Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF)

Report of the Conference on:

The Challenges of Globalisation in Africa: What Role for Civil Society and Other Stakeholders?

December 2002

REPORT OF THE CONFERENCE ON:

THE CHALLENGES OF GLOBALIZATION TO DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA: WHAT ROLE FOR CIVIL SOCIETY AND OTHER STAKEHOLDERS?

HELD AT THE UNITED NATIONS ECONOMIC COMMISSION FOR AFRICA

2 4 December, 2002 ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA

For this and other publications please visit the DPMF Website at: http://www.dpmf.org Or contact Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF) P.O. Box 3001 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 515410 (DL)/ 443197 Fax: 251 1 515410 E-mail: dpmf@uneca.org

PREFACE This is the report of the Seventh annual conference of the Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF) organized at U.N.C.C. in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia during December 2 to 4 2002. The theme of this years conference is The Challenges of Globalisation to Democratic Governance in Africa: What Role for Civil Societies and other Stakeholders? The report was prepared by the Conference General Raporteur, Dr. Abdul Aziz Jalloh. The conference brought together researchers, representatives of civil society organizations, government officials and donor agencies from 16 sub-Sahara African Countries. More than one hundred and fifty participants including resident diplomats and, representative of international organization and NGOs attended the Conference. The papers commissioned for the conference (for their tittles see Annex 2) will be published as conference proceeding in March 2003. I would like to take this opportunity to express my appreciation to the Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and particularly to His Excellency Ato Sufian Ahmed, Minister of Finance and Economic Development for his support and co-operation during this conference. Additionally I would like to thank their Excellencies the Interim Chairperson of the AU Commission Mr. Amara Essy, and Dr. K.Y.Amoako, the Executive Secretary of the UNECA for their full moral and intellectual support to this Conference and to the activities of DPMF. Finally, I would like to express personal appreciation and thanks to the DPMF staff for the tremendous work they have done and for their dedication to the objectives of DPMF. The Holding of the Conference was made possible largely by the generous support of the Ford Foundation. Additional support to DPMF for its activities came mainly from the DMV/VG of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands. Other organizations which have supported DPMF are the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), International Development Research Centre (IDRC) and United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). DPMF gratefully acknowledges the generous support from all these organizations. Abdalla Bujra Executive Director, DPMF

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Preface i

Part One: Opening Statements

* Opening Address: Mr. Sufian Ahmed, Minister of Finance and Economic Development * Opening Address: Ambassador Sam Ibok, Director of Peace and Security of the Commission of the African Union * Opening Address: Mr. James Nxumalo, Director, Development Management Division, UN Economic Commission for Africa 8 11 28 4 1

Part Two: Report of the Conference on The Challenges of Globalisation to Democratic Governance in Africa: What Role for Civil Society and Other Stakeholders Summary of the Recommendations of the Conference Annex 1: Reports of Working Groups 1, 2 and 3
Working Group 1 What are the challenging forms of Globalization to Democratic Governance in AfricaWhat are they? Working Group 2 The Role of Civil Society in consolidating Democratic Governance within the Framework of Globalisation Working Group 3 The Role of other Stakeholders - (Political Parties, Unions, Military and the Government)in safeguarding and consolidating Democratic Governance in Africa in the face of the challenges from Globalisation.

32

39

43

Annex 2: List of Papers Presented Annex 3: Workshop Program Annex 4: List of Participants

47 48 50

Opening Address
By H.E. Ato Sufian Ahmed, Minister of the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development of Ethiopia Honorable Ministers, Excellencies, Ambassadors and High Commissioners, Distinguished Participants Ladies and Gentlemen, On behalf of the Government of the Federal Democratic republic of Ethiopia, it gives me great pleasure to welcome you all to the Annual Conference of the Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF), with the theme: The Challenges of Globalization to Democratic Governance in Africa: What Role for Civil Society and other Stakeholders? I am happy to note that the Forum has succeeded in getting together policy makers, civil society and researchers to discuss the important and timely issues of globalization, democratic governance and civil society. I also wish to express my confidence that the conference will contribute positively to the ongoing debate on globalization and its impact on Africa in general and democratic governance in particular. Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, Globalization, with all its attendant challenges and opportunities has become more and more part of our daily life. The world today has become a small village. The rapid advance in information technology has been in the forefront of the revolution that is making physical distance irrelevant in many walks of life. One way or the other, governments, NGOs and other stakeholders are positively or negatively affected by globalization by impacting, primarily on the way governments work and the democratization process, which in turn affect all stakeholders close to the subject and the public at large. Over the last decade or so, globalization has been widely discussed at international, regional and national for a. As the debate continues to this day, a broad spectrum of views, -- ranging from the extreme position of those who strongly argue that globalization is the answer to world poverty to those, on the other side of the spectrum, who conclude that globalization only exacerbates the already fragile economies of African countries have been raised on the subject. Globalization, whether it is understood to mean the global integration of economies encompassing trade, financial flows, the exchange of technology and information and the movement of people into the capitalist system; or primarily as the financial integration of the world, is manifested, in varying degrees, in all aspects of economic, social and political activities of our countries. It is also well recognized that, given the asymmetries in development, the lions share of the benefits resulting from globalization go to those countries with the goods and services, the financial resources and the technologies dominating the global market.

Honorable guests, Distinguished Participants, Ladies and Gentlemen, For Africa to get its share of the benefits resulting from the increased global integration, it has to wage war on several fronts. In the first place, African countries need to intensify their efforts aimed at productivity gains, increased competitiveness and adding value to commodities. African countries should also diversify their export structure and produce commodities that are exportable not only to markets outside Africa, but within Africa itself. Furthermore, African countries need to strengthen their international negotiating power with the view to getting more access tot eh global marketplace. The list of what Africa should do to get its rightful place in the globalised world is long. But it suffices to say that Africas position in the global market will be determined by its success in eradicating poverty and bringing about a decent standard of living for its people. The latest initiative by Africans towards jointly addressing their development challenges has been elaborated in the framework for the New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD), which Ethiopia actively promotes. Among other things, NEPAD calls foe establishing and promoting effective partnerships between the Government and the private sector, between the government and civil society and between government and international development partners. On the domestic front, Ethiopia has continued implementing its economic reform programmes first launched in the early 1990s.in line with the countrys overall objective of reducing poverty and laying a strong foundation for sustainable development, Ethiopia has recently issued its Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP). The most important overall target for the period covered by the Strategy is halving the level of poverty by 2015. indeed, our goal in this respect is a reflection of the internationally agreed Millennium Development Goals. It should, however, be underlined that Ethiopias reform programmes, as it is also true for many other countries, are being implemented under a difficult global environment, characterized by continued deterioration of the terms of trade, and further exacerbated by external shocks of international magnitude. To make things worse, our country is currently experiencing one of the worst drought situations of the last two decades, which has diverted the greater part of our resources and attention. I would like to take opportunity to express my gratitude for the assistances being extended by the international community in response to the problems facing our country as a result of the widespread drought. Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Participants, From the proposed Agenda of the Conference, we can se that a number of important issues are tabled for your reflection. I wish to emphasize that the main theme of the Conference, namely, Challenges of Globalization to Democratic Governance in Africa: What Role for Civil Society and other Stakeholders? is an important topic and a timely one. The impact of Globalization, the processes of Democratic Governance in Africa, and the roles of Civil Society; in all these, there is an evolving theme, and, naturally, attract debates from all quarters.

During the course of your discussions, in addition to the main theme of the Conference, I believe several issues related to Africas development will be addressed. It is my wish that participants will take full advantage of the occasion to engage in a frank and critical dialogue, with the view to taking the debate on the subject one step ahead. Distinguished Participants, Ladies and Gentlemen, Finally, let me once more welcome you to our country. It is my hope that during your stay here, you will have the opportunity to sample Ethiopias tourist potential. Most of all, I wish you to feel at home here in Ethiopia. Before I conclude, I would also like to express my best wishes for the success of your Conference. Thank you for your attention.

Opening Address
By Ambassador Sam Ibok, Director of Peace and Security, on Behalf of H.E. Mr. Amara Essy, Interim Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union Honorable Minister, Honorable Speakers, Excellencies, Distinguished guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, I am honored to be among you here today a the opening of the Conference of the Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF), representing the Interim Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union, H.E. Mr. Amara Essy. He has requested me to present his regrets to you for his inability to participate in the opening session in person, and to read this statement on his behalf. Quote Your Excellencies, Distinguished guests, Ladies and Gentlemen It is with great pleasure that I speak to you today on the challenges of globalization to democratic governance in Africa, and the role that civil society and other stakeholders should play in the process. The past decade witnessed profound changes in our world, changes that affect everybody, including Africa and Africans. The challenges of transforming the OAU into the African Union is partly associated with this phenomenon. I am privileged to have the responsibility for providing direction for this enterprise in this crucial period of transition. I therefore welcome this opportunity because it provides a platform for addressing key challenges that confront the continent in this regard. The very theme of this conference is thus close to my heart. Yet I must confess that the task before me is not an easy one. For what is the meaning of this term, globalization? Globalization is a very popular concept. Yet, at its very core, the term itself is filled with both ambiguity and ambivalence so that neither its meaning not its value is agreed upon. The reasons for this are many. In the first place, we are trying to explain something that is till unfolding, a social revolution that has shaken, and continues to shake, our very foundations. Second, the lack of certainty and of definite meaning implies a removal of the bearings that embed us to our world and promotes a crisis of perception. Third and arising from this, is that there are two, diametrically opposed conceptions of globalization, one viewing it as a generally positive transformation, while the other views it as a system of domination and control. For me what is interesting is that both these conceptions have an element of truth in them, and that, to a significant degree, the truth depends on where you are standing and how the process impacts on you. The socio-economic changes associated with globalization arrived at a time when several African countries were in the throes of transformation and depression. The rise of globalized, information/technological capitalism coincided with the collapse of productivity in a

large number of countries, a profound debt crisis, and the rising incidence of state failure and state collapse on the continent. Coupled with this was the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, which diminished the geo-strategic importance of Africa as a whole in the global international landscape. However, Africas experience has not only doom and gloom. The social, political and economic changes wrought by the transformation of technology also, in the 1990s, inspired African leaders to transform political practice and institutions on the continent to arrest the decline of Africas relative position in the globe. Thus the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity in 1990 adopted the 1990 Declaration on the Political and SocioEconomic Situation in Africa and the Fundamental Changes Taking Place in the World. This Declaration underlined the vital requirement of democratization of African societies and the consolidation of democratic institutions on the continent. The Assembly also adopted the African Charter for Popular participation in Development, which emphasized the need to involve the peoples of Africa in the spheres of political and economic governance. African acknowledgement of global transformation was in part due to the activities of civil society and other critical stakeholders such as political parties and governments. However, while the role of governments in piloting states and political parties as mobilization agents in society are easily recognized, the contributions of the civil society are not often that much assigned. As such the key focus of this address will be on civil society. The 1990s was a time of Africa civil society renaissance. Civil Society played an important role in the acceptance by governments that the rule of law, governmental accountability, peace and security are key to the social, economic and political development of Africa. All of these also require, as a necessary condition for their success, a strong and autonomous civil society. It was in large measure thanks to grassroots pressure that Africa has witnessed and opening up ot its political processes, from the local level all the way through to the continental body- from its role in initiating the wave of democratization that swept over the continent starting with Benin, to the liberation of South Africa, and the transformation of regional and continental organizations. But despite the advances made in the last decade, there are still many challenges that we face before Civil Society is universally accepted as a full partner in all areas of public life. Whilst Civil Society is universally recognized as a valid partner in the implementation of development projects, its role in the formulation of economic development strategy is till to be determined. That area is till regarded as the preserve of states and international interstate bodies. The danger in this approach lies in the top-down, growth-oriented economic strategies that do not show trickledown benefits and/or development projects that destroy the environment and livelihoods of local communities. The acceptance of civil society that has occurred in the field of individual development project implementation, needs, therefore, to be examined on how to include it into the policy- and decision-making process, only in order to ensure that the macro-economic and development programmes pursued by governments do indeed benefit those most vulnerable sections of the population. One comforting development in recent years is that, for the first time, governments and international bodies such as the World Bank have begun to accept the need to inject the experience and concerns of local civil society into the macro-decision-making process. This process needs to be encouraged requiring, in the first instance, that African Civil Society organizations are capacitated to make a meaningful contribution to the debate. But capacity building is not reserved exclusively for Civil Society. African governments too need to be

capacitated to create the space for dialogue with Civil Society, as a way of deepening its democratic practice. Significantly also, the legitimacy of including Civil Society in the areas of peace, security and governance is still highly contested. Whilst the increasing importance of non-state actors in security and governance issues is evident throughout the world, international relations are still structured around states, which are reluctant to cede any power or authority to actors whose claims to representativeness is till difficult to qualify. Despite this contestation, however, experience in Africa has shown Civil Society organizations to be valuable partners that the state should harness in moving the continent forward and enhancing security. There are many examples in Africa where this is evident. Angolan churches, which have witnessed a phenomenal growth in support valuable partners that the state should harness in moving the continent forward and enhancing security. There are many examples in Africa where this is evident. Angolan churches, which have witnessed a phenomenal growth in support and influence in the last four years, spearheaded calls for peace and national reconciliation, and have helped to create the bridges upon which current peace efforts are being constructed. Similarly in Sudan, the so-called People-to-People Peace Process, in the south, brought a measure of peace to warring southern political groups, and initiated a process of reconciliation and post-conflict reconstruction that allowed some communities to return to the lands they were forcibly displaced from. While highlighting this important role, it is even more important to stress the continuing importance of the state or governments in achieving peace. The failure of civil society to sustain local peace-making efforts in other parts of Africa underscores the continued importance of the state as the central actor in social and political life. What needs to be emphasized, is the importance of achieving a co-operative relationship between the state and civil society, to reinforce action at the national and regional levels with similar and complimentary action at the local level. It is clear therefore, that while some may argue that globalization may have brought few benefits to Africa, it has brought surprising opportunities for Civil Society. The growth of information technology, and in particular the Internet, has made it easier for civil society to organize and to establish linkages with like-minded organizations across the globe. It has also enhanced civil societys access to information. Globalization has also altered the ways in which we understand civil society. Similarly, governments have become more vulnerable and their constituencies have expanded as local civil society forges links with organizations across the globe, especially Diasporas and other potential funders. This new opportunity has, of course, its own dangers, which have become evermore apparent in the wake of the September 11 attacks on the USA. The ability to operate out of the reach of governments, to communicate undetected with like-minded persons across the globe, is something that can be used to the advantage of civil society groups under attack from hostile governments, but can also be a cover for less benign actions. There are other costs associated with globalization and technological developments that civil society should be aware of. The first danger is that existing inequalities within societies are exacerbated, as those with access to modern telecommunications, and hence funding, dominate indigenous organizations from those most marginalized areas, which do not have access to the fruits of globalization. If they are not careful and responsible both in their actions and their

organization, they run the risk of increasing the already large gap within Africa between the cities and the rural areas, reinforcing urban bias and replicating the very divisions and inequalities they were established to challenge. The new African Union seeks to take advantage of the opportunities offered by globalization for the inclusion of civil society and other stakeholders in the process of policy formulation and policy decision-making on the continent. The Constitutive Act of the African Union stresses the need to build a partnership between governments and all segments of civil society in its vision of popular ownership and popular participation of African people, as a condition for promoting democracy and development on the continent. Thus, the African Union (AU) has determined that a major priority of the transition process and beyond must be a vibrant connection to civil society. Primarily through the conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA), the AU has been reaching out to African civil society. As part of this process and in furtherance of the Lusaka Summit Decision on the establishment of a strategic framework for a Policy of Migration in Africa, the AU is also reaching out to the African Diaspora through civil society organizations. Indeed the first AU-America Diaspora meeting is scheduled to be held in Washington DC from 17-19 December and we envisage a follow up meeting in Europe that will converge on a broad consultative forum. These processes will be nourished, strengthened and supported by the establishment of the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC), an advisory-cum policy generation council for the African Union, comprised of all sectors of Civil Society, including professional organizations, trades union, cultural and community based organizations. Civil Society is playing an important role in the elaboration of the rules of procedure and establishment of ECOSOCC. We believe that, through these procedures, which mark a radical departure from the OAU, the AU will be better placed to address the challenges posed by globalization to Africa. Finally, it is important to recognise that the task of meeting these challenges calls for maximum effort on the part of each and every one of us, including academic enterprises such as Development Policy Management Forum. Our resolve to succeed in this enterprise is informed by the knowledge that Africans, within and outside the continent, have what it takes to ensure the attainment of necessary and far-reaching progressive changes on the continent. We shall not just be driven by the processes of globalization or moan about its negative effects. Rather we shall control and manage it and harness it to our own goals and objectives in a way that will enable us to claim the twenty-first century as our own. I count on each and every one of you to work tirelessly and in a devoted manner with our sole continental political organization, the allimportant African Union, to ensure rapid success in this endeavour. I thank you for your attention. UNQUOTE On behalf of the Interim Chairperson and on my own behalf, I wish you fruitful deliberations and great success to the Conference. Thank you.

