ARTICLE

Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani

Nikki Keddie in Islamic Studies
PREVIEW

Also known as Asadabadi because of his now-proven birth and early childhood in Asadabad in northwest Iran, Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (b. 1838/9d. 1897) was a pioneering figure in promoting political activism to counter British encroachments in the Muslim world and in advocating Muslim unity against Western conquest. He wrote and spoke in favor of Islamic reform, modernization, science, and a variety of political ideas, including nationalism, political reform, and pan-Islam. His reformist and politically activist views influenced men involved in major political movements in...

Also known as Asadabadi because of his now-proven birth and early childhood in Asadabad in northwest Iran, Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (b. 1838/9d. 1897) was a pioneering figure in promoting political activism to counter British encroachments in the Muslim world and in advocating Muslim unity against Western conquest. He wrote and spoke in favor of Islamic reform, modernization, science, and a variety of political ideas, including nationalism, political reform, and pan-Islam. His reformist and politically activist views influenced men involved in major political movements in Egypt from 1875 to 1883 and in Iran from 1890 to 1892. His ideas and activities have remained influential in the Muslim world. The variety of his writings, and of writings about him, have led a wide range of Muslims, from leftist reformers to religious conservatives, to honor him. In his lifetime he spent time in several countries; in chronological order of his first stay in each country, he spent time in Iran, Ottoman Iraq, India, Afghanistan, Ottoman Istanbul, Egypt, France, England, and Russia. He was expelled from Afghanistan, Istanbul, Egypt, and Iran because of his political activities. While thousands of books and articles have been written about Afghani, especially in the languages of Muslim countries, most of these have important distortions, often going back to inaccurate stories he told about himself and to an apologetic biography written by his main disciple, the Egyptian Muhammad Abduh. Abduhs biography was written largely to counter what were widespread reports that he was born and raised in Shii Iran and not, as he claimed, in Sunni Afghanistan, and that he was not orthodox in his beliefs and spoke in different ways to different audiences. His own writings and recorded words show that he often told different and inaccurate stories about his birth, education, nationality, religious and political views, and relations with the powerful. This book was published in 1940 in Kabul, but it release was put on hold by the request of the British government from Mohammad Zahir Shah the king of Afghanistan until 1946 This book is in three parts:1) The life of Syed Jam al din Al-Afghani, 2) Tatimmat al-bayan fi tarikh al-Afghan (written by Syed himself in Arabic and Translated by Khogyani) 3) and the last part is about Ali Termizi (written by Khogyani) the great great grand-father of Syed Jamal ul din Al-Afghani. This book was published in 1940 in Kabul

- : : : Mohammad Amin Khogyani photo taken on Jan 1940

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This article examines the Syeikh Muhammad Abduh's ideas on society, diagnoses of its problems and viable solutions. Central to this article's argument is the appropriation of Abduh into the list of thinkers found within the discipline of sociology that has been dominated by Europeans in his era. By highlighting several themes related to the challenges and anxieties faced by Muslim societies in facing up to Western modernity, which Abduh was much concerned with in his discourses, it is hoped that future scholars would re-examine his sociological thoughts in light of its significance towards fostering EastWest intellectual symbiosis. Syed Muhd Khairudin Aljunied 2005 Asia Europe Journal Volume 3, Number 3 421-427

[1] Klaus Boehnke, John Hagan and Gerd Hefler Muhammad 'Abduh [2] Biographical Scholarship and Muhammad Abduh [3] P.N. Bennett and A. Hany Muhammad 'Abduh the Reformer [4] Ibrahim, Yasir S the Spirit of Islamic Law and Modern Religious Reform. Maqas&Dotbelow;Id Al-Shari`A in Muh&Dotbelow;Ammad `Abduh and Rashid Rid&Dotbelow;A's Legal Thought (Egypt, Muhammad Rashid Rida, Syria). [5] Nasution, Khoiruddin the Concept of Ijma' in the Modern Age: with Particular Reference to Muhammad 'Abduh. [6] Ella Landau-Tasseron Ella Landau-Tasseron Muslim World [7] H. Donner, C. Seidl, H. Rau, J. Herwig, E. Seifried, K. H. Usadel and K. Badenhoop Sh ykh with J ml-Dl-Afghn? nd umm d Abduh uh mm d R shd Ris Rel tions

[8] Gregory J. Kelly, William S. Carlsen and Christine M. Cunningham Muslim World View and Muslim Science [9] 18. the World Bank, Ngos and the State of Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: Implications for Alleviating Poverty and Advancing Societal Reform [10] Majeed, Javed Modern Intellectual Historymodern Intellectual History Geographies of Subjectivity, Pan-Islam and Muslim Separatism: Muhammad Iqbal and Selfhood

Sayyid Jamal Ad-Din Al-Afghani:

A Political Biography
Nikki R. Keddie Scholarly Publishing Office, U of Mi, Jan 1, 2001 - Biography & Autobiography - 504 pages

http://cis-ca.org/voices/a/afghni.htm Sayyid Jamal al-Din Muhammad b. Safdar al-Afghani (1838-1897)

Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani is considered to be the founding father of Islamic modernism. His place of birth, which has become a source of longstanding controversy, is not known, but he received his early education in various religious schools near Kabul, Afghanistan and Qazwin and Tehran, Iran. At the age of seventeen or eighteen, he went to India (1855/6) to continue his studies. During his stay in India until 1882, Afghani became closely acquainted with the positivistic ideas of Sayyid Ahmad Khan and wrote his famous The Truth about the Neichari Sect and an Explanation of the Necharis (Hakikat-i Madhhab-i Naychari wa Bayan-i Hal-i Naychariyan), first published in 1881 in Hyderabad, in rejection of S. A. Khan and his followers. The book w s l ter tr nsl ted by uh mm d Abduh into Ar bic and published as The Refutation of the Materialists (al-Radd ala aldahriyyin) in Beirut, 1886. In 1870, he traveled to Egypt and Istanbul where he received a warm welcome from Ottoman officials and intellectuals who were instrumental in the creation of the Tanzimat reforms. Afghani went to Egypt for the second time and stayed there for the next eight years (1871-9) during which time he began to spread his philosophical and political ideas through his classes and public lectures. At the beginning of 1883, Afghani spent a short time in London and then went to Paris. In Paris, Afghani begun to publish his famous journal al-

Urwat al-wuthqa (The Firmest Robe title t ken from the Qur n) with the close coll bor tion of his friend nd student uh mm d Abduh whom he had invited from Lebanon to Paris. Due to a number of difficulties, alUrwah was discontinued in September 1884 after eighteen issues. Through his essays and especially his polemic against Ernest Renan, a French historian, philosopher and positivist, Afghani established considerable fame for himself in the Parisian intellectual circles. In 1886, he was invited by Shah Nasir al-Din to Iran and offered the position of special adviser to the Shah, which he accepted. Afghani, however, was critic l of Sh hs policies on the question of politic l p rticip tion. This difference of opinion forced Afghani to leave Iran for Russia (1886 to 1889). In 1889 on his way to Paris, Afghani met Shah Nasir al-Din in Munich and w s offered the position of gr nd vizier. But Afgh nis un b ted criticisms of the rule and conduct of the Shah led to his eventual deportation from Iran in the winter of 1891. Afghani was later implicated in the murder of Shah Nasir al-Din in 1896. Afghani spent the last part of his life in Istanbul under the patronage and, l ter, surveill nce of Sult n Abd l-H mid II. The dem nds for Afgh nis extradition by the Iranian officials for his alleged involvement in the assassination of Shah Nasir al-Din were rejected by Abd l-Hamid who, most probably, collaborated with Afghani for the implementation of his political program of pan-Islamism or Islamic unity (ittihad-i islam). To this end, Afghani sent a number of letters to various Islamic countries and leaders to mobilize and unite them against the British rule while at the same time trying to establish the foundations of a mutual rapprochement between the Sunnis nd the Shi`ites. According to some histori ns, Abd l-Hamid grew suspicious of Afgh nis meetings with some Ar b le ders nd the British officials in Istanbul and did not permit him to leave the country. Afghani died of cancer in March 9, 1897 and was buried in Istanbul. Afgh nis c reer s thinker nd ctivist h s h d deep impact on the Islamic world and continues to be a source of inspiration and controversy for m ny tod y. Afgh nis project of Isl mic modernism th t he developed in his lectures, polemics, short essays, and newspaper columns was based on the idea of finding a modus vivendi between traditional Islamic culture and the philosophical and scientific challenges of the modern West. It would not be wrong to say that Afghani took a middle position between blind Westernization and its wholesale rejection by the traditional ulama. His basic assumption was shared by the whole generation of the 19th century Muslim thinkers and activists: modern Western science and technology are

essentially separable from the ethos and manners of European nations and can and should be acquired by the Islamic world without necessarily accepting the theological and philosophical consequences emerging from their application in the Western context. As we sh ll see below, Afgh nis views on science should be understood in the light of this gener l progr m of Isl mic reform or renewal (islah or tajdid). Afghani, unlike many of the revivalist thinkers of his generation, was well versed in traditional Islamic philosophy (hikmah), and considered philosophy essential for the revival of Islamic civilization. This is clearly reflected in his various lectures and particularly in The Refutation of the Materialists. In fact, Afgh nis philosophic l rguments g inst the n tur lists nd m teri lists derive their force from his philosophical training. As we see in his lecture The Benefits of Philosophy, Afgh nis vision of modern Isl mic philosophy w s closely tied to his confidence in the recent dv ncements made in the fields of science and technology. Unlike traditional theology (kalam), philosophy should articulate a cosmology based on the findings of modern science. These and similar ideas expressed by Afghani have been used by his critics and enemies to label him as a heretic. His role in the revival of the study of Islamic philosophy in the Arab and Indian worlds, however, remains unmistakable. Afgh nis politic l progr m of p n-Islamism (ittihad-i islam) sought to mobilize Muslim nations to fight against Western imperialism and gain milit ry power through modern technology. Afgh nis c ll for the independence of individual Muslim nations has been a key factor in the development of the so-c lled Isl mic n tion lism nd influenced such uslim figures s uh mm d Iqb l, uh mm d Ali Jinn h nd Abul Kalam Azad in the Indian subcontinent and Namik Kemal, Said Nursi and Mehmet Akif Ersoy in the Ottoman Turkey. Later in the 20th century, Afghani became a major source of inspiration for such revivalist movements as the Muslim Brethren of Egypt and the Jama`at-i Islami of Pakistan. In many ways, Afghani continues to be hailed by various Islamic activist groups as an important example of the activist-scholar type in the Islamic world. Afghani had also a deep impact on many Egyptian thinkers including Muhammad Abduh, R shid Rid , Ali Abd l-Raziq, Qasim Amin, Lutfi al-Sayyid and Osman Amin. Before delving into Afgh nis ide s on science, word should be s id bout long-st nding controversy surrounding Afgh nis ethnic origin nd religious (madhhab) identity. One end of the controversy pertains to his being an Iranian or Afghan, and the other to his being Shi`ite or Sunni. Some have

even claimed that Afghani was born into a Turkish speaking Azari family in Hamadan. Curiously enough, the root of the debate goes back to Afghani himself for he was acutely aware of the impact that his ethnic origin and religious position would have on both the Sunni and Shi`ite worlds. As a matter of expedience, if not anything else, Afghani seems to have been willingly and deliberately ambiguous about both issues to ensure the reception of his ide s in the Isl mic world. Be th t s it m y, Afgh nis influence on the Islamic world as a whole has not been marred by the ways he has been portrayed up to our own day. As a public intellectual and activist, Afghani articulated and expressed most of his ideas through his lectures and wrote very little. He published only two books in his lifetime. One is a history of Afghanistan and the other his famous refutation of naturalism and materialism, which he singled out as the most urgent threat to humanity in general and to the Islamic world in particular. It is worth noting th t Afgh nis only published book of intellectu l subst nce is directly related to the question of religion and science. Although very short, Afgh nis letter to Ernest Renan in response to his celebrated lecture at Sorbonne given in 1883, in which Renan openly attacked Islam as an obstacle to philosophy and science, is another important document for the underst nding of Afgh nis position on Isl m nd modern science. In The Refutation of the Materialists, Afghani gives a scathing criticism of the naturalist/materialist position from the scientific, philosophical, ethical, and social points of view. He identifies the materialists as the epitome of evil intent on destroying human civilization. He traces the history of modern materialism to the Greek materialists, among whom he mentions Democritus, Epicurus, and Diogenes the Cynic. This short historical survey is followed by a scientific and philosophical criticism of Darwin and his evolutionary theory. Afghani rejects the idea of chance in nature and accuses the materialists of ttributing perception nd intelligence to toms (i.e., m tter) in nd of themselves. He rejects totally the idea of universe as a self-regulating structure without a higher intelligence operating on it. This is without doubt the most philosophical section of the treatise. Afghani then moves to his social and ethical criticism of the materialists. According to him, the materialists are intent to undermine the very found tions of hum n society. They try to destroy the c stle of h ppiness based on the six pillars of religion. These six pillars are divided into three beliefs and three qualities. The first belief is that man is a terrestrial angel, i.e., he is Gods vicegerent on e rth. The second belief is th t ones community is the noblest one both in the sense of belonging to the human

