Is political branding good for Philippine democracy?

BY F E L I CI TY ON F E BRUAR Y 1, 2013 19 COM M ENTS

Branding is considered the hallmark of modern political communications. Its viewed as ersatz ideology, or a sales pitch during the political point of sale (elections) where candidates are products and voters are consumers. It reduces complex political information to slogans and symbols (e.g. colors and songs about swimming in a sea of garbage), all manufactured based on strategic market research. Some thus argue that political branding creates shallow ideological roots that can be shifted for electoral gain. So is it simply means to an end?

I argue here that the democratic benefits of political branding outweigh its costs. (If you are more interested in branding in action / lessons and observations from the 2010 election campaign scroll to Reflexivity: the Missing link here.) This has to be understood in the context of the cacique nature of Philippine democracy (where political bosses dictate the democratic process), and in particular, the widespread practice of clientelism (known as patronage in exchange for votes). Scholars of Philippine democracy more or less agree that the democratic deficit stems from patronage politics and the crisis of legitimation and representation it breeds (for more, see works by Bjorn Dressel, Paul Hutchcroft and Joel Rocamora). The problems are evident when we look at the electoral process. Clientelism, through political machines, deliver bloc votes by bailiwick (not ideology), negotiated through political networks, and where economic and social stature are key factors in the calculus. Key word: negotiated this implies there is poor exercise of voter choice. Julio Teehankee calls these command votes. The politics of command voting is associated with vote buying/padding, voter disenfranchisement, rent-seeking, coercion, and even warlordism. This is distinct from a new form of voter mobilization, one that is separated from the bailiwick and is more malleable to ideological appeals. These are what Teehankee terms market votes. A market vote implies there is some form of consumer power being exercised. Political branding challenges the primacy of command voting by activating the power of the market vote. To achieve this, branding mobilizes voters through ideological appeals as opposed to patronage. In so doing, it deepens the meaning of voter mobilization from the basic notion of casting a ballot (patronage), to a framework of casting a vote of choice (market). These choices are predicated on a candidates responsiveness to the electorates needs, which if authentic, would translate from a campaign brand to a brand of governance. It is in these ways that political branding has the potential to help shrink the countrys democratic deficits.

How do we understand political branding? Political brands are unique, identifiable symbols and associations embodied in names or trademarks that differentiate between political actors, notably as candidates. They summarize ideas and attitudes and are psychological representations of the candidate from the voters POV, an affinity known as brand equity. In the Philippines, brand equity may be inherited from non-political contexts (eg. from the movies to Malacaang) or, more recently, constructed on the basis of the public zeitgeist. Political brands are not just an identifier but an identity that needs to be designed, positioned and driven to grow through electoral market targeting and segmentation. Political branding is in short the strategic construction of an emotional connection representing the electorates preferences in candidate selection. A deep and almost scientific understanding of the electoral markets preferences and concerns at any given point in time (measured through market research) is thus required.
Market vs Command: the rise and fall of the machines

The emotional appeals that define political branding, widely discounted as cognitive shortcuts for making uninvolved decisions, seem to instead invigorate the Philippine electorate. Market votes are mobilized by media-based appeals via political branding (polmarketing, advertising and comm-strats are subsidiaries of the brand paradigm). The Erap brand strategy hinged on segmenting the vote market by class, which cuts across bailiwicks. Classes D and E represent about 90 percent of the population. In a plurality system, if you grab that, you grab the presidency. Its now a matter of appealing to that latent vote market. Erap did so by sealing his affinity with the poor with the slogan Erap para sa Mahirap, thus capturing the presidency with double the votes for De Venecia, a classic clientelist, command-vote politician. Erap may be a political veteran with his own coalition, but it was his strong brand equity that attracted political networks into his fold; his networks did not create his electoral popularity. In fact, Erap actively circumvented traditional clientelist networks (although he did employ a hybrid command-and-market strategy). Contrast the Erap Juggernaut to FVRs paltry 23% victory in 1992 (a less than 4-point lead over Miriam), which Teehankee credits to political machinery. The mechanisms of command voting, on the other hand, erode democratic principles and institutions. In the age of mass media, without a strong brand, politicians are forced to mobilize command votes. Gloria Arroyos brand was at sea, and so in the absence of a political brand that would attract market votes, she actuated clientelism to win enough command votes to crush FPJs market votes (more on this by Thompson).

