Comment: The Clouded Crystal Ball: Trends in Educational Stratification Author(s): Karl L.

Alexander Reviewed work(s): Source: Sociology of Education, Vol. 74, Extra Issue: Current of Thought: Sociology of Education at the Dawn of the 21st Century (2001), pp. 169-177 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2673261 . Accessed: 14/02/2013 08:40
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Co ment The Clouded CrystalBall: Trends in Educational Stratification

appreciate this opportunity to youngstersdeclined by almost a third reactto the threethoughtful arti- between1970 and 1990." The mainbody cles in thisissue by distinguished of my talk was about school effects and membersof the sociology of education effectiveness, I began withthe declinbut of community scholars: Alan C. Kerckhoff,ingtestscoregap as an attention grabber.' MaureenT. Hallinan, and Adam Gamoran. Anditworked-it is something people care I gatherthatthe authorshad a wide berth about, and to be able to do something inselecting their "stocktaking" topics.That about things care about is whymanyof we beingthe case, the mixinthethreearticles us studyschools. came as something of a surprise. Yearsago, when I was a graduatestuthatKerckhoff's for mission at dent, I learnedfromGerhardLenskithat Considering least 20 yearshas been precisely break thefundamental ofsocial stratification to task the parochialism a U.S.-centric as a fieldof inquiry to understand through of is "who viewofschoolsand stratification, not gets what and why."Thereare manylifeitwas that surprising he chose comparative edu- times of work embedded in these five cationalstratificationhisfocus.Hiswas a words,butforme, it is telling as thattheforlonelyvoice earlyon, but he persevered mulation leads with"who" and ends with and brought forth wealthof compelling "why."We sociologists a studythe workings evidencethatstratification processesoften of schoolsfroma stratification perspective differ a function national as of and not because schoolsare inherently context, intereststudies of the sort ing,but owingto our sharedintuition suddenlycomparative that he has advocatedare de rigueur. schools as social institutions centrally are in No, thesurprise thisset ofarticles was relevant the unequal distribution life to of thatbothHallinan and Gamoranelectedto chances acrosssocial lines.Theirworkings write on educational inequalitiesacross constitute part of the "why,"and, in the social lines, primarily black-white differ- present blacksand whitesconstiinstance, ences. Of course,both authorshave pub- tute the "who" (to round out coverage, lishedon the topic-extensively and use- the "what" typicallyincludes cognitive asso- skills, educational credentials, and job fully-butmymentalmap ofthefield ciatestheir names primarily studiesof opportunities). with school organization and tracking. It Viewedagainstthisbackdrop, "surmy that intrigued me, therefore, theychose a prise,"I suppose, says more about myfiltopic informed theirstudiesof tracking, tering than about how Hallinan and by not tracking I itself. took a similar tacknot Gamoranchose to use the latitude affordtoo long ago, openingmy 1997 presiden- ed them;as eminent educationalstratificatial address to the SouthernSociological tionists, their"who" focusmakesperfectly line: "I wonder good sense. Now,to the businessat hand. Societywiththe following how manyofyou would have guessedthat Tryas I might,I could not come up with the 'IQ' gap separatingwhite and black integrating themes that overlap all three

