra obiurgationes

laudes vituperationes exhortationes adhibentur, neque ulla iustitia bonis praemia et malis supplicia constituta
s u

De Fato 17. 40, ex quo efficitur ut nee laudationes iustae sint nee vitupera tiones nee honores nee supplicia. 210. 31. qui non solum caelum et ternee solum angelum et hominem, ram, sed nee exigui et contemptibilis animantis viscera nee avis pinnulam,nee herbae flosculum nee arboris folium sine suarum partium convenientia et quadam veluti pace dereli. quit: nullo modo est credendus regna hominum eorumque dominationes et servitutes a suae providentiae legibus alienas
See

esse voluisse. Compare DCD X.

tinus

theory

of

where Augustine speaks of Ploprovidence and its extent usque ad

14,

haec terrena et ima pertingere flosculorum atque foliorum puchritudine.

So in the passage on which we are commenting Augustine may have been influenced by Plotinus. Loesche (De Augustino Plotinizante in doctrina de Deo. lena. 1880, p. 61,) actually cites two passages from Plotinus as parallel to the words of
Augustine:
TOVTO cTvat TO
yLv6fJLva
7ri

Set

ryv Trpovotav

CTTI

Travra
3.

c/>0aVeti/

/cat,

TO tpyov avrrjs
6 TO, eV

/u/tyoWos r)jjif\r)K6va.i

(Enn.
eo~Tt

2.

6)

and
CTT
/cat

TW

iravrl

^coopaiv fetopei a/ota

/cat
TOI

/cat rrjv

Trpovoiav rrfv

avTw
Trpa^-cts

TeTaTat 8^
avrcov
/cat

Travra

yivofjitva

ra 8e

Kat ^(3a

Sta^eo-ets

(Enn.

3.

3. 5).

214. 20. quas (aedes) coniunctissimas constituerunt, Virtutis et Honoris.

See Livy
220. 4.

27. 25. 7

and note

p. 169. 5.

Scaevolas

et

Curtios

et

Decios.

i6 7

See notes
220. 18.

p.

169. 25, 27, 28.

servitutem religionis Graeci vocant.

in the
:

quam
9. 4,

This word Xarpeia occurs

times with SovXeta
(five

N. T. an equal number of
16.
2,

times)

loh.

Rom.

12.

i,

Heb.

9.

i, 9. 6.

223. 14.

asylum illud Romuleum.

p. 50. 31.

See note
223. 24.

filios
p.

Brutus potuit

et

occi-

d e

r e

See note
224. 21.

119. 28.

Si

alius etiam

Romanus

prin-

Torquatus, filium, non quia contra patriam, sed etiam pro patria....occidit.
ceps,
See note
224. 29.
p. 38.

cognomine
13.

Furius Camillus....
p. 73. 21.

See note
225. 9.

M
p.

u c

See note
225.
20.

169. 25.

cito

Curtius armatus equo conabruptum hiatum terrae se praecipitem dedit.

Si
in
See note
p.

169. 27.

Sise occidendos certis verbis 225. 32. modo consecrantes Decii d e quodam

voverunt.
See note
226. 9.
p. 169. 28.

aedem
sibi

Si Marcus Pulvillus dedicans lovis lunonis Minervae falso ab invidis morte filii nuntiata

eum centempsit ut iuberet. proici insepultum

....ita

etiam

68

See
Publ.
14.

Livy

2.

8.

6,

Cic.

De domo sua

139, Plut. Vitae,

226. 19. Si M Regulus, ne crudelissimos hostes iurando falleret, ad eos ab ipsa Roma reversus est, quoniam sicut Romanis eum tenere volentibus respondisse fertur postea quam Afris servierat, dignitatem illic honesti civis habere non posset.
.

Eutropius that we
for him.

These words bear so striking a resemblance to those of may be certain Augustine had Eutropius be-

Compare Brev.
p.

2.

24 (ad

fin.)

(quoted

in

Literary

Sources

47.)

Valerium, qui in suo d e functus est consulatu, usque adeo pauperem ut nummis a populo conlatis eius sepultura curaretur. 16. See Livy P. Valerius.... anno 7
227. 2.

2.

2. 16. moritur, post 2) (his fourth consulship familiaribus gloria ingenti, copiis adeo exiguis ut funeri sumptus deesset: de publico est elatus, compare also

Val.

Max.
as

4.

4.

i,

4.

i.

i,

who

Lucius, praenomen. that Augustine has made

It

will

also

second
it is

Publius, not gives be seen from Livy mistake in saying that

Valerius died during his consulship.

From both
clear he
is

these errors

we may

free Augustine, because

here following

Eutropius Brev. 1.11.4,

Quinto anno

L.

Valer

ius, Bruti collega et quater consul, fataliter mortuus est, adeo pauper ut collatis a populo nummis sumptum

habuerit sepulturae,
text he
ii.

and

in the

immediate con
p.

seems to follow Eutropius. For Valerius see note p. 121.

5.

See notes
5.

227. 5, 227.

Cincinnatum, cum quattuor iugera possideret et ea suis

227.

Quintium

i6 9

manibus coleret, ab aratro esse a d ductum, ut dictator fieret....vichostibus ingentem gloriam tisque in eadem consecutum paupertate
-

a n

s s e

Florus Epit. sed hos 5. 12 Titus Quintius praecipue domuit, ille dictator ab aratro, qui obsessa et paene iam capta Manili consulis castra egregia victoria recuperavit.

See Livy

3.

26 sq.,

i.

Medium erat tempus forte sementis cum patricium virum innixum aratro
suo lictor
in

ipso opere deprehendit. profectus, ne quid a rustici operis imitatione cessaret, more pecudum sub iugum misit. Sic expeditione finita redit ad boves

Inde

in

aciem

rursus triumphalis agricola.

Here too Augustine had probably for one of his authorities Eutropius to whose language his bears a close resemblance.

Compare Brev.

17 L. Quintius Cincinnatus dictator est factus qui agrum quattuor iugerum possidens manibus suis
i.

c o

b a

yet not Eutropius alone, for the words of

Au

gustine

ab

aratro

esse
in

nothing corresponding to them

Florus

have but resemble Eutropius,

Also

adductum

dictator ab
in cannot be found
in

aratro.

consecutum
si
s s e

eadem paupertate manEutropius, while

Cic.
it

gloriam

would corres
2.

pond lis

to

redit ad boves rursus triumpha

De
Finn.
4.

agricola of Florus. aratro adduxerunt,

227. ii.

4.
7.

12,

a b

Val.

Max

4.

cum Fabricium didicerit a n muneribus Pyrrhi, regis Epirotarum, promissa etiam quarta parte
t
-

tis

regni

Romana

civitate non potuisse

7o

divelli

ibique
13,

in

sua
i.

paupertate
13. 21,

privatum manere maluisse.

See Livy Epit.

212,

Unum

Florus Epit.

Eutrop. Brev.

ex
sic

legatis

Fabricium,

admiratus

Romanorum,
cum

eum

pauperem esse cognovisset,ut quarta sollicitare promissa parte regni, ut ad se transiret, convoluerit,
temptusque
4.

est

Fabricio.
14.

Val.
3.

Max.

4. 3. 6,

4. 3, 4. 4.

n,

Cic.

Paradoxa
seems
it

48, Tusc.

23. 56.

Eutropius

alone

to

mention
in

the

quarta

parte regni

unless

occurred

Livy 13 of which we

have only the epitome. That Augustine is here following Eu tropius alone is rendered more probable by the fact that on this same page Eutropius seems to be his sole authority about Va1er um L See note p. 227. 2.
.

227. 17.

ut

quidam
fuisset,

eorum,
ex
illo

qui

bis

consul

iam senatu
-

hominum pauperum
est.

pelleretur n o t a tione censoria, quod decem pondo argenti in vasis habere compertus
see Livy Epit. 14, is P. Cornelius Rufinus Florus Epit. i. 13. 22, Cic. De Orat. 2. 66. 268. Aul. Gell. N. A. 4. 8. 7, 17. 21. 39. Augustine here has not followed Eu but probably Florus. tropius,
;

Quidam

229. 28.

sed

huius

vitii

summitatem

et quasi arcem quandam Nero Caesar primus obtinuit....

See Tac. Ann.
12.

Euseb.

BE

vol.

8.

col.

69 to end of bk. 16, Jerome, Chron. of Eutrop. Brev. 7. 14. 3, 451 sq.

fratre commisit multa Parricidia uxore sorore (?) matre inte.rfectis. Urbem Romam incendit, ut spectaculi eius imaginem cerneret.

233- 15-

fretus securitate victoriae....

See note
233. 23.
p.

Apostatae Juliano...quando
183.
i.

Termini, libro diximus.

See note
233. 33.
p.

de

quo

superiore

174. 30.

Bellum piratarum
p. 138. 23.

Pompeio.
ab

See note
2 33

33-

bellum
.

Punicum
quoque

tertium

S c

o n e

See note
2.

p.

126.

n.

Bellum 234. gladiatorum.

See note
234. 6.
p.

fugitivorum

138. 9.

in

Picentes Marsi et Peligni.... libertatem caput erigere tempt a v

.

e r u n t

See note
234. ii.

p.

138.

7.

duo consules perierunt. Ru c u m P 5. 3. 2, Livy Epit. 73, tilius consul parum prospere adversusMarsos pugnasset et in proelio c e c d s s e t L. Porcius consul re Epit. 75, bus prospere gestis fusisque aliquotiens Marsis, dum castra eorum e x pugnat cecidit. 234. 13. quintus ei annus finem dedit. See Eutrop. Brev. 5. 3. 3, quinto demum anno finem accepit. Augustine has here followed EutroSee Eutrop. Brev.
.

pius in an error

shown by Eutropius
tells

own

narrative.

though Eutropius says

quinto demum
and that
it

For,
-

anno finem
s

accepit,

he

us that the social war began

e x c e n

tesimo
u
r

quinquagesimo
i

nono

anno ab
L.

c o n d

(5.

3.

i.)

was ended per

72

Cornelium
cording

S u

to Eutropius

own

and 5. 4) and Sulla, ac narrative, was consul with Marius

(5. 3.

secunthat year the year of its commencement d o so that including both (659 A. U. C.) and the year of its completion (662 A. U. C.) we get only four years, not five as Eutropius and Augustine
,

sexcentesimo sexagesimo

both give.

Sed bellum Punicum 234. 13. dum cum maximis detrimentis

secunet
c a
1

mitate rei publicae per annos decem et octo Romanas vires extenuavit et paene consumpsit, duobus proeliis ferme septuaginta RomSnorum milia ceciderunt. n t u m e s t See note p. 126. n. Livy 30. 44. 2, septimo decimo anno; Eutrop. Brev. 3. 23. 4, finem accepit secundum Punicum bellum post annum nonum decimum quam c o e 22. i, nee e n m a m p u s Florus Epit. p e r a t decem et octo annos habet, yet again, 40. 2, he says quattuordecim (ortredecim)anni Hannibali suffecerint. Augustine here seems
f
i i

i.

i.

first statement of Florus, perhaps Livy also by the year of hostilities about Saguntum before a for including mal declaration of war. The two battles referred to are the and p u g n a

to follow the

nobilisadTrasymennum pugna
7.

Cannensis, in the former of which, according to Livy 22. 2, quindecim milia Rornanorum in acie caesa,in the latter (22. 49. 15) quadraginta quinque milia quingenti pedites, duo tanta et milia septingenti equites civium sociorumque pars caesi prope Florus does not state the losses at dicuntur. Of Cannae he says (i. 22. 15), sexaginta Trasymenus. milium caede parta nobilitas. Eutro
.
.
.

pius

does not mention the lacus Trasymenus, but

tells of

173

the death of Flaminius which occurred in that battle.

Com

pare Brev.

3.

9.

2:

Inde

ad

Tusciam veniens

Hannibal Flaminio consuli occurrit. Ipsum Flaminium interemit; Romanorum XXV. milia caesa sunt. He gives the
losses at

Cannae

(3.

10. 4),

e r

e n

in

e o

con
-

Aemilius Paulus, consulares aut praetorii XX, senatores capti aut o c cisi XXX, nobiles viri CCC, militum XL milia equitum III milia et quinsul
These combined losses amount to nearly 69,000, g e n t which may be expressed in Augustine s ferme septuai
.

milia.

Augustine would thus seem to have followed Florus first statement for the number of years during which the second Punic war lasted, and Eutropius record for the losses sus tained by the Romans. Perhaps in both cases he intended to follow Eutropius, but the former statement may have been an unconscious departure from him.
234. 17.

viginti
See note
definite

et

Bellum Punicum primum per tres annos peractum est.

n. In Livy Epit. 16-19 there is no p. 126. statement of the length of the first Punic war; such a statement probably occurred in Livy s own work on that Neither does Florus (Epit. i. 18) make war, not now extant.

Compare Eutrop. Brev. 2. 27. i, anno Punici vicesimo et tertio Catulo bellum contra Afros commissum est,
any such statement.

belli

whic*h

was the
s

last

year of the war, and this

is

evidently

Au

gustine

authority.

ra g

234. 18. i n t a .

Bellum

Mithridaticum quad

In Livy Epit. 77-102 there is no exact statement as to the length of this war. Livy may have given the number of years
in this lost part of his
i

works.

Compare Florus

Epit.

i.

40. 2,

(Mithridates)

per

quadraginta

annos

174
r e s t Eutrop. Brev. 6. 12. 3, contra Romanes bellum habuit annis quadraginta, lusi

t|;

tinus
years.

(Trogi

Pompeii, Hist. Phil. Epit. 37. Eutropius was Augustine s authority.

22.

i.

7)

gives 46

bellum Samniticum annis tracferme quinquaginta: in quo bello ita Romani victi sunt ut sub iugum etiam mitterentur. See Florus Epit. hos tamen quin n. 8, annis per Fabios ac Papirios quaginta patres eorumque liberos ita subegit facile materia .... nee appareat et viginti triumphorum. Eu quattuor Turn bellum cum Samnitrop. Brev. 2. 9. 3, tibus per annos quadraginta novem actum sustulerunt. Compare Livy 10. 31. 10 Supersunt etiam nunc Samnitium bell a, quae continua per quartum iam volumen annumque sextum et quadragesimum a M. Valeric, A. Cornelio consulibus qui primi Samnio arma n tulerunt, agimus, and Epit. 14 (ad fin.) res praeterea contra Lucanos et Bruttios et Samnites feliciter gestas et Pyrrhi regis mortem continet. Also Livy 23. 5. 8 coeptumque propter vos cum Samnitibus bellum per centum prope annos variante fortuna eventum tulerimus. 23. 42. 6, per annos centum cum populo Romano bellum gessimus. 31. 31. 10 hi homines cum pro iis bellum adversus Samnites per annos prope septuaginta cum magnis nostris cladibus gessissemus. Augustine in his ferme quin quaginta seems to have followed the version of Eutro
234.

tum est

i.

pius.

Orosius, Adv. pag.

3.

22. 10 also gives

49 years.

175

235-

I4

Cum
.

Radagaisus,

rex

Go
this

th

We

have not to seek any literary source here, as

in

A. D. 406, only 9 years before the date at which Augustine wrote this book. He says above (line 9)

event occurred

nostra memoria recentissimo tempore and below (line 30) nobis apud Karthaginem dicebatur. Compare Orosius, Adv. pag. 7. 37. 4 sq.
238.
2.

Constantinum imperatorem.
who was Augustine
s

See Jerome, Chron. of Euseb. BE vol. 8, col. 493 Eutrop. Brev. 10. 2. sq., Orosius, Adv. pag. 7. 25. 16 sq.
is

sq.,

It

impossible to say

authority.

lovianum multo citius 238. 14. lulianum abstulit.

Here too we cannot assign the
Brev. 10.
16. 2,

quam

authority.

See Eutrop.

interfectus VI Kal. I u e*st imperii (lulianus) anno septimo, aetatis altero et t r cesimo anno. Jerome, appendix to Chron. of Euseb. BE vol. 8, col. 503 sq. lulianus anno uno, lovianus mensibus mensibus octo,
hostili
1
.

manu

o c

Compare Jerome, Ep.

60. 15

nus proditor animae suae, et Christ iani iugulator Christum exercitus, in sensit Media quern primum in

(BE

vol. 22. 599)

lulia

denegerat; dumque Romanos propagare vult fines, perdidit propagatos. lovianus gustatis tantum r e galibus bonis, foetore prunarum suffocatus ostendens omnibus interiit,
Gallia
-

quid sit
238.
15.

humana potentia. Gratianum ferro

interimi.

tyrannico

permisit

to

Gratian, son of Valentinian, was born in 359, the throne in and was assassinated in 375,

came
383.
vol.

Compare
14,

Ambrose,
1230)

Enarr.

in

Ps.

61.

17

petitum, a suis destitutum ac proditum: qui dudum in suggestu locatus imperil, subito egens omnium ab ipsis quorum haereditarium fuerat sortitus obsequium, coepit urgeri, ingruuntibus in exitem, inferentibus mortem, nullo auxiliatore, nullo iam socio sui, nullo comite, also ibid. 23.
238.
20.

Recordamus aliquem (Gratianum) proxime ab omnibus a p

col.
-

(BE

Theodosio

vindicatus est
-

participem fecerat, cum haberet fratrem, avidior parvulum fidae societatis quam nimiae p o e |
quern

regni

for

Augustine is here treating of almost contemporary history, which it is hardly necessary to seek written sources.

Compare

Milites nobis qui aderp. 239. 16 ant rettulerunt. The Theodosius to whom Au
gustine here refers 346 and died 395.
is

Theodosius the Great, a Spaniard, born

238. 26. post eius mortem pulsum ab eius interfectore Maximo Valentinianum eius parvulum fratrem.. .. e x
-

c e p

See preceding note.

Aegypti eremo constitutum, quern Dei servum prophetandi spiritu praeditum fama crebrescente didicerat. Aegyptius Evidently the same as Johannes monachus qui ob vitae puritatem pro239. 5.

sed ad

Johannem

in

177

phetiae

gratiam

Domino meruit

of

More details are given by Augustine, as in Prosper, Chron. De cura pro mortuis gerenda, 16. 21. A biography of him is found in Rufinus, Historia monachorum, chapter i (BE, vol.
21, col. 391-405),

evidenter namque

ei

Domi-

nus prophetiae gratiam contulit: ita ut non tantum civibus et provincialibussuis....futura praediceret, sed

Imperatori Theodosio, vel quos exitus habiturus esset, vel quibus modis victoriam caperet de t y rannis, sed et quod irruptiones p a s surus esset gentium barbararum, saepe
et

belli

a e d

alium tyrannum Eugenium, qui imperatoris locum non fuerat subrogatus accepto legitime rursus prophetico response fide certus oppressit. hoc Compare Rufinus. Historia monachorum (ad fin.) tamen scire vos volo, quod hodierna die victoriae religiosi principis Theodosii Alexandriae nuntiatae sunt de
239. 12.

in

illius

Eugenio tyranno.
reign of Theodosius and

pagan worship.

Eugenius was a usurper in the a vain attempt to re-establish Compare Zosimus, Hist. 4. 54, 55, 58; Theo-

made

doret, Hist. Eccl. 5. 24.

quando in Thessalonicensium gravissimum scelus, cui iam episcopis intercedentibus promiserat indulgen240. 17.
t
i

Compare Prosper,

p. 49,

Immane

Thessalo-

nicae gestum facinus

extincti populi egregio poenitentiae exemplo Imperator religiosus eluit.

78

quod ait Tullius de quodam 241. 26. qui peccandi licentia felix appellabatur: O miserum, cui peccare licebat!
.

Mueller, in his edition of Cicero Philosophica, vol. 3, p. 407, gives this as one of the fragmenta librorum incertorum, so also Baiter and Kayser, vol. II, p. 140.

BOOK
247. 5.

VI.

monium perhibet
icis

Ipse Tullius huic

ut
in

tale testilibris Academi,

dicat....
p.

Mueller, in his edition of Cicero Philosophica, vol. 90, is not certain from which book this fragment is taken.
248. 24.-24Q. 30.

The complete analysis of Varro s Anfound in this chapter, has been preserved for us tiquitates, by Augustine alone. There is no reason why we should not regard this chapter as taken in substance from Varro and largely in Varro s (3)
own words.
This
is

the view of Francken

(p.

32 sq.)

Haec

credamus, huiusmodi distributionem Augustini verbis expressam Varronem immortali suo operi praemisisse, and
Agahd, pp.
15.
I

praetermissa sunt in editione Bipontina; nihil tamen impedit quo minus

142.

Here
analysis:

transcribe

from

Dr.

West

MS.

his

graphic

S ANALYSIS OF VARRO S rerum humanarum et divinarum Antiquitatum [De Civitate Dei VI. 3.]

AUGUSTINE

1.

XLI.

I.

ANTIQUITATES RERUM HUMANARUM, I-XXV.

I.

II.

Introductory, I. j Detailed account in four groups of six books each,

1.

II-XXV. Qui agant De hominibus,

of

II-VII.

Descriptive

mankind.

2.

Ubi agant
ology.

De

locis,

VIII-XIII.

Geography.

3.

Quando agant
Quid agant

De

temporibus,

XIV-XIX. Chron
History.

4.

De

rebus,

XX-XXV.

i8o

II.

ANTIQUITATES RERUM DIVINARUM, XXVI-XLI.

i.
I.

RD

II.

Introductory, XXVI. Detailed account in five groups of three books

each,

XXVII-XLI.
[sacris],

1.

Qui agant De hominibus Sacred men.

a.

XXVII-XXIX.

RD RD RD

2. 3.

4.
2.

De Pontificibus, XXVII. De Auguribus, XXVIII. c. De Decemviris sacrorum, XXIX. Ubi agant De locis [sacris], XXX-XXXII.
b.

Sa

cred places.

RD RD RD RD RD RD

5.
6.
7.

a.

De

Sacellis,

XXX.

b.
c.

Se Sacris Aedibus, XXXI. De Locis Religiosis, XXXII.

3.

Quando agant

XXXV.
8.

De temporibus Sacred times.

[sacris],

XXXIII-

a.

9.

b.

10.
4.

De Feriis, XXXIII. De Ludis Circensibus, XXXIV. c. De [Ludis] Scaenicis, XXXV. Quid agant De [rebus] sacris, XXXVI-XXXVIII.
,

Sacred

acts.

RD RD RD RD RD RD

n.
12.
13.
5.

a.

Consecrationes,:XXXVI.
Sacra privata,

b.
c.

Sacra publica,

Quibus agant

XXXVII. XXXVIII. De Diis, XXXIX-XLI.

Super

human
14.
15.
16.
a.

sacred beings.

b.
c.

Dii certi, XXXIX. Dii incerti, XL. Dii praecipui et selecti,

XLI.

261. 27.

sicut

quod

pertineat

idem opinatur Varro, Saturnus ad semina.

s

Compare Lingua Latina (Spengel

edition)

5.

64,

ab

satu est dictus Saturnus.

The gods and goddesses spoken of 292. 29. tine in this chapter (9) were treated of in Varro s
RD.
by Augus Au-

gustine gives an idea of the

number

of deities on

whom

Varro

wrote,

p.

266.

9.

enumerare deos coepit a concephominis....eamque seriem perduxit usque ad hominis decrepiti mortem.... deinde coepit deos alios ostendere qui pertinerent non ad ipsum hominem, sed ad ea quae sunt
et

ipse

Varro

commemorare

tione

h Q

267. 4.

Sq.

In chapters 10 and

that he

is

quoting Seneca

n Augustine informs us ineolibro quern con

a

tra

superstitiones condidit
down
to our day.

work which

has not come

cum 270. 30. ageremus.

;

adversus

Manichaeos

That is in the works mentioned in the note on p. 35. 4. His opposition to Manichaeism began with his conversion in even before that time he had noticed some weak 386
nesses in that system, as he
tells

us in his Confessions.

82

BOOK
273.
18.

VII.

quod facetius ait Tertulfortasse quam v^rius: Si dii eliguntur ut bulbi, utique ceteri r e probi iudicantur.
lianus
-

enim dei ut bulbi m non seliguntur seliguntur, qui probi pronuntiantur. Dombart gives this refer
ing to Oehler s edition,
i

The exact quotation from Si

the Ad.

Natt.

2.

is,

accord
-

ence.

vernalem 306. 23. quippe Propter faciem terrae quae ceteris est temporibus pulchrior, Porphyrius, philosophus nobilis, Attin flores significare perhibuit, ideo et abscisum flos decidit ante fructum. quia
This
is

the

first

mention of Porphyry

in

the

DCD.

Au

gustine (using a Latin version) quotes often from him, but most of the works from which he has quoted are now no

longer extant.

