Environment, Development and Sustainability (2006) 8: 445463 DOI 10.

1007/s10668-005-8506-5

Springer 2006

GREEN COMPOSITES AS PANACEA? SOCIO-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF GREEN MATERIALS

ALEXANDER BISMARCK1,*, ALEXIS BALTAZAR-Y-JIMENEZ1 and KATHARINE SARIKAKIS2
1

Department of Chemical Engineering, Polymer & Composite Engineering (PaCE) Group, Imperial College London, South Kensington Campus, SW7 2AZ, London, UK 2 Institute of Communications Studies, University of Leeds, LS2 9JT, Leeds, UK (*author for correspondence, e-mail: a.bismarck@imperial.ac.uk; fax: +44-20-7594-5638; tel.: +44-20-7594-5578) (Received 23 November 2004; Accepted 7 June 2005)

Abstract. Much academic research and industrial development explores new ways to create greener and environmentally friendlier chemicals and materials for a variety of applications. A signicant part of this work focuses on the development, processing and manufacturing, recycling and disposal of green plastics, adhesives, polymer composites, blends and many other industrial products from renewable resources. Natural bres oer the potential to deliver greater added value, sustainability, renewability and lower costs especially in the automotive industry. Further research involves the bre crop production. The everincreasing volume of scientic literature refers with enthusiasm to the potential of natural bres in technological, economic and ecological terms. This enthusiasm tends to also expand to the areas of human life and socio-economic development for the bre crop growers and their communities. However, there is very little debate or evidence to support statements about the assumed advantages for the aected population in rural areas. We argue that despite the predicted new boom in the demand of natural bres, it is unlikely that this will represent a real improvement in the quality of life of crop bre growers and their communities. This paper examines the experience of Mexico as a case study and argues that only through consistent political will and co-operation between governments, industry, scientists, consumer groups and local communities, as well as a suitable economic strategy such as local subsidies, a truly sustainable economic development, social equity and improved environmental quality will be achieved for tens of thousands of natural bre growers. Key words: automotive composites, end-of life vehicles, henequen, Mexico, natural bres, sisal, socio economic development.

1. Introduction Concerns about environmental issues have put pressure for the development of more stringent legislation, which promotes the preservation and protection of the quality of the environment for future generations. The problem of growing global waste, the depletion of fossil fuels and ever increasing prices for crude oil have triggered the interest in renewable resources afresh. The pressure of the legislator for greener technologies but also customers demand for more environmental-friendly consumer
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goods is forcing materials suppliers and manufacturers to consider the environmental impact of their products at all stages of their life cycle, including processing, recycling and nally their disposal. In search for viable greener solutions to these problems, science and industry turn to nature and in particular to natural bres. Their worldwide availability and easy access to agro-waste stimulate current research into greener materials (e.g. Stamboulis and Peijs, 2000; Eichhorn et al., 2001; Baillie, 2003). Green materials and green materials technology are of particular interest for the EU policy makers and the industry, and especially the automotive industry. Moreover, the demand for environmental friendly policies and practices through green science/engineering and technologies has been at the centre of social movements campaigns for sustainable development and the protection of the environment around the world (Amine, 2003). Scientists working in the eld, as well as policymakers are optimistic about the use and usability of natural bres to develop greener solutions for the production, consumption and disposal of automotive products. The economic aspects and environmental impact of their use cannot be overestimated. As an example of bio-based materials, natural bres are lighter than conventional bre materials and therefore can contribute to cost reduction; their production is also more cost eective. The widely perceived consumer demands are also part of the commercial logic to invest in green materials research and production. The use of natural bres is often seen as the panacea for various environmental problems, such as end-of-life (ELV) vehicles, waste minimisation as well as for projects of economic development. However, claims for the benets deriving from the use of natural bres tend to ignore socio-economic questions and fail to take into account the cultivation and production process of natural bres, therefore making naive assumptions about the potential benet to farming communities. This paper aims to raise some questions regarding the potential socio-economic implications of a new increase in the exploitation of non-food crops. In particular, we are examining the case of natural bres for automotive applications. The discussion is based on the experience of the sisal and henequen industry in the Yucatan region of Mexico. The paper maps out the technological advantages and uses of natural bres in the automotive industry, and the volume of demand in the use of natural bres in the years to come. It then moves on to address the historical relevance of the sisal and henequen industry to growers in Yucatan particularly due to the countrys experience with the industrial exploitation of such crops. Finally, the discussion considers the complexity of a predicted increase in the use of natural bres in the automobile industry and the conditions under which the potential for improving the quality of life of bre growers and their local communities is viable. 2. Promising green or eco-composites: research and policy A major topic in the eld of materials engineering has been the search for better performing structural materials. The desired materials should possess increased strength, toughness, lightweight and greater resistance to combined conditions of environmental attack and signicant mechanical loadings, compared to conventional

