French and British Colonial Education in Africa Author(s): Remi P. Clignet and Philip J.

Foster Source: Comparative Education Review, Vol. 8, No. 2 (Oct., 1964), pp. 191-198 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Comparative and International Education Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1186438 . Accessed: 11/05/2013 10:10
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FRENCH AND BRITISH COLONIAL EDUCATION IN AFRICA

REMI P. CLIGNET ANDPHILIP J. FOSTER

Since the end of the nineteenth century, portant role in the Revolution of 1789 and various commentatorshave emphasizedthe produced both the abolition of slavery (recontrasts between French and British coflecting the egalitarian aspects of assimilalonial policies in education.' Generally tionist policy) and a degree of tighter, centralized control over the affairs of the speaking, they have characterized French policy in Africa as assimilationistin charcolonial territories(reflectingthe desire for acter and aimed at the creation of an political and cultural uniformity). Needless elite cherishing metropolitanvalues-Black to say, such measuresmet with determined Frenchmen, if you will. Conversely,British opposition from the "planteurs" of the practice has allegedly emphasized the noFrench West Indies, who realized the imtion of "cultural adaptation," the adjust- plications of these policies so far as their ment of metropolitan institutions to local own political and economic privilegeswere political and social organizations and the concerned. creation of a group of educated Africans, Assimilationist policies in the colonies who at the same time would be "rooted in were usually supportedby the more progrestheir own culture."2 sive and radicalpoliticalgroupsin metropoliHowever, the contrast between French tan France who suspected the proponents and British policies not only concerns the of local autonomy as seeking opportunities extent to which the products of the schools for economic exploitation of colonial conform to metropolitanvalues; it also impeoples. Also, centralization of power in plies differences in the pattern of educathe metropole was paralleledby centralizational diffusion between the two sets of tion in the overseas territories.Nonetheless, colonial territories. Our task in this essay there are exceptions to this generalization. is to indicate that, in practice,both colonial Napoleon III, for example, recognized the powers wavered between "assimilationist" need for greater autonomy in Algeria and and "adjustive" policies. In effect, we shall unsuccessfullyattemptedto create an Arab attempt to examine in what respects the Kingdom there. contrastsbetweenthe two systemshave been However, during most of the nineteenth commonly exaggerated. century and the first half of the twentieth century, the assimilationistaims of French colonial policy were manifested in a highly The Political Nature of centralized administrative organization in Indirect Rule and Assimilation Africa and the designation of the French The notion of assimilationis best underWest Indies as a Departementd'OutreMer. stood initially in a political context. Such a Most important,these territoriessent reprepolicy rests upon an egalitarianphilosophy sentatives directly to the French National which emphasizes the essential unity of Assembly; this implied representationon a mankind in contrast to a view which demographicbasis without reference to prestressesthe relativityof man's characteristics existing traditionalsocial groupings.In fact, in terms of local social environment. The political representation of overseas terriaim of assimilation is the elimination of tories in the National Assembly was never parochial cultures and the creation of men proportionate to population. Thus, the who are peers and culturally undifferenti- French were never consistenton the princiated. In France, these ideas played an imple of equal representation.However, the ComparativeEducation Review 191

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held small group of overseasrepresentatives a political balance in the Assembly and could prevent or precipitate political crisis in the metropole.Sometimes,therefore,their political power was disproportionate to their numbers. Nevertheless, if the principal, albeit wavering, tendency in French policy was to attempt egalitarianismwithin a centralized political framework, it was also simultaneously obliged to depart from such policies in some areas. Centralized organization in Algeria, for example, developed at the same time as the recognitionof considerablelocal autonomy in Morocco and Tunisia. Similarly, the nature of the administrationin parts of West Africa was hardly consistent with assimilationistaims. For example, the Kingdom of Moro Naba in Upper Volta has alwaysbeen recognizedas a protectorate and has kept its traditional forms of authority. In the Ivory Coast, the Kingdom of Sanwi became a French protectoratein the middle of the nineteenth century.3 (It is, parenthetically, amusing to note that the present, traditionalruler of this area objects to the centralizedregime of the newly independent Ivory Coast and has vainly attempted to obtain French supportunder the terms of the original treaty to protect himself from dominationby a foreign power.) More strikingly,at the end of the nineteenth century, the son of a Senegalese chief who had been given vocational training by the French authoritieswas appointedas a traditional ruler of the ex-Kingdomof Samoryin Guinea. Thus, the developmentof assimilationist policies was never straightforward, and indirect rule did play some role in the French colonial system. French policy was never as assimilationist as it pretendedto be. In the British African territories there was a more general attempt to develop systems of indirect rule. This reflectedin some degree the earlier disinterest of the British governmentin political expansion overseas. Indeed, a great deal of initial penetration into some new territories was effected by trading companies, often without the active support of the Crown. These companies were much more vigorous than their French 192