world against the animal and plant kingdoms, and in the sense of belonging to the best human and religious society. This inherent exclusivism, for Afghani, is the most important motive for the global race of goodness, which lies at the heart of all world civilizations. The third belief or doctrine that religion teaches is that man is destined to reach the highest world, i.e., his innate ability to transcend the merely material and realize the spiritual within himself. In addition, religion inculcates three ethical qualities in its followers. The first qu lity is wh t Afgh ni c lls modesty (haya), that is, the modesty of the soul to commit sin against God and his fellowmen. The nobility of the soul increases in proportion to the degree of its modesty. Afghani considers this quality to be the most essential element for the ethical and social regulation of society. The second quality is trustworthiness, which underlies the very fabric of a society. The survival of human civilization is contingent upon mutual respect and trust, without which no society can have political stability and economic prosperity. The third quality promulgated by religion is truthfulness and honesty, which, for Afghani, is the foundation of social life and solidarity. Through these six pillars, Afghani establishes religion as the foundation of civilization and denounces materialism as the enemy of religion and human society. To stress this central point, Afghani mentions the Batinis and the Babis as followers of naturalism/materialism in the Islamic world. He also mentions Rousseau and Voltaire as modern materialists and uses a very strong langu ge in condemning their sensu lism nd nti-moralism. He even goes so far as to classify socialists, communists and nihilists as nothing other than mere variations of materialism in the ethical sense of the term. He holds the materialists responsible for the destruction of such great nations in history as the Persian, Roman, and Ottoman Empires. Since the materialist does not recognize ny re lity other th n gross m tter nd sensu lity, he paves the way for the reign of passions and desires. In this sense, the materialist is immersed in the worst kind of metaphysical and ethical mistake and cannot be trusted even on a purely human level. In the last part of the treatise, Afghani turns to religion and, among religions, to Islam as the only way to salvation for humanity. He compares Islam to other world religions and asserts its superiority, implying that Islam is the only religion to cope with the challenges of the modern world. It is worth noting that Afghani concludes his treatise with a short statement that has become the hallmark of Islamic modernism:

If someone says: If the Islamic world is as you say, then why are the Muslims in such a sad condition? I will answer: When they were [truly] Muslims, they were what they were and the world bears witness to their excellence. As for the present, I will content myself with this holy text: Verily, God does not ch nge the st te of people until they ch nge themselves inw rdly. (Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism, p. 173)

As already mentioned, Afghanis m in t rget in the Refutation was Sayyid Ahmad Khan and his followers in India. It is not difficult to see from Afgh nis tone how serious he took the imminent d nger of naturalism/materialism for the future of the Islamic world. In this sense, Afghanis excessively polemic l discourse g inst the m teri lists is of particular significance for its attempt to draw the attention of Muslim intellectuals to the philosophical and ethical challenges emanating from the encounter of the Islamic world with the modern Weltanschauung. When we turn to Afgh nis f mous response to Ren n, however, we encounter a completely different perspective, tone, and language. As was mentioned e rlier, Ernest Ren n, in his lecture Isl m nd Science given t Sorbonne and published in the Journal des Dbats, March 29, 1883, attacked Islam and Arabs as innately incapable of doing philosophy and producing science. Ren ns qu si-racist attack was a result of his general typology of religion and provoked a number of responses and apologies by Muslim intellectuals, including the one by Namik Kemal, the famous Ottoman writer, poet and activist. Afgh nis l ngu ge rem ins pologetic throughout his letter to the Journal des Dbats. On the question of religion being an obstacle for the development of science and philosophy, Afghani basically agrees with Renan that all religions re intoler nt in one w y or nother nd th t they suppress the free investig tion of scientific nd philosophic l truth. Even though Afgh ni asserts that religions have played a vital role in bringing humanity from b rb rism nd myths to the level of dv nced civiliz tions, both Isl m nd Christianity have turned against the free use of reason and thus stifled scientific progress at some point in their history. Here Afghani seems to forgo his essential distinction between revelation and its unfolding in history, viz., the distinction between Islam and Muslims. With the rise of the Enlightenment, European nations have freed themselves from the tutelage of Christianity, that is, religion, and carried out stunning advancements in all fields of knowledge. Afghani is convinced that there is no reason for us not to hope for a similar thing happening in the Islamic world:
If it is true th t the uslim religion is n obstacle to the development of sciences, can one affirm that this obstacle will not disappear someday? How does the Muslim religion differ on

this point from other religions? All religions are intolerant, each one in its way. The Christian religion, I mean the society that follows its inspirations and its teachings and is formed in its image, has emerged from the first period to which I have just alluded; thenceforth free and independent, it seems to advance rapidly on the road of progress and science, whereas Muslim society has not yet freed itself from the tutelage of religion. Realizing, however, that the Christian religion preceded the Muslim religion in the world by many centuries, I cannot keep from hoping that Muhammadan society will succeed someday in breaking its bonds and m rching resolutely in the p th of civiliz tion fter the m nner of Western societyNo I c nnot dmit th t this hope be denied to Isl m. (Answer of J m l l-Din to Renan Journal des Debats, May 18, 1883 in N. R. Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism, p. 183)

As for Ren ns cl im th t the uslim Ar bs re inn tely inc p ble of philosophical thinking, Afghani gives some examples to refute the charge and repeats his earlier claim that the Arabs became pioneers in the history of philosophy and sciences only after they had accepted Islam. Strangely enough, however, Afghani concludes his letter by creating a very sharp contrast between religion and philosophy and establishes this as a general rule of history an assertion that Renan himself states many times. The claims of religion and philosophy, Afghani argues, are irreconcilable, and this is true across the religious boundaries whether we are talking about Islam, Christianity or Hinduism. Religious faith is based on dogma whereas philosophy demands free investigation, not bounded or aided by the revelation, to find the truth. The clash between the two, says Afghani, is an ineluctable part of human history. Religions, by whatever names they are called, all resemble each other. No agreement and no reconciliation are possible between these religions and philosophy. Religion imposes on man its faith and its belief whereas philosophy frees him of it tot lly or in p rt. Whenever religion will h ve the upper hand, it will eliminate philosophy; and the contrary happens when it is philosophy that reigns as sovereign mistress. So long as humanity exists, the struggle will not cease between dogma and free investigation, between religion and philosophy: a desperate struggle in which, I fear, the triumph will not be for free thought, because the masses dislike reason, and its teachings are only understood by some intelligences of the elite, and because, also, science, however beautiful it is, does not completely satisfy humanity, which thirsts for the ideal and which likes to exist in dark and distant regions that the philosophers and scholars can neither perceive nor explore. (Keddie, p. 187) This somewhat abrupt and surprising end leaves a number of issues in obscurity, to say the least, as far s Afgh nis position on the rel tion between religion, philosophy and, by derivation, science is concerned. It is, however, indicative of the general mood of the 19th century Muslim intellectuals

concerning modern science and philosophy. Afghani, like many of his colleagues and contemporaries, was touched by the sheer power and supremacy of Western powers that were increasing their encroachment upon the Islamic world. The European countries were prosperous and powerful because of their scientific and technological superiority, and this was the most important conclusion for the activist-intellectuals of the 19th century. Since Western power thrives on modern science and technology, reasoned Afghani and others, it had to be possessed by Muslim countries deliberately and urgently. As we see in the case of the Ottoman Empire, this was considered to be the only way to stop the further decline and disintegration of the dar alislam. This view, which is still held by many today, can be recognized throughout Afghanis politic l nd intellectu l c reer s f r s modern Western science is concerned. Moreover, this conviction was supplemented by the presumed objectivity of modern physical sciences a point of view fully developed later by the generation of Muslim intellectuals deeply influenced by Afghani including uh mm d Abduh, R shid Rid , . Abd l-Raziq, Said Nursi and others.

Afghanis Major Works

1. Al-Taliqat ala sharh al-Dawwani lil-aqaid al-adudiyyah (Cairo, 1968). Afgh nis glosses over D ww nis commentary on the famous kalambook of Adud l-Din al-Iji c lled al-aqaid aladudiyyah. 2. Risalat al-waridat fi sirr al-tajalliyat (Cairo, 1968). A work dictated by Afgh ni to his student . Abduh when he w s in Egypt. 3. Tatimmat al-bayan (Cairo, 1879). A political, social and cultural history of Afghanistan. 4. Hakikat-i Madhhab-i Naychari wa Bayan-i Hal-i Naychariyan. First published in Haydarabad-Decc n, 1298/1881, this is Afgh nis most important intellectual work that he published during his lifetime. It is a scathing criticism and total rejection of naturalism which Afghani also c lls m teri lism. The book h s been tr nsl ted into Ar bic by . Abduh s al-Radd ala al-dahriyyin (The Refutation of the Materialists). 5. Khatirat Jamal al-Din al-Afghani al-Husayni (Beirut, 1931). A book compiled by the Lebanese journalist Muhammad Pasha al-Mahzumi. hzumi w s present in most of Afgh nis t lks in the l st p rt of his

life and developed his conversations in to the present book. The book contains important inform tion bout Afgh nis life nd ide s.

Ibrahim Kalin December 21, 2007

Selected Bibliography

Afshar, Iraj and Mahdawi, Asghar, Majmua-yi asnad wa madariki chap nashuda dar bara-yi Sayyid Jamal al-Din mashhur be-Afghani (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1963) Enayat, Hamid, Modern Islamic Political Thought (Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1982) Gibb, H. A. R., Modern Trends in Islam (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1947) Hourani, Albert, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age: 1789-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982) Keddie, Nikki, An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983) --------, Sayyid Jamal al-Din Afghani: A Political Biography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972) Kedourie, Elie, Afghani and Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam (London, 1966) Qudsi-zadah, Albert, Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani: An Annotated Bibliography (Leiden: Brill, 1970) Siddiqi, Mazheruddin, Modern Reformist Thought in the Muslim World (Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1982)

Smith, W. Cantwell, Islam in Modern History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957)

Islamic Modernism: Responses to Western Modernization in the Middle East By YEVGENIYA BARAZ
2010, VOL. 2 NO. 05 | PG. 1/1 By the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, a large part of the

Muslim world had begun to lose much of its cultural and political sovereignty to Christian occupiers from Europe. This came as a result of European trade missions during earlier centuries that had propagated Western technology and modernization. There was a large shift of power due to the declining Ottoman Empire, which led to an essential subordination of Muslims because of Western technology and modernization. This subjugation by Christian empires led Muslims of the Middle East to question their own beliefs as well as their aspirations, making many wonder whether the success of Western occupation was due to the inferiority of their own Islamic ideals. Out of these self-criticisms came an assortment of responses, including adaptation of Western ideals, advocating for separation of religion and politics, complete rejection, and calls for armed struggle against Western powers. However, one of the major responses to western modernization and occupation of the Muslim world was Islamic modernism.1 Islamic modernism was an attempt to reach a medium between adaptation and rejection. Two influential proponents of this idea were Islamic reformers Jamal al-Din and his pupil Muhammad Abduh. They blamed the decline of Muslim societies and their occupation by the West on taqlid, a blind and unquestioned clinging to the past.2 According to some scholars, Muslims could not accept the idea that man is the measure of all things, which was an idea brought to the Middle East by forces of Western colonialism. Avoiding thisconflict caused some to adapt to the stronger force, Western colonialism; this, in part, led to the Muslim decline.3 This idea amongst scholars is not uncommon, and decline of groups because of adaptation can be seen throughout historyfor example, adaptation to geographical locations can be attributed to the severe assimilation of many Jewish populations. Muslim reformers emphasized the dynamism, flexibility, and adaptability during the early development of Islam. This time period was distinguished by Islamic accomplishments in the sciences, law, and education.4 Afghani advocated for an Islamic renaissance, which would unite the Muslim world while simultaneously confronting the cultural threat posed by adaptation of Western ideals. Afghani argued that Islam was in harmony with the principles discovered by scientific reason, [it] was indeed the religion demanded by reason.5 Thus, he blamed their subjugation not on Islamic inferiority, but on the societys intellectual backwardness caused by the hundreds of years of neglect and suppression of the Islamic umma, or community. Afghani blamed the influence of Sufism, which had emphasized passivity, fatalism, and otherworldliness. He also faulted the ulama,

or learned elite, for discouraging Muslims from obtaining scientific knowledge because they themselves lacked the expertise to respond to such modernity. Afghani traveled throughout the Muslim world and outside of it, calling for internal reform and strengthening of the Muslim umma.6 To Abduh and Afghani, the ultimate way of combating Western occupation was to regenerate the stagnant Muslim world.7Essentially, these Muslim reformists tried to respond to Western imperialism rather than react to or against it. Abduh and Afghani argued that the best way to re-strengthen the Muslim world was through the study of their religion in order to bring out its true meaning; they should model their lives on the religious teachings.8 Afghani maintained education, science, and technology had been the grand accomplishments of early Islamic civilization and was fundamental in Islam.9 Some scholars blame the Mongol Empires domination for replacing early Islamic intellectual progress with nostalgic folklore. They also attribute the Mongol domination to Muslim retreat into orthodoxy, saying the when people feel unsecure in their environment they develop a system of securities because they feel threatened by the outside worldresulting in a religious orthodoxy.10 Afghani argued that re-appropriating and reclaiming the Islams early grand accomplishments, which had been lost during periods of domination, would be the best way to repel Western influence and strengthen the Islamic world. They saw no dichotomy between religion and science. Their reaffirmation of Islamic identity and unity would reestablish and assure continuation of a vigorous Islamic community. However, Afghani stressed that in addition to studying their religion, Muslims should formulate new responses to the changing societies out of Islamic principles they learned in their studies. He argued that Muslims could use Western ideas to their advantage; and therefore, those ideas should be studied.11 Muhammad Abduhs response to the reforming of Islam was the creation of the Salafiyya movement, which influenced reform movements throughout the Middle East and beyond. Abduh was one of Afghanis earliest disciples and the two collaborated in the writing of many articles on reform. He was also a strong participant in the nationalist movement. His focus was on religious, educations, and social reform. Like Afghani, he believed that religion and logic were complementary. Abduh posed that Muslims could selectively apply features of Western ideas to their own societies as long as they were not divergent to Islam. He also emphasized the need to differentiate between immutable and mutable Muslim traditions; i.e. certain old traditions, which were not necessary in upholding Islamic law, should be either reformed or discarded. Abduh placed a heavy emphasis on education as a means of reform.12 He became one of Egypts leading ulama and eventually became the Mufti of Egypt, or the chief judge of the Sharia court system. As a result, he posed as a great influence to Egyptian reform.