Through years of dispensing political patronage, including with state funds and to powerful warlords and politicos, Arroyo machinated large-scale fraud that involved bribing election officials, extensive voter disenfranchisement and hundreds of extrajudicial killings, to pad a lead of just over one million votes in the official tally. A study of the masa vote shows that political legitimacy is understood as bestowed by the people through elections, itself seen as the legitimate democratic process of representation. Seen through this lens, the connection the Erap brand established with the masses unleashed the voice of the electorate. If voters willingness to assert their choice whether by ballot or street is an expression of democracy (a notion I credit to Malou Mangahas, 12/2012 interview), then despite the glaring deficiencies of his presidency, the pull factor of the Erap brand had at the very least loosened the constraints to democratic participation. Reflexivity: the missing link The flaw in the Erap brand vis-a-vis democratic renewal was the shallow segmentation of the market. Creating a target voter cleavage by class may be an optimal numerical strategy, but it misses the point of political marketing. Marketing was developed to understand the buying (voting) behaviors of consumers (voters) to develop an optimal product that will retain brand loyalty. This is attained through authenticity. Eraps populist brand was simply an alternative form of elite pro-capitalist governance. The electoral market must thus be segmented in a variety of demographic configurations that do not only look at numerical strength but active concerns. Focus groups and public opinion polling measure these voter preferences, and the data produced help inform the construction of the political brand and campaign strategy. 2013 candidates, please take note. Chiz on the back of every bus on EDSA, the endless repetition of Pias name in a jingle, and blanketing the city with Rectos face does not a political brand make. Thats just a pissing contest that looks like advertising, and its not even cost-effective. Here are observations on the prominent features of brand strategy from the 2010 presidential elections Participatory Narratives. Brands take the form of stories that are constructed by the candidate but then left for the voter to finish as their own. Villar and Aquino did this very well. They catered to competing populist and reformist narratives that run deep in the veins of public opinion (Thompson). Villars storyline goes like this: if you work hard like me, you can lift yourself from poverty. If you elect me, I will make sure you have the tools to do so.

Aquinos goes like this: We need good people in office to get rid of corruption. If you elect me, I can do this, but I will need your help. You are my boss. In both storylines, the voter faces a choose your own ending-type scenario. This can stimulate public discussion of the political agenda, and motivate the electorate to truly deliberate on their choice (That Villar and Aquino were neck and neck in February 2010 suggests this was the case). Sino iboboto mo? thus translates to Ano ang iboboto mo?

Emotional connections: the sine qua non of political branding. These are built by creating a set of promises and expectations catering to voter needs and wants, which also encourages democratic participation. The top motivators for candidate selection are leadership notions such as dedicated to the service of the people that, for good or ill, are judged primarily by images projected on the TV screen. These notions were also transmitted by symbols such as colored ribbons.Aquino had the built-in advantage of a meta-narrative of family and nation, the Aquinos and the Philippines. In contrast, Villars rags-to-riches narrative was aspirational and relatable (Hedman, Thompson). Televising his generosity in programs like Stop My Hirap offered a foretaste of his promised benevolence as president. Both brands were clearly compelling. So what tipped the scale?

Engagement of the political discourse strategically generated by the brand. Over the campaign period, opinion polls revealed competing clamors for pro-poor representation and incorrupt leadership, and to a lesser degree, competency. Sometimes pro-poor was up. Sometimes it was incorrupt leadership.Villar mainly drummed up a pro-poor message, and as a kicker, capitalized on his generally acknowledged executive abilities. Aquinos Kung walang corrupt walang mahirap linked the dominant voter concerns of corruption and poverty, reflected his incorrupt image, and was flanked by a solid reformist narrative. Furthermore, Villars refusal to seriously engage with the booming anti-corruption discourse prompted the campaign to brand the billionaire Villarroyo. Aquino won with the largest plurality since 1986, dominating across all sectors and all regions.

