Non
erbal Communication, Social Psychology of
In the future with the help of computer technology,
research will more often address how multiple chan-
nels of communication combine to convey meaning,
the nature of nonverbal behavior between interacting
partners or in groups, and nonverbal behavior as it
changes over time within interactions.
See also: Communication and Social Psychology;
Communication: Philosophical Aspects; Emotion and
Expression; Gesture in Linguistics; Personality and
Marriage; Pragmatics: Linguistic; Verbal Communi-
cation, Psychology of
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1979 Sensiti
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J. A. Hall
Nonviolence: Protective Factors
Violent behavior is the outcome of complex transac-
tions between biological, psychological, and social
factors under specific situational conditions. Although
10706
the typical manifestations of aggressiveness change
from childhood to adulthood, interpersonal differ-
ences seem to remain relatively stable over time. This
is particularly due to a subgroup of early starters who
are life-course-persistent in their antisocial behavior
and frequently engage in serious and violent offending
(Moffitt 1993).
Prospective longitudinal studies have revealed well-
replicated causes and risks for such a development
(Loeber and Farrington 1998; Loeber and Stout-
hamer-Loeber 1998). However, even the best pre-
dictions explain only a moderate amount of variance.
Many children who are exposed to high risk do not
develop serious aggressive behavior. Others who seem
to enter the early-starting pathway leave it again after
some time. Although these processes of abstinence and
desistance are very important for explanation and
prevention, far less research has been directed toward
the issue of nonviolence in high-risk youngsters than
vice versa (Lo$ sel and Bender 2001). These studies are
part of the more general research on resilience, that is
a process of positive adaptation in spite of significant
adversity (Luthar et al. 2000). However, research in
this field is subject to various conceptual and meth-
odological problems.
1. Conceptual and Methodological Issues
Major problems are the definition and operationaliza-
tion of risk, the ambiguity of protective factors, and
the multidimensionality of behavioral outcomes. Re-
silience is not a static personality characteristic. The
positive outcome of nonviolence may vary over time
and developmental circumstances depending on the
presence or absence of risk and protective factors.
However, these risk and protective factors are not
different classes of variables but often the negative vs.
positive pole of the same variable (e.g., low vs. good
intelligence). Risk can be defined by objective variables
(e.g., low SES) or subjective indicators (e.g., violence-
prone attitudes). In the latter case, protective mech-
anisms may be partially confounded with both risk
and behavioral outcome. Similarly important is the
degree of risk; without a substantial risk, a good
outcome may be misinterpreted as a result of a
protective mechanism. In contrast, the more risks are
present, the less variance is left over for protective
effects.
Protective factors are variables that differ between
groups of comparable high risk who show positive vs.
negative behavioral outcome (Rutter 1985). A good
example of research is the Kauai Study that investigat-
ed resilient and deviant children from early childhood
to adulthood (Werner and Smith 1992). Other authors
suggest that a factor should be labeled protective only
if it reduces the problem behavior when risk is high but
has no impact when risk is low (Stattin et al. 1997). In
both concepts, the search for protective mechanisms
refers to interaction effects (for other methodological

concepts, see Luthar et al. 2000; Masten et al. 1990).
However, the theoretical interpretation of such effects
may be difficult when multiple risks or protective
variables are combined. This is often the case because
single variables show only small correlations with later
violence.
Given a specific risk constellation, even the same
pole of a variable may have both risk and protective
effects depending on the kind of outcome. For ex-
ample, shyness in childhood may be a protective factor
against violence but be a risk for anxiety and de-
pression. Therefore, risk and protective factors should
not be conceptualized too broadly, but it must always
be asked: ‘risk for and protection against what type of
problem behavior?’ Sometimes, a positive behavioral
outcome is defined not only by the absence of
psychopathology but also by indicators of particularly
good adaptation and competence. In the present
paper, positive outcome is defined by the absence of
violence or other serious offending in spite of various
risk constellations. This contains both processes of
general abstinence and desistance after a period of
violence.
2. Examples of Protecti
e Mechanisms
The development of persistently antisocial behavior
can be conceptualized as the outcome of a chain
reaction of multilevel, biopsychosocial influences from
childhood to adolescence (see Fig. 1).
