McCullough1 Andrea McCullough Dr.

Johnson ANTH 45U 13 December 2012 Greetings and the Expression of Hierarchy in Modern Day China Used countless times a day, almost unthinkably, greetings are an inextricable piece of many societies. Comprised of the verbal act of salutation and the nonverbal cues that accompany it, greetings are necessary parts of face-to-face communication and require significant cultural knowledge in order to be successful. To greet another person inappropriately could put an individual at an alarming disadvantage in business, personal, or friendly social interactions. Although they appear arbitrary and are frequently overlooked as self-evident, greetings are an important aspect of culture that can illuminate other features of a society such as the social hierarchy. Hierarchy can be defined as the system consisting of a group of people ranked according to economic, social, or professional standing. An individuals status in a social hierarchy is often defined by the other categories as well. Someones workplace position could put them above other people, as well as their financial situation or special abilities or all of these factors combined. Regardless of a particular status, every person in the social hierarchy expects a particular sort of treatment indicative of their status. In fact, in regards to greeting, every person of a different social status expects and requires a different type of interaction (Chen 56). In modern day China, the greetings expected in many different social situations reveal a strict and social hierarchy. From interactions with superiors, to colleagues, to societal equals, to

McCullough2 family members, Chinese greetings express a fundamentally ordered social hierarchy in which everyone is intimately aware of their own place. This may seem to be a generalization encompassing a nation as geographically massive, ethnically diverse, and religiously multifaceted as China, but in fact the country is united by many underlying cultural factors. First of all, the Chinese nation is historically united. It is an incredibly old society to begin with; the first dynasty known is the Xia dynasty existed from around 2000 to 1400 B.C. (Loewe 72). Also, its political history dates from 221 B.C. due to the unification of the warring states under the first emperor Qin Shi Huang and continues to modern day (Fairbank 221). Unlike the relatively new nation of The United States, Chinas long political history provides a strong foundation of unity. Also, China is brought together by a powerful dominant culture: that of the ethnic Han. Although many other ethnic groups exist within the nationthere are fifty-five governmentally recognized minorities in Chinathe ethnic Han comprise more than 92% of the current population (Harrell 40). Today, over 70% of the Chinese population speaks the Northern dialect of the Han language, and it is the preferred written language in all of China (Chang 310). Cleary, Chinas society is controlled by the cultural and demographic dominance of the Han. Lastly, the ideological tradition of Confucianism has shaped the Chinese culture greatly since the Han dynasty in the 3rd century BC. Originating in China, Confucianism was first taught by the sage Confucius between 551 and 479 B.C. (Yao 14). At first, practitioners were persecuted, although after the Hans acceptance of the ideology as the state norm it quickly spread and took root in Chinese culture. Today, although only a small part of the Chinese

McCullough3 population identifies as Confucian, the underlying values of conformity, collectivism, and duty still bring together such a multifaceted nation (Yao 4). As established earlier, greetings are an integral part of any society that can illuminate underlying characteristics of the culture. Greetings in regards to superiors for instance, can demonstrate many factors dictating communication such as expectations, politeness, and social hierarchy. As a baseline, a superior is anyone who is or is perceived to be ranked above the individual in question. In modern day China, many different people could be considered a superior, including, but not limited to, a boss or supervisor, a landlord, a teacher, an elder, a host, or someone with higher socioeconomic status. In China, the standard way of greeting a superior is Nin Hao, which translates to Greetings, Good day, or You are well, where Nin is the formal you pronoun, comparable to the Spanish usted or French vous (Wenzhong 21). In business relationships, it is shown, that especially with workplace superiors, there is an increased sensitivity to the superiors needs. In a study from the University of Southern California, Chinese participants were found to react to a bosss face even more quickly than to their own, showing an increase in self-processing (Liew 1). This is atypical in that most humans will react the quickest to their own face over any other individuals. It was found that this is due to an increased fear on the part of the Chinese individual of negative evaluation by the superior (Liew 5). In the end, it became readily apparent that Chinese participants were incredibly sensitive to their bosss presence, even more so than their own. Superior greetings, as well as all other types of greeting, are not accompanied by any sort of physical contact, unlike in the West, where a handshake is expected. For the Chinese,