In

DCD

X.

29 (p. 449.

25) Augustine says

multa animae scripposui regressu sit. In DCD X. ii (p. 418. 18) Melius sapuit iste Porphyrius cum ad Anebontem In the passage on \vhich scripsit Aegyptium.
in

his

ipsis quos de

libris

ex

quibus

we are commenting Augustine may have got his information from the De Regressu animae, but compare the words of Por v Arrts 8e /ecu phyry given by Eusebius, Praep. Evang. 3. n.
"ASdWS TY)

T&V KdpTTUV

.i(T\V

CWoXoyLO. 7TpO(T^KOVTS. AAA. 6

av#ea>v

fJitV "ArTlS

TO)V

Kara TO tap Trpo^aivo/xeVcov

TWV KttpTTWV

/cat Trplv

Te\ea-ioyovfj(r(u

t? TTJV a"7TpfJt,aTLKr]V

T\ttOCTtV.

This Oiay be the

83

Eusepassage Augustine had in mind in writing the above. bius seems to be quoting there from some work dealing with

and such a work Stobaeus (Eel. Phys. i. 25) images If these are the mentions under the title irept dyaX/xarcov. words to which Augustine refers they are taken not from the Trepi avoSov i/a^rys (De Regressu animae), but from this Trcpi though Augustine does not mention the latter as he dyaA./xar<ov,
;

does the former.

309.

Compare Arnobius, Adv.

nationes,

5.

5.

sq.

totam de hoc Euhemerus pan 7. historiam quam Ennius in Latinum vertit eloquium. me See Cic. N. D. 42. 119, q u a e ratio m a x Euhemero est, quern nostractata ab ter et interpretatus et secutus praen. 33, ter ceteros Ennius. Lact. Div. Inst. res antiquus auctor Euhemerus gestas lovis et ceterorum qui dii p u tantur collegit historiamque contexuit ex titulis et inscriptionibus.... Hanc historiam et interpretatus est Ennius et secutus. Arnob. Adv. Natt. 4. 29. See Literary Sources of Augustine, DCD I-X, p. 10.
dit
i.
i

i.

istos Varronis ad Caesarem 318. 27. pontificem scriptos.

Compare Lact.
Div. Inst.
i.

6.

7,

in

libris rerum

divinarum quos ad
ficem
utt

C.

maximum

Caesarem ponti
-

scripsit.

Italicum genus auctorem h a b Pythagoram Samnium. a quo etiam ferunt ipsum philosophiae nomen e x iste interrogatus quid proortum,
321. 31.
.

fiteretur

philosophum
is

se

esse

re

spond
ero.

The source
See Tusc.

uncertain, probably the Hortensius of Cic 5. 3. 8. sq., De Sen. 21. 78., Lact. Div. Inst.

i8 4

Pythagoras, qui hoc primus noinvenit,.... Itaque cum ab eo quaereretur quemnam se profiteretur, respondit philosophum, id est quaesit o r e m s a p e n t a e. See Literary Id. 3. 14. 5.
3. 2. 6,

men

Sources,

p.

23.

lonici vero generis princeps Thales Milesius, unus illorum septem qui sunt appellati sapientes.
322. 3.

fuit

Augustine
of Cicero.

source here was probably the lost Hortensius

Lact.

Compare

Div. Inst.

3.

16.

12,

Horten

intellegi philosophiam non esse sapientiam quod principium et origo eius appareat. Quando, esse coeperunt? inquit, philosophi Thales ut opinor primus.

sius, ex eo posse

Aquam tamen putavit rerum principium et hinc omnia e e menta mundi ipsumque mundum et quae in eo gignuntur existere.
322. ii.

esse

Tha 2. 37. 118, dixit constare omnia, aqua

See Cic. Acad. prior.
i.

e s

ex

N. D.

i.

10. 25,

Lact. Div. Inst.

322. 16.
.

5.

16, ibid. 2. 9.

18.

Anaximander

eius

auditor
n-

...

que principia singularum esse credidit

finita,
et

ex suis propriis principiis quasres nasci putavit. Quae rerum

i

nere

et

eosque mundos modo dissolvi modo iterum gigni existimavit. See Cic. N. D. mandr au em 10. 25, A n a x est natives esse deos longis opinio intervallis orientis occidentisque, innumerabiles esse mundos. eosque
i.
i

innumerabiles mundos g g quaecunque in eis oriuntur;

i

i8 5

Acad.
e n
t

prior. 2. 37.

18,

e n

turae dixit esse,

u r
.

m n f n t a t e m na qua omnia gigneri i i

Iste Anaximenen discipulum 24. successorem reliquit, qui omnes rerum causas aeri infinite dedit, nee deos negavit aut tacuit: non tamen ab ipsis aerem factum, sed ipsos ex
322.

et

acre ortos credidit.

See Cic. Acad. prior. 2. 37. 1 18, p o s t e u s audi tor Anaximenes infinitum aera, sed ea quae ex eo orerentur definita;gigni autem terram aquam ignem, turn ex
i

his

omnia.
322. 27.

N. D.

i.

10. 26,

Lact.

Div.

Inst.

i.

5.

19.

Anaxagoras vero eius audi harum rerum omnium, quas videmus, effectorcm divinum animum sentor
sit et dixit ex infinita materia, quae consta,ret similibus inter se particulis rerum omnium quibus suis et propriis singula fieri, sed animo faciente
d
i

o.

See

Cic.

Acad.

2.

37. 118,

teriam infinitam, sed ex ea particua s similes inter se minutas; eas primum confusas, postea in ordinem a d ductas mente divina. N. D. 26. 322. 32. Diogenes quoque Anaximenis al ter auditor, aerem quidem dixit rerum esse materiam, de qua omnia fierent, sed cum esse compote m divinae r a tionis sine qua nihil ex eo fieri pos
1
,

Anaxagoras

ma-

i.

i r.

set.
See Cic. N. D.
i.

12. 29,

a e r

Apolloniates utitur deo quern sensum habere potest aut quam formam dei?

quo

Diogenes

86 323. 2.

eius Archelaus. Etiam ipse de particulis inter se similibus, quibus s n ita fierent, gula quaeque put a v t
i
i

Anaxagorae successit auditor

constare omnia tem diceret.

This Archelaus
writings
of
is

ut inesse

etiam m
in

e n

mentioned only once

the
is

extant

Cicero, Tusc. 5. 4. 10. either of his life or of his teachings.

Very

little

known

No doubt

he was dis

cussed

in

the schools in the days of Augustine along with the

other philosophers.
323. 7.

Socrates
Tusc
.

huius
10

discipulus
qui

fuisse perhibetur.
See Cic.
a u d
e r a t
5.

4.

ad

Socratem

Archelaum,
i

Anaxagorae

discipulum,

Socrates ergo primus uni323. ii. versam philosophiam ad corrigendos componendosque mores flexisee m e moratur, cum ante ilium omnes magis
-

physicis,

id

est,

naturalibus,

rebus
i

perscrutandis penderent.

operam

maximam

Socrates m h See Cic. Acad. prior, i. 4. 15, videtur primus a rebus occultis et ab in natura quibus involutis, ipsa omnes ante e u m philosophi occupati fuerunt, avocavisse philosophiam et ad vitam communem adduxisse, ut de virtutibus et vitiis omninoque de malis et bonis rebus quaereret; Tusc. 3. 4. 8, 5. 4. 8, 5. 4. 10, Socrates a u t e m pri mus philosophiam devocavit e coelo ....et coegit de vita et moribus r e busque bonis et malis quaerere. DeFinn.
i

5.

29.

88.

Lact. Div. Inst.

3.

13. 6, 3. 20. 2,

3.

21.

i.

187

v e confessa ignorantia sua dissimulata scientia lepore mirabili disserendi et acutissima urbanitate agitasse atque versasse.
324. 3
1

vel

Cicero

seems to be the source.

See Acad.

2.

5.

15.

ita

cum aliud diceret atque sentiret,

uti
23. 74,

libenter latione,
also ibid.
2.
2.

solitus est

ea
De

dissimuv o c a n
i.

quam
De

Graeci
Div.
2.

cipwi/eiav

72.

150,
i.

Off.

30.

108,

De

Orat.

67. 270, Brut. 292,

De

Inv.

31. 53.

324. 6.

Sed eum postea ilia ipsa,quae

publice

damnaverat,
1 i
,

Atheniensium

n duos accusau x t civitas publice tores eius usque adeo populi indignatione conversa, ut unus eorum oppressus vi multitudinis interiret, exilio autem voluntario atque perpetuo poenam similem alter evaderet.
i

We know
Se

discover Augustine s literary source here. no extant account from which Augustine might have taken this. Compare Diodorus 14 37 (ad fin.): dSucou
It is difficult to

of

r^s Kanqyopias yeyevr^ev^s o 8^/xos fjiTfJL\.i^Ot] r^Xt/coOrov avopa Siovrep TOVS /car^yop^cravTas Si opy^s el^c KCU reXos avyp-rj/Jitvov TreKretvci/, which account differs considerably from that

given by Augustine.
KOI TOV? /xev c^DyaSevcrav,

Compare

also

Diog.

Laert.

2.

43:
Still

wore A-Oyvaloi S evOvs /xcreyvcocroi

fcA-etcrat /cat

TraXat orpa? Kat yv/xvacria.

Kareyvcocrai/

McXtTOU $e-0dvaTov

which

It is probable that Cicero in one of differs from Augustine. his now lost works related this story, and that Augustine got

probably treated of Socrates and and the Socratic philosophy in the Hortensius, where it would be natural for him to record the death of Socrates.
it

from

him.

Cicero

324
p u
s

22.

dicerent
.

quidam summum bonum esse voluptatem, sicut Aristip-

88

See Cic.

Acad.

2.

42.

131,

alii

finem essevoluerunt quorum princeps Aristippus, qui Socratem audierat.

Id.

voluptatem
7.

De

Finn.
7.

i.

8.

26, 2. 6. 18,
6.

2.

7.

20,

5.

20,

Lact. Div.

Inst. 3.

7,

3. 8.

324. 24.

quidam virtutem,
5.

sicut

An-

tisthenes.
See Tusc.
source
9. 26.

No doubt
Hortensius.

Cicero was the literary

probably

in the

Aegypto quaecunque magna atque docebantur.

325. 6.

in

didicit
illic

habebantur
g y p
-

(Plato)

See Cic.

De

Finn.

5.

29. 87,

turn
e t
?

peragravit

baris

numeros
De
dog.

ut et
i.

Cur Plato A e sacerdotibus

(Hildebrand
s

b a r-

coelestia
3

acciperedition),
e t

Apul.

Plat.

astrologiam adusque Aegyptum ivit petitum, ut inde prophetarum ritus etiam addisceret. Lact. Div. Inst. 4 4.
2.

325. 7.

et

inde
ubi
.
.

in
.

eas Italiae partes

veniens,
See Cic.

Pythagoreorum
5.

fama

celebrabatur.
De
Finn.

ad
g o

Platonem ferunt ut Pythagoreos cognosceret in Italiam venisse et didicisse Pythagorea o m

r e

Archytam?
o s
?

29. 87, cur post T a r e n t u m cur ad reliquos Pytha-

Tusc.

i.

17. 39,

n ia

Apul.

De

dog. Plat.

i.

(Hildebrand

edition):

iorem
tiae

ad Italiam iterum eos Eurytatum(?)

venit

et

Tarentinum

Pythagor
et

senmay

Archytam sectatus.
in

Augustine

here be following either Cicero or Apuleius.

Itaque cum studium sapienactione et contemplatione versetur, unde una pars eius activa, altera contemplativa dici potest.
325. 15.

89

This two fold division of

s a

found

in

Cicero
c on.

Hortensius.

a Augustine probably Compare De Trin. 14. 19. 26.

e n

a n c

Cicero commendans Hor ens

t
i

templativam sapientiam.
in

fine

dialogi

Proinde Plato utrumque iun325. 22. gendo philosophiam perfecisse laudatur, quam in tres partes distribuit: unam moralem quae maxime in actione alteram naturalem quae versatur; contemp. lationi deputata est; tertiam rationalem, qua verum disterminatur
a
f

It is

impossible

in

the extant works of Plato to find this

Such three-fold stoic division into ethics, physics and logic. a division was developed by some later interpreters of or com
mentators on Plato such as we
find in

Cic.

Acad.

i.

5.

19,

iam Fuit accepta a Platone ergo ratio triplex, una de vita et moribus, altera de natura et rebus occultis, tertia de disserendo et quid verum quid falsum quid rectum in oratione

parumve quid consentiens pugnans esset iudicando.

been the source from which

quid

r e

This may have derived the above Augustine

statement, but it is more likely that this three-fold divis ion was an established one in the philosophy of Plato as taught Lactantius Div. Inst. 3. 4. in the schools of Augustine s day.
1

2,

mentions

duo philosophiae genera,

e t h

but he also

gives the three divisions of philosophy, viz: m o r a 1 i s and p h y s c a (Div. Inst. 3. 7. i) the former of which seems
i

to correspond to
AoyiKiy

c a

(Inst.

Epit.

28.

13),

and third

super est
et
(Div.

pars
Inst.

ilia

tertia

quam vocant

XoyiK^r,

dialectica continetur

omnis
3.

philosophiae in qua tota loquendi ratio

4,

13.

Inst.

Epit.

30.

5).

190

This three-fold division of Lactantius into

or

ethica,
tine s
1

physica

and

Aoyt/c?)

corresponds to

Augus
i

moralem,
.

naturalem
(in

and
s

a
in

o n a

We

should note here also the passage

Apuleius,

De

dog.

Platonis,

which

Hildebrand

edition

book

i,

primus tripartitam philosophiam copularet sibique invicem necessarias partes neque pugnare in ter se tantummodo sed etiam mutuis adiuvare auxiliis ostenderet. Nam quamvis de diversis officinis haec ei essent philosophiae membra suscepta, naturalis a Pythagoreis, dialectica atque moralis ab ipso Socratis fonte, unum tamen ex omnibus et quasi proprii part us corpus effecit. Alexander Macedo scribit ad 327. 25.
chapter 3) reads

ut

matrem
f
.

sibi
.
.

rum Aegyptiorum quodam Leone pateTimens enim et ille quasi a c t a revelata mysteria petens admonet A exandrum ut, cum ea matri conscripta insinuaverit, flam mis iubeat concre. 1

magno antistite sacro-

a r

of letters of Alexander the Great to his mother, Olympias, but we cannot decide which one of these, if any, is the one referred to here by Augustine. I examine the evidence somewhat in detail, because this is professedly one of Augustine s sources.

There are several notices

Compare DCD VIII. 27, sicut Leone sacerdote prodente ad Olympiad em matrem scribit Alexander. DCD XII. 1, a e p s
1
i 1 1 i

Magni Olympiadem suam quam scripsit n a r r a tionem cuiusdam Aegyptii sacerdotis insinuans, quam protulit ex litteris

tula Alexandri

ad

matrem

quae sacrae apud illos haberentur, continet etiam regna quae Graeca quoque novit historia. Such is the informa
tion

which Augustine gives us in reference to this epistle of Alexander the Great to his mother. Plutarch, Vitae. Alex.
/

27, says:

avros Se

AA.

ai S/Dos

ei/

iTTKTToXrf

Trpos TT)V

fj^repa.

<j>r}<r\

yeyoveva.1 Tiyas airrw

rrpos fjiovrjv fKeivrjv.

yotavTCi as aTropp^rous as auros

CTraveXOwv

<f>pa.cri

tine refers

That this epistle is the one to which Augus we cannot say. Zumetikos (De Alexandri Olympia-

Berlin 1894. p. 44) disque epistularum fontibus et reliquiis. Arrian 6. i. 4 speaks of a letter of thinks that it, is not.

Alexander tO
VTrep
TO>I>

his

mother
y>}9

/cat S?)

KOL rpos rr/v OXu/XTriaSa ypdtfrovra

/cai

IvSaiv r^?

aAXa

re ypai^ai

ort SoKoirj avrcu c^evprjKtvai

TOV NctXou ras Tnyyas ....

which cannot be the one referred to

13. 4.
i

by Augustine.

Aulus Gellius,

says

In

monimentis rerum ab Alexandro gestarum et paulo ante in libro M. Varronis qui inscriptus est Orestes vel de insania, Olympiadem Philippi uxo-

plerisque

rem festivissime rescripsisse legimus Nam cum is ad Alexandro filio. matrem ita scripsisset: Rex Alexander Hammonis filius Olympiad! lovis matri salutem Olympias ei dicit,
rescripsit
same
tii
letter as
.

Tertullian

seems to refer to the

quod AegypAugustine (De narrant et Alexander digerit et mater legit de tempestate Osiridis qua ad ilium ex Libya Ammon facit
Pallio 3):

ovium dives.

See also

id.

De Corona
2

7.

Compare
vol. 2. 588)

also Cyprian,

De idolorum

vanitate

(works

BE

Alexander Magnus insigni volumine ad matrem suam scribit metu suae potestatis proditum sibi de diis a hominibus sacerdote secretum;
ita
Minucius Felix, Octavius,
21.

Hoc

92

That this epistle was well-known we gather from the words of Augustine DCD XII. n ilia e p s t o a (p. n n o t u t q u a e m a x m e 527. n) and (p. 528. 8). seems to have been familiar with the contents of Augustine
i

this letter.

He

sacerdos u acaclemicus qui tius, poeta Macedoni Alexandro diversam quid em aGraecorum o p n o n e istorum deorum originem verumtamen ita prodit ut eos homines fuisse declaret? Arnobius Pellaeo Leonte (Adv. nationes 4. 29) speaks of him as

Numquid

speaks of the same Leon De Consensu Evang. i. 23. 32: et Leon ille Aegyp-

vel

and as one of those who could prove

omnis

istos,

nobis quos inducitis atque appellatis which may have been deos, homines fuisse
the

same work
331. 26.

as that referred to

above by Augustine.

hinc

concipere
See Cic. Tusc.
v o c a nt
.

animum asseverantes notiones quas appellant

i.

24. 57,
3.

notiones
Acad.
2.

quas
2.

De

Finn.

6.

21,

22,

10.

30,

e x

quibus efficiuntur notitiae rerum quas u m TroAeis v o c a n t as Graeci turn dicuntur addidisse ter332 25. qui tium genus bonorum quod appellatur extrinsecus.
cVi/ot
t
.

See Cic. Tusc.

5.

38.

rum, maxima animi, secunda corporis, in which externa is externa tertia, see also De Finn. 3. 13. equivalent to extrinsecus;
43, and Apuleius De dog. where after the
is

85:

tria

genera

bono

Plat.

2.

venientibus extrinsecus copulatur.

secundum autem bonum est a third given accidens et putatur quod corpori rebusque

bonum primum

(Hildebrand and

edition)

193

Nunc satis sit commemorare Platonem determinasse finem boni esse secundum virtutem vivere et ei
333I 5-

soli

evenire posse, qui notitiam Dei habeat et imitationem nee esse aliam ob causam beatum; ideoque non dubiamare esse hoc tat philosophari Deum
.

mum bonum

333-

2 9-

Ip

sum autem verum

ac

sum-

Plato dicit Deum.

Augustine .of course did not read Plato in the original, and he has not in mind here any particular passages of that What Augustine gives above is found in substance in author. No doubt the writings of Plato, but is not explicitly stated.
he
is

giving rather a Neo-platonist inference from Platonism.

337.
i.

ratio temporum supputata chronica historia continetur quae Platonem indicat a tempore, quo p r o Hieremias, centum ferme phetavit annos postea natum fuisse, qui cum octoeinta et unum vixisset ab anno o mortis eius usque ad id temp us quo Ptolomaeus rex Aegypti scripturas Hebraeorum de propheticas gentis ludaea poposcit et per septuaginta inter pretandas viros Hebraeos. .. curavit anni reperiunhabendasque tur ferme sexaginta.
.

Jerome
of

Chron.

of

Euseb.

(BE

vol.

8,

col.

367)

Hieremias prophetare orsus

Abraham
ad; and in the year of eighty-ninth Olympiad

in the

year 1386

or in the third year of the thirty-seventh Olympi Abraham 1592, or in fi rst year of the

Plato nascitur Athenis which statements make a much longer period than the cen Plato tum ferme annos of Augustine.
m
o r
i

in

the year of

Abraham

1672, or

first

of the one

194

and ninth Olympiad and Ptolomaeus divinas scripturas Philadelphus... in Graecam vocem ex Hebraea lingua
hundred
;
.

per
v
i

LXX

interpretes transferri curaAbraham

1736, or
first

in

the year of

year of the one

hundred and twenty-fifth Olympiad.

tine, as

centum ferme annos

ond 64 (1736-1672)
possible to say on
calculations.
for

Neither of these statements agrees with those of Augus the first of Jerome (1592-1386) gives 206 years for
of Augustine,

ferme sexaginta.

and the sec It is im

what authority Augustine has based his Another place where he has recorded the cor cum quando rection here given on the statement in Aegyptum, a u perrexit

Hieremiam
is

disse
Retract

vel
2. 4.

eadem peregrinatione legisse

2:

scripturas
Et

propheticas
found

in
in

porum

historia

tamquam

in eo quod dixi, De temsanctum Ambrosium solvisse quaestionem, coaetanei fuerint Plato et

Hieremias, me fefellit memoria.

ea quae mutabilia facta sunt 338. 12. non sint, vehementer hoc Plato tenuit et diligentissime commendavit.
Here we have an inference from Plato rather than a refer ence to any specific statement. Augustine no doubt made It is this statement from his knowledge of Neo-Platonism. found implicitly in Plato. Compare Philebus 22 and 60 B-C.
339- 5.

cipulus condidisset,
.

cum Aristoteles Platonis dissectam Peripateticam quod deambulans dispu.

.

tare consueverat.
See Cic. Acad.
i.

4.

17:

Peripatetic!

dicti

sunt
in

quia
y c e o
.

disputabant

inambulantes

95

339. 10.

post
. .

mortem
sororis
.

vero
eius
De

Platonis
filius
et

Speusippus, Xenocrates.
See Cic. Acad.

i.

4.

17,

i.

9.

34.

Orat.

3.

18. 67.

Sed habemus sententiam Pla 339. 30. tonis dicentis omnes deos bonos esse nee esse ornnino ulltin deorum malum.
Augustine here is not referring to any specific passage in What Plato, but is giving an inference from his teachings. is not ex he gives as the

sententiam Platonis
is

pressly stated, in Plato, but

implied

compare Theaetetus
See note

1760, and Republic

p
167. ii.

378-380 especially 379 A-B.

340.

ii.

Plato senserit, notum est cum poetas ipsos....censet civitate pellendos.

See note
340. 19.
p. 69.

Quid enim de ludis scaenicis

10.
-

poscentes turpia etiam m a ligna gesserunt, Tito Latinio auferentes filium....

See note
341. 10.
p.

178. 17.
i

Omnium,
a n

n q u

in

quibus est
divisio

pertita
Compare
eo-rt

est
is

a n m a u n t u m rationalis, triin deos homines

i
i 1 i
,

daemones.
This three-fold division
Plato,
/ecu

assumed
KOL

in Plato
TTO.V

and Apuleius.
/xera^i!

Symposium 202
OvrjTov.

yap
8.

TO

Sai/xoj/ioi/

Oeov re
8e

De Legg,

8480,
8

ibid.

10.

906 A.
KO.\

rj/juv

9toi re

apa

/cat Sat/move?, ry/xcis

av /crr^uara 6tuv

the

quoque reperiantur, Apuleius tamen Platonicus Madaurensis de hac re

sola
leius
in

But Augustine had in mind Apuleius when he wrote above words (quae licet apud alios

unum scripsit
the

lib

rum.

1.

30).
s

Apu

De deo Socratis begins (Hildebrand

edition,

ig6

Plato omnem naturam vol. p. iii.) rerum quod eius ad animalia praecipue
chap.
i.

2.

pertineat,
in

trifariam
whom
;

divisit.

He

then

begins with the gods

he

first

Hiidebrand

edition)

then

discusses (to chap. 3 p. 120 he passes on to discuss men

(tandemque orationem de caelo in terin ram devocabo qua praecipuum animal homines sumus), and in chap. 6 he Ceterum sunt quaedam takes up demons, divinae mediae po testates inter sumnum aethera et infimas terras.... hos Graeci nomine Sai/xoi/a? nuncupant.
ex quo genere numinum So 341. 33. crates habebat adiunctum et amicitia qua dam conciliatum, a quo perhibetur solitus admoneri ut desisteretab agendo, quando id quod agere volebat, non prospere fuerat eventurum.
Compare Apul. De deo
edition,
vol.
2,

Socratis,

chap. 19

Quod autem iricepta 154) Socrati quaepiam daemon ille ferme prohibitum ibat, nunquam adhortatum
p.
:

(Hiidebrand

Enim Socrates, utpote apprime perfectus ex sese, ad omnia congruentia sibi officia promptus nullo adhortatore umquam indigebat, at vero prohibitore nonnunquam, si quibus forte conatibus eius periculum suberat, ut monitus praecaveret, omitteret coepta

quodammodo

ratio praedicta
vir

est.

impraesentiarum quae
capesseret
342. 4.

tutius vel postea

vel alia via adoriretur.