The relations do not represent a necessary causal
sequence, and most of the constructs reveal only low
correlations with each other. Although the cumulation
of factors increases the probability of violence, even
multiple risks may not lead to serious problem
behavior when one or more links in the chain are
‘broken’ because of positive personal or social
resources. The following factors may exert such a
protective function.
2.1 Biological Factors
Biological risks for aggressive behavior have been
found on various levels, for example: behavior gen-
etics, autonomic underarousal, functional deficits in
the prefrontal brain, hormonal influences such as high
testosterone, neurotransmitter processes, prenatal fac-
tors such as maternal smoking, or perinatal complica-
tions (Raine et al. 1997). However, we can rarely
assume simple causal relationships. Complex interac-
tions between biological and social factors seem to be
more the rule than an exception. For example, low
heart rate level (HRL) is primarily a risk for aggression
in children from relatively normal family back-
grounds. Pregnancy and birth complications are par-
ticularly related to violence when combined with
maternal rejection, low SES, or family instability.
Non
iolence: Protecti
e Factors
Similarly, biological variables can contribute to
protective mechanisms in the context of given social
risks. For example, autonomic arousal as indicated by
high HRL or enhanced skin conductance (SC) reduce
the risk of criminality for males with a criminal father,
for boys from a low SES background, or for boys from
families with poor parent–child relationships. It was
also found that boys who desisted from antisocial
behavior had a higher HRL, higher SC arousal, and
better SC conditioning than persistent criminals.
These results can be interpreted within neuropsycholo-
gical theories on imbalances between the behavior
activation and inhibition system or on prefrontal
dysfunctions in aggressive individuals. Perhaps, the
stress hormone cortisol may have a similar inhibiting
effect on both the testosterone level and aggressive
behavior. Enhanced salivary cortisol accompanies
shyness, anxiety, depression, and high arousal in some
studies. Thus, biological protective mechanisms may
reflect an inhibited temperament that is associated
with a reduced risk of antisociality. However, there are
also comorbidities between externalizing and inter-
nalizing problems and specific forms of overcontrolled
aggression.
2.2 Temperament Characteristics
Impulsivity, hyperactivity, negative emotionality
(neuroticism), sensation seeking, and risk taking are
personality dispositions for violence. These and re-
lated characteristics describe a child with a ‘difficult’
temperament. In contrast, an ‘easy’ temperament
seems to have a protective function (e.g., Werner and
Smith 1982). Children who did not develop aggressive
and other antisocial behavior in spite of social and
individual risks had advantageous dispositions such as
positive mood, low impulsivity, flexibility in adap-
tation, sociability, and regularity of biological func-
tions. According to Moffitt et al. (1996), boys who
behaved untypically well in both childhood and
adolescence showed the least difficult temperament at
ages 3 and 5 years. However, positive temperament
traits should not be interpreted as innate and stable
resiliency because those boys who recovered from
early antisocial behavior improved in temperament.
Children with a difficult temperament are also more
frequently victims of parental hostility, neglect, and
physical abuse. This, in turn, increases the risk of later
aggressive behavior. In contrast, an easy temperament
may reduce or avoid such negative family influences.
The child’s personality can also help them to cope
successfully with unfavorable social experiences. Both
perspectives are suggested by studies on disadvantaged
and maltreated children. For example, Cicchetti and
Rogosch (1997) used Block’s personality concepts of
ego overcontrol (e.g., rigid impulse containment),
undercontrol (e.g., impulsivity), and ego resiliency
(dynamic capacity to modify the level of ego control
10707
Non
iolence: Protecti
e Factors
Figure 1
A simple model of cumulating risks in development of persistent antisocial behavior
according to environmental demands). These authors
found that maltreated children who were more ego
resilient or more overcontrolled adapted better and
were less a target of continued abuse. However,
inhibited children may sometimes ‘pay the price’ for
better protection against aggressive behavior by ex-
posure to a higher risk for internalizing problems.
