Modern studies concerning the causes of homosexuality

Some studies indicate environmental factors can be involved in persons becoming homosexuals. Stanton L. Jones, Mark A. Yarhouse state in Homosexuality: the use of scientific research in the church's moral debate (and a main source for this section), The origins of homosexuality are not clearly understood by scientists, and the topic is a subject of hot debate. Theories and and empirical studies, which often contrast sharply, abound. The theories about the etiology of homosexuality fall into two very large categories: theories that point to nature (that is, biological variables) and theories that point to nurture (that is, the influence of experience, of psychological variables." (p. 52). Those who emphasize nurture, sometimes known as the psychoanalytical theory, see powerful psychological forces at work, shaping and molding children from their birth, while those who emphasize nature contend that early homosexual traits attest to a biological cause. (p. 53) Despite many psychological studies which indicate that the parent-child relationship, early childhood development, early homosexual experiences, and childhood abuse foster homosexuality, liberals tend to [7] reject the environmental aspect, and favor a biological influence. This is then used to render homosexuals to be slaves to genes, and justified in acting it out.

Environment and nurture

That homosexuality is affected by environment and nurture has been the historical secular position. In his 1980 work Overcoming Homosexuality, Robert Kronemeyer writes: "With rare exceptions, homosexuality is neither inherited nor the result of some glandular disturbance or the scrambling of genes or chromosomes. Homosexuals are made, not born 'that way.' I firmly believe that homosexuality is a learned response to early painful experiences and that it can be unlearned. For those homosexuals who [9] are unhappy with their life and find effective therapy, it is 'curable.' Similarly, in a 1989 USA Today article, San Francisco State University professor of psychology John DeCecco, and the former editor of the 25-volume, Journal of Homosexuality, stated, "The idea that people are born into one type of sexual behavior is entirely foolish". Homosexuality is "a behavior, not a condition," and something that some people can and do change, just like they sometimes change other [10] tastes and personality traits."

Parental relationships with offspring

The psychoanalytical theory is the historical position, which implicates a detached, rejecting or absent father, often along with a close bond to the mother, as working, on the conscious and unconscious level, against a secure sexual identity. Also contributing to this can be a mother who has animosity toward the father, or men in general, and who works to present him negatively, and to make the child side with her. One of the earliest studies supporting this position was that of Irving Bieber and [11] associates. Comparison of 106 homosexuals with 100 male heterosexuals showed that mothers of the former had enmeshed seductive type relationships with their sons, while their fathers were detached, distant or rejecting. This study was contested by some who charged the researchers with bias, but a further study by Ray B. Evans, which also compared homosexuals with heterosexuals, reported similar [12] results, this time among self-identified homosexuals who had never sought treatment.

Based upon his work with 200 male homosexuals, Gerard van den Aardweg stated that 79 percent described their mother as "overanxious", or "overconcerned" about them; their safety, health, and being overly sentimental when they met with some hardship, as well as manifesting other aspects of overmothering. In addition, in 71 percent of homosexual cases, "the most important factor was the father's detachedness or nonparticipation in the son's upbringing. The fathers of 38 percent of the men were so [13] hypercritical that the sons were made to feel either rejected and/or inferior. Another study of about 1500 homosexuals showed much less influence by the mother, while far more reported an unaffectionate or detached father, and approximately half of homosexuals reported they had [14] negative feelings toward their fathers, versus 29 percent of heterosexuals. While these factors are conducive to homosexuality, it should be stressed that these do not ensure that children raised this way will become homosexual, nor are these factors alone in influencing it.

Sexual abuse
Childhood sexual abuse is well attested to demonstrate a correlation to the incidence of homosexuality among those affected by it. A large national survey of almost 35,000 Americans showed that more than three times as many men and women who had been sexually abused as children became homosexuals, [15][16] versus that of heterosexuals. Another study reported that 58 percent of male adolescents who later became homosexuals suffered sexual abuse as children, while 90 percent who did not suffer sexual [17] abuse identified themselves as heterosexuals. In addition, 43 percent of male homosexuals reported [18] sexual activity with another male during the ages of 10-12, versus 9 percent of heterosexuals.

Educational indoctrination
As part of the liberal ideology in modern education, and as a result of psychological tactics used by homosexual activists, schools have increasingly fostered the promotion of homosexuality, whether as part of official policy through homosexual activists working with or in schools. As a form of indoctrination which begins at the kindergarten level, homosexuality is treated as healthy and normal, with students at very impressionable ages sometimes being influenced to experiment with homosexual behavior. This is often done under the rubric of HIV instruction of preventing suicide by homosexuals, and preventing homophobia.

Psychoanalysis is a form of psychotherapy based largely on Sigmund Freud's work with psychodynamics. The main goal of therapist in psychoanalysis is to help the patient come to terms [1] with issues locked in the sub-conscious mind. Practitioners of psychoanalytic psychology believe that mental and behavioral disorders are due to repressed unconscious thoughts usually linked to key events during development. The origins of the idea stems from Freud's work in the 1880s and his attempts to treat individuals diagnosed with neurotic or hysterical disorders. He came to believe that these disorders emerged because the patients were repressing taboo sexual thoughts and desires. Psychoanalysis is not simply a recasting of Freud's ideas. Many other practitioners developed the concept beyond just repressed sexuality. Carl Jung believed there was a range of traumatic events that could lead to repression and advocated for concepts like archetypes and synchronicity. Jung was also a proponent of dream interpretation as a mechanism for understanding the patients unconscious. He also believed in a collective unconscious that dreams could tap into.

Modern day practitioners of psychoanalysis are predominantly clinically based. However, it is nowhere near as popular as it was in it prime during the mid 20th century. Some researchers in psychology are also interested in ideas of psychoanalysis. One psychoanalytic concept that has been supported by [2] experimental evidence is the idea of psychological defensive mechanisms. However, much of psychoanalysis has not stood up to empirical investigation. Repressed sexuality, dream interpretation, a collective unconscious and many other ideas that are the back bone of psychoanalysis have all been falsified in controlled experiments. Psychoanalysis has also been labeled as unscientific because it lacks the ability to be falsified. Karl Popper is probably one of the most significant critics in this fashion. While empirical investigation has mostly been negative for psychoanalysis, certain elements of psychoanalytic theory have been very important to development of modern psychology. These include the realization that the mind has elements not under direct conscious control that can affect actions and behavior, and that human mental development occurs in stages.