-

piosissime
sed

dicit enim apertissime et c o asserit non ilium deum fuisse

daemonem.

97

See Apul.

De deo
-

Socratis, chap. 19, quoted in

last

note

(P- 34i. 33), et al

342.

6.

deorumsublimitate
tate et t a m
i
.

pertractans istam Platonis de

et

hominum
s

humili-

daemonum medietate
Socratis, chap.
3

sentenedition, vol.

See
2,

De deo

p.

118):

Hos

(Hildebrand

namque cunctos deos

i

in

sublimi aetheris vertice locates; again deos a b h o m n b u s p u r m u m chap. 4 differentes loci sublimitate; chap. 5 si
:

omnino homines

diis

immbrtalibus

procul repelluntur atque in haec terrae tartara relegantur; chap. 6, for the dem quaedam divinae mediae potestates ons, inter summum aethera et infimas ter ras, and he also speaks of them as corpore aeria
(chap. 13).
342.
8.

omni humana contagione semovit....

Compare De deo
Socratis, chap. 3

Plato etiamsi non diis quos ab

ab cul discretes,
vol. 2, p.
ii 8):

humana contagione

(Hildebrand

edition,

pro

though here not avowedly on the au of Plato; compare the rest of the chapter, also chap. thority 6 on Plato s authority (respond erit enim Plato

pro

sententia sua mea voce), N e q u e enim i 1 1 o s a c ur a rerum humanarum sed contrectatione sola removi. Compare Plato.
T

Symposium
342.

203. A,

0os

Se drOpw-n-w ov /JLCLyrvTo.1.

daemonibus tarn genter copioseque discernit.

23.

deos

dili-

See chap. 6 (De deo Socratis).

342. 34.

Nam

de

omnibus

moribus generaliter
de

eorum, cum loqueretur,

98

non solum nihil boni dixit sed etiam

plurimum mail.
This seems to be a rather unfair criticism on the part of Augustine of the statements of Apuleius in the De deo SoWe cannot see how Augustine could say nihil cratis.

boni dixit.
is

inter homines coeli2, p. 128) vectores hinc precum inde colasque donorum, qui ultro citro portant hinc petitiones inde suppetias ceu quidam
against this:

Surely chap. 6 (Hildebrand

edition, vol.

interpretes

et

salutigeri....

These and

other like offices of the daemons mentioned by Apuleius make Augustine s criticism (nihil boni dixit) untrue. Of

course Apuleius has also very unfavorable things to say against In chap. the demons, for which compare chaps. 12 and 13.
1

Apuleius speaks of the better kind of

demons:

u n

posteriore numero praestantiori longe dignitate, superius aliud augustius genus daemonum qui semper a corporis compedibus liberi certis potestatibus curant. serpentibus qui etiam depo343. 18. sita tunica senectutem deponere atque in iuventam redire perhibentur. See Pliny H. N. 8. 27. 99, anguis hiberno situ membrana corporis obducta feniculi suco impedimentum illud exuit nitidusque vernat, ibid. 8 31. in; Theophrastus auctor est angues modo et stelliones senectutem exuere. As Augustine has elsewhere, in the DCD XV. 9 XV. 12, mentioned Pliny and quoted from,

autem non

though without naming, the Historia Naturalis,

that here also Pliny
is
is

it

is

likely

his authority,

if

indeed a literary source

required.

At enim volatilia cum volan344. i. do fatigantur vel reficiendum alimen-

99

corpus habent terram repetunt requiem vel ad pastum, quod daemones, inquiunt, non faciunt.
tis

vel ad

Compare De deo
vol. 2, p.
:

Socratis, chap. 8

(Hildebrand

edition,

Semper enim illis victus 134) omnis in terra, ibidem pabulum, ibi dem cubile; tantum quod aera proximum terrae volitando transverberant. Ceterum cum illis fessa sunt remigia

pennarum terra
the
do,

seu

portus

est.

That

demons
is

not come to earth for rest or food, as the birds rather implied than stated by Apuleius. Compare De
do.
9.

deo Socratis, chap.

Nam et ilia ratio Platonis, 344. 16. qua elementa quattuor proportione contexit atque ordinat, ita duobus extremis, igni mobilissimo et terrae inmobili, media duo, aerem et aquam interserens.
Compare
TravTos

Plato,

Timaeus

31 B, oOcv IK
$eos

TTU/DOS

Kat

yfjs

TO

rot)
Sr)

apxcyxei/os

^vvnTTUivai

(TMfjia 6

eVot et

.... 32 B,

oirra>

Tripos re KCU yrys { Scop depot re o $eos eV

ocrov rjv Swaroi/
depot,
ctj/a

/xecro) Bets,

Kat Trpos a\Xr)Xa KO.&

roOro depa Trpo? vowp,

TOV avrov Xoyov dTrepyao-a/xeros, o rt ?rep Trvp ?rpos KOLL 6 rt dr/p Trpos TOVTO vStop ?rpos y^v,
v8<op

^weSvycre
IO.

Kat ^i/etrr^craTO ovpavov

Trvp Kat vScop

oparov

/ecu

OLTTTOV.

Id.

De Legg.

889 B,

Kat yrjv KOU depa

c/>ucrei

Trdvra etrat Kat ru^ry

<atri.

maeus.
chap.
7

Augustine found this in Cicero s translation of the Ti See DCD XIII. 16. Compare Apul. De dog. Plat, i,

and chap.

11.

Et ipse quippe Apuleius cum 344. 22. ceteris terreste animal hominem dicit.
See Apul.

De deo

Socratis, chap. 3 (Hildebrand s edition).

dicit ad eos pertinere divina345. 4. tiones augurum, aruspicum, vatum atque somniorum....

200

See Apul.
vol. 2. p. p.

De deo

Socratis, chap. 14 (Hildebrand s edition

142).

346

19.

Perturbatio
Traces

est

enim
ilia

quae

voluit dicitur; animo vocare verquia passiva, bum de verbo -n-dOos passio diceretur motus animi contra rationem. num reliquae q u o See Cic. Tusc. 3. 4. 7; que pertubationes animi, formidines, iracundiae? Haec enim libidines, fere eius modi q.uae Graeci appel
G
r

a e c e

unde

-rrdOr]

lant,

quae Graeci TrdOfj nobis perturbationes appelvocant, lari magis placet quam morbos. ibid. 4. 6. n, De Finn. 3. 10. 35. Passio is a later Latin word
ibid
4.
5.

10,

and belongs especially

348.
3.

to ecclesiastical Latinity.

isti

(daemones) ad deos

ferant

homines inpetrata quae poscunt.

See Apul.

preces

hominum
i.

p e

et

inde
s

ad

De deo

Socratis

Ceterum sunt quae dam divinae mediae potestates inter sum mum aethera et
infimas
terras aeris spatio, per
in

(Hildebrand

edition):

nostra et merita hos Graeci nomine Sat/x.ovas nuncupant, inter homines (?) coelicolasque vectores, hinc precum unde donorum, qui ultro citro portant, hinc petitiones inde suppetias ceu quidam utriusque interThe original of this is pretes et salutigeri.
found
in Plato s
i
.

isto intersitae quas et desideria ad deos commeant:

Symposium 202 E.

Compare
.

also Apul.
. . .

De

dog. Plat,

chap. 12;

tros

deorum

Daemonas v e r o minisarbitratur custodesque.

fructus alieni in alias terras 349. 5. transferri in nonne perhibentur,

201

tabulis ... duodecim Cicero memorat esse conscriptum et

.

comei

qui

hoc

fecerit

supplicium

constitutum?

We cannot say in which of Cicero s works this reference was found, and this fragment of Cicero seems to have remained unnoticed by the editors of his works. Augustine s. words ap
pear to be the only authority for ascribing such a statement to It would be most natural to assign it to the De LegiCicero.
bus.

quid? non et tabulis legum ipsarum verba sunt; qui fruges excantassit ?, res also Apuleius Apologia 47 Magia ista. est legibus delegata, iam inde a n t n quitus duodecim tabulis propter credundas frugum illecebras interCompare
Pliny,

N. H.

28.

2.

17:

in

duodecim

dicta.

Apuleius ipse numquid 349. 9. Christianos iudices de magicis bus accusatus est?
This was the case which was brought by
Sicinus Aemilianus and Sicinus Pudens,

apud
arti-

Pontianus,

at the instigation of

Herennius Rufinus, against Apuleius on the charge of having used magic arts and spells to win the love of Prudentilla a widow and mother of his friend Pontianus. See Apuleius Apologia or De Magia, which was the defence of the author on this occasion. Has Augustiue any authority for writing apud Christianos iudices? So far as I know there is no authority for it and it is probably a misstatement.
,

See note given

in

486

Fuere

Oudendorp s edition of Apuleius vol. illi ethnici omnes, C 1. M

3.

p.
i

a x

mus, Africae proconsul, et alii qui in consilio erant. Quod (ut alia testimonia taceam) in hac ipsa oratione eo clarissime pra.esertim adparet, loco ubi Apuleius Mercurii sigillum
in

manus Maximi

tradit.

2O2
349* 2 7-

tonici copiosissima extat oratio.

Huius autem philosophi P a et disertissima

1

For the question as to the unity of the Apologia see Hildebrand s edition, vol. i, proleg. p. 40; and Oudendorp s
edition vol.
3,

p.

485.

It

must be said that a careful reading

its

of the Apologia

gives one the impression of

1 i

being an

duo b r Nam diversa de illis Hermes 354. 19. Aegyptius, quern trismegiston vocant,
oratio
and not
i
.

sensit et scripsit.
Under the name of Ep^s Tpicr/xeyto-ros very numerous works were in circulation in the early Christian centuries. These works professing to be from Hermes were of a NeoPlatonizing

tendency

The work

of

Hermes

in the struggle against Christianity. referred to above by Augustine is the

Xoyos reXetos translated into Latin by Apuleius under the title of Asclepius, sive Dialogus Hermetis Trismegisti, a dialogue

between Hermes and his pupil Ascelepius (Huius Aegyptii verba sicut in nostrarn linguam

interpretata sunt).
ut
s

See Lact. Div. Inst.

i. 6. 3,

ei
i

multarum
T
ira

rerurn

et

artium
i

e n

a
.

rismegisto
Dei
11.

cognomen

12; Hermes, quern numero deorum apud Aegyptios haberi, eum scilicet qui ob virtutem artium multarumque scientiam Termaximus nominatus est.
p o n e n
t

Cicero

De ait

in

His teachings are mentioned often

tius.

in

the works of Lactan-

355. 6.

sq.

For the quotations on

(Hildebrand
s

this

page see As

clepius, chaps. 23, 24

edition, vol. 2, p. 305-7.)

s

358.

5.

sq.

See Apul. Asclepius chap. 37 (Hildebrand

edition, vol. 2, p. 326).

363. ii.

modo

iste

Sane advertendum est quo cum doleret Aegyptius,

20 3

tempus esse venturum quo rentur ex Aegypto....

See Apul. Asclepius chap.
364. 13.
sq. 24.

ilia

aufer-

See
2,

Apul.
p.

Asclepius

chap.

37

(Hilde-

brand

edition, vol.
13.

327 sq.)

dente ad Olympiadem matrem

367.

sicut

Leone sacerdote

proscribit

Alexander.
See note
p. 327. 25.

204

BOOK
368. 14.

IX.

runt nomine deorum.

daemones quoque appellave;

See Lact. Div. Inst. 2. 14. 6: hos enim putant deos esse. ibid., 4. 27. 14 nisi quod idem sunt daemones quos v u g u s deos esse opinatur?....ergo idem sunt daemones quos fatentur execrandos esse, idem d q u b u s supplicant. Compare Plotinus Enn.
1
i

3.

5.
is

/cat et

7roAA.a/s KCU Sat /xoi/as $eous Acyo/zev elvai.

s

Lactan-

tius

evidently Augustine

authority.

368. 15.

ius,
can,

nomine .daemonum.
i.

quamquam

et

cleos,

sed

r a r

In Lactantius

who

we find Juppiter, Apollo, Neptune and Vul are elsewhere acknowledged as gods, called demons.
7.

See Div. Inst.

368. 16.

9,

4.

27. 12 sq.
t
i

s u

o v e

q u e

volunt esse regem ac principe-m ceterorum, ab Homero fateantur daemonem

nuncupatum.
So far as I know Zeus is not called Saifuov anywhere in the works of Homer as we have them, except perhaps by implica
tion in Iliad,
Soj/xar
i.

222

es aiyio^oto

Atos

//.era ftcu /Aovas

aAAous.

Augustine probably got this, but from Lactantius Div. Inst. 4. 27. 15 s u m m u m ilium q u

not directly from

:

Homer,
-

ere
I

mero
o n
i

o v

ant Ho d a e e m
infer

b u
s

Augustine

g g language a b

a d

r e

a v

as

we cannot

from
that

Homero fateantur

he referred to direct Homeric authority, or even to indirect Homeric authority of a Latin version.

205

Apud plerosque. enim usita369. 2O. tum est dici alios bonos alios malos daemones. It a duo genera See Lact. Div. Inst. 14. 5; daemonum, unum coeleste alterum terrenum. Hi sunt immundi spiritus malorum quae geruntur auctores, quorum idem diabolus est princeps.
2.

For good demons see Porphyry

De

Abst.
Id.

2.

38, 39, 41, 53,

Ad Marcellam
fin.)

21

for

bad demons

De

Abst.

2.

38 (ad

58.

370. 15. n q u i t
,

Ex hoc ferme daemonum numero,

.
.
. .

See De deo Socratis chap.

2,

12

(Hildebrand

edition, vol.

P-

I39-)

371. 9.
i

de

his

animi

motibus,

quae

G r a e c trdOr), nostri autem quidam, sicut Cicero, perturb ationes, quidam affectiones vel affectus, quidam vero, sicut iste de Grace o expressius, p a s siones vocant. See ndte p. 346. 10. By the words sicut iste de
-

Graeco
others

expressius,
in
so.
is

passiones
literal
-rrdOr)

Augustine

means that Cicero by a more

translation agrees with

(quidam)
not
3.

calling the

passiones.
i
.

Cicero himself says that for a more This, however, literal translation he would make Trd6r)=m o r b Compare

Tusc.
e

4.

7,
;

morbos,
De
Finn.
3.

et
10. 35,

id

verbum esset
s

v e

b o

q u a

a e c

TrdOr)

appellant, poteram ego verbum ipsum morbos appellare sed interpretans

non
word

conveniret
p a
s s
i

ad

omnia.
all

Moreover the
Cicero or
in

does not occur at

in

any

classical writer, but belongs to the latter period of Latin.

371. 13.

affectiones

Has ergo perturbationes sive sive passiones quidam

206

philosophi dicunt etiam in sapientem sed moderatas rationique cadere, subiectas.

See Tusc.
sim.
3.

4.

7 sq.,

3.

6.

12, 3. 9.

19, 4.

19. 43,

ici

qui sentiunt Platonsunt sive Aristotelici, line 17.

Quidam, Hoc

et pas

Aliis autem, sicut Stoicis, 371. 19. cadere ullas omnino huiusce modi passiones in sapientem non placet.
See Cic.

De

Finn.

3. 10.

35

itaque

his

sapiens
i

semper vacabit, Tusc. 4. 17. 38; atque idem ita acrem in omnis partis aciem n tendit, ut semper videat sedem sibi ac locum sine molestia atque angore vivendi, ut, quemcumque casum for-

hunc apte et quiete faciet non aegritudine ferat; quod qui solum vacabit, sed etiam peturbationibus reliquis omnibus.
tuna
invexerit,

Cicero 375. ii. cutus est....

in

Caesaris laude

In the quotation which Augustine proceeds to give from pro Q. Ligario 12. 37, he omits the word p 1 u r m i s
i
.

num

quos poetae quorundam homiossores et amatores deos non procul a veritate confingunt.
377. 6/

See Apul.
2,

De deo

Socratis 12. (Hildebrand

edition, vol.

P.

139).

377 24. Denique hinc esse dicit Homericam illam Minerva m quae mediis coetibus Graium cohibendo Achilli

intervenit.
See Apul.
2, p.

De deo

Socratis

u, (Hildebrand

edition vol.

138).

20 7

378. 3 1 -

Igitur homines, inquit, ratione

.
.

gaudentes
This
is

quoted as

Hildebrand says
4

n o n

m
vol.

g n a
2.

codd.
from
122-3.)

utriusque
Socratis,

script oris
(Hildebrand
s

dissensione
p.

De deo

edition

381. 23.

Is

cum

de

humanis

animis

ageret: mortalia
This reads

Pater,
illis
in

misericors inquit, vincla faciebat.

Zevs Se Trarrjp the original (Enn. 4. 3. 12) The reference IS eXc^o-as Trovov/xo as Ovrjro. aunov TO. Sccr/xa TTOIOH/. here given by Dombart.

382. 15.

num daemones esse

fieri

Dicit quidem
et
si

et

ex

animas homihominibus
sunt;

lares,

lemures si mali autem deos dici

We
tioned, that of

boni meriti sen larvas;

manes

incertum est bonsi orum eos seu malorum esse meritorum.

should suppose that as no new subject has been men d i c t is the same as the subject in the
i

preceding chapter,
the lines

viz.

Plotinus.
i

following Apuleius, that the latter

is

We see, however, from which are condensed from See Apul. De deo the subject.
,

Socratis, 15 (Hildebrand s edition vol.

2,

pp. 146-7).

382. 27.

Inde
m
i
.
.

autem
beatos
.

lari sint
2,

Graece
a n
i
.

cvScujuovas,

perhibet appelquod boni

s edition, vol.

See Apul.
p.

De deo

Socratis

15

(Hildebrand

144)

ewW/xovas

Unde nonnulli arbitrantur.... dici beatos quorum daemon

id

bonus
t

est

animus

virtute perfec

est.

Habetis, inquit, interim bina 383. 9. animalia; deos ab hominibus plurimum differentes loci sublimitate....

208

See Apul.
P-

De deo

Socratis

4.

(Hildebrand

edition vol.

2.

I2 3)-

Deum quidem summum omnium creatorem, quern nos verum Deum

389. 25.

dicimus, sic a Platone praedicariasseverat, quod ipsesit solus qui non possit sermonis humani quavis o r a
-

tione vel modice comprehendi; vix autem sapientibus viris, cum se vigore animi quantum licuit a corpore r e moverunt, intellectual huius Dei, id quoque interdum velut in altissimis tenebris coruscamine rapidissimo lumen candidum intermicare.
-

See Apul.
p.

De deo
Id.

Compare 119): edition vol. 2, p. 183) Tert. Apol. 46;

Socratis 3 (Hildebrand s edition vol. 2. De dog. Platonis i. 5 (Hildebrand s

Plato affirmet
i

factitatorem universitatis neque n venire facilem et inventum enarrari

-

in

omnes

difficilem.

Lact.

Inst.

Epit. 3.

i
;

sermone comprehendi. id. Div. Inst. 1.8. cuius (Dei) vim maiestatemque a n tam esse dicit in Timaeo Plato ut earn neque mente concipere neque verbis enarrare quisquam possit ob nimiam et inaestimabilem potestatem. 12. 30 lam d e Plato Compare also Cicero N. D. nis inconstantia Ion gum est dicere, huius mundi qui in Timaeo patrem nominari neget posse, in Legum au tem libris sit omnino deus quid anquiri oportere non censeat. Minucius
i
:

sublimior enim ac maior est quam ut possit aut cogitatione hominis aut
t
-

i.

Felix, Octav. 19.

209

non contaminantur sidera, cum videntur, quos deos omnes visi3QO. 12.

si

biles
Apul.

De deo

Socratis

eodem visibilium deorum num115): cetera quoque sidera qui cum PI a ero
In

(Hildebrand

edition, vol.

2,

p.

tone sentis
392.
12.

o c a

(?)

Ubi est illud Plotini ubi ait: est igitur ad carissimam patriam, et ibi pater et ibi omnia.

Fugiendum
The

Quae igitur, inquit, classis aut fuga?

original reads
ris
rjA^o/xei

(Enn.
orroXos
e/cei.

i.

6.
77

8),

<euyw/xcv

Sr)

^tA^i/

es

TrarpiSa

ovv

KOL

<f>vyrj

....
/cai
17

Trarpts Se
<j>vyrj

YJ/JUV

o0/7rep

KOL Trarr/p

ri s

ovv o o-roA.os

Dom-

bart gives this reference.

Nos autem, sicut scriptura loquitur,.... angelos quidem partim bonos partim malos, numquam vero bonos daemones legimus.
394. 17.

The passages
erous.
21.

of Scripture bearing on this point are

16. 7, 24. 7, 28. 12;
7,
i

num
i

See (Vlg.) Gen.

Ps. 90. ii,
96.

Reg.

29. 9;
4.

Par.
13.

12;

103. 4;

Mai.
5.

3.

i;

Mat
i

u,
6.

39, 16. 27; 2 Cor. ii. 14;

Tim.

21,

where good angels are

25. 41;

spoken
lucl. 6.

of.

For the bad angels see Mat.

Cor.

3;

Daemones enim dicuntur (quo395. 8. niam vocabulum Graecum est) ab scientia nominati. daemones autem See Lact. Div. Inst. 14. 6, dictos aiunt quasi 8a^/xoi/as, grammatici rerum scios, which is id est peritos ac
2.

also the derivation given in Plato Cratylus 398. B. KOU Saiyyuovcs rjarav Satytxov as aurous (Lvo/xarrci
.

on

</>poi/t/xoi

Hos si Platonici malunt deos daemones dicere eisque adnumquam

398.
5.

210

erare quos a summo Deo conditos deos scribit eorum auctor et magister Plato.
Cicero did not get this reference (Tim. 41 A) directly from Plato, but from Cicero s Latin version of the Timaeus, as we learn from BCD XIII. 16, where Augustine quotes ver batim Cicero s Latin version of the passage to which he refers

:Platonis haec verba sunt, sicutea Cicero in Latinum vertit (p. 575. 17).
here

21

BOOK
402. 8.

X.

que sanctarum
e s
t
,

quippe nostri, ubicumscripturarum positum interpretati sunt servitutem.

AarpciW
s

s Concordance to the Septuagint, Concordance to the Vulgate, and Moulton and Dutripon Geden s Concordance to the Greek New Testament, on Aarpet a and s e r v t u s
i
.

See Hatch and(Redpath

ea servitus quae debetur 402. g.~ S e d hominibus, secundum quam praecipit apostolus servos do minis suis subditos esse debere, alio nomine Graece nuncupari solet.
That
Aarpeia
is

is

SouAeca.

The

distinction

between

SovAeia

and
in

often mentioned by Augustine.

Compare Quaest.

Ex. 94 SouAeia
n o
,

Aarpeia
et al
;

debetur Deo tamquam Domivero nonnisi Deo tamquam

and between the verbs AarpevW and SouAevW
in

Deo,

Quaest. in Lev. 66.

403. 25.

Unde

in

scripturarum locis,

certior appareret, non CX bono CultU, sed feocre/Seiav vo-e^etav, quod quod ex Dei cultu com positum resonat, dicere maluerunt.
ut

distinctio

See under these words Moulton and Geden

to the

s Concordance Greek Testament, and Hatch and Redpath s Concord

ance to the Septuagint.

404. 18.

asserit sensum Platonis explanans, ne illam quidem, quam credunt esse universitatis an imam, aliunde beatam esse quam nostram, idque esse lumen

Saepe

multumque

Plotinus

212

quod ipsa non est, sed a quo creata est et a quo intellegibiliter inlumi-

nante intellegibiliter lucet. Datenim similitudinem ad ilia incorporea de his caelestibus conspicuis amplisque corporibus, tamquam ille sit sol et L u nam quippe solis ipsa sit luna. obiectu inluminari putant. Dicit ergo ille ma gnus Platonicus animam rationalem, sive potius intellectualis dicenda sit, ex quo gen ere etiam immortalium

beatorumque
in

animas esse intellegit, caelestibus sedibus habitare non quos dubitat, non habere supra se naturam nisi Dei qui fabricatus est mundum, a quo et ipsa facta est.
Compare Plotinus Enn.
owa/xei
Kai Suvarwrepa.
vcra
i5s

2.

