CHAPTER THREE RACISM IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE TEACHING INDUSTRY AHMAR MAHBOOB

1. Introduction
This paper argues that the English Language Teaching (ELT) industry often does not treat all speakers of English as equal in its hiring practices. Rather, it gives preferential treatment to White native speakers of English. That one's race may play a role in hiring decisions is not news. In fact, the social and political movements that make discrimination in employment on the basis of race legally unacceptable are quite recent. For example, the Civil Rights movement in the United States that led to desegregation of Black and White people is still less than 50 years old. However, such laws do not exist globally. The lack of anti-discrimination policies can impact who is hired, as well as the terms and conditions under which they are hired. In countries such as the U.S., where anti-discrimination laws do exist, employers have developed ways of abiding by the laws, yet still maintaining discriminatory practices in their hiring policies (see Mahboob 2003; Moussu 2006). In the ELT industry, this often happens through a preference for native speakers of English, who are positioned as the referent of the EAL (English as an additional language) classroom. A common assumption in describing a native speaker of English is that a native speaker is White, and speaks a variety of English associated with the UK, Canada, the USA or Australia. Non-White people who speak a variety of English associated with a South country, for example, India, Nigeria, or Singapore, are constructed as non-native speakers of English. In addition to positioning people based on their accents and language histories, the preference for native speakers conceals a bias in favor of White teachers (Amin 2000; Golombek and Jordan 2005; Leung, Harris, and Rampton 1997; Paikeday 1985; and Rampton 1990). While there are no published studies that document the extent of bias against non-White non-native ELT teachers, there is ample anecdotal evidence that employers in the ELT industry prefer to hire White native speakers to other speakers as language teachers. Current studies also convincingly show that there is

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a preference for hiring native English speaking teachers over non-native ones (Mahboob 2003; Mahboob, Uhrig, Newman, and Hartford 2004). The results of Mahboob's study indicate that, all other factors being equal, a native speaker will have a higher chance of being hired than a non-native speaker. The current paper explores the complex relationship between nonNative English Speaking Teachers (NNESTs), race, and ELT hiring practices and is divided into three sections. The first section examines the perceived racism in the ELT industry and its employment policies. In the following section, Mahboob's (2003) data is reanalyzed to explore how expert discourses in TESOL and Applied Linguistics have evolved to give prominence to White native speakers. After studying the relationship between the construct of a native speaker and Whiteness, the paper adopts van Dijk's (1993) understanding of 'elite discourses of racism', and identifies and examines specific terms and concepts that are used in Applied Linguistics to study phenomena that operate to privilege native speakers. The paper ends by identifying additional questions that need to be studied.

2. Perceived Racism in ELT Employment

Much of the current understanding of racism in TESOL and Applied Linguistics is based on the narratives of non-White teachers (see for example Braine 1999; Curtis and Romney 2006). In addition to such narratives, numerous websites that are focused on ELT issues include anecdotes that represent perceived racism. In this paper, two such webposts are discussed: the first one comprises selected portions of a lengthy online discussion on race and the second one is an online job advertisement. The first excerpt, from a web-discussion quoted below, revolves around a question from an Asian-Canadian woman who wants to know what her chances are of getting a job in the Middle East. Quote 1: Post: but would anyone on this list be familiar with how an Asian-American or Asian-Canadian or ANY female with obviously Asian ethnic blood (but who grew up in the West) would be treated in the Middle East? Would I be at a disadvantage in the hiring process (since we're required to send photos) because I don't have the Western "look" despite my Western credentials and upbringing?