counterparts.When the British government finally felt obliged to intervene actively, the notion of indirect rule commendeditself on the grounds of administrative economy and because it promisedminimal interferencein the affairs of traditionalauthorities,subject to certain residualpowers being reservedto the Crown. Nevertheless,the developmentof systems of indirectrule led to severe internalcontradictions. Traditional authoritieswere to be used as agents of social and economic change, but that role was, in many respects, incompatible with their traditional functions. In effect, native chiefs became government agents, dependinglargely upon British approval for their continuance in office. If indirect rule was an attempt to preserve what could be preserved of indigenous institutionsin a situation in which the radical modificationof them was assumednecessary and desirable, this modification could only be made with reference to an external model-that of the metropole. Paradoxically, indirect rule involved assimilationist principles, as we shall demonstrate later when we discuss problems resulting from the introduction of formal education. However, in some areas the British moved away from principlesof indirectrule and developed centralized and direct patterns of administration.In some parts of India and Africa, the fragmentationof traditional political authorities made indirect rule impracticable.Where traditionalpolitical unity did not exist, it was often necessary to impose unity by direct administration. In practice, in spite of apparent formidable differences in colonial ideology, it would seem that French and British practices were less unlike than their underlying philosophies. Both utilized direct and indirect methods of rule as deemed appropriate. Both adopted assimilationistpolicies to a varying degree. Indeed, French colonial political practice was influenced by British policies, and the principles of indirect rule became the basis of the colonial administration of Lyautey, Gallieni, and Van Vollenhoren.4 However, it is fair to say that the French October 1964

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tended to emphasize direct political association with the metropole, while the British stressed economic penetration accompanied by a minimal degree of direct political interference. Simultaneously, British policy reflected the principlethat developmentwithin the colonial territories should be a direct responsibility of these territories themselves. On the whole, such divergences as there were between these two colonial policies reflected the political systems in the metropoles themselves. British indirect rule corresponded to laissez-faire policies at home and reflecteda preferencefor a considerable devolution of political authority to local agencies.The greaterstress on direct rule by the French echoed their preoccupationwith the problem of ensuring the unqualified dominance of the central government. We can now examine how these political orientations influencededucational developments in the colonies. The EducationalImplications of Colonial Policies Economic development in the dependencies necessarily entails effective institutions of formal education. Such education must attempt to promote the adjustmentof local populations to the needs of the colonial elite. It seeks the disseminationof "modern" modes of thought and common patterns of behavior. Within such a context, formal education must become assimilationistto a major degree. The educationalconsequences of British and French policy have, therefore, often been the same, in spite of their differencesin ideology. Within the French areas, the development of schools tended to be correlated to the level of political and economic development of local areas. As early as the 1860's an Ecole des Otages for training the sons of chiefs was begun in Senegal.This policy was by no means consistent with assimilationist views and exactly paralleled British experiments in attempting to educate individuals eligible for traditional authority roles. It was made possible by the hierarchicalpolitiComparativeEducation Review