Reformers in Egypt embraced his idea that public interest was an Islamic justification for legal reform.13 Abduh used his position as Mufti of Egypt to propagate liberal reforms of Islamic law, education, and administration. Arab nationalists embraced his views afterWorld War I. His major contribution to Egyptian nationalism was his emphasis on education. Many Egyptian nationalists adopted his conviction for education as a means for gradual reform, believing that this was the way to achieving independence.14 Jamal al-Din al-Afghani is considered one of the catalysts of Islamic modernization, with Muhammad Abduh seen as one of its great synthesizers.15 Abduh is even seen as the Father of Islamic Modernism in the Arab world. They sought to reform Muslims clinging to the past and backwardness, which had been brought on by a retreat into orthodoxy caused by Mongol domination. Afghani and Abduh did so by attempting to reach a medium between Islamic law and modernity. Their influence can be seen throughout the Arab world today.

Center for Islam and Science. Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905). http://www.cisca.org/voices/a/abduh.htm. Dawisha, Adeed. Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003. Esposito, John L. Islam: The Straight Path. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. The Glory of the Past Versus the Modernization Challenge, Video.

1.) John L. Esposito, Islam: The Straight Path (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 126-7. 2.) Ibid., 127. 3.) The Glory of the Past Versus the Modernization Challenge, Video. 4.) Esposito, Islam: The Straight Path, 127. 5.) Adeed Dawisha, Arab Nationalism in the Twentieth Century: From Triumph to Despair (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 19. 6.) Esposito, Islam, 128-9.

7.) Dawisha, Arab Nationalism, 19. 8.) Ibid. 9.) Esposito, Islam, 128. 10.) The Glory of the Past Versus the Modernization Challenge, Video. 11.) Esposito, Islam, 129-30. 12.) Ibid., 130-32. 13.) Ibid., 132. 14.) Center for Islam and Science, Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), http://www.cisca.org/voices/a/abduh.htm. 15.) Esposito, Islam, 130.
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JAMALUDDIN AL-AFGHANI

Sayyid Jamaluddin Al-Afghani (1838/9-1897) merupakan salah satu tokoh yang pertama kali menyatakan kembali tradisi Muslim dengan cara yang sesuai untuk menjawab berbagai problem penting yang muncul akibat Barat semakin mengusik Timur Tengah di abad kesembilanbelas. Sebagai modernis Islam pertama, yang pengaruhnya dirasakan di beberapa negara, Afghani memicu kecenderungan menolak tradisionalisme murni danwesternisme murni. Meski Afghani di kemudian hari --dan sejak meninggalnya-- dikaitkan khususnya dengan pan-Islam, tulisan pan-Islamnya hanya menjadi bagian dari dasawarsa penting 1880-an. Dalam hidupnya dia mempromosikan berbagai sudut pandang yang sering bertentangan. Dan pikirannya juga memiliki afinitas dengan berbagai kecenderungan di dunia Muslim. Ini meliputi liberalisme Islam yang diserukan khususnya oleh Muhammad 'Abduh, orang Mesir yang menjadi muridnya.

Pada masa mudanya ia dididik di Iran, dan juga di kota-kota suci Syi'ah di Irak dia piawai dalam filsafat Islam dan juga dalam Syi'ah mazhab Syaikhi, yang merupakan ragam Syi'ah yang sangat filosofis pada abad kedelapan belas dan kesembilan belas. Tak seperti dunia Arab dan Turki, di mana kebanyakan filsafat yang mendapat inspirasinya dari Yunani selama berabad-abad tidak diajarkan karena dianggap menyimpang dari Islam, di Iran tradisi filsafat terus berlangsung. Buku-buku karya Ibn Sina dan di kemudian hari karya filosof Iran diajarkan di sekolah keagamaan. Ketika Afghani ke Istanbul, pada tahun 1869-70, dia mengemukakan gagasan yang bersal dari filosof Islam. Dan ketika ke Mesir pada 1870-an, dia mengajar murid-murid mudanya terutama tentang filosof-filosof Iran ini. Perjalanan yang panjang dalam hidup Afghani dilalui dengan berdakwah di banyak negara. Pada usia yang masih muda, sekitar 20 tahun, Afghani sudah pergi ke India dan berjuang untuk mengusir pemerintahan Ingeris dari bumi Muslim di India. Setelah tinggal di India, Afghani pergi haji ke Makkah, lalu ke kota-kot suci Syi h, d n kemudi n ke Afgh nist n lew t Ir n. Perju ng nny y ng nti Inggeris ini menyebabkan Afghani harus keluar dari Afghanistan pada Desember 1868, karena jatuhnya Azh m Kh n d n n ik t ht ny ShirAli y ng pro Inggeris. Kemudi n di ke Bomb i, K iro, l lu ke Istanbul pada 1869. Pada 1870, Afghani diangkat menjadi menj di Dew n Pendidik n Utsmaniah resmi yang reformis. Karena ikatannya dengan berbagai ahli pendidikan terkemuka, dia diundang untuk menyampaikan kuliah umum. Namun kuliah umum ini menimbulkan reaksi yang keras dari para ulama, karena dianggap menyimpang dari agama. Akibatnya Afghani diusir dari Istanbul. Setelah itu Afghani pergi ke Kairo. Di Kairo ini mendirikan Koran yang membahas isu-isu politik. Seiring dengan perubahan kekuasaan di Mesir, di bawah Pemerintahan yang Pro Inggeris, Taufiq. Afghani akhirnya diusir dari Mesir karena sikapnya yang anti Inggeris. Kemudian Afghani pergi ke Hyderabad di India Selatan. Dari India Afghani ke London, dan kemudian pada 1883 ke Paris. Di Paris Afgh ni bers m deng n uh mm d Abduh, mereka menerbitkan koran berbahasa Arab, AlUrwah Al-Wutaqa yang mendapat subsidi dari para pengagum. Sebelum meninggal pada tahun 1987 di Iran, Afghani sempat juga pergi ke Rusia, Eropa dan Irak. Afghani merupakan figur besar dalam dunia Muslim. Penekanannya bahwa Islam merupakan kekuatan yang sangat penting untuk menangkal Barat dan untuk meningkatkan solidaritas kaum Muslim, seruannya agar ada pembaruan dan perubahan di dalam sistem politik despotis yang berbendera Islam, serta serangannya terhadap mereka yang memihak imperialisme Barat atau yang memecah-belah umat Muslim, semuanya merupakan tema-tema yang diperjuangkannya
jaml al-Dn al-Afghn, in full Jaml al-Dn al-Afghn al-Sayyid Muammad ibn afdar alusayn

(born 1838, Asadbd, Persia [now Iran]died March 9, 1897, Istanbul), Muslim

politician, political agitator, and journalist whose belief in the potency of a revived Islamic civilization in the face of European domination significantly influenced the development of Muslim thought in the 19th and early 20th centuries.

Very little is known about Afghns family or upbringing. Despite the appellation Afghn, which he adopted and by which he is known, some scholars believe that he was not an Afghan but a Persian Shite (i.e., a member of one of the ... (100 of 1,182 words)

Sayyid Jamal al-Din "al-Afghani" Asadabadi Collected Works al-A`mal al-KamilahSayyid Jamal al-Din Asadabadi (1838-1897) became renowned as "al-Afghani." Born into a Turkic-speaking Shi`ite family in a small Azeri town near Hamadan, he undertook some seminary studies in the 1850s at the Shi`ite shrine cities of Najaf and Karbala. There or earlier he came under the influence of the esoteric Shaykhi school of Shi`ism that had grown up around the theosophical teachings of Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsa'i. Thereafter Sayyid Jamal al-Din always kept with him some of al-Ahsa'i's writings, and we may think of him as a reformist Shaykhi of the sort Azerbaijan often produced. In 1855 he then went to Bombay in British India in search of a modern education. He was there during the great uprising of 1857-1858. As a young man of 20, he was struck by the ways that Muslims and Hindus for a time successfully cooperated in opposing British domination, as well as by the obvious power of religion to mobilize local groups for anti-imperial purposes. He returned to the Iraqi shrine cities until 1865. In the late 1860s he served as an adviser to the king of Afghanistan, but lost out in faction fighting at the court. He went on to have a turbulent but influential career as a political thinker and activist and religious reformer in Istanbul, Cairo, Paris, Hyderabad and Tehran. He opposed Nasiru'd-Din Shah's award of a Tobacco Monopoly to a British concern in 1890. He spent the last years of his life in exile from Iran as a guest of Sultan Abdulhamid II, working with other expatriate Iranians on the Ottoman "Pan-Islamic" project aimed at bringing together all Muslims, including Shi`ites, around the sultan-caliph in order to oppose European Christian colonialism in Muslim lands. As late as the 1890s in Istanbul he was defending the ideas of Shaykh Ahmad al-Ahsa'i. For a fuller account and a brief bibliography, see Iraj Bashir, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani. See also Nikki Keddie's magisterial 1972 biography of him, and Juan R. I. Cole, "New Perspectives on Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani in Egypt," in Rudi Matthee and Beth Baron, eds., Iran and Beyond: Essays in Middle Eastern History in Honor of Nikki R. Keddie (Costa Mesa, Ca.: Mazda Publishers Inc., 2000), pp. 13-34. .

Namih-ha-yi Tarikhi va Siyasi. Ed. Abu al-Hasan Jamali Asadabadi. Foreward by Muhammad Muhit Tabataba'i. (Tehran: Presto [Amir Kabir], 3rd edn., 1981). Digitally reprinted, East Lansing, Mi.: H-Bahai, 2001.

Related Works

Bustani, Butrus al-. Letter to Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, 30 January 1879. (Presumably regarding his article on Babism for the Beirut Encyclopedia). Letter in Afghani Dossier of Egyptian National Library. Digitally printed in facsimile, East Lansing, Mi.: H-Bahai, 2001. Ishaq, Adib. "Harakat al-Afkar" ("The Movement of Thought"). Misr (Cairo), 1878. Sayyid Jamal al-Din "al-Afghani" Asadabadi

Sayyid Jamal al-Din "Afghani" Asadabadi. Namih-ha-yi Tarikhi va Siyasi. Ed. Abu al-Hasan Jamali Asadabadi. Foreward by Muhammad Muhit Tabataba'i. (Tehran: Presto (Amir Kabir), 3rd edn., 1981). Digitally reprinted, East Lansing, Mi.: H-Bahai, 2001. Notes: Miscellaneous letters, including to Queen Victoria and Nasiru'd-Din Shah, and one on the need for a unified language to achieve national unity. Some were published in contemporary journals or in the earlier collection, Maqalat-i Jamaliyyih. Some of the book consists of later congratulatory letters from notables, or translations into Persian of Arabic or English sources, which are less useful than the original Persian letters

Correspondence with, of Butrus al-Bustani Butrus al-Bustani to Sayyid Jamal al-Din "Afghani" Asadabadi, 30 January 1879. Letter in Afghani Dossier of Egyptian National Library. Digitally printed in facsimile, East Lansing, Mi.: H-Bahai, 2001. Notes: The letter notes that al-Bustani had sent volumes of the Beirut Encyclopedia, the first of its kind in Arabic, to Afghani via Salim `Anhuri. He also urges Afghani to follow through with the article he had promised. This is presumably the notorious article on the Babis. For discussion see Juan R. I. Cole, "New Perspectives on Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani in Egypt," in Rudi Matthee and Beth Baron, eds., Iran and Beyond: Essays in Middle Eastern History in
Honor of Nikki R. Keddie (Costa Mesa, Ca.: Mazda Publishers, 2000), p. 23.