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engineering materials. Fibre reinforced polymers are able to provide a benecial balance between the traditional properties of a polymer (low part weight and ease of processability) and selective properties of metals (high strength, modulus and toughness). Composites allow tailoring of unique combinations of such properties to meet practical design requirements. Sustainable bio-based eco-products are products with environmental acceptability that are derived from renewable resources with recycling capabilities and triggered biodegradability (Mohanty et al., 2002). Green polymers (Scott, 2000), also known as bio-polymers (Johnson et al., 2003), are derived from natural/agricultural renewable resources. Examples for green polymers are thermoplastic starch, polyhydroxyalkanoates (PHA), polylactides (PLA), lignin-based epoxy and soy-based resins as well as epoxidised linseed oil. Green polymers might in the future reduce our dependency on oil-based polymers. Although produced from natural sources green polymers are not necessarily biodegradable, as this depends mainly on the chemical structure of the polymer matrix, i.e. the degree of crosslinking. Nevertheless, even if green polymers are not biodegradable, they oer clear advantages over conventional polymers with respect to energy consumption during manufacturing, waste generation and greenhouse gas emissions during their life cycle. Green polymers have some interesting features, such as low melting temperatures and a high compatibility with other polymers, and many are biodegradable. However, their applications are limited because of their inferior mechanical properties, which begs the question, as to whether the full potential of these polymers has yet been explored. Will it be possible to create green composites with satisfying mechanical performance, durability and triggered biodegradability by reinforcing bio-based polymers with natural bres? It is clear that there is still a signicant body of knowledge to be built. Commonly, natural bre reinforced petrol-based polymers are called green composites. The use of green/synthetic polymers, reinforced by either synthetic or natural bres respectively, will limit the environmental friendliness of the resulting composite because of the low biodegradability and problems related to the materials recycling. By incorporating natural bres into green polymer matrices new truly green biodegradable eco-composites (also called bio-composites) are created. This class of materials is currently under development and heavily researched (Riedel and Nickel, 1999, Niederstadt et al., 2000; Mishra et al., 2002; Netravali and Chabba, 2003, Nickel and Riedel, 2003; Nishino, 2003). The main advantage of truly green composites comes with their disposal these materials are compostable and will provide valuable soil amendment products for a sustainable agriculture. Even when incinerated, truly green composites are said to have no impact on global warming, because the carbon dioxide (CO2) set-free during thermal incineration equals the CO2 consumed by the crop before harvesting (Joshi et al., 2004). Fibre crops are among the earliest known cultivated plants. Varieties have been extensively developed over the centuries through breeding and selection, focusing on bre quality, climatic adaptability and yield factors. Much research is currently performed to explore new uses for natural bres1 such as henequen, sisal, jute, ax or

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hemp. Most natural bres are produced in developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America (see Table I). Applications for Natural bres have been found especially in the automotive sector, which is the most important end-user of natural bre products in Europe. Increased requirements for comfort and driving performance, together with increased safety standards, fuel eciency and reductions in CO2 emissions drive the need for the development and use of lightweight construction materials in this industry. The global automotive industry is currently changing rapidly. The driving forces are erce competition, cut-cost initiatives, shorter times to market for new products and stringent environmental legislations, such as the European Union End-of-Life Vehicle Directive (2000/53/EC) and European Council Directive on the Landll of Waste (1999/31/EC). The ELV directive will apply to all passenger cars and light commercial vehicles and allocates highly rigorous limitations to the amount of waste produced by ELVs. It permits an upper quota of only 5% of scrapped vehicles to be disposed by landll or incineration. It is important to clarify that ELVs are considered as waste (Figure 1). The generation of waste coming from ELVs is massive: around 2 million vehicles reach the end of their life in the UK each year. Currently, between 7480% of the weight of a typical ELV is re-used or recycled. (Environmental Agency). Of these 2 million vehicles currently about 1.2 million go in the rst instance to vehicle dismantlers and about 0.6 million go directly to scrap yards (defra, 2003). The ELV directive forces the automobile industry to drastically improve the recyclability of new vehicles. From the beginning of 2006 the amount of materials that can be reused and recovered for all ELVs has to be increased to a minimum average amount of 85 wt.% per vehicle, by the beginning of 2015 this has to reach 95 wt.% per vehicle. ELVs are a signicant issue in Europe and the focus of intense debates among actors involved. The ELV directive particularly concerns composite materials, since economically feasible recycling and reuse of these materials is relatively dicult to achieve. The European Council Directive on the Landll of Waste (1999/31/EC) aims to minimise the negative environmental impact of landll. It requires that EUMember States carry out a gradual reduction of landll number and size. Landll tax will gradually increase and other legal measures will strongly discourage this waste disposal route. Recycling will be one of the ways of avoiding high landll taxes
TABLE I. Origin and global production of natural bres (FAO, 2004) used for automobile composites. Fibre Coir Sisal Abaca Henequen Other bres Country of origin India, Thailand Brazil, South Africa, Mexico Philippines, Ecuador Mexico, Cuba, Dom. Republic, Honduras Fique (Colombia), Phormium tenax (Argentina, Chile, South Africa), Caroa (Brazil), Cabuya (Costa Rica), Leona (El Salvador), Banana (Ethiopia), Aloe (Mauritius and Reunion) and Maguey (Philippines) Global production/kt 312 249 83 35 10 Price/US$/t 163759 605900 704928