cal structureof the Islamic north of Senegal, but could not be used in areas with acephalous forms of political authority. Conversely, the status of the people of Dakar, Gor6e, St. Louis, and Rufisque as French citizens stimulated the early development of post-primaryeducation in those areas. Initially, the function of most French schools was to train interpretersand copy clerks, but later the role of primaryeducation was to diverge greatly from this and concern itself with agriculturaland practical schooling.5This led to a marked deviation from metropolitancurricula.As a Director of the Ecole Primaire Superieure William Ponty observed: We avoideverything that reeksof scholarship, of books, of laboratories. . .Ourmotto is, let us be modest.Let us go slowly,in orderto go far. Let us maintaina healthy suspicionof andof formulae words,thoseperfidious friends, which contain a dangerouspoison. One day perhaps,the great light that shines from the North will provideillumination that does not blind. For the time being, let us remainin the cave of which Plato speaksso beautifully and let us look at the overly brightsun only in the muddywatersof throughits reflection Africanstreams.6 Such a philosophy led to the large-scale development of ecoles rurales and schools adapted to African conditions as seen by the colonial power.' Their curriculum was a practical one based on manual labor and vocational training. Educational systems were adjusted to an administratively determined political and economic framework. This policy marked a retreatfrom assimilationist principles and emerged at the same time that French teachers were fighting for greater academicizationof curricula in the metropole itself. This apparently reactionary policy was not reversed by left-wing governmentsduring the 30's. Although the Popular Front enabled African dvolues to come under the influenceof new radicalcurrentsof thought, it was, at the same time, concerned with keeping African culture vital and alive. To this end, it stimulatedan interest in African 193

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art and culture and fostered the adaptation of colonial education to local realities. Changes in the characterof the French government, therefore, did not affect colonial policies. Interestingly enough, the idea of integrating education with economic realities, which had long been an aim in the colonial areas, was not typical of the approach to education in France itself until after the Second World War. Thus, metropolitan practice, in this instance, was influenced by colonial precedent (a reverse of the supposed situation). Subsequently,the elaborate system of secondary vocational training developed in post-war France was re-exportedto the colonial areas, largely in response to African demands for parity of their schools with those of the metropole. Thus, we now find in the overseas territories a duplication of metropolitan First, Second, and Third Degree VocationalTraining with a parallel academic system and First and Second Degree programsin agricultural training. In quantitativeterms, there were striking differencesin levels of educationaldiffusion between French territories,for partly political reasons. Thus, in 1951, the primary school enrollment rate was six per cent in the Ivory Coast and only two per cent in Upper Volta, as against fifteen per cent in Dahomey and eighteen per cent in Senegal. In French EquatorialAfrica, the level was two per cent for Chad, ten per cent for the Central Africa Republic, rising to twenty-sevenper cent in Gabon and fortysix per cent in the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville).s These variations occurred within a centralized pattern of administration which enabled the French to transfer clerks and educated cadres from one colony to another; the Ivory Coast and Niger, for instance, were partially administered by Dahomeans and Senegalese.This use of the educational system implied a centralized structure and strict control over the activities of the missions;to avoid disruption,the school system had to remain firmly in the hands of the government. Differential adjustmentin the output of schools between regions could hardly be
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considered consonant with assimilationist policies. However, in one area at least, that of language, practice was completely uniform: French was always taught from the earliest years of schooling. Though this reflected assimilationistaims, it is only fair to point out that many French officials urged the use of the metropolitan language not out of principle, but out of recognition of the practical difficulties entailed in using numerous vernaculars in polylingual territories.9 The use of French in the schools implied the use of metropolitan educational materials. Nonetheless, it should be acknowledgedthat for a long time French officials did try to effect an adjustment of these materials to African conditions. As developmentoccurred,more of the primary teaching was undertakenby Africans. The shortageof teachers in metropolitanFrance and the cost of employing expatriatesvery early required the colonial administration to hire and train local personnel. Between 1906 and 1912 there were already one hundred teachers graduated from the Ecole Normale de Sebikotane (later the William Ponty School),10 but most of the primary teachers were and remained French for a long period. What contrasts are observable in British policy? First, although levels of educational diffusionvaried among Britishterritories,its general provision was greater than in French areas. This fact, combined with a much more decentralizedpattern of administration,implied less frequent shifts of educated cadres from territoryto territory.To be sure, in the early days Sierra Leoneans were employed in the administrationsof the Gold Coast settlementsand Lagos Colony. However, this practice was never so widespread as in the French areas and ceased much earlier. Education was, for the most part, left in the hands of the missions and other voluntary agencies, except for very special areas such as the Moslem North of Nigeria.11 Gradually, the separate colonial governments took over general directionof educational policy, but little effort was made to
October 1964