Adib Ishaq "Harakat al-Afkar"

("The Movement of Thought")Adib Ishaq, "Harakat al-Afkar" ("The Movement of Thought"), Misr, 1878. Reprinted in Naji `Allush, Adib Ishaq, Beirut, East Lansing, Mi.: HBahai, 2001. Notes: This newspaper article, published in a Cairo newspaper in 1878, may be the first significant mention of the Babi-Baha'i movement in the Arabic press. "Adib Ishaq, a romantic liberal, sees liberty as an almost mystical force shaping modern history. The flame of reform, he writes, was lit first in the French Revolution of 1789, devouring despotism and the tyranny of tradition (taqalid, while lighting the way for liberty. The enemies of liberty waited, and when they sensed weakness, seized the opportunity to defeat it; their victory proved shortlived, however, and the flame was soon rekindled. This conflagration then spread north to Germany and Russia. In Prussia it took the form of socialism, in Russia of Nihilism. "A young Nihilist woman in the land of the absolutism dared to fire a bullet quite deliberately at the police chief. She found many supporters. And a socialist youth in the land of hegemony dared to fire thrice at the great conquering king." The flame then rememberd its old home, the East, where movements of politics and ethical religion began, spreading to Iran, the ancient home of the prophet Zorosaster. There some thirty years before, Ishaq writes, the Babi religion grew up around the Bab, a Mahdi or messianic figure. The Babis mounted an insurrection against the government, showing an unparalleled boldness and daring. After their leader was killed, a group of Babis fired on the shah in an attempt to assassinate him, in which endeavor they failed. But as recently as 7 April 1878 Babis posing as disgruntled soldiers had penetrated the shah's security and managed to attack his carriage with stones, wounding some retainers. The other manifestation of the fire of liberty in the East, Ishaq avers, occurred in Istanbul, where its traces were apparent in the 1876 deposition of Sultan `Abdu'l-`Aziz. The Ottoman state had fought the advocates of liberty, arresting and exiling them. Ishaq therefore views the Young Ottomans and Ottoman constitutionalism as a link in the great chain of intellectual movements for liberty." - Juan R. I. Cole, Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East: Social and Cultural Origins of Egypt's `Urabi Movement (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993), p. 143. Ishaq's source of information about Babism was presumably Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, with whom he was close; but here he gives a positive view of Babism, in contrast to the article al-Afghani wrote for the Beirut Encyclopedia of Butrus al-Bustani.
Sumbangan Ismail Raji al-Faruqi dalam dialog antara agama Mohamad Rasyidi Othman. BP42 A2 UM 2009 MOHRO Dissertation (M.Usuluddin) -- Jabatan Akidah dan Pemikiran Islam, Akademi Pengajian Islam, Universiti Malaya, 2009. 2009 Toward a critical world theology al-Faruqi, Ismail Raji

SOURCE: International Conference of Islamization of Knowledge (3rd: 1984: Kuala Lumpur).

INTRODUCING ScienceOn1, TAWHIDIC-BASED SCIENCE : PERINTISS TAKE ON THE ISLAMISATION OF PRESENT-DAY KNOWLEDGE
Bismillah Walhamdulillah Was Salaatu Was Salaam 'ala Rasulillah As-Salaam Alaikum Wa-Rahmatullahi Wa-Barakatuhu 21st Jumada al-Awwal 1434 (2nd April 2013) Narrated 'Aisha (Radi-Allahu 'anha): Whenever the Prophet (Sallallahu 'Alaihi Wa Sallam) went to bed every night, he used to cup his hands together and blow over it after reciting Surat Al-Ikhlas, Surat Al-Falaq and Surat An-Nas, and then rub his hands over whatever parts of his body he was able to rub, starting with his head, face and front of his body. He used to do that three times. Bukhari Vol. 6 : No. 536

Fikih Imam Syafi'i (Terjemahan Kitab al-Umm) Fikih Imam Syafi'i | Judul Asal
('Arab): Al-Umm li Imam Muhammad B. Idris asy-Syafi'i (terbitan Daar al-Wafaa') | Tahqiq: Dr. Rif'at Fauzi 'Abdul Muthalib | Penulis: Imam asy-Syafi'i rahimahullah (Wafat: 204H) | Penerbit: Pustaka Azzam | Berat: 4.7kg | Muka Surat: 4 Jilid lengkap.

Ini adalah hasil terjemahan dari kitab Al-Umm edisi lengkap berserta tahqiq karya Imam asy-Syafi'i rahimahullah (Wafat: 204H). Cuma bagi edisi terjemahan ini, penerbit (atau penterjemah) hanya berkenan menterjemahkan secara lengkap bagi bab-bab perbahasan yang menyangkut urusan ibadah sahaja, manakala bagi perbahasan mu'amalah ditinggalkan dan tidak diterjemahkan. Tetapi mungkin akan diusahakan pada masa-masa mendatang. Jadi, bagi edisi ini, terjemahannya lengkap mencakupi perbahasan Thaharah, Haid, Solat, Solat-solat Sunnah, 'Ied (hari raya), hukum-hakam murtad, Jenazah, Zakat, Puasa, I'tikaf, Haji, Korban, Buruan, Sembelihan, Makanan, sehinggalah terhenti ke bab perbahasan Nadzar. Ia diterjemahkan lengkap menjadi 4 jilid. Jika dibandingkan dengan edisi arabnya, ia terdiri dari 11 jilid lengkap dengan tahqiq Dr. Rif'at Fauzi 'Abdul Muthalib. Dan edisi terjemahan ini hanya menterjemahkan secara lengkap sampai setakat jilid 3 yang awal (dari edisi asal bahasa arab), lengkap dari bab yang awal bermula dari perbahasan thaharah sampai bab nadzar. Walau apa pun, ini semua tetap memiliki faedah yang besar bagi para pencinta kitab hasil karya para ulama generasi awal, khususnya karya Imam asy-Syafi'i ini. Para pencinta ilmu pasti gembira dengan terhasilnya edisi terjemahan ini terutamanya yang menyangkut halhal ibadah. Ini sekaligus membantu para pengamal mazhab asy-Syafi'i di nusantara ini khasnya. Usaha ini amat membantu kita semua dalam membuat semakkan dan rujukkan

berkaitan perbahasan fiqh dan ibadah dengan rujukan asalnya secara ilmiyah dan sahih. Sekaligus meningkatkan maklumat, ilmu, capaian, dan keluasan pembacaan kita dalam memahami mazhab imam asy-Syafi'i ini. Kitab Al-Umm Kitab al-Umm ini adalah sebuah kitab yang dikumpulkan oleh murid Imam asy-Syafii iaitu Imam ar-Rabi B. Sulaiman al-Muradi (Wafat: 270H). Beliau menghimpunnya sama ada ketika sebaik mendengar bab-bab atau perbahasan-perbahasan kandungannya tersebut secara langsung daripada asy-Syafii atau di masa yang lain. Juga berdasarkan apa yang beliau temui dalam bentuk-bentuk tulisan asy-Syafii rahimahullah. Kata al-Hafiz Ibnu Hajar al-Asqalani rahimahullah (Wafat: 852H), Jumlah kitab (perbahasan) dalam kitab al-Umm mencapai lebih dari 140 bab, wallahu alam. Ia dimulakan dengan perbahasan tentang thaharah (bersuci), kemudian kitab ash-sholah, dan seterusnya yang mana beliau susun berdasarkan bab-bab fiqh. (Dinukil dari kitab Manhaj al-Imam asy-Syafii fii Itsbaat al-Aqiidah karya Dr. Muhammad al-Aql, m/s. 48 Maktabah Adhwa as-Salaf) Perbahasan yang terkandung dalam kitab al-Umm ini merangkumi pelbagai asas dan penjabaran persoalan agama yang sangat luas. Bahkan ia boleh dikatakan sebagai himpunan perbahasan yang mengumpulkan pendapat-pendapat imam asy-Syafii rahimahullah dalam bidang fiqh, tafsir, dan hadis. Di antara perbahasannya mencakupi aspek thaharah, solat, hari raya, zakat, jenazah, puasa, haji, ibadah korban, perburuan, nadzar, jual beli, wasiat, faraidh, peperangan, jihad, pernikahan, hudud, qishash, dan banyak lagi yang lainnya. Muhammad B. Idris Asy-Syafi'i rahimahullah atau yang lebih dikenali dengan nama Imam asy-Syafi'i adalah tokoh besar yang tidak asing lagi namanya di kalangan umat islam. Kepakaran beliau di dalam pelbagai cabang ilmu Islam tidak diragukan oleh para ulama. Beliaulah yang meletakkan dasar ilmu hadis dan ushul fiqih melalui karya monumentalnya, ar-Risalah. Di pelbagai belahan dunia Islam, khususnya di Asia Tenggara, termasuk Indonesia dan Malaysia. Mazhab Syafi'i menjadi pegangan utama umat Islam. Ertinya di dalam menjalankan aktiviti-aktiviti keagamaan yang berkaitan dengan persoalan ibadah dan mu'amalah mereka akan memilih dan mengamalkan (mengutamakan) pendapatpendapat yang berkembang dalam mazhab Syafi'i. Akan tetapi di antara yang sangat disayangkan adalah: masih ada, bahkan tidak sedikit di antara umat islam yang mendakwa dirinya pengikut mazhzab imam Syafi'i bahkan yang fanatik di antara mereka ternyata sebenarnya tidak mengenali siapa sebenarnya Imam Syafi'i, juga tidak tahu apa karya-karya Imam asy-Syafi'i. Jangankan ditanya tentang karyakarya ilmiah, aqidah, manhaj, atau pandangan Iman Syafi'i terhadap pentingnya berpegang

teguh kepada al-Qur'an dan as-Sunnah, masa dan tempat al-Imam dilahirkan pun banyak yang tidak tahu. Jangan hairan sekiranya ada yang menyangka Imam Syafi'i adalah orang Asia Tenggara sehingga fiqh-nya dianggap khusus untuk orang Asia Tenggara.
Pada zaman dulu, ada dua orang nelayan, seorang mukmin dan seorang lagi kafir. Pada suatu hari kedua-duanya turun ke laut untuk menangkap ikan. Semasa menebar jala, nelayan kafir menyebut nama tuhan berhalanya. Hasil tangkapannya amat banyak. Berlainan pula dengan nelayan mukmin.

Apabila menebar jalanya, si-mukmin itu menyebut nama Allah. Hasilnya tidak ada seekor pun ikan yang tersangkut pada jaringnya. Hingga ke lewat senja, nelayan mukmin tidak berjaya mendapat sebarang ikan manakala si-kafir itu kembali dengan membawa ikan yang sangat banyak. Meskipun pulang dengan tangan kosong, namun nelayan mukmin itu tetap bersabar serta redha dengan apa yang Allah takdirkan. Si-kafir yang membawa berbakul-bakul ikan pulang dengan rasa bangga dan bongkak. Malaikat yang melihat keadaan nelayan mukmin ini berasa simpati lalu mengadu kepada Allah. Allah memperlihatkan kepada malaikat tempat yang disediakan olehNya untuk nelayan mukmin itu; iaitu sebuah syurga. Berkata malaikat "Demi Allah, sesungguhnya tidak memberi erti apa-apa pun penderitaan di dunia ini jika dia mendapat tempat di syurga Allah." Setelah itu Allah memperlihatkan tempat yang disediakan untuk nelayan kafir. Berkata malaikat "Alangkah malangnya nasib si-kafir. Sesungguhnya tidak berguna langsung apa yang dia dapat di dunia dulu sedangkan tempat kembalinya adalah neraka jahannam." MORAL & IKTIBAR Kediaman mukmin adalah di syurga manakala kediaman kafir adalah di neraka Dunia adalah syurga orang kafir Kekayaan dan kemewahan di dunia tidak semestinya berkekalan di akhirat Kesusahan orang mukmin di dunia tidak seberapa jika dibandingkan dengan kenikmatan yang disediakan di syurga Kesenangan orang kafir di dunia tak berbaloi jika dibandingkan dengan azab seksa yang disediakan di neraka Kesenangan atau kesusahan seseorang bukan menjadi kayu ukur bagi keredhaan Allah; yang menjadi penentu ialah keimanan terhadapNya Kesusahan di dunia bukan bermakna Allah tidak menyukai seseorang Begitu juga kemewahan yang Allah berikan kepada seseorng bukan bermakna Allah meredhainya Redha di atas takdir Ilahi adalah sifat mukmin sejati Jangan berputus asa, kecewa atau sedih apabila melihat orang kafir senang dan mewah dalam kehidupan di dunia Keimanan seseorang adalah lebih mahal daripada dunia dan isinya. Apalah maknanya kemewahan jika tidak mensyukuri dan beriman dengan Allah

Innovation is the first step for going astray and off the righteous way. Shaykh Abu Adnan explains in this series the definition, elements and consequences of Bidaah (innovation). To expound your knowledge on this dangerous trait

The Creed of Ahl-us-Sunnah-wal-Jamaa'ah concerning the Sahaabah

Abdul-Muhsin Al-'Abbad

Category: Aqeedah of Ahlus-Sunnah wal Jamaa'ah

-An Incomplete History The Muslims of Spain Post 897h - 1492A.D In A Global Context And Its Relevance to Muslims Today

Various Scholars
Category: Islamic History Publication Date: 3 Rabi' al-thani 1434 (2/13/13)

Muhaddithat: The Women Scholars in Islam

Mohammad Akram Nadwi

Category: Hadith Studies - Mustalah al-Hadith (Classification of Hadith) & its sciences Publication Date: 15 Rabi' al-thani 1434 (2/25/13)

this book is an adaptation of the Muqaddima or Preface to Mohammad Akram s 40-volume biographical dictionary (in Arabic) of the Muslim women who studied and taught hadith. It presents, samples and reflects on the information in the dictionary. It demonstrates the central role Muslim women have had in preserving the Prophet s teaching, which remains the master-guide to understanding the Qur an as rules and norms for life. Non-Muslims ignorant of the history here documented, and some Muslims afflicted by a different ignorance, have argued that education for women carried no importance in normative Islam. The opposite is true. Within the bounds of modesty in dress and manners, women routinely attended and gave classes in the major mosques and madrasas, travelled intensively for the knowledge , transmitted and critiqued hadith, issued fatwas, etc. Some of the most renowned scholars among men have depended on, and praised, the scholarship of their women teachers. The women, in short, enjoyed considerable public authority in society, not as an exception, but as the norm. Akram has pointed up a huge body of information hitherto so dispersed as to be hidden . This information deserves further study, context and analysis; it is essential to understanding the role of women in Islamic society, their past achievement and future potential. Cover: The map shows the study journeys of Fatima bint Sa d al-Khayr, and of her principal teachers and students. Her family moved from Valencia to the western edge of China where she was born; she died in Cairo in 600 AH. (Details, ch. 3.) Cover: The map shows the study journeys of Fatima bint Sa d al-Khayr, and of her principal teachers and students. Her family moved from Valencia to the western edge of China where she was

born; she died in Cairo in 600 AH.

