Mandell House and Jacob Schiff -

Advocates of World Government. Peter Myers,

January 5, 2003; update August 26, 2004. My comments are shown
{thus}.

http://mailstar.net/house-schiff.html

House and Schiff were key players behind the scenes in setting the
agenda for the Treaty of Versailles and the League of Nations.

Write to me at contact.html.

You are at http://mailstar.net/house-schiff.html.

Note the epilogue WHAT CO-PARTNERSHIP CAN DO, by Earl Grey.

(1) Colonel House's political novel Philip Dru: Administrator (2)

Deconstructing the novel Philip Dru: Administrator (3) The Christian
Gloss (4) Jacob Schiff's campaign for Zionism and World Government
(5) Deconstructing Schiff's Utopianism (6) H. G. Wells, Lionel
Curtis, Henry Wickham Steed & Lord Grey advocate the
League of Nations as a World Government (7) Two Conspiracies
(8) John Coleman on Mandell Huis (9) Lenin's Opposition to the
Treaty of Versailles

(1) Colonel House's political novel Philip

Dru: Administrator
PHILIP DRU: ADMINISTRATOR
A STORY OF TOMORROW
1920 - 1935
"No war of classes, no hostility to existing wealth, no wanton or
unjust violation of the rights of property, but a constant disposition
to ameliorate the condition of the classes least favored by fortune."
- MAZZINI

New York
R. W. Huebsch
1912

{the author of the 1912 edition is anonymous, but the 1920

edition bears the author's name: Mandell House. Here is a
computerised call slip from the National Library of Australia in
Canberra, which shows the author's name: house.jpg.}
This book is dedicated to the unhappy many who have live lived and
died lacking opportunity, because, in the starting, the world-wide
social structure was wrongly begun.

{p. 1} IN the year 1920, the student and the statesman saw many
indications that the social financial and industrial troubles that had
vexed the United States of America for so long a time were about to
culminate in civil war.

Wealth had grown so strong that the few were about to strangle the
many and among the great masses of the people there was sullen
and rebellious discontent. The laborer in the cities, the producer on
the farm, the merchant, the professional man and all save
organized capital and its satellites, saw a gloomy and hopeless
future.

{p. 2} There was among the young graduating soldiers one who
seemed depressed and out of touch with the triumphant blare of
militarism ...

{p. 3} But this was not all the young man saw, for Philip Dru ... saw
many of the civil institutions of his country debased by the power of
wealth under the thin guise of the constitutional protection of
property. He saw the Army which he had sworn to serve faithfully
becoming prostituted by this same power, and used at times for
purposes of intimidation and petty conquests where the interests of
wealth were at stake. He saw the great city where luxury, dominant
and defiant, existed largely by grace of eploitation - exploitation of
men, women and children.

{p. 5} Gloria looked directly at Philip ...

"I am wondering, Mr. Dru, why you came to West Point and why it is
you like the thought of being a soldier? " she asked. ...

"As far back as I can remember," he said, "I have wanted to be a

soldier. ... but ... I would do everything in my power to avert war
and the sufFering it entails. ...

{p. 6} "Gloria, we are entering a new era. The past is no longer to

be a guide to the future. A century and a half ago there arose
in France a giant that had slumbered for untold centuries. He
knew he had suffered grievous wrongs, but he did not know how to
right them. He therefore struck out blindly

{p. 7} and cruelly, and the innocent went down with the guilty. He
was almost wholly ignorant for in the scheme of society as then
constructed, the ruling few felt that he must be kept ignorant,
otherwise they could not continue to hold him in bondage. For him
the door of opportunity was closed, and he struggled from the
cradle to the grave for the minumum of food and clothing necssary
to keep breath within the body. His labor and his very life itself was
subject to the greed, the passion and the caprice of his over-lord.

"So when he awoke he could only destroy. Unfortunately for him,

there was not one of the governing class who was big enough
and humane enough to lend a guiding and a friendly hand, so he
was led by weak and selfish men who could only incite him to
further wanton murder and demolition.

"But out of that revelry of blood there dawned upon mankind the
hope of a more splendid day. The divinity of kings, the God-
given right to rule, was shattered for all time.

{a reference to the French Revolution. But "for all time" - is this an

objective statement? Is it not based on the Marxist idea of a coming
utopia, the culmination of history?}

The giant at last knew his strength, and with head erect, and the
light of freedom in his eyes, he dared to assert the liberty,
equality and fraternity of man {a slogan of the French
Revolution}. Then throughout the Western world one stratum of
society after another demanded and obtained the right to acquire
wealth and

{p. 8} to share in the government. Here and there one bolder and
more forceful than the rest acquired great wealth nnd with it great
power. Not satisfied with reasonable gain, they sought to multiply it
beyond all bounds of need. They who had sprung from the people a
short life span ago were now throttling individual effort and
shackling the great movement for equal rights and equal
opportunity."

{Judaism and Marxism say that an equalist utopia is possible and

inevitable, but the Gospels say it isn't - not on earth, anyway}

Dru's voice became tense and vibrant, and he talked in quick sharp
jerks.

"Nowhere in the world is wealth more defiant, and monopoly more

insistent than in this mighty republic," he said, " and it is here that
the next great battle for human emancipation will be fought
and won. And from the blood and travail of an enlightened people,
there will be born a spirit of love and brotherhood which will
transform the world; and the Star of Bethlehem, seen but
darkly for two thousand years, will shine again with a steady
and eflulgent glow."
{at first, this seems "christian"; but actally it's a put-down of 2000
years of Christianity. Might it actually be the star of david, that will
rise?}

{p. 9} LONG before Philip had finished speaking, Gloria saw that he
had forgotten her presence. With glistening eyes and face aflame he
had talked on and on with such compelling force that she beheld in
bim the prophet of a new day.

She sat very still for a while, and then she reached ont to touch his
sleeve.

{p. 10} ... Philip continued - " Your father, I think, is not to blame. It
is the system that is at fault. His struggle and his environment from
childhood have blinded him to the truth. ... it is labor, labor of the
mind and of the body, that creates, and not capital."

{p. 11} "The first gleam of hope came with the advent of Christ," he
continued. "... the meaning of Christ's teaching failed utterly to
reach human comprehension. They accepted him as a religious
teacher only

{p. 12} far as their selfish desires led them. They were willing to
deny other gods and admit one Creator of all things, but they split
into fragments regarding the creeds and forms necessary to
salvation. In the name of Christ they committed atrocities that
would put to blush the most benighted savages. Their very excesses
in cruelty finally eaused a revolution in feeling, and there was
evolved the Christian religion of to-day, a religion almost
wholly selfish and concerned almost entirely in the betterment of
life after death."

{even so, the Gospels are oriented to "the next life", in Heaven}

{p. 30} OFFICERS and friends urged Philip to reconsider his

determination of resigning, but once decided, he could not be
swerved from his purpose. ...

"... The dominion of mind, but faintly seen at that time, but more
clearly now, will finally come into full vision. The materialists under
the leadership of Darwin, Huxley and Wal-

{p. 31} lace, went far in the right direction, but in trying to go to the
very fountainhead of life, they came to a door which they could not
open and which no materialistic key will ever open."

"So, Mr Preacher, you're at it again," laughed Gloria. ...

"Well," went on Dru ... "We are just learning our power and dominion
over ourselves. When in the future children are trained from infancy
that they can measurably conquer their troubles by the force of
mind, a new era will have come to man."

"There," said Gloria, with an earnestness that Philip had rarely heard
in her, "is perhaps the source of the true redemption of the
world."

{p. 32} "Mental ills will take flight along with bodily ills. We
should be trained, too, not to dwell upon anticipated troubles, but to
use our minds and bodies in an earnest, honest endeavor to avert
threatened disaster. ... in the great realm of the supremacy of
mind or spirit the thought of failure should not enter."

"Yes, I know, Philip."

{p. 44} PHILIP and Mr. Strawn oftentimes discussed the mental and
moral upheaval that was now generally in evidence.

"What is to be the outcome, Philip?" said Mr. Strawn. "I know that
things are not as they should be, but how can there be a more even
distribution of wealth without lessening the efficiency of the strong,
able and energetic men and without making mendicants of the
indolent and improvident? If we had pure socialism, we could
never get the slightest endeavor out of anyone, for it would
seem not worth while to do more than the average. The race would
then go backward instead of lifting itself higher by the insistent
desire to excel and to reap the rich reward that comes with
success."

"In the past, Mr. Strawn, your contention would be unanswerable,

but the moral tone and thought of the world is changing. You take
it for granted that man must have in sight some material
reward ...

{p. 45} I believe that mankind is awakening to the fact that material
compensation is far less to be desired than spiritual compensation.
This feeling will grow, it is growing, and when it comes to full
fruition, the world will find but little difficulty in attaining a certain
measure of altruism. I agree with you that this much-to-be desired
state of society cannot be altogether reached by laws, however
drastic. Socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx cannot be
entirely brought about by a comprehensive system of state
ownership and by the leveling of wealth. If that were done
without a spiritual leavening, the result would be largely as you
suggest."
{p. 51} ... he rented an inexpensive room over a small hardware
store ...

{p. 52} The thin, sharp-featured Jew and his fat, homely wife
who kept it had lived in that neighborhood for many years, and
Philip found them a mine of useful information regarding the things
he wished to know. ...

He arranged with Mrs. Lewinsky to have his breakfast with them.

Soon he learned to like the Jew and his wife. ...

Ben Levinsky's forebears had long lived in Warsaw. From father to

son, from one generation to another, they had handed down a
bookshop ...

{p. 58} Their customers were largely among the gentiles and
for a long time the anti-semitic waves passed over them, leaving
them untouched. They were law-abiding, inoffensive, peaceable
citizens, and had been for generations.

One bleak December day, at a market place in Warsaw, a young

Jew, baited beyond endurance, struck out madly at his
aggressors, and in the general rnelec that followed, the son of a
high official was killed. ... the Jew had struck the first blow and that
was all sufficient for the blood of hate to surge in the eyes of the
race-mad mob.

They began a blind, unreasoning massacre.

{Solzhenitsyn's new book addresses the question of the treatment

of Jews in Russia prior to 1917. Solzhenitsyn refutes much of the
stereotyped view established in the west by Jewish propagandists:
http://www.mn.ru/english/issue.php?2002-51-9}

{p. 54} Levinsky epected the mob to pass his place and leave it
unmolested. It stopped, hesitated and then rammed in the door. It
was all over in a moment. Father, mother and child lay dead and
torn almost limb from limb.

{p. 61} WHILE Philip was establishing himself in New York, as a

social worker and writer, Gloria was spending more and more of her
time in settlement work ...

{p. 66} It did not take Philip long to discern that in the last analysis
it would be necessary for himself and co-workers to reach the
results aimed at through politics. Masterful and arrogant wealth,
created largely by Government protection of its profits, not content
with its domination and influence within a single party, had sought
to corrupt them both, and to that end had insinuated itself into the
primaries, in order that no candidates might be nominated whose
views were not in accord with theirs.

By the use of all the money that could be spent, by a complete and
compact organization and by the

{p. 67} most infamous sort of deception regarding his read opinions
and intentions, plutocracy had succeded in electing its creature to
the Presidency ...

{sounds like George W. Bush}

Up to the advent of Senator Selwyn, the interests had not

successfully concealed their hands.

{p. 68} But the adroit Selwyn moved differently.

His first move was to confer with John Thor, the high priest of
finance ...

{p. 70} Not only did Selwyn plan to win the Presidency, but he also
planned to bring under his control the Senate and the Supreme
Court.

{p. 74} Rockland was a man of much ability, but he fell far
short of measuring up with Selwyn, who was in a class by
himself. The Governor ... was willing to forecast his political acts in
order to obtain potential support.

{the author of this book, "Colonel" Mandell House, now hints at his
identity}

When he reached the Mandell House, he was at once shown to

the Senator's rooms. Selwyn received him cordially enough ...

{p. 83} Gloria was a frequent visitor at the Selwyn household

both in Washington and Philadelphia, and was a favorite with the
Scnator. He often bantered her concerning her "socialislic views,"
and she in turn would declare that he would some day see the light.

{p. 94} And Serlwyn wom and Rockland became the keystone of the
arch he had set out to build. ...

One of the Supreme Court justices died, two retired because of age,
and all were replaced by men suggested by Selwyn.

He now had the Senate, the Executive and a majority of Court of last
resort.
{p. 96} It was a strmge happening, the way the lis- elosure was
made and the Nation eame to know of the Sclwyn-Thor conspiracy
to control the government.