In short: read the writings on the wall. Exploit an issue that voters care about to your advantage, and make sure you have the chops to sustain it. The worst mistake you can make is to think the electorate is stupid enough to buy in to a fake sales pitch. Authenticity is key. The people will eventually find you out. Is political branding enough? Certainly not. The problems lies in our political structures, and there likewise needs to be a shift in political mentality. We need to do away with party-shopping, and crack down on non-ideological party-shopping and political dynasties (although we need to reflect whether these families are motivated by personal reasons, or perhaps are truly dedicated to public service). Perhaps shortening the presidential term and allowing one subsequent re-election will force presidents to make good on their campaign promises. As for elected leaders who do get a second (or third or fourth) shot at office, then we should pay more attention to what they are doing (cue the media and non-partisan monitoring groups). We need mechanisms that encourage political outsiders a fighting chance at challenging traditional politics (in this respect, political branding allows candidates to construct counter-narratives to politics as usual). At the end of the day, what we need are politicians who truly care for our country, and voters who will fight for this ideal, by exercising their power at the polls. Thats the brand of democracy I am hoping for.

Malacaang doubts Guingona-led anti-political dynasty petition

Reporting by: Ray Beron | The Philippine Chronicle News

MANILA, Philippines Presidential spokesperson Edwin Lacierda on Friday said he feels iffy about the possibility of the Supreme Court ordering Congress to craft an antipolitical dynasty law following a petition led by former Vice President Teofisto Guingona Jr. Medyo iffy po, gagawin ho ba yan ng Korte Suprema? Lacierda asked reporters back Friday when questioned regarding the stand of the Palace over the Guingona-led petition. Mandamus means, in Latin, we order. [Uutusan] mo ang Kongreso. Ito po yung ibig sabihin nung petition, sinabi po ng mga petitioners: Ginoong Korte Suprema, sabihin mo kay Ginoong Kongreso gawa ng batas, he added. The petition is asking for a law that would address the 1987 Constitutions provision banning political dynasties in the Philippines.

According to Lacierda, he doesnt believe that the Constitution gives the high court the power to oblige Congress to enact a law. From a constitutional principle, Im not sure if that is at all possible that the Supreme Court will order the House because this is not something that is ministerial on the part of the Congress to enact, he said. Lacierda also said that he did not believe the petition will succeed. A co-equal branch cannot order the other co-equal branch to do what is discretionary upon them to do it. So Im not very sure if that will prosper, from my constitutional point of view, said the spokesman. The debate regarding political dynasties sparked several months before the 2013 elections with key personalities such as former President Fidel Ramos urging the Congress to pass the measure saying the absence of such law has enabled powerful families to abuse their authority and exploit the countrys resources for self-interests. Meanwhile, Lacierda also clarified earlier reports that Malacaang is supporting the passage of an anti-political dynasty law telling reporters that the palace does not issue any stand regarding the issue to date. Wala pa hong position ang Palasyo diyan dahil hindi pa namin alam kung anong eksaktong bill ang ihahain o ang pag-aaralan po ng Kongreso, Lacierda said. Included in the list of petitioners were Dante Jimenez of the Volunteers Against Crime and Corruption, Leonard De Vera, Eduardo Bringas, Vicente Velasquez, and Raymundo Jarque.

Ugly political landscape

A LAW EACH DAY (KEEPS TROUBLE AWAY) By Jose C. Sison (The Philippine Star) | Updated February 18, 2013 - 12:00am
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With the kind of politicians now dominating our political landscape, our countrys future does not really look good. We have been an independent democratic Republic for almost 67 years now, yet the quality of public service rendered by our public officials has not improved but has even deteriorated through the years. During the Commonwealth era and right after we became an independent and sovereign nation in 1946, most of our public officers and employees still lived up to the standards set by our Constitution now embodied in Article XI, Section 1. They looked at public office as a public trust and were actually accountable to the people at all times, serving them with utmost responsibility, integrity, loyalty and efficiency; and they did their jobs with patriotism and justice as they lead modest lives. Now, this kind of public officials is a rare and an endangered species as most of them even die so early in their public service career.

