Transport Policy 10 (2003) 299306 www.elsevier.

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Scatters and clusters in time and space: implications for delivering integrated and inclusive transport
Julian Hinea,*, Margaret Griecob
a

Transport and Road Assessment Centre, School of Built Environment, University of Ulster, Newtownabbey, Belfast BT37 0QB, UK b Transport Research Institute, Napier University, Edinburgh,UK Received 1 February 2003; revised 1 June 2003; accepted 1 July 2003

Abstract This paper calls for a renement in the literature on social exclusion/inclusion, and an alteration in the counterpart policy practices, in order to take account of scatter and cluster dimensions in the patterning of transport deprivation. Disaggregating social exclusion and inclusion data to enable the identication of scatters and clusters is key to the development of appropriate transport planning strategies. The degree to which lack of mobility is scattered or clustered can have profound implications for the ways in which time and space are treated by policy. q 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Scatter; Cluster; Transport

1. Introduction The extent to which interventions can be designed to overcome the consequences of a lack of mobility can have an impact on the ability of individuals to negotiate time and space (Hagerstrand, 1970; Appleyard and Lintell, 1969). In the UK patterns of car ownership mean that those on a low income, elderly, children certain ethnic minorities groups and to a lesser extent women will tend to experience systematic exclusion from facilities. The role of public transport provision in inuencing the extent of social exclusion is considered highly signicant (Hine and Mitchell, 2003; Grayling, 2002; Social Exclusion Unit, 2003). While improvement to the public transport accessibility of an area will go some way to addressing the transport inequalities experienced by some groups and individuals, it is important that the direct and indirect role of transport in the process of exclusion is made explicit. Providing people with access to opportunities does not necessarily guarantee they will be able to take advantage of them: indeed, there is a need for much tighter denitions in respect of what constitutes access. In this context, this paper considers the importance of new information technologies
* Corresponding author. Tel.: 44-28-903-662-68. E-mail address: jp.hine@ulster.ac.uk (J. Hine). 0967-070X/$ - see front matter q 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/S0967-070X(03)00055-6

accompanied by demand responsive transport in accommodating the transport needs of scatters as well as clusters of the socially excluded.

2. Dening accessibility Traditionally accessibility has been dened as the getat-ability of a destination (Hillman et al., 1973). It has also in the past gained connotations associated with car use There are two main requirements for good accessibility. vehicle users should be able to move from one part of a town to anotheror beyond, in safety and with reasonable speed, directness and pleasantness from the drivers eye view (Buchanan, 1963, p. 39). The integration of land use and transport is now a key policy objective, and it has meant the adoption of new techniques and approaches to measure accessibility. It is, however, clear that this policy is difcult to achieve (Hine et al., 2000a; Halden, 2002). Halden (2002) recently reviewed a range of work on accessibility and suggested that the denitions of accessibility included three key elements: The category of people or freight under consideration. Each section of the population has specic needs and desires to be involved in dened activities.

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The activity supply point. Opportunities are dened in terms of the land use supply which would allow any individual to satisfy their desire to participate in the activity under consideration. The availability of transportation. This denes how an individual could travel to reach the relevant facility. In assessing the transport options, it needs to be recognized that all stages of each possible journey by each available mode must be taken into account (Halden, 2002, p. 314). What is clear is that a reliance on observed measures of travel behaviour as an assessment of transport demand has been clearly inadequate (Hine, 1995; Halden, 2002). This comment also relates to the idea of trip suppression, an idea that will be discussed later in this paper. As a consequence, we need to rethink what is meant by accessibility and we also need to address and strike a balance between the role and impact on travel decisions of the perceived world as well as the directly measurable physical world. In doing so, we must address the indirect and direct role of transport accessibility. By direct accessibility we mean the ability of individuals to plan and undertake journeys by public or private modes subject to time budget and cost. Indirect accessibility, on the other hand, refers to the extent to which individuals or groups can rely on neighbours or other support networks to access goods and facilities on their behalf subject to time and nancial budgets. This is important. In current analyses, the density of time is not accounted for. According to Hine (2002) Density can be increased by multi-tasking and the purchase of time, by asking others to undertake certain tasks or by using ICT (Hine, 2002, p. 499). This has important implications for policy discussions and debates surrounding social inclusion/ exclusion.