{p. 108} IN the meantime Selwyn and Thor had issued an address,
defending their course as warranted by both the facts and the law.

They said that the Government had been honeycombed by

irresponsible demagogues ... They contended that in protecting
capital against vicious assaults, they were serving the cause of labor
and advancing the welfare of all.

{p. 109} Acting under Selwyn's advice, Rockland began to

concentrate quietly troops in the large centers of
population. He also ordered the fleets into home waters. ... He
advised a thorough overlooking of the militia, and the weeding out
of those likely to sympathize with the "mob." ...

He recalled to them that the French Revolution was

{p. 110} caused, and continued, by the weakness and inertia of

Louis Fifteenth and his ministers and that the moment the
Directorate placed Buonaparte in command of a handful of
troops, and gave him power to act, by the use of grape and ball he
brought order in a day.

{p. 117} And then came the election. Troops were at the polls and a
free ballot was denied. It was the last straw. Citizens gathering after
nightfall in order to protest were told to disperse immediately, and
upon refusal, were fired upon. The next morning showed a death roll
in the large centers of population that was appalling.

{p. 118} Philip knew differently, and he also knew that civil war had
begun. He communicated his plans to no one, but he had the
campaign well laid out. It was his intention to concentrate in
Wisconsin as large a force as could be gotten from his followers

{p. 122} GENERAL DRU brought together an army of fifty thousand

men at Madison and about forty thousand near Des Moines, and
recruits were coming in rapidly.

President Roekland had concentrated twenty thousand regulars and

thirty thousand militia at Chicago, and had given command to Major
General Newton

{p. 124} When Dru found General Newton had evacuated Chicago,
he occupied it, and then moved further east ...
{p. 124} Canada was still open as a means of food supply to the
East, as were all the ports of the Atlantic seaboard as far south as
Charleston.

{p. 136} Dru's soldiers saw that victory was theirs, and, maddened
by the lust of war, they drove the Government forces back ...

{p. 148} GENERAL DRU began at once the reorganization of his

army. The Nation knew that the war was over, and it was in a quiver
of excitement.

They recognized the fact that Dru dominated the situation and that
a master mind had at last arisen in the Republic.

{p. 149} Dru was now ready to march upon Washington ...

{p. 152} Selwyn made a formal surrender to him and was placed
under arrest, but it was hardly more than a formality, for Selwyn was
placed undcr no further restraint than that he should not leave
Washington. ...

General Dru now called a conference of his officers and announced

his purpose of assuming the powers of a dictator, distasteful as it
was to him ...

{p. 153} He then issued an address to his army proclaiming himself

"administrator of the Republic."

{p. 155} Dru presided over the meeting ... addressing the meetinf
as follows:

"My fellow countrymen ...

"We all agreed that a change had to be brought about even though
it meant revolution ...

{p. 157} ... Dru was able to go forward with his great
work,conscious of the support and approval of an overwhelming
majority of his fellow countrymen.

{P. 167} Dru used Selwyn's unusual talents ... in thoroughly

overhauling the actual machinery of both Federal and State

{p. 168} Governments.

{p. 169} High salaries were to be paid, but the number of judges
was to be largely decreased, perhaps by two-thirds. This would be
possible, because the simplification of procedure and the
curtailment of their powers would enormously lessen the amount of
work to be done. Dru called the Board's attention to the fact that
England had about two hundred judges of all kinds, while there were
some thirty-six hundred in the United States, and that reversals by
the English courts were only about three per cent. of the reversals in
the American courts.

{p. 172} DRU selected another board of five lawyers, and to them
he gave the task of reforming legal procedure and of pruning down
the existing laws, both State and Nation, cutting out the obsolete
and useless ones a rewriting those recommended to be retained, in
plain direct language free from useless legal verbiage and
understandable to the ordinary lay citizen.

{p. 173} A uniform divorce law was also to be drawn and put into
operation

{p. 176} THE question of taxation was one of the most complex
problems with which the administrator had to deal.

{p. 177} At the first sitting of the Committee, Dru told them to
consider every existing tax law obliterated, to begin anew ...

{p. 178} In other words, if A had one hundred acres with eighty
acres of it in cultivation and otherwise improved, and B had one
hundred acres beside him of just as good land, but not in cultivation
or improved, B's land should be taxed as much as A's.

In cities and towns taxation was to be on a similar basis. For

instance, where there was a lot, say, one hundred feet by one
hundred feet with improvements on it worth three hundred
thousand dollars, and there was another lot of the same size and
value, the improved lot should be taxed only sixty thousand more
than the unimproved lot; that is, both lots should be taxed alike, and
the improvements on the one should be assessed at sixty thousand
dollars or one-fifth of its actual value.

This, Dru pointed out, would deter owners from holding unimproved
realty ... In the country it would opcn up land for cultivation now
lying idle ...

{p. 179} The Administrator further directed the tax board to work
out a graduated income tax exempting no income whatsoever.

{p. 218} Dru thought the result warranted universal franchise

without distinction of race, color or sex.

{p. 219} Man could ask woman to mate, but women were denied
this priviege, and, even when mated, oftentimes a life of never
ending drudgery followed.
Dru believed that if women could ever become

{p. 220} economically independent of man, it would, to a large

degree, mitigate the social evil.

They would then no longer be compelled to marry ...

{p. 272} ... Dru negotiated ... that England and America were to join
hands

{p. 273} in a world wide policy of peace and commercial freedom.

According to Dru's plan, disarmaments were to be made to all
appreciable degree, custom barriers were to be torn down, zones of
influence clearly defined, and an era of friendly commercial rivalry
established.

... Germany was to have the freest commercial access to South

America, and she was invited to develop those countries both with
German colonists and her capital.

{p. 276} Japan and China were to have all of Eastern Asia as
their sphere of influence, and if it pleased them to drive Russia
back into Europe, no one would interfere.

That great giant had not yet discarded the ways and habits of
medievalism. ... Sometimes in his day dreams, Dru thought of
Russia in its vastness, of the ignorance and hopeless outlook
of the people, and wondered when her deliverance would come.
There was, he knew, great work for someone to do in that despotic
land.

{p. 280} IN spite of repeated warnings from the United States,

Mexico and the Central American Republics obstinately continued
their old time habit of revolutions without just cause ... until neither
life nor property was safe.

{p. 281} ... Dru sent one hundred thousand men to the Rio Grande
...

The answer was a coalition of all the opposing factions and the
massing of a large army of defense. The Central American Republics
also joined Mexico and hurriedly sent troops north.

General Dru took personal command of the American forces,

crossed the Rio Grande at Laredo, and war was declared.

{p. 289} By the time the Americnns reached the earthworks, the
Mexicans were in flight ... the rout was completed.
... Dru said, "It is not our purpose to annex

{p. 290} your country ... But in the future, our flag is to be your
flag, and you are to be directly under the protection of the
United States. ...

"All custom duties are to be abolished excepting those

uniform tariffs that the nations of the world have agreed on
for revenue purposes, and which

{p. 291} in no way restrict the freedom of trade. ...

While Dru did not then indicate it, he had in mind the amalgamation
of Mexico and the Central American Reublics into one government,
even though separate states were maintained.

{p. 292} SEVEN years had passed ...

{p. 293} By negotiations, by purchase and by allowing other powers

ample coaling stations along the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, the
Bahamas, Bermuda and the British, French and Dutch Indies were
under American protection, and "old Glory" was the undisputed
emblem of authority in the northern half of the Western
Hemisphere.

{"novel" ends, but there is a conclusion written by Earl Grey, like an

epilogue}

{p. 300} WHAT CO-PARTNERSHIP CAN DO

By Earl Grey (Governor-General of Canada, 1904-11)

One of the ablest champions of Co-partnership as a solution of the

industrial problem is Earl Grey.
Below are some remarkable passages from his presidential address
to the Labor Co-Partnership Assocation.

The problem before us is how to organize our industry on lines of

fairness ... Fairplay is the keynote of our British character ...

{p. 301} The great fact with which we are confronted in the
industries of to-day is that labor and capital are organized not in one
but in opposing camps, with the object not so much of promoting
the common well-being of all connected with industry as of securing
whatever advantage can be obtained in the prosecution of their
common industry for themselves.

{p. 302} Then not only have we to consider the limiting effect on
the efficiency of industry caused by the fact that capital and labor
are ranged not in one but in opposing camps, but we have also to
consider the effect on the attitude of the men towards the
management caused by the growing tendency of the small business
to be swallowed up by the large combine.

... if by substituting big businesses for small businesses you destroy

the old intimate connection which formerly existed between masters
and

{p. 303} men, it would appear to be necessary, if you wish to

maintain the old friendly relations between employer and employed,
that you should establish your business on lines which will
automatically create a feeling of loyalty on the part of all concerned
to the industry with which they are connected.

How is that to be done? By co-partnership.

Now, what is the ideal of co-partnership?

Ideal co-partnership is a System under which worker and consumer

shall share with capitalists in the profits of industry. ...

{end of quotes}

(2) Deconstructing the novel Philip Dru:

Administrator
2.1 It looks as if House sides with the proletariat, against the
capitalist class (symbolized by Rockland, leader of the attempted
coup d'etat), his aim being to introduce "Socialism as dreamed of
by Karl Marx" (p. 45).

Yet the epilogue is written by Earl Albert Grey, Governor-

General of Canada.

His contribution shows that Philip Dru: Administrator is a serious

political tract in the guise of a novel. Benjamin Disraeli had used the
same technique (disraeli.html), and so had H. G. Wells
(hgwells.html).

Further, Earl Albert Grey was a member of a secret society set

up by Cecil Rhodes to further the British Empire
(quigley.html); members included Lord Rothschild and his son-in-law
Lord Rosebery. Rhodes, like them, was one of the wealthiest men in
the world.

Yet here is Earl Grey endorsing House's novel, in which he purports

to side with the French Revolutionaries of 1789.
Only a few years after this novel, House was heavily involved in
plans to establish a World Government via the Peace Conference of
Versailles: toolkit3.html.

These considerations show that Philip Dru: Administrator must be

re-evaluated: that it is part of a hidden agenda, a deception by
which to lead politicians and the framers of public opinion in a
certain direction.

2.2 Earl Albert Grey should not be confused with Lord (Sir
Edward) Grey. He, too, was a member of Rhodes' secret society,
and he was involved in the formation of the League of Nations - with
House.

Carroll Quigley writes of both Greys in his book The Anglo-

American Establishment: From Rhodes to Cliveden (Books In
Focus, New York 1981):

{p. 11} In this group of Toynbee's was Albert Grey (later Earl
Grey 1851-1917), who became an ardent advocate of imperial
federation. Later a loyal supporter of Milner's, as we shall see, he
remained a member of the Milner Group until his death.

... Milner entered journalism, beginning to write for the Pall Mall
Gazette in 1881 ... Stead was assistant editor in 1880-1883, and
editor in 1883-1890. ... He introduced Albert Grey to Rhodes
and, as a result, Grey became one of the original directors of
the British South Africa Company when it was established by
royal charter in

{p. 12} 1889. Grey became administrator of Rhodesia when Dr.

Jameson was forced to resign from that post in 1896 as an aftermath
of his famous raid into the Transvaal. He was Governor-General of
Canada in 1904-1911 and unveiled the Rhodes Memorial in
South Africa in 1912. A Liberal member of the House of Commons
from 1880 to 1886, he was defeated as a Unionist in the latter year.
In 1894 he entered the House of Lords as the fourth Earl Grey,
having inherited the title and 17,600 acres from an uncle.
Throughout this period he was close to Milner and later was very
useful in providing practical experience for various members of the
Milner Group. His son, the future fifth Earl Grey, married the
daughter of the second Earl of Selborne, a member of the Milner
Group.

{p. 34 } In each of his seven wills, Rhodes entrusted his

bequest to a group of men to carry out his purpose ... ending up,
at Rhodes's death in 1902, with a board of seven trustees:
Lord Milner, Lord Rosebery {son-in-law of Lord Rothschild: see p.
45}, Lord {Sir Edward} Grey, Alfred Beit {of Rothschild's faith:
see p. 135}, L. L. Michell, B. F. Hawksley, and Dr. Starr Jameson. This
is the board to which the world looked to set up the Rhodes
Scholarships.

{p. 45} Lord Rosebery. Like his father-in-law, Lord

Rothschild, who was an initiate ...

{end} quigley.html.