Obviously, the primary reasons for such deterioration can be found in both the system and the people running the system. Of course our present set up of having a representative government is very ideal and desirable. It envisions a government where public officers are supposed to be mere agents and not rulers of the people, where no one man or set of men has a proprietary or contractual right to an office, but where every officer accepts office pursuant to the provisions of law and holds the office as a trust for the people whom he represents (Cornejo vs. Gabriel, 41 Phil, 188). Under this government set up, the office and the officer play a vital role. Either or both of them can really be the cause of the deterioration of our public service and bad governance. The best example of the office is the Chief Executive or President. It is undeniably a position that carries with it a lot of discretionary power and influence tempting enough for its occupant to make a lot of money. He or she may opt to serve the interests of cronies or those with enough financial clout to get what they want at the expense of the peoples general welfare and interests. Past administrations have confirmed that this corrupt practice has really been committed several times, and with impunity. It has happened even in the local executive positions from governor, mayor down to barangay captain. Of course corrupt practices also occur in Congress because of the enormous funds allotted to each of our legislators now totaling P25 billion notoriously known as the pork barrel, more euphemistically denominated as the Peoples Development and Assistance Fund (PDAF). The pork which is not necessary for the performance of their duties is undeniably another source of corruption. There is no doubt therefore that the nature or essence of the position has contributed a lot to the deterioration of public service and to bad governance we are now experiencing. For this reason, several attempts have been made to clip the powers of the Presidency like proposing a shift to either the federal form or parliamentary system of government. But the move to change the charter to bring about this shift has been repeatedly opposed especially by the sitting President. On the other hand, the President could have also remove or at least reduce the amount of pork barrel in the budget. Unfortunately however none of these moves has also been taken. In fact the budget for pork under the present administration has been increased. Opinion ( Article MRec ), pagematch: 1, sectionmatch: 1 But even if most of our government offices are corrupt prone, much depends also on the persons occupying the position. They can still adhere to the basic idea that as officers, they are mere agents and not rulers of the people who hold office as a trust for the people whom (they) represent. This is precisely the idea being conveyed by PNoy when he coined that phrase kayo ang boss ko. But as it has now turned

out, this idea is pure lip service and more of a media gimmick to boost his image and maintain his high popularity ratings in poll surveys. Then there are also persons belonging to the same family who consider public office as a proprietary or contractual right. They are the political dynasties which now hold about 70% of the elective positions all over the land. While our Constitution bans political dynasties, (Article II Section 26), dynasties still exist and even proliferate because of the phrase as may be defined by law found in said Article. This phrase is often invoked as an excuse for not implementing the ban because of the absence of an enabling legislation. And since most of those tasked to enact said law belong to political dynasties, passage of said law is thus very remote. Hence an organization calling itself as Movement against Dynasty (MAD) has) started a signature campaign to enact said law through peoples initiative also allowed by the Constitution Then another group known as Anti Political Dynasty Movement (Andayamo) has also directly filed with the Comelec a petition to disqualify clear and obvious candidates running in tandem or seeking to replace and succeed his or her spouse, parent, child or sibling who are the incumbent occupant of a public office. According to Andayamo, there are four discoverable legal standards for the immediate implementation of the Constitutional ban on political dynasties even without any enabling law. The first is the plain and ordinary meaning principle in Constitutional construction where political dynasty should be understood in its generally accepted meaning (Tuason vs. LTA 31 SCRA 413. The second is found in the records of the deliberations of the Constitutional Commission where the framers also understood the phrase in its plain and ordinary meaning. The third discoverable legal standards are found in the existing laws like the Family Code and the Civil Code clearly defining the term family. And the fourth standard is the Supreme Court ruling that a constitutional provision may be self executing in one part and non-self executing in another. Here the intent of the framers in adding the phrase as may be defined by law was merely to determine the scope and extent of the prohibition and not to prevent the immediate implementation of the ban against those clear and obvious cases of political dynasties. Nevertheless, the real change in our political landscape can still be achieved if we will not vote for the same old politicians and members of dynasties and if our votes will be properly counted by the PCOS machines.
- See more at: http://www.philstar.com/opinion/2013/02/18/910152/ugly-politicallandscape#sthash.2Y0s37rZ.dpuf