Opening Address
By Mr. James Nxumalo, Director, Development Management Division, UN Economic Commission for Africa Mr. Chairman Honorable Speakers Distinguished Participants On behalf of the Executive Secretary, it is my honor and privilege to welcome you all to this Meeting. Let me first start by commending the Development Policy management Forum (DPMF), under the leadership of Dr. Bujra for choosing a theme for this conference, whose import is not only very topical and timely, but also above all else has tremendous implications on Africas present and future. Whether Africa is able to realize the Millennium Development Goals, as well as the goals set forth in the NEPAD and overcoming Africas socio-economic and political challenges will depend a great deal on how well and deeply African states are seen to be committed to improving the governance situation, in all its dimensions, particularly on the fundamental question of democratic governance. A consensus has indeed evolved both globally and in African states in particular on the above imperative. The theme you have chosen is therefore particularly important. The realization of the imperative to which I have referred will depend not singularly on domestic constraints and impetus, but also on externalities, such as globalization. Although the main task of this conference is to explore how globalization can impact on Democratic Governance in Africa, it will be equally important to explore how African states can overcome the potential deleterious effect of globalization on Democratic governance. I note with particular attention and optimism that the discourse on democratic governance has moved on significantly from whether to democratize or not to the modalities and framework for institutionalizing and sustaining democratic governance, as the enabler to Africas development agenda. The prominence given to Political and economic governance in the NEPAD initiative by designating governance as one of the priority areas is a testimony to this fact. It is a very strong testimonial that Governance matters! This evolving consensus that governance matters, not only at the level of the African governments, but also at the level of stakeholders in the civil society and the private sector has begun to yield dividends. Although progress has been somewhat modest and slow in this direction, and with varying degrees of commitment within African states, one imperative remains predictable. The genie is out of the bottle, so to speak. Mr. Chairman and Distinguished Participants After several fits and starts, the trend towards more pluralistic, competitive, accountable and transparent mode of governance is on the ascendancy and perhaps irreversibly. You will be hard pressed to find an African country which has not, at least in principle, committed itself to the key tenets of democratic governance, which include, but not exhaustively, the following: a system of political representation, which is pluralistic, competitive, an electoral process that is credible and transparent, a regular, periodic system of choosing and electing political leaders, a system of checks and balances, which constitutionally enshrines the separation of powers between the different branches of government, an expansion of the political space in which the civil society,

the private sector and the media operate and function to promote fundamental freedoms, civil and political liberties, to name a few. It has also been recognized that while democratic governance may have its own intrinsic attributes, which are worthy for human development, nevertheless, it is the instrumentalist attribute as an enabler to development that could be more compelling in determining the level of buy-in amongst various stakeholders and hence make it sustainable in the long run. We are informed and guided by the experiences on this issue from ECAs on-going governance project in thirty-one countries. One of the lessons learned is that democratic governance must be seen to have an instrumentalist value and relevance to improving human development in order for stakeholders to buy-in into the culture of democratic governance. The recently published UNDP Human Development Report 2002, whose theme is on deepening Democracy in A Fragmented World, also, addresses how democratic governance can be instrumental in improving human development. It states, countries can promote human development for all when they have governance systems that are fully accountable to all peoplewhen all people can participate in debates and decisions that shape their lives. It also states the following: that democracy helps protect people from economic and political catastrophe, such as famine and descent into chaos andcan contribute to political stability, providing open space for political opposition and handovers of power. In addition, democratic governance can trigger a virtuous cycle of development- as political freedom empowers people to press for policies that expand social and economic opportunities.. While we affirm these attributes, we must also sufficiently take cognizance of the fact that democratic governance will remain tenuous and unsustainable where the objective conditions, are those of extreme poverty, hunger, fragile economies, wars, massive unemployment, and other serious socio-economic privations, such as is the case in African states. The success or failure of democratic governance in Africa is tied inextricably to well the issues of human privation are addressed. In other words these issues must be addressed concomitantly. In setting out the major objectives of this conference, DPMF has identified globalization as one of the major challenges that can impede progress towards democratic governance. A number of examples were clearly spelled out and bear no repetition here. The critique of globalization and its deleterious effect have been the subject of many a discourse and such notable scholars as the Nobel laureate, Joseph Stigliz and Jeffrey Sachs have lent their voices to the chorus of criticisms which were also mentioned in the DPMF concept paper. But I must add also that just as there are critics of globalization, there is no shortage of proponents who see globalization as inherently positive for human development, and the reasons adduced are too many and need no further enumeration. One thing is clear. Globalization, in spite of all its varied interpretations and connotations is a phenomenon that is here to stay. We are challenged to engage and shape it to Africas benefits! I believe that in your deliberations, you will address, more elaborately and robustly, the positive and negative dimensions of globalization, especially on how they impact on democratic governance in Africa. Already some of them have been addressed in the concept paper. I would just like to add a cautionary note. In the course of these deliberations, I would echo the wish which was expressed rather eloquently in the Human Development Report, that The democracy a nation chooses to develop depends on its history and circumstances- countries will necessarily be differently democratic.Democracy that empowers people must be built it cannot be imported.

I trust also that you will seek the ways and means by which we can build and inculcate democratic institutions and culture in Africa, with globalization and/or in spite of it. We must seek to address how we can overcome the encumbrances imposed by the negative effects of globalization and other socio-economic conundrums. We would have added much to this discourse if we leave here thinking about some of the issues, I have raised, and in addition, we should seek how we can meaningfully, and strategically engage in shaping the discourse, in order to sharpen and shape the agenda as players and not as observers. This will require that we are involved in forging strategic partnerships, that will ensure that we reap full benefits of all the potentials that can derived from this phenomenon, which we call globalization. I believe that by putting our houses in order, by committing ourselves to good governance, anchored in an enabling environment of democratic governance we would have positioned ourselves to engage in the requisite strategic partnerships to which I have referred. As I look forward to the outcomes of this conference, I wish and trust that these few days will be quite enriching for Africa. I thank you for your attention!

10

Report of the Conference on The Challenges of Globalization to Democratic Governance in Africa: What Role for Civil Society and Other Stakeholders
A. Background and Organization of the Conference The term globalization has been in use since at least the early 1990s to characterize the present period in which we live. Yet the concept is full of ambiguities and has generated a great deal of debate and controversy. There are divergent points of view as to whether the phenomena are new and exactly what features it refers to. Equally controversial are the specific forms taken by globalization, the forces driving it, and its consequences for the global system and for particular groups of countries. Reflection and debate on these questions have hardly commenced in the African continent, especially among policy makers representatives of civil society groups and other stakeholders. This puts Africa at a disadvantage vise-a-vi other regions in marshalling its energies and resources to deal effectively with the process of globalization .The Conference on The Challenges of Globalization to Democratic Governance in Africa: What Role for Civil Society and other Stakeholders was convened by the Development Policy Management Forum to fill this void and shed light on these issues, with special emphasis on the challenges of globalization to democratic governance in Africa and the role of society and other stake holders in meeting these challenges. A total of 126 participants from eighteen countries met in Addis Ababa for three days to address these and other related questions. These participants consisted of African policy makers, senior officials from diplomatic embassies and international organizations based in Addis Ababa, wellknown African intellectuals, and representatives of African civic organizations, private sector and other stakeholders. To facilitate and stimulate discussions among participants, research papers analyzing the experiences of eighteen African Countries in meeting the challenges of globalization on democratic governance and the role of civil society and other stakeholders in meeting these challenges were specially prepared and distributed to participants. In addition, the opening statement to the Conference of His Excellency Ato Sufian Ahmed, Minister of Finance and Economic Development of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, the messages delivered on behalf of the Interim Chairperson of the Commission of the African Union and the Executive Secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, and the keynote addresses of Dr. Frene Ginwala, Speaker of the National Assembly of the Republic of South Africa and Professor Ali Mazrui, Director of the Institute of Global Cultural Studies, State University of New York, Binghamton, New York took up various aspects of the issues before the Conference and provided valuable insights and analysis which facilitated the work of participants. Thereafter, detailed discussions took place in three working groups devoted to the following issues: 1. The Challenges of Globalization on Democratic Governance in Africa; 2. The Role of Civil Society in Consolidating Democratic Governance within the Framework of Globalization: 3. The Role of other Stakeholders (Political Parties, Unions, the Military, and the Government) in Safeguarding and Consolidating Democratic Governance in Africa in the Face of Challenges from Globalization. In their discussions, participants made determined efforts to be as practical and concrete as possible, so as to ensure that their findings and recommendations would be useful to African policy makers and officials of civic organizations in effectively meeting the challenges of

11

globalization and building and strengthening democratic governance. These findings and recommendations are summarized below. They are addressed to African policy makers, officials of civic and other organizations, African Intellectuals, the African public at large, and official and unofficial actors and stakeholders in the international community whose activities impact on Africa for better or worse, in the hope that they will better understand the enormous tasks facing African countries in dealing with the challenges of globalization and how they could play a positive role in this process. B. Globalization and its Impact on Africa Participants were in general agreement that even though the concept is new, the phenomena in one form or the other can be traced far back in history. Despite the ambiguities of the concept, the essential nature of globalization is the compression of space and time, so that people from distant areas are able and in fact obliged to interact with one another intensively and in a wide range of areas. As a result, the world becomes one, and interactions among diverse people begin to look like those within a village. Thus terms such as One World and Villagization are sometimes used as synonyms for globalization. In its contemporary form, globalization is driven by a variety of forces. These are financial or the flow of financial resources, economic with particular reference to the flow of goods and services and, to a very limited extent, labor, technology, especially transport, communications and information technology, the spread of culture from one corner of the world to the other, and the global diffusion of religious ideas as well as ideologies. Other aspects that are unique to the present form of globalization are the Americanization of the world, the propagation of a universal paradigm for economic and political development, and the dominance of unilateralism as a way of conducting international relations. The Americanization of the World is the result of the huge and unprecedented gap between the United States and its nearest rival in each and every sphere, military, economic, technological and cultural, which is in turn transformed into the unequaled American influence on international issues and decision-making, including those within the purview of major international institutions such as the United Nations System, the Bretton-Woods institutions, and the World Trade Organization. Globalization has therefore increasingly taken the appearance of the transformation of the international system from a multipolar or bipolar system to an imperial system under American hegemony. Within this system, decisions and outcomes are largely the result of American unilateralism. A major consequence of this is the propagation of a universal paradigm for both economic and political development, in the form of the so-called Washington Consensus, whose main features are market forces and liberal democracy, without regard to the historical and cultural specificities of individual countries. In sum, globalization seems to be leading inexorably to the homogenization of the world, with the United States as the model and the standard by which all other countries are to be judged. Participants were unanimously of the view that globalization is inevitable and its consequences pervasive. However, asymmetry in the distribution of power results in different perceptions and evaluation of the impact of globalization, especially with respect to the distribution of the benefits of globalization. In the case of Africa, its position in the international system has been considerably weakened by the fact that it has been losing the race for economic development in general, and human development in particular, to other regions. This poor performance by African countries accounts in part for the political and social instability and the rise of authoritarian regimes that have characterized much of post-colonial Africa, further weakening the ability of African countries to deal effectively with globalization.

12

The cold war has had significant consequences for Africa. During its height in the 1960s and 1970s, the cold war witnessed the emergence of authoritarian regimes in most African Countries in the form of one-party or military regimes. This was largely a result of the support of the two blocks to keep African countries in their respective camps. In any event, both one-party and military regimes inhibited the emergence of democratic governance and developmentally oriented regimes in Africa. With the end of the cold war, support has been withdrawn by the major powers for many African countries considered no longer of strategic importance. This has entailed an increase in the number of so called failed states in Africa during the last two decades. This development has also been inimical to the emergence and consolidation of effective democratic and developmentally oriented regimes in Africa. In addition, the end of the cold war has witnessed an over-all decline in the strategic importance of Africa. This has, in turn, substantially reduced Africas international negotiating power and its ability to maneuver in the international system with a view to gaining a modicum of freedom of choice, autonomy and leverage in its dealings with more powerful actors. In sum then, the cold war and its demise has worked against democracy and economic development in Africa. The problem therefore lies in Africas position in the global system and not in the specific form taken by globalization. Specific impact of globalization on Africa were identified. In the political sphere, the most important consequence is the erosion of sovereignty, especially on economic and financial matters, as a result of the imposition of models, strategies and policies of development on African countries by the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organization. On the other hand, globalization has promoted greater respect for human rights and contributed to the development of an African press. This has opened African countries to far greater scrutiny than in the past, making it somewhat more difficult for African governments to get away with blatant and excessive abuses of democratic governance and transparency. However, this positive development is negated by the fact that these principles of democratic governance and transparency tend to be applied selectively and subjectively. More important is the fact that globalization for the most part does not facilitate the establishment of the economic conditions necessary for genuine democracy and good governance to take solid roots and thrive. Economically, globalization has, on the whole, reinforced the economic marginalization of African economies and their dependence on a few primary goods for which demand and prices are externally determined. This has, in turn, accentuated poverty and economic inequality as well as the ability of the vast number of Africans to participate meaningfully in the social and political life of their countries. Economic and social stagnation has also triggered a substantial braindrain from Africa, further weakening the ability of African countries to manage their economies efficiently and effectively. As a result of the cultural domination from outside that goes with globalization, African countries are rapidly losing their cultural identity and therefore their ability to interact with other cultures on an equal and autonomous basis, borrowing from other cultures only those aspects that meet its requirements and needs. Finally, while the scientific and technological forces unleashed by globalization have facilitated to some extent access by Africans to advanced technology and information, this has been at the expense of stultifying the indigenous development of technology and distorting patterns of production in Africa, notably by utilizing capital as against labor intensive methods of production, which in turn increases unemployment and poverty. Overall therefore, the negative consequences of globalization on Africa far out way their positive impact. To reverse this situation, Africa must meet two major challenges. The first is to introduce far- reaching changes in the assumptions, values and objectives of the existing states,