The Inuence of Media Role Models on Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Identity SARAH C. GOMILLION, MS and TRACI A. GIULIANO, PhD Department of Psychology, Southwestern University, Georgetown, Texas, USA The current investigation examined the inuence of the media on gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) identity using both survey and in-depth interview approaches. In Study 1, 126 GLB survey respondents (11 unreported) in Texas indicated that the media inuenced their self-realization, coming out, and current identities by providing role models and inspiration. In Study 2, 15 interviewees (6 women and 9 men) revealed that media role models serve as sources of pride, inspiration, and comfort. Our ndings suggest that increasing the availability of GLB role models in the media may positively inuence GLB identity. KEYWORDS homosexuality, identity, media, role models, sexual orientation Ever since Ellen DeGeneres made television history by coming out of the closet on her popular primetime sitcom Ellen in 1998, gay and lesbian characters have become increasingly prominent in the media (see Gross, 1994,

and Hart, 2000, for discussions). In the years since Ellen, television shows such as Will and Grace, Queer Eye for the Straight Guy, and The L Word, movies such as Brokeback Mountain and Angels in America (which was also an inuential play), and musical artists such as Melissa Etheridge, Rufus Wainwright, and The Indigo Girls have emerged, appealing to a wide audience of both homosexuals and heterosexuals. As the prominence of gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) gures in the media has risen, it seems likely Sarah C. Gomillion is currently afliated with the Department of Psychology, University at Buffalo, State University of New York. The authors would like to thank Dr. Sandi Nenga, Dr. Jacqueline Muir-Broaddus, Abigail Riggs, Ryan Giuliano, Jason Dolloff, and Travis Norton for their contributions to the article. Address correspondence to Sarah C. Gomillion, Department of Psychology, University at Buffalo, SUNY, Buffalo, NY 14260-4110, E-mail: sarahgom@buffalo.edu, or Traci A. Giuliano, Department of Psychology, Southwestern University, 1001 E. University Avenue, Georgetown, TX 78626. E-mail: giuliant@southwestern.edu 330 Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 331 that the medias impact on the lives of GLB individuals has also grown. As such, the purpose of the current investigation was to examine the inuence of the media on GLB identity. In Study 1, we sought to conrm the existence of the relationship between the media and GLB identity by conducting a quantitative survey of GLB participants at a gay pride festival in Texas. In Study 2, we sought to extend the ndings from Study 1 by conducting qualitative in-depth interviews with GLB individuals in an attempt to uncover the processes by which the media interacts with GLB identity in a way that the survey format of Study 1 did not allow. Empirical attention on the relationship between the media and GLB identity can be justied by the role of contextual factors in GLB identity development (Hammack, 2005). Indeed, the GLB identity development process, including the realization of ones same-sex sexual desires and coming out, has been conceptualized as a dynamic process that is mediated by the cultural and historical context in which GLB individuals live (Hammack, 2005). Although there appears to be a biological basis for same-sex attraction

(for a review, see Rahman & Wilson, 2003), each individual who experiences this attraction will likely develop a distinct sexual identity due in part to the inuence of such cultural factors. For example, in interviews with lesbian participants from varying age groups, Parks (1999) found that participants sexual identity development, including the timing and the meanings ascribed to developmental events such as coming out, was related to the social and cultural context in which participants developed. Thus, contextual factors, including the effects of the media, should be considered when studying GLB identity. As Hammacks (2005) framework of GLB identity development suggests, cultural factors such as the media may inuence important psychological domains, including individuals self-perceptions. Ochman (1996), for example, found that exposing children to same-sex storybook characters who were strong, positive role models enhanced childrens positive self-concepts. This nding is signicant in part because Ochman demonstrated that positive portrayals of media characters who share similarities with an individual can produce changes in the individuals self-perception. Consistent with this notion, Wohlford, Lochman, and Barry (2004) found that participants were more likely to have high self-esteem if they believed they shared many character traits with their role models than if they believed they shared few traits with their role models. In short, because having role models with similar characteristics predicts high self-esteem, it seems reasonable to expect that GLB individuals who have access to GLB role models may have higher selfesteem than GLB individuals who lack access to such role models. Having role models has also been shown to be related to self-efcacy. For example, Cheung and Yue (2003) found that modeling after accomplished and distinguished individuals is related to a higher sense of self-efcacy among adolescents. It follows that GLB adolescents who model after successful Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 332 S. C. Gomillion and T. A. Giuliano GLB media gures or personally known GLB individuals may have a greater sense of self-efcacy in terms of coming out and achieving a fully developed identity. As previously mentioned, Ochman (1996) also showed that the positive

effects of role models on childrens self-concepts were produced when the children in the study were exposed to positive characters who were similar to themselves (i.e., they were the same gender as the children). Indeed, the notion that a role models similarity to an individual is an important predictor of the role models inuence has been conrmed by a variety of studies demonstrating that people are more inuenced by role models of the same gender or race (Basow & Howe, 1980; Giuliano, Turner, Lundquist, & Knight, 2007; Karunanayake & Nauta, 2004; Lockwood, 2006). Taken together, these ndings suggest that GLB individuals may be more inuenced by GLB media role models than by heterosexual media gures due to the GLB role models similar identities. Media role models can also inuence individuals personality characteristics and values through the process of identication. Feilitzen and Linne (1975) suggested two primary types of identication: similarity identication and wishful identication. Similarity identication is dened as nding similarities with or idealizing a media gure and living vicariously through his or her activities. Wishful identication, on the other hand, occurs when an individual desires to resemble a media gure due to the media gures appealing qualities (e.g., fame, attractiveness). In an exploration of the role of the media in children and adolescents identity development, Matthews (2003) found that preschoolers intensely identify with television and movie characters and imitate them while playing. Similarly, school-aged children use television and movie characters as role models for their social behavior and continue to imitate them while playing. In high school, adolescents peers become more inuential to their media-viewing choices and the media becomes an important component of their social lives. Matthews also found that the media provides positive role models for children and adolescents and can exert a benecial inuence on their social lives. However, the media can also exert a harmful inuence on children and adolescents by providing negative role models and by exposing children to traumatic content. In general, Matthews concluded that media experiences contribute to individuals development of their sense of self and that these experiences remain salient into young adulthood and possibly beyond. In a similar vein, Boon