9.

2, ^.eVet re

aTrpay/xoVws aurr), OVK

ets

CK Siai oias StoiKouo-a, ovSe TI ^LOpOov^ivrj,

Oavjjia(TTy
/cd/cet^ei/
;
*

dAAa ry
yap
ra>

TO Trpo aur^s $ea

o~rt,

ocrov

Trpos

avrrj

rotrco

e^ovo-a,

StScocrt

/xer aurr^v, Kat wcnrep

I,

act

eAAa/xTrerat

also

ibid. 2. 9. 3, 3. 9.

4. 3.

1 1,

e/ctvo5 6
8e

Ki

^Atos
^fx>)

ovros yap
fjprrjfj.fv
TU>

Aoyov
avrr)

e</>er)s

TOVTW
auri}s

ra Trepara

ibid. 5. 6. 4.

and TOVTOV TO^ ^Atov, TOVTW i^Ataj, These references have not been given by Domra
Trpos

bart.

406. 16. religentes, dicta perhibetur.

unde
See N. D.

et
2.

religio
28. 72,

Augustine follows Cicero.

q u

autem omnia quae ad cultum deorum pertinerent diligenter retractarent et tamquam relegerent sunt dicti religiosi ex religendo. Compare Lact. Div. Inst. hoc vinculo pietatis obstricti 4. 28. 3, deo et religati sumus: unde ipsa re ligio nomen accepit,non ut Cicero in-

213

terpretatus est
Inst. Epit. 64. 5.

religendo,

ibid. 6, 10.

2,

410. 14.

ut

.sacrificium res divina est, ita hoc quoque vocabulo id Latini vetSee Cic.

eres appellaverunt.
De
N.
Div.
2,

10.

25,

si

extra fatum,
p o
t e s t
.

nihil
3.

levari
in

enim nihil fit re divina

res
d
i

D.

18. 47,

both of which cases

divina
Epid.
3. 3.

evidently stands for

sacrificium.
3. 3.

See Plautus
-

34(415),

Facturum
and Amph.
i. 2.

dixit rem esse

13 (968), q u
i

vi-nam
3-

domi,
S),

vina facta
37

mecum prandeat.
109 (184).

re di Terence Eun.

(S

Hecyra

alios 415. 13. damnabiles, maleficos vulgus appellat.

These words seem
to

quos
2.

et
16. 4:

be from Lact. Div. Inst.

et

ii

quos vere

maleficos vulgus ap

pellat.

Nam et Porphyrius qua n dam 415. 18. quasi purgationem animae per theurgian... disputatione promittit; reversionem vero ad Deum hanc artem
.. Nunc praestare cuiquam negat enim hanc artem tamquam fallacem et in ipsa actione periculosam et legibus prohibitam cavendam monet; nunc
. .

autem....utilem

dicit esse mundanae parti animae.... Hanc enim dicit per quasdam consecrationes theurgicas quas teletas vocant idoneam fieri

atque aptam susceptioni spirituum et angelorum et ad videndos deos. Ex quibus tamen theurgicis teletis fatetur intellectual! animae nihil purgationis accedere, quod earn faciat idon-

214

concederent. Ergo

gare non potuit quae vel ipsae invideant purgationi animae, vel artibus serviant invidorum, querelam de hac re Chaldaei nescio cuius expromens: v r in ChalConqueritur, inquit, daea bonus, purgandae animae mag no in molimine frustrates sibi esse successus, cum vir ad eadem potens tactus invidia adiuratas sacris precibus ne -postulata potentias alligasset
<

poenas cultum daemon um a q u b u s circumveniebatur horrescere; ipsamque theurgian quam velut conciliatricem angelorum deorumque commendat apud tales agere potestates n e
i

et persunt spicienda quae Denique animam rationalem sive. intellectualem in sua posse dicit e v a dere, etiamsi quod eius spiritale est nulla theurgica fuerit arte purgatum; porro autem a theurgo spiritalem purgari hactenus, ut non ex hoc ad n mortalitatem aeternitatemque perveniat. Quamquam itaque discernat a daemonibus angel os, aeria loca esse daemonum, aetheria vel empyrea disserens angelorum, et admoneat utendum alicuius daemonis amicitia, quo subvectante vel paululum a terra possit elevari quisque post mortem, aliam vero viam esse perhibeat ad angel orum superna consortia; cave n dam tamen daemonum societatem expressa quodam modo confessione testatur, ubi dicit animam post mortem luendo

earn

ad

videndum Deum suum

ea

vere

et

ligavit ille,

in-

2I 5

et muniter daemonibus hominibus adtribuit; deos tamen ab Apuleius eis aetheriae sedis altitudine separans et Platonis asserens in ilia discretione sententiam. 417. 5. Porphyrius per nescio quam theurgicam disciplinam etiam deos obstrictos passionibus et perturba-

non solvit. Quo indicio apparere theurgian esse tarn boni conficiendi quam mali et apud deos et apud homines disciplinam; pati etiam deos et ad illas perturbationes passionesque deduci quas comquit, dixit
et

iste

tionibus dicit.
We
which
is

are led by the nature of the subject of these extracts, chiefly the purification of the soul, to assign them to
s

Porphyry

lost

work

Trepi

dvdSou

if/vxys

(De Regressu Animae).

416. 29. pati etiam deos et perturbationes passionesque quas communiter daemonibus nibus Apuleius adtribuit.

ad
et

illas

deduci
homi
s

Compare Apul.
edition vol.
2,

De Deo
140 sq.)
:

Socratis

12-13

(Hildebrand

p.

deus nullam perpeti vel vel opis amoris temporalem perfunctionem, et idcirco nee indignation e nee misericordia contingi, nullo angore contrahi, nulla ab omnibus

Quapropter

debet

alacritate

gestire,
velle

sed

liber nee passionibus dolere unquam nee aliquando laetari,

aliquid Sed genus cetera

nolle.

nee

repentinum
et

vel

cuncta et id daemonum mediocritati congruunt. Sunt enim inter nos et deos ut loco regionis ita ingenio
haec

246

passionem. Nam proinde ut nos, pati possunt omnia animorum placamenta vel incitamenta, et ira incitantur et misericordia flectuntur et donis invitantur et precibus leniuntur et contumeliis exasperantur et honoribus mulcentur aliisque omnibus ad similem nobis modum variantur:
ut in fine comprehendam, daemones sunt genere animalia, n passiva, genio rationabilia, animo corpora aeria, tempore aeterna. Ex his quinque quae commemoravi tria a principio eadem quae nobiscum, quartum proprium, postremum com mune cum diis immortalibus habent, sed differunt ab his passione. Quae

communem immortalitatem, cum

mentis intersiti, habentes cum superis

inferis

quippe,

passiva non absurde, ut arbitror, nominavi, quod sint iisdem quibus nos perturbationibus mentis

propterea
o b n o x
i
i .

The

first

words of

this quotation

of Apuleius

are the direct opposite of the words deos pati which latter, however, are not the words of Apuleius but of Porphyry. Compare the words beginning chap. 10, E c c e

etiam

nunc alius Platonicus quern doctiorem ferunt, Porphyrius, per nescio quam theurgicam disciplinam etiam ipsos obstrictos passionibus et perturba
tionibus dicit.
(Epistula ad
oux
Se re

Compare
5.

the words

of

Porphyry

Anebontem

ot Scu/xoj/S fjiovov curij/

Partheny s edition p. XXXI) oWe eju,7ra$ts, dXXa KOL ot Ocol Kara rov "OfJLrjpov

o-TptTTTol

Kai 0eoi avrot.

3.

Here Porphyry disagrees with

regard to the
/cat

his

teacher Plotinus (Enn.

5. 6.) in
A.e

a-n-dOeta

of the

gods

TO

jjitv Srj

0wv

a,7ra$es

yo/xei

i/o/x^o/xei/

yeVos; Sai /xocrt Se

2I 7

418.

18.

ius

scripsit similis et prodit artes sacrilegas et evertit.

consul. enti

cum Aegyptium

Melius sapuit
ad ubi

iste

Anebontem

Porphyr-

By these words Augustine seems to be passing to another work of Porphyry from which he had not been quoting prev The letter of Porphyry to Anebo, the Egytian, has iously.
not been preserved entire, but only in fragmentary form. All the extant fragments of it have been put together by Thomas

Gaie in his edition of lamblichus De Mysteriis (London 1670), and by Partheny in his edition of the same (Berlin 1875). It was printed before these only in the Poemander at Venice in
1483.

et ideo non in aethere sed in acre esse sub luna atque in ipso lunae

Et ibi quidem omnes d a e 418. 20. mones reprobat, quos dicit ob n trahere humidum vaporem prudentiam
i

globo.... Quosdam namque benignos daemones more appellat aliorum, cum omnes generaliter inprudentes a e a
f
t
-

Augustine has preserved for us

this

information in regard

Porphyry above named.

to

opinions of demons as expressed in the letter But the original is lost.

Miratur quod non solum dii 418. 27. alliciantur victimis sed etiam compellantur atque cogantur facere quod homines volunt.
See Ep. ad Anebontem 28 (Partheny
TTO.VV

edition p.
ra
e

XXXVIII.)
U>S

Se

fJLC

Opa.TTL
SIKCLLOV

TTOUS

(I)S

KptlTTOVS TTapflKoXov^VOl

eTTlTttTTOl TCU

KCU

flvai

(l^iolWes

rov

$epa7rovra,
JJL^V yar/

a8i/ca

avrot

$poiv vTro/zevoucri, /cat

KaOap<2

ovri

d^pootcrtoji OVK

av KO.\OVVTL vTraKOV(raiV, avrol Se ayetv t? Trapai/o/xa d^poStVia TOVS r^wras OVK OKVOVO-LV. This fragment of Porphyry is preserved

by Eusebius, Praep.

Evang., book

5,

chap.

7,

(191 D) and

218
bid. chap. 10 (197. 13). But Augustine s knowledge of Por phyry s letter was not derived indirectly through Eusebius, for two reasons: (i) Augustine shows a larger acquaintance with the letter to Anebo than could possibly be gained from the

seems

disconnected fragments given by Eusebius. (2) Augustine to have had the actual book of Eusebius (in a Latin

DCD Sequitur et commemorat); prope ad epistulae finem.

location he could not use
if

version) before him, so that he knew exactly from what part of the epistle he was quoting. X. Compare (p. 419. 33

(p.

421.

16)

Such words of

he had known only the fragments

given by Eusebius.

Quaerit etiam veluti dubitans divinantibus et quaedam mira facientibus animae sint p a s siones an aliqui spiritus extrinsecus veniant per quos haec valeant; et potius venire extrinsecus conicit, eo quod lapidibus et herbis adhibitis et alligent quosdam et aperiant clausa miraeius modi ostia, vel aliquid biliter operentur.
419.
6.

utrum

in

For
graph
thus
ra
:

this

fragment of the
s
3. 27,
OLTTO

letter

to

Anebo compare para

preserved
TO X.i6ovs
/cat

24,

(Partheny
Mysteriis

edition, p.

XXXVI)
it is
Iva.py-r)

in

lam-

blichus,

De

from which
TWV epyaiv
ras

given by Partheny
fioravas

TOVTOV Se Seiyyuaro.
TOVS KaA-ovyueVous,
Ke/cAetcr/xeVa
(jcrre

<f)peiv

Sccr/xeiv Tf lepor s TIVO.S Sccr/tovs KOL Xvf.iv TOUTOUS

re

avoiyziv
K

KOI

Trpocupecrcts

^lera^aA-Xetv

T(ov

419. 12.

Unde

quoddam
prium,

dicit alios opinari esse genus cui exaudire sit prof

1
1
,

a a x natura omniforme, simulans deos et daemultimodum, mones et animas defunctorum, et hoc esse quod efficiat haec omnia quae videntur bona esse vel prava; ceterum

2I 9

circa e a quae vere bona sunt, nihil opitulari, immo vero ista nee nosse, sed et male conciliare et insimulare atque inpedire nonnumquam virtutis sedulos sectatores, et plenum esse temeritatis et fastus, gaudere nidor,

ibus,
fAV f.o)6ev
Kat

adultationibus capi,
s

Compare Partheny
TiOf.vro.1

edition 26 (p.
a7ra.Tr)\r)<s

et cetera. XXXVII): oi 8e clvai

<TXFCOS

TroAurpOTToi/,
/,

v-rroKpivofjicvov

TO VTrrjKOOv yeVos Kat

7raj/royu,op<ov

re

0ous

Kal

Safyxovas

KOL

i/ar^as
17

Kat Sta
eTret ets

TOVTW

Trdvra SvvacrOaL

rwv SOKOVFTCOV
etyai

dya^aii/

et^ai.
KO.6a.7ra.

ra ye wrcos dya^a, a?rcp Si vao ^ai, yaiySe etSevat cruyii/3ttAA.eo"$ai

Kat
,

Kara

raiJraj

aAAa
rots
ts

TwOd&iv
TrXrjpCLS T

Kat
ctvat

/x7ro8t^ti
TU<OU

Tro/XXaKis

dperr/v

Kat ^atpetv dr/xots Kat Overtax.

4 J 9- 35 Quareit enim cur tamquam melioribus invocatis quasi peioribus impetretur, ut iniusta praecepta hominis exsequantur; cur adtrectatum re Veneria non exaudiant inprecantem, cum ipsi ad incestos quoque concubitus quoslibet ducere non morentur; cur animantibus suos antistites oportere abstinere denuntient, ne vaporibus profecto corporeis polluantur, ipsi vero et aliis vaporibus inliciantur et nidoribus hostiarum, cumque a cadaveris contactu prohibeatur inspector, plerumque ilia cadaveribus celebrentur.

See the passage quoted

420. 15.

p.

418. 27.

monem

Dicit etiam scripsisse Chaere-

sunt celebrata rumoribus vel de Iside vel de Osiride marito vim habere cogandi eius, maximam

quendam

ea

quae

apud

Aegyptios

220

ut faciant imperata, quando ille, carminibus cogit, ea se prod ere qui vel evertere comminatur, ubi se etiam Osiridis membra dissipaturum terribiliter dicit si facere iussa neglex-

deos

e r

of the Epistula ad Anebontem to which Au here refers is preserved by Eusebius Praep. Evang. 5. gustine 10 (198 A), and by lamblichus De Mysteriis 6. 5. Partheny,

The passage

in his edition of

lamblichus
TO
iv

De

Mysteriis,

p.

XXXIX,
8et^t Kal

par. 3.,

gives
Trj<s

it

thus:
e/c<ai

TO yap Xeyei?
et

on

rov ovpavov 7rpocrapaei

aTropprjrov

KO.I TO. KPVTTTO.

"Io-iSos

/cat

A/3i>Sa>

rrjv

/3apw

se ab eo

prope ad epistulae finem petit doceri quae sit ad beatitudinem via ex Aegyptia sapientia. Ceterum illos qui bus conversatio cum diis ad hoc esset ut ob inveniendum
421. 16.

fugitivum vel praediumcomparandum, aut propter nuptias vel mercaturam vel quid huius modi mentem divinam inquietarent, frustra eos videri dicit coluisse sapientiam; ilia etiam ipsa numina, cum quibus conversarentur, etsi de ceteris rebus vera praedicercle beatitudine ent, tamen quoniarn nihil cautum nee satis idoneum monerent, nee deos illos esse nee benignos daemones, sed aut ilium qui dicitur
fallax aut
Partheny,
v/xoji/ rrfv

humanum omne commentum.

46
sq.
,

p.

gives this as follows:

CTrtoet^at
/xot,

Z)

ovv Trap

eis

v$aifjLovLav o8ov
/JLOLTyV ttLiTOtS
rj
f)

Kat

Iv rtvi

KeiTat
Vp(T.(l)<S

OVCTLO.

....
Mvrjs

(TO(f)La.
rj

e^CTKTyTat TTCpt 8pO.7TTOV

voiiv

i]

XwpLOv
8

ya/xou

et

TV\OL

l^Tropia.^ TOV Otiov

Ivo^X^a-aanv

et

ou TTapttTat

TOJI/ /xer, ot (jvvovTf.^ Trept /xei/

aAAcov

TCL\.rjd (.crro.ro.

Xeyovo"t,

221

oe TOIS

awpoJTrois, ovx
6
A.yo^u,j/os

^cray

apa ouje $coi our

77

dya0oi

8atyu,oj/S,

dAA

e/ceiyos

TrAdVos

Trav

avOpwTrwv

evprj/JLd /cat Ovrjrfjs

<u<ru)S

di/aTrXatr/xa.

suo Lycurgo love seu Apolline leges quas condidit, accepisset.

423. 24.

quern

ad

modum
a

Lacedaemonii, quod
See note
424. 13.
p.

72. 3.

Omnia quippe quae praehominibus vel angeli vel homines possunt,in unius esse Omnipotentis
stare

potestate quisquis diffitetur, insanit.

61) cites the a similar view
p.
:

Loesche (De Augustino Plotinizante words of Plotinus (Enn. 3.

TO
/xev TOJ auro/xaro)

in
2.

doctrina de
i)

Deo

as containing
To>8e

KOL TV^T) SiSoi/at

ro9 Travros
cuo-OrjcrLV

rrjv

OVCTLO.V

KOU

a-vcrraa-tv

ws aXoyov KOI di/Spos ovre vovv ovrt

/ceKTny/xeVov,

S^Xov

TTOV /cat Trpo

Xoyou

/cat

TroAAot tKavol Kara/5e/3A.iyvrat

SetKvvi^res rovro Xoyot.

De providentia certe Plotinus 424. 16. Platonicus disputat eamque a summo Deo, cuius est intellegibilis atque ineffabilis ad pulchritude, usque haec terrena et ima pertingere flosculorum atque foliorum pulchritudine comprobat; quae omnia quasi abiecta et velocissime pereuntia decentissimos formarum suarum numeros habere non posse confirmat nisiinde formentur, ubi forma intellegibilis et incommutabilis simul habens omnia perseverat.
in
3. 2. 13 (given by Dombart). There are other references, not given by Dombart. Thus Enn. 2. 9. 16 Plotinus speaks of the working of divine

See Plotinus Enn.

Providence of the world.

Compare

also Enn.
2.

3.

3,

5.

i.

Compare
120:

Age

the passage in Cic. N. D. ut a

45. 116 sq., 2. 47.

caelestibus

rebus

ad

222

terrestres veniamus, quid est in his n quo non naturae ratio intellegentis appareat? Principio eorum, quae gignuntur e terra, stirpes et stabilitatem dant iis, quae sustinent, et e terra sucum trahunt, quo alantur ea quae radicibus continentur, obducunturque libro aut cortice trunci quo sint a frigoribus et caloribus tutiores. 2.51. 127: Ut vero perpetuus mundi esset ornatus magna adhibita cura
i. .
. .
.

providentia deorum, ut semper et bestiarum genera et arborum omniumque rerum, quae a terra Quae quistirpibus continerentur. dem omnia earn vim seminis habent in s e ut ex uno plura generentur....
est
a

essent

426. 13.

Ilia

namque
visio

visio Dei tantae

est et tanto pulchritudinis ut sine hac quidignissima, buslibet aliis bonis praeditum atque abundantem non dubitet Plotinus n felicissimum dicere.

amore

See Plotinus Enn.

lj.a.KapLav

i.

6.

7,

6
rj<s

fjitv

rv^wv,

/zaKapios,

oi/w
S
i

T$ea//eVos

aTv^s
also

Se ovros 6
i.

/AT)

TV^WV.
i.

For
9,

this
5.

D
/cat

compare

ibid.

6.

8,

6.

also

3.

17.

OUTCO TOt Kal

if/V^T) d<wTlCTTO9

d^ettTOS 6KtVoU (JxtiTLO-Ocicra Se

i/

^l

t^Tl
avraJ
57>

TOVTO TO reXos raXfjOivov avro ^eacracr^at, OVK a\\io

5.

X??

(^>di^ao"^at

^xoros c/cetVou
:

/cai

<^wrt,

dAX aurw
6.

Si

ov Kal opa

ibid

5.

5.

8,

6.

7.

34

sq.

6. 9.

7,

9. 8.

Dombart has given the

first

of these references.

427.
pje p e
r

20.

inusitati
Livy
27.
23.
4.

Compare
i

31.

lactenti natum....haec prohostiis maioribus procurata dedigia

n,

ubere

partus animalium. bos eculeum 15; Tusculi agnum cum

223

creto pontificum

et

Romae
pare also

supplicatio diem
et
a
1.

ad
Jul.

omnia pulvinaria,
i

Com
20 (79),

Obseq.

(55), 5 (60), 14 (73), 15 (74).

25 (84), 26 (85) et passim. 427.

20.

caelo terraque rerum insoliLivy

i.

ta

facies....
Compare
31.
2,

cum

grandinem
.

venti glomeratam in terras agunt, crebri cecidere caelo lapides

.
.

quoque ab eodem prodigio novendiale sacrum publice susceptum eo anno caelum ardere est. 10. 6: visum, terra ingenti motu concussa est.... libri per duumviros sacrorum

Romanis
3.

a d

t i;

also

4.

21.

5,

10

31.

8,

21.

62. 4,

22.

i.

8.
i

sq.,

24. 10. 6,

25. 7. 8, et al.

Compare

also

Jul.

Obseq.

(55),

ii (70),

12 (71), 20 (79),

21 (80), et passim.

tate

vi ac potesfieri satis evidenter a p est quod effigies deorum p aj* e t u^t Aeneas de Troia P e^n atium, quas de loco in locum fugliens advexit,
427. 23.

eorum
,

sed ea dico quae

migrasse referuntur.
Compare
Virgil,
;

632 et passim

Aen. i. 6, i. 68, i. 378, 2. 717, 4. 598, 5. a r r o also Servius on Virgil Aen. i. 378
:

deos penates quaedam

vel dicit

marmorea
advecta
de

ab
.
.

deos

Dardanum

Aenea in Italiam Idem Varro hos Samothraca in ex

.

sigilla

lignea

Phrygiam,
427.^27.

Italiam memorat portavisse.

Phrygia

Aeneam

in

quod cotem Tarquinius novai.

cula secuit.
SeeJLivy
36. 4:
t

a
e

q u

hoc

tavi,

inquit

novacula

animo a g cotem dis~

i

22 4

cissurum ....tum ilium baud cunctanter discidisse cotem ferunt. Cic: De Div. 17. 32; Tarquinius autem s e c o g tasse cotem novacula posse praecidi. Turn Attium iussisse experiri. Ita cotem in comitium allatam inspectante et rege et populo novacula esse
i.
i

s c
2.

s s

m
;

Compare Florus

Epit.

i.

i.

5.

Lact. Div.

Inst.

16.

1 1

ab

augure

lapis

novacula

incisus est. If Augustine got this not from Varro but from another source, it is impossible to say whether that source would be Livy, Cicero or Florus as all three give sub
stantially the same account, and Augustine s brief to give us sufficient evidence to decide.

notice

is

too

427. 27.

culapio
h a e
s
i

quod Epidaurius serpens naviganti Romam comes

n;

Aesa d
-

See Livy Epit.

lapi

signum

missi legati ut AescuRomam ab Epidauro

transferrent, anguem qui se in navem eorum contulerat, in quo ipsum numen esse constabat, deportaverunt. Com

urbem Romam pestilentia liberavit Epidauro accersitus. 427. 28. quod navem, qua simulacrum matris Phrygiae vehebatur, tantis hominum boumque conatibus inmobilem redditam una muliercula zona a
1

given.

pare Val. Max. i. Lact. Div.

8.

2,

where a more detailed account

2.

is

Inst.

16.

n;

quod

serpens

ligatam ium movit

The name
Quinta. Lact. Div. Inst.

ad
of

suae pudicitiae testimonet

traxit.

the

mulierculae

was

Claudia
13. 27.

See Livy

29. 14. 12, Cic.

De Harusp. Resp.

2. 16.

navis secuta

n: quod est.

Claudiae manum

225

cuius

de Vestalis, quod virgo corruptione quaestio vertebaTiber! tur, aqua inpleto cribro de controneque perfluente abstulit
427. 3 2
-

v e

r s

The

story

is

found

fully related

in

Val.

Max.

8.

i.

aquam et in aedem tuam perferam audaciter et temere iactis votis sacerThis dotis rerum ipsa natura cessit.
was probably found
in the

Vestalis incesti virginis criminis reae castitas infamiae nube obscurata emersit. Quae conscientia certa sinceritatis suae spem salutis ancipiti argumento ausa petere est: Vesta inquit, arrepto enim cribro si sacris tuis castas semper admovi manus, effice ut hoc hauriam e Tiber!