Political dynasty-ism
Objections to family political dynasties are based on the old democratic ideal of decentralization and distribution of political power to as many representations as possible. Enshrining that ideal in the Philippine Constitution in 1987 was a reflection of the national and popular sentiment of that time. It also reflected the belief in the Rule of Law; i.e. that once the ban on dynasties was made a constitutional principle then the ideal would prevail. The current backlash to the resurgence and proliferation of members of political families simultaneously occupying and running for high political offices, and/or transferring such offices to their succeeding generation reassure us that that ideal of distributive democracy is still alive; but the reality is that 25 years after the writing of the anti-dynasty provision these ideals are under mortal threatened from resurgent political dynasty-ism. The anti-dynasty provision of the Constitution needs a law to be implementable and realizable. Unfortunately, that law has to be written by the Congress that has a long tradition of having ubiquitous old feudal, provincial-political, business oligarchy, sectarian religious families dominating it affairs. The enactment of a law to realize the anti-dynasty provision of the Constitution and the ideal of democratization of political power is put in the hands of the very same political families or dynasties that find the anti-dynasty idea anathema and wouldnt lift a finger to remove themselves from the Philippine power structure. It should be no surprise then that after 25 years, four administrations and congresses, no progress has been made in enacting any antidynasty law. Worse, dynasties have multiplied and consolidated. One of the reasoning behind that anti-dynasty campaign is power begets power, hence political power and its possession must be limited by political reform through legislation. For example, term limits for all levels of elective government officials: Hence we have three year terms of limited three term re-election for local and congressional officials, six year two term limit for senators and six-year one term, no re-election for president. Even these limits are being assailed by politicians today. The anti-dynasty provision of the Constitution is also besieged. The defense of the Rule of the Dynasties come ironically from the highest office of the land that is sworn to uphold and protect the Constitution, that is Malacaang; but again, we should not be surprised as its occupant is the epitome of the system at least third generation heir of a political family, the Aquinos. Malacaangs defense of the dynasties can be ridiculous. Here is one report from Madel Sabater, Malacaang yesterday said there is nothing wrong with political dynasties, stressing that electing a public official should not be based on the name but on qualifications and track record. Deputy presidential spokesman Abigail Valte said it will be the voters who will decide if they are for government officials who have relatives in other elective government posts. But it is the dynasty principle that precisely puts the name of the candidate above all else, making political parties draft candidates solely on that basis to take advantage of name recall, accumulated political family goodwill from the barangay captains to the Armed Forces of the Philippines or Philippine National

Police members and Comelec, and the financial resources from years of legislative pork barrel accumulations. Think of the qualifications of the candidates who inherit their candidacy from their incumbent parents, what can you find? Generally nothing. There are a few good ones aided by their political parents in learning the craft of government, but the vast majority never had any background or inclination in public service. Some heirs have criminal past, like that drug user convicted in Hong Kong who will inherit his fathers post this time around or another who has a rumored murder case that has not come to light due to a parents political umbrage. Lets assume some of these dynastic political tykes may have potential, but their preemptive candidacies invariably deny opportunities to other aspirants who may be much more deserving, qualified and with glaring and proven public track records of advocacies and service. Political dynasties flourish in many societies of diverse and contradictory political philosophies and systems. The Bush or Kennedy families in the US are dynasties, the princelings in China today are third generation heirs of the Communist Party of China from the time of Mao, Kim Jung Un is third generation in North Korea; in all these societies too there are currents and undercurrents of anti-dynasty sentiment and actual initiatives. The dialectics between the democratic principle and dynastic concentration of power will continue alongside the evolution of political and economic power based on the social and intellectual developments in the nation. If our ideals for modern and progressive distributive democracy and economics are to survive and overcome the trend toward the institutionalization of political and economic neo-feudalism, we must say no to political dynasty-ism. Castigating political dynasties What the Constitution has illegalized let no man legalize. This is what seems to be the issue brought right before the eyes of the people in distorting the very meaning and interpretation of the political dynasty law. The mere fact that this provision and its prohibition is already enshrined in the Constitution, violators still have the temerity of looking for loopholes and not appreciate the Constitution at face value. That is precisely how it is to be guilty, try to evade the law as much as you can. The disadvantages of political dynasticism outweighs its advantages. The only advantage obviously is a familys tradition of having practiced integrity in public service that brings to its young breed of leader heirs the same brand of control. But how many among them possess this virtue? In Philippine politics, families who attach themselves to this noble virtue are indeed very rare, just like searching for a needle in a hay stack.