and Lomore (2001) found that among young adults with strong attachments to celebrities, participants believed that their attitudes, values, and personality characteristics have been inuenced by their idols. Although neither Matthews nor Boon and Lomore examined the inuence of the media in relation to sexual orientation, their ndings suggest that the media could similarly contribute to the development of GLB identity throughout the lifespan. Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 333 Unfortunately, there is little research specically focusing on the inuence of media gures on GLB individuals identity. Theoretical work has pointed to the importance of media gures in shaping GLB identity (see Clum, 2000, Dyer, 1986, and Gross, 2001). These scholars argue that the concealable nature of sexual minorities identities and their historical exclusion from mainstream culture has given many of them a heightened awareness of theatricality and performativity, which, in turn, increases their afliation with lm and television stars. In addition, the few exploratory empirical studies in this area provide intriguing qualitative evidence of the medias inuence on GLB identity. In one such study, Kivel and Kleiber (2000) reported that lesbian and gay youth use various media sources to learn about lesbian and gay identity and to nd individuals with whom they can relate. In these media sources, participants also found role models who provided them with the inspiration to be successful and to overcome adversity. In a somewhat different vein, Dobinson and Young (2000) found that lesbian lm viewers identied most with female characters who did not conform to traditional feminine roles and that they responded especially positively to actresses who were rumored to be lesbian and to lms featuring close friendships between women. In short, Dobinson and Young and Kivel and Kleiber identied a number of ways in which GLB individuals interact with the media in such a way that increases their comfort with their GLB identity. Although past research has suggested possibilities for the manner in which the media may inuence GLB individuals (Basow & Howe, 1980; Boon & Lomore, 2001; Karunanayake & Nauta, 2004; Lockwood, 2006; Matthews, 2005; Ochman, 1996; Wohlford et al., 2004) and has qualitatively examined the inuence of

the media on GLB subgroups such as lesbians (Dobinson & Young, 2000) and GLB youth (Kivel & Kleiber, 2000), there is a dearth of empirical research that has systematically examined the inuence of the media on GLB individuals identities. The purpose of the current investigation was to address this gap by examining the relationship between the media and GLB identity in depth, with a particular focus on the inuence of media role models on GLB identity. STUDY 1 The purpose of Study 1 was to conrm the relationship between the media and GLB identity by surveying a sample of GLB participants about how the media relates to different aspects of GLB life, including GLB identity and the coming-out process. Specically, the current study examined which media gures and sources participants named as inuential to their realization that they were GLB, to their decision to come out, and to their comfort with their GLB identities. The current study also examined how participants described the inuence of these media gures and sources on participants realization that they were GLB and on their decision to come Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 334 S. C. Gomillion and T. A. Giuliano out. In addition, the current study also investigated participants opinions of various aspects of the media, including the specic media gures that participants listed most frequently as positive and negative portrayals of GLB individuals, whether participants listed more positive or negative portrayals of GLB media gures overall, and what participants would like to see more of in the media in terms of its depictions of GLB characters. Finally, the current study also examined whether participants rated various forms of media (e.g., the Internet, movies, books) differently in terms of their inuence on participants decision to come out. Method PA R T I C I PA N T S The sample consisted of 126 respondents (62 women, 53 men, and 11 unknown) attending a gay pride festival in Austin, Texas, in 2005. The majority of participants were White (69.5%), with the remainder of the sample identifying as Hispanic (16.4%), Asian American (4.7%), African American

(2.5%), multiracial (.8%), or other (1.6%). The age of participants ranged from 18 to 64 (M = 33; SD = 8.94). The majority of participants (89.1%) reported being homosexual, 8.6% reported being bisexual, and 2.3% did not indicate their sexual orientation. ME A S U R E S The one-page, double-sided questionnaire was intentionally kept brief in order to attract as many participants as possible. The questionnaire assessed four primary areas of interest: self-realization of GLB identity, the coming-out process, current identity, and GLB media gures. An initial section assessed demographic information, including age, race, gender, and sexual orientation. Sexual orientation was measured on a 7-point scale modied from the Kinsey scale (Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948) that ranged from 0 (exclusively other-sex attraction) to 6 (exclusively same-sex attraction). Self-realization of GLB identity. Several items asked respondents to discuss their self-realization that they were gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Selfrealization refers to participants process of becoming privately aware of their attraction to members of the same sex and becoming aware that they were GLB (see McCarn & Fassinger, 1996, and Roseborough, 2003, for discussions of this process). Participants were also asked to report the age at which they rst became aware of their orientation and to indicate on a 3-point scale (no, somewhat, and yes) the extent to which the media had inuenced their realization that they were gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Next, in an open-ended question, participants were asked to identify specic characters, shows, Websites, and other forms of media that were inuential to their Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 335 self-realization process. A nal open-ended question in this section asked participants to describe how these media forms inuenced their realization that they were gay, lesbian, or bisexual. Coming out. In the next section, participants were asked about their coming-out process, which was dened as the process of divulging ones gay, lesbian, or bisexual identity to others. First, participants reported the extent to which they were out among their friends, family, coworkers, and

to the public ( = .74) on a 3-point scale (no, somewhat, and yes) and also indicated the age at which they came out to each of these groups. Participants were then asked to rate how inuential different forms of media (i.e., television, magazines and newspapers, movies, music and radio, books, and the Internet) were to their coming-out process on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (not at all inuential) to 5 (very inuential). Following these items was an open-ended question that asked participants to list specic forms of media that were inuential to their coming-out process. Finally, participants were asked to describe how the different media that they listed inuenced their coming-out process. Current identity. Several items on the questionnaire assessed the ways in which the media inuenced participants current identity. First, they were asked to indicate the extent to which the media increases their comfort with their GLB identity on a 3-point scale (very little, somewhat, and very much). Next, participants were asked to list specic shows, characters, Websites, and other forms of media that increased their comfort with their identity. GLB media gures. Subsequent items on the questionnaire assessed participants opinions about the medias portrayal of GLB characters. First, they were asked to rate how positively the media portrays gays, lesbians, and bisexuals on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (very negatively) to 5 (very positively). The remaining three open-ended questions asked participants to list positive and negative portrayals of GLB characters as well as to describe what they would like to see more of in the media in terms of portrayals of GLB characters. PR O C E D U R E Attendants at a gay pride festival in Austin, Texas, were approached by the researchers and told that the purpose of the survey was to study the inuence of the media on gay, lesbian, and bisexual identity. If they agreed to complete the survey, they were shown the instructions and each section was briey explained to them. After participants completed the survey and placed it into a folder to protect their anonymity, they were thanked and