Tucciae

longer extant, but the Epitome of which gives

twentieth book of Livy which is no T ucc a

i

virgo

Vestalis

incesti

damnata

est,

here might imply she suffered the though usual death penalty, which is the opposite of what we learn from Augustine and Valerius Maximus. Compare Pliny H. N.

damnata

ex tat Tucciae Vestalis incesti 28. 2. 12; deprecatio qua usa aquam in cribro tulit anno urbis DXVIIII. But Augustine s source here was Varro, as we learn from DCD XXII. n (vol. quod Varro commemorat, II, p. 586. 12) Vestalem virginem, cum periclitaretur de stupro falsa suspicione, crib" rum implesse aqua de Tiberi et ad suos iudices nulla eius perstillante parte portasse. Francken, Fragmenta Varronis, p.
:

121 sq.

has assigned this whole passage,

p.

427.

16-34.

to

Varro.

Non enim re vera, ut ait 433. 3 Porphyrius et nonnulli putant, cada-

226

verinis nidoribus sed divinis honoribus gaudent.

The reference is here Porphyry, but we have not
it

to

sufficient

to its particular source.

one one of the lost works of data on which to assign an opinion the opposite of (For
to

what Augustine here attributes phyry De Abstinentia 2. 34.)

435.
6.

Porphyry compare Por

quamvis

aliorum, dicit bonum deum vel g e n ium non venire in hominem nisi malus fuerit ante placatus.
The language here used would
to assign the passage to the

Ex qua opinione Porphyrius, non ex sua sententia sed

-

lead

us

on conjecture

and such a senti Trept ment may have been found in that lost work. But the same sentiment is found in a fragment of another work of Porphyry IK AoytW (iAo(ro<tas preserved for us Trept by Eusebius Praep. Evang. book 4, chap. 23 (174 C) oOev /cat Trap AtyvTrriots /cat
av68ov i/^x^
rrj<s

Trapa

<otVtt

/cat /cat

oXcas
a>a

Trapa

TO.

Oiia

rro^ots
rrjs

t//,dVres

tv

rots
ran/

tepots
$ea)v

CTrtpp^crovrat,

TrposovSt^erat

Trpo

^p^crKetas
rj

e^eXawoi/rwv
8ta

rtov tepewv

rourous Sta

rot- 8ovi/at Tr^ev/xa

at/xa ^towi/, /cat

T^S TOV depos TrX^y^s, tVa rovrwi/ aTreX^oj/rcov Trapovcrta rov 6to This seems beyond doubt to be the passage to which yeV^rat.

Augustine
the
e/c

refers,

and we know that he was acquainted with

as of Porphyry, for in BCD XIX, XoytW 23 he mentions that work and gives large quotations from it.
<iAocro<t

Dicit etiam Porphyrius divinis 436. 19. oraculis fuisse responsum nos non purgari lunae teletis atque soils..... Denique eodem dicit oraculo expressum principia posse purgare.... Dicit enim Deum Patrem et Deum F ilium, quern Graece appellat paternum n tellectum vel paternam mentem; de Spiritu autem sancto aut nihil aut non aperte aliquid dicit, quamvis
i

22 7

quern
i

alium dicat horum

1

medium

non

g o Augustine does not make any statement as to the work of He is prob Porphyry from which he has given this extract. from the -n-cpl avoSov i/or^s ably quoting (De regressu animae) On p. 446. 27 he refers to the same passage, and also on p. 447. 25, and in the same chapter he says he has quoted much from the same work of Porphyry.
t

Si enim tertiam sicut Ploti436. 33. nus ubi de tribus principalibus substantiis animae naturam disputat, etiam iste vellet intelligi, non u t que diceret horum medium.... Postponit quippe Plotinus animae natur am paterno intellectui.
i

The
sion
Trtpl

first

book of the 5th Ennead

dp^tKcui/
{j7roaTa<rcov.

is

devoted to a discus

TWV rpiuv
20.

nee dicamus 437. haeretici Sabelliani,

Patrem qui est et Spiritum sanctum qui

Filius.
Compare Augustine

tamen quod eundem esse Filius, et eundem

est
et
41

Pater
(BE.
8.

et
32):

De Haeresibus

Sabelliani ab illo Noeto....dicuntur;

eius quidam peret discipulum hibent fuisse Sabellium....Quomodo de Sabellianis intelligi potest cum Patrem passum, innotuerint dicere unde Patripassiani quam Sabelliani V e crebrius nuncupentur? quomodo possunt intelligi quilibet eorum Patrem passum fuisse non dicere, cum dicant eundem ipsum esse et Patrem et Filium et Spiritum sanc
.
.

nam

~.

tum?
671):

Ad Orosium

contra Prise, et Origen.

i.

4.

4,

(BE

8.

Priscillianus

Sabellianum

anti-

228

quum dogma restituit,

qui
32,

ubi

ipse

Pater
34.

Filius,

qui
i.

et
13:

Spiritus

sanctus
vero esse

perhibetur.

Also Contra Sermonem Arianorum

Contra Maximinum

Alium

commune.
Jerome Comm.
7.

Patrem, alium esse F ilium, quoniam non est Pater ipse qui Filius, et nobis contra Sabellianos est dogma
Sermo
in
71. 3. 5 (BE. 5. 448). Ep. ad Eph. chap. 4., vv.

Compare
5. 6.

also
vol.

propter 527): Sabellium, qui eundem Deum Patrem arbitratur et Filium, confundique dum eandem divinitatem in personas, Eusebius H. E 7. 6 utroque deprehendit.
col.

Hoc

autem

(BE.

dico

speaks of the heresy of Sabellius

e

ovros d

TroAAr/v xovros Trepi TOV Traj/roKparopos 0eov, Trarpos TOV Kvpcov T^ irjcrov Xpicrrou, aTTiortav re TroAAryv Trepi TOV /Jiovoyevovs vraiSos OLVTOV KOL

TrpwTOTOKov Traces KTiVecos, TOV cvai ^pto7r^(rai/ros Ao you, avai(r6r](TLav TOV a-yiov TTj/eu/xaros, and Epiphanius, Haer. 62.

442. 14.

Et angelos quippe alios esse

dixit
alios

qui
et

deorsum descendentes hom-

autem qui in terris ea quae Patris altitudinem eius profunditaUnde optime .. temque declarant admonet etiam ipse Platonicus imitandos eos potius quam invocandos.
sunt
.

inibus theurgicis divina pronuntient;

It

is

Porphyry
i/ar^s

this

impossible to say with certainty to which work of fragment belongs probably to the Trepi avoBov
largely.

(De regressu animae), from which he quotes

DCD X. 9 (p. 416. 9): Quamquam itaque discernat a daemonibus angelos, which
Compare
is

Wolff (Porevidently from the De regressu animae. phyrii de philosophia ex oraculis haurienda librorum reliquiae. Berlin, 1856. p. [46) thinks this fragment may belong to the
Trj<s

Trept

IK Xoyicov

229
444- 3 1

Non

enim

te

decepisset
ut
t

(Christus) quern scribis, oracula

It is likely that

vestra,

ipse

sanctum
s

immortal-

emque confessa sunt.

Augustine
statement here refers to the

work of Porphyry, entitled Kara Xpio-riavaiv. Our knowledge of this work is so small that we cannot assign Augustine s
reference, even
if it

conies from that work, to

its

place

among
book

the
say,

fifteen

books composing the Kara Xpio-riai/wi/. however, that it probably was not found in the
treated of

We may
first

which
third,

which
of

the contradictions of Scripture, or in the a contained on the various discussion

Scriptures,

modes

interpreting

or in the fourth,

which

antiqui period and Jewish early comprised or in the twelfth or thirteenth, in which were his criti ties, If the above statement oc cisms of the book of Daniel.

the

Mosaic

curred in the Kara

formed of
think this

it?
is

Xpio-riai/wv how did Augustine become in Did he read that work in the original? We improbable, and that it is likely Augustine read the

Kara Xpioriavcov in a Latin version. Even this it is not neces to suppose, because the attack of Porphyry on Chris sary
tianity

became so famous and widely known, and

called forth

many replies from the Christians, it is very easy to see how Augustine may have got hold, from what was popularly known of Porphyry s views, of such an interesting admission as that the enemies of Christianity acknowledged Christ to be divine. Compare Augustine, De consensu evang. i. 15. 23: Quid
so

quod isti vani Christi laudatores et Christianae religionis obliqui obtrectatores propterea non audent biasphemare Christum, quia quidam philosophi eorum, sicut in libris suis Porphyrius Siculus prodidit, consulerunt deos suos quid de Christo respondere n t autem oraculis suis Christum laudare compulsi sunt. May the statement of
i 1
,

230

Augustine, on which we are commenting, have been taken e* AoytW from Porphyry s ncpl
rrj<s

Confiteris tamen etiam spiri446. 13. talem animam sine theurgicis artibus et sine teletis, quibus frustra discendis continentiae elaborasti, posse virtute purgari. Aliquando etiam dicis quod teletae non post mortem elevant animam, ut iam nee eidem ipsi, quam spiritalem vocas, aliquid post huius vitae finem prodesse videantur; et tamen versas haec multis modis et repetis.... Sed bene, quod metuendam dicis hanc artem vel legum periculis vel ipsius actionis.
Here again we have
di/o Soi;

/wx? s

a fragment, no doubt from the (De regressu animae) to which we should also

Trepi

add

ilgnorantiam certe et propter multa vitia per nullas teletas purgari dicis, sed per solum TTUTPIKOV vow, id est paternam mentem sive Intellectum, qui paternae est conscius volline 26

below

earn

u n

446. 29.

Hunc

autem

Christum

esse

non credis: contemnis enim eum prop ter corpus ex femina acceptum et propter crucis opprobrium.
The connection of these words with the foregoing would perhaps suggest that they came from the same work of Por
phyry,

namely

Trepi di/oSov

i/or^s

first part,

however,

Hunc autem Christum

(De regressu animae).

The

esse

non credis,

is probably only an inference drawn by from the words of Porphyry. We know from the Augustine opening words of chap. 29 that Porphyry did treat of t r e s

deos: Pra edicas Patrem vocas paternum quern

et

eius

Filium

intellectum

231

mentem, et horum medium, quern putamus te dicere Spiritum sanctum, et more vestro appellas tres decs.
seu
Here Porphyry may have paused and
Christ
as

said

such things against

Augustine gives
it

femina acceptum opprobrium), but

ment comes from Augustine
ject matter of

(propter corpus ex et propter crucis

is

more

likely

that this state

general knowledge of the sub

Porphyry

Kara

Uteris etiam hoc verbo aperubi Platonis sententiam sequens nee ipse dubitas in hac vita hominem nullo modo ad perfectionem sapientiae pervenire, secundum intellectual
448. 10.

tius

viventibus omne quod deest providentia Dei et gratia post hanc vitam posse compleri. Vos certe tantum tribuitis 449. 6. animae intellectual! quae anima utique humana est ut earn consubstantialem paternae ill! menti que.m Dei F ilium confitemini, fieri posse dicatis.

tamen

These seem

to be also taken in substance

from the

(De regressu animae).

449. 25.

Porphyrium

in

his

ipsis

bris ex

quibus posui regressu animae scripsit.

has quoted so
449. 26.

multa

quos

de

In these words Augustine states the source from which he much above (beginning X. 9).

DCD

corpus esse fugiendum,

sit
the

crebro praecipere omne ut anima posbeata permanere cum Deo.

tarn
in

These words are mentioned directly

connection with

De

regressu animae.

232

Platone quippe auctore ani dicitis mundum et animal beatissimum quod vultis esse etiam
449- 3 1
-

mal

esse

sempiternum.
Another fragment, no doubt, of the rrepl avoftov i/ar^Js. This reference from Plato is Timaeus 30 B (as given by Dombart). To this fragment of Porphyry we should add as evidently a
a continuation:

Solem quoque istum et cetera solum in libris vestris corpora esse fatemini quod vobiscum omnes homines et conspicere non cunctantur et dicere; verum etiam
450.
2.

sidera

non

putatis, peritia haec esse beatissima et perhibetis cum his corporibus sempiterna. sicut a sancto sene Simpli451. 2. ciano, qui postea Mediolanensi e c clesiae praesedit episcopus.
altiore,
ut

animalia

This Simplicianus
dius to the

is

mentioned

De

viris

illustribus

appendix of Gennaof Jerome, 37: Simpli

in the

cianus

multis

epistulis hortatus est

-

Augustinum adhuc presbyterum agitare ingenium et expositioni scrip turarum vacare, ut etiam novus quidam A m
brosius

Origenis
8.

epyoSiw/cr^s
i.
i,

videretur.
Retract
2.
i.

Compare Augustine, Conf.

8.

2.

3,

i;

Simplicianum ecclesiae Mediolanensis antistitem qui beatissimo successit

Am
b
r

Augustine

addressed

also

two books De

diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum.

quainted with Ambrose, by

respect.

whom

Simplicianus was ac he was regarded with deep

We
16.

have four letters which Ambrose addressed to

him:

Epp.
451.

37. 38. 61. 67.

Nam Platonem animas homimortem

revolvi

num

post

usque

ad

233

corpora bestiarum scripsisse

s
i

certis-

e s

Phaedrus 246 B, 249. B, But Augustine did -42 D. not get this from Plato, but from the Latin version of PlotiE,
nus.

Compare Plato, Phaedo 81 Laws 903 D, 904 E, Timaeus 41

Compare Enn.
451. 18.

3. 4.

2.

Porphyrio tamen iure d s plicuit (i. e. animas hominum post mortem revolvi usque ad corpora bestiarum) ut salt em in solos homines 451. 32. humanas animas praecipitari posse beluinos autem carceres sentiret, mini me Dicit evertere dubitaret.
i

etiam ad hoc Deum animam mundo dedisse ut materiae cognoscens mala ad Patrem recurreret nee aliquando iam talium polluta contagione teneret

malis animam tam numquam

*
i i

452

8.

quod

mundatam
et

ab omnibus cum Patre constituiam mala mundi huius

passuram esse confessus est. V d hoc Porphyrius purga453tamque animam ob hoc reverti dixit ad Patrem ne aliquando iam malorum polluta contagione teneatur. Cum autem dicit Porphyrius 455- 3in primo iuxta finem de regressu animae libro nondum receptum in unam quandam sectam quod universalem contineat viam animae liberandae
t

vel a philosophia verissima aliqua Indorum moribus ac discipvel ab aut inductione Chaldaeorum lina,

234

aut alia

qualibet
seem

via,

suam notitiam eandem viam historiali cognitione perlatam.

These
statement,
all

nondumque

in

to be taken in substance

TTcpt di/o Sou {J/vxys.

is

The

last

fragment,
first

taken from the

from Porphyry s Augustine s own book of Porphyry s work.

on

451. 18.

Hanc
(with

sententiam
et

Porphyrii
3. 4.
2.
/cat

doctor tenuit
Compare
7rao~a
TToivra
77

Plotinus.
TO i/ar^
at 8
17

Dombart) Plotinus Enn.

e7rip.\iTai TOV aij/v^ov, eVt TavTYjs /xa/Vicrra 8e ovpavov 7rept7roA.et aAAoTe cV aAAois et Seo-ii/,
77

aAAat aAAeos.
t

Iv dtcr^r/rtKco
01!^ roi/

8et,

ev Aoyt/co)

eV

aurw

T(T

<^>i;riKaJ

....

Ocrot

^xev

a.v6pd>Trov

er^p^crav, TraAtv avOpaiTroi

ocrot Se alcr8r)(Tei fjiOvov

/cat
17

e^crav, ^wa.
ev rourots TO

aAA

/XV aicr^(T6t juera

TOJV TOtOVT(OV7TOtt.
TO.

OV/JLOV,

ra aypta

Sta<opa

17

00*01 8e
GJIOI/

/XT

7Tl^D/XtaS /Cat TT}? I^Soi/^S

et

TOU

eTTl

OLKoXacrra TOJV

Kat yao-Tpt/xapya
/XCT

8e fir;8e atcr^^o-et /xeTa TOVTWV,

(J>VTO..

aAAa wOeia

ato-^7yo-ews

auToov,
^i/

*at

povov yap TOVTO

.

rj

fj.d\i(TTa ev^pyet
^>tXo/xoi;o"ou

TO
;

^DTI/COJ/, /cat

avrots /xeXe rT; 8ev8pco^^j/at

TOU? 8e

/^v

KaOapLovs 8e
et
/xr/

TO,

aAXa

ets TO.

w8tKa.

TOI>S

8e a.A.dya)?
8e

/5ao-tXeas, deTovs,
5

aA-A?;

/ca/aa

Trapecrj.
t?

/xcTecopoXoyovs
opi/ets

ai/u

ets

TOP

ovpavov

act

atpo/zeVous,
aperrjv,
Yj

/xeTeoopo

8e

T^V

7roA.tTt/cr)v

ar^pcoTros
TO,
>)

8e

rJTTOv

/IXCTe^WV, TToXtTt/COV ^COOV,

fJL\LTTa

TOta^Ttt.

BoUlllet in

above cited passage of Augustine says, Plotin n affirme pas que les ames humaines passent dans le French transla corps des betes" (Les Enneades de Plotin. v l- 2 P- 534)Paris 1859, tion. Bouillet, however, seems to refer only to Enn. i. i. 12, but the same can hardly be
a foot note on the
*
-

said of Enn.

3. 4. 2.

cited above.

2 36

III.

AUGUSTINE
as to

KNOWLEDGE OF GREEK.
Augustine
s

The question

the extent of

acquaint

ance with Greek necessarily projects any investiga Was his knowledge of Greek so rudi tion of his sources. mentary and limited as to be of no practical use to him?
itself into

Or was he

so thoroughly versed in

Greek

literature as to be

able to consult at pleasure any writer in that language whom he pleased ? Or, while not so rudimentary as to be of no ser

and not so comprehensive as to give freedom, was it in case of necessity he could consult a Greek The one author ? Each of these views has had advocates. extreme view has been adopted by Gibbon (Decline and Fall,
vice,

such that

chap. 33, vol. 3, p. 407 in Bury s edition): "According to the judgment of the most impartial critics the superficial learning For the of Augustine was confined to the Latin language."

opposite view

we may

cite the

words
i.

of
5,

tine panegyrists (Vita Augustini

2.

Augustine s Benedic works BE, vol. i. 69):

Ea tamen quantulacumque Graeci sermonis notitia quam sibi comparaverat usque adeo feliciter usus est, ut nisi ipse pro innata modestia eius se r u dem professus esset, litteris Graecis
-

eruditus videri potuisset. Epiphanii commentarium legit de haeresibus aut certe breviarium nondum Latinitate donatum, eius Deinde aliorum patrum Graecorum libros pervolvit e quibus testimonia non pauca deprompsit adversus haereticos: denique crebra Graecarum v o cum interpretatio quae passim in eius ac complurium opusculis occurrit, collatione ex locorum Scripturae

adprime

Nam

237

codicum Graecorum cum Latinis restitutio documento esse possunt Augustinum baud ita mediocriter Graece
s

s s e

though

it

will

so extreme as

some consider

appear later that this view is not To decide between such op it.

posite views, to accept one or the other or to reject both,

we

and answer two questions: (i) What does Au himself say as to his knowledge of Greek ? and (2) gustine to what extent do Augustine s works show a use of Greek ?
propose to ask
I.

WHAT

DOES AUGUSTINE HIMSELF SAY ABOUT

HIS

KNOW

LEDGE OF GREEK

Quid autem erat 13. 20, Graecas litteras oderam puerulus imbuebar, ne nunc quidem mihi satis exploratum est. Adamveram enim Latin as non quas primi magistri sed quas decent qui grammatici vpcantur. Nam illas primas u b legere et scribere et numerminus onerosas are discitur, non habebam omnes quam poenalesque Graecas again 14. 23, Cur ergo Graecam etiam grammaticam oderam talia c a n tantem? Nam et Homerus peritus texfabellas et tales ere dulcissime vanus est et mihi tamen amarus erat
Compare Conf.
i.

causae quibus

cur

i.

Here Augustine is speaking solely of his early and schoolboy days. Many who afterwards became boyhood proficient in Greek have felt just as Augustine felt on their
p u e
r

And Augustine first introduction to the elements of Greek. does not here speak as one who so hated Greek that he never learned it. He looks back with surprise to his early days and wonders why it was he did not like Greek (ne qui

nunc

dem mihi satis exploratum

his teacher

est).
ilia

Besides

he seems to have been disgusted with the methods employed

by

(nulla enim

verba

nov-

238

ut

eram et saevis terroribus ac poenis nossem instabatur mihi vehementer.

i.

Conf.

14. 23).

We

tion that he read

Homer

know, however, from the above cita at school, however distasteful the
3.
r,

task was.

In

De

Trin.

prooemium

we

read,

Quod

si

e a

quae legimus de his rebus, sufficienter edita in Latino sermone aut non sunt aut non inveniuntur, aut certe difficile a nobis inveniri queunt, Graecae autem linguae non sit nobis tantus habitus, ut talium rerum libris legendis et intelligendis ullo modo reperiamur idonei, quo genere litterarum ex iis quae nobis pauca interpretata sunt, non dubito cuncta quae utiliter quaerere possum us contineri.
was not
In these words Augustine means that his knowledge of Greek sufficient for him to read the Greek fathers who had
written on subjects connected with the Trinity. The passage some acquaintance with Greek, and that certainly implies

rather limited.

We may
De

ant work as the

well suppose that in such an import Trinitate, on which the author spent so

many

years, he

celled in this

would have read the Greek fathers, who ex very subject, if his knowledge of Greek had

been by any means sufficient to the task.

did not find himself at

home

in

Augustine evidently the vast field of Greek theo

It is only fair to state, however, that a logical writings. piece of Greek on such an abstract and difficult subject as the Trinity would not be the easiest- kind of reading for one

like Augustine, with his limited

knowledge
2.

of

that language.

Contra Litteras Petiliani

38. 91,

et

dem Graecae linguae perparum assecutus sum et prope nihil: non tamen impud enter dico me nosse oAov non o\ov s e c u n esse unum sed totum, et dum totum. Augustine uses these words in a controK.a.6
-

ego qui-

239
versy,

and no doubt there

is

some modesty
little

in

them.

He

about Greek, just enough So much for what Augustine says for his present purpose. himself about his knowledge of Greek, from which we would conclude that while he was not a master of that tongue, and

frankly confesses he knows very

know much about Greek, he could somewhat when necessary. If we can prove that his knowledge of Greek was neither exact nor extensive, his own words also prove that he has made no such pretension. These three are the only passages where Augustine com ments directly on his own knowledge of Greek.
while he did not claim to

use

it

II.

TO

WHAT EXTENT DO AUGUSTINE

WORKS SHOW A

KNOWLEDGE OF GREEK?

We turn now to ask to what extent do Augustine s works What use did he make of what show a knowledge of Greek ? amount of Greek he knew ? Does an investigation in this mat ter prove that Augustine knew more or knew less Greek than he himself has stated, as we have seen above ? I. First, let us examine Augustine s use of Latin trans In Conf. 8. 2. 3 he says c o m lations from Greek authors.

memoravi

me quosdam libros quos Victor! n us quon Platonicorjum, in Latidam rhetor urbis R o m a e

legisse
.
.

nam linguam
dam

transtulisset,
in his

which books he had

mentioned previously as having

possession:

Platonicorum libros lingua in Latinam versos

Here we may pause
to

ex
(7.
9.

quos Graeca
or

13).

ask

who

are

the.

Platonici,

In Neoplatonists, to whom Augustine refers in these words ? BCD, VIII. 12 he gives the chief Greek Platonists as Plotinus

lamblichus and Porphyrius. Of an acquaintance with the works of lamblichus we find no trace whatever in the writings of Augustine. Loesche (De Augustino Plotinizante in doctrina de Deo, p. 26) says

Turn

lamblichum semel
vix

tantum
v
i

nominatum

degustasse
le
Ne"o-

d e

So also Grandgeorge (Saint Augustin et

24 p. 41). The other important Neoplatonistwhom Au mentions is Apuleius, whose works are in Latin. From gustine the above statements, and from the fact that Augustine so frequently mentions, and cites from the writings of Plotinus

platcnisme,

and Porphyry, we may safely decide that these are the Neoplatonist writers whose works he read through the Latin

We should expect that if Augustine had had an easy reading knowledge of Greek he could not have
version of Victorinus.
failed to read or at least occasionally consult in the original the

writings in which was embodied the system of philosophy to which he himself was so much attached, and from the in and specially is this so fluence of which he never escaped when we consider that the original Greek of Porphyry and Plotinus was far better suited to express philosophic ideas and abstract subtilties than was the Latin of his version. We should thus expect Augustine to have used Plotinus and Por phyry in the original (had his knowledge of Greek been suffi cient) as a modern English-speaking scholar reads French and
;

German

treatises.

ask next whether Augustine read Plato and did he read him in the original ? The writings of Plato cannot be in

We

cluded

in

the

quosdam

libros

Platonicorum

quos Victorinus... .in linguam Latinam transtulisset. Nor have we the slightest
lated the works of Plato.

suggestion from any source that the same Victorinus trans In fact we can find no trace what ever of any complete Latin version of Plato in the days of Au We know that Cicero translated and paraphrased gustine. Did Augustine then read Plato for himself portions of Plato.