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control the output of the schools or to limit their growth. Any group could and did open schools, although the government would not offer grants-in-aid unless the schools met minimal standards.The result was a more rapid proliferation of schools, but with a commensurately greatervariation in standardsbetween them. An oft-stated axiom of British policy, at least at the primarylevel, was the "adaptation of curricula to native life." This emphasized the need for the teaching of "practical" subjects, drawing examples from the local environment;in the latter respect, we find some parallels with French practice. However, the use of vernacularlanguagesin the first years of the primary school provided a radical contrastwith French efforts. In spite of the formidable difficulties involved in using vernaculars, the Britishwere more impressed by the handicaps imposed on the school child by requiring him to learn a foreign language than they were by the desirability of developing a lingua franca. British policy was probably more assimilationist than the French at the secondary school level, however.Curriculatended to replicate metropolitanforms. Moreover, the secondary system was much less differentiated, consisting mainly of "academic" schools, in spite of earlier British efforts to develop secondary vocational and agricultural training. In the field of higher education, the early access of West Africans to British universities or to Fourah Bay College long precededFrench adoptionof such a policy.12 By allowing Africans access to British higher institutions or to ones modelled on metropolitanlines, the British tacitly committed themselves to assimilationist practices. Although both systems did provide technical, vocational,and agricultural education, there were few such schools in the territories of either colonial power. The French were probably more successful in this respect, due to their greater direct control of the educationalsystem, while the loose supervision of schools by the British colonial administrations tended to favor the proliferComparativeEducation Review

ation of the academic-type secondary schools which were most demandedby Africans. On the other hand, it is clear that the range of educationalopportunitiesopen to Africans was far greater in British than in French territories, and from an early period a few individualswere able to reach the highest rung of the educationalladder. However, it is one thing to indicate the formal differencesbetween French and British policies; it is another thing to demonstrate that these policies had differentimplications so far as the diffusion of education is concerned. Actually, both systems have had very similar consequences. The functions of an educationalsystem are, after all, as much determinedby its societal context as they are by the educational structureor policies pursued.In this light, differencesbetween French and British educational systems may be of less moment than similarities or divergenciesbetween the traditional social structures into which the schools were transplanted. Let us illustratethis point by comparing Ghana and the Ivory Coast. These two territoriesprovide a good opportunityfor comparativeresearch;they are adjacentto each other, they enjoy rather similar levels of economic development,and they are linked ethnicallyacross nationalboundaries. To begin, patterns of educational diffusion in the two countries are very similar. There are immense regional variations in each country due largely to uneven internal rates of socio-economic change and to the differentialpenetrationof Europeanauthority. In parts of southern Ghana, primary school enrollmentsnow reach sixty per cent, while in the north, they drop to an average of a little over ten per cent.18 These inequalities are also characteristicof the secondary school system. In a sample survey conductedin 1961, two-thirdsof the students in the fifth forms of Ghanaian public secondary schools were drawn from the southern part of the country and only six per cent from the northernregion. These areas then contained respectively 47 and 31 per cent of the population.14 Figures are less reliable for the Ivory 195

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Coast (and are probably exaggerated), but primaryenrollmentshave been estimatedat over 70 per cent in the most developed south-eastern areas and a little above 10 per cent in the North.15 Once again, the secondaryschool system reflectsthese differentials;48 per cent of secondarystudentsat the end of the first and second secondary cycles are drawn from the south-eastern corner of the Ivory Coast which contains only 19 per cent of the population.'6Northern youngsters make up only 8 per cent of the student body in spite of the fact that 26 per cent of the population are northerners. Attention has been drawn elsewhere to the considerablepolitical significanceof ethnic differentialsin education, and in this respect Ghana and the Ivory Coast face identical problems.'7 In both countries the diffusion of formal schooling has been closely correlated with other aspects of socio-demographicchange, particularly urbanization. The growth of modern-type urban centers with their heterogeneous ethnic populations and more complex occupational structures stimulates the demand for formal education as an instrument of occupational mobility and at the same time erodes traditional patterns of affiliation.It is within the urban context that formal education becomes especially "meaningful" in terms of access to new status roles. Recruitmentinto selective secondaryeducation is closely associated with urban residence in both territories. Students from rural communities (population below five thousand) form only 65 per cent of the secondaryschool sample in the Ivory Coast, though over 82 per cent of the population are resident in such centers;the comparable figures for Ghana are 35 and 77 per cent respectively. Conversely, although only 17 per cent of the people of the Ivory Coast reside in towns with over five thousand inhabitants, 30 per cent of the sampled students come from these larger centers. The relationshipin Ghana is even sharper. The 23 per cent of the populationliving in towns provides 62 per cent of all sampled secondary students.Both countriesface the prob196