offered a small pride-related trinket (such as a bracelet or sticker) as a token of appreciation. Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 336 S. C. Gomillion and T. A. Giuliano CO D I N G O F O P E N-E N D E D R E S P O N S E S The data from the open-ended questions were coded in order to investigate most of the research questions. Interrater reliability was established by having both the researcher and an independent rater code participants responses. The average Cohens kappa across questions for the two coders was .82. Discrepancies between coders were resolved through discussion and, when discussion could not yield a consistent code, discrepancies were resolved by alternating between coders assigned codes in a randomized fashion until complete agreement was reached. Results and Discussion The open-ended questions were coded to examine the media sources and gures that participants most frequently listed as inuential to their selfrealization, coming-out process, and comfort with their GLB identity and to examine participants descriptions of how the media gures inuenced these domains. Participants listed a variety of miscellaneous television characters (number in subsample, n = 8) and Ellen DeGeneres (n = 5) as being inuential to their realization that they were gay, lesbian, or bisexual. When asked how the media sources and characters that participants listed inuenced their realization that they were GLB, the most common response was that they identied with the characters (n = 6). For example, one participant reported that watching the main character deal with her sexuality and societys reaction, I really connected with her struggle. Another common response was that the characters served as role models (n = 5). One participant wrote that positive role models were crucial to letting me know I wasnt alone. Indeed, having such a sense of social support has been shown to enhance individuals psychological and physical well being (Wills, 1990). Ellen DeGeneres also appeared to be inuential to participants decisions to come out to others; she was most frequently mentioned (n = 11), as were books (n = 10), Websites (n = 7), and the television show, Will and Grace (n = 6). When participants described how the characters, shows, Websites, and other media inuenced their coming-out process, the most

frequent response was that these media forms inspired participants to feel pride in their identities (n = 11). In addition, participants indicated that media gures served as role models (n = 7) and that mere exposure to GLB characters and media sources was inuential (n = 9). As an example, one participant wrote that GLB media sources [let] me know we were out there. Participants listed several different shows and media gures as making them feel more comfortable with their GLB identities, including The L Word (n = 26), Will and Grace (n = 20), Queer as Folk (n = 18), and Ellen DeGeneres (n = 15). To determine whether participants preference for different shows and characters was related to their gender, a Pearson chi-square Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 337 test was conducted. This test compares the observed frequency distribution of scores to a theoretical frequency distribution to determine whether two variables are independent or related. The test indicated that the shows participants listed were indeed related to participants gender. Specically, women (n = 19) were signicantly more likely than men (n = 3) to list The L Word as making them feel more comfortable with their identities, 2 (2, N = 115) = 10.98, p = .004. By contrast, men (n = 15) were signicantly more likely than women (n = 5) to list Will and Grace, 2 (2, N = 115) = 9.26, p < .05. However, men and women were equally likely to list Ellen DeGeneres and Queer as Folk. This nding is not surprising considering that The L Word primarily featured lesbian characters, whereas Will and Grace featured gay male characters. Indeed, our results corroborate previous ndings that people are more likely to be inuenced by same-sex role models (Basow & Howe, 1980; Giuliano et al., 2007; Lockwood, 2006; Ochman, 1996). When asked to list positive depictions of GLB characters, Ellen (n = 25) was most frequently mentioned by participants, as were The L Word (n = 19) and Will and Grace (n = 15). Interestingly, Will and Grace

(n = 13) was also frequently cited for its negative depiction of GLB characters, as was Queer as Folk (n = 8). Next, a t test was conducted to determine whether participants listed more positive or negative portrayals overall. The results revealed that participants reported a greater number of positive depictions of GLB characters (M = .92) than negative depictions (M = .55), t(122) = 3.95, p < .001. This nding could simply be a result of participants favorite characters coming to mind more easily (i.e., the availability heuristic, see Tversky & Kahneman, 1973), or it could be indicate a shift from negative, stereotypical portrayals of GLB characters in the media to a greater incidence of positive portrayals. Further research is needed to examine the content of GLB-themed media to determine whether its portrayal of GLB individuals has in fact become more positive in recent years. However, an important caveat to these reports is that respondents perception of portrayals as positive or negative is subjective. In other words, individuals interpret media representations in multiple waysnegative representations may not always be interpreted as negative, for instance (see Dyer, 2000). Thus, these reports should be considered with this subjectivity in mind. When asked what they would like to see more of in terms of media portrayals of GLB characters, participants most frequently reported that they would like to see more realistic portrayals of GLB individuals (n = 40). As one participant noted, he would like to see more normal people with normal jobs who just happen to be gay. The content of realistic portrayals most likely will differ across individuals, depending on their perspective. These reports may be interpreted as calls for greater diversity in terms of ethnicity, income level, occupation, age, etc., as well Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 338 S. C. Gomillion and T. A. Giuliano as less glamorized portrayals (as the above quote suggests). Participants also reported that they would like to see more portrayals of GLB families in particular (n = 15), and more positive portrayals in general (n = 13). Thus, despite the fact that participants listed a greater number of positive portrayals of GLB individuals than negative portrayals, participants clearly desired many changes in the representation of this group.

Finally, a 1 6 repeated-measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted to determine whether the various forms of media differed in their degree of inuence on participants coming-out process. Because the assumption of sphericity was violated for the test, Greenhouse-Geisser degrees of freedom were used. The results conrmed that participants ranked the various forms of media (i.e., television, magazines, movies, music, books, and the Internet) differently, F(4.24, 466.46) = 4.03, p = .003. A Tukey post hoc test ( = .05) revealed that the Internet and books were rated as most inuential, television and movies were rated as relatively less inuential, and music and magazines were rated as least inuential overall. It is likely that the Internets diverse resources for GLB individuals contribute to its high level of inuence. Another possible reason why the Internet is inuential to GLB individuals was suggested by McKenna and Bargh (1998), who found that GLB individuals who participated in online discussion groups had greater self-acceptance of their identities, were more likely to have revealed this identity to their friends and families as a result of their participation in these online groups, and felt less estranged from society in general. The authors concluded that such online groups are important to individuals with marginalized identities because these groups offer their members a sense of community and belonging that is often unattainable in the real world. Further research is needed to determine conclusively how the Internet differs from other media forms with respect to its relationship with GLB individuals. In sum, Study 1 was one of the rst to systematically examine the inuence of the media on GLB identity. In addition, participants provided feedback about specic individuals and characters who were inuential to them, such as Ellen DeGeneres and Will from Will and Grace. However, several limitations should be acknowledged. First, although the gay pride festival provided a unique opportunity to gather a large sample of GLB participants, its generally positive atmosphere may have biased some of the responses to the survey questions (e.g., participants responses may have been more positive than they would have been in another context). It cannot be determined from the results of this study alone whether this bias