2.3 Sigmund Freud and Wiliam C. Bullitt wrote in their book

Thomas Woodrow Wilson: A Psychological Study (Houghton Mifflin
Company Boston 1967):

{p. 166} As a statesman, Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign

Secretary, was House's ideal, and Wilson liked to handle the
matters of the high-

{p. 167} est importance through secret communications between

House and Grey. A passage in a letter from Sir Edward to the
Colonel dated September 22, 1915, gave House an opportunity to
move torward action. Grey wrote: "To me, the great object of
securing the elimination of militarism and navalism is to get
security for the future against aggressive war. How much are
the United States prepared to do in this direction? Would the
President propose that there should be a League of Nations
binding themselves to side against any Power which broke a
treaty; which broke certain rules of warfare on land or sea (such
rules would, of course, have to be drawn up after this war); or which
refused, in case of dispute, to adopt some other method of
settlement than that of war?"

Thus for the first time, in a secret communication from the

British Government to the American Government, appeared
the words: League of Nations.

{p. 252} ... Admiral Grayson brought in Bernard M. Baruch,

whose intimacy with the Wilsons had begun to increase as
House's decreased.

{end of quotes}

2.4 Lionel Curtis lists both Greys in his book Civitas Dei: The
Commonwealth of God (MacMillan and Co., London, 1938):

{Index, p. 966} Grey, Earl, 531, 537, 602

- , Sir Edward (later Lord), 626,647,653,913

He writes of Lord Edward Grey:

{p. 626} ... the growth of Dominion nationalism was marked
by the fact that Canada and Australia declined to contribute
to the cost of British defence, and decided to organise
separate fleets of their own.

From time to time these questions were discussed at imperial

conferences. ... a sixth in 1911. At this last conference the
question of foreign affairs thrust themselves into the
foreground. For the first time the secretary of state for foreign
affairs, Sir Edward Grey, gave the assembled premiers, in secret,
a full exposition of the whole foreign position.

For the first time also attention was drawn to the fact that the
so-called self-governing Dominions had no control of foreign
affairs. The question was raised by Sir Joseph Ward, the premier
of New Zealand. ... the British prime minister, Mr. Asquith, replied:

{p. 627} {quote} It would impair if not altogether destroy the

authority of the Government of the United Kingdom in such
grave matters as the conduct of foreign policy, the conclusion of
treaties, the declaration and maintenance of peace, or the
declaration of war ... That authority cannot be shared ... {end
quote}

{end}

2.5 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th edition (Volume IV, Chicago,

1975) records of Sir Edward Grey (Lord Grey):

{p. 736} Grey of Fallodon, Edward Grey, 1st Viscount (b. April 25,
1862, London - d. Sept. 7, 1933, near Embleton, Northumberland),
statesman whose 11 years (1905-16) as British foreign
secretary, the longest uninterrupted tenure of that office in history,
were marked by the start of World War 1, about which he made a
comment that became proverbial: "The lamps are going out all over
Europe; we shall not see them lit again in our lifetlme."

A relative of the 2nd Earl Grey, the prime minister who carried the
Reform Bill of 1832, a Edward Grey was reared in a strong Whig-
Liberal tradition. From 1885 to 1916, when he was created a
viscount, he sat in the House of Commons, and in 1923-24, despite
increasing blindness, he led the Liberal opposition in the House
of Lords. When his party was divided over the South African War
(1899-1902), he took the pro-war side of the Liberal
imperialists, led by H. H. Asquith.

On Dec. 10, 1905, he began his service as foreign secretary, under

the new Liberal prime minister, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman
During the Morocco crisis (1905-06), Grey continued the policy of his
predecessor, the 5th marquess of Lansdowne, supporting France
aainst Germany, but with reserva-

{p. 737} tions that caused serious diplomatic confusion up to the

outbreak of war in 1914. Grey allowed it to be known that, in the
event of a German attack, Britain would aid France. He also
authorized conferences between the British and French general
staffs, but (with the Prime Minister's permission) withheld that
decision from the Cabinet to avoid criticism by the more radical
ministers. He maintained the British alliance with Japan and, in
1907, concluded an agreement with Russia.

When Asquith became prime minister (April 5, 1908), Grey retained

his office. In the 1911 Moroccan (Agadir) crisis, he indicated that
Britain would defend France against Germany, and in November
1912 he made similar statements in private correspondence with
Paul Cambon, French ambassador in London. He made no objection,
however, when Asquith told the House of Commons that Great
Britain was in no way bound. France and Russia, nonetheless,
counted on British armed assistance and dealt with Germany as if
Grey had unequivocally promised it.

After the assassination of the Austrian archduke Francis Ferdinand at

Sarajevo, Bosnia-Hercegovina (June 28, 1914), Grey and the German
emperor William II independently proposed that Austria-Hungary,
without resorting to war, obtain satisfaction from Serbia by
occupying Belgrade, which the Serbian government had abandoned.
When all peace moves failed, Grey won over a divided Cabinet
to accept the war by tying British intervention to Germany's
invasion of neutral Belgium rather than to Britain's dubious alliance
with France. He was responsible for the secret Treaty of London
(April 26, 1915), by which Italy joined Great Britain and her allies,
and tried to solicit U.S. support for the Allied cause. On Dec.
5, 1916, Grey retired from office along with Asquith. In 1919 he was
sent on a special mission to the United States in a futile
attempt to secure U.S. entry into the League of Nations. His
memoirs, Twenty-five Years, appeared in 1925. {end}

So here is Lord Edward Grey, who helped get Britain into the Boer
War and the First World War, advocating the creation of the League
of Nations as a de-facto World Government designed to prevent
future wars.

2.6 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th edition (Volume V, Chicago,

1975) records of "Colonel" House:

{p. 154} House, Edward M(andell) (b. July 26 1858, Houston,

Texas - d. March 28, 1938, New York City), diplomat and confidential
adviser to Pres. Woodrow Wilson (1913-21) who played a key role in
helping frame the conditions of peace to end World War I. From his
permanent home in Austin Texas young House, who was financially
independent, turned from banking and cotton planting to politics. He
refused all opportunities to hold public office in his state, however,
preferring to serve as an intimate political adviser to successive
Democratic governors between 1892 and 1904. Given the honorary
title of colonel by Gov. James S. Hogg, he was thereafter popularly
known as Colonel House.

He early assumed an active role in Democrat Woodrow Wilson's

successful electoral campaign of 1912 and immediately won the
confidence and affection of the new president. He refused any
Cabinet post for himself but came to be regarded as Wilson's
silent partner in all administrative and political matters. His
personal influence with Cabinet members and congressional leaders
served powerfully to promote Wilson's legislative program.
Through close contact with U.S. ambassadors abroad and personal
intimacy with important European statesmen, House acquired
broad influence in foreign affairs and became recognized as
Wilson's chief agent in that area - the prototype for personally
delegated presidential diplomacy that usually bypasses the State
Department and other official channels.

Under the President's direction he actively explored every possibility

of mediation among European belligerents in World War I, visiting
London, Berlin, and Paris in both 1915 and 1916. A joint
memorandum by him and British foreign secretary Sir
Edward Grey (February 1916) proposing peace negotiations
proved abortive, but the conversations led Wilson to sponsor active
American cooperation in an organization for the maintenance of
world peace. U.S. participation in the war (April 1917) brought
about a vast enlargement of House's role. He cooperated
closely with the war missions of the Allies to the United States and
headed the country's mission to the Inter-Allied conferences
in London and Paris (December) that led to coordination of
Allied effort in the field of finance, supply, tonnage, and
manpower. The President turned to House for advice in drafting his
war aims speeches, especially that portion containing the
Fourteen Points. In the autumn of 1917 he entrusted House with
the organization of an American program for the peace
conference. When the Germans requested peace negotiations
(October 1918), Wilson chose House as his representative at the
Inter-Allied conferences, where the reply was formulated. In this
capacity House won a diplomatic victory in persuading the Allied
chiefs of state to accept Wilson's Fourteen Points as the
basis of the ultimate peace settlement.

As the negotiations wore on, House, who was a realist and an

apostle of compromise, began to lose the confidence of
Wilson, an idealist who found compromise distasteful. The gap
between the two men widened, and after the signing of the Treaty of
Versailles (June 28, 1919), they never saw each other again. In 1921
House edited (with Charles Seymour) a series of essays by American
delegates to the peace conference, What Really Happened at Paris.
A standard biography is A. D. Howden Smith's Mr. House of Texas
(1940).

{end}

Conspicuous is the omission of any mention of House's political

"novel" of 1912, Phillip Dru: Administrator, in which he sets out his
vision and program for the future.

The omission is notable because House was so influential at the

Peace Conference of Versailles when the world was being
reorganized. Admittedly, the 1912 edition was anonymous; here is a
copy of its title page, plus the first page of Grey's epilogue: dru.jpg.

Yet the 1920 edition bore House's name as author. Here is a

computerized call-slip from the National Library of Australia, in
Canberra, attesting House's authorship according to the library
catalog: house.jpg.

2.7 Note that Dru sides with the Jews, and against the
Russians:

{p. 52} The thin, sharp-featured Jew and his fat, homely wife
who kept it had lived in that neighborhood for many years, and
Philip found them a mine of useful information regarding the
things he wished to know. ...

He arranged with Mrs. Lewinsky to have his breakfast with them.

Soon he learned to like the Jew and his wife. ... {end}

{p. 276} Japan and China were to have all of Eastern Asia as
their sphere of influence, and if it pleased them to drive Russia
back into Europe, no one would interfere.

That great giant had not yet discarded the ways and habits of
medievalism. ... Sometimes in his day dreams, Dru thought of
Russia in its vastness, of the ignorance and hopeless outlook
of the people, and wondered when her deliverance would come.
There was, he knew, great work for someone to do in that despotic
land. {end}

2.8 When Wilson became President, he removed tariffs as

House had urged; established a privately-owned central bank (the
Federal Reserve); got the US into World War I (after Russia's Tsar had
been overthrown); and attempted to create a World Government.

Ray Stannard Baker, Woodrow Wilson: Life and Letters,

William Heineman, London 1932.

{p. 142} ... House remarked:

"I congratulated him upon this for I told him that it was much better
to know nothing than to know something wrong."

In these reports there is nothing whatever that would have assisted

Wilson in his consideration of a specific programme for currency
reform, save that House appar- ently favoured a central bank
scheme. He said:

"It was interesting to hear him [Glass] tell of Bryan and the
suggestions made by him. I ran over briefly what I considered might
be a satisfactory measure. He replied that it seemed all right but it
looked as if I had in mind 'central control.' I told him that no
measure could be efficient that did not have a central control. He
then said that the platform forbade it. In this, however, I think he is
mistaken.

"The platform says 'We oppose the so called Aldrich plan for the
establishment of a central bank.' This does not mean, I take it, that
the central banking idea is opposed but that the Aldrich plan for a
central bank is opposed."1

Wilson's replies to House's letters were characteristically brief,

cordial, thankful- and noncommittal ...

{footnote 1} M. House to Woodrow Wilson, November 28, 1912. ...

That House at the time favoured the Aldrich scheme for a
central bank appears from a letter which he wrote to W. J. Bryan:

"He [Wilson] is also opposed to the Aldrich plan, but I think you are
both wrong there. You will have to convert me the next time I see
you. I am inclined to think that Aldrich is trying to give the country a
more reasonable and stable system." (Carter Glass, An Adventure in
Constructive Finance, p. 30.)

Colonel House in his letter to Wilson of November 28th misquotes

fundamentally the Democratic platform, the correct reading of which
is: "We oppose the so called Aldrich bill or the establishment of a
central bank." (See Official Proceedings of the Democratic National
Convention, p. 370.) It may be that in making his statement he used
the Democratic Textbook for 1912, in which the same error, "for"
instead of "or," occurs. {end footnote}
{end quote}

Alexander L. George and Juliette L. George, Woodrow Wilson

and Colonel House, Dover, New York 1964.

{p. 131} A clue to the nature and scope of House's ambition is a

novel, Philip Dru: Administrator, which he wrote anonymously during
the winter of 1911-12, shortly after meeting Wilson. Philip Dru,
barred by ill health from the military career for which he has been
trained, becomes leader of an insurrection against an incompetent
administration, and subsequently dictator of the United States.
Dispensing with constitutional government, he institutes a series of
sweeping reforms by executive decree and then benevolently
relinquishes his dictatorial powers in order to re-establish a
democratic government under the terms of a new and improved
constitution.

The reader will wonder in how far House identified himself with
Philip Dru. A letter he wrote in 1915, at a time when he was still
trying to conceal his authorship of the book, is revealing: "I am
sending you the book of which I spoke," wrote House. "... It was
written by a man I know. ... My friend - whose name is not to be
mentioned - told me ... that Philip was all that he himself would
like to be but was not." Philip Dru was handsome, dashing - and
dictator of the United States.