households with cars. This difference in use was as much as seven times greater for those households without cars. Taxi use and minicab usage are also higher amongst non-car owning households. Public transport tends to be used less by those in higher income groups (DETR, 1998). Donald and Pickup (1991) looked at the effect of deregulation on low income families in Merseyside and concluded that fare increases were the major contributor to reduced bus use in the area. Walking remains the dominant mode of transport for people from households on low incomes, but in particular for non-car owning households that make up to 60% of households in the lowest income quintile. About 60% of all journeys made by people in this group are made by people on foot (Grayling, 2002; Hine and Mitchell, 2003). 3.2. Women Women have been identied as a group that experience exclusion in a number of ways as a result of poor public transport services (Grieco et al., 1989). Hamilton et al. (2000) point out that there are clear issues affecting womens transport which relate to patterns of travel, patterns of employment, income, caring responsibilities and access to forms of travel (particularly access to cars). There are also differences amongst women in terms of the experiences of specic groups (e.g. older women, disabled women, women from ethnic minorities, women living in rural areas and lone parents). Hamilton and Jenkins (1992) cite a range of reasons why women should be considered more fully by transport planners for example: multiple roles and primary responsibility for child care and domestic work, more constrained opportunities for paid employment and a much greater likelihood of being engaged in part-time and/ or casual employment, usually local. For many women, the small local area is of more signicance to them as they live most of their lives bounded by the local shops, school and bus stop. As with older people and the disabled, the design of the infrastructure can mitigate against the use of a local transport system. Women with young children are perhaps hardest hit in this respect. Personal safety when using or trying to access transport infrastructure is also a major consideration for this group (DETR, 1999; Hamilton and Jenkins, 1992). In the UK, although evidence suggests that there is little difference between the average number of trips made by men and women, men travel much further (Hamilton and Jenkins, 1992; DETR, 1998). In 1995/97, men made about 4% more journeys per person per year than women, travelling 45% further on average. Although car is the main mode of travel for both men and women, it is higher for men across all adult age groups. Women are also more reliant on walking and public transport than their male counterparts. Overall, 30% of trips made on foot were women, compared to 25% for men. Public transport shows a similar age and sex pattern to walking. Overall men made

3. Transport needs Those most likely to experience transport disadvantage are those on low incomes, women, elderly and disabled people and children (Hine and Mitchell, 2001, 2003; DETR, 2000; Social Exclusion Unit, 2003). Essentially these groups are those with traditionally lower levels of access to cars. This section highlights the role that buses might play. 3.1. Low income groups In the UK, people from households on low incomes make fewer journeys overall but about twice as many journeys on foot and three times as many journeys by bus as those households in the two highest income deciles (Grayling, 2002). Higher income groups make more journeys by car and tend to travel further (Hine and Mitchell, 2003). People living in households without cars used public transport for 25% of their journeys and compared to

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about 7% of trips by public transport compared to 10% for women. Public transport use was greatest for those aged 17 20 and over 70. One in ve trips by women on public transport are made by the aged 70 and over age group (DETR, 1998). Work undertaken by System 3 (1998) showed that women took substantially more trips on foot and by public bus than men. Commuting and business trips account for greater differences between women and men in terms of numbers of trips taken annually. Women also make more trips escorting family members to and from education. Men are more likely to travel to visit pubs and clubs, as well as sporting events. Women make more shopping trips, whilst the number of trips for personal business are more or less identical between women and men. Women travel more during off-peak times and less after dark (Hamilton et al., 2000; DETR, 1998). There is mixed evidence on whether women and men exhibit differences in the complexity of the trips which they make. In the US and a number of other countries (including studies in France and the Netherlands), there appears to be clear evidence that womens travel patterns are more complex than those of men (Rosenbloom, 1989). Rosenbloom (1989) showed that women often tend to make interconnected decisions about where they work and the need to escort children to education. Women are far more likely to work closer to home, and to walk to work, but, as will become clear, this may also be linked to the lack of availability of adequate transport to enable them to take advantage of opportunities outwith the immediate local area (Reid-Howie Associates, 2000). Other studies relating to the gender specic restrictions on time budgets experienced by women mean that a degree of trip chaining may be required. These tasks often require complicated trip chaining (Turner and Grieco, 1998), which may in some cases be impossible by public transport due to the lack of suitable means of transport or the discrepancies between personal and transport schedules. Gaerling et al. (1998) pointed out that the associated time pressures and stress caused by multiple and potentially conicting demands (particularly salient for those without recourse to the use of a car) can bring with them additional adverse health effects, thus exacerbating the effect of exclusion, which limitations in mobility are already imposing. 3.3. Older people In the developed world, it has come to be appreciated that people are living longer and the population of elderly people is living longer giving rise to substantial numbers of what is now classied as the old old (Cohen, 1996). Older people use the car less than other age groups and as a result bus use is higher. Walking accounts for a large proportion of trips particularly for those in the 60 70 age group, but after the age of 70 declines as the reduced ability to walk becomes a more important factor. Car ownership is lower among older