lem of a considerablegap between urban and rural levels of education, though at the secondary level at least this appears to be somewhat sharperin the Ghanaiancase. Examination of patterns of secondary school recruitmentin both countriesreveals a similar association between recruitment and paternal occupation or education. Students from families with fathers engaged in professional,higher technical, managerialor clerical activities are seven times more numerous than this group is in the total population in the Ivory Coast and almost six times in Ghana. Childrenof farmersand fishermen are distinctly underrepresented. Similarimparitiesare observablewhen levels of paternaleducation are considered. In both nations educational development has been closely related to the differential length and intensity of European contact and to the extent of economic change. However, the nature of traditional social organizationis another critical variablewhich impedes or facilitates education diffusion.It is clear that formal education has created a conflict between traditionalnotions of social status based primarily on descent and emergent conceptionsof status based on the possession of formal education. Both in Ghana and the Ivory Coast there were numerous examples in the early days of rulers preventingtheir heirs from attendingschool and substitutingyoung slaves in the belief that formal education was incompatible with the exercise of traditional authority. This early reluctanceof the traditionalelites to take advantageof western schooling was accompanied by the emergence in both areas of a western-educated elite whose attitude to traditionalforms of authoritywas, to say the least, ambivalent.The nature of traditional social structure strongly influenced the characteristicsof the clientele of the schools. In all traditional societies in both countries, social, political, and economic roles were highly differentiatedalong sex lines. This has had considerableimplications for the diffusion of formal education among girls in both nations. By 1961 in Ghana girls constituted only one-third of primary October 1964

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pupils and only one-sixth of the secondary student body. The corresponding proportions for the Ivory Coast were one-fourth and one-seventh in 1963. Girls who attend secondary schools are drawn from much narrower segments of the population than are males.'s Although both sexes are drawn disproportionately from the higher occupational levels, the background of the girls is distinctly superior to that of boys. Likewise, secondary school girls in both areas are far more often urban in origin and the levels of education of their parentsare considerablyhigherthan those for boys. We can suggest in the light of these data that the success of getting girls into school is closely related to two general factors: levels of parentaleducationand the proportion of boys already in school. There is little likelihood of substantially improving the level of female enrollments in these areas until the overwhelmingbulk of males are already undergoingformal education. Though we have indicatedthat traditional forms of political authority and differentiation of sex roles may have great importance in determining who obtains education, we can also explore the possibility that matrilineal and patrilineal forms of social organization may have different implications for educational development.On this point no material is available from Ghana, but research by one of the writers in the Ivory Coast yields highly suggestive results.19 Comparing the patrilineal B6t6 with the matrilinealAbour6 it was found that B6t6 fathers and mothers attach much greater importanceto the academic success of their offspring than do Abour6 parents, in spite of the fact that there is a much longer history of European contact among the latter group. Very tentatively, it is suggested that the less favorable response on the part of the Abour6 is a consequence of greater tensions created in a matrilineal structure by the cleavage between paternaland avuncular authority. Traditional kinship structures may influence educational development irrespective of the nature of the educationalsystem itself. ComparativeEducation Review

So far we have indicatedsome differences and similaritiesbetween French and British educational systems as they functioned in West Africa and have tried to point out some features of traditional social structures which influenced the development of both systems. Let us now look at the situation since independence. What is surprisingis how little the new states have moved away from metropolitan models. To be sure, there has been a great deal of talk about Africanization,but very little real attempt has been made to transform the curriculaor the educationalstructure. This itself reflects the ambivalenceof African leaders towards the former metropole. They stress simultaneously the uniquenessof African culture and heritage, while formulatingtheir policies for development in essentially western terms. The one major difference between the pre- and post-independence periods has been the vigor with which educationalsystems have been enlarged.Yet, in most areas, both formerly French and British, this expansion has taken place within the framework of primarily subsistence economies with slowly expanding exchange sectors. It is quite obviously easier to increasethe output of the schools than it is to provide corresponding employment opportunities for graduates.Consequently,many of these new nations are faced by a mounting volume of unemployment among the products of the schools, a circumstancefraught with serious political consequences.The former contrast between French and Britishterritoriesin the degree of control exercisedover educational outputshas now been largely eradicatedand many new African nations face similar problems in this respect. We would go so far as to say, in spite of all discussions concerning the real or supposed differencesbetween French and British colonial policies in education, that the new nations of Africa confront similar difficultiesassociatedwith educationaldevelopment. First, they almost uniformly face marked regional and ethnic inequalities in the provision of education;these imparities have negative implicationsfor political uni197