Milestones
Sayyid Qutb Few thinkers have had such an influence on the contemporary Islamic thought as ash-shaheed Sayyid Qutb. Since his execution in 1964 in Cairo, his death became the perfect illustration of one of the processes through which a human being becomes part of the revolutionary movement aimed at changing the world and bringing in a new ethical moral order based on freedom, brotherhood, and justice for all. Islam stands for change. It seeks to change the individual and the society. This change covers every aspect of human life: form personal morality to business economics and politics. It is only natural that Islam should be fought by those who want to keep the status quo. This is the way it has always been throughout history: Adam to Nuh, Ibrahrim, Musa, Isa, and Muahmmad (peace be upon them). It will happen to anyone who wants to stand up and proclaim the true message of Islam to the world.
?). . ? ( , , , . - - ; ; ; ; , , , ! ! , , . , ; ; ; ; . , , , , . . . , , ; . . . . , . , , , , , . . ; , . ; , ; , ; , . . . .

Kitab Fiqih dalam Mazhab Syafii Rhl. Yang dikarang oleh Ulama-ulama Syafii dari abad keabad adalah mewarisi pusaka ilmu, kitab-kitab tersebut dikarang oleh sahabat-sahabat Imam Syafii Rhl. (Ulamaulama pengikut Syafii) sudah demikian banyaknya. Hampir setiap ulama itu mengarang kitab Fikih syafii untuk dijadikan pusaka bagi murid-muridnya dan bagi pencinta-pencintanya sampai akhir zaman. Tidak terhintung lagi banyaknya kerana di antaranya ada yang tidak sampai ke tangan kita, tidak pernah kita melihat dan bahkan kadang-kadang ada yang tidak pernah didengari mengenai kitab-kitab dari segi nama kitabnya, pengarangnya, bahkan tidak mengetahui langsung tentang hal kitab dan para ulama bagi penuntut ilmu islam. Fenomena ini perlu kita sedari bahwa, hal demikian perlu diambil tahu dan peka bagi setiap penuntut ilmu dari siapa kitab menuntut ilmu, dan dari mana kitab mengambil rujukan hukumnya. Kerana dikhuatiri tiada panduan di dalam menetapkan hukum islam. Menjadi tanggungjawab kita mengetahui hal demikian moga-moga jelas hukumnya, dan benar pengambilannya. Untuk diketahui lebih mendalam di bawah ini kami sediakan sebuah gambar rajah yang dapat mengambarkan situasi yang telah berlangsung dalam memperjelas, memperinci dan meringkaskan kitab-kitab Syafiiyyah dari dulu sampai sekarang. Keterangan : 1. Kitab-kitab Imam Syafii. Al-Imla dan al-Hujjah adalah kitab-kitab Qaul qadim yang digunakan lagi, kerana semua isinya sudah termasuk dalam kitab-kitab Qaul Jadid. 2. Kitab-kitab Imam Syafii yang diguna sebagai kitab induk adalah kitab Umm, Mukhtasar, Buwaiti dll. 3. Imam haramain mengikhtisarkan (memendekkan) kitab-kitab Imam syafii dengan kitabnya yang bernama An-Nihayah. 4. Imam Ghazali memendekkan juga kitab-kitab Imam Syafii dengan kitab-kitabnya yang bernama AlBasith, Al-wasith, Al-Wajiz. 5. Imam Ghazali juga mengikhtisarkan lagi dengan kitabnya yang bernama Al-Khulasoh. 6. Imam Rafii mensyarahkan kitab Imam Ghazali Al-Wajiz dengan kitabnya yang bernama Al-Aziz. 7. Dan Imam Rafii juga memendekkan kitab Imam Ghazali Al-Khulasoh dengan kitabnya yang bernama Al-Muharrar. 8. Imam Nawawi memendekkan dan menambah di sana sini kitab Al-Muharrar itu dengan kitabnya yang bernama MINHAJUT THALIBIN (Minhaj).

9. Kitab Imam Nawawi, Minhaj disyarahkan oleh Imam Ibnu Hajar al-Haitami dengan kitabnya Tuhfa, oleh Imam Ramli dengan kitabnya An Nihayah, oleh Imam Zakaria al-Anshori dengan kitabnya yang bernama Minhaj jug, oleh Imam Khatib Syarbaini dengan Mughni al-Muntaj.(Kitab-kitab tersebut dalam nombor 8 dan 9 ini banyak beredar di pasentren). 10. Dan Imam Rafii pernah mensyarah kitab karangan Imam Ghazali Al-Wajiz dengan kitabnya yang bernama Al-Ajiz. 11. Imam Nawawi pernah memendekkan kitab Imam Rafii denagn kitabnya yang bernama Ar-Raudhah. 12. Imam Quzwaini pernah memendekkan kitab Al-Ajiz dengan kitabnya yang bernama Al-Hawi. 13. Kitab Al-Hawi pernah diikhtisarkan oleh Ibnul Muqri dengan kitabnya yang bernama Al-Irsyad dan kitab al-Irsyad ini disyarah oleh Ibnu Hajar al-Haitami dengan kitabnya yang bernama Fathul Jawad dan juga dengan kitabnya yang bernama Al-Imdad. 14. Kitab Imam Nawawi bernama Ar-Raudhah pernah diiktisarkan oleh Imam Ibnu Muqri dengan nama Ar-Roudh dan oleh Imam mazjad dengan Al-Ubab. 15. Kitab Ibnul Muqri Al-Irsyad pernah disayarah oleh Imam Ibnu Hajar dengan kitabnya yang bernama Al-Imdad, dan dengan kitabnya bernama Fathul Jawad. 16. Kitab Ar-Roudh dari Ibnul Muqri pernah disyarah oleh Imam Zakaria Al-Anshori dengan nama Asnal Mathalib. 17. Imam Zakaria al-Anshori pernah mensyarah kitabnya yang bernama Al-Minhaj dengan kitabnya yang bernama Fathul Wahab. Demikianlah keterangan ringkas dari jalur kitab-kitab dalam Mazhab Syafii yang sangat teratur rapi, yang merupakan suatu kesatuan yang tidak dapat dipisahkan satu sama lain. (ibaratnya daripada penulis, ia bagaikan sebuah keluarga dari jalur keturunan). Kemudian banyak lagi kitab-kitab fikih Syafii yang dikarang oleh Ulama mutaakhirin yang tidak tersebut dalam jalur ini kerana terlalu banyak, seperti kitab-kitab Al-Mahalli karangan Imam Jalaluddin al-Mahalli, Kitab Fathul Muin karangan al-Malibari, Kitab Ianahtut Thalibin karangan Said Abu Bakar Syatha dan lain-lain yang banyak sekali. Dengan perantaraan kitab-kitab ini kita sudah dapat memahami dan mengamalkan fatwa fiqih dalam Mazhab Syafii secara teratur dan secara rapid an terperinci, yang kesimpulannya sudah dapat mengamalkan syariat dan ibadah Islam dengan sebaik-baiknya.

Sumber Rujukan: - Kiai.Haji. (K.H.) Siradjuddin Abbas, Sejarah & Keagungan Mazhab Syafii, Pustaka Tarbiyah baru, Jakarta,2007. ABSTRACT The article deals with the idea of islamisation, its brief history and progress. The idea of islamisation and the islamisation of present-day knowledge are often misunderstood. Some views the idea as unnecessary while some others sceptically doubt its success. Knowledge is not neutral, thus it comes with the worldview of one who propagates it. ScienceOn1, tawhidic (oneness of God)-based science as Persatuan Saintis Muslim (Muslim Scientist Organisation), PERINTISs take on the islamisation of present-day knowledge proposes measures to actualise the idea. KEYWORDS : islamisation, knowledge, islamisation of present-day knowledge, worldview

1.0

INTRODUCTION

The progress in science and technology plays a significant role in the development of a nation, Muslim and Non-Muslim alike. As science and technology is generally accepted as the product of the west, their philosophy, principles, and concepts, that underlie it are alien to Muslim beliefs. Hence, a dilemma arises whether to wholly embrace or to venture into it with caution. Being Muslims, our engagement with science and technology dated far back into the middle of the seventh century as the Umayyads in Syria began encountering with manuscripts on natural sciences in Greek and Syriac language. Within a century of the Abassids rule, which began in 750 A.C. almost all had been translated into Arabic. Henceforth, the appropriation, enrichment and development of sciences began in earnest and moulded into the worldview of Islam. In more specific terms, the materials of the various sciences procured by the Muslims from diverse sources during the first three centuries of Islamic history, were gradually integrated and absorbed into the unitary perspective of Islam. [1] As of today, the Muslim intellectual and scientific heritage remains obscure despite the fact it once set to revolutionize the intellectual tradition of the west on the Andalusian plain. In addition, the Western science and technology assumes the role once played by the former. Realising the crucial role of science and technology, the Muslims today have to tread on the footsteps of the early Muslim scholars and scientists and notably al-Ghazali in his effort at the islamisation of the Greek philosophical treatises. In support of the idea, ScienceOn1 can be considered as an attempt by Persatuan Saintis Muslim, PERINTIS (Muslim Scientist Organization), at venturing into the Muslims once trodden field that is islamisation. Specifically, we hope to bring science and technology into the purview of tawhidic worldview.

2.0

A BRIEF HISTORY OF ISLAMISATION

The idea of islamisation is in fact a revolutionary thought of the modern day. Since the middle of the twentieth century, the Muslims are not able to treat present-day knowledge with justice. Although articles, books, academic papers have been published and debated, however many fail to grasp the intended purpose of islamisation. Confusion has led to losing its real meaning simply because of lack of caution and careful explanation. As a result, its failure is often associated with the idea itself. A number of Muslim contemporary scholars have attempted to highlight the problem of contemporary knowledge but they fell short of providing the solution. Sir Muhammad Iqbal, for example had long been aware of the weakness and the imbalanced nature of the modern Western civilization. Although he showed concern, he did not provide further explanation and steps for implementation of islamisation. [2] Professor Syed Hussein, on the other hand, opines that ones interpretation of facts of nature is indirectly influenced by his worldview. He agrees that the Muslims are able to absorb and integrate appropriate elements of other sciences provided he or she has the general idea of the worldview of Islam.*2+ His significant contribution in islamisation is The Encounter of Man and Nature inSufi perspective dealing with the crisis of epistemology in Western Civilisation. [3] Likewise, he too does not elaborate islamisation as a conscious, educational and philosophical program. In support of the idea of islamisation, Dr Jaafar Syeikh Idris debates on the aspects of socio-political of the Muslims but is silent on aspects of thoughts and knowledge. It was only after islamisation has been widely discussed, he proposes among others that knowledge should rest on the solid foundations of Islam, its scope be widened, discover new facts and see old ones in the Islamic worldview. [4] Notably, Prof Dr Syed Muhammad Naquib al-Attas defines with clarity the concept, process of islamisation and those aspects that relate to worldview, knowledge and the concept of university. As early as in the 1960s, he debates the idea of islamisation in his well-known study of history of the arrival of Islam and her influence in the Malay culture. Again in 1969, the idea of islamisation is highlighted in Prelimanary Statement on the General Theory of the Islamisation of the Malay Indonesian Archipelago. He asserts that the islamisation process has completely altered the Malays worldview on truth and existence academically and scientifically. On the occasion of his conferment of professorship of Malay language and literature, he lectures on the role of Islam in building Malay culture and civilization. During the First World Conference of Islamic Education in 1977 at Makkah, he elaborates on the characteristics of knowledge as being shaped by the worldview of any/certain civilization. He clarifies the concept of islamisation of the present-day knowledge, problems of knowledge, purpose and meaning of knowledge, the meaning of education as well as the concept of Islamic university. In Islam and Secularism he elaborates on background history of the thought and western Christian civilization, the meaning of secular, secularization and secularism, the concept of Din, fundamentals of Islamic character, the problems of Ummah and islamisation of knowledge. Finally, in 1980 during the Second World Conference of Islamic Education at Islamabad, he espouses on educational system and the characteristic of Arabic language as being scientific. [5] It was al-Faruqi, who asserts that the malaise of the Ummah lies in education. *6+ He proposes to recast the whole legacy of human knowledge from the standpoint of Islam *7+