There is one passage from which we in the original ? might feel tempted to infer that he did so, namely De beata vita 1.4: Sed ne in philosophiae gremand

fateor ium celeriter advolarem, uxoris honorisque illecebra detinebar; ut cum haec essem consecutus turn demum me, quod paucis felicissimislicuit, totis velis omnibusque

241

remis in ilium sinum raperem ibique Lectis autem P a conquiesceretn. tonis cuius te paucissimis libris,
1

esse

studiosissimum

taque cum eis, quantum potui, etiam illorum auctoritate qui divina mysteria tradiderunt. We cannot, however, build
an argument for Augustine s direct knowledge of Plato (or portions of Plato) on this passage when we take into account the fact that five manuscripts read Plotini for Platonis. Even apart from this, and taking the passage as it stands, this single statement may not count for much, being unsupported by any other direct or indirect references, and other considerations must be given due weight. Augustine s knowledge of Plato is more general than specific, nor is it so great as is generally His knowledge of the doctrines and philosophy of supposed. Plato is such as he could well derive from an intimate acquain
tance (such as he had) with the Neo-platonist philosophers. These latter who revived Plato and sought to re-establish his
influence in the form of Neo-platonism had of necessity to bring forward again the fundamental teachings of their master.

accepi,-

colla-

From this source Augustine could derive a very considerable second-hand knowledge of Plato: and many of the doctrines of Plato which he mentions and discusses are common to Plato and to the Neo-platonists, and he found them chiefly in Plotinus. This has been well stated by Grandgeorge (Saint Augustin et
le Ne"o-platonisme,

Paris

"

1896,

chap,

i,

p.

53)

les

doctrines

dont il s agit etaient pour la plupart communes a Platon et aux neo-platoniciens, et les ressemblances que on signale avec Platon se retrouvent pour Plotin. Que reste-t-il done du
1

Platonisme de Saint Augustin

Peu de choses

si

on recherche

ce qui, en lui, a et exclusivement inspire par Platon et son ecole proprement dite des ressemblances assez grandes, une impulsion assez considerable si 1 on considere ce que ses
;

theories offrent de
tonisme."

commun avec le platonisme et le no-plaIn addition to the knowledge of Plato derived from Neo-platonism, no doubt Platonism itself as a system was dis-

242

cussed

days of Augustine, and thus have the opportunity of learning the teachings of Plato from the lectures of his professors. Even if Piatonism or the system of Plato was not discussed in and for
he would
itself,
it

in

the schools in the

must
an

as

of necessity have been studied, at least in its elements, introduction to Neo-platonism. may conclude

We

then that Augustine derived his knowledge of Plato, not from the original not from any complete Greek, and also Latin version, but from versions of some portions of Plato such
as those

made by
tells

Augustine

Cicero, (as for example the Timaeus, which us he quotes:

haec verba sunt, sicut

Nempe
ea
who
be

Platonis Cicero in
from the
discusses
in

Latinum
writings
Plato,

vertit. BCD.
Cicero informs
in

XIII.

16, p. 575. 17)

of

and
lost

us

general, of his

often
as

doctrines,

the
as

now

Hortensius

(which
s

chief source of Augustine

regarded knowledge of philosophy

must

see

Literary Sources, p. 23), from such of the fathers as Lactantius, from his intimate acquaintance with the translated writings and theories of the Neo-Platonists, especially of Plotinus, and from

the discussions on Plato and Platonism in the schools of his

day. From Apuleius also he derived some knowledge of Plato, and probably also from the De philosophia of Varro, with which Augustine was familiar, as we learn from DCD XIX. 1-3.

Returning to our subject Augustine s use of translations from de Haeresibus 83, we learn that Augustine read the Church history of Eusebius in the Latin translation of Rufi-

historian! scrutatus Rufinus a se in Latin am essem, translatae linguam subsequentium etiam temporum duos libros addidit.
nus:

Cum Eusebii
cui

to

In a letter to Jerome (Ep. 28. 2) he requests the latter to send North Africa a translation of the Greek commentators in

order that he

may be

able to consult

them

in a

Latin version:
-

Petimus ergo et nobiscum petit omnis African arum ecclesiarum studiosa s o cietas, ut interpretandis eorum libris

243

Graece Scripturas nostras quam curam atque optime tractaverunt, non graveris. Potes operam impendere enim efficere ut nos quoque habeamus tales illos viros, et unum potisqui

simum

quern

tu

in

tuis

litteris

sonas.

In this case a translation was not at hand, yet Augustine pre ferred to send to Jerome for such rather than to attempt the

Greek commentators himself.

When

he quotes

Homer,

it

is

in

Latin version, as

in

DCD
.

V. 8:

illi

quoque
Cicero

versus

in we see that Augustine on all occasions preferred a Latin version when he could ordinary The fact that Augustine shows this propensity for get it.

...quos
From

Homerici Latinum vertit.

the above citations

using translations, taken by

knew very

little

itself, would lead us to think he about Greek, but we cannot draw a complete

conclusion from this single feature alone. In regard to Augustine 2. Second.

use

of

Greek

words and
through
his

phrases.

There

are

many

such

scattered

works.

Graece dperr) servitutem Graeci vocant;

dicitur
di
;

DCD IV. 21, dicitur virtus; quam religionis

Compare
VI.
i

quod
V.
21,
Aarpeiai/

5.

^vOos
t

Graece fabula
mun
p a
;

VII.

i,

d e

OcoTyra; VII. 6,
8,

quern Graeci vocant KOO-/XOV VII. latum Graeci ovpavov appellant.

ve/cwo/xavreiW (or vt/cpo/xavrciai/).
17,

VII.

35,

So also VIII.

7>

evvotas;

VIII.

Traces;

X.

I,

0pr)<rKia,

cwre/Seiai/, ^eocre/^ciav,

Aarpeia.

X. 28,

TrarpiKov vovv

id

est

paternam mentem

sive

intellectum.
O
he
p h

XI. 13, <A.y//.a; XIII. 24, TrveS/xa, Trvorj. In De Haeres. 4. he gives the numerical equivalents of the letters composing the cabbalistic word d/?pao-a; in 17 he ex
i

plains

a e

from

o<is;

51, 6/xotovcrior

52,

Ilyev/xa-

To/Aaxot>s;

57, evyirai

in

63

explains

orando sic appellati; Passalorynchitae by Trdo-o-aXos

ab
et
pu yxos n a s u s
,

enim Graece dicitur palus

244

cum Graece et dicatur digitus 10. 13, Dactylorynchitae. De Trin.

4.

re/Was;

adhibito spiritu etiam rationali vel intellectual! h oc enim quibusdam placuit appellare quod Graeci dicunt voepdv. Enarr. in Ps. 118, sermo 17. 2, disciplinam quam Graeci ap pellant TraiSetW; ibid, sermo n. 6, TrXeW enim L a t ine plus est: es habitus e s t a plus habendo appellata est 7rAeoveia; ibid. quo verbo significatur amor pecuniae; Sermo. 45. 5, evangelium enim Latine E e m o bonus nuntius est; Sermo 207. Graece misericordia est; syna quippe De Gen. ad litteram 2. 17. 35, experimenta quae Enarr. in Ps. 77. a.7roTA.eo-/x.aTa v o c a n Propositiones autem quae Graece appellanIn BCD XVIII. 23 Augustine translates t u r TrpopXrifjiaTa. est Latine lesus o9 wos o-wTTJp quod l^o-oi Xpto-ros Christus Dei filius salvator, and in the
ibid.

14.

i.

i, #eoo-/3cia

ibid. 4. 21. 31,

<j>i\apyvpLa

i,

i,

same chapter he explains the mystic monogram ixOfa. Such are examples of Augustine s knowledge of Greek words and
their derivations.

He was
nyms,
e.

also able to distinguish

g:

Enarr. in Ps.
n
i

118,

between the Greek syno sermo 4. i, he says ayai/ is

v a
1

equivalent to

and

o-(dSpa to

d e

In
i

Quaest. in Kept.

i.

65 (Gen. 24. 41) op*os apa

tur
X.
I

iuratio,

enim maledictum.
:

In

DCD
In
i

he distinguishes Aarpeca, Opya-KCia etxre /Seia and Ep. 197. 2 he distinguishes xpo^ous from Kaipovs
^
i

0eocre/3eia.

s t r

autem utrumque hoc verbum tempora cum Ktupovs, appellant sive XP^VOV s v e habeant haec duo inter se non neglegendam differentiam: Kaipovs quippe ap pellant Graeci tempora quaedam, non tamen quae in spatiorum voluminibus transeunt, sed quae in rebus ad ali-

245

quid opportunis vel import unis s e n tiuntur, sicut messis vindemia calor frigus pax bellum et si qua si in ilia: autem ipsa spatia temporum Xpwovs
-

This cannot be said to be a superficial distinction of Augustine; he thoroughly understood how to on the part He also knew the difference discriminate these two words.
v o c a n
t
.

between
wr)v
s e

tp-t)

and
ySiov

/3ios

quam vitam Graeci non

irvorj
,

vocant, De Trin. 12. 7. n. d c BCD Quod itaque Graece a a u m nostri aliquando tur a s p r a vel quando inspirationem etiam Dei dicitur, quando tionem, vero numquam interpretati sunt;
d XIII. 24
i i

Tri/eO/xa

sive hominis....sive pecoris....sive istum corporeum, qui etiam ventus dicitur. In Quaest. in Lev. 5
nisi
s

(hoc enim n o m e n est omnium utensilium) and generale ayyelov (nam et hoc Latina lingua vas dicitur, sed ayyelov illud magis intelliin gitur vas quod liquorem c a. p
he distinguishes between
O-KCVOS
i

Quaest. In Quaest.

in
in

Num.
Deut.

3,

between
he says

dAAoyei^s and

dAXd^nAos.

23

est TiKTctv quod est ex nere autem est ywvS.v. 8^os=p e b s ox^os=t u r b a
1
,

quippe femina.... gigp a

r e r e

In Locut.
.

in

Gen.

48.

In Locut.

in

Gen.

50.

These in distinguishes between eVra^iao-at and 6anf/at. all of cited stances are only a small part of what might be All such instances show is that Augustine knew like tenor.
2

he

many Greek words

logies are, of
is

with their Latin equivalents, and was fair

ly well able to distinguish

between synonyms. His etymo course, crude, even when they are correct, as

usually the case.

Third. We now pass to a more interesting topic, namely, 3. We begin Augustine s use of Greek in his exegetical works. From the opening with the Quaestiones in Heptateuchum.

246

words of the prooemium we learn that Augustine consulted the

:

Cum Scripturas sanctas, Septuagint quae appellantur canonicae, legendo et cum aliis codicibus secundum Septuaginta interpretationem conferendo In Quaest. in Hept. n percurreremus
.

i.

mentions the versions of Aquila and Symmachus, but we cannot find evidence for his having consulted them in Greek Aquila dixit o b t n u t
(Gen.
7.

24) he

nam

ibid 43 praevaluerunt; Graeci habent caecitate: 19. (Gen. 1) quod magis significat, si dici aopaa-ia Hoc aopacria e avidentia possit, illi sunt quaerebant qui percussi
i.
1
.
. .

Symmachus

a e u m Here Augustine not only consulted the on the passage in question, and showed that the Greek word expressed more than the word representing it in the Latin version, but he also found the word aopacria occurred in

LXX

another place
blindness.

in the (4 Reg. Ibid. 1.65 (Gen. 24.41)

LXX

6.

18)
i

of a similar kind of

La t

ni

codices.
;

a
,

iuramento meo, vel, iuratione m e a 6 Graeci habent a maledicto meo o u r a maledictum. enim dicitur apa
*

p/<os

LXX dpas /xov; ibid. i. 69 (Gen. verbum de hac re exerceri: qui 24. 63) exercitationem Graecum nesciunt, corporis putant. Scriptum est autem G r a e c e dSoXeo-x^o-at aooXtvxw vero ad animi et exercitationem saepe pertinet, vitio deputatur. ibid 74 (Gen. 25. 27) homo simplex: Quod Graece dicitur aTrAao-ros inter pretati hoc Latini simplicem sunt: proprie autem a-rrXao-ros n o n fictus, unde aliqui Latini interpretes sine dolo interpretati sunt. ibid. i. 80 (Gen. 27. Quod habent Latini codices e x 33) autem Isaac pavore magno pavit
Here he examined the
a-n-o TT}S
:

i.

<

247

v a

d e

Graeci habent
ibid.
i.

i^a-rfj Se

lo-aa/c

Latini codices 2) fjityaXyv Graeci codices non .... *v a d e f u sed vade hoc est, habent g e beata vel felix ibid 91. (Gen. 30. n) a-rroopaOt. Graeci habent tvrvxn quod facta sum: bonam fortunam significat. In magis
o-<f>6opa.

82 (Gen. 28.

i.

this

same

deriving ra^a from rvxn. consulted the

:

place, however, Augustine falls into the mistake of Ibid. i. 93 (Gen. 37. 42) he also

maxime quia ibid. 105 (Gen. 33. 10) articulo in Graeco dictum est; quo articulo evidentissime solet veri fieri non unius Dei significatio: m d X t Trpoo-wTrov ro9 $eov, sed d X t e n hoc intelligunt Facile autem 0eoO. qua distantia dicatur qui Graecorum eloquium a u dire atque intelligere
est.
i.

LXX quod tanto obscurius, quanto brevius a Septuaginta dictum

sine

Trp6cr<D7rov

This distinction mentioned shows some

critical

observation on the part of Augustine in the use of the LXX. In ibid. i. 117. i (Gen. 35. 26) he says that some would read

facti sunt

instead of
In
ibid
i.

nati
(Gen.

sunt
41.
erri

LXX
7rt

eyeVovro.
7rr)yf)<s

132

i)

according to the he compares the

of the pas

TT?S

of Gen. 24. 13 with the

rov

7roTa.fj.ov

ibid. i. 152 (Gen. 46, sage on which he is commenting, on this disputed passage he again consults the LXX. 26-27) Less important passages in the first book of Quaest. in

Hept. are

31. 70.

108. 127. 131. 136.

examination of the Quaest. in Gen. we would infer that Augustine throughout consulted the LXX.
this

From

We
dum.

find the same phenomena in the Quaestiones in ExoCompare Quaest. in Ex. 47 (Ex. 12. 37), where Au

gustine consulted the

instructum
the same word
is

LXX. vel
in

-n-Xr/v

T^S

aTroo-Kcvrjs,

a e

censum.
8,

He
it

used

Gen. 43.

where

is

remarks that rendered by

substantia.

In Quaest. 66 (Ex. 18. 12) he quotes the

248

LXX.

fvavTiov ro\i Oeov.

Again Quaest.

in

Graeco dictum esset aTroAvrpwo-erai scriptum esset sicut scriptum est E ipse redimet Israel; nam e aTToAuTpwo-eTat scriptum est. In hoc a u

Ex. 78 (Ex. 21.

8),

Quod
t

si

in
t

m loco

aTToXvTpwo-tt

Quaest.

in

Ex. 94

non SovXeva-ys (Ex. 23. 35), In Quaest. in Ex. 114 (Ex. 28. 3) he would correct XaTpevorys. the Latin version which gave intellect us instead of
s e

Hie Graecus

habet

for

ato-^o-ews.
is

notices

rationale
in

In Quaest. 116 (Ex. 28. 22) he the usual translation of Aoyt/coV,

LXX here gives. Quaest. 131 (Ex. duo latera faci-es in duobus lateribus; quoniam Graecus habet efc
not of Aoyiov which the
30. 4),
TO,

Svo

K\(.rtq Troi^crcts eV

rots Bvcrl TrAeupots.

Nam

/cAiVr?

latera

latera sunt. Unde qui-rrXevpa. dam Latini sic interpretati sunt, In duas partes facies in duobus lat eribus. Non autem ait Graecus pr; est sed icAm? quod a quod partes
s

u n

/xe

e r a

He

then says that the same word

KXirrj is
i,

found

in

Graecus rr}s ot/aas o-ou). Quaest. 15 hoc quidam Latini inter yvcoo-rtos, pretati sunt manifeste, cum Scriptura non dixerit ^avepois. Potuit ergo fortasse scienter. aptius dici....
Ps. 127. 3 (eV K\LT(n

habet

In Quaest. 154 (Ex. 33. 19) he comments on the Latin ren dering of the two words eAe^o-w and oi /cTip?jcraj of the LXX. Quaest. 157 (Ex. 34.

cus
p o n a

Non enim habet Grae 12), nequando ponas sed ne quando

.

t Quaest. 168, Demptionem sane interpretati sunt Latini quod Graecus habet
d<cupe/za.

For the other instances of the employment of the Septuagint in the Quaest. in Ex. not noticed above see Quaestiones

n,

42, 43, 50, 80, 86, 98, 104, 109, 115,

i.

117, 118, 120,

132, 133, 150, 177:

2.

9.

17 (on the tabernacle.)

249

Thus we find in the Quaestiones in Exodum a more fre quent comparison of the Latin version with the Septuagint
rendering. In the Quaestiones in Leviticum (Quaest. in Hept., book 3) we do not find the LXX used to the same extent, but we do
find
it used often enough to lead us to infer that Augustine had that version before him throughout. Compare Quaest. in

Lev. 15 (Lev. 6. 20), post meridiem quod Graecus habet BeiXivov .... fresa si tamen hoc recte interpretatum est ex illo quod Graecus habet ep Quaest. 29 (Lev. amens factus est alii quod 24)
tKT(*-

9.

dixerunt interpretes antes transferre de

e x p a v

con-

Graeco
e/ccrra<m

dictum
<ooyoi/oi)vTa

quod
i

est

e ^eo-r^

U n d e

U r

Quaest. 38 (Lev. n. 47)

quae

Graecus

habet
12.

nostri

quidam

vivificantia
Quaest. 40 (Lev.

interpretari maluerunt.
6)

Meritoergo quidam nostri interpretati sunt....utnon dicerent su

.

Hanc enim per filio aut super filia vim huius praepositionis esse Intellexerunt hoc loco, ubi Graecus ait
<

vlw

rj

7Tt

Ovyarpl.

Quaest. 41

(Lev. 13. 20),

s e

p o
a

tuit et
*

Graecus non dicere

m
sed
13.
/*O>/AOV,

d<rp,

id
1

est
.

a c

Quaest. 50 (Lev.
tpyao-ytxeVo) Scp/xart,

ait

48) a u

m Sed non ait Graecus t e m He then goes on cpyavifjui).

id

est

a c u

to note

that the latter

(i

word
in

is

also

used
r

in
i

the

book

of

Kings
ry

Reg.

20. 19)

die
23)
is

o p e

a r

(eV ry

faepa

Ipyao-Lfj.r) ).

Quaest.
criticism

90 (Lev.

25.

a fair example of textual

in profanaAlii codices habent in contionem firmationem quam mendositatem in alterutris in acciGraeco prius disse arbitror propter verbi similem
on the part of
.

Augustine:

25

s
t

o n u u r
,

(3f(3t]X.<DcrL<s

/?e/?cuWt?

enim profanatio autem confi rmatio.

s

dici-

For the other instances of Augustine

2,

use of Greek in

the Quaestiones in Leviticum not mentioned above see Quaest.

n,

17, 20,

25, 34, 35, 43, 51, 53, 54, 55, 66.

In the Quaestiones in Numeros (Quaest. in Hept. 4) it is evident that he consulted the Septuagint there also, though

the instances are not so numerous as

in

Genesis and on Exodus and on Leviticus.

the Quaestiones on In Quaest. i (Num.

i. 1 6) he wonders why the tribal officers are called x L ^ La PX OL ln the Greek, his difficulty seeming to be the derivation of the word according to which such officers should be over only a

Mirum est autem quoQuaest. modo abusive alienigena dicitur....

thousand.
3,

dAXoyevr)?

et

non magis

oAA.o (uAos,

quod

nificat alterius tribus nomine magis utitur

tine

hominem; quo
Script ura
of
in

in

aliarum gentium hominibus.

shows that he
of
11

Here Augus
the
different

meanings
Quaest.
evopKiov

these

was indeed aware two Greek words

5.

the

LXX.

(Num.

51)

Graecus
in

habet

iuramentum
16. 30)

quo

verbo
per

videtur

exsecrationem.
.

significari We
.

have another example of textual criticism

ostendet Deus Quidam interpretati sunt in hiatu ostendet Dominus; credo putantes dic
In visione
.

Quaest. 28 (Num.
.

quod Graece positum Quam dixit superius a q u a m Quaest. 39, contradictionis, ipsam dicit hie m a non enim ait dj/nAoyias s e d edictionis

tum

xaoTxori,

<aoyxari.

AotSopias.

of

ava.Of.^.0.

In Quaest. 41 (Num. 26. 3) he gives the derivation 0.73-6 TOV avw nOevai.

The other
be

instances of the use of Greek in this book will

14,

Quaest. 4, although Augustine had the

found

in

49,

52, 55.

We

see that,
all

LXX

version before his eyes

251

through,

he mentions
in

its

readings only twelve times in the

it

Quaest.

Numeros.
frequently does he mention
in
in

Still less

the Quaest. in
15.

Deut.

TTpwTOTOKov.

Auferte malum ex vobis ipsis

that the Greek reads rov
-n-ov^pov

5). (Quaest. Quaest. 39 (Deut. 24.

Kept.

Quaest.
7),

23

(Deut.

19),

where he would correct

by showing
irovypov, as

not TO

the latter was

represented

in

Latin by

by

hunc malignum.
Quaest.
55
r

hoc malignum
Quaest.
32.
5)

and the former

(Deut.
29.

52

19)

ava/jidpT rjTov.

(Deut.

Quod

est

in

a e c o

reKi/a /j-co/x^ra.

Thus there

are

four references to

the Septuagint in the Quaestiones in Deut. There are the same number (four) of references to the

Septuagint
6),

in

the Quaestiones in lesum

4 (los.
4.

Nave (Quaest.
rov cuwvos.
:

in

Hept.
1

Compare Quaest.
9.

7)

ecos

12 (los.

4)

an instance occurs worth citing

In Quaest. o n n u 1 i

codices et Graeci et Latini habent.... alii vero qui super humeros s u o s veraciores videntur non habent su sed super asinos. S m per humeros ilitudo enim verbi in Graeca lineua o mendositatem facile m fecit.... ovw non multum ab invicem q u p p e e dissonant. In Quaest. 19 (los. 16. 10) he thinks the
,

CO/AOJI/

latter half of the verse has

been added by the Septuagint

in

terpreters after the event, as indeed it is found in the LXX, but not in the Hebrew or in Jerome s version. In Quaest. 24
(los. 23.

14)

he would correct the

the Itala to

percurro

or

recurro viam of excurro from the LXX

find a similar

ludices (Quaest. in Hept. 7) we employment of the LXX version. In Quaest. 41 he gives the Greek words for Epud or Ephud though they do not occur in the verses on which he is writing. Compare also Quaest. 45 (lud 9. 23) where he notes that the Greek word which occurs in that verse occurs also in Ps. 42. 3, where it is
translated
e

In the Quaestiones in

t t

as in the

Itala of

lud.

9.

23.

252

From the above investigation in the Quaestiones in Kept, we see that Augustine used the Septuagint, more or less, through out; that he could consult it intelligently, give the different
shades of meaning of different Greek
words,
it,

that

he at

tempted

elementary

textual criticism on

that he could

amend

We

or justify the Latin versions by comparing them with it. next take- up the seven books of the Locutiones in
in

Heptateuchum

which we

find similar

phenomena with the

above in the Quaestiones in Heptateuchum. Compare Locut in in Gen. 3. Graeco scriptum est i, n o n which shows that he must O-O^OOTCITOS, have looked up the LXX. Again Locut. in Gen. 3. 15 in medio tui et in Graeci habent medio mulieris, where he had consulted the Greek
(f>povL/jLMTaTo<s

(di/a fj.(Tov crov KOLL

ava

/xe<rov

TT}S yui/aiKOs).

this
i

book are Locut.

i

in

Gen.
p o e n

3.