13

so as to transform them into truly developmental states that are strong without being authoritarian. The second is to diversify African economies away from dependence on a few primary commodities, especially depleting natural resources which constitute enclaves in the overall economy, ensure a balance between agriculture and manufacturing, and increase the competitiveness of African goods in the world market. The achievement of these goals would require energetic and concerted action by governments, civil society, other stakeholders, and society at large, with active and sustained support from the international community. C. Development, Good Governance and Democracy Turning their attention to the link between economic development, good governance and democracy, participants noted that liberal democracy as we now know it is associated with and causally related to the emergence of capitalism and market economies. This process was facilitated and made possible by the earlier emergence of strong states, which actively encouraged the rise of capitalism. The strong states that arose from feudalism, and the capitalist and liberal economies which they promoted, were in turn powerful forces in the building of national cohesion and the emergence of nation-states. Up to the present, strong governments play an important role in stimulating economic growth, addressing the imperfections of purely market forces, and ensuring that the economic process promotes social and political stability and the achievement of non- economic goals highly desired by society. This is an important lesson from history that African countries should keep in mind. It should be kept in mind however that the economic history of Africa followed a different pattern. The economic changes imposed by the colonial state were never designed or intended to promote genuine liberal national economies or the consolidation of nation-states. Instead, the colonial powers created economies that functioned as appendages of their economies, and heavily laden with preferences for their economic groups and interests. Thus at the time of independence, African Countries inherited economies that were fragmented and dominated by entrepreneurs that were often neither indigenous nor committed to the economic prosperity of the country concerned, and who therefore lacked interest and stake in building successful national economies and nation-states similar to those which had emerged in the developed countries If the emergence of liberal democracy is somewhat clear, the same could not be said for the meaning of the term. This is because the underlying and fundamental principles of democracy have been lumped together with specific institutions, forms and processes that were conditioned by particular historical, social and cultural factors. African countries must resist this attempt to reduce and equate the basic principles of democracy to a single uniform arrangement so as to be able to develop their own methods of realizing the principles of democracy. Participants agreed that a list of fundamental democratic principles risks being long and still not exhaustive. However, they agreed that most of these principles are already embodied in basic and generally accepted documents, such as the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights. Central to these principles are the following: 1. The right of individuals to take control over and make decisions affecting their lives; For this situation to prevail, there must be a generally accepted code of social justice, respect for the rights and freedoms of individuals balanced against the interests of society, and the rule of law 2. Regular, institutionalized, and generally accepted methods of selecting and

14

replacing the leaders of the country. This requires effective participation of the citizens in the political process, transparency and openness of society, and the accountability and responsiveness of leaders to the citizens; In addition to focusing on the underlying principles of democracy, participants stressed the importance of judging countries labeled as democratic according to the degree to which they contribute to the realization of certain outcomes. Two outcomes in particular were stressed. These were the extent to which the population is being empowered by developing the talents and abilities of the people to effectively participate in all aspects of governance, including decision-making, implementation, and the management and peaceful resolution of various forms of diversity, such as ideological, ethnic, racial, gender and generational. A second outcome that was stressed is the promotion of the common good and sensitivity to the needs and interests of the people. On the basis of the above principles and outcomes by which the existence of democracy is to be judged, participants concluded that Africa has, on the whole, failed in creating democratic political systems. In this regard, it was pointed out that effective governance and democratic governance are neither synonymous nor coterminous. As numerous examples attest, it is possible to have effective governance without democratic governance. However, democratic governance invariably, especially in the long-run, presupposes effective governance. In the historical evolution of the present developed democratic countries, effective governance preceded, sometimes by centuries, the consolidation of democratic governance. However, Africa does not have this luxury. The debate in Africa is no longer on the need for democratic governance, but how to reconcile and simultaneously promote effective governance and democratic governance. In this debate, questions of sequencing, timing, and the institutions, mechanisms and processes of ensuring both effective governance and democratic governance are crucial and need to be vigorously pursued by and among political and government leaders, academics, representatives of civic organizations and other stakeholders, and Africas developmental partners. Participants stressed that the conclusions of these debates must reflect the historical, political, social and cultural specificity of Africa, so as to ensure that these efforts develop solid and sustainable roots in Africa. The failure of these efforts up to now is due to the fact that this condition was not met. D. Globalization and Democratic Governance Participants pointed out that in many ways, globalization on the whole impacts negatively on the development and consolidation of democratic governance. One form of this is the reduction of the capacity of governments to determine and control events in their countries, and thus their accountability and responsiveness to their people, given the fact that the context, institutions and processes by which these decisions are taken are far from democratic. In addition, the fragmentation of national economies, polities, societies and cultures that are triggered by globalization weaken national consciousness and cohesion, leading to social divisiveness and instability, which in turn facilitate the emergence of authoritarian rule. Strong countries are, however, in a better position to fend off these negative consequences and may even see their democracies strengthened. One major positive impact of globalization on Africa is that it has made available information on how other countries are governed and the freedoms and rights their people enjoy. It has also opened African countries to intense external scrutiny and exercised pressure for greater

15

transparency, openness and accountability in Africa. However, most of the forces unleashed by globalization have had a negative impact on the growth and consolidation of democratic governance in Africa. Among these are the following: 1. While calling for greater accountability and responsiveness of leaders to their people, globalization has often pressured African leaders to adopt policies and measures that are diametrically opposite to the feelings and sentiments of the vast majority of their people. This has led to the rise or reinforcement of authoritarian regimes. A good recent example of this is the pressure on many African governments to take certain measures in the fight against terrorism at the behest of external powers; 2. By defining basic and generally accepted principles of democratic governance, such as good governance, transparency and accountability, in narrow terms, conditioned by particular historical, political, social, and cultural factors, while leaving little or no room for adapting them to different societies and cultures, democracy takes on the image of something alien and imposed from the outside. Support for the fundamental principles of democracy is thus undermined, cynicism arises, and the effort itself fails to develop roots in the countries to which they are being artificially transplanted. 3. Globalization leads to the development of anti-developmentalism by declaring the state irrelevant or marginal to the developmental effort. Development strategies and policies that focus on stabilization and privatization, rather than growth, development and poverty eradication, are pushed by external donors, leading to greater poverty and inequality and undermining the ability of the people to participate effectively in the political and social processes in their countries. Welfare and other programs intended to meet the basic needs of the majority of the population are transferred from governments to non-governmental organizations that begin to replace governments in the eyes of the people. As a result, governments lose what little authority and legitimacy they have. The consequent gap between government leaders and the public leads to alienation of the population from the political process and creates a favorable environment for the emergence of non-representative governments. 4. By imposing economic specialization based on the needs and interests of external forces and transforming the economies of African countries into a series of enclave economies linked to the outside but with very little linkages among them, divisions within African countries are accentuated and the emergence of national consciousness and the sense of a common destiny is frustrated. Democracy, with its emphasis on tolerance and compromise, can hardly thrive in such an environment. 5. Further, because the economic specialization imposed on African countries makes rapid and sustainable growth and development impossible, conflicts over the distribution of the limited gains realized from globalization become more acute and politicized. Vulnerable groups, such as women, the youth, and rural inhabitants, fare very badly in this contest and are discriminated against. This further erodes the national ethos of solidarity and reciprocity that are essential to successful democracies. 6. Lastly, globalization, by insisting on African countries opening their economies to foreign goods and entrepreneurs, limits the ability of African governments to take proactive and conscious measures to facilitate the emergence of an indigenous entrepreneurial class. Consequently, due to their weakness and incapacity to operate on a national basis, rather than being forces for national integration and consolidation as was and is the case of European and American entrepreneurs, African entrepreneurs reinforce social divisions based on ethnicity, religion, race, language, culture, and location.

16

In sum, rather than being an asset for the development and consolidation of effective and democratic governance in Africa, globalization is more of a liability. This does not however mean that Africans are helpless in the face of these obstacles. There are many things they can do to rectify the situation and enhance the prospects of creating and consolidating effective democratic governance in Africa. Some of these are described below. E. Africas Responses to the Challenges of Globalization on Democratic And Effective Governance The challenges of globalization on economic development and effective and democratic governance in Africa are numerous, multifaceted, and severe. Africas response must therefore be well though- out, energetic and comprehensive. Participants identified a number of measures grouped under five levels that Africa should take in order to mitigate the negative, while enhancing the positive, effects of globalization on Africa. 1. Action at the level of Citizens and Civil Society It is evident that the most important resource of any country is its citizens. African leaders should therefore concentrate their efforts on educating their people, sensitizing and educating them on their civic, social, economic and cultural rights and responsibilities, and empowering them so that they could defend their rights and interests, while contributing fully to the overall development of their countries. To achieve this objective, African countries must invest heavily in building, developing and maintaining their social capital, especially health and educational facilities that cater to the broad masses of the people rather than to a tiny elite. For only by developing its human resources would African countries be in a position to take control over their destinies and be in a strong position to deal effectively with the outside world. In developing its citizens, African countries should pay particular attention to strengthening their cultural identities. This does not mean that African countries should not learn and benefit from the cultures of other societies. All cultures are dynamic and undergo change, either through internal forces or by interaction with other cultures. Africa should do the same, but must make sure that it does not abandon its own culture in the process by mechanically aping and uncritically swallowing those of others. In this regard, African countries could learn from Japan and East Asian countries that have succeeded in strengthening their cultural identities by reinforcing their indigenous cultures while selectively adopting and adapting aspects of western culture that they find useful. Culture should however be broadly defined and encompass not only attitudes, values, language, arts, music, dance, and other social mores and behavior, but should also include science and technology which play an important role in the development and spread of culture. This is one are in which Africa is perhaps weakest, and explains the apparent fragility of African cultures in their encounter with other cultures. Africas backwardness in science and technology also explains its economic, political and military weakness, all of which have a bearing on its position at the bottom of the global hierarchy. African countries must therefore invest heavily in developing the scientific and technological skills and capabilities of its people. In this respect, national, sub-regional and regional institutions engaged in research and development should be established and strengthened, and close and active cooperation developed among them. Cooperation

17

with scientific and technological institutions in the South, as well as with those in the developed world, should also be encouraged. At the level of international institutions, African countries must work energetically to change the rules and regulations, which limit their access to advanced technology, at a reasonable price, while frustrating their efforts at developing indigenous technologies. Civic and other forms of non-governmental organizations have been increasing in numbers of late, and this is a very welcome development as these organizations can play an important role in strengthening effective democratic governance in Africa. At present, however, these organizations are rather weak, and many of them are either subsidiaries of, or depend heavily on, financing from organizations based in developed countries. This dependence compromises their ability to pursue policies and programs that are grounded in the realities of their countries. It also undermines their legitimacy and support because of the perception that they are agents of foreign forces and interests. This is especially important and true of civic organizations, non-governmental organizations, religious organizations, trade unions and political parties. These organizations must therefore do everything in their power to reduce their external dependence. In particular, they should enhance their capacities for domestic resource mobilization. They should also try to compensate for their individual weakness by networking with and promoting alliances and coalitions with like-minded institutions in their countries. 2. Institution Building, Leadership and Development One of the consequences and causes of economic underdevelopment is institutional underdevelopment, and this is particularly true in Africa. The extreme form of this is institutional decay, in the form of the failed states in Africa, which have received so much attention of late. In many ways, and for reasons addressed above, many of which are the consequences of globalization, many African states are weaker today than they were at the time of independence. This trend should be arrested and reversed. All organs of the state should be strengthened, especially the executive, legislative and judicial organs. It must be kept in mind that institutions are made up of individuals who endow them with norms, values, functions and behavioral rules and regulations. Thus in the final analysis, the effectiveness of these institutions depends on those who man them, especially on those who lead them. Accordingly, the question of dedicated and competent leadership in ensuring effective democratic governance cannot be overstressed. The example of East Asia clearly demonstrates the crucial importance of this factor in the process of economic and political development. Unfortunately, too often in Africa, leaders have placed their retention of power and personal enrichment ahead of the interests of the countries they lead. As a result, their ties with the people they rule have been weakened, while their dependence on external support to stay in power has increased. It is thus not astonishing that in international negotiations, these leaders lack both the interest and the domestic support needed to effectively defend the interests of their people. Africa must therefore do everything possible to ensure that it is lead by competent leaders, dedicated to the welfare of their people, and whose strength emanates from the support of the people they lead. Another area of particular importance is instilling in the government, the army and other forces of coercion, and society at large values, attitudes and behavior regarding the

18

appropriate role and functions of the police, army and paramilitary forces in a democratic society, especially their relations with the government and with the citizens. In light of the pervasiveness of internal conflicts in Africa, determined efforts should be made to develop and strengthen institutions for conflict prevention, management and resolution. This should involve all organs of state as well as the public, civic society and the press. The goal should not however be only to strengthen the state. Equal attention should also be given to making it more accountable and responsible. In this regard, the principle and values of accountability and transparency must be inculcated in all organs of the state, and internal mechanisms for ensuring these values as well as impartiality in the conduct of public affairs, such as ombudsmen, established and strengthened. One institution that plays a crucial role in ensuring effective democratic governance is the bureaucracy. They play an important role in policy making and implementation, serve as the interface between the public and the organs of state, and have regular and direct contact with the public. Bureaucrats therefore need training not only on how to do their jobs efficiently and effectively, but also on their responsibilities and obligations to citizens in a democracy. All to often, African bureaucrats act more like the masters, rather than the servants, of the public. For effective democratic governance to be consolidated, this attitude needs to be reversed. Lastly, networking among African bureaucracies should be encouraged to facilitate the exchange and transfer of knowledge, experience and skills. This should lay emphasis not only on the role of African bureaucracies at the level of each country, but, perhaps more importantly, their responsibilities and tasks in strengthening African economic and political cooperation and integration. In this way, African bureaucrats would be transformed from being obstacles to African cooperation and integration to becoming one of the vanguard for this process. This exchange should also deal with the role of bureaucracies in democratic governance. A network of African experts should also be created so as to supplement and assist in the work of African bureaucrats at the national, s-regional and regional levels. 3. Economic Development Paradigms, Models, Strategies and Policies As has already been made clear, development strategies and policies followed by African countries are increasingly those formulated by outsiders, which are then uncritically imposed on African countries as a condition for aid, investments, trade access, and political and military support. Not surprisingly, these strategies and policies serve more the interests of external forces rather than those of the African people they claim to be assisting. Efforts by African countries to formulate economic development models, strategies and policies which, in their view, reflect better their situation, interests, goals and objectives, embodied in documents such as the Lagos Plan of Action, Africas Priority Program for Economic Recovery and Development, and the Abuja Treaty creating the African Economic Community, have been all but abandoned. It is now time for African policy makers, academics, and representatives of civil society and other stakeholders to revisit these initiatives to determine what went wrong and why they were abandoned. Lessons drawn from this exercise should inform and guide new initiatives such as the New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD). Unless this exercise is undertaken in a serious and comprehensive manner, with the full participation of all political and economic organs and institutions, civic organizations and other