It seems reasonable to assume that a man with House's goals,

ambitions and self-confidence would necessarily have an
ambivalent attitude toward the intermediary through whom
he had to operate. For no matter how genuinely grateful he was
to the man who gave him an opportunity to exercise power
vicariously, it was inevitable that at some level in his mind House
shouid have resented the necessity of such an intermediary and the
further necessity of deferring to his judgment when differences of
opinion arose, lest the favor upon which he was dependent be
summarily withdrawn.

Such was the very basis of the relationship that House was obliged
to attempt to filter his contribution to public life through the
tortuous requirements of Wilson's personality. To an
extraordinary degree he succeeded. No account of United States
foreign policy between the years of 1914 and 1919 could properly
omit extensive reference to his role. House was fully aware of the
importance of his work and he approached it zestfully.

{end quotes}
2.9 Walter Lippman was one of a small group of activists
trying to steer the politicians gathered at the Peace Conference of
Versailles, towards World Government.

Walter Lippman on how Colonel House, liasing with Lord (Sir

Edward) Grey, persuaded Wilson to join World War I. These
articles by Lippmann show how hard he worked to get the US
Congress to accept the World Court and World Army: lippmann.html.

H. G. Wells was another inspirer of Wilson and the League of

Nations: wells-lenin-league.html.

(3) The Christian Gloss

3.1 House puts a "Christian" gloss on his values. He writes:

{p. 8} Dru's voice became tense and vibrant, and he talked in quick
sharp jerks.

"it is here that the next great battle for human emancipation
will be fought and won. ... and the Star of Bethlehem, seen
but darkly for two thousand years, will shine again with a
steady and eflulgent glow."

{p. 31} "Well," went on Dru ... "... a new era will have come to
man."

"There," said Gloria, with an earnestness that Philip had rarely heard
in her, "is perhaps the source of the true redemption of the
world."

3.2 but on closer inspection castigates Christianity:

{p. 12} " ... the Christian religion of to-day, a religion almost
wholly selfish and concerned almost entirely in the betterment of
life after death."

Christianity is condemned not just today, but for all of its 2000
years:

{p. 8} seen but darkly for two thousand years

Probing beneath the surface, one notes that House also praises
the French Revolutionaries, who were seeking an earthy utopia,
not following the turn-the-other-cheek or my-kingdom-is-not-of-
this-world of the Gospels.

3.3 Jacob Schiff (below) uses the same approach, where he

writes (Cyrus Alder, Jacob H Schiff: His Life and Letters, Volume II):
{p. 185} Twenty centuries ago, Christianity came into the
world, with its lofty message of "peace on earth and good
will to men," and now, after two thousand years ... it is insisted
that the merciless {p. 186} slaughter of man by man we have
been witnessing these past months must be permitted to be
continued into the infinite" {endquote}

3.4 Karl Marx used the expression "heaven on earth", in

describing his goal at the First International:

"Someday the worker must seize political power in order to build

up the new organization of labor; he must overthrow the old politics
which sustain the old institutions, if he is not to lose heaven on
earth, like the old Christians who neglected and despised
politics" - Qualifying Violent Revolution (speech on September 8,
1872), in Karl Marx Library, McGraw-Hill, 1971, Vol. 1, p.64.

Finally Engels explained the socialist heaven thus:

"The history of early Christianity has notable points of

resemblance with the modern working-class movement. Like
the latter, Christianity was originally a movement of oppressed
people: it first appeared as the religion of slaves and emancipated
slaves, of poor peope deprived of all rights, of peoples subjugated or
dispersed by Rome. Both Christianity and the workers' socialism
preach forthcoming salvation from bondage and misery;
Christianity places this salvation in a life beyond, after
death, in heaven; socialism places it in this world, in a
transformation of society". On the History of Early Christianity, in
Collected Works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Progress
Publishers, Moscow 1975, Volume 27.

Marx' expression "lose heaven on earth" is elucidated by

Engels a little further on, as follows:

'If, therefore, Professor Anton Menger wonders ... why ... "socialism
did not follow the overthrow of the Roman Empire in the West", it is
because he cannot see that this "socialism" did in fact, as far as it
was possible at the time, exist and even became dominant - in
Christianity. Only this Christianity ... did not want to accomplish
the social transformation in this world, but beyond it, in
heaven ..."

Engels' article On the History of Early Christianity is at

http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894chri/index.htm.

3.5 Rabbi Harry Waton wrote a revealing book:

A Program FOR THE JEWS
An Answer TO ALL ANTI-SEMITES
A PROGRAM FOR HUMANITY

Published by
COMMITTEE FOR THE PRESERVATION OF THE JEWS
NEW YORK - 1939

in which he explains

{p. 113} But the Jews were chosen, not for their own sake, they
were chosen to become the means through whom Jehovah will
redeem all mankind. Salvation is of the Jews, but the Jews
themselves will realize this salvation only through the
salvation of the whole human race. ... Judaism is the endeavor
to {p. 114} "bring salvation to mankind. ... the Jews must be a
model to all other races and peoples, they must be prophets
and teachers to mankind. ...

{p. 115} ... Judaism declares: man can be justified only by

deeds, faith alone is not enough. ... Next, we must bear in mind
that Judaism rests upon a covenant, the eternal covenant
between Jehovah and the Jews. And any one that wants to
embrace Judaism must accept this covenant. A covenant
imposes duties and obligations ...

{p. 116} "... Since Jehovah ... chose the Jews ... the Jews will not
be destroyed; rather their enemies will be destroyed. ...

{p. 117} Buddhism negates the material world, it negates

the body ... Human existence is an illusion and inherently
evil, and there is no hope for living men on earth. Buddhism
does not know of progress and destiny for mankind on this
earth. ...

{p. 118} "... Christianity is akin to Buddhism. ... Like

Buddhism, Christianity does not concern itself about the
material world, its sole concern is the transcendental world; ...
Like Buddhism, Christianity negates this material world and the
body. There is not a word in the New Testament about human
conduct in this material world. ...

{119} Not a word of protest did Jesus utter against

oppression, exploitation and slavery, but advised men to
submit to them all. Judaism demands that evil be
exterminated, but Christianity rather encourages evil. If one strike
me at the right cheek, I must let him also strike me at the left cheek
... Death is the chief concern of Christianity ...
{p. 124} ... Professor John Macmurray ... therefore demands the
destruction of the existing Christianity, and bring out a true
Christianity, but this regenerated and true Christianity must
identify itself with Marxism and communism,

{p. 125} For the Communist movement started when Marx

said: Let us turn from ideas to reality, let us look not at
people's theories but at their actions ...

{p. 127} Jesus had in mind nothing else than what Marx had
in mind, and which was all through a Jewish idea.

{p. 129} ... There must be war to the death between real and
unreal religion, even if it should cleave organized Christianity
in two and destroy all its existing forms.

{p. 131} Conrad Noel shows that the Jews understood by the
Kingdom of Heaven nothing else than a kingdom of God
which will be realized on this earth ...

{p. 132} ... The Bible speaks of an immortality right here on

earth. ... when a man dies, his soul is gathered to his people ...
This was the immortality of the Jewish people,

{p. 138} "The communists are against religion, and they seek
to destroy religion; yet, when we look deeper into the nature of
communism, we see that it is essentially nothing else than a
religion ... all new religions had first to destroy the existing
religions ...

{p. 172} Christianity is only a preparation for Judaism. ...

{p. 174} The time will come when all Christians will become mature,
they will all embrace Judaism, and they will all justify themselves by
deeds. Then the Christians will become Jews. {end}

More of Rabbi Waton at religion.html.

3.6 Isaac Deutscher on Christianity

Deutscher was a Jewish Trotskyist.

Isaac Deutscher, Russia After Stalin With a Postscript on the Beria

Affair, Hamish Hamilton, London 1953:

{p. 35} ... early Christianity ... came into being as a Judaic 'heresy',
as one of the extreme sects in the Synagogue, wholly in character
with old Biblical tradition, and bent on converting to its beliefs
primarily the Jews. Yet it was not given to Christianity to convert the
people from whose midst its Man-God and its Apostles had come.
Instead, Christianity moved into a disintegrating pagan world, whose
mind was no longer dominated by the old gods, where Jupiter's
thunder no longer made men

{p. 36} tremble, and Neptune was no longer able to shake the seas.

It was in the temples of the old Graeco-Roman deities that

Christianity made its conquests; and it began to breathe the air
of their temples, to absorb and assimilate pagan myths,
symbols, and beliefs. It came to dominate its new environment
while it was adapting itself to it. It ceased to be a Jewish heresy;
it ceased to live on the Nazarene memories of the Old Testament
and on Jewish oral tradition. It ceased to understand the Jews
and it became incomprehensible to the Jews. From the Judaic
creed of the oppressed it became the religion of the Roman
Caesars. But converting the Caesars, it also became converted to
Caesarism, until the Holy See became an Imperial court, and until
the hierarchical habits of the Roman Empire became its ecclesiastic
canons.

{end} beria.html.

Arthur Schopenhauer on Christianity as nearer Buddhism than

Judaism: schopenhauer.html.

(4) Jacob Schiff's campaign for Zionism

and World Government
(4.1) Schiff campaigned for years against the Russian Government
over its treatment of Jews.

But Norman G. Finkelstein puts East European Judaism in

perspective, in his book The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the
Exploitation of Jewish Suffering (Verso, New York, 2000):

{p. 35} This reorientation of American Jewry 56 was clearly evident

...

{footnote} 56 It seems that the shift as also in part due to the

displacement of a cosmopolitan Central European Jewish
leadership by arriviste and shtetl-

{p. 36, footnote continued} chauinist Jews of Eastern European

descent like New York City mayor Edward Koch and New York Times
executive editor A. M. Rosenthal. In this regard it bears notice that
the Jewish historians dissenting from Holoaust dogmatism
have typically come from Central Europe - for example, Hannah
Arendt, Henry Friedlander, Raul Hilberg, and Arno Mayer.

{end} finkelstein.html.

(4.2) Cyrus Alder, Jacob H Schiff: His Life and Letters,

Volume I, Doubleday, Doran and Company, Garden City, New
York 1928.

{p. v} FOREWORD

To some, who knew my father and his intense dislike of personal

publicity, it may seem strange that we should have arranged for the
publication of this book.

{p. vi} To Dr. Cyrus Adler, a life-long friend of my father's, we

entrusted the preparation of the manuscript. ...

My father had a favorite saying: - "On the mountain top, all paths
unite." This was his philosophy of life, and we of his family believe
that with his breadth of understanding, his many-sided sympathies
and his

{p. vii} love of humanity, he achieved this eminence. It is not for

me, his son, to appraise his life, no matter how great my devotion to
him and his memory, but if these pages prove of some value in
guiding and inspiring others, our purpose in making available this
record will have been served.

MORTIMER L. SCHIFF

{p. ix} PREFACE

This book is as nearly as possible an autobiography.

More than thirty years of close association with Jacob H.

Schiff in many of his numerous activities, with the exception of
those of a business nature, had left me with the conviction that here
was a man whose life was worthy of record.

{p. x} The letters and extracts are almost invariably in Mr. Schiff's
exact words. I have permitted myself only so much of editing as
would correct the ordinary slips in a typewritten letter. To
correspondents in Germany and, not infrequently, to Sir Ernest
Cassel he wrote in German; such letters have been faithfully
translated.
This book has been written amidst other exacting labors, and am
conscious of its shortcomings, but shall be content if have
succeeded in creating even in outline the picture of a friend - a man
of nobility and power.

C. A. {Cyrus Adler}

{p. 1} JACOB H. SCHIFF

HIS LIFE AND LETTERS

CHAPTER I

IN the Birth Register of the city of Frankfort-on-Main, under the year

1847, there is an entry which reads:

{quote} SCHIFF, Moses, Israelitish citizen and merchant of this city,

whose wife Clara, nee Niederhofheim, gave birth on Sunday
morning, January 10, at 5 o'clock, to a legitimate son JACOB HENRY
{end quote}

This event occurred in the house now numbered 39, in the

Schnurgasse, which at that time bore the number L-80.

Into Frankfort there came, about the middle of the thirteenth

century - later than into most German cities - a Jewish settlement.
By the end of the fifteenth century, Frankfort had become the seat
of the leading Jewish community of the Empire, and its Judengasse
one of the best known Jewries of Europe. The Jews were restricted in
the number of houses that they might occupy, and to increase the
space available for the crowded Jewish population, without breaking
the law, a house would be built under a single roof, with partitions
in-

{p. 2} side and two entrances, so that a number of families might

occupy it.