17;
t

The Other in 6. 6,
t

instances in

Graeco

n v e n
a v
i

Sicvo-jOr],
<

quod magis,
i

quam

recogisignificare
falls

perhibetur.

Note that here Augustine does not posi

in
i

tively and on his own authority make this statement but back on a perhibetur. 6. 14, Graeci nee

arcam

habent, sed n ex transverse 16, Graece dicitur CK TrXaytW 574; ....quod 7.4; 10.9; 14.22 fefellit interpretem quod Graecus habet a-n-apTLov quod Latine
;

nee in area dos facies arcam 6.

u ms

t e

g
;

as
;

it

is
;

translated

in

Jerome

version.

16

17.

24.

16

26.

28

33.

13
-

Et oves et habent Latini codices e tan boves fetantur/ Graeci habent tur super me, as indeed the LXX has cV e/xe; 34 u s t a 29, Graeci o-w/xaTta servos appellant sed quia non o-w/xarta sed tissima locution e,
f
i

m accipias nos
o-w/xara

e s

43.

18,

where on the

Itala:

u
s

t
-

servos et asinos t r o s he comments non utique subauditur codLatini nam quod servos,
in
n o

253

ices
TrcuSas

servos
legitur,
i

habent,

in

Graecis

quod
t

nullo
.

modo
48.
i
;

s
;

p o
2

s s

u n

e s s e

44.

48.

invenit lingua Latina appellaret quemadodum id non enim ipsi est, sepeliunt, mortuorum terrae mandant corpora quod non est Graece evra^iacrat s e d @auf/ai. id I agunt quod e x ergo hibetur corporibus humanis.
18
50.

non

ei/ra</>iao-ras

evra<ia(7Tat

In the Locutiones de
similar

Exodo (Locut.

in

Hept.

2)

we

find a

and frequent use of the

in

LXX
5
,

version.

Compare

Locut.

Ex.

i.

22;

3.

22;

4.

habet Et dixit illi adiunxit U t credant,

*

sed
as

Graecus non continue

the
4. 6

LXX
4

of

the

verse does thus begin

(tva Triareu o-wcri o-oi).

non habet Meprosa

est
6.

Graecus sed tantum facta

....
wore!

tamquam
On

nix

(eyei/iyfliy

x t(^ v )-

5-

terram quam incolue-runt in 5 et incoluerunt in ea, he says s c qua enim habet Graecus quod ut ique et in Graeca absurde videtur lingua son are, et tamen Septuaginta interpretum auctoritas tanta est quos ita
i

loqui
Greek

non
^v
8.

piguit.
7rapa>K7;Kacriv

Here he had before him the

y Kat
TrapcpKryrrav CTT
aurr/s.
.

rrjv yrjv

ev

6.
.

12
.

7. 7. 15; 3; agger em terrae TO x^A T ^5 10. 23 Quod Latini habent Et tribus nemo vidit fratrem suum Graecus habet Et non vidit diebus, nemo fratrem suum. This shows us that in Au gustine s LXX the words rpets fjfMcpas were not found, as they
;

8.

16

10

yf]<s.

are wanting in the Alexandrine

MS. and

in

some

others.
/cat

12.

7515.
Ae yeu
.

sic

enim

habet

Graecus

dirav

Iri 20. 24; 21. 6. 28. 24 (LXX 28. 29) he falls into a mistake joining ra dAvo-ioWa with the preceding words

254
/cpwo-o-o vs,

instead of joining

them with the succeding words

is

In the Locutiones de Levitico (Locut. in Kept. 3) there a less frequent use of the Septuagint, though it has still been used. ibi Compare Locut. de Lev. 5. 10
aLT(p ;

ii.

12.

Graecus
12. 2
;

quod enim
46

Kat epets Trpos CLVTOVS Xeytov.

13.
carat,

ait

habet habet enim

erit.

Graecus
et
*4- 35

d/ca^apros wv

a.Ka.OapTo<s

immundus existens immundus

So also in the Locutiones

quasi dicerin

deNumeris (Locut.

Hept.

4).

Quaerendum
positum

Graece

est sane quid sit quod est ^ /u,^, nostri enim

i

interpretes hoc paene ubique intern nisi Et ideo pretati sunt 15. 28 vita positum est, quia Latine non potuit exprimi quod Graece dictum est aKovo-iacrflear^s, non enim potuit dici n o lentata; 18. 6 So/za SeSo/xeVov. 20. 30; 29.
;

i.

we

In the Locutiones de Deuteronomio (Locut. in find the used to about the same extent.

LXX

Hept 5) Compare

Locut. de Deut.
refers to the
avSpi (Saa-KOiva)
28;

n.

3;

n.

14; 15. 6; 28. 48;

28.

54 where he

LXX

of

Prov. 23. 6;

Graecus habet
e"c

63;

31.

dicitur
est

autem fascinus dicitur. e uno verbo autem Gra 29 facietis quod iniquitatem
j3d<TKavo<s

a.vo/j.r)<TCT.

32. 14.

In the Locutiones de lesu

instance of the

Nave there is only one recorded

8.

gaeso. interpres Symmachus scutum appellasse perhibetur. Septuaginta autem ista secundum quos interpretes, tractamus, qui posuerunt gaeson, miror si et in Graeca lingua hastam
vel
only one

Extende manum tuam

employment

of the Septuagint, viz:

18 on

in

Hoc

lanceam
This
is

Gallicanam

intelligi

voluerunt.
in

the book in

an important passage, though the which the Septuagint is mentioned.

255

We

learn from

it

for Augustine.

that the Septuagint was the norm of authority Moreover, he informs us that here at least he
of

was not acquainted first-hand with the version

Symmachus

(Symmachus perhibetur).
7).

Similarly in the Locutiones de Compare 3. 21; 4. 16; 4. 18

tv Trj

ludicibus (Locut. in Hept. h a b e t sic e n

i

GraeCUS
Thus both

Seppa

avrrjs.

7- I2

Quaestiones and Locutiones in Hept. would seem to have had a copy of the LXX before Augustine him, and to have made frequent reference to it. He evidently and has only consulted it throughout in these seven books mentioned its readings where he thought them noteworthy.
in the
;

in

observe the same use of the Septuagint version other and much larger exegetical work the Augustine Enarrationes in Psalmos. Compare Ennar. in Ps. 3. 5 eyw 8e
shall
s
4.

We

eKOL/ji^Orjr KGU vTri wo-a.

6;

6.

3;

9.

7;

67. 19; 67. 41;

71. 8;

Graecis codiciest b u s n o n quod impedivit, crweTroSio-ev s e d legimus quod est potius compedivit, 87. 7 Quod enim Graece diverse interpretati positum est sunt nostri. Nam ubi Graeci codices iram h a b e n ibi Latine dicere 6py?) nullus fere dubitavit interpres; ubi est plerique non a u t e m 0u/zos positum r a m esse dicendam.... putaverunt tui In alio psalmo (41.8).... fluctus me ingressi sunt, vel sicut super super quidam melius transtulerunt enim est m.e transierunt; SifjXOov Graeco, non eia-yXOov. 92. 6; 98. 9; 105. 2; 105. 31
71. 17

,71.21; 77.18

quoniam

in

eVtTroSto-ei/

OV/JLOS

ri

118 sermo

4.

i;

118.

n.

6; 118. 14. 4; 118. 15. 5; ibid. 15. 8;

118. 24. 7; 118. 26. 2; 118. 28. 4;

118. 29. 3;

119. i; 123. 8;

135

i.

seems

Augustine, according to the above citations and references, to have had the Septuagint at hand in writing his great
it

commentary on the Psalms, and though he did not mention

256

so frequently as

mention

we should suppose he would, still he does enough to give us to know he could use it. When we turn from the three works of Augustine which
it

we have been considering above to his commentary on the book of Job we are rather disappointed to find no reference to the Septuagint, and evidently no use made of that version in
This concludes our investigation of Augustine s this work. use of Greek, especially of the Septuagint, in his writings on the Old Testament books. Though he does not seem to have

from the Quaestiones in Hept. and the Locutiones Hept. and the Enarrationes in Psalmos we he employed the Septuagint version. know In fact he seems to have had it before him and to have consulted it often in the He was not only able to read it, course of those writings. but, to some extent, to use it critically and to verify or emend In face of all this we cannot his Latin version from its text. "But in his exeunderstand how Dr. Philip Schaff wrote: getical and other works he very rarely consults the Septuagint or Greek Testament, and was content with the very imperfect

employed

it

for Job, yet

in

Itala or the
vol.
2,

p.

looi,

improved version of Jerome." (Church History, footnote, and repeated in The Nicene and

vol. i, prolegomena p. 9, footnote). Next we ask did Augustine make use of the New Testa ment in the original Greek ? We do not find any trace of the use of the original in the two books Quaestiones Evange-

Post-Nicene Fathers,

liorum nor

in

dum Matthaeum.

the Quaestiones septemdecim in evangelium secunStill more strange is it that the lengthy work

In lohannis evangelium tractatus seems to have been executed

In it (Tract. 10. 12) with very little reference to the Greek. occurs the fanciful formation of the word Adam from the
initial

letters of

quod
t

est
i

e n

t r

quod est Oriens, SuVis Occidens, ap/cros quod est Sep/xeo-^/fyta quod est Meridies; also
di aroAr)

the numerical

value of the

different

as 46, the number of years which In Tract. 38. ing of the temple.

letters found in ASa/x was occupied in the build n on Principium

of loh.

8.

25,

he says

Principium me credite.

257

Graeco namque eloquio discernitur non potest in Latino. Apud quod Graecos enim feminini generis est
In
p
r
i

n c

of his consulting the Greek text. Tract. 115. 4, where on the in

18. 37

This cannot be said to be a good instance A better one is found in

hoc natus sum of hoc natus sum.... In Joh. Graeco namque evangelio nihil est huius locutionis ambiguum, where he had
he says

ad

Tract 100.

In evidently referred to the Greek text efc rovro yeyeV^/uu. i he does comment on the different renderings of the word Soao-i of loh. 19. 14, and again in Tract. 105. 3

on Soao-ov in the Greek text of John 17. i. Lastly, in Tract. With such trifling 117. 2, on the Trapaa-Kevy of John 19. 14. this work on John appears to have been written exceptions It is true Augustine without reference to the Greek text. have consulted the Greek text without having thought it may necessary to make any more remarks than those given above. But this is by no means probable, as surely he would have found, had he consulted the Greek text, some things better worth a remark than those which he has chosen; for example of John 21. 15 sq. he did not remark upon the aya-rrav and In addition to this we have evidence that he neglected the Greek text outside of the gospel of John while writing the In Tract. 79. i he gives Heb. n. i as Est Tractatus.
<iA.iv

autem
thus by

sperantium substantia; sperantium, which is the best attested read

95. 2,
of,

fides

ing here, and occurs again in Tract. lates, or acquiesces in the translation

Augustine trans
eX-m^o^tvuv of the

TW

Greek text

have omitted to notice

an obviously incorrect rendering which he could not if he had consulted the Greek. The

renders it vulgate more correctly In Tract. 97. 4 he gives r e r u m

.

sperandarum
profanas verfor
2

borum novitates evita

Kevo^xjovias

Tim.

2.

16,

mis

was read translating It is more here but on very inferior manuscript authority. likely that Augustine has not carefully examined the Greek
as
/caii/o<u>vias,

and

KaLvo(f>(Dvta.<s

258

as he repeats the

same error

in

Sermo

299.

12; the vulgate

renders

In Tract. 104. 3 he correctly gives another instance of his not having examined the Greek in for eis Sogav of Phil. 2. n. text, as he writes
it

vaniloquia.
gloria

he had consulted the Greek text he would easily have es caped the difficulty which he found in ergo
If

lesum

ad

Caiapham
He
says

in

adducunt praetorium
si

the Itala of loh. 18. 28.

Sed

ad

Caia
text
a-n-b

pham cur
TOV
Kaia<a

in

praetorium?

The Greek

ets

TO TrpaiTwpiov

would have removed

all difficulty

and

saved him the trouble of finding an explanation to suit the Latin In regard to this verse he has shown the same un words.
necessary perplexity in De consensu evangelistarum The vnlgate correctly renders a C a a p h a
i .

3.

7.

28.

In the rest of Augustine s works on the New Testament books there is the same lack of evidence of his employment These works are the Expositio quarunof the Greek text. dam propositionum ex epistola ad Romanus, the incomplete work Epistolae ad Romanos expositio and the Expositio episWe should have looked for evidences of an tolae ad Galatas. acquaintance with the original specially in the two last named works, and the absence of such is all the more striking if we read, for example, Jerome s Commentary on Matthew or the Epistle to the Galatians, in both of which he was fully convers

ant with the original language. The same neglect to use the text of the Greek

New Tes tament may be seen in the work De consensu evangelistarum. For example in 2. 30. 72 on Invicem onera vestra enim proand p o r t a t e

Unusquisque

contrarium. If he had known the Greek it would not have been necessary for him to assume the words onera and onus here are to be taken in different senses. He would have found two distinct words in the Greek text:

prium onus portabit (Galat. 6. 2, 6. 5) he says, Nisi oneris nomen sub diversis significationibus acceperis, procul dubio putabis eundem sibi in loquendo esse

259
TO. f3dpyj

(verse 2) and TO

iStov tfropriov

(verse 5).

In his Expos-

itio epistulae

ad Galatas, 58 and
27

59,

difference or contradiction at

all.

he does not notice any In De consensu evangedifficulty

listarum 3

7.

Caiapham

we have noticed his in praetorium.

i.

about
3.

a d

See also

24.

65

for his difficulty about Mat. 28.

But though Augustine in all the above named works shows little or no acquaintance with the Greek text, we know from other facts that he could and did consult it. This we should naturally expect him to do in the New Testament text when we know, as shown above, that he had a considerable knowledge of the Septuagint Greek, and could with a certain

amount

Jerome from the Hebrew, and asks him to be

the Septuagint new version of the gospels, thus:

in

of facility consult that text. Augustine in a letter to which he tries to dissuade him from translating
satisfied with correcting
text, also expresses his appreciation of

Jerome

s
-

Proinde non p a r vas Deo gratias agimus de opere tuo quo evangelium ex Graeco interpretatus es, quia paene in omnibus nulla offensio est cum Scripturam Graecam

contulerimus

(Ep. 71. 4. these words of Augustine himself

6.

BE

vol. 2. 243).

From

we compared Jerome s version of the gospels with the Greek original, or he compared at least enough of that version to pass judgment. He also seems while so doing to have had a judgment of his own in the matter. He would agree that Jerome was correct in most points (paene in omnibus nulla of fensio est), but not absolutely all. The above cited words in themselves would seem to be evidence enough for Augustine s ability to read, and for his actual reading of, the Greek of the New Testament. But there is more evidence yet from actual examples of In DCD XIII. 24 his having used or known the Greek text. and TTVOT) with refer he discusses the difference between -Mtv^a. ence to the Greek text of Gen. 2. 7 and of loh. 20. 22 to prove that Inspiravit Deus in faciem eius
infer that he

260
v t a p r t u m (woty) Accipite spiritum
s
i
i
i

was a
i

different

act
:

(Trveu/xa)

sanctum
2.

from and

for the

same discussion he

cites

Cor.

n, Matt.

28. 19,

24 evidently with the knowledge of the Greek text in these places. In Ep. 149. 28 he notices the omission in Col.

John
2.

4.

MSS.

18 of the negative in some MSS, evidently meaning Greek Compare also Ep. 193. 10 on different readings of i

quod in plerisque codicibus omnes resurgemus Et omnes quod nonnulli codices habent In DCD XX. 19 he approves of the ren dormiemus.
Cor. 15. 36,

legitur

dering

in
in 2

templum Dei
Thess.
2.

rather than

in

mp

Dei
Quaest.

4,

sicut

in
text

Graeco

est.
In

Here he had consulted the Greek

in

ets TOI/ i/aov

TOV 0eo.

Ex. 51 he shows a familiarity with the words of the

of the

Greek text

New Testament

has autem dicit

Latinus interpres quas progenies Graeci vocant, quae in evangelic ycyeas appellantur. Again in generationes
Quaest. in Ex. ato-0rjo-ws in Ex.
1

14
28.

when commenting on
3

the rendering of
e.

he says

(i.

Hebr.
14

5.

14)

enim
h a b e
t

quod
aio-^o-ts,

posuit
the Greek

sensus
word
in

Graecus
5.

Heb.

being

ala-Oy]TijpLa.

autem
fuerit
Tra/aaTTTw/xaTt

In Quaest. in Levit. 20 he writes dicit si ubi

in homo aliquo Graecus habet, which

6.
i.

apostolus praeoccupatus
delicto,
is

the word in

the Greek text of Galat.

He was
we

acquainted with the

Greek text
41:

of Eph.

5.

27 as

learn from Quaest. in Levit.

rem
N

Posset ergo quod ad solum coloattinet (nrlXov dicere quo verbo usus est apostolus ubi ait de ecclesia:
o n

habentem

maculam aut rugam.

vobis
ipsis.

In Quaest. in Deut. 39 while commenting on the TOI/ trovypov of Deut. 24. 7 he recalls the similar expression in i Cor. 5. 13

auferte

malum
habet

ex

Nam

Graecus

rov -n-ov^pov

....Nee

ait

TO

26 1

id
irovrjpov

est

hoc
est

g n u

sed
u
s t
i i

TOV

quod
in

h u n c

malignum.
i

In
t
i

Ennar.

Ps.

118 sermo

15. 8 (verse 56) on

a s

tuas exquisivi he quotes rantes Dei iustitiam

.

factus est ex semine David secundum carnem.... quia nulla in eo variat codicum auctoritas. Etsi enim in quibusdam Latinis exemplar^ bus non n a t u s ex semine factus sed legitur cum Graeci factus habeant, David, unde non ad verbum sed ad sententiam t-ransferre voluit dicendo natum Latinus interpres. Here again he has consulted
the Greek text (Rom.
<rap/<a.

from Rom. 10. 3 g n oand then draws a distinc tion between SiKaioo-was and SiKcuw/xara, which latter word occurs in the verse (56) on which he is commenting, the He must therefore former in the Greek text of Rom. 10. 3. have been familiar with the Greek of Rom. 10. 3. Compare also Contra Faustum Manichaeum n. 4 q u
i

I.

CK o-Trep/xaros Aa/3tS Kara 3) TOV ycvo/xevov

Greek of

In an epistle to Paulinus he criticises the translation of the 2 Tim. 2.1. enim

Secundum Graecum
et

eloquium discernenda sunt: nam tri interpretes vix reperiuntur

ea

n o

qui

diligenter
eo
17;

curaverint.... Latino est obsecro

pro vester habet
Trapa/caXw;
Serjo-eis

scienter transferre sed pro eo quod in

ille

vero quod obsecration.es

compare on quotidie

Graece dixit Latinus

ille

posuit

(Ep. 149.

2.

also ibid. 13. 14).

morior per In Sermo 180. 5. 5 vestram gloriam ofi Cor. 15. 31 he comments: iuratio est, non quasi sic ait per vestram gloriam morior, quasi vestra gloria me facit mori,.... AmbiguitaIntem Graecus sermo dissolvit.

262

spicitur
tur
vr) rrjv

ibi

GraCGUS d X erit iurat. Quotidie auditis Graecos et qui Graece nostis vy rov Otov q u a n d o
v/xcrepav Kav^rjcriv.

in epistola Graeca et inveniiuratio quae non est ambigua

Nr) rov OGOV

ubi

vr/

rov Otov
i

iuratio est per Deum.

he shows that he was familiar with the
0<3

In Sermo 169.

in the Greek text of Phil. 3. 3 different readings Oeov and and gave his preference to the former reading: qui spiri-

Dei servimus. Scio plerosque Deo codices habere qui spiritu servimus. Quantum autem inspicere potuimus plures Graeci hoc habent qui spiritui Dei servimus.
tui
In

De sermone Domini

in

monte

i.

9.

22 he gives

q u
(ei*^)

irascitur
but in Retract,

fratri
i.

suo sine

causa

19.

he has changed his mind and writes

qui

irascitur

Graeci non habent

2.

fratri Codices suo. sine causa.

r<p

He was familiar with the question as to eV Greek text of Matt. 6. 4, for in De sermone Domini
2.

<avepu>

in

the

in

monte

multa Latina exemplaria Et Pater tuus qui videt in absc ondito, reddet tibi palam sed quia in Graecis quae priora sunt non invenimus palam, non putavimus hinc esse aliquid disserendum.
9 he says
:

sic

habent

But Augustine did not always consult the original text. he done so he would not have fallen into some errors of which he is guilty, nor would he have laid undue stress on the For example on John 19. Latin versions of different texts.

Had

34

(In

loh.

evang.

tract

120.

2)

u n u

lancea latus eius says aperuit, Vigilanti verbo evangelista usus est, ut non diceret latus eius p e r c u s s vulneravit aut quid aliud, sed aut
he
i

aperuit.

Augustine would not have thus emphasized

26 3
if he had t a p e r u only consulted the original where he would have found tW^ei/, for which percussit would have been a more correct rendering, though it would not fully express the original. It is not at all probable that here Augus tine examined the Greek text and found r/voLgw which is indeed given by one MS. From Augustine s own statement cited above, and from the examples of his familiarity with the Greek text here given, we conclude that he was to a certain extent conversant with the original text of the New Testament or at least he could without much difficulty consult a text where he evidently thought it necessary, and could thereby correct or confirm his Itala version. Had we no examples whatever for his having
i
;

New Testament, still we should examine the Septuagint that he could make use of the Greek text of the New Testament, and in ad dition to this presumption we have the positive evidence just
gone
to

the original in

the

conclude from

his ability to

cited.
4.

his controversial writings.

Fourth, we turn next to Augustine s use of Greek in In these, too, we shall find that he

has a limited, but fairly accurate, working knowledge of that language which serves him in time of need.

Compare Contra Cresconium Donatistam i. In where he discusses the meaning of SiaAe/crt/o^.

he says

13.

16 sq.,
14.

ibid

17

Nomen quippe Graecum

si

est

dia

lectic

denominata
G
a
r

admitteret, disputatoria vocaretur, sicut grammaticam litteraturam Latine linguae utriusque doctissimi appellaverunt. Sicut enim a litteris
a quae, fortasse Latine

usus

est
e

grammatica quoniam
-

dicuntur, sic dialectica nomen a c disputation Graece cepit, quoniam disputatio In ibid 14. 18 v e SiaAc^s appellatur. SiaXoyr) Habes in hoc eodem testimonio quod de actibus apostolorum commemoravi,
a e c e

ypd^ara

litterae

26 4

(Acts 17. 17) where

9 (SiaXeyo/xeVou),

SieAeyci-o

occurs.

He
and

also cites Acts 20.

8 (8t\y^co/Av)

Ps. 103. 34

(Sj.aA.oy7J)

Is. I. 1

and adds

et

multis

aliis

divinarum.

Scripturarum locis lege ubi inveneris hoc verbum et inspice codices Graecos in eisdem testimoniis sanctarum Scripturarum et videbis unde sit a p
-

pellata dialectica.
amined
all

Augustine had evidently ex such passages himself in the original in order to re fute his adversary; and he relied on his knowledge of Greek,

whether extensive or inconsiderable, in doing so. Contra Gaudentium Donatistam i. 5.

6,

Quod
sunt,

enim quidam sapientissimum

interpretati

omnium

bestiarum,

prudentissimum habent, unde in

scriptura
(Gen.
3.

potius Graeci codices

Latinam

linguam

i)

translata est. Having here examined the LXX he found ^povt/xwraros and thus
ilia
litteras Petiliani 2. 38. 91,

spoke with authority.

Compare Contra
his

where he states

contention

without hesitation,

Et ego quidem
i

Graecae linguae perparum assecutus m sum et prope nihil; non tamen non e s s e dico me nosse pudenter
-

6A.oi/

u n u

sed

et

Ka# o\ov
this,

s e c
it is

u n

dum totum.
In

Such a statement as

true, en

tailed only a very limited

Nee movere debet ut hoc loco aeternum diuturno* accipiamus, quod alibi pro scriptum est In aeternum et in s a e culum saeculi. Latinus quippe intern aeternum et pres noluit dicere Sed quoniam in aeternum aeterni. saecuid quod alw Graece dicitur et lum et aeternum interpretari potest
on

Ad ite

knowledge. Orosium contra Priscillianistas et Origenistas he says in ignem

5.

aeternum

26 5

commodius
erunt
saeculi.
In

alii

in

t.e

saeculum
t

rpretes transtulet

in

saeculum

Sed non hoc dictum est ubi

I in ignem aeternum. e dictum est Non enim dictum est ai&va s e d cuowov quod si a saeculo declinatum esset

saeculare

Latine
.

diceretur

non

^aeternum

But the best examples of Augustine s controversial em ployment of Greek occur in the work Contra lulianum Pelagianum i. 6. 22. Here Augustine is discussing the question of infant baptism against Julian, who had cited the words of John Chrysostom, and by his own interpretation had tried to make them teach his view. Augustine consulted the words of Chrysostom and pointed out the incorrectness of Julian s
translation.