19

stakeholders, academics and the public at large, it is very doubtful that these new initiatives would yield better results. In articulating a new approach to the economic development of Africa, stress should be given to the question of the nature, ownership, management, allocation, utilization and distribution of resources. These issues are at the heart of any political economy and condition the nature and type of economic and political development, the pace of these developments, the sustainability of the processes, and who gains or loses from them in society. In light of what was said earlier about the interdependence between capitalism and liberal democracy and the role of national entrepreneurs in this development, it is essential that special attention be given to the emergence of an indigenous entrepreneurial class that has an interest in, and the ability to contribute to, the development of truly integrated national economies. 4.Regional and International Cooperation Given the fragility and weakness of most African polities, economies and societies, it is evident that few if any of them can succeeded in successfully implementing the series of reforms advocated above. Cooperation with others should therefore be a central objective of African countries. This cooperation should start at the sub-regional level and extend to the regional level, as was advocated in the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty. In this respect, the multiplicity, capabilities, functions, objectives, and accomplishments of the plethora of sub-regional intergovernmental organizations in the continent must be analyzed with a view to their rationalization, so as to ensure that they make effective contributions to sub-regional economic cooperation and integration, a sine qua non for regional economic cooperation and integration. Because of the colonial legacy, economic cooperation and integration among African countries was hindered in the past by the absence of links among them since ties were essentially with the colonial power. In light of the new possibilities opened up by recent advances in technology, especially the revolution in transport and communications, this should no longer be an obstacle. African countries should energetically and proactively exploit modern forms of transport and communications , especially information technology, so as to strengthen the interdependence among them and thus provide the material base for economic, political, social and cultural cooperation and integration among them. A very important initiative recently launched by African leaders is the Peer Review Mechanism enshrined in NEPAD. This provision, which provides African countries with the instruments to monitor their own behavior, can play an effective role in reducing external intervention in the affairs of African countries. Care should however be taken that it does not end up becoming a mechanism for doing what outside forces are unable or reluctant to do through direct intervention. Rather, the stress should be on African economic cooperation and integration, in keeping with the spirit of the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treat, both of which emphasized the primacy of these goals. In this regard, it is vital that NEPAD should not evolve as an initiative that concerns only African Heads of State and top bureaucrats as such a development would doom the whole effort to failure. Instead, civil society, intellectuals and the broad masses of the people, most of whom are far more committed to African economic and political cooperation and integration than their leaders, should be closely associated with and play an active role in this effort. Only in this way would NEPAD be provided with the solid base of broad social support it needs for it to succeed

20

In addition to sub-regional and regional cooperation and integration, African countries should energetically strive for South-South cooperation. This form of cooperation made a positive contribution to Africas independence and was a vital and influential force in international political and economic relations in the Sixties and Seventies, under the aegis of the Group of Seventy Seven and the Non-Aligned Movement. Unfortunately, SouthSouth cooperation has been considerably weakened, again partly as a result of globalization and the emergence of an imperial system under the hegemony of the United States. South-South cooperation is however needed more now than in the past, as no region of developing countries, acting alone, has the capacity to transform the existing international system and ensure that it promotes the interests of developing countries as a whole, rather than a few of them at best, and even then often for only limited periods of time. Given the transformations brought about by science and technology, Africa has no choice but to interact and cultivate relations with the developed world. Not only is this unavoidable, but it need not always be at the expense of African interests. There are individuals and groups in developed countries motivated by considerations of justice, equity and fair play who support or could be persuaded and encouraged to support African interests. African countries should therefore cultivate and consolidate ties with these individuals and groups and strengthen them whenever they can. Such individual and groups can become powerful lobbies for Africa within the body politic of developed countries. Participants are conscious that what is being advocated is a huge and very ambitious program of reform. It cannot be realized overnight, nor can it be implemented in the same manner and pace by all African countries. Each African country would therefore have to adapt it to its needs and make the appropriate decisions about how these measures are to be prioritized and sequenced, taking into account their capabilities and the stage they are in ushering and consolidating effective democratic governance. In addition, African countries would have to supplement these broad measures with specific ones targeting civil society and other stakeholders F. Civil Society and Effective Democratic Governance Participants felt very strongly that civil society organizations have a very important role to play in promoting effective democratic governance in Africa. However, this fact is not yet fully appreciated in Africa, due to the weakness of civil society and the dominant role of African governments in comparison in the development process, especially during the Sixties and Seventies. Two key roles were identified for civil society organizations in the democratic process The first relates to their role in propagating democratic values, socializing their members in these values, and defending democratic principles and social justice in the society as a whole. These organizations also serve as mechanisms of social and national integration by recruiting members from a wide background, mobilizing their members for active participation in the political process, and helping individuals to meet their basic needs. Civic society organizations that perform these roles are social movements, political parties, trade unions, professional groups, and community and youth organizations. Another role performed by civil society organizations in promoting democratic governance is more direct and entails serving as a buffer between the state and society, and advocating, monitoring and seeking to consolidate and strengthen good governance and transparency. The prime actors in this regard are non-governmental

21

organizations. The views of participants on the role of non-governmental organizations in consolidating and safeguarding democratic governance are described below, while the next section is devoted to the role of other stakeholders in this process. In the African context, the ability of civil society organizations to play these roles effectively is aided by their access to information and the recognition and support they enjoy as a result of international norms and values, both of which are a result in part of globalization. However, this advantage is negated by three major obstacles, which limit their ability to promote effective democratic governance. The first is that these organizations often lack internal democracy due either to ignorance or for other reasons related to their leadership and membership. They are therefore not well placed to socialize their members in democratic principles. In addition, they suffer from a lack of credibility when they advocate and try to hold political leaders accountable to principles and values they themselves violate. A second handicap faced by these organizations is that many, though by no means all, of them, especially the well-known ones which are often also the most effective ones, are heavily dependent on external forces for financial , organizational, and other forms of support. Because of this dependence, they are easily labeled agents of foreign interests, thus undermining their legitimacy. In addition, dependence on external sources limits their ability to be responsive to and therefore relevant to the environment in which they operate. Instead, they seem to ape civil society organizations in more developed countries, ignoring the differences between the two groups of countries and therefore the differences in the roles and functions incumbent on them. Lastly, these organizations have thus far failed to articulate national frameworks within which to operate, create coalitions with other groups with identical or converging interests, and promote cooperation with civil society organizations at the sub-regional and regional levels. Civil society organizations in Africa must therefore address these weaknesses as a matter of urgency if they are to become relevant to the challenge of establishing and consolidating effective democratic governance in Africa. At the outset, they should endeavor to put their own houses in order by promoting internal democracy, accountability and transparency, and ensuring that their membership is as inclusive as possible so as to act as genuine instruments of national integration. In this regard, they should emulate African leaders by creating and strengthening mechanisms for peer group review. In this way, they will be able to monitor and police themselves, rather than waiting for others to do so for them. Once they have addressed their internal weaknesses, they should focus on formulating comprehensive and permanent frameworks of engagement defining their role, functions, responsibilities, areas and types of intervention, and the modalities of their operation. These frameworks should be coordinated and harmonized at the national, sub-regional and regional levels. Cooperation among civil society organizations should extend beyond elaborating similar or compatible and mutually reinforcing frameworks of intervention into the exchange of information, experience and expertise, mutual support and, whenever feasible and desirable, joint action. In this way, civil society organizations would not only compensate for their individual weaknesses at the national level, but also transform themselves into powerful agents of subregional and regional cooperation and integration. Frameworks for intervention in and of themselves are not of much use if the capacity to implement them is lacking. Building their capacities to act effectively and efficiently is another task that African civil society organizations must take up conscientiously and in a determined manner. Particular emphasis should be given to reducing their dependence on external forces and enhancing their internal legitimacy, support and relevance.

22

Several specific actions to be taken by civil society organizations were proposed by participants so as to augment their contribution to the development and consolidation of effective democratic governance in Africa. These are as follows: 1. Ensure ownership of their ideas and projects and thus make them relevant to the interests and needs of their members and not necessarily to those of donors; 2. To achieve the above, enhance their ability to mobilize funds from internal sources and thus lessen the perception of dependence and subservience on western nongovernmental organizations and donors; 3. Strengthen their capacity for advocacy and lobbying around policies and programs they want to see adopted and implemented; 4. Develop the capacity to engage in networking, coalition building and cooperation with similar groups at the national, sub-regional, regional and international levels. 5. Cultivate close ties with dedicated and committed intellectuals in various fields so as to increase their abilities to develop autochthonous models of development and not commit the error of uncritically accepting those that emanate from the developed countries. These ties would also help civil society organizations in implementing their programs and plans; 6. Make use of local and international instruments and resources to expand the democratic space in Africa by creating an environment that is favorable to democratic governance and popular participation in the developmental effort and in the political process. 7. Promote democracy, accountability and transparency at the local level by working with, and not merely on behalf of, local communities and the people they represent. 8. Struggle energetically, and through all means available to them, against the adoption of unjust laws and discriminatory application and enforcement of laws, rules and regulations; 9. Fight to ensure that the state continues to play the key role in providing social services and meeting the basic needs of the people. This is again another ambitious and challenging assignment that is being advocated for civil society organizations. Similar to the caution that was made with respect to the agenda advocated for governments, the present series of measures must be prioritized, sequenced, and adapted to the situation of each country and the capacity of each civil society organization. Besides civil society organizations, other stakeholders have an important role to play in achieving effective democratic governance in Africa. This subject is addressed below. G. The Role of Other Stakeholders in Safeguarding and Consolidating Democratic Governance Participants identified two broad groups of stakeholders that play an important role in the process of safeguarding and consolidating democratic governance in Africa. The first group are the organs of state, notably the executive, legislative and judiciary branches of government and the army. The second are organizations that serve as the interface between the state and the public, namely political parties and trade unions. Several key roles were underlined for the executive.. The first is to strengthen the constitutional and legal basis for democracy by ensuring that the constitutions that are written to guide the affairs of state embody basic and democratic principles, similar to those described in section C. These constitutions must enjoy widespread support among crucial groups and the society at large. A very important duty of the executive branch is to ensure that these constitutions are

23

more than words on paper and become a living reality which influence and guide the behavior of all concerned, especially the executive which must be seen to respect and abide by the provisions of the constitution, notably those provisions which limit what the executive can and cannot do. The executive has the responsibility of upholding the fundamental principles of good governance, namely those of accountability and transparency. In this regard, the executive should put in place effective financial and public management systems so that the resources of the county would be used for the welfare of the people. Specific legislation and organs should be created for this purpose, such as anti-corruption laws and rules and independent regulatory and financial supervisory bodies. The spirit of public trust must be inculcated in all individuals who occupy positions of public trust and responsibility. The executive should also endeavor to create the material and economic foundations required for democratic governance to flourish. This means that it should ensure that the economic development strategies and programs that it formulates are the result of broad consultations with all concerned, and that all stakeholders participate effectively in the preparation and implementation of the investment programs and other activities that affect their lives. Trade and other relations with other countries should be carefully scrutinized to ensure that the country derives maximum gains from these relations and energetic efforts should be made to mobilize from both internal and external sources the resources required for the economic and social development of the country. In addition, modalities should be put in place to monitor and evaluate the implementation of development strategies and programs in order to make sure that the resources are effectively utilized. In sum, the executive should strive to create a truly developmental state. In the cultural sphere, it is vital for the executive to identify and endeavor to strengthen traditional cultural norms, practices and arrangements that are conducive to good governance and economic development. This could be done through the educational system and support for the development of arts and culture. In its relations with the public, the executive should sustain frank and constant dialogue with civic society and the public at large. It must at all cost refrain from manipulation and deception and keep in mind the fact that only through honest and open communication with the public could effective and democratic governance be consolidated. The legislative branch should become the custodian of the public interest and serve as a check on other organs of the state, notably the executive. It should, however, go far beyond these tasks and not limit itself to conducting postmortems or holding the executive to account, important as these functions might be. Rather, the legislative branch should be the custodian of democratic values and, in this regard, should make sure it represents and reflects the full diversity of society. As an interface between the executive and civil society, it should be involved in the process of nation-building and take an active part in the debate on all aspects of policy, including issues that deal with economic relations with other countries. In performing its legislative functions, it must make sure that the laws it adopts expand, rather than constrict, the rights and freedoms of individuals and groups. Lastly, it must pay particular attention to its role of monitoring and evaluating the development programs and economic policies of the executive to ensure their efficient, effective, transparent and equitable implementation. Participants stressed the importance of the judiciary as the interpreter of the constitution and the enforcer of the laws of the country. In performing these crucial tasks, the judiciary must make sure that it is not only independent and impartial, but is seen to be so. The judiciary must create a legal environment that ensures respect for the rule of law and equality before the law for all

24

concerned, and see to it that the political, civil and property rights of all concerned are fully respected. This is essential for the flowering of democracy as well as for the confidence of both internal and external investors in the country, an indispensable ingredient for the prosperity of the country. The armed forces in Africa have a serious image problem, and are seen more often than not as agents of oppression. For them to play an important and positive role in the building and consolidation of democratic governance, they must radically alter this image. The new image they should try to cultivate and embody is that of an institution that emanates from society, rather than one that is apart from society, and which is created and maintained by society for its protection. It should therefore be responsible to and responsive ultimately to society. In this regard, their role is to defend the people against internal and external threats, protect the country, ensure respect for the constitution, and safeguard democracy and good governance. The armed forces should also be ready, willing and able to play an effective role in nation-building and economic development when called upon to do so by society. All this requires educating all members of the armed forces, both officers and non officers, on the principles and functioning of democracy and the role of the armed forces in such a political system. One principle that should be stressed is that of the subordination of the armed forces to civilian control and the exclusion of army or army/civilian rule in a democracy. As far as political parties are concerned, they are the interface between the electorate and the executive and legislative branches of government and play a crucial role in how these two organs of government conduct their affairs. Their role in promoting and consolidating democratic governance cannot therefore be overemphasized. Participants underlined three functions for these organizations. In the first place, political parties have a role to play in promoting democratic governance directly by themselves practicing democracy, accountability and transparency in their own internal affairs. In addition, they should strive to be as representative of the diversity in society as possible so as to become a microcosm of society and a framework for nation- building and promoting the values of tolerance and compromise. Only in this way could they become effective and credible advocates of democracy and good governance in society at large. Political parties have another important role to play, that of ensuring accelerated, sustainable and equitable economic and social development. The starting point for this is for them to be fully conversant with the process of socio-economic developments in their countries and the international forces that impact on this process so as to sensitize and educate their followers. On the basis of this knowledge and insight, they could then be able to formulate political manifestoes and economic strategies and policies that are realistic and that would promote the long-term interest of the country, especially those of vulnerable groups. These strategies must address and include guidance on how to deal with the forces of globalization and on which aspects of foreign ideas and technologies should be adopted, adapted or rejected. Political parties should go beyond formulating broad strategies and programs and must develop the capacity and organize themselves to play a meaningful role in preparing and implementing economic development programs and in the budgetary process. In addition, there are the monitoring and supervisory roles of political parties. These include acting as a watchdog of the government to ensure accountability and transparency in the implementation of economic and social programs and the management of public resources, and ensuring that the public at large, especially minorities and vulnerable groups, are actively and