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Figure 1. ELVs on the Mexican highway Monterrey-Matamoros. (Photograph by A. Baltazar-y-Jimenez, May 2003). Although much attention has been given in the European Union to ELVs, they are a growing issue of global proportions.

and should be encouraged now. In view of new EU directives, the necessity for the development of new environmentally friendly, easier recyclable materials and disposal routes is clear. Scientists researching the eld have argued that one way to achieve higher recyclability in an environmentally sound manner would be to substitute commonly used synthetic reinforcing materials in polymer composites, such as glass bres, by natural bres. It was found that natural bre reinforced composites can deliver weight savings of about 50%, and reduce costs by approximately 30% (Reinforced plastics, 2000). The idea of renewable composites for automotive applications is not new. Already in 1940s Henry Ford introduced glass bre reinforced renewable polymers (soy-protein plastics). The material, used as boot cover, proved to be stronger, lighter, and more exible than conventional car steel panels (Valigra, 2000). Ford was also the rst to use natural bres in cars. In the Ford Model-T, released in 1908, hemp was used to line the side panels, leading to much improved impact strength. The side panel was 10 times stronger than steel panels alone.

3. Economic and technological aspects of natural bres in the automotive industry Kromer et al. (1995), Hieber et al. (2001) and Wambua et al. (2003) argue that the specic properties of natural bres (property to density ratio) are comparable to the values of glass bres, despite the lower mechanical properties of the former when compared to commonly used reinforcing bres (Table II). The favourable aspect ratios of natural bres and high specic properties at low costs make them an ecological alternative to conventional reinforcing bres in engineering composite materials (DAlmeida, 2001). Flax and hemp bres are up to 40% cheaper than standard glass bres (Diener and Siehler, 1999).2 In addition, since emissions are

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TABLE II. Density, diameter and mechanical properties of natural and synthetic bres (adopted from: Bismarck et al., 2005). Fiber Flax Hemp Jute Ramie Sisal Henequen Abaca Cotton Coir E-glass Kevlar Carbon
a b

Density/g cm)3 1.5 1.47 1.31.49 1.55 1.45

Diameter/lm 40600 25500 25200 50200

Tensile strength/MPa 3451500 690 393800 400938 468700 430760 287800 131220 3400 3000 3400a4800b