people and this is partly due to lower incomes amongst the retired (Lavery et al., 1992; Bly, 1993). Hopkin et al. (1978) found walking amongst elderly people to be the most frequent means of travel. Car ownership increased the number of journeys per day to 1.27 for drivers and 0.94 for non-drivers in households with a car compared with 0.76 for people in households without a car. Rosenbloom (1992) similarly found that trip rates were higher for older people aged 71 75 and for those aged 85 with access to a car compared to those without drivers licences. Other studies have identied the difculties that older people have walking, including: uneven pavements, hills, ramps, trafc and crossing roads; steps, carrying bags (Hopkin et al., 1978; Leake et al., 1991). 3.4. Disabled people Disabled people are a group that also feature in discussions surrounding the link between transport and social exclusion (Hine and Mitchell, 2001; DETR, 2000). They suffer because of a variety of reasons, they nd it difcult to access public services (GLAD, 1986; Oxley and Alexander, 1994). These reasons include: low incomes, physical layout of infrastructure and design of vehicles, location of stops. The restructuring of bus services to the edges of residential and commercial areas on main transport corridors could potentially have a profound effect on this group. Work has been undertaken that has identied the capabilities of the population (Martin et al., 1988). This work has also been extended to look at these capabilities in relation to bus use (Oxley and Benwell, 1985; Mitchell, 1988).

4. Social exclusion: clusters and scattersthe need to differentiate Transport and social exclusion has been an area of growing policy interest and research within the United Kingdom (Hine and Mitchell, 2001, 2003; DETR, 2000; Social Exclusion Unit, 2002, 2003). Much of the focus on social exclusion and transport has been at the areal or zonal levelindeed, the UK indices of local deprivation are precisely an areal or zonal measure. There is, however, a dimension of social exclusion and transport, which requires the policy maker, planner and researcher to think beyond the areal or neighbourhood perspective. The socially excluded are not only clustered together in areas or zones where transport is particularly bad or particularly inappropriate but are also scattered as a consequence of life circumstance. Life cycle stages have a consequence for mobility and accessibility. Think, for example, about older persons living in relatively afuent areas or zones who have no kin and who have limited mobility and income. Such older persons not only have limited direct accessibility to services and facilities but also have limited indirect accessibility (Grieco,

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1995)low income households often compensate for the lack of income to buy services by making use of relational resources (friends, kin) to assist in meeting their survival needs. Work undertaken in Liverpool (Grieco, 1995) revealed a high incidence of the borrowing of time between households with neighbours assisting one another in shopping and child care tasks. Low levels of individual direct accessibility can be compensated for by social capital structures, which provide for enhanced indirect accessibility. The mobility of those socially close to an individual requiring services equates to improved accessibility, albeit indirect. The socially isolated, whether by disability, age, marital circumstance, ethnicity, cannot easily obtain assistance in accessing resourcesillness may mean that shopping cannot be done or medication obtained or escorts obtained for making journeys through dangerous spaces. The combination of poor accessibility with low levels of mobility and low levels of sociability intensies social exclusion. By identifying the difference between direct and indirect accessibility, it becomes clear that different categories of the socially excluded will have different transport needs (Hamilton et al., 2000; Lavery et al., 1992; Bly, 1993; GLAD, 1986). It becomes clear that servicing the transport needs of the socially excluded who are clustered in a particular neighbourhood, zone or area is a different prospect in servicing the transport needs of the socially excluded who are also socially isolated in terms of their immediate neighbourhood. Where the socially excluded are clustered, a better t between bus routes, bus times and vehicle types and measured areas of deprivation can accomplish much though it should be noted that even where the socially excluded are clustered, current transport arrangements often fail to meet very real life needs with the national pattern of the withdrawal of secured or subsidised services since privatisation of the bus sector remaining unresearched and uncharted (Hine and Mitchell, 2001, 2003). Where the socially excluded are scattered or dispersed, new information technologies can play an important part in lessening the negative impacts of their reduced physical accessibilities by providing online services such as home working, home banking, shopping and the ordering of medication to be delivered and also in improving their mobility by the utilisation of information technology to provide transport on demand. New information technologies can readily collect together information on persons with low mobility wishing to make similar journeys, provide a booking system or intelligent reservation system which permits the pick up and drop off at home and organise this in a way which is cost effective at the community level. Passengers moving towards buses was a irremovable feature of past technical ages, buses routing around the needs of low mobility passengers is a capability of the new information age. The same technologies which could be used to accommodate the needs of the least mobile can be used in