was present or what its precise effects may have been, but the possibility of such a bias must be considered when interpreting the results. In addition, the busy atmosphere of the gay pride festival and the survey format itself did not allow for participants to elaborate in great detail on Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 339 their responses or to explore avenues of thought about which the survey questions did not ask. Thus, the processes by which the media relates to GLB identity could not be thoroughly explored. However, Study 1 did suggest that the media exerts an important inuence on GLB individuals identities, and therefore a more in-depth investigation of this inuence seemed warranted. STUDY 2 Consistent with the body of research indicating that role models positively inuence various aspects of identity in general (e.g., Cheung & Yue, 2003; Ochman, 1996; Wohlford et al., 2004), Study 1 indicated that participants considered media role models to be inuential to their identities. Specically, participants reported that media role models were inuential to the selfrealization of their GLB identities and to their coming-out process. Other research has also indicated that role models may be important to various aspects of GLB identity. In one of the few studies in this area, Bringaze and White (2001) surveyed lesbian leaders and role models about the resources they used during their coming-out process. Participants reported that support from older gays and lesbians, including GLB role models, was especially helpful. Thus, Bringaze and White concluded that role models are a helpful component of the coming-out process for well-adjusted lesbians, which presumably would also be true for well-adjusted gay men and bisexual men and women. In another study in this area, Nauta, Saucier, and Woodard (2001) found that GLB college students believed that it was important for their career role models to be GLB or to support GLB individuals. Interestingly, GLB students also reported that they received a low level of support and guidance from their career role models, indicating that their role models were not personally known by them and probably came from the media or other external sources.

Although media role models can exert a positive inuence over GLB individuals, such role models have historically been somewhat scarce due to underrepresentation or to negative representations of GLB individuals in the media (Gross, 1994, 2001; Hart, 2000; Russo, 1987). According to Fryberg and Townsend (2008), such underrepresentation, or invisibility, can take two primary formsabsolute invisibility or relative invisibility. Absolute invisibility refers to a total absence of representations of a particular group and is thought to limit the possibilities for a group members identity by limiting the available schematic representations of possible selves. By contrast, relative invisibility refers to an absence of rich, positive representations of a particular group (i.e., although representations exist, they are stereotypical and narrow). Relative invisibility also limits schematic representations of possible Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 340 S. C. Gomillion and T. A. Giuliano selves, as well as causes negatively represented group members to question both their individual value and their value within society. Both types of invisibility are relevant to this article. Throughout much of the twentieth century, homosexuality was primarily depicted implicitly, if at all (Gross, 2001; Russo, 1987). In fact, industry standards for both forms of media explicitly forbade depictions of homosexual behavior. When implicitly gay characters appeared in the media, they typically were depicted according to one of several archetypes. For gay men, the sissy was a common archetypean asexual, effeminate, and often ridiculous or ineffectual foil to a storys hero (Russo, 1987). Lesbian characters were rarely portrayed in the media during this era (Capsuto, 2000), but when they were, their portrayal typically adhered to the predatory and lonely lesbian or dyke archetypes, both of which heavily emphasized the characters sinister, masculine qualities (Russo, 1987). These archetypes remained prevalent even when homosexuality was referenced explicitly in the latter decades of the twentieth century. During this time, depictions of GLB characters were typically as either victims or villains, both of whom frequently had tragic outcomes, such as suicide, violent death, or isolation (Capusto, 2000; Gross, 2001; Russo, 1987). Indeed, even acclaimed contemporary depictions of GLB characters, such as

Brokeback Mountain, still adhere to these conventions. Based on the history of GLB representation in the media, it seems reasonable to expect that most GLB individuals have personally experienced both absolute and relative invisibility in the media and, therefore, may have experienced the negative effects of both types of invisibility. As the number of representations of GLB individuals has increased, it seems likely that relative invisibility is currently a more common experience for GLB individuals, whereas absolute invisibility may have been more common in earlier decades, when depictions of GLB individuals in the media were scarce. Although invisibility may have harmful consequences for GLB individuals, both Bringaze and White (2001) and Nauta et al. (2001) established that role models, including media role models, may be important resources for GLB individuals. However, it is not yet known how the media inuences GLB identity specically. As such, the purpose of Study 2 was to further explore the inuence of media role models on GLB identity. In order to study this relationship, 15 GLB men and women were interviewed about their coming-out process, their identities, and the media. Generally speaking, Study 2 sought to uncover the primary ways in which the media inuences GLB identity. This study was intended to expand upon the ndings of Study 1 in a richer, more thorough manner by allowing participants to provide elaborate responses to the interview questions and to generate their own avenues of thought. Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 341 Method PA R T I C I PA N T S Fifteen participants (6 women and 9 men) were interviewed for the second study in 2006 in Austin, Texas. The sample was 80% White and 20% Hispanic American, and participants ranged in age from 23 to 50 (M = 33.7, SD = 9.1). Although the majority (93.3%) of participants classied themselves as homosexual, 6.7% of participants classied themselves as bisexual. Participants were primarily recruited through personal contacts and through snowball sampling, in which participants provided additional contacts who were recruited for the interviews. Participation was voluntary, although

respondents did receive a small monetary gift as compensation for their time. ME A S U R E S Participants were rst asked to complete a one-page questionnaire, which included demographic information, questions about participants media consumption, and questions about participants involvement in the GLB community. The questions about participants community involvement were part of a separate study and, thus, are not discussed further. To maintain their condentiality, participants generated a six-digit code number consisting of their mothers birth month, their fathers birth month, and their own birth month (e.g., 10/07/05). Interviews were labeled with this number in order to link them to participants surveys. Next, participants were asked to indicate their age, gender, ethnicity, and sexual orientation, which was measured using the 7-point modied Kinsey scale (Kinsey et al., 1948) from Study 1. The interviews ranged in length from 20 minutes to 1 hour and 27 minutes (M = 32 minutes) and were recorded with an Olympus WS-100 digital recorder. In the rst portion of the interview, participants were asked to discuss their coming-out process and the forms of media that were important to them during this time. Next, participants were asked more specic questions about the medias relationship to their identity (e.g., In terms of media gures, who do you think has inuenced your life the most positively?). The nal portion of the interview consisted of more general questions about the representation of GLB individuals in the media (e.g., Tell me about how the inuence of the media has changed over time for you personally.). Finally, participants were asked if they would like to elaborate further on the topic (see Appendix for the full interview guide). PR O C E D U R E Participants were interviewed in a private, quiet location of their choosing. Prior to the beginning of the interview, they were asked to sign a consent Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 342 S. C. Gomillion and T. A. Giuliano form explaining the purpose of the study and their rights, which included the rights to leave the study at any time as well as to decline to answer