Youngs Modulus/GPa 27.6 70 1326.5 61.4128 9.422

Elongation at Break/% 2.73.2 1.6 1.161.5 1.23.8 37

1.51.6 1.151.46 2.55 1.44 1.78

1238 100460 <17 57

5.512.6 46 73 60 240b425a

78 1540 2.5 2.53.7 1.41.8

Ultra High Modulus carbon bres Ultra High Tenacity carbon bres

correlated to the kind of fuel and weight of the automobile, a lighter car produces fewer emissions and is fuel-ecient.3 Moreover, natural bres are non-abrasive to mixing and moulding equipment thereby contributing to signicant cost reductions. Additionally, natural bres give less concern to occupational health (Sick Building Syndrome) and safety during handling than other bre materials. Table III juxtaposes all major advantages and disadvantages of natural bres. Their ecological character, biodegradability and low costs are very important factors for their acceptance in large volume markets, such as the automotive and construction industry. Furthermore, the public generally regards products made from renewable raw materials as environmentally friendly. The use of natural bres as reinforcement for polymer composites has also some drawbacks. A restriction to their successful exploitation is their low thermal stability, microbial and fungi resistance, susceptibility to rotting and their hydrophilic character resulting in high moisture uptake, aecting the properties of their composites (Bledzki and Gassan, 1996; Costa and DAlmeida, 1999; Stamboulis et al., 2000; Cantero et al., 2003). The major obstacle against a massive use of natural bres for composite applications is their non-uniformity, the variability of their dimensions and of their mechanical properties (even for bres harvested from plants in the same cultivation). A precondition for increased use of such bres in technically challenging applications is the availability of constant bre qualities with a standardised performance prole. The major task to be solved, in order to boost the acceptance of natural bres as quality alternative to conventional reinforcing bres in modern production processes, is to build a quality insurance and assurance system for the raw bre material (Kessler et al., 1988; Fischer and Topf, 1988). Some overarching questions about the conditions of cultivation and harvesting of bre crops from which natural bres are extracted on the bre quality remain largely unanswered (Bismarck et al., 2005).

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TABLE III. Advantages and disadvantages of natural bres over traditional glass-bres. Advantages Low cost Renewable Low density (i.e. light weight) High strength and elasticity modulus Sound abatement capability Non-abrasive Low energy consumption Thermal incineration possible with high energy recovery No residues when incinerated Full safe handling, no skin irritations Can be stored for long periods of time (if prevented from contact to moisture) Crops can be used for cleaning soil Crops recycle CO2 from the atmosphere Fast absorption/desorption of water () Biodegradability () Disadvantages

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High moisture adsorption Poor microbial resistance Low thermal resistance Local and seasonal quality variations Demand and supply cycles

Despite the current limitations, new and more applications for natural bres are being explored.4 They are used as trim parts in dashboards, door panels, parcel shelves, seat cushions, backrests and cabin linings. Natural bres are increasingly used for thermo-acoustic insulation purposes. So far, there are only very few exterior parts made from natural bre composites. The scientic, engineering and industrial research currently conducted to quantify the potential use of natural bres has its roots in a number of factors such as (a) the increased ecological awareness in developed countries, (b) the stringent environmental legislation in the case of Europe, and (c) Europe and the USA along with Canada remain the biggest market, closely followed by Japan (Humphrey and Memedovic, 2003). Currently about 25,000 t of natural bres are used in Europe annually. In 1999 the European automotive industry used 21,000 t natural bres, of which the German automotive industry used more than half in the various models of Audi, Opel and DaimlerChrysler (Jensen, 2000). However, the potential for natural bres for automotive components is rapidly growing (Brouwer, 2000; Karus et al., 2000; Ellison and McNaught, 2000). Up to 34,000 t of natural bre reinforced composites will be needed in Germany and Austria alone (source: Nova-Institut). A study performed in the USA suggests a market potential of 45,000 t for bres such as kenaf, jute, hemp, ax and sisal with expected growth rates of 1520% every year (Reinforced plastics, 2000). It is assumed that this upward trend will continue.5 According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) and the Common Fund for Commodities (CFC) an average use of 510 kg natural bres was estimated to be used in future cars6 (Brouwer, 2000). Natural bres as llers and reinforcements for polymers are currently the fastest-growing type of polymer additives (Kline and Company). Other signicant markets are emerging in building products, railroad ties, owerpots, furniture, and marine piers.

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A. BISMARCK ET AL. 4. The technologies and politics of Fibre Crop Farming

Lowering the usage of petroleum based plastics would be particularly beneficial, both in terms of the environment and also in socio-economic terms, if a significant amount of the fillers were obtained from a renewable agricultural source. Ideally, of course, an agro-/bio-based renewable polymer reinforced with agro-based fibers would make the most environmental sense. (Rowell et al., 1997).

