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AIMS
The aim of this project was to explore the public perception of science and its social
construction as a set of myths, rituals and stereotypes. This theme encompasses several
different ideas such as the public image of scientists, gender roles in science and the authority
of science. It was felt that creating a society would be the most effective way of
simultaneously dealing with these ideas. Placing the project within the context of a society
also enabled the social and cultural aspects of science to be studied without having to look at
observations came from Latour and Woolgar (1979), who conducted an anthropological study
of a group of scientists in a laboratory at the Salk Institute. They termed their study
“anthropology of science” due to the way in which their information was derived – by
“living” with the scientists and observing the day to day behind-the-scenes activity that takes
“We envisaged a research procedure analogous with an intrepid explorer of the Ivory Coast
who, having studied the belief system or material production…by living with the tribesmen,
sharing their hardships and almost becoming one of them, eventually returns with a body of
observations which he can present as a preliminary research report.” (Latour and Woolgar
1979, p. 28).
The above quote formed the starting point for our project. However, studying scientists as a
tribe would not give us any insight into the way the public perceives science. We therefore
decided to adapt the approach and create a tribe of non-scientists who worship scientist gods,
to emulate the god-like, mythic status that scientists are sometimes seen as having,
particularly within the media. It was decided that our tribe would be isolated, as we did not
want there to be any confusion from other outside influences. In this sense, they would be in a
‘pure’ state.
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We wanted our findings to speak for themselves, without our presenting things explicitly, and
so we created three fictional characters whose ‘naïve’ observations would reveal the
characteristics of the tribe and their interactions with the gods. These characters were created
to complement each other. We had an experienced ethnography, a medical doctor who had
recently begun research in ethnography, and a non-ethnographer. We felt that these characters
would enable us to observe the tribe from different perspectives (for example the non-
ethnographer would view the tribe with particularly naïve eyes as he would not know what to
expect).
ANTHROPOLOGY
In order to make our anthropological expedition as authentic as possible, we read the work of
real anthropologists such as Clifford Geertz (1993), Claude Levi-Strauss (1955), Edward
Evans-Pritchard (1937) and Margaret Mead (1943). From their writings (particularly those of
Evans-Pritchard) we started to get a feel for how real anthropological accounts are
documented. Actual accounts of expeditions to the Amazon, for example Alfred R. Wallace’s
late nineteenth century journey (Wallace 1905) through the Rio Negro, also provided
Throughout our project, we adapted the method of “thick description” (Geertz 1993, p. 6),
recording lots of detailed information that can then be thought about and reflected on. The
idea behind Geertz’ thick description was to avoid approaching anthropological observation
with preconceived notions; in other words to avoid theory-laden observation, arguably akin to
Robert Boyle's 'virtual witnessing' as described in Russell (2006). As a result, our account of
the expedition is highly detailed. For example, we have real personalities for our explorers;
we have a location (Rio Negro, Brazil) and we have accounts of the journey there and the first
contact between our explorers and the tribe. Our tribe also has some very specific traits, for
example they do not possess a written language and therefore record important information
through oral traditions and artwork. This information, rather than being superfluous, helped to
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Another important factor in our project was the decision to pretend that we found the journal
entries and the mural in a Cambridge college attic. This meant that we did not have to worry
about creating hundreds of journal entries – we could have things missing and leave things
quite open-ended. For example, regarding our ethical dilemma (see further below) we never
THE MURAL
Although we had fairly early on settled on using a tribal setting for our project, we decided on
an Amazonian location for the tribe relatively late. Before making that decision, we
considered artistic traditions including African (Willett, 2002) and North American (Feest,
1992). (The inspiration for the cloth mural first came from Native American paintings done
on buffalo skin, which we saw at the British Museum. Buffalo being few and far between in
The art of the Brazilian tribespeople is based more around pattern than representation, so we
looked elsewhere for an artistic style. National Geographic magazine described a recently
discovered mural of the creation myth of the Ancient Mayans, and this was our starting point.
Eddie's sketches again added to the realism of the trip, and these were inspired by
photographs of real South American tribespeople, from various sources but notably Levi-
The four gods were based on the stereotypes we heard about during the second half of the
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Creator/Destroyer. After looking through the relevant chapter in LaFollette (1990) we decided
that these stereotypes were still relevant to the present day, and were worth exploring to see
why they had such power. We tried to put their individual social functions across in four gods.