ensuring that work seekers receive appropriate transport support to maintain and sustain their space in the workplace (Hine et al., 2000b). Routing intelligent reservation vehicles so as to enable youth to arrive at work on time would be a useful addition to the new deal. In reecting on the difculties experienced by those on low income and those with restricted mobility in accessing civic resources, it is important to reect on the extent to which this is the outcome of modern urban designdesign which in the attempt to cut costs through increases in scale placed critical services outside of local neighbourhoods. Employment was one of the casualties of the pressure to upscale: new technologies with their distributed characteristics enable activities that previously could only have been accomplished in large scale premises to be undertaken once again within the local domain. Rethinking the t between scale, travel and communications in the age of congestion must certainly be on the agenda and there is some evidence that a more serious consideration of demand responsive transport is beginning to take hold in the British policy environment. Nexus, the regulating authority for passenger transport in Newcastle, has under the provisions of the Urban Bus Challenge of 2001 organised the resources for the development of a demand responsive service in the Lemington area of west Newcastlethis project does not, however, make use of the information technology characteristics now available to ensure the t between a neighbourhood and its transport service. There is then a difference between mass and responsive transport provisions, however, ICT technology can cut across old boundaries even in respect of the interface between mass and responsive transport systems. For example, mass transport has very clear peaks and troughs within the duration of a day: removing vehicles which are operating at under capacity in the mass system during the troughs would enable such vehicles to be used as full load vehicles in a responsive mode. One of the problems at a local level is the ability of operators to agree and coordinate an operational framework. Very often different providers operate in isolation. There is a clear need for increased coordination of school transport, community transport and subsidised services. This would bring down the costs of provision. The Angus Transport Forum (ATCO, 1998) has been developing such a form of exible transport organisation in Scotland: in developing this new form, the Forum has paid attention to developments in Finland and in Italy. The use of such reallocated vehicles for unsocial work shift journeys provides one example of a viable transport and social exclusion tool. Thinking of transport in terms of achieving a real time match between available eets of vehicles and the travel purposes of the socially excluded through the capabilities of the new information technologies provided a very different perspective on what is possible within existing budget constraints. Responsive transport is very important in the context of crisis journeys. Crisis might be a job interview event or a sickness event or some other non-routine journey, which has

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to be made. Learning the journey path in circumstances of crisis is expensive and riskythe hospital appointment is missed or the job lost. The new information technologies open up the prospect of the integration of public, private and voluntary sector transport resources in providing assistance to citizens in crisis transport circumstances. Taxis are already a familiar mode for crisis journeys and taxi vouchers are available to the lowest income quintile (DfT, 2003). The new information technologies are well suited for installation in the domestic environment: networked terminals, web access through the domestic television set, web capability mobile telephones. This information capability in the domestic environment opens up new scheduling capabilities and can restore local information in the neighbourhood environment (Grieco, 2000). A new relationship between accessibility, mobility and the previously socially excluded is possible. The remainder of this paper investigates this new relationship in terms of the required changes to methodology, to policy frameworks and to transport practice. Section 7 recognises that physical social scatters can now be transformed into electronic clusters creating sizeable new policy constituencies. The conclusion stresses the need to rethink the coordination of time space interactions within the framework of the new electronic information and collective scheduling framework.