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Response: In almost all of the top TESL jobs in the UAE [United Arab Emirates], recruitment decisions are taken by Western expats Without the luxury of anti-racist legislation in the West, you may very soon become appalled by attitudes of fellow Western expats. Response: As for getting a teaching job, well let me put it like this: it would be perfectly normal for a white Brit with mediocre experience and qualifications to be preferred over a non-white native-speaker of English with excellent qualifications and extensive experience. Sad, but unfortunately very true. Sadder still: it's normally Westerners making these decisions NOT locals! (Source: ESL-Caf) This quote was selected for several reasons: 1) the racial dimension in employment is clearly articulated by those who have personal experience, 2) it is a discussion that takes place over a number of days, 3) there are several contributors, and 4) all the contributors agree with a racial reading of the hiring process (providing some internal triangulation). The webdiscussion suggests that having appropriate ELT credentials and being raised in the West are not seen as sufficient qualifications and that being White is perceived to be the most privileged credential by the discussants. In this, the quote validates Lee's (in press) study in which she adds her voice as a non-White native speaker of English who grew up in Canada, but faces (racial) discrimination in the ELT industry when it comes to employment opportunities. This interpretation of the web-discussion also corroborates Lee's experiences in that the preference for native speakers in ELT camouflages a racial prejudice as well. In discussing a racial dimension in ELT, it needs to be clarified that the argument is not that all White ELT practitioners are racist, but rather that being White is an advantage in the field and one that does not relate to professional needs. Furthermore, as the web-discussion illustrates, it is not simply non-White people complaining about racist behavior by White people, but rather, there are many White people in the field who find their colleagues' attitudes towards other speakers discriminatory. Furthermore, non-White individuals are also seen to discriminate against other nonWhite individuals in the field (Mahboob 2006). The next piece of data to be examined comes from a different category of web-postings. The following is an online advertisement that specifies that the employers are looking for an English language teacher who is 'white and not too old'.

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Quote 2: we are a school in beijing shijingshan district and looking for a native english speaker who is white and not too old. it is very urgent because the new teachers are supposed to work from September 1st. the salary is 7000rmb per month. the working time is 3 to 6 from monday to friday. please contact me at XXX. (Source: China-Daily) The clearly articulated preference for 'White' teachers (note that no other qualification/experience requirements are listed) in this ad supports the perceptions cited in the previous quote that some employers will hire only White native speakers. In addition, it raises the issue of ageism, which is beyond the scope of this paper and is, therefore, not taken up here (for a discussion of this issue see Templer 2003). These quotes suggest that there are at least two dimensions of prejudice in ELT: Whiteness and native speakerism 1; and that both these factors contribute to the status given to various teachers. In fact, as will be argued in the following sections, the two factors are linked. An unmarked native speaker is White and a preference for native speakers as employees is usually a polite and politically correct (or at least acceptable) way of saying that only White candidates need apply.

3. Survey of adult EAL programs in the United States

In the previous section we examined some anecdotal evidence that showed that White native speakers are perceived to be favored by employers in the field of ELT. In this section, we will reexamine data from a previously published research project to further explore the relationship between race and NNESTs. Based on a survey of 122 adult English Language Professionals (ELPs) in the United States, Mahboob (2003), and Mahboob, Uhrig, Newman, and Hartford (2004), report that employers consider being a native speaker to be an important criterion when making hiring decisions. The instrument used in this study invited participants to rate 10 possible hiring criteria on a 6-point Likert scale. The study showed that the more importance program administrators gave to the 'native English speaker' criterion, the fewer the number of NNESTs employed in their programs. More importantly, based on a regression analysis, the study found that three criteria, 'native English speaker,' 'recommendation' and 'teaching experience', explain the ratio of NNESTs in a program. Of
Two other factors that were raised in the web-postings that were surveyed include ageism and expatriateness. These factors are, however, not discussed here.
1

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these, the most significant independent variable was 'native English speaker'. Thus, the results of this study indicated that all other factors being equal, a person's status as a 'native speaker' can make a difference to whether they will be hired or not. Although not fully analyzed in these studies, the data included administrators' evaluation of the role of ethnicity and national origin in making hiring decisions. In re-examining this data with a focus on race, it was noted that while being a 'native speaker' was considered an important factor, 'ethnicity' and 'nationality' were perceived as having low importance. The mean ranking for 'ethnicity' was the lowest amongst the 10 criteria listed. The mean ranking for 'nationality' was also amongst the lowest. The mode for both these criteria was '0', implying that most respondents claimed that they do not find these criteria relevant in making hiring decisions. However, it was noted that these ratings are not consistent with the actual distribution of teachers in these programs when sorted based on their national and ethnic origins. The survey reported that out of the 1425 teachers listed, only 107 (7.86%) were NNESTs. While these NNESTs represented a wide range of countries (48), a quick reanalysis of the data based on ethnic and racial origins points to a preference for White teachers. Of the 107 NNESTs, 56 (52.3%) were White, 28 (26.2%) were Asian, 3 (2.8%) were of (Black) African origin, and 20 (18.7%) comprised the 'other' category. This distribution of the teachers shows a majority of White teachers within a non-native minority. While this majority of White non-native speakers does not necessarily mean that the hiring decisions were racially motivated (to argue this, one must study these numbers in relation to the applicant pool in order to evaluate such a claim), it does highlight a dominance of White teachers among the already small pool of NNESTs. The relatively high number of White NNESTs with a contrasting low importance given to ethnic and national origin in the survey may be partly explained by the cautiousness that influences employers' decisions when completing surveys. Being conscious of what is and is not potentially disadvantaging may impact how people respond to survey questionnaires. To say that one takes ethnicity and nationality into consideration when making hiring decisions is implicitly stating that one is being discriminatory which is both politically incorrect and legally prohibited in many situations in the United States. Thus, the safe response in a survey is to give such criteria low or no rating, which represents a shortcoming of the research method. However, a careful study of the survey data can show inconsistencies to help identify issues that need further investigation. In this reanalysis of the survey data, such a discrepancy was observed the