The optimism in the literature seems justied. However this is not necessarily the case for the assumed benet of bre crops farming for the socio-economic development of rural and agricultural communities, their environment and local economies. Enthusiastic statements about the economic potential of the cultivation of non-food crops are not accompanied by substantial research and analysis of the conditions under which economic prosperity and environmental sustainability can be achieved. biobased products will transform rural development by introducing new crops and new markets to the agricultural economy (Iowa State University, Bioeconomy Initiative/oce of Biorenewables Programme Brochure). It has been enthusiastically argued that the increased demand for natural bre products, and in consequence of the development of natural bre (sisal and henequen) industry (in Mexico), has the potential to: (a) improve rural economies, (b) create new jobs, (c) encourage the establishment of small and medium enterprises (SME) in segment markets and (d) reduce the impact of intensive monoculture (Mangan and Coombs, 2003). The assumption that an increased demand in renewable resources, including natural bres, will have a positive impact on the quality of life of peasants and farmers in rural areas of the world needs to be qualied. It is questionable whether economic development will be a consequence of directed monoculture, within current conditions of the market and socio-cultural contexts. [From an agricultural point of view] one of the main benets [of non-food crop] put forward was that the transformation of biological material does not require large nor harsh processing units, thus, if a non-food industry, or biorenery, was developed close to the source of the raw material the economy of rural areas could only be strengthened (Kerckow et al., 1997) It is potentially damaging to make assumptions about the socio-economic conditions of raw material producers without adequate consideration of other crucial factors relevant in determining the necessity for and success of the production of natural bres. Such factors include the economic and political conditions under which farming takes place. Currently, more than 12 million small and subsistence farmers in developing countries in South and Southeast Asia derive their livelihood from jute (a natural bre) production, and hundreds of thousands of other workers are employed in the jute industries and trade (Liu). It becomes apparent that the dependency of farming communities on these industries is far too heavy for small farmers to have any eective negotiating power with intermediaries or indeed the global market. If natural bres indeed nd an increased use in the automotive

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industry and, therefore, the demand for such bres increases, will this economic growth benet the communities cultivating non-food crops in developing countries? If the predicted increase in the demand for natural bres and other agricultural raw materials is accurate, it is possible that it will generate a non-food source of economic development for farming and rural areas (Rowell et al., 1997). The increased demand of bre crops can oer alternatives for employment and income (Wo tzel et al., 1999) and may provide an alternative to the overproduction of foodcrops and land division in developed countries too. Fibre crops certainly have a merit as an alternative crop. Some bre crops, such as hemp and ax can be used for cleaning soil by removing heavy metals such as cadmium, lead and copper (Kozlowski, 2000; Taba ra et al., 2003). Sisal and henequen plants are very drought resistant. The plants retain the fertile soil and have the ability to grow on nutrient poor lands thanks to their expanded rooting system, which also reduces soil erosion by covering large zones where few crops can be grown, thus reducing the erosive impact of wind and water. However, this does not automatically make bre crops sustainable. The modern, yield-oriented agricultural techniques for the production of bre crops (especially cotton) require huge amounts of water, pesticides, fungicides and herbicides. If bre crops are grown like any other row crops, as monocrops (see also Margolis et al., 2003) and even worse without crop rotation, with tillage, commercial fertilizers, herbicides and pesticides they are contributing to soil-degradation just as other monocultures (see also: del Pilar Uribe Mar n, 2003). These factors tend to disrupt ecological balances and have detrimental eects on farming and rural economies.

5. Mexicos experience: the sisal and henequen industry The case of Mexico provides a useful example for the study of the potential benet of bre crops and their use by the automotive industry for local economies and communities. Mexican farmers have rst hand experience of the rise and fall of monocultures, such as the intensied cultivation of certain crops and the historic importance of the henequen and sisal industry before the demand for these bres collapsed dramatically by 1960, mainly due to the invention of synthetic polymer substitutes (Landon, 2000). Sisal (Agave sisalana) is native to Mexico and Central America, however it is now widely grown in many tropical countries in Africa, the West Indies and the Far East. Henequen (Agave fourcroydes) is a close relative of sisal. Sisal and Henequen bres were already used by the Mayans and Aztecs to manufacture clothing, string, hammocks and rugs. The bres are extracted from the fresh sword-shaped leaves of the plant by decorticators, then washed and sun dried. Nowadays, decorticators are fully automatic, to which the leaves are fed. Machines remove the leaf tissue by crushing, scraping and washing. The sisal is a hard bre and one of the four most widely used, accounting for half the total production of natural bres. Nearly 4.5 million tons of sisal bres are produced every year throughout the world. Tanzania