25

effectively involved in the formulation and implementation of economic policies and programs that affect their lives. In order for political parties to be able to perform these functions, they need to pay particular attention to the quality and character of the people they select to represent them in the legislative body. These individuals should be committed to good, effective and developmentally oriented governance that serves the interests of the society at large, and not their own interests or those of individuals or narrowly based groups. Thus in addition to technical competence, the integrity and political courage of these individuals must be taken into account. The parties themselves should avoid putting their legislative members in a position where they might be tempted by seeking to collect rent from them to finance their activities. Political parties also have a key role to play in socializing their members on the principles, rules and practices of the democratic process, especially those related to the rights and duties of a loyal opposition and the vital necessity of free, fair, open and transparent elections. Most African political parties have a great deal of capacity building to do before they can effectively undertake the above tasks. In particular, they would need to enhance their abilities to engage in strategic planning, research, budget making and monitoring, and follow-up on policy and project implementation. Workers in Africa are, with the possible exception of farmers, the group most severely affected negatively by globalization. Trade union organizations therefore have responsibilities first and foremost to their members. In this regard, they have a responsibility to safeguard the interests and welfare of workers. This means that they must pay particular attention to how the programs and policies of the government affect workers and endeavor to encourage and safeguard humane labor laws. The forces of technology unleashed by globalization have enormous impact on workers, and trade unions must therefore pay particular attention to this problem. In this regard, they must try to protect the physical and economic safety and interests of workers and enhance their capacity to cope positively and effectively with technology transfers. In particular, they should insist on conducting social impact assessments before new technology is transferred, so as to ensure that the technology to be imported are for the most part labor intensive and appropriate to the local resource endowment. The technology to be imported should also be environmentally friendly and in conformity with the governments policies and procedures for the importation of technology. Particular emphasis should be given to encouraging the use of locally developed technology or to those from other African and Third World Countries as a way of reducing Africas technological dependence on the developed world, while at the same time promoting African cooperation and integration and South-South solidarity. More broadly, trade unions should strive for good corporate governance in the context of globalization as this has tremendous implications for the working conditions of workers, the health of the economy as a whole, and its ability to cope effectively with the challenges of globalization. Trade unions should also work for strong and positive linkages with the government so as to create a united front against the negative effects of globalization. To do this, they must encourage and ensure peaceful and amicable settlement of industrial disputes and eschew violence and the destruction of property and infrastructure. In this way, trade unions could become effective and credible fighters against the negative effects of globalization. This would then enhance the ability of trade unions to go beyond the economic and social welfare of

26

workers and become major advocates of good, effective and democratic governance in their countries. Participants in the Conference on The Challenges of Globalization to Democratic Governance in Africa: What Role for Civil Society and Other Stakeholders were acutely aware of the fact that most African Countries are a long way from ensuring sustainable, effective and democratic governance in their countries. While some aspects of globalization tend to facilitate this process, globalization as a whole, because of its negative effects on state- building, nation-building and economic development tends to make this task more difficult. Purely internal forces also affect this process both positively and negatively. The political will necessary to introduce and sustain the radical reform processes necessary to achieve these goals is still not sufficiently strong among powerful groups both within and outside Africa. Equally important is the fact that the capacity necessary, both in terms of variety and magnitude, to launch and sustain these processes are still for the most part far short of what is required. This is particularly true of the capacity needed by civil society and other stakeholders who have a crucial role to play in ensuring the success of this enterprise. The challenge to civil society and other stakeholders in building and consolidating effective democratic governance is therefore enormous. The recommendations of the conference on how they could meet this challenge are therefore, of necessity, ambitious and multifaceted. They could not be implemented overnight, and they would have to be adapted to the specificity of each country. Participants were however confident that if civil society and other stakeholders commit themselves to these recommendations and make a conscientious and energetic start in implementing them, Africa would at last embark on the road towards effective democratic governance and a better and brighter future for its people.

27

Summary of the Recommendations of the Conference:

The Conference adopted a number of recommendations dealing with action which could and should be taken to counter the adverse effects of globalization in general and those which hinder democratic governance, either directly or indirectly, in particular. They are summarized below and are addressed to African policy makers, officials of civil and other organizations, African intellectuals, the African public at large, governmental, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations and other stakeholders in the international community, and to those in general who wish Africa well. A. The Executive Branch 1. Educate and sensitize the public on its civic, social, economic and cultural rights and duties so as to develop a civic culture and empower the people in order that they could defend their rights and at the same time contribute to the overall development of their countries; 2. Learn from the example of Japan and other East Asian countries by strengthening indigenous cultures and institutions, especially those that are conducive to nationbuilding, sustainable economic development, and effective democratic governance; 3. Strengthen the constitutional basis of democracy by ensuring that fundamental democratic principles are incorporated in the constitution, enjoy widespread support and, more importantly, are respected, especially by the executive; 4. Strengthen solidarity with the public by engaging in constant and frank dialogue with the public, eschewing deception and manipulation; 5. Educate and socialize the army, paramilitary forces, and the police on their role in a democratic society, especially their duties to defend the country against both internal and external threats, protect and respect the rights of the citizens, safeguard democracy, abide by the principle of military subordination to civilian rule and abstention from any role in government, and contribute to nation- building and economic development; 6. Develop and strengthen institutions and mechanisms for conflict prevention, management and resolution; 7. Inculcate at all levels of government, especially in the bureaucracy, public and commercial enterprises, and the judiciary the fundamental principles, attitudes and values of good democratic governance, particularly accountability, transparency, public trust and responsibility and, to that effect, adopt and enforce appropriate laws and regulations and establish effective organs to monitor and implement them; 8. On the basis of a critical review of past initiatives, such as the Lagos Plan of Action and the Abuja Treaty, revisit the New Partnership for Africas Development and formulate new development paradigms and economic development strategies that are internally driven, based on the needs of the population at large, especially the poor and vulnerable groups, and with the active participation of civil society, other stake holders and African intellectuals in all phase of the process so as to ensure a sense of ownership and support; 9. Create the material basis for good and effective democratic governance by making significant investments in maintaining, building and developing the social capital of the country, especially educational and health facilities that cater to the broad masses and not just the elite; 10. Pay particular attention to strengthening the scientific and technological capabilities of their country by actively encouraging and promoting indigenous technology, supporting national research and development centers, promoting cooperation in science and technology at the sub-regional, regional and South South levels through joint training and research and development centers, and striving for more favorable international rules and policies on access to and transfer of technology;

28

11. Facilitate the emergence and strengthening of national entrepreneurs committed to nation- building, sustainable economic development, and good and effective democratic governance; 12. Actively promote sub-regional, regional and South-South cooperation by rationalizing and reinforcing the plethora of existing sub-regional organizations, making use of and exploiting technologies in transport, communications and information conducive to this process, educating the public and key stakeholders, such as civil servants, entrepreneurs, workers, farmers and other professional organizations, students and intellectuals, and the press on the vital necessity and potential benefits of this cooperation and associating them in the process; 13. Cultivate close ties with individuals and groups in developed societies motivated by considerations of justice and fair play who support or could be persuaded to support and actively fight for the goals and aspirations of Africa. B. The Legislature 1. Contribute to national integration, the peaceful resolution of differences and conflicts, the cultivation of a spirit of tolerance and give and take, and social and political stability in general by endeavoring to reflect the various diversity in society; 2. Serve as the custodian of democratic values by conducting its business according to these principles and ensuring that the laws it adopts expand and protect the freedom and rights of all individuals and groups, especially the weak and minorities; 3. Protect and defend the public interest by acting as a check on the activities of the other organs of the state, especially the executive, and on other powerful individuals and interests in society; 4. Play an active role in the economic development process by advising the executive and monitoring and evaluating the impact of economic policies and projects. C. The Judiciary 1. Be, and be seen to be, objective and impartial in defending the constitution and interpreting and enforcing the laws of the country; 2. Ensure respect for the rule of law by all, and equality before the law for all concerned; 3. Safeguard the political, social, civil and property rights of all against encroachment by powerful individuals and groups, especially the executive. D. Civil Society Organizations 1. Promote internal democracy, accountability and transparency and establish a peer review group mechanism at the national, sub-regional and regional levels for this purpose; 2. Endeavor to make their membership as inclusive as possible and educate them on the principles and virtues of tolerance, compromise and fair play so as to strengthen national integration and democracy; 3. Expand the democratic space by creating an environment that is conducive to democratic governance and popular participation in the economic development and political processes; 4. Struggle against the adoption of unjust laws and the discriminatory application and enforcement of laws, rules and regulations; 5. Fight to strengthen the state and ensure that it continues to play the key role in providing social services and meeting the basic needs of the people; 6. In close cooperation with similar organizations at the national, sub-regional and regional levels, formulate comprehensive frameworks of engagement defining their roles, functions, responsibilities, areas, and types of intervention as well as their modalities of operation;

29

7. Lessen their intellectual dependence on external forces by ensuring ownership of their ideas and projects and making sure that these ideas and projects have their origins in and faithfully reflect the genuine interests and needs of their members and societies; 8. Reduce their financial dependence on outside groups by enhancing their ability to mobilize resources from internal sources; 9. Strengthen their capacity to advocate and lobby for policies they want to see adopted and implemented; 10. Develop their capacity to engage in networking, coalition building and cooperation with similar organizations at the national, sub-regional, regional and international levels, actively promote the exchange of information, experience and expertise among them and, whenever feasible and desirable, engage in mutual support and joint action with them; 11. Cultivate close ties and working relations with dedicated and committed African intellectuals so as to enhance their abilities to formulate autochthonous models of development as well as their ability to implement their programs and plans and monitor and evaluate the strategies, policies and projects of the government, especially those dealing with economic development and good and effective governance; 12. Promote democracy, accountability, transparency and effective and good governance in general at the local level by working closely with, and not merely on behalf of, local communities and the people they represent. E. Political Parties A. Promote and consolidate internal democracy, accountability and transparency; B. Strive to become a microcosm of society by seeking to represent as many diverse groups and interests as possible, and not just a narrow social, cultural, racial, religious or geographic base; C. Inculcate the values of tolerance, compromise and fair play in their members and educate them on the principles, rules and practices of the democratic process, the role and responsibilities of a loyal opposition in a democracy, and the vital importance of free, fair, open and transparent elections in consolidating good and democratic governance; D. Identify, select and encourage the emergence of competent leaders dedicated to their people and strongly committed to good, effective and democratic governance; E. Pay particular attention to the candidates they present and support for political office at all levels so as to be sure that, once elected, they will fight energetically for nationbuilding, economic development and democracy, and work for good communication and solidarity with the people they represent; F. Minimize the financial demands of both the party and its members on their political representatives so as to reduce the temptation for them to take advantage of their positions for financial gains; G. Enhance their ability to play a proactive role in social and economic development by deepening their knowledge of the socio-economic development of their countries, including the impact on this process of external forces, augmenting their ability to prepare sound and well-considered political manifestoes, economic development strategies and policies to address the problems of their countries, and strengthening their capacities to play a significant and positive role in formulating, monitoring and evaluating economic strategies, policies and programs, including active participation in the budgetary process; H. Reinforce their capacity to engage in strategic planning, research, budget making and monitoring, and the follow-up on and evaluation of policies and projects; I. Act as the watchdog of the government so as to ensure accountability, transparency, efficiency and effectiveness in the implementation of economic and social programs and

30

in the management of public resources, and the effective and active participation of the public at large in the formulation and implementation of economic and social programs and the management of public resources that affect their lives. F. Trade Unions and Workers organizations 1. Strive for good relations with the government and the formation of a united front among all concerned, especially with civil society organizations and other stakeholders, against the negative effects of globalization; 2. Endeavor to settle industrial disputes amicably and eschew violence and the destruction of infrastructure and private property; 3. Fight for good corporate governance so as to protect the rights of workers while safeguarding the health of the economy as a whole and its ability to cope effectively with the challenges of globalization; 4. Struggle for humane labor laws so as to protect the rights and interests of workers; 5. Scrutinize the policies and programs of the government and monitor and evaluate their impact on workers and other vulnerable groups; 6. Encourage the use of locally developed technologies or those developed by other African and Third World Countries; 7. Undertake studies on the economic, social and environmental impact of new, especially imported, technology; 8. Promote and strengthen cooperation with like-minded groups with common or convergent interests at the national, sub-regional and regional levels as well as carefully selected ties with potential allies in the developed countries; 9. Develop capabilities for research, monitoring and evaluation of the strategies, policies and activities of the government and corporate entities. These recommendations touch on what should be done by the various organs of state, civil society organizations, political parties, and trade unions and workers organizations. Participants were highly conscious of the fact that the reforms being advocated are ambitious, numerous, multifaceted, and daunting. They would not and could not be carried out overnight or even in the short- run. However, given the gravity of the African situation, start in implementing them should be made without further delay, with each institution or organization concerned deciding on how to prioritize and sequence them and adapt them to its specific conditions.

31

Annex 1: Report of Working Groups 1, 2 and 3

Report of Working Group 1: What are the challenging forms of Globalization to Democratic Governance in Africa? Chairperson: Rapporteur: Prof. Ahmed Mohiddin K. David Mafabi

1. Conceptual/Methodological Issues: a. There was agreement that the category Globalization in terms of the thematic area, posed a number of conceptual and methodological issues, namely: Definition/clear understanding of the nature and essence of globalization Identification of those aspects of globalization likely to impact one way or other on democratic governance in Africa b. There was agreement that the category democratic governance in terms of the thematic area, also posed a number of conceptual and methodological issues, namely: Definition/clear understanding of the category of democracy Definition/clear understanding of the category governance Clarification on whether governance was necessarily democratic, and whether the issue was not actually effective governance. It was suggested that democratic governance presupposed effective governance which entailed the minimum requirement on a state to ensure law and order Clarification on the state of democracy in Africa today, bearing in mind other weaknesses outside the effect of globalization. c. On (a) above, it was agreed to subsume definitional questions on globalization in discussion of, those aspects of globalization likely to impact on democratic governance. This would constitute a first part of the Working Groups Report to the plenary. d. On (b) above, it was agreed to focus on democratic governance having distilled a number of core principles of democratic governance, namely:Respect of individual rights and freedoms only limited by the demands and needs of the wider community and society. Accountability and responsiveness of the leadership to the people, their demands and needs. Regular, institutionalized and acceptable means of selecting and replacing of leaders. These core principles must be taken together with all other democratic principles, rights, and duties, outlined in International and Regional legal instruments and charters, such as the Universal Declamation of Rights, and the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights. Equally important, the core principles must be read together, with specifically African Principles and values, particularly Community Rights. e. It was ultimately agreed that discussion on possible responses to the challenges posed by globalization, would constitute the second part of the Working Groups report to the plenary. This would encapsulate discussion on the nature of the impact of globalization on democratic governance.

32

2. Aspects of Globalization Likely to Impact on Democratic Governance in Africa a. Political Aspects: Globalization inhibits the development of the African Press. Everything is viewed through the lenses of the western media. This inhibits the functioning of our would be 4th Estate Critical to democratic governance. Globalization could contribute to the rule of law, to observance of human rights, etc. (Exemplified, for instance, in ongoing Genocide trials). This is what we aspire for in the Peer Review Mechanism of NEPAD, and the commitment to good political and economic governance there-in. Globalization has led, and continued to lead to an erosion of sovereignty of African States, in a situation where the continent as a whole is a loser. The World Bank, IMF and WTO are in charge. Behind all, is the United States of America. b. Economic Aspects: Globalization re-enforces the economic marginalization and dependence of our essentially agrarian based economies. Our producers of primary products like coffee, continue suffering from plummeting prices on the world market. The power and capacity of individuals to participate meaningfully in sociopolitical activity is being curtailed by their impoverishment. This impacts negatively on democratic governance Privatization, which is a lynch-pin of contemporary globalization, prevents large parts of the population from enjoying a number of socio-economic rights. The same situation, however, strengthens NGOs in particular areas and sectors, as governments fail to perform their duties. An empowering role performed by the NGOs, can be identified in these circumstances. Contemporary globalization inhibits the emergence of an African enterprenurial class. The deliberate subsidies and other support that could have consolidated the emergence of such class, are impermissible under globalization. Globalization imposes specialization based on the requirements of the forces that rule the world market, thereby maintaining rentier economies, that impact negatively on their necessary diversification. In the same manner, contemporary globalization prevents the financing of small and medium scale enterprises by National Financial Institutions. The tendency has been to privatize all these. Globalization has brought into sharp focus Gender and Women issues. Labor is paid much less, and the male gender is preferred to the female. Young people with less marketable skills are not in demand. Most important, the African women bears the brunt of the vagaries and tribulations of globalization in the production of sustainance and wealth, in bringing up the family. Amidst conflict and crisis, and the HIV/AIDS pandemic.