The old Judengasse has been entirely reconstructed, and the street,
laid out in modern fashion, is called the Bornestrasse. Of the old
hauses, the only one remaining is that which is now numbered 26
(formerly 148), and known as the Rothschild House, having been
turned into a private museum. Originally, however, it bore a
green shield, and not a red one, as did the house which the
Rothschilds inhabited through the seventeenth century, and from
which they derived their surname.

{Adler admits that their name means "red shield"; it should

therefore be proniunced roth-schild, yet in English-speaking
countries, Rothschild finance pronounces its name roths-child}
This house of the Green Shield, was occupied, from 1690 on,
by the Schiffs, who derived their surname from still another
house, that of the "Ship," which they had occupied for something
like a century before.

{p. 247} While visiting Japan in 1996, Schiff too became convinced
that that country would endeavor to colonize Korea and Manchuria,
and make every effort to bring China completely under her
influence. His concern in Japanese financial affairs included the
contemplated extensions of the Manchurian railways (which had
gone to Japan by the Treaty of Portsmouth), and his letters after
May, 1906, chiefly to Cassel and Takahashi, indicate a sustained
interest in that project, to which Harriman turned when his trans-
Siberian project came to naught.

By the time the Japanese were ready to proceed with the financing
of the Manchurian railways, the panic of 1907 was under way in
America, and partial negotiations were carried out in London. But
when conditions in America improved, Schiff wrote to Takahashi, on
August 31, 1908:

{quote} May the moment not have come to again take up the
question whether the burden of financing the South Manchurian
Railway had not better be lifted from Japan's shoulders? {endquote}

At about this time Straight entered into direct relations with Kuhn,
Loeb & Co. On December 14, l908, Schiff wrote to Straight, then
acting head of the Bureau of Far Eastern Affairs in the Department
of State at Washington:

{quote} We are informed to-day by London friends that an issue of

the Manchurian Loan is imminent there. Can this be correct, and has
this anything to do with the matter which we have under discussion
with you? They had got to the point that year when Schiff told

{p. 248} Straight, on November 2d, that they were prepared to take
up thh question of the Manchurian loan on the basis of
memorandum submitted by Tang, the Governor of Feng-Tien. The
latter was then on his way to America, primarily for the purpose of
negotiating a ioan of $200,000,000-$300,000,000, to reconstruct
the whole Chinese fiscal system. The memorandum had been
repaied in China by Straight and Tang, and was directed primarily
toward the project of a Manchurian bank for the promotion of
industrial enterprises. When Tang arrived, Kuhn, Loeb & Co.
expressed their read ness to consider the loan. The negotiations,
however, were suddenly ended by the death of the Empress
Dowager and the Emperor and the consequent compromise of
Tang's position as a negotiator. On March 19, 1909, Schiff wrote to
Straight:
{quote} It will perhaps be well if you will endeavor to keep in direct
touch witk Tang, so that he may not forget about our own readiness
to del with Manchurian and Chinese maters, but as to the
advisability of this you are best able to judge yourself. {endquote}

His interest in another large plan which had arisen in the meantime
is evinced by a letter to Takahashi, December 24, 1908:

{quote} The suggestion has ver recently been made to us by some

one who is high in the confidence of our own Governnent, but whose
name am at present not at liberty to disclose - nor do know whether
his suggestion has been made with the knowledge or at the instance
of our Government - that we formulate a proposition, to be
submitted to the Chinese Government, under which the latter would
be furnished with the funds to enable it to purchase both the
Chinese Eastern Railway and the South Man-

{p. 249} churian Railway, if it would be found pssible by China to

arrange with Japan that it already now exercise its right of purchase
which, it is stated, will, under the concession, accrue to China in
1932.

... I have thought that possibly in the light of the memoranda

recently exchanged between our own and your Govcrnmnt,
reiterating their understanding as to the "open door" in China, it
would in itself be a desirable thing to accomplish, if American
capital could be made the stakeholder of the main line of
communication and transportation both in southern and
northern Manchuria, and if, at the same tirne, Japan could
mobilize so important an asset as it now hs in its shareholding in the
South Manchurin Railway. ... {endquote}

Four days later he again wrote to Takahashi:

{quote} The more think about this, the more feel, as a well-wisher
of Japan, that the suggestion of permitting China to acquire the
South Manchurian Railway now, provided China can also obtain
ownership of the Chinese Eastern Railway, should be given serious
consideration by your Government. Entirely independent of the fact
... that thus a large part of the "lock-up" of your Government would
be turned into an asset through the disposition of which
considerable debt reduction could be accomplished, it would place
Japan in a position where, with the passing out of the hands of
Russia of the Chinese Eastern Railway, the influence of the latter
would become so much

{p. 250} further removed from both China's and Japan's borders.
The danger of renewed conflict in this direction would thus become
so thoroughly eradicated that Japan would very likely be in a
position to reduce a large part of her military strength and
equipment, which, while the South Manchurian Railway is in Japan's
possession, must continue to be maintained, both because of China
and Russia. Moreover, the possibility always will exist that with the
South Manchurian Railway exclusively in Japan's hands at some time
the Chinese Government might be induced to build a parallel line,
which wou!d not only create standing danger and fricton, but would
also materially reduce the value of the important investment which
Japan has in the South Mlnchurian Railway. {endquote}

Early in January, 1909, he learned that the Japanese would not

consider selling, and advised that the project be dropped.

The Taft Administration took the view that diplomatic approaches to

China must, following the European example, be supplemented by
financial support. Secretary Knox insisted that the United States
must have equal particition with the other great powers as a
matter of national policy, and as a result the American group for
Chinese financing was formed, as is indicated by Schlff's letter
to Takahashi, June 15 1909:

{quote} You will no doubt have learned that, encouragcd by

{p. 251} our own Government, we have recently formed a financial

group here, consisting of Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co., the National
City Bank, the First National Bank, and ourselves, to take part in the
financing of Chinese Government ralway loans. {endquote}

{p. 254} Early in March he took part in a discussion at a luncheon of

the Republican Club in New York, following a remark of Judge Mayer
Sulzberger concerning the efforts being made to keep China, a
nation comprising one fourth of the population of the earth, in
subjection. He was especially disturbed because his remarks were
taken to indicate the likelihood of a great war. The speech was
commented upon in London, San Francisco, and in Tokio, naturally,
at great length, and he took pains to explain himself to several
friends, particularly to Takahashi:

{quote} March 8, 1910. ...

{p. 255} I said that very recently it had become quite evident that
Japan and Russia had joined hands in Manshuria. ... I further said,
that as a friend of Japan, who had rendered important service in
financing her war loans, in order to enable her to defend
herself and become victorious over Russia, "the enemy of
mankind," I felt deeply mortified to find, after hardly half a decade,
that Japan had made common cause with Russia in China, where a
mighty struggle was likely to come, unless the American people
acted wisely and in the proper spirit. ... {endquote}
{p. 257} Shortly afterward the Chinese began to negotiate a fiscal
reform loan of $50,000,000, providing also for Manchurian
development, and on January 5, 1911, Schiff wrote to Takahashi,
agreeing, so far as he was concerned, to the proposal that Japanese
bankers should participate in the international group.

{p. 258} He wrote to Takahashi:

{quote} The Chinese Loan which has just been brought out in
London and on the Continent, appears to have been a great
success ... It is very certain that China will need very large sums
yet for its immediate and future necessities, the furnishing of
which will prove a great drain upon international money

{p. 259} markets ... I can well understand that Japan needs to keep
in intimate touch with everything that concerns China, and because
of this will want to have part in the financing that needs to be done
for the Chinese Republic, even if Japan herself cannot supply funds.
{endquote}

{p. 280} On February 1st, he addressed the Chamber of Commerce

once more:

{quote} Our merchants who buy goods in China, Japan, South

America, and elsewhere must, to our mortification be it

{p. 281} said, still settle their transactions in London, Paris,

or Germany, just as the very money we loaned to Japan
recently had to be remitted to London, even when needed to
pay for goods purchased by the Japanese Government in the United
States during the conduct of the late war. ... Not that we have too
small a volume of currency, as the report of the committee very
correctly points out. Just the reverse. ... {endquote}

{end}

(4.3) Cyrus Alder, Jacob H Schiff: His Life and Letters, Volume
II, Doubleday, Doran and Company, Garden City, New York 1928.

{p. 120} But Rothschild was again apprehensive after the outbreak
of the Russo-Japanese war, and while Schiff was in Frankfort in the
spring of that ycar, Rothschild took up the reports which were in
circulation that outrages against the Jews were impending at
Odessa. To these representations Schiff replied:

{quote} Frankfort, April 4-5, 1904.

MY DEAR LORD ROTHSCHILD:

Through my nephew, Mr. Otto Schiff, received last Thursday, at your
instance, the telegraphic request to ask the American Government
to officially inform Russia that a state of affairs existed at Odessa
which might likely lead to provoke excesses, during Easter, similar
to those which occurred a year ago ... My nephew further stated that
you were communicating with Lord Lansdowne in an effort to induce
the British Government to make representations to Russia similar to
those which you had suggestcd that should seek to induce the
American Department of State to make. ...

{p. 121} I fear we might "cry wolf" too often ...

I am afraid troubled times are still in store for our

{p. 122} unfortunate co-religionists in the Czar's dominion,

and it can only be hoped for their sake as well as for the good of
Russia itself, that the conflict between Russia and Japan will in its
consequences lead to such an upheaval in the basic conditions upon
which Russia is now governed that the elements in Russia which
seek to bring their country under constitutional government shall at
last triumph. ...

{p. 123} Pardon me, my Lord Rothschild, that have thus written
without reserve, but whereof the heart is full it flows over, and
believe me, with much respect,

Most faithfully yours, JACOB H. SCHIFF. {endquote}

{Yet Schiff had loaned money to the Japanese military to help them
make war with Russia, in order to bring down the Government.}

{p. 131} The claim that among the ranks of those who in Russia
are seeking to undermine governmental authority there are a
considerable number of Jews may perhaps be true. In fact, it
would be rather surprising if some of those so terribly afflicted by
persecution and exceptional laws should not at last have turned
against their merciless oppressors.

{p. 133} At a private eonferenee of the leading bankers of New

York, when the question of undertaking a Russian loan was under
discussion, Schiff, after listening to the discussion for a short time,
arose and said with emotion that so long as Russia treated the
Jews as she did, his house would never participate in a
Russian loan, and that this statement would hold not only during
his lifetime, but that he had bequeathed it as a direction to his
successors.

{p. 143} At the same time he was writing to Cassel:

{quote} I regret deeply that England has dropped the
restraint which she so long and so properly exercised
toward Russia, and now, without receiving any concession in favor
of our oppressed co-religionists, is helping to support a Government
which treats its Jewish subjects with less regard than the worst
pariah ... {endquote}

{p. 160} The increasing difffieulties in which the Jews found

themselves in Russia and other countries, and the great
responsibilities which had to be undertaken by a few
individuals, brought about serious thought on the part of Schiff and
others as to the need of an organization in the United States to
meet these requirements. Thus, for instance, at the time of the
Kishineff massacre in 1903, it was virtually a personal act on the
part of Schiff, Oscar Straus, and Cyrus L. Sulzberger which
gathered together and administered a large sum of money.

{p. 163} The next year, April 10, 1904, Herzl wrote from Vienna to
Schiff, then at Frankfort, proposing an interview ... Herzl's last letter,
published in his diary, was addressed to Schiff and thanked him for
his reception of Katnelson.

{p. 164} Schecher for a time held back from the Zionist Movement,
but in 1906 he publicly cast his lot in with the cause. Schiff
exchanged views fully with him ...:

{quote} August 8, 1907

My Dear Professor Schechter: ...

{p. 166} What binds Jew to Jew ... is the conviction ... that as
Jews we have something precious, of high value to mankind, in our
keeeping, that our mission in the world continues, and with it
our responsibility of one for the other. Becluse of this our destiny is
among the nations, as part and parcel of the nations. Judaism still
remains the mother religion, without which neither
Christianity nor Mohammedanism could have come into
existence and lived; .. the Divine resolve, ... has dissolved the
Jewish state and dispersed its people over the earth as
missionlries to bring about and hasten that day "when over
whole earth, the Eternal shall be One and His name One."

Most faithfully yours, JACOB H. SCHIFF. {endquote}

{p. 169} ... while he mofified his attitude toward the Zionist
Movement, he did not formally join the organization.