3.0

NATURE AND PURPOSE OF ISLAMISATION

Islamisation is in fact an effort to bring about true actualization ofubudiyah, total submission to Allah S.W.T. Islamisation involves a two way process, which are the liberation of and the devolution to ones fitrah, natural tendency. The Prophet P.B.U.H. set a precedent with respect to these two aspects in his engagement with and transformation of the Arabs of the jahili, pagan society. Islamisation first liberates the mind and then thought through islamisation of language. At the time of the Prophet P.B.U.H. the process was executed through the language of the Quran, which redefines the meaning of for example karim, kufr, and illah. In fact, the first five ayah, verses of the Quran from Surah, ChapteralAlaq (the Clot), 1) Proclaim! (or Read) in the name of your Lord and Cherisher, who created 2) Created man, out of a leech-like clot. 3) Proclaim! And your Lord is Most Bountiful, 4) He Who taught (the use of) the Pen, 5) Taught man that which he knew not.[8] had transformed the worldview of the Arab society with respect to their theological, metaphysical and epistemological dimensions. In sum, islamisation is the liberation of man i) ii) first from magical, mythological, animistic and national, cultural tradition opposed to Islam and then from secular control over his reason and language.[9]

iii) and also from subservience to his physical demands which incline towards the secular and injustice to his true self or soul for man as physical being inclines towards forgetfulness of his true nature, becoming ignorant of his true purpose and unjust to it.[10]

4.0

ISLAMISATION OF PRESENT-DAY KNOWLEDGE

The main challenge in the area of islamisation is that of knowledge itself. Knowledge has lost its true objective and become the source of confusion and doubts. The content of education is no longer the true knowledge in fact it is knowledge masqueraded along with confused and harmful values. The concept of western knowledge is a problem, void of direction and true meaning since the present-day or the modern knowledge is founded on, interpreted and projected through the worldview, intellectual vision and psychological perception of the Western culture and civilisation. *11+ The essential spirit of this culture and civilisation are characterised inter-relatedly by

a) reliance upon the powers of human reason alone to guide man through life b) adherence to the validity of the dualistic vision of reality and truth c) affirmation of evanescent aspect of existence projecting a secular worldview d) espousal of doctrine of humanism e) emulation of the allegedly universal reality of drama and tragedy in the spiritual, or transcendental, or inner life of man, making drama and tragedy real and dominant elements in human nature and existence. [11] In short, the present-day knowledge is understood and elaborated according to western worldview, which is supported by elements of secularism, dualism, humanism and tragedy.

5.0

PROSESS OF IMPLEMENTATION AT THE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION

LEVEL At the educational institution level, Islamisation is implemented via organization of hierarchy of knowledge scheme which includes the reality and existence according to the hierarchy comprising the Creator, the Messengers, man, animals et cetera. Neglecting this aspect will result in chaos and disorder. The challenge, which confronts education, is to determine the exact and true position for every field of knowledge and skill. The consideration should include i) ii) that man is of ruh, spirit and body the position of naqli (revealed) knowledge with respect to aqli (acquired) knowledge

iii) the obligation between fard ayn, obligation towards the Self and fard kifayah, obligation towards the Society bearing in mind the dynamic nature of fard ayn as it increases according to the spiritual and intellectual abilities as well as social and professional responsibilities of a person and the integrative nature of the two.[12] As islamisation or dewesternization deals with problem of secularization, al-Attas proposes that first we isolate the key elements, western cultural influence from every discipline of knowledge especially human sciences. As for facts and theories of natural science, they must be interpreted in accordance with Islam by introducing Islamic concepts and principles in the thought and physical actions. Al-Attas proposes that these elements and concepts should replace those alien concepts. 1) the concept of religion (din) 2) the concept of man (insan) 3) the concept of knowledge (ilm and marifah)

4) the concept of wisdom (al-hikmah) 5) the concept of justice (adl) 6) the concept of right action (amal as adab) 7) the concept of the university (kuliyyah-jamiah) [12] Al-Faruqi opts for replacement of Western and Modern influences in metaphysics and sciences through mastery of modern discipline, mastery of Islamic legacy and creative synthesis between the two, which some find problematic. The problem lies in the fact that disciplines are not divided into water tight compartments and they arose out within the matrix of a particular worldview and organised hierarchically subordinated to that worldview.*13+ Mastery of Islamic legacy and command of modern science is sufficiently equipped for anyone to embark on Islamisation as viewed by Abu Sulayman.

5.1

ScienceOn1s Proposed Practical Implementation

Many groups have attempted to translate the idea of islamisation of knowledge into practical action. For one, in the early eighties the effort at Islamisation in school was seen practiced in Maktab Rendah Sains MARA Seremban (Seremban MARA Junior Science College). The effort is indirectly cited in the paperIslamisasi Pendidikan Di Sekolah : Prospek Dan Masalah(Islamisation of Education in School : Prospect And Problem) presented during National Seminar on Islamisation of Education : Meeting The Challenge which was held at the International Islamic University Malaysia (IIUM) in July 1999.[14] Next, the idea of islamisation is highlighted in Dinamika Kurikulum SRI-SMI : Antara Ideal Dan Realiti (Dynamics of Curriculum SRI-SMI : Between Ideal And Reality) [15] and is then proposed inModel Baru Dan Komponen Utama Dalam Kurikulum Al-Amin (New Model and Main Component in Al-Amins Curriculum)[16]. Finally, Projek MERKURI (MERKURI Project) clearly states the objectives of islamisation ofKurikulum Baru Sekolah Rendah, KBSR (New Curriculum of Primary School) and Kurikulum Bersepadu Sekolah Menengah, KBSM (Integrated Curriculum of Secondary School), which are to be attained by schools under Pusat Pendidikan Al-Amin (Al-Amin Education Centre).[17] By early 2002, the MERKURI Project committee successfully documented relevant parts of KBSR and KBSM curriculum in the light of Islamic perspective and were transmitted in respective classes. However, the attempt was met with challenges among others time constraints, change of syllabus and change in medium of instruction. It was then agreed that islamisation of curriculum is to be at the discretion of teachers. All these spirits are supporting the idea of islamisation as proposed by al-Faruqi. Upon realizing that islamisation has its own philosophical, theological and metaphysical dimensions as examined by Al-Attas, a concerted effort and a well laid out plan of execution is needed from all levels. As a starting point, PERINTIS will support the idea of islamisation of present-day knowledge in schools via ScienceOn1 project by organising the followings : 1) At the philosophical level : Synthesising, integrating and converging of ideas of islamisation and islamisation of present-day knowledge

2) At the translational level : Training of writers, instructors or teachers on the idea of islamisation and islamisation of present-day knowledge and what they entail. 3) At the implementational level : Educating the instructors or teachers on the use of teaching manuals on the islamisation of present-day knowledge These measures are to ensure all the interested parties will consolidate ideas and efforts in empowering and translating the idea of islamisation of present-day knowledge.

6.0

CONCLUSION

Islamisation of present-day knowledge is a process of description of facts, establishment and expression of meanings (at the individual and societal level) grounded on Islamic metaphysical sources. It is not merely transporting knowledge and Islamic principles within the framework of contemporary knowledge. Therefore, it calls for high knowledge ability that is in depth mastery of Islam as religion, culture and civilization. A re-look at the practices undertaken by various groups at translating the idea of islamisation of present-day knowledge is crucial. It is to avoid failure and in its stead to bear fruitful results. It should be emphasised that, the task before Muslim intelligentsia, then, is to develop, using the epistemology of Islam, alternative paradigms of knowledge for both natural and social sciences and mould disciplines most relevant to the needs of contemporary societies. [18]

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT The author would like to acknowledge PERINTIS for the support with regards to ScienceOn1 project and PPAA for providing the venue to implement the idea of islamisation of knowledge.

REFERENCES [1] Seyyed H. Nasr. 1976. The Three Muslim Sages. New York : Cravan Books.

[2] Ahmad Bazli, Shafie. 2001. Konsep Asal Islamisasi Ilmu (The Original Concept of Islamisation). In Seminar Pendidikan Islam Nasional (National Islamic Education Seminar) . International Islamic University, Malaysia. [3] Ziauddin, Sardar. 1985. Islamic Futures : The Shape of Ideas to Come. London and New York : Mansell Publishing Limited. 101.

[4] Wan Mohd Nor, W.D. 1998. : The Educational Philosophy and Practice of Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas : An Exposition of the Original Concept of Islamisation. Kuala Lumpur : ISTAC. 309-310. [5] Syed Muhammad Naquib, Al-Attas. 1999. The Concept of Education in Islam : A Framework for a Philosophy of Education. Kuala Lumpur : ISTAC. [6] Ismail Raji, al-Faruqi. 1989. Islamisation of Knowledge.Virginia : International Institute of Islamic

Thought.

Ziauddin, Sardar. 1985. Islamic Futures : The Shape of Ideas to Come. London and New York : Mansell Publishing Limited. 101.
[7]

[8] Yusuf Ali. 1998. Holy Quran : Meanings and Commentary. Kansas City : Manar International Corporation. [9] Wan Mohd Nor, W.D. 1998. : The Educational Philosophy and Practice of Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas : An Exposition of the Original Concept of Islamisation. Kuala Lumpur : ISTAC. 309-310. [10] Syed Muhammad Naquib, Al-Attas. 1999. The Concept of Education in Islam : A Framework for a Philosophy of Education. Kuala Lumpur : ISTAC. [11] Syed Muhammad Naquib, Al-Attas. 1993. Islam dan Secularism. Kuala Lumpur : International of Islamic Thought and Civilisation (ISTAC). 44. [12] Wan Mohd Nor, W.D. 1998. : The Educational Philosophy and Practice of Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas : An Exposition of the Original Concept of Islamisation. Kuala Lumpur : ISTAC. 309-310. [13] Ziauddin, Sardar. 1985. Islamic Futures : The Shape of Ideas to Come. London and New York : Mansell Publishing Limited. 101. [14] Nor Zalmiah, Jahidin. 1999. Islamisasi Pendidikan Di Sekolah : Prospek Dan Masalah (Islamisation of Education : Proespect and Problem), Jurnal Pendidikan Islam (IPI-ABIM), Kuala Lumpur. 8(4) : 43-54 [15] Nor Zalmiah, Jahidin. Dinamika Kurikulum SRI-SMI : Antara Ideal dan Realiti (The Dynamics of SRI-SMI Curriculum : Between Ideal and Reality). Retrieved on 12/30/2011 from http://www.al-amin.edu.my/kk2.pdf [16] Saari, S. Model Baru dan Komponen Utama dalam Kurikulum Al-Amin (The New Model and Main Component of Al-Amin Curriculum). Retrieved on 12/39/2011 from http://www.al-amin.edu.my/kk1.pdf [17] Projek MERKURI. Retrieved on 12/30/2011 from

http://www.al-amin.edu.my/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=112&Itemid=127 [18] Ziauddin, Sardar. 1985. Islamic Futures : The Shape of Ideas to Come. London and New York : Mansell Publishing Limited. 101. Pemegang Saham Kebangkitan Islam

Agenda kebangkitan Islam, ketika itu masih berjalan ditempat. Di tengag majelis-majelis terbatas yang dihadiri para intelektual dan ulama, di kota Kairo, Mesir, tema kebangkitan ini belum beranjak dari sekedar wacana. Tepatnya wacana pemikiran politik.Pada pengujung abad ke 19 itu, Jamaluddin AlAfghani mengangkat tema Pan Islamisme Sebab utama kemunduran umat Islam, katanya, adalah penjajahan negeri Barat atas dunia Islam. Jika ingin bangkit kembali, umat Islam, atau dunia Islam, harus bersatu melawan musuh bersama mereka: penjajahan.<!-- more -->

Suatu saat kemudian, reorang pemikir Syria, Abdurrahman Al-Kawakibi, datang menjelaskan tesis Al-Afghani tsb. Dalam buku Thabai'ul Istibdad, ia menulir, bahwa kemajuan setiap bangsa selalu dimulai dasi kebebasan dan kemerdekaan. Itulah landasan mentalitas bagi setiap usaha kebangkitan. Begitu tirani dan sang Tiran datang merenggut kebebasan sebuah bangsa, segera saja bangsa itu mengundurkan diri dari pentas sejarah. Jadi tirani adalah akar dari seluruh dosa peradaban dan politik. Kita harus segera membebaskan diri dari rengkuhan tirani itu, agar khta dapat memcangun peradaban lita sendiri. Dan, bagi Al-Afghan, hanya satu jalan untuk itu: Pan Islamisme. Umat Islam harus bersatu.