33

Globalization locks up and stultifies African people and economies, in their current paradigm of export of primary products. This locks up the population in peasant enclaves for production for the world market. This is the mother bed for the production and reproduction of conflict and crisis. In thus promoting localism, sectarianisms, etc it militates against the emergence of a national ethos and psyche, hence against emergence and consolidation of democratic governance. The entire system of globalization, including the WTO and its various regimes, is weighted against African people. We face a fundamental protectionism, which is not about to go away. This is the logic of capitalist development. Globalization brings into sharp focus deficient institutional and individual capacities. This works against us, as for example, in WTO negotiations. c. Cultural Aspects Culture must be understood, to be dynamic, not static. However, there is a clear lack of cultural self-identify, which reduces our capacities to deal autonomously with globalization. Culture was an important factor in the maintenance of independent and autonomous political and economic policies and programs in South East Asia. There is serious brain drain, as some of the best merited sons and daughters of Africa are drawn into the diaspora. The converse is, that many of these remit home foreign exchange earnings, which are figuring quite prominently in net overall foreign exchange earnings. d. Science/Technology The Information Communication Technology Revolution (Internet, etc), can only help the democratization process. Closer, immediate and global scrutiny of political processes e.g. elections, is now possible. 3. Possible Responses to the Challenges Posed by Globalization to Democratic Governance The responses suggested below, constitute a huge agenda. The proposed interventions cannot possibly be effected simultaneously. There is, therefore, a need for sequencing and prioritization, taking into account national and other specificities. It must be emphasized, further, that globalization has both negative and positive aspects requiring appropriate responses. a) Political Responses It is necessary to educate and sensitize the public about the issues

34

There must be a conscious effort to bridge the perceptible gap between the leaders and the population. Initiatives, proposals, etc, must be sought from forces and interest groups, besides governments. Deliberate measures and actions must be put in place to strengthen the institutions of democratic governance, and the proper functioning of organs of the state. The role and place of the legislative must be strengthened and protected, as must that of the judiciary. Institutions like Ombudsmen are all important, particularly in checking corruption. Similarly, civilian/military interface has to be encouraged. This could, for example, take the form of opening up the internal workings of the military to civil society and civilians, and vice versa. The question of leadership is critical. We must encourage the emergence of competent and committed leadership. There must be in the same connection, insistence on accountable and transparent leadership in all spheres of state management. This could include making public, information on how much aid has been secured from donors and development partners, and how it has been utilized. Coalitions, alliances and networking between and amongst civil society and other stakeholders must be encouraged to exert sustained political pressure on the leaderships, demanding necessary execution and implementation of agreed policies, programs, etc. There is a need to closely examine political processes like elections, the funding of political party activities, etc. with a view to minimizing negative external influences. There must be massive investment in developing institutions, mechanisms, etc., in the area of conflict prevention, management and resolution. This would form an important part of the environment for developing democratic governance. b) Economic Responses: The reality of a basic and debilitating structural poverty, and how this can be eradicated, is a central issue in responding to globalization. Successful Regional Integration is a concrete response to the socio-economic marginalization under globalization. In this manner, Africa would deal collectively with the outside world. This would, for instance, involve common negotiating positions in international fora, and pushing for Africans to be appointed to leadership positions on relevant international bodies. The other aspect to this, is the envisaged Peer Review Mechanism under NEPAD, where all act as one anothers keepers, thus advancing democratic governance. Overall, there must be urgent and critical reflection on the appropriateness or otherwise of current development policy and strategy frameworks. Are there any concrete measures in place, that adequately address the debilitating crisis of marginalization and backwardness Africa faces? Does NEPAD in reality provide a way forward? Given, at least, the improbability of our development partners funding it as originally envisaged?

35

Was the strategy outlined in previous initiatives fundamentally flawed? From Lagos to Abuja, etc? Dont we require a paradigm shift in, for instance, exactly what markets we essentially produce for, in the areas, sectors of investment we now take as priority? Questions must be raised even on current practice, as in Agriculture. Isnt it crisis? Are we doing the best we can? Should famine still be a feature on the African landscape? Agriculture has tremendous potential, and is critical in our push for industrialization. Even with the hand-hoe, it fed African people. It needs critical and urgent attention. Through all this an appropriate balance must be maintained between Agriculture and Industry, as the two re-enforce and develop one another Natural Resources are another important area, and particularly as they factor into conflict. The major issues that arise here are: - Ownership - Management - Allocation and utilization As pointed out earlier, it would be advisable, to take another look at earlier African development initiatives, in particular respect to import-substitution which was an important part of the same, and worked quite well in a number of circumstances. For instance, in the development of Zimbabwes mother vehicle industry, during the period of isolation in the last days of settler colonialism. Most importantly concerted effort must be made to develop an African middle class, an entrepreneurial class, with a critical and vital socio-economic stake in achieving qualitative economic development. The development of a home market for agriculture, industry and services would be the flip side of this process. Regional Integration would be extremely useful in resolving these issues. Concerted effort, similarly, must be made to consolidate South-South co-operation, as a critical addition to internal work. Africa must maximally benefit from the many friends and allies we still have in the developed countries and various international bodies. These relationships must be maintained and strengthened. c) Cultural Responses The capacity of African systems to absorb, sieve, and utilize what is learned and proferred from outside, is severely delimited. This calls for urgent appropriate training and retraining of bureaucrats and officials. It is desirable, for instance to emulate Botswana who have developed the capacity to integrate and autonomously manage external funding in their programs. It is necessary to reform the entire Public Service in a comprehensive manner, to make it responsive to the challenges and needs of the times. In the same connection, networks of experts in requisite fields, must be built and developed. We should, preferably, bring in African experts, and from elsewhere in the developing world, as opposed to dependence on experts from the West, and local sycophants.
36

Overall, Africa must invest in the production and retention of its social capital. As part of this, the important and vital role of our intelligentsia in Africas re-assertion cannot be over emphasized. A strong African cultural identity must be actively promoted. This would be part of our moral re-armament in confronting globalization. It is necessary to learn from other cultures and peoples. In this case, Japan has clear lessons for Africa: o The importance of loyalty o Emphasis on meritocracy o Emphasis on education o The importance of prosperity for all d) Science/Technology There has to be deliberate investment in developing and raising our scientific and technological threshold. Africa, for instance, must link up with Asian countries that have made progress in this direction. African entrepreneurs and investors who have shown creativity, must be empowered with resources to help them develop in their chosen areas. The African University, due to a diversity of problems (including paucity of resources and possibly hostility from the state) is not awake to its immense responsibilities under the circumstances. It must be encouraged and empowered to: - Champion and effect vital research in the development of technology. - Actively sensitize and educate other stakeholders on the vital importance of scientific and technological development. What must be effected, in a word, is an African Technological Revolution.

37

Members of the Working Group 1 Chairperson: Rapporteur: Prof. Ahmed Mohiddin K. David Mafabi No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 Name Percy Makombe Elshafie M. Elmakki Fantahun Belew Hilary Mwale David Mafabi Tijjami Bande Nzouamben J. Wolde Darsema E.O. Asante Abdulkarima Guleid Callistus Ndovu John Omiti Turkia Ould Daddha Abdul Aziz Jalloh Yusuf Yimer Sarah Hayward Duri Mohammed Marie Shaba Apollo Rwomire Sisay Zerihun Jacques Mariel Nzouankev Taye Getaneh Amdemichael Tekle Yehenew Tsegaye Gebregz/Abher Haile TOE Seraphine Rose Aderolili Eyasu Solomon Country Zimbabwe Sudan Ethiopia Zambia Uganda Nigeria Benin Ethiopia Ghana Somaliland Zimbabwe Kenya Mauritania Sierra Lione Ethiopia Ethiopia Ethiopia Tanzania Botswana Ethiopia Benin Ethiopia Ethiopia Ethiopia Ethiopia Ethiopia Ethiopia Ethiopia

38

Report of Working Group 2: The Role of Civil Society in consolidating Democratic Governance within the Framework of Globalization Chairperson: Rapporteur: Sadikou Alao Abubakar Momoh

The Working Group conducted its discussion under six main rubrics. First, it identified the main characteristics of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in Africa. Second, it identified the key actors/participants in ensuring democratic governance. Third, it outlined the key elements of democracy. Fourth, it identified the criteria or parameters for measuring democracy. Fifth, it outlined the key characteristics of globalisation in the contemporary era, alongside this it showed the impact of globalisation on CSOs and democracy in Africa. Lastly, the Group identified policy options for CSOs in building and consolidating democracy in Africa. Characteristics of Civil Society Organizations The Working Group noted that there are two major types of CSOs, although some of them may simultaneously share the values and characteristics of both. The first type comprises inter alia, social movements, Trade Unions, clan, community, youth and professional groups. Their principal goals, with respect to democracy, are to close the rural-urban divide, by addressing the poor in both spheres of the divide; struggle to ensure popular participation in government; ensure the provision of basic needs to the people (social provisioning); and ensure social justice. The second typology of CSOs is essentially Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). With respect to democracy, these CSOs mainly advocate good governance, transparency, supply-side projects and they serve as a buffer between the state and the society. Their inspiration is rooted to the market logic and adjustment reforms. Key Actors in the Democratic Governance 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Political parties, elected leaders, the Judiciary and government in general. Social movements, Community Based Organisations (CBOs), trade unions, youth groups etc. NGOs The Press Private and business sector Traditional authority (as opposed to hereditary authority)

Key Elements of Democracy 1. Principles: (a) The right of the people to make decisions about their lives. (b) The right of the people to choose those to represent them in decision making. (c) The right of Recall of elected persons. 2. (a) (b) (c) Structures And Processes Of Democracy: The need to assess whether existing structures are suited to democratic governance The need to examine how existing structures of democratic governance function The need to identify the processes through which democratic governance is carried out.

39

(d) The need to do an overall assessment of how (a) to (c) impact on or affect (1) above i.e. the principles of democracy. 3. (a) (b) (c) Objectives Of Democracy: What do people benefit from democracy? Why do people not benefit from democracy? How can they overcome the obstacles in achieving the objectives of democracy?

Criteria For Measuring Democracy There are two sets of criteria. The first set emphasizes the common good, the development of the talents and abilities of the people to be able to participate in governance processes, including all their participation in all segments of decision making and implementation, recognizing/managing various forms of diversities and differences such as ideological, gender, generational ethnic and racial; and social sensitivity to the needs or interest of the people. The second set of criteria include, accountability, openness, transparency, respect for the rule of law, accountability, empowerment and development. These two criteria of measuring democracy also define the two dominant, but contrasting democracies that currently exist viz., popular and liberal democracy. Tested on both scores, Africa was adjudged to have fared very badly. Key Features of Contemporary Globalisation 1. Time space compression and the rise of a new information technology order. 2. Financialisation of the world in which political corruption, money laundering have become the predominant features. 3. Americanisation of the world in which American politics, ideology, culture and policies are important in re-making the world. 4. Imposition of globalisation as a universal paradigm for development without regard for historical and cultural specificities. 5. The rise of unilateralism as an hegemonic order. 6. The creation of one world which has further proliferated differences/divisions and intensified social inequalities in the world. Impact of Globalisation on Democratic Governance 1.The rise of authoritarian democracy in the context of the response to Political Terrorism. 2. Governance, transparency and accountability of states are currently defined within the narrow confines of the interest of donors. The donors dictate the codes, conditions and standards of governance in Africa. 3. The rise of anti-developmentalism-the state increasing being declared irrelevant, and the market is adjudged to be supreme. And welfare programmes and basic needs are seen as issues that the state should not preoccupy itself with. 4. The pursuit of anti-peoples programmes such as privatisation which only protect investors and abandon the toiling people. As a result the toiling people are socially and politically excluded. The Role of CSOs: Weaknesses 1. Donor funding/agenda constraints the capacity of CSOs to do socially- relevant political work or capacity building.

40

2. Many CSOs lack internal democracy and therefore are unable to take the correct values and attitude to checking governance in many states in Africa. 3. Many CSOs lack national and continental frameworks for operation and networking. Challenges to CSOs 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. There is need for development of frameworks of engagement by CSOs. CSOs need mentoring programmes and to forge unity over crosscutting programmes. CSOs to develop capacity for peer review amongst themselves. They need to develop a permanent framework of national and continental engagement They need to develop a focal point of activities They need to build/strengthen their capacity to be able to work more competently and efficiently. 7. CSOs need to develop internal measures to ensure inclusiveness, democracy, and accountability. Policy Options 1. CSOs should strive to own their own projects and ideas. And those projects should be relevant to the needs of the people and not to the agenda of donors. 2. CSOs should create capacity for internal fund generation in order not to resort to or be subservient to western NGOs and donors. 3. CSOs need to create a capacity for lobby and advocacy around programmes and policies they want to put in place and /or change. 4. They should use both local and international instruments to expand the democratic space and create an enabling environment for democratic governance and popular participation. 5. They should struggle against unjust laws. 6. CSOs should deepen their national and international networking capacity. 7. CSOs should work with communities (and not merely on behalf of communities), in order to ensure that there is democratic rule at the local level and to ensure accountability in local governance. 8. CSOs should connect with committed African intellectuals in various fields in order to develop/enhance the skills and capacity of CSOs in their developing autochthonous models of development and in carrying out their activities rather than accept, uncritically, western transposed models. 9. Above all, CSOs should struggle to ensure that the state continues to play a key role in the provision of basic needs and social services to the people.

41

Members of the Working Group 2 Chairperson: Rapporteur: Sadikou Alao Abubakar Momoh Name Sumaia E. Eltayeb Donald Chimanikire Neo Simulanyi Pravina Makan-Uaicha Abubakar Momoh Elsara Badri Zola Makosana Yusuf Hassen Sr. Brenda Villarin C.S.L. Chachage H. Othman Okello Oculi Wenceslas De Souza Dr. Assefa W/Edhan Dr. Mesfin Retta Barrister Sadikou Ayo Alao Mr. Sahlesellasie Abebe Asfaw Mekonnen Dr. Hope Sadza Daniel Assefa Mitiku Mada Mart Waddia Yeshiwass Bekele Country Sudan Zimbabwe Zambia South Africa Nigeria Sudan South Africa Ethiopia Ethiopia Tanzania Tanzania Nigeria Benin Ethiopia Ethiopia Benin Ethiopia Ethiopia Zimbabwe Ethiopia Ethiopia Ethiopia Ethiopia

No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23

42

Report of Working Group 3: The Role of other Stakeholders (Political Parties, Unions, Military and the Government)- in safeguarding and consolidating Democratic Governance in Africa in the face of the challenges from Globalization. Chairpersons: Rapporteurs: 1. Dr. Ethiopia Beyene 2. Mr. Lawrence Mkona 1. Dr. Martha Shale 2. Ms. Agnes M. Musunga

The group was made up of members from various backgrounds and countries across the continent. Following exhaustive discussion, the group agreed to tackle the assignment in terms of the four stakeholders mentioned in the topic. The following roles were identified: 1. The Role of Political Parties Be conversant with current socio-economic developments in the country as well as in the international sphere and be able to educate and raise awareness of their followers on the same. Participate in the preparation and implementation of development programmes including the budget. Watchdogs of government to ensure accountability and transparency in the implementation of programmes and management of public resources. Should have manifesto/programmes that are realistic and promote development. Fight against corruption Be accountable to the people Be democratic and promote good governance Ensure equal access to national resources by all political parties in order to encourage implementation of their programmes. Ensure involvement of the people, including minorities and vulnerable groups in economic activities Be able to pick good elements/points from foreign ideas/technologies. Have programmes and vision with strategies of tackling challenges of globalisation and good governance. 2. The Role of Unions To safeguard interests/ and Welfare of workers Ensure good corporate governance in the context of globalization Be able to challenge negative effects of globalization. Be watchdogs for the workers in the context of general programmes in the country. To promote the democratization process. To safeguard safety and ensure capacity building of the workers in the context of technology transfer. Ensure adherence to and implementation of government policies in relation to technology

43

transfer. Encourage labor intensive technology that is appropriate to local conditions. Carry out social impact assessment before technology transfer. Ensure human and environment friendly technology. Maintain positive linkages with governments Safeguard and encourage humane labor laws. Ensure and encourage peaceful/amicable settlement of disputes and discourage violence and destruction of properties and infrastructure. 3. The Role of the Military Destigmatise its perceived image and role as an oppressive and coercive force in society. Change its war doctrine and train its soldiers to understand that they are there to protect the people and are also themselves part of the community. To protect the country To defend the constitution To safeguard and promote democracy and good governance To promote capacity building with in the military in order to uphold the rights of the people and to communicate democratically. To maintain peace and order in the country. NOTE: The group agreed that military rule/governments should be discouraged and that appropriate institutional structures should be put in place to ensure democratic governance and remove the necessity of military take-over. 4. Role of the Government The group identified the three main bodies of governments as the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. 4.1 The Executive Up hold and implement the popular and democratic constitution. Uphold principles of good governance (accountability and transparency) Strengthen democratic processes. Formulate and implement development programmes through a broad consultation process. Ensure efficient mobilization of resources for development (aid, debt, F.D.I and domestic revenue). Ensure effective financial and public expenditure management systems. Put in place anti-corruption measures that ensure accountability and transparency. Put in place/encourage independent regulatory bodies and financial supervisory bodies. Encourage im-ports that will enhance the productive capacity of the country. Encourage trade that will be beneficial to both/all trading partners. Ensure participation/involvement of stakeholders in the preparation of the budget and its implementation.