5. Suppressed journey analysis: real transport planning There has been a major social movement within the British transport policy sector which has interacted, lobbied and advised government and policy makers under the caption or title of The New Transport Realism (Goodwin, 1991). This paradigmatic movement has correctly drawn attention to the problems of environment and congestion associated with the use of the private car most particularly in heavily congested urban space. It has, however, been more concerned with moving the individual and household out of the private car than with investigating, exploring and developing a better pattern of transport provision to meet the real journey needs of the whole community. Currently, policy concern with modal shift (the pressure to reduce the use of the private car towards the increased use of public transport) has resulted in an overdominance of the perspective which ignores the present transport failure to ensure provision for low income travel needs. There is a body of work that has addressed trip suppression and latent demand. In reality, this work does not often translate into practice. Work on suppressed journeys has focused on the impact of urban motorways on travel patterns (Urban Motorways Project Team, 1973a, 1973b); pedestrian trips (Hine, 1995; Moudon et al., 2002; May et al., 1991); for the disabled and elderly (Lan, 1991; Michaels and Weiler, 1974); plus work on travel demand of low income

population (Yukubousky and Politano, 1974; Metaxatos et al., 1998); plus work on latent demand for public transport (Morris and Alt, 1980; Banister, 1980). In the UK, the recognition that there is suppressed demand for the car has not been matched by the recognition that there is also a suppressed demand for public transport journeys. New technical developments permit of Demand Responsive Transport solutions to the current crisis in low income public transport provision: through demand responsive transport essential journeys can be made and not foregone. Through the combination of intelligent search and demand responsive transport, current journeys simply to make appointments or to engage with other aspects of social administration which are presently transacted on a face to face basis could be reduced and where journeys are essential could be made by demand responsive transport. Transport researchers and transport policy makers have been insufciently focused on the consequences of a networked society for the total reorganisation of transport and travel. The new information technologies enable the charting, recording and archiving of suppressed journey patterns and a determination of the extent to which socially necessary journeys, such as health, are being suppressed. Using a social accounting approach, which integrated a suppressed journey analysis, the case for the provision of demand responsive transport systems would be overwhelming in cross-sector terms. However, on purely nancial terms, it is likely that bus services as opposed to taxi services will incur a higher cost per socially included journey (LEK Consulting, 2002; CfIT, 2002). Currently, health journeys not made can result in cancellation of appointments with large administrative costs in the health service and the worsening of health of those foregoing journeys so that the intersection between health provision and patient takes place at a much later and costly stage. Realism in transport policy cannot be one-dimensional and current modal shift policy in the UK has neglected highly pertinent and rapidly emergent dimensions such as the advent of at home and in journey electronic information access and visible public service failure in the transport and health domain where the dependence on old information technologies in respect of organisation/client interaction exacerbate failure (Holmes et al., 2002).

6. Demand responsive transport: a new technical possibility Although there are now many examples of demand responsive transport systems within the international environment (Stahl, 1992), the literature on demand responsive transport systems is relatively weak indicating that the policy signicance of demand responsive transport for the reduction of social exclusion/inclusion has largely gone unrealised (go to Mobirouterdemand responsive transport for information on the technical aspects of demand

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responsive transport http://www.mobisoft./English/ Products/MobiRouter/Brochure). The tendency has been to view demand responsive transport as a mode which is appropriate for social groups with impaired physical mobility and very often such demand responsive transport systems operate on the basis of telephone bookings and are greatly oversubscribed thus providing very low reliabilities for the bulk of their users. Extending demand responsive transport systems to mainstream users would de-stigmatise and upgrade the quality of services provided: for such movement to mainstream provision to occur, however, it would be necessary to move demand responsive transport onto an intelligent reservation system to provide the necessary exibility from the perspective of both passenger and eet management systems. Fleet management systems can now be operated through the Internet and enable the integration of public, private and volunteer transport eets. The matching of passengers, efcient journey making and eets within such a system is a new technical possibility. Barriers generated by old market structures and institutions and regulations which supported these market structures stand in the way of the level of transport integration that is possible through the new technical matching capabilities of community technologies and community information platforms. There are locations where thinking has moved further forward to towards this progressive modelFinland and Italy lead the eld (go to Demand responsive transportFinland for further information www.vtt./aut/kau/projects/sampo/drts.htm).