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Johns Hopkins University

KarlL. Alexander

SociologyofEducation ExtraIssue2001: 169-177

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articles. Instead,I discussthe articles serially, pictureemerges. The logic of comparative a to withKerckhoff's thenaddress- studieshas the potential inform whole beginning and hostof domesticissues,and I believethatwe ing Hallinan's and Gamoran's together. have only just begun to realizetheirvalue. vocational Schools do not provideeffective education? Check out how apprenticeships KERCKHOFF ON EDUCATIONAL in are structured Germany(e.g., Hamilton STRATIFICATION COMPARATIVELY 1990). No good models of the school-tohow worktransition? us try understand Let to I do not have many regrets about how my school-business partnerships work in Japan careerhas unfolded,but tuckedaway deep (e.g., Rosenbaum and Kariya 1989). down inside,thereis a sense of opportunity Butthe "logic" just alluded to is the logic lost. I suppose it is my blue-collar, big-city of inference, itsceteris stipulation and paribus but background, I have neverreally thought sets a highstandard. WouldGermanapprenmuch about the world beyond our borders. ticeships work same wayifthey the wereused I limits sociology, know, in,say,Detroit? That perspective my and Hardly, so to exploitthe I butifI wereto venture intothisrealm, think potentialof comparativestudies requiresa I wouldwantto do itexactly Kerckhoff as has context sensitivity to that can be difficult done (along witha handful others, of includ- achieve. Here is a small example frommy ing MichaelHout,YossiShavit, and their var- own (limited)experience: In 1999, a staff ious collaborators)-data-basedand quanti- memberof the Cato Institute publishedan tative,empirically rigorous, drivenby funda- Op-Edarticle the Baltimore questioning in Sun mental questionsofeducational stratification.the usefulnessof reducing class size as a Seeing how things work elsewhere can school-reform strategy(Lartigue 1999:9A). give us a usefulperspective how things Among the points made was that the on work in the United States. And if they are Japanese seem to do justfinewithclasses of done with care, such comparisons can 40 and more. That point may be true,but In a approximate quasi-experiment. an exclu- what does it tell us about the workability of it sivelydomesticperspective, is easy to slip largeclassesin the UnitedStates?Not much, intothe trap of thinking that "what is" also I suspect.Hereis how I put itin a letter the to defines what "may be." So, forexample,we editor(Alexander 1999:15A): acrossschools in the United studyvariability tells has larger Lartigue youthat Japan much States and conclude that school differences classes to thando we and manages achieve are small and do not count for much in better scores test but anyway, he doesnottell in differences achievement. These explaining central also has a powerful you thatJapan hold here,and thatis important, conclusions a a ofeducation,national curriculum, ministry but it is also important thattheyare context that program national of testing a culture and stresses and over obedience conformity indihold in genbound and so do not necessarily that to all vidualism, qualities are anathema eral. In his article, Kerckhoff limits comhis and who conservatives libertarians political ments to comparative studies involving successes seem to so envythe educational Western industrial societies,which I grantis in realized ourfriends Asia. by dictatethe plenty digest.Butthequestions to appropriateframe of reference.I have in is ThatKerckhoff's is context work sensitive mindHeyneman's and precisely (1977) and Heyneman whatsetsitapartand makesitgood Loxley's 983) studies (1 thatshowedlargeand sociology. Whatis so hardabout doing comin of differences the quality schools parative educational stratification powerful anyway? when the universe was broadenedto include We have a naturalmetric-yearsof schoolsocieties. nonindustrial Not ing-and the toolsto runregressions. so Thingslookthe way theydo in the United fast,says Kerckhoff. Years of schoolingmay "floor"that workas a proxy academic progress the Statesowing to a school-quality in for comes witha highstandardof living. Extend UnitedStates,and possibly even forcertificathe rangeof natural and variation, a different tion levelattained,but a tallyof yearsas an