{p. 178} LIKE all enlightened men, Schiff deplored war and
regularly embraced the opportunity to aid in plans for
permanent peace or for the prevention of war through treaties
of arbitration. In 1896, William E. Dodge, who had acted as
chairman of a conference at Washington for the establishment of
some permanent form of arbitration between the United States and
Great Britain, was proceeding abroad to further the same purpose,
and SchifF introduccd him to Cassel ...

{p. 180} To William Bayard Hale, then editor of the World's Work, he
wrote, September 20, 1911, giving his view of the gradual approach
toward a better understanding between nations an the settlement of
their differences by peaceful means, and expressing the belief

{quote} that the constant and energetic agitation for the settlement
of international disputes by arbitration and other peaceful means
has gradually built up a public opinion throughout the world, in favor
of the malntenance of peace, which is having its strong effect upon
the governments of the nations and is destined in the course of time
to lead to universal peace. {endquote}

{p. 182} On July 40, 1914, he wrote to Zangwill:

{quote} For the moment the terrible specter of a general European

war occupies my mind so greatly ... {endquote}

{Israel Zangwill was a leading Zionist and Fabian; like Schiff,

he tried to have the League of Nations formed as a World
Government: zangwill.html}

{p. 183} By December 15th, writing to Max Warburg, he was

expressing his doubt as to the early termination of the war ...

{p. 184} His horror at the continuance of the war impelled him, in
spite of the misunderstandings he knew would arise, to give out a
lngthy interview to the New York Times which was printed on
Sunday, November 22, 1914. In it he endeavored to appraise the
causes of the war, pointed out what steps he thought might be
taken toward peace and expressed the hope that the war might not
end in a victory which would insure the dominance of any one of the
Great Powers, or in a peace which would re-shape the map of
Europe, because he felt that such a peace would be the forerunner
of other wars.

This interview resulted in a protracted correspondenee with

President Eliot, most of whieh was published in the Times for
Sunday, December 20th. As the war developed, his earlier attitude
underwent material changes. The following extract from his letter to
Eliot of December 14, 1914 ... indicates that he was one of the first
to differentiate between the belligerent governments and their
peoples:
{quote} ...

{p. 185} Twenty centuries ago, Christianity came into the

world, with its lofty message of "peace on earth and good
will to men," and now, after two thousand years ... it is insisted
that the merciless

{p. 186} slaughter of man by man we have been witnessing these

past months must be permitted to be continued into the infinite.

Most faithfully yours, JACOB H. SCHIFF. {endquote}

{Schiff endorses Jesus' proclamation of Peace, but rejects

Christianity, implying that it is Judaism which will bring Peace. Yet
the Zionists in 2003 are the ones pushing for war against Iraq, and
urging Christian Fundamentalists to support it}

{p. 187} On January 28, 19l5, he wrote to Max Warburg:

... My purpose was - and must continue to be - to try bring both

sides to realize to what extent their respective positions are false,
and how necessary it is for the belligerent peoples, or governments,
to learn that a war a outrance would be the most fearful thing
that could follow; that in this way a lasting peace can never be
achieved; and that both sides must go back to the conditions which
existed before the outbreak of the war, and which inevitably brought
it about ... {endquote}

{p. 193} He was also one of the first to recognize that thinking men
must put their minds to work to devise some means to avoid future
wars. In spite of his unwillingness to appear publicly in the matter,
he was disposed because of his strong convictions, to take an
earnest part in the League to Enforce Peace, and, on October 27,
1916, he addressed a letter to President Wilson, referring to
a conversation of a month previous, and urging the President to
give the principal address at a dinner which was being arranged by
the League for November 24. He likewise urged Wilson to join with
Lord Bryce and other leaders of world opinion to take active steps
for the avoidance of future wars.

William Howard Taft, president of the League to Enforce Peace,

presided at the dinner referred to ...

{p. 194} Schiff delivered a carefully prepared speech:

{quote} All eyes are turned to America in the hope that ou country
may take the initiative in calling into being a world-wide movement
destined to give assurance that ... the world shall not again be
subjected to the terrors and to the brutalities which, in our own
time, have unchained passions as never since the dark ages ...

... a League to Enforce Peace has evoked immediate interest

not alone in America, but almost everywhere - and perhps nowhere
to a greater exteRt than within the nations cngaged in this furious
World War. The lines upon which the League to Enforce Peace is to
be called into being are as I understand lt, most simple. The
proposition is to form a union of nations, large and small, to enter
into a firm and lastlng pact for the settlement of differences,
of whatever nature, which may arise between any of them
hereafter, through the medium of a World Court backed by an
adequate force, to compel, if necessary, obedience to the Court's
mandates. ... {endquote}

{this aversion to war seems ironic given Schiff's deliberate funding

of Japan's war of 1904-5}

{p. 199} ... a resolution of the board of management of the League

was made public, stating that it was not intended to stop the
war but rather contemplated a League of Nations or some
similar instrument to be established after the war. The entire
Northcliffe press had assailed Schiff because of this

{p. 200} speech, declaring that he was intriguing for a peace in

Germany's interest.

{p. 260} On June 18, l9l5, he wrote to Takahashi that he thought the
closer relations which had arisen between Japan and China would be
useful for both countries ...

{p. 261} But the relations between China and Japan were being
actively cosidered in America even prior to America's entry the war,
and on October 10, 1916, Schiff wrote to Frank Polk, Counselor to
the Department of State:

{quote} ... it is better for China if Japan be permitted to play

the role of Big Brother than if this be opposed, as has been the
case, particularly in our own country. Japan .. understands better
than perhaps China herself, and certainly better than any other
nation, the needs of China and the manner in which it will be
possible to organize China into a modern state, and should be
rather encouraged than discouraged in this task which Japan
has set for herself, and which she has already gone a good ways
forward, even she is doing this, no doubt to a great extent, from
selfish motives. ... The proper remedy appears to me to t that we
get alongside Japan in the reorganization of China ...
{p. 262} What will be needed more than anything else by China
is money, and in amounts which Japan cannot possibly
furnish, and I believe, because of this, she will welcome our
cooperation. ... I verily believe that, with our own and he Japanese
Governmcnt working hand in hand in China, the money needed
from time to time by China, huge as these sums in the end may be,
could to a great extent be found in our money markets. ...
{endquote}

In June, 1918, Lansing invited members of the firm of Kuhn, Loeb &
Co., among others, to meet in Washington, and again discuss the
arrangement of loans to China. ... The American

{p. 263} bankers made it a condition that they be permitted

to secure the cooperation of foreign bankers and in this way
reestablish the International Consortium.

{p. 312} {quote} October 26, 19I7.

DEAR MR. FRIEDMAN:

... anything ought to be excluded whieh would ask for the Jewish
people independent national rights, and which, in the countries of
the Diaspora, could be construed as making citizens of the
Jewish faith members of a separate nation aside from the
nation to which, like, for instance, Jews who are American citizens,
they owe their entire political allegiance. May not ask you to
give knowledge of the contents of this letter to the gentlemen to
whom, as you say, you transmitted a summary of the conversation
we had at my residence last Saturday, and also to any others who
are to take part in the proposed conference. ... {endquote}

The conference took place on November 2d, and it was followed by

further conferences and correspondence. Apparently these latter
conversations resulted in the nearest approach made by Schiff to
afliliation with the Zionist Organization:

{quote} December 3, 1917.

DEAR JUDGE MACK:

Your communication of November 2sth has been reeeived, together

with its enclosures, the latter being a message to leading English
Zionists, which in its finally adopted form is the result of lengthy
consultations and discussions between Justice Louis D. Brandeis,
your good self, Mr. Eugene Meyer, Jr., Mr. Elisha Friedman, and
myself, and in its present form has my approval. ...
{p. 314} With the revolution in Russia {the Bolshevik
Revolution}, which, as one of its happier results, has done
away with the so-called Jewish pale, the several millions of Jews
so long kept together in the pale of settlement have acquired the
right to remove and settle wherever they may choose, and there
can be little doubt that with the return of orderly conditions in
Russia, her Jewish inhabitants will gradually disperse over
the entire enormous dominion Russia covers. Desirable as this will
prove in general, it will, at the same time, not unlikely tend to end
the development of Jewish culture and Jewish ideals which
the pale brought forth, because the pale possessed of
necessity the character - even if produced by unjust and
oppressive laws - of a Jewish center from which Jewry the
world over drew to a very considerablc extent the spiritual
nourishment it ever needs for continued existence.

{after having condemned Russia for years, Schiff now admits a good
side to the Pale, and wants a similar Pale recreated in Palestine}

These views having impressed themselves upon me last spring after

the outbreak of the Russian revolution, I profited by the first
oportunity to give public expression to the belief on my part of the
desirability to seek the establishment of a Jewise homeland -
and, logically, this should

{p. 315} be Palestine - where the Jewish people would be again

enabled to develop under their own institutions and in their own
atmosphere Jewish life and ideals in their purity, and become
once more a center from which the Jew throughout the world could
draw religious inspiration and Jewish cultural development.
Discussions with leaders in the Zionist Movement which followed
have gradually and after many confcrences made it possible for me
to join in the congratulatory message about to be addressed
to Lord Rothschild and other leading English Zionists upon the
declaration recently made by the British Government and the similar
assurances from other Allied powers. This message, the final
wording of which is the result of extensive and careful
consideration, in which have been permitted to participate, together
with this present communication to you, may be considered the
basis and understanding upon which I am prepared to enter
the Zionist ranks, thoroughly realizing, however, that in this world-
wide movement many greatly differing views and conceptions are
represented.

If in all of the above I am well understood by you and your

associates at the head of the American Zionist Organization, I shall
on my part be willing to acccpt your courteous invitation to become
a member of the University Zionist Society. Taking this
opportunity to thank you and the gentlemen with whom I have, as
with you, been carrying on discussions, for the courtesy and the
patience shown me, I am, with sincere regards,

Yours faithfully, JACOB H. SCHIFF. {endquote}

Again he described the issue to Zangwill, December 12th:

{quote} As you had correctly supposed, the Balfour statement on

Palestine, of which you wrote me in your last letter, has since
become public property and has given widespead satisiaction, as it
also has become the subject of con-

{p. 316} siderable discussion. With the fall of Jerusalem some

few days ago and the passing of the Holy City into British
hands, there can be no doubt that the cause of Zionism has
made very far-reaching progress, and we should pray that
Palestine never again pass from under the suzerainty of Great
Britain.

I have been carrying on, for several months, as I believe have

written you already, active conferences and discussions with Justice
Brandeis and other Zionist leaders, who are desirous that I formally
embrace Zionism and come into the Oganization. We have reached
a full understanding, believe, on all vital points except that I want to
be permitted to explicitly state that I consider that I do not see
any raison d'etre for a Jewish state in Palestine that does
not have Judaism as its cornerstone, nor that I can consider
anyone a Jew who is not willing to acknowledge the Jewish
conception of the Deity. ... {endquote}

{p. 317} During the pendency of the Peace Conference, he

published in the Nation, April 26 1919 an article entitled "The Need
for a Jewish Homeland," which, after indicating the need for some
outlet to emigration from Eastern Europe, and the restrictions
on immigration to Western lands, expressed the hope that through
irrigation and other modern processes Palestine could ...

{end of quotes}

(5) Deconstructing Schiff's Utopianism

Who's Who in Jewish History after the period of the Old Testament,
by Joan Cornay, revised by Lavinia Cohn-Sherbok (Routledge,
London 1995) records of Max Warburg:

{p. 373} He was a member of the German delegation to the Paris

Peace Conference in 1919. {end}
The "utopianism" of Schiff and Zangwill must be evaluated in the
light of subsequent develpments in Zionism.

Benjamin Netanyahu writes of Zangwill, in his book A Place

Among the Nations: Israel and the World (Bantam Books, New York,
1993):

{p. 11} The receptivity that the great courts of the day accorded
him in no way blinded Herzl to the primacy of winning Jewish
adherents to Zionism. After Nordau, his greatest conquest
among Jewish {p. 12} intellectuals was the celebrated English
writer Israel Zangwill, who used his talents and influence to
spread the creed of Zionism in Britain, which at the time was
the foremost world power. {end}

In LOOK magazine of January 16, 1962, David Ben Gurion envisaged

a World Government, with the UN having its Supreme Court of
Mankind in Jerusalem: bengur62.jpg (scroll down to see text).

Professor Ben-Ami Shillony wrote in his book The Jews and the
Japanese: the Successful Outsiders, (Charles E. Tuttle Company,
Rutland, Vermont, 1991):

{p. 224} The Japanese {p. 225} are now providing the
"hardware" of modern civilization ...

{p. 64} Whereas ... the Jews sought to revise, redraw, and
replace the basic tenets of the West.