Dari majlis Al-Afghani yg terbatas di kota Kairo itu, muncul seorang murid, yang kemudian dikenal sbg seosang ulama besar dan pembaru dalam sejarah Islam modern, Muhammad Abduh. Ia menerima tesis Al-Afggani tentang kolonialisme dan penjajahan sebagai musuh utama. Tapi baginya, tesis itu tidak sempurna. Jalan politik raja tdk akan menyelesaikan masalah umat Islam. Jalan politik harus disempurnakan dg perbaikan pendidikan. Umat Islam bukan saja menghadapi masalah keterjajahan, tapi juga masalah keterbelakangan dan kemiskinan. Dan

kata kunci untuk kedua persoalan terakhir adalah pendidikan. Bersama seorang muridnya yang jenius Muhammad Rasyid Ridha, Abduh membukukan gagasan pembaruannya dalam Tafsir Almanar. Bagian lain yg berserakan kemudian dikumpulkan oleh seorang pemikir Mesir berhaluan kiri kemudian bertaubat, Muhamad Imarah, dalam AlA'mal Al-Kamilah.Itulah wacana yg berkembang di Mesir di pengujung abad ke 19 dan awal abad ke 20. Hampir seluruh bagian dunia Islam saat itu berkiblat ke Mesir, sebagai pusat kekuatan ilmiah dan spiritual dunia Islam, ketika khilafah Islamiyah di Turki sedang kedodoran menghadapi konspirasi internasinnal, di samping secara sistematis diisoasi dari negara-negara Islam lainnya, khususnya negara-negara Arab, melalui itu nasionalisme. Salah satu pengaruhnya adalah munculnya pergerakan Muhammadiyah di Yogyakara di bawah pimpinan KH. Ahmad Dahlan, tahun 1912.

Perencana sosialPendahuluan sejarah ini agaknya pentng diketengahlan untuk mendapatkan gambaran yang lebih jel.s tentang maqom seosang pemikir dan pelaku sejarah yg sedang kita bicarakan: Hasan Al-Banna. Sebab lelaki sejarah ini memang lahir di tengah wacana pemikiran seperui itu, tepatnya pd th 1906.Proses kebangkitan sebuah bangsa atau umat pertama-tama haruslah di pandang sebagai sebuah proyek peradaban yg besar dan kompleks. Proses itu terdiri dari sekian banyak pekerjaan yg bersifat sikuensial, bertahap, komprehensf dan integral. Tentu saja itu membutuhkan waktu yg panjang. Dalam pendekatan seperti itu, proses kebangkitan sebuah umat haruslah dikelola dg metode-metode perencanaan statregi sosial. Dan itulah yg kemudian dilakukan Hasan Al-Banna.Ia memulai pekerjaannya dengan menganalisa kondisi internal umat islam serta lingkungan strategis yg mempengaruhinya. Setelah itu ia menetapkan sasaran dan target tertinggi yg harus dicapai oleh umat Islam, sebagai misi hidup yg dibebankan kepadanya. Yaitu menegakkan khilafah dan senjadi soko guru umat manusia. Atas dasar itulah ia menetapkan pilihan strategi

perjuangannya, serta alfabet pekerjaan-pekerjaannya dalam kerangka strategi besar itu. Siapapun yg meneliti tulisan-tulisan al-Banna, serta wariran terbesarnya, alIkhwanul muslimin, akan dg yakin mengatakan, bahwa beliau adalah seorang perencana sosial yang ulung. Setelah ia menyelesaikan -peta masalah- dunia Islam, menetapkan sasaran targetnya, ia memulai pekerjaannya dg mendirikan sebuah organisasi, Al-Ikhwanul Muslimin pd th 1928, tepat ketika ia berusia 22 tahun. Ia menyadari sepenuhnya, bahwa gagasan-gagasan besar hanya akan menjadi kenyataan jika ia bekerja di dalam melalui organisasi. Maka jejaknya yg paling abadi adalah ia mentransformasi wacana kebangkitan islam menjadi sebuah gerakan, yg bekerja pada semua lini kehidupan umat. Pikiran adalah arah, tapi gerakan adalah tanda kehidupan. Umat ini sama sekali tidak mempunyai sebuah struktur yg kuat. Struktur sosal para pemimpin, yg akan mengisi lokomotif pembawa gerbong bernama umat. Itulah sebabnya, organisasi yg dibentuknya memfokuskan diri pada kerja-kerja rekonstruksi sosial, yg terutama bertumpu pada pembangunan manusia, pembentukan kader. Aset perubahan Albanna percaya bahwa perubahan besar harus dilakukan, dg cepat tapi tidak harus menempuh jalan pintas. Al-Banna sang.t percaya pd prinsip pertumbuhan yg cepat namun terkendali. Sebab perubahan yg terlalu cepat tidak selalu merupakan karunia bagi umat. Perubahan besar dan cepat harus dimulai dari manusia. Karena itu, begitu ia merasa relatif selesai dari pekerjaan ini, sepuluh tahun kemudian, ia memutuskan untuk memasuki jalan tol kebangkitan Islam. Organisasi yg semula bekerja secara rahasia, kini telah memiliki aset perubahan yg memadai. Namanya kader. Karena itu ia memutuskan untuk bekerja secara terbuka. Pada dasawarsa kedua organisasinya, Mesir telah menjadi zona terpanas seluruh

dunia Islam. Ia telah menjadi ruh kebangkitan bangsa Mesir, dan bagian lain di dunia Islam. Kader-kader Ikwan ada pada seluruh lapisan sosial masyarakat Mesir, dan bekerja pd hampir semua jenis profesi. Seperti kata Iqbal, daun-daun yg berserakan kini telah menjadi satu. Gaung perubahan dan kebangkitan segera membahana ke seluruh pelosok Mesir dan beberapa negara tetangganya. Mesir di ambang sesbuah perubahan besar dlm sejarahnya. Dari sebuah gerakan kader yg kecil pd th 1928, Ikhwan berkembang menjadi gerakan massa yg memenuhi seluruh pojok negeri itu. Bukan hanya itu. Ikhwan bahkan berkembang menjadi sebuah miniatur negara, karena ia mengerjakan sebagian besar pekerjaan yg merupakan tugas dan fungsi negara. Ia mendirikan sekolah, rumah sakit, klub olah raga, forum ilmiah, lembaga riset, masjid, perusahaan dan lainnya. Ia mengelola aktivitas ibadah, pendidikan, bisnis, sosial dan politik. Ia telah mengintegrasikan empat kekuatan sekalhkus: konsep, kader, masa dan organisasi. Tapi karena itulah ia menjadi ancaman bagi barat. Hanya dua tahun setelah kelahiran Al-Ikhwan, tapatnya pd th 1930, seorang orientalis Inggris, Hamilton Gibb, menulis dalam -Pemikiran Islam Modern-, sebuah rekomendasi untuk pemerintah Inggris. Dua tahun, kata Gibb, memang tidak cukup untuk mengambil kesimpulan apapun tentang organisasi Ikhwan. Tapi intuisinya nengatakan, organisasi ini kelak menjadi ancaman bagi Inggris. Ia harus di awasi. Hanya berkisar 18 th kemudian, ramalan terbukti bagi Inggris. Al-Banna telah menjadi ancaman. Ia harus diakhiri. Pada tahn 1948, sebutir peluru mengakhiri hidup al-Banna. Ia Syahid muda. Usianya baru genap 42 tahun. Tapi sesungguhnya Al-Banna tidak mati. Umur sejarahnya lebih panjang dari umur biologisnya. Bahkan ketika pimpinannya dipenjara setelah kematiannya selama lebih dari 20 tahun, al-Banna tidak juga mati. Ikhwan juga tidak mati. Al-Banna dan ikhwan justru menyebar keseluruh penjuru dunia, setidaknya di lebih dari 70 negara Islam. Al-Banna dan Ihkwan telah menjadi legenda kebangkitan islam.

Albanna memang tidak sempat menyelesaikan seluruh agenda kebangkitannya. Tapi ia telah memulainya dg benar, dan menyelesaikan beberapa tahapannya. Namun kader-kadernya mengetahui apa yg harus mereka lakukan setelah kepergian al banna.Mungkin tidak peting bagi al-Banna untuk disebut sebagai bapak revolusi, atau bapak perubahan, atau bapak pembaruan, atau sejenisnya. Tapi kita, atau tidak-tidaknya saya, bisa mengakatan bahwa Al-Banna adalah pemegang saham terbesar dari fenomena kebangkitan Islam abad 20.[M. Anis Matta] [Sabili, NO. 01 TH. X 25 JULI 2002/ 14 JUMADIL AWAL 1423
PARLEMEN ANTI TESIS MONARKI: GAGASAN SISTEM PARLEMEN JAMALUDIN AL-AFGHANIOleh Hatib Rachmawan
Jamaluddin al-Afghani merupakan tokoh politik sekaligus pembaharu yang sangat dikenal di dunia Islam.Dari tangannya banyak melahirkan tokoh-tokoh terkenal, baik di bidang politik maupun di bidang pemikiran, salah satunya yang paling terkenal di dunia pemikiran adalah Muhammad Abduh.Semasa hidupnya, usaha-usaha politiknya tidak banyak memberikan perubahan, namun sepeninggalnya namanya dikenang dan pikiran-pikirannya terus tumbuh tersebar di berbagai belahan dunia Islam. Di bidang pemikiran Jamaludin al-Afghani banyak menanamkan pentingnya filsafat untuk memperkuat paham agama Islam, ketimbang menyerang balik filsafat, sebagaimana yang dilakukan al-Ghazali dalam bukunya at-Tahafudz al-Falsifa.[1]Kematangan Jamaluddin al-Afghani dalam menjelaskanperan filsafat atasagama mampu merubah cara pandang Muhammad Abduh, sehingga pikirannya menjadi sangat rasional, bahkan melebihi mutazilah. Meskipun banyak menggunakan filsafat, namun Jamaluddin al-Afghani juga kritis terhadap bangunan filsafat barat yang mencoba melepaskan agama, atau bahkan menolak kehadiran Tuhan.Bukunya arRadu ala Dahriyin menjadi bukti kritik tersebut.Buku tersebut ditulisnya untuk menghantam berkembangya faham naturalisme (Darwinisme) dan atheisme yang dibawa penjajah Inggris di dunia timur.[2] Sementara itu pikiran politik Jamaluddin al-Afghani yang paling dikenal adalah PAN Islamisme, atau lebih tepatnya persatuan negara-negara Arab.Salah satu kelompok Islam politik, seperti Hizbut Tahrir, entah sengaja atau karena tidak paham, memaknai PAN Islamisme sebagai bentuk kekhilafahan.Padahal selain gagasan PAN Islamisme, Jamaluddin al-Afghani juga sangat serius mengusung adanya sistem parleman dalam negara-negara timur tengah, yang nota bene-nya menganut monarki.Artikel sederhana ini mencoba mengulas ide-ide parlemen yang digagas oleh Jamaludin al-Afghani.