Ego ipsa verba Graeca quae lohanne dicta sunt ponam Ata TOVTO
KCUTOI d/xapr^/xara ofy l^ofra,

/cat

TO. TrcuSta /JaTrri^o/xei

q U O d

e S

infantes baptizamus quamvis peccata non habentes. Vides certe non ab eo dictum esse p a r v u non coinquinatos esse peccato los non habere pec sive peccatis, sed et nulla cata intellige propria

Latine

d e o

et

contentio
ent
ibid.
i.

est.
26.

And

again against the same oppon

Quid enim apertius id quod ibi dixit Venit semel quam Christus et paternis nos cautionibus invenit astrictos conscripsit quas
6.

he says

Adam.
lica

Ille initium obligationis o s tendit, peccatis nostris fenus accrevit. Audistine hominem in fide Catho-

eruditum et erudientem, dispaterni chirotinguentem debitum n graphi quod haereditarium nobis debitis eis ab per quorum haesit, nostra peccata fenus accrevit? Audis
et
i

266

qui nondum nee runt,

quid parvulis in baptismo relaxetur propria debita contraxetamen a paterno chiroimmunes esse potuerunt? grapho Verba quippe eius non interpretata
1

sic

g u n

u r

in

Graeco:
^/xcts

"Spiral

oVa^

6 Xpton-os,

vpcv ^/xcov ^cipoypa^ov Trarptoov o TL

eior^yaycv

eypac^ei/

ASa/x
e

CKCU/OS rr/v

rov ^pet ovs,

TOV

8aveicr/Jibv

yv^rja-a/jicv

rats

d/xaprtats.

Quae
se

verbum

verbo
i

interpretata sic semel Christus,

Ven t habent: invenit nostrum

chirographum paternum quod scripsit Adam. Ille initium induxit debiti, nos fenus auximus posterioribus peccatis. Numquid contentus fuit dicere paternum chirograph n m nisi adderet nostrum
?

Though Augustine was able in these two passages to ex amine the original for the purposes of controversy, we should not assume that therefore he could read any or all of the Greek fathers. Some considerations mentioned above forbid besides the Greek in both of us to think he could do so to be plain and easy, so as to cause nothese passages happens difficulty to one who possessed only a very limited reading
;

knowledge.
5.

Fifth, a few other facts

4.
1 6.

remain to be considered.

In
i

quid m h natus ferme proderat quod annos viginti, cum in manus meas venissent Aristotelica quaedam quas ap decem pellant categorias--quarum nomine, cum eas rhetor Carthaginiensis, magister meus, buccis tyfo creConf.
28

Augustine

writes

commemorat et alii qui pantibus docti habebantur, tamquam in nescio quid magnum et divinum suspensus inhiabam legi eas solus et inteliexi?

267

Aristotelica these course Of were neither Aristotle s work nor written

quaedam
in

Greek.

any genuine This pseudo-Aristotelian production was not written in Greek, else Augustine would hardly have read Moreover, he says it came it, and it was, in fact, a Latin book.

Decem categoriae
of Aristotle.

is

not the

name

of

work

at his hands when he was almost twenty years of age which age, so far as we can make out, his knowledge of Greek was altogether inadequate to read such a philosophical treatise or indeed a treatise of any kind, and it may be doubted whether his knowledge of Greek in later years would have been sufficient to ensure his reading Greek philosophical works. In regard to Augustine s use of Epiphanius, we cannot be quite certain whether he read him in Greek or through a version. Epiphanius was styled TrevrayAaxro-os from his knowl but his of Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Syriac and Egyptian edge Panarion on heresies and his anakephalaiosis of the same were both written in Greek. Augustine describes his work in the

into

introduction to

De

Haeresibus.

(BE. VII. 23.)

s t e r

vero

Epiphanius Cyprius episcopus, abhinc non longe hum an is rebus exhaeresibus cle em ptus, octoginta sex libros etiam ipse conscriploquens historica narratione memorans sit, omnia, nulla disputatione ad versus falsitatem pro veritate decertans. Breves sane sunt hi libelli et si in unum redigantur, nee ipse erit nosaliorum quibusdam libris tris vel Augustine comparandus. longitudine
mentions him
infer that
in several places in the

De

Haeresibus,

(10. 22.

32. 41. 42. 43. 45. 49. 50. 51. 57. 81).

From

this
in

we would
the origi

Augustine consulted Epiphanius, either

nal or in a version, in his composition of the De Haeresibus. He speaks of him again in a letter to Quodvultdeus (Ep. 222)

Scripsit hinc etiam Graece episcopus

Cyprius

Epiphanius

utriusque

268

octocolligens temporis haereses cum Epiphanest. ginta complexus ium Philastrio doctiorem invenerimus ....Vide ergo ne forte librum sancti Epiphanii tibi mittere debeam;ipsum enim arbitror Philastrio doctius hinc locutum, qui possit apud Carthaginem in Latinam linguam verti facilius atque commodius, ut tu potius praestes nobis quod quaeris. From these words seems
.

it

natural to infer that there did not exist a Latin version of the

Panarion or the epitome of the Panarion which Augustine might consult. Yet he seems to be familiar with the contents It seems probable then that of Epiphanius work on heresies.

Augustine read the epitome of the Panarion in Greek but of this we cannot be certain. In regard to Plotinus and Porphyry there can hardly be He any question that he did not read them in the original. was familiar with both these authors and quotes from them. In DCD XIX. 23 he gives a quotation from the e/c Xoyiuv
;

<iXoo-o<t

as of

Porphyry,

quern

ad

modum

Latinam

verba eius Graeca lingua in interpretata sunt, ponam.

ut

ipsa

ex

In these words Augustine

is

tion of the passage, but gives

not referring to his own transla it from some version of Por

He does not, it is true, phyry which he had before him. mention the name of any author of a version either of Por phyry or of Plotinus, though so thoroughly conversant with Dr. Philip Schaff (Saint the writings of these two Platonists.
Melanchthon, Neander, N. Y. 1886, p. 88) says: probably read Plotinus and Porphyry in the original." But from the extent of Augustine s knowledge of Greek, which we have shown above, and from the limited use he made of Greek, it is unlikely that he should have read either Por His knowledge of both was phyry or Plotinus in the original. While there is absolute lack Latin versions. entirely through
Augustin,
*
,

He

of evidence that Augustine read Plato in the original, while-he

269

made

so comparatively limited use of the

LXX,

while he seems

to have preferred translations on all occasions, while he did not consider himself equal to the task of reading the Greek

fathers on the subject of the Trinity, would he, in all proba bility, be able to read the philosophic writings of Porphyry and Plotinus ? We do not think so, but believe, as stated

above

(p.

239), that both

Porphyry and Plotinus must be

re

ferred to the

quosdam
of Conf. 8.
2.

libros

Platonicorum

quos Victorinus quondam rhetor urbis

Romae....in Latinam linguam transu

1

s s e t

3.

What does Augustine mean by the words of sermo 225. 3. ad infantes: Inveni te Latin um, Lati3, num tibi proferendum est verbum.

Does this mean that Augustine here that he could speak Greek to the children if they were implies Greek ? He is referring simply to the propriety of speaking Latin to Latin children, telling them that in the same way if they were Greeks he ought (deberem) to speak Greek to them, without hinting whether he himself understood Greek enough to speak it. Having thus completed our examination of the works of
Augustine with a view to discover the extent of his knowledge of Greek, we have seen that he. himself claims to have known very little about Greek, that on all occasions he seems to have
preferred a Latin version of a Greek author, that he did not consider his knowledge of Greek extensive enough to make a
large reading acquaintance with original writings of the Greek fathers, that he did not read even his favorite Platon-

autem G r a e loqui deberem bum Graecum?

Si

c u s

esses

Graece
ad
te

tibi

et

proferre

ver

sometimes made mistakes in other hafnd we have found that there is a large number of single Greek words and Greek phrases in his works, that he could with a con siderable amount of precision distinguish between Greek synonyms nearly all of them technical terms, that he was
ists

in

the
of

original,

that

he

his

use

Greek.

On

the

270

by no means ignorant of the derivation of Greek words, that he was conversant with and could consult for the simpler and
primary
critical

sion, or at least

and exegetical purposes the Septuagint ver portions of it- -the Heptateuch and Psalms,

LXX he could confirm or correct the Itala; that he knew something of the original language of the New Tes tament though apparently not to the same extent as that of the Septuagint; that from the New Testament Greek text he occas
that from the
ionally ventured to correct his Latin version; that for contro versial purposes he regarded his knowledge of Greek as sufficient
to presume upon it in order to confute his opponent; that he perhaps read the epitome of the Greek work of Epiphanius on heresies in the original. In his commentary on Job he seems not to have consulted the LXX, and in his works on the New Testament we are disap

pointed to find so little use made of the Greek text. After all the evidence given above, it would be very far from the truth to assert Augustine knew little or nothing about

Greek.
tine

later

In his early days this may have been so. But Augus on applied himself to the study, and no doubt a

of his earnest temperament would spare no efforts to master that language for practical purposes. We may say then that Augustine s knowledge of Greek was different at
it increased with his years and That he was not ignorant of the advantages and value of such a study we may see from De doctrina Chris tiana 2. 13. 19: non apparet (sententia) nisi

man

different times, or rather that

it.

his use of

lingua inspiciatur quam interpretantur; et plerumque a sensu a u c toris devius aberrat interpres si non sit doctissimus; aut linguarum illarum ex quibus in Latinam Scriptura pervenit petenda cognitio est, so also ibid. 2. 14. 21 and 2. 15. 22 (ad fin.), Latini ergo ....codices Veteris Testamenti, si necesse fuerit, Graecorum auctoriLibros autem tate emendandi sunt.
in

ea

27I

Novi Testament! si quid in Latinis varietatibus titubat, Graecis cedere oportere non dubium est, et maxime qui apud ecclesias doctiores et diligentiofes reperiuntur.
We
after
life

cannot,

therefore,

limit

Augustine throughout his

to the little acquaintance with

Greek of

his school

The disgust for the study of Greek arising out of the bad method employed by his teacher evidently did not con
days.
tinue..

Clausen

examination of Augustine

writings with a view

to determine his

knowledge of Greek was not sufficiently com prehensive, and some important passages he has failed to note.
concludes
his

He

investigation

thus:

In
si

his
a

o b

servandis corrigendisque,

discesseris, Augustinum verum feliciter assecutum esse neminem fugit; quare tantum, si quid ut abest video, linguae ignarus Graecae dici debeat, ut res grammaticas bene edoctus et subtilis verborum indagator existimandus sit. At facile tamen patet cognitionem hanc, ultra elementa non quae linguae ad sufficere prodeat, nullo modo libros Graecos nedum eos qui d a lecto Hellenistica conscripti sunt, intelligendos. (Aurelius Augustinus Hipp. Sacrae
i

admodum

paucis

is

The latter part of this conclusion scripturae Interpres p. 39). too strong, even against Augustine s limited knowledge of Greek. Such an opinion as that of Clausen is at variance
with the facts which have been given above. knowledge of Greek did certainly extend u 1

Augustine
t

r-a

ele

menta
null^o

modo sufficere
eos qui

linguae

and

Clausen

other

statement

ad libros Graecos

nedum

dialecto

Hellenistica

272

conscript!
equally erroneous.

sunt

intelligendos

is

also

Reuter (Augustinische Studien. Gotha 1887. pp. 170-182) has given the question of the extent of Augustine s knowledge of Greek a fuller and better treatment than Clausen, though

He has taken different he has not exhausted the material. passages from those given by Clausen and collected other evi Die Stellen, welche er zu diesem Behufe dence as he says:
"

gesammelt den habe.

andere als diejenigen, welche ich gefunBeide Sammlungen konnen einander erganzen." His conclusions are fairer and more (p. 171, footnote 2). Er \var jedenliberal to Augustine s knowledge of Greek: falls imstande, nicht bloss Worter, sonclern auch ganze Satze
hat, sind
"

zu verstehen, wenn auch nicht ohne Anstrengung, nicht ohne in Irrungen zu geraten, nicht ohne Aufwand von Zeit.

Um

diesen sich zu ersparen, griff er offenbar fur gewohnlich zu einer lateinischen Version, wenn diese vorhanden, ein Exemp
lar

dieser

In Fallen aber, wo er in derselben ihm zuganglich war. Unverstandliches oder Anstossiges fand, verglich er Ich bezweifle somit duichaus den griechischen Urtext.
nicht, dass er fahig

gewesen ware, wenn auch mit Miihe, ein vollstandiges griechisches Buch auszulegen, falls damit ein dringendes personliches Bediirfnis zu stillen ware" (p. 178The facts given above bear out these statements of 179). He has arrived at a conclusion which I consider cor Reuter. rect and well supported, though he has not exhausted all the evidence and has omitted to mention some important notices
in

the writings of Augustine relevant to the subject.

In finding the extent of
I

Augustine s acquaintance with have attempted to collect every important statement the of his own in regard to Greek and every use of Greek to be found in of which have been given above most important the Confessions, in the City of God, in all his exegetical and

Greek

controversial works and in the

ana,

De

Trinitate,

De

doctrina Christi

De sermone Domini

in

monte, De haeresibus,

De consensu

evangelistarum, Retractationes, Sermones and Epistulae.

273

In conclusion, this investigation into the data, from which

a true estimate of Augustine s knowledge of Greek may be gained, does not by any means warrant us in concluding that
the great North African father had a mere elementary knowl edge of Greek, confined only to the school rudiments and to

an acquaintance with a few words and derivations and pas His knowledge of Greek was imperfect, limited and sages.
incomplete, but cannot be described as merely elementary: it was altogether less than his ability to use it his method of it was more perfect than his employing knowledge of it was
;

extensive.

could have

Besides we have reason to believe that he made more use of his Greek than he did. The

fact that he used the Septuagint in the Quaestiones in Heptateuchum and also in the Locutiones and more or less in the

Psalmos proves that he could also have con throughout on the book of Job if he had cared to do so. And we may gather from the few examples of his em ployment of the Greek text of the New Testament that he could have used it more extensively if he had felt so inclined. The fact that Augustine could have done so, but has not done so, leads to conclude that his knowledge of Greek was not so extensive that he could use it with ease but he has given us abundant examples of having called his knowl edge of Greek into frequent service, so that we cannot say it
Enarrationes
it

in

sulted

amounted

to

little.

the other hand we may not exaggerate his knowledge of Greek. While we learn from his exegetical and contro versial works that he had a considerable knowledge, the fact that he did not employ Greek more, especially in the former class of works, shows that his Greek was not very exten
sive.

On

This is further borne out by the consideration that Au gustine s serviceable Greek knowledge appears to have been His largest limited entirely to Biblical and Patristic Greek. field in Greek learning was the Greek of the Septuagint, next in order comes his knowledge of the Greek of the New Testament, and finally, but a very small amount of Patristic Greek. Of the Greek classics he was almost entirely ignorant and did not consult any of them in the original.

SOME THESES.
I.

New
A.

or hitherto unnoticed fragments:

to the fragments of Cicero

Add
(i)

(De Fato)

DCD

mentum

V. 3

(p.

c 193. 32), nobile illud de figuli rota, quod

m
r e

spcndisse ferunt Nigidium hac quaestione turbatum, unde et Figulus appellatus est. Dum enim rotam figuli vi quanta potuit ilia bis intorsisset, currente

numero

de

atramento

uno eius loco summa celeritate percussit: deinde inventa sunt signa, quae fixerat, desistente motu, non parvo intervallo in rotae illius extremitate distantia. Sic, inquit, in tanta r a p a citate caeli, etiamsi alter post alterum tanta celeritate nascatur, quanta rotam bis ipse p e r cussi, in caeli spatio plurimum
-

tamquam

hinc sunt, inquit, q u a e cunque dissimillima perhibentur

est:
-

in
n o
(2)
r

moribus
m
.

casibusque
illud
a

gemi-

DCD

V.

5 (p.

197. 13),

nonnullis

praedicatur, quod quidam sap iens horam elegit, qua cum u x ore concumberet, unde filium mirabilem gigneret.

275
B.

Editors

of

Cicero

ment expressly attributed

works have overlooked the frag to Cicero by Augustine in

BCD
era

VIII. 19

(p.

349. 5),

scelerataque

quod hac pestifdoctrina fruc-

tus alieni in alias ferri perhibentur,

nonne
est

terras transin duo-

um antiquissimis legibus, Cicero commemorat esse conscriptum

qui hoc fecerit supplicium constitutum.
et
ei
c.

decim tabulis,

id

Romanor-

Add to the hitherto acknowledged fragments of Varro, De Rebus Divinis (book 16 De diis selectis): BCD IV. 10 (p. 159. 20), C u (Vestae) P h o e n i

ices

donum dabant de prostitutione filiarum, antequam eas

viris.
s

iungerent
II.

So far as the testimony of Augustine

cerned, his attitude to the fall of
of the

writings

is

con

Rome and

the state

Roman

empire of his day was one neither of

intense and deeply patriotic feeling, nor of heartless indifference, though nearer to the latter than
to

the

former.

To
in
s

surprisingly

calm

say the the face

in

least

he
so

appears
terrible

of

calamity.
in

Augustine pride her achievements of the past, not in her present. He was more of a Christian than a Roman.

Rome was

centered

III.

Augustine sometimes has a way of disguising or referring

to particular authorities

by general or
22

expressions,

e.

g.,

BCB II.

dum
m
o
s

indefinite plural s e c u n (p. 83. 22)

eorum
for Sallust.
e o
1 i

auctores BCB II. 23

144. 34)
s

doctissi(p. 86.

28)

e o s

qui scripserunt; BCB

a p u d
145. 5)
s;

III. 31 (p. 144. 30),

i

(p.
i

c r

s e r

u n

(p.

t t

e r

mandaverunt,

for Livy.

276

BCD III. 15 (p. 16. 14) q u d a m scriptores DCD V. 5 (p. 197. 13) a n o n n u s DCD V. 20 (p. 231. 6), p h o s o p h for Cicero. DCD III. 19 (p. 128. 17) his q u oq u e fatentibus for Floras. DCD IV. 10, IV. 24, nqu u n t DCD IV. 26, a doctissimis; DCD VII. 9, n q u u n t for Varro. DCD VIII. n q u u n t for Apuleius. DCD IX. i (p. 368. 14,
1
i
;

i 1

17)

fateantur

for Lactantius.

It

should be

noticed, however, that in such instances Augustine uses these plurals also in a kind of generic sense.

He means the particular writers whom he has in mind to stand as representatives of the pagans gen
erally.

IV.

On

the testimony of Augustine

works he had a limited

Greek, a very slight working knowledge of patristic Greek and apparently working knowledge no working knowledge of classical Greek.

of biblical

V.

The

lost

Hortensius of Cicero must be regarded as one of

s

Augustine

chief literary authorities for the history

of philosophy.

VI. Augustine alone has preserved for us the information of the sack of Nola by the Goths after that of Rome in
410.

VII. Note the

A.

following mistakes books of the City of God: Proved mistakes.

in

facts in

the

first

ten

i.

DCD

legant et proferant aliquem ducem barbarorum praeI.

2,

cepisse, ut inrupto.oppido lus feriretur, qui in illo illo templo fuisset inventus.
note
p.
5.

n u

vel
(See

30.)

277

2.

BCD
u
s
.

I.

5,

Cato,

sicut

scribit Sal-

lust

(See note

p. 9. 31.)

3.

DCD I. 34, Romulus et Remus asy lum constituisse perhibentur.

(See note p. 50. 31.)

4.

DCD
i

II.

16,

non
a
p.

easdem leges
s s e
.

tamen perhibetur numinibus accep-

(See note
17,

72. 9.)

5.

6.

decem milibus aeris damnaretur. (See note p. 73. 21.) DCD II. 23, Metellus.... qui habuit quinque filios consulares. (See
DCD
II.

note
7.

p. 86.

n.)

DCD

adulteras autem feminas, quamvis aliqua damnatione,nulla tamen morte plectebant. (See
III. 5,

note
8.

p.

102.

n.)

DCD III. 13, ipso interfecto ut maior deus esset regnum solus obtinu
i

(See note
III. 20,

p.

112. 17.)

9.

DCD

nam
a

daveribus
10.

etiam suorum nonnullis pasta

in

c a

per

hibetur. (See note p. 130. 13.) DCD V. 18, L. Valerium qui

suo
Eu-

defunctus
tropius.
11.

est

consulatu
2.)

(after

See note

p. 227.

DCD
d e d

V. 22,
i

quintus
nihil

ei

annus
p.

finem
(See

(after Eutropius.

See note

234. 13.)

12.

DCD
note

VIII. 14,
p.

boni

dixit.

342. 34.)

13.

DCD

IX. 4, irdOrj .... quidam vero sicut iste (Cicero) de Graeco e x pressius, passiones vocant. (See
-

note

p. 371, 9.)

278

B.

Possible but unproved mistakes.

1.

2.

BCD DCD
i

II. 6, II. 23,

t
i

u g a

(See note

p. 59.

25.)

Marius.... perfrui
(See note p. 85. 23.)

diis

3.

In

autem Marii oculis ipsius continue feriebantur, quibus salutantibus dexteram porrigere
1

n o
4.

s s e t

(See note p. 139. 17.)

DCD

III. 31, qua calamitate permoti misericorditer euiusdem anni tributum ei relaxavere Romani. Octoginta hominum milia perisse referantur. (See notes p. 144. 29,
X

45- 3-)

GENERAL ANALYSIS.
I-X. FIRST PART: LITERARY SOURCES OF BCD, Sources mentioned by Augustine. I. II. Sources not mentioned by Augustine.

Pages 9-59-

[Conspectus of Literary Sources.] of DCD by A. F. West.] [Note on Composition

SECOND PART: ANNOTATIONS TO DCD,

Book I. Book II. Book III. Book IV. Book V. Book VI. Book VII. Book VIII. Book IX.
Book X.
p.

I-X,

64-234

64. 87.

p.
p.

in.
153.
163.

p. p.

p. 179.
p.

182.

p.
p.

183.

204.
211.
S

p.

THIRD PART: AUGUSTINE What does he say I.

II.

KNOWLEDGE

OF GREEK. 236-273
?

of his

knowledge of Greek

237
2 39
2 39

Use of Greek 1. Use of Latin

2. 3.

in his writings.

versions.

Scattered Greek words and phrases. Exegetical use of Greek

a.

243
245 245

In the

LXX.

4.
5.

Testament. b. In the use of Greek. Controversial Other considerations.

New

256
263 269

Summary and
SOME THESES
:

conclusions.

274

ERRATA.
[The page numbers mean pages
Page.
Line from Top.

of this dissertation.]

10
22

34
23

omit period after

o d o

r e

m
(correcting Kuhlr s

insert in after evidently

31

19.27.31
14 16
12

for
for

supra
1
i

read

super
1

mann)
34
b
r
i

read

b e

36
45

insert

for
ity

Plotinus before Cicero read e f f o e f f o s s

i

s s

46

14-19

Sallust,

and not Florus,

in

is

for the

Servile war, as

from other passages

J

Augustine s author may be argued the DCD. See also

reliquiis,

urges,
15-

De

Sallustii

historiarum
a n n o

P-

47 50 54

25
9

for

a n n n o

read

insert to after put

23 36 28
14

54 61
70

omit only and add Sallust omit Florus or Eutropius

(?)

and add Sallust

for XVII. read XVIII.

80
85

33
13

for praetierunt read add probably after was

praeterierunt

132 155

18

23
1

159
183 201

27-28
27

for Liviy read Livy for 625 read 125 for Q u e t u m read Q u for Epitone read Epitome insert BOOK vin
i

My
He

misunderstanding of Augustine s words. does not mean that Apuleius was tried

202

19
1

before Christian judges. for Ascelepius read Asclepius

219 220

for

u a

r e

read

u a e

31

224 244
250

33
2

10

253

28

for for mulierculae read for TeAeras read for \L\iapxot, read for TO read TO
0eA.o>

read

^e Aw

e r c u

BR
65 A65A5

Angus, Samuel The sources

1906

PLEASE

DO NOT REMOVE
FROM
THIS

CARDS OR

SLIPS

POCKET

UNIVERSITY

OF TORONTO

LIBRARY