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accounting scheme will not do for other to choose their own fateor thatthe stratificaplaces throughout world. Different the sys- tion systemwithinwhich that educational tems of certification is for involving examinations system embedded is less rigid thatreaand licensing embedded in different are sys- son. The language of "choice" is easilymistems of schoolingand must be understood construedin these ways,though,so let me that respect explainwhat I have in mind. by means of conceptualizations the systemic context.Forresearch be gento The exercise choice itself socially is of conas (1 uinelycomparative requiresthat the things strained, Kerckhoff 977) and I and my com- colleague (Alexanderand Cook 1979) both being compared mustbe meaningfully parable, and therein lies the genius of pointed out in the contextof statusattainKerckhoff's work:Kerckhoff shown us by ment research.Ifthe choices young people has way of example what is involvedin doing (and theirfamilies) make are determined by research educationalstratifi-their on or socialclass,race,gender, anynumber comparative cationwell. ofother socially constructed "tags" (dare I say within educathe Kerckhoff's sketchof the relevant dimen- "habitus"?),thenflexibility for of rein system maysimply givefreer to the sionality studying systems educational tional forcesthat are external to stratification strikes as sen- play of stratifying me comparatively sible and useful:stratification, standardiza- the educational system (think about the debate in thiscountry). tion,and (vocational)specificity. Indeed, his school-choice book Diverging We need to allow space for personal Pathways (Kerckhoff 1993) is a masterfulapplication of this perspective, agency in our models of educationalstratifidemonstrating how within-school and cationand somehowto keepyoungpeople's between-school structural towardthe future distinct from placementsacross orientations students'careersconstruct different educa- the press of social contextthat framesthe tionaltrajectories so increase and socialdiffer- development of these orientations.That entiation deflections but (e.g., hisstructural idea). muchis clearconceptually, I am not sure These threevariable features education- that even today we have the empirical of tools a al systems determine system's largely capac- to be trueto thatvision.For a good discusof see ityto structure young people's labor force sion (ifnot resolution) thisconundrum, Kerckhoff entry, notes,butthenhe introduces Gambetta(1 987). a fourth element: In the concludingsection of his article, students' choice,thatis,the of wrestles withthe boundaries the amount of flexibility structural loca- Kerckhoff linking tionsat successive It from school to work.To determine stagesofattainment. is a transition is boundaries rigorously deceptively structural sense of choice-perhaps better life-stage sigh thoughtof as "choice points"-but it is a hard,and I can well imagineKerckhoff's fell sense ofstructure buildsin space forself- ofresignation that when he finally backon age directionand personal agency and so has grading-the "action," he tells us, is in the full brought Kerckhoff circle back to the 16-25 age range. As a rationale,Kerckhoff debate he initiated more than 20 yearsago states that the lower bound is the age of address to the mandatory school attendancein mostindus(in 1976) in his presidential Southern Is whereasby age 25, mostpeoSociological Society: statusattain- trialsocieties, mentsocialization allocation? or ple have completed their schooling and The obviousansweris thatitis a little of enteredthe labor force.These benchmarks bit has seem about as reasonableas any,butthe offiboth, and I findit cleverthat Kerckhoff the two in this way. Systemsof cial school-leaving age across states in the integrated structural constraints vary in their conse- UnitedStates ranges up to 18; in 1992-93, as of was recipients quences,partly a function theamountof one in six bachelor's-degree latitude are theyallow.Wherelinkages loose- aged 30 or older at graduation(National 1 But lycoupled, theyare less determinant. to Centerfor EducationStatistics 996); many and of say thatthe structure functioning an youthsbegin acquiring significant workplace is does experience as early as the middle grades educational system less determinant not necessarily mean thatindividuals freer (Entwisle, are and Olson 2000); and Alexander,

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almostall highschool students today juggle school and work at some point (see, e.g., 1995). Light1995; Steinberg and Cauffman to Against thisreality, attempt define any life stage by age must be understoodas from approximate,at best. The transition for schoolto workis one benchmark bracketto ing the transition adulthood,but modern to lifemay have gottenahead of our ability conceptualize whatitmeansto be an "adult." The old-timey notionof an orderly progression from school to workto marriage parto enthoodisjustthat-an old-timey notion. The of setintersection roles across institutional and family-inthe tings-school,workplace, modernera has gotten increasingly complicated,and, correspondingly, is less rele"age children vantin defining experience. life With havingbabies, most young people juggling school and workat an earlyage, and elderly to numpeople returning school in increasing agenda for bers,an educationalstratification the new millennium may need a new orientthe ing imagery. Thoughit stillrollseasilyoff from tongue,"transitioning thisto that"has a feel decidedly 20th-century to it.

Alexander
with worldin whichblackswillachieveparity whiteson keyeducationaloutcomes (net of fall whateverdisparities out frompersistent socioeconomicdifferences acrossraciallines). It is a pleasingvision,and I hope that he is correct, but.... the thatoverroughly Gamorananticipates organizanext 100 years,the fundamental tionalstructure U.S. schoolingwillremain of Thispremise pretty muchas we knowittoday. it is keyto hisreasoning; iswhatallowshimto extrapolaterecent trends to the future.I believethat Gamoranis correct that surface changes do not always cut to the core. Today's K-12 schools indeed look and work much like those we inheritedfrom our Progressive Era forebears, whose legacy prospecialization, includesbig bureaucracy, efficiency, sorting, certifying. and fessionalism, (e.g., theopen school Educational fashions it movement) come and go, and sometimes is truethatthe more thingschange, the more afterall, theystay the same (how different, are middle schools from junior high thatGamoranis schools?).ButI do notthink in right sayingthatschoolingat the startof fromthe the 21st century littledifferent is of way it was at the beginning the 20th, at least not ifwe expand our horizonsbeyond K-12 schooling. Communitycolleges, for invention of example, are an organizational the 20th century, whenwas the lasttime and any of us attendeda PTAmeetingat a "normal school"?-normal schoolshave gone the I way of the dinosaur.Furthermore,believe embraceto thatthe extension schooling's of everyounger qualifies and everolderstudents comas a fundamental change. I havealready a mentedon "overage"collegestudents, vast pool that has supported the continued expansion of the postsecondary sector era. beyondthe baby-boomer Butto tap into have had thispool, colleges and universities to be nimbleand creative, evidenced by as the growthof graduate offerings, part-time studies baccalaureate programs, continuing universivirtual distancecurricula, divisions, tiesconferring virtual degrees,and now elder hostels. This upward spiralat the postsecondary level has considerabledemocratizing potential,but it can also give a somewhatPyrrhic