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low ratings of ethnicity and nationality appear to be in contrast with the majority of White teachers in the NNEST pool that are employed by these schools. It is revealing that when NNESTs are hired, there is a disproportionately high representation of White teachers compared to nonWhite teachers. This finding suggests that being White is an unmarked feature of being an ESL teacher.

4. An Unmarked EAL Teacher

In the survey discussed here, it was observed that 'ethnicity' and 'nationality' are considered politically unmarked and therefore listed as being not important in making hiring decisions. On the other hand, 'native speaker' is marked and is listed as an important criterion in making hiring decisions. It was argued that this is perhaps a reflection of participants' understanding of what they consider to be safe answers. It was also observed that regardless of the administrators' responses, there is a majority of White teachers within the NNEST pool. One important question to ask here is: Why was native speaker listed as an important criterion whereas ethnicity was not? This is perhaps a trick question because, in many ways, as will be argued here, the concept of a native speaker of English has always included a specific ethnic and racial identity. Davies (1991) emphasized this point when he wrote that the first recorded use of the term 'native speaker' is in the following definition by the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield: "The first language a human being learns to speak is his native language, he is a native speaker of this language" (Bloomfield 1933 cited in Davies 1991). In defining the characteristics of a native speaker and native language, traits such as birth, heredity, and innateness of linguistic qualities have always been emphasized. These traits form the backbone of how the term native speaker is understood. For example, the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary (1989, 84) defines a native speaker as a "person who has spoken (a particular language) since birth, rather than learning it later". The inclusion of such terms in dictionaries underscores their widespread use. Based on such an understanding, the native speaker of English is seen as American, Australian, English or Canadian. More importantly, a native speaker of English is seen as a White person who was born and raised in these countries. People of other races are not identified as native speakers of English; rather they are seen as speakers of, for example, Black English/Ebonics, Pakistani English, or Chinese English. Such an understanding of how race relates to native speaker status is relevant in

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TESOL. For example, the specific requirement of 'white' native speakers in job ads (e.g. quote 2 above), requirements of submitting colored photographs, and narratives of discrimination against non-White speakers of English (e.g. quote 1 above), all provide evidence of how EAL programs accept the construct that being a White native speaker is an important aspect of being a teacher in the field of TESOL (also see Leung, Harris, and Rampton 1997; Rampton 1990). The use of the 'native speaker' construct to veil a preference for hiring White native speakers in EAL is also influenced by recent developments in Linguistics and Applied Linguistics. One of the most influential of these developments has been Chomsky's use of the 'idealized native speakerhearer' concept (Chomsky 1986) as an abstraction for theoretical linguistic research. For English, this 'idealized native speaker-hearer' is seen as a White person and this notion has been extensively used in Applied Linguistics and Second Language Acquisition (SLA) research. The influence of the Chomskyan paradigm on SLA can be measured by the following statement from Gregg (1993, 278), who states that the purpose of SLA is to study "the acquisition (or non-acquisition) of L2 competence, in the Chomskyan sense of the term". One result of this influence is that non-White native and non-native speakers of English are seen as life-long learners of English. An understanding of the preference for native speakers of English and a non-recognition by White TESOL practitioners of race and ethnicity as factors in the hiring process in EAL programs can also be developed by using van Dijk's (1993) framework of elite discourses of racism. van Dijk argues that liberal discourses of elite racism tend to deny racism. He refers to a "worldwide system of military, economic and cultural power of the white West over the Rest" [emphasis added] (van Dijk 1993, x), in which the elites political, media, educational, corporate and academic play a role in the enactment, legitimation and reproduction of racism through the ages. He posits that ethnic dominance and racism are still a reality in Western societies and that elite discourses continue to play a primary role in the reproduction of contemporary ethnic and racial inequalities. The racism of the elites is predominantly discursive; through their influential text and talk, they "manufacture the consent" (van Dijk 1993, 8) needed for the legitimation of their own power in general, and for their leadership in maintaining the dominance of the White group in particular. Popular racism, concludes van Dijk, can be effective only when it is spread through the population by the mass media and similar forms of public discourse controlled by the elites. One such powerful public discourse is that of academia. This paper will therefore now outline how academic