McCullough4 handshakes are not used in greetings, so it would be incredibly inappropriate to greet them in such a way. If at all, handshakes are used in parting, after a short parting between friends, and to convey special warmth (Wenzhong 25). Oftentimes, the act of shaking hands is unnatural and bizarre reflecting the imposition of the ritual on Chinese culture (Zhou 14). Also, physical contact of any sort is discouraged. Even after what would be considered in the West as a long relationship a hug or friendly kiss are viewed as very rude and unwarranted (Mazzacco). In place of physical contact, a nonverbal cue such as a bow or slight nod is appropriate, although it is important to note that the bow is not at the waist which would signify that the user is Japanese. Another nonverbal form of greeting is cupping ones hands to ones chest to show gratitude. This greeting is acceptable at all times of the year, but is only commonly used on New Years Day (Zhou 16). In addition to these nonverbal options, there is the kowtow (Zhou 15). Traditionally, the kowtow requires the individual to place their forehead on the ground, as a sign of deep respect, and was usually only used for superiors who are very high above the individual such as the Emperor. Today, one does not have to place their forehead on the ground to show respect, but simply kneel (Zhou 15). The kowtow can also be used with any type of superior, only on the condition that the individual wishes to show deep respect or gratitude. In addition, to these nonverbal greetings it is also common for people to use terms of address in greetings with superiors. Using terms of address emphasizes the distance between the inferior and superior, making the greeting more polite and respectful (Chen 55). Also, using terms of address follows the Chinese tradition of avoiding pronouns. Since Classical China, the second person pronouns er and ru, as well as the first person pronouns wu and wo, have

McCullough5 been discouraged as impolite (Hong 205). They were considered far too intimate to use with anyone but very close relations. That tradition continues to today when people will frequently defer to kin terms, surnames, and professional titles in place of pronouns (Hong 204). Common formal terms are xiansheng meaning mister and taitai meaning madam. Professional titles are also used to replace pronouns; terms include zhuren, zhang, shifu, and laoshi, translating to director, chief, master, and teacher respectively. In conjunction with titles an extra dimension of respect can be added by combining a name with an adjective (Li 70). For example, an individual could use the adjectives gui, zun, and de meaning noble, respected, and great, respectively, when referring to the superior person. When referring to his or her own person the individual could use bi translating to humble or shabby (Li 70). Like using the term of address in the first place, combining it with an adjective increases the sense of distance between the two speakers making the greeting even more respectful of that distance. Another type of greetings is between peers. A peer can be defined as someone whose status is equal or perceived to be equal to that of the individual. Some examples of peers in Chinese society are coworkers, fellow students, and individuals in the local community. There is the most variety in the type of greeting used in this category, showing a fundamental social sensitivity (Hong 204 and Li 67). Each greeting is selected carefully according to situation, propriety, and the individual being greeted. The most common peer greeting is Ni hao. Having the same meaning as Nin hao, Ni hao is the informal version, usable with practically anyone below a superior (Wenzhong 21). The typical response is Ni hao back. Of all the options for peer greetings, Ni hao is

McCullough6 considered the most foreign and formal of the greetings, representing a Western influence on Chinese culture (Chen 55). Another option is Ni qu nar? Which translates to Where are you going? (Wenzhong 22) Like How are you? the typical Western greeting, Ni qu nar is not a genuine question; the statement is idiomatic (Chang 321). The speaker is not looking for a truthful answer on the persons exact plans. The usual polite response is either a curt statement about the place the individual is going or a generalized answer vaguely referring to the direction the individual is going, accompanied by pointing (Wenzhong 23). A third option is Chi le ma? meaning Have you eaten? (Wenzhong 23) Again, like Ni qu nar, Chi le ma is not a genuine question. The greeting is not meant to be a heartfelt inquiry but a friendly acknowledgement (Chen 55). The polite response is Yes, I have eaten or No, but I am planning to eat. It is considered incredibly rude for the receiver to tell the speaker they have not eaten, even if that is the case, because it is taken to be a request for an invitation to join the receiver for a meal (Zhou 3). This would be seen as an imposition on the receiver, because as a societal equal the individual should not expect the receiver to treat them to dinner or owe them a favor. The fourth category is very simple compared to the others. In China, it is appropriate for the speaker to simply make an observation about the receivers action (Wenzhong 24). For example, a greeting in this style would be the equivalent of Oh, youre going to the market or I see you are waiting for the bus. This is typically answered by an observation on the speakers actions. Although it appears arbitrary, this type of greeting shows acknowledgement and

McCullough7 solidarity on both sides of the conversation. This solidarity brings the two participants together, so it is typically used between closer acquaintances and friends (Zhou 7). The last option is completely nonverbal. In some situations, the individual can simply give the receiver a slight smile or nod. Men and women view this greeting differently; women preferring to use it to display dignity and men using it to show reserve (Chen 55). Usually, this type of greetings is used when the speaker does not feel very close with the receiver, such as a new acquaintance or even a stranger. The other person would be expected to respond with the same gesture. It is important when examining peer relationships to remember that in Confucianism there is no truly equal relationship. Of the five main relationships in Confucianismemperor to magistrate, father to son, husband to wife, older brother to younger brother, and older person to younger person not one is considered equal (Hong 206). In other words, what is appropriate for one person in the relationship is never viewed as appropriate for the other, no matter what situation the individual is in (Li 56). Although there can exist so-called equal relationships, individuals are constantly observing and reacting to changes in status and interaction in order to adjust their relationship appropriately. Also in conjunction with this category would be greetings with friends and family, although a certain amount of respect is due to different family members, usually they are considered very close to the individual and thus have a different style of greeting than would be expected for a superior or peer. For friends, an example of a common greeting among modern Chinese students is Zheng me yang? With the response being Ting hao ya. (Mazzacco) This