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and Brazil are the two main producing countries (Hartemink and Wienk, 1995). In Mexico approximately 38,000 growers and their families are directly dependent on the henequen and sisal industry, which remains a signicant market for tens of thousands of natural bre producers (Landon, 2000). Given the historical importance of the sisal and henequen industry to Yucatec growers, and its current technological status but also the expected increase in the use of natural bres, it is important to take into consideration the contradiction between hypothesised possibilities and actual historical experience in our evaluation of the potential for development. Can we really expect an ecologically sustainable industrial development which will promote socio-economic development in Mexico and other rural areas under the current conditions? By 1965 Yucatec growers produced a massive 800,000 t (Boehnke, 2000). The small decrease in the bre production 5 years later can mainly be attributed to the development of cheaper synthetic polymer materials. In those days, 75% of the global bre production was accounted for the manufacturing of twines, ropes, sacking and wire rope cores (Landon, 2000). Figure 2 shows sisal and henequen production in Mexico. The decrease in demand and production continued without any major new market development. By 1990 the world consumption of sisal and henequen dropped to more than half of that of the golden years (i.e. to about 400,000 t). Ten years latter only 280,000 t were produced.

Sisal and Henequen Production in Mexico / kt

160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005

year
Figure 2. Production of sisal and henequen in Mexico (Common Fund for Commodities, 2001).

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As a result of this drastic reduction in the bre production, henequen and sisal farming became a marginal activity. A factor adding to the problem is that extracting the bres from the harvested crops is not very ecient. Sisal producers have reported that 9598 wt.% of the plant are wasted during bre extraction (Shamte, 2000; Smith, 2000; UNIDO and CFC, 2002). The ineciency is mainly due to the fact that the bre production equipment is in some cases more than 50 years old (UNIDO and CFC, 2002). Former Yucatec growers were encouraged to emigrate, others took economic refuge in dierent activities such as bee keeping, handicraft production, forest exploitation and temporal wage labour (Schu ren, 2000; Shamte, 2000). Many growers turned to the cultivation of other crops that were economically more attractive (FAO, 2003). Figure 3 shows the historical variation in the producer price for Mexican sisal. The producer price is dened as: the transactions (made by) the farmers (or growers, which) participate in their capacity as sellers of their own products by UNs Food and Agriculture Organization. The nominal producer price for Mexican sisal has suered signicant variations along time, mainly due to a combination of local sets (FAOSTAT). These local drivers include the Mexican peso economic devaluation in December 1994, increasing sisal imports, and overproduction. However, international politics and economics have also aected the producer price, namely the North America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA),

Figure 3. Sisal production, import, export and producer price in Mexico (source: FAO, 2004). The producer price is aected by increasing imports, overproduction and low sisal exports.

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which establishes a free trade area among the USA, Canada and Mexico as of January 1994 and which resulted in the privatisation of public services and the reduction of public spending. Furthermore, agricultural/rural societies in developing countries are seen as labour forces from which to extract the cheapest labour that will produce materials for exploitation or consumption in industrialised countries. Wages are traditionally low in that area of Mexico. The current minin mum wage is set to 4.32 US$/day (Nelson, 1998; Nunez-Madrazo, 2002; Comisio Nacional del Salario Minimo). This further contributes to the inability of longterm planning and the marginalisation of rural populations from policies, economic and political opportunities. Between 1997 and 1998 the nominal producer price increased. This was mainly due to the combined eects of low national sisal production, and low sisal imports from other countries. The sisal imports increased again in 2000. This, added to a large national production and reduced sisal exports, led to a signicant drop in the producer price for Mexican sisal growers. The fall of the sisal and henequen industry was not solely due to the arrival of more cost eective polymer substitute materials. A set of other constraints was responsible for the collapse of the bre crop based economy and the continuous impoverishment of rural communities. For one, rural communities were not in a position to update their technological means and to improve production. On the technological front very little support was oered to stop the declining bre crop activities (Shamte, 2000). The agricultural policies have supported farming economy in an attempt to develop self-eciency in the country, however, the later withdrawal of the state left farmers without any income support. Stagnant prices, the net transfer of resources from the peasant to the urban sector, subsequent privatisation of the public sector, migration to urban centres, subsidies to paid industries and inconsistent political strategies (Boehnke, 2000; Landon, 2000; Murguia Rosete 2000; Shamte, 2000) are a series of factors related to the globalisation of the markets and the opening of trade borders with economically more powerful actors. These factors have not only turned cultivation of specic crops a marginal economic activity, they have also contributed to the deprivation of rural ecologies, through the attempt to intensify production. It has also led to the breaking up of indigenous communities and their cultural traditions that adopt a co-operative relationship with the environment. Monoculture has resulted in many cases in the deprivation of natural environment and deforestation. Intensied production is also in conict with peasant populations that employ solutions derived from cultural traditions and are in harmony with the environment (Murguia Rosete 2000). The local needs and traditions are not a priority in the market driven incentive for production: 70% of the global market is concentrated in the USA and Europe that also constitute the main buyers of raw materials and the majority of consumers of green material enhanced consumer goods (FAO, 2003). The income that Yucatec growers make from the production of sisal and henequen is not solely determined by the economic market forces, although these have great importance. The position of crop growers in the market process, that is their negotiating power with major buyers, such as the automotive industry or intermediaries,