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discourses of TESOL and second language acquisition research shape the public mind to consider White native speaker models as being the target norm for English language acquisition. There are a number of ways that academic discourses of TESOL contribute to the view that native speakers of English are ideal teachers. These include couching a preference for native speaker norms of language and cultural practices in expert scientific and research-based arguments. The use of an 'idealized native speaker' discussed earlier can, in fact, be understood as an example of such liberal discourse of elite racism White native speakers are privileged through academic discourses and their language is identified as the target language for English language learners world-wide. Bhatt (2002) posits that expert discourses in Applied Linguistics perpetuate inequality by using terms such as 'interlanguage' and 'fossilization,' which give prominence to White native speakers by assuming that the goal of language learners is to acquire native-like proficiency. These terms suggest that since most learners fail to sound like White native speakers, they are 'fossilized' at a certain point in their 'interlanguage'. Such interpretations and assumptions of learner goals and failure to sound like native speakers have been promoted by many TESOL experts and are accepted by the larger population. This acceptance of the underlying principles behind these terms by the non-experts can be judged by their inclusion in dictionaries. The mainstream literature in SLA, which uses terms such as 'interlanguage' and 'fossilization', offers an example of how, perhaps unwittingly, experts in Applied Linguistics and TESOL contribute to and reflect a racial understanding of the world one where White native speakers are model users of the English language and NonWhite native speakers of Non-White Englishes aim to achieve competency in the 'standard' or White English. These assumptions then contribute to a discourse that gives higher status to White native speakers and portrays other speakers as life-long learners (see also Mahboob 2005). Thus, it can be argued that Lee (in press) and other non-White speakers of standard/White English are complimented on their language ability because they are considered to be model language learners they look foreign, but speak English like White native speakers. Kachru's (1991, 1992) work on World Englishes is worth discussing here as well as its main point is that speakers of English from the Inner Circle countries England, Canada, the US, and Australia are constructed as the model, while the varieties of English from the Outer Circle (e.g., Singapore, Ghana, and Sri Lanka) and Expanding Circle (e.g., Brazil, China) are marked as being not only different, but deficient. Although the varieties of English from regions other than the Inner Circle produce a sizeable

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literature in English and use the language for both internal and external communication, they are studied in terms of their deviations and differences from White Englishes 2. Although World Englishes are growing as an area of focal research, there are experts who dismiss World Englishes as being 'ideologically intoxicated' (Quirk 1990, 9). In summary, a critical understanding of the term native speaker and the current literature in Linguistics and Applied Linguistics suggests that Whiteness and First World status are essential characteristics in being considered native speakers of English and that this unmarked 'native speaker' is framed in the literature as being the ideal English language teacher.

5. Concluding Remarks
This paper has attempted to show that hegemonic discourses of the White native speaker teacher's superiority ensure that he/she continues to be the referent in ELT. The paper suggests that employers seem to think that they should hire native speakers over non-native speakers because native speakers are better teachers; and that native speakers are imagined as White. A reanalysis of Mahboob, Uhrig, Newman, and Hartford's (2004) survey further indicates that even in ELT institutions that hire non-native speakers, there is a majority of White non-native teachers. What can ELT experts do to address this imbalance in hiring practices in both North and South countries? First of all, more empirical research should be conducted in order to further document such practices. As has been illustrated, this is not a simple task, as respondents are aware of what are "safe" and "unsafe" answers, and give safe answers, which may not necessarily reflect their hiring preferences. Hence more sophisticated data collection instruments have to be developed in order to triangulate employers' responses. The more difficult challenge is for TESOL to unravel and demystify the discourses that construct White native speakers as the best teachers. Questions that need to be addressed include: For what professional reasons do White native speakers continue to be privileged? As teaching is an activity which has to be learned, what value should be put on someone
2 At one level, World Englishes offer a pluralistic paradigm that is largely ignored in Applied Linguistics and TESOL literature. However, it can be argued that there is a hierarchy among World Englishes on the basis of race: White Englishes are constructed as Inner Circle English varieties while the Outer Circle Englishes are seen as non-White varieties.