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fication. This situation is aggravated by the fact that scarcity of jobs for later educated cohorts either leads to outright unemployment or blocks the opportunities for occupational and social mobility. In short, the socio-economic structure of these countries cannot fulfill the aspirations and expectations of succeeding waves of school graduates. Although the extension of formal education may, in the long run, contribute to economic development and to an increasing homogenization of African populations, in the short run educational expansion may exacerbate conflict along ethnic, generational, and sex lines. In these terms, the divergencies between French and British educational systems in Africa are to be interpreted more in terms of degree than of nature.
REFERENCES

1 Perhaps one of the most useful summaries concerning the various concepts underlying French colonial policy is to be found in Raymond F. Betts, Assimilation and Association in French Colonial Theory, 1890-1914. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961) 2 See particularly, Advisory Committee on Native Education in British Tropical African Dependencies, Education Policy in British Tropical Africa. (London: H.M.S.O., Cmd. 2374, 1925) s See Paul Atger, La France en C6te d'Ivoire: 1843-1893, (Dakar: Publications de la section d'histoire, no. 2, Facult6 des lettres et sciences humaines, 1962), pp. 36-37. 4 Betts, op.cit., pp. 38-58. 5 See, "L'Evolution de l'Enseignement en A.O.F.," Bulletin de Comite de l'Afrique Fran?aise, No. 8 (August, 1924), pp. 438 ff., and Ray Antra, "Historique de l'Enseignement en A.O.F.," Presence Africaine, No. 6 (February/March, 1956), pp. 68-86. "6Georges Hardy, Une Conquete Morale: L'Enseignement en A.O.F. (Paris: Armand Colin, 1917), p. 167. 7 For example, in 1931, out of 40 primary schools in the Ivory Coast no less than 27 were Ecoles Rurales. In Senegal out of a total of 80 primary schools, 61 were Ecoles Rurales. 8 Helen Kitchen, (ed.), The Educated African. (New York: Frederick Praeger, 1962), Parts 8 and 9.

9See Georges Hardy as quoted by H. Labouret in "Echos", Bulletin Mensuel du Comite de l'Afrique FranVaise,No. 2, (1933), p. 81. 10 Hardy, op. cit., p. 152. 11In this case missionary activities were not encouraged by the administrationin line with a highly consistent policy of indirect rule. As a result, the development of the first formal schools (apart from Koranic institutions) was the responsibility of the administration. 12The history of Fourah Bay College dates back to the early 1820's. The institution was affiliated to the University of Durham in 1876 and the first university examinations were held two years later. Correspondingly, the University of Dakar was not formally constituted until 1957. Even at the level of secondary schooling there were pronounced differences between French and British West Africa. The very first Lycee was not established in French West Africa until 1928, yet by this time the British areas had developed a small but wellestablished secondary sector. 13See Ghana, Population Census of 1960, Advance Report of Volumes III and IV. 14Figures referring to the composition of the secondary school populations are derived from a sample survey conducted by one of the writers in 1961. This survey covered approximately 50 per cent of all pupils in the fifth forms of Ghanaian public secondary schools in that year. 15 R6publiquede C6te d'Ivoire, Ministere des Affaires Economiques et du Plan, Supplement Trimestriel au Bulletin Mensuel de Statistique, (3eme Ann6e, Deuxieme Trimestre, 1961). 16Figures relative to the composition of the Ivory Coast secondary school student body are derived from a survey conducted by the writers in 1963. This survey involved over 80 per cent of students in all streams at the final year of the first and second cycle of secondary education. 17 See Philip Foster, "Ethnicity and the Schools in Ghana," ComparativeEducation Review, Vol. 6, No. 2, (October, 1962), pp. 127-135. 18For example, 14.7 per cent of the fathers of male Ivory Coast secondary school students belong to the professional, higher technical and clerical groups, as against 46.7 per cent of the fathers of girls. The corresponding figures for Ghana are 34.3 per cent and 65.5 per cent respectively. 19See Remi Clignet, "Traditionet Evolution de la Vie Familiale en C6te d'Ivoire," (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Paris, 1963).

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