44

Monitor and evaluate implementation of programmes to ensure optimum and effective utilization of resources and to asses the impact of the programmes. 4.2 The Legislative Make appropriate laws that protect implementation of development programmes. Monitor implementation of programs by the executive Openness and readiness to accept constructive criticism. Avoid enactment of laws that would bring about enslavement of people in the face of globalization. 4.3 The Judiciary To interpret the constitution and laws of the country To punish offenders Be independent in their interpretation of the constitution and the law and be seen to be doing so. Create a legal environment that would encourage mutually beneficial investment (to the people and the investors). Avoid interpretation of the laws in the manner that would bring about enslavement of the people in the face of globalization. LET THE WELFARE OF THE PEOPLE BE A GUIDING PRINCIPLE FOR THE JUDICIARY.

45

Members of the Working Group 3 Chairpersons: Rapporteurs: No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Dr. Ethiopia Beyene Ms. Agnes M. Musunga Name Dr. Toikeuse Mabri Prof. E.K. Ogundowole Dr. M.M. Shale Ms. A.M. Musunga Dr. R.M. Kavura Amin Abdella Asmaru Berihu Jose Pinto Zendilu Worku Muna Abdalla Dr. Ethiopia Beyene Lousmore Kelly Dzvuke Aino S. Kvume David B. Shabooka Lawrence Mkowa Dr. Hope Sadza Country South Africa Nigeria Lesotho Zambia Tanzania Ethiopia Ethiopia Angola Ethiopia Sudan Ethiopia Zimbabwe Namibia Mozambique Malawi Zimbabwe

46

Annex 2: List of Papers Presented

1. Understanding Nigerian Civil Society Organization in the Context of Globalization and Good Governance Ideology Abubabar Momoh 2. The Challenges of Globalization to Democratic Governance (Developing Countries Outlook) Ambassador Alwis Azizat Murad 3. Globalisation, Lutte Contre le Terrorisme et Bonne Gouvernance en Afrique au sud du Sahara Barrister Sadikou Ayo Alao 4. Globalization and Democratic Governance in Tanzania Chachage Seithy L. Chachage 5. The Role of NGOs in African Economic Development Donald P. Chimanikire 6. Challenges of De-entrapping Africa Within the Globalized World: Roles for Government and Other Stakeholders E.K. Ogundowole 7. The Challenges of Globalization to Democratic Governance in Africa, What Role for Civil Society and other Stakeholders: The Case of Sudan Elshafie Mohammed Elmakki 8. Challenges of Globalization to Democratic Governance in Zambia Hilary Francis Mwale 9. Democratization under Globalization: A Perspective K. David Mafabi 10. Some Thoughts Maria M. Shaba 11. Capacity Building/Development of Africas Public Administration for the Better Implementation of the Partnership for Africas Development Mushaathama Aubrey Ramawa 12. NEPAD and the Challenge of Reinventing the Integration of Nigerias Rural Economies with Globalization and Democratic Governance Okello Oculi 13. Globalization and Africas Development Agenda: From the WTO to NEPAD Said Adejumobi 14. La Globalisation rvle lAfrique elle-mme: vers une meilleure gouvernance politique et conomique Samuel Roger Zang 15. Globalization and Democratic Development in Cote DIvoire Toikeusse Mabri

47

Annex 3: Conference Draft Program

Conference on The Challenges of Globalization to Democratic Governance in Africa: What Role for Civil Societies and Other Stakeholders? 2-4 December 2002, United Nations Conference Center Addis Ababa

Plenary Session
Day 1 Monday 2nd December
Afternoon Session: 14:30-17:30 14:30-15:00 Chairperson Chairperson DPMF Conference Rapporteur Plenary Session 15:00-15:30 Dr. Abdul Aziz Jalloh Dr. Said Adejumobi Registration Dr. Sadig Rasheed

Opening Statements 1. Representative of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia 2. Representative of the Commission of African Union 3. Representative of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa.

Chairperson 15:30-16:00

H.E. Mr. Dawit Yohannes Speaker of the House of the Peoples Representatives of Ethiopia Key Note Address: The Role of Parliament in Meeting the Challenges of Globalisation to Democratic Governance in Africa. Dr. Frene Ginwala, Speaker of the National Assembly, Republic of South Africa Guest Speaker: Does Globalisation help or hinder Democratisation in Africa? Prof. Ali Mazrui, Director, Institute of Global Cultural Studies, USA Discussion

16:00-17:00

17:00-17:30

48

Day 2 & 3: Tuesday & Wednesday (3 & 4 December)

Conference forms into three thematic Working Groups Working Group 1: What are the challenges of Globalisation to Democratic Governance in Africa? Chairperson: Prof. Ahmed Mohiddin Rapporteur: Mr. David Mafabi Working Group 2: The Role of Civil Society in Consolidating Democratic Governance within the Framework of Globalisation Chairperson: Mr. Barrister Sadikou Ayo Alao Rapporteur: Ms. Mary Wandia Working Group 3: The Role of other Stakeholders (Political parties, trade unions, military and the government) in Safeguarding and Consolidating Democratic Governance in Africa in the face of the Challenges from Globalisation Chairperson: Dr. Ethiopia Beyene Rapporteur: Ms. Betty Maina Working Groups sessions start at 9:00 to 17:00 with coffee and lunch breaks. Reports of each Working Groups will be presented to the Plenary on Day 3 of Conference Wednesday 16:30p.m. - 17:00p.m. Brief closing at the end of afternoon session at 17:00p.m. - 17:15p.m.

49

DPMF 7th Annual General Policy Conference 2002 The Challenges of Globalisation to Democratic Governance in Africa: What Role for Civil Society and Other Stakeholders? 2-4 December 2002 UNCC, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Annex 4: List of Participants

Benin

Mr. Jacques Mariel Nzouankeu Permanent Secretary OFPA, 04 BP 0595 Cotonou, Benin Tel: 229 303368 Fax:229 303199 Email: mariel@leland.bj Mr. Sadikou Ayo Alao President Afrique GERDDES 01 BP 1258 Cotonou, Benin Tel: 229 309268 Fax:229 309273 Email: mealao@bow.intnet.bj Mr. Wenceslas De Sovza President GERDDES 01 BP 1258 Cotonou, Benin Tel: 229 309268 Fax:229 309273 Email: gerddes@bow.internet.bj

Fax:225 22502391 Email: atmabri@hotmail.com

Ghana

Prof. Edward O. Asante Deputy Director-General Ghana Institute of Management and Public Administration P.O. Box 50, Achimota, Accra, Ghana Tel: 233 21 401681/2/3 Fax:233 21 405805 Email: eoasante@yahoo.com

Kenya

Mr. John Omiti Ag. Executive Director IPAR P.O. Box 45843 GPO NBI 00100 Nairobi, Kenya Tel: 254 2 251179/252885 Fax:254 2 251162 Email: jmomiti@ipar.or.ke Prof. Ahmed Mohiddin Director Africa Foundation P.O. Box 98219 Mombassa, Kenya Tel: 254 125 32201 Email: amohiddin@wilmo.net Ms. Mary Wandia Programme Officer - Advocacy African Women's Development and Communications Network (FEMNET) P.O. Box 54562 Nairobi, Kenya Tel: 254 2 3741301/20 Fax:254 2 3742927 E-mail:femnet@africaonline.co.ke

Botswana

Prof. Apollo Rwomire University of Botswana P.O. Box 70097, Gaborone, Botswana Tel: 267 3552689 Mobile: 267 72178523 Fax:267 585099 Email: rwomirea@mopipi.ub.bw

dIvoire Cte dIvoire

Dr. Mabri Albert Toikeusse Member of Parliament and of NESDA National Assembly/NESDA 04 BP 267 Abidjan, Cte dIvoire Tel: 225 05 942476 20208207

50

Lesotho
Dr. Mamochaki Shale Lecturer/Sociology The National University of Lesotho P.O. Roma 180 Maseru, Lesotho Tel: 266 22 22331869 Fax:266 22 340000 Email: mm.shale@nul.ls

Email: wolewole@lycos.com Dr. Abubakar Momoh Senior Lecturer Lagos State University P.M.B. 1087, Apapa Lagos, Nigeria Tel: 234 8033313424 Fax:234 1 2694413 Email: amomoh2002@yahoo.com Dr. Said Adejumobi Senior Lecturer Lagos State University Department of Political Science P.M.B. 1087 Lagos, Nigeria Tel: 234 8033482124 Fax:234 1 2694413 Email: adesaid@yahoo.com Mr. Oculi Okello Executive Director Africa Vision 525 1758, Garki, Abuja Abuja, Nigeria Tel: 080 233 77927 Email: okellooculi@yahoo.com

Mauritania

Ms. Turkia Ould Daddah Former Director General of the International Institute of Administrative Sciences BP 54-36 Nouakchott, Mauritania Tel: 222 5250156 Fax:222 5250157 Email: turkia@toptechnology.mr

Morocco

Prof. Tijjani Muhamad-Bande Director-General CAFRAD P.O. Box 310 Tangier, Morocco Tel: 212 61 307269 Fax:212 39 325 785 Email: cafrad@cafrad.org

South Africa

Nepal

Dr. Sadig Rasheed Regional Director UNICEF Regional Office for South Asia P.O. Box 5815, Lekhnath Marg Kathmandu, Nepal Tel: 977 1 417082 Fax:977 1 419479 Email: srasheed@unicef.org, srasheed@hotmail.com

Dr. Frene Ginwala Speaker of the National Assembly P.O. Box 15, Cape Town, South Africa Tel: 27 21 4032595 Fax:27 21 4619462 Email: speaker@parliament.gov.za Dr. Zola Makosana Development Facilitator Qaqamba Educational Development and Services 13 Harmony Road Ottery Cape Town, South Africa Tel: 27 21 761 2341, Fax:27 21 761 2341 Email: inz58@telkomsa.net Ms. Pravina Makan-Lakha Manager, African Centre for Constructive Resolution of Dispute (ACCORD) Private Bag X018, Umhuanga, South Africa Tel: 27 31 5023908 Fax:27 31 5024160

Nigeria

Prof. Dr. Ezekiel Kolawole Ogundowole University of Lagos 53 Unilag, Akoka Lagos, Nigeria Tel: 234 01 5454891/4932660 Ext. 1436 (O)/2209 (H)

51

Sudan

Email: pravina@accord.org.za Ms. Sumain Eltayeb Executive Director Babiker Badri Association for Women Studies P.O. Box 167, Omdurman, Sudan Tel: 249 15 564401 Fax:249 15 564401/553363 Email: gameit_bbsaws@hotmail.com Ms. Elsara Badri Executive Director Strategic Initiative for Women in HOA (SIHA) P.O. Box 167, Omdurman, Sudan Tel: 249 15 577772 Fax:249 15 577772 Email: sihanet@sudanmail.net Dr. Elshafie Elmakki University Lecturer University of Khartoum P.O. Box 321 Khartoum, Sudan Tel: 249 11 129 29081 Email: e_elmakki@hotmail.com

Email: mshabafrikan@hotmail.com Prof. Chachage Seithy Loth Chachage University of Dar es Salaam P.O. Box 35043 Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Tel: 255 22 2410370 Email: chachage@udsm.ac.tz

Uganda

Mr. Kenneth David Mafabi Director, Political Affairs Pan-African Movement P.O. Box 24590 Kampala, Uganda Tel: 256 41 530525 Fax:256 41 530525 Email: pawlo@imul.com

USA

Tanzania

Prof. Haroub Othman IDS University of Dar es Salaam P.O. Box 35169 Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Tel: 255 22 2410224/0744 200774 Fax:255 22 2410224/2410237/2410078 Email: cri@udsm.ac.tz, namtho@hotmail.com Mr. Richard M. Kavura Chief Executive Tanzania Public Service College P.O. Box 2574 Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Tel: 255 22 2131849 Fax:255 22 2131849 Email: rkavura@yahoo.co.uk Ms. Marie Memouna Shaba CEO, Marcus Garvey Foundation (TZ) P.O. Box 106 Bagamoyo, Tanzania Tel: 255 23 2440166/255 748 265315
52

Prof. Ali A. Mazrui Professor and Director of Global Cultural Studies State University of New York P.O. Box 6000 Binghamton, USA Tel: 1 607 777 4494 Fax:1 607 777 2642 Email: amazrui@binghamton.edu Dr. Abdul Aziz Jalloh Consultant, 4899 Gainsborough Drive Fairfax, Virginia 22032 USA Tel: 703 425 7862 Email: abdulazizjalloh@hotmail.com

Zambia

Mr. Hilary Francis Mwale Monitoring and Evaluation Specialist Zambia Integrated Health Programme P.O. Box 37230 Lusaka, Zambia Tel: 260 1 254555/251517 Fax:260 1 253839/251517 Email: hilarym@zihp.org.zm, hmwale@yahoo.com Ms. Agnes Mpundu Musunga Chief Economist

Ministry of Finance and National Planning P.O. Box 50062 Lusaka Zambia Tel: 260 1 251105 Fax:260 1 250114 Dr. Neo Simutanyi Research Fellow/Lecturer Institute of Economic and Social Research University of Zambia P.O. Box 30900 Lusaka, Zambia Tel: 260 1 294131/295055 Cell:260 97 873412 Fax:260 1 294291/253952 Email: neosims@hotmail.com