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and their eectively weak position in determining the politics of social welfare for the protection of the production is reected in the producer prices and the declining wages. Thus, an increased demand in the near future for these bres does not necessarily imply high-margin economic activities. It is unlikely that Yucatec growers conditions will improve, as the industry shows strongly reduced demand for the last 40 years, has stagnant prices, erce competitions from substitute products made of plastic, and inadequate new market developments. Even an increased demand for bre crops for the development of green materials is unlikely to be the driver to economic growth for farming economies. A census conducted in two municipalities (i.e. ajidos) of Yucatan found that many households depend on the combination of multiple economic activities to guarantee a living since the income obtained for the agricultural production of henequen, corn, sugarcane and cattle is not sucient to improve their living conditions (Nunez-Madrazo, 2002; Schu ren, 2002). All in all production yields remained low and the farmers living conditions did not improve notably (Schu ren, 2002). Only after privatisation of the sisal and henequen industry in Yucatan the productivity and eciency improved but only for agro-industrial forces in many cases further fragmentation of the land occurred as a consequence of land concentration (Murguia Rosete, 2000; Shamte, 2000). The conditions today are not substantially dierent to justify optimism and it is still hard to see how Yucatec bre crop producers will obtain a better deal of an increased demand for natural bres. An improved productivity and, therefore, higher margins could be obtained through increasing sales volume and prices in non-traditional markets and by developing new uses and cost-eective technology for the crop production, improved bre extraction techniques, and the utilisation of by-products and production waste. The advantages of natural bres could be better exploited in conjunction with consistent governmental support and public policy that will enhance farmers negotiating powers within the global market.

6. State support an economic viability in Europe It is most likely that in the near future bre crops produced in the EU (and North America) cannot and will not be able to compete on the global market without EU and other governmental subsidies. This is due to the relatively high processing costs compared to engineering bre materials they are most likely to substitute (Karus et al., 2000, Johansson, 2000). In 2000 the EU spent approximately e173 million in subsidies for non-food crops (Mangan and Coombs, 2003). Farmers in Europe received e660 per hectare of ax, while in Mexico henequen and kenaf producers receive subsidies below US$ 200 per hectare (approx. e165/ha), which corresponds only to 30% of the agricultural-insurance (seguro agropecuario); payable only if the grower had contracted a risk-insurance for the plantation, with the national insurance company AGROASEMEX (Montgomery, 2004). Moreover, European bre crop producers beneted from guaranteed prices for most agricultural commodities as they were supported by the Common Agricultural Policy during the 1990s. The

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consolidation of small farms into large units as a consequence of the mechanisation of production results in the reduction of jobs in rural economies. This in turn led to the abandonment of land in areas of lower fertility and more recently, to the legal requirement to set-aside land from production as a measure to try and reduce surpluses and maintain farm prices [] such price support makes the use of agricultural products uneconomic as a source of fuels (Coombs and Hall, 1998). Subsidies too can aect international competition: the above mentioned support for non-food crops produced in the EU led to a substantial overproduction, which caused international prices to drop as the surpluses were sold into world markets at subsidised prices (Mangan and Coombs, 2003). This way, European subsidies did and do play an important role in distorting the prices for both food and non-food crops (Shamte, 2000; Mangan and Coombs, 2003). If this trend is maintained, it is most probable that no improvement in the rural economies of developing countries like Mexico will occur. However, the amount of subsidies paid out in the EU is decreasing over the last couple of years (for example for hemp 1999/2000 e721/ha, 2000/2001 e646/ha (Vantresse, 2001) down to e392/ha in 2002/2003 (Schulz et al., 2002), which makes the cultivation of bre crops much less attractive at least for farmers in EU countries (Lohmeyer and Karus, 2000). Therefore, a protable production of bre crops in Western Europe (and most probably North America) can only be realised if the production costs of the bres can be recovered without the need to rely on subsidies in the long run (Karus, 2000). The only way for framers to compete on the world market without substantial governmental support and protection is to produce and supply high-quality bres for high value-added products for niche applications in the textile or composite sector (Kohler and Kessler, 1998; Vantresse, 1998; Ramaswamy, 2003). Up to now the greatest barrier against an increased industrial use of EU grown natural bres is the mismatch between production costs of the bres and the value added (Johansson, 2000). Many labour intensive work steps are necessary to produce high-quality bres, which makes the price of certain natural bres, such as of EUgrown ax, non-competitive as compared to standard E-glass bres (Mieck and Reumann, 1995). Obviously, the protable bre crop production in the long run is not sustainable unless a technological breakthrough in bre processing can be realised. The price competition between European grown bres and bres cultivated and harvested in developing countries will be severe (Johansson, 2000).