LaFollette linked the “scientist as a wizard” stereotype to Thomas Edison. Edison and other
wizard scientists could do seemingly impossible things which were portrayed as magical.
Now we are so used to the growing powers of technology that new advances don’t seem
magic, aside from some medical ‘miracle cures’, but we decided that scientists were still
portrayed as magical, and the most magical of all was Einstein. Einstein is a symbol of
science itself, but he is inaccessible and separate from ordinary mortals. He has powers that
we cannot aspire to (for example the urban legend that only 3 people in the world could
actually understand the theory of special relativity). He is also visually a magician, with his
wild white hair and his kindly eyes. Thus we made him the basis for our most powerful god,
the creator of the universe who understands everything on the deepest level.
To include the miracle cure in our wizard god we made his priest the tribe’s shaman and
healer. Considering real tribal shamans led us to the idea of a vision quest using a
hallucinogen, as a way of portraying the public’s understanding magical theories. Using the
drug Yajé (Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1970) they experience the visions, which show them the
theories without truly letting them understand, the way we use stories (a man arriving home
after a short space flight near light speed to find his twin has died of old age) to get the ‘wow
factor’ of Einstein’s theories without understanding them at all [or perhaps, rather, to
understand them qualitatively, as per the didactic use of narrative Nick referred to in his
The second stereotype was the scientist as an expert. LaFollette included Einstein under this
heading, as his expertise in relativity made everyone assume that he was an expert on politics,
philosophy and ethics as well. We wanted to include this idea, so we had our tribespeople
consult the expert god on every aspect of their lives, through the use of an oracle. The oracle
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We also wanted to get across the difficulties scientists have communicating with the public,
so we made our god speak a language that was incomprehensible to the tribespeople, and
could only be poorly translated by the oracle. The tribespeople accept these judgements
The next stereotype, the creator destroyer, was very relevant to the modern perception of
science. This is the idea that some scientific discoveries seem wonderful and turn out to be
disastrous, and that some are just plain dangerous in the first place. LaFollette quoted DDT
and chemical weapons, but today the emphasis is on the biological sciences, in GM crops and
the human cloning debate. We made this god a toddler, to symbolise its tendency to act
Stereotype four, the scientist as a hero, was harder to identify in the modern perception of
science. But we decided that scientists still play the hero role when they act as an inspiration
to others, especially young people. We also thought scientists were portrayed as heroes when
they refused to give up, and fight against the mainstream misconceptions of other scientists or
the government. Thus we made our hero priest responsible for training the young men in
THE MYTHS
A function of our myths for the Wahati tribe is to provide them with an identity and a
common culture and belief system. Arguably, we define ourselves as 'Western' not only by
virtue of our geographic location and our genetic heritage but also because of our political
systems (democracy) and our belief systems (principally of Christian heritage and science as a
way of understanding the world). In the same way, the Wahati tribe defines itself partly
Burland, Nicholson and Osborne (1970) identified some common categories of South
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American myths - the origin of the world, the deluge, his creation of man, aetiological myths
that explain the origins of tribes, etc, and other folklore and legend. We chose to focus on
five principal myths: creation and the origin of mankind; the founding father; a woman and
child myth; a quest for divinity myth; and a trickster myth. We also worked in customs or
details from a variety of cultures, such as the taboo on the pronouncing of the gods' full names
(Frazer, 1963) and the birth of Athena from the head of Zeus (Brewer, 1996). It was
surprising how naturally our cultural beliefs about science fit into one or other of the mythic
frameworks we identified.
The myth of the creation of the universe is a way of introducing some of the characteristics
of our four stereotype scientist gods. The wizard makes the universe from nothing, the hero
uses strength, and the expert uses laws. The three adult gods struggle for status, representing
the way one stereotype is often more powerful than another depending on the situation. The
birth of the creator destroyer then represented the death of Newtonian physics and the
emergence of the atom bomb, a new and dangerous idea of science replacing the optimistic
The founding father myth links to Sir Francis Bacon, whom we have taken to be the
'founding father' of the Western scientific tradition. It attempts to show why the tribe
worships these gods and not others. They are persuaded that these gods are stronger than the
old gods – that there is some practical advantage for them in transferring their loyalty from
their 'superstitions' to (greater) rationality. This is the least 'mythic' of the myths and is
intended to derive from a historical event in the life of our fictional tribe. In order to
underline this, our explorers do eventually find out the rational explanation for how Eneti
managed to kill all of the animals in the test in one night, an achievement which might at first
appear supernatural.