HALLINANAND GAMORAN ON BLACK-WHITEINEQUALITIES

Hallinan'sand Gamoran'sarticlesare nicely Together,they provide a complementary. well-rounded pictureof what is knownand thoughtabout the social context of blackwith a strong tilt, as white differences, expected, toward the schooling side of things. Hallinan delves more broadly and deeply into the "why and wherefore"of differences achievementand in black-white Her a attainment.2 article, largely review-of interpretations, evidenceand perspectives, does article stayson safer ground.Gamoran's a bitof review also, but in hiscase the stockThe takingis a backdropto prognostication. thrustof Gamoran'sarticle forward-looking of makeshisthe moreambitious the two. For I have neverbeen much of a futurist. me, it is challengeenough to make sense of what has already happened, so I admire Gamoran's chutzpah. Gamoran foresees a

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cast to seeming victories. Hallinan and has greatdemocratizing potential. know We the Early ChildhoodLongitudinal Gamoranboth acknowledge thatthe picture from Study is mixed.The good news is that nowadays, (National Center for Education Statistics in blacksand whitesare at near parity high 2000), for example, that low-incomeand children startschool alreadybadly school completionand that college atten- minority dance ratesare closerthaneverbefore. These disadvantaged-their cognitive skills in hard-won victories lag represent accomplish- kindergarten behindthose of theirmore real ments, yet the college-completion gap advantaged age-mates. But we know,too, projects High/Scope like Perry Preschool remainslarge,and the graduate-degree gap from is largerstill,especiallydisparities involving (Schweinhartand Weikart1998) and the men (for an overview see FrederickD. Abecedarianproject(Ramey,Campbell,and Patterson Research Institute997). In hisarti- Blair1998) that high-quality 1 preschoolscan cle, Gamoran alludes to the distinction help close the gap, especiallyif continuing 1 to supports provided are later(Reynolds 994). between school practices that contribute My crystalball shows a futurein which educational effectiveness (boosting attainments/achievements) and school practices more and more young childrenwill spend that contribute to educational equality more and more time in school-like settings. across social lines).The But it clouds over when I tryto discernthe (reducingdisparities modern era of educational expansion that equity implications such an extensionof of began midcenturyhas certainlyboosted schooling's embrace. If near-universal attainments I (that is definitional, suppose) preschoolmeans that almost all needy chiland at certain benchmarks furthered has the dren will have access to high-quality cause of educational equality across social preschool programs constructedon bestlines,but it remains be seen whether to this practice principles, then certainly they will will for equalizingdynamic winout overthe long begin "realschool" better positioned sucfind haul. Gamoran mentionedthat the upward cess. However,if childrenof privilege or is of way to even betterpreschools profit spiral credentialism supporting persistent their preschools,as socioeconomic-based inequalities (e.g., more fromthe same-quality if and Hout's 1993 "maximally main- seems likely universal preschoolbecomes a Raftery Withovertracialprivilege reality, what then? The resultmay well be tainedinequality"). in retreat, would not surprise me to see increased educational effectiveness it (higher such an unequalizing dynamicalso play out achievement for all), but coupled with (largergaps acrossracialand ethniclinesin the 21st cen- increasededucationalinequality of tury.Indeed, recent attacks on affirmativeacrosssocial linesat the start kindergarten actionprograms higher in educationsuggest or first grade). to me that the battle has already comwithintuiting That is the problem possible menced. of equityimplications educationalreformsThe expansionof schoolingbeyond high the devilis in the details,but,at best,we can school is one organizational revolution the foresee broad outlines. of the Gamorancame to in of modern era. Anotheris the extension of thesame conclusion hisdiscussion highschool-like set- stakestesting-itcould workthisway or that. experiencesin out-of-home children. With Here is an examplethatis a bit more immetingsto youngerand younger kindergarten now practically universal diate. We know fromProjectStar that chilthe United States (and full-day dren learnbetterin smallerclasses and that throughout the children benefit mostfrom programs in the majority),can universal lower-income preschoolbe farbehind?In 1998, about half smallerclasses (Mosteller,Light,and Sachs the 3- and 4 yearolds attendednursery school 1996; Nye, Hedges, and Konstantopoulos withthisknowledge, California (U.S. Department of Health and Human 2000). Armed Services2000), and the idea that preschool embarked on an ambitious program to shouldbe an entitlement wide support. has reduce the size of classes in the primary which is grades, only in the rush to reform, few a This earlyeducation movement, the the space and redefining meaningof "childhood,"also details got lost-like finding