McCullough8 would equate to the Western greeting between friends, Whats up and Im good. The language used is much more informal than other greetings. Another option between friends is the greeting Ni hao ma? which is Ni hao formed as a question. Unlike Ni qu nar and Chi le ma, Ni hao ma in Chinese culture is perceived to be a serious inquiry into the persons personal life, explaining why it is only used between friends (Letts). In regards to family, most of the time there is no proper greeting; it is simply accepted to use the family members name. For example, a daughter could run into the room and only shout the phrase Baba meaning father. In the West, this is often perceived as being a question, but in China individuals use a falling intonation to signify a greeting as opposed to an inquiry (Wenzhong 22). For family greetings, this makes kin terms incredibly important. The Chinese kinship terminology system is bifurcate collateral, meaning every family member has a different term (Dzeibel 501). There are too important components to each term: age and sex. The first part, age, takes into account the family members generation and their birth order within that generation. Sex, incorporates what sex the individual in question is and whether they are from the maternal or paternal line (Hong 207). For example, two terms for uncle are shushu and bobo, although they both mean the same thing, bobo is a term for a paternal uncle that is older than the individuals father while shushu is the name for a younger uncle (Li 70). Kinship terminologies are also important in interactions outside of the family as within Chinese society it is common to use kinship terms to incorporate outside individuals into a preset familial role. For example, if a father feels particularly close to a male friend he will ask his son to call the friend bobo, not only showing the type of relationship he expects the two to have,

McCullough9 but his respect for his friend by introducing him as an older uncle and thus above the father (Hong 206). This also traces back to Confucianism where there is a belief that within all four seas all men are brothers and sisters. (Li 68) and one family under the sky (Hong 206) leading to a Chinese tendency to label non-members of the family group as kin in order to define their relationship more closely or socialize them into a role. Logically, the next category would be greetings with inferiors. It is important to note that how an individual treats a superior is how the individual expects to be treated by an inferior. The relationship expectation applies both ways. When an individual encounters an inferior, they wait to be treated as a superior, so it is redundant to speak of greetings with inferiors. The final type of greeting in Chinese society is a greeting with an outlier. For the purpose of this paper an outlier will be defined as a person who falls outside of the social hierarchy. In China, this is a small category but would contain some strangers and foreigners. When encountering this type of person the individual would either not use a greeting in any way, expect to be treated as a superior, incorporate the person in question into an existing relationship in much the same way as kin terms are used or finally overcompensate in terms of formality. For example, when the Chinese first encountered foreigners they had difficulty translating and understanding the Western concepts of Mr. and Mrs. As a result, to replace the word Mrs., they began using the term fu ren which is derived from the word of the mother of a Han emperor, clearly a gross overstatement (Hong 208). In China, each individual knows their place within the greater social hierarchy according to their family situation, professional achievements, and economic status, and is very aware of

McCullough10 the places of others. Simply the variety of greetings available for the peer category show the conditional nature of the greetings themselves, reflecting a Chinese sensitivity. Individuals are constantly evaluating their own position, others positions, as well as the proper relationship and interaction due to that person, such as in the case of superior facial recognition. This is due to the underlying influence of Confucianism, where every single person is owed some sort of ideal relationship based on the five main relationships. The ideologys guiding points, ren and li, shed light on why Confucianism would so profoundly affect the expression of social hierarchy. Ren represents manhood as well as the ideal relationships between people. Li is the expected means by which an individual will seek to obtain manhood and these relationships (Li 68). Both of these philosophies impact modern day Chinese greetings through the deep cultural belief that there is an ideal way to act and there are specific rules through which to obtain that state of being. Contrast that attitude with the beliefs of the West, where independence and autonomy are valued over all other things, including relationships (Liew 1). In the end, the principals of Confucianism illuminate the modern Chinese tendency to quickly react, adjust, and choose the appropriate greeting upon meeting another individual, whether they are ranked above, equal to, or below the individual. The underlying driving force is the belief that there is always an expected pattern of prompt and reply usable to obtain an ideal relationship with the person in question. Overall, Chinese greetings demonstrate the ability of the greeting to illuminate different aspects of culture, in this case, hierarchy.

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