any questions during the interview. They were told that the purpose of the study was to examine GLB individuals experiences with the media in terms of coming out, the GLB community, and their identity. After giving their consent, participants completed the supplemental questionnaire and generated their code numbers. After participants indicated that they were ready to begin, the interviewer began recording and interviewing participants. For the most part, the interviewer adhered to the interview guide. However, when appropriate, the interviewer deviated from the guide in order to facilitate more elaboration on the part of participants or to explore avenues of thought generated by participants. After participants had answered all of the interview questions and indicated that they had no further comments to add, the recorder was turned off and the interview was completed. DATA A N A LY S I S A N D C O D I N G The data generated from the interviews were analyzed using inductive thematic analysis (see Braun & Clarke, 2006), in which the interview transcripts were marked with notes about the themes that appeared in response to the interview questions. After making notes on the transcripts, the researcher analyzed the responses to several questions from the interview guide that appeared to capture the general overall themes of the interviews. Next, the researcher wrote memos about the responses to each question in which she categorized the responses into themes, interpreted the themes, and provided illustrative quotes for each theme. After analyzing the memos as a whole, the researcher developed an explanation of the pattern of results, and continued to rene the thematic map as themes were identied. To establish interrater reliability, a second independent coder assigned codes to the set of responses. Agreement between coders was high, with a Cohens kappa of .90. Discrepancies were resolved through discussion, and when agreement could not be reached, discrepancies were resolved by alternating between raters assigned codes in a randomized fashion until complete agreement was reached. Results and Discussion A prominent theme that emerged from respondents interviews was the

importance of media role models to their identities. For some participants, their most important role models were GLB individuals in the media, whereas others named non-GLB media gures who were outsiders or who were strong, admirable individuals. Moreover, respondents discussed the inuence of these role models on their identity, which included being an Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 343 inspiration or fostering a sense of pride, being a source of comfort, and making respondents feel more positively about their GLB identities. In contrast to these positive effects, participants also discussed the negative impact of the limited and stereotypical representation of GLB individuals in the media, which they reported made them feel excluded from society and limited their identity expression. PO S I T I V E I D E N T I T Y I N F L U E N C E S Inspiring pride. Many respondents (n = 8) described their role models in terms of their positive characteristics. For example, Dave 1 (40, Hispanic American, gay) described his admiration of openly gay former Texas State Representative Glen Maxey in terms of the re in his eyes and the passion in his eyes and Alejandro (23, Latino, gay) recalled Univision news anchor Jorge Ramos as very attractive, very successful, spoke very uently and very eloquently. In turn, the positive characteristics of their role models affected participants in different ways. Alejandro and other participants specically remembered wanting to emulate their role models. For example, when describing her childhood role model, Superman, Steph (29, White, lesbian) explained that I thought I had a huge crush on him, but it turns out I wanted to be him, so yeah, that was pretty inuential because for awhile there I thought I could y. Other respondents also emphasized how their role models served as sources of strength, particularly in regard to their GLB identity. For example, Megan (23, White, lesbian), as well as other respondents, cited Ellen DeGeneres as a positive inuence on her life and said, I got some strength from seeing what she was able to do. Thus, we see evidence of two types of identication with media role models in participants

responses. Stephs response appears more consistent with wishful identication, whereas Megans appears more consistent with similarity identication, suggesting that both types may be inuential to GLB identity (Feilitzen & Linne, 1975). However, future research is needed to clarify how these two types of identication operate among GLB individuals. As a whole, these ndings indicate that positive media role models inuenced many respondents identities by being admirable gures who some participants emulated and who provided strength for other participants. These ndings are also consistent with those of Lockwood and Kunda (1997), who demonstrated that inspiration is an important function of role models when individuals perceive themselves to be similar to their role models. Indeed, participants in the current study typically named GLB media gures as their role models, and if they did not name GLB role models, they often named role models with whom they otherwise identied, suggesting that GLB individuals may be inspired by role models who they perceive to be similar to themselves. Many participants also discussed specically trying Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 344 S. C. Gomillion and T. A. Giuliano to emulate their role models, particularly as children and adolescents. This nding is consistent with research demonstrating that children, adolescents, and young adults often emulate their favorite media gures as well as adopt the media gures values and personality characteristics (Boon & Lomore, 2001; Matthews, 2003). Taking comfort. In addition to discussing how their role models functioned as general sources of pride and inspiration, respondents also discussed how these role models inuenced their identity development and coming-out process specically. One way in which respondents role models and other GLB media gures affected these processes was by serving as sources of comfort for respondents (n = 5). Interestingly, GLB media gures had this effect even when the GLB characters were not portrayed in a positive light. For example, the rst memory of any gay presence in the media for Brian (31, White, gay) was his exposure to anti-gay religious tracts. However, he said that even though it was like really negativeit was a really negative little pamphletit was comforting. Indeed, it appears that

for some participants, any GLB presence in the media was comforting. In the words of Mary (51, White, lesbian): While youre thrashing around trying to gure out who you are, thats the only real access youve got to what it means to be gay. You read anything you can get your paws on, you watch whatever gay movies are out there. I guess its a good way of trying to gure out what the heck it means to be different, and what does it look like? And its nice to know youre not the only one in the universe. In short, GLB media gures shaped Marys identity by providing examples of what GLB people look and act like, and such examples were a source of comfort to her while she was developing her lesbian identity. These comments are also consistent with the notion that the way individuals experience the media is largely a matter of interpretation, and thus even negative portrayals of ones group can be experienced positively (Dyer, 2000). Other respondents also discussed the comfort they took in positive GLB role models. For example, both Michelle (28, White, bisexual) and Carol (43, White, lesbian) remembered Ellen DeGeneres well publicized coming out as a source of comfort to them during their own coming-out process. As Michelle put it, it really made me feel like it was okay to be gay and that it was okay for me to be whoever I wanted to be. Thus, Michelle felt validated by Ellens coming out. In a similar vein, Carol said that: When I started nding out that [Ellen] was a lesbian and she was going to be coming out on her show, I mean all these feelings erupted inside. I mean I was just kind ofthis is a woman who is very accepted on television and in the world and shes going to take this step, and I felt like Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 345 I was going to have to do that at one point or another...That denitely paved the way for me. Because of Ellen, Carol felt that eventually she would also have to come out, and she used Ellen as a source of guidance during this time. Although GLB media gures served an important function as role models for many of the participants, other participants were not exposed to