2.3 Cogniti
e Competencies
Whereas low intelligence is a risk factor for persistently
violent and delinquent behavior, above-average or
high intelligence can have a protective function (Wer-
ner and Smith 1982). This is both a main effect and a
buffer against risks such as a criminal father, a
multiproblem milieu, or earlier problem behavior. A
protective effect of cognitive competencies is in line
with theories on deficits in neuropsychological func-
tioning, social information processing, and self-con-
trol in aggressive youngsters. Intelligent children are
more able to plan their behavior, anticipate conse-
quences, solve conflicts verbally, and develop alterna-
tives to aggressive reactions (Rutter et al. 1998).
Probably, it is not primarily general intellectual
capacity but more competencies in planning, com-
munication, and interpersonal problem solving that
help to cope with social risks of antisocial behavior.
10708
Individuals with good cognitive competencies may
not only avoid aggression in concrete situations but
also experience more positive reactions in a variety of
social contexts. Thus they are able to construct a more
favorable environment. For example, high-risk indivi-
duals who planned their lives more carefully had
better school experiences and chose better partners
than others from similar backgrounds (Quinton et al.
1993).
2.4 Childrearing and Attachment
Parenting behaviors such as aggression, rejection,
inconsistency, or laxness are well-replicated risk fac-
tors for serious and violent offending in youngsters. In
contrast, parental involvement, positive emotionality,
firm supervision, as well as good and reflective
communication may help children to adapt relatively
well in spite of risk factors for antisocial development
(Stouthamer-Loeber et al. 1993, Werner and Smith
1992). Safety and stability in the family also seem to
moderate negative environmental influences such as
neighborhood violence (Richters and Martinez 1993).
However, results on interactions between family vari-
ables and community violence are mixed.
On the one hand, protective functions of parenting
behavior operate through reinforcement and the mod-
eling of nonaggressive behavior. On the other hand,

emotionally responsive and supporting parental be-
havior increases the probability of secure attachment
as an internal working model for the future. At-
tachment to a competent caregiver promotes a struc-
tured, predictable, and regulated environment that is
relevant for general neuronal functioning and the
regulation of aggressive behavior. Although there is
some controversy about the stability and generality of
attachment types, secure bonding proves to be a
protective factor against various risks for behavioral
problems. These include, for example, family conflicts,
child abuse, multiple life burdens, a mentally ill parent,
parental divorce, or a deprived lower-class milieu
(Lo$ sel and Bender 2001).
Protective functions of an emotionally positive and
accepting as well as norm-oriented and adequately
demanding upbringing are not restricted to the family
context. Such an ‘authoritative’ climate in school or in
residential care institutions can also have a positive
effect on children at risk for aggression (Lo$ sel and
Bliesener 1994). This is important because these
youngsters often come from families in which pro-
tective childrearing features are lacking.
2.5 School Achie
ement and Bonding
Low academic achievement and deficits in school
bonding are replicated predictors of violent offending
(Hawkins et al. 1998). It is not clear how far school
problems reflect a cause, an effect, or merely a correlate
of antisocial behavior. However, academic achieve-
ment and good school bonding can have a protective
function when risks for antisociality are present.
Prospective studies have shown that success at school,
regular attendance, achievement orientation, parental
interest in a school career, and higher education are
related to nonviolence or a recovery from antisocial
behavior in childhood (Moffitt et al. 1996, Werner and
Smith 1992). Good school achievement and school
bonding still seem to exercise a protective function
against antisocial behavior beyond the effects of
intelligence.
Positive experiences in school are a source of self-
affirmation that helps to compensate for negative
experiences in the family. A good school career is also
an indicator for bonds to society and increases the
chance for nondeviant opportunities in life. Similar
effects are found for good work behavior, motivation
for vocational improvement, and job stability. Such
characteristics lead to positive turning points of
previous delinquents in late adolescence or young
adulthood (Sampson and Laub 1993).
2.6 Peer Groups and Social Networks
Resilience research suggests that social support and
involvement in social networks have a protective effect
Non
iolence: Protecti
e Factors
against various emotional and behavioral problems.
However, in the case of aggressive behavior, this
general relation needs to be differentiated. Whereas
support from nondeviant family members, relatives,
teachers, educators, or friends may function in a
protective way (Werner and Smith 1992), belonging to
a delinquent peer group is a strong predictor of violent
offending and gang membership (Thornberry 1998).