{p. 64} It is difficult to imagine the world today without the

contributions of Karl Marx, Leon Trotsky {tribute to Trotsky is
the mark of a Trotskyist: Stalinists never do it}, Sigmund Freud
{the Freud-Bolshevik alliance is another mark of Trotskyism: freud-
bolsheviks.html} ...

{p. 68} The strong moral element in Judaism, and the fact that
they had long been the victims of persecution and discrimination,
made the Jews sensitive to all forms of injustice. {what about
the Red Terror, established by Lenin & Trotsky?}

The conspicuous role Jews played in socialist and communist

movements in many countries was a clear expression of this
moral sensitivity. {but the Palestinians and the Arabs have not
noticed it}

In Germany one finds Moses Hess, Karl Marx, Ferdinand Lassalle,

Eduard Bernstein, and Rosa Luxembourg. In the Russian revolution
one finds Leon Trotsky {here's a Zionist supporting Trotsky},
Maxim Litvinov, Grigori Zinoviev, Lev Kamenev, Karl Radek, and
Lazar Kaganovich. {murderer of 20 million: kaganovich.html}

{p. 31} At the end of the seventh century, the Arabs constructed
the great mosque, El Aqsa, and the Dome of the Rock on the site
where the Jewish temple had stood.

... Judaism was the first religion to make world peace a

central element in its eschatology. {borrowed from
Zoroastrianism: zoroaster-judaism.html}

{p. 32} Yet quite often peace implies domination, and in

many languages the word "pacify" also means "conquer".

{end}

More of Shillony at japan.html.

(6) H. G. Wells, Lionel Curtis, Henry

Wickham Steed & Lord Grey advocate
the League of Nations as a World
Government - Atlantic Monthly, 1919
After World Wars I & II, there were attempts to form a World
Government

In 1946, the Baruch Plan: baruch-plan.html. In view of the

benevolent motive of the proponents, it is surprising that the public
knows nothing of this attempt to save them from themselves.

In 1919, the League of Nations. The proponents did not want the
League to be a council of Governments, but to override
Governments; this, under the label "Universal Peace". Viscount
(Lord) Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, joined with H. G. Wells,
Lionel Curtis & Henry Wickham Steed, in an article supporting World
Government, in the Atlantic Monthly of January & February 1919.

Wells cast this as an initiative for Peace; yet he had egged Britain on
during the War, coining the phrase "the War to End War" as a
motivator.

World Peace sounds good - but who are the proponents, and who
would be in charge?

Lord (Sir, Viscount) Edward Grey is investigated above.

Lionel Curtis was the Samuel Huntington of his day: curtis1.html.

Henry Wickham Steed, editor of the London Times, joined with Wells
here, but later fell out with the Wells camp, blocking the attempt to
make the League a World Government, when he saw that the Wells-
Baruch-Schiff camp wanted to admit Lenin's USSR to it, this at a
time when Bolshevik revolutions were spreading in Western Europe
too: toolkit3.html.

Visit the Atlantic Monthly links for more on the World Government
debate in the 1920s.

The Idea of a League of Nations

Part One - The Atlantic Monthly, JANUARY 1919; Volume 123, No. 1;
pages 106-115.

http://www.theatlantic.com/issues/19jan/leag119.htm

A small group of qualified Englishmen have long been working

toward Universal Peace from an angle of their own. Forming the
League of Free Nations Association they have divided the
principal problems among experts, for extended study, appraisal
and suggestions for solution. These inquiries, eventually to be
published in book form, will, in the Atlantic's belief, form a highly
important treatise on World Peace; but, in the meantime, the group
has united in the compilation of the following article, which may well
serve as an introduction to all attempts at a League of
Nations. The composite authorship of the paper is especially
interesting, the names of the collaborators being,--

H. G. WELLS, Chairman

H. WICKHAM STEED, VISCOUNT GREY, GILBERT MURRAY, LIONEL

CURTIS, J. A. SPENDER, WILLIAM ARCHER, Secretary, A. E. ZIMMERN,
VISCOUNT BRYCE

UNIFICATION of human affairs, to the extent at least of a

cessation of war and a worldwide rule of international law, is
no new idea; it can be traced through many centuries of history. It is
found as an acceptable commonplace in a fragment, De Republica,
of Cicero. It has, indeed, appeared and passed out of the foreground
of thought, and reapeared there, again and again.

Hitherto, however, if only on account of the limitations of

geographical knowledge, the project has rarely been truly world-
wide, though in some instances it has comprehended practically all
the known world. Almost always there has been an excluded
fringe of barbarians and races esteemed as less than men.
The Roman Empire realized the idea in a limited sphere and
in a mechanical, despotic fashion. It was inherent in the
propaganda of Islam -- excluding the unbeliever. It may be said
that the political unity of Christendom overriding states and
nations was the orthodox and typical doctrine of the Middle
Ages. The individual states were regarded as being, in the nature of
things, members of one great body politic, presided over by the
Pope, or the Emperor, or both. It was the idea of the world
supremacy of the Empire which inspired Dante's De Monarchia; but,
as Lord Bryce has remarked, 'Dante's book was an epilogue instead
of a prophecy.'

It cannot be claimed that history shows any continuously

progressive movement of human affairs from a dispersed to a
unified condition. Rather it tells a story of the oscillating action of
separatist and unifying forces. And the process of civilization
itself, if we use the word in its narrower and older sense of the
elaboration of citizenship in a political and social organization, and
exclude mechanical and scientific progress from it, has on the whole
been rather on the side of fragmentation. ...

The Renaissance presents a phase in history in which a large

vague unification (Christendom) is seen to be breaking up
simultaneously with the appearance of a higher grade of
national organization. Machiavelli, with his aspiration toward a
united Italy, involving a distintegration of the Empire, opened the
phase of the national state in Europe, which reached its fullest
development in the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth
centuries. Before the Renaissance Europe was far more of a
unity than it was at the close of the reign of Queen Victoria,
when it consisted mainly of a group of nations, with their
national edges sharpened and hardened almost to a maximum,
each aspiring to empire and each acutely suspicious of and hostile
to its neighbors. The idea of international organization for peace
seemed far more Utopian to the normal European intelligence in
1900 than it would have done eight hundred years before.

But while those political and social developments which constitute

civilization in the narrower sense of the word were tending to make
human societies, as they became more elaborately organized, more
heterogeneous and mutually unsympathetic, there were also
coming into play throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries, for the first time, upon a quite unprecedented scale,
another series of forces diametrically opposed to human
separations. They worked, however, mutely, because the world of
thought was unprepared for them. Unprecedented advances in
technical and scientific knowledge were occurring, and human
cooperation and the reaction of man upon man, not only in material
but also in mental things, was being made enormously more
effective than it had ever been before. But the phrases of
international relationship were not altering to correspond. Phrases
usually follow after rather than anticipate reality, and so it was that
at the outbreak of the Great War in August, 1914, Europe and the
world awoke out of a dream of intensified nationality to a new
system of realities which were entirely antagonistic to the
continuance of national separations.

It is necessary to state very plainly the nature of these new forces.

Upon them rests the whole case for the League of Nations as it is
here presented. It is a new case. It is argued here that these forces
give us powers novel in history and bring mankind face to face with
dangers such as it has never confronted before. It is maintained
that, on the one hand, they render possible such a reasoned
coordination of human affairs as has never hitherto been
conceivable, and that, on the other, they so enlarge and intensify
the scope and evil of war and of international hostility as to give
what was formerly a generous aspiration more and more of the
aspect of an imperative necessity. Under the lurid illumination of
the world war, the idea of world-unification has passed
rapidly from the sphere of the literary idealist into that of the
methodical, practical man, and the task of an examination of its
problems and possibilities, upon the scale which the near probability
of an actual experiment demands, is thrust upon the world.

All political and social institutions, all matters of human relationship,

are dependent upon the means by which mind may react upon mind
and life upon life, that is to say upon the intensity, rapidity, and
reach of mental and physical communication. In the history of
mankind, the great phases seem all to be marked by the
appearance of some new invention which facilitates trade or
intercourse, and may be regarded as the operating cause of the new
phase. The invention of writing, of the wheel and the road, of the
ship, of money, of printing, of letters of exchange, of joint-stock
undertakings and limited liability, mark distinct steps in the
enlargement of human intercourse and cooperation from its original
limitation within the verbal and traditional range of the family or
tribe.

A large part of the expansion of the Roman Empire, apart

from its overseas development, may be considered, for example,
as a process of road-making and bridge-building. Even its
trans-Mediterranean development was a matter of road-making
combined with ship-building. The Roman Empire, like the Chinese,
expanded on land to an extremity determined by the new method of
road-communication; and sought to wall itself in at last at the limits
of its range from its centres of strength. The new chapter of the
human story again, which began with the entry of America and
the Oceanic lands upon the stage of history, was the direct
outcome of that bold sailing out upon the oceans which the
mariner's compass, and the supersession of the galley by the
development of sails and rigging, rendered possible. The art of
printing from movable types released new powers of suggestion,
documentation, and criticism, which shattered the old religious
organization of Christendom, made the systematic investigations
and records of modern science possible, and created the vast
newspaper-reading democracies of to-day. The whole of history
could, indeed, be written as a drama of human nature reacting to
invention.

And we live to-day in a time of accelerated inventiveness and

innovation, when a decade modifies the material of inter-
communication far more extensively than did any century before, in
range, swiftness, and intensity alike. Within the present century,
since 1900, there have been far more extensive changes in these
things than occurred in the ten centuries before Christ. Instead of
regarding Around the World in Eighty Days as an amazing feat of
hurry, we can now regard a flight about the globe in fifteen or
sixteen days as a reasonable and moderate performance. ...

III

Let us now look a little more closely between the two extremes of
possibility we have stated in the preceding section, between a
world-unanimity for peace, on the one hand, -- Everyman's World
League of Nations, -- and a world-collapse under the overgrowth of
war-organization and material, on the other.

The affairs of the world are now in a posture which enables us to

dismiss the idea of a world hegemony for Germany, or for any other
single power, as a fantastic vanity.

We have to consider, however, the much greater probability of a

group of the more powerful states, including perhaps a
chastened Germany, agreeing among themselves to organize
and enforce peace in the world for ever. This would give us still
a third type of league which we may call the League of the Senior
States. It is perhaps the most probable of all the possibilities.

And, on the other hand, we have assumed, quite crudely, in the first
section that the forces of popular insurrection are altogether
destructive of organization, whereas there may be as yet
unmeasured constructive and organizing power in the popular mind.
There is a middle way between a superstitious belief in unguided
democracy and a frantic hatred of it. Concurrently, for example, with
the earlier phases of Bolshevik anarchy in Petrograd and
Moscow, there seems to have been for a time a considerable
development of cooperative production and distribution
throughout European and Asiatic Russia. Mingled with much
merely destructive and vindictive insurrectionism, there may be a
popular will to order, reaching out to cooperate with all the sound
and liberal forces of the old system of things. We can only guess as
yet at the possibilities of a collective will in these peasant and labor
masses of Europe which now read and write and have new-born
ideas of class-action and responsibility. They will be ill-informed,
they may be emotional, but they may have vast reserves of
common sense. Much may depend upon the unforeseeable accident
of great leaders. Nearly every socialist and democratic organization
in the world, it is to be noted, now demands the League of Nations
in some form, and men may arise who will be able to give that stir
quite vague demand force and creative definition. A failure to
achieve a world guaranty of peace on the part of the
diplomatists at a peace conference may lead, indeed, to a type
of insurrection and revolution not merely destructive but
preparatory. It is conceivable. The deliberate organization of peace,
as distinguished from a mere silly clamor for peace, may break out
at almost any social level, and in the form either of a constructive,
an adaptive, or a revolutionary project.

We have not, therefore, here, a case of a clear cut choice of two

ways; there is a multitude of roads which may converge upon the
permanent organization of world peace, and an infinitude of
thwarting and delaying digressions may occur. Complicating and
mitigating circumstances may, and probably will, make this
antagonism of war and peace a lengthy and tortuous drama. There
may be many halts and setbacks in the inevitable development of
war; belligerence may pause and take breath on several occasions
before its ultimate death flurry.

Such delays, such backwater phases and secondary aspects, must

not confuse the issue and hide from us the essential fact of the
disappearance of any real limitation upon the overgrowth of war in
human life. That unlimited overgrowth is the probability which is
driving more and more men to study and advocate this project of a
League of Nations, because they are convinced that only through
counter-organization of the peace-will in mankind can the world be
saved from a great cycle of disasters, disorder, and retrogression. ...