The woman/quest for divinity myth arose out of our question as to why all of the
gods/stereotypes are male. LaFollette found that where women scientists were profiled in the
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American media, their homemaking/cooking skills were always mentioned. We also read
some feminist critiques of science (Harding, 1991) examining western science from a feminist
perspective. Women were and are under-represented in (physical) science and there is some
evidence (Schiebinger 1987, Russell 2006a) that this is related to the scientific career
structure with its short term contracts and constant need to publish – occurring simultaneously
with women's fertile years, maternity leave and the demands of young children.
The trickster myth shows the public's distrust of scientist's pronouncements due to
experience of their mistakes (Russell, 2006b). The four ways in which the Jaguar deceives the
oracle represent the four Baconian idols (Webster, 2006). The Idols of the Tribe include
fallible, limited senses, shown when the god is fooled by dust blown in his eyes. The Idols of
the Cave include habit; the jaguar gets the god used to receiving and orange, and then
deceives him by handing him an unexpected armadillo. The Idols of the Marketplace involve
problems with language; the jaguar tricks the tribespeople into using the wrong word, thus
deceiving the god. The Idols of the Theatre include dogma. The god is deceived by the
The woman/creator/destroyer myth shows the public reaction to that particular stereotype of
science/scientists. When the public perceives research as dangerous or misguided, they seek
to control science. When threatened by the actions of the god the Wahati appoint a woman to
rein in his destructive tendencies. The woman represents the intuitive moral nature of the
public, and the fact that this may be wiser than the knowledge-seeking scientists. The public
seeks to control science, just as the Wahati appoint a woman to restrain the creator destroyer's
The difficulty faced in communication was a major theme throughout our project. This came
between scientists and non-scientists (the “public.”) The gods of our fictional tribe converse
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with the high priests (who act as intermediaries, in much the same way as science
(Russell, 2006d). As a result, the tribespeople have to rely on the high priests’ interpretation
of this language – and it cannot be proven whether or not the high priests are translating
accurately or telling the truth. This is not to say that science communicators intentionally
mislead but, rather, that distortion is highly likely to take place in the dialogue between
scientists and non-scientists even when mediators are present (Russell, 2006).
Masiri, although a tribesperson, is also an intermediary of sorts. He acts as the interpreter for
both the explorers and the tribe, conversing in both Portuguese and Tarisi/Wahati. For the
most part, he is reliable and trustworthy. However, he sometimes teases the anthropologists by
deliberately misinterpreting things and pretending to be able to understand the language of the
gods. This explores the issues of whether or not anthropologists are always told the truth by
the tribespeople they are observing. A good example of this is Margaret Mead (1943) and her
study of adolescent girls in Samoa, whose findings about a ‘free love’ culture were refuted
(Freeman, 1996). This also reveals how anthropologists can often misunderstand what is
actually going on. Bernard (1994) assumed that the Otomi people felt obliged to offer him
'pulque' (a type of fermented nectar) when, in actuality, they were testing him to find out if he
was involved with a particular missionary group. Additionally, people may behave differently
when the anthropologists are present. Levi-Strauss (1955) wrote of the Caduveo people, who
exploited the practice of offering tribespeople money in exchange for a photograph by forcing
Towards the end of our narrative, an ethical dilemma is faced when it emerges that the tribe
plan on sacrificing the child priest Neme Yohari when he grows too big. Our explorers have
to decide whether to intervene or to respect the value systems of the tribe – after all, in
accordance with their belief system, the Wahati are not doing anything wrong. This draws
parallels between the ways in which our value systems can sometimes come into conflict with
scientific data, and questions whether science should be given the authority to make decisions
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about what is right and wrong. It also explores an idea more relevant to anthropology – can
CONCLUSION
Our project explored the relationship between scientists and the public. Using the setting of a
tribe that worships scientist gods, we have reflected on how our own society puts scientists on
a pedestal while fearing them and seeking to control them. Having anthropologists studying
the tribe who couldn't speak their language, and tribespeople who couldn't speak the language
of the gods also enabled us to examine the difficulties of communication between scientists
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