Fax:263 4 333345 Email: dpchimanikire@science.uz.ac.zw

Ethiopia

Hon. Mr. Wolde Darsema Member of Foreign Affairs Defence and Security Committee House of Peoples Representative of Ethiopia P.O. Box 80001 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 555129/30 Hon. Mr. Teshome Dugassa Member of Parliament House of Peoples Representative of Ethiopia P.O. Box 80001 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 555127 Hon. Dr. Ethiopia Beyene Vice Deputy of Standing Committee House of Peoples Representative of Ethiopia P.O. Box 80001, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 555124 Mr. Mehereteab Mulugeta Acting Director General International Organization Ministry of Foreign Affairs P.O. Box 393, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 573201 Fax:251 574300 Email: mehre7@netscape.net Mr. Tekle Amdemichael Counselor, Ministry of Foreign Affairs P.O. Box 393 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 536739 Fax:251 1 514300 Mr. Fantahun Belew Department Head, MOFED P.O. Box 27793 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 552400 Fax:251 1 551355 Email: fantahun_belew@yahoo.com

Zimbabwe

Dr. Hope Sadza Executive Chairperson/Acting ViceChancellor Womens University in Africa P.O. Box MP 1222, Mt Pleasant Harare, Zimbabwe Tel: 263 04 333154 Fax:263 04 333154 Email: womunica@africaonline.co.zw Dr. Callistus D. Ndlovu Director General ZIPAM P.O. Box 126 Norton, Zimbabwe Tel: 263 622348 Fax:263 622250 Email: zipam@m-web.zw Mr. Percy Makombe SEATINI 20 Victoria Drive Newlands Harare, Zimbabwe Tel: 263 4 776418 Fax:263 4 251 648 Email: percy.makombe@undp.org Dr. Donald P. Chimanikire Director, University of Zimbabwe P.O. Box MP 167 Mount Pleasant Harare, Zimbabwe Tel: 263 4 33334-4

53

Mr. Yusuf Yimer Senior Expert (Economist), MOFED P.O. Box 1037 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 560007 Email: musagibreal@yahoo.com Mr. Amin Abdella Expert, MOFED P.O. Box 1037 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 560007 Fax:251 1 554438 Email:aminabdella@yahoo.com Mr. Taye Getaneh MOFED P.O. Box 1037 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 564007 Email: madac2@telecom.net.et Dr. Kinfe Abraham President, EIIPD P.O. Box 18529 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 531955 Fax:251 1 533398 Mr. Abdulkarim Ahmed Guleid Chairman, Hope for the Horn P.O. Box 24060 Code 1000 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 513631 Fax:251 1 516203 Email: hfh2000@telecom.net.et Mr. Kifle Wodajo Director, Horn of Africa Peace Centre P.O. Box 1260 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 511560 Fax:251 1 511470 Email: h.peace@telecom.net.et Mr. Saheleselasie Abebe Executive Director Centre for Local Capacity Building and Studies P.O. Box 80453 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Tel: 251 1 627093 Fax: 251 1 551933 Email: locabs@telecom.net.et Mr. Gebregziabher Haile Manager, Tigrai Development Association P.O. Box 5798 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 504500 Mobile:09-210460 Fax:251 1 516375 Email: tdaaddis@telecom.net.et Mr. Asfaw Mekonnen Country Coordinator ACORD P.O. Box 12377 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 613937 Email: accord.eth@telecom.net.et Mr. Tefera Wegderesegn Director Centre for Human Environment P.O. Box 13309 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 150102/512982 Fax:251 1 513851 Email: che@telecom.net.et Mr. Yeshiwas Bekele Executive Director Ethiopian Aid P.O. Box 101992 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 504408 Fax:251 1 504409 Email: et.aid/wass@telecom.net.et Mr. Daniel Assefa Researcher, Ethiopian Economic Association (EEPRI), P.O. Box 34354 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 557459 Fax:251 1 513310 Email: eea@telecom.net.et Mr. Yusuf Hassen Deputy Executive Director Peace and Development Committee P.O. Box 41879, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 515714/511966

54

Fax:251 1 515714 Email: pdc@telecom.net.et Ms. Asmaru Berihun Chairperson Amhara Womens Development Association Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 154492 Email: asmaru_berihun@yahoo.com Mr. Awad Jibril General Manager Oromia Development Association (ODA) P.O. Box 8801 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 506838 Fax:251 1 506818 Email: oda-cbrh@telecom.net.et Sr. Brenda Villarin Director Daughter of Charity Urban Development Project P.O. Box 28 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 551649/116244 Fax:251 1 550640 Email: docudp@telecom.net.et Ms. Amarech Worku Manager Kidane Mehret Students Self-Help Association P.O. Box 5638 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 115282 Mobile:251 9 252575 Fax:251 1 516888 Email: haicof@telecom.net.et Ms. Alem Fantaye Project Officer Abebech Gobena Orphanage and School P.O. Box 24996 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 553622 Fax:251 1 550102 Email: agos@telecom.net.et Ms. Zewditu Worku Executive Director

Aberash Worku Children Care Centre P.O. Box 24702 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 9 228917/251 1 165820/341523 Email: amda@telecom.net.et Mr. Yehenew Tsegaye Assistant Dean AAU, Faculty of Law P.O. Box 150172 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 560182 Email: yehenewt@law.aau.edu.et Mr. Mohammed Seid Abtew Chairman, AAU, Department of Management P.O. Box 150093 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 117278 Email: msa@stuart.iit.edu Mr. Mitiku Mada Dilnesahu A/Dean, IFLGS Ethiopian Civil Service College P.O. Box 5648, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 462341 Fax:251 1 463016 Email: mitmad@hotmail.com Dr. Assefa Medhane Associate Professor Addis Ababa University P.O. Box 11158 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 517279 Email: assumed@psir.aau.edu Dr. Tekelehaimanot Gebreselassie Assistant Professor Addis Ababa University (History) P.O. Box 1176 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 571553 Email: techami@hist.aau.edu.et Dr. Subhash Narula Associate Professor, AAU P.O. Box 1176 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 571440 Email: snarula_99@yahoo.com

55

Dr. Eyayu Lulseged Meried Academic Vice President Unity University College P.O. Box 17582 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 463733 Dr. Haile Woldemikael President, Africa Beza College P.O. Box 40608, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 523227 Fax:251 1 523230 Mr. Israel Kassa Managing Director Africa Beza College P.O. Box 40608 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 523227 Fax:251 1 523230 Mr. Tom Paetz Project Manager GTZ, P.O. Box 12631 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 510000 Ext. 176 Fax:251 1 511200 Email: decentralisation-gtz@telecom.net.et Mr. Shimels Assefa Program Executive, Ireland Aid P.O. Box 9585, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 665050 Fax:251 1 665020 Email: shimelesassefa@ivegh.irlgov.i.e Mr. Bashir Gonde Assitant du representant ICRC Mission to AU and ECA P.O. Box 5701 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 503911 Fax:251 1 513273 Email: addis_oua.ado@icrc.org Amb. Sam Ibok Director Peace and Security African Union P.O. Box 3243 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Tel: 251 1 513822 Fax:251 1 519321 Email: oau-ews@telecom.net.et Amb. Camara Moussa Makan Ambassadeur Organisation Internationale de la Franeophonie BP 12754 Addis Abba, Ethiopie Tel: 251 1 504460 Fax:251 1 504461 Email: oif.rpa@telecom.net.et Mr. Ali Haribou FAO Liaison Officer to AU and UNECA FAO, P.O. Box 5536 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 513093 Email: ali.haribou@field.fao.org Ms. Sophia Lemma Senior Liaison AU/ECA World Food Programme P.O. Box 25584 Code 1000 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 515188 Fax:251 1 514433/511241 Email: Sophia.lemma@wfp.org Ms. Beverley Byfield Senior External Relations Officer UNHCR, P.O. Box 1076 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 444107 Fax:251 1 516231 Email: byfield@unhcr.ch Ms. Meera Sethi Representative International Organization for Migration (IOM) P.O. Box 25283, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 504028 Fax:251 1 514900 Email: iom.meera.sethi@wfp.org Ms. Seraphine Toe Political Liaison Officer UNLO/AU, P.O. Box 3001 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

56

Tel: 251 1 443094 Email: stoe@uneca.org Mr. Tilahun Kebede Senior Advisor for Eastern Africa ITU P.O. Box 60005 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 514855 Fax:251 1 517299 Email: tilahun.kebede@itu.int Mr. James Nxumalo Director UNECA P.O. Box 3001 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 615108 Fax:251 1 511953 Email: jnxumalo@uneca.org Dr. M.J. Balogun Principal Regional Advisor UNECA P.O. Box 3005 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 443369 Mobile: 251 9 216974 Fax: 251 1 514416 Email: balogunjide@hotmail.com Ms. Rawda Clinton Economic Affairs Officer UNECA P.O. Box 3005 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 44 3363 Fax:251 1 513038 Email: romar.clinton@uneca.org Mr. Ibrahim Wani Regional Representative UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights P.O. Box 5880 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 443547 Email: wanii@un.org Mr. Afework Temtim Associate IT Officer

UNECA P.O. Box 3005 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 443159 Fax: 251 1 510512 Email: atemtime@uneca.org Dr. Rose Aderolili Economic Affairs Officer UNECA P.O. Box 3005 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 443372 Fax:251 1 510276 Email: aderolili@un.org Dr. Abdoulaye Niang Senior Agricultural Economist, UNECA P.O. Box 3005, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 517094 Email: aniang@uneca.org Mr. Guebray Berhane Chef du Bureau AFP P.O. Box 3537 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 9 213953 Fax:251 1 511006 Email: guebray@hotmail.com Mr. Joaquim Expirito Santo Camati Press Attach, Angola Embassy P.O. Box 29620 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Mobile: 251 9 21 24 87 Fax: 251 1 514922 Email: Jescamati@yahoo.com.fr Mr. Jos Pinto Counsellor Embassy of the Republic of Angola P.O. Box 29620 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 510085 Fax:251 1 514922 Email: angola.embassy@telecom.net.et Mahamoud Weddady Ambassador Representative Arab League

57

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 63 53 50/51 Email: arague.et@telecom.net.et Ms. Haimanot Mirtneh Austrian Embassy Development Cooperation Programme Officer/Democracy P.O. Box 11553 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 533828 Fax:251 1 533831 Email: Austrian.dev@telecom.net.et Mr. Monei Rapuleng Third Secretary Botswana Embassy P.O. Box 22282 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 715422 Fax:251 1 714099 Email: boteth@telecom.net.et Mr. Leonard Simpore First Counsellor Embassy of Burkina Faso P.O. Box 19685 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 615863 Fax:251 1 615857 Email: simporel@yahoo.fr Mr. Samuel Roger Zang Economist/Diplomat Embassy of the Republic of Cameroon P.O. Box 1026 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 187497 Email: zang.sr@telecom.net.et H.E. Mr. Mahamat Abdelkerim Ambassador Chad Embassy P.O. Box 5119 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 613819 Fax:251 1 613819 Mr. Hountinto Abdou First Secretary Chad Embassy

P.O. Box 5119 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 613819 Fax:251 1 613819 Mr. Abdi Mahamoud Eybe First Counsellor of Djibouti Embassy Djibouti Embassy P.O. Box 1022 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 613200 Fax: 251 1 612786 Email: abdieybe@yahoo.fr H.E. Mrs. Jordana Diengdoh Pavel Ambassador of India Embassy of India P.O. Box 528 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 552100 Fax:251 1 552521/552305/552511 Email: rajdut@telecom.net.et H.E. Mr. Morteza Damanpak Jami Ambassador Embassy of Iran P.O. Box 1144 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 710037 Fax:251 1 712299 Email: milade1877@hotmail.com Mr. Behzad Khakpour Embassy of Iran Third Secretary Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 9 229787 Email: Behzadkhakpour@hotmail.com Mr. Marco Maria Cerbo Second Secretary Embassy of Italy P.O. Box 1105 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 553042 Fax:251 1 550218 Email: italembadd@telecom.net.et Ms. Sarah Hayward Special Assistant Embassy of Japan

58

P.O. Box 5650 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 511088 Fax:251 1 511350 Email: japan-embassy@telecom.net.et Mr. Lawrence Mkona Counsellor Malawi Embassy P.O. Box 2316 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 711280 H.E. Mr. Sidi Mohamed Rahhali Ambassador Embassy of the Kingdom of Morocco P.O. Box 60033 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 531700 Fax:251 1 511828 Email: morocco.emb@telecom.net.et Mr. David Beny Chabooka First Secretary Mozambique Embassy P.O. Box 5671 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 625538/9 Fax:251 1 710021 Email: dchabooka@yahoo.co.uk Ms. Aino Stella Kuume First Secretary Embassy of Namibia P.O. Box 1443 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 611966 Mr. Konstantin Yarovoy First Secretary Embassy of the Russian Federation P.O. Box 1500 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Email: rusemb@telecom.net.et Mr. Abdelkarim Ahmed Yousif Counsellor Embassy of the Republic of the Sudan P.O. Box 1110 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 516477 Fax:251 1 518141

Email: sudan.embassy@telecom.net.et Mr. Seifeddine Fliss First Secretary Tunisia Embassy P.O. Box 100069 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 612063 Fax:251 1 621842 Email: embassy.tunisia@telecom.net.et Ms. Damalie Kironda First Secretary Uganda Embassy P.O. Box 5644 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 513088 Fax:251 1 514355 Email: uganda.emb@telecom.net.et Mr. Lovemore Kelly Dzvuke Counsellor Zimbabwe Embassy P.O. Box 5624 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 613877/2 Fax:251 1 613476 Email: zimbabwe.embassy@telecom.net.et Ms. Nothando Thuthani Counsellor Zimbabwe Embassy P.O. Box 5624 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 613877 Fax:251 1 613476 Email: zimbabwe.embassy@telecom.net.et Mr. Mitchell Anthony Journalist, UN P.O. Box 6552 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel:251 09 228825 Barka Khalis Journalist Morocco News Agency Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 09 228147 Email: barka59@yahoo.com

59

Mr. Shar Shar Meedy Journalist Tel: 251 1 630417 Fax:251 1 630417 Email: magdisharshar@hotmail.com Nebiyat Liben Journalist E.T.V P.O. Box 5544 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 527713 Mr. Bahru Yayeh Assistant Editor Radio Ethiopia P.O. Box 654 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 718931/32 Email: bahrut@yahoo.com Mr. Usman Mohammed Reporter Ethiopian Press P.O. Box 30232 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 570272 Ms. Tsedale Lemma Senior Reporter Addis Tribune P.O. Box 2395 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 615228/29 Fax:251 1 615227 Email: tambek@telecom.net.et Mr. Kumlachew Fantahun Reporter The Ethiopian Herald Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 156690 Mr. Mesfin Aman Private Press Freelance Journalist and Researcher P.O. Box 22295 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 127426 Email: mesfin02@yahoo.com

Mr. Harrison Akoh Journalist Freelance Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 1 443405 Email: harr.jakoh@yahoo.com Mr. Ayenew Haileselassie Journalist Freelancer P.O. Box 27323 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 251 9 237234 Email: ayenewh@hotmail.com

DPMF Secretariat
Dr. Abdalla Bujra Executive Director Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF) P.O. Box 3001 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel/Fax: 251 1 515410 Email: abujra@uneca.org Dr. Mesfin Retta DPMF, P.O. Box 3001 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 445229 Mrs. Muna Abdalla DPMF, P.O. Box 3001 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Tel: 443493 Email: mabdalla@uneca.org Mr. Abdurahman Ame DPMF P.O. Box 5527 Addis Ababa Ethiopia Tel: 45 22 75 Email: ameabdul@hotmail.com Ms. Martha Kebede Administrative Assistant DPMF P.O. Box 3001 Addis Ababa Ethiopia Tel: 445277 Fax:515410 Email: mkebede@uneca.org

60