7. Conclusions Natural bres received in the recent years scientic and governmental attention as they have potential applications in many areas, especially in non-traditional markets, such as reinforcement for polymer composites. Here natural bres have the advantage to deliver a greater added value, greater sustainability, renewability and low cost.

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Much research is carried out to explore new applications for natural bres, to improve the harvesting techniques and bre extraction processes, which aim to provide better bres with a constant quality. The most promising applications for natural bres are found in the automotive industry, which most probably will lead to an increased demand of natural bres. This will provide an interesting market where sisal and henequen could obtain an attractive share if wisely exploited. It can be expected that the increased need for natural bres will create new job opportunities in rural agricultural communities and more cooperatives or SME will be founded. However, we do not believe that that this will represent a real improvement in the quality of life and the living standards of growers, if farming and trade conditions remain largely the same. This is due to the context of political, economic and technological conditions that determine the availability and adoption of technology, negotiating positions with transnational corporations. Furthermore, the position of economically disadvantaged countries does not allow a public friendly course of action often because of unspoken pressures by stronger economies7 and by international policy.8 The bre crop industry in the developing world could benet from more stringent environmental legislations that promote the increased use of natural bres, by subsidising new suitable technologies that will add value to the crops, its by-products and waste and by protecting cultural practices that are respectful to the environment. The implementation of new technological developments particularly in the eld of bre crop production has to be investigated with respect to agronomic aspects, such as breeding of new varieties, disease and lodging resistance, cultivation and crop management. The harvesting and bre extraction need to be improved in order to produce natural bres of the required quality. In the end, it is the nal bre quality that will determine its end-application and the production and processing costs will determine its economic feasibility. However, this will be virtually impossible without governmental support, planning and public intervention. Truly sustainable economic development and social equity are issues that cannot be achieved without the active involvement of women and men of rural areas in the decision-making process. Fibre crops as source for natural bres and renewable resources could be of major importance for the worlds environment and economy but not without public policy that brings forth the interests of the millions of people living in sustaining rural communities.

Acknowledgements One of the authors (ABJ) would like to acknowledge his studentship provided by CONACYT Mexico.

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We use the term natural bre even though we focus only on plant-based or lignocellulose bres. The average price of natural bres is in the order of around 0.35/kg as compared to 5.5/kg of a glass bre.3 3 Suddell, B.: 2003, Are plant based cars the future? Seminar held at the London Materials Society, Institute of Materials, 13.11.2003, London. 4 Typical amounts of natural bres used for dierent applications the automotive industry are (Ellison and McNaught, 2000): Front door linens: 1.21.8 kg; Rear door linens: 0.81.5 kg; Boot linens: 1.5 2.5 kg; Parcel shelves: up to 2.0 kg; Seat backs: 1.62.0 kg; Sunroof sliders: up to 0.4 kg; Headliners: average 2.5 kg 5 In order to better understand the signicance of the application of natural bres in the automotive industry we should take a closer look at the market sales of one important car manufacturer: Toyota. In August 2002 Toyota announced its annual sales goal to reach 800,000 new vehicles by 2005. Considering the previous gures of an average use of about 510 kg natural bres per car would require a minimum amount of 40008000 t of suitable natural bres for Toyota alone. This amount of natural bres in a car would require approximately of 80,000160,000 t in Europe alone. More conservative calculations on the use of natural bres have estimated an upward trend that accounts for an estimated use of more than 100,000 t by 2010 (Ceccarini and Angelini, 2003; Mangan and Coombs, 2003). 6 The German car manufacturer BMW AG already uses 2024 kg of natural bres (mostly coir/sisal blends) in most models (Ellison and McNaught, 2000). 7 Such is the case of Mexican immigrants in the USA and the signicance of their labour in sustaining a large part of otherwise impoverished families and rural communities (Wiggins et al., 2002). 8 The pressures of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund on developing countries to reduce their public spending are enormous and have detrimental eects on impoverished populations of the global South.
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