IV

But at this point it is advisable to take up and dispose of a group of

suggestions which contradict our fundamental thesis, which is, that
war is by its nature illimitable. War is, we hold here, a cessation of
law, and in war therefore, it is impossible to prevent permanently
the use of every possible device for injury, killing, and compulsion
which human ingenuity can devise or science produce. Our main
argument for a League of Nations rests on that. ...
If we look into the history of warfare, we find that it has completed a
cycle and is now returning to its starting-point. A nomadic horde of
the barbarous ages was 'a nation in arms' in the full sense of the
word. Having no fixed place of abode, it had no civil -- as distinct
from military -- population. The whole people -- old men, women,
and children included -- took part in the toils and perils of war. There
were no places of security in which the weak and the defenseless
could take refuge. Everyone's life was forfeit in case of disaster;
therefore everyone took part in the common defense. Modern
warfare, with its air fleets, its submarines, and its 'big Berthas,' is
more and more restricting the area of immunity from military peril
and reverting to these primitive conditions. ...

{end of Part One}

Part Two

The Atlantic Monthly; February, 1919; The Idea of a League of

Nations; Volume 123, No. 2; pages 77-82.

http://www.theatlantic.com/issues/19feb/leag219.htm

A small group of qualified Englishmen have long been working

toward Universal Peace from an angle of their own. Forming the
League of Free Nations Association, they have divided the principal
problems among experts, for extended study, appraisal, and
suggestions for solution. These inquiries, eventually to be published
in book form, will, in the Atlantic's belief, form a highly important
treatise on World Peace; but in the meantime, the group has united
in the compilation of the following article, which may well serve as
an introducion to all attempts at a League of Nations. The composite
authorship of the paper is especially interesting, the names of the
collaborators being, --

H.G. Wells, Chairman Viscount Grey, H. Wickham Steed, Gilbert

Murray, Lionel Curtis, J. A. Spender, William Archer, Secretary, A. E.
Zimmern, Viscount Bryce, consultant ...

II

Criticisms of thc project of a League of Nations have consisted

hitherto largely of the statement of difficulties and impediments,
rather than of reasons for rejection of the project. ...

Upon this point we cannot be too clear: it is not nationality that is

threatened by the League of Nations, it is this 'power' obsession,
which used national feeling in an entirely Machiavellian spirit. ... V
Another considerable body of criticism hostile to the League of
Nations proposal is grouped about certain moral facts. Before
concluding these introductory remarks, it is advisable to discuss
this, not merely in order to answer so much of it as amounts to an
argument against the world-league project, but also because it
opens out before us the real scope of the League of Nations
proposal. There seems to be a disposition in certain quarters to
underestimate the scale upon which a League of Nations project can
be planned. It is dealt with as if it were a little legal scheme
detached from the main body of human life. It seems to be assumed
that some little group of 'jurists,' sitting together in a
permanent conference at The Hague or in New York, will be
able to divert the whole process of humanity into new
channels, to overcome the massive, multitudinous, and tremendous
forces that make for armed conflict and warfare among men, and to
inaugurate a new era of peace throughout the world.

... Permanent world-peace must necessarily be a great process

and state of affairs, greater, indeed, than any warprocess, because
it must anticipate, comprehend, and prevent any warprocess, and
demand the understanding, the willing and conscious participation
of the great majority of human beings. We, who look to it as a
possible thing, are bound not to blind ourselves to, or conceal from
others, the gigantic and laborious system of labors, the immense
tangle of cooperations, which its establishment involves. If political
institutions or social methods stand in the way of this great good for
mankind it is fatuous to dream of compromises with them. A world
peace organization cannot evade universal relationships.

It is clear that, if a world-league is to be living and enduring, the

idea of it and the need and righteousness of its service must be
taught by every educational system in the world. It must either be
served by, or be in conflict with, every religious organization; it must
come into the life of everyone, not to release men and women from
loyalty, but to demand it for itself.

The answer to this criticism that the world-peace will release men
from service, is therefore, that the world-peace is itself a service. It
calls, not as war does, for the deaths, but for that greater gift, the
lives, of men. The League of Nations cannot be a little thing; it is
either to be a great thing in the world, an overriding idea of a
greater state, or nothing. Every state aims ultimately at the
production of a sort of man, and it is an idle and a wasteful
diplomacy, a pandering to timidities and shams, to pretend that the
World-League of Nations is not ultimately a state aiming at that
ennobled individual whose city is the world.

{end}
(7) Two Conspiracies
Woodrow Wilson was not a conspirator; but he was handled by
people who were.

The problem with World Government is that, despite its benefits, it

would very likely be run by the same sorts of people who are
running the world at present; their power would be entrenched, and
there would be nowhere for dissidents to escape to.

Not all people who advocate World Government are conspirators,

but there were two conspiracies working through such schemes: an
Anglo/Tory one (quigley.html), and a Socialist/Zionist one
(opensoc.html); some people were members of both.

The Anglo one wanted "one world" dominated by Britain (later,

the US); the Socialist/Zionist one wanted Britain/the US subject to
a World Court and World Army.

High-profile activists in the Socialist/Zionist camp included H. G.

Wells, Mandell House, Walter Lippmann, Israel Zangwill, Jacob Schiff
and Bernard Baruch - of these, Wells and House were the only non-
Jews: wells-lenin-league.html.

House, liasing with Lord (Sir Edward) Grey, persuaded Wilson to join
World War I.

During World War I, Lord (Sir Edward) Grey represented the

Anglo/Tory faction. It wanted to get the U.S. into the war as
soon as possible: the Anglo/Tory faction needed military
superiority on its side. "One World", to the Anglo/Torys, meant world
empire: world domination by the British Empire, with the United
States sharing control.

Suppose that the U.S. had entered the war earlier, and mobilized its
troops and sent them to the front. Then Britain would not made the
Balfour Declaration, as "a contract with World Jewry", whereby
Zionists got Palestine in return for getting the U.S. into the war -
because the U.S. would already have titled the balance: l-
george.html.

It was in the Zionist interest to keep the protagionists as evenly

balanced as possible, i.e. keep the US out of the war, until the
fall of the Tsar, their hated enemy. Then it was in their interest to
auction their support to the protagonists. This is what happened:
balfour.html; Israel similarly auctioned itself during the Cold War.

Before the Balfour Declaration, the two conspiracies were

working against each other. The catch was this: the Zionist one
knew about the Anglo one, because Cecil Rhodes had invited Lord
Rothschild to join it; but the Anglos did not know about the Zionist
one.

The Balfour Declaration of 1917 marked a turning point, whereby

the Anglo/Tory faction was co-opted to Zionism. Arnold
Toynbee, opposed to the Balfour Declaration, was relegated to
obscurity by the Zionist media. Lord Northcliffe, a Tory opposed to
Zionism, was forced to cede control of the Times of London:
toolkit3.html.

Through the Balfour Declaration, the Anglo/Tory faction has

become the Tory/Zionist faction.

George W. Bush now represents the Tory-Zionist faction, while Bill

Clinton represents the Socialist one. Clinton's cabinet was largely
Jewish, but Internationalist (Western Marxist, i.e. Trotskyist) rather
than Zionist (beria.html).

The Socialist/Zionist camp, whilst opposing the Anglo/Tory camp,

was divided into those who wanted Israel at the centre of world
values, and those more Internationalist. Since the creation of Israel
in 1948, the Zionists have moved to the Tory/Zionist faction.

For the Zionists, One World (World Government) means the

fulfilment of Judaism's self-appointed mission to "unify" the world -
with Judaism having a prominent place at the table, of course:
zioncom.html.

The Balfour Declaration amounted to a take-over of the Anglo one

by the Zionist one.

The proof is that, for the sake of Eretz Israel, Britain and the U.S. are
forfeiting the goodwill of the whole Arab & Moslem world:
shahak1.html.

(8) John Coleman on Mandell Huis

Dr. John Coleman's book THE CONSPIRATORS' HIERARCHY: THE
STORY OF THE COMMITTEE OF 300 (America West Publishers, P.O.
Box 3300, Bozeman, MT 59772, 1992) contains valuable material,
but his hectoring style and lack of supporting evidence let it down.

Anyone who has read much of Lyndon Larouche's material will note
great similarity in this 1992 book by Coleman. Both say that the
One-World Conspiracy is British, centred on the Monarchy. They
"write out" any specifically Jewish involvement, although a number
of Jewish bodies get a mention, e.g. the ADL.
Yet the Jewish Defense Organization calls Larouche a Nazi: "Lyndon
LaRouche hired Jewish flunkies like Steinberg and Goldstien to do his
dirtywork. The name of the game is Yockeyism, crypto-Nazism ... "
http://jdo.org/gibson.htm.

So, is there a hidden Jewish theme within Coleman's work?

When one considers the shocking press that the British Royals get
(compared to, say, the Japanese or Danish Royals) with the media
prying into their troubles, exacerbating them and putting them on
the front pages; when one considers that Rupert Murdoch's media,
and the Economist, promote the abolition of the British Monarchy;
then another force is suspected behind the scenes.

Here's a clue: Coleman writes,

"... Robert Cecil of the Jewish Cecil family that had controlled the
British monarchy since a Cecil became the private secretary and
lover of Queen Elizabeth I ..." (Conspirators' Hierarchy, p. 201).

Coleman writes in his article King Makers, King Breakers: The Cecils
(1985, © Dr John Coleman, W.I.R., 2533 N. Carson St., Suite J-118
Carson City, NV 89706):

{p. 25} The records at Hatfield House show that the Unity of
Science Conferences was the brain child of Robert Cecil, as
confirmed by the Dutch Jew, Mandell Huis alias Colonel House, who
was the controller of Woodrow Wilson and Wilson's personal
representative at the Paris peace Conference; and the special
representative of the United States Government at the Inter-Allied
Conference of Premiers and Foreign Ministers in 1917; U. S.
representative at the Armistice in 1918 and a member of the
Commission on Mandates in 1919. Mandell Huis, like the Cecils,
professed to be a Christian, but was a Jew by birth and
conviction. He was a firm friend of the Cecil clan, and it was Huis
who forced Wilson to agree to the July, 1915 arrangement made
by Arthur Balfour which gave Palestine to the zionists and
brouqht America into the first world war. Americans should be
taught these things in schools and universities, but so great is the
power of the Black Nobility, the RIIA, the CFR and the Eastern Liberal
Establishment gang of traitors, that the majority

{p. 26} of Americans will probably never hear the name of the Cecil
family, as one of the names which shaped the destiny of our once
free great republican America. Before leaving tlle subject of "Colonel
House" (Huis is the Dutch word for house), let me say that in spite of
the many important tasks he was given to carry out, "Colonel
House" was never a member of the United States government, nor
was he elected to hold any of these important offices by the
sovereign people of the United States. Therefore I say to you; "Of
what use is our present system? We call ourselves a republic and a
democracy, yet, no matter who we elect to the White House, the
secret government of America continues to enact its policies,
without the slightest regard for our wishes. Of what use then, is our
electoral system?" ... {end}

So here is the Jewish theme lurking with the British theme. More at
british-conspiracy.html.

(9) Lenin's Opposition to the Treaty of

Versailles
Lenin sent the Red Army to invade Poland in 1920. This is
comparable to Hitler's invasion of Poland. For Hitler, Poland was only
a stepping-stone to the East; but for Lenin, Poland was only a
stepping-stone to Germany.

Lenin candidly wrote about Poland, as follows:

Richard Pipes, ed., The Unknown Lenin: From the Secret

Archive (Yale University Press, New Haven, 1996):

{p. 100} ... somewhere in the proximity of Warsaw lies the center of
the entire system of international imperialism ... Poland, as a buffer
between Russia and Germany, Poland, as the last state, will remain
entirely in the hands of international imperialism against Russia. She
is the

{p. 101} linchpin of the whole Treaty of Versailles. The modern

imperialist world rests on the Treaty of Versailles. Having defeated
Germany and settled the question of which of the two powerful
international groups - the English or the German - will determine the
fate of the world in the coming years, imperialism ended up with the
Versailles peace. They have no other means of solidifying
international relations, political as well as economic, than the
Versailles peace. Poland is such a powerful element in this Versailles
Peace that by extracting this element we break up the entire
Versailes peace. We had tasked ourselves with occupying
Warsaw; the task changed and it turned out that what was being
decided was not the fate of Warsaw but the fate of the Treaty of
Versailles.

{endquote} More at wells-lenin-league.html.

How could Wells be a member of Cecil Rhodes' "One World"

movement (opensoc.html), while at the same time supporting Lenin,
a man trying to destroy it?
Write to me at contact.html.

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