Whether the peer network has a risk or a protective
effect depends on the characteristics of the individuals
involved. Having nondelinquent peers protects against
the onset or persistence of antisocial behavior, whereas
delinquent friends promote the opposite (Stouthamer-
Loeber et al. 1993, Moffitt et al. 1996). Because
individuals join groups according to their own inter-
ests and attitudes, deviant peers may be both a
precursor and a result of one’s own antisociality.
Children with early onset, undersocialized-aggressive
behavior seem to be rejected by ‘normal’ youngsters
and thus more likely to join groups with antisocial
problems.
How far the peer group exerts long-term positive or
negative influences on the development of antisocial
behavior depends not least on the quality of relations
to family and school. Satisfaction with the social
network also seems to play a role. Both antisocial and
nondeviant adolescents continue in their respective
behavior when they are satisfied with their network
(Bender and Lo$ sel 1997). However, not being em-
bedded in a social network has a protective effect for
those with previous antisociality, but a risk effect for
those who were nondeviant before. Similarly, het-
erosexual relations may have a risk or a protective
effect depending on the individual age, gender, and
social context.
2.7 Self-Related and Social Cognitions
The literature on resilience emphasizes a positive self-
concept and self-efficacy as a relatively general and
strong protective factor. Although this view is support-
ed partially by results on aggressive behavior (e.g.,
Werner and Smith 1992), self-esteem plays a more
ambiguous role in this field. Subgroups of violent
individuals do not have a negative but an inflated self-
esteem (Baumeister et al. 1996). This is not just the
case in adult psychopaths. Already aggressive children
have more idealized ratings of their own competence
and relationship quality than nonaggressive children.
Such youngsters may show aggression more readily in
response to perceived negative feedback from others.
Idealized and defensive self-schemata contribute to
forms of social information processing that trigger
and reinforce aggressive behavior (e.g., hostility bias,
egocentric goal setting, positive evaluation of ag-
gressive reactions (Crick and Dodge 1994).
That specific self-related and social cognitions have
a protective effect against aggressive behavior is
10709
Non
iolence: Protecti
e Factors

supported by findings on offender treatment. Here, natural history of violent and nonviolent behavior.
cognitive–behavioral approaches show particularly Protective functions against violence and other serious
positive results. Such programs address social per- antisocial behavior may emerge on and between
ception, self-critical thinking, anger management, biological, psychological, and social levels at various
social perspective taking, victim awareness, creative ages. Although relatively few studies are designed
thinking, interpersonal problem solving, social skills specifically to detect protective mechanisms against
and attitudes. Ethical and religious beliefs can also violence, the following factors seem to contribute to
have a protective function against antisocial behavior. nonviolence in spite of serious risks:
(a) Genetic dispositions and high autonomic arousal
(b) An easy or inhibited temperament
(c) Personality dispositions of ego resiliency
2.8 Neighborhood and Community Factors (d) Above-average intelligence and good planning
(e) Emotionally secure bonds to the mother or other
Although it is methodologically difficult to separate
caregivers in or outside the family
individual and family characteristics from neighbor-
(f) Affiliation to nonaggressive peers and (for
hood and community characteristics, the latter seem
specific risk groups) some social isolation
to harbor a specific risk for antisocial behavior. In
(g) Supportive relations to nondeviant friends or
analogy to this, the protective model assumes that
heterosexual partners
positive features of the broader social context, such as
(h) Warmth, consistency, and supervision in child-
low poverty, low violence, low unemployment, many
rearing in the family, at school, or in other institutions
intact families, and high cohesion, may buffer negative
(i) Adult role models of prosocial behavior and
influences on the individual and microsocial level. For
resilience under difficult developmental circumstances
example, Kupersmidt et al. (1995) found no main
(j) Bonding to school and experiences of success at
effect of neighborhood factors, such as income, eth-
school
nicity, and family structure, on childhood aggression.