GLB individuals in the media due to the scarcity of GLB representation. As a result, these participants sought role models with whom they could identify in other ways and used these role models as sources of comfort. For example, participants reported identifying with media gures who were outsiders and who, like them, differed from existing norms. Brian discussed the importance of comic book characters to his identity as a child: The whole character arc in the X-Menand it has become even more sowas that they were mutants and they were apart from everyone else. And that was somehow comforting in this whole struggle when I felt different from everybody else. It was comforting during those ages . . . Itsbecause there werent manyI mean there really wasnt when I was growing upand I grew up in a really small townwell, at least at that point, I was in a small town. And there really wasnt anything, you know, I think that I could recognize myself in. And I think mutant maybe was as close as I could get. Although the characters in the X-Men series were not openly GLB, Brian identied with them due to the parallels between their experience as outcasts from society and his experience as a gay person who was not accepted by society. These similarities comforted Brian and made him feel more accepted despite being different from his peers. Brians interpretation of the straight characters in the X-Men series seems to belong to the tradition of queer or outsider readings of texts that many marginalized groups have adopted (see Farmer, 2000; Sineld, 1994). Because the majority of media representations are of mainstream demographic groups, marginalized groups often interpret these representations in an against the grain fashion, such as reading heterosexual texts as if they were intended for a homosexual audience (Gross, 2001). It appears that in Brians case, appropriating a straight text in such a manner allowed him to afrm his own identity and nd comfort. The use of media gures as a source of comfort is also consistent with previous research demonstrating that individuals with low self-esteem, low levels of security and closeness, and low levels of family satisfaction tend to

afliate with celebrities to a greater extent (Cheng, 1997; Duck, 1990; Giles & Maltby, 2004). Given GLB individuals marginalized status, such individuals Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 346 S. C. Gomillion and T. A. Giuliano may be more likely to have stronger attachments to celebrities, just as individuals with low self-esteem are more likely to have stronger attachments to celebrities (Cheng, 1997). The possibility that GLB individuals may develop stronger attachments to media gures due to their marginalized status in society should be explored in future research. Viewing GLB identity more positively. Beyond making participants feel comforted, GLB role models in the media made participants feel as though it was acceptable to be GLB and helped participants view their identity more positively (n = 4). In essence, seeing GLB individuals in the media normalized these participants own GLB identities and made them feel more socially acceptable. For example, Megan said that the media inuenced her coming-out process in the following way: I didnt feel like I was weird or abnormal. I felt like I had enough positive, I guess, role models in the media that I didnt, you know, I didnt feel like it wasnt something I could express or that it was a negative thing. The presence of positive GLB role models in the media normalized Megans lesbian identity and helped her view her identity positively rather than negatively. In a broader sense, seeing others acceptance of GLB individuals in the media made participants feel like others reception of them would be more tolerant than hostile. For example, Ted (24, White, gay) discussed how Will and Grace made him feel that his gay identity was more socially acceptable. I had never really been around gay people then, and so seeing like straight people all over thinking that show was funny was really helpful in terms of like that they werent freaked out by it. So I was like, oh well, if they can deal with a sitcom where people are unapologetically gay, then thats a good sign and that calms me a little. To summarize, Ted used others reactions to Will and Grace as a gauge of how they would react to his own sexuality. The popularity and acceptance

of the show made him feel less threatened by the possibility of hostility toward him on the basis of his homosexuality. These effects on participants positive self-views may be analogous to the effects of role models on individuals self-concepts found in other research (Cheung & Yue, 2003; Ochman, 1996, Wohlford et al., 2004) and as such provide support for the possibility that exposure to positive GLB role models may enhance the self-views of GLB individuals. This contention is supported by the fact that participants in the current study reported that their GLB role models inspired pride in their identities and enabled them to view their identities more positively. Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 347 NE G AT I V E E F F E C T S O F T H E L A C K O F R O L E M O D E L S Although respondents discussed several benets of having role models in the media, the availability of GLB role models in the media has historically been very limited (see Gross, 1994, 2001; Hart, 2000; Russo, 1987). Therefore, it is not surprising that respondents also discussed how the absence of identiable gures in the media affected them (n = 4). The prevailing sentiment in these discussions was a sense of being excluded from traditional society. For example, both Rick (38, White, gay) and Megan recalled seeing depictions of traditional families in the media that did not include GLB individuals. Rick said, I remember being really struck by that as like, Im not included in that, and Megan said that I can see that it kind of was challenging my life versus what traditional life was, you know, there was a difference from early on. Media depictions such as these made both Rick and Megan feel excluded from traditional families on the basis of their GLB identities. These feelings are not uncommon for GLB individuals, who often create kinship networks of friends, lovers, children, and other family members as a result of their legal and social exclusion from so-called traditional families (see Weeks, Heaphy, & Donovan, 2001, and Weston, 1991). Participants also discussed the damaging effects of the general absence of GLB individuals in the media. For example, Rick discussed the lack of GLB themes in popular music:

I mean, like, how many songs do I hear on the radio that are love songs that pair a guy and a guy or a woman and a woman, for that matter? Its just, like, its the absence that is sothat can be so damaging, I think. Michelle revealed similar feelings in her ambivalence concerning womens magazines: The womens magazines are really frustrating because I dont see myself in them at all, and I love magazines. Like Im such a end about like fashion and womens magazines, but you dont see any discussion of lesbians in there. In essence, both Rick and Michelle felt excluded from their favorite forms of media due to their sexual identities, which adversely affected them. Not surprisingly, just as the absence of GLB gures in the media had adverse consequences for many respondents, so did the negative portrayals of GLB individuals in the media. For example, Brian discussed feeling limited in the expression of his gay identity as a result of the stereotypical portrayals of gay men in the media. Just everything was so, so negative. And it gets you sort of warped when youre youngabout what the gay lifestyle is, about promiscuity and Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 348 S. C. Gomillion and T. A. Giuliano drugs and maybe the amboyantness, rather than possibility. It really seemed to limit the possibility withyou know, being gayhow my life could be. Thus, the medias negative depiction of gay lifestyles made Brian feel at the time that he was not able to deviate from these stereotypes in terms of his personal expression of his identity. As the above ndings make clear, both absolute and relative invisibility (Fryberg & Townsend, 2008) can exert harmful psychological effects on GLB individuals, including making them feel less valuable as members of society and limiting their identity expression. Due to the more pervasive absence of GLB representation in the media in past decades (Gross, 1994; Gross, 2001; Hart, 2000; Russo, 1987), older GLB individuals may have been more affected by absolute invisibility, whereas