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for qualified teachers all thosesmaller classes. achievement scores,whentheir parents' eduIt will come as no surprise, am sure, that cationand incomeare equivalent. I Thatbeing smaller classesdo notworkwellwhen paired the case, then "simply"equating socioecowithspace shortages and a reliance uncer- nomicswillnotyieldparity schoolingouton of tified teachers. And guess what kind of comes (this is the opening forexplanations schools are most proneto suffer these prob- that invokethe minority experiencespecifilems-those serving low-income and minori- cally-e.g., Fordham and Ogbu's, 1986, "cultychildren, thesis). naturally (Stecherand Bohrnstedt turalinversion" 2000). But even if schools are the second-best My pointhereis not thatCalifornia's plan- optionforreform, at leastare an option, they ners are inept-I hope theywill learnfrom and we probably knowmorethanis generalabout how to makethe educaexperienceand get it righteventually-but lyappreciated thatimplementation and effec- tionalprocessworkbetter disadvantaged for holdsthe key, tive implementation of even the most children.Hallinanreviewsthe new received inspiredidea cannot be taken for granted wisdom on "effectiveschools" that has (nor can the political be takenforgrant- emergedfrom public-private will the debate initied, witnessthe resistance recentdetrack- ated byColeman (e.g., Coleman,Hoffer, to and ing initiatives; a discussion, for see, Loveless Kilgore 1982)-schools workbest when they 1995; Oakes et al. 1997). Gamoran and embody a genuine sense of community, a Hallinanboth observe that schools are the commitment high levels of achievement to most promising venue forcorrective action, forall, and a rigorous common core curricuand I thinkthey are correct-the relevant lum with minimalcurricular differentiation. of of characteristics familiesand communities These kinds schoolswork wellinthe private are probably harderto change, and the col- sector, and publicschoolsthatembodythese lective mandateforattempting do so is less features to also workwell. And thereare other secure.That is too bad, but it is a factof life. whole-school reformmodels that likewise I say "too bad" because the evidenceis clear have provedeffective-"Success All" and for fromresearch the Beginning in to School Study "TalentDevelopment," mentionjust two is examples.The problem notso and Olson 1997) and homegrown (Entwisle, Alexander, otherstudiesof summerlearning (Cooper et much to find or constructa handful of al. 1996; Heyns1978, 1987) thatitis theout- "model" schools,butto diffuse thosemodels, of-school environment holdsback disad- takingthem on the road and makingthem that vantagedchildren-thehome and communi- workwheretheyhave notappeared naturally to ty conditions of their upbringing. (sometimesreferred as "scalingup"). And education" is compensating there's rub. the "Compensatory forsomething, afterall, but forvariousreaIn a sense, effective school reform an is and that attackon the problemis often attemptto impose the unnatural, sons,a frontal not practical. works poses formidable challenges. Schooling and Gamoran is hopefulthat risinglevels of best in a receptive environment, failing attainment minority in communi- schools are, almost by definition, educational lackingin ties willtrigger "virtuous a cycle,"such that some aspects of "receptiveness."Let me willbe substantially the problem self-correct-sharewithyou a well-kept secret:Schoolsare levelsof educational quintessentially middle-class institutions. Americans' ing. African attainment are indeed rising,and that no Their professional are solidly middle staffs doubt will help, but as I alreadymentioned, class, theiroperatingprinciples embody the the educationalgap at higherlevelsremains ways of the middle class, and they are in whileothertrends family such as chargedwithpassingalong middle-class cullarge, life, the concentration wealth,the concentra- ture.Is it any surprise, of of then,thatchildren of tionof poverty, the prevalence single- the middle (and upper) classes realize the and are favorable. greatestsuccess at school and that schools parenthouseholds, less clearly In addition,we knowthatAfrican American work bestwhenthey enroll middle-class solidly children behindwhitechildren, leastin students? at lag