(k) Vocational achievement and employment stab-
However, there were various interactions suggesting
ility
that the same neighborhood may be protective for one
(l) Experiences of self-efficacy in nonaggressive
family type while functioning as a risk or neutral
activities and a good but not inflated self-esteem
factor for others. Middle-class neighborhoods, for
(m) Cognitive schemata, beliefs, and information
example, had a protective effect only on the aggressive
processing that are not aggression-prone
behavior of black children from low-income, single-
(n) Experiences of meaning and structure in one’s
parent homes. Wikstro$ m and Loeber (2000) only
life
found a negative effect for disadvantaged neigbor-
(o) Neighborhoods that do not concentrate too
hoods on older children with low individual or family
many high-risk families, are nonviolent, and socially
risks.
integrated in a nondeviant mode.
Neighborhoods with low violence may have a
Probably, none of these factors are protective under
protective effect because they provide fewer negative
all kinds and degrees of risk. Some counteract violence
role models and reinforcements for aggressive be-
only under specific circumstances. The protective
havior (Thornberry 1998). However, subjective experi-
function of others may depend on their dosage, age
ences of the local climate have also to be considered.
periods, gender, or co-occurrence with other indi-
For example, Seidman et al. (1998) reported more
vidual or social resources. More research is needed to
adolescent antisocial behavior in neighborhoods with
understand the interaction of various levels of risk and
moderate poverty and violence than in neighborhoods
protection.
that ranked high on such structural features. This
Further levels of influence need also to be integrated.
relation held primarily for middle (not young) adoles-
For example, low exposure to violence in the media,
cents who perceived their neighborhoods as more
effective fire-arm control, and generally low violence
hassling and less cohesive. There was also a subgroup
in the society may function in a protective mode.
with low antisociality who experienced themselves as
Target hardening, victim assertiveness, informal
disconnected to their neighborhood. This may indicate
neighborhood control, and other forms of situational
a protective effect of the family’s actively reduced
crime prevention can also counteract the behavioral
involvement in a disadvantaged and violent neighbor-
manifestation of dispositions to aggressiveness.
hood.
Last but not least, it is necessary to integrate
experimental research on prevention and intervention
more strongly with the correlational-longitudinal re-
search on protective factors (Farrington and Coid
2.9 Conclusions and Perspecti
es
2001). Although successful programs seem to address
Research on protective factors and mechanisms is not similar factors as those that are protective in the
the counterpart of traditional risk research but an natural environment, there is not yet much exchange
integrated part of differentiated explanations of the between the two areas of research.

10710
 Normati
e Aspects of Social and Beha
ioral Science

See also: Aggression in Adulthood, Psychology of; Quinton D, Pickles A, Maughan B, Rutter M 1993 Partners,
Attachment Theory: Psychological; Networks: Social; peers and pathways: Assortative pairing and continuities in
conduct disorder. De
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Self-regulation in Adulthood; Self-regulation in Child-
Raine A, Farrington D P, Brennan P, Mednick S A (eds.) 1997
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Violence in Anthropology; Violence: Public Richters J E, Martinez P E 1993 Violent communities, family
choices, and children’s chances: An algorithm for improving
the odds. De
elopment and Psychopathology 5: 609–27
Rutter M 1985 Resilience in the face of adversity. Protective
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of Psychiatry 147: 598–611
Baumeister R F, Smart L, Boden J M 1996 Relation of threat-
Rutter M, Giller H, Hagell A 1998 Antisocial Beha
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ened egotism to violence and aggression: the dark side of high
People. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK
self-esteem. Psychological Bulletin 103: 5–33
Sampson R J, Laub J H 1993 Crime in the Making: Pathways
Bender D, Lo$ sel F 1997 Protective and risk effects of peer
and Turning Points through Life. Harvard University Press,
relations and social support on antisocial behaviour in
Cambridge, MA
adolescents from multi-problem milieus. Journal of Ado-
Seidman E, Yoshikawa H, Roberts A, Chesir-Teran D, Allen L,
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Friedman J L, Aber J L 1998 Structural and experiental
Cicchetti D, Rogosch F A 1997 The role of self-organization in
neighborhood contexts, developmental stage, and antisocial
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International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences ISBN: 0-08-043076-7