the development of online transport fora (http://www.goneat. org/; http://www.geocities.com/moorparkexploreclub; http://www.geocities.com/whattransport): an online community monitoring of public transport provision which took place in fall 2001 received in excess of 6000 web hits over the week of the event. This community experiment demonstrated the potential for previously individualised experiences of social exclusion to be grouped, collected and transmitted to policy makers and transport operators. It is also indicative of the role new information technologies could play in enabling communities to aggregate their transport needs and organise provision on a demand responsive model to meet these needs. Traditionally, transport operators have been at the hub of public transport provision with the old technologies of xed routes and set schedules and within this framework it was difcult for community transport to provide superior provision. Identifying community needs and aggregating individual preferences in real time was impossible under old technology conditions for transport operators and communities alike. The new information technology changes all of this: the identication and organisation of transport needs in real time is now a possibility, it does, however, require a reorganisation of transport and a change of paradigm.

8. Rethinking the scheduling of time space interaction There is need to rethink the coordination of time space interactions within the framework of the new electronic information and collective scheduling framework. Under old technological conditions, researching, tracking and archiving information on scheduling decisions and routines of individuals, households, communities and organisations were not viable. It was easier to identify journeys made and assume or neglect the time space scheduling and coordination of those journeys made: investigating the barriers to journey making and the consequent levels of suppressed journeys were beyond the data collection and analysis capabilities of planners, policy makers and researchers. Indeed, the societal dependence on market and price as mechanisms for allocating societal resources can be seen as a feature of a world without the coordinatory potentials for the organising of collective and social behaviour now available through the new information communication technologies. Controlling urban congestion by price, toll and other market tools may be with us for some time to come but the new information technologies clearly create a space for the use of more equitable tools for the rationing of travel and transport in the search for a better environmental and less congested urban life. As we have seen in this paper, new tools and technologies are available for matching individuals with journeys they wish to makethe use of demand responsive transport in a networked society can enable public, private and volunteer transport resources to be more fully integrated. Older persons can nd escorts for physical

7. Social scatters and electronic clusters The point is a simple one: physical social scatters can now be transformed into electronic clusters creating sizeable new policy constituencies (Grieco et al., 2000). Transport planners and operators can build this dynamic into effective and efcient transport policy and increasingly are likely to do so as the information networked character of society is better appreciated. In the meantime, communities of protest make use of electronic adjacency to declare their needs for better transport provision and these protests are highly visible playing their own part in the recording of public service failure. In a policy world where congestion charging and road pricing expands as a policy measure, the pressures for demand responsive transport are likely to grow and community transport forums and forms of provision develop. The advent of new information technologies create a basis upon which the suppressed journey analysis which has failed to emerge in orthodox transport policy and land use planning will emerge out of the visible electronic actions and transactions of those who have been poorly served historically by transport services. In the United Kingdom, in the North East of England the process of community documentation of transport needs has already begun with

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journeys through journeyless electronic search for partners. Widespread access to electronic means of communication can permit the building into such partnering systems of checks and controls on participation in order to ensure the safety of such systems (Turner et al., 2000). The journeyless search for transport resources can increase access to real journeys but may also greatly reduce the need for such journeys. The matching potentials of the new information technologies create the opportunity for an increased level of social exchange (relocalisation) within neighbourhoods where social exchange had been declining (Grieco, 2000): the ability to coordinate online expands the opportunity to coordinate physical travel and social activities. No major study of online social coordination and scheduling of travel and sociability has yet been undertaken but the volume of local information trafc on European community nets as compared with the use of the technology for non-local activities is signicant: the statistic for the Valencia Infoville experiment was that 85% of trafc was internal and only 15% of the information trafc directed outside of the locality. If these gures prove to be typical, the globalisation of information technology has also resulted in the enhancement of processes of relocalisation. New information technologies can convert circumstances of previously physical isolation into electronic sociable clusters: it is a new circumstance for transport policy and transport planning and a future, which has yet to be met with a rethinking of transport possibilities and practices. Historically, scattered pilgrims came together on collective journeys to places of inspiration and worshipour evidence on journey planning and aggregation can be found in as ancient a text as the prologue to Chaucers Canterbury Tales (http://www.litrix.com/canterby/cante001.htm#1) though it is a body of evidence on time space coordination rarely considered by the transport profession. In the information age, the appropriate aggregation of individual journey preferences into sociable journey forms should not be a policy goal which is beyond our reach.

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