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who is born in a White English-speaking family? Here, it needs to be pointed out that non-White teachers may also be born in an Englishdominant family. Another point worth addressing is that proficiency in language can be learned/developed in a formal setting, that is, in a school, so that being born in an English-dominant family may not be relevant. In addition to these questions, a discussion of the goals of language teaching is also needed: Should a White native speaker model continue to be the goal of language learning/teaching? And if so, why? In the 21st century, the role of English as the world language appears to be taking a different direction than in the latter half of the 20th century, which was characterized by colonialism, immigration from South to North countries, and American imperialism, whereby South speakers of English felt they needed to communicate with North speakers of English in North varieties of English. It appears that the future of English is that of an intralanguage, that is, of an additional language between speakers who have different first languages, say Chinese, Urdu, and Ibu, and hence the native speaker of English may be less and less relevant as a model for language teaching and learning. Finally, it needs to be stressed that if ELT wants to develop into a profession rather than remaining a largely unlegislated industry, then it should aim to eradicate all forms of discrimination. To evolve into a profession, the ELT community needs to challenge and remove from its belief system the notion that 'some speakers are more equal than others,' to give all members of the TESOL community the justice and equality that they deserve.

Reference List
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Curtis, Andy and Mary Romney. 2006. Shades of meaning: Articulating the experiences of TESOL professionals of color. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Davies, Alan. 1991. The native speaker in applied linguistics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. ESL-Cafe. Retrieved May 15, 2005, from http://www.eslcafe.com/forums/job/viewtopic.php?t=3461 Golombek, Paula and Stefanie Jordan. 2005. Becoming "black lambs" not "parrots": A poststructuralist orientation to intelligibility and identity. TESOL Quarterly 39: 513 533. Gregg, Kevin. 1993. Taking explanation seriously; or, let a couple of flowers bloom. Applied Linguistics 14: 276-294. Kachru, Braj. 1991. Liberation linguistics and the Quirk concern. English Today 7(1): 1 - 13. Kachru, Braj. 1992. The other tongue: English across cultures. (2nd ed.). Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press. Lee, E. (in press). Race: A third voice in the native/nonnative speaker debate. Leung, Constant, Roxy Harris, and Ben Rampton. 1997. The idealised native speaker, reified ethnicities, and classroom realities. TESOL Quarterly 31: 543 - 560. Mahboob, Ahmar. 2003. Status of nonnative English speaking teachers in the United States. PhD. diss., Indiana University, Bloomington. (Unpublished.) Mahboob, Ahmar. 2005. Beyond the native speaker in TESOL. In Culture, context, and communication in English language teaching, ed. Z. Syed, 60 - 93. Abu Dhabi, UAE: Military Language Institute. Mahboob, Ahmar. 2006. Confessions of an Enraced TESOL Professional. In Shades of meaning: Articulating the experiences of TESOL professionals of color, eds. A. Curtis and M. Romney. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Mahboob, Ahmar, Uhrig, Karl, Newman, Karen, & Hartford, Beverly. 2004. Children of a lesser English: Nonnative English speakers as ESL teachers in English language programs in the United States. In Learning and teaching from experience: Perspectives on nonnative English-speaking professionals, ed. L. Kamhi-Stein, 100 - 120. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

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Moussu, Lucie. 2006. Native and non-native English-speaking English as a second language teachers: Student attitudes, teacher selfperceptions, and intensive English program administrator beliefs and practices. Ph.D. dissertation, Purdue University. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 492 599.) Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary. 1989. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Paikeday, Thomas. 1985. The native speaker is dead! Toronto: Paikeday Publishing. Quirk, Randolph. 1990. Language varieties and standard language. English Today 21: 3-10. Rampton, Ben. 1990. Displacing the 'native speaker': expertise, affiliation and inheritance. ELT Journal 44 (2): 97-101. Templer, Bill. 2003. Ageism in TEFL: Time for concerted action. TESL Reporter 36 (1): 1-22. Van Dijk, Teun. 1993. Elite discourse and racism. London: Sage Publications.