Kondisi Negara-Negara Islam di Timur Tengah Jika dicermati lebih seksama negara-negara muslim, atau lebih tepatnya negara-negara di Asia Timur di awal abad 18 masih menggunakan sistem pemerintahan monarchy (kerajaan).[3]Dalam sistem tersebut, pada waktu itu,memiliki keyakinan bahwa raja merupakan titisan (pilihan) Tuhan yang diperuntukan bagi manusia.[4]Sehingga posisi raja menjadi sangat kuat, setatusnya mirip seperti Rasul.Namun, dalam hal ini raja tidak memiliki hak risalah sebagaimana Rasul.Raja hanya memiliki hak memerintah yang dilegitimasi oleh Tuhan.Pandangan seperti inilah yang berkembang, sehingga masyarakat takut untuk melakukan perlawanan atau menolak titah raja.[5] Munculnya paham sebagaimana tersebut di atas merupakan dampak dari berkembangnya paham jabariyah,[6] yang menyelimuti hampir di seluruh bagian negara-negara Islam.Jabariyah adalah sebuah paham yang mengajarkan kepada ummat Islam untuk menerima takdir dan nasib (predeterminism).Sebab itu semua merupakan kehendak Allah.Paham jabariyah inilah yang membuat kekuasaan Islam lambat laun menurun pengaruhnya.Ilmu pengetahuan dalam Islam juga menjadi tidak berkembang.Meskipun munculnya jabariyah merupakan anti tesis dari hedonisme dan materialisme yang berkembang pada waktu itu.[7] Dalam kondisi seperti itu, negara-negara eropa, seperti Inggris dan Perancis melakukan penetrasi ke negara-negara timur.Satu persatu negara-negara Islam jatuh dalam penjajahan Inggris dan Perancis. Raja-raja yang tidak mau berkerjasama dengan penjajah akan digulingkan kekuasaannya. Akhirnya beberapa kerajaan lebih memilih pasrah, menyerah dan tunduk pada penjajah tanpa sebuah perlawanan.Rakyat dikorbankan untuk memenuhi keinginan penjajah, sementara para penguasa lebih memilih menyelamatkan kekuasaannya agar tidak digulingkan.Pada titik inilah paham jabariyah dapat difungsikan secara optimal oleh penguasa untuk meredam pemberontakan dan kritisisme para ulama dan agamawan.Jadi paham jabariyah itu muncul sebagai sebuah bentuk kepasrahan, dan dapat juga dimunculkan sebagai reaksi para raja untuk mengamankan kekuasaannya. Selain itu, kondisi ummat Islam disibukan dengan konflik antar madzhab, khususnya antara Sunni dan Syiah.Kesadaran kritis rakyat terhadap realitas bangsa dan negaranya diperdaya dengan isu konflik antar madzhab tersebut. Di internal madzhab sunni juga disibukan dengan konflik antara madzhabnya masingmasing. Taqlid terhadap madzhab menjadi salah satu pemicu hal ini.Kondisi ini menjadi lingkaran setan bersama paham jabariyah sebagaimana yang dijelaskan di atas. Ide Parlemen untuk Anti Thesis Negara Monarkhi Absolut Di tengah kekangan model-model negara monarki yang berkembang di timur dan kondisi kebodohan ummat akibat taqlid dan pasrah terhadap nasib, Jamaluddin al-Afghani menyerukan ummat Islam harus membuka pintu ijtihad seluas-luasnya.Konsekwensi dibukanya pintu ijtihad selebar-lebarnya adalah bebasnya ummat Islam dalam berpendapat.Sejak saat itulah otoritas madzhab dalam beragama mulai ditinggalkan.Sebab yang menjadi rujukan langsung adalah al-Quran dan as-sunnah.Dampak dari gagasan inipun memiliki pengaruh yang sangat signifikan dalam dunia politik. Kebebasan berpendapat (berijtihad) tidak akan pernah diraih jika pemimpin (penguasa) tidak memberikan ruang yang lebar untuk gagasan tersebut. Ruang ijtihad tidak akan pernah terjadi ketika pemerintah masih memaksakan sebuah madzhab pada rakyatnya. Dalam logika seperti itulah demokrasi dan parlemen rakyat menjadi ruang yang dipilih. Tanpa itu semua, apa yang diusung Jamaluddin al-Afghani sia-sia.

Oleh karena itu dimanapun Jamaludin al-Afghani berada selalu mendengungkan gagasan parlemen.Bahwa sebuah negara monarkhi membutuhkan parlemen dan perundang-undangan untuk mengatur kepentingan rakyat.Ketika Jamaluddin al-Afghani menjabat sebagai perdana menteri di Iran, hal tersebut sangat gencar dia disuarakan.Hingga akhirnya dirinya sendiri yang terlempar dari Iran. Pertanyaannya mengapa Jamaluddin sangat keras sekali menginginkan adanya parlemen dalam sebuah negara? Alasannya tidak lain adalah untuk anti tesis dari bentuk negara monarkhi. Jadi sebenarnya Jamaluddin al-Afghani sedang mengusung perlunya negara demokrasi dalam dunia Islam.Dalam negara monarkhi kebebasan pendapat tidak diberi ruang.Rakyat tidak dapat bersuara.Sementara dalam negara demokrasi, sistem parlemen dapat menjaga hak rakyat untuk berpendapat, dan konsekwensi dalam hal agamapun dapat dicapai. Ijtihad tentunya akan berlangsung dengan sangat baik, tidak akan ada lagi hegemoni penguasa terhadap agama.Rakyat juga akan dapat menjalankan agamanya tanpa ada kekangan. Kekuasaan otoriter absolut yang dipraktekkan para raja juga dapat dibatasi. Seorang raja kekuasaannya akan dibatasi oleh undang-undang (konstitusi). Dari konsekwensi inilah sepertinya yang menyebabkan para raja menolak gagasan Jamaluddin al-Afghani dan mereka lebih memilih bersekutu dengan para penjajah. Terkait dengan model parlemen yang diinginkan oleh Jamaluddin al-Afghani dalam pelacakan penulis tidak tergambar secara jelas.Apakah membutuhkan partai atau tidak?Apakah dengan perwakilan atau tidak?Sebab dia sendiri belum pernah mempraktekkan sistem parlemen ketika menjabat sebagai perdana menteri di Iran.Sehingga gagasan parlemen tersebut masih menjadi sepirit kebebasan.Tanpa sebuah kebebasan, keadilan dan kesejahteraan yang diharapkan oleh rakyat tidak dapat tercapai. Tanpa kebebasan masyarakat tidak akan pernah cerdas. Kalau rakyat tidak cerdas akan menghasilkan pemimpin yang dzalim.[8] Penutup Dari ulasan di atas, dapat disimpulkan bahwa gagasan sistem pemerintahan parlementer Jamaluddin alAfghani masih pada wilayah sepirit belum masuk dalam wilyah operasional.Gagasan parlemen tersebut sebenarnya merupakan anti thesis atau dalam bahasa lainnya bentuk perlawanan terhadap model negara monarkhi absolut yang banyak berkembang di dunia timur. Gagasan parlemen tidak lain adalah akibat dari kondisi bangsa yang terjajah dan terkekang cukup lama. Tidak ada yang dicita-citakan oleh bangsa yang terjajah dan terkekang selain kebebasan, dan tanpa kebebasan ijtihad tidak akan pernah dicapai. Daftar Pustaka Hamka, Said Jamaluddin al-Afghani, Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1981. Kurzman, Charles (ed), Modernist Islam: 1840-1940, New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Madjid, Nurkholis (ed), Khazanah Intelektual Islam, Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1994. Maryam, Siti, dkk.,Sejarah Peradaban Islam dari Klasik Hingga Modern, Cet. II, Yogyakarta: LESFI, 2004. Maufur, Mustolah, Jamaluddin Al-Afghani: Pergerakannya dan Pemikirannya, Ponorogo: Pusat Studi Ilmu dan Agama, 1991.

[1] Sayyid Jamal al-Din al-Afghani, Lecture on Teaching and Learning and Answer to Renan, dalam Charles Kurzman (ed), Modernist Islam: 1840-1940, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), hlm. 105-106. [2]Hamka, Said Jamaluddin al-Afghani, (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1981), hlm. 74-77. [3] Siti Maryam, dkk.,Sejarah Peradaban Islam dari Klasik Hingga Modern, Cet. II, (Yogyakarta: LESFI, 2004), hlm. 275-297. [4]Ibid., hlm. 52. [5]Model keyakinan bahwa Raja merupakan titisan Tuhan sebenarnya bermula dari tradisi yang dibangun oleh Muawiyah.Ketika memimpin ummat Islam, Muawiyah merubah gelarnya menjadi Khalifatullah.Gelar ini bukan hanya sebatas gelar namun memiliki konotasi yang mendalam, yakni khalifah yang mendapat legitimasi dari Tuhan (Allah).Maka tidak salah kemudian dia hanya menunjuk anaknya Yazid untuk menggantikannya.Gelar ini berbeda dari empat Khalifah sebelumnya.Abu Bakar menggunakan gelar Khalifatur Rasulullah, yang artinya pengganti Rasulullah. Umar bin Khattab menggunakan gelar Amirul Muminin, yang artinya Pemimpin perang ummat Islam, karena Umar banyak sekali memimpin peperangan. Usman menggunakan gelar Khalifah Khalifatur Rasulullah, yang artinya Pengganti Penggantinya Rasulullah. Sementara di zaman Ali bin Thalib hanya menggunakan gelar Khalifah, karena merasa gelar yang dipakai Usman jika diteruskan terasa sangat panjang. [6] Mustolah Maufur, Jamaluddin Al-Afghani: Pergerakannya dan Pemikirannya, (Ponorogo: Pusat Studi Ilmu dan Agama, 1991), hlm. 92-96. [7] Al-Afghani, Masa Lalu Ummat dan Masa Kininya serta Pengobatan bagi Penyakit -Penyakitnya, dalam Nurkholis Madjid (ed), Khazanah Intelektual Islam, (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1994), hlm. 346. [8]Hamka,Said Jamaluddinhlm. 67.

ini barangkali kata-kata yang lebih adil untuk menerangkan tentang khawarij. cuma aku lebih pada pandangan asghar, iaitu buang dogma yang ekstrem sahaja.

An Afghan of Unknown Views:

Sayyid Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani and the Role of Shi'ism in Islamic Political Thought
Kenneth Ray Glaudell University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1996 - Statesman - 554 pages

Maria Sibylla Merian

Illustrator Maria Sibylla Merian was a naturalist and scientific illustrator who studied plants and insects and made detailed paintings about them

ini kata-kata muhammad abu zahrah tentang khawarij-

sempitnya pemahaman khawarij dalam memahami dalil-dalil agama menyerupai pemahaman para pendukong faham Rousseau (1712-1778) dalam revolusi perancis yang telah melakukan tindakantindakan kejam dan tercela. mereka dirasuki oleh pemikiran kemerdekaan, persaudaraan dan persamaan. atas nama pemikiran itu mereka melakukan pembunuhan dan penumpahan darah di mana-mana. demikiran juga dengan khawarij, yang telah dikuasai pemahaman sempit itu. mereka menghalalkan darah kaum muslimin, mewarnai tanah dengan merahnya darah dan menimbulkan kebencian di merata tempat. Ada yang samuderakan kekayaan untuk keluarga kroni terpilih; tapi, bagi mereka yang keperihan, ada yang bayangkan flet murah tercanggih. Inilah dekad mewah pilihan raya; belum umum, dana sudah berkecah. Di sekolah, varsiti: Asmara Songsang. Di madrasah: Tunggu Kata Dari Tuhan. Di panggung yang terpilih: Tanda Putera. Ustaz, Mu Tunggu Aku Datang: Tunggu, ya. Staf saya Eddieputra sedang menunjukkan klip video khas sempena kempen PRU. Akan dilancarkan sebentar lagi di YouTube. Bedah Buku 'Surat-Surat Perempuan Johor' menerusi Video Conferencing oleh Nurshahidah Zahid. Beliau adalah siswa Trent UniversityPeterborough. Seminar Antarabangsa ke4 Waqaf di UIM (Univ Islam Madinah): Perkongsian fakta; Amat akur bahawa negaraku Malaysia masih ketinggalan jauh dari aspek amalan, pelaksanaan dan pentadbiran Waqaf berbanding negara umat Islam yg lain. Memang kita 'dipandang' dlm aspek perbankan Islam tetapi; MAAF saya katakan bahawa kita 'mundur' dan 'jumud' dlm amalan waqaf. Mohon maaf sekadar satu muhasabah bersama. Seminar Antarabangsa ke4 Waqaf di UIM (Univ Islam Madinah): Perkongsian fakta; Amat akur bahawa negaraku Malaysia masih ketinggalan jauh dari aspek amalan, pelaksanaan dan pentadbiran Waqaf berbanding negara umat Islam yg lain. Memang kita 'dipandang' dlm aspek perbankan Islam tetapi; MAAF saya katakan bahawa kita 'mundur' dan 'jumud' dlm amalan waqaf. Mohon maaf sekadar satu muhasabah bersama.
Bismillah Walhamdulillah Was Salaatu Was Salaam 'ala Rasulillah As-Salaam Alaikum Wa-Rahmatullahi Wa-Barakatuhu 20th Jumada al-Awwal 1434 (1st April 2013) Narrated 'Aisha (Radi-Allahu 'anha):

Whenever Allah's Apostle (Sallallahu 'Alaihi Wa Sallam) became sick, he would recite Mu'awwidhat (Surat Al-Falaq and Surat An-Nas) and then blow his breath over his body. When he became seriously ill, I used to recite (these two Suras) and rub his hands over his body hoping for its blessings. Bukhari Vol. 6 : No. 535 Bismillah Walhamdulillah Was Salaatu Was Salaam 'ala Rasulillah As-Salaam Alaikum Wa-Rahmatullahi Wa-Barakatuhu 19th Jumada al-Awwal 1434 (31st March 2013) Narrated Abu Said Al-Khudri (Radi-Allahu 'anhu): The Prophet (Sallallahu 'Alaihi Wa Sallam) said to his companions, "Is it difficult for any of you to recite one third of the Qur'an in one night?" This suggestion was difficult for them so they said, "Who among us has the power to do so, O Allah's Apostle?" Allah's Apostle (Sallallahu 'Alaihi Wa Sallam) replied, " 'Allah (the) One, the Self-Sufficient Master Whom all creatures need.' (Surat Al-Ikhlas 112.1--to the End) is equal to one third of the Qur'an." Bukhari Vol. 6 : No. 534

Islamic Awakening Between Rejection and Extremism (Issues of Islamic Thought, No. 2) (Issues of Islamic Thought Series, No 2)

Yusuf Al Qaradawi

Text: English (translation) Original Language: Arabic .

The Lawful and the Prohibited in Islam

Yusuf Al Qaradawi

The Lawful and the Prohibited in Islam...

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