But the disadvantages are too many to ignore, which people especially voters should take note of. In one of the articles about political dynasty written in August 2012, the author made mention of the following to wit;

But the disadvantage of having this system (political dynasty) is the tendency of harboring power. The thirst for dominion will ruin not just the government but its people. Fame and popularity of the family will surely find them a good place in the government office. It leaves a narrow road for those able and gifted leaders whose clan has never been heard of. What puts Filipino people in jeopardy regarding this political dynasty lies in the saying whatever the tree, so is the fruit. If corruption finds its way in the family, it is not impossible in the next generation who will inherit the power.

Despite the non-formulation yet of an enabling law that will put into action the law on political dynasty which they themselves try to hold back for obvious reasons, common sense and prudence dictates that if you are a man of integrity and high ideals just like what you are projecting as a leader, your actions should be in accordance to what the supreme law of the land states. Doing otherwise should be interpreted as violative of the law and require sanctions from no less than the people who are victims of the so called monopolies of power, who make public service as their own personal enterprise with the end in view of attaching their whole clan to power till kingdom come.

The voters silent outrage has suddenly been manifested by such political malpractice. It has become apparent that they are out to castigate these candidates to show their exasperation of the kind of melancholic leadership these politicians are out to display. In elections, the voters are king and should display their supremacy by way of castigating these types of candidates. It is only by acting as one can we change the face of Philippine politics and bring back the glory of our country once dubbed as the pearl of the orient seas.

As bullish as can be The countrys financial market and the capital market as a whole has remained bullish, an offshoot of strong macroeconomic fundamentals displayed by the Philippine economy in 2012. The November report of the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (BSP) stated that corporate bonds issuances reached P248.3 billion, up by 27.2 percent from P194.3 billion recorded in the same period of the previous year (2011). What is encouraging about this accomplishment is the fact that these moneys generated from bond sales are used for either operational or expansionary purposes. As such, it increases the countrys economic activity which in turn creates income and employment and increases the standard of living of the people. Inflation remained at an ideal level of 3.2 percent last year, indicating that prices of commodities in the market remained stable.

The countrys benchmark, the stock market has reached twenty record highs, an indication of increased local and foreign market interest and confidence in the local bourse. This signifies interest in the local market which practically is a prelude to Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Consumer and investment spending was expected to continue until the second quarter of the year (2011) brought about by essential expenditures like the forthcoming midterm elections. Unless otherwise controlled and the monetary authorities taking proper actions, inflation rate is expected to accelerate to about 5-6 percent because of the increase of currency in circulation brought about by massive election spending. All of these put together should generate employment and reduce unemployment, which up to now seems to hinder our countrys full economic recovery and turnaround. But all in all, these are aftermaths of the countrys strong macroeconomic fundamentals complemented by the Presidents highly trusted leadership; the country is most definitely on its way to economic prominence. - See more at: http://www.manilatimes.net/index.php/opinion/columnist1/42258castigating-political-dynasties#sthash.AS3nTQqi.dpuf

POLITICAL DYNASTIES
With less than a year into the 2013 national elections, netizens launched an online shame campaign against the common practice of Filipino politicians to attach their names to government projects that are funded or assisted by their office. These politicians are labelled epal, a Filipino slang term meaning attention grabber, for using public funds and programs to promote themselves through tarpaulins and other publicity materials. The campaign initiators encourage people to submit photos that expose epal politicos to the #epalwatch blog. An Anti-epal Facebook page has over 33,000 likes and dozens of submissions by concerned netizens. They've also partnered with local IT company Kwan Initiatives for the integration of a new anti-epal feature into the smartphone mobile application Instapatrol. Through this new feature, Instapatrol users can now only easily share photos of floods, traffic, potholes, and other everyday inconveniences but also photos of epal politicians. The examples of epal images submitted in these sites range from the brazen to the ingenious. Here's a billboard by an alleged political dynasty in the southern Philippine province Davao del Sur described by posters as a family portrait.

Walls along main thoroughfares and side streets, like those of Manila below, are common victims.

So are government vehicles.

There's a Happy Halloween tarpaulin complete with the faces of government officials.

Disaster relief goods are meanwhile utilized for early campaigning.

The virtual spaces of Facebook and other social networking sites have also been invaded. This is President Noynoy Aquino's cousin who is also a senatorial aspirant:

Even peanut butter is not spared.

Written by Karlo Mikhail Mongaya Posted 30 October 2012