younger GLB individuals, who may have been exposed to more representations of GLB individuals in the media, may be more inuenced by relative invisibility. However, future research is needed to explore the effects of both types of invisibility on GLB individuals. The negative inuence of the media on participants identities appears to have been related to the lack of GLB role models in the media. As a whole, the results from Study 2 strongly suggest that role models are important to the identities of GLB individuals. In particular, our ndings indicate that media role models foster pride in GLB individuals identities, provide a source of comfort, and help them view their identities more positively. On the other hand, the media also appears to negatively affect GLB individuals by causing them to feel excluded from society and to feel limited in their expressions of their GLB identities. GENERAL DISCUSSION One of the most signicant contributions of the current research is its original exploration of the inuence of media role models on GLB identity using both a quantitative format and a richer, qualitative approach. Importantly, the participants in these studies provided valuable insights that have not appeared elsewhere in the empirical literature. The signicance and validity of the ndings are supported by the fact that role models were discussed by almost all of the participants in Study 2, regardless of their age, gender, or background. Although the exploratory nature of Studies 1 and 2 revealed valuable ndings about this relatively unexplored topic, the nature of the studies also contributes to their limitations. In particular, an important limitation of the present research is that causality cannot be inferred from the ndings. Therefore, it cannot be denitively concluded from our ndings that positive role models inuence GLB identity. In other words, it is possible Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 349 that GLB individuals with positive, fully developed identities may be more likely to seek out role models in the media. Nonetheless, other research has experimentally established that role models do exert a positive inuence

on individuals (see Ochman, 1996), which lends credence to our argument that media role models foster positive identity in GLB participants. Future research on this topic should attempt to substantiate the ndings of the present study with experimental evidence. For instance, experimental studies could expose GLB individuals to media depicting either GLB or heterosexual role models and subsequently evaluate changes in participants self-concepts after exposure to both types of role models to determine more conclusively whether positive GLB role models enhance GLB individuals sense of self-worth. Another limitation of the current research is that the two samples of participants may not be representative of the GLB population as a whole. Specically, the samples may have been less diverse than the general GLB population in terms of participants ethnicity and participants level of comfort with their identities or knowledge about the representation of GLB individuals in the media. In addition, both studies were conducted in Austin, Texas, a relatively GLB-friendly city. GLB individuals from other cities and countries may have had different experiences with the media. Thus, future research on the topic of GLB identity and the media will need to utilize more representative samples in order to ascertain the inuence of role models on the identities of other GLB populations. Although these limitations present difculties in terms of generalizing and generating causal explanations of the ndings, they do not undermine the contribution of the present study to the understanding of the medias inuence on GLB identity. Indeed, several implications emerged from the ndings of the two studies. First, there clearly exists a relationship between the media and GLB identity, making it imperative that GLB media sources consider the messages they convey to their audience. For example, many participants in both studies complained about stereotypical characters and negative portrayals, even in shows specically targeted toward a GLB audience, such as Queer as Folk. Thus, it is reasonable to conclude that decreasing stereotypical portrayals of GLB characters in the media would benet GLB individuals by potentially expanding the possibilities for GLB identity beyond the sissy and dyke archetypes that the media so frequently offers (Russo, 1987).

Our ndings also indicate that role models such as Ellen DeGeneres are crucial inuences on GLB identity. Indeed, both studies suggested that Ellen DeGeneres has been one of the most inuential lesbian role models in the media. This information presents a contrast to some criticisms that Ellen DeGeneress coming out was not sufciently political and did little to subvert traditional norms for representing GLB characters in the media (see Dow, 2001, and Hubert, 1999, for discussions). In fact, Ellen Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 350 S. C. Gomillion and T. A. Giuliano was spontaneously mentioned by many participants in both studies, clearly designating her as an inuential gure in the GLB community. One participant in Study 1 described her as a role model and good example but also [a] creative human being, and another participant said that she gave the strength to say I am gay and its ok. Perhaps one of the reasons Ellen was so inuential is because her show was one of the rst to openly explore the issues and difculties surrounding coming out (Ryan & Boxer, 1998). In addition, she and her popular television character both came out simultaneously, increasing GLB visibility both on television and in the media at large (see Gross, 2001, and Tracy, 2000). Although her decision was primarily personal, it became a highly inuential political moment in Western culture. As Ryan and Boxer noted, her show inspired many GLB individuals to seek therapy for their coming out difculties, and many others followed Ellens example and came out to their friends and family. The apparent importance of GLB role models such as Ellen suggests that the availability of positive GLB role models in the media should increase in order to better meet the needs of GLB individuals. Consistent with this notion, Bringaze and Whites (2001) ndings that successful lesbian leaders believed that positive role models aided them in their coming-out process implies that having positive role models may enhance GLB individuals potential to achieve a fully realized identity and to become leaders in their community. As the present research suggests, featuring positive depictions of GLB individuals in the media may enhance GLB individuals sense of self-worth and may ultimately inspire them to become successful leaders.

Another potential benet of increasing positive role models in the media is that it may also alleviate some of the psychological difculties that many GLB individuals experience, such as low self-esteem (Frable, Wortman, & Joseph, 1997). Given the substantial amount of evidence suggesting that positive role models enhance individuals self-esteem (Cheung & Yue, 2003; Ochman, 1996; Wohlford et al., 2004), it seems plausible that increasing the representation of positive GLB media gures may also increase GLB individuals self-esteem. However, the media is clearly not the sole cause of the psychological difculties of GLB individuals. As Frable et al. (1997) demonstrated, gay men with a high degree of stigmatization from their families tend to have low self-esteem, which is likely to also be true for lesbian and bisexual individuals. Thus, societal prejudice against GLB individuals needs to also be substantially decreased in order to allow GLB individuals a greater opportunity to achieve healthy functioning. Based on ndings that exposure to negative portrayals of GLB individuals can cause heterosexuals to espouse relatively lasting negative attitudes toward this group whereas exposure to positive portrayals of GLB individuals can cause heterosexuals to espouse more positive attitudes toward this group (Levina, Waldo, & Fitzgerald, 2000; Schiappa, Gregg, & Hewes, 2005), it could be argued that increasing the Downloaded by [112.198.82.67] at 07:28 20 January 2012 The Media and Gay Identity 351 positive representation of GLB media gures may be an important rst step toward reducing societal prejudice against the GLB community. In closing, the studies presented here were some of the rst to use both quantitative and qualitative approaches to explore the relationship between the media and GLB identity. Study 1 revealed some of the different ways in which GLB men and women utilize the media to shape their identities, particularly during important processes such as realizing their GLB identity and coming out to others. Study 1 also investigated GLB individuals criticisms and desires concerning the medias representation of the GLB population, as well as the positive aspects of the media, including its ability to supply GLB role models. Using a qualitative approach, Study 2 explored the ndings from Study 1 in more depth and illuminated some of the ways in which media role models inuence the realization, development, and expression of

GLB identity. As previously discussed, both studies provide guidance for the media in terms of changing its portrayal of the GLB population to be more representative and less stereotyped and damaging. These changes may lead the media further away from the sissy and dyke archetypes toward new archetypes resembling positive role models such as Ellen DeGeneres and may be an important step in reducing societal prejudice and discrimination toward this group of people.