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A recent article in Forbes Magazine do so inside themas well.I supposethatis my tax-subsidized prediction.I do not claim it is empirically (Carnahan 2001) identified suburbanpublicschools as "best buys,"and grounded,butitcertainly reflects sense of my it was correct.The public school "crisis"is how the worldworks, and it is, sad to say,at schools odds withGamoran's. substantially crisisof high-poverty a (ruraland urban), manyof which also have The mainly minority enrollments. challengeis to make these schools work well in the NOTES core. It is the old absence of a middle-class notionrevisited, laced witha school-climate 1. The wordingin the publishedversion fit" imagery. (Alexander1997) is a bit different, the bit of "person-environment but his Colemanunderstood factbefore inter- pointis the same. My purposewas to estabthis the presented lish that such differencesare far from eststurned elsewhere; findings in Equality of Educational Opportunity immutable and to use thatas a springboard youths for developing my argumentthat schools (Coleman et al. 1966) that minority achieve at a higher level in schools with have likelyplayed a constructiverole in from of families greater enrollments students thisreduction cognitive in inequalachieving withhighsocioeconomicstatus,in myopinitybetweenblacksand whites. et truth (Rutter ion, revealeda fundamental in 2. The distinction used to be meaningful al.'s 1979 study of London high schools educationalstratification circles, and it ought pointedin muchthe same direction). to be still.Byattainment,mean criteria I that A solid middle-class presencesets a tone reflect persistence throughthe educational and thatcan elevateall children, middle-class benchmarks systemto various certification parentswill not toleratefailingschools for (e.g., high school dropout, college attenlong. It is easier to address problemsin a dance, and college completion);by achieveschool where most studentsare disposed to of I that the ment, mean criteria reflect quality the school's agenda and have the requisite a student'sschool performance (e.g., marks froma public tools, but we have retreated on report cardsand testscores). to policy commitment socioeconomic and 3. 1 am convinced, example,that age for so racial-ethnic mixing, nowadaysno one is grading(e.g., Tyackand Cuban 1995; Tyack talking about thatkindof "fix"-well,almost of and Tobin1994) and the constraints clock no one (see, e.g., Kahlenberg 2001; Orfield and calendar that oblige childrento move and Eaton1996). ahead at the same pace (see, e.g., National There is much more that could be said,3 on Commission Timeand Learning but let me conclude by yet again invoking Education 1994) are fundamental obstaclesto effective Coleman(1990). Beingobligedto counteract school reform. the unequalizingpressof social stratification is throughschool-basedreform a rearguard most action. In a family-based meritocracy, of children REFERENCES wantto see their parents privilege implies succeed, and theirbeing privileged that they have resourcesto deploy toward Alexander,Karl. 1997. "Public Schools and the 76:1-30. PublicGood." SocialForces that end. Altruistic instincts toward the less 1999, October 16. "One-sided Account of fortunate real and oftenpowerful, are too, School Class-Size Debate." The Sun is but the first instinct to protectone's own. (Baltimore, MD):15A. school reform movement The compensatory Karl A. Alexander, L.,and Martha Cook. 1979. "The amounts to pittingpublic resourcesin the Motivational Relevanceof EducationalPlans: cause of equalization against private Questioning the Conventional Wisdom." that are committed preserving to resources SocialPsychology 42:202-13. Quarterly It privilege. is a contestamong unequals,and Carnahan, Ira. 2001, June 11. "Public Choice." as long as race confers privilegeoutside Forbes:1 72-74. Sociology, schools,I have to assume it willcontinueto Coleman, JamesS. 1990. "Inequality,

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of Karl L. Alexander, Ph.D., is John DeweyProfessor Sociology, of Department Sociology, Johns and Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland. mainfields interest sociology education His of are of life-course development. current His work with Beginning the SchoolStudy examining effects is the on and and of ofgraderetention cognitive affective the outcomes, socialpatterning dynamics high schooldropout completion, early and and adultlife after pathsin theyears graduation. of Address correspondence Professor L. Alexander, all to Karl Department Sociology, Hopkins Johns MD University, Baltimore, 21218; e-mail: karl@jhu.edu.

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